Indian Antiquary Vol 57

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, Krishnaswami Aiyangar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032549/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHBOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc.. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, CHARLES E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE, PROF. RAO BAHADUR S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M A., (HONY.) PH.D. HONORARY CORRESPONDENT, ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, MADRAS UNIVERSITY. AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, MA., VAL. LVII. 1928 Swati Publications Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. . AIYANGAR, PROX. RAO BAHADUR, S. K., M.A., HARIHAR DAS, B.LITT. (Oxon)., F.R.Hist.8. (HONY.) PH.D. SOURCES FOR AN ACCOUNT OF THE EMBASSY OF NOTES ON THE SEVEN PAGODAS .. Sup. 15 SIR WILLIAM NORRIS, BT., TO AURANGZEB, 4 Bhagavadajjukiyam, by Bodhayana, by P. HILL, S. CHARLESAunjan Achan .. NOTES ON PIRACY IN EASTERN WATERS, Sup. Ascaryacudamani, by Saktibhadra .. .. 112 205, 213, 221, 229, 237, 245 BANERJI, PROF. R. D., M.A. THE EMPIRE OF ORISSA .. .. HIRANANDA SASTRI.. 235 A descriptive catalogue of MSS. in Mithila .. 240 BHANDARKAR, A. S., B.A. (HARVARD) A POSSIBLE IDENTIFICATION OF THE MOUNT JARL CHARPENTIER, PROF., UPSALADEVAGIRI MENTIONED IN KALIDASA'S KATHAKA UPANISHAD .. .. .. 201, 221 MEGHADHUTA .. .. .. .. 23 JOSEPH, T. K., B.A., L.T. BHANDARKAR, PROF. D. R., M.A., (Hony.) MALABAR MISCELLANY P .D., F.A.S.B. MAR SAPOR AND MAR PRODH .. .. .. 46 TES ANTIQUITY OF THE IDEA OF CHAKRAVAR. THOMAS CANA .. .. .. 103, 117, 160, 209 TIN .. . .. . .. .. .. 177 MASTER, A. BHATTACHARJEE, UMESH CHANDRA, MAHARASHTRA AND KANNADA .. .. 174 M.A., B.L. NAIR, U. B.THE HOME OF THE UPANISHADS . 166, 186 A NAIR ENVOY TO PORTUGAL .. .. BHATTASALI, N. K., M.A.PROGRESS OF THE COLLECTION OF MSS. AT NIHARRANJAN RAY, M.A.THE DAOCA UNIVERSITY (1926-1927) .. 1 A NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER BIMALA CHURN LAW, DR., M.A., B.L., Ph.D. PRATIHARAS .. .. .. .. .. 230 BUDDHIST WOMEN .. .. .. 49, 66, 88 OLDHAM, C. E. A. W., C.S.I.BIREN BONNERJEA, D. LITT. (PARIS) THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL IN THE SHAHABAD SOME NOTES ON MAGIO AND TABOO IN BENGAL, 107 DISTRICT, BIHAR .. .. .. .. 137 CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF PUJA India, No. 31, by Rai Bahadur Ramprasad .. 140 Chanda SOME LITERARY NOTES ON THE AUTHORSHIP .. .. .. .. 35 Indian Historical Records Commission, Pro. OF GOVINDALILAMRTA ceedings of Meetings, vol. IX DIKSHITAR, V. R. RAMACHANDRA, M.A. .. .. 74 Epigraphia Indics .. ... .. La Theorie de la Connaissance et la Logique A Guide to the Qutb, Delhi .. .. .. 115 chez les Boudhistes tardifs . . .. 132 The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, EDWARDES, STEPHEN MEREDYTH, C.8.I., 1816-19, edited by Sir William Foster, C.V.0. O.I.E. .. .. .. . .. 115 Town Planning in Ancient India, by Binode The Stone Age in India, by P. T. Srinivasa Behari Dutt, M.A. .. .. .. .. 18 Ayyanger .. . GOPALAN, R., M.A.- . Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme " The Aryan Tholog of Malabar.. ".. .. Orient :: .. . .. .. 134 NOTES ON TES SEVEN PAGODAS . Sup. 8 India's Past, by A. A. Macdonnell .. .. 155 GOVINDACHARYA SWAMIN, A. Antiquities of Indian Tibet, Part II, by A. H. VEDANTA AND CHRISTIAN PARALLELS, No. 1 Francke, Ph.D. .. .. .. 166 TE TRINITY .. ... ... .. 179 Archeological Survey of India, 1924-25 .. 219 GRIERSON, SIR GEORGE A., K.C.L.E. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology, TE SAURABENI AND MAGADH STABAKAS OF 1926 .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 RAMA-SABIN (TARKAVAGISA) (with six SALETORE, B. A., B.A., L.T., M.R.A.S. plates) .. .. .. Sup. 21, 29, 41, 49 FOLK SONGS OF THE TULUVAS .. .. 21 H. E. A. C. SINGARAVELU PILLAI, MONS. John Marshall in India, by Shafaat Ahmad NICOLAO MANUCEY'S WILL AND TESTAMENT, 69 Khan, Litt. D. .. .. .. .. 154 SINGHAL, C. R.-- HALDER, R. R. New TYPES OF COPPER CONS OF THE SULTANS RAWAL JATTRASIMHA QE MEWAR .. .. 31 or GUJAT.. AT * .. . . . . . .. 216 WHO WE TE IMPARIAL PRATIWARAS OF BROKANTA SASTRI, S., M.A. " .. .. 181 DIA RAYA II .. .. .. .. .. 77 .. .. 208 KANAUJ .. ..

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1V CONTENTS SRINIVASACHARI, C. S.TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD C., Br., c.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A. - NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE . 11, 37, 90, 125, 149 HINDU AND Nox-HINDU ELEMENTS IN THE KATHA SARIT SAGARA . .. .. 190 On the Adbhuta Ramayana, by Sir George Grierson, 1926 Mussulmen : Sultaness The Indian Buddhist Iconography, by B. Bhattacharya.. . Dawn of a New India, by Kedarnath Banerjee, Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department, 1924 .. .. .. .. 56 Tho Glories of Magadha, by J. N. Samaddar.. Ignicoles, a name for the Pareces .. .. McCrindle's Ancient India, by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri .. .. .. .. 73 The Bhagavad Gita, by Franklin Edgerton.. 75 Begam Samru, by Brajendranath Banerji .. 76 The Journal of Indian History, edited by Rao Bahadur S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar .. 113 Moliere, by Lakshman Sarup .. .. .. Stress accont in Indo-Aryan, by Banarsi Das Jain .. .. .. .. .. .. 115 The Sweshin .. Man a Summary of the Universo .. .. The Tibetan Book of the Dead, by W. Evans-Wentz .. The Original Home of the Indo-Europeans, Jarl Charpentier .. . . .. 135 TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD C., Br., C.B., O.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A.--contd. 1. Introduction and Notes to Cunningham's ancient Geography of India; 2. Identifica. tion of Meru uprooted by the Rashtrakuta King Indra III; 3. The Hilsa Statue Ingcription of 36th year of Devapala; 4. A New Version of the Rama Legend, by Prof. 8. Majumdar Sastri .. .. .. .. 163 Letters on Religion and Folklore, by the late F. W. Hasluck, M.A. .. .. 154 Martyrdom of St. Thomas, by A. S. Rama natha Ayyar .. .. .. .. .. 156 Journal of Francis Buchanan, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. Frangi-Parunki .. " .. .. Hobson-Jobson .. Mamluk Qulaman Ceremonial Murder ... .. .. .. 178 Glimpses of Vajrayana, by Benoytosh Bhattecharya . .. .. 196 The Bird and Serpent Myth, by Prof. Kali. pada Mitra .. History of Medieval India, by Ishwari Prs. sad, with Foreword by Prof. L. F. Rush brook-Williams .. .. .. .. 198 Mangalore .. .. .. .. 240 Notes on the Soven Pagodas .. .. Sup. 1 THOMAS, P. J., M.A., B.Litt. (Oxon.), PH.D. ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA .. .. .. 7 VENKATASUBBIAH, A., M.A., PH.D. VEDIC STUDIES .. .. .. 57, 97, 141 :::: .. 197 .. 1311 MISCELLANEA. Mugenimen : Sultaneas, by Sir R. C. Temple ... .. "The Aryan Tholos of Malabar, translated by R. C. Gopalan Ignicoles, a name for the Parsees, by Sir R. C. Temple The Xweshin, by Sir R. C. Temple ... .. Man a Summary of the Universe, by Sir R.C. Temple Mamluk-Qulaman, by Sir R. C. Temple Ceremonial Murder, by Sir R. C. Temple ::::::: BOOK NOTICES. Town Planning in Ancient India, by Binode Behari Dutt, M.A., by the late S. M. Edwardes .. On the Adbhuta Ramayana, by Sir George Grierson, 1926, by Sir R. C. Temple. .. .. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 31, by Rai Bahadur Ramprasad Chanda, by C. L. A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Indian Buddhist Iconography, by B. Bhattacharya, by Sir R. C. Temple . .. Dawn of a Not Inclin, by Kedarnath Banerjee, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. Aununl Report of the Mysore Archaeological Department', 1024, by Sir R. C. Templo The Gloring of Magadha, by J. N. Samaddar, by Sir R. C. Templo .. .. McCriadler Anciont India, by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri, by Sir R. C. Temple Thagavadajjukiyani, by Bodhayana, by P. Aunjan Achan, by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar .. Indian Historical Records Commission, Proceedings of Meetings, vol. IX, by C.E. A. W. Oldham The Bhagavad Gita, by Franklin Edgerton, by Sir R. C. Temple .. 13.gam Samru, by Brajendranath Banorje, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. Ciorapbia Inclics, by C.E.A.W.Oldham .. .. .. .. .. Ascaryacudandani, by Saktibhadra, by Prof. S. K. Aiyangar .. ..

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OONTENTS :::: ::::: BOOK-NOTICE&contd. The Journal of Indian History, edited by Rao Bahadur 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, by Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Moliero, by Lakshman Sarup, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Stross-accent in Indo-Aryan, by Banarsi Das Jain, by Sir R. C. Temple .. A Guide to the Qutb, Delhi, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1616-18, edited by Sir William Foster, C.L.E., by C. E. A. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 116 The Tibetan Book of the Dead, by W. Y. Evans-Wentz, by Sir R. C. Templo . .. The Stone Age in India, by P. T. Srinivasa Aygangar, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. La Theorie de la connaissance et la Logique chez les Bouddhistes tardifs, by V. R. R. Dikshitar .. 132 Tamil Lexioon, by C. 8. Srinivasachari .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 133 Bulletin de l'toole Francaise d'Extremne Orient, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. 134 The Original Home of the Indo-Europeans, by Jarl Charpentier, by Sir R. C. Temple . .. .. 135 1. Introduction and Notes to Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India; 2. Identification of Meru uprooted by the Rashtrakuta King Indra III; 3. The Hilaa Statue Inscription of 35th year of Deva. pala ; 4. A New Version of the Rama Legend, by Prof. S. Majumdar Sastri, by Sir R. C. Temple. . 153 John Marshall in India, by Shafaat Ahmad Khan, Litt.D., by H. E. A. C. .. .. Letters on Religion and Folklore, by the late F. W. Hasluck, M.A., annotated by Margaret Hasluck, M.A., by Sir R. C. Temple . .. . .. . .. .. * India's Past, by A. A. Macdonell, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. Antiquities of Indian Tibet, Part II, by A. H. Francke, Ph.D., by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. Two Articles on St. Thomas ; (1) Was St. Thomas in South India, by T. K. Joseph; (2) The Martyrdom of St. Thomas, by A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Journal of Francis Buchanan, by C. E. A. W. Oldham, by Sir R. C. Temple .. Glimpses of Vajrayana, by Benoytosh Bhattacharya, by Sir R. C. Temple . The Bird and Serpent Myth, by Prof. Kalipada Mitre, by Sir R. C. Temple . History of Medixval India, by Ishwari Praand, with Foreword by Prof. L. F. Rushbrook-Williams, Sir R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. .. . . . * Archeological Survey of India, 1924-25, by C.E.A. W. Oldham .. .. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archeology, 1926, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. A Descriptive Catalogue of M88. in Mithila, by Hirananda Sastri .. Mangalore, by Sir R. C. Templo .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 Frangi-Parunki, by Sir R. C. Temple Hobson-Jobeon, by Sir R. C. Temple NOTES AND QUERIES. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 156 SUPPLEMENTS. The Sauraseni and Magadhi Stabakas of Rama-Saman (Tarkavagisa), (with six Plates), by Sir George A. Grierson, K.C.I.E .. 21, 29, 41, 49 Notes on Pinoy in Eastern Waters, by the late S. Charles Hi .. .. 205, 213, 221, 229, 237, 245 Notes on the Seven Pagodas .. ... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1,9 to faco p. PLATES One Plate : Oyster Shell Money (Silver) Two Plates : The Rolics and Temple near Mount Devagiri .. .. .. One Plato : Rajasimha Inscription at Talekkad in Cochin .. .. .. Threo Platos: III. Medals of Pegu, Tenasserim, do. .. IIIa. Coins of Bodap'aya .. .. .. II. Burmese Currency. Evolution from tokens to coinage Six Plates (Supp.) .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . One Plate : I. Ceremonial Dreas of Bridegroom and Bride (Southist Church) Two Plates: IV & V. Gambling Counters from Burma One Plate : VII. Minting at Pompei .. .. One Plate : A New Type of Copper Coins of the Sultans of Gujarat .. to faco p. to face p. to face p. to face p. to face p. to face p. to face p. to face p. to face p. to taco p. . .. 152 218

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME LVII-1928 PROGRESS OF THE COLLECTION OF MSS. AT DACCA UNIVERSITY (1926-27). BY N. K. BHATTASALI, MA. My first report on the collection of MSS. at Dacca University was published in this Journal in July 1926. The following report will show what progress has since been made - Number of Additions. The serial number of bundles catalogued stood, on the 31st March 1926, at 1,181, excluding the 579 bundles presented by Babu Krishnadas Acharyya Chaudhuri, which have been separately numbered and preserved. The serial number of bundles obtained up to the time of this report is 2,171, thus showing an addition of 990 bundles during the session. Our collection is gradually growing more and more selective and this accounts for the comparatively smaller volume of our collection during the present session. Taking on the average four MSS. per bundle, the number of MSS. collected up to the time of this report will be more than 10,000. Donations. A very large number of small donations were received during the Session, mainly through the exertion of our agents. The most notable donation was that of Pandit YasodAkanta Chakravarti of Kasabhog, District Faridpur, who made us a free gift of 109 MSS. valued at Rs. 154. These MSS. belonged to his father, the famous late Krishnakanta Siromani, the premier kathaka of East Bengal in his day. MSS. of eight Upanipads with commentaries, and palm. leaf MSS. of some parts of the Skanda-Purana were among the most valuable MSS. in this lot. Notable Additions to the Sanskrit Section. The usual additions in Purana, Itihasa, Kavya, Nataka, Alankdra, Jyotisa, Dharmma. &dstra, Tantra, Adiparava, Smriti, Nyaya, Vyakarana, Chikitsa, etc., are too numerous to mention. Special mention should, however, be made of the following MSS. : Purana :-(1) A MS. of the Karma-Purdna in palm-leaf from Birbhum, about 500 years old. (2) A MS. of Visry-Purana from Faridpur, dated in 1432 Saka. Itihasa :A MS. of the Adiparva of the Mahabharata, from Sylhet, about 300 years old. Kavya Soveral good MSS. of Raghuvamsa, Meghaddla, Sidupdla-vadha, Ghatakarpparakedvya, etc., were obtained. A new commentary on Raghuvamia by Chaturanana Dhritisimha, composed in 1350 Saka has been found in a fragmentary condition. Nataka :-Numerous copies of Mahanataka were obtained. Dr. S. K. De has discovered, by a collation of seven of our MSS., that the drama was known in two distinct recensions. A MS. of Kautukaratna by Lakshmana-manikya, king of Bhulud (Noakhali) and contemporary of Akbar and Jahangir, and another of Kautuka-sarvvasva, by Gopinatha Sarasvati, are interesting additions. MSS. of Hasyarnava are already numerous in our collection and are no longer accepted. Alankara : A transcript of Vakrokti-Jivita by Kuntaka has been obtained from the Jaisalmer, Jain Bhandra and another of Dhvanyaloka has been ordered from the Tanjore Palace Library. Jyotisha :-The most valued addition to this section are two MSS. of Adbhuta-sagara, by Ballala Sena-Deva, one (incomplete) from Nadia district and the other complete) in Devanagari script from Ahar in Bulandshahr district in the U.P. The latter is a particularly valuable MS., dated Saka 1658, and is thus about 200 years old. Both of them give the year in which the work was begun, viz., 1090 Saka. Hailing from widely distant places, they should help to set at rest all controversy regarding the dates of Ballala Sena and Lakshmana Sena. Dharmabistra : -The most valuable additions are the MSS. of Brihadaranyaka, Taittiriya, Kath. 4itariya, Mandukya, Kena, Atharvq and Ida Upanisade, with commentaries of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1928 Samkara, Anandajnana and Nardyanendra. They are not very old, but they form an interesting series, all of them the donations of Pandit Yasodakanta Chakravarti of Kasabhog, District Faridpur. Tantra : --Tantras turned up in overwhelming numbers, testifying to the popularity of this class of literature in Bengal. Only a very selective collection was made. A MS. of Kamaratna Tantra, dated 1589 Saka deserves mention. Transcripts of 15 Pancharatra Agamas and Tantras were ordered from the Madras Oriental MSS. Library and the Adyar MSS. Library, some of which have been received. Abhidhana :A MS. of a new lexicon, called Rd pachintamani, by Yadavananda, son of Govindadas, composed in 1589 Saka, deserves mention. We have discovered another copy of a commentary on Amarakosa on the lines of that of Sarvvananda, from Faridpur District. Unfortunately, the MS. is incomplete and ends with Vaidya-pradhana vargga, 116 fols. A complete MS. of Trikanda-sesa by Purusottama, dated in 1540 Saka, also deserves mention. Smriti : As already mentioned in last year's report, we have stopped accepting Raghunandan's works unless they are very old. Some MSS. of Salapani were added this year. An interesting addition is a MS. on Tula purupa paddhati, by Maharaja Manasimha. Nyaya :-No notable addition. Medicine : -A MS. of Chikitsatattva by Sri Krishna Kavi and another called Mugdhavodha by one Raghunandana deserve mention. Grammar No notable addition. Genealogy :-Nine bulky genealogical works of the Varendra Brahmans were obtained from a family of professional Chataks of Faridpur. This family served the whole Varendra Brahman community of Eastern Bengal as Ghataks and as such, their MSS. are expected to be particularly valuable. Notable Additions to the Bengali Seetion. * The most remarkable addition is a complete MS. of the Bengali translation of the Mahabharata by Sanjaya in 639 folia and dated in 1232 B.s. in the reign of Gangadhara-manikya, king of Tippera. It is a huge MS. in length, breadth and thickness, written on specially prepared paper and was purchased for Rs. 80. Two MSS. of a translation of the Mahabharata made by Srikara Nandi under the patronage of Paragal Khan and his son Chhuti Khan, the Muslim Governors of Chittagong during the reigns of usain Shah and his son Nasrat Shah, are also valued additions. One is in 437 fols. dated 1208 B.S. and the other in 342 fols. and dated in 1096 B.S. or 1611 Saka. They were obtained from Noakhali. The latter is a par. ticularly valuable MS. and helps to prove that the name of the author was Srikara Nandi and his title was Kavindra-Paramesvar. The title and the name have been made into two different personages by Dr. D. C. Sen. The following MSS. also deserve special mention : 1. A metrical translation of Haribhaktivildsa by Kanai Das. 2. Bhakti-uddipana, Vaisnava-dharmma, Vaiznavalilamrita by Brindavan Dasa. 3. Sri Krishna-vijaya by Gunaraja Khan, dated 1112 B.s. 4. Several copies of Mahabharata, by Ramesvar Nandi. 5. Ramayana, by Lokanath Sen, and Manohar Sen. 6. Gangabhakti-tarangini, by Durgaprasad of Ula. 7. Manohara-mdlats sanvida, of Sachinandan, composed under the patronage of Raja Upendranardyan of Cooch-Behar. 8. Kalikapurana, by Dasa Haridatta. 9. Kpanada-gilachintamani, an anthology by Visvanatha (fragment). a Six MSS. ot Smriti in old Bengali prose are also interesting additions. The Bengali Section is making rapid strides and comprises at present about 2,000 MSS.

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JANUARY, 1928) THE COLLECTION OF MSS AT DACCA UNIVERSITY (1926-27) 3 Progress of the work of Cataloguing. We were fortunate in securing the services of an experienced hand like Babu Mathuranath Majumdar for preparing a detailed catalogue of our collection. His lifelong service in this line in the Asiatic Society of Bengal and his association with veterans like Mahamahopadyaya Haraprasad Sastri had given him unique opportunities and experience, by which we expect our collection to benefit. The work of detailed cataloguing is necessarily slow and the term of Mathura Babu had to be extended beyond six months for which he was employed in the first instance. Up till now, he has succeeded in cataloguing about 600 bundles only, and it will be in the interests of the University to extend his term for a further period to enable him to complete his work. The preliminary serial cataloguing is done by the Library Assistant Babu Abinas Chandra Basu, and he is easily keeping pace with the work of collection. He also assists me for two hours daily in the preparation of the valuation lists, an arrangement which serves to give me very valuable assistance and also to train him up in the work of recognising MSS. and preparing their catalogue. Utilisation. The MSS. are already attracting workers. Dr. De has edited a hitherto unpublished Kavya called Kichaka-badha from two MSS. in our collection, with a commentary from a MS. preserved in the British Museum. This book will be published by the University. He is now engaged in editing the Mahanataka from seven MSS. in our collection. Mr. Radhagovinda Basak is editing the Ghafakarppara Kavya from our MSS. with an old commentary. Dr. S. K. Das of Rajshahi College is studying the Panchardtra Agamas and Tantras with the help of the transcripts obtained from Madras. Mr. Umes Chandra Bhattacharyya is studying some of the Tantras in our collection. Prof. Tucci is utilising the MSS. on Durga-puja for writing his work on the same subject. Babu Subodh Chandra Banerji, our Travelling Agent, is making a thorough study of the Sarvvanandi commentary of Amarakosa and some genealogical works in that connection. The writer of the present note is studying some of the Bengali MSS. Mr. Satish Chandra Roy, the renowned Vaisnava scholar offered his services to the MSS. Committee in the preparation of reliable editions of important Vaisnava works. He has already been commissioned to edit an old Bengali Kavya called Harivanka by Bhavananda from three MSS. of the work in his own possession and three other MSS. in the collection of Dacca University. He has also agreed to edit Chandidas and other Vaisnava poets from MSS. in our collection. Personnel. The following members continued to serve on the MSS. Committee-Dr. S. K. De, President: Mr. N. K. Bhattasali, Honorary Secretary ; Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Mr. Radhagovinda Basak, Mr. N. G. Bannerjee, Mr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, Mr. Muhammad Shahidullah. On the departure of Mr. Shahidulla for France, Mr. Umesh Chandra Bhattacharyya was elected in his place. Tours. The Honorary Secretary undertook a tour in search of MSS. in the districts of Faridpur and Barisal in October last and obtained some important MSS. Agents. Babu Subodh Chandra Banerji, M.A., as Travelling Agent, continued to give us very valuable service. During this session, he toured the districts of Sylhet, Tippera, Noakhali and Bogra and obtained many important MSS. The collection of MSS. should be a permanent feature of the University of Dacca and the trained services of Babu Subodh Chandra Banerji should be placed on a stable footing as one of the permanent employees of Dacca University, Babu Bireswar Roy, Local Agent for the Madaripur Sub-division of Faridpur district, is also giving us splendid service and deserves our heartiest thanks,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1928 SOURCES FOR AN ACCOUNT OF THE EMBASSY OF SIR WILLIAM NORRIS, Br., TO AURANGZEB. BY HARIHAR DAS, B.LITT. (Oxon.), F.R.HIST.S. SIR WILLIAM NORRIS went out to India as representative both of the ruling sovereign and of the New or English East India Company. His embassy covered a period of nearly four years(1698-1702), which was pregnant with future consequences. It saw the beginning of the decline of the Mughal Empire and the union of the rival companies which led ultimately to British suzerainty in India. The history of those years forms a stirring period in the annals of the two Companios. Sir Thomas Roe's embassy to the Court of Jahangir has been exhaustively treated, notably in the work of Sir William Foster. But the scarcely less important mission of Sir William Norris to the Court of Aurangzeb, nearly a century later, has not hitherto received from historical writers on India that attention which the importance of the subject demands. John Bruce incorporated in his Annals of the East India Company a longthy narrative of the mission, compiled from the records then kept at East India House. In spite, however, of the great care obviously devoted to the work, he seems to have omitted to consult certain of those records, particularly Sir William's Journals, which contain a vivid account of the embassy. The supremo morit of Bruce's work as a whole lies in the fact that it is a storehouse of information. It can hardly be considered complete, for being an official of the Company, he naturally suppressed facts likely to give a handle to its enemies. It is, however, a well-written account and fairly accurate, as he had full access to the Company's records. Among others who have written on the Norris mission, Sir Cornelius Dalton may be mentioned. Mr. P. E. Roberts has contributed a chapter on the subject to Sir W. W. Hunter's (unfinished) History of India. Mr. Arnold Wright has given a short but lucid account of the embassy in his book, Annesley of Surat and His Times, and Mr. Beckles Willson has also written a chapter on the subject in his book, Ledger and Sword. In extracts toc from the Diary of William Hedges we get glimpses of the mission, but these are by no means exhaustive, though his comments are invaluable. It will be seen, then, that notwithstanding their good qualities these contributions to the history of the period are only portions of a general literary scheme, in which Sir William Norris' mission ranks merely as an episode. Further, it may not be out of place to mention that most of the writers have put Bruce's Annals under contribution, without fully realizing the value of the original records. The Factory Records at the India Office, especially volumes 19 and 20, contain most valuable accounts of the embassy, apart from Sir William Norris' own Journals. These records consist of important miscellaneous letters, copies of the documents sent to England. There are variations in the handwriting of these records, different writers having been allotted to different sections. For example, one writer would copy the out-going and in-coming letters of a certain factory, another the consultations, and so on. The records entitled Original Correspondence-received by the Court of Directors at home from their servants in the East also afford valuable material. That correspondence includes original documents, detached letters in the handwriting of the authors, and general letters from the factories, in the hand. writing of clerks employed for the time being in the Secretary's Office. These letters are not chronologically arranged, nor are the sheets uniform in size. There are gaps occasioned by loss of documents in transit; by destruction of others thought to be useless; and by decay of the papers owing to insufficient care. The Letter Books and the Court Minutes are useful ; for the former contain copies of letters sent from England by the Court of Directors to their factors in India ; while the latter throw light upon the situation at home and the steps taken in connection therewith by the Court. The latter is indicated by the nature of the resolutions passed. MS. records relating to the embassy preserved at the British Museum are confined to two volumes. These are the Additional MSS. 22,843 and 31,302. The former is vol. II of the Thomas Pitt Papers, which contain letters from the Governor to various chiefs of the Old Company's settlements, and give some idea of the intrigues between the rival companies and

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JANUARY, 1928) EMBASSY OF SIR WILLIAM NORRIS, Br, TO AURANGZEB the satirical comments on the ambassador's actions so characteristic of the great "interloper." This volume, together with the whole set of Thomas Pitt Papers, was purchased by the Museum authorities from J. Tomlinson on April 26, 1859. The latter MS. (31,302). is most important as it contains copies of the Ambassador's Commission, Instructions and Covenants, together with other important documents relating to the embassy. This MS. was bought from C. Blaker on December 11, 1880 with other manuscripts. Neither of these vendors appears to have been a dealer or a bookseller. There are in these Additional MSS. letters, copies of which are also to be found in the Surat Factory Records and Original Correspondence. Careful comparison therefore is necessary to avoid repetitions ; while the wording and language of the documents are often misleading, rendering close consideration very necessary. Sir William Norris mentioned in his will, and in the declaration dictated on his deathbed to Thomas Harlowin, his treasurer, that he had left six volumes in his own handwriting of "Journalls of transactions and observations from the time of his Excellency's leaving England to the 14th of September" [1702). According to this statement two volumes of the Journal are missing. Two of the four extant volumes are preserved in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, among the manuscripts of the Rawlinson Collection (c. 912 and c. 913). These were acquired by Dr. Rawlinson at Lord Halifax's sale in 1715. The first volume begins with Sir William's arrival at Porto Novo Road, September 12, 1699, and ends on May 1, 1700; and the second volume begins on December 10, 1700 with his arrival at Surat, and errds on April 23, 1701, when he was at Parnella. There is a gap of just over seven months in the journal, which covers the period while Sir William Norris was at Masulipatam, and includes the voyage to Surat. Another gap of nearly five months occurs from the time of his arrival at Parnella till he settled in his camp at the Emperor's "leschar." These blanks, however, do not break the thread of the narrative, as they are covered by Sir William's letters to the Council at Surat and to the Court of Directors, which letters contain detailed accounts of current events. Mr. Macray, who compiled the catalogue of the Rawlinson MSS., mentioned that Rawlinson inserted a loose slip of paper saying, "Norris was not the author of this journal." This dubious assertion challenges criticism, for either Dr. Rawlinson did not find time to examine the volumes carefully, or possibly he could not read them on account of the illegible handwriting, which requires the assistance of an expert to decipher it. The other two volumes of the Journal marked V, VI (C.O. 77/50-51) preserved at the Public Record Office, London, cover the period of Sir William's negotiations at the Mughal Court, his return to Surat, with transactions there, and his sailing for England. Of these, vol. V commences September 26, 1701, when he was at his "Camp in the Emperours Leschar neare Macanangur", and ends on March 12, 1701/2 on his return to Surat ; and vol. VI commences March 13, 1701 /2 and ends September 14, 1702. These volumes of journals are bound in vellum, and vol. V bears the arms of the English East India Company on both sides. There is nothing known at the Public Record Office concerning the acquisition of these manuscripts. It may, however, be of interest to readers to learn that in the superseded printed list of Colonial Office records of 1876 a footnote to the East India Correspondence states that the two volumes in question, with others, "were received from the State Paper Office." There is also a fragment of Sir William's Journal at the India Office (in vol. 0. C. 54) which records events from the time of his departure from England, on January 5, 1698-9, to the middle of March of the same year, whilst he was visiting the Cape de Verde Islands. These Journals possess great historical value. Not only do they give a full account of daily events and of matters concerning the embassy, but they contribute much to our knowledge of domestic life at the Mughal Court. If the two missing volumes of the Journals could be traced they would no doubt materially add to the value of the records, but so far all attempts to discover them in any of the public archives of Great Britain have failed. It is difficult to conjecture at this distance of time how they disappeared. Sir William Foster

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1928 records in his Guide to the India Office Records that in 1717 some of the "Company's packets and other papers were thrown on heaps in the Back Warehouse." Some more papers were destroyed during the years 1858-1860 and also in 1867. It cannot now be ascertained whether those two volumes were included in this destruction of what probably were valuable records. Besides the authorities mentioned above, there are family records, such as correspondence by different members of the Norris family, from which additional glimpses of the embassy and of Sir William's family can be obtained. These records, entitled Norris Papers are now preserved in the Liverpool Public Library. They were described in an admirable article by Mr. R. Stewart-Brown, M.A., F.S.A., in the Liverpool Daily Post and Mercury (Sept. 6, 1921). The collection has been calendared at his instance and transferred to the Public Library from the Town Clerk's office. For over seventy years it had lain there unknown, except for a selection published in 1846 by the Chetham Society (vel. IX), under the editorship of Thomas Heywood, F.S.A., who remarked that "the MSS. here printed are a portion of a much larger collection made by several generations of the family of Norris of Speke." In fact, all the Norris Papers, as Mr. Stewart-Brown tells us,"cover a much wider field than would appear from a perusal of [the] Chetham Society's publication." Although there are only about six letters from Sir William himself, there are many which refer to him in one way or another. Some are concerned with his election to Parliament, his movements abroad, his expected return to England, and litigation arising out of his death. Further information regarding Sir William can be obtained from vol. IV of the Liverpool Town Books, of which only the first volume has so far been published. The Persian and Arabic MSS. of that period do not contain much information bearing on Norris' mission, except that, as Professor Sarkar tells us, there are in Akhbarat-i-darbar-j. mu'alla" occasional references to the English, such as the visit of Sir William Norris, but no narrative of the dealings and negotiations with them. On the whole, the references are too brief to be of much use to us." It is, therefore, doubtful whether any substantial information on the subject, from the Indian point of view, can be gleaned from any State Papers of the Mughal Government. There are also references to the mission in writings of contemporaries, such as Manuchi and Tillard, who contribute some valuable recollections. In many particulars they corroborate the accuracy of other authorities. The Dutch records at the Hague also contain references to the mission, but these are of little material assistance. Indian students of their country's history are now realising the great heritage that has come down to them. From that heritage arises the duty of bringing to the light of day all forgotten periods of her history; for without a just estimate of India's past the position she aspires to gain to-day among the nations cannot be understood : and a proper appreciation of the justice of her claims must precede their voluntary concession. Boling broke declared that History is philosophy teaching by example." The Indian student will find in the varied record of his country, extending to those remote and nebulous periods, generally described as "the dawn of history," much to instruct him and much also to warn. The peoples of India taken as a whole have never enjoyed long periods of assured prosperity and happi. ness. Their lines have seldom fallen to them in pleasant places. They have learned their philosophy in difficult times and under hard conditions. But if they are to turn their experiences as a nation to account and profit by what they have endured they must study and fully comprehend the records left by those who have gone before. The lessons of history ought never to be ignored and each of its students must contribute to their elucidation. Much has been accomplished; much more remains to be done. Thus each Indian historical worker will further not merely the comprehension of his country, but also its recognition as a unit in the commonwealth of nations. For extension of historical knowledge is the surest basis of civilization throughout the world.

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JANUARY, 1928) ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA. BY P. J. THOMAS, M.A., B. LITT. (Oxox.), PH.D. Even as your correspondent, Mr.T. K. Joseph (I.A., December 1926), I am a St. Thomas Christian, and I may also claim that I have long endeavoured to study our traditional accounts about St. Thomas' connection with South India. I cannot, however, agree with his conclusions on the historical value of the Malabar tradition. I am far from saying that the South Indian aposto. late of St. Thomas is an established historical fact, but I hold that no conclusive proof has so far been adduced to disprove, or even to discredit, the hoary tradition that St. Thomas preached and died in South India. Nor has your correspondent brought forward anything to shake this view. In the present article, I propose to examine the various statements made by your correspond. ent; in my next I shall give my own conclusions on the South Indian tradition about St. Thomas. 1. The Acta Thomae. In paragraphs 1 to 3 and 9, Mr. Joseph brings out the divergence between the Acts of Thomas and the South Indian tradition. After many decades of careful research scholars have come to the conclusion, which is now well established, that the Acta, although a valuable literary work, is not strictly an historical document. As Professor F.C. Burkitt has put it (Journal of Theological Studies, 1900, pages 280-290). "It is an elaborate romance told with much skill in the delineation of character." Besides, it was written with the object of propagating certain Gnostic doctrines which the Edessan School of Bardaisan clung to and preached with greater zeal. No wonder that this work does not seem to have been accepted by the orthodox East Syrians. St. Ephraim, who lived not long after the Acta was written (died 373 A.D.), accuses the disciples of Bardaigan of propagating their master's heresies by forged Acts of the Apostles. According to Burkitt, this very likely refers to the Acta as well as other similar gnostic works. Such was the view of the East Syrian church on the Acta, and this explains why the Malabar Syrians, too, do not seem to have had copies of it in 1599 (as is evident from the list of books given by historians of the Synod of Diamper). The Acta purports to be based on incidents that took place in India, but the names used and the customs portrayed are either West-Asian (Syrian or allied); most certainly, they are not Indian, however much Medlycott might try to interpret them as such. Only one name, Godnaphar, has some verbal similarity to the name of a known Parthian king called Gadaphara (or Gudapharasa) known by certain coins found in the Kabul region. This similarity may as well be due to the fact that the author of the romance knew at least one real name which he thought was Indian. But India is not Parthia. As will be shown in another connection, the boundaries of India and Parthia were better known in Western Asia at that time than is assumed by many modern writers, Nor is this the only confusion in which the author has landed us. Again, we have to bear in mind that the author of the Acta cannot have had any first hand information on the doings of St. Thomas. The Acta was written in Edessa, but no serious historian has ever claimed that St. Thomas preached in that region. Nor does it seem that Christianity was professed there in apostolic times. The information must have therefore come by hearsay, possibly from Indian traders or Roman ambassadors who passed by Edessa. (Evidence of such embassies are numerous ; e.g., Priauls, JRAS., in XVIII, p. 309. Also, 1861, p. 345.) It is therefore unreasonable to criticise the South Indian tradition because it does not follow the Acta. And the logic employed is certainly suspicious. Mr. Joseph discredits certain points in the tradition because they do not tally with the Acta ; and he discredi.s. other points (e.g., para. 10) because they tally too well with it. From what I have said above, it is clear that whatever value the South Indian Tradition may possess is altogether independent of the Acta. That tradition might as well have been the source from which the The name of the king differs in the different versions of the Aca: in Syriao, Gradnaphar: in Greek, Gondhaphoros. The Ethiopio versions give quito a different name: one of them speaks of a king of Gona," count, il " Gone" is interpreted as "Chola, which is not unthinkable. Another version gives the name of the king as "Kanta Koros." It is evident from these that it is not entirely safe to identify the king of the Acts with the "Cadaphara" of the Indo-Parthian " coins.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1928 . Acta got the nuclei of some of its fanciful stories. In any case, it is not right to give these stories any greater validity than the ancient traditions of Malabar. 2. The Malabar Tradition. Leaving aside such startling assertions of your correspondent, as for instance, that nobody before him had scrutinized the South Indian tradition (Virere fortes ante Agamemnona multi !), I shall consider the more serious points raised about that tradition. (a) Translation of the relics. In paragraph 4, it is pointed out that the Malabar tradi. tion did not take cognisance of the translation of the apostle's remains to Edessa. It is true that the extant popular versions in Malabar do not mention it ; rather they stop with the death of the apostle. But it cannot be said that Malabar did not know of it, since St. Ephraim's writings (which mention this) were known in Malabar. Possibly our forefathers might have believed that the whole of the mortal remains were not removed from Mylapore, and this belief cannot have been unfounded. The East Syrians knew that the relics were in Edessa ; and yet they venerated the tomb at Mylapore, as is well-known. This must have been the reason why the Malabar Church did not give prominence to the translation of a part of the relics. However it is not true to say that the South Indian tradition as a whole was unaware of the translation. The Hindu version published by the present writer in the Proceedings of the Indian Historical Records Commission (1924), expressly says that a merchant from St. Thomas' country ("Western Asia'?) discovered the Apostle's body by a miraculous sign and that the bones were removed by him to his country. Apparently the Portuguese had no knowledge of it and this was due to the fact that all they knew about St. Thomas (apart from the oral tradition picked up in Malabar) was from Mediaeval European writings, which show hardly any knowledge of the translation. (6) The Dukhrana feast (Para 5). It is true that the feast of St. Thomas is kept in Malabar and by East Syrian Churches on 3rd July, and not on 21st December as in the Western Church. The writer apparently assumes, following Bishop Medlycot, that 3rd July denotes the translation of the relics to Edessa, while 21st December denotes the martyrdom. This assumption is certainly unwarranted. There is no evidence to show that the feast kept by the East Syrians, celebrates the deposition of the relics and not the martyrdom. Medlycott fell into this mistake by the misinterpretation of the Syriac word 'Dukhrana,' but Mr. Joseph apparently does not accept it and yet, strangely enough, he agrees with Medlycott's conclusion. If, as is generally believed, St. Thomas died in India, his feast must have first originated in that country and later spread to the Eastern churches, and only subsequently to the Western church. The extant versions of the Malabar tradition claim that a feast was instituted soon after the martyrdom by the disciples assembled at Mylapore. Accordingly, the Malabar church not only keeps the feast like other Eastern churches, but has in addition'an eight day's Office following the feast. There is not a single allusion in this Octave, nor in the Office read at the feast, to the translation of the relics, whilst the martyrdom is mentioned repeatedly in those ancient documents. The date of the feast is itself a refutation of the view that it commemorates the translation; the beginning of July is the middle of the South-West Monsoon, during which, as everyone knows, no sailing vessels dares to cross the Arabian sea. The writer may also make sure whether his translation of Syriac terms (e.g., Maranaya) is correct. Why does the Western church keep the festival on December 21 ? It is not possible to say for certain. Nor is the example of the Western church followed by the Greeks and Copts, who keep the apostle's feact on 6th October and 26th May respectively. : The Roman Church has, in rare instances, changed the feasts of saints for the sake of the convenience of the faithful. In early times, the principal festival of Apostles Peter and Paul was not on 29th June, as subsequently it has become. In some cases, when the exact date of death was not known or when the known date was found inconvenient,a more suitable date was chosen (e.g., the feast of James the Apostle). Thus the argument from the Dukhrana feast can hardly stand.

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JANUARY, 1928) ST. THOMAS IN SOUTH INDIA 3. The Legend of Setting up Crosses. Paragraph 6 states that Malabar tradition is wrong in holding that St. Thomas set up crosses. Even if this allegation was true, the whole tradition cannot be discarded because of this one anachronism. But there are various considerations to be taken into account. (i) Early Christian monuments of Oriental countries have not yet been sufficiently scrutinized as to assert confidently that the worship of the Cross was not in vogue in the East before a certain date. (ii) The Acts of the Apostles do not purport to give the complete doings of all the Apostles, and even if it is true that other Apostles did not set up Crosses this legend does not altogether 'fall to the ground. Thomas might have felt the special need in India of getting up some visible emblem of Christian worship in the place of similar Non-Christian emblems (e.g., the phallic cult). (iii) St. Ephraim was not perhaps indulging in a mere metaphor when he sang that "The Cross of Light has obliterated India's darkened shades." Does it mean that Thomas replaced the Cross of darkness by the cross of light? It is also significant that no other country has made a speciality of open air Crosses as Malabar has done. The number and prominence of these huge granite Crosses in Malabar is a feature that deserve special consideration in this connection. I do not, however, claim that this part of the Malabar tradition is completely historical, and it is not essential for my purpose. The worship of the Cross might as well have been a development since the arrival of the Persian colonists, but this is by no means proved. Evidently, the Thomis. tio tradition will not fall to the ground, even if we discard the story about setting up Crosses. 4. Portuguese Accretions. Your correspondent labours hard to prove in paragraphs 7 to 16 that the Portuguese embellished the Malabar tradition, and that the dates of the Apostle's arrival and martyrdom were "invented by them. But ho has produced no single shred of evidence to prove that view, and offers only guesses and surmises instead. (a) He supposes that as a rosult of Portuguese interpolation, we have the dates 50, 51 and 52 A.D. for the arrival of St. Thomas. The very fact that there is no agreement on this date is sufficient proof against this supposition. If the Portuguese had concocted the date, there would necessarily have been greater uniformity about it. These discrepancies, by the way, do not materially weaken the tradition, seeing that early Christian chronology (e.g., the date of Nativity) is by no means accurately fixed. (b). So far as I am aware, the Portuguese were not much interested in the Apostolic origin of the Malabar Church. Instead of embellishing the theory they would, if they could have probably tried to question it. But they found the mediaeval travellers unanimously acclaiming the tradition and they were compelled, willy-nilly, to grant the apostolic claim put forward by the St. Thomas Christians. I do not think that any one who knows the methods and habits of the Portuguese would credit Mr. Joseph's supposition that the Portuguese taught such works as de Miraculis and Passio in their Seminaries in the sixteenth century. The supposition that the Portuguese borrowed from the Acta is also unwarranted. That work was not known in Malabar, so far as I am aware, and even if such a borrowing happened, it does not materially weaken the Malabar tradition, since it is admitted that that tradition existed in some form in pre-Portuguese times. 5. The Pre-Portuguese Tradition. In spite of the many blemishes of the Malabar tradition Mr. Joseph finds it hard to explain away the fact that the tradition of the preaching of St. Thomas in Malabar existed long before the arrival of the Portuguese. That tradition has been recorded by early travellers like Marco Polo, Marignolli, Friar Odoric, John of Monte Corvino and Nicolo Conti. Their versions vary, but this must have been due to the imperfect understanding of these globe-trotters rather than to the feebleness of the tradition itself. The Malabar tradition existed in songs and poems, and at present it is embodied in two extant works, Margam-Kali Pattu and Thomas Ramban's Song (called Thomd Parvam).

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1928 The letter is regarded as having been written in 1601, but the date of the former cannot be accurately ascertained. The present song or part of it may be of later origin than 1600, but it is certain that a similar song existed before 1600, since the contemporary historian, Gouvea, (Jornada, Bk. II, p. 87) has recorded that the Thomas Christians of Angamale amused the Archbishop during his sojourn there in 1599 by singing and playing the songs relating to St. Thomas. This unmistakably refers to Margam Kali. Did no ancient treatises exist? Are none extant ? It is difficult to answer those ques. tions. Thema Ramban claims that larger works containing accounts of St. Thomas' doings were removed by the Portuguese in 1599 and that this rendered necessary some short work dealing with the same subject, and hence his attempt. This may possibly be true. Was it a translation of this work that the Jesuit Father Roth took with him to Rome in 1662 ! It was claimed that it was a translation from Syriac MSS. into Latin. If such a large work existed at all, it must have been in Syriac, and not in Malayalam. Kircher in his China Illustrata (Amsterdam 1667) has quoted from the Latin translation. The Tamil manuscript attributed to Nanapracasam Pillai (Mackenzie collection) must be a vetsion of it, for it contains traditions which are found only in Malabar. Pillai's claim that he had translated from Latin might as well be true since the Latin version alone was accessible to him. Another South Indian version has been given in my paper in the Report of the Indian Historical Records Commission. These are all independent of the Acta Thomce, for their versions are at variance with that work in many respects. And this fact cannot be so easily explained away by those who appeal to the Acta as the fountain-head of all information concerning St. Thomas' doings. 6. The New Theory. Finally, I come to the theory expounded by Mr. Joseph himself as affording a better explanation of the origin of South Indian Christianity. According to him, an unknown "saintly missionary" must have come to South India from Edessa in the second century, who must have died and been buried in Mylapore, and a grand feast must have been instituted to commemorate his memory and this must have engendered the notion that the saint lying buried at Mylapore was St. Thomas himself. While reading this, I was led to doubt if we are still in the age of legend. Ingenious men have in every age embellished and interpreted (and thereby often made ludicrous) the valuable traditions existing before them. Here is one such attempt. This theory is not worth serious examination as every step of it is a bare supposition unsupported by evidence. Yet one or two observations might be made here. The whole thing seems to turn on the verbal resemblance between the words, "Thomas" and "Tommus" (the name of the month in which the Apostle's feast is kept). This verbal analogy looks hollow to those who read Syriac. The name of the Apostle in Syriac is "Thoma," and the month is called "Th'mooz" or "Themooz." These two words have independent origins and have no discoverable relation. Besides feasts are not called by the name of the month in which they are kept. It is also difficult to believe that the enlightened Christians of Western Asia were foolish enough to be deluded into believing that they were keeping the feast of the Apostle instead of the unnamed missionary, who cannot have been unknown to them. Indeed the author of the new theory admits that it is his " speculation," but it is too much to expect that such speculation is more valuable than a well-established tradition. From the rather brief examination I have attempted above, it seems clear that the Malabar tradition has not been demolished by the searching analysis to which Mr. Joseph has subjected it. Nor do I think that Dr. Minjana's able paper on the Early Spread of Christianity in India, to which he refers, has brought out anything to discredit that tradition. It is now necessary for me to analyse the evidence so far brought forward for and against the South Indian apostolate of St. Thomas, and I propose to do so in the sequel. . See Fr. Hosten's forthcoming work. The Antiquities from San Thome and Mylapore, for such versions and legends

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JANUARY, 1928) OURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from vol. LVI, page 213.) B. Stamped Lumps of Metal other than Gold and Silver. There is evidence that gold and silver were not the only metals used as currency and stamped to show quality. E.g., Crawfurd (Embassy to Siam and Cochin China, 1828, p. 517) says: "The zinc coins, as well as the gold and silver ingots, are struck at Cachao, the capital of Tunquin." Again, Yule (Mission to Ava, 1858, p. 259) makes the following remark: "The old travellers of the sixteenth century talk often of Gansu (spelter) as a mixture of copper and lead, apparently stamped, which was the current money of Pegu in that age. Copper is not used as currency now in any part of Burma, but lead is commonly passed in all the bazars for small purchases, and baskets of it for exchange are always a prominent object in the markets. It is used in rude lumps, varying from half an ounce to a pound or so in weight. The price, when we were at Amarapoora, was 100 viss of lead for six-and-a-half tikals of the best silver." To which he adds, quoting from Purchas, vol. II, pp. 1717-18: "Thus Caesar Frederick : The current money that is in this Citie, and throughout all this kingdom, is called Gansa, or Ganza, which is made of copper and lead. It is not the money of the King, but every man may stamp it that will, because it hath his [its) just partition or value. But they make many of them false by putting overmuch lead into them, and those will not pass, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza you may buy gold or silver, rubies and muske, and other things. For there is no other money current amongst them. And gold, silver, and other merchandise are at one time dearer than another, as all other things bee" A little more than a century later Captain Alexander Hamilton speaks of "Ganse or lead, which passeth all over the Pegu dominions for money" (New Account of the East Indies, 1727, vol. II, p. 41). Lastly, Yule quoting Hamilton as above, calls Ganga, lead, and in his HobsonJobson, 1886, p. 278 8.0. Ganza, he notes: "1554. 'In this Kingdom of Pegu there is no coined money, and what they use commonly consists of dishes, pans, and other utensils of service, made of a metal, like frosyleyra (?), broken in pieces, and this is called gamca (spelter]'... A. Nunes, p. 38." This quotation from the old Portuguese traveller indicates that ganza was not always stamped when used for currency, and such was the case. Witness La Loubere (Siam. 1693. Pt. I. p. 14): "Vincent Le Blanc relates that the Peguins have a mixture of Lead and Copper, which he sometimes calls Gansa and sometimes Ganza, and of which he reports that they make statues and a small money, which is not stampt with the King's Coin, but which every. one has a right to make." This lump currency in lead, was widely spread, for Lockyer (Trade in India, 1711. pp. 43-4) tells us that "Money Changing is a great Trade in China), whence we are sure to meet with abundance of that Profession at their Stations up and down the Town : especially at the Corners of Streets where they sit with large Heaps of Leaden Cash, on Matts spread on the Ground before them. I could never learn the Profits of this Business: Whether they have so much per Cent, of the Government for putting them off, or do buy them of others at a cheap rate, I know not; but 'tis certain, their Gain is very considerable, else they could not keep their Families out of it ; some of them not changing a Tale in a Day." And then we read in A Collection of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch E. I. Co., 1703, p. 137, that in Sumatra)" to prevent the ill Consequences, and bad Opinion they might have of them, the Dutch went on board their Ship again, where they found the Almadis [bonta] waiting for the payment of twelve pieces of Eight for Caxias (cash), which the Dutch had bought

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1928 of them. These Caxias are a kind of Mony worse allay than Lead, of which they string 200 together, and call it Una Sauta de Caxias, or Caxas." In vol. XLII, 1913, ante, I went deeply into the obsolete tin currency and money of the Federated Malay States. This currency was obviously reflected in Tenasserim and even in Upper Burma, for in Miscellaneous Papers relating lo Indo-China, 1886, vol. I, p. 253, occurs the following statement: "The pieces of ingots of tin in the shape of the frustrum of a cone, which are manufactured at the Rehgnon mines, on the Pak Chum river to the southward, and exchanged there for goods at 4 annas each, weigh 1 lb. 2 oz. 383 grains; and their value at Mergui, where the average price of tin is 85 rupees per 100 viss, of 365 lbs, is 4 annas 4 pie." C. Oyster-shell Money (Silver). In noting the various alleged standards of silver, ante, vols. XXVI, p. 160: XLVIII. P. 53 f., it was stated that the specimens of asekke or oyster-shell money, i.e., 25 per cent. alloyed silver, given in Plate I, fig. 11, has small marks on it, apparently to show fineness.17 The following extract from McLeod's and Richardson's Journals during the Mission from Moulmein to the Frontiers of China in 1826 clears up this point and shows that some of the "Oyster-shell Money" was at any rate deliberately stamped. "The rupee is current here [at Zimme) as well as the Siamose tical (the round coin), but the money most in circulation is coarse silver of about 80 per cent, alloy, I believe, melted into a ciroular form, in which a hollow is formed by blowing when hot; the bottom of this cup is so fine that it is apt to break : when this occurs, or when it is cut, the value is much deteriorated. It bears a small mark or stamp made by the court officers (by whom it is issued) on the edge. Of this description there are two sorts of equal alloy, but one twice the size of the other. One hundred ticals are given for 45 Madras rupees, but these are only equal to 75 Burmese ticals, (as) they use the same weights and measures as the Burmans, but deteriorated one-fourth, or 25 per cent." The above statement is evidence that the Burmese asekke silver is really Shan stamped lump currency, which is strengthened by the remarks of Bock, writing in 1884. In his Temples and Elephants, p. 159, he tells us that the marginal marks above noted had reference to the State of issue : thus, an elephant for Lakon, a horse for Chengmai (Zimme).18 On p. 361 he has a note well worth following up. He calls "the old Lao silver coins " namtok, and says they were worth about 6 shillings each. Sarat Chandra Das, JASB., Proc., 1887, p. 150. gays that the symbols were merely Buddhist marks, swastika, fish, chaityas, and so on. The value of certifying and stamping lump currency to show quality will be seen from the following quotation from Hamilton, East Indies, 1744, (vol. II, p. 304) "The Japonese are strict Observers of Moral Rules, and particularly in Commerce, insomuch that a Merchant of Reputation in his Payments puts up 5, 10 or any decimal number of Cupangs. which is a broad, oblong, thin Piece of Gold (of 20 Shillings Value there) into a Silk Bag, and putting his Seal on the Bag, passes current for what the Seal mentions for several Generations, without so much as once looking what is in the Bag. And Gold is so plentiful and cheap that a Cupang of twenty Shillings in Japon passes current at Batavia for thirty-two Shillings and when the Lion is stamped on it by the Company it passes for forty Shillings Sterl." The knowledge of the value of stamping was widely spread in the Far East. Witness Bock (Temples and Elephants, 1884, p. 399) in a paragraph which makes the numismatist's 17 I have found among my notes the vernacular names of some of the figures in plate I: I record them now. Fig. 1 is in Burmese ngwelon; in Talaing, anabom. Fig. 2 is B. ngwekiegal, T. adnakong. Fig. 6 is B. yweint, T. anathaf. Fig. 12 is ngroemd, T. &nbo. In Talaing the following Figs. are named as under :-3 is also called a nakony : 7, 8 and 9 are called san : 10 is Okuyu : 11 is sonkwak (B kwet): 13 is also aan. All this shows that many of the people are hazy as to differentiating the standards. I have a note also that Fig. 16, Plate II, is called in Burmese t'ayubaton and in Talaing aankanauk (silver-shell). 18 The symbols on the specimens given in Plate I, No. 11 are unfortunately not sufficiently discernible to enable one to say what they represent.

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Indian Antiquary Plate I. BURMESE CURRENCY. First stage of evolution. 12p . . ES n FULL-SIZE. CHARLES WHITTINGHAM & GRIGGB PRINTERS) LTD., COLL. EX COLL. R. C. TEMPLE

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JANUARY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. 13 mouth water. He is describing an Exhibition and remarks :-"An equally interesting show of ancient coins, some flat and some spherical, solid bars of gold and silver with a stamp at one end, side by side with old paper currency, lead, crockery and porcelain tokens, and cowries." With reference to the use of asekke silver as currency. In 1894 I received a very interesting letter from Mr. H. S. Guinness, writing from Wuntho in Upper Burma, formerly a Shan State, on the currency obtaining there :--"I have malc enquirics into the lump currency in Wuntho and find that oxactly the same system existed in these parts as in Mandalay before the introduction of rupeos. Gold was occasionally used and the ratio was fixed at 20 to 1, but it was not legal tender, as it was not accepted in payment of revenue. All revenue was payable in one standard of silver 25 per cent alloy [i.e., asekke). The Sawbwa (chief] never attemptod to coin, nor did he ever stamp the lump currency with any device or mark of fineness. Gold of two varieties was known, distinguished as red and yellow. The red gold was considered the best, but there was no difference between them."19 Mr. Guinness had the plates of these Notes before him and wrote further instructively upon them: "Rice20 does not seem over to have been a standard of currency, though other articles may have been, and probably were, bartered for rice. But the agreement had to be mutual between the parties concerned. There was no fixed or standard value assigned to the basket of paddy or rice : the latter being bought and sold at the market rate (pauk ze). 21 Rice varied in price according to demand between half a tickal and 2 tickals silver per basket." D. Coin of the Realm. Although the coin stamped to indicate weight and fineness should come before regular coin of the realm in the order of evolution, it will be more convenient to treat the Burmese specimens in the reverse order, because in Burma the former were imitations of the latter. 22 D-I. Coins of Bodop'aya.23 The usual historical statement is that Mindon Min was the first to introduce coinage into Burma, but his predecessor Bodop'aya, who flourished 1781-1819 A.D., made an attempt in that direction. Yule (Ava, p. 255) writing in 1855, gives a good general description of his proceedings : "King Mentaragyi (Bodop'aya] expressed to Col. Symes a desire to have minting implements, and Capt. Cox (British Envoy to Ava) accordingly carried with him the necessary apparatus. A coinage was struck and issued. The metal was pure, but there was a little drawback to the success of the scheme, in the fact that the king fixed the current value of his coins at two-thirds above their real value for the silver, and at more than 400 per cent. on their value for the copper; prohibiting all other currency, and charging the difference between the intrinsic and arbitrary value as his seignorage for coining. The usual results of such pranks followed. All trade was suspended for several weeks, till the ministers persuaded the King, not to put his coinage on a rational footing, but to give it up altogether, and since then the experiment has not been renewed." Malcom (Travels in South Eastern Asia, vol. I, Burman Empire, 1839, p. 270), tells the story in much the same way : " The late king, Menderagyee, attempted to introduce small 10 The red gold being alloyed with copper was in reality worse than the yellow gold, which was alloyed with silver. See ante, vol. XLVIII, p. 106. But all over Burma from the Royal family downwards the people valued most the red gold. 90 See ante, vols. XXVI, p. 281, and XXIX, pp. 33 and 38. 31 This does not quite state the argument concerning rice as a currency. It was not domestically usable rice that was used as currency, but spare broken rice, which could be used for no other purpose than currency. See ante, vol. XXVI. p. 281. 93 As a hint to collectors I would draw attention to a statement in Dan vers' Portuguese Records, p. 146 : "One of the earliest acts here (Malacca) of Affonso de Albuquerque appears to have been the issue of a Portuguese coinage, for in the same letter [April 1, 1512) he states: "Nuno Vaz takes with him samples of the gold, silver and copper coins, which have been struck in your Majesty's cause." I have further dealt with this point, ante, vol. XLII, p. 109 f. 18 I adopt here the transliteration of the previous articles on this subject, which is not the oficial form,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1928 silver coin, which he made with a mint establishment imported from England. But he required his ticals to pass for sixty per cent. above their real worth, and the copper for nearly three times its worth. The consequence was a universal stagnation of business; and, after urging his law so far as to execute some for contumacy, he was at length obliged to let silver and lead pass by weight, according to their real worth, as before. The people are not anxious for coin. They cannot trust their rulers; they love higgling in bargains; they make a profit on their money, as well as goods, by increasing its alloy; and a numerous class of assayers, or brokers, called Pwa-zahs (pweza] (by foreigners, Poyzahs), subsist by melting up silver, to improve or deteriorate it as they are desired. This they do before the owner's face, and have only the crucible and scoriae for their trouble." Besides the silver samples, Symes took to Calcutta some of copper. When Phayre wrote in 1882, apparently the only specimen known of these was that figured by him, op. cit., Plate V, fig. 8. Since then I found two at Mandalay, vide my Plate II, figs. 22 and 23, and my Plate V, fig. 48 and 49. One is the half of the other, and they were tendered as coin in payment of bazaar fees. Locally, they were known as coins of Shwebe Min, probably because they were known not to be an issue of Mindon or Thibo, and were therefore referred to their best known immediate predecessor, Tharawadi, one of whose titles was Shwebo Min; or possibly they were referred generally to the Shwebo (or Alompra) Dynasty. Writing on the information before him, Phayre, op. cit., p. 33, says that his specimen was probably & pagoda medal struck by a queen at Ava, who came from Myanaung on the Irrawaddy in Lower Burma, to be placed in a pagoda she intended to build there. This, he conjectured, because it was found at Myanaung. It is, however, clearly part of the coinage struck at Calcutta to Bodop'aya's order, because of the legend on it, which runs thus :Obverse, two fishes : reverse, 1143 k'u Tabodwe labyijo 14 yet. That is, it is dated 14th of Tabodwe waning, 1143, B.E., or February, 1781. It must have, therefore, been struck in the year of the succession of King Bodop'aya. See Plate II, Figs. 22 and 23, and Plate V. Figs. 48 and 49, on which last the better specimens are shown. There appear to have been three denominations, and all the coins are of copper. A Burman, in Rangoon, supposed to be an authority on old coins, told me in 1892 that Figs. 48 and 49 of Plate V were "Shan coins often worn by children as a remembrance of ancestors and that their name was in Talaing, sonka," ka meaning fish. This information is Worth noting, as showing the caution necessary when collecting evidence even from the learned. I may mention that kd is in Nicobarese, as in Talaing, both being languages of Mon origin, the term for 'fish.' The coins of Bodop'aya, shown on Plate II, Figs. 22 and 23 and on Plate V, Figs. 48 and 49, must not be confused with those he issued in Arakan after he had taken possession of it. These are dated in A.D. 1781 after he had ascended the throne in Burma, and he did not conquer Arakan and issue the Arakanese coinage until 1787. His Arakan coins will be described later. All that Symes had to tell us personally on the matter is very short. At p. 469 of his work on his Embassy to Ava, he tells us he received a letter from the Maywoon [Myowun or Governor) of Pegue, 'asking that a carriage might be built for the king as per plans attached, and then he goes on to say "The Maywoon's letter, however, contained a requisition of yet greater importance; that was, to obtain materials for the establishment of a mint, a design, which if carried into effect, must considerably promote the prosperity of the country, as the necessity for weighing lumps of lead and silver, and ascertaining the purity, operate as a sensible impediment to commerce." But Cox, to whom was entrusted the duty of conveying the carriage, the specimen coins and the minting machinery, has a good deal more to tell us about the matter that is exceedingly

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JANUARY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 13 characteristic of the Burmese and their ways. The subject is over and over again referred to in his Burmhan Empire, as it gave him much trouble. At p. 95 he explains how Bodop'aya, in Feb. 1797, examined the carriage, etc., and says: "He then examined the dies and the coins, and said that the characters on the copper were very right, but that those on the rupees were obsolete.24 The (Burmese) Viceroy told him that I had promised to get the dies altered in any manner he pleased, with which he appeared highly gratified. He then expressed a wish to see the machinery and the Viceroy told him I had been so kind as to promise to show the mode of fixing and using the machinery. Yes,' says he, 'the Resident will do that in a few days, which we should be puzzling about for months.'" The next step in the matter is alluded to at p. 130: "About 2 p.m. the rayhoon (yewun, custom-house officer) and Mr. Moncourtuse returned from the palace. He informed me that His Majesty had ordered the rupees to be assayed, and found that one kind was fifteen per cent. worse than pure silver and the others ten per cent., 26 and that, as it was his royal intention that none but pure silver should pass current in his dominions, he had therefore ordered the 20,000 rupees to be returned to me." As the coins were struck to pattern out of courtesy by the Governor-General, Capt. Cox very properly refused point blank to receive thera back. But while the negotiations were going on, "a gilt war boat arrived with the King's treasurer, an illigetimate son of His Majesty, who had brought with him four boxes of rupees and money to pay for the copper. I desired him to be seated, but would not permit them to deliver the boxes of silver or receive the value of the copper." Later on we come to the actual payment, which was tendered in very debased silver, and Cox's remarks26 on the steps he took to prevent his being cheated are somewhat amusing, and show that sophisticating the Burmese currency was not confined to Bayfield's my wun, as described, ante, vol. XXVI, p. 202. The wild proceedings of the king to establish his currency are detailed by Cox at p. 310: "July 21 (1797) His Majesty immediately after his return to Amara poorah (Amarapura), issued orders fer the currency of the pice (copper money brought from Bengal, and prohibited the currency of silver and lead in the Bazaars : but established no rate at which the pice were to pass, nor had he coined any or even issued the whole of those I brought (one lack (lakh]), nor provided any medium in the room of the silver currency. Under these circumstances the people were much distressed and obliged to substitute rice 27 instead of lead for small purchases in the provision market. Privately silver still continues current, notwithstanding the prohibition, and the officers of Government winked at it to prevent stagnation of all business. This forbearance coming to the knowledge of His Majesty, he this day suspended the whoonghees (wunjis, ministers of state) from the exercise of their offices, exposed them to sun in the palace yard from ten till four o'clock with pieces of silver round their necks, and was with difficulty prevailed on by their humble submission to refrain from severer punishment. He has not, however, pardoned them and has ordered that the looto ['lutto (Hlutdaw), royal council of state shall continue shut. The two mayhoons (myowun] or governors of the fort are confined in the fire-house loaded with irons, and the former orders respecting the currency directed to be enforced with the greatest rigour. I understand he is coining rupees and pice in the palace." Next day, the regulations, such as they were, regarding currency came to the Resident's notice. They are worth recording here as specimens of folly : "For 100 tickals weight of silver, 21 per cent standard (ywetni silver, see ante, vol. XLVIII, pp. 49 ff.] delivered into 34 The only specimons that seem to have survived are, the copper coins figured on my Plate II, Figs. 22 and 23, and my Plate V, Figs. 48 and 49, and described above. 36 "This, by-the-by, proves what excellent metallurgists they are, for one kind was in fact 17 per cent. and the other 221 per cent."-Cox's footnote. 28 Pp. 178, 179, 180, 184, 185, 186. 37 For broken rice as currency, se ante, vols. XXVI, p. 281 ; XXIX, p. 38 MAJA, P. 38

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1928 the royal mint, 60 pieces each weighing one tickal each would be given in exchange : 20 of the pice I brought from Bengal were to be given in exchange for one of those coined tickals and 40 pieces of His Majesty's coinage. Now supposing the tickals issued from the mint to be of the same standard as the silver paid in and 21 per cent. worse than pure silver, he will gain at the rate of 663 per cent. on the silver. And as the copper pice I brought cost him only one tickal, 5 per cent. silver, for 81, or 83 for one tickal of 2 per cent., if he sells them at the rate of one tickal for 20, his gain on these pice would be 315 per cent. or in plainer language the pice he bought for 100 tickals he will sell for 415 tickals. His gain on the pice of his own coinage will amount to about one-third more. But if we take into consideration the advanced or nominal value of his new silver coinage, the profits on the issue of the Bengal pice will be enormous indeed. On the lack [lakh) of pice he will gain 7,318 tickals, five per cent. silver, or 8,781 sicca (Company's] rupees at the rate 598 per cent." (p. 312). Cox then says truly that this statement will serve as a proof of the extreme avarice, despotism and ignorance which held dominion in Burma. The next entry we find (p. 313) is very significant : "Ten men, principal merchants, have been condemned to lose thier heads for paying and receiving silver bullion, as hereto. fore, contrary to His Majesty's orders." On the 27th and 28th (July, 1797], the ministers, probably goaded to desperation, had the courage to tell the king of the distress he was causing, and on the 2nd August we find an entry (p. 321): "This day His Majesty was graciously pleased to relieve his subjects by permitting the currency of flowered silver (ywelne]." Thus ended this characteristic attempt to establish a currency for the benefit of the king by the ruin of his people. It had lasted about a fortnight. Now, we learn from this account that Cox brought 20,000 silver coins of two varieties, and 100,000 copper coins, and that the king, by his machinery, probably coined some more. But it is not probable that more than a very small proportion of any description ever got amongst the people. Bad as were Boddp'aya's methods of forcing his currency on his people, despite its ficti. tious value, the proceedings of a Muslim monarch in Africa were much of the same kind and much more crafty. Charles Neufeld, who was for twelve years a captive under the Khalifa or Mahdi 'Abdu'llAhi of the Soudan at Omdurman, wrote an account of his imprisonment at that place in the World Wide Magazine (1899, vol. IV, No. 21, Dec.) and at pp. 234-235 we read :-" As Nahum Abbaji was then trying to think out an invention for coining money, he suggested that he should apply to the Khalifa for my gervices in assisting him. This request 'Abdu'llahi was only too glad at the time to accede to. Saltpetre was coming in in large quantities, and he was in great trouble about his monetary system. As Khalifa, he was entitled to one-fifth of all loot, property, taxes, and goods coming in to the Baitu'l-Mal; and as all property of whatever description was considered to belong primarily to this administration, it followed that 'Abdu'llahi was entitled to one-fifth of the property in the Soudan. But as he himself had not much use for hides, skins, gum, ivory, and such like, he took his proportion in coin-after putting his own valuation upon his share. "As the money the Khalifa took from the Baitu'l-Mal was hoarded and never came into circulation again, a kind of specie famine presently set in. Attempts had been made in the early days of 'Abdu'llahi's rule to produce a dollar with a fair modicum of silver in its composition ; but Nuru'l-Garfawi, Adlan's successor at the Baitu'l. Mal, came to the conclusion evidently that a coin was but a mere token, and that, therefore, it was immaterial what it was made of, provided it carried some impression upon it. The quantity of silver in his dollars yrew less and less, and even then was only represented by a light plating, which wore off in a few weeks' time. When people grumbled, he un blushingly issued copper dollars, pure and simple. All dollars were issued from the Baitu'l-Mal as being of value equivalent to the silver dollar, and when the baser sort were refused, the Khalifa decreed that all future offenders

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JANUARY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 17 should be punished by the confiscation of their property and the loss of a hand and foot. The merchants, though, were equal to the occasion. When an intending purchaser inquired about the price of an article, the vendor asked him in what coinage ho intended to pay; and the merchant then knew what price to ask. "As the silver dollars gradually disappeared, the few remaining ones went up enormously in value, until in the end they were valued at fifty to sixty of the Baitu'l-Mal coins : so that ar: article, which could be bought for one silver dollar, could not be purchased under fifty to sixty copper dollars. And, although a rate of exchange was forbidden, the Baitu'l-Mal took advantage of the state of affairs by buying in the copper dollars, melting them up, recasting them, and then striking from a different die. These coins would be again issued at the value of a silver dollar and the remaining copper dollars in the town put out of circulation by the Baitu'l-Mal refusing to receive them. To make matters worse, the die-cutters cut dies for themselves and their friends, and it was well worth the while of the false coiners to make a dollar of better metal than the Baitu'l-Mal did, for these were accepted at a premium. The falee coinage business flourished, until Ilyas al-Kurdi, one of the best die-cutters, was permanently incapacitated by losing his right hand and left foot. And this punishment-for a time at least acted as a deterrent to others, leaving the Baitu'l Mal entire monopoly of coinage. "Sovereigns might at any time be bought for a dollar, for the possessors were glad to get rid of them. Being found in possession of a gold coin denoted wealth, and many people attempting to change a gold piece returned home to find their hut in the hands of the Baitu'l-Mal's officials, who would be searching for the remainder of the presumed gold hoard, and failing to find one, they would confiscate the goods and chattels of the indiscreet person. The trade with the Egyptian frontier, Suakim and Abyssinia was carried on through the medium of barter and the Austrian (Maria Theresa) trade dollar." Tampering with the coinage and currency by monarchs and governments is, of course, a very old trick in the East and elsewhere. The proceedings of Muhammad Taghlaq of Dehli in 1330 A.D., were very like those of Bodo p'ay& and equally futile, for the reason that & grossly depreciated bullion currency cannot be endured by any people.28 It was tried in Burma not only by Bodop'aya, but also by Pagan Min in the Thayetmo District, and also by Thibo Min as regards his brass coinage. Indo-Chinese governments would indeed seem to be incorrigible in this respoct, for we find proceedings almost identical with those detailed above in the middle and end of the nineteenth century in Siam. Holt Hallett in his Thousand Miles on an Elephant in the Shan States, pp. 164-65, says that up to 1865 cowries were in use in Siam as currency imported from Bombay. He then proceeds to tell us that "the late King of Siam determined to stop the use of cowries as currency and floated a token lead money. As he could place what value he liked upon the lead coins, he resolved that 14 large stamped pieces, or 128 small stamped pieces, should go to a tickal of silver, although the lead in them would cost less than half that amount. The monetary transactions in lead would bring 100 per cent. profit to his treasury, and likewise which he does not seem to have counted on to the treasury of any one who thought fit to forge the coins. For some time the Government made a splendid profit, but some domestic and foreign forgers filled the market with their bogus issue. A great panic ensued among the people : the lead pieces were gradually refused and the Government had to stop coining them. "Before the collapse of the lead coinage, the King determined further to replenish his treasury by another device. He issued copper coins. To ensure their being taken by the people, he declared cowries to be no longer current. As he did not call in the cowries and 28 Bee Ridgeway, Origin of Currency, p. 138 n., for an instance in the fourth century B.C. See sloo Terrien de Lacquperie, Old Numerals and the Swan pan in China, p. 14, for vory early attempt to make bullion exchangeable regardlops of weight. 29 The idea was that the royal stamp would increase the value of the coins in the eyes of the public. See JASB., Proc. for 1887, p. 148.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1928 exchange them for the lead or copper coins, they broame worthless to their possessors. This was a sad stroke of fortune for the poor people, but worse was to come when the present King of Siam [Chulalong Korn in 1890] came to the throne. Finding that forgery of the de based coinage was naturally prevalent, he reduced the currency value of the old lead coins by declaring 320 of them equal to a tickal considerably less than the actual value of the lead contained in them. The copper pieces he reduced to a fourth of the value that they had been issued at. The people thus lost the gross value of their cowries and were robbed of half the value of their lead coins and three-fourths the value of their copper ones." The King of Cochin-China about 1812 seems to have been more fortunate in playing the same tricks with the currency, for Crawfurd, Siam, p. 518, tells us : "The price paid by the King for the metal, from which the zinc (cash) currency is struck is only twelve kwans the pical (current at about 17), and therefore an object of considerable revenue." There is an interesting note on mint "profits " in the East, in the fourteenth century A.D., which is useful in this connection. Pegolotti (Yule, Cathay, vol. II, p. 298) in his handbook to the merchants of his day, says that at Tana (Azov) "the money current'is in sommi and aspen of silver .... And if silver be sent to the Tana Mint, they coin 202 aspens from the sommo, but they pay you only 190, retaining the rest for the work of the mint and its profit. So a sommo at Tana is reckoned to be 190 aspen. And the sommi are ingots of silver of the alloy above mentioned, which are paid away by weight." This gives over 15 per cent. as mint profits. The ways of the Kings were closely followed by their ministers and superior officers. Witness the following story from Malcom, Travels, vol. II, p. 252: "The late war (of 1824) having introduced into Rangoon and its vicinity the Company's] Bengal coins, the Woongyee (wunji) engaged largely in making four-anns pieces, which were really worth but two. They were soon well-known, and only passed for their real value. The incensed great man sent the herald about the city, proclaiming that whoever objected to take them at their nominal value should suffer a specified fine and imprisonment. Business was for a while completely checked, and at length, after making some severe examples, he was obliged to let the people return to weighing their money as before." (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. Town-PLANNING IN ANCIENT INDIA, by BINODE, the so-called Indo-Aryans borrowed many of their BEHARI DUTT, M.A., Thacker, Spink & Co., deas on town-planning from an earlier Dravidian Calcutta and Simla, 1925. Price Rs. 7.6-0. civilisation. This interesting book represents an attempt to In discussing the origin of the Indo-Aryan city reveal early Indo-Aryan rules and ideas on the Mr. Datt points out that in many cases the subject of the planning and internal lay out of towns town in embryo was a market place surrounded by and cities and villagoa, partly from the precepts of hamlets, each of which ultimately became a separate ancient Sanskrit treatises like the Silpa Sdatras, ward of the finished city, and that in many modern and partly by inference from the arrangement of the Indian towns the sahajanj or general market is oldor cities still existing in India. The author located at the centre of the occupied ares. Even admits ab initio that in the complete absence of in a city like Bombay, developed in modern times illustrativa plans or diagrams of Indian towns, the under western influence, this process is observable, conclusions arrived at in respect of ancient India several of the modern municipal wards being called must reat largely on theory and hypothesis. It is after the scattered villages out of which they have possible that the gradual excavation of such sites sprung. In other ca888, however, like Conjoevoram, as that of Taxila may reveal important facte, Tarakeshwar and Sitakund, the nucleus of the town corroborating the author's contentions on the was the shrine of some popular deity, which reverso. On the other hand the recent discovery gradually attracted increasing numbers of settlers of very ancient town sites in the Indus valley, and devotees. Whenever possible, ancient towns were which, so far as we know at present, were pre- located on large rivers, like the Ganges and Indus, Aryan, may oventually justify the assumption that which could provide a supply of water, mosas ol

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JANUARY, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 19 defence, and a channel of communication for traders and others; and orthodox Hindu ideas de manded their construction always on the right bank. The violation of this rule in the case of a city like Caloutta is one proof that it was laid out under foreign influence. The confluence of two rivers was also a favourite site for a town. The multiplication of cities in Ancient India was primarily due, according to Mr. Dutt, to the large number of dynasties of greater or less importance, each uf whom required a fortified capital of its own, As far 18 possible centrally situatod. He quotes Sukracharya's recommendations in rogard to flora, fauna, and geographical situation, and the opinions of other old authorities regarding the lie of the ground, which, according to the Silpa Sastras, ought to slope downwards towards the north or east. In other words the town ditch, into which all impurities drained, was likely to prove legs offensive on the north than on the south, while with an easterly declivity the town would secure full advan. tage of the morning sunshine. Evon in the matter of town-planning the ancient fourfold social division was observed, for the soil was divided into four classes, according to colour, taste, smell, etc. The best kind-described in the Rajavallabha as white, fragrant, and agreeable to the taste-was naturally reserved for Brahman residents; the wretched Sudras had to put up with black soil, stinking like decayed fish. Ancient methods of testing the eolidity of the ground are quoted from the Matsya Purana, and these were followed by elaborate purificatory and consecratory rites, in which the plough played an important part. After that the the Indo-Aryan town planner was called upon to define the exact area, the circumference, and the chief internal sites of the new town. A salient feature of Ancient Indian towns was the most and ramparts, owing to the fact that in primitive ages the citadel itself was the town. The description of Ayodhya, of Lanka and of Matburn indicates this condition, and it was not till & later age that the city outgrow the fort, which was often located at its centre. Elaborate instructions are given in the Arthasdatra and other worla regarding different types of forts, which depended as a rule rather on natural than on artificial defencos, regarding the number and size of walls, battlements and ramparts, which might be quadrangular, Square, circular or semi-lunar in shape, and regarding the number and size of moats. According to Mogasthenes, Pataliputra had a suomion of brick-linod moats, the waters of which were regulated by hidden sluicbe. Mr. Dutt declares that these moats were often converted into a form of urban adornment, as "the Aryan town-plannere" cultivated lotuses and lilies in their stagnant waters; and he quotes as evidence of this fact a Tamil poem describing the Chola fort of Pukar. It is doubtful whether a purely Dravidian capital like Pukar can be justly offered as ovidence of Aryan ideas of urban decoration ; while the condition of such moats as have survived in India down to bistorical times induces doubts whether they were m delectablo adjuncts of the city as the poetie imagination portrays them. As to communications, Mr. Dutt has collected the statements of various ancient authorities as to the width of different classes of roads or streets. These were almost always arranged on the rectangular or chess-board plan, encircled by a large boulevard inside the walls, which followed the line of circum. vallation. While it is difficult to decide how wide the atroots were, it is obvious that they cannot have attained some of the widths laid down in Sanskrit lore; and if the streets of old and still existing Indian towns afford any guide, many of the thoroughfares of ancient Indo-Aryan towns must have been, according to modern ideas, very narrow. The hyperbole of the poets is not a wholly trustworthy guide in these matters of detail. Incidentally, Mr. Dutt disputes the meaning of king's street" usually assigned to rdjapatia, i.e., the street loading to or passing in front of the royal residence. On the authority of Panini, he translates it "king among streets, and declares it signifies any large road. He also recalls the fact that the most ancient rules of Indian town-planning forbade any door or window to open on to a main thoroughfare, while the main roads through the wards were furnished at both ends with stout doors, which could be closed in sesons of disturbance. The pols of Ahmadabad offer a good example of this feature. The author remarks that it was customary in Ancient India to perform the pradakshina of a cro88-road, and that consequently all vehicles and pedestrians must have observed the rule of keeping to the loft when crossing the open space at a junction. Traffic, in other words, followed "a clockwise motion ", in the manner recently introduced at Hyde Park Corner and other crowded points in London. If this is so, one can only deplore the completo oblivion into which the pradakshina of open spaces at cross-roads has now fallen. The chief problem of traffic regulation in #modem Indian town is concerned with making vehicular and pedestrian traffo keep to the left, instead of wandering all over the road. There is much interesting information about ancient site-planning, which is illustrated by diagrams of the arrangementa recommended in the Silpa Sdstras. Broadly speaking, they all allow for the location of separato guilds or castes in different streets or wards-an arrangement which can be seen in most Indian towns to-day-and for the reservation of the Best sites for the upper castes and classes. Some Sanskrit works enter into great detail, e.g., the Agns Purdna, which places goldsmiths in the south-east oorner of the town ; dancers and harlots in the south; stage-managers and fishermen in the southweat; dealers in chariots, woapons, and outlery in the weat; liquor-merchants, officers and servants

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INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1928 in the north-west ; and pious persone, such as much safer to be a saint than to be a god." Sir Brahmans, Yatis, and Siddhas in the north. Ono George gives many instances, and the whole subject wonder if the close association of officers and is of great interest, as explanatory of much that is liquor-bellers was based upon practical experience. still to be found in Indian legends. It is also of All Indian towns of to-day are characterised by interest in relation to the possible origin of a great house-grouping and mahallas or quarters, inhabited deal in the Hindu religion that is non-Aryan and by distinct castes or classes ; and this arrangement presumably Far Eastem. Werner, in his authori evidently dates back to early ages. tative Myths and Legends of China, claims that the fr. Dutt discusses the plan of the Indo-Aryan Chinese legends are indigenous, and not connected village, which was often a town in miniature and with the rest of the world. I have had reason to bore little or no resemblance to the village of modern study his book from end to end, and find much in Bengal : he enumerates certain ancient building it that it is difficult to believe is not Indian or Cenrules; and ho deals with many other points of tral Asian or even Near Eastem. However that interest. I am a little doubtful whether he is may be, the Chinese Myths are full of immortals quite correct in his statement that Vijayanagar who are gods and immortals who are saints, followed ancient Aryan traditions of town-plan- and the power of the one differs not at all from the ning: for Vijayanagar was emphatically a Dravidian power of the other. They can all knock each other city, the product of Dravidian culture, and govern- about. The question then is : where did the Indian ed according to Dravidian cultural ideas. Another ideas of the power of the saint come from? Was suggestion of the author, which is likely, in my it introduced into the Indian Aryan, i.e., Hindu opinion, to be challenged is that, if Indian civilization mind by contact with Far Eastem races from beever breaks down, the Europeenised or Westernised yond the Northem and Eastern boundaries ? Indian will in time become the Panchama class of Leaving this question there, we find a most in. the Christian community, just as the aboriginal teresting development of the idea of incarnation. tribes of South India became the untouchables Instance after instance is given of the incarnation of of Hindu society. The stalwarts of the modern an immortal in a mortal body as the result of a Saint's councils and assemblies, who wear English dress, etc. curse. Apparently incarnated immortals are all "fal. will hardly swallow this proposition with equanimitys len angels." NArada himself--a distinguished saintly and personally, I do not believe that the denations- curser-is so far human as to be jealous of a celestial lised Indian will ever suffer any such fate. Such musician Tumburu, the Gandharva, and has a bal things can only happen under the aegis of an un- time of it, which he richly deserved. controlled priesthood. Various stories as to Sita's origin are told in the Adbhuta-Ramdyana, in the true folktale fashion found Apart from these minor matters, which bear all over the world. Indeed, the more one dives into little upon the general tenour of the book, the tales about any popular hero or heorine, the more Mr. Dutt has written an erudite and intereeting incompatible they become, but it is an odd view to work, which throws much light upon a hitherto represent Sita as more powerful than her husband. little known branch of Indian antiquities. Lastly, Sir George points out that this book is "an S. M. EDWARDES. attempt to introduce the terrible cult of Saiva Sak tism into the altogether alien soil of Vaishnavism. ON THE ADBRUTA RAMA YANA, by SIR GEORGE Its chief value is as a store-house of folk-legends." GRTERSON, 1926. We have also in the Adbhuta-Ramdyand a story This is another of Sir George Grierson's invaluable of the pregnancy of Mandodari, the wife of Ravana, pamphlets. It deals with one of the Ramdyanas with Sita, which is worth drawing attention to. current in Northern India and attributed to Valmiki, Mandodari, out of jealousy, determines to kill her. being supplementary to his other well-known work self. "With this object, she drinks the contents of the same name on tho Rama Legend. It greatly of the jar of Risis' blood, which [her husband] differs from the main work and gives accounts Ravana has told her is a deadly poison. Instead of of "episodes that find no place " in it. It is also dying, she immediately becomes pregnant with a Sakta work, and Sita the gracious became a Sakti Lakshmi [Sit&], who has been installed in the sprinand is turned into Davi the Terrible. It contains in kled milk by the power of Gritsamada's Mantras." fact " a mixture of Bhakta teaching with Saivism, Is such a story of Aryan origin? Or is it an abin which the salient features of both schools are sorption from Indian aborigines? The question combined "in equal proportions. is asked, because it has been observed that pregSir George points out "the extraordinary power nancy amongst some savagee is still not connected attributed to Indian Saints, such as Narada," and with sexual intercourse. The story looks as if there that as a Saint's curse "can never be in vain " were once the same disability to connect cause and "the Supreme Deity has to accept the conse- effect in India, and it seems hard to believe that so quen pee with a smile." And it must be said that intelligent a people as the ancient Aryan-immi. the 'Hindu Saints were very free with their curses. I grants could have had such a disability. "In fact, in those mythical times, it must have been R. C. TEMPLE.

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FEBRUARY, 1928) FOLK SONGS OF THE TULUVAS. 21 FOLK SONGS OF THE TULUVAS. By B, A, SALETORE, B.A., LT, M.R.A.S. (Continued front vol. LVI, p. 78.) III. The Songs of the Panaras or the Nalka People. The song in Tulu. Yenkule Madira. Vo popenadakeda, Paravupijana sayyanda ! Yenkuleye Madimaye popina nadakeda kadipu panici sayyanda. Yenkulena Madimiye tunaga mudayi Surya uttanange; Yenkulena Madimalena mone tunaga padelayi Sandro belani lekka. Yi bul tondu popedaye? Nina Appelekha Mami undu, layc bul pi! Nina Amma lekka Sammalo undu, bulpaqaga ! Nina Tage lekka Bave undu, bulpudaga ! Nina Maitini lekka Megge undu, dayo bu!pa ? Kamberda kurvedu tarayida tundu ulidanda yenda bulpana ? Mittantyada barchane orind yonda bulipada ! Translation. (Oh!) Our Madira (dance)! Oh! In the movement of our limbs, A cautious ant would not die ! A soft bird would not die under the gait of our Bridegroom ! When we look at our Bridegroom, ho looks like the rising eastern Sun ! When we look at the face of our Bride, it is like the splendid Western Moon! Oh! Why do you go on crying? You have a Mother-in-law like a Mother, why do you weep? You have a Father-in-law like a Tather, (Oh) do not weep! You have a Brother-in-law like an older brother, (Oh) do not weep! You have a younger Brother-in-law liko your younger Brother, (Oh) why do you weep! Is it because some pieces of coconut have been left in the kamberda basket that you weep? Is it because the comb has been left on the lintel that you weep? Vote: This song is sung by the Nalke or Panara class of devil-dancers during their marriage ceremony. Madira is the name given to a kind of dance. IV. The Songs of the Bakuda Holeyas. 1. The Song in Tulu. Le le le le le la Dare apundu baidera!a (Chorus) Orana binnera baiderala vovulu. Gandada parimala popundu. Yaradi gundodu Madimala, Madegatti illada Madimaye. Dare &pundu Nandere Goliga, dare apundu, Dikkale Deyiga dese apundu. Nandare Goli (da) ga Dare apundu. (Chorus) Yerundu, yerundu, yeru panada ? Anjeva yerukka singareranda ; Ponjevu yerukka peratteranda; Gonaje j(y)eru niraparipundu. (Chorus) Tumbudundu ponnu kalikandela, Tettondundu tattondundu ponnu nira kandela. Kali kandela dakinavulu kalyata ; Nira kandela dakinavulu niryatd.

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THE INDIAS ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1928 Translation Le le lo le le 14. The wedding ceremony is being held ! (And) They have come The respectable relations have come in ranks, (Oh) from where ! To them is carried the sandal-paste. The Bride is from the Yaradi dale, The Bridegroom is from the screened house. Nandera Goliga is having the sacred ceremony, (And) the bride Dayig& is having the sacred rice put upon her: Nandera Goliga is having his wedding ceremony. (Chorus) "We have buffaloes ! We have buffalos3 !" Shall we say? (Then) let the he-buffaloes be adorned ; (And) the she-buffaloes be filled with milk; (And) the young ones be allowed to drink water. (Chorus) (Oh) the bride is carrying a pitcher of toddy! (And) she is carrying a pitcher of water! And where the pot of toddy is thrown down, there let there be play with stones! And where the pot of water is thrown down, there let there be play with water ! (Chorus) Note-The term Bakuda means a husband. The Bakudas, however, form a separate class of Holeyas. It is difficult to reconcile the latter half of the above poem with the former. The song was got from a Bakuda Holeya himself. 2. The son 78 in Tulu. Le le le le le la kinni Madimaye! Dibbana povode. Kondatada mage, kinni Madimaye! Iliyanda druga dibbana povodo 1 Bale piriyodu ponnu sinte putyanda. Nikka aita balimana. Ponnu tuda badda avoda Nikka bangarina balena, Yerena magala anda. Nikka mungayi saropoli, Sammerena magala andada, Nikka bolli kalla mundasa, Pajoru maitedi. Nikka karaga sammaya, Urusangatira ullayana sklakatta Dombugu kalkude. Translation. Lo lo le le le 1a. Oh The young Bridegroom ! Oh 1 The young Bridegroom is a fondled child ! In his infancy he fell a prey to love. "Having seen the girl, I must be bound," he thought. "Whose daughter is she?" he questioned. She is the daughter of Sammera, (And) the sister-in-law of Pajoru. Accompanied by the men of caste and those of the land-lord, Should the bridal-party go. The marriage party is to go to a country that is foreign. (But) why should you (the bridegroom) be concerned with it ! (For) you will get bracelets of gold, (And) you will get bracelets for the fore-arm, (And) you will get a turban with edges that will look like silver, (And) you will get a pair of shoes, And you will get an umbrella to protect you from the sun. Note:-The above two are Bakuda marriage songs. The first one is sung during the Dare ceremony when they pour the sacred water; and the second when the ceremony is over

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FRUARY, 1928 MOUNT DEVAGIRI IX KALIDASA'S MEGHADURA A POSSIBLE IDENTIFICATION OF THE MOUNT DEVAGIRI MENTIONED IN KALIDASA'S MEGHADUTA.' BY A. S. BHANDARKAR, B.A., (HARVARD). ABOUT six miles due south-east of Indore there is a group of four mountains one of which is known as Devagurada. There is a small village on its slope and two temples, one of which, the bigger one, is said to have been built by Ahalyabdi Holkar (1767-1795). It does not seem likely, however, that she should have built a new temple of such dimensions in an obscure village, and there is ample evidence to show that it must be a renovation or reconstruction of an older temple or part of it in ruins. There are, for instance, stray relics in stone in the im. mediate neighbourhood within a few hundred yards of the temple, and the photographs of three such are given herewith. One of them looks like a usindavana, is hollow inside only at the top and has niches at the sides. Another representing one of a similar group has a Siva's pindi and his sacred bull, Nandi, sculptured on it. The nail-shaped decoration that is seen bere borders also the high plinth of the bigger temple and is likewise found on the walls of a few huts, both of which must be thus evidently built or constructed, at least partly, from the ruins of a temple, and the combination of the old and new structure can be distinctly distinguished in some cases. Still another relic has marks of two footprints in the middle, with the sun and the moon to the left and right of them ; some other murks can be discerned below, but they are indistinct. The sun and the moon may respectively be the symbols of Suryavami and Somavamki Kshatriyas who claim descent from them. To the right of the larger temple there is a much smaller one, built of uncarved stone, with two storeys, the lower of which is several feet below the ground while the upper one is partly so. There are brioks only in the roof of the upper storey, which thus shows its recent origin. This temple, too, bespeaks the existence of an ancient temple with its base below the present ground level, for, it is not likely that anybody would ever excavate, much less build a new temple below the ground. There is now a modern Siva's pindi in the temple, and four cemented pillars, possibly of comparatively recent date, are in front. They however look much older than the date of reconstruction of either of the temples, as only two of them are erect, the third buried firmly in a slanting position almost touching the ground, while the fourth is lying prostrate upon it. These pillars have two iron cores in each of them. The picture of the temple shows the upper storey and the opening of the stone stair-way leading below to the lower one. The long-prevalent custom, existing since days long before Ahilyabai of holding an annual fair at the village on the Sivaratri day also speaks of a whilom sacredness of the place in connection with the god Siva. Quarries of stone and chalk, important building materials, are found on the mountain. Kalidasa mentions in his Mcgladuta a mountain named Devagiri (Derapirvangirim). This, according to the poetic context, must be situated somewhere between the Sipra and the Chambal or ancient Charmanvati, which is described by the poet as the fame incarnate of Rantideva, once king of the Dasapura that has been identified with modern Dasor in the district of Mandasor. This at once puts out of court the claim for identification with it of Daulatabad, with its ancient name Devagiri, and the capital of the Yadavas from the twelfth to the fourteenth century, or the village named Devgad about sixty miles to the southwest of Jhansi mentioned by Dr. Fleet in his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. III, "Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings." After arriving at Vidisa, or modern Bhilsa, and visiting the mountain named Nichais, the poot instructs the Cloud through the mouth of the Yaksa to abandon his proper course northwards for the special purpose of seeing Ujjain, and thus would make the Cloud tako a south-westerly course, more to the wast than youth. In this journey it comes across the following rivers in succe 9.00:-(1) The Nirvindhya which, one thinks, must be identical either with the Parvati, or the Parvan, or any one of their small tributaries. (2) The Sindhu, known now as the Kali Sindh. The poet compares her scanty waters to a braid of hair, which suggests their dark colour. Mallinatha, the commentator, not being familiar with the country like the poet, was presumably ignorant of this river,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEUROARY, 1928 and hence he prefers the alternative reading asau-atitasya to tdm-atitasya, thus taking the word Sindhu as a common noun referring to the river Nirvindhya described by the poet in the preceding verse. (3) The Sipra with Ujjain on its bank. (4) The Gandhavati, a tributary of the Sipra, with the temple of Mahokala which still exists there. (5) The Gambhira, identified with the modern Gambhir. (6) The Chambal. The order of the rivers is only accurate going westwards as they flow north to join the Chambal. The poet mentions the mountain Devagiri with its temple of Skanda, Siva's son, as situate between the last two rivers and this, protty accurately, is the position of Dovagurada. This mountain with the temples and relios described above is, no doubt, slightly east of Ujjain, but as it is about forty miles to the south of it, and as the Sipra, on whose bank the city stands, takes its rise to the east of Indore and also the mountain, it is natural that the Cloud coming from the north-east would visit Ujjain first; more so, as this was the special object of sight for which it had turned from its pro. per path. The only other place which claims one's attention with respect to the identification is Devgad a few miles to the south-west of Narsingad and about fifty-five miles almost duo west of Bhilsa, but it does not satisfy the conditions of the position of Devagiri as given in the context and noted above. The writer does not know whether there is a mountain of that or similar name in the town and also a temple, intact or in ruins, there ; if not, it is quite probable that Devagiri is no other mountain than Devagurada itself. The philological corruption of the name might be due to the presence of several other villages round about whose names also end in the termination gurida, meaning possibly the machine for the extraction of sugar. cane juice. If our identification be correct, and excavations bring any dated inscription, it would help us to fix the date of the poet Kalidasa himself. At any rate, excavations at Devagurada, one hopes, might lead to interesting discoveries. MALABAR MISCELLANY.1 BY T, K. JOSEPH, B.A., LT V. A Rajasimla Inscription at Tajokkad in Cochin. A very large granite slab, 74" x 56", inscribed on both faces, has long been lying unknown even to the Cochin Government Archaologist, although it has been all along in a conspicuous place at the foot of the open-air cross in front of the Roman Catholic Church at TAekkates in the Cochin State, on the west coast of South India. About two years ago. on 13th June 1925, the existence of this importent epigraph was brougit to my notice, and on 19th idem two inked estampages of the inscription on the obverse the subject of this article--were handed to me for dccipherment. They were not clear at all. Still the name Rajasimha Peruman Atikal, which could be easily deciphered, and the palaeographic forms of the characters at once gave me some idea of the importance of the record. But I had to wait impatiently for clear copies until 29h September 1928, when I received a good estam. page of the first five lines, prepared by my friend Mr.M.P. Varkki in accordance with my instructions. Further copies also followed from the serie source, together with an account (gee below) of the interesting vicissitudes of the inscribed slab. In the issue of the daily newspaper, The Western Star (Trivandrum) for Sist December 1926, I published an article on this record, which included a tentative translation of the deciphered portion of it, with a number of lacunae. The reading and translation given below are complete. Vide facsimile facing page 30. Tho Cloud, however, maintains a northerly cow'so apparently after loaning Ujjain.-C.L.A.W.O.. Jl. Editor. 1 'Continued from Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 97. Unfortunately, the Rev. Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., who (from oth to 23rd February, 1994) ramackad Cochin and its neighbourhood for pro Portuguese Christian antiquitien, did not visit the Talekkan Church. 3 E with a dot below has the sound of e, in other. Tadikad is the pronunciation of the Anglicised foem Thazhekkad. The place is about 7 miles North-East of the well-known Crancanoro. Wiis'article entitled "Rojasimic;A' New Terurzel' as soon reproduced in the Hindu of Madre And The Times of India, Bombay.

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Plale 1 Indion Antiquary. THE RELICS AND TEMPLE NEAR MOUNT DEVAGIRI Fre 1-TRE SMALLER TEMPLE BUILT OF STONE WITH LOWER STOREY BELOW THE PRESENT GROUND LEVEL. FIG. 2.-A RELIC WHICH LOOKS LIKE A urin kivana.

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Plate 11 Indian Antiquary. THE RELICS AND TEMPLE NEAR MOUNT DEVAGIRI FIG. 3.-A RELIC WITH SHIVALINGA AND NANDI SCULPTURED UPON IT. FIG. 4.-A RELIC WITH EMBLEMATIC MARKS OF FOOTPRINTS AND THE BUM AND THE MOON ON EITHER SIDE,

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FABRUARY, 1928) MALABAR MISCELLANY' Lines. TEXT. 5 1. svsti. srii. iraaycingkp perumaannntti 2. kllaarullaal - taalllaikkaattttuk kmaikkpptttt vaannikrk 3. ku uuraar avirootttaarr piitticai kttttuvaannn amaitt i 4. ttm:-1 cirruplllli atiril meekkup, peeraalil vttk 5. kuk, kllpplllliyirr killlkku, kiilllt tirukkooyirrrreevr 6. puumikkutterrku. itinnnkttu uuraallr tttukkvuntttu 7. maarrvum piittikai kttttilum, tntaiyaiykko 8. nnnrru taayaik kllttirm vaiccaaraavoo. 9. iruptinnn kool kottttirrku ptivllli 8 cey kottupptu 10. paattttmaallr ettuttu kollvitu. akkaalvrunyco 11. nnnrr irraiyur tirraiyung kollvtu. ivkll cennnrru 12. vilaiyitttt crkkellaarung kollvtu. 9 (The remaining lines-13 to 22-are in sinall characters.) 13. ivvmainyc vaanniyril mnnikromttaaraannn 10 caattmpttuknnnum 14. irvi kottnnnu 11 ivrklliruvrkku mirnnttumurrip piitticaiyaa 15. lun neyyillai, irnnttukuttiyilirup aa prkku eppeerpptttt i. 16. rraiyumillai. ikkccttirr kutti kku pntlk kaannmun tttttaarccu | MORTISE. 18. liyumillai. kccttilkkuutti 19. ulkum oonncellum pttai villinelluk kottukkkktt 20. vr. tttttaarkkuuliyum ulkum annnupttny ceytu (k or) nttttum 21. vnnn mutl kooyil mutl kccttil kuttiyuttaiy pennnnu 22. m pillllai yu mtnnnkku13 ittmung kccttoottokkum.' TRANSLATION. * Hail! Prosperity! "The site granted without demur for putting up shops, by the villagers to the merchants =arpointed for Taleikkitu by command of the feet:14 of Emperor15 Rajasiriha :-(The land) West of the Chirupalli boundary. north of the banyan tree, east of Kalappalli, south of the land belonging to the god of Kilttirukkoil (temple). The inscription is in Vatteluttu characters, with two words at the beginning in Grantha characters. The transcript here is in Grantha and Tamil. 6 Read-llrullaal, Symbols 2 to s are not quite distinct, owing to the confusion caused by ovor-writing. llkkup seems to have been writton first. 7 Of course the punctuation marks, colon, dash, full stop, comma, etc., and the spacing are not in the original. 8 The two symbols after u are disfigured by over-writing. * There are three indistinct symbols hero at the end of the line, after the close of the sentence. 10 T is inscribed over a Car, and there is what seems to be a small letter after it. 11 Road kott nnnum, The sign of oin ko is omitted in the original. It may be read also HH caattnnnu. 11 Read-ppaarkku . 13 Thass throo symbols, left out by inadvortance from line 22, are insorted bolow the next two lett.crk (itt) of the line. 14 Foet is the primary meaning of the original atikal, which in its secondary sense is a term of respect 8pplied in Malayalam and Tamil to gods, kings, sages, preceptors, monks, elders, etc. The idea seems to be that those who address, or refer to them are worthy to mention only the feet of those great personagen Padah, meaning feot, is used in Sanskrit for the same purpose. Cf. tatapdadh respected father, Kumidirilapadal, honoured Kumarila. 15 This Rajasimha was a Cheraman Perumal, i.e., a Chera king or emperor of Malabar who had several kings under him.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1928 "If the village headmen 16 cause hindrance or confusion or put up shops within these (bounds), they will be like those who kill their father and take the mother to wife17. The rent collector318 shall take for themselves the ten ndlis (measures) of ghe paid (as tax) on a house of twenty kol (size). Such taxes and rates shall be collected as those four (rent collectors) declare. All shall purchase such goods as these go and fix the price of 20. "Chattan Patukan and Iravi Kottan, 21 these two who are Manigramattar among these allotted merchants, have (i.e., need pay) no ght for the two rooms of shop (owned by them). Those belonging to the (above-mentioned) two families need pay no sort of taxes. 23 16 Thego headmen were Hindus, most probably Nampuri Brahmans of. Talekkad. Such headmen are now known as aranmakkar, a word akin to dralar of this document. 17 An imprecation commonly found in inscriptions, calling down upon the offender the divine punish. ment due to wilful patricide and incost. 18 These must have been four men selected from among the new colony of Christian merchants, for collecting rates and taxes from the Christian settlers. 19 One kol = 28 inches. Primarily English yard, rod, pole and perch; Sanskrit danda ; Portuguese vdra (bar), and Malayalam kal have the same meaning, although they represent different measures of length, Portuguese vdra has become a regular Malayalam word, meaning & yard (length). A house of 20 kal size is one the total length of the four side beams of which is so many kula. 90 In another Malabar Christian document, the Quilon Church plates, fasciclo 2, of about 880 A.D., the Manigramam Christians are authorized to fix the price of goods for sale. 21 This name occurs in the forin Iravi Korttan in a later Malabar Christian document, the Vira Raghava plate of 1320 A.D. The two Iravi Kottans cannot be one and the same perron. The first word in Iravi Kottan is the common Hindu name Iravi, from Sanskrit Ravi (=the sun), whilo the second (Kottan) appears to be related to Arabic and Persian Kotwal (a police officer) and to mean . market sergeant. The first word in Chattan Patukan is the common Hindu name Chattan, from Sanskrit Sista, the name of a Hindu god. The second word Patukan is not an ordinary proper name. Like Kottan it may be an official designation Chattan and Iravi, though Christians, retain Hindu names. No wonder. Until very recent times tho Malabar Christians, the majority of whom are descendants of ancient converts from Hinduism, havo beon retaining many of the local Hindu manners and customs. 33 Manigramattar, in modern Malayalam Mapigramakkar, in this context undoubtedly signifies head. ship of the new colony of Christian merchants brought to Talekkad. This supports the view expresscd ly the Editor in Ind. Ant., 1924, p. 261, footnote, that the term Manigramam "seems to imply headship of the community of jewellers and no more." Originally Manigramam must have moant the gramani or head of the class of jewellers called Manchchetti or Perunchetti. There is a class of gadras in Quilon (in Travancore) called Manigramakkar, ind.vi. dual members of which are called in old records Mini Narayanan, Mani Sukaran, Mani Raman, etc. Mapi 30-and-go simply means so-and.no of the casto of jewel merchants, and has no reference to his religious persuasion. How then did oach and every member of the Manigramam community of Quilon come to be called a Mpigra makkaran'-a head of tho jeweller caste or community! It is in perfect accord with a Malabar practice by which titles of headmen are in course of time appropriated by a whole community or caste. There is, for instanco, a caste of fishermen called arasar or arayar (=king). But not all fishermen of that community are descended from ancient kings or heads of fisherfolk. Tantan is now the name of a Malabar caste, but originally it meant one with the staff of authority granted by the king. Nayar (ordinarily spelt Vair) has become the name of a caste in Malabar, but originally only those were Nayars (i.e., les clers of armies) on whom the king specially conferred that titlo along with a sword and silk, the insignia of that afice. It is in conformity with this practico that Manigraman wenning hec oi the corrmunity of jewe! terclunts came to be tho common property of Tom, Dick and Harry' among thoro merclients. 23 For similar exomption from payment of taxes, granted to some Molaber Christians sco their opper-plate grants. The Cochin Jewish plate algo grants such concessions to the Jet Joseph Rahban and his descendants.

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FEBRUARY, 1928) MALABAR MISCELLANY "Those who settle down in accordance with this arrangement have (i.e., need pay) neither booth-tax24 nor washerman-tax26. Agreeably to this arrangement they are bound to pay customs duty, and paddy for the Onam (festival) and for military recruitment. "The women and children who have settled down in conformity with the first 27 arrangement or the Vanmutalkoyil-8 (temple) as well as the site pertaining to that arrangement, by which washerman-tax and customs duty have to be paid, will conform to the (present)29 arrangement." We give below Mr. M. P. Varkki's interesting account of Talekkad, its church and the inscribed stone there. "Talekkad means the lower forest. Not long ago it was more or less the undisputed domain of many kinds of wild animals, but man is either extirpating them or driving them farther inland. On the Cochin State Railway, extending from Shornur to Ernakulam, there is a station called Irinjalakkuda, which is five miles to the east of the town of that name. A mile south-west of the railway station is the Talekkad Roman Catholic Church, and close to it, say a hundred yards away, is the Talekkad Hindu temple. "In olden times there flourished in Talekkad a well-known, influential and affluent Syrian Christian family of the name of Talekkad. In fact the members of it were the lords of the place. For more than ten30 miles round there was no church, and the parish Church of the family was at Malikkulam in Travancore, which is twelve miles south-east of Talekkad. It may be noted in passing that within a radius of twelve miles from Talekkad there are at present at least thirty churches ! But at the time of which we are writing Mulikkulam was the nearest church in existence. "The old lady of the house of Talekkad used invariably to go to Malikkulam every Sunday to attend divine service there. For this purpose a special conveyance called manchal in Malayalam was used. Being old she used to lean on the chancel rails for support. Once a few naughty boys were occupying the place usually occupied by the old lady. When asked by the lady's retainers to give room, they impudently replied that the church was the common property of all and that the lady, however eminent she might be, had no special claim to any portion of the church. This greatly irritated the old lady, who on her return home told her son the lord of Talekkad, that she would never again go to Malikkulam and that he should make the necessary arrangements so that she might attend Sunday service without interruption. 96 Booth-tax may be the tax on temporary sheds or pavilions put up in connection with marriage and other festivities. 35 Washerman-tax may be the tax for the new Christian settlers' utilizing the services of the washer men of Talakkad. The original word may also be translated goldsmith tax. 30 Opam from Sanskrit Sravapam in a grand Malabar festival held in the month of Sravanain (July. August). 37 This very probably refers to previous colony of Christian merchants brought to the street near the Venmutla temple. 18 The reading of this place-name is doubtful. 39 The words within brackets have nothing corresponding to thorn in the original. 30 That means that there was then no church at Cranganore, about 7 miles from Talekkad. In 1510 Barbosa said that the St. Thomas Christians "have there a Church of St. Thomas, and another of Our Lady, sad aro very dovout Christians, only they are deficient in doctrine." Some years later the town of Cranganore was burned down, and the Christians fled to different places and settled down there. An old Malayalam song refers to this incident in these words: "The plundering Nairs joined together, entered the town of Cranganore). Set fire to the Church and destroyed it, and burned the town that day. That day three good princes were killed in battle. In distress we came to the good village, And by St. Thomas' grace built a church theroin (in Kafutturutto) By the grace of God we settled down in Kagutturutti." Three Cochin princes died the same day in battle with the Zamorin in 1502, but the reference in the above song appears to be to similar death of three Cochin princes the same day in battlo on 27th January 1565.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1 1 FEBRUARY, 1928 "Her son was in a great predicament. To take his mother to a more distant church was out of the question. To build a church in Talekkad in a week was an impossibility. He, therefore, immediately approached the ecclesiastical authorities at Ankamali (not far away) and got sanction for divine service being performed in Talekkad Kayyala. (Kayyala is an outer room attached to the main building). Things went on like that for a long time, and negotiations with the neighbouring temple authorities for the crection of a church in Tajekkad proved abortive. "But some time after the Synod of Diamper, A.D. 1599, as a preliminary to the erection of a church, the Talekkad people resolved to raise a large granite cross close to the temple. Screens were put up on the pretence of digging a well, and a conical masonry platform was finished without the least suspicion being aroused in the minds of the neighbouring Hindus. The present granite crosa several feet high was constructed in the midst of the forest and brought to the place at dead of night. One fine inorning the Hindu population of Talekkad and more particularly the tempio autborities were seized with consternation on seeing a Cross erected close to their temple. "The temple authorities met and resolved to demolish the cross. For this purpose a huge elephant belonging to one of the managers of the temple was brought to the place. The excitement among both Christians and Hindus was great, and riot and bloodshed would have immediately ensued but for a miraculous divine intervention. When the elephant charged the platform on which the cross stood, both the big, powerful tusks of the animal entered into it several inches deer. But lo! tho tusks could not be withdrawn, and the elephant began to writhe in agony. The mahouts tried their best, but the beast could not move and the tusks got stuck31 in the pedestal. A few hours passed in this awkward manner. and the elephant showed signs of dropping down out of sheer exhaustion. "The Christians fell on their knees and praised God for the miracle, while the learned among the Hindus began to put their heads together and discuss how to withdraw from the scene without humiliation. As usual the Velichchappad (or oracle attached to the temple) appeared and proclaimed that unless the valued stone inside the temple, bearing the present inscription is given to the cross as an offering, it would be impossible for the elephant to draw out its tusks. "To make the best of a bad businose, the Hindus yielded, and the high priest vowed before the cross that the stone would be offered to it. The elephant immediately drew out its tusks. The next day the same elephant dragged the stone in question to the foot of the Cross and left it there. It now lies in the same position, touching the western base of the masonry pedestal. "All objections from the Hindus having been thus removed, a small church was erected on the eastern side of the cross, the church facing westward 32 as is the case with all the Malabar Churches of the pre-Portuguese period. The present beautiful church was subsequently reared on the old site. The Talekkad family has long become extinct. "The church was dedicated to the cross, and an annual festival used to be celebrated on the day of the Invention of the Cross by Queen Helena. But by a certain feat the date has since been changed 33 into the anniversary of St. Sebastian. This annual festival attracts large crowds, and the total of the yearly offerings has in some years mounted to Rs. 6,000. The average income may be said to be Rs. 4,000." [M. P. Varkki, 16th November 1926.) 31 A very similar incident is related in connection with an attempt by Hindus to broak open the door of the Kura valangad Church in North Travancore. The elephant's tusks were in this case caught in the wooden panel of the door. The panel must be assumed to have boon wondrous thick and strong, or miracles in those days were as plentiful as gooseberries. Legend too repeats itself. 39 According to the practice of the Syrian Church, a church must be built erst and west, the chancel being in the east. 83 The old Holy Cross Church at Muttuchira is now St. Antony's, and the Holy Ghost Church there was about three years no renamed St. Francis'. Such changes are very common.

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FEBRUARY, 1928) MALABAR MISCELLAXY 29 .. . . . Now the question is whether the merchants mentionod in this inscription were Christian or not. They are designated as vinikar in line 2, and again as vaniyar in line 13 of the original. These words come from Sanskrit vanija,34 a merchant, and were applied in old Malayalam to traders in general and to members of a Hindu trader caste. In modern Malayalam the words signify only members of the Hindu caste of oilmen from the Tamil or Konkana country (the Konkan). But the vaniyar of the present record must have been Christians. The following facts lend support to this view. (1) The St. Thomas Christians of Irinjalakkula and other places close to Talekka! are still addressed or referred to by non-Christians as Chakko (Jacob) Chetti, Varkki (=George) Chetti, Ayppu (=Joseph) Chetti, etc. And cheti, like viniyan formerly meant both a trader in general and a member of a Hindu trader caste, but now means only the latter, except when added to the names of Christians as above. The word viniyar of the inscription could very well be replaced by chetti without altering the sense of the two passages in which it occurs. For chetti and vaniyan were almost synonyms, and Chakko Chetti is almost the same as Chakko Vaniyan. (2) There was no indigenous trader caste in old Malabar, and it was the custom there in olden times for Hindu kings, chiefs and villagers to construct streets and sometimes churches also, and invite the St. Thomas Christians-cither indigenous or foreign or both--to go and settle down there for trade. Some of these old Christian streets and their traditional history still survive, and one remarkable thing about them is that they are almost invariably very close to Hinrlu temples. The chief reason for this proximity is that the Hindu population for whose benefit the traders were brought, lived close to their temple. Another reason is that for removing conventional or ceremonial pollution from oil, ghi, honey, molasses, and other provisions taken to a temple, it was enjoined by Malubar custom that a St. Thomas Christian should touch them. To European Christians this may sound strange or appear untrue. But the custom still prevails in some places in Malabar, and the present writer himself in his boyhood about thirty years ago, used to be asked by Hindu temple servants to touch conventionally polluted provisions intended for the Chattankulantara temple about a stone's throw from his house. It has to be remarked also that the present writer's was the only Christian house near that temple in the midst of a vast Hindu population. A third reason why St. Thomas Christian streets were located very closo to temples is that these Christians were converts from non-polluting high caste Hindus, and differed little from them in manners and customs as well as in names and drese. That there were even inter-marriages between the St. Thomas Christians and the Hindu Nairs, is evidenced by the following passages kindly supplied by Fr. H. Hosten, S.J., from two unpublished letters in Spanish written from Cochin very early in A.D. 1579 by Fr. A. Monserrate, S.J., who, to judge from his letters, was a keen observer of Malabar manners and customs. (1) "And that both" (the wives of Thomas Cananeo) "were noble, at least Nayr, women is proved by the custom existing in this Malavar, that there is no pollution between the Christians of St. Thomas and the Nayres, nor penalty of death, if there are between them marriages [italics mine) or friendship, all of which arises, according to the custom of .the country, for castes higher or lower than these two."-(Cf. fol. 149r, MS. XIT of the Society of Jesus). (2) Again in his letter dated Cocbin, 12th January 1579, the Father almost reiterates the same thing: "And that both were noble, at least Nayr, women is proved by the custom existing in this Malavar that there is no pollution between theso Christians and the Nayres, 34 This word appears as banian and banyan in English, banian in Tortugueso, and banydn in Arabia,

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FETUARY, 1928 nor penalty of death, if there be marriage or friendship, whereas, according to the custom of the land, there is, if they communicate, stay, or marry with other castes higher or lower than custom allows to them."-Fol. lv-2r. of a MS. belonging to the Society of Jesus (Goan. Malah. Ep., 1570-79, Goa, 12). (3) As stated in Mr. Varkki's account reproduced above the oracle of the Talekkad temple declared tho inscribed stone a fitting offering for the cross. That indicates that it was well known in Talekkad that the inscription had some connection with the Christians of the place. My impression is that the present inscription is only a public copy on stone, of an original copper-plate document given to the Christian settlers. The original is lost or missing. The carliest of the Malabar Christian copper-plate grants--the Thomas Cana plates of 345 A.D.-had a public copy on stone set up at the northern gate of the Cranganore temple. (4) Iravi Kottan appears as Manigramam or head of the merchants here. And we know from the Kottayam plate of Vira Raghava that Iravi Kottan was a Christian name. Of course, this particular argument will have to be ruled out of court if the reading of the name is taken to be Iravi Chattan as suggested in footnote 11. But it has to be remeni. bered that the indigenous Christians of old Malabar most probably retained their former Hindu names. A scrutiny of the charactors of this inscription inclincs me to the opinion that the record is of the period 8th-10th century A.D. So the Rajasimha of this epigraph cannot be identical with the Chera king Rajasimha35, who was presumably a feudatory of the Chola viceroy Jatavarman Sundara-Chola-Pandya, who flourished from about A.D. 1020-1 to about 1043-4. There is a Chennar or Chinnar Perumal of Malabar mentioned in the Keralo patti (i.e., legendary history of Malabar) and there is also the famous Chinnapuram (=Simha's town) near Cranganore. Chinna is the Malayalam forin of Sanskrit Simba occurring in Rajasimha (=lion among kings). It is, however, impossible to say whether the Rajasimhn of the Tayek. kad inscription is or is not the same as the above-mentioned Chinnar. There is also a Rajasimha mentioned in the benedictory verses at the end of some of the dramas (Svapnandaka, Pancharatra, Avimaraka, etc.) included in the so-called "Bhasa's Works" of the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. There is no knowing whether this Rajasimha is or is not the same as the Rajasimha of the Talekkad inscription. VI. Inscription on the Reverse of the Talekkad Rajasinha Stone. The reverse side of the Rajasimha stone at Talekkad mentioned in the previous article (No. V) bears another Vatteluttu inscription of about thirty lines in small characters. Of these only the first ten lines are legible, and a free translation of them is given below. TRANSLATION. "Hail! Prosperity! - "The business done without demur under the authority of the king by the elders of the village of Talakkad ; the headmen, the council and two members from the two families of representatives of the village of inkayur36 ; together with the merchants37 and two members from the two families of representatives of the village of Irunkatikkutal38 The headmau shall not interfere and cause hindrance or confusion in (such and such)39 lands 85 of. Record No. 112 of the Madroa Epigraphical Collection for 1905. 38 This village still oxists under the name todayur. 37 The word in the original is udkinar, which has no meaning at all. It must be a mistake for vanikar, meaning merchants. 88 The modern name of the village is Irin alakkuta or Irinnalakkuta, 39 Tho names of the lands are omitted in the translation.

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Plate 1 Frutan Antiquari RAJASIMHA INSCRIPTION AT TALEKKAL IN COCHIX Tk listein RALE ng

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FEBRUARY, 1928 ] RAWAL JAITRASIMHA OF MEWAR 31 included in the old arrangement... 40 and (such and such) 41 lands included in the present arrangement. In the afternoon the bazaar" (The remaining lines are undecipherable). The mention of merchants (vide the arguments in the previous article, No. V) and bazaar makes it very probable that this inscription also relates to Christians. Palaeographically it is of about the same age as the previous inscription on the obverse side of the Talekkad stone slab. (To be continued.) RAWAL JAITRASIMHA OF MEWAR. BY R. R. HALDER. THE sixth verse of the Chirwa Inscription published in the Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. XXI, together with a few other inscriptions, makes it worthwhile to enquire into the history of Rawal Jaitrasimha, who was one of the most powerful kings of Mewar. It is a pity that even his name is not mentioned in Colonel Tod's Rajasthan, in which fifteen generations after Bhartsibhata III, have been passed over for want of sufficient facts "to amuse the general reader."! He was the son of Padmasimha and grandfather of Rawal Samarasimha, who is wrongly said to have been the contemporary of the famous Chauhana king Prithviraja of Ajmer. He is known by several names, and, from his inscriptions, it appears that he ruled at least for thirty-nine years from Samvat 3 1270 to 1309 (A.D. 1213-52). The above-mentioned verset of the Chirwa inscription says that the rulers of Malava, Gurjara, Marava, Jangal and of the Mlechchhas (Muhammadans) could not humble his (Jaitrasimha's) pride. An inscription, dated Samvat 1322 (A.D. 1265) of the time of Tejasimha of Mewar also says that the kings of Gurjara, Malava, Turushka (Muhammadans) and Sakambhari (in Jan al) could not crush the pride of Jaitrasimha. An inscription, dated s. 1342 (A.D. 1285) of the time of Rawal Samarasimha of Mewar adds that Jaitragic ha destroyed Naddule, (in Marwar). engaged in battle with the Sindhuka army and defeated a Turushka army. From these, it is clear that Jaitrasimha was engaged in fighting against (1) the ruler of the Muhammadans (the Sultans of Delhi), (2) the Sindhuka army (army of Sind), (3) the ruler of Jangal, (4) the ruler of Malava (Malwa), (5) the ruler of Gurjara (Gujarat), and (6) the ruler of Marava (Marwar). It will be interesting, now, to trace the truth of above facts as far as possible. In order to do this, we have to ascertain who the rulers of the countries mentioned above were and what expeditions were carried out by them into Mewar during the reign of Jaitrasimha. As regards No. (1), the ruler of the Mlechchas referred to above was evidently one of the Sultans of Delhi. Those that were contemporary with Rawal Jaitrasimha of Mewar were Shamsuddin Altamsh, Ruknu'ddin Firuz Shah I, Riziyah Begum, Mu'izzu'ddin Bahram Shah, 'Alau'ddin Mas'ud Shah and Nasiru'ddin Mahmud Shah. Of these, the first and the 40 There are letters here not quite legible. 41 As in footnote 39 above. 1 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 297. 2 In Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, pp. 300-302, it is snid that Samarasiinha married Prithviraja's sister Pirth, and was killed while fighting against Shihabu'ddin Ghori in the cause of Prithviraja. This is imponible, as Samarasitha died in 8. 1358 or A.D. 1301 (the last inscription of Samarasimha is dated Mogh Audi 10, S. 1358, and the first inscription of his son Ratnasimha is dated Magh sudi 5, Samvat 1359), while the above battle was fought in 1192 A.D. 3 The inscriptions of Jaitrasimha range from Samvat 1270 to 1309 [Vide Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 93, n. and Peterson's third Report in search of Sanskrit Manuscripts in Bombay Presidency, p. 130. See also Annual Report of the Rajputana Museum, 1924-25, p. 2). The dates are taken from inscriptions; hence the reign may have lasted longer. 4 na mAlavIyena na gorjareNa na mAravezena na jAMgalena / mlecchAdhinAyana kadApi mAno mlAni na ninyevanipasya yasya // zrImatagajaramAlavanuruSkazAkaMbharIzvarayasya / / ATTIT: Friet Tug # 4279:11 II Unpublished Inscription of Ghaghaa. 8 Ind. Ant., vol. XVI, pp. 349-50, vv. 42-43; Duff's Chronology, p. 287. 7 Duff's Chronology, pp. 311-312.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1928 last are known to have carried expeditions into Rajputana Soon after his accession on the throne of Delhi, Shamsu'ddin Altamsh marched against Udayasimha, the tributary Raja of Jalor, who had declined to make the usual payments and brought him to subjection. In the Hijri year 623 (A.D. 1226) he reduced the fort of Ranthambhor. His invasion of Mewar, however, is not mentioned in the books containing the above accounts, but, with the help of a Sanskrit drama entitled Hammiramadamardana composed by Jayasimha Suri in Samut 1286 (A.D. 1229), we can safely arrive at such a conclusion. In it, the conversation between Viradhavala and his minister Tejapala, as well as the statement of the messenger named Kamalaka, distinctly shows that Mewar was attacked, and some place in it was burnt by the Sultan, while the people were panic-stricken. The name of the Sultan, however, is not mentioned in the book, but he is expressed by the terms 'Suratrana,' 'Hammira,' Milachchriko ra '10, etc. The last expression gives a clue to the real name of the Sultan, and is a corrupt form of 'Amir Shikar,' which, as we know, was the title of Altamsh conferred upon him by his master Qutbu'ddin Aibak.11 Thus, it is clear that it was Shamsu'ddin.12 Altamsh of Delhi, who delivered an attack upon Mewar and destroyed the town Naghrada (Nagda in Mewap) as is indicated in the 10th verse13 of the Chirwa inscription. As regards No. 2, it is very difficult to come to a definite conclusion. The rulers of Sind contemporary with Jaitrusimha were Nasiruddin Qabacha, Saifu'ddin Alasan, and Nasiru'ddin Muhammad.14 It may be noticed, however, that in A.H. 618 (A.D. 1221), Jalalu'ddin, the son of th king, of Khwarazm being defeated in the north by the Mughals under Chingiz Khan retreated towards Lahore, where, being opposed by Altamsh, he was compelled to retreat towards Sind 15 Nasiruddin Qabacha was the ruler of Sind at this period. His country was, therefore, attacked by Jalalu'ddin who, having fired Uchh, proceeded to Siwastan, the governor of which, Fakhru'ddin Salari, surrendered. Jalalu'ddin next marched to Dibal and Damrilah whence he dispatched a force under Khas Khan towards Nahrwala (Anhilvad, Pattan in Gujarat).16 It may be that the force in going from Sind to Gujarat may have passed through the territory of Mewar which lay on the route, and fought a battle with Jaitrasimha's army. Turning our attention to No. 3, we know that, under the early Chauhans, Jangal com. prised the whole of the present Bikanir State and the northern part of Marwar. The capital of Jangal was Ahichhatrapura or Nagaur, where the Chauhans first ruled. Gradually, the scat of Government was transferred by them to Sakambhari (Sambhar), and the territory over which they (Chauhans) ruled was called Sapada laksha or Sawalaka, Siwalikh, etc. After the death of the last Chauhan King of Ajmer, Prithviraja III, the whole of the territory of the Chauhans fell into the hands of the Muhammadans and changed hands as follows: In the year A.D. 1228, Altamsh assigned the Siwalikh territory, Ajmer, Sambhar, etc., to Nusiru'ddin Aiyitim.17 Then in A.D. 1242, during the reign of "Alau'ddin Mas'ud Shah. 8 Briggs : Perishta, vol. I, p. 207. Hari framadamardana, p. 27. 10 Ibid., p. 35. 11 Raverly's Tabaqdit-s-Nasiri, p. 603. 13 Col. Tod makes mention of an attack on Chitor by Shamsu'ddin Altamsh in the time of Rahap (Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 305), whom he places on the throne of Chitor in S. 1257 (A.D. 1201) and supposes to be the son and grandson of Karna and Samarasimha, respectively. In fact, Rahap had nothing to do with the throne of Chitor, and was the ruler of the separate estate of SesodA about 6 or 7 generations before Samarasimha. (See Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 281, n. 4, and Tod Rajasthan in Hindi, by R. B. G. H. Ojha,' p. 323.) 18 nAgAhapu bhaMge samaM suravANasainikairyadhyA / bhutAnAhaTakUTe pamarAjaH paMcatAM pApa || 14 Duff's Chronology, p. 314. 16 Briggs, Fcrishta, vol. I, p. 208. 16 Brigge, Berishta, vol. IV, p. 415; Duff's Chronology, p. 180. 17 Duff's Chronology, p. 182.

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33 FEBRUARY, 1928) RAWAL JAITRASIMHA OF MEWAR 'Izzu'ddin Balban was appointed to the provinces of Ajmer, Mandawar and Nagaur. 18 A few years after Nasiru'ddin Mahmud Shah came to the throne of Delhi, Izzu'ddin Balban revolted. The Sultan, therefore, marched towards Nagaur and caused him to submit.19 In the beginning of the Hijri year 651 (A.D. 1253), the Sultan lost confidence in his minister Ghiyagu'ddin Balban, originally a slave of Altamsh, with the result that he dismissed him from office, bestowing on him the small estate of Hansi for his maintenance.20 Thereupon the ex-minister, with the help of other states, raised an army against the king, who now proceeded to Hansi against him.21 Ulugh Khan (the title received by Ghiyagu'd-din Balban after he became minister) retired to Nagaur (the capital of Jaugal), and invaded the territory of Ranthambhor, Bandi and Chitrur (Chitor).22 So, it is likely that it is this invasion of Ulugh Khan upon Chitor which refers to the fight of Jaitrasimha with Jangal. The old wasir, however, succeeded later on in gaining the confidence of the King of Delhi, and was reinstated in his post. In respect of Malwa and Gujarat, verses 28 and 19 respectively of the Chirwa inscription clear up the doubt. The former23 says that Madana showed valour on the battlefield of Utthunaka (Arthuni in Banswara State), while fighting against king Jaitramalla in the cause of Jesala (Jaitrasiinha). Arthuna was at that period under the Paramara rulers of Malwa and Jaitramalla, most certainly Jayatungideva of Malwa, who was a contemporary of Jaitrasinha of Mewar.24 According to verse 19 of the above inscription, Balaka is said to have been killed in front of Jaitrasimha, while fighting against Rana Tribhuvana.25 Tribhuvana was evidently the suc. cessor of Bhimadeva II. of Gujarat, and was the contemporary of Rawal Jaitrasimha of Mewar. Lastly, concerning the fight with Marwar, we find that in the period we are talking of, the Chauhang of Jalor, under Udayasinha, were the predominant rulers in Marwar. The Chauhans of Jalor were the offshoots of the Chauhans of Nadol. It was Kitu (Kirti. pala), grandfather of Udayasimha and founder of the Jalor branch, who, by strength of his arms, wrested the fort of Jalor (Javalipura) from the Paramaras and made it his capital.27 The descendants of Kirtipala were known as the Chauhans of Jalor. It was this Kirtipala who also wrested Chitor from Samantasimha, then ruler of Mewar26. Now, in the inscription of Samarasimha mentioned above, Rawal Jaitrasimha is said to have destroyed Naddule (Nadol), which was within the territory of Jalor at this time. This event must have occurred during the time of Udayasimha, and was probably due to the fact that Rawal Jaitrasimha wanted to avenge the defeat by Kirtipala of his forefather Samantasimha of Mewar. Besides the above, there were other incursions made upon Mewar during the reign of Jaitrasimha. In A.H. 646 (A.D. 1247), Jalalu'ddin, brother of the Sultan Nasiru'ddin Mahmud, was recalled by the latter from his government of Kanauj, but being afraid of a plot against his life, he fled to the hills of Chitor. The king pursued him in vain for about eight months and then returned to Delhi.29 In the year A.H. 653 (A.D. 1256) the king quarrelled with his mother who, after the death of Shamsu'ddin Altamsh, had married Saifu'ddin Qutlugh Khan, a noble of the court. Nasiru'ddin, however, in order to remove his mother away from Delhi, assigned the government of Oudh to her husband, who was 18 Duff's Chronology, p. 188. 19 Briggs, Ferishta, vol. I, p. 238. 20 Ibid., p. 240. 21 Ibid., pp. 241-42. 29 Duff's Chronology, p. 195. 23 yaH zrIjesanakArve bhavadutthUNakaraNAMgaNa paharam / paMcanagurikana samaM prakaTabalo jaivamalena / 24 The Parmaras of Dhar and Malwd, by Captain C. E. Luard and K. K. Tale, p. 40. bAlAkA koDakamahaNe zrIjainasiMhabhUpapurataH / vibhuvanarANakayuddhe jagAma yudhvA paraM lokaM / / 26 Duff's Chronology, p. 189. 27 Ep. Ind., vol. IX, p. 93 n. 38 Ind. Ant., vol. LIII, p. 101. 29 Briggs, Ferishta, vol. I, p. 238.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1928 shortly after removed to Bahraich. Being dissatisfied with this arrangement, Qutlugh Khan revolted. The Wazir (Ulugh Khan) marched against him, but he escaped to Chitor. The Wazir destroyed the fort, but being unable to secure Qutlugh Khan, returned to Delhi 30 Thus we see that Rawal Jaitrasimha31 was a very powerful king. The simple fact that he fought successfully so many battles with different armies, and, ultimately, could not be subdued even by the Sultan of Delhi, bears testimony to his greatness. Inscrip. tions of his time have boen discovered, and manuscripts seem to have been written during his reign.32 Still, it is a wonder that his name is cast into oblivion. It may be that a king and his kingdom may vanish, but the deeds which survive, bring back into prominence his forgotten name, and such is the case with Rawal Jaitrasimha of Mewar, who, though not widely known, is well worthy to be mentioned among the illustrious rulers of Mewar. MISCELLANEA. MUSSULMEN: SULTANESS. It is important to note the detail that these Aryan In & curious little octavo book by W. Hatchett, hemispherical tombs have facades ornamented The Adventures of Abdalla son of Hanif, are a number in a fashion quite identical with those of the Greek of fairy tales in the old Indian style. It purports to and Phoenician tholoi. I would ask the reader to relate the adventures of an officer of Shah Jahan's consult the work Histoire de l'Art by Perrot and Court in search, on behalf of the Emperor, of the Chipioz, Tome III and to look at figure 158, Water of Youth, on "the Island of Borico." It page 221, and figures 162 and 163, page 226 contains a number of Hobson-Jobsons, and among (tomb in Malta). Now let the reader kindly turn them is Mussulmen which occurs several times in his eyes to the photograph (Plate XV, Fig. 1) which the course of the book. represents an Aryan tomb at Pounnol, close to 1729. "The Prayer being ended, the Sultan Chah Tallayi (between Tellicherry and Mahe). The Gehan rose up and turning towards me said... style of the doorway is very characteristic ; it is the Bow down thy Head.''Father of Mussulmen,' style of the Mediterranean tholoi, and perticularly of said I, with a pretty bold Accent" (p. 3). the Phoenician tombs. This tomb of Malabar is, "As bocame true Musulmen, we fell upon those however, "Tomb with cupola," tholos. Certain infamous Villains" (p. 16). tombs are double (Plate XIV, Fig. 1), but the com. So also on pp. 119, 120, 130 and 161. mon facade is always ornamented in this very The curious form Sultaness is also found : e.g., "He characteristic fashion. Plate XIV, Fig. 2, hastened directly to the Sultaness and the Princess represents the doorway of one of those cells of the who were drinking Coffee together" (p. 10). group of Padinyakamuri tombs (see Ved. Ant., p. 17). So also on pp. 108, 110. This style seems to me to be of Sumerian origin, R. C. TEMPLE because this decoration is very frequent in the monuments of Mesopotamia. Plate XV, Fig. 2, reTHE ARYAN THOLOS OF MALABAR.1 presents the interior of this same tomb. This cave, The Malabar coast being in direct communication when viewed in section, shows the circular form with the Indus delta there is nothing strange in of the vault and, in the interior, the stone tablo finding there, rather than elsewhere, monuments upon which were deposited the ashes of the Aryan analogous to those in Mesopotamia and in Europe. chief. The discovery of facades in Sumerian As a matter of fact one finds here tholoi quite style in Malabar is of very great interest. In my analogous to those in the Mediterranean basin. opinion these tholoi of India date nearly a thousand In my little book Vedic Antiquities, I drew attention years before our era, and are almost contempora to the existence of these hemispherical tombs and neous with the Phoenician tholoi. expressed the opinion that these tombs were Aryan. R. GOPALAN 30 Briggs, Ferishta, vol. I, p. 242. 31 A detailed account of Jaitrasimha will be found in R. B. G. H. Ojha's History of Rajputana (in Hindi), part II, which will shortly be out. 33 (1) See note 3 above. (2) oM saMvat 1278 varSe vezAkha zudi. 15 sa(za)ke aoha zrInAganahe mahArAjAdhirAjazrIjayatasiMhadevaaut f ......... Unpublished Inscription of the villago Nadesma in Udaipur State. (3) oM saMvat 1308 varSe kAtI(ni)ka vadi 15 somadine ayeha vAgaDamaMDale mahArAjakula (mahArAula)terezia(fea () T539 Taryti).........fofarge ricirea afa)......... Unpublished Inscription of Jharole in Udaipur State. 1 Translation of a communication in French by Prof. G. Jouveau-Dubreuil published in the JRAS., dated October 1926, pp. 716-716. The Plates appear in the JRAS, above referred to

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FEDRUARY, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES BOOK-NOTICES. MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, very complicated one ; and we must await detailed No. 31: The Indus Valley in the Vedic Period. information of the evidence found in this con. By RAI BAHADUR RAMAPRASAD CHANDA. nexion at Nal, Harappa and Mohenjo-daro before any conclusions, or even suggestions, seem The author of this memoir discusses, not in possible. opportunely, certain words and passages occurring C. E. A. W. OLDHAM. in the Vedic literature with reference to recent discoveries in the Indus valley with the object of THE INDIAN BUDDHIST ICONOGRAPHY, mainly based facilitating the co-ordination of archeological on the Sadhanamala and other cognate Tantric data with ancient literary evidence. Doubt has previously been felt, for example, as to whether Texts of Rituals. By B. BHATTACHARYA. Hum. tho word samudra in any of the passages in which phrey. Milford, Oxford University Press. it occurs in the Rig Veda referred to tho ocenn. Mr. Bhattacharya, the son of the great MahaEven as recently as 1922 the view has been oxpressed mshopadhyaya Haraprasad Shastri, is also Editor (C.H.I., I, 79-80) that there seemed no strong of the Gaek wad's Oriental Series and has been roason to believe that it meant more than the stream Government Research Scholar in Iconography at of the Indus in its lower course. Now that conch the University of Dacca ; hence his book on the shell objects have been found at both the Harappa images of Buddhists-a truly formidable subject and Mohenjo-daro sites among remains which possibly to tackle. I well remember seeing in a building in date back to the beginning of the 3rd millennium Kyoto in Japan an enormous mass of beautiful B.O., Mr. Chanda thinks that there is no longer any full-sized figures, all of one character but no two room for doubt on the point. Then there is the altogether alike, representing the "gods" of Mahlword pur or pura, so often used in describing the yAna Buddhism, and thinking bow hopeless seemed strongholds of non-Aryan enemies, which has been to be the task of trying to learn the system on which explained as probably meaning no more than a they had been constructed. There were so many fortification or stockade, or a more place of refuge that it seemed to be impossible really to systemagainst attack-ramparts of hardened earth with atise them, but Mr. Bhattacharya has now shown palisades and a ditch. Mr. Chanda is not that it is possible to do so and that they are prepared to accept this definition. He writes : constructed more or less according to & definite "The terms Pur and Pura mean nagara,"city,' plan. The "science" of iconography is very like 'town,' and not fort. The Sanskrit equivalent the " science " of heraldry. It is the learning of an of 'fort' is durga, which also occurs in the Rig. arbitrary set of rules, some knowledge of which is, voda." He states that in one stanza the words however, necessary, if one would grasp what is in pura and durga occur side by side, and he sees the minds of those that teach and beliove here a reference to both town and fort. Who, in it. then, the question arises, were the enemies of the Rig Vedic Aryans who lived in towns and fought Mr. Bhattacharya has taken his work seriously. from within strongholds in the Indus valley and has had the advantage of the teaching of Prof. These he proposes to identify with the Panis, A. Foucher, and has gone to the root of his sub" who do not perform sacrifice and do not give ject. He is careful to explain that "Buddhist gifts," described by Yaske in one place sa 'mer iconography is not idolatry: the images do not rechants' and in another place as demons. Now present objects of Worship but represent the highest the root pan conveys the idea of bartering, dealing Buddhist ideals of Stnya or Void commingled or trading, and it is not impossible that these with Vijana and Mahkeukha"-a statement that Panis were wealthy trading folk living in towns. takes us straight into Buddhist, and I may say, From the attribute of a varice or niggardliness Hindu, transcendental philosophy. There is a notapplied to them & temptation might even be felt able introduotion to the book, in which the author to see in them the prototype of the mahajan of gives us & remarkable though brief historical sur. Inter days. But their wealth in horses and kine. Ivey of Buddhism, including discounse on the evolu. referred to in both the Rig and the Atharve, istion of Buddhistic doctrines. These are well not altogether consonant with the role of town worth the attention even of experts in the subject merchants. Section 2 refers to the falling off, and contain some arresting view. In his Fore. from the Brahmanical standpoint, of the peoples word Mr. Bhattacharya also brings an importof the Panjab after the age of the hymns, of which ant consideration prominently belore hig readers we have abundant evidence in later texts. The the approach of Buddhism to the religions of the drift of the argument in Section 3 is not very Jains and the Hindus: "We have evidence that clear. The subject of the disposal of the dead, free interchanges of gods actually did take place, whother by exposure, burial, cremation, or deposit first at the very outset of Buddhism and Jainism of the bones or whes only in cinerary.urns, isa as well as in the more promiscuous Tantrio age.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1928 'The Joinns and the Buddhists aliko borrowed Buddhas, six Buddha aktin or consorts of Buddhas Hindu gods in the earlier stages, but in the Tan and six Bodhisett vas-those who do the duty trio Rge the Buddhist gods were commonly of a Buddha on the earth. Then we have seven exploited. The problem of correct identification mortal Buddhas, of whom Gautama Buddha was one, of images, therefore, presents a real difficulty, and each with his Sakti and his Bodhisattva. Besides great scholars have, more than once, attempted so. these is Maitreya, who "pertakes of the nature of a lutions." These are remarks to be carefully digosted mortal Buddha, though he is not a Buddha yet. and are the more noteworthy for coming from a He is passing the life of a Bodhisattva in the Tushita Brahman Heavon preparatory to his coscent to the earth in We are given an account of the Sadhanamala human form." It is on these conceptions that the which"contains about 300 sadhanas enjuining Buddhist pantheon and its iconography mainly the procedure for worshipping, in the Buddhist rests. Tantric fashion, about 300 deities," and Mr. In the consideration of Manjusri the Bodhisattva Bhattacharya is careful to explain that sadhana of the Dhyani Bucklhs AmitAbha, we plunge at does not mean "charm," as Bendall thought, once into the abstractions of Mahayana Buddhism but a "procedure for worship." Next attention and the difficulties connectod therewith, which is drawn to the importance of the Dhyanas "or Mr. Bhattacharya cleals with as clearly as may be. descriptive conceptions of the deity," for the The same can be said of his dealings with Avalokites. purposes of Iconography, and to the method on vara "emanating from the Dhyani Buddha, which Mr. Bhattacharya has based his endeavour Ainitabha and his Sakti, Pandara. Like Man. to identify the images of Buddhist deities by means jusri, he appears in many and bewildoring forms, of tho Dhyanas given in the Sadhanandla,"tho cleverly and fully set out in this book. most scientific classification of the Buddhist deities Mr. Bhattacharya next takes us to emanations being to sort out and classify them according to of the Dhyani Buddhas, commencing with Amitabha their parental Dhyllni Buddhas." Manjusri and and passing on to Akshobhya (gods and goddesses), Avalokitavara, the groat Bodhisattvas have, Vairochanu (all goddesses), Amoghasiddhi (also however, been treated separately, and thoso deities all goddesses), Ratnasambhava (gods and goddesses). who cannot be definitely stated to be emanations The Naipali Vajrasattva, the 6th Dhyani Buddha, of any Dhyani Buddha, have been termed "In is not included in this category, but there is another dependent," and separatoly dealt with. We thus sot of gods and goddessce, who are emanations of Hou how it has boen made possiblo to systematise the Five Dhyani Buddhas as a body-a combination this bewildering Iconography. of all the five, amongst which is included the terrible Mr. Bhattacharya has a thoughtful chapter on Mahakala Then follow the emanations of the "Evidence of Art" as to his subjoct, showing Vajrasattva "the Pafcharaksha Mandala, and the how "in the late phase of Vajrayana, after its Taras, green, white, yellow, blue (grey) and rod. destruction in India, the priests of the celebrated In addition to all there are the independent doitiesmonasteries took refuge in Nepal, and thus kept gods and goddesses--some of which show indications the torch of Buddhism still burning in India," of importation, e... Ganapati, and Sarasvati in carrying with them the art of Bengol, and there various formir, and Sarada. "in order to make sure of their existence converted After this Mr. Bhattacharya draws his conclusions, a good many of the natives and carved out in which every student of iconography should stucly. numerable images of gods both in stone and in He winds up with the following statement of Tantric wood; so much so, that a student of Iconography is ! transcendentalism: "The god Heruka, tho em. overwhelmed at their wealth and variety." It hodiment of sunya, carrying the weapons, was to Nepal that Mr. Bhattacharya had himself the embodiment of Bodhichitta, also of the nature to go for his information. of Sunya, is embraced by Nairatma, whose essence After remarking that "the Pantheon of the is also Sunya, carrying weapons also of the nature Northern Buddhists was not built in a day " our of sunya. Thus Void with Void commingles. author gives an account of its rise in the eighth This is the highest state--tho Anupadhifeshacentury A.D. and its remarkable spread : " tho Nirvana." Hindus any that the number of their doities is There is an appendix describing the 108 forms thirty-three crores, and it seems that tho Buddhists of Avnlokitesvara appearing in the Machchhandlar can claim & similar figure." Ho then proceeds Vathalat Kathmandu. There are the 108 Lokes. to show how this can be the caso. varas. With this must end this very brief outline The book next passes to a consideration of the of Mr. Bhattacharya's remarkable book, adding images themselves commencing with an account of that there is a useful glossary and a good index, the Buddhas, Buddhafaktis and Bodhisattvas of and the further observation that one can now under the MahayAnists. It is to be noted that in Nepal stand why the admirablo plates number sixty. & sixth doity is addos to the orthodox five in this nine. respect. Thus there aro in that country six Dhyani! R. C. TEMPLF.

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. Ex Cou. R. C. Temple. Indian Antiquary. Plate iii. CAM HO. 1 00 RISME BU Avvvvvv FULL-SIZE. Medals of Pegu, Tenureerim, fe.

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MARCH, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. By Sir RICHARD C. TEMPLE, BT. (Continued from page 18.) D-I. (a) Symbolical Coins. We now come to the vexed question of the coins which Phayre in the International Numismata Orientalia, vol. II, pt. i, p. 33 (figured on his Plate V, 2) called Pagoda Medals and considered very ancient. My own Plate III was made many years ago and I followed him thereon by also calling them "Medals from Pegu." Of the figures in my Plate30 III, figs. 2, 3 and 4 are of silver and figs. land 5 of spelter (tutenaga). Figs. 1, 2 and 3 are in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. Figs. 4 and 5 were in my own collection, and are now in the British Museum. The evidence I have collected tends to show that they were really the coinage of Bodop'aya, but they have hitherto been called Pagoda Medals or symbolical Coins of Pegu and Arakan. Marsden, Numismata Orientalia,' p. 805, writing in 1823, states that the silver coin figured by Phayre31 is one of those from the pattern given to Symes by Bodop'aya. At the end of the nineteenth century they were still to be found about Burma, vide my Plate III, figs. 4 and 5, and besides those exhibited there, I saw several others at the same time. In the Calcutta Museum3Nos. 881, 882 are the identical samples that Symes brought to Calcutta at Bodop'aya's request in order to have copies made of them at the mint. They were evidently given as 'ancient specimens, and it is well to note here that they were cast, not struck. The modern Burman is, however, an adept at both metal-casting and die-sinking. Phayre, op. cit., p. 35, says that the silver coins were really pagoda medals, intended by the King to be placed in the great and still) unfinished pagoda he was building at Mingun, nearly opposite the modern Mandalay across the Irrawaddy. This view is, I think, partly correct, though it is evident from the quotations below that he really did intend to use them as coin of the realm. In any case they were modelled on true pagoda medals.33 Mr. L. White King allowed me to examine his rich collection of Burmese coins, and I found he had two varieties of that shown by Phayre, Plate V, fig. 2, and also a good specimen of Plate V, fig. 1 (the same as my Plate III, fig. 3), and three smaller coins of the same design of one-fourth the size. Assuming the larger coin to be a tickal, the smaller specimens would represent a tamat each, or one-fourth tickal. All this looks like coinage, especially as those of Phayre's Plate V, fig. 2 were found in Arakan, whither Bodop'aya sent an army. The point is obscure, but in view of the information thus available, I think the safest thing to do, in the light of Cox's statement, given below, that there were two kinds struck, is to attribute all the coinage to Bodop'aya. The Calcutta Mint specimens would be those given in Phayre's Plate V, fig. 2, and the others those made by Boddp'aya's own moneyers. I may as well note that the point is rendered still more obscure by the coin or medal shown in my Plate III, fig. 5, which is evidently of the same class and belongs to the British Museum, unless it is assumed that this is one of the Pagoda medals, from one or two of many designs from which Bodop'aya chose specimens to hand over to Symes 34 That they were Bodop'aya's coins, struck perhaps in Upper Burma, is probable from the following interesting correspondence, which I give in full, as the whole subject is still somewhat obscure and all evidence is valuable. Mr. H. G. Batten, then Deputy Commissioner, 30 Fig. 6 on that Plate is from Tenagsarim and has no connection with the other figures. It will be dealt with separately. 31 International Numismata Orientalia, vol. III, pt. I, p. 33 and Plate V, 2. See also Marsden, Plato LIII. 32 These numbers refer to the old lists. They may have been changed in the new catalogues. 33 Nos. 883, 884 in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Mint Collection are probably the originals of these coins. They are noted in the catalogue, 1883, as "Rupees, Ava Mint." 34 In view of its good workmanship, it may also be Cox's 'second design.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1928 Magwe District in Upper Burma, wrote to me on 7th Feb. 1900 -" I send you drawings of 2 coins picked, or rather dug, up, I believe, in the old city near Kokogwa. The tradition is that it was a Hindustani setticment, and not long ago similar coins and some lotas (brass pots] were found and sent to the Local Government. What happened to them I do not know. The coins were copied by Mrs. Walton (the wife of the Deputy-Superintendent of Police), who has made the excellent drawings of them sent herewith." See Plate IIIa. In addition Mr. Batten sont "notes made by Maung Saw Maung, Township Officer, Taungdwingyi," which ran as follows :-"In November, 1896, test famine-relief works were started. A road from Kokogwa to Sinle was begun by me. On the 2nd November, 1896, the coolies employed on the work dug up some silver coins. I was able to collect four coins, two rupee size and two half rupee size. The road started within the old ruined city of Dokthi. pura, now called Peikthadomyo. The city has three brick walls, north, south and east: no wall on the west. It is a square city. The city wall measures nearly two miles from each corner. It is situated ten miles west of Taungdwingyi, which is also an ancient city with brick walls, but its size is only a fourth of Peikthado. Several brass cups [lotas) were discovered. The ruins in Peikthado are all of brick. No authentic account of Peikthado is in esistence. It was undoubtedly not a Burman city and everything indicates that the city must have been built by the Hindus from India. When and in what year the city was established and when it was deserted is not known." The worthy Township Officer then goes on to explain that "the reigning queen Panthwa, of Peikthado," was captured by Dwida baung (Dutta baung] of Prome, according to a well-known legend. He then says that "6 Brass cups and 2 silver coins found in the same place [Peikthado) were sent to the Lieutenant-Governor (of Burma] through Captain Warde." The brass cups were the Indian lotas above mentioned, and of the two silver coins one was that on the Plate (IIIa) attached. It will thus be seen that Bodop'aya's "Arakan " coins have been found in Upper Burma in two connected sites. Referring to specimens of such coins as the above, Phayre, History of Burma, 1883, p. 31, has the following note :-" Coins or medals bearing Hindu symbols which have been found, and which no doubt are struck [in Pegu), probably belong to this period [A.D. 573], and lend support to the conclusion as to events which the native chroniclers have obscured or suppressed." This statement I take it, we may now assume to have been made in complete error from the guesses or traditions of literary Burmans, but it gives the impression of European scholars of Phayre's time in relation to the legendless coinage found in Arakan and along the Burma seacoast. Capt. C. H. White, a collector of Arakanese coins, printed in 1892 in Akyab Notes with Reference to a Selection of Symbolical and Historical Coins of Arakan. In this pamphlet36 he gives a useful history of the subject up to that date. The Arakanese coinage naturally attracted early attention, and papers thereon were published from time to time in JASB. E.g., Thomas Latter, of the Burmese Grammar, had an article thereon in No. CLXXI, 1846, (Vol. XIII, pp. 571 ff.), in which he "speculated" that these coins "might be intended to convey symbolical representation of the cosmology of Buddhism." Three of the coins he thought were Hindu, representing "the Bull Nandi, the peculiar cognizance of Shiva," and as to these he gives an interesting story. "The popular tradition connected with these coins is the following. There was a King, who set off to China to find the skull, which he owned in a former state of existence, when he was in the body of a dog. His astrologers having told him that this was why he was troubled with such incurable headaches and that on removing it he would be cured. On his departure he left his wife with a ring and told her that in case he should not come back in seven years, she was to raise to the throne and marry one of her subjects whom it would fit. On his way back the daughter 36 In India Office Library.

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Indian Anliquary Plate Illa AR ub COOL COINS OF BODOPAYA ro. Walton del

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MARCH, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE of the Ocean king, who was in love with him, begged her father to raise a storm to drown his fleet, and thus procure her lover. This being done, the prime minister, who escaped, informed the queen of the death of her husband. She immediately gave out throughout her kingdom that he would be her husband whom the ring would fit. Though numbers tried, it was not till a headman from the hills with his brother and nephew came down, that it was found to fit any onc. It fitted them all three and the queen married the eldest brother, who thus became king. He, in commemoration of his origin, put an ox upon his coins, as also the goad [the trident], the implement of his craft." This accounted for the bull on the three coins above mentioned. Other coins, also found in Arakan, evidently puzzled Latter. D-I. (6) Historical Coins (including Kings of Arakan). In the same issue of JASB. as that just noticed, p. 232, Phayre had a note on the coins of Arakan. Historical Coins. In this he describes the " legendary " coinage, meaning by that term apparently, coins with "legends" on them, and then proceeds to remark :-" It is indeed certain that to coin money is a but lately known art among the Burmese race. The term in their language for coin, dingga, seems not to be a native word, but adopted from the Hindooee luka 36 In the dominions of Ava, coined money is still [1846) unknown. Payments are made by silver ingots weighed out as required." Following instinctively a world-wide custom, some of the old Arakencse kings copied partially the Musalman coinage obtaining in Chittagong at the time they held that district. The reason was the difficulty of getting a conquered population to accept at face-value coins which are new in appearance and therefore foreign and of doubtful value. Phayre's remarks (op. cit.) on this point are worth repeating here :-" The Arakanese sovereigns no doubt wished to follow the kingly practice existing in Bengal of striking coins in the name of the reigning monarch. We learn from their annals that about the middle of the fifteenth century A.D. they conquered Bengal as far as Chittagong, of which they kept possession for about a century. It was then that they first struck legendary coins. On the obverse of the earliest of these we find the date and the King's names written in Burmese character, together with barbarous attempts at Muhammadan names and titles. These they assumed as being succes. sors of Musalman kings, or as being anxious to imitate the prevailing fashion of India. Indeed there is some reason to believe that Ba-tsau-phyu (Bazob'ya], a Buddhist king like the rest, who ascended the throne A.D. 1459, obtained among his own subjects the epithet Kalamasha (the son37 of the Kalama), from having issued a coin with the Muhammadan kulima (kalima, creed) inscribed upon it. The reverse of most of the earlier coins contains unintelligible Persian and Nagari inscriptions. The Arakanese kings were frequently known to their subjects by names and titles different from those which appear on their coins. This circumstance will explain a discrepancy observable between the coin names of Kings given here and the sovereigns of the same period found in the list of Arakanese kings published in the JASB.. vol. XIII, p. 50. The coin date generally coincides with the year of the King's accession to the throne, but in some instances it does not, more than one coinage having been issued in the same reign." To Capt. C. H. White's account is attached an important letter to the Editor, Arakan Advocate 11892), by an Arakanese barrister with an European education, Htoon Chan, then locally well known. He begins by classifying the Coins of Arakan into four classes ; " 1. Symbolical Coins (those described by Latter above). 2. Coins of Nagari and Persian characters. 3. Coins of Burmese characters on the obverse and Nagari and Persian on the reverse. 4. Coins of Burmese characters." He then remarks in regard to the second class :-" Their period is difficult to determine. They appear to belong to the time during which the country 38 Phayre was right. The Burmese dirigd is a form of the Hindi fakd, tanked. See my many quotations, ante, vol. XXVI, p. 236 ff. 37 Kalama-shah would, however, mean really, the King of the Kalama or Creed.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY - [ MARCH, 1928 was under the Government of Bengal (or Delhi), or to the period in which the Arakanese sovereigns learnt the kingly practice of issuing coins after the fashion of Bengal, when they held the country under their sway during the reigns of Gaulaya, Datha-Raza, Midzutheng, Alaumaphyu, Mengdi 38 and others." Of the third class he writes :-" The reason may be that either the Kings of Bangal were losing their power over the sovereigns of Arakan or that the latter had improved the art of coinage. These coins date from B.E. 863 (A.D. 1501) or B.E. 963 (A.D. 1601)." The fourth class he says "shows the time that the Arakanese declared their independence of the Bengal Kings or the improvement they made on the previous coins by issuing coinage with purely Burmese characters, and they date from B.E. 1000 (A.D. 1638)." He then disagrees with Phayre and examines his statement as to the date which Arakanese Kings put on their coins. This he says was "the date of their accession to the throne." It certainly was so as regards the Alompra Dynasty at Amarapura and Mandalay. And then he says that out of 19 coins shown by Phayre, 18 were so dated, and on the odd coin he has an arresting paragraph. "The other coin reads B.E. 863 as well as B.E. 963. If it were the former then we have a King Meng-ra-dza (Minraza), who came to the throne in that year; but if the latter, then we have no King, to my knowledge (so far as I know], who ascended the throne in B.E. 963. In B.E. 955 (A.D. 1583) Meng-ra-dzagyi (Minrazaji] became king, and it is supposed by General Sir A. P. Phayre that the coin in question was struck during the eight years of his reign, and thus he held that in some instances the coins bear the date of their coinage .... With all respect for his authority, I am inclined to think that this conclusion is based upon very meagre evidence." On Feb. 2nd, 1892, I wrote the following letter to the Rangoon Gazette regarding Mr. Htoon Chan's remarks "With reference to Mr. Htoon Chan's interesting notes on Arakanese coinage, I doubt if any of the Persian or Nagari legends are really illegible. Reading coin legends is merely a question of patience and research. With regard to the Arakanese and similar issues, I would remark that we must not attach too much value to the coins as proof of history. The coinages of Oriental minor dynasties are very apt to lead one astray in that respect. What really happens now, and no doubt has happened in the past, is that the ruler issuing the coinage originally either copies as nearly as possible that of his suzerain or of his chief neighbour. Sometimes he merely copies the most famous coin current among his people. His object is, and was, to get currency for, and acknowledgment of, his coins. His successors copy him as nearly as possible with the same views. "So much has the currency of coins affected rude issues that in India we have the curious instance of the early Musalman conquerors of the Panjab copying the issues of the Hindu kings, whose territories they had overrun. So untrue to actual facts has the blind copying of predecessors been that Raja Mangal Singh of Jaipur, a subordinate of the British Government, struck all his coins from 1837 to 1857 in the name of Bahadur Shah, the last king of Delhi, though Bahadur Shah never was at any time his suzerain. The present Rajas of the Panjab, who are allowed to coin, still [1892] mostly issue their coins as from the fourth year of Ahmad Shah Durrani, which was 1751. But Ahmad Shah could have only been, even by courtesy, their Suzerain for a short time, and they have been under British rule these many years. This species of false history is almost universal in the coinage of the minor Oriental mints and is not confined by any means to India. The coins of Ancient Britain, for instance, were largely copies of the stater of Philip of Macedon. "Now the Persian and Nagari issues of the Arakan kings are close copies of the Bengal issues of certain periods, and probably date from after the date of the coins that were copied. This gives a general clue as to date and perhaps as to the meaning of the "illegible" legends. 38 Gaulaya, Dat'araza, Mizuthin, Alammap'yu and Mindi.

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MARCH, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 41 "The coins of mixed Persian and Nagari and Burmese characters would follow the above in point of date, being probably struck at a time when the Persian and Nagari coins were sufficiently well established to have secured general acceptance for a certain value and it became safe to make some alteration in them. "The purely Burmese character coins would follow on these similarly in due course. "These three changes in the character of the Arakanese issues have been coincident with the entire dependence, the semi-dependence and the final independence of the Arakanese rulers with respect to those of Bengal, or on the other hand thoy may not. Only the reading of the legends and the comparison of what the legends tell us with outside history can settle these points. In fact, when we are dealing with a minor dynasty its coinage is only prima facie cvi. dence of the truth of the history it professes to teach us." From the above information I am inclined to hold that the Arakanese coinage, as we have it, commenced in A.D. 1459 and was carried on regularly by the Arakanese kings to 2.1). 1784. and then in the reign of Mintayaji, i.e., Bodop'aya, were issued the legendless coins, which European scholars held to be Pagoda medals of a much earlier date. This statement it will be observed is not in line with previous explanations. If my view is right the "Pagoda medals" are not ancient at all. I will now give an account of Capt. White's collection, as it is important in the present connection. It consisted of 22 coins : Nos. 1, 14 and 2 others are Latter's Symbolical Coins, and the rest are described by Phayre, op. cit., loc. cit., as under: No. 2 obv. inscribed : 963. Sinbyuthak'en Narad'ibbadi S'alimshya. 963. Lord of the White Elephant Naradhipati S'olim Shya. B.E. 963=A.D. 1601. Naradhipati, the First (highes, King of men. S'olim Shya= Zalim Shah. Zalim Shah 39 is a Muhammadan title, and the king mentioned is Minrazaji in the list of Arakanese sovereigns of the Myauk U Dynasty.40 The rev. "bears some unintelligible compound of Persian and Nagari letters." No. 3 not described. No. 4 oby. inscribed : 984. S'inbyuthal'ei S'innithak'ei Thirithud'ammaraza. 981. Lord of the White Elephant, Lord of the Red Elephant, Thirithud'ammaraza. B.E. 981= A.D. 1622. Thirithu d'ammaraza can be divided as Thiri Thud'amma Riza Sri Sudhamma Raja, the Great King of the Holy Law, or as Thiri Thu D'amma Raza=Sri Sura Dhamma Raja, the Great Hero, the King of the Law. Rev. has an illegible Persian inscription." No. 5 oby. and rev. same inscription : 1000. S'inb'yulhaken S'innithakei Narabadiji. 1000. Lord of the White Elephant, Lord of the Red Elephant, Narabadiji. B.E. 1000=A.D. 1638, and as regards this Phayre writes: "The very year in which the History of Bengal informs us that the 'Magh (Arakanese] Chief, who held Chittagong on the part of the Raja of Arakan,' delivered it up to the Mughal Viceroy, Islam Khan. This circumstance accounts for the Persian Inscription being wanting on this coin. This [Magh] Chief is called in the Bennali History, Makat Rai, a corruption of his (Arakanesc ) title, Mengro [Minre), i.e., "War Chief." Narabadiji=Nara pati.ji, Great Lord of Men. No. 6 oby, and rev. are inscribed : 1007. S'innithal'ei S'inb'yuthaker Thado Mintara. 39 This title would mean the Tyrant King, and one wonders if Muliaminadan moneyers thus revenged themselves on an ignorant Arakanese conqueror. Minrazaji would mean the Great Raja King. 40 This is the coin as to which Htoon Chan disagreed with Playre.

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THE INDIAN ANTIOD . MARCH, 1928 1007. Lord of the Red Elephant, Lord of the White Elephant, Thado, the Lord of the Law. B.E. 1007 A.D. 1645. Mintari and D'ammaraza both mean Lord of the Law, but tard means the Civil Law and dhamma the Canonical Law. No. 7 obv. and rev. are inscribed - 1014. Shwinan: thak'en Sanda sud'ammaraza. 1014. Lord of the Golden Palace, Moon of the Lord of the Holy Law. B.E. 1014=A.D. 1652. Sandasud'ammaraza=Chanda sudhammaraja. No. 8 obv. and rev. are inscribed : 1047, Shwe nan: thak'en Warad'ammaraza. 1047. Lord of the Golden Palace, Lord of the Excellent Law. (Varadhammaraja). B.E. 1047.A.D. 1685. (Varadhammaraja). This coin is important as it correcte the list of Arakan kings, where he is stated to have succeeded in B.E. 1054= A.D. 1692. No. 9 oby, and rev. are insoribed : 1072. Shwenan: thak'en Sandawizaya. 1072. Lord of the Golden Palace, Sandavizaya. B.E. 1072-A.D. 1710. Sandavizaya=Chanda-vijaya, which means the Moon of Victory. No. 10 oby. and rev. are inscribed : 1093. Shwinan: thak'en Sanda-Thuriya-Raza. 1093. Lord of the Golden Palace, King of the Moon and Sun. B.E. 1093=A.D. 1731. Sanda-Thuriya-Raza=Chanda-Suriya-Raja, Lord of the Moon and Sun. No. Il obv. and rev. are inscribed : 1097. Shwenin: thak'en Narapawaraza. 1097. Lord of the Golden Palace, the King, the Purifier of men (Narapavaraja). B.E. 1097-A.D. 1735. No. 12 obv. and rev. are inscribed : 1104. Shwenan : thak'en Nara-apayaraza. 1104. Lord of the Golden Palace, the King, the Punisher of men (Nar&payaraja). B.E. 1104=A.D. 1742. No. 13 oby. and rev. are inscribed : 1123. Shwenan: thak'en Sandaparamaraza. 1123. Lord of the Golden Palace, Superior Lord of the Moon. B.E. 1123=A.D. 1761. No. 14 obv. and rev. are inscribed : 1126. Shwinan : thak'en A pdyamaharaza. 1120. Lord of the Golden Palace, the Great King of Punishment. B.E. 1126= A.D. 1764. No. 15 obv. and rev. are inscribed : 1135. Shwenan: thak'en Sandasumanaraza. 1135. Lord of the Golden Palace, Happy Lord of the Moon. Sumana was also the name of one of the 24 Buddhas and the allusion may therefore be classical. B.E. 1137=A.D. 1773. No. 16 oby. and rev. are inscribed - 1140. Shwepyithak'eii D'ammaritrdza. 1140. Lord of the Golden Land, Lord of the Kingdom of the Law. B.E. 1140=A.D. 1778. D'ammaritraza=Dhammar&jraja, and is so written in Burmese. No. 17 oby, and rev. are inscribed : 1144. Shwenan: thak'en Mahathamadaraza.

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MARCI, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINACE AMONG THE BURMESE - 1144. Lord of the Golden Palace, Lord of the Great Peace (Mahasamadhiraja). B.E. 1144=A.D. 1782. This was the last native King of Arakan, for two years later, B.E. 1046 (=A.D. 1784), the country passed into the hands of Mintaraji or Bodop'aya, who at once issued a coin - No. 18 obv. and rev. inscribed : 1146. Amarapura S'inb'yumya: shin Hnain-ngan. 1146. Country conquered by the Lord of the Many White Elephants of Amarapura. Capt. White's collection also contained a small coin of the size of a four-anna piece, on which the Burmese inscription was incomplete, the reverse having a Persian and Nagari Inscription." He also had 6 other silver coins of the Burmese mintage" from Re. I to one anna." As will have been already seen, Bodop'aya issued other copper coins than those above described, with obv. two fish and rev. inscribed as separately shown. These were struck in 1781, the year of his accession, and must therefore have had no connection with Arakan, but must have been struck in Ararapura before ho conquered the Southern land. See Plate !I. D-II. Coins of Mindon Min. King Mindon (1852-1878) introduced a coinage about 1861, though he antedated many coins to 1852, the year of his accession. That he had no coinage in 1855 is proved by Yule's remark to that effect in his Ava, p. 258.41 Gold Coins. There were five gold values. 19 The two highest are now exceedingly rare, if not, in actual fact, known only by a single specimen of each. (1) Shwe-kyatsi, gold rupee (more strictly, tickal) piece. It corresponds to the mohar of India.43 I only know this from a specimen in Col. Prideaux's collection, of which the following is a description. Size : same as fig. 34, Plate II. Obverse: a chinde, 44 round which are the words, chinte. Reverse : a wreath, round which are the words Yedandbon Nebyido (Ratana punna=Mandalay, the Royal Residence), and inside the wreath 1 kyat hong ; dinga (coin for use as one rupee or tickal). In addition to this coin, there were occasionally struck at the Mint gold "rupees" of the peacock type by way of medals and presents. Any friend of the officials could take a piece of gold to the Mint and get it struck with the silver dies, taking it away with him as a curiosity or keepsake. At one time there were a good many of these gold "rupecs" about, and they may still be procurable in Mandalay. They were never, however, coin of the realm, although they would be truo mohars, and would have the same description of value endorsed on the reverse, as on the coin just described, riz: kyat tong : dinga (see Plate II, fig. 34). (2) Shwe-ngamuzi, or gold five-mit-piece, that is, half a gold rupee, as 10 mu (gold)= Rupee 1 (see fig. 24, Plate II). It corresponds to the half mohar of India, and I may note that to the Burman the English sovereign, the French louis or napoleon, and similar coins were, when I made these notes in 1890 or thereabouts, all shwe-ngamuzis. It is extremely rare. My specimen is the only one I ever saw, but others I believe existed then. King Mindon intended to throw them into circulation largely, and had the dies cut and a certain number struck off; but he died shortly afterwards, and King Thibaw did nothing in the matter. Such was my information ; but it should be noted that to: on this coin is the sign of Thibaw and not of Mindon; Thibaw having been born on a Tuesday, of which day the to : is the ruling spirit. 41 We learn incidentally from Bowring (Siam, vol. II, p. 33), who gives a long extract from Three Months in Cambodia (Mission Press, Singapore), that the modern coinage of Cambodia was introduced in 1854 from machines sent by a British firm at Singapore. 49 There was no gold currency apparently in Siam in 1900, gold coins being merely struck to be used as commemorative medals. JASB. Proc., 1887, p. 149 : Bowring, Siam, vol. I, p. 257. 43 Every Burman I quostioned on the subject denied the existence of any such issue. 44 The chint is to a Burman a lion. It was the symbol of Mindon, because he was born on a Saturday. See Shway Yoe, (Scott), The Burman, p. 12.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1928 See Shwe Yoe. The Burman, p. 7: Obverse: a to: and to : tazeklo 1240 (A.D. 1878). Reverse: Yerlanabon Nebyild: 5 mu song dingd ; (royal stamp of the to; and coin for use as 5 mu.) (3) Shre-matsi, gold one-quarter piece: the quarter mohar. See Plato II, fig. 25. It was still common in 1890. Obverse : a chinde, or mythological lion, and chinde tazekto 1228 (royal stamp of the lion, 1866 A.D.). Reverse: Yedandbon Nebyido and 2 mit 1 pe tong : dinga : (coin for use as 21 mu), as 2 pel mu. (4) Shwe-muzi, gold mu piece. See Plate II, fig. 26. This was never common. Obverse : a peacock and tazekto (royal stamp). Reverse: a wreath, Yedanabon Nebyido and 1 mu tong: 1214 (for uso as 1 mu, 1852 A.D.). The date is the accossion-date, as above explained. (5) Shwe-pezi, gold pe piece. See figs. 27 and 28, Plate II. Two varieties, neither of which was ever common. Firstly: obverse, same as the shwe-matsi: reverse, 1 pe song;dinga: (coin for use as 1 pe) and Yedanabon Nebyido. Secondly:obverse, same as the shwe- muzi: reverse, 1 pe tong 1214. Silver Coins. The silver coins were R. 1, R. , R. 1, R. , R. 7o; but in practice they were current as R. !Sas., 4as., 2as., and I anna. 46 They all had the same device. Obverse: a peacock with tazekto. Roverse: a wreath, outside it Yedandbon Nebyido, and inside it the value and the same date, in each case 1214--A.D. 1852. The values were stated thus :- 1 kyat tong: dingd: coin to be used as R. 1: 5 mu tong: to be used as 5 muR. :1 mat tong; to be used as one-quarter=R. 1:1 mu ong : to be used as 1 mi=R. ' : 1 pe tong : to be used as 1 pe=R . All these coins were common, but being thrown out of currency they tended to become rare, especially those of the lower values. See figs. 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, Plate II. Concurrently with these were struck, in the earlier part of Mindon's reign, quite a separate Het of silver coins, which were exceedingly rare, and I was able only to procure a specimen of the R. 1 : see Plate V, fig. 47. But I had seen in other collections R. 1, and R., and R. I, and later I saw three specimens of the quarter, rupee : see plate VI, figs. 1, 2 & 3. All have the same device. Obverse: a peacock of the type of fig. 34, Plate II, but on a stippled ground and no superscription. Reverse : precisely the same as for the like values in the set above described. There is yet another variety of rupee figured by Phayre (Int. Num. Or., vol. III, pt. I, Plate V, 3), with the remark that it was issued for currency by Mindon. It was sufficiently rare, for neither myself nor any other local collector I could consult seemed to have ever even heard of it, except in Phayre's account. Obverse: a peacock, tail spread and wings open, in a ring of rosettes: no superscription. Reverse : Thekkayit 1214 (Burmese era, 1214-1852 A.D.) in a wreath surrounded by rosettes. It will be perceived that this coin essentially differs in many particulars from those above described. 46 Scott, The Burman, pp. 299-300, says that, in 1882, the Burmese rupees were not up to standard, being worth only fourteen annas, but his statements on the subject of coinage must be received with caution. Incorrectly struck silver coins through bad minting, which should not be confounded with the laungbanni coins to be described later on, were quite common until 1890 in Mandalay, and I procured several typical specimens, which I presented to the British Museum. See also Plate II, fig. 39, which I found in circulation in Mandalay, though it was an unstamped rupee from Mindon's Mint. Copper Coins. Mindon issued a fine copper coin, not at all common even in 1890. Obverse: a peacock and udaung tazekto 1227 (the royal stamp of the peacock, 1865 A.D.). Reverse : & wreath and inside it Yedanabon Nebyido-1 pe tong: dingd: 1 4 bon tabon (Ratanapunna, the Royal residence-coin to be used as one-fourth part of 1 pe). See fig. 34, Plate II. 45 There are two good specimens in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Mint Collection, Nos. 646, 847. Other specimens are 881, 882. No. 880 is a one-tenth rupee piece. 40 Soe No. 871 in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Mint Collection, described as "Rupee, Ava Mint," in the Catalogue, 1883, and as being referred to in Mint letter No. 791, 31 January 1854.

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E. Coll. R. C. Temple. Indian Antiqunr. Plate ii. myn rwz dr dw dr w w bh w wlt bhbd w r 8 ( bh sh d mn -- -- -- -- -FULL-SIZE Burmese Currency. Evolution from tokens to coinage.

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MARCH, 1928] CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 45 Mindon is also credited with a to : copper piece, described below, but this I believe tc have been a genuine issue of Thibaw. Iron Coins.. The iron coinage of King Mindon was in circulation for a very short time. The two spe. cimens I procured and gave to the British Museum are the only ones I saw. So far as their conditions permitted me to learn, they seemed to have been struck from the dies used for the peacock copper coins. I was told that they were forced upon the people and passed for one pie, or one-third of the same king's peacock copper pice just described. Although I do not think that the specimens above noted were, when first procured, more than 22 years old, they had become so corroded by rust as only to be legible even in a small degree by rubbing them gently and so making the embossed surfaces appear red against a black ground. They are in themselves the strongest proof possible of the uselessness of coining iron. Pyrard de Laval, Hak. Soc. ed., vol. I, p. 235, alludes to an iron coinage of the West Coast of India and of Portuguese Goa in the early seventeeth century A.D., which he says had a purely local currency, being rejected at Cochin, then a Portuguese possession. See also vol. II, p. 68. Lead Coins. Lead coins at the time of the British occupation of Upper Burma were common enough, but they had disappeared by 1890, and were afterwards only to be found in collectors' cabinets. 47 Mindon's Lead Coins were of three kinds. (1) Obverse: a hare, remains of tazekto and clearly 1231 or A.D. 1869. Reverse : blank, and obviously always so. The specimen figured in fig. 36, Plate II, is the only specimen I have seen of this particular issue out of which anything can be made. But I have possessed other illegible specimens of lead coins from Burma, which were evidently of the same issue from their weight and size. The figures of the date are not perceptible in the plate, but by a careful handling of the original coin they are displayed. The hare as representing the moon and the peacock as representing the sun, are the crests of the Alompra (Alaungp'aya) dynasty, which claimed (a mythical) descent from both the lunar and the solar lines of India. Its value was probably one-fourth of a pice. (2) Obverse : a hare and yon tazekto 1231 (royal stamp of the hare, 1869 A.D.). Reverse : Kye ni: dinga: 1 4 bon tabon (4th part of a copper coin). The words are inside a wreath. See fig. 37, Plate II. (3) Obverse : the same as the preceding. Reverse : Kye: ni: dinga : 1 8 bon tabon (8th part of a copper coin). See fig. 38, Plate II. The "copper coin"in the above cases is evidently the peacock" pice above mentioned. In letters to the Academy in 1890, I said (p. 346) that Thibaw had imitated this coinage, because it bore date B.E. 1241 -1879 A.D., but Dr. E. Nicholson in a letter, dated 20th October, 1890, pointed out (p. 371) that he had in 1870 a large quantity sent him of these coins dated B.E. 1231=1869 A.D. Plate II will show that Dr. Nicholson was right and that by some error I had read the Burmese 2 (3) for the symbol s (4), and so read 1879 for 1869. Scott (Shway Yoe) in The Burman, his Life and Notions, p. 299, makes a curious mistake as to these coins, when he says: "The least coins are simply blobs of metal like & spherical bullet squeezed out of shape. I have examined thousands of them, but seen never a hare." This statement that the hare is not to be seen on these coins is a decided error, for as a matter of fact it is there as often as not, and the statement reads like a mistake being made between some local Shan or Siamese issue for Burmese.48 (To be continued.) 47 At the Bangkok Exhibition in 1882, "a large collection of very old and curious lead (Siamese) coins " were shown. JASB. Proc., 1887, p. 148. 48 Lead coins were current in Java in 1618 A.D. Indo-China, and Ser., vol. I, p. 182: in Banjermessin in 1368-1643 4.D.; op. cit., p. 229,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCE, 1928 MAR SAPOR AND MAR PRODH. BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., LT, IN 1504, when Alfonso d'Albuquerque, afterwards the second Viceroy of Goa, was in Quilon, some of the Christians there-he found 25,000 of them in Quilon-"said that two saints, who were buried there in the Church of Our Lady of Mercy) in two chapels, had made the church in a miraculous manner." " And the Christians of the land (Quilon) had to take care to govern and rule the church, which was called 'Our Lady of Mercy.' .... There were three altars on which stood three crosses, the centre one of gold, the two others of silver." (Commentaries of Albuquerque, Hakluyt Society, 1875, I, 14.) The saints referred to here are Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh, who have the rare distinction of being perhaps the only canonized bishops of Malabar. In 1599 we have the following interesting details recorded of these two saints. "Whereas in this diocese there are many churches dedicated to Mar Xobro and Mar Phrod, who are commonly styled Saints, of whom there is nothing known, only it is commonly said, 'That they came into these parts and wrought miracles, and returned afterwards to Babylon, from whence they came, others affirming that they died in Coulon, there being nothing writ of them that is authentic, neither does it appear that they were ever canonized by the Church, but on the contrary, since they came from Babylon, there is just cause to suspect that they might be heretics': wherefore the Synod doth command, that all the churches which are dedicated to them, be dedicated to All the Saints, and that the festivities used to be kept to their honour, and the Nerchas 'that used to be given upon their days, shall be given on All Saints' day, being the first of November : and for the future there be no more churches dedicated to them, churches and festivities being never to be dedicated, nor prayers made to any but to saints canonized and approved of by the Church." (Synod of Diamper, Session 8, Decreo 25, as given in Hough's Christianity in India, II, 659.) Additional details are found in a Malayalam version of the Diamper decrees in a MS. copied in A.D. 1825. Here is a translation of the decree relating to these saints. "There are in the Diocese of Malabar certain churches dedicated to certain persons not recognised as saints by the Church. While this Church was governed by Bishops of unorthodox and Nestorian faiths, while they (the bishops) were so, it was mostly easy for them to get churches built in the name of heretics whom they regarded as saints. For it was customary to offer prayer and benediction in the Church in the name of such persons. This Holy Synod, therefore, orders the priests that the names of the churches be made known to the honourable Bishop (Menezes) at this Synod or on his visitation. In Pattamane Paravur, Diamper, and other places in particular there are churches in the name of the 'Kadisas ' (saints Sapor and Prodh), who are, in ignorance of their identity, called saints because they came to this country Observations by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J. 1 Does d'Albuquerque speak of 25,000 Christians at Quilon alone, or at Quilon and the district ?-H.H. [Perhaps the latter.--T.K.J.) 3 I am surprised at this title of Our Lady of Mercy. Would that have been a Syrian title of a Church to Our Lady ? Gouvea (fol. 94v, col. 1) says that the Church of the Portuguese within their fort was dedicated to St. Thomas and that it was originally the Church of the St. Thomas Christians, who surrendered it to the Portuguese and built a church of their own, half a league from the fortress, near Upper Coulao, dedicated to Our Lady. The Church of St. Thomas is said by Gouvea to have been built by Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh, 733 years before 1602. If he wrote 783, and the 8 was taken for a 3 by the printer, the founding falls in Q.E. I. In 1505 the ancient church of Quilon was burnt down with several Portuguese and Syrians and a Syrian deacon in it. Correa, Lendas da India, Lisboa, I (1858), p. 591, and de Souza, Or. Con ., II. Conq. 1, Div. 2, para. 16, who says that after the burning of the Church near the sea the Syrians went to Upper Coulio and the Portuguese built their church within the fort on the site of the earlier church. Whitehouse identifies (p. 290) Upper Coulio with Caloooulam, which is Kayankulam, and speaks of Kalicoulam Schorravi.' What means 'Schorravi,' which comes close enough to your Savaris or Sabr Iso 1-H.H. (Scherravi is Chepxva, a place namo.-T.K.J.)

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MARCH, 1928) MAR SAPOR AND MAR PRODH and wrought many miracles. But there is no record of what they did, neither is there any regular tradition. We think they were Nestorians. So the Holy Synod commands that all the churches bearing this name be dedicated to All Saints and that the festivals of those churches be celebrated on their day, November 1. And the festival held in their name on April 19th should not henceforward be celebrated, nor should churches be built in their name."'3 These are the earliest surviving documents yet known (to me) about these two saints. There may be others extant in Syriac and other languages in Malabar and in the country from which they came. The accounts of later writers do not shed any light on the obscure portions of the history of these Kadisas (Syriac : holy men, saints). Some of those are mentioned below in chronological order. 1. Gouvea : Jornada, 97. [Menezes in 1599, was shown a set of three copper-plates granted by the King who founded Quilon, to the Tevallakkara Church erected by Mar Xabro and Mar Phrod.] See Mackenzie's Christianity in Travancore (1901), p. 60. Also Hough's Christianity in India (1839), II, 170, 171. (These plates may have been those given to the Quilon Tarisa Church in the latter half of the ninth century.) 2. De Souza, Oriente Conquistado (1710), II. Conq. 1, Div. 2, para. 16. [Archbishop Roz had read in Syriac books * about these saints and their miracles.] Were these MSS. burned by Menezes or are copies still discoverable in Malabar ? 3. Assemani : Bibliotheca Orientalis (1719-1728). [They came in A.D. 922.] 4. Le Quien : Oriens Christianus (1740), II. 1275. See Travancore State Manual, II. 144. Two Bishops came to Quilon about A.D. 880. They were very holy, built many churches, made the Christian religion prevail in the kingdom of Diamper and gained converts in many places in Malabar, especially in Quilon.] See Giamil's Genuinae Relationes, etc. (1902), pp. 582--584. 5. Moens : Memorandum of 1781. See Dutch in Malabar (Madras, 1911), p. 173. [Two Bishops, Mar Sapor and Mar Peroses, came from Babylon=Modaim or Seleucia after A.D. 829.1 Loc. cit., Galletti's footnotes 2 and 3. [Mar Sapir and Mar Prodh came from Bagdad. Ct. Milne Rae, p. 108.] 6. Dr. Forster : footnoto, A.D. 1798, at p. 91 of Fr. Paulinus' Voyage to the East Indies. 1776-89 (London, 1800). [Two Nestorian prieste, Mar Sapor and Mar Parges, came from Babylon to Quilon in A.D. 822.] 7. Richard and Giraud : Bibliotheca Sacra (1835), Tom. II, p. 176. [They were holy men.] 8. Hough: Christianity in India (1839), I. pp. 197, 198. [Two Syrian ecclesiastics, Mar Sapores and Mar Pheroz, came from Babylon to Quilon in A.D. 920.] 9. Ittoop : Syrian Christian Church of Malabar in Malayalam, 1896), pp. 95, 96. [Two Bishops, Mar Sabor and Mar Aprot, came from Babylon to Quilon in A.D. 825, 1.e., M.E. 1. They came in a ship belonging to a merchant called Savasis, were given a grand reception by the Archdeacon and his people, held interviews with the ruling princes, toured the country, built churches, reformed the Church, made conversions, and raised the whole Christian community in the estimation of ticho.) 10. Mackenzio: Christianity in Travancore, (Travancore State Manual, 1906, II. p. 142.) Two Bishops, Mar Sapir and Mar Prodh, were at Quilon about A.D. 825.] 3 The Parago you quote from a Malayalam MS. is not in the decrees of the Diamper Council. Can you state the session and docroo ! I have looked carefully twice through the decrees, but cannot find the passage. It is not in the course of the Jornada either. I find the first passage quoted by you from Hough in Session & deco 26.-H.H. [The numbers in the Malayalam version, which is fullor, do not tally with those in the printed one.-T.K.J.) No book on Mar Sapor is mentioned in the list of forbidden books drawn up at the Council, which were to be burnod. Do 80'iza, loc. cit., supra, speaks, of a Syriao M8. road by Rox in which a miracle was attributed to Mar Johanan of Cranganore before the arrival of the Portuguese 6 Aggemani gives A.D. 922, and Lo Quien, quoted by Raulin (p. 435), gives about A.D. 800.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1928 The following are some of the Malabar churches in their name 6: 1. Quilon Kadisa Church (now Jacobite), private property of a clan of Christians called Quilon Mutalalis 7 (the title Mutalali means chiet man, capitalist, merchant), who trace their descent from Sabr Iso (the Savaris of Ittoop, No. 9 above), who refounded Quilon in A.D. 825, an event from which the Malabar or Quilon era (M.E.or Q.E.] began. He built a Church there, of which the present Kadisa church may be said to be a poor representative. In two sets of copper-plates granted to the original church in the latter half of the ninth century it is called the Tarisa Church, and the founder was Maruvan Sabir 148, which has become Savaris and Baresu in Malabar tradition. (For the text and translation of these plates in Malayalam see the present writer's Malabar Christian Copper-Plates, Chs. 3 and 4.) It must have been in this Tarisa Church that Sapor and Prodh were interred. (Maruvan is a form of the Indian Parsi name Mehervan.) 2. Kayankulam Kadisa Church (now Jacobite). This appears to have been built in A.D. 829. See Travancore Almanac and Directory, Topographical Sketch. But the local tradition is that it was built in the first year of the Quilon or Malabar era, A.D. 825. 3. Mavelikkara Kadisa Church now Jacobite), which was originally in Kantiyur, close by. Probably it was this Kantiyur Church that was built by the Kadisas, or in their name. 4. Diamper All Saints' Church (now Roman Catholic), said to have been the church of the Malabar Christian royal family. See below. 5. Parur St. Thomas Church (now Roman Catholic), believed to have been founded by St. Thomas the Apostle. In 1599 both these (4 and 5) were in the name of the twin saints. (See Decree quoted above.) All these places, given in the order of their location from South to North, were in different principalities about A.D. 825, not under one king as now. The date of the landing of these saints in Quilon may be taken to be circa 825, i.e., a little before or in the beginning of the Quilon era. Malabar tradition and the two sets of copperplates mentioned above, point to this date. "In the year of our Lord 825, corresponding to the year 1 of the Quilon cra," says an old MS., "two Bishops,8 Mar Chavor and Mar Aprot came with a merchant Savarisu by name." Mat and MAsan, from the Syriac, are applied in Malayalam to Bishops, Patriarchs, Saints, Apostles, the Pope, and Christ, e.g., Mar Dionysius, Bishop; Maran Mar Ignatius, Patriarch; Mar Geevarugees, St. George; Mar Tomma Sliha, St. Thomas the Apostle ; Maran 166 Misiha, Lord Jesus the Messiah. St. Mary is Martta Mariyam. Mar Pappa, H. H. the Pope. 6 Gouves speaks of a Church founded by Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh at Quilon, (Jornada, fol. 5r. col. 1 ; fol. 94 v, col. 1); at Diamper (1. 2, c. 2, fol. 75v, cols. 1-2); at Calicoulam, near Quilon, (1. 2, c. 7, fol. 93r, col. 2, fol. 93v, col. 1): at Parur (1. 2, c. 15, fol. 111 y, col. 2). The church at Quilon was not dedicated to Sapor and Prodh, but to St. Thomas (1.2, c. 8, fol. 94v, col. 1). Fr. Paulinus, India Orientalis Christiana, Romao, 1794, PP. 267-268, montions Romo-Syrian churches dedicated to SS. Gorvasius and Protasius : (1) at Odiampor or Diamper ; (2) at Parur ; (3) at Codamalur; Jaco. bite churches, (1) at Agaparambil; (2) at Cayamcoulam. By the way, Dames, Duarte Barbuna, IT, 96, n. 3, Also giver A.D. 829 for the foundation of a church at Calicoullam (Kayankulam). No reference given. How did Paulinus get these titles of the churches ? From GouveaY I doubt if he got thom all there. It is a fact that Menezes wanted all the churches dedicated to Sapor and Prodh to be changed to the title of All Sainte Diamperur (old) is now All Saints in tho Madras Catholic Directory. 1924. D. 264: Parur Kottakavu is St. Thomas (p. 265); Kothanallur (p. 255) and Acaparamp (p. 261) are under the title of SS. Gervase and Protase.-H,H, [Codamalur is not Kothanallur.-T.K.J.] Du Perron's list of 1758 in Whitehouse (pp. 293-299) agrees with Paulinus for Diamper, Paru, Agaperambil, it adds Coramalur (Paulians' Codamalur) and Ellour, but speaks of a Church of the H. Virgin at Kalicoulam. 1 Your Quilon.Mutalalis' must be compared with John de' Marignolli's Quilon Modilial, Christian chiefs, the owners of the pepper. This was in 1346-17. C. Yule, Cathay, II (1866), p. 381.-H.H. & On Mar Prodh, see Cath. Encycl., New York, XIV. 681, art. by Myr. Medlycott. Paulinus on Mar Sapor, Ind. Or. Christ., XXII, 20 ; on Knayi Tboinas, ibid., XXII, 19.68.238.

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MARCH, 1928) BUDDHIST WOMEN BUDDHIST WOMEN. By Dr. BIMALA CHURN LAW, M.A., B.L., PH.D. An account of some famous women who figure prominently in the early Buddhist texts is given in the following pages. The account will show that women were not a negligible factor in the ancient Buddhist community of India. Abhirupananda was the daughter of a Sakya noble named Khemaka. She was called Nanda the Fair for her great beauty and amiability. Her beloved kinsman, Carabhuta, died on the day on which she was to choose him from amongst her suitors. She had to leave the world against her will. Though she entered the order, she could not forget that she was beautiful. Fearing that the Buddha would rebuke her, she used to avoid his presence. The Buddha knew that the time had come for her to acquire knowledge and asked Mahapajapati Gotami to bring all the bhikkhunis before him to receive instruction. Nanda sent a proxy for her. The Buddha said, "Let no one come by proxy." So she was compelled to come to him. The Buddha by his supernatural power conjured up a beautiful woman, who became transformed into an old and fading figure. It had the desired effect, and Abhirupananda became an arhat. (Therigatha Commy., pp. 25-26.) Jenti or Jenta was born in a princely family of the Licchavis at Vaisali. She won arhatship after hearing the dhamma preached by the Buddha. She developed the seven Sambojjhangas. (Ibid., p. 27). Citta was born at Rajagaha in the family of a leading burgess. When she was of age, she one day heard the master preach and believed in his doctrine. She was ordained by Mahapajapati the Gotami. In her old age she climbed the vulture's peak and lived like a recluse. Her insight expanded and she won arhatship. (Ibid., p. 33.) Sukka was born at Rajagaha in the family of a rich householder. When she attained years of discretion, she believed in the Master's teaching and became a lay disciple. One day she heard Dhammadinna preach and was so greatly moved that she renounced the world and followed Dhammadinna. She performed all the exercises for acquiring insight and very soon attained arhatship with patisambhida. Thereupon she became a great preacher and was attended by 500 bhikkhus. One day, along with the other bhikkhunis, she went to the hermitage of the bhikkhunis and taught the Buddha's doctrine in such a way that everybody listened to her with rapt attention ; even the tree-spirit was so much moved that it began to praise her. At this the people were excited and came to the sister and listened attentively. (Ibid., pp. 57-61.) Sela was born in the kingdom of Alavi, as the king's daughter. She was also known as Alavika. One day, while yet a maid, she went with the king and heard the Master preach. She became a believer and lay disciple. A few days after, she took orders and performed the exercises for insight. She subjugated the complexities of thought, word and deed and soon won arhatship. Thereafter she lived at Savatthi when the Buddha was there. She entered Andhavana to meditate after finishing her midday meal. Mara once tried in vain to persuade her to choose the sensuous life (Ibid., p. 61, f. Cf. Samyutta Nikaya, part 1, p. 128). Siha was born at Vesali as the daughter of General Siha's sister. She was named after her maternal uncle. When she grew up, she heard the Master teaching the Norm to her maternal uncle and became a believer. She was permitted by her parents to enter the order, For seven years she could not acquire insight as her mind became always inclined to objects of external charm. Then she intended to die. She took a noose, hung it round the bough of a tree and fastened it round her neck. Thus she succeeded in impelling her mind to insight which grew within and she won arhatship. She then took off the rope from her neck and went back to her hermitage. (Ibid., pp. 79-80). Sundari Nanda was born in the royal family of the Sakyas. She was known as the beautiful Nanda. Thinking about the fact that her elder brother, her mother, her brother,

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1928 her sister and her nephew had renounced the world, she too left it. Even after her renunciation, she was obsessed with the idea of her beauty and would not approach the Lord lest she should ber eproached for her folly. The Lord taught her in the same way as he did in the case of Nanda the Fair. She listened to the Master's teaching and enjoyed the benefit of the fruition of the first stage of sanctification. He then instructed her saying, "Nanda, there is in this body not even the smallest essence. It is but a heap of bones covered with flesh and besmeared with blood under the shadow of decay and death." Afterwards she became an arhat. (Ibid., pp. 80 f.; cf. Manorathapurani, pp. 217-218). Khemd was born in the royal family of Sagala. She was very beautiful and her skin was like gold. She became the consort of Bimbisara. One day she heard that the Buddha was in the habit of speaking ill of beauty, since then she did not appear before the Buddha. The king was a chief supporter of the Buddha. He asked his court-poets to compose a song on the glories of the Veluvana hermitage and to sing the song very loudly so that the queen might hear it. The royal order was carried out. Kheme heard of the beauty of the hermitage and with the king's consent she came to the Veluvana Vihara, where the Buddha was staying at that time. When she was led before the Buddha, the latter conjured up a woman like a celestial nymph who stood fanning him with a palm leaf. Khema observed this woman to be more beautiful than she and was ashamed of her own grace. Sometime after she noticed again that the woman was passing from youth to middle age and then to old age, till with broken teeth, grey hair, and wrinkled skin, she fell on earth with her palm leaf. Then thought Khema that her beautiful body would meet with the same fate as that of the nymph. Then the Master, who knew her thoughts, said that persons subject to lust suffer from the result of their action, while those freed from all bondage forsake the world. When the Master had finished speaking, Khema, according to the commentary, attained arhatship and according to the A padana, she was established in the fruition of the first stage of sanctification and with the king's permission she entered the order before she became an arhat. Thereafter she made a name for her insight and was ranked foremost amongst the bhikkhunis possessing great wisdom. In vain Mara tried to tempt her with sensuous ideas. (Ibid., pp. 126 f.; cf. Manoratha pirani, p. 205 ; cf. Aiguttara, n. 1, p. 25). Anopamd was the daughter of a banker named Majjha living in Saketa. She was of unique beauty. She was sued by many sons of bankers, higher officers of the State, but she thought that there was no happiness in household life. She went to the Master and heard his teachings. Her intelligence matured. She strove hard for insight and was established in the third fruition. On the seventh day thereafter she attained arhatship. (Ibid., pp. 138-139.) Rohini was born at Vesali in the house of a very prosperous Brahman. When grown up she went to the Master and heard him preach the doctrine. She obtained sotapattiphalan. She converted her parents to Buddha's faith and got permission from them and entered the order. She performed the exercises for acquiring insight and very soon attamed arhatship (Ibid., pp. 214 f.) Subha was the daughter of a certain goldsmith of Rajagaha. She was very beautiful and was therefore called Subha. When grown up she saw the Master and believed in his doctrine. The Master saw the maturity of her moral faculties and taught her the dhamma. She was afterwards established in the fruition of the first stage of sanctification. Thereafter she entered the order under Mahapaja pati Gotami. She strove hard for insight and in course of time she won arhatship. (Ibid., pp. 236 f.). Tissd was born at Kapilavastu among the Sakyas. She renounced the world with Mahapajapati Gotami and became spiritually so developed that she attained arhatship. (Ibid., PP. 11-13.)

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MARCE, 1928) BUDDHIST WOMEN 51 Sumedha, daughter of King Konca of Mantavati, was averse to the pleasures of senses from her childhood. She renounced the world hearing the doctrine of the Buddha from the bhikkhunis. Very soon she acquired insight and attained arhatship (Ibid., 272 f.) Visakha was the daughter of Sumanadevi, wife of Dhananjayasetthi, son of Mundakasetthi. Her abode was at Bhaddiyanagara in the kingdom of Anga. When seven years old Buddha with the bhikkhusamgha went to Bhaddiyanagara. Sumanadevi was one of the advisers of the king. Visakha with 500 female companions and 500 chariots received Buddha, who gave instructions to her according to her nature and she obtained sotapattiphalan. The Buddha was invited to Visakha's house. Visakha who was endowed with five kinds of beauty was married to Punnavaddhana of Savatthi. The presents sent by the citizens of Savatthi for her, were distributed by her among the citizens with great courtesy. She made the citizens her own relatives. She refused to salute the naked heretics who were worshipped by her father-in-law. Her father-in-law was converted to Buddhism through her efforts. Once Visakha invited the bhikkhus and her father-in-law on hearing the sermon obtained sotd patti phalam (D.C., 1, 384 f.) On the death of her grandchild, who was very dear to her, Visakha went to see the Buddha with wet clothes and wet hair. The Buddha asked her whether she would be satisfied if all the people of Savatthi became her sons and grandsons. She replied in the affirmative. The Master asked her as to how many people met with their death at Savatthi. Visakha said from one to ten. The Buddha told her, "Just think whether you would be free from wet clothes and wet hair". Visakha said that she did not want so many sons and grandsons, because acquisition of more sons and grandsong would bring greater suffering (Udana, 91-92). Visakha, mother of Migara, was the foremost of the female supporters of the Buddha (A.N., 1, p. 26). Once on a sabbath day she went to the Buddha while the latter was in her palace named Pubbarama. Buddha instructed Visakha thus, "There were three kinds of uposatha and the ariya uposatha is the best of the uposathas. The Master then said that in order to observe ariya uposatha one should meditate on the Buddha, Dhamma and Sargha. Silas must be unbroken and fully observed. One should also meditate on the qualities of gods. One should follow Arhats who follow precepts throughout their lives. By observing ariya uposatha one may obtain great happiness and may be reborn in one of the heavens commencing from the Catumaharajika to the Paranimmittavasavatti and enjoy great celestial happiness there (4.N., I, 205-215). Visakha was further instructed by the Buddha thus, "Dependence on others is suffering, independence brings happiness". (Udana, p. 18). Visakha once blamed the bhikkhus for not allowing her grandson to be ordained during the lent, as owing to this delay her grandson's mind was changed. (Vinaya Pitaka, 1, 153.) She once went to the Buddha and invited him together with the bhikkhus to take food at her house the next morning. Heavy rains fell on the following morning and the bhikkhus, as they had no bathing costumes, bathed themselves naked. Visakha came to know this fact from her maid servant who was sent to call the bhikkkus. The Buddha together with the bhikkhus came to her house. She fed the Buddha and the bhikkhus satisfactorily. After they had finished their meal, Visakha prayed to the Buddha for the following boons :-As long as she lived, she would give garments for the rainy season to the bhikkhus, food to the guests and food to those going abroad, diet to the sick bhikkhus, food to the sicknurses, medicine for the sick bhikkhus, rice gruel to the bhikkhus daily and bathing garments to the bhikichunis (V.P., vol. 1, pp. 290-292). From this fact it is evident that Visakha introduced bathing garments for the bhikkhunis. It was Visakha who oftered to the Buddha a napkin which he accepted. (V.P., 1, 296). We are further informed that Visakha, as soon as she heard of the advent of the quarrelsome Kosambian bhikkhus, approached the Buddha to take his advice as to how she should deal with them. The Buddha advised her to

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1928 offer charities to the two parties of the quarrelsome Kosambian monks, (V.P., 1, 356). Visakha prepared a golden water-pot for the Buddha. A samanera named Sumana brought water in that pot for the Buddha from Anotatta lake. (D.C.. IV, p. 135.) She offered a water pot and a broom to the Buddha, which he accepted and also instructed the bhikkhus to use them. Once she went to the Buddha and offered a palm-leaf fan, which he accepted (V.P., II, 129-130). Visakha was so very kind to the bhikkhus that she built a mansion for them. The bhikkhus at first hesitated to use it, but afterwards asked for Buddha's permission which was granted. (V.P., II, 169). Visakha once went to the hermitage of Khadiravaniyarevata, but she found it to be in the midst of thorns and not fit for human habitation. (D.C., II, 194.195). Visakha was an important personage, because among the Bhikkhus if there were any matter for reference, it was referred to her, as we find in the case of Kundadhanathera who used to walk about with a woman behind him. (D.C., III, 54-55.) In the family of Visakha young girls used to serve the Bhikkhus by making arrangements for their food, etc. (D.C., III, 161.) Visakha's son's daughter named Datta who was entrusted with the care of the Bhikkhusamgha died in her absence. Visakha was very much afflicted with grief. The Budhda consoled her (D.C., III, pp. 278-279). Visakha was one day going to the city garden wearing all sorts of rich ornaments amongst which may be mentioned mahalata, an ornament of extraordinary beauty and of immense value. (Cf. Dhammapada Commy., I, 412.) On the way she thought why should she go to the city garden like a mere girl; it was better that she should go to the Vihara and listen to the discourses of the Buddha. Moved by the thought, she went to the Lord, put off her ornament, mahalata and gave it to her maid-servant to keep it and return it when she came out of the Vihara. Thereafter she listened to the noble discourses of the Buddha. On coming out of the Vihara, she asked for her ornament. The maid-servant said that she had left it in the Vihara. Both of them returned to the Vihara and found it. Visakha offered it to the Lord, and under his directions built a Vihara with the sale proceeds of the ornament, which amounted to nine crores and a lakh. Visakh& offered to her maid-servant all the merit that accrued for constructing the Vihara. The latter approved of her charity and died shortly afterwards. (Vimanavatthu Commy., pp. 187-189.) Anula was the queen of the king of Ceylon. Surrounded by five hundred girls, she bowed to the theras and honoured them to her heart's content. Thera Mahinda preached dhamma to them. Peta stories, Vimana stories and Saccasamyutta were narrated to them. When they heard the most excellent portion of the doctrine, princess Anula and her five hundred attendants attained soti patti. She became a believer in the Buddha, Dhamma and the Samgha. With her five hundred attendants she received the Pabbajja ordination from Sanghamitta Mahatheri. (Dipavamsa, p. 68; cf. Mahdvarsa, Geiger's Text, pp. 108, 155.) Gopika was a Sakya princess. She was pleased with the Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha. She used to observe precepts fully, became disgusted with female life and meditated in order to become a man. (Digha N., II, 271.) Canda came of a Brahman family. She earned her living by begging from door to door. One day she came to the spot where Patacara had just finished her meal. The bhikkhunis saw her hungry and gave her some food to eat. She ate the food and took her seat on one side. She then listened to the discourse of the Theri and renounced the world. She practised hard' to attain insight. Her knowledge matured and her determination was strong. Hence she succeeded in attaining arhatship with patisambhida (Th. Commy., pp. 120-121.) Gutta came of a Brahman family at Savatthi. In her youth household life became repugnant to her. She obtained her parents' consent and entered the order under Mahapajapati

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MARCH, 1928) BUDDHIST WOMEN 53 Gotami. Thereafter she could not for sometime control her mind from external interests. Then the Master gave her suitable instructions, and she attained arhatship together with patisambhida. (Th. Commy., pp. 157-159.) Vijayd came of a certain clansmen's family of Rajagaha. She was a friend of Khem. When she heard that Khema, a king's consort, had renounced the world, she went to Khema, who taught her the Norm and ordained her. Very soon she won insight and after a short time attained arhatship with analytical knowledge. (Th. Commy, pp. 159-160.) Mara came, to tempt her by saying, " You are young and beautiful, I am also young and beautiful, let us enjoy ourselves with music." She replied, "I find delight in rupa, sadda, gandha, etc. and I don't like soft-touch. I hate very much my rotten body which is easily destructible. My ignorance is dispelled." Then Mara left her. (S.N., 1. pp. 130-131). Cala, Upacald and Sisupacald were born in Magadha at the village of Nalaka as the children of a Brahmani named Surupasari. They were younger sisters of Sariputta. When they heard that their brother had left the world for the order, they too renounced the world and striving hard, attained arhatship. In vain Mara tried to stir up sensual desires in them. (Th. Commy., 162-163 ; cf. S.N., pt. I, pp. 132-134). Uppalavanni came of a banker's family at Savatthi. Her skin was of the colour of the heart (gabbha) of the blue lotus. Hence she was called Uppalavanna. Many princes and banker's sons wanted to marry her. But she renounced the world, went to the bhikkhunis and was ordained. Thereafter one day she lighted a lamp, and by continually contemplating on the flame of the lamp, she gradually obtained arhatship with adhinna and pati sambhida. (Th. Commy., 182 ff.) She was assigned a chief place among those who had the gift of iddhi. (Manoratha purani, p. 207 ff.; Arguttara N., I, 25). The Samyutta Nikaya tells us that Theri Uppalavanna went to Andhavana to meditate. There she sat at the foot of the Sala tree. Mara came to her and said to her, "You are sitting at the foot of a fully blossomed Sala tree, are you not afraid of the wicked ?" She replied, "I do not care for the wicked. I do not care for you." Mara left her. (Pt. 1, pp. 131-132). After defeating Mara, Uppalavanna was molested by her maternal uncle's son Ananda, who was enamoured of her beauty and who wanted to marry her. Although Uppalavanna had become a bhikkhuni, Ananda could not give up the desire of marrying her. Once Ananda concealed himself in the room of the Theri under her bedstead in her absence. When the Theri returned home and lay herself down on the bedstead, Ananda suddenly came out and committed rape on her. The Theri informed the bhikkhunis of this fact, and through the bhikkhunis brought this to the notice of the Buddha, who prohibited the bhikkhunis from living in forests. (D.C., II, 48-51.) Uppalavanna Theri acquired the power of performing a miracle by coming in to the presence of the Buddha to worship him with the pomp and grandeur of an individual monarch, being surrounded by a retinue extending over 36,000 yojanis and this miracle was visible to an assembly extending over twelve yojanas. (D.C., III, p. 211.) Sumangalamaia came of a poor family of Savatthi. She was married to a basket maker. She acquired great merit. One day while reflecting on all she had suffered, she was much affected and her insight quickening, she attained arhatship with analytical knowledge. (Th. Commy., 28-30.) Punnd or Punnikd acquired great merit in her previous birth, but owing to her pride she could not root out klesas (sins). She was born of a domestic slave at Savatthi in the household of Anathapindika, the banker. She obtained sold palliphalam after hearing the Sihan da Suttanta. Afterwards Anathapindika gave her freedom because she defeated a Brahman named Udakasuddhika. Punna renounced worldly life and entered the order. She practised insight and very soon attained arhatship with patisambhidd. (Th. Commy., pp. 199 f.). Sundari was born at Benares as the daughter of Sujata, a Brahman. On her brother's death, her father became overwhelmed with grief. With the advice of Therf Vasitthi her

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1928 father renounced the world, met the Buddha at Mithila, entered the order and in course of time attained arhatship. Sundari heard of her father's renouncing the world. She sacrificed all her wealth and pleasures of all kinds. She secured her mother's consent to leave the world. She then entered the order and striving hard she attained arhatship with patisambhidh. (Th. Commy., 228 f.). Vimala was born at Vesali as the daughter of a public woman. When advanced in years she was moved to see one day the venerable Mahamoggallana going about for alms. She went to his house to entice him. Mahamoggallana rebuked her. She was ashamed and became a believer and lay sister. Sometime after she entered the order and very soon attained arhatship. (Th. Commy., 76-77.) Mittakilika came of a Brahman's family in the town of Kammasadamma in the kingdom of the Kurus. When she grew up she one day heard the teaching of the Great Discourse on the Mahasatipatthana and entered the order of sisters. For seven years she could not elevate herself intellectually. Later on she won arhatship together with analytical knowledge. (Th. Commy., pp. 89-90). Sakula (Pakula) was born in a Brahman family at Savatthi. Seeing the Master accepting the gift of the Jetavana, she became a believer. One day she heard the preaching of an arhat and was greatly convinced. She entered the order, strove hard for insight and soon won arhatship. She was given the foremost place by the Master among the bhikkhunis possessing divine eyes. (Th. Commy., pp. 91 f.; cf. Manoratha purani, pp. 219-220; cf. Anguliara N., I. 25.) Sonadinna, a female devotee living in Nalanda used to serve the bhikkhus with the four requisites and used to observe the precept and uposatha with perfect regularity. She meditated on the four noble truths and attained sotapatti. (Vide my work, Heaven and Hell, p. 53). Aloma, a poor woman living at Savatthi in Benares not finding anything to offer, presented some rotten cooked rice without salt to the Buddha who accepted it. (Ibid., p. 63). Mulla came of a rich Brahman family of Savatthi. When she was twenty years old, she went to Mahapajapati the Gotami and got ordination from her. She was practising kammatthana and she was instructed by the Buddha to get herself free from all bonds. Afterwards she became an arhal. (Th. Commy., pp. 8-9.) Punnd was the daughter of a leading burgess of Savatthi. When she was about twenty years of age, she heard the great Pajapati teach the doctrine, and renounced the world. She practised insight, being encouraged by the Master. In due course she attained arhatship. (Th. Commy., pp. 9-10.) Dantika came of a purohita's family at Kosala. When she came of age, she acquired faith in the Buddha in the Jetavana, and later entered the order under Mahapajapati Gotami at Rajagaha. While staying at Rajagaha, she climbed the Vulture's Peak after her meal. and while resting she developed insight and soon obtained arhatship with analytical knowledge. (Th. Commy., pp. 51-52.) Vad hest was the nurse of Mahapajapati Gotami. When her mistress renounced the world, she followed her. For twenty-five years she was harassed by the lusts of the senses and failed to acquire concentration of mind. One day she heard Dhammadinna preach the Norm. She then began to practise meditation. Very soon she acquired the six supernatural powers. (Th. Commy., 75-76). Thamd came of a householder family at Bandhumati. When she grew old, she heard Path ATA preach and entered the order. When Patacara gave her admonition, she was established in insight and very soon won arhatship. (Th. Commy., pp. 47-48). Thirty sisters born in different families of different places heard Patacard preach and were converted by her and entered the order. They practised insight and in course of time they won arhatship with patisambhida. (Th. Commy., pp. 118-120.) . (To be continued.)

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MARCH, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES BOOK-NOTICES. DAWN OF A NEW INDIA, by KEDARNATH BANERJEE, in the first years of British rulo and of the courage Calcutta, 1927. demanded of their new rulers. This most interesting little book contains Besides creating the Pax Britannica, Hastings, three essays concerning the early days of British as soon as he felt that the threat of invasion rule in India and matters which are already largely was removed, set to work to plan laws and forgotten. The author writes of the Sannyasi institutions for the new system of government. Rebellion in Bengal, of Jagannath Tarka-panchanan "The aims of our British rulers to make their rule who collaborated with Sir William Jones in his durable and beneficent is clearly seen-for the efforts to give Europeans a knowledge of Hindu first time in the activities of Sir William Jones Law, and of the College of Fort William which .... These show that the British occupation of did so much to teach the languages of India to India was not meant to be a passing blast." As young officers in the East India Company's services. early as 1775 N. B. Halhed a civil servant of the The first great problem before the English Company, had produced under Warren Hastings governors of Bengal was the preservation of peace, a translation from a Persian translation of the and almost at the very beginning they were confront. Sanskrit code of Hindu law, but it was for obvious ed with the Sannyasis, who in this instance were reasons not a satisfactory production, and in 1786 Lord Cornwallis, as Governor General, comvery far from being what their name implied-worldrenouncers. A great Bengali novelist, Bankim missioned the great scholar Sir William Jones, Chandra Chatterjee, has thrown & romantic a judge of the Supreme Court at Calcutta, to halo round the Sannyasis, and represented them make another translation from the Sanskrit itself. Sir William Jones started as Bengali Brahmans and Kayasthas (the clerical in the right way class), and their movement " as the natural by appointing an establishment of pandits and maulavis, and was fortunate enough to secure the reaction against the Bengal Famine of 1709-1770 and the fiscal oppression of the Company's heartless services of a remarkable Hindu scholar, Pandit underlinge." But Mr. Banerjee's researches into Jagannath Tarka-panchanan, even then an old the Bengal Records show that they were really man.Chiefly with his help, Sir William Jones fighting Hindu monks from outside and the "very by 1792 produced his great translation of the brethren of dacoits and mercenary soldiers Mandvo Dharmasastra or "the Institutes of and guards"-a race well-known in India. They Hindu Law as compiled by Manu." And then began their raids into Bengal in 1763 and were in 1794 he died too soon, though his old pandit not finally disposed of till 1775 by Warren Hastings, lived on till 1806 in dignified retirement and died their suppression being "a task of peculiar difficulty at the extraordinary age of 111 years. from the characters of these robbers and their Then it was that the British Government conmode of operation." They pwed their long im. solidated the Pax Britannica by teaching its judi. munity from punishment to rapidity of action, ciary the code of laws of the greater part of its lightness of equipment and constant movement, subjects, the Hindus. as has many another force in the history of guorilla The next great step taken in the same direction warfare. It was due to the perseverance of Warren was the establishment of the College of Fort William Hastings that they were at last destroyed, after in 1800 by that unjustly neglected Governor-General having been a true scourge in Bengal for some Lord Wellesley-whom it is pleasant to note that twelve years. Several of their leaders acquired Mr. Banerjee (p. 93) calls "& great genius and great notoriety : Majnun Shah Faqir, Bhawani true imperialist." He makes also at this point Pathak, Mosa Shah Faqir, Paragul Shah and (p. 92) some remarks worth noting in the present Chiragh 'Ali Shah, to say nothing of a woman juncture of affairs : "There have been many Devi Chaudhurani, who conducted her depreda- great emperors in the world, but sooner or later tions from a boat. The Muhammadan names they have all perished. The Roman Empire of some of these leaders of Hindu ascetics will be lasted long because it was the rule, not of a family, noted. Occasionally the British officers in charge but of whole nation. Such also is the modern of operations against them met with disaster; British Empire in India: it has been created and owing chiefly to insufficient forces an old failing maintained by the genius, energy and perseverance of their nation. But the hunt after thom was of the British race. Therefore the fate of this continuous and relentless, and in the end Warren empire naturally depends upon the intellect and Hastings put them down, a task in which he was character of the Englishmen, Scotchmen and 88sisted by many & gallant Englishman whose Irishmen who come out to rule India as civil servants deeds have long been forgotten. Mr. Banerjee and military officers." speaks of these efforts thus : "The suppress Wellesley noted that, though the British had ing of the Sannyasis was an achievement of which acquired power in India, their representatives the great statesman-might well have been proud, mervanta of a Mercantile Company-were unfit though it has been scarcely noticed by the his- to act ma governing body. The result was that toriana," and he has done well to remind us what "the newly conquered provinces of Bengal and kind of life it was that the Bengalis had to lead Madras had to pass through the terrible misery of a

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1928 period when the English in India enjoyed "power these lingas are unique in their grouping and are without responsibility." So he founded the Col- well worth further investigation. A dignified lege of Fort William, where young officers, civil illustration of a plain but well proportioned temple and military, could learn the languages, law and to Sambhunathevara at Sambhunathpur gives philosophy of India, and created for the benefit one a feeling of rest after a surfeit of the highly of the pupils a series of professional chairs, of which ornate representations of Dravidian architecture. the first occupants were men whose names have since Of the M88. described, the Nagakumdracharita become household words to students of things Indian. is of value, as throwing light in the history of the The Court of Directors in England--as in the Nagas, as to which x1 light, however dim, is valu. case of many of Wellesley's acts did not appreciate able. The Gadyakaranamsita gives en socount the value of the College, and directed its immediate of & Hoyaala battle with the combined forces of abolition on financial grounds, but Wellesley was the Pandyas, Magadhas and Kalavas (Pallavas) too much for them. They never cessed, however, ending in the defeat of the Pandyas. Rudrasirnha's from trying to break it up and finally in 1854,- Vijndnatarangini is a fifteenth MS. of the story after having long been partially suppressed, it of & mythical king Sankardasa. Misradhiresvara's was merged in the Board of Examiners. Never- Dvijanajodaya is a treatise on auspicious days, theless, despite its difficulties the College wag of but gives a genealogy of the ManOnnata kings. incalculable benefit to India through the knowledge Somacharitragapi's Guruganaratnakara, which was of its inhabitants inculcated therein. This Ins- printed at Benares in 1910 throwe "a flood of light" titution did as much perhaps as any other to pre- on the History of Gujarat in the latter half of the serve intact British rule in India. fifteenth century, showing a friendly feeling to have Mr. Banerjee has been right in bringing once existed between the early Muhammadan conquerors again to the notice of all who are interested in and the conquered Hindus. And lastly ChanIndia these three doings of the earlier Englishmen dapala's commentary on Trivikramabhatta's working there--the creation of peace, the preser. Nalachamp gives the earliest known reference vation of the old law of India, and the teaching of to the Prigsaja dynasty. Altogether we have in of the many languages of the people. this section of the Report a record of most useful R. C. TEMPLE. work to the searcher into Indian history. In describing the Nalachampu Dr. Shama Shastri ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGI. has a most interesting note on the term Karndta, CAL DEPARTMENT, 1924. University of Mysore, which he says "Beems to have meant Kar-nddu Bangalore, Government Press, 1925. a country of black soil, and the word Karndta The Mysore Government review of Dr. R. Shema must necessarily have been a corrupt form of it." Shastri's last Report shows that it covers monuments In this form it occurs in the Nalachampu," in thirteen villages including the twin temples at work which cannot be later than the tenth century." Mosele, raised by the Hoysalas and dedicated In epigraphy the Report is an important one, as respectively to Vishnu and Siva, showing the no less than 144 were inscriptions are recorded ociacticism of that dynasty. In this connection giving all kinds of information. By way of init is Interesting to remark that the Government troduction here Dr. Shama Sastri gives a most dirdets that "steps should be taken to undertake valuable summary of the various reasons put the repairs at an early date of the Bucheewara date of the Bucheswara forward [by Dr. Floot) for and against the acceptance temple at Koravangula, es important as the of the Ganga Plates as genuine. In describing the temples of Somanathpur and Halebia." Other Ghaftadahalli grant of the Vijayanagar King 14 orders also show that the Government Harihara, Saka 1308, (No. 25 of the list), which is tery much alive to the importance of preserving ! has 98 lines, Dr. Shama Sastri remarks that "the architectural remains in the State. grant seems to be spurious." Similar illuminating The Report deals also with M88. which are of notes are attached to inscription after inscription, historical value, revealing & dynasty of Karnapura. showing the care exercised in dealing with them. rashtra, of another with the title of Kothands- of the more important inscriptions, plates are parasurama ManOnnata and yet another of the given. E.9., No. 78, the Kodun jeruvu grant of Prigialas, and also a Jain university of Tapagach. the Ganga King. Avinita: No. 79, the Nalala chhs at Latapalli in Gujarsst, which conferred degrees grant of the Ganga King, Durvinita; No. 80, the on both men and women. Finally the Departmentcol. long Alor plates of the Ganga Yuvaraja Marasinghs ; lected no less than 144 new epigraphical records, No. 81, the Chokuttar grant of the Ganga King showing that it worked well during the year 1924. Simhavarma. Here we have a record of conscientious There are excellent plates of the more important work well done. buildings, including elevations and plans of the The Report winds up with a short story of the most interesting twin temples at Monsle, of which foundation of the Archaeological Musum of Mysore an excellent sccount is given. On the Bettadapura on the proposal made from this office." Dr. Shams Hill is a cave containing an ornamental platform Bastri is to be congratulated on the success of his on which are two lingas, one smaller than the efforts during the year covered by the valuable Report other. The numerous carvings connected with R. C. TEMPLE

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APRIL, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES VEDIC STUDIES. BY A, VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PH.D. (Continued from vol. LVI, p. 233.) 6. Yaksha. Yaksha (neuter) is a somewhat difficult word that occurs about thirty times in the Vedio texts and that has not so far been satisfactorily explained by the exegetists. The explantions proposed for this word by the earlier ones are collected by Geldner on pp. 126, 127 of the Vedische Stulien, Vol. 3, in the beginning of the article which he has written on this word. Geldner has there, after giving expression to the opinion that none of these explanations is satisfactory, come to the conclusion (p. 143) that yaksha means 1. (a) Erstaunen, Verwunder ung, Neugierde ; (6) Wunder, Ratsel ; 2. Wunder, Kunststuck, Zauber, (a) Hezerei, Zauberei; (6) Verzauberung ; Verwandlung; (c) Gaukelei, Blendwerk, Illusion; (d) Wunderkraft, Wunderkur, Heilzauber; 3. Gegenstand der Bewunderung oder Neugierde, Kuriositat, (a) Wun. dertier; (6) Schaustuck, Fest; (c) Naturwunder wie grosse Baume u.s.w. M. Boyer who has likewise written an article on this word in the Journal Asiatique (1908, I, pp. 393-477), sees no necessity for the acceptance of this long array of meanings. Following the explanation of Roth (ubernaturliches Wesen, geisterhafte Erscheinung) and Bergaigne (apparition surnaturelle), he thinks that yaksha denotes only a form likely to create feelings of astonishment in the beholder,' une forme (viable de fait ou congue comme telle) propre a etonner le regard, and has, in his above-mentioned article, attempted to show that the meaning fantome, apparition, apparition merveilleuse, merveille, fits in best with the context and is sufficient to explain every passage in which the word occurs. Oldenberg (RV. Noten, II, p. 44) agrees with M. Boyer in thinking that there is no necessity for a long series of meanings, and that one meaning is enough to explain all the passages in which the word occurs. This one meaning, however, in according to Oldenberg, wunderbare geheimnisvolle (darum haufig unheimliche) Wesenheit and not a form likely to oteate feelings of astonishment in the beholder' as proposed by M. Boyer. And this seems now to be the opinion of Geldner also who in his latest book (RgvedaUbersetzung, Part I, 1923) remarks, in connection with the verse 4. 3. 13, yaksham ; Heimlichkeit oder Blendwerk. yaksha ist etwas Geheimnisvolles oder Wunderbares'. and thus seems to have abandoned his former suggestion in favour of that of Oldenberg. The attempt to dispense with a long array of meanings and to make one meaning suffice for all passages is without doubt laudable ; but it seems to me that in saying that this meaning is a wonderful, mysterieus (and therefore sinister) being' or 'a form likely to create feelings of astonishment in the beholder', the savants above named have not quite hit the mark, and that these meanings do not, any more than those proposed by Geldner, fit in a number of passages, 2.9., in RV., 10, 88, 13; AV., 8, 9, 8 and 11, 2, 24 ; 'Sat. Br. 12, 2, 3, 5. I propose therefore to investigate anew here the meaning of this word yaksha. It is necessary for me to begin first by referring to the close correspondence that exists bet. ween the words yaksha and bhata in post-vedic literature. In this literature, yaksha like bhita, denotes a class of superhuman beings known as devayonayah in Sanskrit literature ( of. Amara. kose, 1, 11: vidyadharo psaro-yaksha-raksho-gandharva-kinnardh pisdco guhyakal siddho bhuto 'mi devayonayah), and as vyantarah in Jaina literature (cf. Uttaradhyayana, p. 1084 : pisaya bhuya jakkha ya rakkhasd kinnara ya kimpurisd mahoraja ya gandhavvd atthaviha vanam. antand and Tattvdrthadhigama-sutra, 4, 12). These beings are represented as dwelling in unoccupied houses, in trees, forests or woods, ponds, etc., which are then said to be possessed. adhishthita, by them ; compare Geldner, 1.c., p. 143, Jataka Stories, Nos. 164 and 168, and

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1928 Hopkins, Epic Mythology, p. 36, and Index, s.r. yoksha. To Yakshas as to Bhutas26 temples were built, adoration paid and bali offered and festivals, yatrah or utsavdh, were instituted in their honour. They were invoked in times of danger, and vows were taken in honour of then at such times and also when poople prayed for the fulfilment of any desire. Compare for instance the following passages from the Jnatadharmakatha - (p. 417) Rayagihassa nayarasar bahiya nagani ya bhuyani yu jakkhani ya indani ya khan. dani ya ruddani ya sivani ya resaai ya vesamanani ja lattha nam bahunam nagapadimani ya java vesama napadimani ya maharihan puppharcaniyam karetta janu-paya-radiya evam vayitta jai nam aham reud nuppiya daraja ea darigam evi payiyami teniam aham hupham jayam ca ddyan ca bhayam ca akkhaya-uihin ca armvattemi. [Bhadra, wife of the caravan-leader, sarthavaha, Dhanya, thinks) "Outside the city of Rajagrha are the temples of Nagas, Bhutas, Yakshas, Indra, Skanda, Rudra, Siva, Vesa. and Vaisravana. There after a grand worship with flowers of the images of Nagas, etc., up to Vaisravana, and after falling on the knees, saying thus: 'If, now, O beloved of the gods, I shall give birth to a son or a daughter, I shall then establish a worship of you, make gifts to you, appoint portions for you, and shall establish a permanent fund 26 for you.'" (p. 409) juya-khalayani ya resagarani ya ... sin jhalagani ya nyani ya cankkani ya caccarani ya naga-ghardni ya bhiya-gharani ya jakkla-dleulani ya .... [The robber Vijaya was in the habit of visiting and wandering through] "Gamblingdens, drink-saloons, courtesans' houses, places where three, four, and more roads meet. temples of Nagas, Bhatas, and Yakshas . . . ." (p. 758) bhiya sanjayabhayu annam-anna-kayan samaturangemana bahunaw indani ya khandani ya rudda-siva-vesamana-ndganam bhayana ya jakkhina ya ajja-kottakiriyana ya bahuni uvdiya-sadi uvdimamana citthanti [Some merchants, when threatened by an evil spirit, mahapisaca, while travelling on a ship in the midst of the sea, become anxious, and] "Feeling fear and apprehension, and embracing each other (for support) are offering many offerings to many Indras, Skandas, Rudras, Sivas, Vaisravanas, Nagas, Bhutas, Yakshas, Aryas and Kottakriyas." 27 (p. 212, 213) ugga ujgaputta bhoga bhogaputta evan rainna khattiya mdhana bhada johd .... nhayd .. .. sirasa kanthe malakada dviddha-mani-suvanna kappiya-hara ddhahara-lisaraya. palamba-palambamana-kad isuttaya sukaya-sobhabharand vattha-pavara-pahiriya candanovalittagaya-sarira appegaiya hayagaya evam gaya-raha-sibiya-sandamani-gaya. ... Rayagiha-nagarassa majjham egadisim egahimukha nigacchanti2..... kinnam bho devanuppiya ajja Rajagihe nayare indamahe vd khandamahe vdevam rudda-siva-vesa mana-ndga-jakkha-bhuya-radi-tadya-rukkha. ceiya-pavvaya-ujjana-girijatldi va jaunan ugga bhoga java egadisim egabhimuhd nigacchanti. %The investigations of anthropologists have shown that belief in the existence, and worship, of evil spirits (demons) plays a prominent role in the religious beliefs and practices of primitive peoplo every where in the world; and the opinion has been expressed by writers on Vedic religion and mythology that such belief and worship were prevalent among the Aryans of Rgvedic times. Thus Oldenberg (Religion des Veda, p. 55f.) bolieves that the existence of such belief and practice is unmistakably indicated by certain details of the Vedic cult; and Hillebrandt (Ved, Myth., III, p. X) says that the belief in the existence of ovil spirits is met with to a emall extent in the RV. and that the worship too of evil spirits must have been prevalent at the time though, as he thinks, no trace of such worship is to be seen in the RV. As we know from later literature that the worship of Yakshas and Bhutas was general and wide-spread, it is permissible to infer that the worship of evil spirits in Rgvedic times too must have, to a great extent, consisted in the worship of Yakshas and Phutas, or at least, that Yakshas and Bhutas were included in the evil spirits that received worship in the time of the RV. 96 Wherewith, explains the commentator Abhayacandra, the charges for renovating the temple, etc., may be met. 37 The commentator explains aryd as prusan'a-rpd durga and kogtakriyah as saiva mahisharidha-rapa, that is, perhaps, fierce in'aspect. 99 This warnaka is not given in the edition, the commentator has, however, extracted it from one of the preceding five Aagastras and reproduced it in his commentary (p. 208f. of the edition)

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APRIL, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES (Prince Megha sees one day] " Ugras, ugraputras, bhogas, bhogaputras, and likewise, persons born in royal families, Kshatriyas, Brahmanas, king's servants, warriors, . ... who had bathed, ..... who were wearing garlands on their heads and necks and ornaments of gold and jewels, who were decked with haras, ardhaharas, trisarakas, pralambas 29 and katisutras, and other well-made brilliant ornaments, who were wearing very fine clothes and had their bodies anointed with sandal, some mounted on horses, some on elephants, chariots and palanquins, moving in Rajagrha in one direction, to one goal ", and calling one of his entourage, inquires "What, o beloved of the gods? Is there to-day in Rajagrha a festival (utsava) in honour of Indra or Skanda or Siva, Rudra, Vaisravana, or a naga, yaksha or bhuta, or a yatra to a river or pond or tree, temple, mountain, garden or hill, that the ugras, bhogas, etc., are going out in one direction, to one goal?" The temples of Yakshas were known as yakshayalana (ep. Jnata., p. 528, surappiye paman jakkhayatane), yakshadevakula (ep. ibid., p. 409, jakkhadeulani ya), yakshagyha or yakshabhavana (op. Uttaradhyayanasutra, comm. on p. 162, Rajagyhe Viraprabhodydne Marinayakasya yakshabhavane utlirnah), yakshaprasada (cp. ibid., p. 347; Mandika-yakshaprasdda) or yaksha simply; (compare Jnata., p. 417, nagani ya bhuyani ya jakkhani ya,"temples of nagas, bhutas, and yakshas '; Vipakasutra, p. 176, Bhandire uyyane Sudarisane jakkhe Bhandira park; the yaksha-temple named Sudarisana ; ibid., p. 213, Soriya-jakkho 'the yaksha-temple known as Soriya'); and those of bhutas were known as bhutagrha (cp. Juata., p. 409, thuyaghardni ya) or simply bhuta (cp. Jnata., p. 417, ndgani ya bhuydni ya jakkhdni ya cited above). The generic term caitya was used to denote either class of temples--those of yalishas or of bhutas : compare Uttaradhyayanasutra, p. 162, antaran jikapuryam bhuta. grham caityam ; yakicha-cetiyani in Buddhaghosha's Sumangala vilasini on Jaha parinibbana. kutta, I. 4: and Abhayacandra's explanation of cailya as vyantara yatanam in his commen tary on the Jnata., p. 7. These caityas seem to have played a prominent part in the religious life of the city or town in which they were situated. In the Jaina-sutras specially, one finds that whenever the name of a town or city is mentioned, the name of the cailya situated in it is also almost invariably mentioned; see, for instance, Jnata., p. 1509, 1515ff, and Vipa. kasutra, pp. 241ff.30 The Buddhist Pali books too sometimes mention caityas in connection with towns; e.g., the Supatittha-cetiya in Rajagrha is mentioned in the Vinaya-pitaka, Mahavagga, I, 22, 1; and the Capala, Udena, Sattambaka, and Bahuputta cetiyas in Vesali arc mentioned in Digha., Mahaparinibbanasutta, 3, 1. So also do some Buddhist votive inscriptions 31 at Bharaut, Nasik and other places. They are occasionally mentioned in the Puranas, 29 These are different kinds of necklaces worn round the neck. A trisaraka is a necklace that has three strings. 30 The worship of yakshan and yakshinis still forms part of Jain religious observances. Read in this connection the introduction to the second edition of the "Src vana-Belgola Inscriptions" (Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II) with its frequent allusions to yakshas ; see also Plate 17 therein. 31 Nos. 693, 890, 987, 988, 1058, 1039, etc., in Luders' List of Brahmi Inscriptions (Appondix to Epigraphia Tudica, Vol. X); ser) Index of Miscellaneous Terms given at the ond, s. v. chetiyaghara and following words. The words chetiyaghara and chuilya nro there explained by Luders ng Buddhist building'. Consider ing however that among the Buddhist inscriptions are two-Ing. 1143 and 871--that record the gift of a yakoha and a yakshi (that is, of in agos of thom) and one (No. 1200) that seems to record the gift of a bhulayana (for bhita pata? stono-slab with the image of a bhita engraved on it ), it secms more natural to give the word chaitya its usual meaning and to understand in thcsc inscriptions a reference to temples of bhutas or yakshas. It is true that such teinples havo nothing to do with Buddhisin or with the life of Buddhists as we know of these from the books; but the gift of images of a yakshu and a yakahi referred to above shows clearly that their worship must have been prevalent #mongst Buddhists also at that time and this makes it probable that the word chaitya retains its meaning of 'templo dedicated to yaksha or bhuta ' in Buddhist inscriptions (and in Buddhist books *) also. It may, in passing, bo observed that the personal names also, contained in some of the inscriptions, as for instance, the names Naga, Nagadatta, Nagading, Nagadeva, Nagasrt, Nagapeli ta ; Yakhadina, YakhadAsi, Yakhi, Yakhila ; Bhuta, Bhutarakhita and Bhutapala (300 Index of Pordonal Namoa given at the end) bear witness to the prevalence of the worship of nigas, yakshas, and bhatar at that time.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1928 a Itihasas and other Brahmanical books also; compare, for instance, the Ramayana, 2, 56, 33 : caitydny dyatandni ca. .... sthapayamasa Raghavah: 2, 71, 42: devdyalana-caityeshu dinal parishi-mrgas tatha : 2, 3, 18: devdyatana-caityeshu : 2, 17, 16: caityama cayatandni ca pradakshinam pariharan; in Agnipur&na (apud Hemadri's Caturvargacintamani, Vratakhanda, ch. 21, p. 344) caityeshv dyataneshu ca devanam cajva rathydsu : in Bhavishyottarapurana (apud Hemadril.c., p. 353 ) katagareshu caityeshu : in the Mahabharata, 2, 102, 33 : devayatana. caityeshu prdkarattalakeshu ca; Kautilya's Arthasastra, p. 208, parvasu ca.... caitya-pujah kdrayet; p. 243, prati pannam caityasthane ratrau.... upaharam karayet ; p. 56, caitya-punyasthana-vana-setubandhah karydh. In all these instances, the juxtaposition of the word devdyatana shows that the word caitya means 'temple of yaksha or bhuta' as the compound devayatana-caitya means 'temples dedicated to gods and to evil spirits. The presiding deity of the Dandapani temple in Benares, that pious devotees visit every day, is also a yaksha, as is related in ch. 32 of the Kasikhanda. The worship of yakshas and bhilas is referred to in the Bhagavad-gita, where it is said in XVII, 4,39 that adtvika people worship gods (deva), rajasa people yakshas and nakshasas, and tamasa people, ghosts (preta) and hosts of bhutas, and in IX. 25,33 that the worshippers of bhutas go to them while the worshippers of the Lord go to Him. Yakshas and bhutas are both objects of tarpana (with water) in the daily brahma-yajna ceremony prescribed for the householder of the first three castes (op. As. GS. 3, 4, 1). Similarly, the bhutayajna, which consists in the offering of bali to bhutas, (compare TA. 2, 10: yal bhutebhyo balim harati tad bhata yajith) is also daily proscribed for such householders (op. ibid., 3, 1). The yaksha-bali rite34 is referred to by Ujvaladatta in his scholium on the Unadisatras, 4, 123, in the Jataka Stories Nos. 347 and 455, while its wide prevalence is attested by the common saying yakahanurupo balih: "As is the yaksha, so is the bali,' (that is, the bali corresponds to the yaksha ; if the yaksha is great, the bali offered will be considerable: if tho yaksha is negligible, the bali too is negligible) cited by Saukara in his commentary on the Chan. Up. 6. 32; (800 also Laukikanyayanjali II. p. 64: ydd so yakshas Iddrso balih). TA. I, 31, 123 gives details of the Vaisra vana-yajna ceremony in which bali is offered to Vaiara vana (ie. Kubera) who is the lord of Yakshas, but who is, remarkably enough, referred to by the mantra arvabhutadhipateye nama iti ; (the commentator Bhatta-bhaskara explains sarvabhutandm alternatively as yaksha-guhyakandm) as the 'lord of all bhutas.' The fourteenth day of the dark fortnight of every month is known as bhula-caturdasi and is held sacred to the bhutas. On that day are performed vratus intended to win the favour of Siva, lord of the bhutas : see Hemadri, I.c. p. 50 ff. This day however is held consecrated to the Yakshas also, and accordingly, on this day are performed the uratas in which worship is offered to Yakshas (namely, the Kshemavrata, p. 154), and to Vaisravana, lord of the Yakshas (p. 155). The Saurapurans (apud Hemadri, l.c. p. 156) prescribes the performance on this day of the Krshna-caturdasi-vrata, in which the figure of a Yaksha made of bdellium (guggula) should be burnt, and says that in consequence of this vrata, the performer goes to the world of the Pinaka-bearer, that is, of Siva, the lord of bhulas (kyshnapakshe caturdasyam yakshan guggulakam dihet Bayati paramin 8thanim yatra devih pindkadhrk). It may further be mentioned that according to the Puranic mythology, Isana (or Rudra) the lord of bhutas, and Kubera (or Vaisravana) the lord of Yakshas both dwell in the north in the Himalayas and are neighbours, and that the Jaina writers so closely associated yakshas 32 yajante sattvika deran yaksharakshariai rajasan pretan bhataganam canye yajante tamasa jana II 33 bhatani yanti bhatejyd yanti madya jino'pi mam 34 It may be observed, that analogous to the bhutabali and yukshabali rites, the Grhy aggtras kuow of a sarp bali rite also where buli is offered to surpris or snakes (ndgas), compare Adv. GS. 2, 1, Npsimha's Prayogapdrijata (Nirnayasa gara ed.), pp. 434 ff.

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APRIL, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 61 with bhutas that in a story related in the Jnatadharmakatha (Adhyayana 16, p. 1149) the wives of three Brahmana brothers are respectively named Nagasiri, Bhuyasiri and Jakkhasiri, 36 The details given above show how close is the correspondence between the words yaksha and bhuta in post-vedic literature. This correspondence is no less close in the Vedic literature also, as can be seen from the comparison of some passages of the Bphad. Upanishad. In this Upanishad, the word mahat is found used as a qualifying epithet in five passages only; in one it is an epithet of karma (1, 4, 15 : mahat punyam harma karote) while in the other four, it is an epithet of Brahman described as mahad bhutam in two passages (2, 4, 10: asya mahalo bhalasya nisvasitam etad yad Rgvedo Yajurvedah.. ; 2, 4, 12: idam mahad bhutam anantam aparam vijnanaghana eva) and as mahad yaksha m in two other sentences occurring in 5, 4, 1 (sayo hailan mahad yaksham prathamajam veda satyam brahmeti ; evam etan mahad yaksham prathamajam veda satyam brahmeti). In the same way, to the epithet yakshasya adhyaksham used of Agni Vaisvanara in RV. 10, 88, 13 corresponds the epithet blitasya adhyakshah used in AV. 1. 31. 1 of the four dsdpalah 'lords of the quarters' (of whom Agni is one); compare also bhutasya .... patir eka dsit in RV. 10, 121, 1. Similarly, at. Br. 11, 2, 3, 5 : mahad dhaiva yaksham bhavati corresponds to Asv. GS. 3,9,6 : (sndtako vai) mahad bhutam bhavali: and the words yaksha and bhuta are used parallelly in TB. 3, 11, 1, 1: trayidam antah | visvam yaksham visvam bhitam vitvam subhutam. It follows then from all this, and especially from the correspondence of mahad yaksham with mahad bhalam in the Upanishad passages noted above, that the two words are convertible and that yaksha=bhuta. And it is remarkable that Bhaskararaya, the famous and most learned Tantrik writer of the Sakta school, has explained yaksham in AV. 10, 2, 32, as mahabhutam. It seems to have been felt by Roth too that yaksha is equivalent to bhuta: for in the PW. (s.v. yaksha) he has correctly explained yaksha in AV. 8, 9, 8; RV. 10, 88, 13 and TB. 3, 11, 1, 1 as 'die Wesen' and the word yakshabhrt in RV. 1, 190, 4, as die Wesen tragend, erhaltend'. The commentator Bhattabhaskara, too, has, on the other hand, as we have seen above, explained the word bhuta in TA, 1, 31, 123 as yakshaguhyaka. Now the chief meanings of bhula are-a) being (concrete); such beings in the collective all beings, the creation world, universe ; a particular class of superhuman beings; evil being, evil spirit ; and (b) being (abstract), essence, substance, virtue, might, power, etc. The meanings essence, substance, might, power,' etc., are not given by the lexicographers ; but nevertheless, there can be no doubt that bhuta has these meanings quite regularly, for it is derived from the root bhu, which means not only 'to be ' but also to be powerful, to prevail, to predominate, to be master of '; compare the meanings of the cognate words bhava and prabhava and of the allied word sattva, which is derived likewise from a root (as) meaning 'to be' and which is a synonym of bhuta. And these meanings of bhuta are enough, as I shall show now, to explain the sense of the majority of the passages in which the word yaksha (which, as I have shown above, is its synonym) occurs. Brhad. Up. 5, 4: lad vai tad tad eva tad disa satyam em sa yo haitan mahad yaksham prathamajam veda salyam brahmeli jayatimail lokan jita in nv asdu asad ya evam etan mahad yaksham prathamajam veda salyam brahmeti satyam hy eva brahma || "That (namely, Brahman), verily, was this (universe); that verily was the Real. He who knows this great first-born being, Brahman, as the Real, conquers these worlds. How could he be conquered who knows that this great first-born being, Brahman, is verily the Real ? For Brahman is verily the Real." The epithet 'first-born,' prathamaja, seems here to be used in the sense of 'first existing '; compare BIhad. Up. 1, 4, 10: brahma va idam agra doit. Compare also TA. 10, 1, 4: praja palih prathamaja' plasyatma' nutma' nani abhi sam' babhuva. 35 Compare also saraksta igasutra, p. 674 : gagaheut od bhdyaheum va jakkhaheum od for the purpose of (worshipping) ndgas, bhutas or yakahas.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY April, 1928 Kenopanishat, 3, 2: lad dhaisham vijajnau tebhyo ha pradurbabhava tan na vyajdnuanta kim idam yaksham iti 11 It (Brahman) became aware of (this thought of) theirs; it manifested itself before them. They did not know (what it was, and thought within themselves) What is this being ?'" Similarly, yaksha=being in the other passages of this khanda where this word recurs. Gopatha-brahmana, 1, 1, 1: brahma vd idam agra dsit svayambhv ekam eva tad aikshata mahad vai yaksham tad ekam evdami hantdham mad eva manmatram dvitiyam devan nirmima iti.... tasya....laldte sneho yad ardryam ajayata tendnandat tam abravid maharl vai yaksham suvedam avidamahiti || 36 - At first, verily, the self-born Brahman existed alone. It considered ' Verily, I alone exist, the great being, That (that is, Brahman); well, I shall create from myself a second god like to me'. .. . At the moisture, wetness, that was produced on its forehead, it felt glad; It 37 said: We have verily easily got the great being '." Mahad yaksham, the great being referred to here, is water, a path, which at first appears as sneha drdryam on the forehead and then (see khanda 2) as svedadhardh, streams of perspiration in the pores of its skin, and is in khanda 3, expressly called by that name (td apah srshtca anvuikshata). Regarding the creation of Water first by the Brahman, compare Manu, 1, 8: apa eva 89sarjadau tasu viryam avdarjat; Sakuntala, 1, 1: which refers to Water as ya srshih srushtur adya : Ait. Up. 1, 1f. ; sa ikshata lokdn nu srja iti sa iman lolan asjatambho maridir maram dpah; Sat. Br. 6, 1, 3, 1: praja patir ud idam agra asid eka eva so'kilmayata bahu syam praja yeyeti so srdmynt sa tapo'tapyata tamaa chrantat tepanat & po'erjyanta ; compare also Kathopanishat, 2, 1, 6: yah purvan tapaso jatain adbhyah pirvam ajayata which also says impliedly that tapas and a pah were first-born beings. TB. 3, 12, 3, 1: prathamajam devam havisha vidhema svayambhu brahma paraman lipo yal 81 evo putrah i pita' su mata' lipo ha yaksham prathamin & babhuwa | "Let us worship with oblation the first-born god, namely, Tapas, the self-born Brahman, the highest. He alone is the son, he the father, he the mother. Tapas was born the first being." Compare Kathopanishat, 2, 1, 6 cited above. It is said frequently in the Upani. shads and elsewhere that Brahman, after the desire arose in it to create, performed tapas; and this has led to tapas being regarded as the first thing created by Brahman. Compare Sayana's commentary on this verse : yoyam tapobhimani devak sa prathamajah tatha copani. shali 858hti-prakarane prathamajatvam amndyate soka mayata bahu syam prajayayeti sa ta potapyala ; compare also AV. 11, 8, 6: la po ha jajoe karmanas tat te jyeshtham upasata * Tapas was born from action ; that did they worship as the eldest. TB. 3, 11, 1, 1: tvayidim antak visvain yakshim vigvam bhutan visvain subhutam. "Within thee is all being, all creation, all prosperity." This is a formula that is used twentyfour times (with variations in the number of the second personal pronoun when required by the context) in respect of the twenty-four bricks, ishtakdh, used in the Nacikela-cayana. These bricks are identified with the earth, waters, sky, etc., and each of these is panegyrised as the container of the whole universe. The expressions vieuam yaksham and visvam bhitam mean almost the same thing; compare also TA. 10, 16, 1 : viftam bhulam bhuvanam citram, which corresponds exactly to visvam yaksham visvam bhutani visvam Subhitam here. AV. 8, 9, 8: yd'n pracyulam anu yajid'l pracyvanta upalishthanta upatishthamanam! Yasya vrate prasave yaksham ejati ad' vird' shayah parame vyoman ! "After whom, when she is going, the sacrifices go and with whose approach they approach ; following whose ordinance and through whose impulse, the world moves,-she, O sages, 39 So corrected by Whitney in his Grammar, 1848, instoad of the avidamdha iti of the editions. 37 I road tad abravit instead of tam abrauit me printed in the edition,

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APRIL, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES is the Viraj in the highest heaven." This verse is the answer given by Kasyapa to the inquiry made in the preceding verse by the six sages about the nature of Viraj who is said to be the father of Brahman. In contrast with pracyulam and pracyavuanta in the first pada, one expects pratishthamanam and pratishthanta in the second pada (' after whom, when she is going, the sacrifices go and when she is firmly established, are firmly established ') instead of upatishthamdnam and upatishthanta that are found there. It is not therefore improbable that these latter words are here used in the sense of pratishthamanam and pratishthania. Com. pare Prasnopanjshat, 2, 4: tasminn utkrdmaly athetare sarua erotkramante tasmine ca pratishthamine sarva eva pratishthante tad yatha makshika madhuka, a-rajanam utkrdmantam saruz evolkrdmante tasmins ca pratishthamdne sarva eva pratishthante' when it (*c. the prana) departs, all the others depart, and when it stays fast, all others stay fast; just as, when the king-bee departs all the bees depart and when he stays fast, all stay fast.' It will be seen that the second half-verse speaks of the whole universe being controlled by, and obeying the impulse of, the Viraj while the first half-verse speaks, seemingly, of the sacri. fices only, yajnah, going when the Viraj goes and coming (or staying) when the Viraj comes (or stays). This is, to say the least, incongruous, and the more so as the sacrifices are not such important things as to deserve mention in this connection. One would rather expect in the first half-verse also mention to be made of the whole univerge going and coming (or staying) according as the Viraj goes and comes (or stays); compare the word sarve in the Upanishad passage sarva evotkrdmante. ... sarva eva pratishthante cited above. I am therefore led to believe that the word yajiin here in the first half-verse denotes 'universe', that is, that it has the same meaning as the word yaksha in the second half-verse. In other words, the view of the Indian commentators that sees in yaksha a derivative from the root yaj seems to be justified by the parallelism here of the two words yajvia and yaksha. AV. 8, 9, 25-26 : ko nu gauh ka ekarshih kim u dha' ma kd' asishah yakshim prthivyd' m ekary'd ekartuh katamo nu sah | 25 eko gaur eka ekarshir ekam dha' maikadha'lishah yaksham prthivya'm ekavr'd ekartur na'ti ricyate || 26 ! "Who then is the ball, who the sole seer, what the abode and what the desires ? The being that on earth is one-seasoned, one-fold, who is he? The bull is one, one the sole seer and one-grouped are the desires. The being that on earth is one-seasoned, one-fold, he is not different." M. Boyer, following M. Henry, has understood these verses as referring to the sun (Aditya), that is, to the sun considered as the Supreme Being. This is not incorrect; but I believe that it is preferable to refer the verses, with Geldner (l.c. p. 129) to Brahman itself, to the Viraj that is spoken of in the opening verses of this hymn. The Brahman is ekarshi, the sole seer, because from it come forth as its breath, the Rgveda, Yajurveda, Samsveda. etc.; see Brhad. Up. 2, 4, 10:asya mahalo bhutasya nisvasitam etad yad rgvedo yajurvedah sdmavedo 'tharvingirasa itihasah puranam vidyd upanishadah blokdh sutrany anuvydkhyd. nani vydkhydnany asyaivaitani sarvdni nisvasitani. The Brahman is ekavrl, one-fold, because it is one and changeless; compare Bh. Gita, 12, 3: sarvatragam aciniyam ca kulastham acalam dhruvam 38 << The imperishable Brahman that is all-pervading, unthinkable, unchanging, immutable, eternal"; it is the dhama or abode (of all); compare ibid. 11, 38 : veriasi vedyam ca param ca dhama 'Thou art the knower, and the known ; (thou art) the sup reme abode '; ibid. 10, 12:param brahma param dhama pavitram paramam bhavan 'Thou art the supreme Brahman, the supreme abode, the highest purifier'; GaudapAda-karika, 4, 100: durdarsam atigambhiram ajam sdmyam risaradam budhvd padam andndtvam namas. kurmo vathabalam; and Maitryupanishad, 6, 33 : tatah buddhah sattvantarastham acalam amylam acyutam dhruvam vishnu-sannitam sarvd param dhama satyakdma-sarvajnatva 30 And also perhaps because in it all the gods and other things become one; (compare AV. 13, 4, 13: de aemin devdekavrlo bhavanti. "In him all these gode become ono" said of the Supreme Being, called Bayitr in this hymn.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1928 samyuktam.... pasyati. In the Brahman are all abishah or desires ; compare Ch. Up. 3, 1,5: etat satyam brahmapuram asmin kamdh samdhitah: 'In this citadel, namely Brahman (so Saukara explains the word brahmapuram) are placed all desires '; Maitryupanishat, 6, 30: alra hi sarve kamah samdhitah : Here (in the Brahman) are all desires placed '; Ait. Up. 5, 2: sankalpah keratur asuh kamo vasa iti sarvany eraitani prajna nasya ndmadheyani bhavanti.... prajnanam brahma: 'Sankalpa, keratu, asu, kdma, nasa--all these are names of only prajnana. ...prajnana is Brahman'. The Brahman is ekartu, one-seasoned, because perhajis there is no succession of days and nights in Brahmaloka or to the Brahman there is but only one long unending day, and hence only one season'; compare Ch. Up. 8, 4,1: nailam selum ahordlre taratah. ...elam selum tilvipi naklam ahar evabhinishpad yale skyd-vibhalo hy evaisha brahmalokah." "This bridge is not crossed by day and night; having crossed this bridge, even night becomes day; in this Brahmaloka it is always day"; ibid., 3, 11, 3: na ha va asmd meti na nimlocati sakrd diei hdamai bhavati ya etdm evam brahmopani. shudam verla "To him who thus knows the Brahma-mystery, there is no sun rise and no sunset; it is day to him once for all." Compare also Gaudapadakarika, 3, 35 : tad era nir. bhayam brahma....ajam anidram asvapnam.... sakrdvibhala m sarvajam : "That is the fearless Brahman.... unborn, sleepless, dreamless . . . . all-knowing, to which it is always day"; and Muktikopanishat, 2, 73: sukrd-vibhalam tu ajam ekam aksharam alepakam sarvagatam yad advayam tad eva caham sakalam vimukta om. M. Boyer, in the course of his explanation of these verses, says (p. 419) that, a priori, there is no reason to suppose that the five questions in v. 25 refer to the same person or thing, but that, as a matter of fact, the answers in v. 26 are capable of being referred to one deity, namely the sun. This is because he understands the last pada of v. 26 to mean that 'the marvel (as already said above, yaksha=merveille in M. Boyer's opinion) on the earth.... is not surpassed by any.' It seems to me however that the words nati ricyate should be understood, not as is not surpassed' but as does not remain over ; is not different ', and that therefore these words in v. 26 refer to the same subject, and that hence the questions in v. 25 too refer to the same subject. Ekadhdfishah means literally, the desires become one (in that being)', that is, that all desires are found at once in that being; see above. AV. 10, 2, 31-33 : ashta' cakra navadvard deud' nam pi'r ayodhya' tasyam hitanyayah koeah svargo jyotishd' vrtah || 31 | tasmin hiranyaye kose tryare tri pratishthite tismin yad yaksham dtmanvat tad vai brahmavido viduh !132 !! prabhrd' jamanam hirinim yasasd samparivrtam puram hiranyayim brahmd' vivebd' pardjitam || 331 "The fortress of the gods has eight wheels (i.e., circumvallations) and nine doors and is inexpugnable ; in it is a sheath of gold, heaven, enveloped in splendour ; verily, the Brahmaknowers know the animate being that is in this sheath of gold which has three spokes and is thrice-supported. Into this resplendent, yellow, invincible fortress of gold, enveloped in glory, entered the Brahman." (To be continued.)

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APRIL, 1928) BUDDHIST WOMEN BUDDHIST WOMEN. BY DR. BIMALA CHURN LAW, M.A., B.L, PE D. (Continued from page 54.) Uttard came of a certain clansmen's family at Savatthi. When grown up she heard Patacara preach the Norm. She became a believer, entered the Order and became an arhat. (Th. Commy, pp. 161-162.) Ottari was a theri who was 120 years old. She went to beg for alms. Once, while going for alms, she met the Buddha on the way and when going to salute him, she fell down. The Buddha delivered a sermon to her, and she having attained the first stage of sanctification died. (D.C., vol. III, p. 110.) Khuijuttara was the maid servant of Samavati, queen of King Udena of Kosambi. Her daily duty was to buy flowers from Sumana, a garland-maker for eight kaha panas. Once the Buddha together with the bhikkhusamgha was invited to take meals in Sumana's house. Khujjuttard waited on her and heard the sermon delivered by the Buddha. She obtained sota pattiphalam after hearing the sermon. In former days she used to steal four kaha panas out of eight kaha panas given to her by her mistress for buying flowers. After having obtained sotapattiphalam she brought flowers to the value of eight kaha panas. She confessed her guilt when asked why she brought such a large quantity of flowers. She told Samavati that she had acquired knowledge and came to realise that stealing things is a sin committed by a person who listened to the Buddha's sermon. Samavati after listening to the dhamma repeated by her obtained sotapattiphalan. She was well versed in Tripitaka. (D.C., I, pp. 208 f.) Dinnd was an updsika of the Buddha. She was the queen of King Uggasena. A king pro. mised to the deity of a nigrodha tree that he would worship the deity with the blood of one hundred kings of Jambudipa if he got the throne after his father's death. He then defeated all the kings gradually and went to worship the deity, but the deity, seeing that many kings would be killed, being compassionate to them, refused his worship on the ground that the queen of King Uggasena whom he had defeated was not brought. The king had her brought, and she preached a sermon on the avoidance of life-slaughter in their presence. The deity approved and the king refrained from life-slaughter, and released the defeated and captured kings, who praised Dinna for this act. It was due to her that so many kings were saved. (D.C., II, p. 15 f.) Sond came of a clansmen's family at Savatthi. In course of time, after marriage, she became the mother of ten sons and was known as Bahuputtika. The Dhamma pada Commy. says that she had seven sons and seven daughters (D.C., II, pp. 276--278). On her husband renouncing the world she divided all her riches equally between her sons. In a very short time her sons and daughters-in-law ceased to show respect. She then entered the Order of the bhikkhunis and began to practise insight strenuously in her old age. The master gave her suitable instructions. Sona Bhikkhuni then attained arhatship. (Th. Commy,, 95.) She occupied the foremost place among the bhikkhunis, making great exertion (Manorathapurani, 218-219; cf. A.N., I, 125). Bhadda Kundala kesd came of the family of a banker at Rajagaha. When grown up, she one day saw Satthuka, the purohita's son, being led to execution by the city guard. She fell in love with him at first sight. She resolved to die if she did not get him. Her father heard of this and got Satthuka released by bribing the guard heavily. Satthuka was brought to Bhadda, who, decked in jewels, waited upon him. He saw her jewels and coveted them. He told Bhadda to get ready an offering to be given to the cliff deity. Bhadda did 80. She adorned herself with all her jewels and accompanied her husband to the precipice with an offering. On reaching the top of the precipice, Satthuka told her to put off all her ornaments which he had come there to take. In vain Bhadda pleaded that she herself and all her ornaments belonged to him. Satthuka did not take any notice of her pleadings. He wanted all her ornaments. Bhadda then prayed for an embrace with all her jewels on.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1928 Satthuka granted her prayer. Bhadd& embraced him in front and then, as if embracing him from the back, pushed him over the precipice. Satthuka died (cf. Dhammapada Commy., vol. II, pp. 217 f.). Thereafter Bhadda did not come home, but she left the world and entered the Order of the Niganthas. She learnt the doctrine of the Niganthas and left their company. Thereafter she found no one equal to her in debate. She set up the branch of a jambu tree on a heap of sand at the gate of some village or town, with the declaration that any body able to join issue with her in debate should trample on this bough. Sariputta ordered some children who were near the bough, to trample on it. The children did so. When Bhadda saw the bough trampled, she challenged Sariputta to a debate before some Sakyan recluses and was advised to go to Buddha for refuge. She went to the Buddha who discerned the maturity of her knowledge. Buddha spoke a verse and she attained arhatskip with analytical knowledge. (Th. Commy., pp. 99 f.) Bhadda was assigned a chief place among the bhikkhunis: possessing ready wit. (Manorathapurani, p. 375; cf. Anguttara Nikaya, I, 25.) Sama came of a rich householder's family at Kosambi. She was moved by the death of her dear friend, the lay-disciple Samavati. One day she listened to Elder Ananda preaching and acquired insight. On the seventh day after this she attained arhatship with a thorough grasp of the Dhamma in form and meaning. (Th. Commy., 44-45.) Another Sama who came of a clangmen's family at Kosambi, was a friend of Samavati, whose death afflicted her so much that she could not gain self-control for twenty-five years. In her old age she heard a sermon through which her insight expanded and she won arhatship with patisambhida (analytical knowledge). (Th. Commy., 45-46.) Ubbiri came of the family of a rich householder at Savatthi. She was very beautiful, and was brought to the palace by the king of Kosala. A few years later a daughter was born to her. This daughter was named Jiva. The king saw the child and was very much pleasec. He then had Ubbiri anointed as queen. After a few years Jiva died. The mother used to go to the cemetery and shed tears. Questioned by the Exalted One as to why she was weeping, she said that she was sheding tears for her deceased daughter. She was questioned by the Exalted One as to which of the 84,000 daughters she was weeping for. She then spent a little thought and intelligence over the Norm thus taught by the Buddha. She was established in insight, and in due course she won arhatship by virtue of great merits. (Th. Commy., 53-54). Kisagotami came of poor family at Savatthi. She was married to a rich banker's son who had forty crores of wealth. (D.C., II., pp. 270-75). Bodhisatta was her maternal uncle's son. One day, while the Bodhisatta was returning home after receiving the news of Rahula's birth, he was seen by Kisagotami from her palace. Buddha's beauty pleased Kisagotami so much that she uttered a stanza, the purport of which is, "the mother who has such a child and the father who has such a son and the wife who has such a husband are surely happy" (nibbuta), but the Bodhisatta took the word nibbuta in the sense of nibbanan. The Bodhisatta presented her with a pearl necklace for making him hear such auspicious and sacred words. (D.C., vol. I, p. 85; cf. Althasalini, p. 34.). On the death of her only child she went to the Buddha with the dead body and requested him to bring the dead to life. Buddha asked her to bring a little mustard seed from a house where no man had died. Kisagotami went from house to house, but she came back to Buddha quite unsuccessful. The Buddha delivered a sermon which led her to become a bhikkhuni. Her insight grew within a short time and she attained arhatship. (Th. Commy., 174 f.). Then the master assigned her the foremost place among the bhikkhunis who used very rough and simple robes. (A.N., 1, p. 25; cf. Manoracha purani, p. 380.) Once Kisagotami went to Andhavana to meditate. Mara came to her and said, "You have killed your sons and now you are crying. Why are you not searching for another man ?" Kisagotami replied, "I have completely destroyed my sons and my husband and I have no sorrow. I am not afraid of you, my attachment is destroyed and ignorance is dispelled. Killing the

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APRIL, 1928) BUDDHIST WOMEN 67 army of death I live sinless." Mara then left her. (S.N., I, pp. 129-130). Once Kisagotami was coming through the sky to worship the Buddha while Sakka with his retinue was seated before the Buddha. She did not come to the Buddha, but worshipped him from the sky and went away. Being questioned by Sakka, the Buddha answered that she was his daughter. Kisagotami, who was the foremost among the bhikkhunis, used very rough and simple robes. (D.O., IV, 156-157.) Patacard came of a banker's family at Savatthi. In her youth she formed an intimacy with a servant of her house. On the day fixed for her marriage with another youth of equal rank she eloped with her lover and dwelt in a hamlet. There she used to perform household duties, and her lover used to bring wood from the forest and work in a field belonging to others. Shortly afterwards Patacara gave birth to a child, but at the time of the birth of her second child, a storm aroso. Her husband went to a forest to cut grass and sticks. While he cut a stake standing on an ant-hill, a snake came from the ant-hill and bit him. He fell there and died. The next morning Patacara went to the forest with her two children and found her husband doad. She lamented and left the place. On her way to her father's house there was a river, the water of which was knee-deep. She lost her children while crossing the river. With tears of grief she came to Savatthi and learnt that her parents and brother had perished under the debris of the fallen house. She turned mad. Since then she did not wear clothing, and was therefore known as Patacara. One day the Exalted One saw her in that plight and said, "Sister ! Cover your shamelessness." She regained her consciousness. and the Lord taught her that sons, parents and kinsfolk were no shelter, and asked her to discern this truth in order to make clear quickly the way to nibbana. Then she was established in the sotapattiphalar. She attained arhatship with analytical knowledge (Th. Commy.. p. 108 f.; Manorathapurani, pp. 356-360; cf. A.N., I, 25). Thereafter she preached the Buddha's dhamma and converted many afflicted women to the Buddhist faith. The Therigatha Commy. says that Patacara had five hundred female disciples, who came of different families of different places. They were married, bore, children and lived domestic lives. Overwhelmed with grief at the loss of children they went to Patacara, who asked them not to weep when the manner of birth and death was unkown to them. They were greatly moved by Patacara's teachings and renounced the world under her. They performed exercises for insight and soon became established in arhatahip with pafisambhidd. (Th. Commy., pp. 122-123; cf. Dhammapuda Commy., II, p. 260 f.) Vasitthi came of a clansmen's family at Vaisali. Her parents gave her in marriage to a clansman's son of equal position. She had a son. When the child was able to run about, he died. Vasitthi went mad with grief. She came to Mithila and there she saw the Exalted One, self-controlled and self-contained. At the sight of the Buddha the frenzy left her and she recovered her normal mind. The master taught her the outlines of the Norm. Performing all proper duties, she acquired insight, and struggling with the help of full knowledge, she goon attained arhatship together with a thorough grasp of the Norm in form and spirit. (Th. Commy., 124-125.) Dhammadinnd came of a clansmen's family at Rajagaha and became the wife of a Setthi named Visakha. One day her husband heard the master teaching, and after hearing uim he did not hold converse with her as he used to do before, but renounce1 the worldly life. Dhammadinna too became a bhikkhuni and took up her residence in a village. One of the great merits acquired in her previous births was her subjugation of the complexities of thought, word and deed. By virtue of this merit, she soon attained arhatship together with thorough mastery of the form and meaning of the Dramma. Then she returned to Rajagaha and was questioned by her husband on the khan las and the like. She answored so correctly that she was praised by the Buddhs and was ranked as foremost among the sisters who could preach. (Th. Commy., 15; cf. Manorathpurani, pp. 360-363 ; Angultara N., I, 25.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1928 Dhamma came of a respectable family at Savatthi. Given in marriage to a suitable husband, she became converted. On her husband's death, she entered the Order. In due course she won arhatship with thorough knowledge of the Norm in form and meaning. (Thi Commy., p. 23). Mettikd was the daughter of a rich Brahman of Rajagaha. She climbed a hill and lived like a recluse. She acquired insight and within a short time won arhatship (Th. Commy., p. 35). Abhaya came of a respectable family at Ujjain. She was a friend of Abhayamata. She followed her in renouncing the world, and entered the Order. In course of time she attained arhatship at Rajagaha. (Th. Commy., 41-43.) Somd was born at Rajagaha as the daughter of the purohita of King Bimbisara. When advanced in years she became a lay disciple. Afterwards she entered the order of the bhik. khunis. She performed exercises of insight and within a short time won arhatship. Mara tried in vain to divert her from this path. From the Samyutta Nikaya we learn that Mara came to her and said, "What is to be obtained by the Rishis, you are, with slight wisdom, trying to have it. That which is difficult to be obtained by great sages, you being a silly woman, want to have." She replied: "If my mind is steadfast, I must acquire it, my womanly nature will not prevent me from acquiring it." Mara then left her. (Th. Commy., Pp. 66-67; cf. S.N., 1, p. 129.) Bhadda Kamilani came of a Brahman family of the Kosiya clan at Sagala. She was married to a young noble Pippali at the village of Mahatittha. When her husband renounced the world, she made over her wealth to her kinsfolk. She then left the world and dwelt five years in the hermitage of the heretics. Thereafter, she was ordained by Mahapaja pati Gotami. Establishing insight she soon won arhatship. By the master she was ranked first among the bhikkhunis who could remember previous births (Th. Commy., 67 f.; cf. Manorathaparant, p. 375; cf. Anguttara N., I, p. 25). Besides the women who embraced a homeless life and became bhikkhunia and theris, there were others who were staunch believers in the Buddha's dhamma. These women used to lead a domestic life, offering charities in the shape of coin and kind to theras, bhikkhunis and bhikkhus in the expectation of a happier rebirth or for the benefit of departed relations. The incidents in the life of some of these women are recorded in the Buddhist literature, and it would not be out of place here to mention them below. Uttara, daughter of Nandaka, Commander-in-chief of Pingala, king of Surattha, was a believer in the Buddha. She used to offer to a saintly thera cold and perfumed drink as well as excellent cake and sweets for the benefit of her departed father. (Vide my Buddhist Conception of Spirits, p. 48). Lakhuma lived near one of the gates of Benares. She used to offer a spoonful of rice to the bhikkhus when they entered the town by that gate. Thus she acquired the habit of offering charity. In the asanasala (rest house), she used to prepare seats for, and supply water to, the bhikkhus. She was established in sotd patti. After death she was reborn in the Tavatirsa heaven. (Vide my Heaven and Hell, p. 50.) A daughter of a certain upasaka of Rajagaha was very much devoted to Mahamog. gal na. One day she welcomed & thera, offered him a seat, worshipped him with a garland of sumana flower and gave him sweets, etc. On her death, she was reborn in the Tavatimsa heaven. (Vimdnavatthu Commy., 179-179.) (To be continued.)

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APRIL, 1928) NICOLAO MANUCHY'S WILL AND TESTAMENT NICOLAO MANUCHY'S WILL AND TESTAMENT.1 BY MONS. SINGARAVELOU PILLAI. BEFORE publishing Nicolao Manuchy's testament, I wish to say a few words about this historical personage. Others more competent than myself, such as (1) Mr. Henry Davidson Love, late Lieutenant-Colonel, Royal Engineers, Hon. Fellow of the University of Madras, in his work (Indian Records Series) Vestiges of Madras, 1640-1800, in four volumes, 1913, (2) Miss L. M. Anstey in The Indian Antiquary, March 1920, under the title of " More about Nicolao Manucci." (3) The late Mr. William Irvine, Assistant Magistrate of Saharanpur, in the intro. duction to the translation of his book Storia do Mogor, 1653-1708 (Indian Text Series, 4 vols., 1907-1808) and lastly (4) my intimate friend Mr. Jadunath Sarkar. M.A.Professor. Patna College, in his work Studies in Mughal India, have already related the life and work of this important personage. So, as an addendum to their publications, I wish to lay before you the results of my historical researches concerning this celebrated Venetian diplomat. Nicolao Manuchy was born at Venice in 1639 and visited India as a traveller during the reign of Shah Jahan in 1686. His knowledge of the art of AEsculapius made him the first doctor to the sons of the Great Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. His profession retained him in the Great Mughal's Court for forty years and there he lived in close friendship with the Emperors and the viziers and he got even admittance into the seraglio, a privilege not easily bestowed. That intimacy and his sojourn in the Court for nearly half a century enabled him to complete his MS. in Portuguese with the French title of Histoire Generale de l'Empire Mogol depuis sa Fondation. It is those manuscripts that Father Francois Catrou of The Society of Jesus translated into French in 1705 and published in two volumes. It is also from those memoirs, that Jean de Laet prepared his notes on the Mughals which commence Nos fragmentum e Belgico, quod e genuino illius Regni Chronico es preffum credimus libere vertimus. Manuchy has also published a book called Guerras de Golconda e Visa pour com varios succe8808 ate a era de 1700, in three volumes. We also owe to him the fine collection of Indo-Persian paintings which he took to Europe in 1691 and which have since remained deposited in the National Library in Paris. His honesty, his impartiality and his scholarship in Eastern languages led to his appointment by the Madras Government, as well as by that of Pondicherry, as an ambassador and extraordinary messenger to the Nawab of Arcot and other princes, to carry them presents and seek easy ways of consolidating relations with them, and in critical moments to make use of his talent to settle delicate matters of diplomacy. He fulfilled with great cleverness such missions to the Nawab of Arcot in 1687-1712 under Thomas Pitt, Francois Martin, Dumas and Hebert. In support of the above assertion I refer to the Records of Fort St. George, Diary and Consultation Book of 1701, page 3--"One Senr. Nicolas Manuchi a Venetian and an inhabitant of ours for many years, who has the reputation of an honest man, besides hee has liv'd at the King's Court upwards of thirty years and was a servant to one of the Princes, and speaks the Persian Language excellently well, for which reasons wee think (him) the proprest person to send at this time with our Chief Dubash Ramapah, and have uranimously agreed, with the advice of all that were capable of giving it, to send the following presents in order to their setting out tomorrow on their journey, and have deliver'd in our Instructions and Letters as enter'd after this Consultation." NOTE.-This article is reprinted, with kind permission, from vol. VIII of the Proceedings of Meetings Di the Indian Historical Records Oom Nission, pp. 169-175. (Proceedings of Eighth Meeting held at Lahore, November 1925.) A fow clorical amendments bave been made. TT:

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1928 In 1670 he resided in Lahore and practised his profession of doctor in the royal family. In the last days of his life he lived sometimes in Madras and sometimes at Pondicherry, choosing the latter as his favourite residence. Testament. Before the Secretary of the Conseil Superieur and the Royal Company of France at Pondicherry, the undersigned and in presence of two witnesses mentioned in the sequel, was present Mr. Nicolao de Manuchy, inhabitant of Pondicherry, sound in mind, memory and sense, as it appeared to us and to the above witnesses, having for the following purpose repaired to the office of the above Secretary, who, willing to be ready for the certain hour of death, afraid of being caught by the uncertainty of death, without having put to right his concerns and disposed of his properties which God plee.sed to give him, has made and dictated to me, the above Secretary, his testament and statute of last will as follows: In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy-Ghost, at first, as a true Christian and good Catholic, has recommended and recommends his soul to God, the Creator, the Father, the Son and the Holy-Ghost, entreating His Divine Majesty by the infinite merits of death and passion of his only 'son our Saviour, Jesus Christ, by the intercession of the glorious Virgin Mary, of St. Nicolas, his good patron, and of all the saints and very happy souls, to receive his soul coming out of his body and to be willing to place it in His holy heaven. Ditto has declared he desires that his body should be buried in the church of the Capuchin monks at Pondicherry very near Le Benistier, and that a high-mass may be sung over his body with ordinary service assisted by all the fathers who may then be present. That his soul may rest in peace as early as possible, and for that purpose he gives and leaves by will to the above Capuchin Monks the sum of twenty current pagodas. Ditto has declared that he gives to the said Capuchins of Pondicherry the sum of sixty current pagodas, to make them pray for the repose of his soul. Ditto has declared he gives the poor five current pagodas, which will be distributed after the service, on the day of his burial. Ditto has declared he gives Nicolas Beuret, Charles' son, his god-son in Pondicherry, the sum of five current pagodas. Ditto has declared he gives and leaves by will to his god-son, Pierre Forchet, called Duquenola, similar sum of five current pagodas. Ditto has declared he gives and leaves by will to the eldest daughter of Mr. Delalande, clerk, the sum of twenty current pagodas for her marriage. Ditto has declared he gives ten pagodas to the Capuchins of Pondicherry to pray to God for the souls in Purgatory. Ditto has declared he gives and leaves by will to one Patchy Ko, by name, residing in Madras, the sum of five current Pagodas. Ditto has declared he gives and leaves by will to the children of one Reginal of Madras the sum of six current pagodas. Ditto the testator in question has declared that the sums of six hundred and seventy pagodas and the eight hundred pagodas he has in the Treasury of the above Company of France at Pondicherry may be withdrawn with interest and formed into a capital, together with all the other assets which may be received after his death, the said capital to be used by Mr. le Chevalier Hebert and Counsellors of the Conseil Superieur of Pondicherry 'in purchasing diamonds and other precious goods, the whole to be handed over to the ambassador of Venice or any other agent of Venice in Paris ; that the testator in question requests to have the above goods handed over to Mr. Andre Manuchy, his brother, or to his heirs at Venice, to whom he gives and leaves by will the above properties. And for executing the present testament by increasing rather than diminishing the bequests he requests Mr. le Chevalier Herbert, the Governor of Pondicherry, to be pleased to take the trouble, and nominates him for the purpose, having entire confidence in him.

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APRIL, 1928) NICOLAO MANUCHY'S WILL AND TESTAMENT This will was so made, dictated and nominated by the testator in question to the above Secretary, who in the presence of the witnesses read and re-read this present testament, which he said he had heard well and wished to be executed according to its form and tenor. Leaving aside any other testament and codicil which he might have made with his own hand, he wishes only this to have effect; made and passed at Fort Louis in Pondicherry in the office of the above Secretary in the year 1712, the eighteenth day of January in the forenoon in the presence of Mr. Francois Moufle Ecuyer Delafosse, Lieutenant d'infanterie and Pierre Elyer de la Vaupalier, clerk of the above Royal Company of France at Pondicherry, who are the witnesses called by the testator. The testator and the witnesses have given their signatures along with me, the above Secretary ; Signed : NICOLAO MANUCHY. Signed : MOUFLE DELAFOSSE. Signed : ELYER DE LA VAUPALIER. Signed : DELORME. Address of Nicolao Manuchy's relatives. His two brothers, 'Andre and George Manouchy. His two maiden sisters Angella and Francisca. A third one who he is not sure is alive, Perine. Residing at the quarters of St. Jean, Evangelist St., Stin, Venice. Note.-This information about his family address has been found in a bit of paper attached to the present testament. I have found this testament among the notarial records of Pondicherry. The paper has become yellow and is so dotted with holes here and there that two or three words cannot be deciphered. According to the will of the testator, he wished to die at Pondicherry and be buried there, but he lived long after making his testament, as is evidenced by the following events. No one is sure of the date of his death. Several have assigned it to the years 1711-1712, but they are quite wrong. Mr. H. Dodwell, ex-curator of old Records, Madras, now professor in the School of Oriental Studies in the University of London, says in the preface to his book Records of Fort St. George, Minutes of Proceedings in the Mayor's Court of Madraspatam (June to December 1689 and July 1716 to March 1719)"........ A still more interesting person who appears here, is Dr. Manuch,' with his characteristic suit against a Moorman' to recover winnings at Back-gammon. The date of the suit shows moreover that the time of Manucci's death must be assigned to a later period than Mr. Irvine supposed." Mr. Julian James Cotton, I.C.S., in his work List of Inscriptions on Tombs or Monuments in Madras, page 3, No. 8 (6th October 1683) says. "Clarke's widow married the Venetian Nicolao Manucci, who died at San Thome about 1709, aged 74. Manucci lived in Madras from 1686 till his death." It cannot be that he died in 1709, as he was alive in 1712 and made his will on the 18th January of the same year. Again it is said that he died at San Thome. But there is no proof of any tomb having been built there for him. I have gone through the notarial Records from 1712, the date of the above will, to 1725, five years after the first appearance of his second will and codicil of the 18th January 1719 (dated Madras). I have not found any record about the date of his death and bequests. After the discovery of his second will I made sure he was alive in the year 1719. Miss L. M. Anstey in her article ; "More about Nicolao Manucci" (Indian Antiquary, March 1920, pages 52, 53) says: "On January 14, 1712, the president of (Madras).... ... informed the Board that special order had come to Pondicherry calling for Manucci's attendance at Shah Alam's court (then at Lahor) ........" However the Emperor Muazzam Bahadur Shah, the first, alias Shah Alam the first, died at Lahore on February 27. Mr. Manucci lived then surely at Pondicherry, for it is there

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1928 he made his first will of the 18th January 1712. Therefore, he could not go to Lahore at the call of Shah Alam the first. He could not make that journey, for on the 23rd January 1712, Mr. le Chevalier Hebert sent him on a mission to the Nawab of Arcot. That mission was the last one which he fulfilled to the entire satisfaction of the Governor of Pondicherry and his counsellers. From the 3rd December 1718 to the 30th January 1719, he was claiming by means of a law-suit the money that Cojee-Baba (Khwaja Baba) owed him. So he was still alive in 1719. Mr. H. D. Love in the second volume of his Vestiges of Old Madras says on page 125 ".......... the date of Manucci's death and the mode of disposal of his property are alike unknown......." Therefore Mr. Love has ignored completely the existence of a will. Among the notarial records of Pondicherry, there is a contract of exchange between Mr. Manuchy and Dela Prevostiere, dated the 3rd July 1709. "Before the Secretary of the Conseil Superieur of the Royal Company of France at Pondicherry, the undersigned, were present : Mr. Pierre Andre Dela Prevostiere, counsellor for the above Company and Nicolao Manouchy residing at present in Madras, who made together the following agreements namely: that the above Mr. Dela Prevostiere made over, released and transferred by right of selling and by interchange to the above Mr. Manuchy accepting of the present of a house situated in that town New Gate-Street of Goudelour, etc., and in exchange and for the payment for the above house the above Mr. Manuchy made over, released and transferred to the above Mr. Dela Prevostiere a house of Mr. Manouchy situated at Grand-Mont near San-Thome. That house was bought from Mr. Francois thro' contract of exchange passed before the Tabellion (notary) of San-Thome on the 9th of August 1697; which Mr. Guetty bought from one Jean Antoine Flaman by name thro' contract passed before the Tabellion (notary) on the 27th of July of the same year." (Nole.-M. Dela Prevostiere was the Governor of Pondicherry from the 20th August 1718 to 11th October 1721). 22nd February 1711. Contract of sale made by Mr. Nicolao Manuchy to Mr. Edouard de la Cloche. Mr. Nicolao Manouchy residing in that town (Pondicherry) sold to Mr. Edouard de la Cloche, capitaine des vaisseaux, residing at present in Madras, some land closed with earthern walls, with a house and a garden situated at Madras beyond Thomas Clarke bridge (received from Thomas Clarke's inheritance thro' his wife) to the value of eight hundred pagodas. The will being dated 12th January 1712, we may be led to think perhaps he died in the course of the year or in the ensuing years. Bearing this hypothesis in mind I went through the records of the "Etat-Civil," in which births, deaths and marriages are registered. It was a fruitless search. I found nothing about the date of his death ; but it was not all in vain; because in the course of my researches, I discovered a second will with its codicil made at Madras on the 8th January 1719. It is in Portuguese. The paper has also turned yellow; it is very difficult to read and make it out. For the paper is in a very bad condition, as soon as it is touched, it crumbles. If the paper had been in good condition we might have found some changes he might have wished to introduce in the disposal of his properties mentioned in the first will. This will is in four pages signed by the testator Nicolao Manuchy and Mie de M. Famirante, and then comes the codicil signed by Nicolao Manouchy and Mr. Quiel de Lima. At the end of signatures two seals are affixed in red wax bearing the arms of the Company. Then it bears the following statement: The present will is on this day the 23rd August 1720, deposited by the Capuchin monk, Thomas, missionary, in the registry of the Conseil Superieur of this town, to be kept as original and copies to be handed over and delivered to those whom it may concern. Signed: F. THOMAS, CAPUCHIN MONK, M.A., Du Laurens. According to the wish expressed in his first will, Mr. Nicolao Manuchy wished to die at Pondicherry and to be buried there. His desire was not fulfilled, because, if he had truly

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APRIL, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES. died at Pondicherry, the record of his death would have been indubitably entered in the registers of the "Etat-Civil." This leads me to conclude that he died elsewhere. According to Mr. Cotton, he must have died at Mylapore. It is not proved by any inscription about him ; nor was there any tomb built over his grave. Therefore nobody can say, with certainty, the exact place of his death. I think, it is but a hypothesis, that Mr. Manucci in his second will would have also indi. cated the place where he wished to be buried and the properties which he bequeathed to his heirs. As his will with its codicil was deposited in the registry of the Conseil Superieur by the Capuchin monk Thomas on the 23rd August 1720, I suppose he must have died on the 22nd or 23rd August of that year; for such deposits are made the very day or the day after the testator's death. Till we find something to prove the contrary we may safely assume that the celebrated Venetian died on the 22nd or 23rd of August 1720. I am still going on with my researches to find out the exact day of his death and shall publish in extenso any new discoveries I may make in the course of my studies. YOTE ---Writers spell in different ways the name Manucci: Manuch Nicolas-Macucho Senhr NicolaManuchee Monsr-Manuche Senor-Nicolao Mannuci-Manooch--Senhr Nichola Manuch-Signor Niccolao Manucci-Manoucha-Manuchy- Nicolas Manook-Manuch Dr. Nicoln Manouchy-Manouchi The true spelling is Nicolao Manuchy in conformity with his signature found in different records which are in the Pondicherry archives. MISCELLANEA. IONICOLES, A NAME FOR THE PARSEES. upon then the strictest engagements to cultivate the Land: for according to their Maxima, it was The term Ignicole, obviously from the Latin a pious and meritorious Action, to plant a Tree, unicola. Gre-worshipper, appears to have been to water a Field. or to make a barren spot of earth invented by Sir John Chardin, to describe the yieldt fruit. Whereas the Philosophy of the people now known universully as the Pareees or Mahometans, tends only to the enjoying of the Persians. His books of travel in tho seventeenth things of this World, while one is in it, without the century, thongh famous, seem never to have become haaving any more regard to it than a Highway, popular, and perhaps that is why Ignicole, AS A through which one is to pass quickly." Again on descriptive natne, fell flat. But it occurs twice p. 129 he writes: "If Persia was inhabited by in Lloyd's translation of Chardin's French account Turks, who are still more slothful, und less engaged of his Travels in Persia, published in 1720 and in the things of this Life than the Persians, and reprinted in 1927 in a fine production of the cruelly severe in their manner of government, it Argonaut Press under that title, with an introduc. would be still more barren than it is. Whereas, tion by Sir Percy Sykes. Chardlin had evidently if it was in the hands of the Armenians, or of those & great admiration of the original inhabitants of people called Ignicoles, one could quickly find it Persia, and on p. 138 of the Argonaut Prese edition appear again in all its Ancient Glory and Primitive he writes: "The religion of the Ancient Persiang, Splendor." who were Ignicoles, or worshippers of Fire, lay'd R. C. TEMPLE BOOK-NOTICES. THE GLORIES OF MAGADHA. By J. N. SAMADDAR. NCCRINDLE'S ANCIENT INDIA AS DESCRIBED BY 2nd Ed. Kurtaline Press, Calcutta. PTOLEMY : reprinted from the Indian Antiquary. I am glad to see that Professor Samaddar's By SURENDRANATE MAJUMDAR SASTRI, with excellent book on the Glories of Magadha has run Introduction and Notes. Calcutta 1927. to a second edition, which it well deserves. I wish it every success, especially as it has been produced Professor Majumdar Sastri has produced a most under sad circumstances of health. The excellence useful book and done Indian Scholars & great service of the work is proved by the willing assistance by this reprint of McCrindle's well-known work the Professor has received from various well-known of over forty years ago. The original had become scholars and needs no further recommendation, very scarce and is moreover not in & form that is but I must add that the many plates are very pleasant to read, whereas this Edition is clear, fine and most useful to those engaged in research. if not so handy as the former one. Professor There is besides much new information carefully Majumdar's introduction is good and most useful, compiled which will go far to make the book one and his notes to Ptolemy's difficult text are up that scholars cannot ignore. to date. What more can be said of a reprint ? R. C. TEMPLE. R. C. TEMPLE.

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1928 BHAGAVADAJJUKIYAM, BY BODHAYANA, edited by P. AUNJAN ACHAN (with a preface by Prof. Winternitz). This is a work called Praha sana in Sanskrit, usually regarded as a farce, one of the ton classes of dramatio composition known to Sanskrit. This work is perhaps very much more of a comedy than of a farce, and the element of comedy is made to appear not so much in the acting as in the subject. matter itself. It is a sort of a comedy of an error with just a satirical tinge in it. The story is very simple. A Parivrajaka, or hormit of the Yogic school, is introduced with a disciple of his by name Sandilya, who was a Buddhist Bhikshu, but now & disciple of the Parivrajaka. These two are intro. duced in conversation on questions of higher religion and philosophy, and enter a garden conversing. A courtesan by name Vasantasena is introduced with two companions, expecting to meet her lover there. As the Parivrajaks and his disciple enter, Vasan. tasena is bitten by a serpent and rapidly collapses in death. The Parivrajaka exhibits his power of Yoga to his disciple by transferring his soul into the body of the dancing girl, who revives, but speaks and conducts herself not as her own real self, but as the Parivrajaka, whose dead body is lying some distance away in the immediate neighbourhood. The mother of the courtesan and her lover both arrive on hearing of her death, and are surprised to find her speaking, but not as she haspel! used to do, and take it that she has gone mad. In the meanwhile the discovery of an error is mado by the messengers of death, viz., that they had carried oft a wrong soul to the region of death, and they return to restore it to its body. But finding that it is already infused with life, they set it in the dead body of the Parivrajaka somo distance away. The body of the Parivrajaka now revives, but the revivified Parivre jaka conducts himself and talks not as he him. self, but like the courtesan. This comic situs tion is what is intended to be produced, and in the end the whole error gets rectified by the messengers of death returning and effecting the exchange of souls, thus setting matters right. It is a spirit od poem throughout and the plot is worked up to the denouement with great skill. The composition itself may be regarded as that of a mas. terpoet, the dramatic effect produced is, notwith standing the introduction of the supernatural, almost real and lifelike. Nothing is known of the author, except that he is a BodhAyana Kavi, which the comparatively lato commentator notes. There is nothing else to lead to an identification, but there is the possibility that he might have been Bodh Ayana the Vrittikara, not Baudhayana the law-giver. The discussion of tho Yoga and Yogic practice may lead one to the inference that it is a play later than the fifth century, to which is ascribed the Yoga Satras of Patanjali by some scholare. Such an argument would imply the non-existence of the practice of the Yoga before the Satras of Patanjali, which is hardly warranted. This comic play figures very largely in the discussion relating to the Bhisa problem, as this Prahasana has, in regard to certain features, considerable similarity to the plays of Bhasa. But that by itself would not warrant the inference which has been built upon it, that it was an adaptation by the Chakkiyars of Kerala, and on that untenable ground a lato date has been ascribed to the comic play as well as the dramas of Bhasa. This inference is hardly justified, as Professor Winternitz points out. Neither this play nor several of the Bhasa dramas can be regarded as adaptations from the plays as they are. This opens out many other questions for discussion, which it would be out of place to take up in a review. The editor has edited this work from six manus. cripte, one of which also contains a commentary, which is printed. The commentary is ascribed to the sixteenth century. A feature of one of the manuscripts, written in the old Tamil-Malayalam style, is worth referring to here. Certain words in Prakrit, where the consonants double are written with the first vowel followed by a half cipher followed by the next following vowel. For instance the word for "Arya " is either Ayya' or 'Ajja.' In either case the manuscript writes Aoya and Aa for the two words 'Ayya' and 'Ajja', which is interpreted as a slightly pronounced Y&' of the Prakrit grammarians. That may be all right for one form of the word 'Ayya'. But it hardly explains the Ajja' form. It may after all be a manner of writing in Tamil which sometimes does occur, where instead of a double consonant, sometimes a three dotted aspirate is introduced in Tamil. For instance pal tuli becomes bahruji; whereas kal idy becomes karrin. Perhaps the Malavalam writing of the peculiar character represente a phenomenon like this. This is only by the way. The editor has done his work very well, and we congratulate him on the successful production of a very important work like the Bhagavadajukiyani, a name which is given to the drama to indicate the confusion that was introduced between the Bhage. vat, or ascetic, and Ajju ka the courtesan, owing to the confusion between the two that had beer brought about in the course of the play. S. K. AIYANGAR. INDIAN HISTORICAL RECORDS COMMISSION; PRO CEEDINGS OF MEETINGS, vol. IX, December, 1926. This volume, like so many of the preceding issues, contains several articles of interest. Inspired by a visit to Chambery in Savoy, the birth-place and last resting place of Benoit do Boigno, Sir Evan Cotton furnishes a fascinating sketch of the career of that distinguished soldier of fortune, who played such an important part in Hindustan between the years 1784 and 1795 in consolidating the power of Mah. daji Sindhis. The article--for which an appropriate head-line appears in Tasso's words Guerreggio in Asia, e non vi cambio o merco, adds considerably to our knowledge of de Boigne's life. Another article

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APRIL, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES from the pen of the late lamented Mr. Julian J. God (Edgerton, p. 44). Edgerton translates the Cotton throws many entertaining sidelights upon Bhagavadgitd, XV, 16, 17 thus : "There are two William Knighton's Private Life of an Eastern King. soule here in the world, A perishable and an Mr. H. G. Rawlinson describes some old European imperishable. The perishable is all beinge. The tombs of the 17th century at Surat, Broach and imperishable is called the Uniform. But there is Karwar. John Marshall, whose Notes and Diary another, a Supreme Soul, called the Highest Spirit kept in India in 1668-72 are being published by the the Eternal Lord who enters into the three Oxford University Press, is the subject of an article worlds, and supports them." Barnett here contributed by Dr. Shafaat Ahmad Khan. In translates (pp. 156, 157): "Two males there Jahangir and the Portuguese the Rev. H. Heras, S.J., are in the world a Perishable and an Imperishable. gives a reproduction of a manuscript copy, with the The Perishable is all born beings; the ImperishPortuguese text and an English translation, of tho shable is called the One set on high. And there is remarkable treaty concluded between Jahangir and another and highest Male, called the Supreme Self, the Portuguese on the 7th June 1616, the whole of the changeless Sovran who enters and supports which had not hitherto been published. Mr. the threefold world." A. F. M. Abdul Ali presents a brief sketch of the The term here translated by two separate career of Shuja'ud-daula, Nawab Vazir of Oudh competent Sanskritists respectively a soul' (1754-75). A new, and practically unknown, chapter and 'male' is purusha, and in a footnote Edgerton in the history of ancient India is dealt with by Mr. explains : "The word used is purusha, which Mesrovb J. Seth in Hindoos in Armenia 150 Years elsewhere meane strictly 'soul' and is not applied before Christ, in which he quotes from the History to the body or material nature. Yet here the of Taron (a province of Armenia) written by Zenob 'perishable soul' can obviously mean nothing or Zenobias a Syrian and one of the first disciples of but prakriti, material nature. This is an example St. Gregory the Illuminator, where reference is of the loose language which not infrequently made to the history of a Hindu colony that had confuses the expression of the GitA's thoughts, existed in Armenia since the middle of the 2nd and reminds us that we are reading a mystic century B.C. till the beginning of the 4th century poem, not a logical treatise on metaphysins." A.D. As will be clear from this synopsis, the Com. We are reading indeed popular metaphysics, the mission continues to do valuable work. most confused description of thought in existence, C. E. A. W.O. and Prof. Edgerton has evidently felt the difficulty of the perishable soul" of all beings as & doctrine, but Dr. Barnett gets out of it by translating prirusha THE BHAGAVAD CITA, or Song of the Blessed One, as "male." As a matter of fact, we see in this interpreted by FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Chicago, passage the great difficulty in getting at the thoughts Open Court Publishing Coy. 1925. of philosophical Hinduism-correct translation. Here we have yet another version of what Prof. Both Edgerton and Barnett evidently realise it, Edgerton correctly calls in his Preface the favourite but one wonders if the teachers of the numerous sacred book of the Hindus as a whole." The sects in the United States, deriving their doctrinas Gandhi Movement has induced Prof. Edgerton, from Hinduism, equally realise it. as a competent Sanskrit scholar, to give to his! The above quotations clearly refer to the Hindu countrymen an account of "what the Gita's words (dvaita) doctrine of dualism, and as to that Prof. mean to a professional Indologist." He has another Edgerton (p 44) quotes the Gita, XIII, 1, 2: "This object also in producing this book: "There are body is called the Field : him who knows it, those in this country (United States of America) at who know the truth call the Field Knower. Know present a number of religious sects of recent origin, that I am the Field Knower in all Fields." Here which derive many of their doctrines from Hinduism. Barnett (p. 147) translates: "The Lord spake; Some of these sects revere the Bhagavad Gita 'this body is high and the Dwelling: the Knower of almost or quite as much as do the Hindus them. it is called the Dwelling-Knower by them that selves." In his book, therefore, Prof. Edgerton has have knowledge thereof. Know that the Dwelling. "* tried to let the Gita speak for itself as far as | Knower am I in all Dwellings." Here again it is practicable," and in a footnote he tells us : "Alla question of correct trarslation. quotations in this book have been translated by However Prof. Edgerton's is a very good book me, except in one case, where credit is given to the and I do not intend to quarrel with it. I merely translater quoted." wish to draw attention to the intense difficulty Obviously in such a book everything depends of translating such a work as the Bhagavadotta, on the translations from the original and I have though it is not so difficult to get at a correct Accordingly compared them with those of another sense of its meaning. competent translator, Dr. Lionel Bamott, 1906. I Prof. Edgerton has felt also the difficulty that I will here give a specimen on a very abstract the American Sects must have in pronouncing subjeot of the first importance-the Nature of Sanskrit words in their transliterated forms and

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( APRIL, 1928 vives a short note to help them. No doubt heby her former servant, George Thomas, and soon knows his own people, but I cannot say that Afterwards Zafaryab Khan died. his explanation would help me, were la novice. Begam Samru had always been a friend of the He says that "some English-speaking people give it English, but Lord Wellesley so mismanaged his (short a] the sound of English a in man" when relations with her that she very nearly broke with speaking Sanskrit words. I wonder if such realise the English, being saved from that disaster just how much they would puzzle an Indian. But the Pro. in time by his successor, Lord Cornwallis. He fessor is right in his statement. I have heard a installed her as life ruler under British suzerainty highly educated English Museum official pronounce of the Principality of Sardhana, as her estate had to another, as though it were the obviously correct now become in 1805, after the defeat of Mahadji pronunciation, the term Bodhisattva as if it Sindhia, who had been de facto ruler of the posses. were the English expression "Body bat." In sions of Shah Alam II. fact one may expect anything from a European or an American when speaking Indian words. The Begam then dropped out of general politics; R. C. TEMPLE though she lived 31 years longer to 86 years of age, spending her time in improving and in managing with great skill her principality, and in amassing enormous wealth. Having BEGAM SAMRU, by BRIJENDRANATH BANERJI, with no children, she adopted as her heir, David Ochterlony Dyce, son a Foreword by JADUNATH SARKAR. 1925: Calcutta of one of her officers, Col. G. A. Dyce. This gentle. Mr. C. Sarkar & Co. man became afterwards known to history as Dyce Begam Samru's career on the North Indian Sombre. On her death the Sardhana Principality political stage, during the last half of the 18th lapsed to the British Government. Thereafter Century was one that was only possible in the there en ued trouble over the property. anarchical conclitions in India at that time. The The adoption of Dyce Sombre was quite in order daughter of a broken-down Muslim noble, turned according to Indian ideas. Zafaryab Khan who out of her home near Meerut in childhood by her had been baptised into the Roman Cathclic Church, step-brother, wandering in Delhi with her mother a9 above noticed, married Juliana (Bahu Begam), in very low circumstances, she became in the daughter of Captain Lefevre, and had an only height of her beauty, the wife of tho Gorman mili daughter, Julia Anne, who marriedl Colonel G. A. tary adventurer William Reinhardt, alias Sombre Dyce, a Scotchman in the Begam's service. Their or Samru, who had won a jagir from Shah Alam II son was David Ochterlony Dyce Sombre. They of Delhi in the Gangetic Doab from Aligarh to had also two daughters; Anne Mary, who married Mozaffarnagar, and had settled at Sardhana in the Captain Rose Troup, Bengal Artillery, and Georgiana, centre of it. who married Paul Solaroli, Marquis of Briona, Begam Samru showed that she was a woman both with handsome dowries. The bulk of Begam of parts from the beginning, and at her husband's Samru's fortune went to Dyce Sombre, who proceeded death succeeded to his jagir and the command of to Europe and England to his undoing. In 1838 his troops, as it were naturally, at about 28 years two years after his mother's death, he married in of age in 1778. In 1781 she was baptised as England, the Hon. Mary Anne Jervis, daughter Joanna by Father Gregorio, Roman Catholic of the second Viscount St. Vincent. They did not priest. She proved a good military leader and had agree, and poor Dyoe Sombre was eventually Boveral well-known European adventurers in her locked up as a lunatic, but escaped, and fought for service, including for a time, George Thomas, his property. In the end, however, it went to afterwards the well-known Raja of Hansi. She his wife, who after his death married the third Lord then did some wonderful things, at one time, saving Forester. So the final end of the immense property the feeble Delhi Emperor from Ghulam Qadir, and accumulated by the once pennilesy claughter of an at another from Najaf Quli Khan. Sho thus Indian noble went to the laughter of an English became a prominent figure in Delhi politics. But peer as her sole right. Romance could hardly go in 1790 she did a very foolish thing; for as a woman further. of 40, who should have known better, she married Begam Samru was wise, gonerous, extraordinarily one of her officers, a Frenchman named Lovassoult, open-minded and charitable. She gave her money who was entirely unfitted to help her to govern alike to Roman Catholic and Protestant Christiana her little State, and this affair very nearly put an and to Musalmans and Hindus, leaving behind a end to her career, as it did to that of her husband. name blessed by many a poor Indian. Her story It did bring her to grief for a time, as she was in has been more or less well-known ever since she died, consequence for nearly a year the prisoner of her but now, owing to the patient research of Mr. step-son, Zafaryab Khan alias Louis Balthazar Banerji, we have an authentic version culled from Reinhardt, and was disgracefully treated by him. original sources. From this dangerous position, which only a woman of her calibre could have supported, sho wms saved R. C. TEMPLE

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MAY, 1928 DEVA RAYA I DEVA RAYA II. BY S. SRIKANTA SASTRI, MA. (Saka dates from inscriptions are well for the sake of greater accuracy.) The greatest Emperor of the first dynasty of Vijayanagara, Deva Raya II, was the son of Vijaya Raya and Narayani Devi.! Vijaya is mentioned in inscriptions as Vijayadeva Raya, Vira Vijaya, and Vira Vijaya Bukka (or Bukka III). He was a staunch disciple of the hereditary Gurus of the first dynasty, the Kriyasaktis. A grant of his, dated S. 1332 Vikriti, tells us that he founded in Hulinadu a village called Kriyasaktipura, near Dandapalli, in memory of Kasi Vilasa Kriyasakti. This is attested by a seal of Triyambaka Kriyasakti. Vijaya's inscriptions begin as early as Saka 1331 Virodhi, three years after the accession of Deva Raya 1. Nuniz tells us that "Visa Rao .... lived six years; he left a son Deo Rao who reigned twenty-five years." Since Deva Raya II died in 1368 Kshaya3, he must have ascended the throne in 1342. From 1336 to 1342-a space of six years--Vijaya Raya seems to have been the ruler. Whether he was only the Vicegerent of the Emperor at Muluvayil, or himself Emperor, we do not know; but in support of the latter supposition it may be noted that Deva Raya is mentioned in inscriptions as having got the reins of power from his father (pitryam simhasanam prapya). 4 Deva Raya had numerous titles, some handed down from his forbears, others which he assumed. Chief among them are --Paramesvara, Vira pralapa, Mahamandalesvara, Basage tappuva Rayara Ganda, Muru Rayara Ganda, Ashtadigruya Manobhayankara, Gajaventegdra, Apratima birudanka, etc. Much confusion has been caused by the fact that Deva Raya's son Mallikarjuna is also known as Immadi Deva Raya. To make confusion worse confounded, the brother of Deva Raya II is also termed Pratapa Deva Raya. Thus Immadi Deva Raya had once been assigned a long reign of forty-three years. Pratapa Deva Raya, the younger brother of Deva Raya II, had a wife Sinhala Devi, who bore him Viru paksha II, the successor of Mallikarjuna. This Pratapa was also known as Vijaya.6 Deva Raya had the good fortune to possess some of the greatest ministers that would have adorned any court. To mention some of them, Timmanna Odeya (1336), Chandrapparasa Odeya (1336), Annappa Odeya (1358), Naganna Odeya (1347), Perumala Danda Nayaka (1351), Baichappa Odeya (1329), Auchappa (1347), Lakkanna Dana Nayaka, Madanna Danda Nayaka, Sankara Deva (1338), Narasimha Odeya (1347), Singanna Odeya (1358), Ballala Deva (1369), Srigiri Bhupala in Marataka Rajya (1346-8), PantamailAra (1351). Vallabha Deva (1368). Kanara district was under Chandrappa Danda Nayaka from 1354 to 1384, Manga!ura under Annappa Odeya in 1358, Gumma-Reddipalya under Dodda Vasanta Nayaka in 1358. Madappa Danda Nayaka and Ballala Deva were at Tiruppattur, in 1368, Tanjore was governed by Vallabha Raya. Terkal Nadu, first under the rule of Lakkanna and Madanna, was handed over to the representative of the new family that was already coming to the front-Salva Gopa Tippa. Talakad from A.D. 1428 to 1440 was under Lakkanna, and then it was ruled by Rayanna and Peruma! Danda Nayaka. Barakor in 1338 was ruled by Sankara Deva, in 1347 by Narasimha Danda Nayaka, in 1353 by Chandra Raya, in 1372 by Reyarasa, and in 1380 by Guruvappa Danda Natha. Lakkanna Danda Nayaka was perhaps the greatest of Deva Raya's ministers. He belonged to the Vishnu Vardhana Gotra and was the son of Heggade Deva and Bomma. yamma.8 His brother was Madanna Danda N&yake. In A.D. 1430-33, he was ruling at Muluviyil Nadu. In A.D. 1434 he was asked to hand over the viceroyalty of Terkal Nadu 1 Mysore Arch. Rep., 1923, P. 91. 9 Madras Epigraphist's Report of 1912-13, C. P. grant No. 6. 3 Sr. Be, 328 (125) Epi. Car., vol. II. * I'm. 11. Epi. Car. vol. XII. 6 Mysore Arch. Rep., 1921, para. 62. & Epi Ind., p. 307. Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, vol. I, p. 1051. 8 Mb., 2, 96, Epi. Car., vol. X. HOT ****

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MAY, 1928 to Salva Gopa-Tippa. SA]va Gopa continued to hold the viceroyalty from A.D. 1453 to 1468. Lakkanna makes a grant for the merit of a brother in Saka 1360.10 In 1358, Madanna was at Tiruppatur. Lakkanna was a staunch Vira Saiva and is recognised as one of the viraktas (renounced) of the sect. He is the author of the Kannada work Sivatatwa Chintamani, each verse of which ends with the words vimala charananibujakke saran1.11 Therein he styles himself, dhregdhik muururaayr gNddn prtime | birudaaNk gjbeeNttekaar deeveeNdrbhoo | vrnmh daishvry shrdhi cNdroodynudaar krunnaadhaarnu || nirupmit sptaaNg raajy vrdhnkllaa | dhrnml kiirtiyut lkknnnn dNddeesh | kliyug dollti prauddhmti deevraajeeNdrn mhaaprdhaanN || ibhveeNtteekaar deeveeNdrnunnt kelleynu || The work treats of Vira Saiva hagiology and theology. The style is mellifluous, and the narrative excellent. Judging from the covert allusions in the works of other Vira Saiva writerg1% to the effect that a lakh of money was spent by him on the work, it is reasonable to suppose that he received considerable assistance in his pious undertaking from some other poets whom he patronised. Lakkanna justly styles himself "the increaser of the wealth of Deva Raya, and saptanga rajya vardhana kalddhara and unnata keleya (intimate friend) of Deva Raya." We know from other sources that he conquered Ceylon and Gulbarga. Nuniz says that the kings of Quiloa, Ceylon and Pegu paid tribute to Deva Raya. Abdu'r-Razzak writes "At the time the writer was at Kalikot (A.D. 1442 June) ....The Danaik had gone to Ceylon, .. .. when he returned, he made more than usual preparations to celebrate the festival of Mahanavami."13 Inscriptions of Saka 1362 and 1366 give him the title of dakshina samudradhipati (lord of the southern ocean). " About this time the Danaik or minister departed on an expedition to the kingdom of Gulbarga, the reason of which was that the Gulbarga Sultan, Alaudin Ahmad Shah, learning of the attempt to assassinate Deva Raya, .... was exceedingly rejoiced and sent a message-Pay me 7,00,000 vardhas or I will send a world-subduing army into your country and extirpate idolatry. It is interesting to note that Firishta, as might be expected, gives a false and distorted account of the expedition. Firishta not only lived much later, but also was a prejudiced writer. He says that Deva Raya wantonly made an unprovoked attack on Muslim territory and marched as far as Sagar and Bijapur before his progress could be checked. He also speaks of three pitched battles, in which the eldest son of Deva Raya was killed. At the close of the war Deva Raya engaged to pay the stipulated tribute, provided his territories were not harassed. He also paid arrears of tribute besides making an offer of forty elephants. Alaudin then "honoured the Rai with a handsome dress and presented him with several horbes, covered with rich furniture and set with jewels." Since contemporary, also & Muslim, gives quite a different socount, it is impossible to believe Firishta. This expedition to Gulbarga is also referred to in the Bakhar of the Gumma Reddi PALyam chiefs.14 It says that the country was harassed by the Muslitn army of Gulbarga and a panic ensued. The Palayagar of Gummareddipura and Pemmasani Singappa Nayaka promptly massed their forces and marched to the help of their liege-lord Deva Raya. The army marched to Gulbarga and laid siege to the city. During the siege, four thousand men perished on either side. The Imperial army was exhausted. Then the Palayagar Dodda Vasanta Raya went to the Emperor and said " It appears that the forces of the Empire are in need of rest. Please give permission for the Palayapat army to show its strength." Deva Mr. 1 ; Mr. 3 ; Epi. Car., vol. X. 19 Madras Epi. Report, 141 of 1903. 11 R. Narasimhacharia Karndjala Kavi Charitre, vol. I Lakkappa DandanAtha. 13 Kardaka Kavi Charitre, vol. II-Gubbi Mallankrys. 13 Payne's Scenes from Indian History, p. 88. 14 Gummanilyakana Pdlaya Palaygdrs, by M. B. Puttanna, Mysoro University Extension lectures, 1926-6.

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MAY, 1928 DEVA RAYA II 79 Raya gladly consented. The siege was renewed with greater vigour.. The Sultan grew desperate and, seizing a sword, rushed into the thick of the fight. Dockla Vasanta Nayaka ordered that none should meet the Sultan but himself, and seizing a sword went to fight with the Sultan. In the duel that followed the Sultan's sword broke in two, and Dodda Vasanta Nayaka gallantly threw down his sword also. Then the combatants wrestled with one another, till at last the Sultan was crushed and died vomiting blood. Abdu'r-Razzak also testifics to the victory of the Vijayanagar foroes. "The king's Danaik, after ravaging the territory of Gulbarga, returned bringing some wretched people away with him as captives." This conquest of Gulbarga may be dated A.D. 1443. Evidently this victory increased the power of Lakkanna Dana Nayaka more than ever, and he was given the privilege of issuing coins in his own name, containing the letter lu on the reverse and kha ma na Danayakaru on the obverso. To sum up, Lakkanna was not only a great administrator, but also it great conqueror. In the midst of his constant political activities, he found leisure to patronise art and religion by his own personal examplo. Not only was he a great author, but he was also a great Vira Saiva virakta. His devotion to his mister and to his religion stand forth clearly, marking him as a great historical figure. Another great minister of Deva Raya was Chamarasa or Chamayamatya.17 He was also a devout Vira Saiva poet and scholar, who came into prominence at Court by the aid of Jakkanna Danda Natha. Jakkanna is mentioned in an inscription of Hari Hara Il as early as 1308. By the time of Deva Raya II he must have been rather old. The tradition goes that Jakkanna, after making Chamarasa the prime minister, abandoned politics for religion. This Chamarasa was evidently the patron of Siddanna Mantri, who in turn patronised the Telugu poet Jakkanna, who wrote Vikramarka Charitramu. deevraay mhaaraay dhiivi dheey | mNtrinllbh caamnaamaatydtt | caamr chtr bhuussaadi sklbhaagy | cihnmulnoppe jnnysiddhmNtri || Chamarasa had the titles Vira Saiva Sarodhara, Anya mattha Kuldhala etc. He was one of the hun. dred and one vira ktas who adorned the Court of Deva Raya. He was the author of the great Vira Gaiva work Prabhulingalile, which was translated into Telugu and Tamil. He defeated in linguistic disputations both the Vaishnava Acharya Mukunda Peddi and the Smartha poet Kumara Vyasa. Jakkanna was another notable minister. A staunch Vira Saiva devotee, he was the disciple of Mahalinga Deva and Kumara Banka Natha. Mahalinga Deva wrote Ekotlara satasthala and Prabhudevara satasthala jndna charitrd, the latter work evidently so called after the name of the Emperor. Both were composed at the request of Jakkanna, who had the title "Bhakti Bhandari". Jakkanna himself wrote his Nairondusthala evidently on tho model of the works of his Guru. The Telugu author Jakkayya tells us that Siddha Mantri and his father Janna Mantri were ministers under Deva Raya II. As one Siddhappa Dannayaka is mentioned as ruling in Barakuru in Saka 1380 in the reign of Mallikarjuna, it is reasonable to suppose that his father was minister under Deva Raya II, while the son may have also been minister under Immadi Deva Raya Mallikarjuna. This tallies with the fact of Chamaya matya giving the insignia of office to Siddha Mantri. Guru Raya Mahapradhani, the patron of Chandra Kavi, was another minister. He was of Atreyasagotra and the son of Arasamatya. He had the titles Natana Bhoja Raja, Raye 15 1.A., 1891. 18 Praudha Devara Kavya-Karndtala Kavi Charite, vol. II, Adrihya Kavi. 17 Karnataka Kavi Charite, vol. II, Chamarasa.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MAY, 1928 Bhandari, Narayana Birudunka. Perhaps he is the individual mentioned under the name of Guruvappa in 1380 Bahudhanya as ruling at Barakur. Panta Mailara, who claims to be Deva Raya's lieutenant, has his inscriptions dated in Saka 1351, Kilaka.18 He was the cousin of Sura Nripati and had the significant titles Dharani. vardha, Chantinada, Chauhatta Malla, which are distinctively Salva titles. Vallabhamatya was the ruler of Vinukonda, who not only patronised Srinatha but also wrote in Telugu his Kridabhiramamu. He ruled over Mopuru in Muliki Nadu. It was through his assistance that Srinatha was able to enter the imperial court. Irugappa Dandanatha, the revered minister of Bukka II and Hari Hara II, seems to have been still living, as in A.D. 1422 he made a grant at Sravana Belgola to the great Jaina scholar Panditarya Sruta Muni.19 Deva Raya served his apprenticeship as Viceroy of Muluvay or Mulbagal.20 He seems to have had definite leanings towards Vira Saivism. All the kings of the first dynasty were the hereditary disciples of the Kriyasaktis, the exponents of the Tar trio Saivism of Kashmir. S&]va Tippa, the brother-in-law of Deva Raya II, is spoken of as " Kamsdri padambuja raja hamsah,"21 while Vishnu in the form of Rama came to be definitely worshipped during the time of Virgpaksha II, who was converted to the worship of Rama by Vaishnava saints. Deva Raya in an inscription of 1340 Vilambi, is spoken of as "Vira Saivagama adra sampanna," (learned in the Agama texts of Vira Saivas).22 The vast Vira Saiva literature which grew up in this and later reigns, speaks of a hundred and one virakta, who were a hundred and one Ganadharas of Siva, born on the earth. Moreover Karasthala Viranna, one of the saints, is described as the son-in-law of Deva Raya. Of the three prominent sects of the period, there was little antagonism between Jainism and Vira Saivism, while Vaishnavism was always at loggerheads with the other two. Deva Raya, like the great Mughal, took intense delight in watching disputes between the rival theo. logians, and if any sect presumed to dominate the others, he promptly snubbed it. He dealt out justice fairly equally, and would not brook any breach of the peace. The Vaishnava teacher Kandala Peddayacharya expounded the Mahabharala and Ramayana for nine months and took the works eighteen times in procession. Jakkanna, the Vira Saiva saint, wrote his Nirondusthala and took the book in procession at night, surrounded by the hundred and one viraklas. Thereupon ensued a contest in which Chamarasa, aided by Jakkanna, was successful and was rewarded with the post of minister to Deva Raya. Deva Raya later in the reign became more eclectic. Not only is he supposed to be the author of Maha Na taka Sudhanidhi, treating of the story of the Ramayana, but we know that his wife Annala Devi and he together built the exquisite Hazara Rama Temple in honour of Sri Rama. His Jaina minister, Irugappadandanatha, patronised Jaina scholars, while the fact that an epigraph at Sravana Belgola bewails his death is a proof of his good will towards Jainas also.23 Deva Raya was supposed to be Indra himself, the ruler of the Gods, born on earth. Gangadasa terms him togET "4 and Lakkanna calls him "Devendra". The Channa Basava Purana plainly asserts that Indra was born as Praudha Deva Raya. Deva Raya's wealth was far-famed, and struck Abd'ur-Razzak, as marvellous. Nuniz also affirms that Deva Raya was immensely rich and gained eight hundred and fifty millions of gold besides precious stones. The kings of Coullio, Ceyllio, Paleacate, Pegua and Tanacary paid tribute to him." In fact Vijayanagar was at the zenith of its prosperity during this king's reign. 18 Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, vol. I, p. 1061. 19 Sr. Bel, 253 (82), Epi. Car., vol. II. 20 Bp. 15, Epi. Car., vol. X. 21 Cd. 29, Epi. Car., vol. XI. 33 Mysore Archeological Report, 02 of 1923, p. 91. 43 r. Bel. 328 (125), Epi. Oar., vol. II. ** 8. Krishnaswami Aiyangaps Sources of Vijayanagar History-Gang Adasa's Pratapa Vilasam.

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MAY, 1928 ] DEVA RAYA II - Justice was impartially administered. An inscription of Saka 1349, Plavanga, 26 says that the king's officers unjustly collected kanilkai, arasupperu, karanakkarjodi, and viseshadayam. The ryots in consequence deserted the village. Cultivation ceased and the worship in the temple was at an end. The king promptly held an inquiry and issued a declaration of tole. ration and restitution. That there was also an attempt at social reform during the reign is evident from an inscription of Saka 1347, Visvavasu, 28 when all the Brahmanas of Padaividu Rajya-Kannadigas, Tamilas, Telugas and Ilatas, of all gotras, outras and sakhas, met before the God and settled the sacred law that they should conclude marriage by kanyadina and not after receiving gold. The penalty for breach of the rule was first excommunication and afterwards punishment by the king. If this decision had been rigidly enforced, it would have done away with an evil blight on the social life of to-day. The whole Empire was divided into provinces, each under a Dana Nayaka whose term of office at a particular place seems to have been eight years, after which he was transferred to another province. This was a wise and prudent policy-the violation of which by Virupaksha II proved disastrous to the first dynasty. In A.D. 1434 Lakkanna was forced to give away Terkal Nadu. To take Barakur as an instance. In 1338 Sankara deva was its governor; in 1347, Narasimha Dandanatha; in 1353, Chandra Raja. In 1361 Rayarasa was at Terkal, and in 1372 at Barakur. Thus the governors were constantly transferred from place to place, so that no individual could prove too powerful for the Central Government and successfully usurp power, like Salva Narasimha. Abdu'r-Razzak says that the king possessed an army of cloven lakhs. Deva Raya had many elephants which he hunted and captured himself, thus acquiring the titles of "Gaja Vente kara" and "Gaja Gana Bherunda"27. He was aware of the defect of the Hindu armies, which were unwieldy, and did not hesitate to borrow from his enemies means of improving them. He encouraged Arab merchants to bring good horses by way of Honawar. Abdu'r-Razzak says that Deva Raya paid handsomely and encouraged the trade. An inscription also testifies to the fact that Deva Raya possessed a cavalry force of ten thousand Turkish horses in service." For the accommodation of his Muslim soldiers, he seems to have crected the mosque at Hampi. There were three hundred ports in the Empire which extended from Gulbarga to Cape Comorin, Ceylon and Pegu.88 The very fact that Lakkanna Danda Nayaka was a great naval commander shows that there must have been a powerful floet in existence. In A.D. 1419 Deva Raya is styled only the "Paschima Samudradhipati". In A.D. 1420-24 Lakkanna is called "the Lord of the Southern Ocean."28 In 1442-43 Ceylon was conquered ; Pegu and the Eastern Archipelago also came under his sway. Deva Raya got his precious stones from Quilon, Ceylon and Pulicat. His collection of pearls is also extolled by Srinatha. The conquest of Golconda and Ceylon has already been referred to. During Deva Raya's time, the Telugu kingdom of the Reddis who ruled at Rajamandri, passed into his hands about the year A.D. 1443. Kondavidu had been under a branch of the Reddi familyPedda Komati being the last ruler. His son Racha vema was of dissolute character and was promptly murdered. In Saka 1377, Yuva, we find an inscription of Gana Deva Rahutta Raya whose capital was Kondavidu.30 Gana Deva claims to be of the same lineage as Kapilesvara Gajapati. It is probable that after the murder of Rachavema the Gajapatis ruled at Kondavidu under the suzerainty of Deva Raya. Allada Reddi of the Rajamandri branch claims alliance with the Gajapati and Karnata king in the wars with Pedda Komati.31 25 Madras Kpi. Report, 376 of 1913; Inscriptions of Malras Presidency, vol. I, p. 149. 26 S.I.I., vol. I, p. 84 ; Madras Arch. Rep. 49 of 1887. 27 1. 4., 1891. 28 Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, p. 307. 29 Mysore Arch. Report of 1923, p. 91. Madras Epigraphist's Report, 141 of 1903, 100 of 1911. 80 1. A., 1891. 81 Virosalingam's Andhra Kavula Charitra, vol. 1-Srinatha.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1928 jitpaavlp viklp kutblN tNcaalpbhaanuN rnnee | vikRt smaagtN gjptiN krnnaatt bhuupNctN | htvaa komttveem sainnikrN bhuuyoopi raameeshvraad | raajyN raajmheeNdr raajymkroo dllaadd bhuumiishvrH || As soon as the powerful hand of Deva Raya was removed by death, the Bahmani Sultan and Kapilesvar Gajapati attacked the city of Vijayanagar, as testified by Gangadasa. Malli. karjuna sallied from the fort walls and chased the enemy out of the country. Deva Raya came to the throne as a child; for Abdu'r-Razzak speaks of him as "exceeding. ly young" when he visited him in A.D. 1443.39 He gives this graphic description of the great sovereign: "The king was seated in grcat state in the forty-pillared hall and a great crowd of Brahmins and others stood on the right and left of him. He was clothed in a robe of Zaitun, Satin, and he had round his neck a collar composed of pure pearls of regal excellence, the value of which a jeweller would find it difficult to calculate. He was of an olive colour, of a spare body and rather tall. He was exceedingly young; for there was only some slight down on his cheek and none on his chin. His wholo appearance was vory propossessing." Again he says that the Raya possessed very excellent qualitics indeed. Abdu'r-Razzak in A.D. 1442 speaks of a trcacherous plot to murder the Emperor. The king's younger brother had constructed a new house and invited the king and nobles to a banquet. Many of the nobles were killed, but the king by his own prowess and good fortune escaped. The treacherous brother was slain by the furious populace. We know only of two brothers of Deva Raya, -Pratapa Deva, called also Vijaya, and Srigiri Bhupala, who was viceroy at Maratakanagara, identified with Virinchipuram by Mr. Venkayya. Pratapa Deva was also at Maratakanagara after his younger brother from Saka 1346 to 1368 Kshaya. Sinco Pratapa Deva lived on to Saka 1370 Vibhava, it is not possible to identify him with the younger brother of Deva Raya who, Abdu'r-Razzak asserts, was killed by the populace in A.D. 1442. Therefore the expression in the Sri Sailam plates "M T IH V 14:' must be interpreted to mean the elder sister of Deva Raya, who is referred to in C.D. 29.33 tasyAprajAyA harimAMganAyA / prANezvaraH sALuvatippa rAjaH / kaMsAri pAdAMbuja rAja haMsaH // This is dated Sobhakrit, Kartik B. 10, Somavara, (Monday, November 9, A.D. 1422). The growth of Salva power is very significant. To provide a place for his nephew, Deva Raya ordered Lakkanna and Madanna to hand over Terkal Nadu.34 Abdu'r-Razzak speaks of the following coins as current in the realm.36 Gold coins:(1) Varaha, (2) Pratapa (half varaha), (3) Panam G'o pratapa); Silver-Tar (t panam); CopperJital ( tar). The obverse on most of the coins has a god and goddess scated like those on the coins of Hari Hara, sometimes with the attributes of Vishnu, at others of Siva. Of the gold coins, there are double pagodas, pagodas, half-pagodas and quarter pagodas. Certain other coins bear on the obverse the figure of an elephant with the legend "Raja Gaja Ganda Bherunda," commemorative of the elephant hunts in which Deva Raya took delight. His silver coins are perhaps the carliest of the dynasty. They have an elephant on the obverse and on the reverse a sword, and to the right the legend ag 72.36 Copper coins of his are numerous. They usually contain on the obverse, in addition to the usual elephant, the letter and in one cage "La " which, coupled with the legend on the reverse, formed the wellknown name of Deva Raya's minister Lakkanna Danda Nayaka. Some coins have the figure of Nandi-a proof of Deva Raya's Saiva inclinations, others have Vaishnava symbols, and on 39 Payne's Scenes from Indian History, p. 66. 33 Ca. 29, Epi. Car., vol. XI. 34 Mb. 2, 96, Epi. Car., vol. X. 36 Elliot and Dowson, vol. IV, p. 109. 36 I.A., 1896, p. 318.

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MAY, 1928) DEVA RAYA II one coin Nandi is represented with the Vaishnava symbols--bankha and chakra on either side at proof of the king's eclecticism. One coin has the figure of Nandi and the legend Nilakantha 37 This period was one of great literary activity. Sanskrit, Telugu and Kannada scholars of every sect-Vaishnavas, Smartas, Vira-Saivas and Jains, produced a vast literature, secular as well as religious. Among them we may mention Lakkanna, Jakkanna, Bhaskara, Dharanoja, Mahalinga, Kumara Bankanatha and Srinatha. It is probable that Mahdndjaka Sudhanidhi is not the work of Deva Raya II, but of his son Immadi Deva Raya Mallikarjuna, who was a great scholar. Nuniz says that Pina Rao " was a great scholar and made many books.... He was a very wise man." In Kannala there is a work by one Kallarasa called Jana Vasya, which treats of erotics.38 There the author says " qa 3, es de o Widododonos, os nenos e dood sododds 089345." "Mallikar juna, the son of Deva Nripa, first wrote the work on erotics in Sanskrit, addressed to his wife; Kallarasa translated it into Kannada with the king's permission, and gave it another title "Mallikarjuna Vijaya" or "Madana Tilaka." There is a work in Sanskrit on erotics called Rati Ratna Pradipika, the colophon of which runs as follows! " Ili Sri Raja Parameavara Praudha Dava Raya Virachitayam Rati Ratna Pradipika yam."38 The author. ship, I venture to state, has been erroneously attributed to a Mysore sovereign. I think the author was Mallikarjuna himself, whose book was translated into Kannada by his court poet Kallarasa. Whether this Kallarasa is identical with Kallinatha (A.D. 1453), who was the court-musician of Immadi Deva and wrote a monumental commentary on the Sangila-Ratnd. kara of Saranga Deva, it is difficult to say. We have already referred to the dispute between Mukunda Peddi and Chamarasa. Literary history presents us with two more illustrations of such a contest. Srinatha completed his Sivaratri Mahatmyamu about the year 1420, and went on a pilgrimage to Sri Sailam. Thence he went to the Karnata country with the help of Vinukonda Vallabha Raya. In spite of this help Srinatha was not received graciously at Court, where the poet-laureate Dindima zealously excluded every dangerous rival. Srinatha, a pleasure-loving man, to whom the good things of the world mattered much, describes his wretched condition and besought "Kannada Rajya Lakshmi" to take pity on him. kullaa yuNcitiN gooku suttpiti mhaakuupaa smun dodddditin | vellullin dilpissmun mesvitin vishvsth vddddiNc gaan | jllaayNbli draavitin ruculdoo sNbNcu boonaadditin | dllii knndd raajylkssmi dyleedaa neenu shrii naamNddn | Arunagirinatha Dindima was no mean scholar. He is the author of Yogananda Prahasana, a commentary on Sankara's Saundarya Lahari, and of Vibhaga Ratna Mala 40 In 86mavalli Praha sana he calls himself Sri Dindima Kavi-Sarva-Bhauma iti prathita biru. danka ndmadheyah Sarasvati prasada labdha Kavitasandthah Sriman Arunagiri Nathah tena kritena yogananda namnd prahasanena, Sabha niyogamanutishthami. He was a native of Mullandram, which was granted to him and several others, after changing its name to Praudhadevarayapuram, after the king. Dindims had also the titles Abhinava Bhavabhali. Ashtabhasha paramefura, Chera-Chola-Pandya Prathamdradhya, and Kavi Malla Galla Tadana patuprobably referring to the author of Uddra Raghava or to the Kan. nada poet of the same name, who calls himself a Lakshana Kavi, disciple of Puttanank& Pandita, and wrote Madana Tilaka in Kannada The Kannada poet Chandra Kavi, who wrote" Virupaksha Sthana" at the Court of Deva Raya, also calls himself, like Dindima, Ashta bhashakavita Pravina (proficient in writing poetry in eight languages). 37 1.A., 1891. 39 Karnitaka Kavi Charitre, vol. II-Kallara sa. 39 Rati Ratna Pradipika. (Mysore Oriental Library Edition for Private Circulation). 40 1.A., 1918, p. 97.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, (MAY, 1928. Srinatha, however, was fortunate in securing the favour of the royal guru Chandra Bhushana Kriya Sakti, and challenged Arunagiri to put up a fight for his title of Kavi sdrva bha uma. In the contest that ensued Srinatha was declared the winner. diinaarttNkaal diidhr maaddiNdi 24shaadhiishu mutyaalshaal | bgulkottttiNci tuppttvivaadproddi gaudd ddiNddim bhttnu kNcuddhkk | cNdr sheekhr kriyaashkti raayl yodd paadukolpiti saarvbhaumbikud || Thenceforth Srinatha proudly styles himself Kavi sarva bhauma.41 It was after this. victory that Deva Raya bathed him in gold in his pearl hall. knnaattkssiti naadhmaa ktik sbhaagaaraaN traaklpit | svnn snaan jgtprsiddh kviraadd | This is also referred to by the brother-in-law of Srinatha, Duggapalli Duggayya, "Kavi Sarva Bhaumudu Karna ta Vibhucheta Kanakabhishekamulu ganina Srinatha. The third contest was between Kumara Vyasa and Chamarasa, 42 Both of them wrote their Mahabharatas, but Kumara Vyasa's work was considered inferior. Thereupon he told his wife who was Chamarasa's sister, that unless Chamarasa's work was destroyed, he would commit suicide. His wife stole the rival work and burnt it. Chamarasa consoled himself by writing about immortal people in his Prabhulingalile. The king, who had determined to have Kumara Vyasa bathed in gold, changed his mind and took chamarasa's work Prabhulingalile in procession on the state-elephant, and became a disciple of Chimarasa. I give below n list of Poets who flourished under the patronage of Deva Raya : (1) Mahalinga Deva, (2) Lakkanna, (3) Jakkanna, (4) Kumara Bankanatha, (5) Chama. rasa, (6) Kallumathada Prabhu Deva, (7) Srigirindra, (8) Karasthala Nagi Deva, (9) Maggeya Mayi Deva, (10) Gurubansava, (11) Battalesvara, (12) Chandra Kavi, (13) Irugappa, (14) Bhaskara, (15) Dharanoja, (16) Kalyanakirti, (17) Jinadevanna, (18) Kavimalla, (19) Kumara Vyasa, (20) Paranjyoti Yati, (21) Sarvajna Singama, (22) Srinatha, (23) Vallabha Raya. (24) Gauranna, (25) Bammera Potanna, (26) Kolachala Mallinatha Suri, (27) Pedda. bhatta, (28) Kallinatha, (29) Naganatha, (30) Visvesvara Kavi, (31) Arunagirinatha Gauda Dindima Bhatta, (32) Nissanka Kommanna, (33) Salva Gopa Tippa, (34) Nemichandra Prachanda Tarkika Ratna "who conquered the pride of scholars in Deva Raya's court and secured a certificate of victory." Of the architecture of the time-blending together Chalukyan and Eastern elements the Hazara Rama temple and Parsvanatha Chaityalaya in Pansupari street, 43 of the year Saka 1348, Parabhava, are the outstanding monuments. Of the irrigation works of his reign we have an inscription at Davanagere, 44 dated A.D. 1424, which states that Danda Nayaka Ballappa dammed the Haridra and constructed a network of canals. The poet considers the work of Ballappa greater than that of Bhagiratha's bringing of the Ganges. Everywhere the red water of the ndlas was like the lilala of the Earth Goddess. At least two of Deva Raya's girl children are referred to in Kannada literary tradition. Vira Saiva tradition tells us that Karasthala Viranna was the son-in-law of Deve Raya. Similarly, Linga Mantri, a Kannada author patronised by the Rayodaya of Nugge. Malli (1530), tells us that the father of his patron was the son-in-law of Pratapa Deva Raya and was named Tirumala Raya.46 41 Virasalingam's Andhra Kavula Charitra, vol. I-Srinatha. 42 Karndtaka Kavi Charitre, vol. II-kumara Vyfa 43 S.I.1., vol., I, p. 160. 41 Dg. 29, Epi. Car, vol. XI. *6 Karnataka Kavi Charitre, vol. II-Linga Mantri (1830).

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MAY, 19281 DEVA RAYA An epigraph at Sravana Belgola thus refers to the death of Deva Raya.46 Kshayd hvaye kuvateare dvitayayukta Vaisakhake Mahitanaya Varakeyuta Valaksha pakshe tare !! Pratapa nidhi Deva Rat pralayu ma pahan dsamo Chaturdasa dine katham pily pale dhi V drydgatih || Writing in the Indian Antiquary for 1896, Dr. Kielhorn takes it to have occurred in the dark half, and says that the fourteenth tithi ended fourteen hours and fifty-seven minutes after mean sunrise on Tuesday. But it must have been on the fourth week day, and not on the third. Taking the bright half of the month, (Sramikannupillai's Tabler.) New Moon tilhi Vaikikha (3) April 26.08 14 tithis (14) , 13.78 717) April 39.86 First New Moon in Solar year .. .4016 Vaisakha 14th 13.78 14.1816 Sun's equation for anomaly of .. 14.1816 = +.16 Anomaly of first New Moon in Solar year 10.729 Vaisu kha 14 .. 13.78 24.51 .16 Moon's Anomaly for equation of 24.67 24.67 .. = +.24 _+.16 +.40 (17) April 39.86 (17) April 40.26 i.e., 3rd weck day (Tuesday) May 10th, 6 hours and fifteen minutes after mean sunrise. Since Saka 1368 (expired), Kshaya 47, is the date of the grant of Mallikarjuna prohibiting extortion from the poor ryots of the Idangai and Valangai sects at the coronation of each omperor, we must perforce conclude that it is Deva Raya II who is referred to in the Sravana Belgola inscription, and not his younger brother, whose "setting" is referred to in an inscription of Saka 1370 (Sorab 18).48 Thus ended Deva Raya's reign. It is not characterised by great spectacular effects; but he laid the firm foundation of a policy of toleration and of suppression of overweening feudal vassals--a policy, the violation of which brought disaster. Literature flourished; the seas were conquered ; commerce furthered; the enemy in the north and north-east was thoroughly beaten; toleration was extended to every community irrespective of caste, creed and nationality; oppression and nepotism, torture and extortion were firmly suppressed; social reform was given an impetus ; local autonomy was safe-guarded in such a way as not to encroach on the central power ; centrifugal and centripetal tendencies were balanced to a nicety. In short peace and prosperity were assured. These are the achievements of a prince who deserves a high place among the rulers of India. 46 St. Bel. 328 (125), Epi. Car., vol. II. 47 Mad. Epi. Rep., 23 of 1905; Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, vol. I, p. 212. 48 Sorab 18, Epi. Car., XII, pt. II.

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THE INDIAX ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1928 BUDDHIST WOMEN. By DR. BIMALA CHURN LAW, M.A. BL., Ph.D. (Continued from page 68.) Mallikd was the daughter of a Brahman steward of the Sakya Mahana man. On her father's death she was taken by Mahanaman to his house. She was at first named Chandra. She made a wreath which satisfied Mahanaman so much that he changed her name to Mallika. One day Mallika went to the garden with her food, and just then the Blessed One passed them collecting alms. Mallika thonght of offering her food to the Buddha, and the latter knowing her thought held out his bowl. She put her offering in it and wished at the same time that some day she might be free from slavery or poverty. One day Pasenadi carried away by his horse in the heat of the chase came to Mahanaman's garden. There he saw Mallika. Requested by the king, Mallika rubbed his feet with a towel. As soon as she did so the king fell asleep. When he awoke he found out who she was, went to Mahanaman and married her. She was then taken to Sravasti and in time she brought forth a son named Virudhaka (Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 75-77), and also a daughter. (S.N.. I, p. 86). This story is nothing but a Tibetan version of the story of Pasenadi and Vasabhakhattiya. (F. Svapna. vasabhadatta of Bhasa. Again we read that Mallikadevi went to the Buddha and asked him thus, "What is the cause of a woman's getting an ugly appearance. bad habit, wretched state and poverty in this world? What is the cause of a woman who is of this nature becoming very rich and influential? What is the cause of a woman who is of good appearance and lovely becoming poor and uninfluential, and vice versa?" The Buddha answered thus: "The woman who is very hot - tempered and who gets angry for slight reason becomes poor and ugly if she does not offer any charity to the Samanas or Brahmanas, but if she offers charity to the Samanas or Brahmanas, she becomes rich and influential although she is hot-tempered." The Buddha further said "She who is not hot-tempered and does not become angry for slight reason becomes poor and influential if she does not offer any charity to the Samanas or Brahmanas." Mallika admitted that on account of her hot temper and peevish nature she had an ugly appearance, but she, on account of her previous charities, became a queen. She further said that she would treat properly the daughter of the Ksatriyas, the Brahmanas and the other householders who were subordinate to her. She became a devotee of the Buddha, being very pleased with him. (Anguttara Nikaya, 11, pp. 202-205). It is noteworthy that once Mallika was asked by Pasenadi whether she had anybody dearer to her than her own soul. She replied in the negative. Pasenadi was asked the same question by his wife, and he too answered it in the negative. She then went to the Buddha and related the matter to him. The Buddha said that they were right in holding that there was nothing more favourite than one's own soul. (Udana, p. 47;cf. also S.N., 1, p. 75.) Once Pasenadi invited Buddha to teach Dhamma to queens Mallika and Vasabhakhattiya as they were desirous of learning it. Buddha asked the king to engage Ananda for the purpose as it was not possible for him to go every day. Mallikadevi learnt it thoroughly, but Vasabhakhattiya was not so mindful of learning Dhamma. (D.O., 1, 382). It was Mallika who saved the life of many living beings who were brought for sacrifice to save Pasenadi from the evil effect of hearing four horrible sounds at midnight by inducing him to go to the Buddha to take instructions from him. (D.C. vol. 11, pp. 7-8). After her death, Mallikadevi had to suffer in the Avici hell because she deceived her husband by telling a lie about her misconduct. (D.C., 111, 119 f.). Mallikadevi made the following arrangements on the occasion of Pasenadi's offering a unique gift to the Buddha and the bhikkhus : 1. She made a canopy with Sala wooden parte, under which five hundred bhikkhus could sit within the parts and five hundred outside them. 2. Five hundred white umbrellas were raised by five hundred elephants standing at the back of five hundred bhikkhus.

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MAY, 1028 ) BUDDHIST WOMEN 3. Golden boats were placed in the middle of the pandal, and each Khattiya daughter threw scents standing in the midst of the two bhikkhus. 4. Each Khattiya princess fanned standing in the midst of two bhikkhus. 5. Golden boats were filled with scents and perfumes. (D.C., III., pp. 184 f.) The daughter of queen Mallika was also named Mallika. She was the wife of General Bandhula. She was childless for a long time. Bandhula sent her to her father's house. On the way she went to the Jetavana to salute the Buddha who was informed by her that her husband was sending her home as she was childless. The Buddha asked her to go to her husband's house. Bandhula was informed of this fact and thought that the Buddha must have got the idea that she would be pregnant. The sign of pregnancy was visible in her, and she desired to drink water and bathe in the well-guarded tank of the Licchavis. Bandhula with his wife visited the tank and he made his wife bathe and drink water therefrom. (D.C., ), pp. 319-351.) Mallika, wife of Bandhula, and daughter of a Malla king of Kusinara, offered worship to the relic of the Buddha with plenty of perfume and garlands and also an orna. ment named mahdlata which was very valuable. In consequence of this, she, after death, was reborn in the Tavatimsa heaven where she was bedecked all in yellow. (Vimanavalthu Commy., 165.) Vajird was a bhilekuni who was tempted by Mara when she went to Andhavana to ineditate. Mara came to her and asked her, "Who has created the being? Wherefrom it has come, and where will it go ?" She said. "The aggregation of five khandhas constitutes the sattas." Mara then left her. (Samyutta Nikdy. I, pp. 134-135.) Cira bhikkhuni was given a robe by an u pasika of the Buddha. This message was declared by a Yakkha in the streets of Rajagaha saying that the giver by giving a robe to Cira who was free from fetters, could acquire much merit. (Samyulta Nikaya, I, p. 213.) Uttara and her husband were serving a banker at Rajagaha. Once the banker went to attend a famous ceremony, and Uttara with her husband was at home. The husband of Uttara went to cultivate in the morning. Uttara was going with cooked food to her husband in the field. On the way she met Sariputta, who was just rising up from mirodha. samapatti (meditation on cessation) and offered the food to him, with the result that she became the richest lady of Rajagaha, and her husband became a banker named Mahadhanasetthi. (D.C., III, pp. 302 f.) Punnd was the maid-servant of a banker of Navatthi. Once she was asked to husk a large quantity of paddy. While ongaged in husking the paddy at night, she went outside the house to take rest. At this time Dabba, a Mallian, was in charge of making arrangements for the sleeping accomunodation of the bhikkhus who were guests. Panna with some cakes went out to enquire of the cause of their movements with lights at night. The Buddha went out for alms by the way in which Punna was. She offered all the cakes to the Buddha without keeping any for herself. The Buddha accepted them. Punna was thinking whether Buddha would partake of her food. The Buddha did partake of it in her house. The effect of this offer was that Punna obtained sota pattiphalan where the offer was made. (D.C., III, pp. 321 f.) Rohini was Anuruddha's sister. She was suffering from white leprosy. She did not go to her brother as she was suffering. Anuruddha sent for her and asked her to build a resthouse for bhikkhus to get rid of her sin. She kept the rest-house clean even when it was under construction, and she did this with great devotion for a long time. She became free from her disease. Shortly afterwards the Buddha went to Kapilavatthu and sent for Rohini. The Buddha told her that she was the queen of the king of Benares in her former bilth. The king was enamoured of the beauty of a dancing girl. The queen knowing this, became jealous of her, and to punish her she put something in her cloth and bathing water which produced terrible itching all over her body. On account of this sin, she got this disease. She obtained sold pattiphalam and the colour of her body became golden. (D.C., III, pp. 295 f.)

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1928 Suppa vasd, a daughter of a Koliyan was pregnant for seven years, but she did not give birth to any child. After seven years, labour pain began and she suffered terribly for seven days, but no child was born. She requested her husband to go to the Buddha and to salute him on her behalf, reporting the matter to him. Her husband went to the Buddha and informed him. The Buddha desired that Suppavasa would give birth to a son without any pain and disease. While the Buddha was expressing this desire, a son was born. Her husband was sent agnin to invite the Buddha to her house for seven days. The Buddha accepted the invitation. The Master took his meal there for seven days and converted both of them (Udana, pp. 15-17; Cf. D.C., IV, 192-193). Suppa vasa used to give alms daily to five hundred bhikkhus. (Dham. mapada Commy., 1, 339.) She became the foremost of the upasikas, offering the best food to the Buddha Buddha told her the good effect of offering food, and he further said that an offerer by offering rice offers the lease of life, beauty, happiness and strength. The offerer in return obtains celestial life, celestial beauty, happiness and strength. (Angutiara Nikaya, II, pp. 62-63). Another bhikkhuni of some repute was Nakulamala. When her husband was ill and was ready to die, free from anxiety, she told him that she knew spinning and weaving and managcment of household affairs and children. She also told her husband that she would never remarry after his death, as both of them lived the life of a recluse for sixteen years. She informed her husband that after his death she would meet the Buddha and the bhikkhusamgha. . She also promised to observe the precepts. She also told ber husband that she was one of the female de. votees who fully observed the precepts, controlled the mind, had strong faith in the Buddha, Dhamma and Samgha, and who became fearless and did not depend on others except the Buddha for support. (A.N., III, 295 f.) Bojjhd was a devotee who approached the Buddha, who preached to her the reward of observing the precepts and the Sabbath. The Master said to her, "Happiness obtained by observing Sabbath is sixteen times greater than that enjoyed by the sixteen countries." (A.N., IV, pp. 259-260.) Velukantaki Nandamata was a devotee of the Buddha. She gave offerings to Sariputta and Moggallana. Referring to this the Buddha said, "A giver must be pleased before he gives dana; his mind must be pleased while giving dana and after giving dana. The receiver of the offering must be free from passion, hatred and delusion. The consequence of such a gift is immeasurable". Nandamata gave such a gift to Sariputta and Moggallana, and she obtained immeasurable consequence of the gift. (A.N., III, 336-337.) There was another bhikkhuni named Nandamata who was once repeating the Parayana Sutta of the Sutta Nipata in a sweet voice. King Vessavana was going from north to south, and he waited there till Nandamata finished her repetition and praised her much. Nandamata told Vessa vana that the merit acquired by the act would be beneficial to him. Vessa vana gladly assented and said that the merit which would be acquired by her through the gift made to Sariputta and Moggallana would prove beneficial to him. (A.N., IV. p. 63 f.) Migasald was an updsika who went to Ananda and said, "According to the instruction of the Buddha, a brahmacarf and an abrahmacari go to the same place after death and enjoy the same amount of happiness." Ananda went to the Buddha to have this problem solved. The Buddha said that the lay devotee was ignorant and uneducated and therefore she could not realize it properly. The Buddha further said, "Even a householder may acquire the same amount of merit as acquired by a brahmacari who does not fulfil his duties properly." (A.N., III, 347 f.) Dinna, a bhikkhuni, was asked by her husband about sakkayadithi, sakka yanirodha, ariydtthangikamaggo, sarkhara, nirodhasamapatti, manner of rising up from nirodhasamdpatti and vedand. Dhammadina gave satisfactory answers to all the questions. She said, "Five upadana khandhas constitute sakkdyadithi. Tanha means sakkaya samudayo. Destruction of lanha means sakkaya nirodha. The noble eight-fold path is

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MAY, 1928) BUDDHIST WOMEN the means of attaining sakkayanirodha. Ignorant people take the five upadana khandhas jointly and separately as atti (soul); the learned and noble disciples do not take them in this sense. Those who obtain nirodha sama patti are stopped one after another. The three kinds of vedand are sukha, dukkha and adukkhamasukha (M.N., 1., 299 f.) There was an upaisika named Suyata who destroyed three bonds and obtained the first stage of sanctification. (8.N., V, p. 356.) Nanda, sister of the king of Kosala, was a bhikkhuni. While going through the sky at night she instructed Kalasoka and bhikkhusargha to purify bhikkhusariigha by driving out bad bhikkhus and protecting good bhikkhus (Sasana varius, p. 6). There was another woman named Nanda who was the wife of a householder named Nandasena who lived in a certain village near Savatthi. She had no faith in the Buddha. She was very hot-tempered and used to abuse her husband, father-in-law and mother-in-law. On her death she became a peti. One day she appeared before her husband and gave him an account of her past misdeeds. The husband made gifts for her sake to the bhikkhus, and Nanda was released from her miseries. (P.D. on the Pelavathu, pp. 89-92.) Revati was the daughter of a householder of Benares. She had no faith in the Buddha, and was very uncharitable. For some days she was forced by her parents to do meritorious deeds in order to win Nandiya, a neighbour's son, as her husband. After marriage, Nandiya made her follow him in his meritorious deeds. Thereafter Nandiya had to go abroad. He asked his wife to continue all the meritorious deeds. Revati did so for seven days. Then she stopped all meritorious deeds and began to abuse the bhikkhus who had come to her house for alms. Nandiya, on his return, found that all his acts of charity had been discontinued. After death Revati became a hellish creature. On his death Nandiya became a devata. He saw with his divine eyes that Revati had become a hellish creature. He then went to her and asked her to approve of the meritorious acts done by him. As soon as she did so, she became a devatd and resided with Nandiya in heaven. (B.C. Law, Buddhist Conception of Spirity, p. 79.) Samarati was the queen of king Udena of Kosambi. The harem containing Samavati with 500 female attendants was burnt while Udena was in the royal garden. The matter was referred to the Buddha, who said, "Each updsika had gone according to her kamma, some have become sotd panna sakadagami and anagami and so forth (Uddna, p. 79). There was a maid-servant named Binani engaged by Asoka Brahmana to give food daily to the samgha which was enough for eight bhikkhus. This she used to do with devotion, with the result that after her death she was born in avimana in the sky. (Mahavamsa, p. 214.) Rupananda was Buddha's step-sister. She thought that her eldest brother renounced the world and had become a Buddha. Her younger brother Nanda was a bhikkhu and Rahulakumara had obtained ordination. Her husband too became a bhikkhu and her mother, Mahapajapatigotami, became a bhikkhuni. She renounced the world thinking that so many of her relatives had renounced the world. She did not go before the Buddha as she was proud of her beauty, while the Buddha used to preach the impermanency and worthlessness of form. The other bhikkhunis and bhikkhus always used to praise the Buddha in her presence and tell her that all having different tastes became blessed by seeing the Buddha. NandA thought of going to the Buddha with other bhikkhunis but she would not show herself to the Buddha. Ananda came to know that Nanda had come with the bhikkhunis. The Buddha desired to lower her pride in her beauty by showing the bad effect of it. By his miraculous power the Buddha created a most beautiful girl who was engaged in fanning the Buddha. NandA seeing her beauty found out that her own beauty was much inferior. The girl was soen gradually attaining youth, the state of a mother of a child and then old age and disease and death. Nanda, seeing this, gave up her pride in her beauty and came to realize the impermanence of beauty. The Buddha, knowing the state of her mind, delivered a suitable sermon and she became an arhat after hcaring it. (D.C., III, pp. 113 f.)

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990 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1928 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. By Sir RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from page 45.) D-III. Coins of Thibo (Thibaw). It used to be confi:fently asserted that Thibaw never had a coinage in his own name, but I have so far loubted the truth of this statement as to think it possible that he coined, or his officials coined for him, the shwe-ngamuzi, already described under Mindon Min, as it bears date the year of his accession B.E. 1240=1878, and his sign the to:. Concurrently with this gold coin, which tradition has assigned to Mindon Min, there was a copper and a brass coinage, bearing the to: effigy and the date 1240. I think this should be attributed to Thibaw, unless it can be proved to be Mindon's. A copper coin of Thibaw is shown in fig. 35, Plate II. Obverse: a to: and to: tazekto (royal stamp of the to:). Reverse: a wreath, outside it Yedandbon Nebyido, and inside it 1 mu tong : linga : 8 pon tabon (coin to be used as an eighth part of 1 mu, A.D. 1878). The eighth of a mit is the fourth of a pe. The brass coinage of Thibaw 49 is very interesting. I had two specimens, evidently struck from the dies used for the to: copper coins just described. The Burmese imported their copper in sheets for coining, and being unable to roll copper, which requires costly machinery capable of enduring great heat, they mixed zinc with the waste copper resulting from punching the shcets for minting, and then rolled it. The brass coinage resulting was forced into currency. Specimens used to be common showing zinc alloy in various quantities. The copper coinage, both of Mindon and Thibaw showed early signs of becoming rare, because of withdrawal from currency by the British Government in 1899. The effect of the withdrawal in Mandalay, as I saw for myself, was to drive them out of use in a week, though of course in the villages they were likely to pass for many a year later. A general remark by Sir George Scott (Shwe Yoe, The Burman, 1882, vol. II, pp. 299-300) on Burniese coinage and its use in everyday life, will not be out of place here :"Formerly the Burmese bad no stamped coinage, and the silver and gold used, mixed in Teater or less amount with alloy, which necessitated the calling in of an assayer for every transaction, was always dealt out by weight. Now, however, there are gold coins stamped with the lion and the peacock, silver and copper with the royal peacock, and lead with the harc ... Mandalay rupees, though the sanie size as those of the Indian Government, are not in favour in Rangoon. They only run to fourteen annas, so that you lose two annas on cach. The gold coins are practically not in circulation at all. Englishmeni buy thern as curiosities in the bazaar and get cheated if they do not carefully ring every one. The snaller ones, struck from the same die as the silver two-anna bit, are principally used .by the king to fill silver cups presented to distinguished visitors." E. Coin. Going back now to consider coins and tokens stamped to mark exchange value only, which form the links between lump currency and coin of the realm, it may be as well in this division of the subject to keep our minds clear as to the difference between tokens, coin and coin of the realm. Section 230 of the Indian Penal Corle, (Indian) Act XLV of 1860, is of much use in this respect, when read with Section 3 of the Melal Tokens Act (Indian) Act I of 1889. The Indian Penal Code, when speaking of offences relating to coin and government stampe, says, Sec. 230 :"Coin is metal used for the time being as money, and stamped and issued by the authority of some State or Sovereign Power in order to be used. Coin stamped and issued by the authority of the Queen (Victoria), or by the authority of the Government of India, or of the Government of any Presidency, or of any Government in the Queen's Dominions, is the Queen's coin. 49 There is a brass coinago (sapeques en laiton) current in the Upper Laos States. Toung Pao, vol. I, p. 51.

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MAY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 91 Illustrations : (a) cowries are not coin: (b) lumps of unstamped copper, though used as metal tokens, are not coin : (c) medals are not coin, inasmuch as they are not intended to be used as money: (d) the coin denominated as the Company's rupee is the Queen's coin." All this is to say: coin stamped and issued by the authority of the ruler of a country is coin of the realm he rules. Coin stamped and issued by the authority of other rulers is coin; all other metal used as inoney is a metal token. These definitions apply to completely civilized states, and practically, though not altogether, to such countries as Upper Burma was before the annexation; and I here describe the two species of currency now to be discussed respectively as "tokens " and "coin," though both are strictly speaking tokens. E.-I. Tokens. In this category must be reckoned silver, copper and other discs made in the royal mint bat never stamped. Either through carelessness or theft these discs got into circulation in large quantities, and owing to the habit, common in the East, and described ante, vol. XXVI, pp. 157 ff., of receiving any kind of token as currency, and also because of the knowledge that they were made at the royal mint, they were freely used as tokens of the full value of coin of the realm.60 A specimen is shown in fig. 39, Plate II. E.-II. Taung banni Coins. As unquestioned coins that were acknowledged not to be coin of the realm, but still had a ready currency at about 75 per cent. of the royal mint currency, were the laungbanni coins, They were in silver, copper and brass, and copied all the issues from the royal mint. I was never able to account satisfactorily for the minting of the taungbanni currency. Everyone in Mandalay of any importance, or likely to know really, always for some reason denied all knowledge of its origin. I suspect that private persona, either for a consideration or with the connivance of the Mint-master, obtained a right to issue coins, or that downright illicit coining was common. Some Burmans called the taungbanni currency p'onji or monk's money, and asserted that certain nionasteries coined as of right. Among the monks who had the right to coin I understood were the Nan-ll Sayado of the Mozaung Kyaungdaik (Monastery) near the Engdova Pagoda at Mandalay, and a Sayido whose title I have forgotten, but who had been tutor to King Thibd.60 Others said that the taungbanni coins were issued by great personages. A silver taungbanni piece of one mi is shown in fig. 40, Plate II. It bears the legend on the true 1 mu piece and the date 1214=1852 A.D. Similarly the copper specimen shown on fig. 41, Plate II is a copy or the to: copper coin, and bears date 1240=A.D. 1878. The brass taungbanni coinage was common. All the specimens I saw were copies of the to: copper coins, and all bore the date 1240. E-III. Irregular Tokens. The next point for enquiry is the token whose appearance and apparent weight gives it an exchange value without further test. These I have already called irregular tokens, 61 and defined as lumps of metal made into certain forms and used as coins though never intend ed for that purpose. Crawfurd referred to something of the kind when he says that the king's treasure was in bars of gold reckoned at 238 Spanish dollars each. E.-III (a). Shan Shell-Money. First in this category comes tho chilon (k'ayalon, round shell) or chaubinbauk, the well. known Shan Shell-money. See Plate II, fig. 16. Sir George Scott, writing to me in 1889, called the "shells " Siamese money, "still current among the Siamese and a large portion of the Lao [Shan) States." Ma Kin, a well-known female dealer in Mandalay, told 50 So probably also were Phayro's Plate III, figs. 5 to 10; nee p. 38. Compare the Greek temple coinage. Poole, Coins and Medals, p. 12. Also the Roman moneta castrenses, and the coins inged extra muros: op. cil., pp. 56 ff. 51 See ante, vol. XXVI, pp. 156, 157-ff,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . . (MAY, 1928 me that the Shan Shells came from Bawdwin (the Bortwang of Crawfurd's Ava, p. 444) near Nyaungywe in the Southern Shan States. They are on the borderland between real tokens and lamps of metal marked for fineness, as their shape proves. They are not deliberately manufactured, but are the result of the natural efflorescence of silver under certain methods of extraction. They are necessarily as pure as bo silver and their weight was tested by handling, so they passed as tokens. In fig. 1, Plate I, and usually in specimens of Shan bo, efflorescence in this form is to be seen adhering to the silver from which it springs. Yule (Ava, p. 260) alludes to this: "The variety next to bo is K'ayubat,6so called from k'ayu, a shell and pat,. circle or winding, in consequence of the spiral lines of efflorescence on the surface." Prinsep, Useful Tables, p. 31, expresses the same opinion and says that k'ayibat is " a silver cake with marks upon its surface, produced by the crystallization of the lead scoriae in the process of refinement." Owing to a mistake in Ridgeway's Origin of Currency, pp. 22, 29, in which he states that the Shan silver shells are about the size of a cowry and argues that they are survivals of the cowrie currency of Siam, etc., I may as well state clearly that true cheilon are of all sizes, and I had one in my possession which was many times the size of a cowry shell. In 1888 about 500 specimens of chilen passed through my hands at Mandalay and I tried to "size" them and found that the size of any particular shell was purely accidental and an incident of construction, human intention having no concern in it. E.-IV. Majizt Knuckle-Bones. Next to the Shan silver shells come the majizis or tamarind seeds in gold and silver. Burmese children, especially little girls, are very fond of a game of knuckle-bone, which consists in throwing a tamarind seed into the air with one hand and seeing how many more can be picked up by the same hand before it falls and is caught. The royal children used those made of gold and silver, and King Mindon used significantly to impress upon the little princesses the importance of keeping those that he gave them against a rainy day. They were soon mostly melted down or sold after the British annexation and became exceedingly rare. They were tokens, owing to their weight and fineness being assumed, and when, as subsequently happened, the majizis assumed a uniform and conventional shape, size and finen668, we are brought to a point very near the true coin. The figures 17, 18 and 19, Plate II, show the whole process. Fig. 17 is a dried tamarind seed : fig. 18 is its imitation in gold with little dotted circles in the centre of each face to represent the pit marks of a similar kind often seen in fresh tamarind seeds, and fig. 19 is the conventional silver majizi in which the dotted ring has taken a fixed form with that of the represented seed itself. It was in this form that silver majizis were usually met with. E.-V. Shan Silver Majizi. Tandong, or Shin (silver) majizi, used as customary gifts, like the chulon, are still nearer to true coin, as they are conventionally stamped to show finencss. See fig. 20, Plate II. This particular form of majizi had become rare in Burma by 1890. Regarding such majizi Mr. H. S. Guinress in his letter from the Shan State of Wantho in 1894, already quoted, says "Sometime ago I weighed 18 silver magyizi (majizl], which I bought in Mandalay. The bazaar weight thereof varied between 59 and 66 grains per magyizi: the average for the 18 being 61.92 grains. This made me think that magyizis were meant to run three to a told or four to a tickal. If the former, the weight of a magyizi should be 60 grains : if the latter, 64 grains." E.-VI. Siamese Tickals. Fig. 21, Plate II, shows a Siamese tickal, and the remarkable resemblance of this cointoken to the majizi in its several developments will become apparent to the reader. Crawfurd 49 But see ante, vol. XLVII, p. 41,

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MAY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 93 (Siam, p. 331), however, describes the tickal and its parts as nothing more than bits of silver bar bent and the ends beaten together, impressed with two or three small stamps.63 E-VII. Ancient Tokens. That lump currency in fixed forms, like the Shan silver shells, is very ancient in the East is shown by the following quotation from the Jatakas (Buddhist Birth Stories), where golden bricks, ploughshares, elephant's feet, bricks and tortoises are mentioned. That it was continuously used amongst Far Eastern Nations there is much evidence from Chinese, Tongkingese, Annamese, Cambodian, Siamese, Shan and Malay sources, besides Burmese.64 In the Nilanakatha, 66 a Sinhalese composition in Pali of the fifth century A.D. is an account of the land on which Anathapindika built tbe famous Jetavana Vihara, referring to a lump currency in gold which existed in and before the writer's time:-"Long ago in the time of the Blessed Buddha Vipassin, a mercbant named Punabbasu Mitta bought the very spot bylaying golden bricks over it, and built a monastery there a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddba Sikhin, a merchant named Sirivaddha bought that very spot by standing golden ploughshares over it, and built there a monastery three quarters of a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Vessubhu, a merchant named Sotthiya bought that very spot by laying golden elephant feet along it, and built a monastery there half a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Kakusandha, a merchant named Achchuta also bought that very spot by laying golden bricks over it, and built there a monastery & quarter of a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Kongamana, a morchant named Ugga bought that very spot by laying golden tortoises over it, and built there a monastery half a league in length. And in the time of the Blessed Buddha Kassapa, & merchant named Sumangala bought that very spot by laying golden bricks over it, and built there a monastery sixty acres in extent. And in the time of our Blessed One, Anethapindika, the merchant, bought that very spot by laying kahapanas over it, and built there a monastery thirty acres in extent. For that spot is a place which not one of all the Buddhas has dorarted." The writer of the above passage, in bringing in his own way the history of the Monastery down to these comparatively modern times, clearly indicates, by the expressions bricks', 'ploughshares', 'clephant feet', 'tortoises', ingots of certain shapes, current as weights in his own time, till he comes to the last payment, which he states in terms of a then recognised weight. The kaha panam Skr. karshapana was, as a gold weight, equal to 16 mashds-about 176 grains. Plate LVII of Cunningham's Barhut Stupa, 1879, contains a bas relief,66 which represents Anathapindike, making over to Sangha the park at Jetavana, which he had purchased by covering the ground with a layer of crores (kotis) of bricks. At p. 84 ff. there is an elaborate account of the story with many references. See Hultzsch, Bharaut Inscriptions, No. 38, ante, vol. XXI, pp. 226, 230. Compare also Fausboll, Jalaka, vol. I, p. 92, where the text runs: "Anathapindiko... Jelavanam kotisantharena (atthara sahisanna kotihi) kinifua." On comparing this statement with the inscriptions at the Stupa : "Jetavana Anadhapediko deti koti-samthatena ketd," we may reasonably conjecture that the very precise expression I have placed in brackets got into the story later than the date of the Bharaut sculptures, of the second or first century B.C. 63 For a remarkably good note on the larin or hook-money, closely allied to the tickal in principle, see Pyrard de Laval, Hak : Soc : Ed., vol. 1, pp. 232 ti. Good specimens of tickals are to be found in the Indian Museum, Calcutta Mint Collection, Nos. 887, 888, 902-906, 993. At p. 65 of the (old) Catalogue (before 1890), Nos. 1759 and 1760, there is a queer entry : "tickal or takel, Arakan." Sarat Chandra Das, JASB., Proc. 1887, p. 148, says tickals were made in gold, silver and lead in the reign of " Somdetch Pra Charem Klow." See also Bowring, Siam, vol. I, pp. 267 ft. 54 Soe Obsoleto Malay Tin Currency," ante, vol. XLII. p. 92 1.65 Rhys Davids, Birth Stories, p. 132 1. 66 In Hutchinson's History of the Nations, there is a drawing (p. 124) in modern perspective, by Horace van Raith, of this reliet.

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MAY, 1928 In translating and explaining this text Cunningham, Hultzsch and others have used expressions like crores of gold coins, but I take it that such are merely a loose way of expressing the currency of the period, which may be almost certainly taken to have been bullion in some special shape, as the Nidana version seems to prove. F. Forgeries. Having described the Burmese coinage and currency itself, I pass on to other allied matters. Irrespective of the proceedings of Bodop'aya, the Burmese were great tamperers with their coinage, even though it was of such recent issue, and in this connection I gave a word of warning to collectors and those interested in numismatics as early as 1893. "Peacock" cuins were even then already beginning to command a price far beyond their intrinsic value in Mandalay, and a factory of sham "peacocks" had sprung up, especially of the smaller values. I had been able to purchase one mu pieces purposely in the Zejo (the great market at Mandalay, then known to Europeans as the King's Bazaar, though it was never anything of the kind) for more than their intrinsic market value, and I felt sure they were manufactured to sell as curios. Of course, this is a very old story in India, and from all over Central Asia there have been many complaints from scientific enquirers that forgery has always been rampant. There is a good instance of the situation in a letter to the Pioneer, dated October 4, 1893, on the Gwalior Currency. The writer, obviously an expert, gives an excellent account of the currency in the Gwalior State at the time and in the course of his statement he writes: "All these [Gwalior State) rupees are old fashioned, thickish, roughly rounded pieces of silver, having a legend of the Emperors of Delhi and the date stamped on them. They are unsightly and cause a great deal of annoyance and loss, owing to the very great facility with which similar light and base coin can be, and to a great extent is, manufactured by ordinary goldsmiths : and also froin the chips, which are at times stuck in them to make up their proper weight, getting loose and lost. In some cases as many as four or five in a hundred have been found to be base coin. Of all these coins, eight, four and two anna pieces are also current." Forgery of coins of the common criminal type became a serious nuisance in Upper Burma before the native coinage was withdrawn. The crime was helped-one might almost say created by the taking of Mandalay, when, in the first confusion, the royal mint dies passed into the hands of anyone who chose to take them. They were frequently and extensively used by British officers as paper weights during the war and I have bought them in the Zejo. The result was that the criminally forged coins were admirably executed. In China forging was skilful, even in the most ancient times, and has, indeed, had a distinct effect on the currency question in that country. Terrien de Lacouperie writes of it (Catalogue of Chinese Coins, 1892, pp. xxii-15V)in strong terms:-"In the preliminary notices on the series of coins in the present volume we bave had to relate repeatedly the evils resulting in the Chinese currency from the plague of counterfeiters; and until the present time the same doleful history has continued. An increase in the proportion of tin, the legal alloy, the substitution for it of lead, or tin pieces, which, when strung between genuine coins, might pass unperceived, were the various means resorted to by the forgers. The unusual skilfulness of the Chinese counterfeiters has been the insuperable obstacle to the issue of coins of gold or silver." Forgery of coins has always been common everywhere in the East, largely facilitated by the imperfections of the authorised mints, and its punishment has been proportionately servere. Crawfurd, Embassy to Siam and Cochin China, 1928, p. 395, says that the punishment was usually death. "Murder is always punished with death, and the mode of execution is by decapitation with a sword. Forging the royal signet and counterfeiting the current coin, sre also, by law, punishable with death; but in these cases, too, the punishment hus of late been commonly commuted for imprisonment for life, and the heaviest infliction of the bamboo."

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MAY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 95 Elsewhere Crawfurd, p. 517, tells us that the punishment of death is inflicted for forging [zinc coin) Nearly every traveller has complained of forgery and warned successors against it, but Anderson, Mandalay to Momein, 1876, p. 386, gives an interesting instance of forging sycee which raust be a difficult operation : "Elias and I arrived [at Sawadi) while the payments were being made in lumps of sycee silver, one of which was declared by a paromine (pomaing, money-changer) to be bad, and, being bitten, proved to be hollow, and filled with sand. The crime of forgery was not always committed by Asiastics upon Europeans, and at least one instance of a dastardly attempt on the part of Europeans to cheat unsophisticated Islanders is recorded in the Voyage of Pyrard de Laval, (1888, Hak. Soc., vol. II, pt. 1, p. 159 made in the seventeenth century : "But in truth what did us much harm at the first, and took away much of the good repute of the French, English and Hollanders in this country [Maldive Islands) (for in the Indies we are all considered alike, seeing that we are all friends among ourselves and enemies of the Portuguese) was, that there was brought to Sunda, or islands of the South (Malay Archipelago), a quantity of false pieces of forty Spanish sols, which were made on board the ships. The Hollanders accused the English, and English cast the blame on the others : however, the fact was, the Hollanders paid dear for it, for tbe voyage after, a goodly number of them were killed at several places; and since then the Indians have not trusted them so much, and the rumour has spread over the whole of India that we are all cheats." G. Siamese Porcelain Tokens. Although a large number of these interesting tokens bave passed through my hands at times, since I presented specimens to the British Museum and other Institutions, I have not been able to ascertain much about them from literary sources. What I have unearthed I now publish, but these curious specimens of currency seem to me to be worth better exploration than has apparently been so far bestowed on them. These porcelain tokens are really tokens issued by apparently authorised gambling houses and as they have a pecuniary value to the possessor, they are passed from hand to hand as negotiable money for their known value. Holt Hallett (4 Thousand Miles on an Elephant, 1390, p. 234) says of them :-"On our return to Penyow, 130 m. from Zimme] Jewan came to me with a long face, complaining that the people in the town had given him some pieces of pottery instead of change, and asked what he should do. On looking at them I found they were octagonal in sbape, and stamped on one side with Chinese letters. After showing them to Dr. M'Gilvary, he said they were the ordinary gambling currency of the place and represented two-anna and four-anna pieces. It appears that the gambling monopolist has the right to loat then, and they are in general use amongst the people as small change.57 They remain current as long as the Chinese monopolist is solvent or has the monopoly. If he loses it, he calls the tokens in by sending a crier round, beating a gong and informing the people that he is ready to change the tokens for money. Dr. M'Gilvary said that such tokens formed the sole small change at Zimme before the Bangkok copper currency supplanted them." i Bock (Temples and Elephants, 1884, p. 142) supports him by the following remark "In all parts of the country I found a number of porcelain coins of all shapes and sizes, bearing different Chinese characters and devices. These are issued by Chinamen holding monopolies, and are only current in their respective districts." And this remark he follows up by another reference to them; (pp. 598-9): "Of antiquities and curiosities (at the Siamese National Exhibition, Bangkok]there was a fine collection of weapons and arms from hill-tribes scattered throughout Siam and Leo, and an equally interesting show of the ancient coins, some flat and some spherical, solid bars of silver or gold with a stamp at one end, side by side with old paper currency, lead, crockery, and porcelain tokens and cowries." 67 For an account of the games played in Siam, soe ibid., p. 238.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY. 1925 To this Sir George Scott, in a letter to myself, lated March 11th, 1889, added :-" The porcelain money introduced by the Chinese as gambling counters were used in the Siamese Shan States (Lao) as actual money." And finally Parker, in a Sketch of Burmese History in the North China Review, 1893, p. 48, says, in identifying the Caraian of Marco Polo with Yunan "The money formed oi porcelain such as is found in the sea " described by Marco Polo was, " according to the Annals of Yung-ch'ang in use until quite recently. Cowries are meant, and both cowries and real porcelain or mug coins are still used by the Laos." On a personal enquiry from some Shaus as to some specimens that I showed them, they at once recognised them as tokens of currency and gave them names according to a denomination they recognised : ngiinmaior ngunbemu. These are names for real money of a low denomination. My last quotation here is from Siam, where Bowring says (Siam, 1857, vol. I, p. 257) "Copper Coins are issued by individuals in the provinces ; and stamped glass, or enameits bearing inscriptions is also used as a circulating medium.' A parallel to the Siamese porcelain gambling tokens is to be found in England at the famous Worcester China Works, where about 1760 china tokens in Worcester porcelain were given to the work people for wages. The Block-plate hereunder shows three of such tokens from Worceste: -- Ahy the two in deniline Tillings the Cheville Anne To, kunyheten in clema ndrru han bel au CONA Pretors' (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICE. EPICRAPRIA INDICA, vol. XIX, Pt. 1, January, 1927. 125 A.D., when China was cut off from Eastern This number contains somno important records Turkistan. The first is & revised reading by Dr. Sten Konow of The Zeda Inscription of the Year 11. The learned The second is a reading by Mr. Hirananda Sastri scholar takes the opportunity to discul afresh of the Barah copper plate of Bhojadeva discovered in 1925 in the Cawnpore district. Mr. Sastri, for the long-disputed quostion of the initial date of the reasons stated by him, reads the date of this the Kanishka ers. He quotes the results of certain record as Vikrama-samvat 893. This reading is not calculations made by Dr. W. E. Van Wijk, which seem to indicate that the 19th June 139 A.D. altogether free from doubt; but if it be correct the is the only dato that fulfis the astronomical data plate contains the earliest record so far obtained of of the Zeda record, and the 26th February 189 this great Pratihara king, and carries his long A.D. the only date that fulfills the conditions of reign back another four years, i.e. to 836 A.D. the Und inscription. According to these findings In the third article Dr. L. D. Barnett gives a the initial date of the Kanishka era would be careful edition of the text, with a translation in 128-9 A.D. Such a date would explain the English, of the Mamdapur inscription of the reign of a bence, so far as known, of any reference to Kanhara (Saka 1172) containing useful genealogical Kanishka in Chinese historical literature, and and geographical information, from an ink-impresthus fits in with the view of several authorities sion preserved in the British Museum. who have suggested a date subsequent to C.E. A. W.O. Ho clearly means by this the porcelain gambling tokens.

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JUNE, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 97 VEDIC STUDIES. By A, VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., Ph.D. (Continued from page 64.) The fortress of the gods is, as Sayana (on TA. 1, 27, 114) explains, the human body; the nine doors are the nine apertures of the body, namely, the two ears, the two eyes, the two nostrils (or according to others, the nose and the brahma-randhra), the mouth, the upastha and payu : and the eight wheels are the eight dhalaval or elements of the body-tvac (skin). asri (blood), medas (fat), asthin (bone), majjan (marrow), sukra (semen), mdmsa (flesh), and ojas. The sheath of gold within it is the heart which is the abode of the atman: compare TA. 10, 11, 2: pad makosa-prati kasan hrdayam capyadhomukham 1 adho nishtya' vitastyante nabhya'm upari tishthati II jvalamala' kulam bhati visvasydyatanam mahat || .... tasmin sarvim pratishthitam.... tasya midhye maha'n agnih .... tasya madhye vahnisikha.... tasyah sikhaya' madhye para malma vyavasthitah sa brahmd sa harih sandrah soksharah paramih svara't II "Like to a lotus-bud, the heart facing downwards, is (situated) one span below the neck (that is, below the top of the windpipe), and above the navel. This great abode of all of the world) is shining, being full of rings of Aames ... in it is established everything . ... in its midst is a great fire. ...in it is a flame. ...in the midst of this flame is established the supreme atman; he is Brahma, he Hari (Vishnu), he Indra, he the imperishable supreme lord." Compare also Yogatattvopanishat, 1, 9: hrdi sthane sthitam padmam tac ca padmam adhomukham ; Dhyanabindu panishat, 12: urdhvandlam adhomukham | kallalipushpasamkasam sarvadeva mayambujam ; Ch. Up. 8, 1, 1: asmin brahmapure daharam pundarikam vesma " In this abode of Brahman (i.e., the body) is a small lotus chamber." The epithets tryara and tripratisk!hita are not very clear. In Ch. Up. 8, 1, 339 we read that the akasa of the heart contains everything, heaven, earth, agni, vdyu, etc. The word tryara may therefore perhaps refer to the three worlds and all other similar triplicities as being contained in the heart ; compare Yogatattvopanishat, 1, 6: Crayo lokis trayo vedds travah sandhyas trayah surah | truyognayo gunas trini sthitah sarve trayakshare. The trayakshara or pranava is thus said to contain within itself the three worlds, the three Vedas, the three san. dhyas, etc.; and as the heart is, like the pranova, a seat, adhishthana, of the Supreme these triplicities may all be regarded as being contained in the heart and as forming the ardh or spokes thereof referred to by the epithet tryara. The epithet tripratishthila refers perhaps to the three states of the heart spoken of in Yogatattvopanishat, 1, 1: akare socitam padmam ukarena iva bhidyate makdre labhate nadam ardhamatra tu niscale which seems to mean : "When a is pronounced, the lotus (of the heart) brightens (becomes ready to open ?); it opens when u is pronounced ; and begins to hum when ma is pronounced ; it is immobile when the ardhamatra is pronounced." Nowa, u, and ma are said in the Mandukyopanishat, Gauda pada-karika, and elsewhere) to be the padas or feet of the pranava which thus rests or is supported on them. Similarly, the heart when it brightens, the heart when it opens, and the heart when it is humming, may be considered the feet or supports of the heart. The word svarga in the fourth pada of v. 31 is usually interpreted as 'heavenly,' svarga. tulya, etc. There is however no necessity for abandoning the usual meaning of the word, namely, 'heaven'; for this word is often used to denote the supreme heaven or Brahmaloka where the Brabmart dwells (compare Bphed. Up. 4, 4, 8: dhird apiyanti, brahmavidah svargam lokam and Sankara's comment : svargaloka-labdas trivishtapa-vdcy api vann iha prakaranan mokshabhidhayakah; Ch. Up. 8, 3, 2-3: imah prajd ahar-ahar gacchantya etam brahmalokam 39 esho War hrlaya lokasah | ubhe asmin dydvdprthivi un'ar eva samahitewbhdv agnis ca vdyus ca suryasandramasiv ubhau !

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1928 na vindanti. ... tasmad dhodayam ahar-ahar vdevamvit svargam lokam ei and Sankara's comment thereon). It is so used here also as is made quite clear by the reading of the parallel passage in TA. 1, 27, 3: tasydi hiranmayah kosah margo loko jyotishd urta). With regard to the word ashtacakra, it has been observed by M. Boyer (l.c. p. 436) that Sayana has explained the word cakra in it as dvarana, or circumvallation enclosing the body that is regarded as a fortress, in his commentary on TA. 1, 27, 3,40 while in his commentary on AV. 11, 4, 22 he has explained the word as 'wheel' serving as the means for locomotion of the body that, is here regarded as a chariot. This is because TA. 1, 27, 3 refers distinctly to a fort, pal, while AV. 11, 4, 22 refers equally distinctly to a chariot (compare the words ekanemi 'having one rim' and sahasrakshara which Sayana explains as having a thousand axles' used in it). The discrepancy therefore, if any, is to be attributed to the texts themselves and not to Sayana who had to explain them faithfully as they stood. But is there really a discrepancy here? I am disposed to think that there is none; the meanings 'circumval. lation' and 'wheel' are not mutually exclusive, and in all probability they are both intended (see p. 230 in vol. LV, ante) by the word cakra in ashtacakrd which would thus mean'having eight circumvallations and eight wheels to move with 'or 'having ramparts and moving. In other words, the fort, pih, spoken of in AV. 10, 2, 31, seems to be & mobile fort, fa gamo durgah or carishnuh puh. Such a mobile fort is, besides the firm' forts, drdhah purah, that are frequently mentioned, known to the RV. which refers to one in 8, 1, 28: tram puram carishnvam vadhaih sushnasya sam pinak "Thou (0 Indra), didst shatter with thy weapons the mobile fort of Sushna." Such forts are occasionally mentioned in later books also: compare Bhagavata, 10, 76, 6f. : devdsura-manushydnam gandharvoraga-rakshasdm abhedyam kamayam vavre sa yanam Vyshni-bhi shanam !! tatheti Girisddishto Mayah para-puraiijayah puram nirmdya Salvdya pradat Saubham ayasmayam || ; Mahabharata, 8, 25, 13f. (The three sons of Tarakasura said to Mahadeva] : vastum icchama nagaram kartum ka magamam tubham sarvakdma-samyddhartham avadhyam deva-danavail || 13 | yaksha-rakshoraga-ganair nand-jatibhir eva ca na krtydbhir na sastrais ca na sc pair brahma-vedindm || vadhyeta tripuram deva prayaccheh prapitamaha || 14 || te tu labdha-varih pritah sampradharya parasparam puratraya-visyshtyartham Mayam vaurur mahdrathah || 19 | tato Mayah svata pasd cakre dhiman purdni ca trini kancanam ekam vai raupyam karshndyasam tatha || 20 | ekaikan yojanasatam vistytam tavad dyalam didham cdidlaka-yutam bhat-prakdra toranam | 22 || prasddair vividhaio cd pi dvdrais caivopasobhitam | 23 and ibid., 3, 176, 1ff. : nivarlamdnena mayd mahad drahtam tato param puram kamagamam divya pdva karka-sama-prabham || 1 || ratnadrumamayais citrair bhdsvarait ca patatribhih paulomaih kulakeyait ca nitya-hrshtair adhishthitam 21 40 There is no commentary of Sayapa on AV. 10, 2, 31-33 or in fact on any passage of the tenth Kanda of the Av.

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JONE, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 09 gopurdu dlako pelam calur-dvdram durdsadam sarva-ratnamayam divyam adbhutopama-darsanam || 3 || durdharsham amarair api maharshi-yaksha-gandharva-pannagasurarakshasaih || 10 || sarvakamagunopetam vita-sokam andma yam | brahmano bhavandc chreshtham .... From the descriptions given of the Tripura and of the pura of the Paulomas and Kalakeyas (this was named Hiranyapura), it will be seen that not only were these mobile forts, moving in the sky according to the desire of the kings dwelling in them, but they were also provided with high ramparts and gates and they were impregnable to the assaults of gods (deva), Danavas, Yakshas, Gandharvas, etc. The fort named Hiranyapura was, in addition, as bright as Agni (fire) and Sarya (sun)' and better than the abode of Brahman'; and these descriptions recall the expressions devandm ayodhya pruh 41 (in v. 31), aparajita puh (in v. 33), hiranyayah, jyotisha vytah, svargah, prabhrajamana, yasasd sampariurla in the above verses as also the expressions ashtacakrd and navadedra. All these traits and especially the one about Hiranyapura being better than the abode of Brahman seem to me to point particularly to the description of the brahmapura and the kosa therein that is brilliant, prabhra jamdna, yellow, harini, surrounded with glory, yasasd sam parivrta, and golden hiranyayi, that is contained in the above verses (AV. 10, 2, 31-33) and to be based thereon. In any case, they make it probable that the word cakra in ashtacakra signifies circumvallations and at the same time mobility also. Compare Kathopanishat 1, 3, 3: dimanam rathinam viddhi Sarfram ratham eva ca buddhim tu sdrathim viddhi manah pragraham eva ca, and other similar passages which compare the body to a chariot. This mode of interpretation which makes the verses refer to the human body does not find favour with M. Boyer, who has observed (l.c. p. 438) that the wording of verses 31 and 33 is such that they can not but both refer to the same thing. The expression apardjita puh in v. 33 therefore must denote the same thing as the expression ayodhyd pah of v. 31 and though the epithets ashtdcakra and navadvard may be said to be quite appropriate to the human body, it is hardly possible, he observes, to say the same of the epithets prabhrdjamana, harini, yabasd sam parivrid and hiranyayi used in v. 33. M. Boyer therefore thinks that the verses refer to a celestial citadel of Brahman, and that the kosa, sheath, which is referred to as being within the citadel, is the sun. According to this interpretation, too, the citadel referred to is a mobile one provided with gates and cakras 'or means for locomotion (the numbers nine and eight, however, in the epithets ashtacakrd and navadvdrd, says M. Boyer, have no particular significance beyond that of multiplicity). The 'sheath' spoken of being the sun, the epithets svarga (which M. Boyer explains as 'celeste '), jyotisha vyta and hiranyaya are quite in place; the epithets tryara and tripratishthita refer to the three worlds as being contained in the sun and as being the support (pratishtha) of the sun. This interpretation of M. Boyer or one very like it, is, for a reason that will presently be mentioned, quite possible. The objection however that he has raised against referring the verses to the human body can, it seems to me, be easily met. The 'fortress that is impregnable to the assaults of the gods even,' devandm ayodhyd puh, mentioned in v. 31 as having eight circumvallations and nine gates is not the same as the apardjita ptih mentioned in v. 33. The fortress 'spoken of in the former verse is the body that is elsewhere also referred to as pah or pura (compard Bh. Gita, 6, 13 : navadvdre pure dehf naiva kurvan na kdrayan; Svet. Up. 3, 18: navadvdre pure deht han so leldyate bahih ; Bph. Up. 2, 5, 18: purah purusha avisad ili sa vd 41 This has been explained by Bhaskararaya, in the course of his commentary on the Lalitasahasranama, 8. v. yoni-nilaya (in v. 217) as deudnam apy ayodhyd asadhya durlabha pah nagari .... duard udsardpd Ayodhyd-nagar tu martyanam ayodhyd iyam tu devanam apity arthan

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1928 ayam purushah sarvasu purshu puricayah ; TA. 10, 10, 3: Yat pundarikam pura-madhyasan stham; Ch. Up. 8, 1, 1 yad idam asmin brahmapure daharam pundarikan resma, etc.), while the fortress mentioned in v. 33 is the heart that is also sometimes referred to as pura or brahmapura, compare Mundakopanishat, 2, 2, 7: divye brahmapure hy esha vyomny atmd pratishthitah (Roth in the PW. 8. v. explains brahmapura as 'heart'); Atmabodho panishat, 1 : yad idam brahmapuram pundarikan tasmal tad id-abha-matram ; Nara yanopanishat, 5: tad idam puram pundarikam. This is shown by the epithet hiranyaya that is common to the kosa of vv. 31, 32 and the puh of v. 33, as also by the parallelism of the expression jyotisha vrta in v. 31 with yasasa samparivita in v. 33. Now this heart has been described, in TA. 10, 11, 2 cited above as shining and full of rings of flames.' It is described as hiranyaya 'golden' in Mundakopanishat 2, 2, 8. The epithets prabhrajamdna, harita, yasasi sampari vrta, and hiranyaya of v. 33 can all be therefore appropriately used of the heart, and the incongruity pointed out by M. Boyer does not in fact exist. These verses, as also the corresponding ones in the Taittiriya Aranyaka (1, 27, 2) are explained by the writers on Sakta Tantrism-e.g., by Lakshmidhara in his commentary on v. ll of the Saundaryalahari or Anandalahari, by Bhaskararaya in his commentary on the Lalitasahasrandma and also in his commentary, named Setubandha, on the Vamakesvara-tantra of Nityashodafikarnava-As referring to the Sri-cakra. As the Sri-cakra is, as is well-known, a symbol of the human body (see on this point the Bliavanopanishat; Tantraraja-lantra edited by A. Avalon and the Vamakelvaratantra mentioned above), such interpretation is not so far-fetched as it may at first sight seem to be, and what is more, it has also to be admitted that the Tantrik interpretation brings out the meaning of the various epithets more strongly and clearly than the usual interpretation does. I reproduce 4' here as a specimen that given in the Setubandha (p. 189) where, as I have already observed, Bhaskararaya explains the term yaksham as mahabhitam pujaniyam : tatha catharvandh Saunaka-sakhiyu amananti ashtacakra navadvard devanam pur ayothyt tasyam hiranyayah kosah svargo jyotisha urah tasmin hiranyaye kose tryare tripratish hite tasmin yad yaksham atmanvat tad vai brahma taittiriya. sakhayam prathamantam iti viseshah | trailokyamohanadi-sarvasiddhipradanta-cakrashtakayuktam nava-yoni-ghatitam anyesham asadhyam devatavasa-bhutam Sri-calera-nagaram yat tatrapy uttamah koso jyotirmayah svarga-tulyas trikona-namalo 'sti tasmin kone tridha pratishthitam tri-samashti-svarupam bindu-cakram asti tasmin bindu-cakre svatmaniva yad yuksham mahabhutam pujaniyam tad brahmaiveti vdsandm ajna (sic) jananti. Substantially the same explanation43 of these two versen is given by him in his Lalita sahasranama-bhashya (p. 179 of the Nirnayasagara ed.); but yaksha is here explained as pujyam only. I have said above that the explanation of M. Boyer or one similar to it, which makes the verses refer to the sun as being the citadel in which Brahman dwells, is a quite possible one; 49 Correcting the mistakes that are found in the verses quoted in the edition. 18 anayor scor artha, dovdndm apy ayodhyd aaddhyd durlabhd pah nagari Sri cakram ity arthah.... idvard pdea-rupa Ayodhyd-nagari tu martyanam ayodhya iyam tu devanam apity arthah sd kidrfi ashdcakrd ashtau cakrani dohtaram dve dafare manvastam ashtadala-khodadadale padme bhramitraya!! bhdghatrayam ceti yasyam na nand-sankhyani dvarani yonidodranat frikondni yasya sa panica bakti. caturvahni-samyogde-cakra-sambhava iti Nityahadaye i svd bhimukhagra trikonam fakti pardamukhagra. trikonam vahnir iti mantragdstryd paribhasha | tasyam ayodhyaydm hiran yayas fejomayah kolo nidhanam trikona-rapar ea era svargah sukhari patrat Taittiriyana svargo loko iti pathah | tasyapy ayam evdrtha tasnin hiran yaya ity adi saptamyantam pafcaka samanadhikarana spashtarthurn trikone yad aati bindurupam cakram tasmin yaksham pajyam tot prasiddha brahmavida almaniva viduh. To understand thene explanations of Bhaskararaya, it is necessary to have a correct notion of how the Sri.cakra is written, of its divisions and of its worship. These can be learnt from the Vamakelvara tantra and the Tantrardja-tantra in detail, and then it will become evident that the Tantrik explanation of the various epithets found in those versos is superior to that of Sayans and of others who proceed in the same way.

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JUNE, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 101 and I have also said that the explanation of Bhaskararaya and other Tantriks that makes them refer to the fri-cakra, is not a far-fetched one. I have further given an ezplanation of these verses above on the line followed by Sayana, which makes them refer to the human body. The reason why so many explanations are possible of these verses is this: the verses refer to the dimanvad yaksham (atmanrad bhutam or bhutatman) or the soul dwelling in a kosa. Now the soul in the body is identical with the purusha in the sun according to the teaching of the Upanishads; compare Taitt. Up. 3, 10, 4: 80 yas cayain purushe yas casav aditye sa ekah; Maitryupanishat, 7, 7: yas cayam hrdaye yas cast aditye sa esha ekah; and this explains why the kosa mentioned in v. 32 can be understood as the human heart or as the sun. The Sri-cakra, too, as I have said above, is a symbol of the human body, and therefore the Tantrik explanation of the verses is, in essence, one that refers to such body. Similarly the Upani shadic doctrine of the sun being identical with Brahman (compare Ch. Up. 3, 19, 1: adityo brahmety ddesah and TA. 2, 2, 2: asav adityo brahma) explains why some verses of the AV. where the word yaksha occurs have been referred to the sun by MM. Henry and Boyer, and to Brahman by Geldner. In these verses yaksha in effect refers to the Brahman, even where the interpretations do not contain that word at all, but refer instead to the sun or the soul, AV. 10, 8, 43 : pundarikam navadvaram tribhir gun@bhir a'urtam tasmin yad yaksham atmanvat tad vai brahmavido viduh || "The lotus that has nine doors and that is enveloped thrine-verily the knowers of Brahman know the animate being in it." The 'lotus with nine doors' is, like the sheath, kosa, in the fortress with nine gates' in the verse explained above, the heart in the human body. The 'nine doors' are those of the human body, and the 'lotus' can be said to have them in a figurative sense only. The 'triple envelope seems, as suggested by M. Boyer, to consist of satya (truth), yasas (glory) and brih (beauty) which are said in AV. 12, 6, 2: satyendvrta Sriya pravrta yasasd pariurta to be the envelopes of the Brahmana's cow, brahmagavt ; compare the epithet jyotishd vrtak of the kosa mentioned in AV. 10, 2, 31 and the epithet yasasa sampa. rfurta used (in v. 33 of the same hymn) of the aparajila pu" which, as I have said above, refers to the heart. Geldner explains the expression tribhir gunebhir dvrtam as enveloped by the three gunas (i.e., sativa, rajas and tamas).' AV. 10. 7, 38: malad yaksha.. Chuvanasya amdhye tapasi krantam salilasya prahthe tasmin chrayante yc u keca deva' vrkshasya skandhah parita iva sd khah | << The great being in the centre of the world has passed into tapas and into the back of the water ; they that are gods (that is, all the gods) rest attached in it as the branches of a tree round the trunk." The hymn 10, 7 in which this verse occurs is addressed to Skambha which, according to the Calikopanishat (v. 11), is another name of Brahman. The great being in the centre of the world,' referred to here, is therefore the Brahman; and the word krantam in the second pada refers to the passing'or transformation of Brahman into tapas and wateran idea which we have met with above (p. 62), where it was said that tapas and water were first created by Brahman or were first born of Brahman. This verse, however, speaks instead of creation or 'birth ' (utpatti of the later Naiyayikas; compare the preceding verse but one: yih sramat tapaso jato loka'n sarvan saminase tasmai jyeshtha'ya brahmane namah referring apparently to water) from Brahman, of the passing or transformation (parinama of the Sankhya system) of Brahman into tapas and Water, and it is very remarkable that the parinama doctrine of the Saukhyas should be thus met with in the AV. With regard to the gods resting in the Brahman, compare RV. 1, 164, 39: rco akshare parame vyoman yasmin devd' adhi vifve nisheduh; Kathopanishat, 2, 1, 9: tam derdh sarve 'rpitah : Kaushitaki Up. 2,

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JONE, 1928 9 : sa tad bhavati yatraile devah. The word prshthe has no particular significance here: the expression salilasya prshthe is simply equivalent to salile. AV. 10, 8, 15: dure Purnena vasati dura unena hiyate mahad yaksham bhuvanasya madhye tasmai balim rashtrabhr'to bharanti || " It lives far from the full; it is abandoned in the distance by the not-full. The great being in the centre of the universe-to it bring tribute the rulers of kingdoms." The great being at the centre of the universe is of course the Brabman that is far removed from the full and the not-full, from the big and the not-big, from the small and the not-small, etc., compare the passage nyinam anyat sthanam sampurnam anyat (the author of the Ratna prabhd calls this a sruti) cited by Sankara in the Brahmastra-bhashya in the course of his introduction to the Anandamayadhikarana along with Erhad. Up., 3, 8, 8: asthulam ananv ahrasvam adirgham "It is not big, not small, not short, not long." Rashtrabhrtah means, not feudatories (as M. Boyer understands), but those who rule kingdoms or kings, that is, as Geldner has pointed out, the gods, the chief gods; compare AV. 13, 1, 35 : ye devd' rashtrabhr' to 'bhito yanti su'ryam "The kingdom-ruling gods who go round the sun"; and ibid. 10, 7, 39: yasmai hastabhyam pa'dabhyam vdet' brotrena cakshusha | yasmai deva'h sada balim prayacchanti) "To which the gods always render tribute with the two hands, with the two feet, with speech, hearing and with sight." These passages make it probable that the gods' spoken of here are the same as those mentioned in the Prasnopanishat, 2, 1-2: bhagavan katy eva devah prajam vidhdrayante katara etat prakasayante kah punar esham varishtha iti.... Akaso ha vd esha devo vdyur agnir apah prthivi van manas cakshuh Srotram ca "How many gods, O venerable, uphold the creature (i.e., the body)? Which of them illumine it? And which again of them is the greatest? These gode verily are Akasa, Vayu, Agni, Water, Earth, Speech, Mind, Eye and Ear," that is to say, the pranas. Compare the story related in Bhad. Up. 6, 1 about the dispute that arose amongst the pranas as to who was the best and how the mukhya-prana in whose favour the dispute was settled, made the others pay tribute to itself (6, 1, 13 : tasyo me balin kuruteti tatheti): compare also Kaushitaki Up. 2, 1: tasmai vd etasmai pranaya brahmana etah sarvd devald ayacamana ya balim haranti and Prasnopanishat, 2, 7. VS. 34, 2: yena karmdny cpero manishino yajne krnvanti vidatheshu dhi'rah yad a purvam yaksham antah praja'ndm tan me manah divasamkalpam astu! "May the manas (mind), that wonderful being that is in men, by means of which, the wise ones, clever and intelligent, perform the rites in the sacrifice, in the religious ceremonies--may the manas that is in me, be auspiciously inclined." This mantra is the second of the six fiva. samkalpa-mantras that are found in the beginning of ch. 34 of the VS. The epithets applied to manas in these verses show that the manas spoken of is not the mind in men, but the ego or soul or Brahman; compare for instance, the epithet jyotishdm jyotih in v. 1, hrt-pratishtham in v. 6, and the description yat prajnanam uta ceto dhrtis ca yaj jyotir antar amrtam prajasu in v. 3, and yasminn rcah sdma yajunshi yasmin pratishthita rathandbhdv ivarah yasmine cittai sarvam otam prajdnam in v. 5. Hence the description of this manas in this verse as apurvan yaksham which means not only 'wonderful being, 'as interpreted above, but aleo 'the being before which none existed ; first born being '; compare Brhad. Up. 2, 5, 19 : tad etad brahmapurram anaparam anantaram abahyam. Compare also Ait. Br., 5, 1, 1: mana ivdpurvam vayur iva slokabhur bhuydsam "May I be ever new like manas (mind) the origin of bloka (sound; fame; Sayana, however, explains as sangha) like Vayu ", and Sayana's comment thereon: uttarottaram abhivrddhikankshaya prayatamanam sat tat-tat-phala-praptyd nutanam rupam pratipadyate. (To be continued.)

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JONE, 1928) THOMAS CANA 103 10 The 9. THOMAS CANA. BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. (Continued from vol. LVI, page 106.) Literal Translation of Malayalam Documents (No. 3). Have you forsaken us3 to-day, oh Lord ?40 To-day we have nonet1 behind to support us ; We have neither city nor language : 49 Our beauty will lie only in our ornaments; 5 Your jurisdiction must be extended to our abode. 43 The lord 4, on hearing this request, Was filled with joy, and he answered: As occasion demands, good abans (=bishops), I shall send you within twelve years. The seventy-two families of seven clans, You must go united. My children, go you in joy. With jacket, voil,46 rosary, and cloth for the head, 46 Chain, 47 wristlet, and beautiful cross, 15 And good provision got together, They went in a multitude some distance with umbrellas. 48 Then, when they reached the sea-shore to go on board, Friends, masters, and relatives all Embrace one another kindly. 20 Tears are on the chest, and it is wet; None is witness but God. My children, shall we meet again after you go to India ? Rememeber us always, that relationship may not be sundered. Always bear the ten and the sevento in mind; Do not turn away (from the faith). By the grace of God The three ships sail side by side. (Another tune.) By the will of the Triune God St. Thomas (is) in Mylapore. 60 Without mishaps web1 arrived in Cranganore. 30 In the land of the Malabar king our reputation to-day Must be fittingly recognised by the monarch. 99 The 400 emigrants from Jerusalem and other places, about to start for Malaber. 40 Lord ' refers here to the Catholicos of the East. 41 None, like the Catholicos. 43 Their language would be of no use in Malabar. 43 In Malabar. 44 The Catholicos. 45 Voile are not in use to-day oven among the Southists, who claim descent from Thomas Cans and the foreigners that come with him. 48 The Malabar Christian women, both Southist and Northist, cover their head with a piece of fine cloth while at church or at prayer meetings. This is a Jewish custom, cf. 1 Cor. 11:5, 6, 13. 49 A gold chain for the neck or used as a belt. 48 Umbrellas, not asa protection against the heat of the sun, but as a mark of dignity. Such umbrellas are made of brightly coloured silk and adorned with geme and gold lace. These are used in Afrion, Burma and China also to-day. 49 The ton Commandments and the seven Sacraments. 50 The line sooms to have no connection with the others. In fact, the whole song is disjointed and diffioult to interpegt.. * 61 Wo, be, those that came with Thomas Cana. 25

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1928 At the sight of the king the heart was gladdened. To clear the way for the heirs of St. Thomas 163 found you to-day not transgressing the coramandments.84 36 They offered presents of coins and good gurne. Give us according to our presents, and write in the presence of witnesses. We were given enough religious privileges ; The Malabar monarch that day engraves on a copper-plate. The king went, and saw the land and gave it away. In the year $oval66 aiter the birth of the Lord, The honoured Kinayi Tomman received the copper-plate document. Willingly did carpenters come and build a church and city. After having lived in comfort for some time, To our joy there oame two ships in the outer sea.67 Literal Translation of Malayalam Documents (No. 4). Strophe V7.68. To preach the religion to Coromandel and Malabar Men were appointed in good Mylapore. To preach the religion except in Coromandel The Tarisas (Christians) failed, and Bagudasi (Bagdad) heard of it. 5 The Catholicos was sorry and his heart grew weary. In all the eight directions-in Pandya's land, and in Coromandel (=in Chola's land) and in ChinaThe sole truth was spread according to the way of St. Thomas. May Jesus help those who did so ! Strophe VII. The Catholicos and the Rampans (monks) were all sorry. 10 Who will now go in time to govern Malankara (Malabar ?) One from those seated in the assembly answers :One of the twin-born 68 must go to Malankara; We are the sons and nephews of the same person. And Kinayi Tomman made up his mind to go. 15 Seventy-two families go on board the ship; There is abunan (=bishop), priests and deacons ; And there are 400 persons, including men and women. By the blessing of the Catholicos the ship sails through the sea. The sea-shore is thronged with (people) shedding tears. 69 Perhaps those St. Thomas Christians who were already in Malabar. "To clear the way 'may also be 'to expound the way '(Christianity). 63 I, i.e., the Malabar monarch. 84 This line and the previous one are very difficult to reconstruct; the text is so dislocated. 65 govala is the usual form of the chronogram. But in the original song there is only soval, which would give only A.D. 45, instead of A.D. 345. Sovala will not suit the metre. The word has no meaning in Malayalam or in Sanskrit or Tamil. It may be the Syrisc word Suvala (suvo16) meaning question, enquiry. Suvald or sovala would give A.D. 345. 66 Two Portuguese ships. The reference is to the coming of the Portuguese in A.D. 1498. 67 The rest of the song deals with subsequent events, which have nothing to do with Thomas Cana and his 400. 68 The lines translated here form part of a longthy song about the church of Marutolil in Travancore, consecrated in A.D. 1652. 69 I cannot say how Thomas Cana was twin-born and how he was both son and nephew to the same person. The St. Thomas Christians may be said to be both Christ's spiritual children and the children of St. Thomas, who in the Acts of Thomas is represented as the twin of Christ. 60 lbid.

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June, 1928) THOMAS OANA. 105 20 The ship sails through the waves of the red sea and the black sea; Mahodevard1 of the Malabar king was sighted and forth with the sails were furled. Strophe VIII. The foreigner (Thomas Cana) saw the king and received land; The poble city and church were finished. Those who heard of this came and entered the fort, 25 Saw the good abunan (=bishop) and received his blessing. Literal Translation of Malayalam Documents (No. 5) (On Mar Josoph.)63 In the good city of Jerusalem,84 In the land where emeralds and pearls grow, Of the lord, resplendent as a dancing peacock, The complexion, I may say, resembles gold of ten and a half carata.66. He speaks like a Chinese flute; He is not lacking at all in religious zeal. That noble lord wants to go and govern Malabar. He started by Bava's (the Father's)*6 command ; He obtained his permission and forthwith set out on his journey. (Another tune.) 10 He was given high social rank. He was given the several privileges of a Catholicos, And he was fittingly sent off with regal musical instrumente. In his holy hand he received the Book,67 The holy Catholicos, according to the custom instituted by St. Thomas. (Another tune.) 15 He went to Esra 68 and obtained permission, He received the good signet ruby. In his wish he was in Cochin,69 in excellence he was in Romero. (Another tune.) Together they?1 started and embarked in a ship, Set sail in the direction of Malabar, 20 And landed in Cranganore. On their sighting the Cochin 7 harbour, 61 The city of Mahadevar Pattanam (Cranganore). 69 (The remaining lined have no bearing on Thomas Cana.) Abun, dbanan, and aband wro from Syriac, and mean 'our father.' The Lord's prayer in Syrisc begins with Abin, Our Fatber. Bishops also are addressed as abun. Abin in related to Abha in "Abba, Father of Mark, 14 : 36. 63 Mor Joseph, Bishop of Edessa, was the person who saw a vision in the night about the pitiablo stato of the Malabar Christians, and prevailed on the Catholicos of the East to send him to Malabar along with body of Christians under the leadership of Thomas Cana in A.D. 345. S. Mar Joseph of Edessa is here said to be in Jerusalem. Was ho a native of Edessa, consecrated bishop of Jerusalern? 65 Gold of 10 carats is regarder es pure gold. Bodies of the colour of pure gold are regarded in Malabar as the most beautiful. To acquire that colour kings and other rich persons take every day & mixture of Bandalwood and gold made into a paste. 88 The Catholicos of the East. B&va is now generally applied to Patriarchs and Catholicoi. 67 The Bible. 68 This is presumably the seat of the Catholicos of the East. Which place is this? Is it Otroene, the district of which Edessa was the capital ? *He was so eager to be in Malabar that he transported himself thero (to Cochin) in imagination. TO He was equal to the Pope in grandeur. 71 Mar Joseph, Thomas Cana and others. 11 Cochin harbour is close to Cranganore, where they are said to have landed.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JONE, 1928 Eighteen salutes were fired.73 When he enters the city gate, after the firing of the salutes, The sepoys, 74 they give a shout, 25 And all their limbs languish. On the royal palanquin a flag was raised, And in it sat Raja Varma.75 Chempakasseri76 also is with him, And the king of Vettattunad77 too. 30 Mar Joseph of Urfa78 goes. Four priests are near him, There are many deacons too. Sepoys79 are close to him, And Tomman Kinan 0 is with him. 36 You81 came and obtained a permit, And went there 8% early, And held him by the hand to disembark. A royal palanquin3 plated with gold He mounted, and sat down, 40 And proceeding in pomp, entered the fort. In the fort was the Perumal, the king. (Another tune.) The daytime-lamp, 84 the foot-cloth, 85 and regal musical instruments. We have come with the desire to govern Malabar, Longing to see my children well. (Another tune.) 45 By the grace of the loving Mother, 86 He slowly got ready and to the king of the solar race 87 Narrated the facts, And obtained a house and compound and slaves. Those who visited him bowed and received his blessing. 50 And wearing the mitre, he governed three years.88 (To be continued.) 73 This seems to be an individual touch by the author of the song. Firing of guns or petards was not in vogue in A.D. 345, although gunpowder seems to have been known at that time. 74 The soldiers in Cranganore. 75 Raja Varma who received the Bishop at the city gate has to be taken as the then Malabar king. I think I have seen the name Renovarmen in some Portuguese account. Whore ? 76 The king of that principality in Travancore. 77 This principality is in British Malabar. 78 Uraha in the original is modern Urfa, old Edessa. 79 Mar Joseph's own retinue or the king's soldiers sent as an escort. 80 Thomas Cana. In Malayalam he is known as Tomman Kinan, Knayi Tomman, and Kana Tommi 81 The poet addresses Thomas Cana, who is supposed to have landed first to go and obtain the pormit. 83 To the ship. 83 Sent from the palace. #4 Lamp lit by day for processions. This is a special privilege. 86 Cloth spread on the ground for the bishop to walk along. Another privilege. 86 St. Mary. 87 Hindu kings of ancient times are said to have belonged to two races, the solar race and the lunar race. grf Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, belonged to the solar raco. 88 These five documents may, from their style and languago, bo assigned to the 17th-19th century. All the five are from the Ancient Songs of the Syrian Christians of Malabar (in Malayalam), Kottayam, 1910. The theory that these in their original form had been composed in A.D. 345, but were successively changed in wording as the centuries went by, is quite untenable. Nothing peculiar is there in the language and style and wording of them, that may be said to have come down from the fourth century A.D. or even the fourteenth. On the other hand all indications point to their origin in the 17th--19th century. L. M. Zaleski's The Saints of India, Mangalore, Codiabail Press, 1915, pp. 215-226, has extracts from the above four songs as well as from others. But the translation there is wrong in almost every line.

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JUNE, 1928 SOME NOTES ON MAGIC AND TABOO IN BENGAL 107 SOME NOTES ON MAGIC AND TABOO IN BENGAL. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS). In the earliest stage of the evolution of mankind, magic, as has been pointed out by the great German philosopher Hegelt, was the primary form of religion. Gradually, when men found out that they were unable to direct nature to their own will, religion, which assumes the existence of a superior being or beings, dawned upon them, and was practised simultaneously with magic in its primitive form. Religion alone is the last developmental phase in the history of human faiths. The mind of the primitive man is wayward; he does not distinguish between similarity and identity; his powers of analysis and discrimination are limited ; his ideas are formed by chance impressions; and his conclusions are based on superficial analogies. Magic with him assumes that all things which are alike to each other are the same, or that things which have been in contact with each other are always in contact. In India, from very early times, there has been confusion between religion and magic, and we find that the sacrificial ritual of the Vedic period was pervaded with practices breathing the spirit of the most primitive magic3. It is therefore necessary to see if it is possible to draw a definite line of demarcation between religion and magic. The main difference between them seems to lie in the fact that in religion the worshippers belonging to a group of persons are bound together by a common faith, whereas in magic there is no such faith to unite them. Religion assumes the world to be directed by conscious beings who, by means of conciliatory methods, may be induced to use their powers for the good of the worshipper; magic does not admit it, but says that the course of nature is determined by immutable laws acting mechanically. Again, religious and magical rites do not differ from each other, and it is often very difficult to distinguish the one from the other; magic, however, takes a sort of pleasure in profaning all sacred things, as also there is something profoundly anti-religious in all the actions of a magiciant. Without going deeper into the subject, religion may be defined as "a propitia. tion or conciliation of powers superior to man which are believed to direct and control the course of nature and of human life "6; while Messrs. H. Hubert and M. Mauss define magical rites as tout rite qui ne fait pas partie d'un culte organise, rite prive, rite secret, mysterieux, et tendant, comme limite, vers le rite prohiben. Magic has two different aspects which we may conveniently call positive and negative. The former which aims at arriving at some definite object by the performance of certain acts is called Sorcery, the latter which protects from certain dreaded consequences by means of nonperformance of certain acts is known as Taboo ; thus, if we consider sorcery as the positive pole of sympathetic magic, taboo is its negative pole. The theory that taboo was negative magic was first distinctly formulated more than twenty years ago by Messrs. Hubert and Mauss'. Magic is practical ; it assumes that like produces like, hence it is a common enough custom in Bengal even to-day for those desirous of winning love to make a little clay image 1 Vorlesungen uber die Philosophie der Religion, Berlin, 1832, vol. I, pp. 220 sq. * (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, London, 1920, vol. I, p. 53. 8 H. Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, Berlin, 1894, p. 59. 4 W. Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites, 2nd ed., pp. 264, 268; Hubert and Mause, "Esquisse d'une theorie gonerale de la magie," Annee Sociologique, vol. viii (Paris, 1904), p. 19; Emile Durkheim, Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Swain's tr., p. 43. 5 (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art, vol. I, p. 222. 6 Hubert and Mauss, op. cit., p. 19; cf. P. Huvelin, "Magie et droit individuel," Annee Sociologique, vol. X (Paris, 1905-1906), p. 2, quoted by Biren Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, Paris, 1927, p. 120. Op. oit., p. 56. A year later, in 1905, the same conclusion was independently arrived at by Sir Jamet G. Frazer (Lectures on the Early History of Kingship, London, 1905, pp. 52-54); see also Man, vol. VI, (1 906) pp. 55 sq. For a similar ancient Hindu ceremony see M. Bloomfield, Hymns of the Atharva Veda, Oxford, 1897, pp. 358 sg.; W. Caland, Astindischer Zauberrituel, Amsterdam, 1900, p. 119.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1928 representing the beloved, and to shoot an arrow tipped with a thorn in its heart. This is clearly a sort of homeopathic magiu, for does not Kama, the Indian god of Love corresponding to Cupid of classical mythology, shoot his darts at the hearts of young people so that they fall in love? By the same process of reasoning that like produces like, among some of the degraded Hindu sects of Bengal, when it is desired to injure or to kill an enemy, a small clay image is made to represent him, and then a knife or a pin is stuck through the heart : the person whose image is thus mutilated is sure to feel the effects and die in consequence10. "Nijer nak kete parer jatra bhanga kard" (To cut one's own nose in order to make another person's journey abortive) is a common enough expression in Bengali, which may be interpreted in the same way, though the desired effect, we should in justice admit, would be very dearly bought. A curious application of homoopathic magic is to be met with in the widespread custom in Bengal of curing night-blindness, an affliction of the eye which renders a person incapable of seeing anything distinctly at night, by the internal use of a fire-fly. The process is extremely simple : get hold of a living fire-fly and enclose it alive within the pulpy inside of a banana, then give it to the sufferer to eat; as the fire-fly lights up its own way in the dark, so it is sure to impart some of its virtue to the enter, who will consequently be cured of his affliction 11. A splinter in a child's eye is effectually removed by rubbing the upper eye-lid and repeating the following verse : "Dhulo has, ure ja ; Mati has, gale jd; Kath has, bheshe ja ; Pathar has, bhenge ja." which may be translated into English doggerel verse thus : If dust thou art, fly away; If thou art clod, melt I pray; If wood thou art, float away, But if stone, breek I say.18 By an association of ideas, the pipal tree (Ficus religiosa18) and the tortoise14 are the objects of a cult in Bengal, for it is believed that longevity may thus be attained. The Hindus do not burn the body of a still-born child or of a child which has died before attaining the age of two years, but bury the body in the house itself. This unusual method of disposing of the dead-the custom of cremating a dead body is universal among the Hindus -is followed in the belief that, if this be done, the mother will bear another child16. In the . I have adopted the terms Homeopathic Magic and Contagious Magic in accordance with Sir James G. Frazer (The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, pt. 1 of "The Golden Bough," vol. I, pp. 52 sq.) for the charms based on the Law of Similarity and the Law of Contact respectively. 10 O. W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, Westminster, 1896, vol. II, pp. 278 sq.: The Tribes und Castes of North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Calcutta, 1896, vol. I, p. 137: E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, pp. 328 sqq. 11 Ethnologic du Bengale, p. 141. 13 Ibid. 13 Cl. among the Chineee, S. Wells Williams, Middle Kingdom, New York. 1883, vol. II, p. 259 : in Ceylon..(Sir) J. E. Tannent, An Account of the Island of Ceylon, London, 1859, vol. II, p. 632 sq. 14 "Divers marvellous tales are narrated with regard to its (the tortoise's) fabulous longevity and its faculty of transformation "-W. F. Mayers, The Chinese Reader's Manual, Shanghai, 1924, p. 101, No. 299, ..0."Kwei." 16 Ethrologie du Bengale, p. 71 quoting J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, Strassburg, 1896, p. 166; R. Hertz Le representation collective de la mort," Annde Sociologique, vol. X, (Paris, 1905-1906), p. 132, n. 1, where, on the authority of the Code of Manu (Sacred Books of the East, XXV, p. 180), he says, that such children are buried in a foreet immediately after death cecurs, and their bones are never recovered,

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JUNE, 1928) SOME NOTES ON MAGIC AND TABOO IN BENGAL 109 Bilaspur district, with the same object in view, the body of such a child is placed in an ear. thenware pot and buried in the doorway or in the yard of the house16. In the same manner, in every phase of religious life we find traces of sympathetic magic. When a Brahroan has his initiation ceremony, he is made to tread with his right foot on a stone, while the words are repeated : " Tread on the stone, be firm like the stone "17. Contagious magic18 is that which is based on the assumption that all things which have once been in contact with each other must always remain so. The most widely spread example of this form of magic is the sympathy which is believed to exist between a human being and the different parts of the body. Hair and nail in the folklore of every nation play an important part in magical rites!'. Similarly names are intimately connected with the body, and therefore, in Bengai, every care is taken to hide the real name of a person by giving him a nick-name, or a pet-name (adure nam, as it is called). If evil-disposed persons become aware of the real name, they thereby obtain a part of his soul, and may perform magical operations to the prejudice of the owner of the name20. Moreover, Hindus rarely call a woman by her real name; she is usually known as the daughter, wife or mother of such and such a person(r)1, as the case may be. The placenta is intimately connected with the body of an infant; therefore, on the birth of a child, the midwife carefully takes the placenta away in an earthenware pot, and hides it in a secure place or buries it somewhere away from human gaze. If some animal were to devour it, or if it were to be destroyed in some other way before the annaprasan ("the taking of the rice") ceremony, which is also the naming cere. mony, the child will fall dangerously ill, if not dies. An ancient Hindu magic rite is mentioned in the Kausika-sutra, a book of sorcery, where it is directed that, if you wish to harm an enemy, you should make cuts in his footprints with a certain leaf, then collect the dust from the footprint in a leaf of the Butea frondosa and throw it into the trying pan; as the dust gets hot, and it crackles, so will your enemy be powerless23. Here the footprint is supposed to be in reality a part of the man himself. From the above examples the magical character of the ancient Hindu rites is clearly apparent. Dr. Caland justiy remarks on this subject that those who have been accustomed to regard the Hindus as a highly civilised people will be surprised to find evidences of savagery amongst them and the remarkable resemblance of their rites with the shamanism of the North American Indians24. In Calcutta, a well-known charm for stopping a downpour of rain is to make a first-born child roll a candle of cloth and burn it26. This is based on the belief that, since fire and water are enemies, and since water puts out fire, so, conversely, fire must also in some inexplicable way act inimically towards water, in this case rain. Various other people besides the Hindus have used fire as a charm against rain; it is known among the Australian tribes, the Toradjas of Celebes, the Arabs, and so on. Again, rain suggests Sears; the birth of a female child is a matter for regret among the Hindus, therefore, this also suggests tears. Hence, the logical conclusion follows that if it is raining at the time 18 (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art, vol. 1, p. 104 quoting E. M. Gordon, Indian Folk Tales, p. 49. 17 Grihya Sutras, tr. by H. Oldenborg, pt. I, pp. 168, 282 sq., pt. II, p. 188. 18 Seo above p. 108, n. 9. 19 Cf. LAI Bihari Day (De), Folk Tales of Bengal ; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Golden Boughs, vol. I, pp. 367 89.: Biren Bonner jea, A Dictionary of Superstitions an? Mythology, London, 1928, pp. 116 89., 175 sq. 20 Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 83; Dictionary of Superstitions, p. 176. 21 Ibid. 33 Among the Khasis, so P.R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis, London, 1907, p. 124; for various superstitions about the placenta see (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art, vol. I, pp. 182-201 and authorities given there; ibid., The Golden Bough, 2nd edition, vol. III, pp. 350 sqq ; H. Ploss, Das Kind, vol. I, pp. 15 sq.; E. Crawley, The Mystic Rose, London, 1902, p. 119. 23 W. Caland, Altindische Zauberrituel, Amsterdam, 1900, pp. 162 sq. 24 Altindisches Zauberrituel, Introduction, p. IX. 26 Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 125, quoting North Indian Notes and Queries, I, (1891), p. 378; Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. VIII, pp. 290, 291. 30 Soo (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. I, pp. 252, 253.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY - [ JUNE, 1928 conception takes place, the fruit will be a baby girl, but, should the weather be fine, a boy2T. Similarly, rain on one's wedding day foretells tears for the bride 8 Propitiatory rites have always been regarded as conducive to good results. In some places, however, much virtue is attributed to abuse. On the day of the Nashthi-chandra in the month of Bhadra (July-August) people play practical jokes with the intention of drawing down vituperation on themselves, and along with it good luck. It is inauspicious to look at the new moon in the month of Bhadra ; those who have inadvertently done so, try to avert the evil by throwing stones and brickbats into their neighbours' houses in order that they may revile them. If they are successful, the neighbours who abuse them will themselves be the sufferers. In European superstition, the surest way of driving away Jack-o' Lanterns is by cursing them30. The influence of the evil eye, as I have explained elsewhere 31, is much feared by the inhabitants of Bengal, and, in order to avert it, divers subterfuges are resorted to. Iron is distasteful to evil beings, hence it is said to be an infalliable charm for the evil eye33. The use of the tulasi (sweet basil) plant as a powerful charm is universal among the Hindus. It is to be seen growing before the doorway of every Hindu house ; every morning the earth around its stem is carefully cleaned over with cowdung33 thinned with water, and every evening incense is burned near it. In many places pious Brahmans sit in front of the tulasi plant, and recite their daily prayers; it is, in fact, the object of a cult. In this connection we may mention that it is a noteworthy fact that the basil plant, which is said to have grown on Christ's grave, is also worshipped in the Eastern Church, and in Greece many magical virtues are attributed to it34. Most of the precautions against the evil eye are of a negative character, and consequently they are taboos. At the beginning of our article we have seen that taboo is the negative pole of sympathetic magic. We shall now enumerate some of the general taboos of Bengal. The belief that excessive admiration of the state of health of an individual is prejudicial to him, is universal36. Hence it is an unwritten law in Bengal not to be too enthusiastic in praising anything, or, if inadvertently anything be highly praised by another, immediately to rectify the error by positively denying its merits. Euphemism, which is so general in all eastern countries, no doubt owes its origin to the same reason, namely not to mention a bad thing by its right name, but to give it a high-sounding title36. One of the lowest castes in India is that of the 37 Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 123. For a similar European superstition, see H. Ploss, Das Weib in der Natur und Volkerkunde, 4th edition, Leipsie, 1895, vol. I, p. 551. 28 Ethnologie du Bengale, ibid. ; H. Plong, op. cit., vol. I, p. 451. 39 ch. W. W. Hunter, Orissa, London, 1872, vol. II, pp. 140 sq.: W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, vol. I, p. 17. 30 Benj. Thorpe, Northern Mythology(?); Dictionary of Superstitions, p. 252, cf. pp. 133, 289. 31 Ethnologie du Bengale, pp. 81, 84, 85, 131, 133, 137. 39 of. J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, pp. 435, 465, 1056; A. Bastian, Der Mensch in der Geschichte, Loipeic, 1860, vol. II, pp. 268, 287, vol. III, p. 204; A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart, Hamburg, 1860, pp. 15, 20, 122, 220, Benj. Thorpe, op. cit., vol. II, p. 39: (ir) J. Rhys, Celtic Folklore, Welsh and Man, Oxford, 1901, p. 325; Ethnologie du Bengale, pp. 92, 131, 133; J. G. Dalyell, The Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 120; L. Strackerjan, Aberglaube und Sagen aus dem Herzogtum Oldenburg, Oldenburg, 1867, vol. I, p. 164 ; vol. II, p. 17; E. Tylor, Primitive Culture, London, 1871, vol. I, p. 127; F. Bassett, Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and Sailors, London, 1885, p. 19; Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. IV, p. 486 : Hubert and Mause, op. cit., p. 62: Aubrey, Remaines, p. 57; E. Lano, 1001 Nighta, vol. I, p. 30 30 In Bengal cow dung is said to be a panaces for all evils. (of. L. Day, op. cit.; Ethnologie du Bengals, pp. 63, 65; A. M. T. Jackson, Folklore Notes, Bombay, 1914, vol. II, p. 79; J. Jolly, Recht und Sitte, p. 167; Larousse, Dict. universel du XIX siecle, vol. XIV, p. 1255, c. 2., 34 of. J. F.T. Bent, The Cyclades, London, 1885, p. 328. 38 Soo F. T. Elworthy, The Evil Eye, London, 1895, pp. 8, 10, 22; Jahn, "Ober den Aberglauben des booon Bliokee", Berichte der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Leipsie, 1886, p. 36. 36 of. Lt. Col. D, C, Phipott, Hindustani Stepping Stones, Appendix, "Euphemisme."

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Juwe, 1928) SOME NOTES ON MAGIC AND TABOO IN BENGAL 111 scavengers or sweepers. They are regarded as thoroughly unclean, and most people would hesit. ate even to tread on their shadows, fearing to be polluted by thus coming into magical contact with them; they however glory in the euphemistic name of metar37 (from Persian mihtarine, & great personage '). In a similar manner the name of a water-carrier is taboo, and he is popularly known as bhisti (from Persian bihishti Liit, a dweller in paradise '). Taboos of a different nature are those which prohibit the use of the names of snakes, thieves, robbers, tigers and so on after nightfall38. The beings which these names represent are all dreaded ; things which are dreaded need to be conciliated; therefore their names are taboo for fcar of being visited by them. Not only fear but respect also forbids mentioning names of certain persons and objects. Hindu women are loth to mention their husbands' names; should this be for some reason absolutely necessary, they would change the initial letters before pronouncing them, and, if this should prove unsuccessful, write them down. For the same reason, whenever the name of a deceased person is uttered, the prefix isvar (God') is put before it39. In different parts of the country, as at Bilaspur 40, when the panchayat (* village council') meets, no one of the assembly is allowed to twirl a spindle, for, if this be done, the discussion, like the spindle, will go round in a circle and no definite conclusion will be arrived at. If we look up any Bengali dictionary we find that the verb jaoya or jaon means 'to go, to go away'; in practice the signification is modified to 'to go away for ever', and hence its use is limited. Thus for example, when a boy is taking leave of his mother on his way to school, he will never say jachchhi' ('I am going '), because that suggests an inauspicious omen, but will say instead 'asi' ('I am coming'), which is cheating fate. Among the taboos observed by primitive people none are more numerous or important than the prohibitions against eating certain foods 40. In abstaining from these foods, he is in reality performing negative magic ; therefore I shall give a few examples of food taboos in modern Bengal. Beef is forbidden to all Hindus, as also the flesh of those animals which are respected by them. Among vegetables, the principal taboos are onions, garlic, palm, mushrooms and plants growing in unclean places". Lentils are taboo to all good Brahmans, because, when cooked, they look red and thus suggest blood. Moreover, it is forbidden to partake of food while standing or lying down, or in a naked state, or in wet clothes13. They must not also sit to a meal with their wives, although an ancient ritual prescribed it during the marriage ceremony 44. From the above sketch, which has necessarily been short, we find that magic, both in its positive and negative form, enters largely into the public and the private life of the Bengalis. 31 This name has been applied to the class in question in irony or rather in consolation.... But the name has so completely adhered in this application, that all sense of either irony or consolation has perished." (Col. (Sir] H. Yuloand A. C. Burnell, Hobson Jobson, A Glossary of Anglo-Indian Colloquial Wonds and Phrases, 1st edition, London, 1886, pp. 432 sq.) 38 Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 83; North Indian Notes and Queries, I, 15. 39 Can this be attributed to ancestor worship, or is it through the fear of being followed by the ghost of the dead 1 Cf. the German custom of prefixing der selige with an almost identical meaning. The Muhammadans abstain from mentioning the QurAn by name; they call it bari chis (Lt. Col. D. C. Phillott, ibid.). In the Decaloguo (Exodus, XX, 7) we find it expressly mentioned "Thou shalt not take tho name of the Lord thy God in vain." 6. (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art, vol. I, p. 117. 41 (Sir) M. Williams, Hinduism, London, 1878, pp. 155-157; J. Jolly, Recht und Sitle, p. 153. See my Ethnologie du Bengale, pp. 63, 85, 85 n. 3. 43 " Von vegetabilischer Nahrung soll man Knoblauch, Lauch, Zwiebeln, Pilze und auf dem Misto gowachsene Pflanzon meiden. Auch von unwurdigen Personen geschenkto, abgestandene Speisen, wie Uberreste einer Mahlzeit, von unreinen Tieren oder Menschen beruhrto Speisen u. dgl. durfen nicht genosson werden." (J. Jolly, op. cit., pp. 167 sq.) 43 J. Jolly, op. cit., p. 168. But why? * E. Hartland, The Legend of Persous, London, 1894-1896, vol. II, p. 345, quoting Sacrod Books, XXX, 49.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JONE, 1928 To understand the Hindu caste system, and especially the unchallenged supremacy of the Brahmans, we must not expect to find a clue in their traditional intellectual superiority as law-givers and priests, but in their role as magicians, for magicians they undoubtedly were ; the very word Brahman derives its origin from brahmana "a magic spell "46. Nay, not only was the Brahman a magician in the hoary past, but he is so in our own days. He is not simply a priest performing his daily duties in the temples, but he is a wizard who, with his curses and incantations, can make or mar all around him. Is not the picture of an enraged Brahman with his right arm outstretched, holding in his hand the sacred upavita, and cursing a terrified individual familiar to all who have spent some time of their lives in the "magical land" of India ? Can it be possible that at last we are on the threshold of the long-lost mystery of the origin of the caste system in India ? It is only a hypothesis to be followed or rejected as subsequent researches may direct us. 46 ..BOOK-NOTICES. ASCARYACOPAMANI, by SAKTIBHADRA, published by he finds this influence, nor does he point out whether Sri Mala Manorama Press, Mylapore. it is quite decisive. In regard to the date of Sakti. This is a dramatic work based on the story of the bhadra himself, the learned professor is of Opinion Randyana and has been brought into prominent that he was an immediate disciple of the first notice in the discussions on the authenticity of the Sankaracharya, circa A.D. 788-820. But he notes, works of Bhasa, the thirteen dramas published by none the less, that rhetoricians like Bhamaha and the lato Mahamahopadhyaya Ganapati Sastrigal of Jagannatha do not quote from him. In trying to Trivandrum. It is published by collation of six fix the downward limit, he places Saktibhadra manuscripts and with a commentary. It has an anterior to the Travancore sovereign, Kula sekara introduction by Mahamahopadhyaya S. Kuppu. Varma, the author of Tapati Samavaranam, Subhadraswami Sastrigal in English, and is, on the whole, Dhananjayam and of a third work, Aecharya brought out creditably so far as the printer's part Manjarikatha. Two histrionic directories are said of it is concerned, although it does not reach up to have been compiled in his reign, namely, Krama. quite to the level of the Nirnaya Sagara Press. dipika and Agaprakaram. The latter work men. The story begins with the Aranyakanula of the tions fourteen plays, of which the first five include Ramayana and carries it almost to the end. The the two dramas by Kulasekara himself, Nagananda plot is modified to suit the taste of the author, or of Sri Harsha, Acharya Chudamani and Kalyana perhaps dramatic needs according to him, and the Sangandhika. The sixth is an anonymous work. peculiar feature is the almost mimculous powers Sri Krishna Charita. The remaining eight are of the two jewels concerned in the story, the signet included in the thirteen dramas ascribed to Bhasa. ring of Rams and the head-jewel of Sita. It would Here comes in the contribution of this drams to be remembered that in the Ramayana, Hanuman the discussion of the authenticity or otherwise of carries the signet ring as evidence of his character Bhasa. Since this drama figured so much in the as messenger from Rama and returns to Rama with discussions, one would have expected that the the head-jewel of Sita as evidence of his having seen opportunity would be taken advantage of by the her. There they are treated as ordinary jewels. learned professor to consider the Bhasa problem as Hore they are given a somewhat miraculous a whole, and restate it in the light in which it is character, probably with a view to producing won. placed by the publication of this work. Although dermont in the treatment of the plot. The intro- the Bhisa problem was started by the late Pandit duction is interesting and informingAccording to Gapapati Sastri, it has long since ceased to be the professor, the commentator must have lived entirely a question of his own. The mere pointing about the end of the sixteenth century and the to weak spots in his arguments or overstatement in beginning of the seventeenth, as he quotes from the respect of particulars cannot settle the question. Srimat Bhagarata. This by itself cannot make Nor is it fair criticism to state that everybody that him so lato, but the professor couples with it that took the viow of tho late learned editor of these he was influenced by tho work Narayaniya of ono plays has takon it on trust and has been gulled into Narayana Bhatta of Malabar, whose dato is A.D. his belief. Theo quoction stands on entirely another 1590. But he does not give any roference to where footing now, and the problem must be considered 45 0. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, Strassburg, 1901, pp. 637 sq. ; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art, vol. I, p. 229. 4. Only the Aryan population (see however my Ethnologie du Bengale, Introduction, p. xli; Appendix A, "Cartee Ethnographiques," Map No. 1 ; Appendix B, "Tableaux Anthropometriques," Nos. 2, 3) of Bengal has been dealt with in this article. An account of the magic and taboo of the Kolarian and Dravidian tribes will be given later.

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JUNE, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 113 as a whole rather than in the unsatisfactorily peace-1 The first article by A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar, is real style the professor has chosen to treat it. The on the interesting history of the Aruvdymoli Pase least that was expected is that he should meet the into Travancore from Southern India. Of the three theses of Dr. Sukthankar and Mr. Lakshman Sarup. main pages over the ghats into the sea-board neither of whom could be charged with having State-the Achchanobil, the Aryankavu, Aruvay. swallowed without judgment the findings of the late moli-the last is the southernmost and not far Pandit. from Cape Comorin and is quite well known to One may perhaps readily accept the learned profes. Europeans as the Aranboly. It has, however, sor's estimate of the merits of the new drama. But been the chief gate into Travancore from all time the management of the plot and the alterations and its story is traced, in an informing article, introduced do not all of them strike a lay reader as from the days of the early Pandyas, the Cholas, making for improvement. Some of these details the medieval PAnda. the ViiavAnABATA kines. may be regarded as indicating decadence in art. the Madura Nayakas, the Mysore Sultana Haidar The tendency to introduce the element of wonder Ali and Tippu) to the modern times. seems occasionally to lead the author into excess The next article is by Dr. de Lacy O'Leary of and perhaps thus pass the bounds of good taste. Bristol University, on the source of Arabic Culture, In regard to the time of Kulasekara Varman, which the author traces primarily to Greek, but there is a good deal to be said in favour of his also to old Persian and Indian elements, with identification with Ravivarman Kulasekara, who was their cradle in the ancient kingdom of Hira under responsible for turning out the Muhammadan can. Hellenistio influence brought to bear on Islam tonments from the south soon after the invasions of through a Syriac medium. The culture was, there. Malik Kafur. But Mr. Sastriar prefers to take the fore, like every other known form, & combination. commencement of the tenth century for his era. Next Dr. A. 8. Tritton of Aligarh discourses on There is one point that may have an indirect bearing Arab Theories of Education. He begins with Ibn upon this question, the defeat of RAvada by KArta. Khaldun and describes his ideas as they appear in virya and his imprisonment. There is no reference the introduction to his History. These Dr. Tritton to it as far as we remember in VAlmiki. But the explains in an interesting manner, and then describes Tamil poet Kamban, who follows Valmiki and who the system of education proposed by Qadi Abu makes his own alterations off and on, introduces Bakr ibn al-Arabi, which Ibn Khaldun viewed this incident. He makes Sita point out to with but qualified approval of this system Dr. Ravana that the possession of merely two hands is Tritton gives an outline, remarking on the influence not necessarily a sign of inferiority, as the thousand- of Sufi teaching in it. He then reverts to Ibn armed Arjuna, who threw Ravana into prison was | Khaldun and his ideas, which are most interesting, deprived of all his arms by the two-armed Paragu- as that old philosopher saw the difficulties created rania, to the great chagrin of Ravana, in the guise by words and comfused thinking in all education, of the hermit who was extolling Ravana's power and carefully thought out means for overcoming and prowess. There is a reference to that same them-ooming quite close to modern doctrine incident almost on the same occasion, but it is put in the process. into the mouth of another character. It would be The following article on the Beginnings of the Silk rather difficult to state whether there was any Industry in India by Dr. Balkrishna deals with a borrowing as between the two. But the similarity very different subject. This is a controversial of sentiment involved in this perhaps argues for 8888y to show that Cooper in Silk, its Production closeness of time between the two. and Manufacture, Arbousset, and the Encyclopadia Whatever be the ultimate result, the publication Britannica are all wrong in asserting that silk was of this drama is a welcome addition to the literature introduced into India between A.D. 300 and 500. of the Bhisa problem, and let us hope that this The object of the article is to bring together evidence will prove the means of advancing the question to show that sericulture and silk manufacture a stage further. are of great antiquity in India, and evidence is S. K. AIYANGAR adduced to show that it was known there at least in B.C. 1000. The article is worth careful study. THE JOURNAL OF INDIAN HISTORY, edited by This study of the history of silk is followed by This RAO BAHADUR S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR. Prof. Heras's Palace of Akbar at Fatehpur-Sikri, April 1925, Madras. where be once more gives us an illuminating discourse Professor Krishnaswauni Aiyangar has come to on to him now familiar ground. Its nature is suffithe rescue of this Journal, which Prof. Shafast ciently described by the opening sentence: "The Ahmad Khan of Allahabad was obliged to discon. indentification of the palace of Akbar among the tinue, and has started his work on it by a Double remaining buildinga of romantic Fatehpur is of Number - vol. III, pt. IV, and vol. IV, pt. 1. great importance for an historien." In the course It is to be hoped that students of Indian History | of a delightful study of these famous ruins, full of will assist Prof. Krishnaswami Aiyangar in his valuable information, Prof. Heras identifies the gallant endeavour. Palace of Akbar with the familiar Jodh Bai's

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JUNE, 1928 palace of the existing authorities and the guide MOLIERE, with a Hindi translation of LE BOURGEOIS books. GENTILHOMME, by LAKSHMAN SARUT. Rajpal, Next comes Mr. W. H. Moreland on a subject Sarasvati Ashram, Lahore. connected with the research with which his name is There is a Renaissance Movement progressing identified: "A Daich Account of Mogul Adminis in Indian vernacular literature, which has arisen trative Methods." This account is contained in a out of a spirit of revolt against the old tradition. Report on Gujarat difficult to translate. It was Signs of it are visible in the Urdu verge of Sir Mu. completed i. the year 1029 and is unsigned, but it hammad Iqbal and in the Hindi productions of the was used by de Laet in his Account of the Mogol School of khari boll writers. Taking advantage Empire in 1631 and by Van Twist in his General of the existence of the feeling visible in such Description of India "drawn up a few years later." and similar works, Professor Lakshman Sarup From this invaluable MS. Mr. Moreland gives has bethought him of making an attempt to bring us" version of all the references it contains this new spirit in vernacular literature into contact to the practical working of the Mogul adminis. with European classics, in the hope, no doubt, that tration in Gujarat." He has thug once again such contact will have a guiding and controlling materially aided the advance of our knowledge influence over it. He seems to have been moved of the Mogul period of Indian History. thereto by the consideration that in the beginning of the nineteenth century French translations of Eng. Then we are treated to a similar article on the Settlement of Baramahal and Salem from i lish and German writers had a remarkable influence the for good on the French romantic movement of the Records by Prof. C. S. Srinivasachari. It is worth period. If I am right in this conjecture, 4 series while to quote the opening sentences of this important discourse : "When Lord Cornwallis concluded of studies of European dramatists, if wisely chosen, should have a similar influence on the new moved the treaty with Tippu Sultan on March 17, 1792, the Ceded Districts of Salem and Baramahal were, ment in India. With such ideas at the back of it, this study of Moliere might well be followed within eighteen days after the treaty, entrusted to the organising genius of Captain Alexander Read, qy studies of Shakespeare, Ibsen, Tchekov, Goethe, in preference to any of the Revenue Officials of the Schiller, Brieux and others, in course of time. Madras Presidency, who lacked the necessary quali- A knowledge of such writers could not but have fications for administering a newly annexed country. a beneficial influence on the Hindi reading public, For the same reason Read chose as his assistants, which would thus have brought before it specimens Captains Munro, Graham, and McLeod to administer of European thought as concentrated in drama. respectively the countries of Dharmapuri (central For it must be borne in mind that Hindi authors division), Krishnagiri (northern division) and Salem are at present driven to Sanskrit literature for (southern division). It is superfluous to write inspiration, and contact with European drama of the great qualities that Munro displayed even will broaden their intellectual horizon, will suggest thus early; while the other two did remarkably literary models of character and manners for tragedy good work." Prof. Srinivasachari has himself and comedy, and will open to them new literary done good work in reminding us of the manner in channels. which the British Indian Empire was built up in Professor Lukshman Sarup has no doubt chosen its earlier days by men whose very names are Moliere's Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme for his first now largely forgotten, and whose many difficulties, attempt, as it lends itself peculiarly to existing failures and successes he so well describes. conditions in India, since it portrays the efforts The last communication is an interesting one: of & successful but vulgar man of business to The operations leading to the Capture of Almora imitate the life of the aristocracy of his day. I in 1815, by Mr. J. C. Powell Price. It is a useful observe that the Professor, in his preface, remarks contribution to the history of Ochterlony's war that "many of our uneducated young men make with the Gurkhas. As it is a sketch of what actually foolish attempts to ape European dress and manners took place then, in view of the somewhat confused to the extent of making their own lives, as well as ocounts that are available of the operations in the lives of their relatives, miserable. Such ignorant Kumaon during the war. Not the least of the imitation is partial and always produces ludicrous services rendered to historians by Mr. Powell Price is results." a statement at the end of his paper as to the where- In "translating " the French play the object abouts of existing original documents relating to which the Professor has kept before him has been to the Nepal War which made Ochterlony a famous render the text so that it will appeal to an ordinary man. Indian audience rather than to scholars searching On the wholo Prof. Krishnaswami Aiyangar is for a scientific translation, and this is a wise to be heardly congratulated on this first instalment endeavour. His title for the play, Baniyd chala of his effort to keep the flag flying for the Journal Nawab ki Chal, is an earnest of the spirit in which of Indian History. the whole problem is worked out. R. C. TEMPLE. R. C. TEMPLE

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JUNE, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 115 he has drawn to illustrate it. A visitor to the precincts of the Qutb Minar who has not been there for fifteen or twenty years will be astonished to | observe the improvements effected by the excavation and conservation work carried out by the department. C.E.A.W.O. STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN, by BANARSI DAs JAIN, Oriental College, Lahore, 1927. I would draw attention to this thoughtful little brochure reprinted from the Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies, vol. IV, pt. 3, on an abstruse and difficult question in the phonology of languages descended from the Indian Prakrits. The desire has arisen froin the fact that it seemed to me, when I sat at the feet of bhasairis and other rough bards in the Panjab about half & century ago, to collect the Legends of the Panjab as they were actually sung, that stress-accent had much more to do with the language of the people than was admitted by those who read the highly sophisticated language effected by the Orthodox Hindu poets and followed their ideas. I have often thought that in "scientific" transli. teration it was a pity that accent was left unmarked when long vowels were specially noted in writing. However, the impressions I acquired were then too heterodox for general adoption, but they seem now to have been more or less right, and hence the interest of Mr. Banarsi Das Jain's remarks. R. C. TEMPLE. A GUIDE TO THE QUTA, DELHI, by J. A. PAGE, Superintendent, A.S.I. 81 x 55, with 12 Plates ; Calcutta, 1927. The Archeological Department is supplying a real want in issuing authoritative guides, in a handy size like this, to sites of archaeological and historical intarest. Thonch nowhere a stated this little volume is but a reprint of most of Chapter II and the whole of Appendix IV (a) of Memoir No. 22 of the A.S.I. The excellent drawings and photographs are also reproductions of some of those appended to the Memoir. It is a pity that the opportunity was not taken to correct some clerical errors that appeared in the original. For example, on page 2 we find Narain, instead of Tarain, as the name of the battlefield where Prithiraj was defeated in 1192. More than fifty years ago Raverty exposed Briggs' misspelling of this name. On the same page the azan, or call to prayer, is called "the azam." The Asoka lat (p. 8) should read lath; and Inam Zamin (passim) should be Imam Zamin. "Mutakha", on pages 10 and 12, is possibly meant for muttaka. The terms liwan, mihrab, jali, kungura, etc., should at least be italicised, if not explained for the benefit of the average reader, who would also doubt legs have welcomed a sketch map of the surrounding area, such as Sir John Marshall has provided in his delightful guides to Taxila and Sanchi. The chief interest attaching to Mr. Page's work, which is obviously not intended for the mere "globe-trotter," liee perhaps in the plans and sketches indicatingof necessity conjecturally-the original mosque of Qutbu'd-din and the extensions carried out, or projected, by " Altamish " and Alau'd-din. Mr. Page is to be congratulated on his careful exami. nation of this subject, and on the admirable sketches THE EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS,ROB TO INDIA, 1615. 19, as nanated in his Journal,and Correspondence. Edited by SIR WILLIAN FOSTER, C.I.E. New and revised edition, with illustrations and two maps. Oxford University Press, 1926. Roe's journal and letters were first critically edi. ted, with an introduction and notes by Sir W. Foster for the Hakluyt Society in 1899, appearing as vols. 1 and 2, second series, of that society's valuable publications. These volumes have been out of print for some time, and the University Press is to be congratulated on its enterprise in bringing out this revised edition and in having secured for the task the services of Sir William, than whom no more competent editor could have been found. The chief value of Roe's narrative to the historian undoubtedly lies in his descriptions of lite at the Mughal's court while et provincial capitals and in camp, and in the light thrown upon the charac. ters of Jahangir, Asaf Khan and Khurram and of the noble but ill-fated Khusrau. In estimating the value of Roe's work for the Company we are handicapped by the want of the final text of the "articles " accepted by Khurram, after protracted discussion and bickering, as well as of the agree ment and contract granted by Jehangir that is referred to in Roo's endorsement on the emperor's letter of the 8th August, 1618, to King James (p. 506, note). Sir W. Foster has stated fairly all that can be said in Roe's favour. There is a good deal to be said on the other side, which need not be discussed here. Living for more than three years at court in close relations with Jahangir and his officials, Roe wrote from first-hand knowledge ; and although his independent spirit and his failure to master the Persian language seem to have prevented him from getting into touch with the inner mind of his associates, and seeing things from the Oriental outlook, his frankly-stated views must carry weight. Not to mention other matters to which the editor has drawn attention in his intra duction, Roe's account is important from the light it sheds upon the difficulties that beset the English traders as a result of the jealousy and competition of the Portuguese, who had been established in the country for more than a century. We see, how. ever, how the prestige of that nation was rapidly declining, and that of the Dutch; who had already achieved ascendancy farther east, was growing apace. In Roe's time the English' were but commencing to acquire a position of some importance on the shores of India.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1928 It is not generally realized that England was one Roe started on his memorable embassy. Roe left of the last of the European countries to have inter- England in March, 1615, and arrived in Surat in course with India and the East : but, once started, 1 September of that year; he sailed from India in that intercourse developed with remarkable rapidity. February, 1619, on his voyage back. His doing The first Englishman known to have set foot on were recorded in a journal and in numerous lettere indian soil was Father Thomas Stevens, who, join to the Company, and to private individuals. It is ing the Jesuits, landed at Goa in 1578, and worked regrettable that only one volume of these papers there till his death in 1619. The next Englishmento is known to be now extant, comprising the diary visit India were Newbery, Fitch and others who and letters to the 11th February 1617 and some started on & commercial mission, in behalf of the further letters to the 9th October 1617. Purchae Turkey Company, in 1583 by the overland route carries on the narrative from sources not at pre. (via Aleppo, Basra and Ormuz). They bore a letter sent available to the 22nd January 1618. For the of introduction to the Mughal emperor from Queen remaining year of Roe's stay in India the editor Elizabeth ; but, although Newbery, Fitch and has had to depend upon his lettere and such inforLeeds visited Fathpur Sikri, where Akbar then mation 88 can be gathered from contemporary (1585) was holding his court, we do not know whe- documents. ther it was ever delivered. John Mildenhall, in One of the most valuable contents of this volume his first commercial expedition (also 010 Aleppo in the facaimile reproduction of William Baffin's and Persia) to India during the years 1603-05, had famous map of the Mughal's dominions published an audience of Akbar, and posed-80 far as we in 1619, which is probably the earliest map of these know, without authority-888 messenger from Queen regions over printed in England. Sir William has Elizabeth. Mildenhall tells us that he requested added an instructive note on this map, in which in her behalf friendship and the same privileges of he pertinently calls attention to the exceptional trade as the Portuguese had; and he appears to credit attached to it by subsequent cartographers. have given the emperor in the presence of Jahangir, We find numerous errors contained therein reprothen Prince Salim) to understand that the queen duced on maps published in various parts of Europe intended to depute an ambassador to his court. for nigh a century and a half thereafter. As reHe says that after much trouble, due to the ob. gards Rce's geographical account of the Mughal's struction of the Portuguese Jesuits, he got all his territories, which has been printed as an appendix, demands granted " signed to my owne content. we must feel astonishment that it should be so frement and (as I hope) to the profit of my nation." quently inaccurate, and so often irreconciliable Unfortunately no cupy of the alleged grant has with Baffin's map, which we are told incorporates come down to us. The first English vessel that Roe's inquiries. The names of important provinanchored on the coast of India was the Hector, with ces such as Allahabad and Oudh, and even Ajmer William Hawking in command, which reached (at the capital of which Roe had spent 11 months) Suwali in August 1608. Hawkins carried a letter are omitted; while petty states like Chamba, from King James to the emperor, asking for liberty Pathankot, Siba and Jaswan, and 'sarkdrs, or disof trade and reasonable privileges. Ho arrived at tricts, like Chitor, Bikaner, Sorath, Narwar, and Agra in April, 1809, and remained at Jahangir's court till November 1611. At first he was received Sambhal, are named among the "kingdoms and with much show of favour, but his influence waned, provinces": although the Ain-i-Akbari, with its detailed account of the provinces, districts and and JahAngir finally refused permission for the madls, has been completed twenty years previously, English to establish a factory at Surat. It was Captain Best's victories over the Portuguese ships and Roe says he took the names "out of the King's in November December, 1612, that first enabled the English to settle there. It is from that year that The introduction contains a masterly historical the Company's trade with India may be said to review of the events of the period concerned, and a have taken root (though an agency had been planted connected account of Roe's movements and occuat Masulipatam a year before). During the next pations, 60 essential for anybody who wishes to two years three different factors were sent from understand the constant allusions to persons and Surat to the Mughal's court, two of them bearing incidents in Roe's text, which is often obecure, letters from King James, to look after the Company's and to keep the thread of the narrative in his grasp. interests, but to little effect. Meanwhile Best had The notes, which have been thoroughly revised, are gone home, and his optimistic view of the prospects apposite and sucuinct, and call for scarcely any of trade roused the Directors to greater activity. further correction. Tho index is full; the work of A finer fleet was prepared, and it was decided that the prese, characteristically excellent. This is a an Ambassador would be best suited to treat with book which, with its companion volume Early "Great Mogul" in respect of their privileges, and Travels in India, 1683-1619 should be on the shel to counteract plots of the Jesuits. But two or ves of all students of the history of the three years, then, had passed since our factors had period. set up at Masulipatam and Surat when Sir Thomas C. E. A. W.O.

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Plate 1 Indian Antitary CEREMONIAL DRESS OF BRIDEGROOM AND BRIDE (SOUTHIST CHURCH) T. K. JOSEPH

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JULY, 1928) THOMAS CANA 117 THOMAS CANA. By T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. (Continued from page 106.) Further Remarks by the Rev. H. Hosten, S.J. On Document No. 1. Nasrani. If the word Nasrani was used in A.D. 315, it would have been the name by which the Jews knew the Christians. They may have been known similarly through the Jews to the rest of the people in Malabar. Document No. 1 is not of 345 A.D. But the term Nasrani might have been applied to the Malabar Christians from the very beginning of their history. For Nasrani is a modified form of Greek Nazarenos, a term applied to a member of the early Jewish Christian sect. In pre-Islamic days the Christians of Arabia (and presumably of Mesopotamia also) were called Nasranys. Even European Christians are to-day called Nasranys in Arabia, as we learn from Doughty's Travels in Arabia Deserta and other sources. The Malabar Syrian Christians are known as Nasranis even to-day. The earliest known instance of the application of the term to the Syrian Christians of Malabar, is in Pope John XXII's letter of A.D. 1330. The passage runs: "Nobili viro domino Nascarinorum et universis sub eo Christianis Nascarinis de Columbo" (i.e., Quilon in Travancore). The Malabar Nasranis came to be called Christians (Kristyanika!) locally only after the Portuguese connection in A.D. 1498.-T.K.J.) On footnote 32. The gold crown. On February 7, 1924, at the Southist Church of Chungam, said to have been built in 1579, we photographed a boy and a girl dressed up for the occasion in the ceremonial dress of a bridegroom and a bride. This attire belongs to the Church. Bridegroom's dress: long qabayt or surcoat, like the robe of state (khilat) presented by Eastern princes to those whom they wish to honour; six-pointed star on each sleeve; crown (aigrette fixed on turban), said to be part of the property given to the Christians of Chungam, when they filiated from the Southist Church of Katutturutti to settle at Chungam. Bride's dress : peculiar bodice; crown, a facsimile of the one of Katutturutti, now the property of the Jacobites of Mulanturutti, which latter is said to be the original crown presented to the Christians by Cheraman Perumal. By Chera man Perumal they mean apparently the king who favoured Thomas Cana. [The gold crown I refer to is like the conical Indian jata-mukuta put on the heads of ancient statues of kings and images of gods. The aigrette mentioned by Fr. Hosten is not a crown, but the golden flower referred to by Gouvea (Jornada, fol. 4r): "The Christians" (of Malabar) "alone, when marrying, were allowed to wear their hair tied up with a golden flower." See the accompanying plate. The bride's "crown" is really a half-crown covering only the front half of the head, as can be seen from the picture.-T.K.J.) On Document No. 3. Rosary. Did the Christians of Mesopotamia use the rosary of beads which the present Bishops of Mesopotamia visiting India are seen to use? How many beads does this rosary consist of? [Of 153 beads-T.K.J.) On footnote 45. Veil. I do not think it means that the Christian women of Mesopotamia came with their faces veiled as the Arab custom is in many parts. [Veils seem to have been used by Southist women in the sixteenth century. For there is this saying in Malayalam current among the Syrian Christians : The city is burnt, and we go out in broad daylight. Why then a mutfak (veil), my daughter ?' These were the words of a Southist Christian mother to her daughter who, while about to flee from the city of Cranganore set fire to by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century, hurriedly searched for

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118 THE INDIAN AXTIQUARY (JULY, 1928 her veil. This implies that Southist women in those days used veils. But I have found no mention of a veil in the contemporary Portnguese accounts that I have seen. The term mutfak is used in Tamil for that portion of a Brahman widow's cloth covering her shaven head. It is a Tamil word meaning literally covering cloth'. The present song mentions both mutlak and cloth for covering the load.-T.K.J.] This song contains 10 reference to the coming of a bishop with Thomas Cana. The fact is that our Portuguese historians are silent about the bishop who came with Thomas Cana, a point which requires further examination. But the majority of the Malabar accounts agree in bringing a bishop along with Thomas Cana and in calling him Mr Joseph.-T.K.J.] On Document No. 4. Lines 1-4. It is difficult to believe that, if Mylapore had a bishop, Malabar had none or was neglected, or that John, Bishop of All-Persia and Great India, who was present at the Council of Nicea (A.D. 325), would have neglected Malabar and Coromandel, if they were in need, or again that the Parsio of St. Thomas is wrong when it states that the see of St. Thomas still flourished at Andranopolis (Cranganore). It requires more study before we can explain the coming of a bishop of Edessa or some other part of Mesopotamia in A.D. 345. Were some of the Christians of Malabar at loggerheads with the bishops of Mylapore, Andranopolis or Persia? [But to judge from The Acts of Thomas (c. 200 A.D.) the earliest St. Thomas documont, Andirapolis was outside modern India altogethor.-T.K.J.) Line 4. The mention of Baghdad offers a clue to the antiquity of the song. Baghdad was built in 4.1). 762 or 764 near Seleucia-Ctesiphon. The Abassid Khalifs reigned there till 1258, when the place was sacked by Hulagu Khan. Marco Polo (c. 1293) says that the Bishop of the Isle of Males and the Isle of Females (Maldives ?) is subject to the Archbishop of Sokotra and the latter to the great Archbishop of Baudas (Baghdad). Cf. Yule, Marco Polo, II (1875), 396; 399. According to Bar-Hebraeus (Chronicon Eccles., ed. Lamy, II. 236), Elias, the Greek Patriarch of Antioch, in 910 re-established at Baghdad the ancient residence of the Orthodox Catholicos which had been unoccupied since the Nestorian schism (A.D. 432). or. Cath. Encycl., New York, I, 2020. At what time did Baghdad becoine the seat of the Catholicos who sent bishops to Malabar? Line 6. As Malabar was not part of Paniya, we must conclude that there were Christians, not only in Malabar and Coromandel, but also in Pandya, for instance along the Pandyan seacoast, in particular at Kaveripattanam, whence Christians took refuge in Malabar, according to tradition, during the persecution of Manikka Vasakar (A.D. 293-315). Arnobius already mentions Christians in China (A.D. 303-305). Lines 12 & 13. If 'twin-born 'is singular, I understand that one of the Christians of St. Thomas, who is surnamed Didymtis, or the twin, was to be sent to Malabar, also that the Ciri tian3 of Malabar, as well as the Christians of Mesopotamia who were to help the former, are here represented as the sons and nephews of the same St. Thomas the Apostle. In tho time of Timothy I. (A.D. 779-823) the bishops of Fars in Persin used to say: "We there been evangelised by the Apostle Thomas, and we have no share with the sce of Jari." CJ. Mlingana, The Early Spread of Christianity in Iwlia, reprint), 1926, p. 33. May not the Christians of Mesopotamia also have considered themselves the children of St. Thomas, who had sent Addai to Edessa as its first apostle? Did they not think they had the body or at least relics of St. Thomas at Edesen? "One of the twin-born" may refer to the bishop to be sent, and Thomas Cana may be understood to decide going in his company. (See footnotes 59 and 60.-T.KJ.] If'twin-born' were plural, I do not know what to suggest. In his translation of part of these songs, Zaleski (The Saints of India, Mangalore, Codialbail Press, 1915, p. 215), has : One of you two brothers must go to Malabar." Zaleski refers this to Frumentius and

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JULY, 1928) THOMAS CANA 119 Edesius, his brother, and he concludes that Thomas Cana is the bishop Frumentius. We can. not accept this view. The weight of the Malabar tradition leans to the view that Thomas Cana was a merchant. He brings a bishop to Malabar, but is not himself a bishop a3 the songs here published show. [Zaleski's translation is not accurato. T.KJ.] Line 19. The farewell is again described as taking place on the sea-shore. The Southists should have a tradition as regards the port from which they left for India. Line 20. The term black sea' may be the equivalent of the modern lala pani (black water). What can red sea' mean here? Did Thomas and his party come through the Red Sea ? Is the Persian Gulf ever called Red Sea ? (Black and red indicate seas of various kinds.-T.K.J.] Lines 24 & 25. Here again we have the proof that the author of the song thought there were Christians in India already. It would also appear that the new bishop made his see at Cranganore. On Document No. 5. Lines 1-7. The Christians in Malabar had particular esteem for bishops and priests who came from Jerusalem or had visited it. May that explain why Mar Joseph of Urfa is made to go to Jerusalem? Or have we here the story more clearly narrated in Land's Anecdota Syriaca : the bishop of Edessa has a dream in which he sees the forlorn condition of the Christians of India ; the next day he goes to the Catholicos of the East, who calls a meeting of bishops and merchants ; Thomas of Jerusalem, a merchant, offers to go to Malabar which he has previously visited; he returns to the Catholicos, and the bishop who had seen the vision, i.e., the Metropolitan of Edessa, repairs to India with Thomas, priests, deacons, men and women and children from Jerusalem, Baghdad and Nineveh (Mosul), 472 families. In our songs, as far as here presented, there is no pilusioa to the dream of the bishop of dessa ; the author may have thought this required no mention, as being generally known. In that case, he takes the bishop of Urfa (Edessa) straight to Jerusalem, where he supposes the Catholicos of the East is residing. Possibly, our author takes the bishop of Edessa to an even higher authority, a Patriarch. In Land's Anecdota Thomas Cana is of Jerusalem ; in another account from Malabar, he is of Canaan," which is Jerusalem." This too may have influenced the author of the song in making the bishop of Edessa go to Jerusalem. Let us compare at this place several accounts about this expedition : (1) We have seen the version in Land. (2) In a letter of Fr. A. Monserrate, written at Cochin, January 1, 1579, after a two years' residence among the St. Thomas Christians, we real? Quinay Thomas came from Ormuz to Paru (Parur) and Cranganore." (Parur . vi. close to each other.-T.K.J.] (3) Roz (1604) mentions the arrival in 345 of Thomus Cawaneo with 62 (in another place 72) families. Like Monserrate, he is silent about a bishop from Mesopotamia or anywhere else. 91 (4) The hiel T.; TO "or Antioch " Jerusalem, w . India with priests and deacons.92 (5) The Metropolitan of Edessa and King Abgar (t) orcler 336 familios to go to India in 345 with clerics and Thomas the Canaanite, from Canaan," which is Jerusalem."93 89 Mingana, Early Spread of Christianity in Dediu, reprint, 1926, PP. 43-44, or my translation in Ind. Ant. 1927, PP. BO From rotographs of a MS. in my possession. 91 Ibid. 02 From a Jacobito Malayalam Ms. in an English rolation, Trichur, 1820, in South India Christian Repository, Madras, II (1838), pp. 189-195. 03 Mingana, op. cit., 40 (paper by a Jacobito, 1721).

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 (6) Thomas of Jerusalem comes to Malabar in 345 with the bishop of. Edessa, priests, deacons, and 472 families. 94 (7) Joseph, bishop of Antioch, came with 472 families in 345 and built Cranganore. (8) In 345 Thomas Cana came with bishops, priests, deacons, and laymen by order of the Patriarch Ignatius. 95 (9) With Thomas Cana came in 345 Mar Joseph of Edessa, priests, deacons and about 400 families. Thus in Ittup's History, which agrees with our songs, except that our songs speak of 72 families consisting of 400 persons. There are still other versions, in which either the Catholicos or 5th Patriarch of Jerusalem is mentioned, or Yustedius, Patriarch of Antioch. These other versions should be collected. Considerably different is the story of the merchant Qison, a fire-worshipper, who, coming to Qalonya, in the country of Philippois, somewhere in India, made the acquaintance of the Christians there and of their bishop; he goes home by sea and brings his family to the bishop for baptism. He goes home again, and dies. His widow Helena and her four sons, John, Stephen, Joseph and Daniel, come to India, to the capital of a king where there are no Christians. So many miracles happen on their account that John and the king write for a bishop to Constantine the Great. John, bishop of Ephesus (sic), comes to India, baptises the king and his people, and consecrates John, one of the four brothers, as first bishop of that city. [Could Qalonya be Caliana of Cosmas, A.D. 535 ?-In Caliana....episcopus est in Perside ordinari solitus.-T.K.J.] The writers who speak of 472 families brought over by Thomas Cana seem to have lumped into one figure, and into one category the 400 persons of 72 families. How was the figure 336 families' arrived at ? Line 4. It is surprising that the Syrians, apparently in imitation of the Hindus and Buddhists, whose saints are golden-faced, ascribe to Mar Joseph of Urfa a golden complexion. Many of the old statues of our Catholic Churches in India are entirely gilt, even in the face. (But see note 65, p. 105, supra.-T.K.J.] Line 8. The Catholicos of the East or a Patriarch appears here to be placed at Jerusalem. In 345 did not the whole farther East depend on the Patriarch of Antioch, and would the Catholicos of the East, dependent on Antioch, not have lived in Mesopotamia ? Mingana (The Early Spread of Christianity in India, reprint, 1926, p. 44 n. 1) says that after the Catholicos of the East Shahdost, martyred in 342, the see was vacant for more than two years, his successor Barba -Shemin was in prison from February 345 to January 9, 346, when he was martyred. It is still a hopeless task to reconcile the conflicting statements about the bishop who came to India in 345, his name, the place he came from, the Patriarch then ruling, and the Catholicos of the East. Line 11. The rank of Catholicos given at this early date to Mar Joseph of Edessa is probably an exaggeration. Did he come to India as Catholicos of the East, with the idea of returning home after three years (1. 50)? The title of Metropolitan of India given to one of the bishops in India is probably much later than 345. [He was given some privileges or marks of honour, not the office of Catholicos.-T.K.J.] Line 12. I understand that this send-off, in the mind of the poet, took place at Jerusalem. Line 13. In Thomas Ramban's Song of A.D. 1601, Thomas I. of Maliyokal receives from St. Thomas the title of Ramban and a book. lle was not however a bishop. The same poein describes the investiture of a bishop by St. Thomas in the person of Peter, the son-in 94 From another Malayalam account by a Jacobite, in an English relation of Trichur, 1820 ; cf. n. 92 above. 05 Mingana, op. cit., 50 (njer hy & Jacobite, 1891) [Footnotes 80-95 are by Fr. Host..n!

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JULY, 1928) THOMAS CANA law or nephew of the king of Cranganore : St. Thomas invests him with part of his owu dress. [This song of 1601 is spurious.--T.K.J.] Line 15 and note 68. Esra cannot be Urfa (Edessa). The poet knows Edessa by the name Uraha, which may be compared with the form Oruay in a Malabar MS. earlier than 1820 (cf. my note to ll. 1-7 above). If Esra is Osroene, it is practically equivalent to Edessa. Why does Mar Joseph of Urfa go for permission to Esra, identified with Osroene, unless the Catholicos of the East lives there? But if Mar Joseph had been himself given the powers of a Catholicos, appointed apparently to that dignity by a Patriarch, had he to apply to the Catholicos of the East for permission to go to India ? His getting a signet ruby, after obtaining permission, implies however that he applied to a superior religious authority, as the signet ruby would signify the reception of special power. Line 18. The start must have been from Esra, and the embarking at Basra. I do not think that Esra can itself.be Basra. Ittup in his History (1869, p. 78n.) makes Gundaphar's messenger Habban meet St. Thomas at Mahosen in Yusse. Mahosen is Mahosa, and there was a Mahosa near Basra. Must Yusse be compared with Esra and Basra ? The meaning of Yusse requires elucidating. "Together they started ": a reference to the goodly company of priests and deacons, and possibly others, who went with Mar Joseph. Lines 20-24. Cochin and Cranganore appear to be treated here as identical ; also in 1. 17. Did the Cochin harbour exist in A.D. 345 ? The island of Paliporto, north of Cochin, did not exist then. According to Roz, it was formed in A.D. 1327. If it did not exist in 345, the sea stretched from Cochin to Cranganore without any intervening island to obstruct from Cranganore the view of Cochin. At any rate, as the party is said to have landed at Cranganore, the salutes were meant for the place where the king was, and he appears to have been at or near Cranganore, not at Cochin. The city gate mentioned in 1.23 could not have been at Cochin, but at or near Cranganore. Roz, recording traditions, says the king was then living at Paru, where he had a pagoda. In fact, Roz and more clearly de Barros place Mahodevarpattanam at Paru, Lines 22, 23. When did the Chinese invent the use of gunpowder? Elliot in his History of India (8 volumes ; I cannot now consult them) has an essay on this question. I should think that by 345 the Chinese used gunpowder, in which case the invention could not have been unknown to the Indiana. In Du Perron's translation of four copper-plates granted to Thomas Cana we read that the plates were presented to Thomas amid the firing of guns. (Cf. note 73, p. 106, supra, by T.KJ.) Line. 24. These seem to be the soldiers who had accompanied the ships of Mar Joseph as a protection against pirates. I understand that they give a shout of joy at having arrived safe ; the languishing of the limbs also betokens rest after a strenuous voyage. In the time of Pliny, archers were placed on ships for the Indian voyage, to protect them against pirates. Pirates at Sokotra, at the Maldives, in Sind, all along the west coast of India : they were worse than all the other terrors of the sea. Line. 33. These again may be soldiers who came with Mar Joseph ; if the ships were Yavana ships, the soldiers would return to Basra with their ships and their Indian cargo. Line. 40. The fort is within a walled city (cp. I. 23); the reception, at the city gate, of the bishop by Raja Varma (perhaps distinct from the Peruma!) and two other Rajas denotes the highest honour. Line. 41. If the Peruma! is not Raja Varma, he awaited the bishop in his palace within the fort: he is an Emperor, and Raja Varma (of Cochin ?) is his vassal. [Raja Varma is not a proper name. It can mean nothing more than king of the Varma or Kshatriya caste. Raja may be a misprint for Rama.-T. K. J.] Line. 42. The insignia mentioned in this line would have been used during Mar Joseph's progress from the ships to the fort.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 Lines. 43-44, 49-50. These lines show that (before Thomas' arrival) there were Christians in India. Those who visited Mar Joseph, bowed to him and received his blessing were St. Thomas Christians already settled in Malabar. The other parts of the songs make this abundantly clear. The points of Thomas Cana's story in Land's Anecdota Syriaca and other accounts which the songs translated thus far do not yet bear out, are the following: the dream of the bishop of Edessa, the meeting of bishops, monks and merchants convened by the Catholicos or Patriarch, at which Thomas Cana decided to go to Malabar and examine into the position of the Christians there (IV. 9-14 speaks of a meeting convoked after Thomas' visit to India). All the other details are sufficiently accounted for in our songs, and many are set forth by the poot with remarkablo vividness, copiousness and realism. There is an archaic touch about the situations from which one might surmise that our songs are modernised versions of more ancient poems. [To me they are not earlier than the Portuguese period. -T. K. J.) We may note a certain unity in these songs. In II. 3, 4 we hear of 72 king's sons and 400 persons; in III. 10, of 72 families of 7 clans; in IV. 15-17, of 72 families composed of 400 persons. In V. 30-32, Mar Joseph of Urfa, 4 priests and many deacons are mentioned ; in IV. 16, a bishop, priests and deacons. The antiquity of Malabar Christian songs can be guessed from what we read in Maffei (ante 1588) of the poems in honour of St. Thomas which the Christian children in Malabar used to sing. One of the interesting features of the visitation of the churches, by Archbishop Aleixo de Menezes after the Council of Diamper (1599) was the songs and the dances executed by groups of men. "Before entering any Church or settlement, he [de Menezes] sent word beforehand, whereupon the Christians prepared to receive him according to the means of the population, each trying to receive him as best they could. Thus, on his arrival, all the Christians came presently to receive him at the place where he stopped with his boats), and to take him thence to the Church. All knelt down with much reverence and kissed his hands according to their custom. Next they organised the procession in which they con. ducted him. In it were all the men of the place, and, while it proceeded, they introduced into it many dances and various kinds of music and of instruments of the country, and they kept singing and dancing. And, as the Malavares are much accustomed to put into songs all tho things which happen, immediately after the Synod they made in the Serra a very long hymn after their fashion, which contained the life of the Archbishop, and the trouble they had given him before the Synod, and what was done in it, with the other things which happened; miracles, as they called them. In it they confessed low, before the coming of the Archbishop, they were deceived by the Dishops of Babylonia, and there were many praises of Rome, and of the Supreme Roman Pontiff, who had remembered them and sent the Archbishop to instruct them. They sang this canticle in most of the Churches (fol. 73v) at the feasts of reception, chiefly the little children, who always went about the streets singing Others fenced, and at intervals they executed their lessons in fencing tricks, which for them is a great feast, the streets were adorned with branches of palm-trees, areca-trees and other trees; the women were at the doors and windows watching with great pleasure, and the Cacanares sang the psalms in Caldean until they reached the Church." (Gouvea, Jornada, 1606, fols. 73r-73v). At Angamalle: "He was received with great festivities and much enthusiasm by the entire people. They had decorated with branches all the roads by which he had to pass, and from the place where the procession began up to the Church they kept throwing on the NG A copy of this song will be discovered by some means anri puhliched.-T.K.J.

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JULY, 1928) THOMAS CANA 123 ground along his passage pieces of finc cloth,"7 laying them on mats they had placed, thus representing the reception of Christ Our Lord at Jerusalem ; the people also threw before him their garments, and at certain places they had representations in their style; in one of them there was a little girl of six, very finely dressed and extremely pretty, and she sang one of the songs they had made in the Serra at his coming and at the celebration of the Synod, an! that with such art that she greatly delighted all the procession stopping while she sang." (Ibid., fol. 871.). "During those days, the Christians (of Angamalle] tried to give the Archbishop some recreation, as a relief to his continual occupations. They organised a dance, in which only the men participated; they began at 8 o'clock in the evening and finished at 1 o'clock after midnight. What was noted in this was the modesty of the Christians in these dances, which they always begin by making first, all who aro present, the sign of the Cross; after that, the dancers sing the prayer of the Our Father, and a livmn to St. Thomas 88 There is not a profane song in it, nor anything resembling licentiousness; all the songs are about ancient histories of their ancestors, or about the Churches, or about the Saints. (Ibid., fol. 87v). At Kuravalangad: "When he arrived, the whole people was waiting for him with much alacrity a good space from the Church, whither they took him, all bearing branches in their hands, amidst many dances, fcastings, and diverse kinds of music after their manner." (Ibid., fol. 109 r.) On February 7, 1924, at the Sacred Heart Hill, Kottayam, I witnessed some of the very dances and listened to some of the very songs which 325 years carlier had delighted do Menezes and his numerous party. Some of these songs are in the collection now presented. It was 8 p.m. A party of men, Southists, armed with bucklers of rhinoceros hide and swords, came to take their Bishop and his party from the Priests' House on the top of the Hill and conducted us amid a display of their fencing to the new school-hall, where a crowd had as. sembled to witness the lemosha of dances. Around a big brass lamp with 12 wicks, in honour of the Apostles, antique piece of furniture, a twelve petalled lotus, the dances went on in end. less variety for two hours with clapping of hands, gesticulations, prostrations; all the time the men sang, resting only for a change of tuno; they recounted in verse the birth of Christ Our Lord, the adoration of the Magi, Christ's Life and Passion ; St. Thomas' coming to Malabar and his death at Chinna Malai (Little Mount, Mylapore), Thomas Cana's leaving Mesopotamia with his party of colonists, the farewell on the sea-shore and the recommendation to bear in mind the Ten and the Seven, the meeting between Thomas Cana and the Peruma! of Malabar, the privileges granted on the occasion, eta They might have continued till 1 o'clock after midnight. But, alas, these songs and dances are now going out of fashion. The Bishop himself had not seen them or heard them for forty years past. They took place nowadays almost in secret at the marriage-feasts. All this was not now sufficiently Western, and what is Western is all the vogue, in spite of so much clamouring about: East is East, and West is West. The Northists look down on these displays with contempt, as relics of a bygone age. They are just good enough for the Southists. Even among the Southists the tradition of the songs and dances survives only with the poorer sort ; few among them now know the songs by heart, though most of them are in print. Oh,how I wished that night to see the wholo of that band of exccutants, some twenty lusty men, carried across the Red Sea to Rome, to the Missions Exhibition at the Vatican (1925)! How it would have brought home to Christian Europe the primitive soul of an ancient Christian people, the Indian children of St. Thomas the Apostle! Alas! it was not to be. The Southists are a poor community, compared with the Northists, and the Northists laughed at the notion till the Southists lost heart. What would have been a triumph for the Southists was represented as folly, which would expose to mockery and ridicule all the St. Thomas Christians. Such is this pleasant, pushing, retrograde world of ours. 07 Spreading cloth on the road for the bishops to walk along is one of the seventy-two privileges granted to the Syrian Christians is the overlord of Malabar (Cheraman Peruma!). The privilege is exercised even to.day.-T.KJ. 88 This hymn to St. Thomas sung in 1599 must be different from the extant hymn of 1732, called Margam Kali Song, The St. Thomas hymn of Menezes' days also has to be discovered. T.K.J.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 Gouvea, as we have seen, refers to songs about the ancestors. We think of the songs of Thomas Cana. Roz (1604) has the date 345 for the arrival of Thomas Cana. We think of the chronogram Sovala' (345) contained in III. 40. Doubtless, there were songs about Villiyarvattam, the king of the Christians, of whom one authority writes that the Christians elected him, a non-Christian, in A.D. 825, the first year of the Quilon or Malabar era. By adoption his kingdom passed to the king of Diamper, and from Diamper to Cochin. I remember reading that the boys of the Jesuit College of Cochin in the beginning of the seventeenth century acted with great success and enormous applause the tragedy of Villiyarvarttam. If played in Portuguese the first time, it was surely translated into Malayalam and repeated at the chief Churches. Who will discover it? Such a composition supposes that the chief traditions were collected for the occasion. The specimens of Christian songs here presented by Mr. T. K. Joseph will reveal, I doubt not, a new world to our scholars. They will not rest satisfied with so little. Volumes could bo filled with the Christian poetry of Malabar. Let us have more of it. Too long have we been ignorant of it. It contains the history, the traditions, the legends of Christian Malabar, of its Churches and their Saints; it holds the customs, folk-lore, aspirations, triumphs, sorrows of its people. Never was I more surprised, nor Mr. C. W. E. Cotton, the Agent of Travancore and Cochin, either, than when, driving from Ernakulam to Kottayam on January 16, 1924, we met at Kagutturutti a young man, E. I. Chandy of<Page #145
JULY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 125 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Bt. (Continued from page 96.) H.. Gambling Counters or Jetons. The Siamese Porcelain tokens give an instance of the use of gambling counters as actual currency, but in Burma I collected a large number of jetons, which were metal counters made in the form of coins for gambling purposes only. These I gave to the British and other Museums (Fitzwilliam at Cambridge, Edinburgh, Hull, Brighton, etc.), and reproduced about fifty of them on two Plates (IV and V) in the hope of getting further information regarding them, which has never been fulfilled. An examination of Plates IV and V shows that the first sixteen figures are obviously of Chinese origin and are in fact imitations of "cash ". Figs. 17 and 18 are imitations of Fig. 16, which probably had a definite position as to value. Figs. 19 to 22 are marked for value, as Fig. 19 has ten circles on it, and Fig. 20 has twelve circles. Fig. 21 has six punch marks and Fig. 22 several special punch marks. Figs. 23 to 31 appear to form a group, of which Figs. 23 to 28 are differentiated by signs of the Zodiac. Fig. 29 has khu on it, and Figs. 30 and 31 seem to represent some special value. All the above are on Plate IV and are all in the form of coins. In fact Figs, 1 and 2 are brass "cash ". Figs. 3 to 31 are of lead and have blank reverses, except when the plate shows otherwise, and that they were thought in some cases to have been coins is shown by a note I inade as to the figures on Plate IV, viz., that I was told they were lead coins used in gambling belonging to different daings (gambling-house keepers) to prevent cheating. Their Burmese name is k'elet'ma and their Talaing name is aknlet'ma (aku in Talaing meaning lead + Burmese termination). The value given them was ma-mat, a quarter of a mu (see ante, vol. XXVI, pp. 319-320). This last term was given me in Talaing us mu-mdii (mu being Burmese), or mu-me (me-mat)69. The figs. 32 to 46 on Plate V are all of copper and are irregular in shape an:1 more definitely counters and not coins. Figs. 32, 33, 38, 39 and 40 have a "cash " hole in them. Fig. 34 is punched with one eight-pointed star in one sample and with four similar stars in two other samples. Fig. 37 has a large eight-pointed star in the centre on both sides. Figs. 39 and 40 are cut with five six-pointed stars each, and fig. 38 has four groups of marks punched on it. The whole group seems to be marked so as to represent value. Fig. 35 has one small central punch mark, and fig. 36 a central and four sets of three marks each punched on it round the rim. Here again value seems to be represented. Figs. 43 to 46 form a specially shaped group. Fig. 46 is blank. Fig. 43 has thwd or ngabi punched on it, and on its reverse are punched the marks on fig. 44, which are a circle and ngan four times round the rim. Fig. 45 has ngan punched four times round the edge : all this apparently to show value. Figs. 41 and 42 are again of peculiar shape : fig. 41 with several cuts on it, and fig. 42 with & cross cut on it. Little as they look like it, all these pieces were stated to me to have been originally British pice or copper quarter-anna pieces, hammered out so as to be defaced and then marked by the daings to prevent cheating. According to my notes, the game played forty years ago in Burma was called khepvit kaza. and was played with pice, i.e., any small coin. The players marked on the ground thus : a bole called a kwin:. a line called kan :di: space & line called kyan : 89 I may noto here that fig. 47 is a silver stippled peacock rupeo of Mindon Min, and figs. 48 and 49 copper coins-all noted elsewhere : fig. 48 is & smaller denomination of fig. 49.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 There are two or more players and each has coins called ngon, and they all have to equat, behind the lines kyanti. The first player throws all the ngon beyond the line kan:df:. The next player points out to him one of them to le hit, and the first player tries to hit it with a coin. If he hits he wins all the ngon. If he misses, the second player plays, and so on till the ngon pointed out is hit. If a player hits another coin than that pointed out, that player has to add one to the lot (ngon) played for. If a pice falls short of the kan:ti: it is doubled, and both thrown over the kandi: and added to the stake. The use of the hole (kwin) is that whoever puts a pice into it, gets it. To play the game was called twebondi. I. Metal Charms. Cortain charms, which are called sak by the Shans, are readily mistakeable for coins. They are small silver engraved discs and cxisted all over Upper Burma, let in under the skins of braves and heroes, and especially of dacoits. They were usually charms against injury and death, and are of the size and appearance of the one-pa silver piece. Two from the body of a deceased Shan I gave long ago to the British Museum. They were very roughly inscribed in a manner that will not bear mechanical reproduction on paper and may be described as follows. Weight and size are of a one-pe silver piece. No. 1. Obverse: a chinto and in dog. Pali, siho siha dhum (popularly pronounced tho niha Ahan). I am a lion of lions. Reverse : (the figure) 3. This stands for the day of the week; Tuesday, the emblem of which is a chint e, referring probably to the deceased's birthday. No. 2. Obverse : the figure of a herinit (Skr.rshi, Burmese yut). Reverse in dog-Pali, indrivdnat paro pare (popular pronunciation endriyanam-payo paye), the desires of this (side) ure on that (side). 'This is a popular Buddhist formula, meaning "the extinction of desires," i.e., nirvana. I subsequently secured 30 specimens of precisely the same description taken from under the skin of a deceased Burmese dacoit leader, who died in Port Blair, Andaman Islands during a sentence of penal servitude, and these, too, bave gone to the British Museum. Colquhoun, Across Chryse, vol. II, p. 175, has a representation of a Chinese "cash" silvored over and used as "Chinese ornaments," and says that the inscription means "happi. ness like the Eastern ocean" and "longevity like the Southern Mountain." No doubt these * coin' ornaments were charms. Such charms have been noted by other travellers. E.g., Malcom (Travels in South Eas. tern Asiu, vol. I, Burman Empire, 1839, p. 219) says: "A few individuals, especially among those who have made arnis a profession, insert under the skin of the arm, just below the shoulder, small pieces of gold, copper, or iron, and sometimes diamonds or pearls. One of the converts [to Christianity) at Ava, formerly a colonel in the Burman army, had ten or twelve of these in his arm, several of which he allowed me to extract. They are thin plates of gold, with a charm written upon them, and then rolled up." Again, Anderson (Manlalay to Momien, 1876, pp. 409-10) says:--" The tritkay-nekandar, or depnty, from Bhamo... afforded & curious illustration of a custom mentioned by Colonel Yule. The upper part of his checks was disfigured by large swellings, caused by the insertion under the skin of lumps of gold, to act as charms to procure invulnerability. Yule mentions the case of Burmese convict executed at the Andaman Islands, under whose skin gold and silver coins were found. The stones referred to in the text of Marco Polo, as well 88 the substances mentioned in the note by his learned editor, do not appear to have been jewels. The custom prevails among Yunnan muleteers of concealing precious stones under the skin of the chest and neck, a slit being made, through which the jewel is forced. This, however, is not to preserve the owners' lives, but their portable wealth. While at Mandalay, I ex. amined some men just arrived from Yung-chang, and found individuals with as many as fifteen coins and jewels thus concealed, as a precaution against the robbers who might literally

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Er Coll. R. C. Tempte. Indian Antiquary. Pl. iv. DESCE SA L2771 NA 26 COOK VE TA CUTE FULL-SIZE

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E. Col. R. C. Tomple. Inclian Antiquary. Pl. 7. 39 48 FULL-SIZE Gambling Counters from Burma.

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JULY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 127 strip them to their skin, without discovering the hidden treasure. But our Burmese official regarded his disfiguring gold as a certain charm against danger." And Holt Hallett writes (A Thousand Miles on an Elephant, 1890, p. 138) :-"Some dacoits let in talismans under the flesh, and precious stones are carried about in the same manner. The talismans are mystical incantations inscribed on gold, silver, lead, pebbles, pieces of tortoise-shell, or even horn. It is not at all uncommon to meet a Shan with several knobs on his chest, concealing the talismans that he has inserted as charms to render him proof against bullet and sword. There is perhaps not a man in the country who does not carry about with him one or more charms; some string them like beads and wear them as necklaces." In Colquhoun's Across Chryse (vol. I, p. 291) there is a drawing of a charm made out of Chinese cash by stringing them together in the form of a sword, and the author adds that "some lads in the police canoe we noticed wore silver bands round the neck" as charms against sickness. On p. 420 he gives us a drawing of what he calls" a knife-like charm, which consists of a Chinese cash with a knife-like handle attached to it in the fashion of ancient Chinese tokens (such as are depicted by Terrien de Lacouperie in his Catalogue)." Here again we have evidence of articles which can be used both as money and as charms, and it must not be supposed that all the objects worn as charms and capable of use as money or currency were so used. I myself procured some gold "peacock" charms in Mandalay worn round the neck by the children of Ponnas, or Manipuris, resident in Mandalay and Upper Burma. They were never used for any other purpose, 90 far as I could ascertain. The use of the above objects--which are metallic and have the appearance of coins-as money, comes about in the same way as the use of non-metallio objects of domestic use as currency. I have explained this subject at length already in the course of these Notes', but there is one more instance, which it is worth while to give here, to keep the matter in mind. In the Journal of the United Service Institution of India, 1893, vol. XXII, p. 258, in a translation by E. Beard from the Russian Short Account of the Khanates of Bokhara and Khiva occurs the following instructive passage :--" The inhabitants of Darwaz plant mulberry trees and the mulberry is almost their sole means of subsistence. In summer they eat it raw and in winter in a dried state in the form of flour out of which they make a kind of chupati. Their dress they obtain by bartering tho mulberry for rough matting and sheepskins and even their taxes are paid with the mulberry. In fact the mulberry is the measure tubeteka-the currency of Darwaz-and many Darwazis never know the taste of bread all their lives long. There are fairly heavy rains in summer and the heat ranges about 30' (Reaumur). The winter is severe and bracing. In a word the climate of Darwaz is very healthy, but the people being absolutely without nourishing food are poor, thin and short lived." J. King Mindon's Mint. Whence Mindon Min obtained his dies I was never able to ascertain for certain. Fytche, Narrative of the Mission to Mandalay, 1887, House of Commons, Papers relating to British Burma, No. 251 of 1868-1869, p. 48, states :-"The Mint was visited, where the coinage of Rupees was going on. The machinery was procured from Birmingham, but although the engine is under the direction of an African, the actual operations of smelting and coining are performed by Burmans. They state that they can coin about 16,000 rupues per diem, but this seemed a large out-turn for a small machine, there being only one die at work." This die might, bowever, have come from Calcutta, London or Paris. A correspondent of the Rangoon Gazette in 1892 wrote --"In the Indian Museum at Calcutta is a collection of the local mint issues : and among them are splendid specimens of these coins (of Mindon Min), evidently mint samples. This I think settles the question (of Mindon's dios) provisionally." Goss, JASB., Procg8., 1887, p. 149, stated that Wyon made Mindon's dies, but neither of the celebrated cougins Wyon, die-sinkers, could on application find a reference in their books to prove that they had made the dies,

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 The processes in former times for producing silver used for currency have been described by travellers and others. Take for instance the following quotation from Yule's Mission to Ava, 1858, p. 260 footnote :-"Colonel Burney (1830) thus describes the process of making yowet-ni, which he caused to be performed in his presence by the pwezas. They first purified the silver and converted it into bau, in which process they contrived to remove some of the metal with the scoriae by the rough tools with which they cleared the top and sides of the boiling silver. The crucible consisted only of a small saucer or mould, which was covered up with charcoal, and occasionally exposed to view, when a piece of plank, one-and-a-half foot long and four inches broad, was used to clean the surface of the silver and prevent the metal from cooling. After the silver was purified, the requisite portion of copper was added, and when the whole was in fusion the saucer was removed from the fire ; and whilst the plank abovementioned, which was blazing, was held a little above the metal, so as to allow the flames to play upon it, a little lead was melted in, by being rubbed on the edge of the saucer, and the pweza then blew through a small bamboo upon the metal, gently and regularly, until he observed the surface cool a little, and show the first lines of the stars or flowers, like milk beginning to cream. If these were not of the form required, he put the crucible into the fire again; if they were, he immediately covered up the metal with three or four folds of cloth, wetted and cut round, so as to fit the top of the crucible. The object of the blazing piece of plank seemed to be to make the silver cool more gradually, and that of the wet cloth to fix the particular star or flower required, the moment the first lines of it appeared, and to prevent any after alteration. The Burmese said the flowers could not be produced without the lead.. Some khayobat was made in like manner. Whilst one pwezd was blowing on the silver the rest held up their putsos around him, to keep the external air fron the metal. They fused the silver four times before it showed a good yowet-ni flower, and they managed to convert fifteen tikals of ten per cent. dain (after adding to it nearly two-and-a-quarter tikals of copper) into a piece of yowet-ni of precisely the same weight. (MS. Notes on Burmese Currency, ir Foreign Office, Calcutta)." See also Prinsep's Useful Tables, on coins, weights and measures, where the assay value of these different kinds of silver, forming part of the Burman indemnity, as given, is determined in the Caloutta mint.60 Again Anderson (Mandalay to Momien, 1876, p. 44), writes :"A few are employed in smelting lead [at Bhamo) and others work in gold, or smelt the silver used as currency. To six tickals of pure silver purchased from the Kakhyens (Kachins), one tickal eight annas of copper wire are added, and melted with alloy of as much lead as brings the whole to ten tickals' weight. The operation is conducted in saucers of sun-dried clay bedded in paddy husk, and covered over with charcoal. The bellows are vigorously plied, and as soon as the mass is at a red heat, the charcoal is removed, and a round flat brick button previously covered with a layer of moist clay is placed on the amalgam, which forms a thick ring round the edge, to which lead is freely added to make up the weight. As it cools, there results a white disc of silver encircled by a brownish ring. The silver is cleaned and dotted with cutoh, and is then weighed and ready to be cut up." And Trant (Two Years in Ava, 1828, pp. 280-1) says "The process of melting is very simple. The bellows is formed of a bamboo, with a hole at the end for the air to pass through, and a bunch of foathers, fitting tight to the cylinder, acts as a piston and forces it out. The forge consists of a little charcoal on a clay fireplace; and one man with the bellows is constantly employed in keeping up the fire, whilst another superintends the fusion of the silver in a crucible. When it is separated from the dross, a portion equivalent to the value of a tical, anda due quantity of alloy, aro weighed out, and when melted merely poured from the crucible into a small tray prepared to roceive them, where the silver, on being cast out, forms its own shape, and is then constituted a tical." 60 For an explanation of the vernacular terms used, soe ante, vol. XLVIII, pp. 41, f.

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JULY, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 129 In the neighbouring State of Manipur, West of Burma, the coinage of the country was entirely in bell-metal, which is thus described by R. Brown 61 (Statistical Account of the Native State of Manipur, 1874, p. 89 ):-" The only coin proper to the country is of bell metal, and small in size, weighing only about sixteen grains. This is coined by the Raja as required, goods or money being taken in exchange. The metal is obtained chiefly from Burma, und consists of old gongs, etc.; some of it is also procured from the British provinces. The procese of coining is very primitive. The metal is first cast in little pellets; these are then softened by fire and placed on an anvil. One blow of the hammer flattens the pellet into an irregularly round figure. A punch with the word 'sri' cut on it is then driven on it by another blow, which completes the process. The market value of the sel, as it is called, varies. When rupees are plenty, then sel is cheap ; when scarce, the opposite. The present value of the coin is 428 to one British or Burmese rupee, and its usual variation is said to be from 420 to 450. There is no evidence whatever of there having been at any time & gold coinage in existence; but it is stated that Chaurjit Singh, about 1815, coined silver of a square form and of the same value and weight as the British rupee. The British and Burmese rupee, both representing the same value, circulate freely; also the smaller silver coins, as four-anne and two-anna pieces. About seven years ago (1867] an attempt was made by the then political agent to introduce copper coinage, and a large quantity was supplied by Government. The experiment totally failed, as the women in the bazars positively refused to have anything to do with it, and the coin had to be returned. The bell-metal coins, in conjunction with rupees and smaller silver coins, are amply sufficient for the wants of the country. Besides coin, bartering articles in the bazar is quite common." To the East of Burma, in the Shan Country, Watson during his journey (Journal of the Salween Surveying E.cpedition, 1865, p. 10) remarked that "a quantity of lead ore, rich in silver, is found in this neighbourhood. I visited the buildings where ore is smelted. From information obtained on the spot, I ascertained that from 2 to 3 tickals of silver were paid for one basket (about a bushel) of the ore, and that the value of the yield of silver from that quantity was from 3 to 4 tickals. The ore is first smelted in large furnaces, and the lead and silver mixed. That (which) runs out through a funnel at the bottom of the furnace is placed in another furnace in which there is live charcoal, several inches thick. I did not Bee the metal placed in this furnace, but I was told that about thirty viss had been put in about an hour previously. On looking into the second furnace, a small white speck was visible on the surface of the red-hot charcoal. This gradually enlarged, and I saw & flat piece of silver weighing 10 tickals taken out of the furnace with a long iron spoon. This after a little difficulty I purchased for Rs. 15. The information I obtained regarding the working of the mines and the amount of revenue that the Government obtained therefrom was so contradictory, that I am unable to give an opinion on these points." Fedden, in the same Journal, p. 39, reported as follows: "Kyouktat is a large town or rather overgrown village, and one of the most populous in the (Shan] States. Here there are some smelting works of argentiferous galena that occurs in the limestones and calcareous deposits of this district, but it was impossible to ascertain from the natives the precise localities where it was got. The ore is purchased by the smelter at the rate of two to three-and-a-half tickals of silver (bau) per basket measure (about a bushel) of ore, uncleaned, often containing a good deal of rubbish apparently. It must be rich, however, in silver, or this metal could not be extracted by the simple and rude method practised. "The larger lumps being broken up, the ore is first put into a small cupola or blastfurnace, together with charcoal and a proportion of broken slag. These cupolas are of clay and built upon the ground two-and-a-half or three feet in height, and fourteen to sixteen inches in diameter. Women are employed standing on raised platforms to pump the blast, 61 I havo also gono deeply into this coinage, ante, vol. XXVII, pp. 169 ff., 177.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 generally two to each furnace. As the sulphur is driven off, the reduced metal accumu. lates at the bottom of the furnace, and is ladled or rather scraped out from below (the seoriae being removed), into moulds in the ground, where it assumes the form of massive lenticular ingots. When cool and set these ingots are removed to the refining shed, and placed in small reverberatory furnaces, with the fuel-large pieces of charcoal supported on fire-clay bars above the metal, which is thus kept in a fused state for about twenty-four hours. During this time, as the lead becomes oxidized, it is removed by gently revolving over the surface an iron rod around which the lead in the form of litharge solidifies, and as this process is continued, it accumulates in a number of coatings or layers, one upon the other. When all the lead has been thus removed, the silver residue is taken out as a button or plate on an iron ladle. The rollers of litharge have of course to be again reduced, in order to convert them into metallic lead, and there must be a considerable loss of the matal during this as well as the former process. "The plate of silver obtained is considered pure, and is not used in this state as currency, but is sold to the silver smiths and jewellers, who alloy it with copper and lead, in various proportions. "The smelter at Kyouktat also buys up the argentiferous and cupriferous lead residue from the silversmiths' forges, and extracts the several metals in his furnaces." From the following interesting account by Sir John Malcolm in the Central Provinces of India (Memoir of Central India, 1823, vol. II, pp. 80, 81 and footnote) it is clear that Far Eastern methods of minting were much the same as the Indian : "There are mints at almost all the principal towns (Oojein, Indore, Bhopal, Pertaubghur, Bhilsa, Gunj Bassowda, Seronge, Kotah) in Central India.... "The right of coining is vested in no particular body, or individuals. Any banker or merchant sufficiently conversant in tho business, has merely to make application to Goy. ernment, presenting at the same time a trifling acknowledgement, engaging to produce coin of the regulated standard, and to pay the proper fees on its being assayed and permitted to pass current. Almost all the expense falls on the merchant, the Government retaining in their pay merely the following officers a superintendent, an assay-master, and an Rocountant, and some refiners. Besides their wages, these mint-officers are allowed certain perquisites, which, however, are but very trifling .... "The banker or merchant, having obtained permission to coin, and having collected a sufficient number of silversmiths, makes such purchases of coin or other bullion as will turn out most to his advantage. These, being in general baser coins than the new one to be formed, are first brought to the Nearchee, or refiner, who, though not a permanent Government officer, has acquired, by agreeing to pay & share of his profits to the latter, & species of contract, the rates of the payment to him, and other dues, being permanently fixed at one rupee for every three hundred and fifty refined, besides supply of fluxes from Government and lead from the merchant. The mode of fining is always by cuppellation with lead: threo hundred and fifty rupees are placed at one time in the cuppel, with a certain quantity of lead, according to the standard of the silver used, which by experience he knows will suffice for bringing it to a certain degree of purity, a little higher than that required for the coin. The standard is then nicely adjusted by adding a certain quantity of baser metal. The purified mass is afterwards taken to the melter, who, putting one thousand rupees weight at a time in a large crucible on an iron ring, capable of being raised by attached chains, melts it and runs it into several small flat moulds, about six inches long, and half an inch broad, forming it thus into convenient pieces for cutting into the necessary dimensions. The melter receives for his tabour half a rupee per thousand, half of which is paid by the merchant and half by Government. The bars of silver are then delivered to the silversmiths, each of whom has a amall raised fire-place and anvil in front close to him. On one side site another with scales

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JULY, 1928) MISCELLANEA 131 and shears, for supplying him with square pieces of the metal of nearly the proper weight. On the other side is a person whose business is to adjust the weight more accurately after it has been formed into its shape. The silversmith receives back the small lumps, heats them red-hot, and, taking them up with a pair of small forks, gives them two or three smart blows on the angular points, then strikes the piece flat, and gives it afterwards one or two rapid turns on its edge, accompe nied by gentle stroke of the hanimer; and it thus receives its rudely round form ready for the die. Before this operation, however, it is taken to another man to clean, by boiling it in a mixture of tamarind and salt. The planchets are then taken to receive the impression or inscription. This is formed by two steel dies; one firmly fixed in a heavy raised block, and the silver piece being placed on it; the other die, in form of a large heavy punch, is placed above by one man, whilst an assistant gives it a smart blow with a heavy hammer, one blow suffices. These men are relieved every two hours. "The number of rupees being thus completed, they are carried to the assay-master, and, if approved, the fees are paid and the coin taken away by the proprietor, for circulation, If not approved, they must be recoined at his expense; no fees being, however, again taken, but merely a trifle given to the melter for remelting them, with the proper quantity of purer metal to rerluce them to the assay touch. Should an extra number of refiners be required on an emergency, they receive the same duos as the others; but, as they have to find their own fluxes, they pay but one quarter instead of half to Government." It is of interest to reproduce here remarks of my own (Coins of the Modern Native Chief of the Panjab, Indian Antiquary, vol. XVIII, Pp. 321, ff.) "Griffin, Rajas of the Panjab, in a long footnote extending over pages 286-289 (not quoted], gives the detailed report of General R. G. Taylor, at one time Agent to the Lieutenant-Governor of the Panjab for the Cis-Satluj States, on the mints of those States, which is of much value in connection with this paper, and indeed with the study generally of the methods of Oriental niints. Any one who has entered into Indian or Oriental numismatics generally, must be convinced that, where the European method of minting has not been adopted, Orientals coin now as they have done at any time these 2,000 years. Any knowledge, then, that we can gather now of the working of a. genuine Eastern mint will no doubt explain what has occurred in Eastern mints as a rule since the days that coins began to be used. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. THE NWESHIN. differ in its reproduction from the normal type The Journal of the Burma Research Society, of snake. As evidence, many & person is prepared vol. XVI, pt. iii, is entirely taken up with to swear to having seen a creeper shoot, the outer part of what had already changed into the head Geology, Zoology, Botany and Engineering, and and neck of the mwegein, while the remaining is not a promising issue for the research to which this Journal is devoted. Nevertheless it contains portion continued vegetable. Lastly there is the An item of great folklore interest. On p. 213 is a nweshin (literally, live creeper), which is believed to short note on the Nweshin, or the snake that issues become alive and motile on reaching water. A from an aquatic plant. It is given here in full. slightly different version holds that the meta. morphosis is not actually effected, the nutshin R. C. TEMPLE. romaining & creeper but becoming so active as easily "The Nwoshin, by S. G. Ghose (Department of to be mistaken for a snake. [Specimens of nweshin Agriculture). That animals may originate from submitted for examination were found to belong plants is a popular belief in Burma. The animal to the Phylum Nemathelminthes, Family Gordiidae. is regarded, not as & metamorphosed plant, but The habit of this worm of coiling-often in masses as a portion budded off, the plant remaining as a -round stems of water-plants and occasionally separate entity. The classical example is that becoming detached, and of the larval form, of the charming Princess Padonmadevi, who issued hatching its egg-strings wound round water plants from a lotus flower (padonma). Again, the and departing in search of its host, afford & ready mudacin (literally, green snake) is believed to arise explanation of the abovo belief. Editor, Journal, from corta in croopers, and correspondingly to Burma Research Society.]

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 MAN A SUMMARY OF THE UNIVERSE. Here is something from the West, which may interest students of Indian-especially Yoga. Philosophy. In Miall's translation of Maeterlinck's The Great Secret, 1922, p. 216, we read: "The occultists of to-day. .have gradually succeed. ed if not in proving, yet in preparing us to accept the proof, that there is in man, whom we may rogard as sort of summary of the universo, a spiritual power oiler than that which proceds from his organs or his material and conscious mind : which does not entirely depend on the existence of his body." Pages 210 ff. are also worth reading on this point. The metapsychist argument is that thought can exist and has existed without a brain : there is no such thing as "inert matter " ; overy thing has energy which can direct movement. R. C. TEMPLE. BOOK-NOTICES. THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD, according to into which the chapters have been subdivided. LAMA KAZI DAWA SANDUP's English Rendering While it is true that, in many parts, the village by W. Y. EVANS.WENTZ. Oxford University deities propitiated by the lowest stratum of the * Press, 1927. people are more often goddesses than gods, this This is a most conscientious work on A study Ihardly indicates general conclusion" that the of poronnial interest to a largo world of scholars, family organization which grew in the later palaeoas it contains the views on eschatology held by logical sub-periods was matriarchal in character, a highly educated Tibetan, which one sees that such as is also proved by the well-known relies of the Indian philosophy has had a large share in matriarchate in several corners of modern India." forming. It has a characteristic foreword by The suggestion as to the meaning of the Vedic Sir John Woodroffe, and can be recommended to term pancajand is not likely to be accepted. Again, the attention of those who take up this class of the arguments employed to support the statement speculation. To such Dr. Evans-Wentz has ronder. that "the wars between the Aryas and the Dasyus, ed conspicuous service by publishing it. misunderstood by modern students to be due to a R. C. TEMPLE. war of invasion, were but fights between two op posed cults "-between the "fireless" cult of the THE STONE AGE IN INDIA, by P. T. SRINIVASA phallus And the "fire-cult" of the Indra-Agni AYYANGAR ; Madras, Government Press, 1927. worshippers-are not satisfying, though Mr. Ayyan. This is a reprint of a lecture delivered in 1925. gar here calls our attention to a question of absorb. It is divided into two chapters.--1. The Old Stone ing interest, viz., the extent to which the antago. Age, and II. The New Stone Age, and contains four nism of religious cults shaped the course of impor. plates, reproducod from the late Mr. R. Bruce tant events in ancient India. It may yet be Foote's Indian Pre-historic and Proto-historic Anti. established perhaps that in such hostility lay the quities, and two outline maps indicating palaolithic origins of the great war described in the Mahu. and neolithic sites, for which some other source also bh-irata. The subject is one that merits careful has apparently been tapped. study. In regard to languages Mr. Ayyangar is From consideration of his habits and requirements, still more iconoclastic. He holds that there is no Mr. Ayyangar is of opinion that man "most prob. real difference between the so-called Caulian spoken ably rose and grow in the comparatively narrow dialects of Northern India and the Dravidian strip of coast between the jungle and the Indian languages of Southern India, except that the northern Ocean," and he evidently regards this conclusion as dialects have been much more profoundly affected supported by the geographical distribution of the by Sanskrit. He prefera the name Nisada (a title sites where paleolithic finds have hitherto been long since suggested, but not adopted, by Sten made. But the finds in many central localities, Konow) for the family of languages to which Mox c... Rajputana and Central India and the basins Muller's title Munda is now ordinarily applied by of the Godavari and Kistna have to be accounted linguists. His contention that "all the spoken for ; and the reasons given for discarding the great languages of India (perhaps including the Nisada river valleys in this connexion are not convincing. dialects, too) are dialects of one family of languages Surely Mr. Ayyangar does not really think that an - not the Indo-Germanic family-which may be ammonite is a "bone turned into stono" (p. 54) I called Pan-Indian and that they are des called Pan-Indian and that they are desi in essential or that the presence of a (possible) svastika mark on structure, and therefore evolved in India in neoli. 1 pot found near Mysore can tend materially to thic times, if not earlier " can hardly be treated substani inte intimate cultural and commercial inter. seriously. course between India and other countrios, having C.E.A.W.O. regard to the mass of evidence as to the wide distribution of this sign in early times. LA THEORIE DE LA CONNAISSANCE ET LA LOGIQUE The real interest, however, of the matter contained CHEZ LES BOUDDHISTES TARDIFS. in this lecture does not lie in the details given of the Thanks to Madame Manziarly and Paul Massoartefacts of paleolithic and neolithio man in India, noursel, Professor Sh. Steherbatsky's able study of but in the views stated under certain of the headings the 'Theory of Knowledge and Logic in the time of

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JOLY, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 133 tely. The ideas of syllogism and perception are correlative. Thus the treatise offers a careful study of a great subject, and is likely to prove invaluable to students of Indian logic and philosophy. V.R.R. DIKSHITAR. later Buddhists, has been made available for French scholars. According to Massonoursel himself the principal merit of this authorised translation be- longs to Mme. Manziarly. It is a well written thesis of eighteen chapters under the different headings of time (kala), space (akdba), knowledge (pramdya), perception (pratyakna), imagination (kal pand), particular essence (admanyalaksana), the absolute (paramarthasat). In chapters 9 & 10 the source and results of perception (pramana) are discussed. Chapter 13 is devoted to an examination of the theory of perceptiou in the Brahmanical systems. The theory of reason (anumdna), and the necessary relation between ideas (wydpti), negative judgments and the law of contradiction are discussed in chapter 14 and the following chapters. In the opening pages of the work we are told who are the later Buddhist thinkers. These are Vasu. bandhu, Dignaga and Dharmakirti. It is remarked that Vasubhandu's work cannot be ranked as a logical treatise but only a manual of dialectics (Vadavidhana). Still the germs of Dignaga's sys. tem are found dissimulated in many passages of Vasubhandu's Abhidharmakosa. But the credit of founding a definite system of logic is given to Dig Danga, and it is said that Dharmakirti gave to this system of Dignaga, a definite form. The treatise under review, though excellent and valuable in differ entrospects, suffers from one defect, namely the time and place of these writers have not been discussed in any place except a short paragraph (on p. 2) which says that both Dignaga and Dharmakirti were natives of the south and were Brahmans by birth. It is said that when Dignaga wrote his treatise, the principal schools of philosophy had been formu. lated. For Dignaga opposes the schools of Nyaya, Vaigesika, Sankhya and Mimamsa. Ac. cording to this thesis Dignaga is indebted to Vasu. bandhu, as Dharmakirti to Dignaga. There is now the theory of Dr S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar of Madras University that, as Dignaga's system so completely agrees with that propounded in the groat Tamil classic Manintekhalal, there is every reason to believe that Dignaga might have been indebted to this treatise and its author on historical end chronological grounds. If this were to be established, it would solve the problem of fixing the date of Manimekhalai. The present thesis is valuable in the sense that the different views propounded by the Buddhist writers are comparatively studied with the Vedants and Mimmse and other Brahmanical schools. In fundamentals they are not opposed. The Bud. dhist theory of first knowledge is corroborated by Kumarila, who admits different stages preceding the final assimilation of the object by the conscience. Dignaga and Dharmakirti are said to belong to the school of Yogacharas or pure idealists. The chapter on the theory of reason is interesting. It does not differ from judgment. The essence and function of syllogism are discussed rather elabora TAMIL LEXicos, published under the authority of the University of Madras, vol. I in 3 paris (1924-26), pp. xxv and 632; and vol. II (2 parts so far published) (1926-27), pp. 633 to 952. Printed at the Madras Diocesan Press. Students of Dravidian languages and philology are now to be found in many universities and in learned societies, and growing attention is being given to tho problems of Dravidian antiquities. To these the publication of the Tamil Lexicon by the University of Madras should be welcome. Government has been financing the Tamil Lexicon Office, started so long ago as 1912 and working under the control of the University of Madras which has appointed a special committee to do this work of fupervision. The belated publication of these parts, which constitute about one-third of the whole, and which cover only the vowels and part of the first consonant letter, is all the more welcome. It is expected that the whole book will run to about 3000 pages, and about 100,000 words, and will be completed in about 3 years from now. The plan of the Lexicon, explained in a small booklet issued along with the last of the parts under review, is based on strictly alphabetical arrangement and a transliteration of the words into English, "giving the equivalent pronunciation of Tamil words as written-to help those ignorant of or new to the Tamil alphabet," as otherwise the diversity of the pronunciation of words in the different parts of the country makes a phonetic rendering impossible and only an equivalent of the written worde pobrible. In the compound words, intercalated consonants or semi-vowels resulting from sandhi aro distinctly shown as in Ontu-k-kuti. Compound words are shown in their contracted forms generally; after the English transliteration of each word, the part of speech of the word is indicated in abbreviated form, according to the divisions of English grammar. The derivation is also given in most cases; and in many instances cognate words in the Dravidian languages are given in brackets. The compiling staff takes care to explain that these cognates have only & common Dravidian origin and that they make absolutely no suggestion that either the Tamil words are derived from the other languages or the reverse the case. The avowed object of the Lexicon is "to help foreign scholars in their study of Tamil," and hence the English definitions and meanings of the words are all important and their accuracy and strict grammatical form will determine the reputation and usefulness of the whole work. The English definitions should be such as should be clear, concise and not capable

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY * JULY, 1928 of being misunderstood. The synonyms given are both pandits of the orthodox type and men trained the commonest in use, where many words or ex. on western lines of criticism and collation, has been pressions have the same meaning. It may be sitting at the work for a number of years, assisted mentioned, that in a number of instances the by a supervising committeo containing a large English meanings given are not as accurate in their element of oxperts in linguistics, philology and the connotation as they might have been made. For different literatures. The output in its quality may illustration we may quote Oppacaram (p. 594) not be regarded as being commensurate with the which bears different meanings, and all of which labour, talents and expense absorbed in the work. have not been fully explained ; also the word The rate of progress, noticed frequently in the Karru-rakka (p. 909) which is not es clearly ex. public press and elsewhere as being inordinately plained as it might have been. Brief Tamil meanings slow, may be a subject of secondary importance. if or equivalents are given following the detailed the output should be very valuable and above English renderinge ; but in the latter parts of those criticism : for their quality will make up for lack under review more space has been given to the of quantity. Within the limits set for the work, Tamil explanations of the different meanings of each tho stendards set up and the work turned out word discussed. In the Tamil meanings given, AB should be judged on their own merits as well as by is usual, the best known among synonyms are usod. relation to methods and quality, in comparison The apparatus of reference, which ought to have with the great loxicons like those of other Rottler, ccompanied the first part of the first volume, was Winslow, Brown and Kittel. published along with the next part. It contains a C. S. SRINIVASACHARI. key to the abbreviations of the authorities used BULLETIN DE L'ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EXTREME and cited and to the words and terms abbreviated, ORIENT, vol. XXV, Nos. 3-4, July December, a transliteration table, a list of the meanings of the | 1925. Hanoi, 1926. signs usod, particulars of works quoted in the Among several papers of outstanding interest in Lexicon and the methods adopted in citing quota. this issue the first is a detailed description, with tions. The abbreviations of quotations used denote text and translation, by Monsieur Louis Finot of further details of parts, chapter and verse with twelve inscriptions found at Aakor, mostly dating rogard to the work or edition used. The one from the 9th to the 13th century A.D., thus supple. foature that is most valuable in the work is the menting the work started by Barth in 1885 and con. practice of supporting meanings by appropriate tinued by Bergaigne and Coedes. As might be ex. quotations from standard and accepted works-the pected of this eminent orientalist, the work of edit. exact method of citing quotations being given in ing has been done in a thorough and scholarly man. item No. VIII of the Reference Apparatus. ner; moreover it has been prefaced by an admirable One may very well doubt the utility of mere Introduction in which are discussed the main feaEnglish transliterations of the Tamil words, without tures of the history of the period as ascertainable the various phonetic pronunciations also given. from the available epigraphical and other evidence. But the diversity of such propunciations is a great Unfortunately the inscriptions discovered in this obstacle to their being included in all completeness. locality hitherto, numbering some fifty in all, leave Foreign words like those absorbed from English, us still in the dark as to the foundation of this won. Portuguese, Urdu, Persian, etc., have also been derful old capital. The only definite record on included, particularly those which have become this subject yet found is the important inscription Tamilised '--the fact of Tamilisation being judged of Sdok Kak Thom, found about 80 miles from by the Editors and the Committee. Words with Ankor (BEFEO, XV, ii, 89), which tells us that two forms appear in one or both the forms. Names Yasodharapura (the ancient name of Aukor Thom) of gods and persone, authors and works, which have was founded by King Yasovarman (889 , 910 A.D.) become famous in history and literature have also a devotee of siva, who erected in the centre of the been included. Proverbs in general currency, the city. the temple then called Yasodharagiri (the peculiar meanings attached to compound words, present Bayon) dedicated to the cult of the linga botanical and technical, Latin and other terms are Devoraja. The investigations of M. Finot, it may also given; italicised transliteration is given of be noted, have already necessitated a completo reSanskrit and other foreign words. consideration of the views proviously entertained as The work, the first large part of which has thus to the religious history of this celebrated shrine. been published, is a monument of patient and Upon a fresh examination of the sculptures and sur. aborious, though very expensive, industry. It is, roundings he was led to the conclusion formulated though not to the extent expected by optimistic in an article published in 1925, not only that the minds, an improvement upon the comprehensive Bayon was originally a Buddhist temple, but that the Tamil and English Dictionary of Miron Winslow city itself was placed under the protection of the published sixty-five years back, which contained Bodhisattva Lokesvara. It appears to him to be upwards of 30,000 words and included the principal established that when the Bayon becamo transfer astronomical, mythological, botanical, scientific and red from the cult of Buddhism to that of Siva, the official torms, besides the names of famous authors, great bulk at all events of the structuro had been poots, heroes and gods. A gyndicato of scholars, completed, including even the central massit, which

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JOLY, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 135. one might have been tempted to think had been THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS, by built by Yasovarman to enshrine the Devaraja- JARL CHARPENTIER. Two lectures delivered at linga, and to crown As & Saiva temple the structure the School of Oriental Studies, 10th and 17th commenced by one of his predecessors for the cult June, 1925, and published in its Bulletin. of Buddhism. He finds the Bayon to be Buddhis. These very important lectures on a subject of the tic" from top to bottom." M. Finot disposes of first consequence to students of antiquity rescusi. the arguments based upon the towers with four tate the belief-once held to be settled--that the faces, which he had himself once suggested to be an Indo-Europeans sprang from Central Asia, East of architectural interpretation of a caturmukha liiga, the Caspian Sea. Since that conclusion was arrived by pointing out that this feature is also to be found at, others have sprung up, ascribing the origin of in temples that were indisputably Buddhistic, e.g.) the Indo-Europeans to various parts of Europeat Bantly Chmar, Bantay Kdoi, Ta Prohm and Ta Southern Russia being the most favoured locality. Som. To Yalovarman may very probably be assigned Professor Charpentier gives reasons for believing the responsibility for the iconoclastic disfigurement that the searcher has to fall back on Comparative by hammer and chisel of the Buddhistic figures, Philology as the determining method of settling which have been camouflaged into Brahmanical the question. Archaeology has failed to show that rsis and otherwise. Who, then, was the original the culture of very early times could have originated founder of the city ? M. Finot rejects Yasovar. with ono people only, whose racial and linguistic man's two immediate predecessors Indra varman, connections are known; and History commences too who adhered exclusively to Saiva doctrines, and late. It is on Comparative Philology, therefore, Jayavarman III, who was a Vaignava, and more! that Professor Charpentier concentrates his attention over reigned for but an insignificant period. Ho and his criticism of the various efforts of scholars. inclines to the view that it must have been Jaya. Varman II Paramesvara, " great conquerer and great With extreme caution he gets to work to establish builder," whose reign attained the extraordinary the "names (p. 152) of natural phenomena, of length of 67 years (802-869 A.D.). The Sdok Kak animals, plants, artificial objects, etc., which were Thom inscription tells us that he came from Java to "to be found in the original Indo-European language, Ascend the throne of Cambodia, that he founded and and may consequently have existed in the names of occupied four capitals successively, and that he finally the Indo-Europeans," though "the results are not established the cult of Devaraja in order to aggert him. very far-reaching. But they are, according to my self as a cakrabartin sovereign, independent of Java, (Charpentier's] opinion, quite sufficient for allow. till then suzerain over Cambodia, l'he Java from which ing us to arrive at certain conclusion." He shows, he came was, according to M. Finot, in all probability by a consideration of the names that have come the Malay Peninsula, dependent at that time on the down in history, that, whosoever they were, the Sumatran kingdom of Srivijaya, the history of which father of the Indo-Europeans lived in a mountain. from the latter half of the 7th tothe 15th century A.D. ous country with a temperate climate, but they has been so skilfully unveiled by the researches of did not know the lise of fish or shell fish. They used M. Gabriel Ferrand (l'Empire Sumatranais de Cri- the horse, however, for riding, and knew of the vijaya). That Aukor Thom does not figure among the birch, willow and fir among trees, but had no capitals founded by Jayavarman II is explained by knowledge of fruit trees and vegetables. They prothe fact that the author of the inscription wished it bably could crush corn, and yet had no acquainto be thought that Yasovarman had established it. tance with salt. This was because they probably In spite of the pre-eminence of Jayavarman II lived chiefly on meat and milk, and thus led a no and the great length of his reign, not a single ing madic life, being no agriculturists. They seem to cription dating from his sovereignty has hitherto have dressed in skins and woollen stuffs only, and been found; a fact which seems to suggest that the these they got from animals. They dwelt in "houseiconoclasm wrought under subsequent kings was not urns" or in "dug-outs" under ground. They had confined to images. The earliest epigraphical re- bows and arrows and, oddly enough, good carts cord dates from the time of Yasovarman. It is and wagons. They were in fact a nomadic people greatly to be hoped that further exploration by with considerable power of rapid movement. such zealous and competent workers may yet lead Their religious ideas were undeveloped and their soto the discovery of other records that may elucidate cial institutions were patriarchal, the blood feud, how the history of this old site. ever, being a well-developed institution. They had a Among the inscriptions now transcribed attention cult of the spirits of their ancestors, which were nevermay be drawn to No. IV, which supplies further theless not usually malignant or blood-thirsty, and information as to the genealogy of Rajendravarman; they worshipped the great powers of Nature, especi No. X, which tells of an expedition of Jayavarman ally "the vault of heaven." They possessed neither VII to Campa, and of an invasion of Cambodia by temples nor idols, but worshipped their gods by simthe king of Campa; and No. XI, which gives us the ple flesh sacrifices and gifts spread out on the grass." date of the wocession of Jayavarman VII and the Having enumerated such facts as the above, names of the four succeeding kings. Professor Charpentier opines : " What has been said C.E. A. W. OLDHAM. (p. 159) may still be sufficient to convey the

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1928 impression of a people living in a temporate climate theory, apparently because the evidence available where enow and ice were at times to be known, and must clearly be literary and so too late. But leBurrounded by the animals which are still found in gends-though necessarily now literary-refer back such a zone of the earth. Also the few trees which to the very earliest times, as they always relate are proved by etymology to have existed in those fundamentally what the ancesters thought. I cansurroundings-viz., the birch, the willow and the not but help thinking that, if one could go back far fir tree-are such that are usually met with in enough, they might help in solving the difficulty of countries with a rather severe climate." Keeping such & question as that of Indo-European origins. in mind that the Indo-Europeans were a nomadic Let me give an illustration. For years I have been people probably roaming over very large areas," investigating the widely spread belief that it is posProfessor Charpentier states that their home has to sible to attain immortality for the body by drinking be looked for (p. 160) either in Asia or in Europe : of the well, pool, fountain or river of life. I can no other continent could in earnest be taken into trace it to the earliest known Semitio and Babyloconsideration, nor has this, to my knowledge at nian tiines, but of course only after the pooples had least, ever been done." Then, after considering become considerably civilised. I find it spread all the various parts of the Europeo Asiatic continent, over Europe and Asia as far as Central Asia and India, which have been held to be the original home of the and also wherever the Jewish, Christian, Muslim or Indo-Europeans, Professor Charpentier arrives at Hindu Religions have had influence. But it does the conclusion that the only region containing the not appear, from such evidence as I have so far, in necessary qualifications lies in the Central Asian China or in the countries dependent on Chinese plains. "No part of Asia (p. 164) answers quite religion, as distinguished from the forms of Buddhism to this description, except the regions to the East there current and acquired from Central Asia and of the Caspean Sea, which are generally called India. Now, if it be true, as has been asserted, that Central Asia, with the neighbouring plains of Tur- the Chinese came originally from Central Asia, then kestan, where formerly conditions of living were far the above fact-assuming it to be correct and easier than now-a-days... They were pro. unassailable-would go to show that the original bably near neighbours of the Mongolians, Hung, Indo-Europeans and the original Chinese were once etc., tribes who led the same mode of life." -A9 Professor Charpentier infers-neighbouring Professor Charpentier then considers the migra nomads and racially separate tribes. It must be tions of the people West, South-west and South, here remembered also that there is a fundamental and also to the Eastwards. Here he has a ro difference in religious instinct, between the Indomarkable passage worth quoting (p. 165): "Finally European and the Chinese. The Semitic and the at the end of the third pre-Christian century, a Indo-European races are imbued with the idea of a Chinese Emperor had to begin the building of the universal God, but the Chinese have no such instinct. famous wall, which was to protect his subjects from This fundamental instinct exists in spite of the the inroads of the northern and western barbarians, ancestor.worship and the worship of Heaven, which It has been said, with a certain amount of truth, is characteristic of both. It may be useful to investhat the erection of this protective wall did strongly tigate this point, which has struck the present writer forcibly whenever he has investigated the beliefs of influence the later fates of the Roman Empire. For now the turbulent elements of the interior of Asia tribes traceable to a common origin with the Chinese. were driven to resort to the southern and western I observe that Professor Charpentier remarks areas of expansion, and the result of their furious i (p. 158) that "it seems to be a legitimate concluonslaughts were soon felt both in Iran, India and sion that the Indo-Europeans had a cult of the throughout the western world." The Professor spirits of their ancestors, though they did not, as a then considers later migrations from the 2nd con rule, consider the dead as malignant and blood tury. B.C. onwards " a migration (p. 166) which thirsty beings, as is, e.g., the case of the non-Aryan spread like the ripplings of a wave over great parts tribes of India." And again he says (p. 159) that the of the Asiatic, and, at times, even the European Indo-Europeans "worshipped the spirits of their Continent." Lastly he goes into the question of dead ancestors, who were, at times, undoubtedly con sidered to be rather dangerous customers, but who various other early migrations. were, on the other hand, never looked upon in the Personally, I am glad of these lectures, for I have same way as that crowd of malignant and bloodalways felt that the only safe assumption for the loving ghosts that are haunting jungle and village Aryan migrations into India and Europe was that over the greater part of India." In these remarks they must have started from Central Asia, East of I heartily agree. Degrading practices, often put the Caspean. With that assumption as a base the down by the uno beervant to Hinduism ag & religion, argument is straightforward and comparatively easy. are in truth but superstitious grafts acquired from With the assumption that the original moving tribes the primitive or surrounding non-Aryans or from came from somewhere in Europe-even from non-Aryan converts to Hinduism-the eclectic South Russia-the argument is obscured and difficult. nature of that religion rendering it peculiarly liable Professor Charpentier has apparently ruled Lo to such acquisitions. gend out of his purview as a possible support of his R. C. TEMPLE.

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AUUUST, 1928 1 THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL IN SHAHABAD 197 THE GAYDAXR FESTIVAL IN THE SHAHABAD DISTRICT, BIHAR BY C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I. A FESTIVAL held in the month of Kartik in which cattle play a leading part is widely prevalent in Northern India; the rites observed vary in different parts. A striking foature of the observances, at all events in Bihar and in parts of Bengal, is that the cattle are incited to gore or worry to death a pig, or else they are made to chase a mock pig, made by stuffing a bag or blanket with chaff or straw. In these provinces it is essentially a festival of the Ahirs, or cowherding folk, a caste which is now practically confined to Northern and North Central India. The Abhiras, or Abhiras, from whom they take their name, were in very early times settled in the West, particularly in the area extending from Gujarat to the Panjab. According to Sir A. Baines, "The leading tribes seem to have been of western origin, and are supposed to have entered India long after the Vedic Arya." The author of the Periplus places Aberia inland from Surastra and the Gulf of Kacch. Ptolemy places it above Patalene (i.e., the delta of the Indus). Varahamihira locates the Abhiras in the south-western and southern divisions. They were powerful in the very early days in the west, about Gujarat, and in the Satpura region; and later on, it would seem, in the mid-Gangetic basin as far north as the lower tracts of what is now Nepal. One of the most peculiar features of the festival as observed in Shahabad, and as described in the sequel below, is the eating of the pig after it has been killed. It is not a case of the wild boar, the flesh of which is relished by so many tribes and castes that are accustomed to the chase (among whom the Ahirs, more. over cannot be classed): the pig in question is a village pig, the flesh of which is only eaten ordinarily by the most despised castes, regarded by all orthodox Hindus as quite outside the pale, and between whom and the Ahirs there is a wide gap. Is this feature of the observances, then, a relic from the distant past? The wide area over which this, or a closely related, festival is held seems also to point to a remote origin. Can any suggestion be made as to its provenance ? Is it an offshoot of the widely-spread primitive belief in the fertilizing power of blood? Why has the pig been chosen as the sacrificial ?) victim? Does it merely re. present the wild animal that was once a serious danger to man and his crops! Why, further, are cattle selected to be the agents in the killing? These, and other, questions may be asked. I have not been able so far to trace many published references to this festival. A few are quoted in the paragraphe below, as well as some of the most authoritative views on the status of the Ahirs. Francis Buchanan, in his statistical survey of the Gorakhpur district, compiled in 1813-14, makes the following reference to the Ahirs, in that district? -" They are reckoned a pure tribe ; but even Kayasthas will not drink water from their house, although any Brahman will employ them to carry his vessels filled with water. On the day of the Dewali, they eat tame pork ; and on all occasions, such as are not of the sect of Vishnu, eat the wild liog. Their purohits are pure Brahmans". Sherring writeg 3: _" Commonly the Ahirs are regarded as Sudras." On the other hand, he classes them among the 'Mixed Castes and Tribes.' Crooke 4, in his description of the Ahirs in the (now) United Provinces says they are all Hindus, but are seldom initiated into any of the regular sects ... They are served by Brahmans of all the ordinary priestly classes." Mr. R. V. Russell, in his very interesting account of the Ahirs in the Central Provinces, notes:- Though the Ahir caste takes its name and is perhaps partly descended from the 1 Baines, Ethnography (Grundriss Sorios), p. 56. * Martin's Eastern India, II, 467. 3 Tribes and Castes, I, 334. + Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. &0., I, 63. 5 Tribcs und Castes of the C.P., II, 23.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1926 . . . . Abhira tribe, there is no doubt that it is now and has been for centuries a purely oocupational caste, largely recruited from the indigenous tribes." In Bihar, the fact that their position in the social order has not been definitely established is clear from the discussions on the subject at conferences of the caste held from time to time in comparatively recent years. They have on several occasions claimed to be classed as Ksatriyas, and entitled to wear the sacred thrend. While at least on one occasion, at a conference held in the Bhagalpur district some fourteen or fifteen years ago, it was resolved that the Ahirs were not Sudras, but Vaisyas. Further to the east and south-east we meet, no doubt, with Ahirs, or Goalas, as they are usually called in those parts, of obviously lower origin. In Bihar proper, and more especially perhaps in the area to which the following account relates, the Ahirs are ordinarily regarded as good Hindus ; and they would warmly resent being called Sudras. These Ahirs as a general rule lead an orthodox life ; and, except on the occasion of this particular festival, I have never heard of their eating village pig. There are scores of proverbs in the Bihar vernacularz referring to the Ahir and his proclivities. The allusions are generally confined to his thieving propensities, his quarrelsomeness and his dullness of intellect, which are the traits most commonly assigned to him. There is no suggestion of his aboriginal descent. In the Bhojpur country the Ahirs are chiefly famous for carrying a very long and heavy lathi (bamboo stave) and for their addiction to theft. Their reputation has given rise to a well-known saying current in the vernacular, which may be translated thus - "Don't go to Bhojpur. If you go, don't eat. If you eat, don't go to sleep. If you sleep, don't feel for your purse: if you do, don't weep it will not be there !)." John Christian, in his Bihar Proverbs, makes a reference to the festival which is the subject of this paper, and the object of which, he writes, "is to make the cow dance." He spells the local name Tore, as if it meant a row (or herd) of cow'; but the correct spelling in the local dialect is mori. Risley, in his Tribes and Castes of Bengal, also refers to a similar festival, which he describes as follows: "At the time of the Sankranti on the last day of Kartik, October-November, a pig is turned loose [i.e., by the Goalas) among a herd of buffalocs, who are encouraged to gore it to death. The carcase is then given to Dos idhs to cat. The Coalis or Ahirs, who practise this strange rite, aver that it has no religious significance, and is merely a sort of popular amusement. They do not themselves partake of any portion of the pig." Risley's date for the festival, which is not connected with the samkrinti, in incorrect. Crooke would appear not to have observed the occurrence of this festival himself, but be refers to Risley's and Christian's accounts in his Popular Religion and Foll-lore of Northern India, and in his Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. d 0..9 respectively. In Pollore for 1917, he refers to a Madras Museum Bulletin describing a ceremony in Southern India, when a pig is buried up to the neck in a pit at the entrance to the village, and all the village cattle are driven over its head. The practice appears to form part of a complex rite: intended to propitiate Peddamma, possibly a chthonic deity, who controls cholera and small pox. In vol. XV of the Journal of the Department of Letters, Calcutta University (pp. 201-03), reference is made to the practices followed by Goalas, and Kurmis, in the Rajshahi and Manbhum districts of Bengal, which would seem to be very similar to the Bihar ceremonies. The season of the year when the festival is held must also be noted. It is the time when the hard labour of ploughing and preparing the fields for the cold weather crops has ordinarily been finished.10 In fact the ceremony was once explained to me as being of the nature of a 8 Bihar Proverbs, pp. 52-53. 7 Tribes and Oastes, I, 290. 8 Popular Religion and Folklore (1896 ed.), II, 298. * Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P. de O., I, 334. 10 Compare also the references to the pig as the embodiment of the corn spirit, and as a sacrificial vistim in Sir J. Frazer's Golden Bough (passim).

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AUGUST, 1928) THE GAYDANR FESTIVAL IN SHAHABAD 130 treat given to the cattle after the completion of their toil in ploughing and harrowing the fields. However, though agricultural seasons largely govern the times for pilgrimages and other rites an. ceremonies, the reasons for their observance exist independently of the seasons recognized as suitable for their performance. Nowhere, perhaps, is this festival kept with greater zest and thoroughness than in the north of the Shahabad district, the land of the Bhojpuris, where the Ahirs are numerically the strongest caste. I append an English translation of a description of the festival as held in this area, written in Hindi by a resident thereof-a highly educated and orthodox Hindu gentleman in the hope that it may elicit further information as to the occurrence of similar or analogous practices in other parts of India, and perhaps evoke some suggestions as to the origin and significance of the custom. Translation. Gokrifa, Gaydanr or Gaydaph. This festival is observed on the first day of the bright half of Kartik.11 The correct Samskrt name is Gokerird. 12 Under this name the festival is in vogue in all parts of Bharatavarga; but in Bihar, and particularly in Bhojpur, it is called' gdydanr or gaydash. Early on that day the annakut18 feast is obeer ved, and gobardhan puja 14 is performed. After mid-day, gopuja having been completed, the gokrfrd feast is held, and the gaydanr commences. This festival is kept with great enthusiasm by the GwAlAs or Ahirs. It is generally understood to be a festival peculiar to this caste; but all the Hindos take part in it. At noon on that day cakes made of pulse and rice-milk are eaten. In the GwAlle' houses ordinary sweetmeats (amarpitha) 15 are cooked. About mid-day all the Gwalds, having eaten and drunk plentifully, take big, red, polished sticks and turn out their cows and buffaloes, after gaily bedecking them, each desiring that his cow or buffalo, as the case may be, should look the best. In the way of an exhibition of cows and buffeloes the sight is a very pretty one, and spectators attend in large numbers to look on. After they have assembled on the ground they purchase and bring & pig, and, tying a rope to it, drag it backwards and for wards about the ground, and incite the cows and buffaloes to gore it with their horns. Any cow or buffalo that horns it, is praised, and the owner thereof also is choered. The timid cows do not att the pig, but seeing it, turn tail and run. Then the Gwalas seize hold of these cows ( 4**) and force them to attack tho pig with their horns. Perhaps it is on this account that the name gaydanr has been applied to the festival 16. In short, on this day the Gwalas make their cattle hunt a pig. In the end, when the pig is killed, the Gwalas cook its flesh and eat it. They drink liquor and become intoxicated, and sing and play with much morriment. The Gwalas generally keep this festival for a week, and go round singing birhd and loraki. 17 They go to the door of the proprietor of their village and to the houses of other important persons, and play single-stick, leap about and dance, and disport themselves generally. The village proprietor and other big men give them presente. This feast is observed in almost every district of Bihar, but more particularly in the Shahabad, Gaya, Saran and Champaran districts18. It is essentially a festival of the Ahirs, during which their cows and buffaloes are turned out gaily adorned. In places where Vai pavas are predominant, and at centres of pilgrimage, guch as Ayodhya, Brindaban, Mathura, etc., a dark-coloured blanket is made into the shape of a pig and stuffed with chaft; and this is used for the purposes of the gokrird or gdydanr, as Vainavas abstain from taking life. In many places this practice is followed. 11 The Hindi month of Kartik includes the period from about the middle of October to the middle of November. The bright half is the second half of the month. 13 Gokrira means "cow sport." 13 A festival kept on the day following the Divalt (which is held on the last day of the dark fortnight of Kartik.) 14 See Crooke's Rural and Agricultural Glossary, 8. v. Gobardhan parva. 25 Amarpitha literally means "sweetmeat of immortality." Pithd is a well-known sweetmeat. 14 13 here means the spine' or 'backbone ', which is held just above the root of the tail. 17 Birha in the name of a special class of song sung by the cowherd oaste. As the name indicates, it is frequently a love song about "separation." Loraki is a song (or rather an interminable number of songs) about the doings of the famous Ahir hero Lorik. 18 I have sinco received an account of the observance of the festival between Monghyx and Jamalpur. (Monghyr district) on the 1st November 1927, when a pig was killed in the same manner.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1928 MEANING AND ETYMOLOGY OF POJA. BY CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI, M.A. IN & very illuminating and informing paper with the above heading contributed to the Indian Antiquary (May 1927, pp. 93-97 and June 1927, pp. 130-36) Prof. Jarl Charpentier has sought to determine the exact and original meaning of the word pujd, which is so very important not only from the linguistic view.point but also from the standpoint of modern Hinduism, the most important observance of which-in contrast to Vedic sacrifices--is the pujd of one god or another. First of all, he mentions the different etymologies of the word as given by various scho. lars, such as Prof. Bartholomea, Horn, Gundert and Kittel, and accepts the one suggested by Gundert and Kittel, vit, from a Dravidian verbal root, which occurs in Tamil as pacu-, and in Kanarese as pusu, meaning to smear, to put on sticky substances, to daub, to paint.' He next supports this derivation by a comparison of the different rites performed by various peoples of India, ancient and modern, in their worship of gods (pp. 130-133), and comes to the conclusion that the washing of the idol (or the sprinkling of the linga) with water or with honey, ourds, sugared water, etc., and the smearing or daubing it with certain ointments or oily substances' (p. 99) forms the characteristio feature of a pujd among the different rites and ceremonies gone through in the course of it, and hence this is the original sense in which the word was used. But there seems to be ample room for doubt as to what should be considered the most important and characteristic function in a pujd. Is it the washing of the idol and the daubing of it with ointments, or is it the offering of flowers to it, that constitutes the essential thing in a paja ! The balance of evidence may lead one to incline either way. As a matter of fact, the offering of flowers to a god is certainly regarded to be of as much importance 28-if not more important than the washing of the idol with water or anointing it--which latter function is undoubtedly of minor importance. These considerations are specially important in view of another possible derivation of the word suggested by M. Collins in the Dravidic Studies Nos. I-III (University of Madras1923), who connects the Sanskrit word with Tamil pu'flower.' In his opinion a slight modi. fication of a hypothetical Tamil form pu-cey possibly gave rise to the Sanskrit nominal base prijd, which again passed into Tamil in the verbal form pici, meaning to offer flowers'. This derivation, if established, will point to the offering of flowers as the original connotation of the word pujd, and hence the principal function in the observance. Whatever be their value, those facts should be taken into consideration and given that Attention which they deserve before arriving at a final decision with regard to the origin of this very important word. So, I beg to draw the attention of Prof. Charpentier to themespecially to the derivation suggested by M. Collins (and referred to by Dr. S. K. Chatterji in another connection in an article in Modern Review, June 1924, p. 668, which article Prof. Charpentier mentions in his paper), as it seems to have escaped his notice. 1 No. JII, pp. 80-81, under remarlos by M. Collins on Sanabritic Elements in the Vocabularies of Dravidian Languages, by B. Anavaratavinayakam, M.A., L.T.

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Ataber, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 141 VEDIC STUDIES. BY A. VENKATASUBBIAH, M.A., PED. (Continued from page 102.) RV. 1, 190, 4: asya Sloko divi' yate prthivya'm atyo na yamsad yakshabhy'd vicelah mrga nam na heta yo yanti cema' br' haspater ghimayan abhi dyu'n! "His voice rushes in heaven and in earth. He, the supporter of the universe, the wise, raised (his shouts or chants) as a horse (does his neigh). These chants of Brhaspati go forth, like missiles on beasts, on the enemies who are as crafty as Ahi ". Yakshabhrt=the supporter of the universe, as Roth has correctly explained. It is the equivalent of the word bhatabhrt which is also used in the same sense ; compare Bh. Gita, 9, 5: bhutabhin na ca bhutastho mamatma bhatabhavanah, 'supporting the universe but not in it'; and Mahabharata, 13, 254, 16 (Vishnu-sa hasrandma): bhuta krd bhutabhd bhavah. I follow Geldner in supplying slokam in the second pada as object of the verb yameat, and in understanding abhi dyu'n (ought we not rather to read abhidyun as one word ?) as "attackers' or enemies'. After imah in the third pada, we have to understand vdcah, girah or other similar word meaning 'words; chants', which Brhaspati as purohita makes use of on behalf of his patron (see Geldner, .c., p. 137). These rush on the enemies and destroy them, as the arrows of a hunter speed towards the beasts and destroy them; compare p. 229 in vol. LVI above and the verge from Raghuvamba cited there, namely, 1, 61 addressed by King Dilipa to his purohita : tava mantrakrto mantrair durdt prasamitaribh ih pratyadityanta iva me drshta-lakshya-bhidah bardh "My arrows that are able to pierce such objects only as are visible to me are made to recede to the background by the mantras (spells) that have been employed by you, the mantra-maker, and that kill enemies from a far distance." Note here too the comparison of the purohita's spells with arrows shot at some object. RV. 10, 88, 13: vaifvdnaram kavayo yajniyd so 'gnim devd' ajanayann ajuryam nakshatram pratnam aminat carishnu yakshasya'dhyaksham tavisham bihantam || "The worshipful wise ones, the gods, engendered Agni Vaisvanara, the imperishable, the ancient, mobile luminary (star), the supervisor of the universe, the mighty, the great" Yakshasya adhayaksham or supervisor of the universe' is equivalent to'lord of the universe'; compare 1, 98,1: vaisvanardsya sumatau sydma ra'ja nu kam bhuvananam abhi t' h ito jato vitvam idam vi cashte vqiovdnaro yatate su'ryena "May we dwell in the favour of Vaisvanara ; he is the king and the ornament of the world. Born from here Vaisvanara beholds this world; he competes with the sun". Vaisvaenara is thus, in this latter verse, a being different from the sun, while in the former (10, 88, 13) the words nakshatram aminac carishnu seem to indicate that Vaisvanars is identical with the sun. Sat. Br. 11, 4, 3,5: te haile brahmano mahati yakshe sa yo haite brahmano mahati yakshe veda mahad dhaiva yaksham bhavati | " Those two (sc. nd ma and rupa ; name and form) are the two great beings (that is, forms, ex-istences) of Brahman. He who knows these two great beings (that is, forms, ex-istences) of Brahman, becomes himself a great being." Kaulika-sutra, 95, 1: atha yatraitani yakshani dreyante tad yathaitan markagah dudpado udyasah purusharpam iti tad evam daankyam eva bhavati | "When these evil beings are seen, as for instance, an evil being having the form of a monkey, or of boost of prey, or of a crow, or of man, then the same apprehension is to be felt". The word yaksha here denotes 'ovil being', and as monkeys, and crows can not, by themselves, be said to be evil beings, it follows that the words marlafal and vdyacah denote evil beings having

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY : AUGUST, 1928 that form, compare RV. 7,104, 18: rakshasal sam pinashtana vayo ye bhitui' patayanti naktabhih "Crush the demons who fly about at nights after having become (i.e., in the form of) birds." In other words, the word rupam that forms the last element of the compound purusharu pam, connects itself with each of the foregoing words markatah, sva padah and vayasah forming the compounds markatarupam, svdpadarupam and vayasarupam (which together with purusharupam are in apposition with, and qualify, the word yakshani). Now according to later grammatical usage the words markata, svd pada, vayasa and purusha should be all joined together in a dvand va-compound and such compound be further joined with rupa, forming a shashthi-tatpurusha, in order that the word rupa may be connected with all these words-dvandvinte sruyamanam padam pratyekam abhismbadhyate. It is interesting to note that here rupa connects itself with the words markata, etc., though there is no dvandva or other compound, and the words stand singly in the nominative case. Instead of purusharupam (yaksham), the word purusharakshasam is used in the sentenoe that follows indicating that purusharupam yaksham=purusha-rakshasam or evil being in the form of man. The word yaksha is found in Kh. 93 also of the Kausika-sutra, where too, it has the meaning evil being '. AV. 11, 2, 24 : tubhyam aranyd'h pasavo mrga' vane hita' harsd'h suparna'h sakund' vayansi tava yakshan patupate apsv antas tubhyam ksharanti divya' a'po urdhe! "For thee are the beasts of the jungle, the animals placed in the forests, the swans, the kites, the birds great and small; thy might, O Pasupati, (is felt) in the waters; the divine waters flow for thee, for thy enhancement (that is, for the enhancement of thy glory)". In other words, the beasts of the jungle, the birds of the air, and the rivers are subject to thy power and act as thou impellest them to act. Thy might is felt in the water, in the air, and on the earth'. This praise is addressed to Pasupati or Rudra as the supreme god; and the ideas expressed here belong to the same class as those expressed in RV. 1, 101, 3: yasya vrata varuno yasya su'ryah yasyendrasya sindhavah sascati vratam (in whose control is Varuna and the sun; whose, Indra's, ordinance is followed by the rivers'); ibid, 2, 28, 4: rtam aindhavo varunasya yunti na framyanti na vi mucanty ete ('the rivers follow the ordinances of Varuna; they flow without tiring, without ceasing.'); AV. 13, 3, 2 : Yasmad vd'ta rtutha' pavante yasmat samudra' adhi vi ksharanti ('on account of whom the winds blow in season and the oceans flow'). Compare also Bihad. Up., 3, 7, 2 ff., yah prthivyam tishthan, prthivim antaro yamayati ... yo 'psu tishthan . . apam antaro yamayati ....yah sarveshu bhuteshu tishthan ... sarvani bhutany antaro yamayati : Kathopanishat, 2, 6, 3: bhayad asydgnis tapati bhayat tapati suryah. RV. 5, 70, 4: ma kasyddbhutakratu yaksham phujema tanu'bhih ma' seshasd ma' tanasd II "May we not, Oye (Mitra and Varuna) who have wonderful strength, feel, either ourselves or in our offspring or in our posterity, the might of any one". That is, may we not feel the weight of the might of any one ; may we not be oppressed by the thought that any one is more mighty than we ourselves and able to injure us.' The expression yaksham bhujema here is equivalent to the expression daksham bhujema in 4, 3, 13 which will be explained below. RV. 7, 88,6: ya apir nityo varuna priyah san tud'm d' ganas lernavat sa kha te md' ta enasvanto yakshin bhrijema yandhi shma viprah stuvate vamitham | "Who, O. Varuna, being thy own dear friend and comrade, has committed evil against thee may not we who have sinned, feel, O mighty one thy (might); do thou that art wise offer

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August, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 143 protection to thy praiser". We have to understand the word yaksha here in the third pada as the object of the verb bhujema. The meaning is, 'may we not suffer from thy might, that is, feel the weight of thy displeasuro, on account of the sins that we have committed. The two ideas of eno bhujema (punishment for sins committed ; compare 6, 51, 7; 7, 52, 2) and yakshan bhujema (see 5, 70, 4 above) are combined here in this one pada. As I have already observed (see p. 228 in vol. LV ante), the relative clause ya apir nityah ... vdm againsi kernavat qualifies vryam (understood) that is the subject of bhujema in the third pada; as the plural vayam is only the pluralis majestaticus, the use of the singular number in yah, etc., in the first two padas and in stuvate (fourth pada) is not improper. RV. 7, 61, 5: amurd visva vrshandv ima' vam na ya'su citram dadree na yaksham | druhah sacante anrta jananam na vam ninyd'ny acite abhuvan || "O ye wise and strong (sc. Mitra and Varuna), for you (are) all these (praises) in which is seen neither ornament (brilliance) nor substance. The Druhs follow the iniquities of men ; secrete did not remain unknown to you." The meaning of this verse is obscure. The author of the Padapatha reads the words amurd and visvd as duals and apparently construes them with the dual urshanau referring to Mitra and Varuna, a view that is accepted by Geldner, but from which M. Boyer dissents. I believe that the Padapatha is right in reading amurd (and referring it to Mitra and Varuna); at the same time, however, I believe that it is preferable to read vitvah instead of visva (dual) and construe it with imah, after which, I follow Sayana in supplying the word stutayah (gira)). The sense therefore of the first half-verse is, "These praises that we offer to you, O Mitra and Varuna are not polished and brilliant (do not contain alankaras); nor is there substance in them, that is, there is no artha-gambhirya or bhavagambhfrya in them; wo pray that you will nevertheless take them to your heart and like them." Citra here does not signify decarya as Sayana and, following him, Geldner, think, but rather 'ornament', alankara ; it has here the same sense as it has in books on rhetoric (kdvyd. lankara-sastra) and moans artha-citra (arthalankara) and sabdacitra (sabdalankara). It is an often-expressed sentiment of later books that a kavya, stuti or other composition in words should, in order to be acceptable, contain alankaras and yield a good meaning: compare, for instance, Subhashitaratnabhandagara, 5th edition, Kavyapraaamsd, verses 17 and 21, in praise of alankara and vv. 22, 24 in praise of artha, and the expression bhavalankaranocitagamavati in v. 44; compare also v. 51 in ibid., p. 35: arthan kecid updsate korpanavat kecit tva. lankurvate vesyavat khali dhatuvadina ivodbadhnanti kecid rasdn | arthalaikyti sadrasa-dravamucan vacam prasastispredm kartarah kavayo bhavanti katicit punyair aganyair iha. The first two pidas of the above mantra too, give expression, as I think, to an idea in the same sphere; in them the poet confesses that his stutis cannot be said to be good, that they contain neither alankara nor artha. Contrast in this respect Kumarasambhava, 2, 3: atha sarvasya dhataram te sarve sarvatomukham vagisam vagbhir arthydbhih pranipatyopatasthire; Raghuvam. ga, 4, 6: stutyam stutibhir arthyabhir upatasthe Sarasvati ; Nilakantha vijayacampa, 4, 16 : iti stutibhir arthyabhir dhyayato niacalam Sivam | aspandeshu asya gatreshu paspande dakshino bhuja). Arthya vak means, as Mallinatha explains, arthayukta vdk, speech or praise in which there is artha or bhava or richness of content. Compare further the opinion, cited and refuted by Visvanatha in his Sahityadarpana (p. 14; NirnayasAgara ed. 1902): sala, kdrau SabdArthau kdvyam. Hence the authors of the Ramayana and Kadambari have said of these works that they have been constructed of brilliant words and thoughts, see Ram., 1, 2, 42: uddra-urttartha-padair manoramais tadasya Rdmasya caklina kirtiman . . . . yasaskaram kdvyam uddradher munih; and Kadambarl, v. 9 of introduction : haranti kam nojjvala-dipakopamair navaih padarthair upapdditah kathah.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1928 For the second half-verse, I have, with much hesitation, given the explanation of M. Boyer as this seems to be better than that proposed by Sayapa ; I feel however very doubtful whether either of these is the correct explanation. RV. 4, 3, 13: ma kasya yaksham sadam id dhurd ga ma' vesasya praminato md' pehl ma' bhra'tur agne anrjor rnam ver ma sa khyur daksham ripor bhujema 1 "Do not at any time go to the sacrifice of any enemy (literally, injurer) or harmful neighbour or comrade ; do not get into the debt, O Agni, of our crooked brother; may we not suffer from the power of our friend (turned into) enemy." I have already said above (p. 63) that the view of the Indian commentators that yaksha is derived from the root yaj is justified by the parallelism of the words yaksha and yajna in AV. 8, 9, 8. Sayana is therefore right in explaining yaksha here as yajna, sacrifice. The expression, do not get into the debt of our crooked brother', in the third pada, too, means the same thing; it means, 'do not go to the sacrifice of, and partake of the offerings given by, our deceitful brother'; for the term 'debt' when used of a deity with reference to a human, means, as has been shown by Geldner, 1.c., pp. 133, 134, the debt that such deity owes to a human in return for the offerings that have been made and accepted ; compare also Bh. Gita, 3, 11-12 in this connection. Similarly, the fourth pada too, seems to refer indirectly to the same thing, to implore Agni not to attend the sacrifice of the friend who has turned inimical and make him rich and powerful in return, This verse therefore is one of the class that implore the deities not to favour by their presence the sacrifices of rival yajamanas; see Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth. I, pp. 119 ff.; and Bloomfield, Johns Hopkins University Circulars, 1906. RV. 7, 56, 16: atydso na ye marutah svanco yakshadr' &o na subhayanta maryah | te harmyeshtha'h fisavo na subhra' vatsa 80 na prakrilinah payodha'h | "They who are swift like coursers, the youths, (sc. Maruts) made themselves bright (that is, decked themselves with ornaments), like people that (go to see sacrifices; they are radiant like children that are in mansions and frisky like calves that drink milk". Sayana explains yaksha here as utsava, festival. Now, yaksha, as we know, means. sacrifice,' 'worship'; and many of the Soma-sacrifices were in fact grand festivals and are explicitly called or dea. cribed by the name of utsava in the Puranas and Itihasas. Compare, for instance, the following passages : Srimad-bhagavata, 4, 3, 3 ff. : Brhaspatisavam ndma samdrebhe kratuttamam || 3 | tasmin brahmarshayah sarve devarshi-pitr-devatah dsan kyta-svastyayanas tatpatnyas ca sabhartykah || 4|| tad u pasrutya nabhasi khecarandm prajalpatam Sati dakshayani devi pitur yajna-mahotsavam || 5 | vrajanti h sarvato digbhya upadeva-varastriyah vimanayandh sapreshtha nishka-kanthih suvdsasah | 6 || drshtvd sva-nilayd bhydee lolakshir myshta-kundalah patim bhutapatim devam autsukydd abhy-abhashata | 7 || Saty uvdca: prajapates te svaduras ya sampratam niryd pito yajna-mahotsavah kila || Sab || pasya praydntir abhavdnya-yoshito 'pyalankrtah kantasakha varuthabah || 12ab || "(Daksha) began the sacrifice known as Brhaspatisava to which went in well-being all the Brahmarshis, the Devarshis, pitrs and devas, and also their wives with their husbands,

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AUGUST, 1928) VEDIO STUDIES 145 Satidevi, the daughter of Daksha, hearing of this from the chatter of those going in the sky, and seeing near her dwelling the wives of Upadevas (i.e., of Gandharvas, Kinnaras, Kimpurushas, etc.) going with their husbands in rimanas from all directions, wearing fine clothes and necklaces and brilliant ear-rings and with eyes glancing here and there, said to her lord Siva in excitement : "The grand festival-like sacrifice of thy father-in-law, the Prajapati, has, I hear, commenced . . . . See also other women going there in troops, wearing jewels, in the company of their husbands, O thou that art birth-less." Mahabharata, 2, 72, 1: tatah sa Kururdjasya sarva-karma-samrddhiman wajnah pritikaro rajan sambabhau vipulotsavah 1 "Then was celebrated, O king, the sacrifice of the Kuruid king in which not one site was wanting, the grand festival, causing dolight". Ibid., 14, 90, 43 : evam babhava yajnah sa Dharmarajasya dhimatah 1 tam mahotsava-san kasam hrshta-pushta-janakulam | kathayanti sma purushd nand-desa-nivasinah !! " Then took place that sacrifice of the wise Dharmaraja... And this sacrifice that was like a great festival and was attended by many joyous and thriving people was extolled by people that lived in different countries (who were present at it)." Read also the descriptions of the Rajasuya sacrifice celebrated by Yudhishthira given in the Mahabharata (2, 71) and Bhagavata, 10, ii, ch. 75. It is therefore not surprising if, in the circumstances, the word yaksha, meaning 'sacrifice took on the meaningof utsava also, though as regards this verse, it is not necessary to assume this latter meaning for yaksha. The original meaning itself, namely, 'sacrifice,' fits in well with the context here. Compare the passage cited above from the Bhagavata where it is said that the wives of Upadeves were going to the yajna-mahotsava wearing fine clothes and jewels in the company of their husbands, and the passage cited above (p. 58) from the Jnatad harmakathe that describes the dress and jewels worn by ugras, ugraputras, Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, etc., on days of Indramaha, Yakshamaha and similar other utsavas. See also the des. cription of the city and the people on the occasion of kaumudi-mahotsava given in Hemddri, 1.c., p. 352 and in Jnatadharmakatha, p. 536. It becomes clear from all these that the people used to put on in former times (as in fact they do now) fine clothes and jewels when going to grand sacrifices or other utsavas; and the Maruts are compared with such people because they always deck themselves with ornaments ; see 5, 54, 11; 5, 55, 6; 5, 60, 4, etc., and Macdonnell's Ved. Mythology, p. 79. Subhrah, radiant, in pada 3, means, as is indicated by the context, clean, speckless, spotless'; and payodhah vatsah means 'young calves'. Gobhila-gphyas utra, 3, 4, 28 : acaryam saparishatkam abhyetydcarya parishadam ikshate yaksham iva cakshushah priyo vo bhuydsam iti II "Approaching the teacher with his entourage, he looks at the teacher and entourage (saying): May I be pleasing to your eye like a sacrifice.'" I have here, like Messrs. Boyer and Geldner, construed cakshushah with priya. Oldenberg has, however, contended (RV. Noten, II, p. 45) that this is not right and that such construction would be proper only if the text had read yaksham iva cakshusho vah priyo bhuydsam. He therefore maintains that the correct meaning is, "May I be dear to you as the wonderful thing is to the eye" (as already noted above, yaksha = 'wonderful thing' for Oldenberg) and that the wonderful thing here is the pupil of the eye! But, apart from the consideration that one fails to understand why the pupil of the eye should be called a wonderful thing' (the passage from Sat. Br. to which Oldenberg refers has no bearing at all in this connection) the idea of comparing a thing to the pupil of the eye in point of dearness is one that is foreign to Sanskrit literature,

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY .. [ August, 1928 As regards however the above-mentioned contention itself, it must be admitted that there is some force in it; but, as yaksha does not mean 'pupil of the eye' but 'sacrifice (or perhaps utsava) here, it makes in effect no difference whether cakshushah is construed with priya or not. In the first case, the meaning is, "May I be pleasing to your eye like a sacrifice". In the second case, the meaning is, "May I be pleasing to you as a sacrifice is pleasing to the eye"; and the expression may I be pleasing to you 'here obviously means 'may I be pleasing to your eye'. In any case, therefore, the sense of the mantra is," May I be dear to your eyes as a grand sacrifice; may you have as much pleasure in looking at me as people have in looking at a grand sacrifice or other similar utsava". Compare RV. 7, 84, 3: krtam no yajnam vidatheshu cd'rum krtam brahmdni surishu prasasta' Make our sacrifice handsome (or beloved) amongst assemblies, make our hymns laudable amongst poets '; 10, 100, 6: yajnas ca bhad vidathe ca'rur antamah May the sacrifice be handsome (or dear) and most cherished in the assembly'; and the expression ca'rum adhvaram in 1, 19, 1 and 5, 71, 1. See also Mahabharata, 14, 90, 43, cited above from which we learn that the people of all countries flocked to see the sacrifice celebrated by Yudhishthira and 2, 72, 1 in ibid. where the epithet pritikara is applied to the sacrifice. Compare also ibid., 2, 71, 44-45 : lokesmin sarva-viprds ca vaisyah fudra nrpadayah sarve mlecchah sarvajands tv adi-mahyantajas tatha || 44 || ndnadesa-samudbhutair nanajatibhir agataih . paryd pta iva lokoyam Yudhishthira-nivesane il 45 ! "All the Brahmanas in this world and all Kshattriyas, Vaisyas and Sadras, all Mlecchas, and all people of all castes, the highest, lowest and middle castes, (were there). From the people, born in different countries and of different castes, that were present there, it seemed as if the whole world was contained in the dwelling of Yudhisthira"'; and ibid., 2, 71, 16 : Jambidvi po hi sakalo nandjanapadayulah rdjann adrsyataikastho rajnas tasmin mahakratau The whole of Jambudvipa with all its different countries, O king, was seen assembled at one place in the grand sacrifice of that king'. These grand sacrifices were thus so beloved that the people used to flock to them. I take the word dcarya parishadam as a dvandva compound meaning the teacher and his entourage AV. 11, 6, 10: divam brumo nakshatrdni bha'mim yaksha'ni parvalan samudra' nadyo vesanta's te no muncantv amhasah || "We praise the sky, the constellations of stars, the earth, the trees, and the mountains. The oceans, rivers and ponds--may they free us from evil." The word yakshani here has been explained as Yakshas followers of Kubera) by M. Henry (Les Livres X, XI et XII de l' Athar. vaveda, pp. 118 and 155) and Prof. Bloomfield (Hymns of the Atharu-veda, p. 161) and as Naturwunder und Naturschonheiten wie die grossen Baume" by Geldner (.c. p. 143). Geldner's explanation is almost correct, but the way by which he arrives at it is not, in my opinion, the proper way. Yakshani signifies trees here not because yaksha means 'Wunder', citra, but because the trees are here regarded as the abode of yakshas or superhuman beings. I have said above (p. 59) that the temples dedicated to Yakshas had the name of caitva also. This name, caitya, it may be remarked, is applied to trees also, to trees that are wellgrown and rich in foliage and are regarded as being the abodes of superhuman beings; op. Trikandajesha, 2,4, 2: caityo devatarur devava se karabha-lcunjarau: Mahabharata, 12, 68, 44. caityandm sarvatha tyajyam api patrasya patanam |44|| devanam asrayas caitya yaksha-rakshasabhogindm i pisdca-pannagandin oa gandharva psarasam api raudra dm caiva bhaldnan tasmat Idn parivarjayetl and also the Mahabharata verse given in 1, 49, Hidimbavadha in Bopp's

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AUGUST, 1928) VEDIC STUDIES 147 Ardechuna's Reise zu Indra's Himmel. The name caitya thus is applied to a tree for the same reason that it is applied to a temple-namely, because the tree is, like the temple, the abode of & yaksha, bhuta or other supernatural being and is thus holy and deserving of worship. The same is the case with the word yaksha also ; this name is applied to temples as also to trees, that are the abodes of yakshas, bhutas or similar superhuman beings and are thus holy and deserving of worship. I have cited above (p. 59) instances of the name yaksha denoting temples; this verse is an instance of the word yaksha denoting trees. This closes the list of passages where the word yaksha (neuter) occurs. M. Boyer however is of opinion that this word yaksha is found, further, (as a component of the word yakshya) in RV. 8. 60.3 also : agne kavir vedha' asi hota pavaka yakshyah I mandro yajishtho adhvareshu i'd yo viprebhih sukra manmabhih and has explained yakshya there as having a marvellous form'. As he has himself observed, however, (l.c., p. 394) the expression hota pavaka yakshyah in 8, 60, 3 is parallel to agnih pdvaka i'd yah in 3, 27, 4, to sucih pavaka i'dyah in 7, 15, 10, and to sucih pavaka vandyah in 2, 7, 4; and since the word yaksha itself is, as has been shown above, derived from the root yaj, there is not the least doubt that yakshya comes from yaj 'to worship. I believe therefore that the verge means: "Thou, O Agni, art the wise one, the worshipper, and the adorable hotr, O purifier; thou art dear, the most capable in sacrificing, praised in sacrifices, O brilliant one, with hymns by priests." The meanings of yaksha therefore are: 1. worship, object of worship, sacrifice (and perhaps utsava, festival). 2. (a) being (concrete), beings in the collective, the creation, universe, world ; a particular class of superhuman beings; evil beings; (6) being (abstract); reality, essence, principle, substance, virtue, power, might. The meanings enumerated under 2. are those of the word bhuta which is a synonym of yaksha and of sattva which is a synonym of bhuta; they seem to be radhi meanings, while those enumerated under 1 are clearly yogarthas. It becomes apparent from what has gone above that yaksha masculine has the same relation to yaksha neuter as bhula masculine bears to bhuta neuter. Bhula neuter has a large number of meanings (see above; see also Apte, s.v., and PW.) including those of being (concrete), a class of superhuman being; evil being ;' while bhuta masculine has these meanings only and no other. Similarly yaksha masculine too means the same, namely, being (concrete), superhuman being, evil being' while yaksha ncuter signifies these things, and also, many other things in addition. Similar too, it may be noted, is the relation of sattva masculine to sattva neuter; the masculine word signifies being (concreto), not-human being, (and not *superhuman being' only; saltm is used of animals also),' evil being' while the neuter word has these as well as other significations. This explains the use of the word yaksha masculine in Buddhist literature in contexts where the usual meaning of guhyaka' or 'follower of Kubera ' is inapplicable, and where therefore the translators have in some cases felt perplexed. Thus, in Samyutta Nikdya, III. 2.25 (and elsewhere too ; see Index to the Transl. of Sam. Nik, in BE., vol. 10), M&ra (who is not a guhyaka or follower of Kubera) is called a yakkha ; in the Milindapanha, IV. 4. 32 (p. 202), the term yakkha is used in connection with Devadatta and the Bodhisatta who were at that time (see Jataka-story No. 457 ; vol. IV, pp. 100 ff.) born as deva puttas. Similarly, in the translation of this book (SBE. vol. 35, p. 289, n. 2), Prof. Rhys Davids has observed that 'this is by no means the only instance of the term yakkha being used of gods'. In the same way, Prof. Kern has noted (Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 59, n. 9) that the epithet yakkha is applied sometimes to Indra (e.g., in Majjh. Nik. I, p. 251) and the Buddha (f. i. in ibid., I, p. 386 : Ahuneyyo yakkho uttamapuggalo atulo) and that it is used of devaputlas in Sam. Nik., I, P., 54.44 The expression yaklhassa suddhi too is found used in Sam. Nik., III, 4,25 and IV, 11, 14-15 : 44 Similarly Otto Franke in his translation of parts of the Dighanikdya, has observed on p. 94, noto 6, that the word Yakkha is used oocasionally to signify devas also.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ AUGUST, 1928 ettaval' aggam pi vadanti keke yakkhassa suddhim idha panditase which Fausboll has translated (SBE., vol. 10, p. 167) as : "Thus some (who are considered) wise in this world say that the principal (thing) is the purification of the yakkha ", without however saying anything as to what is intended by the 'purification of the yakkha.' In the light of what has been said above about the meaning of the word yaksha, it is easy to see that this word means 'evil being 'when it refers to Mara. When used in connection with deva putlas, it means in all probability, 'superhuman being', while when used of Indra and the Buddha, it is probable that it signifies, as has been suggested by Kern (1.c.), 'a being to be worshipped or a mighty being '-a meaning that combines in itself the two different signifi. cations of being concrete)' and of 'worshipor might' (see p. 230 in vol. LV ante). The expression yakkhassa suddhi which is equivalent to bhutasya suddhi or bhuta-buddhi is somewhat ambiguous. In Tantrik practice, the term bhutasuddhi signifies the cleansing or parification of the bhutas or elements (earth', 'water', 'fire,' etc.), that make up the body of the worshipper, and is one of the many preliminary acts that precede and lead up to the worship proper of the chief deity ; see Principles of Tantra (II, pp. 365 ff.) by A. Avalon, pp. 41ff., of Mantramahdrrava, ch. 8 of Devi-bhagavata, etc.; compare also Ramatd panyu panishat, 5, 1: bhutadikan sodhayed dvdrapujdm ca krtvd padmadydsanasthah prasannah" (The worshipper) should cleanse the elements (of his body) etc., then after worshipping the gates, assuming the padmasana or other posture, with calm mind.. .". I feel however doubtful if it is this Tantrik practice that is referred to by the Sam. Nik., the more so, as this is a preliminary act to which not much importance is attached. And I am inclined to believe that the bhutasuddhi mentioned here refers perhaps to the cleansing or purification of the bhuta-being or self, through the eradication of what Apastamba calls bhutadahiud doshah blemishes or vices that sear, that is, destroy, the being or self,' consisting of anger, elation, covetousness, etc., see Apastambadharmasutra, 1, 23, 5. By the eradication of these through yoga, says Apastamba, the wise man attains 'security (abhaya)'-an expression which is explained by Haradatta as abhayam moksham, 'the liberation where there is no more fear'; compare, ibid., 1, 23, 3: doshanam tu nirghato yogamula iha jivite nirhrtya bhitadahiyan kshemam gacchati panditah "In this life, the destruction of vices (is to be accomplished) by means of yoga ; after getting rid of the vices that sear the being, that is, the self, the wise man attains security". Compare also did., 1, 23, 6: tany anutishthan vidhind sarvagami bhavati "He who practises these (yogas that eradicate the bhutadahiya-doshas) according to rule, attains the All". A third interpretation also is possible of the term yalekhasya suddhi; yakshasuddhi or bhutasuddhi or 'the purification of the being (self)' may be understood as the purification of the being or sattvasuddhi that is spoken of in Ch. Up., 7, 26, 2: dhara-buddhau sattva-buddhih sativa-buddhau dhruva smrtih smrtilambhe sirvagranthindn vipramokshah | tasmai mrditakashayaya tamasah param darsayati bhagavan Sanatkumarah "When the food becomes pure, the being (sattva ; according to Sankara, this denotes antahkarana here) becomes pure ; when the being becomes pure, an unfailing memory (will be established); by the attainment of memory, all knots are severcd; and to him whose impurity (kashaya) is (thus) overcome, Lord Sanatkumara will show (the Brahman) beyond the darkness". As the Sam. Nik, says nothing more about yakkhassa suddhi, of the causes which lead up to it or of the effects which this leads to, it is not possible to determine which of these three ideas was intended by the author ; perhaps, it is the second of those mentioned above. 45 (To be continued.) 45 This article was written in 1924 and set in type before March 1926. Hence I have been unablo to inake any reference here to Dr. Hillebrandt's article (pp. 17--23) on this word in Aus Indiens Kultur: Festgabe Richard von Garbe that was published in 1927.

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AUGUST, 1928) CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 149 NOTES ON CURRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE. BY SIE RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. (Continued from page 131.) "General Taylor asked the authorities at Patiala, Jind, and Nabha six questions, viz: (1) The political condition of the coinage. (2) The nature, title and character of the coinage. (3) The annual outturn of the establishment and value of the coinage as compared with that of the British Government. (4) The process of manufacture and any particulars as to the artificers employed. (5) The arrangement for receiving bullion and the charges (if any) levied for its conver. sion into coin. (6) The extent of the currency. "Patiala, as might be expected, gave the best answers, and as regards the first question, we may pass over all the replies, as recapitulating what has been already written herein, except to note that in 1867 Patiala very nearly succeeded in ousting her old coinage for a modern English rupee on the plan that Alwar adopted later, and as Mindon Min of Burma succeeded in doing for his country abont the same time. Passing on, we find that the Patiala rupees are called Rajashabi, the Jind rupees Jindia, and the Nabha rupees simply Nabha. Only silver, and occasionally gold, is coined. The Patiala rupee weighs 117 mashas of pure silver and is of the full value of a rupee. The weight of the Jind rupee is the same, but its value is only about 12 ands (4 rupee). The Nabha rupee is also of the same weight and is valued at 15 ands (H: rupee). "The Patiala mohar is a valuable coin, being 104 mdshas of pure gold. Jind does not coin gold, but the Nabha Government sometimes strikes a mohar of 94 mashas of pure gold. "In none of these States is thero any regular outturn of coinage. Special occasions and sometimes economical necessities oblige the mint to become active by fits and starts. In fact the moneyers only work when necessity drives.' In Jind and Nabha, royal marriages and great state functions are practically the only occasions when money is coined in any quantity. "Jind apparently keeps up no establishment for its mint, but Patiala and NAbha do so. The Patiala establishment consists of a superintendent, a clerk, two assayers, one weigher, ten siniths, ten moneyers, four refiners, and one engraver. The Nabha establishment is on a smaller scale, viz., one superintendent, one assayer, one smelter, one refiner, and one smith. The refining is carefully performed in both cases, and the silver and gold kept up to standard. "Jind has never received bullion for coining, but Patiala receives both silver and gold, and NAbha silver. For silver Patiala charges the public 11 per cent., and for gold Rs. 24 per 100 coins, or 17 per cent. Nabhd charges less, only per cent. for coining silver. "Jind rupees are current only within the Stato, but the Patiala coins find currency both in the State and in its immediate neighbourhood in some quantity; while only a few Nabha coins find their way outside the state. "The Maler-Kotla mint issues its coins apparently on precisely the same lines, the rupee going by the name of the Kotla rupee. Extensive frauds on the part of the mint masters, twice detected of late years [ in 1878 ) in fraudulently alloying the silver, has depreciated the value of this rupee to 12 ands ( rupee).

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( August, 1928 "It is also very interesting to watch the steady depreciation in weight of the coins of the successive chiefs of Maler-Kotl& in connection with the general theory of the evolution of coins. Thus : weight of coin 'Umr Khan, 1768-78 .. .. .. .. .. .. 9 mdahas 4 rattis. Amir Khan, 1821-45 .. .. .. .. .. .. 9 >> 2 >> Mahbub 'Ali (Sab8) Khan, 1815-1869 .. .. .. .. 8. >> 4 Sikandar 'Ali Khan, 1859-1871 .. .. .. .. .. 8 . 2 Ibrahim 'Ali Khan, 1871 to date (1878) "No wonder the Khansahib 'Inayat 'Ali Khan in the passage just quoted remonstrates against the practices of the Kotla mint. "The present writer, as has been already noted, had the good fortune some five years ago (1884) to be escorted over the Patiala Mint, and to have been given an opportunity of noting what occurred. "The Mint is an ordinary Panjabi Court-yard, about twenty feet square in the open part, entered by a gatoway leading into a small apartment doing duty as an entrance hall, the remainder of the courtyard being surrounded by low open buildings opening into it. These buildings, which looked like the rooms' of a sarai, are the workshops." The method of coining in this very primitive mint was described as follows: "I examined into the modern system of coining at Patiala, in the hope of learning something as to the ancient methods, as it is to be observed that the modern Patiala, MAler-Kotia, NabhA, and Jind coins have all the appearance of those of 1,000 years ago, and of being made in precisely the same way. "The silver, after being roughly assayed, is cast into small bars (rent) by being run into trop grooved moulds. The melting is done in very small quantities in little furnaces improvi: sed for the occasion. When the bars are cold they are cut up by a hammer and chisel into small weights or gelnds, and weighed fairly accurately in small balances. These gelras are afterwards heated and rounded by hammering into discs (mutallis), and again weighed and corrected by small additions or scrapinge. After this the disc is handed over to the professional weigbman or wazankash, who finally weighs and passes it. It is then stamped by hammering, being placed between two iron dies placed in a wooden frame, the lower side (reverse) is called pain, the upper (obverse) is called bala. The dies are very much larger than the coins, so that only a portion of the inscription can come off, and the coiners aro not at all careful as to how wuch appears on the coin, provided the particular mark of the reigning ohiof appears. Is not this precisely what occurred in days of old ? It is to be noted that the inscription on the Patiala coins has never altered since Nadir Shah permitted the chiefs to coin in 1751, the only difference being in the marks of the chiefs on the coins. All the coins have been showing jalus 4, or the year of the reign 4," for more than 100 years. "The only thing that the moneyers look to is to try and make the particular mark of the reigning chief appear. If they do not succeed, it does not matter much. "Griffin in the same work, pp. 313ff., has a long note on the minte set up by the Panjab States at Patiala, Jind and Nabha under a farman of A.D. 1772 of the Emperor Shah Alam. And there is further valuable information on Paujab coinage at Kapurthala in notes attached to pp. 505 and 510." In the same volume of the Indian Antiquary I appended a long footnote to p. 278 on the transactions of the Eastern Section of the Russian Archaeological Society relating to the find of a hoard of Bulgarian coins in 1887. This footnote is pertinent to the present enquiry and so I give it here in full: "There had been already an atteuipt to coin money among the Mongols in the time of Changez Khan (Tiesenhausen).

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August, 1928 C URRENCY AND COINAGE AMONG THE BURMESE 151 "The above abstract has much interested me because I think I can throw light on its subject. A paper will be shortly published in this Journal illustrating my collection of the coins of the modern Panjab Native Chiefs.62 All these coins are now in the British Museum. The modern Panjab Native Chiefs who are entitled to coin money are Patiala, Jind, Nabha und Maler-Kotla. They obtained the right in the last quarter of the XVIIth century. originally from Ahmad ShAh Abdali (Durrani) Afghan conqueror of Dehli. Patiala, Jind and Nabha ure Sikhs : Maler-Kotla Afghan. They all coined as independent Chiefs, and used the coin of Ahmad Shah of his fourth year, i.e., of A.D. 1751, exactly as it stood. From that day to this there has been no change in the die beyond a mark, as the reigning Chief's special mark or crest. A gold coin struck for me at the mint at Patiala in 1884 in my presence, bore the date 1751, i.e., year 4 of Ahmad Shah. "The only attempt to vary the die has been made by Nabha, which State dates its coins by the Vikrama Samvat on the obverse, and uses the couplet adopted by the Sikhs of Lahor in the days of Ahmad Shah. The reverse bears the date, Sanh-s-jalus 4.' "I once had a set of gold mohars from the Rajput (Hindu) State of Jaipur, purporting to have been struck during each year of Bahadur Shah, the last emperor of Dehli (1838- 1857 A.D.). But Jaipur was at no period of Bahadur Shah's reign under his suzerainty, but was more under British suzcrainty than any other Rajput State. The fact is that the Rajas used the Dehli coin as a convenience. The legends contained no record of real historical or political facts. "In a letter to me, the late Mr. Gibbs, a good authority on such subjects, said that the same adaptation of anachronistic coins to local uses was the universal rule among the native states in Kachh. " In Burma King Mindon Min (1852-1878 A.D.) established a mint, indenting on London and Calcutta for his dies. This was about A.D. 1870, but his earlier coins all bear date, Burmese era 1214=A.D. 1852. All in Mandalay tell me that Mindon Min used the peacock as his crest, and his son, Thibaw Min (1878-1885 A.D.) whom the English deposed, used the lion (or dragon). But I have 'lion' coins dated 1214=A.D. 1852. I am told by a man, who was once employed in the mint, that this was because the Burmans would sometimes use the reverse die of one coin with the obverse die of another. It is also doubtful whether the Panjab Chiefs really coined before Samvat 1820 = A.D. 1763, though their coins bear date A.D. 1751. "The coins of the Buddhist kings of Arakan bore Muhammadan titles and designations, and even the kalima, long after the country ceased to be connected with the Muhammadan Kings of Bengal (Phayre's History of Burma, p. 78). The bistory of the early British coinage in India strongly exhibits the same falsification of facts, and is described by Prinsep as an unhappy tissue of misstatements as to names, places, and dates' (Useful Tables, Pt. I, p. 4). "The inference therefore is that anachronisms are the rule, not the exception, in the coinage of Minor Oriental Mints." In editing some of my father's travels (Hyderabad, Kashmir, Sikkhim and Nepal, 1887, vol. II, pp. 75-76) I found the following passage : "In the afternoon we went to see the Maharaja's mint at Srinagar, Kashmir) on the banks of the Nahari Mar. The building and the whole workshop were very rude. The process of coining was as follows: The silver and the alloy of base metal were first melted and fused. A piece of the required weight was then separated, made as nearly round as a rough hand could make it, and struck with a hammer over a die. Thus was a Rupoe, worth about 10 annas of the East India Company's money, produced. Precisely this same process is followed to this day at the Patiala and other ininte of the native States of the Panjab." In 1891 there is an informing article in the Journal of the Society of Arts (vol. XXXIX, No. 2022, Aug. 21, pp. 775ff.) on the Mints of Hindustan in the 16th Century by Arthur Wingham. % That is, the article just quotod,

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1928 In the course thereof he states (p. 778) that Prof. Roberts-Austen referred in 188-163 to "the old custom of slicing circular ingots to obtain the discs," and in connection with the Emperor Akbar he points out that it is still adopted in the mint at Kabul, "which it will be seen was one of the four chief localities for producing the coins of Hindustan in Akbar's time." The passage quoted is as follows, and is of great interest as showing that the Indian Mint system was practically that of Kabul, and until quite modern times that of Europe and Erglani: " It is probable that the use of cast globules was followed by that of cast cylindrical rods of approximately the diameter of the coin; pieces cut transversely from these cylinders would, of course, be circular and could be easily adjusted in weight. There is no reason to believe that this method long survived in the English mints, but it is still practised in India, into which country it was probably introduced previous to the invasion by the Greeks. The beautiful coins of the Emperor Akbar were struck by this method. That it is still retained in India is shown by the following description of the process, as conducted at the Kabul Mint.64 'Silver, refined by cupellation, is melted with an equal amount of English rupees, and the mixture is ladled by hand into moulds, which give it the shape of flattened bars, twelve inches long. These bars are taken to a shed to be annealed, and are, by hammering, given the form of slender round rods. These rods are drawn through a perforated iron plate to give them a uniform circumference, after which they are cut by a chisel into short lengths or slices, of a size requisite to form the future rupee, each of which slices is carefully weighed. Those which are too light have a fragment of metal inserted in a notoh, which is then closed up by hammering. The pieces are gently heated and hammered into round blanks, which are pickled in a boiling solution of a pricot juice and salt, then struck by a blow of the hammer from engraved dies. The coins of Edward I. of England were produced by a similar process, but in this case the bars were probably square, and the square fragments cut off were forged round with the tongs and hammer before being struck. This process was used from time to time in England, up to as late a period as 1561". The ancient European process of minting is clearly shown in Plate VII, which is from a wall found in the Casa dei Vetti at Pompei and is usually entitled amorini monetari. In the picture are shown a number of Cupids going through all the processes of making money, and it very well describes the proceedinga I myself saw in Patiala in 1883. The picture must have been painted about the very commencement of the Christian Era. I have already referred to Charles Neufeld's account of the proceedings of the Khalifa Abdu'llahi of Omdurman in the Soudan as to his currency. These forced him to try and coin money for himself, and we have an account of his minting operations by Neufeld (Wide World Magazine, 1899, vol. IV, No. 21, Dec., pp. 235-6), which is very valuable, as he was employed in a capacity of inportance at the Mint, and it shows how the Oriental with the best machinery available can make very little way with minting without European assistance. "It was while the peculiar currency question was at its height that Abbaji came forward with his scheme for a coining press; and, in order that I might assist him, I was transferred to the Khartoum arsenal ... The arsenal was presided over by Khalil Hassanin, at one time a clerk under Roversi, in the department for the repression of the slave trade. Although ten years had elapsed since the fall of Khartoum, the arsenal must have been in as perfect work. ing order as when Gordon made it into a modern Woolwich workshop. Power was obtained from a traction engine, which drove lathes, a rolling-mill, drills., etc.; while punches, iron scissors, and smaller machinery were worked by hand. In the shops proper were three engines 63 See the same Journal, Cantor Lecture, Alloys used for Ooinaya. 84 Abridged from an account given in the Times, September 10th, 1880 66 Red-book of the Exchequer, quoted by Loake, p. 76,

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Plate VII. Indian Antiquary. HEIN RIN len Alle III UW 117 Le Fit III III Ille et Canada IN UN M ONTIE INS POMPEI CASA LET VETTI MINTING IN POMPALI AMORINI MONETARI.

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AUGUST, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 153 and boilers complete, ready to be fitted into Nile steamers; and duplicates and triplicates of all parts of the machinery then in use were also ready in case of accidents. Smelting, casting, moulding and modelling were all carried on in the place. The store-room was filled with every imaginable tool and article required for the smithy, carpenters' shops, and the boats. All the metal of the Soudan had been collected here. There were parts of cotton presses and sugar mills; bars of steel and iron ; ingots of brass and copper ; iron, copper, and brass plates, and the heavier class of tools and implements. I was assured by Osta Abdallah, a rivetter in the shops in Gordon's time, that there was enough material in the place to build three more boats and keep the whole fleet going for many years. He did not exaggerate either. All other administrations were supplied by the Khartoum arsenal with whatever they required in the way of tools, furniture, iron and other metal work, cartridge presses, and steel blocks for coinage, and very efficiently indeed was the work turned out. "The little time I spent in the arsenal was, of course, fully occupied with the coinage question. Two men were kept constantly engaged casting square steel blocks for the Omdurman mint. These blocks were polished and cut in Omdurman, and twenty-five sets were generally in use at the same time. Possibly two hundred men were employed in the melting of the copper and casting it into moulds the size and thickness of the dollars. The discs were next passed on to people who gave them the impression. This was obtained by planing the disc on the lower block and then hammering the upper block upon it. The impressions produced were in the main very poor. The coins spread and split and the dics also were constantly splitting and breaking. After we had studied the process and Abbaji had explained his ideas of a press, I suggested we should commence operations with the punching machine. We experimented until we had succeeded in smashing the dies and spoiling sheets of copper and in the end smashing the machine itself." BOOK-NOTICES. 1. INTRODUCTION AND NOTES TO CUNNINGHAM'S concluding paragraphs. Ho begins by stating : "It ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF INDIA. is known to every Hindu that the passing of 2. IDENTIFICATION OF MERU UPROOTED BY THE Sita' to the nether world has been narrated in RASTRAKUTA KING INDRA III. the Uttarakanda of Valmiki's Ramayana. But 3. The HILSA STATUE INSCRIPTION OF 35TH YEAR Bhavabhati has, in his Uttara. Ramacharita united OF DEVAPALA. her with Rama. And critics have come to the 4. A NEW VERSION OF THE RAMA LEGEND. conclusion that the dramatist has turned the The four pamphlets by PROF. S. MAJUMDAR tragic history of Rama into a comedy, as tragedies are seldom met with in Sanskrit dramatic literature. SASTRI of the Patna University enumerated above But before accepting this theory we ought to have reached me. investigate whether the "re-union of Rama with The first is an Introduction to the Study of Sita (after the latter's abandonment by the former) Cunningham's well known Geography of Ancient has anywhere been described in early Sanskrit India, accompanied by notes. It need hardly be literature or not. And the result of my investi. said that Prof. Majumdar Sastri's Introduction and gation on the subject is that Bhavabh uti borrowed Notes are valuable to the student, and bring much of the now it from Gunadhya, whose work is now popularly somewhat antiquated information familiar to us in the eleventh or twelfth cuntury contained in Cunningham's labours up to date. A.D. Sanskrit version---the Kathasaritadgara." The second deals with an unsolved point in the The pamphlet then winds up thus: "Then it researches of Fleet and Sir R. G. Bhaddarkar is clear that the reunion of Rama with Sita, or. into the early history of Maharashtra. The Meru to put it otherwise, the legend of Rama without in question was not a place but a king "probably a tragio end was narrated, at least, in one of the identical with Prabhu-Meru-Deva, the Bana." two recensions of the Brhat-kathd, which was comThe third is an edition of an important inscription posed a few centuries before Bhavabhati. As for of Devapala, son of Dharmapala, and grandson the latter's familiarity with Gunadhya's work it is of Gopala, the founder of the Pala dynasty. . clear from the fact, pointed out by Professor Levi, The fourth and last pamphlet is of unusual that the plot of Bhavabhuti's Malati-Madhava interest, as it reveals a new version of the Rama was borrowed from the original of the tale of Lagond. The interest in Prof. Majumdar Sastri's Madirdvart in the Katho saritadgara." investigations is to be seen in his opening and R. C. TEMPLE.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1928 JORN MARSHALL IN INDIA: Notes and Observations set out for Hugli in the February following. In in Bengal, 1668-1672 : edited and arranged under April 1670 we find him at Patna, then under the subjects by SHAFAAT AHMAD KHAN, LITT.D. charge of Job Charnock, and he remained there (Oxford University Press. Twenty-one shillings until September, when he returned to Hugli with net.) & fleet loaded with salt petre. His next station This is a remarkable book in many ways. From was Balasore where he arrived on 16th October. the information conveyed in the Prolace, it would In January 1670-1 he was back in Hugli once appear that the individual who has contributed more and from May 1671 to March 1672 was again the least towards its composition is the gentleman at Patna. For the next four years he was "second" whose ruume is presented on the title-page. Nover At Kasimbazir and in December 1676 took over theless, in vol. IX of the Proceedings of the Indian charge of the office of Chief at Balasore and "Sixth Records Commission (Lucknow, December 1926), in the Bay." The last connected entry in the twenty pages are given to a paper by Dr. Shafaat Diary records his arrival at Patna on 25 May 1671; Ahmad Khan" which purports to be, and in fact but a few other entries of various dates are added is, an advance copy of the Introduction to the which cover the period to March 1672. In Chapter present volume. We now learn from the Proface ! VI an account is given of the famine in Patna that Dr. Shafaat Ahinad Khan's share in this at the latter end of May 1671, and this is followed Introduction and in "the arrangement of the by a number of geographical notes and comments work under appropriate headings" has been "very on Hindu religion and philosophy, astrology, sinall: "and if we may judge from othor admissions, chronology, medicine, folklore and manners and the notes are largely, if not entirely, provided by customs. Chapter XII deals with Muhammadan others. For example, the notes to Chapter VIII | laws and customs, with a cursory allusion to the are wholly supplied by Sir Richard Temple and Dr. Parsis: and in the final chapter various miscella. Ganganatha Jha, and the whole of the section neous notes, which cover a wide field, are grouped on Indian Astronomy is edited by Mr. G. R. Kaye. together. We are left wondering what (if anything) remained The commentary at the end of each chapter is to be "edited and arranged under subjects." Dr. packed with information, as might be expected Shafaat Ahmad Khan believes that "the book from the co-operation" of the many " specialists" will revolutionize our conceptions of seventeenth who are named in the Preface, and of others who century India." This estimate of its contents is are not namod. too high: we shall be on safer ground when we H. E. A.C. suggest that it is more likely to revolutionize our LETTERS ON RELIGION AND FOLKLORE, by the conception of authorship in modern India. John Marshall does not play a prominent part late F. W. HASLUCE, MA., annotated by MARin the early history of the East India Company : GARET HASLUCE, M.A., Cambridge. Luzac & Co., but he went to Bengal at the mature, and unusually London, 1926. ate, age of twenty-five, after graduating at Christ's The gifted widow of the yet more gifted former College. Cambridge, and occupied his leisure in the Librarian of the British Archaeological School serious study of Indian antiquities. "If his re- nt Athens has performed a notable labour of love searches had been published in 1680," wrote in editing his last letters. The fine work he was Professor E. B. Cowell in 1872, "they would have doing for the archaeology of Near Eastern Chris. inaugurated an ora in European knowledge of tianity was cut short by tuberculosis, and after India, being in advance of anything which appeared short time he died at Leysin, the Swiss resort before 1800." The manuscripts which are now of those unfortunately attacked by that fell disease. printed are to be found in the Harleian collection From Athens he travelled over the South of France at the British Museum, and use has already been in search of health, till finally he settled down at made of them by Sir Richard Temple in various Leysin, but throughout his fatal illness he was always publications and (in a lesser degree) by Dr. C. R. full of hope, and though he could not write any Wilson. Among the Harleian MSS. is also pre. more books, he carried on a lively and informing served a rough translation of the Bhagavata-purana correspondence with a fellow worker, Prof. R. M. which was made from a Persian version of the Dawkins, accompanied by many capital sketches. Sanskrit, and Marshall likewise owned at the time Extracts from these letters his widow has now pub. of his death at Balasore on 31 August 1677, a number lished and they reveal the spirit of a really brave of "Arabian and Persian books" and a "history man. of China in folio," which have disappeared. It is not possible to review a book of this kind, The Diary, which forms the first part of the and one cannot do more than draw the attention volumo, begins with his election as a factor : "I! of scholars to it, and they will find it not only writ to my brother" on 1 January 1667-8, "That delightful reading but filled with information on I had a great desire to travell." The outward many an obecure point in the study of the Near voyage is described in detail. He arrived in Balasore East. Indeed, Mrs. Hasluck has a passage in her Road on 5 July 1669, from Manulipatam, and Preface which is worth taking to heart in this

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AUGUST, 1928) BOOK NOTICES 158 connection : "Young students may also welcome fact is that when we receive the eagerly-awaited de the suggestions of subjecte for research on pp. 28, tailed description of the discoveries made at Harap. 52, 120, 162." pa and Mohenjo-daro our conceptions of the ancient R. C. TEMPLE. history of north-western India may have to be com pletely recast. INDIA'S PAST,o Survey of her Literatures, Religions, The illustrations, consisting mostly of specimens Languages and Antiquities, by A. A. MACDON ELL. of MS. records and architectural and archaeological Oxford University Press, 1927. remaing, with a few portraits of notable persons, in In this handy little volume Professor Macdonell some cases serve to explain and in other cases to reviews, as he expresses it, "the mental development supplement, the text. A very full index completos of the most casterly banch of Aryan civilization the work, which has been excellently printed. since it entered'India to land till it came in contact After more than fifty years' connexion with the by sea with the most westerly branch of the same study and teaching of Sanskrit, Professor Macdonell civilization after a separation of at least 3000 has, to the great regret of his numerous old pupils and years." Within the narrow compass of 273 pages the friends, found it necessary to resign his professorial results of the researches of a host of modern scho. chair; and we trust that he will now have the leisure lars have been sifted and arranged in due sequence, required for the completion of the great work to forming a useful guide for the general render as well which perhaps there is a veiled allusion in Chapter II. as for the student. The greater portion of the book C.E. A. W. OLDHAM. is devoted to a classified survey of Sanskrit literature, from the period of the Vedic hymns down to the ANTIQUITIES OF INDIAN TIBET, Part II. The late classical texts, including a useful summary of Chronicles of Ladakh and Minor Chronicles the technical literature on the various sciences. A (vol. L of the ASI, New Imperial Series). By chapter follows on the Indo-Aryan vernaculars and A. H. FRANCKE, PH.D. Calcutta, 1926. modern vernacular literature, with a very brief re This is the second volume of Dr. Francke's ference to the non-Aryan languages. The work may therefore be said to deal chiefly with the in Antiquities of Indian Tibet. The first volume, tellectual development of the Indo-Aryans since edited by Dr. J. Ph. Vogel, appeared in 1914. The their ingress into northern India down to inodern present volume, which has been edited by Dr. times. Political history has been excluded, and F. W. Thomas, has been published after an interval social and economic changes but incidentally re. of some 12 years, for reasons explained in the ferred to. In the last chapter ("The Recovery of Foreword. It deals almost exclusively with histo. India's Past ") is told, succinctly but clearly, the rical matter. We have hero presented to us for fascinating story of how, by the research and de the first time a complete edition of the Tibetan voted study of a succession of earnest workers, text, based upon 6 MSS., of the La-dvage-rgyalquorum pars magna fuit Professor Maodonoll, the rabs, or History of the Kings of Ladakh, with an oldest literature of India las been made available to English translation, interspersed with numerous European scholars, and the ancient history of that explanatory notes. This history takes up the country is being gradually disclosed to our view. first portion of the volume. The second half The author shows how the marked paucity of ancient contains a number of minor chronicles, genealogies historical records has been, and is being, supple and records (texts and translations), with relevant mented by the careful decipherment of inscriptions, extracts from Vigne's Travels, Cunningham's Ladak in which India is fortunately so rich, and by the and other sources. Dr. Franoke has, in fact, comparative study of coins, both of which materials gathered together all the material so far available have afforded such valuable aid to historical re for a connected account of the history of the aron search. He enters a timely plea for the importance of which he treate down to the year 1886 A.D. of searching out and collating the geographical data The earlier portions of the La-duage-rgyal-rabs contained in the old records, and the preparation includes a brief history of the ancient empire of of maps to illustrate successive periods. The work Great Tibet, while the later part deals with Western hitherto done on these lines is very incomplete; Tibet. Dr. Francke is convinced that all the earlier and a correct knowledge of the geographical posi groupe of kings are non-historical, and belong to tion is essential to a true understanding of history. Bon po mythology, that the first three and a half Controversial subjects have generally been avoided, chapters contain only legendary matter, and that or where inevitably involved, 48 for instance the we first reach the firm ground of history with vexed questions of the ages to be assigned to the Sron-btsan-agam-po (600-650 A.D.), though his four inroads of the Indo-Aryans, to the Vedic texts and ancestors in the ascending line may possiblybe histori the work of Papini, they have been cautiously dealt cal persona, thus taking us back to about 480 A.D. with. In these matters the views of Professor As to the authenticity of the histories, Dr. Macdonell accord more or less with those to be held Francke, who has made a special study of all the by Prof. A. B. Keith. No allusion has been made epigraphical records of these districts, como to to the opinions expressed by Jacobi, Tilak, Grass- the conclusion that the kings of the Roam-rgyal man, Westergaard, Ipson, Hortel and others. The dynasty are historical realities, their order of

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1928 Succession as given in the chronicle being the same vestigations into the alleged martyrdom of St as found in the inscriptions on stone. He also Thomas, i.e., before and after 1545. The survey of finds that the chronicles do not contain anything the evidence is both thorough and fair, and it leads that conflicts with the contemporary history of other the writer to certain definito conclusions, which countries, so far as a comparison can be made. all students would do well to consider carefully. The work is illustrated by five good maps of R. C. TEMPLE Ladakh and neighbouring districts prepared from the Survey of India sheets, with the names printed JOURNAL OF FRANCIS BUCHANAN IN SHAHABAD in accordance with the correct orthography, and (District of Bihar) in 1812-1813: edited by is furnished with a full and well-prepared index. C.E.A. W. OLDHAM, 1926. Govt. Press, We look forward to the further part of this scholarly Patna, India. work promiseci in the Introduction, dealing with the inscriptions on ston There is much more in this modest book than C. E. A. W. OLDHAM. appears at first sight. It is in fact an admirably edited print of the Journal of a celebrated writer, Two ARTICLES ON ST. THOMAS: (1) WAS ST. THOMAS who lost much more in literary reputation than IN SOUTH INDIA, an examination of Dr. J. X p ossibly he ever realised by changing his name to Farquhar's Thesis. by T.' K. JOSEPH. The Young Buchanan-Hamilton-his work as Buchanan Men of India, July, 1927. (2) THE MARTYRDOM OF being thereby much neglected. ST. THOMAS, THE APOSTLE, by A. S. RAMANATHA This Journal, which is here printed for the first AYYAR. JASB., July, 1927. time, was made during Buchanan's survey of the I have on my tablo two articles produced Shahabad District in 1812-1813-a district nearly in the same month by natives of South India, which a century later in the care of Mr. Oldham himself. show how closely the story of St. Thomas, is being Like all Buchanan's work it is filled with details studied by Indian scholars, and it is well of every kind that could be useful to the Government that this should be the case. Both of these articles of his day, and is extraordinarily accurate. Indeed are well worth attention, as they are honest attempts Mr. Oldham remarks in his Introduction that he to get at the truth. was amazed at the facts disclosed", when he first Mr. Joseph's opinion is summed up in his read it. In this instance Buchanan had the mis. pp. 178: "St. Thomas died in Arachosia (Southern i fortune of having his work included in Martin's Afghanistan), but Calamina (an assumed site of Eastern India without his namo being placed on his death) need not be looked for there. It is the titlo page, but Mr. Oldham has now repro. Chonnamalai near Mylapore (Madras) in South duced it in full with proper description to the original India."... (p. 14). "The saint who lies buried author. He has done more, as he knows the district in Mylapore-I call him the Calamina saint-died inside out and has so been able to correct certain in circumstances quite different from those of errors made by Buchanan, and to elucidate from St. Thomas's martyrdom." Mr. Joseph here him own wide reading many points of interest in usefully draws the attention of searchers (p. 18) the Diary, such as the book really is. to the "marked tendency in Malabar to mis-- Buchanan noticed everything he could and appropriate and mislocate well known heroes of made notes, therefore of the greatest value, on the Hindu history and legend," and gives instances. botany, geology, archaeology, ethnography, history He might have extended them considerably by and geography of the District, on all of which taking into his purview the habits of the Burmese, subjects Mr. Oldham has added his own oqually the Mons and the Siamese further to the East. valuable annotations. It only remains to remark Mr. Ramanatha Ayyar's article is of a different that places like Sisaram and its environs, Dumrion, nature. He subjects the early authorities on the the Tutrahi Falls, Rohtasgarh, the Guptaavar St. Thomas legend in South India to a most valuable Caves, and many another point of historical or criticism in quite the right way. He quotes them legendary interest are described at length, to show from the original where he can, and discusses them the value of the book to the student of things each in chronological order. He divides them into Indian. two categories: before and after the Portuguese in R. C. TEMPLE. NOTES AND QUERIES. FRANGI-PARUNKI. HOBSON-JOBSON: Here is a new form of Frangi=Feringhee=Frank. Here is an excellent note from Morrier, Travels In a note to "Thomas Cana and his Copper Plate Persia, 1816, p. 6. "Bombareek, which by sailors Grant," ante vol. LVI, p. 184, Fr. Hosten has a is also called Bombay Rock, is derived originally note: "The Malayalam name for the Portuguese from Moobarek, happy, fortunate." was, and is, Parunki." R. C. TEMPLE. R. C. TEMPLE.

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SEPTEMBER, 1928] A NAIR ENVOY TO PORTUGAL 157 A NAIR ENVOY TO PORTUGAL. By U. B. NAIR. THE recent Goa Exposition, which synchronized with the tercentenary of the canonization of Francis Xavier, has drawn the homage not only of the Catholic world but of all spiritually-minded Indians to Xavier's memory in a special degree. The event set many people writing about the Saint, but few of them, I fear, have succeeded in shedding fresh light on his career. An exception is afforded by the Rev. J. C. Castets, S.J., of Trichinopoly, who lectured so informingly at Goa on Xavier's Mission to the Paravas. Father Castets only dealt with one episode of the Saint's Indian career. But that episode holds sufficient to merit attentive study. The lecture is well worth reading, especially as it depicts an India that has passed into oblivion. He makes a slight reference therein to the part played by "one Juan da Cruz" in christianizing the pearl-fishers. And thereby hangs a tale. Now who is this Juan da Cruz? Father Castets, as reported, makes but the barest reference to this remarkable man. This shadowy figure with a Portuguese patronymic he describes, in passing, as having applied on behalf of the Paravas for Portuguese protection against their Muhammadan trade-rivals and-the better to succeed in this request-for their baptism. The reader is thus led to believe that Juan's share in this transaction was negligible-in other words, it was that of a mere case of also ran'. This however is far from the truth. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that this Hindu in Portuguese garb was primarily and mainly instrumental for the conversion of the fisher folk-nay, he was in a sense the forerunner of the great Xavier himself on the Pearl Coast. There is, however, not even a vague hint or suggestion of this well-known historical fact in the lecture. Surely, the reader would like to know something about so remarkable a man. A friend and coadjutor of the Apostle of the Indies', his name now and then crops up in the Saint's letters and is variously written Juan da Cruz, Juan de la Cruz, Joam de Cruz and St. John of the Cross. Judged alone by his achievements, this Malabar Prince' and native Christian' (as he is termed in the latest Life of Xavier) was undeniably a hero. With the aid of the priceless records in the archives of Lisbon and Rome it may be possible for a future biographer to reconstruct an adequate "life" of Juan, but that, as Kipling would say, is "another story." For the nonce, let us attempt a thumb-nail sketch of this great Malayalee. Some of the Saint's letters (contained in Coleridge's Life, 1872) clearly state that he was a Nair, although his latest biographer is not quite so explicit. The latter (Edith Anne Stewart, 1917) in one place refers to him as a Malabar prince or nobleman, who had come into touch with the Portuguese and had become a Christian'; while in another, as a Parava convert' with a fair grip of the Law of God; and as a native Christian of the Fishery Coast and one of the prin cipal men of that land'. Where doctors differ laymen are sometimes the best judges, but there is absolutely no uncertainty about Juan's origin. He was presumably, at the outset of his carrer, an influential Nair functionary of the Zamorin's Court. Here are the few known facts concerning him. He visited Portugal in the early decades of the sixteenth century (1513 has been, obviously incorrectly, suggested as the very year) as an envoy of the Zamorin. Joao III was then king, and he received the deputation from Calicut with great pleasure. The Nair envoy was knighted and named after the Portuguese monarch, and he, of course, became a Christian. Joao de Cruz--Sir John of the Cross-as he now became, was perhaps (with the exception of Manoel Nair) the first Indian to receive such a high mark of royal favour from Portugal. He was, be it noted, the first knight of any European order from Malabar, anticipating Sir C. Sankaran Nair by some 400 years. The Hindu knight was lionised in Court circles and by Church dignitaries in Portugal, but when he returned home to Malabar he was put out of caste and banished the country by the Zamorin. He then transferred himself and his allegiance for a time to Cochin, whose ruler, as is well-known, had a hereditary feud with the Zamorin: Eventually he quitted the inhospitable pepper coast of Malabar for the

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1928 promising pearl-coast of Tinnevelly. The fishers of that coast, the Paravas, a mild and harmless race, had been for years past suffering much at the hands of the local Arab traders, vaguely designated 'Moors'. One of these gentry, in sheer devilment, had gone the length of cutting off a Parava's ear. This deadly affront had to be wiped out in blood, and immediate war ensued. This was the psychological moment of Juan's advent to the Piscarian (Fishery) coast. The story that he was installed as the chief of the Paravas appears to have no historical basis, but rests merely on the assumption of casual English writers on the subject. However, this may be, there is no doubt that he gained an ascendency in the counsels of the Paravas and he helped to bring about their wholesale conversion. Turselline and Teixeira, the earliest biographers of Francis, throw a flood of light on this mass conversion. The former, in some respects the best biographer of the Saint, describes Juan as a "Christian Knight, a converted native noble, who had gone to Portugal and been received with favour by the King", and the manner in which he influenced the Paravas. Coleridge gives the following excerpt from Turselline:-" He (Juan) being a man both grave and pious, and hoping this fear of theirs might be an occasion to bring in the Gospel of Christ among them, so as at once they might be set free from the misery both of their war and their superstitions, told them his opinion was that in this extremity of danger they were to fly to extreme remedies; and seeing, contrary to all justice and equity, they were betray. ed by their own kings, and hardly charged on all sides by their enemies' forces, they should implore aid of the Almighty King of Heaven and of the Portuguese their friends, who were His devoted and religious servants: that so, protected by the Portuguese and the Divine assistance, they might not only defend themselves, but also triumph over their enemies ". In a word he exhorted the Paravas: "you must change into Christians and then the Portuguese will come to your help and you will see no more of these Muslims " Teixeira, who had known the Saint in India, on the other hand, pithily avers that from a cut ear the Lord drew the salvation of many souls. By both accounts, Juan was undeniably the Lord's instrument in this noble enterprise. In fact, he forestalled Xavier as a great gatherer of souls in this rich virgin vineyard on the Coromandel Coast. The war with the Moors gave him his oppor. tunity. The hapless victims of the extortionate Arabs trod the path he showed them, and they were rid of their oppressors. This was the ready path of Christianity. So Juan headed a deputation of Parava patangatins (or maires-de-village) to Cochin, the deputation was straightway baptised, and everything turned out just as Juan had prophesied. At his intercession a strong Portuguese fleet and a goodly number of Franciscans sailed for the pearl-coast. The Portuguese guns opened fire on the Arab dhows and the Moors were annihilated. The Franciscans landed and baptized 20,000 Paravas on the spot. This was the seed-root of Christianity among the Paravas. Father Castets, who had delved deep into the archives of the Jesuit Library at Rome in the preparation of his paper, has kindly placed at my disposal the following facts gleaned by him regarding Juan. He controverts the theory of Juan's installation as Chief of the Paravas. In a private letter he writes:-"The letters of St. Fr. Xavier (Spanish) make mention often of the help given him by the Jadi Talaver (caste headman) of the Paravas. That head is said to be a Paraver, as was but natural, and is called Manuel da Cruz. Or. Conguist (Portuguese) mentions the fact of Joao being a very noble Malabarin, having been sent on an embassy to Lisbon, having been the intermediary between the Parava delegates and the Captain of Cochin, but says nothing of his having been made Head of the Paravas. The Portuguese besides had no authority over the Paravas or over the Fishery Coast and could not therefore impose a chief on them, while the Paravas were most unlikely to choose or accept, as Head, a man of any other caste but their own. As for Coleridge's account of motives from Turselline, it is mere story, not history. F. Valignani who wrote, on the spot, a few years after the event, with companions of Xavier as his informers, traces it plainly to a brawl caused by conflict of interests and Mahomedan highhandedness".

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SEPTEMBER, 1928) A NAIR ENVOY TO PORTUGAL 159 Joio da Cruz-envoy, fishermen's friend and protagonist in the fierce strife between Parava and Moor-was cssentially a man of action. His religious acts were, not unoften, determined by policy. Instance his advice to the Paravas. Their peril was his opportunity. It is worthy of note that he was no believer in the miracle-stories attributed to Xavier. We have the high authority of the Monumenta Xaveriana for this statement. This valuable collection of original Xavier letters and documents published in Madrid some few years ago, makes it clear that this Nair convert had a very fair grip of the Law of Christ'. The only miracles he knew, he is reputed to have said, was that the Saint' did indeed much and very miraculously in separating the Christians from their sins and vices '-an assertion which strikes one as echo of Francis' own judgment. Nor was Juan the solitary instance of a Nair noble who attained eminence in the Por. tuguese epoch. The late Sir William Hunter mentions the well-known case of a Malabar native Christian', Antonio Fernandes Chale, Knight of the Military Order of Christ, who rose to high military rank and, dying in action in 1571, was accorded a State funeral at Goa. But the career of this native commander of foot, interesting to us in these days of the proposed Indianisation of our Army, is cast into the shade by Manoel Nair. This personage, "a relation of the king of Cochin," appears to have been accidentally carried to Portugal in one of Cabral's ships; and his story, as told in Lendas da India, reads almost like a page of the Arabian Nights. Cabral presented the youth, attired in the characteristic fashion of the Nair warrior of the time to King Manoel the Fortunate, and he conversed with His Majesty in pidgin Portuguese. His knowledge of that language, however, improved in course of time, and he became a favourite at Court. One Sunday, when the king was at Mass, the youth, who stood by, expressed his wish to become a Christian. Then and there he was baptized by an eminent bishop, with Vasco da Gama and Cabral as godfathers, and named after the king himself. Manoel Nair-to call him by his new name-received a villa and an ample pension, and was employed as the king's Indian secretary to indite confidential Malayalam despatches on Indo-Portuguese affairs to the King of Cochin. He was subsequently raised to the status of hidalgo. He appears to have died a bachelor, and by royal command he was honourably buried in the Cathedral of Evora, his wealth having been under his will given to the church and his servants. Juan da Cruz, on the other hand, appears to have married an Indo-Portuguese wife.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1928 THOMAS CANA. BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., LT. (Continued from page 124.) I shall end these remarks with a note on an Italian play about Travancore and the Deccan, which Mgr. A. M. Benziger, the Bishop of Quilon, showed me during my all too short stay at Quilon in 1924. The play appears to be founded purely on imagination. I had no time to do more than write down the title and the dramatis personae. It must be exceedingly rare now. La conversionesdisTravancor, e Dacen/regni dell' Indie. Opera Scenica del Sig. Michel Stanchi dedicata All' Illustriss. Signore Monache della Concettione di S. Maria in Campo Marzo. | In Roma, Per il Dragondelli, 1668. Con licenza de' Superiori. Si vendono in Piazza Nauona nella Bot-stega di Bartolomeo Lupardi all' Inse-Igna della Pace. Pp. 3; 162; 4 blank pages. At p. 5: INTERLOCUTORI. Tricanoro Re di Trauancor. Clarinda Principessa gua cugina. Damira Damigella. Fidalbo Re di Dacen. Grotilde sua Sorella sotto nome d'Araminta. Cornelia Matrona. D. Fernando Caualier Spagnuolo Christiano. Alonso suo seruo. Megrane Zio di Tricanoro. Aribenio suo seruo. Girello Paggio di Tricanoro. Oruante Ministro principale di Daoen. La scena rappresenta il Palazzo Reale in Villa. The 1st Act contains 19 scenes ; the 2nd, 27 scenes ; the 3rd, 25 scenes. At the fourth blank page these words in MS.: Se questo libro si perdesseled il Patrone non si trouasse legerete il quitto versole vedrete chi la perso|Jo. Pioan : Antonio di Luccal 1783. Of the contents I have not the slightest recollection. Document No. 6 communicated by Fr. Hosten. From The South India Christian Repository, Vol. II (1838), Madras, American Mission Press, pp. 191-195. The author of a Malayalam MS. account of Christianity in India, after describing the persecution of Manikka Vasakar, proceeds : "It pleased divine providence at length to remove the calamity, and confirm their faith. by their receiving an authentic document, stating, that the bishop of Oruoy, or Antioch, had seen a vision by night, the appearance of a man saying to him: 'In the regions of Malayalam where I had successfully spread the truths of Christianity, and sacrificed my life in the discharge of my duty, I feel much concern that Christianity should be so grievously defective, and the Christian name abused under the form of Hinduism! The bishop on awaking sent for several ministers of the gospel, and acquainted them with the dream, and he afterwards went to Jerusalem to the patriarch, whom the bishop consulted upon the subject, and inmediately an ecclesiastical council was held; and it was determined that a respectable merchant named Kanoy Thoma, or Thomas, should be deputed to the Malabar Coast, to ascertain whe. ther any of the converts of the apostle existed. Accordingly the merchant embarked on a vessel laden with rich commodities in prosecution of his voyage to the East Indies, and arrived on this coust, and visited the Christians, and his belief was confirmed by the crucifix he saw.

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SEPTEMBER, 1928) THOMAS OANA 161 as well as by the accounts he received from them; he was, however, grieved to find that the state of the Christians had so greatly (P. 193) declined, and the few good converts remaining had laboured under every possible disadvantage, especially by having no ordained minister of the gospel among them. The merchant Kanoy Thoma, who was honoured with this special mission, discharged his duty with fidelity, and he lost no time in conveying the tidings of the primitive Christians whom he found settled on the coast of Malabar to the bishop of Antioch. Further it is certain that, from the interesting accounts he gave, a bishop with a few presby. ters or Kashusbas, Shemshanas or deacons, together with several families of Syrians were despatched under the care of the merchant Kanoy Thoma, with a view that the Christian religion might be re-established, and preached in its purity in all the prinitive churches in Malayalam. Subsequently the bishop of Antioch landed at Codungalore, commonly known by the name of Cranganore, with his ecclesiastical suite and followers, accompanied by the merchant, and on their arrival the converts of the apostle Thomas named Dareoygul as above observed, with others belonging to the Cotaycoyle, were rejoiced to find that the evils which prevailed among them were likely to be removed, and were inspired with confidence; and those difficulties were surmounted which had frustrated the extension of knowledge and religious liberty amongst them. "The bishop soon after his landing, together with the merchant, visited the then sove. reign of Malayalam, Sharakone Permaul, to whom they made several rich and costly presents, and took this occasion to mention to the rajah their design, and how Christianity had been introduced, and found an asylum in this part of the world from the earliest times. The rajah received them with the utmost kindness, and promised to allow them the free exercise of their religious worship, so long as the sun and moon endureth, and further called these luminaries to witness the truth of his declarations; and at the same time the raja was pleased to confer fresh testimonies of his approbation by certain honourable distinctions, together with valuable and costly presents. (P. 194). (Footnote :-) Thundu100 .. ..A costly Palankeen, conveyance made to hang on silk cords. Pullauku .. Do. Palankeen. 100 Here I shall comment on the privileges enumerated, giving the correct forms of the words first. (1) Tapte: a kind of palanquin; (2) Pallekke: another kind of palanquin; (3) Para vatani: carpet ; (6) Panchavatam : chain of gold hung from the neck; (5) VetichAmaram : chauri or fly-whisk; (6) Alvattam: fan made of peacock feathers; (7) Tala: fan used as banner or standard ; (8) Kuta : s costly umbrella of coloured silk; (9) NatanatAtte: shouting nafa, napa, i.e., 'on, on,' in a procession. This is done by men. (10) Narivay klurave : lingual cheers by women; (11) Anchinam vadyannal :five kinds of musical instruments, viz., two varieties of drums, gong, cymbale and trumpet ; (12) Natap&vata : walking oloth (cloth spread on the road for walking along): (13) Pakalvilakke: daytime lamp ; (14) Manakkolam : small decorated pavilion or canopiod dais for seating the bride and bridegroom when they have returned from church after the marriage ceremony: (15) Channayum channamelkkottiyum : & seat with an awning: (16) Uchchippu : flower-like ornament for tho crown of the head of women; (17) Nettippattam: ornament covering the forepart of the head of women; (18) Kachchappuram: chain belt of gold or silver ; (19) Munkaippatakkam : ornament for the forearm; (20) Tovala : bracelet for the upper arm; (21) Virochannala : wrist chain of gold granted to heroes; (22) Viratanta: Anklet for here; (23) KAlchilampe: tinkling foot ornament for women ; (24) Panul : thread or chain worn baldric-wise; (26) Chankuchakram : conch-shell for blowing, and the discus; (26) Itupati : draw.bridge at the gate . 127) Makaratoranam : ornamental arches temporarily put up for festive scorpions; (28) Nant&vilakke lamp burning day and night; (29) Hastakatakam: bracelet for the hand or wrist; (30) Kanakamuti: gold crown for bridegroom's head; (31) Abharapannal: ornaments in general; (32) Ansmel mappunir: purificatory water brought on an elephant. Many of the above are mentioned in the extant Malabar Christian copper-plates. To English readers the privilege of wearing ornamento may seem to be no privilege to be obtained from a king. But Malabar is A land of curious customs and manners. Even so recently 38 A.D. 1818 (in the 19th century) Queen Parvati Bhai of Travancore had to issue a royal proclamation (dated 19th Madam, 993 X...) allowing the Nairs and some other castes of bor kingdom to wear ornaments of gold or silver without paying the usual fee to Government and obtaining the necomary sanction. The Brahmans and Syrian Christians of her land Aro not mentioned in the list, because they had the privilego already.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SETEMRER. 1928 Purruwatauny ..A valuable carpet. Punjaruttum ..Five kinds of insignia. Venjamarum ..A fan madlo of white lair or fleece. Allavuttum ..An ornament. Thallay ..A crown for the head. Kodday ..Umbrella. Nuddanuddatu ..To cry out with applause. Nalvaykalavay ..To shout four times. Anjeenauteangul .. ..Five kinds of Music. Nuddupauvaday .. ..Cloth spread on the ground for a procession, Puggalvalaku ..Day torch. Munnacolum ..Seats of distinction, as those usually prepared for a bride and bridegroom. Sunniam Sannamalay .. At a procession dancing to be continued at alternate places, Cuttiam. with shouts of applause. Oochepao ..An ornament for the crown of the head made like a fan, Nertheeputtiam ..A brace for the head. Cutchauporavum .. .. An ornament, brace ornament for the rib. Minykpuddagum .. ..An ornament or bracelet for the wrist. Tholeyvullau .. An ornament or bracelet for the arm (P. 194). Verichungaley ..A chain of honour worn on the head by an hero, Veri Thundu ..An ornament for the leg. Kaul Shalunt ..An ornament for the feet. Ponenool ..A sacerdotal string of gokil. Thungaushukrum .. Edoovaudy ..Arms. Muggara Toranum ..Temporary arches set up on occasion of triumph. Nundauvalukoo ..Day and night torches. Austau Cuddiam .. .. Two hand bracelets. Cunna kaumoody .. .. A gold ornament for the head, Aubonaugul .. .. Ornaments. Aunamale Munnuneray .. Elephant to carry sand and water. "The privilege was also given to the Christian of seizing any cow or cows having five teats, and the bull called Shencambu madurol and of enjoying all lands encroached on by rivers called Autoovypoo109, and besides three trecs, viz., the Angelica 103, the Coomoolu Teak104, and the Panchelmarum106. They were also allowed to sport with dogs, and fish at pleasure ; moreover an area of ground in the vicinity of Codungalore measuring 244 annakole equal to 2928 English feet; the above were presented to Kanoy Thoma and the Bishop according to 100 Cows usually have four tents. Those having threr tents or five teats are prodigies, and were as such claimed by kings and chiefs and big landlords of Mulabar. The lichops of the Syrian Christians too very Jikely had the privilege of appropriating such cows. Shencambri madu is ior chesi kompu male in Malayalam. It means a bull with straight, rod, or auspicious horns, & prodigy. Ordinary bulls have curved horns. 102 ittuvaippe or aftuveppe is land newly formed on their banks by rivers. These land deposits are now Government property. 103 These three trees are annili or ayani (Artocarpus hirsuta), kumpi! (Gmelina arborca) and teak (Tectona grandis). The last kind of tree is even now a royal tree, belonging to the king. People are prohibited from cutting it down without the sanction of Government. 104 Kumpil and tenk should be read separately, not as in the toxt. 105 Correctly, pachchilmaram, i.e., any tree borne down by rivers. Such trees are now Government property

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SEPTEMBER, 1928) THOMAS CANA 163 the custom of bestowing these grants; and were accepted from the Rajah with the ceremonies of offering flowers and sprinkling of water.106 " These privileges likewise exempted them from all punishments ; that is, from the tribunal of the higher powers consisting of Maudumbenaurs107, Noblemen or Princes, Rajahs, Hindu temple governments, and of the Town administrators, but in case of any offences com. mitted by them, they were tried by the elders or members of the eighteen castes, [Footnote:-) Punjanar108 .. Pariars. Paunen ... ..Tailors. Villen .. .. Bowmen. Tachen .. ..Sawyers. Yerravekolen .. Inferior smiths. Thundaun .. .. Wood cutter. Savouracauren ..Barbers. Veirootian .. .. Village mendicant. Mullis Chitty .. Pullivaula Chitty .. 4 descriptions of Chetties. Komana Chitty .. Cunnichemaullau Chitty Head Munnigraummu. .. Sooders or Nairs. matcheen or Manika vassel's disciples. Elaven . ..Toddymen. Cummaulen . ..Smiths. Maumasa u or Nassaranees. Syrians. Oravaulen .. .. Moochymen, or Scabbard makers. 106 When anything is granted as a permanent possession the donor gives the donee a document relating to the gifts, and pours (not sprinkles) water and flowers into the hand of the donse. This is an ancient custom. 107 Mdfampimar aro petty chiefs. The five mentioned hero, viz., kings, chiefs (kaimmals), petty chiefs (mafampimdr), temple governments, and town administrators seem to have had the right of taking cognizance of crimes. Members of the eighteen castes is a mistranslation for lords over or masters of the eighteen (low) castes. The Syrian Christians were the acknowledged lords over eighteen low castes as stated in Portuguese records. It is on account of this high position that they are even to-day addrossed by low castes on certain occasions 85 pacinenparisha Malor or-Achchanmar (i.c., lords of eightoon castes). See footnotes 108 and 109. 108 There are several lists in Malayalam) of those eighteen castes. But their real names and identity have not yet boen ascertained. Eighteen castes-patinen kufimai-aro spoken of in Tamil also. I shall comment on the names in the present list. (1) Paklanar: Pariah, (2) Papan: tailor, (3) Villan: bow-maker, () Tachchan : carpenter, (5) Traukolli: washerman, (6) Tantan: wood-cutter and tree climber, (7) Kshaurakkaran : barber--there are two castes called ampaffan (lower) and vilakkittalavan (higher), (8) Viratiyan: a casto of mendicants who go about singing ballads about Thomas Cana and the 73 privileges. Papang, No. 2, also do tho same. They are said to have ben specially set apart for the purpose by Cheraman Perumal. (9) Chofties, four kinds not identified, (10) Mapigramattachchan : Syrian Christian. He is wrongly included, for he is lord of the eighteen castes. One old cadjan MS. explicitly says that seventeen (sic) castes were subjected to the Syrian Christians. (11) Tlavan: toddy maker, a Ceylonese casto (12) Kammalar: artisans viz., carpenters, brass-founders, goldsmiths, blacksmiths and copper-smithe, (13) Mamodisakkar : tho newly baptisod converts from low castos (Mamodisa=baptism in Syriac), (14) Uravalan: scabbard maker. Wo havo altogether seventeen low costoa loro, taking the two kinds of barbers and the four kinds of Chetties separately, and the Kammalas a ono. And, including Vishamapti Kurukkel mentioned in the vadjan MS. referred to abovo, wo get eightoon castes. But it is not know what this last caste is. (See foot-notes 107 and 109).

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SAPTOMER, 1928 "which included the white Syrians109, and they were subjected to the penalty of a fine or such punishment as the Arbitrator thought fit to inflict, but if it happened that the Syrian Christians were maltreated by any of the five tribunals, the case must appear before the Arbitrators; so that the tribunal, which had taken cognizance where a Syrian Christian was concerned, underwent the severest penalty of the law, that is if the case was not amicably adjusted by an adequate apology made by that tribunal. These privileges granted by the Rajah were said to have continued until the 920th aundoo or era of Colum, corresponding to A.D. 1745." "Another Manuscript states that the name of the first bishop from Antioch was Joseph, and that he landed in the year 345 A.D. with four hundred and seventy-two Syrian families, This Bishop110 built a town near Cranganore on some land granted by the Rajah, and called it Mahadevarpatnam. The (P. 195) honorary distinctions granted to the Syrians were engraved on copper-plates, which are now in existencelli, as our readers are probably aware : but we suspect the date of these occurrences was many centuries later than that assigned. There certainly appears in this account of the colonization from Antioch and their reception by a heathen king very little of the spirit of the early ages of Christianity. It is also stated that an inscription on a slab of granite of the privileges granted by Charaman Permaul was placed on the north side of the Church112 of Cranganore. Mar Joseph, it is said, ordained ministers, and appointed archdeacons (Malpans ?) throughout the country. This state of things remained for 480 years, until 825; how the ministers were ordained does not appear, or whe. ther there was any bishop in Travancore. But, as before observed, we doubt not that Mar Joseph was much more distantly removed from the days of the apostle. From the year 825 A.D. a series of bishops came from Antioch. The following is a list of them taken from a Syrian manuscript in the Conancode113 Church near Quilon." List of Bishops. <Page #189
SEPTEMBER, 1928) THOMAS CANA , 168 05 1122 . . . . . . 905 81 Adanaka 117 988 164 Joannes 1056 232 Thome 298 Jacob 1221 397 Joseph 1285 461 David 1407 583 Avalogas118 1545 721 Abraham 1553 829 Ignatius Landed at Cochir. 1665 841 Gregorios 1678 854 Andreas 1685 861 Evaneos 1708 884 Gabriel of Nestoria 1748 924 .... Evaneos 1751 927 Bassalios Gregorios Evanios Metran Episcope. After this period no Bishops came from Antioch." 1. The editor and the author of the Malayalam MSS.-The anonymous cditc of these notes appears to be the Rev. W. Taylor: for he refers (p. 189) to a previous article on St Thomas, signed by W. Tavlor, and translated from a Tamil MS. based on a Latin original. Cf. South India Christian Repository, I (1837), 263-266. In that case, the translations from the Malayalam would be by W. Taylor, and the MSS. used may have been MSS. of the Mackenzie Collection, Madras, of which W. Taylor was at this time making a Catalogue raisonne. The first Malayalam MS. would be later than 1745, a date to which it refers at the end. The editor had a list of churches in Malabar, written by the priest Abraham, a Jacobite, a recluse of Nedduncoon' in Shanganachary '119 (pp. 203-205, op. cit.). The date of it seems to be * Trichoor in Cochin, 1820" (p. 205). Part of the list is said to come from a MS. of 1820 (p. 200). This Abraham would be the same person who in 1821 wrote a short account of the Syrians for W. H. Mill. Cf. Mingana, Early Spreail of Christianity in India, reprint, 1926, pp. 50-53. 2. Oruoy or Antioch.-Did the author of the Malayalam account not know that Oruoy is Urhai, Urfa, Edessa? At p. 190 (op. cit.) he writes that the body of St. Thomas " was con veyed to Chinna Malei (the little Mount) and was afterwards buried at a place called Orayay." Little Mount is at Mylapore. Oruoy is clearly Edessa, and in most of our accounts of Thomas Cana we hear of a bishop of Edessa. When did Antioch come into the story of Thomas Cana ? The fact that Oruoy is mentioned first would show that it is part of an earlier version. Its being equated with Antioch denotes ignorance or perhaps bias on the part of Jacobite story. tellers, who would thus claim that the Jacobites came to India with Thomas Cana. Their story begins however only in the fifth century. 3. The bishop's vision.-We have the same story by another Jacobite writer of 1721, in the case of the bishop of Edessa. Cf. Mingana, op. cit., p. 49. 4. Christianity abused under the form of Hinduism.-The idea is that Manikka Vachakar had caused the apostasy to Hinduism of many Christians in Malabar. 5. Thomas Cana sent to reconnoitre.-The same statement occurs in Land's Anecdota Syriaca; cf. Mingana, op. cit., 44. (To be continued.) 117 Adanaka seems to stand for Mar Danah& (Denha). 118 Avalogas may be Y&valaha (Jaballah). 119 Netunkunnam in Changanaseri (in Central Travancore),

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166 TILE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1928 THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE, M.A., B.L. WHERE were the Upanigads born? In what particular area, in what part of India, were these remarkable books brought into existence? Was it in the East or West or North or South, that these speculations first saw the light of day? The question does not imply that all the Upanisads were born in one place, during one period of time and among one homogencous sect of men. On the contrary, we have very good reasons to believe that the growth of this literature and its development was spread out over a fairly long period of time, and that all of these books were not written in the same locality and certainly not by the same hand. The name Upanisad comprises a considerable number of books; and between an Upaninad like the Isa and one called the Allopanisad, there exist all the differences that may possibly exist between two books of the same class. And even between Upanisads which are more akin to each other, a difference of time and of place and also of authorship, may easily be noticed. Not only so, but, just as in the case of the Vedas proper, the different Sakhis imply temporal and geographical differences, and just as these differences are traceable in, among other things, the different readings of the Texts, so, among the Upanisads too, there exist different readings of common passages and common anecdotes, which indicate that differences of time and place have left their mark on these texts and these stories. The fact of different reading has been recognised even by Sayana, in his commentary on the Narayaniya Upanisad (quoted by Max Muller, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 122n.) : " Tadiya-pathasampradayo desavisenesu bahubidho drsyate, etc." So, a difference of time and of place may be detected not only among the diverse books, but even in the readings of the same book; for instance, in the anecdote of Balaki and Ajatasatru, which occur in the Brhadaranyaka and the Kausitaki, and in the story of Pravahana Jaibali, which occurs in the Chandogya, the Brhadaranyaka and the Kausitaki, though the main incidents are the same, still verbal differences in the accounts given are noticeable, indicating a difference of time and authorship. As to authorship, however, indigenous tradition has a tendency to conceal it. The Upanisads constitute a part of the revealed literature of the country, and as such, according to the orthodox way of thinking, do not owe their origin to any human hand. But modern scholarship has not been baffled in its inquiry in this direction. It is possible now to draw definite conclusions, at least about the class of men among whom this literature was developed ; and we are pretty certain that this was a sect of Brahmanas, mainly itinerant, but sometimes also owning a settled home, who were the fathers of this cult. But whatever that may have been, this literature was not the product of one hand-it could not possibly have been So, when we ask the question about the home of the Upanisady, we do not imply that they were like an individual book, written by one hand, at a certain place, like John Bunyan writing his Pilgrim's Progress, within the four walls of the prison-house, or like Gray writing his Elegy in a Country Church-yard. We are quite alive to the varied differences among the books of the Upanisads. But they still have a family likeness about them; it is not in name only that they agree; the same--at any rate, a similar, trend of thought runs through them all, or, in any case, a great majority of them. This fact it is that is emphasised in Vedanta-Sutra i. 1. 10. (Gatisamanyat,) where it is claimed that all the Vedantas proclaim Brahma as the cause of the universe. Now, we only want to know where, in which particular part of India, was this speculation started and developed ? The question necessarily implies that it is possible to fix, broadly, the limits of the territory within which Brahma-vidye was originally cultivated. Our enquiry in this matter will depend on three kinds of testimony: (i) the testimony of Sruti literature other than the Upanisads ; (u) the testimony of the Upanisads themselves; and (iii) the testimony of the later Sanskrit literature, e.g., the Puranas, etc.

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SEPTEMBER, 1928) THE HOME OF THE ULANIS IDS 167 (i) In the first place, Brahma-vidya was a product of Aryavarta. It was produced and for a long time cultivated, almost exclusively, within the territory bounded on the west and east by the sea, on the south by the Vindhyas, and on the north by the Himalayas (see Manu, ii. 22). Later on, however, it migrated southwards, and in the seventh and eighth centuries after Christ, we find it flourishing in the south with a magnificent grandeur. The celebrated Sankaracharya, bo it remembered, was a man of the south and developed his Vedantism in about this period. But the south has never been recognised as the original home of the Upanisads. In the Srutis other than the Upanisads, there is little or no reference to any place south of the Vindhyas; and in the Upanixads, too, there is none, with perhaps the solitary exception of Vidarbha. The references to these places in the post-Upanisadic literature in connection with Brahma-vidya only show that it had travelled and spread to the south also. There are, however, one or two interesting cases to which attention may be drawn here. In the first place, there is the story of Raikva as it occurs in the Skanila-Puruna Tho ancodote is about an interview between Janasruti Pautrayana and Raikva Sayugra, and it is given in the Chandogya Upanisad, iv. 1-2. The same story is dilated upon by the Skanda in iii. 1. 26. The Chandogya does not give us any idea as to the place of Janasruti's abode or of that of Raikva. But curiously enough, the Skanda places Raikva in mount Candbamaulana, which is mentioned as a sacred place next to Dhanuskoti. Now, Dhanuskoti is obviously the place in the Southern Presidency, which still bears the name. That being so, Raikva's home was somewhere in the extreme south. Raikva was a Brahma vadin of some standing, both according to the Chandogya as well as the Skanda. For him to be a native of the south, cven at the time of the Chandogya, is somewhat extraordinary. So, even if the account of the Skanda be correct, it must be regarded as an exception. But on the face of it, the Skanda itself is open to suspicion. In the Upanisady, there is not the remotest hint that Brahma-vidya was the product of the south, nor is there anything to suggest that Raikva or any other teacher of Brahma-vidya was a native of the south. In the second place, Skanda vi. 129 also describes a hermitage founded by Yajnavalkya in a place called Hatakesvara. There is no difficulty about the identity of this Yajnavalkya. He is the Upanisadio teacher and the discoverer of the White Yajus. But the account of his hermitage in the Skanda evidently lacks historical authenticity. For, it is in this very place that Bhisma of the Mahabharata also founded four Siva-lingas and worshipped them (ch. 58). And quite a host of others also are said to have visited this place and performed worship in it. (chapters 59, 72, etc.) These stories are obviously introduced to enhance the prestige and the sacredness of the place. There is nothing to show that they are based on historical foundations. The worship of Siva-linga itself is perhaps much posterior to the time of the Upanisads. So, wherever this Hatakesvara may be located, we have no reason to think that Yajnavalkya was a native of this place or that he had ever his schools there, So the south has no justifiable case to claim Brahma-vidya as its child. On the contrary," certain places in Aryavarta are so frequently mentioned in Brah. mana literature and certain races dwelling in that area of land are given such a place of honour, that. this literature cannot but be ascribed to these races and these places. This much then can be safely assumed that the Upanisads were a product of northern India. But Aryavarta itself is a vast tract of land; it includes the land of Kuru-Pancala, Kasi, Kosala, Videha, Magadha, etc. Can all of them claim the credit of having produced the Upanisads? If not, to which of them, then, does the glory really belong? Macdonell thinks that "the home of the philosophy of the Upanisads was in the Kuru. Pancala country rather than in the east." (Vedic Index, i. 272). And the transmission of this philosophy to east and south and west, was effected by the missionary activities of the game Kuru. Pancala people again. "The repeated mention of Kuru-Paxcala Brahmans is

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY another indication of their missionary activity." (Ibid. i. 168). According to Macdonell, therefore, Brahma-vidye was brought into existence in the land of Kuru-Pancala, by the Brahmans of that country (ibid. under Varna); and it was spread also far and wide by the same people. "There seems little doubt," says he, "that the Brahmanical culture was developed in the country of the Kuru-Pancalas, and that it spread thence east, south and west." [ SEPTEMBER, 1928 Oldenberg holds the same view. "We found," says he, "that the literature of the Brahmanas points to a certain definitely circumscribed circle of peoples as its home, as the home of genuine Brahmanism. We found that this circle of peoples corresponds with those whom Manu celebrates as upright in life." (Buddha, p. 410.) Oldenberg is here thinking of the valley of the Sarasvati, the land of the Kuru-Pancalas. The view has thus been clearly held that the home of the Upanisads was the land of the Kuru-Pancalas; and that it was from there that it spread east and west and south. And this view is held in spite of the prominence given in the Satapatha Brahmana to Videha and its King Janaka. (Oldenberg, op. cit., p. 398). Also, in enunciating this view, no difference of time, place and origin, seems to have been recognised between the Brahmanas and the Upanisads proper. It is undeniable that Videha was well-known even at the time of the Brahmanical literature; and it is equally undeniable that the court of its king was an important seat of dissertations on Brahma-vidya. The arguments of Macdonell and Oldenberg are, however, drawn from other facts. These may be broadly divided into two classes: (a) Certain passages in Sruti, mentioning the Kuru-Pancalas with praise and appreciation and assigning a prominence to teachers belonging to that land; and (b) certain other passages in the same literature making a contemptuous reference to Videha-Magadha. (a) Now, with regard to this first kind of evidence, there is one important teacher about whom Macdonell and Oldenberg are at variance. Macdonell regards Yajnavalkya as a Kuru-Pancala Brahmana (V.I., i. 272). But Oldenberg considers it "highly probable that he belonged by descent, not to the Kuru-Pancalas, but we may venture to add conjecturally to the Videhas." (Buddha, p. 397-98). Yajnavalkya is such an important teacher that his nationality is likely to be the nationality of at least a considerable portion of the Upanisadic literature. It is not, however, bound to be so; the home of the teacher is not necessarily the home of his intellectual activity, as we shall see later on. And in so far as Yajnavalkya's own nationality cannot be or, has not been-established beyond doubt and dispute, we had better draw no conclusion from it. There is another Upanisadic teacher, however, as to whose nationality opinion is more or less unanimous; this is Aruni. Uddalaka Aruni, as he is usually called, was a KuruPancala according to Satapatha Brahmana xi. 4. 1. 2; and the Gopatha Brahmana (i. 3. 6) also calls him a Kauru-Pancala Brahma' i.e., 'a Brahman of the Kuru-Pancalas.' And he is given as the teacher of Yajnavalkya in Brhadaranyaka Upanisad vi. 3. 7; vi. 5. 3, etc. It is association with this Kuru-Pancala teacher that has led Macdonell to think, in spite of Oldenberg's opinion to the contrary, that Yajnavalkya was a Kuru-Pancala himself. But obviously such a conclusion is based on insufficient data; for, there is nothing to prevent a Magadha or Videha Brahman from becoming a disciple of a Kuru-Pancala teacher; such things happened even in those ancient days. So, even if it be admitted that Yajnavalkya was Aruni's pupil,-though as we shall presently see, it is not free from doubt-yet that in itself does not prove that Yajnavalkya was himself a Kuru-Pancala. The Smrti called after Yajnavalkya places him in Mithila (i. 2.). He is called Yogievara' and the probability is that the same man as the Upanisadic teacher is meant.

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SEPTEMBER, 1928 THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS 169 Aruni was no doubt a Kuru-Pancala ; but what does that prove? Does it prove that Kuru-Pancala was the original seat of Brahma-vidya ? After all, what did Aruni really teach? The Katapatha gives an account of his discourses, and the Gopatha repeats it almost verbatim. But we do not find him lecturing on Brahma-vidya. He rather gives us a half mystical interpretation of the various items in a Vedic ceremony and dilates on the mysterious virtues of the different sacrificial objects employed in such ceremonies. He does not even pose as a teacher of Brahma-vidya. Then, again, wac he really Yajnavalkya's teacher of Brahma-vidya ? If he had really been so, could there be between him and his erstwhile disciple the sort of disputation that took place at the court of Janaka (Br. Up. iii. 7) ! Such a public disputation, with a stake, is extremely unusual between a teacher and his pupil. At the court of Janaka, Aruni does not use very affectionate language towards one who has been supposed to have been his pupil. "If," says he," without knowing the Antaryamin, you are driving home these sacred cows, then your head will fall off." (Br. u. 7. 1). Yajnavalkya also addresses him by his Gotra name, viz., as Gotama--rather an unusual way for a pupil to address his teacher. Again, his answers to Aruni's questions ultimately silence the latter; not a very covetable situation for one who had been the teacher of the self-same subject. Was Yajnavalkya then wally a pupil of Aruni at all? In the Brhadaranyaka, Aruni's questions to Yajnavalkya verge on Brahma-vidya. But in the Kausilaki Upanigud (i. 1), he is made to confess that he and his class only know how to recite the Vedas in assemblies and receive gifts offered to them in reward (sadasyeva varam svadhyayam adhitya haramahe yanno dadati).1 Philosophical questions are foreign to them. And so he and his son repair to a Ksatriya prince to receive instruction in Brahma. vidya. And in Chandogya, v. 11, again, Uddalaka Aruni confesses to himself that he does not know all about Atman or Brahma. Certain enquirers were coming to him for knowledge ; at the very sight of these men he exclaims : Prakoyanti mdm ime mahasala mahasrctriyah tebhyo na sarvam iva prati patsye hanta aham anyam abhyanusdedniti, i.e.," these rich learned Brahmins will ask me questions and I shall not be able to explain to them like (one who knows) all; well, I had better send them on to another." So thinking, he took them to Asvapati Kaikeya and received instruction from him along with the new-comers. This fifth chapter of the Chandogya seems to have been designed for the exposure of the utter hollowness of the Kuru-Pancala Brahmans, of whom Aruni seems to have been the type. In Chandogya, vi, Aruni no doubt gives instruction to his son Svetaketu on Brahmavidya, but this was after he had himself received it from Pravahana Jaivali (Ch. v. 3). The statement that Yabavalkya was Aruni's pupil, therefore, is not free from doubt; and Yajnavalkya does not appear to have learned Brahma-vidya, if he learned anything at all, from Aruni. If, relying on the Vamsa (Bt. vi. 5), we are inclined to think that Aruni was his teacher, still the dispute at the court of Janaka and Aruni's own confessions in the This passage, however, has been differently interpreted by Sarkarananda in his commentary. Says he: sadasyeva Citrasya Garayaneh sabhaydmeva, na tu anyalra, vayam Aruni-Sveta ketu-prabhrtayah, svadhyayam adhitya etadartha-pratipada kam vedabhagam adrtham adhigamya Citrdd Gargayanch hard. mahe adhigacchamah ; yad-yasmdt kdrandt no'smabhyam Gaulamadibhyah apariharyyebhyah-avyar. thopakramebhyah yacakebhyah, pare vidyadhanadataro dadati prayacchanti, lat Citro na dasyatiti sanka na karanfya iti. Max Moller's and Hume's translations of this passage are also based on this interpretation. But it is rather striking that the other interpretation also is possible, and one wonders if it is not the more correct one.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1928 Kausitaki, leave little room for doubting that whatever else he may have taught, Brahmavidya was not his strong point. Again, if Aruni was the centre of important circles of Brahmanical culture, as Oldenberg points out (Buddha, p. 396n.) and if he was the typical Kuru-Pancala Brahman, then we may easily conclude that, however well-known they may have been for their position and prestige in orthodox Vedic circles, the Kuru-Pancala Brahmans were not the real fathers of Brahma-vidya. Yajnavalkya was of course a great teacher and a teacher of Brahma-vidya too. But, as we have just seen, it is doubtful if he was a Kuru-Pancala at all 3 ; even if he was, tho scene of his activity is laid almost exclusively in Videha. He was perhaps not permanently residing there : no Brahman of any importance could really be pinned to any place for all times; he had to visit places and persons on spiritual ministration. A sacrifice of any kind would mean invitation for a large number of Brahmans from different parts of the country. The Brahman population of the country, therefore, was more mobile than others. So, Yajnavalkya, too, was frequently on the move from place to place. We are often told that he came to the court of Janaka (Br. vi), implying thereby that he was not there. He must have moved from place to place, and that, too, perhaps more frequently than many others, because he was so well-known and certainly was very much in request. But nowhere except in Videha do we find him discoursing on Brahma-vidya. So far as Brahma-vidya was concerned, therefore, the field of bis activity was Videha; and so far as his teachings are concerned, the home of Upanisadio culture lay in that country. That the land of Kuru-Pancala was the land of good customs, one cannot deny, of course so far as good customs meant customs according to the Vedic ideal of life (cf. Manu, i. 17-20). And that a considerable portion of the Vedic and Brahmanical literature was developed in that country and its neighbourhood, may also be taken as proved. But that in itself cannot be regarded as disproving the possibility of other and later branches of the same literature, being developed in other places. Eggeling, in his Introduction to the Sata patha Brahmana (p. xxxi) says: "This dig. agreement in respect of doctrinal authorities, coupled with unmistakeable differences, stylistic as well as geographical and mythological, can scarcely be accounted for otherwise than by assumption of a difference of authorship or original redaction..... We may infer from this that the fire-ritual adopted by the Vajasaneyins at the time of the first redaction of their texts,... had been settled in the north-west of India." It has been conjectured, therefore, that a distance of time separates the different parts of the Satapatha ; and it is equally open to conjecture that a distance of space also intervenes between the different parts. And if that be so, may we not also suggest that the latter i.e., the Upanisadic portion of the book, was composed by hands other than those that composed the earlier portions and that it was composed in other lands too? The story of Videgha-Mathava (S.B., i. 4. 1), has been cited as an evidence of the way in which Vedic culture migrated from the Kuru-Pancala country to the eastern districts of Videha-Magadha. That Vedic culture came from the west to the east, is now an established fact; but that the Upanisads also were produced in the same land as the Vedas and the Brahmanas, does not necessarily follow. They came after the Brahmanas and may easily be conceived as having originated after Brahmanical culture had spread castwards to the limits of Videha-Magadba. The story of Videgha-Mathava may be taken to indicate this transference of the centre of speculation from the west to the east. Sata patha Brahmana, v. 5. 5. 14, mentions both Aruni and Yajsavalkya, but one is not mentioned as the teacher of the other. In Brhadaranyaka, vi. 3, Aruni is said to have taught Yajna valkya certain mantras of magic power. 8 In Byhadaranyaka, iii. 9. 19, Sakalya accuses Yajnavalkya of having insulted the Kuru-Paucala Brah mana, there by perhaps suggesting that Yadavalkya himself was not one of them.

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SEPTEMBER, 1928) THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS 171 We do not dispute that initially there were no Brahmans in Magadha or Videha; but neither can it be disputed that subsequentiy plenty of Brahmans came that way and settled down there. Cannot these Brahmans have favoured the growth of Upanisadic Brahmavidya ? The high praise bestowed upon Kuru-Panoala and its people does not preclude this possibility. (6) We may turn now to the texts of the Sruti which express a contempt for the land of Videha-Magadha and its people. In the Atharva Veda (v. 22. 14), the fever is wished away to the Magadhaa, among other peoples. But this may mean only that it is wished away out of the land of the Aryans or out of the land to which the author of this text belonged-out of the territory known to them at the time, of which Magadha formed the eastern boundary. That this is a very possible meaning, is proved by the mention of Gandhara also in the same passage, which formed the north-west boundary of the same territory (Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 399), and also by the mention of other places like Anga, etc. So the passage need not be understood as implying a hatred for the land and people of Magadha. Again, if it is to be understood as a curse for Magadha at all, may we not take it to mean a curse not for the colonists of the place but the aborigines? There is no evidence to support us in thinking that it referred to the Brahman colonists; and yet these are just the people whom we are inclined to credit with the production of the Upanisads. But after all, does the passage mean any curse at all? Are we sure that the author was not wishing only to cure the disease, but was seeking to curse others with it The same remark applies to Atharva Veda (xv.2.1-4), Sukla Yajus (xxx, 5. 22), Latydyana Srauta Sutra (viii. 5) etc. If the Magadha is dedicated to the 'Atikrusta,' or if he is connected with the Vratya, that in itself does not prove much. The disparagement of the Magadha does not prove that the land of Videha-Magadha could not have been the home of the Upanisads. For, in the first place, it is not clear who exactly was meant by the term M&gadha. In later times, the term was used to mean a minstrel. The name is usually derived from the name of the country (Magadha). But instances are not rare where a country derives its name from that of the inhabitants that Magadha was not such a country, would be too dogmatic an assertion. So, the passages referred to above might imply disparagement of a class of men, who ultimately gave their name to a province. In that case, the disparage. ment is not of the land of Videha-Magadha, but of a certain sect of men who perhaps lived a half nomad life, and who, when they settled down, gave their name to the country. In the second place, the country of Videha-Magadha had its original inhabitants, it seems, when it was conquered and colonised by the Arvan immigrants. These inhabitants may have been the people subsequently known as the Magadhas, or may have been a different race. And later on, even respectable Brahmans came to dwell there. It is difficult therefore to say that the contempt expressed in the above-mentioned passages was intended for the Brahman colonists and not for the aboriginal inhabitants. That even respectable Brahmans dwelt there, that the Brahman colonists of Magadha were entitled to the same sort of respect as Brahmans of other provinces that even their opinions were considered in connection with ceremonial practices, is proved by the case of Madhyama Pratibodhi-putra (Samkhayana Aranyaka, vii. 13; the Poona edition reads Prati-yodhi-putra' instead of Pratibodhi-putra,' and gives the number of the passage as vii. 14, and not vii. 13, as given by Macdonell, V.I. under Magadha. Cf. also Weber, History of Indian Literature, p. 112n.). This case Oldenberg regards as proving the fact that dwelling in Magadha was rather unusual for a Brahman (Buddha, p. 400n.). Oldenberg's ground for so thinking is that the native place of the man has been specifically mentioned, which would not be thought necessary, if Brahmans were usually found in Magadha. But is that really so? Is not a man's

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . SEPTEMBER, 1928 dwelling place mentioned to help us in identifying him? In those days, there were two ways of indicating a man's identity: either his parentage was given, as, Gargya Balaki, Sveta. ketu Aruneya, etc.; or, his native place was mentioned, as Janaka Vaideha, Ajatasatru Kasya, etc. So, the expression Magadhavasi' with reference to Pratibodhiputra, is employed only to indicate his identity, and not because it was unusual for a Brahman to be a native of that place. What is somewhat ont of the way here, is that the man's parentage also is given; he is also said to be Pratibodhi-putra, lit. 'son of Pratibodhi.' But it only means that a double method of indicating the man's identity has been employed; and this may be due to an over-cautiousness to avoid all possibility of mistake. It is not denied that the eastern districts were Brahmanised later than the Kuru-Pan. calas; nor is it denied that Brahmans came to settle there only gradually; but it has also to be admitted that Brahmans did come and did settle there as early as the time to which the story of Videgha-Mathava refers. There is nothing in the story to show that the author was des. cribing a contemporaneous event. So, in his time the colonization may have been a completed process; and numbers of Brahmans may have already gone there. And at the time when the hymns of the Atharva and the Yajus referred to above were composed, Brahmans must have begun pouring in into Magadha. So, on the face of it, there is nothing improbable in the supposition that the texts above referred to speak of the Brahmang who established a colony there and not the aboriginal inhabitants. Bet probability is not proof, and we can never be sure that the banter was intended against the Brahmans of those places, who, as has been supposed, had adopted degraded customs. Besides, it is possible to over-rate the importance and significance of this so-called banter. It may as well be understood as an unconscious compliment. Some of the passages referred to above occur in connection with the Purusa-medha ceremony, not a very laudable perfor. mance, to say the least. It is not inconceivable that a ceremony like this did not receive the unstinted assent of all, it is not inconceivable that it provoked criticism ; and it is also imagi. nable that the eastern districts were averse to it. It would not be unnatural in that case for those who followed the practice to wish evil to those who opposed it. If that be the case, the Vedic hymns in question imply a compliment in disguise to the people of Magadha. That the people of Videha-Magadha were not altogether negligible that even customs and practices obtaining in that country were entitled to consideration, is also proved by references to this country by the commentator on Asvaldyana's Gyhya-Satra (i. 7. 2). Curi. ously enough, Max Muller in his History of Sanskrit Literature (p. 52), has misquoted and mistranslated this passage. The text as given by Max Muller reads as follows: Vaidehepu sadya-eva vyavdyo dyptah; grhyesu tu brahmacaryyam vihitam, &c. The text according to the Bombay Edition is as follows: .... grhye tu 'brahma-carinau triratram ili brahmacaryyam vihitam, &c. Max Muller's reading obviously omits the quotation from earlier texts, viz. brahmacarinau triratram.' And his translation is hopelessly inaccurate. He writes: "Among the Vaidehas, for instance, one sees at once (sadya-eva) that loose habits (evi. dently this translates' vyavaya ') prevail, &c." Is the text correct! The reading is : atha ha sma asya putra dha madhyamah pratibodhi (1 yodhi) putrah magadha visl, etc. Xow, the man is first spoken of as his son' (asya putra) referring to Hragva Mandakeya in the preceding paragraph. What then is meant by calling himson of Pratibodhi' (Pratibodhi.putra)? Or is it a proper name? What is Madhyama then ! But neither Pratibodhiputra nor Madhyama really looks like a proper name. Supposing we left out the words. Madhyama Pratibodhiputra Magadhavasi,' the continuity of the gentence would remain unbroken; and thore would be no difficulty about the meaning of the statement 180. What then is the special significance of these-apparently at least, redundant-words? Have the woras crept into the texts from marginal notes of manuscripts ! Ono wonders.

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SEPTEMBER. 1928) THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS 173 Now, sadyah means 'on the same day' and vyavdya means sexual intercourse.' The discussion is as to when consummation of marriage should be allowed after the ceremony of marriage, and the reference to the Vaidehas is intended only to draw attention to the local custom prevailing among them, which allows consummation on the day of the marriage. This, however, it is contended, is not strictly in accordance with the Grhyas. The passage, therefore, means : "Among the Vaidehas, consummation on the same day is seen; the Grhyas, however, prescribe restraint (brahmacaryya) for the couple for three nights." There is a dictum, followed up to the present day, that a local custom (desacara) also is entitled to obedience, provided of course it does not directly contravene an express injunc. tion of the Sastras. In the present case, all that is sought to be implied is that the local custom in question, being diametrically opposed to the Sruti, must not be allowed to prevail. The reference to the Vaidehas, is not an expression of contempt. Worse customs may easily be conceived to have prevailed elsewhere ; but there is no reference to any of them. The Vaidehas, however, were people who were entitled to consideration and could not be passed over without notice. Hence there is this reference to a custom prevailing among them. We see therefore that the so-called slighting references to Videha-Magadha have, in some cases at any rate, been misunderstood ; and too much has been attempted to be deduced out of them. In the first place, the passages usually quoted do not always convey a sneer ; in the second place, it is not clear if the supposed sneer is against the Brahmans of the place or against the earlier inhabitants thereof. In later Sanskrit, the term Magadha' is found to mean a minstrel, as we have pointed out before, and not a Brahman. And these minstrels were known to be a mixed caste. (See Mahidhara under Yajus, xxx. 5; Bhattabhaskara on Taittiriyd Bralimana, iii. 4. 1. 1; and also commentary on Latyayana Srauta Sutra, viii. 6. 28 ; etc.) After all, even if the supposed banter is a real banter and even if it be a banter against the Brahman colonists of Magadha, what does it prove? Does it prove that the Upanisadic philosophy could not have its home among them? If there are sneers against the eastern districts and their inhabitants, there are sneers against the western districts as well. Macdonell himself gives some instances (V. I., ii. 126) where the western tribes are mentioned with disapproval'. It is a primitive instinct of the human mind to enjoy fun at the cost of others; and it is not the east alone, but the west as well has been now and then contemptuously spoken of by the proud authors of our Sruti literature. Sneers of this kind only express the feelings of the people of one locality against those of another; they do not prove or disprove anything about the achievements of either. There is another fact to be considered in this.connection. Even if we admit that there are, in the Yajurveda, Atharvaveda, and some of the Brahmanas, passages which may be construed as implying a slighting reference to Videha-Magadha, yet we ought to note that such slights are not to be met with in the Upanisads proper. In the Upanisads, references to Videha are frequent enough ; yet it is a significant fact that in no place in the Upanisads do we find any disparagement of the people of that territory. On the contrary, Janaka, King of Videha, Ajatasatru, King of Kasi, are quite important persons there. Of course, the Kuru-Pancalas are not forgotten; but the eastern people seem to have deserved more attention. This may easily lead to the hypothesis that the Upanigads were composed after the eastern districts had ceased to be thought of as a country of aliens and a country of doubtful virtues ; after, that is to say, they had become important seats of Aryan culture, when they could no longer be regarded with disrespect. (To be continued.)

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ! SEPTEMBER, 1928 MAHARASTRA AND KANNADA. BY A, MASTER. The earliest indication of the name Maharastra occurs in the inscriptions at Nanaghat, and other places (ranging from 200 B.C. to 200 A.D.) There the male donors have the appella. tion Maharathi, and the females Maharathini. Asoka in his inscriptions uses the word raffika to denote a tribe of rulers, and this tribe is also found as rulers at a later date. The family of Rastrakutas is well-known to have held dominion in the Deccan in the eighth century, A.D. Sir Ramkrisna Bhandarkar held that the ratas called themselves Maharatthis and gave their name to the area in which they lived. Mr. Kane justly rejects this theory (ibid., p. 626). Dynasties rarely give their names to areas, and the term MabArAstra precedes any important dynasty of which there is any record. The connection with Raddi suggested by Burnell (South Indian Paleography, p. x) is not very helpful, and indeed Kittel (Kan. Dictionary) derives the world Raddi from rat a form of raja, and so indicates that ratta or ratrika is not of Dravidian origin. Mr. Kane himself explains the term Maharastra as "great or wide country" and gives his reasons, which do not appear to one quite to meet the needs of the case. It is important to analyse the word maha meaning great', a meaning which includes the ideas of wideness or tallness. Mr. Kane seems to be correct in translating rdaetra by 'country' rather than by kingdom' The Arthasdstra uses the word in the meaning of revenue. producing tract' and 'country as distinct from 'town' (Shamasastry; translation, 2nd ed., p. 63 and pp. 143, 287). The word rajya is used for kingdom (Ai. Brh. v. ch. vi, heading) and janapada (Ibid., vi, ch. 1) is, in describing the seven elements of sovereignty, used as an equivalent to rastra. In later writers on the elements of sovereignty, the words janapada and rastra are interchangeable. Desa is another synonym. (Jayasval, Hindu Polity, vol. II, p. 249). The meaning of rastra is therefore quite clearly country'. Apart from the rather doubtful references to Maharastra in the terms Maharathi of the inscriptions, the earliest use of the word occurs in the Mahavamsa (fifth century A.D.) (Kane, ibid., p. 621) in the form Maharatta. It is distinguished from Aparantaka (the Konkan) and Vanavasi (the south-western Dravidian tract). In fact, it is a term corresponding closely with the present term del, which means the Deccan plateau as distinct from the Konkan. Previously the term used for whole tract south of the Narmada (Nerbudda) river or, in a limited sense, for the country between the NarmadA and the Krisna was Daksin&patha (Kane, ibid., p. 620), and this term was continued for some centuries after the word Maharastra was introduced and then apparently was shortened into what we now call Deccan (Gujarati, dakhkhan). The word Deccan applies to both the limited and the wider areas. The reason for the adoption of the new term Maharastra cannot have been the size of the country, or its greatness. There were other tracts equally large and in the eyes of the Aryans, at least, much more important. It is not in the least likely that the name should have been given to the tract, by any but the inhabitants. It is probable that the term daksindpotha and dakpinatya (southerner) had acquired a depreciatory significance (cf. ite use in the Mrochakatika, act VI) and the visitors or immigrants to northern capitals, such as Ujjain, found it necessary to use a synonym. They would naturally use a translation of the name they themselves gave to their country. Now Kannada has been derived from the word Karinadu, black country. Mr. Narayana Rao (JBBRAS., LXXIII, p. 491, 492) has pointed out that much of the southern Karnatak is not black; and he might have added that although the term karinel is used for 'black soil,' karinddu, is not used in the sense of 'black tract'--but erenddu is used, ere meaning itself black, or black soil (Kittel, Kan. dictionary). This is the term used for the 1 P. V. Kano, JBBRAS., LXX, p. 622. While Surat and Broach districts oontain much black soil.

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SEPTEMBER, 1928) MARARASTRA AND KANNADA 195 black soil tract in Dharwar district, Bombay presidency. He suggests karu-nddua or the high country, as the Karnatak was, unlike the southern Dravidian tracta, situated on high land : and the suggestion seems perfectly sound. In its Sanskritised form, Karnata, the word is found in the Mahabharata and may be as old as the third century B.C. (Narayana Rao, ibid., p. 492). But we have no poaitive evidence as to the date. The high country stretches from the Kannada country to the Narmada, and in fact geographically the term Kannada might be applied to exactly the same area as that to which the name Maharastra was applied. Now karu means not only "tall but "great" (Kittel, Kanarese Dictionary) and it seems highly probable that the Prakrit-speaking inhabitants of the North of the Deccan highlands simply translated the words karu nadu into Mabaratta or Marattha to designate the area from which they came. The Andhra empire, which in circa B.c. 239 extended to the Narmada, may have popularised the use of the term and have stabilized its Sanskrit form Maharastra It may be asked why the Highlanders did not use the term Kannada as Sanskritized into Karnata. But there is no evidence that the word was ever applied to the area of Maharastra. It is argued only that the Dravidians talked of highlands as karu nadu and translated this idea into Prakrit. Kanarese was spoken as far north as the river Godavari in the ninth century A.D. (Nrpatunga's Kavirdjamdryga, Ed. Patna, p. 12), but this is only evidence of the survival of a Dravidian form of speech in those parts and not of the name of the tract. Further the rattas, raffikas and rastrakulas are not accounted for. I believe that the word means district,' a ruler of a district or tract-just like bhojaha, which clearly means a large landlord, or petienilla, which means apparently a ruler of a peth or pattan, & market-town. Rastrakuta, again, seems merely to mean lord of a tract, just as rastrapati in the inscriptions means district officer (Bom. Gaz., vol., pt. 1, p. 82) and gramakufa means village headman (ibid. and Kaut., Arthasastra, book IV, ch. IV, suppression of wicked). The view of the Bombay Gazetteer seems correct, and I would not attempt to assign to rastra the meaning of des in the rostricted sense--the uplands of Maharastra. Again, there is the mention of the three Maharastrahas (Kane, ibid., p. 622). They are mentioned in the Aihole inscription of 634 A.D. These three tracts were a 99,000 (village) area and did not cover the area of the 7 lakh Daksina patha (Kane, ibid. 620) or the 71 lakh Rattapadit (ibid., 633). They must denote three upland tracts divided by valleys or plains. Mr. Kane assigns these three tracts to Vidarbha (Berar), Maharastra proper (Khandesh to Satara) and Kurtala (Sholapur, Kolhapur and the modern Karnatak), and his view may be accepted. It may be pointed out that the meaning highlands' for Maharastra is here more appropriate than great kingdom.' Although a ruler might claim to be king of the three great king. doms, the term could hardly be used as a description, while the expression king of the three highlands' would be sufficiently descriptive. Another difficulty that arises is the restriction of the term Maharastra by, say, the tenth century to the west of the peninsula. 'Chis I attribute to the rise of the Vidarbha kingdom after the fall of the Andhras (A.D. 225) and again after the death of Harga (A.D. 147). It was a prominent kingdom (Kane, ibid, p. 642) and would decline to be included in Maharastra. Moreover, the term seems to have early acquired (like Kannada) linguistic 9 The form Karunadam is used for the language, and Karunddar for the people in the Tamil glasice. The giving of names from the physical feature of colour seems common in Tamil, cf. Sengod=red hill, etc.-8.K. 4 The limit of Kannada land when the Tamils gave them the name was past the plateau of Mysore in the north and began where the country slopes down from the Plates of Mysore. The region of the Asoks inscriptions in Mysoro was the Vadugarmunai or the Vaduga (Kan. Badaga) frontier.-S.K. 5. Vincent Smith, Oxford History, 1923, p. 119. * But see Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I, p. 133, n. 2. The term Karpata was used for Calukyas of Kalyan, in A.D. 1000. * This appears to be dorived from napa and Kanarose or Tamil pddi, settlement or place the Rattan village, Tho root is padu, to sit down. Pafe is variant (Kittel, Kanarees Dict.).

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1928 associations. At first we may suppose that he word Maharastri was applied to the form of Prakrit, not necessarily uniform or consistent, spoken by the southern highlander and was exactly equivalent to Daksinatya. For this reason it was the Prakrit (as Vararuci indicates) being not Magadhi, the limited court dialect of the Mauryas, nor Suraseni, the highly sophisti. cated dialect of the almost Aryanised Mathura population, nor Paisaci, the barbarous dialect of the so called cannibal northerners, but the general dialect understoo land spoken by the southerners when they spoke Indo-Aryan and capable of logical handling, (especially where Sanskrit words were concerned), by them alone, as they still spoke their southern Dravidian tongues among themselves. In course of time, Vaidarbhi, without much reason except that Vidarbha was an important political entity, distinguished itself as a separate dialect from Maharastri. To the east of Vidarbha and in the north-eastern highlands were spoken the Mundari languages, and to-day Marathi stretches in the north from the south of the Surat district on the west coast to Raipur, quite close to the border of the Mundan area, which practically forms a linguistic barrier from that point to the north of the Mahanadi delta & South and west of the Mun. dan area stretches the country of Dravidian speakers. Owing probably to the intenser adherence to their language evidenced by the existence of Sen-Tamir (correct Tamil) which from a very early time rejected all Sanskrit words (Caldwell, Comp Gram. p. 80), the inhabitants of Kalinga and the eastern regions refused to adopt Prakrit as their language, and Maharastri flourished only in the west. The capitals of Vidarbha, Paithan, Vatapi (Badami) and later Poona, brought the centre of gravity further to the south-west, and it is known that the rulers of the various western dynasties, e.g., Hala and the Rastrakutas and Calukyas were earnest patrons of Prakrit and Sanskrit as well as of the Dravidian tongues. It is not necessary here to point out the close connection of the Marathi with the Kaparese language, as the specific object of this article is to connect the terms Maharastra and Kannada That, it is hoped, will form the subject of future articles. MISCELLANEA. MAMLUK-QULAMAX. CEREMOXIAL MURDER. In this Journal and elsewhere I have frequently I have several times recorded in this Journal explained that the Oriental term mamluk meant cases where unfortunate persons have been murder foreigner of any re-sometimes of migh- ed in India for ceremonial reasons. Here is another standing by birth-onslaved and forced to instance, in the Faizabad District, recorded in Islam by Turks or other Muhammadan peoples. The Times on 8th August 1927. H. 8. Longrigg, however, in his well-informed book, i "At the Faizabad sessions Gayadin Murao was Four Centuries of Modern Iraq, in describing the tried for the murder of one Hubb. The defence soventeenth century reigns of mamlaka, who was that the accused, who had been suffering from ruled in Baghdad, muul after the fashion of the i dysentery for three months, took the advice of earlier "Slave Kings" of Delhi, gives a somewhat Mohan Pasi, an exorciser of evil spirits, who assured different view of them as observable in him that this illness was due to a spell cast over Longrigg, in a footnoto (p. 163) says that the him by Hubba, who was under the influence of mamlaks were "slave, known in Arabia as evil spirits. Gayadin accordingly killed Hubba mamlak (plu. mamalik), in Turkish as qila or with two blons of a lathi (iron-tipped staff). The qilaman, more commonly the latter. The Iraq sessions judge expressed unwillingness to inflict historians in Turkish always so write them. Of the death penalty, as the accused was virtually Circlesian race, they were known in Turkey from mad in thinking that with a lathi he could expel the earliest (Muhammadan) times... In the evil spirits from Hubb&; so he sentenced him name [Gurjand) they are by majority natives of the to transportation for life." Tiflis area of Georgia (Gurjistan); but other closely similar Circagsian breeds were included in the wild There have been several persona transported tribo-Laz, Abazik and the like who had migrated to the Andaman Penal Settlement for similar from the hills of their origin." murders. R. C. TEMPLE. 1 R. C. TEMPLE. * See mape Linguistic Survey of India. (Munda, Dravidian and Marathi.)

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OCTOB 928) THE ANTIQUITY OF THE IDEA OF CHAKRAVARTIN 177 THE ANTIQUITY OF THE IDEA OF CHAKRAVARTIN BY DR. BHANDARKAR, M.A., Ph.D. KAUTALYA in his Arthasastra defines the extent of a Chakravartin's domain. The text published in Dr. Shama Sastri's edition runs as follows: "desah prithivi; tasyam Himavat. samudr-antaram-udichinam yojana-sahasra-parimanam-atiryak chakravanti-kshetram " (p. 340). The passage ocours in precisely the same form in Prof. Jolly's edition (p. 205). The late Mahamahopadhyaya T. Ganapati Sastri's cdition also presents the same text(pt. III, p. 45), with only one short difference, namely, that it has the word tiryak instead of atiryak of the preceding editions. Curiously enough, practically the same passage is met with in Sam kararya's commentary of Kamandaklya-Nitisara so as to leave no doubt that it is a quotation from Kautalya's Arthasastra. It occurs in his gloss on Canto I. v. 39 and runs as follows: "tasyam Himavat-samundr antaram-udichinain nava-yojana-sahasra-pramanam tiryak Chakravarti-kshetram." This text differs from that of the Mysore edition in two important respects. First it has nava-yojana-sahasra-pramanam instead of yojana-sahasra. parimanam and tiryak instead of atiryak. Samkararya must have taken this text from the manuscript of Kautalya's Arthasastra that was before him. And the question arises : which of the two variants represents the correct text? Scholars probably do not know that what Kautalya states about the sphere of the Chakravartin is set forth in greater detail in the Puranas. The passage in question occurs in no less than two Puranas, -the Vayu and the Matsya. The first Purana (chap. 45, v. 72 & ff.) has the following: atra vo varnayishyami varshe-smin Bharate prajah idam tu madhyamam chitram subhasubha-phal-odayam uttaram yat samudrasya Himavad-dakshinam cha yat varsham yatBharatam nama yatr-eyam Bharati praja bharanach-cha prajanam vai Manur-Bharata uchyate nirukta-vachanach-ch-aiva varsham tad-Bharatam smritam tatab svargas-cha makshas-cha madhyas-ch-antas-cha gamyate na khalv-anyatra martyanam bhumau karma vidhiyate Bharatasy-asya varshagya nava bhedah prakirtitah samudr-antarita jneyks-te tv-agamyah parasparam Indradvipah Kaserus-cha Tamravarni Gabhastiman Nagadvipastatha Saumy Gandharvas-tv-atha Varunah ayam tu navamas-tesham dvipah sagara-sam. vfitab yojananam sahasram tu dvipo-yam dakshin-ottaram ayato hy-&Kumariky&d. A Ganga-prabhavach-cha vai tiryag-uttara-vistirnah sahasrani nav-aiva tu dvipo hy. upanivisht0-yam Mlechchhair-anteshu nityasah purve Kirat& hy-asy Ante paschime Yavanah smpitah brahmanah kehatriya vaiaya madhye sudras cha bhagasah ijyd-yuddhavanijyabhir varttayanto vyavasthitah tepham samvyavaharo-yam varttate tu parasparam dharm-Artha-kama-samyukto varnanam tu sva-karmasu samkalpa-pafchamanam tu asramanam yatha-vidhi iha svarg-&pavarg-Artham pravfittir-yeshu manushi yas-tv-ayam navamo dvipas-tiryag-ayata uchyate kritenam jayati yo hy-enam sa sam. rad-iha kirtyate ayam lokas-tu vai samrad-antariksho virat smtitah svarad-anyah smpito lokah punar-vakshyami vistaram. Practically the same passage as the above is met with in the Matsya Purana (chap. 114, v. 5 & ff.). It runs as follows: ath-Aham varnayishy&mi varsh-smin Bharate prajab bharanat-prajanach-ch-aiva Manur-Bharata uchyate Nirukta-vachanais-ch-aiva Varsham tad-Bharatam smritam yatab gvargas-cha mokshas-cha madhyamas-ch-&pi hi smritah na khalv-anyatra mar anAm bhumau karma-vidhin emritah Bharatasy-Asya varshagya nava bhedan-nibodhata Indradvipah Kaserus-cha Tamraparno Gabhastiman Nagadvipas-tatha Saumyo Gandharvas-tv-atha Varunah ayam tu navamas-tesham dvipah segara-samvritah yojananam sahasram tu dvipo-yam dakshin-6ttarah ayatas-tu Kumari to Gangayab pravahAvadhih tiryag-Ardhvam tu vistirnah sahasrani das-aiva tu dvipo hy-upanivishto-yam Mlechohhair-anteshu sarvasah Yavanas-cha KiratAs-cha tasy-Ante parva-paschime Brahmanah Kshatriya Vaisya madhye Sadras-cha bhagasah ijyl-yuta-vanijyadi vartayanto

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [OCTOBER, 1928 vyavasthiah tesham sa vyavaharo-yam vartanam tu parasparam dharm-Artha-kama-sam. yukto varnanam tu svakarmasu sam kalpa-pamchamanam tu Asramanam yatha-vidhi iha svarg.apavarg-artham pravrittir.iha manushe yas.tv-ayain manavo dvipas-tiryagyamah prakirtitah ya enam jayate kritanam sa samrad-iti kirtitah ayam lokas-tu vai samrad-antarikshajitam smritah svarad-asau smpito lokah punar-vakshyami vistarat. If we compare both these passages, we find that they are practically identical. That of the Matsya-Purana, corrected in the light of the passage from the Vayu may be translated as follows: "I will now describe the peoples of this continent (named) Bharata. Manu is called Bharata, because of his sustenance (bharana) of the peoples. According to the rules of Nirukta that continent is therefore) known as Bharata, for which (alone) heaven, emanci. pation or the Middle Path has been enjoined by the scriptures). Nowhere else on this earth has Action (karma) been laid down for mankind. Know (now) the nine divisions of this Bharata continent, namely, Indradvipa, Kaseru, Tamraparni, Gabhastimat, Nagadvipa, Saumya, Gandharva, Varuna and this ninth peninsula (dvipa) surrounded by the ocean. This dvipa is one thousand yojanas long from north to south from Kumari (Cape Comorin) to the source of the Ganges and is extended nine thousand in the north in an oblique-direction. This dvipa is on all sides on its outskirts occupied by the Mlechchhas. On the eastern extremity are the Kiratas and on the western the Yavanas. In between are settled down the Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras carrying on sacrifices, fighting, commerce and so forth according to (their) part. Those classes (varnas), following their respective duties, carry on mutual intercourse in consonance with dharma, artha, and kama. The (four) Asramas with Samkalpa (vow for rituals) as the fifth display activity here among men as prescribed, for (the attainment) of heaven or emancipation. This ninth dvipa is called tiryag-ayata (oblique-long). He who conquers it whole is designated Samrat. This world is known as Samrat, the ether world Virat, the world other than these) Svarat." It will be seen from the above translation that India forms but a part of Bharata-varsha, being its ninth and last division. The former is called tiryag-dyata because, as explained in the Puranas, it is (one thousand yojanas) ayata (long) from north to south, from the source of the Ganges right down to Cape Comorin, and is (nine thousand yojanas) tiryak (obliquely) in the north. And we are further told that he who conquers this whole region, that is, the whole of India, is called Samrat. There can be no doubt that Kautalya's Chakravartin is identical with the Samrat of the Puranas and that his details about the extent of the Chakra. vartin's domain are taken from that source. And we are now in a position to answer the question : which of the readings of the above passage is correct? If we first consider the passage in Dr. Shama Sastri's edition, we find that the words udichina and atiryak have no meaning there. Besides, even though these words were deleted, the passage would be describing but half of India. It is only the passage from Samkararya's commentary that brings out the essential and nearly full tenor of what the Puranas tell us about the boundaries and dimensions of India. We have seen that the passage in the Vayu-Purana is practically the same as that occur. ring in the Matsya. Some verses again from that passage are traceable also in the VishnuPurana (II. 3). It thus seems that this description of India was contained in the original Purana after which model the Vayu, Matsya and Vishnu, the earliest Puranas now surviving, were cast. A date for the passage is furnished by the remarks that the Mlechchhas were not then settled in any part of India but on its outskirts and that on its western extremity were lying the Yavanas. These conditions are fulfilled only about the advent of the Maurya power. The passage thus seems to be contemporaneous with Kautalya. The idea of a Samrat or Chakravartin conquering the whole of India appears however to have arisen at an earlier period. The universal ruler has been designated by the Aitariya-Brdhmana (VIII. 15) Samanta parydyt, as being possessed of the whole earth (sdrvabhauma) and as the sole ruler (eka-rat) of the earth bordered by the ocean.

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OCTOBER, 1928] VEDANTA AND CHRISTIAN PARALLELS. 179 VEDANTA AND CHRISTIAN PARALLELS: By A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN. The Trinity. VEDANTA axiomatically adopts the definition of God (Brahman) to be: Janmady asya Yatah' (Brahma Sutra) or God is that to which (to whom) is due the birth, life and dissolution of the Universe. The Upanishadic passage on which the Brahma Sutra is constructed is :Yato va imani bhutani jayante yena jatani jivanti yat prayanty abhisamvisanti.' Bhutani is literally that which comes to exist; or existence (quiddity) as an abstraction. Here then we have Existence as the one fact which is axiomatic. This Existence, whether it is in the form of manifestation or non-manifestation, owes its existence by virtue of something, which is to it causal, and which is given a name, to whichever language the name belong. In the Vedic language, the nomen is Brahman. Differential existence then evolves from Brahman, is sustained through a series of living transformations, which have an order and rhythm about them. The Law of Periodicity prevails, which is a curve, not a straight line, so that the curve starts from a given point, works round a spatio-temporal system, and returns to the point. The system is a closed system, corresponding to Einsteins' theory of relativity. Beyond this curvilinear system lies the region, which is not therefore spatio-temporal; in other words it is transcendental, or transcendence itself as an abstraction. That we have existence, not nega. tion is hence a necessity of thought. Religion has this as its fundamental thought. The term abhisamvisanti, meaning 'enters,' is of the utmost importance to Vedanta. The term literally means entry in all its entirety, which signifies that the manifestation totally disappears, but remains in absorption. Where? In Brahman, God. When all else is not apparent, God alone remains as an eternal and infinite entity or existence. Here the terms eternal in reference to time and infinite in reference to space import the idea that God transcends all spatio-temporal systems or manifestations. These are events in the history of God so to say. Existence is system which also means Reality or Truth. We have thus: Brahma (God)='Satyam Jnanam Anantam Brahma,' i.e., God is Existence which is Truth and Reality; and He is Limitless. He is besides Knowledge. Now we have in the first article of the Christian Religion the definition of God as the one (ekam) living (chit) and true God, everlasting'; that he is the maker' and preserver of all things both visible and invisible'; and that he is of infinite power, wisdom and good. ness'. These attributes, especially wisdom, are all subsumable under the one term 'knowledge.' Scholars may thus discern the commonness of fundamental ideas about Deity contained in the Vedanta and in the Christian Religion. The first article further speaks of the Godhead as comprised of the three persons, or Trinity, namely, the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, of one substance, power and eternity'. Students might here consider the Vedantic Trinity, Mother, Father and Teacher, as contained in the passage: Matri-devo bhava, Pitri devo bhava, Acharya-devo bhava' is God who is manifest to us as the Father, which would be the Father of the Christian Trinity; the Mother, which would be the son of the Triad; and Teacher, the Holy Ghost, or the Church, which continues the function of the Father and the Mother. Vedanta has another Trinity comprised in the Holy Pranava AUM, of which A, represents Fatherhood; U, Motherhood which is the Teacherhood, and M, the Sonhood. Philosophically A, is the satyam, reality or existence which is God; .M. is the soul or the kingdom of souls; and U, the link or intermediary power which link the Souls with God, or God with Souls. Inasmuch as these three elements are never separable from each other, but subsist in a unity or a complex, we may see the Christian idea of 'one substance', of the Trinity in the unity: Ekam ev-advitiyam. We have the theological Trinity besides of the Vedantic Brahma, the creator, Vishnu, the preserver, and Siva, the destroyer, which is here not considered, except by stating that this

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1928 Trinity is co-substantial or of one substance. The Christian may say that the world comes out of nothing, whereas the Vedantist says existence comes out of existence. But the nothing of the Christian does not negate the existence of God before the world became. And if the world came out of the Will of God, this is parallel to the Vedantic saying that Sat (existence) came out of Sat. Nor is the idea of nothing wanting in the Vedanta, for we have : asatas saj-jayeta (Chandogya Up:) but asal is explained as the causal absolute to the effected relative. Philosophically, the idea involved in the Trinity, is that God is a unity. God existed in the beginning, one only. When God began manifesting or creating, He split Himself into two natures, the subjective and the objective, thinker and thought, figuratively expressed a's Father and Son, and the bond between the two is the Holy Ghost. Max Muller writes of Eckhart's mysticism thus: "Thus the Godhead the Divine Essence or ousia, becomes God in Three persons. In thinking himself. the Father thinks everything that is within Him, that is, ideas, the logoi of the unseen world ?" (pp. 512-13, Theosophy or Psychological Religion). In the light of what Max Muller says, viz., "that a study of the Upanishads is often the very best preparation for a proper understanding of Eckhart's Tracts and Sermons. The intellectual atmosphere is just the same, and he who has learnt to breathe in the one, will soon feel at home in the other' (p. 511. id.), we invite our readers to the idea contained in Nara-Narayana, the complex Godhood, which has Nara, the objective, and Nareyana, the subjective potential in its bosom. Narayana is basically One. The One educed (begat according to Christian phrasing) from its own self the Nara ; and a relation between the two also came into existence. This is the Logos (Lakshmi or Sri or Vidya, the Word, the divine sankalpa of the Vedanta system). This is religion or relationship between God and Nature (sambandha, which is literally religio). The particular application of this doctrine to man is clear, when mani is singled out from Nature in general. Nara would thus be the objective man, and Narayana the subjective Godhead; and these have indiscerptible relation, expressed by the Logos. Coming to the sacred Vedantic syllable AUM, the mystery of the Trinity becomes apparent, when A stands for the Godhead, M for man or manhood, and U is expressive of the relation between them. In figurative language, A is Father (pita) in one aspect; M is Son (putra) in one aspect, (there are eight more aspects); and U is the Logoic nexus, Lakshmi, Sri, or the Mother. In this Vedantic metaphor, we have Father, Son and Mother, and only in the place of Mother, the term Holy Ghost gives the Trinity the Christian hue. Those who have studied Vedanta are conversant with the Tripuli or God considered as a philosophical Trinity, viz., jndiri, jneya and jadna i.e., the knower, the known (thing) and knowledge (the connecting link), or the thinker, the thought (thing), and thinking, the link. The meaning of creation is nature-making collectively and Soul-making particularly; and the process of making is the relation. In Eckhart's language: 'God (or Father) is always working, and His working is to beget the Son. The philosophic ethic consequent on these notions is that there is God in Nature, and God in Soul (Man), and both are related, which means, they are identical and in their ultimate essence & Unity. The Trinity is because of the Unity being a Totum or Complex. 1 Man or Soul is the particular individual, the representative of the group soul, the Demiurge, the Son. (the masculino Brahma emanated from the neutral Brahman, the Father).

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OCTOBER, 1028] WHO WERE THE IMPERIAL PRATIHARAS OF KANAUJ 181 WHO WERE THE IMPERIAL PRATIHARAS OF KANAUJ ? By R. R. HALDER. THE Imperial Pratiharas of Kanauj seem to have derived their family name from the office of a pratiharal (door-keeper) and not from the name of their primeval man like the Chauhanas, Chaulukyas, Paramaras, Guhilas, etc. This view derives support from the Gwalior prasastis of Bhoja, which says that in the Solar race, Manu, Ikshvaku, and others were born. In their race was born Rama, whose younger brother Lakshmana was his (Rama's) doorkeeper (pratihara), in whose family, which bore the emblem of Pratihara, Nagabhata (L, the founder of the Imperial dynasty) appeared. It further records that Vatsardija, the son of his nephew Devareja,3 wrested the empire from the famous house of Bhandi. Thus it traces the origin of the Pratiharas of Kanauj and, in addition, explains the significance of the word 'Pratihara'. In old days, the office of a Pratihara was open to anyone, who could secure the confidence of a king in watching the safety of his person by standing at his palace-gate, and consequently, there arose Pratiharas of different castes, such as Brah mana, Gurjaras, Kshatriya , Chapotkatar (Chavada) and Raghuvamsi, of whom the lastnamed gradually came to be the rulers of a very large part of the country. Before Kanauj became their capital, the Imperial Pratihara dynasty seems to have ruled over the Gurjara-country in Marwar, as is indicated in the Wani(r) and Radhanpurlo inscriptions of Govindaraja III, dated in Saka Samvat 730 (A.D. 808), which say that Dhora (Dhru. varaja, the Rashtrakutaking of Deccan), by his matchless arms, quickly drove to Maru (Marwar) Vatsaraja, who was proud of having seized the fortune of royalty of the Gauda country, and wrested from him (Vatsaraja) the two white (royal) umbrellas originally belonging to the king of Gauda. The Barodall inscription of Karkaraja II, dated in Saka Samvat 734 (A.D. 812) says 1 The word 'Pratihara ' seems to be analogous to Panchakula (Pancholi) which denotes an office or rank, and not a caste or creed. 3 zreya : kandavapustatassamabhavadbhAsthAnatacApare manvikSvAkukkusthamUlapRthava : kSamApAnakalpadrumAH // 2 // teSAM vaMze sujanmA kramanihitapade dhAmni vaneSu ghoraM rAma : paulastyahindhaM (hiMnaM) kSatavihatisamitkarma cakre palAzaiH / zlAghyastasyAnujosau maghavamadamuSo meghanAdasya saMkhye saumicistItradaNDa : pratiharaNa vidheryaH pratIhAra pAsIt // 3 // tadvanze ( vaMze )pratihAraketanabhRti trailokyarakSAspade devo nAgabhaTa : purAtanamunemUrtirbabhUvAdbhutam / khyA(tAda )bhaNDikulAnmadotkaTakaritAkAradulahato yaH sAmrAjyamadhijyakArmukasakhA saMkhye haThAdAhIt / eka: kSatriyapuGgaveSu ca yazoguvAndhuraM prodvahanikSvAko : kulamunnataM sucaritaizcake svanAmAGkitaM // 7 // Annual Report of the Archeological Survey of India, 1903-4, pp. 280-81. 8 This Devaraja is different from Devaraja of the Bhatti clan, who is said to have been defeated by the Pratihara king Siluka (Ep. Ind., XVIII, 98), to whose family possibly the Imperial Pratiheras belonged (Ibid., p. 90). Kakka, the fourth in succession from Siluka, married Padmini of the Bhatti clan and is said to have been the contemporary of Devaraja of the Imperial family. 4 Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, p. 88. B Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 265. 6 Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, p. 88. Tho Pratiharas of Mandor being the descendants of Harichandra by his Kshatriya wifo Bhadra, are known as Kshatriya Pratihdras. The sons of Brahmana father born of Kshatriya mother were called Kshatriyas. yatta brAhmaNena kSatriyAyAmutpAdita : kSatriya eva bhavatIti...iti zaMkhasmaraNam / Yajnavalkyasmriti, Acharadhyaya, sloka, 91, fika (Midtkshard). Soo Sangttaratnavalk of somaraja, verse b. 8 The old Gurjara-country included the whole of the eastern part of Mar war and a portion of the present Gujarat as far as the river Sedhi in le Bombay Presidency. helAsvIkRtagauDarAjyakamalAmattaM pravezyAcirAdurmArga marumadhyamaprativa (ba)layoM vatsaro(rA)jaMva(ba)le: / gauDIya zaradindupAdadhavala chatradvayaM ko(ke) valaM tasmAnAita tayazopi kukubhAM prAnte sthitaM tatkSaNAt // Ind. Ant., vol. XI, p. 167, 11. 11.13. 10Ep. Ind., vol. VI, p. 243, 1.12-14. 11 gauDendravaha patiniJjayaduvidagdhasadgUrjarezvaradigArgalatAM ca yasya / nItvA bhunaM vihatamAnavarakSaNAtye svAmI tathAnyamapi rAjyacha(ka)lAni bhukt| Ind. Ant., vol. XIL p.160, 11. 39-40.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1928 . .. that Karkara ja, in order to protect (the king of) Malava, made his arm to be a door-bar to the lord of the Gurjara-country (Gurjaresvara), who had become evilly inflamed by his victories over the kings of Gauda and Vanga. From these inscriptions it appears that Vatsaraja, the Imperial Pratihara, who is referred to in the Baroda inscription also, was the lord of the Gurjara-country and ruled in Marwar about the end of the eighth century A.D. The capital of the early Imperial Pratiharas too sooms to have been Bhinmal, since it was the capital of their predecessors, namely, the Gurjaras and the Chavadas respectively. The Gurjaras were different13 from the Chavadas, as is described in Pulakesi's grant of Kalachuri Samvat 490 (A.D. 738-9). From the Brahmasphutasiddhantal4 of Brahmagupta, a resident of Bhinmal, composed in Saka Samvat 550 (A.D. 628), it is known that Vyaghramukha of the Chapa (Chapotkata, Chavodaka, Chavada) dynasty was ruling at Bhinmal at the period of composition of the book. The reign of the Chavadas lasted there up to Kalachuri Samvat 490 (A.D. 738-9), as appears from the above grant16 of Pulakesi, which says that the decline of the Chavotaka (Chavada) kingdom was brought about by the Arab invasion. After the Chavadas, it appears, their reign over the Gurjara country in Marwar passed into the hands of the Imperial Pratiharas between K.S. 490 (A.D. 738-9) and s.s. 730 (A.D. 808), 3.e., between the periods of mention of the destruction of the Chap kingdom in the Pulakesi's grant and of Vatsaraja's rule in Marwar as inferred from the Radhanpur and Wani inscriptions. The Chavadas were ruling at Bhinmal at that time and their rule elsewhere16 had not yet been established. Before the Chavadas, Bhinmal was being ruled over by the Gurjaras. The Kalanjara17 inscription of about the eighth century A.D., as also the inscription18, dated v.9. 900 (A.D. 843), of Bhojadeva (I) respectively record the name of Mangalanaka (modern Mangalana, about 28 miles N.N.E. of Didwana), Siwa (modern Sewa, seven miles from Didwana in the N.E. of Jodhpur) and of Dendavanaka (Didwana), as situated in the Gurjaramandala and Gurjaratra-bhumi, i.e., in Gurjara country. Hiuen Tsiang in his visit to Marwar in about v.s. 697 (A.D. 641) describes the Gurjara country and speaks of Pi-lo-mo-lo (Bhillamala, Bhin. mal) as its capitalt9. It is most likely that Bhinmal was at the time of the pilgrim's visit being ruled over by the Chapo (Chavada) dynasty, for, between $.s. 650 (A.D. 628) and K.s. 490 (A.D. 738-9), the Chivadas were the rulers at Bhinmal and other parts of Marwar, as may be inferred from the above. From the Kalanjara inscription and that of Bhojadeva, it 19 Gurjarebvara here moans the lord of the Gurjara country. Cf, apareg Aar : 1 ...) a I T var: $71019 11 90 Som kvara's Kirtikaumudi, canto II. 18 Ep. Ind., vol. V, Appendix, No. 404. Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I, p. 109. 14 zrIcApavaMzatilake zrIvyAghramukhe nRpe zakanRpANAM / paMcAzatsaMyuktavarSazataH paMcabhiratItaiH // 7 // A zrecta: stanowatarie I osat faoghata II C Il Canto 24. See also Ind. Ant., vol. XVII, p. 192. 15 Transactions of the Vienna Oriental Congress, Arian Section, p. 231. Also Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I. p. 109. zarajJasIramadaroddhAriNi taralataratArataravAridAritoditasaindhavakacchelasaurASTracAvoTakamauryagujerAdirAjye PACITETE raagafertigar fara ...... 16 The Chap dynasty had also its kingdoms at Anhilavada (Patana) and Vadhavana (Kathiawar) founded later on in the eighth and ninth century A.D., respectively. 17 Ep. Ind., vol. V, p. 210, noto 3. 18 Ibid. p. 211. The date given in the text on p. 212 is wrong. The correct date is taken from the original plate preserved in the Rajpatana Museum, Ajmer. 19 Beal: Buddhist Records of the Western World, vol. II, p. 270. On this page in note 81, P1-lo-mo-lo is wrongly identified with Balmor in Rajputana. The same is done in Cunningham's Archaological Survey of India, vol. II., p. 70. 20 Ind. Ant., vol. XVII, p. 192. For Dr. R. C. Majumdar's views, see Ep. Ind., vol. 18, p. 92.

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OCTOBER, 1928) WHO WERE THE IMPERIAL PRATIHARAS OF KANAUJ 163 may be seen that the northern boundary of the modern Jodhpur State was nearly identical with that of the Gurjara-country, undoubtedly so called after the Gurjaras who once ruled over it. The rule of the Gurjaras in Marwar must have commenced after the decline of the Kshatrapa power and ended sometime before A.D. 628, the date of the Chavada's rule at Bhinmal (Bhillamal, Srimal). According to the Jodhpuro1 inscription of Bauka, dated v.s. 894 (A.D. 837), originally found in a Vishnu temple at Mandor, the wine-drinker (Kshatriya) sons of Harichandra born of his Kshatriya wife Bhadra ruled at Mandor (Mandavyapura). The date of Harichandra, the founder of the Kshatriya Pratiharas of Mandor and 13th predecessor of Biuka, whose known date is v.s. 894 (A.D. 837), will fall in the fourth quarter of the 6th century A.D. by assigning an average rule of twenty years to each of the rulers. Thus it appears that two ruling families--the Kshatriya Pratih aras at Mandor, while the Gurjaras, the Chavadas and the Imperial Pratiharas successively at Bhinmal-ruled side by side in Marwar. How long the Pratih Aras (Pariharas) of Mandor ruled there is not known; but the discovery of an inscription' at Mandor in Jodhpur State shows that the throne of Mandor was transferred afterwards to the Chaubans of Nadol, who ruled there about the middle of the twelfth century A.D. It is, however, difficult to state in what way the Pratiharas of Mandor were related to the Imperial Pratiharas, who first ruled at Bhinmal and then at Kanauj. It has been known that Kakka, the Pratih ara ruler of Mandor gained fame at Mudgagiri (Monghyr in Bihar) in the fighting with the king of Gauda23. It is also known from the above inscription of Govindaraja III that it was Vatsaraja of the Imperial Pratihara line, who is said to have defeated the king of Gauda and taken from him the two white (royal) umbrellas. Thus it appears that Kakka, being a feudatory to Vatsaraja,24 fought on his side at Mudgagiri against the Gaudas. From this it may be inferred that the Imperial Pratiharas and the Pratiharas of Mandor were the two different lines of rulers in Marwar--the one supreme at their capital Bhinmal and the other, probably subordinate, at their capital Mandor.26 The origin of the former is described in the Gwalior prasasti of Bhoja which distinctly states that Nagabhata (I) was the first king and that Vatsara ja (the 4th from him) wrested the empire from the Bhandi clan. Having cleared the position so far let us now come to the subject proper. Antiquarians and learned men are apt to describe the Imperial Pratiharas of Kanaujas Gurjara-Pratiharas 26. In fact, there is no definite proof to connect them with the Gurjaras. That they belonged to the Solar race is evident from the following versions : (1) The Gwalior prasasti of Bhoja speaks of Nagabhata, the founder of the dynasty, as belonging to the Solar race, and of Vatsaraja, as the glorifier of the race of Ikshvaku. (2) The Harshanatha inscription of Vigrahara ja, dated v.s. 1030 (A.D. 973) tells us that Guvaka (one of the early Chauhans of Sambhar) attained pre-eminence as a hero in the court 21 fax: wife : voft wat al( far... tena zrIharicandreNa pariNItA dvinAtmanA / dvitIyA kSata(tri)yA bhadrA mahAkulaguNAnvitA // pratihArA dvinA bhUtA brAhmaNyA yebhavansutA: / rAjJI bhadrA ca yAnsate te bhatA mdhupaayin:|| Inscription proserved in the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. 22 Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India, 1909-10, p. 101. 23 catre fiya: *: qat ardi gara: 1 a garot zou wame(?:) II (P8x] Verse 24 of the Jodhpur inscription. Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, p. 98. 24 For Dr. R. C. Majumdar's views, see Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, p. 94. 26 It is not known, however, whether tho Pratiharas of Mandor were subordinates to the Imperial Pratih&ras prior to Vatsaraja. 26 Vide Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I, pp. 465-69. Also JBBRAS, 1905 (Extra number), pp. 413-33. And Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, pp. 100-101.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1928 of Na gavaloka (Nagabhata II. of Kanauj), and that (his descendant Simharaja) kept in confinement many princes till the universal sovereign of the earth in Raghu's race came to him for their liberation27. Since, during the period in question, the universal sovereigns in Northern India were the Imperial Pratih&ras of Kanauj, the King Nagavaloka of the above inscription must refer to Nagabhata II. of Kanauj, who was also called Nagavaloka. From the version of the above inscription, Guvaka seems to be a subordinate to Nagavaloka. It, therefore, follows that Simharaja, the sixth28 in descent from him (Guvaka), was also subordinate to his contemporary Pratihara kings of Kanauj. Since Simharaja was the father of Vigraharaja (II) whose known date is v.s. 1030 29 (A.D. 973), he should have been contemporary with Devapala or Vijayapala of Kanauj, whose known dates are s. 1005 30 and s. 1016 31 (A.D. 948 and 959) respectively. The term 'Raghu's race'must therefore refer to one of them. (3) The poet Rajasekhara calls his pupil Mahendrapala of Kanauj 'Raghukulatilaka'32 (gem of Raghu's race) in his Viddhasalabhanjika and RaghugrAmani '33 (leader of Raghu's race) in his Balabharata. Thus we see that the Imperial Pratiharas of Kanauj were a race of Pratihara rulers, who belonged to the Solar (Raghu's) race and not to the Gurjara clan. To call them, therefore, Gurjara-Pratiheras does not seem to be justified. They remained the paramount sovereigns in Northern India for about a period of two and a half centuries, and extended their sway in the Panjab, Bihar, Gujarat, Kathia war, Rajputana and Central India (Malwa). It was Nagabhata II, the fifth ruler of the dynasty, who having dethroned Chakrayudha of Kanauj about 816 A.D., made it his capital.34 Since then, the Raghuvarai Pratiharas are also known as the Pratiharas of Kanauj. With Yasapala, however, the last ruler among them, or with his successor, the rule of the Pratiharas of Kanauj came to an end, and it was the Gaharwap36 king Chandradeva, who acquired the sovereignty of Kanauj in v.g. 1154 (A.D. 1097).36 Though the reign of the Raghuvamsi Pratiharas came to an end at the end of the 11th century A.D., nevertheless some of the scions of the family yet ruled for sometime in distant parts of the country, as is evident from the Kureth437 inscription of Malayavarma, dated v.s. 1277 (A.D. 1220) and the Rajgarh.38 inscription of the Pratihara Prithvipaladeva dated v.s. 1208 (A.D. 1151). 1 Adya : zrIguvakAlyAprathitanarapatizcAhamAnAnvayobhUt shriimnnaagaavlokprvrnRpsmaalbdh(bdh)viirprtisstthH| tomaranAyakaM salavaNaM sainyAdhipatyauddhataM yuddhe yena marezvarA : pratidizaM nirmA(D)zitA jiSNunA / kArAzmani bhUrayazca vidhRtAstAvaddhi yAvagRhe tanmutyarthamupAgato raghukule bhUcakravartI svayam // Ep. Ind., vol. II., pp. 121-22. 28 R. B.G. H. Ojha's Supplementary notes to Tod'. Rajasthan (in Hindi), p. 398. 29 See note 27 above. 30 Siyadoni-Inscription, Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 172. 81 Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 263. 39 65918: canto I, sloka 6. 33 devo yasya mahendrapAlanRpati : ziSyo raghuprAmaNi : / canto I, foka 11. 84 Ep. Ind., vol. XVIII, pp. 105-6. Also Sastri, Ep. Ind., vol. XIX, p. 17. According to Duft [Chronology, p. 75] Chakriyudha gained sovereignty of Kanauj in 840 A.D., while NAgabhata II is supposed to have ruled from v.s. 872-90 (A.D. 815-33) [Ep. Ind., vol. IX, pp. 199, and * Prabhduaka-charit, p. 177). Hence, either the date in Chronology is wrong, or Chakrayudha's doposition becomes impossible unleas Nagabhata's reign lasted longer. 88 The Gaharwape also belonged to the solar race, as appears from their inscriptions. 36 Duff's Chronology, pp. 134-5. 37 Ind. Ant., vol. XLVII, p. 242, n. 4. 38 1 Report of the Rajpaidna Museum, Ajmer, 1918-19, 4(6) V.

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OCTOBER, 1928] THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS 185 THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS. BY UMESH CHANDRA BHATTACHARJEE, M.A., B.L. (Continued from page 173.) Scholars find no difficulty in believing that the tenth mandala of the Rigveda, though, as the texts have come down to us, it is a part of the same compilation at present, was yet composed later than the other mandalas. It is also admitted that the Brahmanas were composed when the eastern districts had been explored and had begun to be colonised. We have evidence of this eastern migration in the Brahmanas themselves. Is it then too much to suppose that the later portions of these brahmanas-the Upanipads and the Aranyakasat any rate, a vast majority of them were composed after the settlements in the eastern districts had become prosperous territories with populous cities and villages ? We find, therefore, that though some texts of the Sruti, as they are usually understood, imply a disparagement of the eastern districts, yet no such thing is found in the Upanisads proper. So it is precarious to conclude that the home of the Upanigads was in Kuru-Pancala and not anywhere else. Besides, it must he remembered that even if the Brahmanas are definitely proved to have originated 'in Kuru-Pancala, still that does not prove that it was the home of the Upanisads also. It is conceivable that a distance of time as well as a distance of space separate the two. At any rate, the evidence of the Vedic and Brahmanic texts discussed above is inconclusive with regard to the contention that Kuru-Pancala and not VidehaMagadha was the home of the Upanisads. (u) We turn now to the evidence of the Upanisads themselves. It has just been pointed out that in the Upanisads, there is no banter against the eastern peoples. On the contrary, the court of the king of Videha was an important resort of the teachers of Brahma-vidyd. In the Brhadaranyaka ii. 1, Ajatasatru of Kasi exclaims that poople flock to the court of Janaka in connection with Brahma-vidya. That shows that Videha had already acquired a reputation in that respect. Kasi clso appears to have been another seat of Brahma-vidyd ; but the jealousy of its king for Janaka, shews that it was less important seat. In the Prasna panigad, we find teferences to Kosala and Vidarbha, enquirers from which countries approach a certain teacher for Brahma-vidyd (i. 1). And in the same Upani. sad (vi. 1), we find that even the princes of Kosala were interested in Brahma-vidya. This shows clearly that Brahma-vidyd had at least travelled out of Kuru-Pancala, if that was its original home. Among the princes of Pancala, Pravahana Jaivali is well-known. (Ch. i. 8; v. 3. Br. vi. 2). But he was a Ksatriya, and though fairly well posted in the subject, he was hardly a teacher in the real sense of the term. And as to the Brahmans of Kuru-Pancala, Svetaketu Aruneya had to confess even before this very Jaivali that he had not been instructed into the mysteries of Deva-yana and Pitr-yana-an important branch of Brahma-vidyd; and his father too had to admit that he did not know it. Surely, this is not a compliment. Again, in Chandogya i. 10-12, we have a reference to the Sauva Udgitha '-' the song of the dog'as Deussen translates it ; "which ", to quote the same author again (p. 62) "seems to have been originally a satire on the greedy begging propensities of the priests." Now, if it was a satire at all, was it not a satire upon the Brahmans of Kuru-Pancala? The story of Usasti Cakrayana, to which the song of the dog' is an appendix, seems to imply an adverse reflection upon the Kuru-Pancala Brahmans and their mode of life. This Usasti Cakrayana appears again in Brhadaranyaka izi. 4, where he puts questions to YAjsavalkya but is easily silenced. In the Kausitaki (iv. 1), we find references to several places, eviden ly as seats of learning vig. Udinara, Mataya, Kuru-Pano Ala and Kasi-Videha. That was evidently a time when living in Magadha or Videha, was not only not unusual but was rather necessary completing one's education. It is the story of the proud Valaki who met Ajatasatru of Kasi (cf. Br. ii). In the Kaupitaki, we are told that this proud man had travelled in the countries

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY .. . [OCTOBER, 1928 mentioned above-and it may be presumed, must have earned a reputation for scholarship also. He had been to Kuru-Pancala, too, and had come out of that country, evidently with his reputation unimpaired. But at Kasi, an eastern district, and at the hands of a Ksatriya, he meets with a crushing defeat. In the Upanisads, we find references to most of the provinces falling within the zone of territory which had Kuru-Pancala on the north-west, Matsya and Vidarbha on the southsouth-west and Videha-Magadha on the east. This was undoubtedly the area within which Brahma-vidyd was born. But Macconell's theory that Kuru-Panoala was the home of the Upanisads, is not supported by anything in the body of that literature. Pravahana Jaivali, the king of the Panoalas, is not the most important patron of Brahma-vidyd; and he is more than matched by Ajatasatru of Kasi: But this Ajatasatru himself has to exclaim that people run to the court of Janaka, and not anywhere else, for Brahma-vidya (Br. ii. 1. Kaus. iv. 1.) If Kuru-Pancala or even Kasi had been the more important seat of Brahma-vidyd, we should certainly have found more frequent references to these places, their kings and peoples. But Ajatasatru's sad complaint makes it plain that the peoples of these places were pain. fully aware of the superior prestige of the court of Videha in this matter. And the fact that a master mind like Yajnavalkya did not find a field for his activity in Kuru-Pancala, which according to some was his birth-place, is significant and shows that the kings and peoples of that country were not inclined to favour the spread of this cult. In the Upanisads, the court of Videha, as & seat of Brahma-vidya, far outshines all other places in Aryavarta ; and Janaka is by far the most prominent among all the Ksatriyas, mentioned in the Upanisads as patrons of Brahma-vidya. And the teacher who towers head and shoulders above all others in the Upanisads, is not Uddalaka Aruni, but his real or supposed disciple, Yajnavalkya. In the court of Janaka, Aruni failed to prove his superiority to Yajnavalkya-and one might even say, he had a defeat at the hands of the latter; and in the court of Pravahana Jaivali, he had to confess his ignorance of certain important questions and accepted the discipleship of the Ksatriya. In the Chandogya (vi), Aruni no doubt gives a learned discourse to his son Svetaketu ; and, according to the Chandogya, it is no doubt to him that we are indebted for the famous formula 'Tattvamasi.' He was undoubtedly a very great teacher; and we find references to him in the Mahabharata and also in other places ; but as a teacher of Brahma-vidya, he ranks much lower than Yajna valkya. He had defcats and discomfitures here and there ; but Yajnavalkya is triumphant throughout --triumphane even over Aruni himself. Yajnavalkya may have been Aruni's pupil or may not havo boen; it is not impossible even for a pupil to eclipse his master. But whether Aruni's pupil or not, Yajdavalkya is by far the most important teacher in the Upanigads. Now, if Yajna valkya is the most important teacher and if Janaka is the most renowned patron of Brahma-vidya, where could Brahma-vidyd have its home except in the eastern districts of Videha-Magadha ? Yajnavalkya's own nationality is not so material ; he may have been a Kuru-Pancala or may have been a Videha Brahmin ; but what is material, is : Where could he find the necessary field for his activity in Brahma-vidyd ? Not in the land of Pancala, but it is in Videla that he gives his discourses under the distinguished patronage of its king. Of course, at the court of a king like Janaka, learned men came from all quarters and certainly also from Kuru-Pancala ; and floating ideas on Brahma-vidynt existed in Kuru-Pancala, Matsya, Vidarbha and Kasi; in these places also existed men who knew this subject and knew it well; but the cult does not appear to have found any continued and systematic support outside Videha. In the strict sense of the term, therefore, Videha or the enstern territory was the home of the Upanisads. There is another point to be considered in this connection. The Upanisads imply a certain amount of breach with the strictly orthodox Brahmanical culture, shall we add, of the north-west. In Pali literature and in the history of Buddhism, we find this gulf widening under the powerful influence of the Ksatriyas of the east. It seems that this was just the

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OCTOBER, 1928) THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS 187 place and these were just the peoples who could foster the growth of independent spiritual inquiry which the Upanisads also exhibit. Buddhism was an open rebellion against the Vedic religion ; but the Upanigada also involved some defiance of the ceremonial cult, though less open ; and the eastern districts appear to have been marked out for carrying out this mission of protest. The people who could raise the standard of Buddhism, were intellectually fitted to give rise to the Upanisadic cult also. And the evidence of the Upanisads show that the cult had its organised beginnings and its first settled home in the districts of Videha and also perhaps Magadha. Besides the evidence discussed up to now, there is the evidence of the traditions preserved in the Puranas, to which we may now turn. (iii) The Vianu Purana, part iv, gives an account of several royal dynasties, including dynasties of the Kurus and the Pancalas. Needless details are sometimes introduced in these accounts and more than once is it said that he who listens to these narrations, escapes all sin (etepam caritam srnvan sarva-papaih pramucyate). But only in the case of the Janaka dynasty of Videha-Mithild is it said that most of tho kings of that dynasty were patrons of Atmavidya: Ityete maithildh; pracuryyena elesdm atmavidyasrayino bhupala bhavisyantiti (iv. 5. 14). No other dynasty has received a similar compliment from the author of the Visnu Purdna. If any royal family, therefore, was prominent for its support of Brahma-vidyd, it was that of Videha. The Bhagavata Purana similarly gives detailed accounts of various royal dynasties, distributed widely over different parts of the country, and including the Yadus and the Iksakus and & host of others. But in the account of the Janaka dynasty, the significant statement is made that the members of that dynasty were adepts in Atmavidya-ele vai maithild rajan dtmavidyd- utodradah (ix. 13. 27). It is remarkable that this virtue is not attributed to any other dynasty, not even the family of Krsna himself, the propounder of the Bhagavad-gita. In the Mahabharata, iii. 132, we find an interesting picture of the disputations on Brahmavidya that took place at the court of Videha; and in xii. 325, of the same book, Suka, son of Vyasais gent by his father to Janaka, the king of Mithila, for instruction in Moksa-vidya. The same story in an identical form is repeated in Yoga-vasiotha, ii. 1. In several other places also in the Mahabharata, the name of Janaka of Videha figures prominently in connection with Brahma-vidya. Accounts of the royal dynasty of Mithild are not found in all the Puranas. But wherever mention is made of this remarkable dynasty, whether in the Puranas, or in the Mahabharata, or in the Yoga-vdsistha, the fact is almost invariably emphasized that the court of Videha was renowned as almost an exclusive seat of Brahma-vidyd. No other dynasty appears to have received a similar compliment for its patronage of Brahma-vidyd ; and no other place has been commemorated as an equally great seat of this knowledge. This is a very significant fact. Teachers of Brahma-vidyd may have had their homes in other places, even in far off countries ; but the court of Videha was the centre, it seems, to which they all gravitated. Under the distinguished patronage of the kings of Videha, the teachers of Brahma-vidya, of whatsoever race and country they may have been, had their common meeting-ground in that country. And systematic instruction also appears to have been imparted to earnest inquirers : it almost had the semblance of a university (cf. Mahabharata, iii. 132 ; Br. Up., iii. iv). In the Purants, the honour of being the home of the Upanisadio culture is bestowed almost exclusively on Videha. Other dynasties of princes have been celebrated for achievements in other directions, for their wars and conquests and great sacrificial performans; but none have been half as renowned as the Janaka dynasty for proficiency in Brahma-vidya. And other lands have been famous for other events; but, in the Puranas, the land of Videha has little other history to its credit, except the hospitality it extended to the teachers of Brahma-vidyd--whether homeless itinerants or house-owning fathers of families. The importance of Videha in this respect is proved by another fact from the Puranas. The Mahabharata, we are told, was narrated in the form in which it has come down to us,

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1928 at an assembly of the Rsis of Naimisaranya (Mbh. i. 1). And more than half the Puranas declare themselves products of Naimisaranya (cf. Kurma, i. 2; Skanda, i. 1. 2, etc.). Even in cases where the scene is laid in other places (e.g., Brahmanda i. 13; Vayu i. 14, etc.), it is still the Rsis of Naimisaranya to whom the leadership of thought-movement is ascribed. Now, Naimisaranya was nearer to the Kuru-Pancala than to Videha and was situated in the zone of territory in which the Brahmanas are supposed to have been composed. It may be supposed that these people were not lacking in sympathy for the Kuru-Pano ala men. That even these Rsis and these Puranas assign a very high place of honour to the royal dynasty of Videha, is a fact that cannot be lightly passed over. And besides, there is no disparagement of the eastern districts in these books. This shews that Videha really deserved the honour. That the territory comprising Videha and its neighbourhood was the centre of great intellectual movements, is further shewn by the rise of Buddhism in this area. A reference has already been made to Buddhism ; it was a product mainly of these very districts for which some of the Sruti texts have been understood to express nothing but contempt. In fact, the very sneers at Magadha in later Vedic literature, have been supposed by some as due to the rise of the heterodox religion of Buddha in that land. (See Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 400 n.) Whether this is true or not, the outstanding fact remains that Videha-Magadha was the centre of intellectual and spiritual activity of a very high order. And the assumption is quite reasonable that the spirit of frut inquiry that the Upanisads exhibit and the revolt against Vedic religion which is exemplified in Buddhism, may have been helped and encouraged by each other. References to Brahma-vidya, to the state of having attained Brahma, and also to the kings of Mithila are frequent enough in Buddhistic literature. Thus, in Jatakamaila, (Sasa jataka 28), we find the expression brahmavidam varisthah; and in Maitrubala-jataku, occurs the expression brahmabhuyam; and in Brahma-jataka, a king of Videna is brought round to the right way of life by the instruction of the Bodhisattva who was born in the realm of Brahma (Brahmaloka). In Moore's Sayings of Buddha, (p. 35), Buddha says "I became Brahma ". Mahavastu iii. 325, speaks of brahmavida (dharmmena 80 brahmano brahmavidam vadeya, etc.). All these things bespeak an acquaintance with the cult of Brahma-vidyd. Then there are the references to kings of Mithila also (e.g., Jataka Nos. 9, 408, 498, etc.) Though the names of the kings as given in these texts are not exactly the same as in the Vignu Purana and elsewhere, yet some names, such as that of Nimi, are common, showing that the identical dynasty of kings as in view. All these considerations show that Videha-Magadha was a soil where a free and independent thinking could strike root; and our other evidences have proved that this was the soil where Brahma-vidyd too had its first home. There is one possible objection which may be considered here. The evidences that we have been discussing refer mainly to the court of Videha rather than to its people or its provinces. The court was certainly not the place of instruction--the place, that is to say, where pupils were taught. And it is also a truism to say that the cult could not have been developed without regular instruction being given to students. Now where was this instruction given? Not of course in the court of the king; but it was presumably under the patronage of the court that a majority of the teachers lived, and so, they must have had their seat of instruction not far from the court. Besides, very many of the teachers had little of a home to own : they lived a more or less peripatetic life and wherever they went, their pupils alsc went along with them. Yajnavalkya comes to the court of Janaka with his disciples crowding about him; and it is one of these pupils that he orders to drive home the cows which the king offered as reward to the most learned man in the assembly (Br. iii. 1. 2). Sakalya too had his pupils with him ; and when he was suddenly killod by Yajnavalkya's curse, his bones were carried off by these pupils (ibid., iii. 9. 26). That the Brahman teachers moved about

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OCTOBER, 1928) THE HOME OF THE UPANISADS 189 the country with their pupils in their wake, is also proved by incidents recorded in the Puranas and the Mahabharata. Thus, Mbh. iii. 261 narrates a visit to Duryodhana by Durvasa and a similar visit by him to Yudhisthira, with ten thousand pupils following him. The practice of taking some pupils with oneself on one's journeys, specially when the journey is made on an invitation, has continued among Brahmans even till the present day. Of course, some of these itinerant Brahmans owned a home and even a wife, and sometimes even more than one wife (e.g., Br. Up., ii. 4). And they had their children to boot. And it is also true that however much they might prize the patronage of princes, very few of them lived under a royal roof. Some no doubt did live in the household of kings in some capacity or other, but not many. And the Upanisadic teachers wre mostly dwellers in villages or even in forests. But one can easily assume that when w princely house was particularly kind to any sect of these Brahmans, such Brahmans would naturally fix up their abode within the area protected by these princes and in their neighbourhood. And from the eminent position of the court of Videha, it may well be inferred that it must have held itself responsible for the protection of the life and property of many a Upanisadic teacher. In all probability, they had their homes within reach of Videha's arms; and it was there that they maintained their pupils and held their schools. If it is a question of choice as between Videha and Magadha, it is not difficult to see that we have to cast our vote in favour of Videha rather than Magadha as the home of Upanigadic speculation. But provincial boundaries were not yet sharply defined in those early days, and, besides, Magadha also seems to have had its share in the development of this culture, though Videha's share was decidedly more noteworthy. The two districts have to be mentioned conjointly because they are generally so spoken of and also because, as a matter of fact, both had their contributions to the building up of Brahma-vidya. We may note in passing here that interesting light is thrown on the question of the home of the Upanigadic teachers by some ancient Greek writers. They almost uniformly locate the philosophers of ancient India either on the banks of the Ganges or on mountains which remain nameless. Bardesanes, a writer of the second century A.D., says: "Of the philosophers among them i.e., the Brahmans), some inhabit the mountains, others the banks of the Ganges." (The quotations are from McCrindle's translation, vide his Ancient India). Pseudo-Kallisthenes says that the men lived on the shores of the ocean or on one side of the river (presumably the Ganges), and the women on the other side towards the interior of the country. Philostratos of Semnos locates the philosophers between Hyphasis (the river Beas) and the Ganges. Apollonius of Tyana (Priaulx's translation) repeats the statement that the philosophers' eountry lay between the Hyphasis and the Ganges and that Alexander never invaded it. The evidence of these writers is far from conclusive, and the honesty and veracity of many of them has been challenged. In any case, their statements are not free from confusion. But they indicate a tendency to locate our philosophers on the banks of the Ganges, and, what is more important, on the eastern banks of that river. That brings us to the area we have kept in view. And when corroborative evidence is found elsewhere, we have no right to reject this testimony. The whole host of evidence, therefore, seems to drive us but to this one conclusion that the home of Brahma-vidye was the country of Videha-Magadha. Ideas on the subject perhaps floated all over the surface of Aryavarta ; but a systematic cultivation of the subject took place, for a long time it seems, in Videha-Magadha alone. This was, therefore, the Home of the Upanisads.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1928 HINDU AND NON-HINDU ELEMENTS IN THE KATHA SARIT SAGARA. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Br. I. General Remarks. WHEN Mr. N. M. Penzer undertook his fine edition of Tawney's translation of the Katha Sarit Sagara, now completed in ten remarkable volumes, I wrote the foreword to Volume I. In the course of my remarks I pointed out that the Brahman Somadeva, the author of the original, in putting together his collection of folktales used just the current stories of his day whatever their origin, and did in fact utilise tales and ideas that were presumably not of Aryan, i.e., of Hindu, origin. In going through the second volume carefully this notion took so strong a hold upon me that I propose now to make an examination of it, to see how far my idea is supported on being further looked into. Many years ago, when dissecting a collection of modern Panjabi folktales, principally compiled by Mrs. F. A. Steel and published in Wide-awake Stories, 1884, I went on the principle of examining the incidents in the tales rather than the tales themselves. Folktales and the incidents occurring in them have separate histories, much as have the two componente of all religions--the ritual and the philosophy-and it occurred to me then that by an examination of the incidents one was quite as likely to get at the history of the ideas contained in folktales as by an examination of the tales themselves. I have accordingly proposed to myself to follow the same principle with regard to the second volume of Mr. Penzer's edition of the Katha Sarit Sagara. In order to do so I have been through the book and noted down some 75 points, which it seemed to me to be worth examining. Of these 35 may be called records of matters that are purely Indian and 40 may be looked on as matters relating to Folklore in general, including that of the Hindus. Also it has seemed to me that practically the whole of them refer to conditions that are both Hindu and not Hindu. With these preliminary remarks I propose to examine Volume II of Mr. Penzer's book, taking advantage of his magnificent apparatus of notes, long and short, and of his appendices, one of which, that on the "poison damsel," is practically an unique contribution to the study of Folklore. My remarks will perforce be of a desultory nature, but I hope none the less worth making for that. The following list gives the many subjects I shall touch on in the order of examination. 1.-General Remarks. II.-General Points. 1. Chronology. 2. Urvasi and Pururavas, the oldest Love Story. 3. Puns. 4. The Naming of Heroes. 5. The Spread of Rumour. 6. Travelling in India at the end of the First Millenium, A.D. 7. Etymology. III.-References to old Indian life. 1. Unscrupulousness. 2. Victory Columns. 3. Strong Drink. 4. Eunuchs. 5. The Water-borne Foundling. 6. Hindu and Savage : Caste Feeling. 7. Bodhisattvas in Hinduism. IV.-Old Indian Customs. 1. Polyandry. 2. Nose-cutting for Adultery.

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OCTOBER, 1928) NOTES ON THE KATHA SARIT SAGARA 191 3. Forms of Marriage. 4. Child Marriage. 5. Gambling. 6. Feeding Brahmans. 7. The Sacredness of the Cow. 8. Birth-chamber Customs. 9. The Cesarian Operation. 10. Marvellous Cures. 11. Skull-wearing. 12. Nudity. 13. The Possession of Sons. (a) Prophecy. (6) Supernatural Births. (c) The Wishing Tree. 14. Sworn Brotherhood. 15. The Ring of Recognition. 16. Auspicious Birth-marks. 17. The Divinity of Horses. 18. Invisibility of Divinities. 19. Hindu Theft Tales. 20. Red Powder. v.-Folklore. 1. The Poison Damsel. 2. Magic. (a) Vidyadharas and White Magic. (6) Witches and Black Magic. (c) Witches' Spells. 3. The Magic Knot. 4. The Magic Circle. 5. Witches and Vampires and their Accompanimenta. (a) Potiphar's wife : the Woman Scorned. (6) Witchca' Spells and Magic Powers. (c) Overhearing. (d) Ceremonial Cannibalism. (e) Meeting Eyebrows. Mustard Seeds. 6. Rakshasas : Demons. 7. Tantric Rites. (a) Human Sacrifice. 8. The Wandering Soul. 9. Metamorphosis. 10. Mortal and Immortal Love. 11. The Water Spirit. 12. Tree Spirits. (a) The Wishing Tree. (b) The Miraculous Child. (c) Illumination. (d) Speech at Birth. (e) Walking at Birth. 13. The Fire Sacrifice and Immortality. 14. The Water of Immortality.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY .. . [OCTOBER, 1928 15. Summoning by Thought. 16. The Home of the Blest 17. Unintentional Injuries. 18. Portents: Twitching ; Itching ; Sneozing. 19. Love-sickness and Death. 20. Taboos. (a) Umbrellas. 21. Dreams. 22. Jonah in the Whale's Belly. 23. Rahu and Eclipses. 11. General Points. 1. Chronology. Let me commence with those matters that do not strictly concern Folklore, but are representative, nevertheless, of this old collection of folktales and of ancient, and indeed modern, Indian life and literature. 'One can hardly expect a literary work such as that of Somadeva, brought about to amuse the leisure of an Eastern qucen, to be careful of chronology ; but in this matter the author is wholly wild in his statements in true old Indian fashion. He is relating the main story and is extolling the glory of King Chandamahasena, King of Vatsa, in "conquering the Earth" (pp. 93-94). This to start with, and then the same king is made to subdue the King of Sindh in a war, in the course of which the King of Vatsa's cavalry break "the cavalry squadrons of the Turushkas," i.e., of the Turks. The King of Vatsa next cuts off "the head of the wicked King of the Parasikas," i.e., of the Persians, and defeats the Hanas, i.e., the white Huns. These performances frighten the King of Kamarupa, i.e., of Assam, into submission, and lastly in triumph he goes to the King of Magadha, i.e., of Bihar. Surely here neither time nor place nor history are considered. 2. Urvasi and Purtravas. The Oldest Love Story. At p. 245 ff. Mr. Penzer gives us in Appendix I. a most valuable set of observations on The Story of Urvasi and Pururavas, traced back to a hymn in the Rigveda. At the commencement of his remarks he states: "It is the first Indo-European love-story known and may even be the oldest love-story in the world." One would like to think so. Perhaps some Egyptian or Sumerian sobolar may tell us if an older one has been unearthed. Its great antiquity, however, and its persistent popularity are beyond doubt. Its scheme is, of course, in consequence familiar to many an European who has never heard of the original. An immortal girl (a fairy) loves a mortal man, marries him in mortal form on a condition-on a taboo in fact-which he cannot keep, and then disappears as an immortal on his breaking it. In the end he finds the means to attain immortality, and after many troubles every. thing ends happily. It is a story calculated to bring out much human nature in the telling. 8. Puns. Still dealing with matters of general interest, I would note that one cannot have much experience of Indian literature without noticing the fondness for puns and double meanings, and it is interesting to noto how old and insistent this fondness is. In this volume I have marked their occurrence noticed ten times by Mr. Penzer at pp. 52, 73, 79, 132, 154, 158, 180, 181, 218, 219. 4. The Naming of Heroes. Another general matter that I would like to call attention to in these stories is that a personal name is given to every one of importance concerned with a tale. It does not seem to be enough merely to mention that there lived a merchant who did such and such things, but the merchant must be named and so on, even when the name does not give any point

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OCTOBER, 1928.) NOTES ON THE KATHA SARIT SAGARA 193 to the story. E.g., The Story of the Loving Couple that died of Separation (r. 9) commences with: "There lived a certain young merchant called tllaka ... in Mathura." This is also a Scandinavian habit. In telling a story a Scandinavian must give a name to the person concerned with it even if he has to invent it on the spot-e.g., an Icelander will begin by saying: "I will tell you the story of a young man called Jon Magnusson," when it does not in the least matter whether the name was Jon or Magnus or any other. 5. The Spread of Rumour. On pp. 185-186 occurs the story of The Iniquity of Scandal, really turning on a worldwide effect of the spread of rumour, and Mr. Penzer rightly draws attention to Virgil's description in AEncid, IV. The story begins in the usual way of carefully describing names and places: "There is a city on the banks of the Ganges named Kusumapura (=PAtali. putra-Patna], and in it was a (Brahman) ascetic who visited holy places, named Harasvamin." As above remarked the point of the story is in no way advanced by mentioning these names, as it turns on the troubles of Harasvamin in consequence of " a wicked man spreading it about that he carries off children and eats them." It is not to be expected that a motif such as this should be confined to any one part of the world, but Mr. Penzer has a most illuminating note (not the only one of its kind) on p. 185, n. 3. He points out that a similar tale was actually spread about in the French Revolution as to "M. de Montlosier, Marquis de Mirabeau " indulging in orgies, during which he ate little children: much to the discomfort of M. de Montlosier. 6. Travelling In India at the End of the first Millenium, A.D.. Another general point, on which I would like to remark, arises out of a paragraph on p. 6: "At night, while all were asleep, wearied with their long journey, stretched out on strewn leaves and such other beds as travellers have to put up with." The accommodation, according to the tale, was under a tree outside a temple, which itself was outside Benares, near a place for burning the dead. I draw attention to this, because, even in the days of Peter Mundy during the Thirty Years War (1618-1648 A.D.), in Continental Europe the ordinary accommodation in a country inn, called by the English "& crewe" (Kyug) was not any better, except that the cold climate of Northern Europe made travellers sleep under a roof, but they slept anywhere on the floor on straw. 7. Etymology. The Hindus have always been as fond of folk-etymology as other people. Indeed literary striving after a moaning in names and words has gone deeply into the publio life, in the hope of raising caste status by giving a meaning to caste and sub-caste names which tends to enhance the social position of the bearers. There are instances in this volume. I will take first some oases of etymology which are not exactly folklore, but are worthy of note. On pp. 84-85, Mr. Penzer has some remarks on Adam's Bridge, which nearly connects India with Ceylon, but in his remarks on the name 'Adam's 'given to an obviously Hindu place, he has left out the illuminating observation of Dames in his Barbosa on Adam's Peak, also in Ceylon. Nextin the Story of Vidishaka at pp. 67 ff, "a certain friend of his beloved named Yogesvari" takes a prominent part in the tale. But Yogesvarf as a term means 'past mistress of yoga,' and perhape, instead of the character being simply named Yo svari, the translation should run 'a certain friend of his beloved, a most wise woman,' and she should be called thereafter the wise woman.' Lastly at p. 271 occurs & notable etymology: "gingham (a kind of cotton cloth first made at Guingamp in Brittany, the yarn of wbich is dyed before it is woven)." Here Mr. Penzer is correcting the 0. E. D. and other authorities. At p. 138 again occurs a remarkable 'expression well worth noting : "Himavat, the father of the mother of the world "--the possessor of the snows as the father of Ambika, i.e., of Parvati, the wife of Siva.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1928 Turning to folk-etymology pure and simple, I will take the case of the Fourfaced Siva as he appears in this volume. At p. 14 we read : " Brahma, wishing to destroy them (the Asuras Sunda and Upasunda) gave an order to Visvakarman, and had constructed a heavenly woman named Tilottuma, in order to behold whose beauty even Siva truly became Fourfaced 80 as to look four ways at once, while she was devoutly circumambulating him. Then in The Story of Ahalya (pp. 45-46) the Thousand Eyes of Indra are similarly accounted for. In the first of these stories we have the same general idea as that of Pygmalion and Galatea, where a sculptor's statue becomes animated out of his love. Even more directly we find an instance of folk-etymology in the name Kandarpa for KAma, the god of love. At p. 100 in the course of the very mythological tale of The Birth of Karttikeya, the god of war, Siva is reported as saying to his consort Gauri: "My dear goddess, the god of love was born long ago from the mind of Brahma, and no sooner was he born than he said in his insolence: 'whom shall I make mad (kan darpaydmi?).' So Brahma called him Kandarpa." Similarly in another wholly mythological tale we read (p. 241): "Prithu, son of Vena, having been constituted universal monarch, desired to recover for his subjects edible plants, which, during the preceding anarchy, had all perished." So he attacked the Earth and conquered her in the form of a cow. She proceeded "to fecundate the soil," and all the vegetables grew once more. "By granting life to the Earth, Prithu became as her father, and thence she derived the patronymic appellation Ptithivi (daughter of Prithu)." Lastly in yet another highly mythological tale at pp. 151-152 we find : "Then the snakes in despair licked that bed of darbha grass, thinking there might be a drop of spilt noctar on it; the effect was that their tongues were split (by its sharp edges), and they became double-tongued for nothing." This statement occurs in the tale of The Dispute about the Colour of the Sun's Horses. III. References to old Indian Life. There are several references to the conditions of life in India, brought about by the adoption of Hinduism which are worth noting as explanatory of the turn that many Indian folktales take. 1. Unscrupulousness. There is an unscrupulousness in the means used to attain an end, both in domestic and political life, that is instructive. Stories are told showing an entire want of scruple in action without a word of comment or sign of disapproval, which exhibits a certain want of moral sense in the tellers and listeners and is worth noting, for the tales of the Katha Sarit Sagara were collected and told for the amusement of a mediaeval Hindu Court in Kashmir. At the commencement of the volume on p. 2 is The Story of the Clever Physician, who cured King Mahasena of a disease by upsetting his physical equilibrium with a story of his wife's sudden death. There may, of course be some justification for a stratagem of this kind, but the story is told to suggest a way out of a political difficulty of a very different character. In the main tale, the King of Vatea is so wholly in love with his wife Vasavadatta that he is neglecting his kingdom, and there is danger from the King of Magadha. So Yaugandharayana, his minister, and Rumanvat, his general, set up a plot to wean their king from his love for Vasavadatta and marry him to Padmavati (as co-wife) the beautiful daughter of the King of Magadha, and so avert the danger. The plot is unscrupulous in the extreme, and both the King of Vatea and his wife Vasavadatta are shamefully deceived, and so, truly, are Padmavati and her father. But the plot is successful, owing to the personal characters of the two young women, and it all ends in the happy living together of the King of Vatea and his two co-wives, and incidentally in saving his country. On p. 10 in The Story of Punyasena, Yaugandharayana defends his action by relating a tale of a false report, which successfully deceives an enemy. This tale is evidently told

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OCTOBER, 1928) NOTES ON THE KATHA SARIT SAGARA 195 with the approval of the author and his audience, for "Yaugandharayana, that ocean of calm resolution, answered him (Rumanvat, who had strong doubts as to the ultimate success of pure deception]: I have arranged the whole plan, and the affairs of kings often require such steps to be taken.'" 2. Victory Columns. In the main story the King of Vatea conquers the Gangetio lands in the East, and "on its (Ganges') extreme shore sets up pillars of stone." Here Mr. Penzer, following Wilson, remarks on the jayustambha (p. 92) that "the erection of the columns is often alluded to by Hindu writers and explains the character of the solitary columns which are sometimes met with, as the Lat at Delhi, the pillars at Allahabad, Budal, etc." But is this so? Some at any rate were used by Asoka for his Buddhist propaganda. If this suggestion of Mr. Penzer's is correct, it is an important point, though it is quite possible that Somadeva is here merely giving a popular view of the nature of the "solitary pillars." 3. Strong Drink. Continuing the main story, Somadeva, at p. 125, gives a florid account of the life of "Udayana," the King of Vates at Kausambi: "While the roof of his palace was white with moonlight, as with his own glory, he drank wine in plenteous streams . ... ; beautiful women brought him, as he sat retired, in vessels of gold, wine flaming with a rosy glow. ...; he divided between the two queens the cordial liquor, red, delicious and pellucid, in which danced the reflections of their faces." The "two queens" were Vasavadatt& and Padmavati. There is a lusciousness in this description of old Court life for the delectation of the mediaeval Kashmiri Queen, which seems to spring from the very heart of the poet. 4. Eunachs. In the main story again, the marriage of the King of Vatsa with Padmavati is described at length, and at p. 29 he goes in search of Vasavadatta. "Entering the house, at the door of which eunuchs were standing" he finds her. I can merely draw attention to the fact of eunuchs being employed in Somadeva's day before the introduction of the pardah into India, as Mr. Penzer's note here is : "I shall give a long note on Indian eunuchs in a later volume." 5. The Water-borne Foundling. Through all Indian story the water-borne foundling, especially the river-borne variety, plays a great part. She, or sometimes he, also has frequent place in the tales of folketymology invented to set up claims of low castes to a higher social position. When a caste is increasing in worldly wealth it is apt to set up a claim to be descended from some such foundling, brought up of course by some man or woman of humble origin, and equally of course of true Rajput origin in reality. So it is important to enquire into the tale of one in such a collection of tales as the Katha Sarit Sagara. In pp. 4-5, in The Story of the Hypocritical Ascetic, we find that the ascetio, in order to get possession of a certain girl, induces her father by a fraud, to put her by night into a basket and set her adrift on the Ganges, intending to find it himself and so get the girl. But en route a prince finds the basket, takes the girl out of it, and sets it afloat again with a fierce monkey inside it. So that was all that the ascetic eventually found to his great grief. The idea has thus been used merely to fill & passing tale. It has also been found in European collections occasionally, perhaps, though not necessarily, borrowed from the Indian story. 6. Hindu and Savage : Caste Feelings. Somadeva was a Brahman, and though eclectic in the sources of his tales, he was clearly an upholder of Brahmanic Hinduism ; but occasionally he gives us glimpses of the situation of other natives of India in social life. In Jimutavdhana's Adventures in c Former Birth it is explained (p. 141) that the hero was an immortal Vidyadhara cursed by Siva to be born again as & mortal, and he is so born," as the son of a rich merchant in a city named Vallabhi

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1928 and his name was Vasadatta." He was afterwards seized by robbers, who take him to Pulindaka, their chief, as a sacrifice to Durg. But he is saved by a Savara (savage) king who (p. 142) "gave him much wealth and sent him back to his own home." The next thing that happens is that "the very bame Savara chief" is brought before the king "as a prisoner for plundering a caravan," and Jimatavahana saves him from the consequences by the heavy "payment of a hundred thousand pieces, and having in this way repaid the benefit which he conferred upon me by saving my life, I brought him to my house, and entertained him honourably for a long time with all loving attention." So here we have a Hindu merchant enter. taining & Savara, a savage outcaste, in his house: the said savage outcaste being himself a rich man. Later on in the story (p. 148) Jimatavahans marries Manovati, an immortal Vidy. dhari. "Then I remained there in happiness, considering myself to have attained all that heart could wish, in having Manovati for a wife and the Savara prince for friend. And that Savara chieftain generally lived in my house, finding that he took less pleasure in dwelling in his own country than he formerly did. And the time of us two friends, of him and me, Was spent in continuously conferring benefits upon one another, without ever being satisfied [? satiated)." Here again we have a Hindu merchant and & Bavage outcaste living for a long time as close friends in the Hindu's house. If this story discloses correctly manners in Somadeva's time, caste feeling must have been considerably less exclusive than it is at the present day. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. GLIMYOD OF VAJRA YANA, by BKNOYTOSH BHATTA | Mr. Bhattacharya deals in his paper with Vajra. CHAKYA. Third Oriental Conference. Madras, 1925. yana from the eighth century to its destruction at the commencement of the thirteenth century. It This is a thoughtful paper, read before the Third still exists in a small way and in a mild manner in Oriental Conference held at Madras in 1926, on the Nepal. The enormous extent of the literature is important Vajrayana School of Buddhism. Mr. accounted for by the numerous sects into which Bhattacharya, whose Indian Buddhist Iconography Vajrayana has become divided. Its two great diis well known, traces the story of the School from the visions were into Saikshas and Absikshas the beginning in the dissensions which gave rise to the Disciples and the Independents those who did and Mahayana and Hinay na divisions of Buddhism in those who did not require a teacher or guru. For the reign of Kanishka, through the work of Nagar. the Saikshas all the ritual and the superstitions juns. The Mahayanists made Buddha & divinity and were necessary, producing countless didactic work. preached an extreme doctrine of salvation of man. Even the Dharanis or charms filled innumerable kind through Bodhisattvas. This was in the first books, as there were some 500 divinitiee, each with century A.D. Then in the third century Aganga dozen of characteristic rituals. For the Asaiksha introduced the Tantras into Buddhism, which did there was a large literature of philosophy. not apparently have much effect till suddenly in the seventh century they blossomed in it everywhere. Historically the Chinese travellers up to I-tsing With the Tantrio cult came the Sakti worship and in the seventh century do not mention Vajrayana, the "unholy association of men with women." It nor does Santideva, who according to Mr. Bhattawas then that Indrabhati of Orisss stated the doc charya flourished after 695. It was Padmasamtrine of Mahdodhandda and the new School of bhava who introduced the mantra doctrine into Vajrayana. Ita doctrines "preached on the one Tibet in 747. In legend he is connected with Indrahand the most sublime doctrines of Buddhism in a bhati, and in regard to this Mr. Bhattacharya lofty and sublime manner, and on the other hand makes a very interesting remark: "It is always gave a blank charter to every conceivable immoral safe to postulate a double or treble Indrabhati in practice the grossost evil masquerading in the such cases"--Derb. sap. garb of the most refined good. This abomination The Philosophic groundwork of Vajrayana is gave rise to sandhyabhdad,"twilight language "- described by Mr. Bhattacharya as based on the speaking in terms containing " a very hidden fact that Buddha never defined nirudna, Asvaghosha, meaning." It was very popular and created a vast however, 600 years later gave a definition, and then literature in Sanskrit, Indian vernaculars and Nagarjuna boldly defined it es hinga, emptiness Tibetan. This definition did not satisfy the publio, and so

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OCTOBER, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 197 Maitreyanatha introduced the Yogachara system. THE BIRD AND BERPENT MYTH, by PROFESSOR That too did not satisfy the masses, and so the "ele- KALIPADA MITRA, Mongbyr, 1926. ment known as Mahdsakha, the great happiness, was This pamphlet contains in effect a Distribu Introduced. This gave rise to the Vajray&ns sys tionist theory, but at the same time it is a thorough tem, which gave everybody everything that was and wide examination of the Bird and Serpent wanted-even the enjoyment of extreme luat to the Myth, taking the story through all ite ramifications lustful. It was naturally extremely popular. The throughout the world and showing an immenso bodhichitta, "or the mind determined on obtaining amount of research. I would, however, point out bodhi or nirudya (now the highest heaven or feeling that here and there some mis-spellings of authors' of eternal blive), commences an upward march names occur, which is a pity. Also the pamphlet is through the heavens." As formulated by Vajra. printed with two paginations, and this has proventyans "the bodhichitta is nothing but a malo divinity of the nature of Sanya and Sanya they made a ed me from quoting its pages. Prof. Mitra first states the essential points of the goddess, NairAtma." This accounts for the grossly tale: "The hero in the tale has tasted the bitters of indecent figures of Yabyum deities so common in Vajrayana iconography. At the same time the & step-mother's hatred. His mother is dead. His father has suddenly changed. He is no longer kind. Vajrayanists were greatly hostile to Hindu ritual He knows not that the venom of his step-mother And never lost an opportunity of reviling the has stooled the heart of his father. He and his Hindu deities. youuger brother are led to the execution ground. The Jadnasiddhi of Indrabhuti, King of Uddi- But the heart of the executioner is softer than a yana, declares that among all systems the Vajrs. vile woman's and the princes escape into the yana is the best ", and Vajrayna " is nothing but jungle." the sarvatathigaldjfidna, or knowledge of all the He then shows that the birds in the story, as told TathAgates of the Five Dhyani Buddhas." It in Bengal, can talk. He next follows the tale of inculcates inter alia the uselessness of the worship of the talking bird through the Jatakas and Pali the external forms of gods, or of the adkdra or images bird-lore, and thence through Jaina and old Sanskrit of the gods. It postulates "a divine form of the literature to modern India. And here he makes a reknowledge which exists in the mind," and teaches mark with which I entirely agree: "One may how that knowledge and "merit" can be acquired, object that what has been said above relates to and the very dangerous doctrine that there is no divination proper, and does not indicate if the difference between purity and impurity. It winds "artists' really understood the talk carried out up by describing various rules for ritual worship. between birds or animals. Whether the 'art' Mr. Bhattacharya then makes the very interest really existed or not is no concern of mine. I am ing statement that Ananga vajra is identified with concerned only with the existence of popular belief Gorakshanatha, and flourished in the tenth century. that the language of animals could be understood Ho developed a form of IndrabhQti's system of and I am satisfied that suck & popular belief did Vajrayana. It provides, if possible, greater sexual exist." I have myself remarked, when objection freedom in unequivocal language. This makes Mr. has been taken to a statement in a folktale on the Bhattacharya remark: "It is no wonder that by ground that it was fantastic, that the point is, in practising this kind of religion, the whole of East my opinion, not whether the statement is fantastic India lost all vigour and the whole population be or otherwise, but whether it was really believed in came corrupted, and it is fortunate that the Muham. or not by the narrator. Writers and searchers madans came to rescue the people by destroying all are apt to lose sight of this point. the Vajracharyas in three big monasteries, NA The Professor then tackles European, Egyptian, landa, Odantapuri, Vikramasila, and probably Assyrian, Jowish, South American and Australian Jagaddala also." Finally be quotes an attack on tales of the dragon or serpent that can talk, and the Hinduism in a still later VajrayAnist work: "A belief that the method of obtaining a knowledge of dog swimming in the Ganges is not considered pure, the speech of birds and animals is to slay and aet some therefore bathing in holy places is abeolutely useless. part of a dragon-especially the heart and liver. If bathing can confer merit the fisherman must be Ho then considers the traditional antagonism be. meritoriou, not to speak of the fish and other tween the bird and the serpent, quoting the Mahdaquatic animals) who are always in water day and bhdrats and the Babylonian records, and notes the night. It is certain that from bathing sin is not similarity of the two stories. This induces him to oven dissipated, because people who are in the dive into the vexed question of Indo-Babylonian habit of making pilgrimages are full of passion, intercourse in very ancient times, which he does hatred and other vices." with a woalth of learning. His enquiry is espe. Here I leave Mr. Bhattacharya's most informing cially into the connection between the Dravidians pamphlet with my congratulations on his account of Northern and Western India and the of a very important later Buddhist system. Babylonian Empire." I do not propose to follow R. C. TEMPLE. I him bere further than to state that be quotes his

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1928 " the fact of secretary birds in Africa hunting serpente" was the origin of the myth. The Professor winds up with the honest remark: "Those who deal with myths are all in the same plight, i.e., to the historians they are no botter than the knights of the poet, who, following the Holy Grail were stuck in the quagmire. For they say, from the arid wastes of mythology (myths and legends and all the kindred brood) can only crop up Mirages of History."" Personally, I have all along been an opponent of the Distributionist Theory as usually put forward, because of the difficulty of bringing it to proof, and of the danger consequently of the many theses argued out to prove it. It may, however, be after all a correct theory within limits which have yet to be ascertained. At any rate the pamphlet of Profes. sor Kalipada Mitra exhibits an honest, leamed and lovel-headed attempt to prove his point. R.C. TEMPLE witnessoa fairly, and opines that in times anterior to the Vedas, the Dravidians and the Chaldeans were " neighbours to each other." The Professor next goes into the question of urn burial in India and notes the connection of India with ancient Babylonia or Mesopotamia, in order to show the contact between the two civilisations. This bringe him to consider & vexed question: "How the Dravidians came to be in India?" On this knotty point he has searched the authorities, and appears to hold that the Dravidians are autochthons in India with a wide commerce in Mesopotamia, but also that the resemblances pointed out by previous writers between "The Chaldaeans and the Indian Vedas" were due to the existence of the two races es neighbours in Mesopotamia." This situation does not seem, however, to be quite clear. Here the Professor makes a digression into the relative positions of the Dravidians and the Babylonians to show that it was the Dravidian serpent cult that permeated the Chaldaean civilisation. and thence spread through Babylonian conquest to Crete and Egypt, and through Crete possibly eventually to Britain and Scandinavia, vid the Danube and Jutland. But here he has an unintentional dig at Elliott Smith, for he says that it was "cer. tainly not the Phaenicians" that carried "Egyptian beads of blue glazed faience to Britain between 1800 and 1400 B.C.," and in italics he says: "The sea traders of the Mediterranean woro at that time the Cretans." So "the serpent cult might thus have reached Crete and radiated therefrom to Egypt, the Danubian Valley, Scandinavia and Britain." The Professor now turns to the further transmis. sion of the myth from India to China, Japan and Polynesia and perhaps to Central America, which he says is more onsily explained than the spread over Europe. Here he says: "I hold that the Bird and Serpent Myth-their mutual enmity and all that was taken by the Arabs from India along the trade route." He then examines this proposition and passes on to China, Japan, Polynesia and Central Asis. Finally, he suggests Contral Asia as the home of the Myth. Here again is a difficulty if the Dravidians are to be held as introducing it to the Chaldaeans and to be at the same time autochthone in India. Various theories on the subject put forward by several authors are then examined, and finally be writes: "I claim that the bird and serpent myth common to so many countries is a cultural drift disseminated from India in historic and pre-historic timee, by land or sea, directly or indirectly, along the track of conquerors in their career or the routes of merchante and traders, by the path of adven. turous colonizers, prospectors and settlers." Lastly the Professor, refers to Sir James Frazer's idea of homogeneity of beliefs involving "homogeneity of race," and the old hiatus separating Noolithic folks from the Paleolithic," and also tha suggestion that HISTORY OF MEDLEVAL INDIA, by ISEWARI PRASAD, with Foreword by Pror. L. F. RUSHBROOKWILLIAMS. 1925. Indian Press, Allahabad. The only little fault I have to find with this portly volume is firstly its size, 641 pp. under one cover, which makes it too heavy to hold in the hand, and secondly many Hindu names of Sanskrit form are cut short of the final a of syllables, which gives then an unfamiliar form : e.g., Jaijakbhukti, Raj Raj Chola. Also such & form as "Tailap" I does not in any case seem right. Having made this littlo grumble, I have to say that it is a very fine work of original research, dealing with a period of special difficulty in Indian history between the death of Harsha in 647 to the arrival of Babur in 1526. After Harsha came the Rajputs for 500 years, dividing India into emall evanescent States. Then came Muhammad Ghori in 1193, bringing in Muhammadan rule, and then the "Slave Kings" till 1296, when Alau'ddin Khilji raised an Empire for a time, followed by Muhammad Tughlak who did the same, to be followed in turn by local Muhammadan dynasties, including the Lodis of Delhi. At last came the Mughal Babur in 1526 to found an Empire with something like a central administration. A thousand years of confusion, which it requires a bardy historian to tackle, and Mr. Ishwari Prasad has done so with courage and great learning. He asks for suggestions, and here is one I have to make. Is it not time to drop the unfortunate expression "Slave Kings of Delhi". In their method of life, temper and actions they were anything but "slaves." If I understand the term aright, they were real mamluks, successful military adventurers, who in all Oriental countries arose out of the peculiar social system there prevalent. The well-known Mame. lukee of Egypt soom to have been of a precisely similar nature, so why not Mamluks of Delhi ! This is not a book that can be examined thoroughly in a review. There are too many points raised

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OCTOBER, 1928) BOOK-NOTICES 199 in it. All that can be done is to look into its view | flattery, and here again we have the lesson before of often recorded points in the history with which us of the care necessary when reading contemporary it deals. In doing so it will be seen that Mr. evidence. In Persiar history names of kings have Tshwari Prasad is bold in his opinions, but that is come down as good or bad, not because they were really in his favour. A searcher is justified in such, but because of their religious activity. Thus forming his own views. the competent Sasanian monarch Yazdajird 1 (399-420) has become "the Sinner " for tolerating the Let me then consider some of the most prominent Christians, and his successor Bahram Gor (420-438) instances of his investigation. Firstly, after briefly is undeservadly a great hero for the opposite policy. describing the rise of the leaders of the Turki guards So, too, the vigorous Kubad I (488-630) is to the of the Arab Khalifas in Persia to power, and the Persians the very reverse of a hero, because of the creation by them of petty principalities, he explains support he gave to the Mazdakis, a communistic that one of them, Alptagin, seized Ghazni in 933 asot, whose levelling and free-love doctrines he and was succeeded by his "slave" Subuktagin in found useful in represeing the power of the mag. 976, a mamluk if ever there was one. Subuktagin nates, while Naushirwan (Khusru, Choeroes 1), was the first to attack India and defeated Jaipal 531-579, the rostorer of orthodox doctrine (Zoroas of Lahore, and thus showed the way to India before trianism of a kind) is a hero indeed. I remember his death in 997 to Mahmud of Ghazni, the great also, at a moeting of the Royal Asiatic Society some raider. Mr. Ishwari Prasad rightly attributes his years ago, remarking that great as Aurangzeb was guccess to the went of "national patriotism " among as an Emperor, his bigoted policy brought his the Rajput chiefs, and he also rightly says that Empire to ruin, and having my remarks at once he "although & great conqueror was no barbarian." controverted by a learned Afghan present, and then He further says that the character of Mahmud has I saw that to him and his kind that great protagonist come down to us in two lines of report: to the of Islam was one who could do no wrong. We have Musalmans he was a champion of the faith, to the therefore always to be careful as to dealing with Hindus an inhuman tyrant. Nevertheless "Mah the evidence available as to the character of Oriental mud was a great leader of men, a just and upright rulers. This is a point worth thorough investigation ruler according to his lights, an integral and gifted As Mr. Ishwari Prasad's historical estimates will soldier, & dispenser of justice, & patron of letters, show us. and deserves to be ranked among the greatest kings in the world." This is an opinion which will Muhammad Ghori had no son to succeed him and have to be reckoned with by future historians, one of his lieutenants, Kutbuddin Aibak, originally though Mr. Ishwari Prasad rightly says that & Turki slave and essentially a mamluk, was his Mahmud's work did not enduro. The above quoted successor on the throne of Delhi by sheer personal remarks also show, as will certain others to be made merit. Thus was founded the dynasty, if we may hereafter, that the honest historian should always call it so, of the Slave Kings, or as I should like to look into the character of the ancient evidence ho call it, of the Mamluks of Delhi, which lasted from is exploring, as both contemporary and subsequent 1206 to 1290, during which every mamluk who reporters are apt to be biassed by their predilections. succeeded in turn was a remarkable man. After Mahmud's successors made no progress in India, Kutbu'ddin Aibak came Altamish, who in 1228 and it was not till a century and a half later that received a patent of investiture from the Khalifa of Muhammad Ghori, to give him the name adopted Baghdad, and so founded a legal dynasty at Delhi. by Mr. Ishwari Prasad, who had overthrown the Then in due course came Balban, a true mamluk of last incompetent Ghaznavide, mado any attempt the most remarkable capacity of them all. On his at conquest. Then tollowed the two battles of death arose that political confusion so common in Tarain in 1191 and 1192, with the defeat and death all mediaeval history everywhere, and out of this of Rai Pithaura and in 1194 of Jaichand of Kanauj, Jalaluddin Khilji emerged to the front as king in while his lieutenants, Kutbu'ddin Aibak and 1290, and founded a dynasty. The Khiljis, origin. Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji, took large portions ally Turks, had settled in Afghanistan a's & mixed of Central and Eastern India down to the sea by race. Jalalu'ddin was an old man when he suc1202. The Rajputs had not improved and were ceeded and not really able to cope with the situation defeated in detail. In 1206 Muhammad Ghori was in which he found himself, but he had a nephew murdered by a Khokhar on the way to Ghazni from and son-in-law, Alau'ddin Khilji, who rose to be Lahore, leaving behind him a large Musalman one of the greatest men in medieval India. The kingdom in Northern India. Mr. Ishwari Prasad's general account of his reign is of course well known. version of the story is well worth consideration. Ho created an Empire that practically covered all We now come to his "estimate" of Muhammad India, and he propounded a theory of kingship that Ghori. The difference between him and Mahmud placed the monarch above the law : "I do not was that he had a political mind and Mahmud had know whether this is lawful or unlawful, whatever not. He was therefore capable of founding a State. I think to be for the good of the State or suitable He was moreover a munificent patron of literature to the emergency, that I decree." He was never a Hence his name has been handed down with fulsome bigoted Muslim, yet he ill-treated the Hindus, which

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOD ER, 1928 ended in the undoing of the great Empire he had Khusru II of Persia sent his famous embassy, and created for himself. He was nevertheless the first that the escription of the great picture at Ajanta to organise a real standing army and he fixed a had nothing to do with it. Some papers, too, read tariff of market prices. This last was a proceeding at the last Congress at Madras went to show that that could not last, but it shows the man and howe have all been wrong about the date of Buddha's was capable of enforcing it while he lived. Mr. death. Obviously, even the main facts of Indian Ishwari Prasad's estimate of this truly wonderful History are still debatable, and it may be that personality is worth study : "the reign of Alau'ddin Mr. Ishwari Prasad is right after all. He is at any represents the highest water-mark of Muhammadan rate worth considering. However, whatever he was despotism." as to character, Firuz Tughlak was a great adminis trator, and that Mr. Ishwari Prasad seems to recog. After Alau'ddin's death in 1316 came the usual nise. Hic death was followed as usual by a scramble scramble for power and the dispersal of the bulk for power, and the next event of the first importance of the Empire, making possible the career of the was the invasion of Timur in 1398. Hero once slavo-minister Malik Khusru and the fiscal part of more we have uncertain history, for there are two the career of the eunuch slave Malik Kafur, both views of Timur : that of his friends and that of his miscreants of the first water, whatever their ability. enemies. The controversy is not settled yet. Then came in 1320 the turn of the Karauna Turks Mr. Ishwari Prasad does not however, directly in the person of Ghiyasu'ddin Tughlak, a man of implicate him in the terrible sack of Delhi, which humblo origin, but of the ability that made monarche he calls "the back of Delhi by Timur's soldiery." of his predecessors, the Slave Kings of Delhi. Mr. But it led to the disintegration of the Empire. Ishwari Prasad's estimate of him as "a mild and benevolent ruler," as a man who loved simplicity " Mr. Ishwari Prasad then deals with the minor and "frank joviality" is worth attention. He Dynasties that arose in Malwa, Gujarat, Jaunpur, was however harsh to Hindus for political Bengal and Khandesh, and with the Bahmanis and reasons. the Five Shahi Kingdoms of the Deccan-all of these, by the way, "minor" only because of the But the most celebrated Tughlak was his son overpowering Delhi Empires. And then he deals Muhammad, the "mad" King of Delhi, according with Vijayanagar. In this last case we have a to the usual 488umption, from 1325 to 1351. Hindu Empire in the South keeping Muhammadan "Learned, merciless, religious and mad" is the expansion effectively in check for 200 years-1336 general impression of this remarkable man, and he to 1565-and even to this day the history of Islamic certainly tried some wonderful schemes. Mr. families in the South is not that of their history in Ishwari Prasad's careful investigation, however, the North. bringe him to quite a different opinion. He starts by calling him "Muhammad Tughlak the ill In Delhi meanwhile nothing of general importance starred idualist," which is a startling view of him, happened in the first half of the 16th century till to say the least of it. The general idea of him has the Afghan Bahlol Lodi came into power in 1451. been challenged before now, but if we are to accept Here once more there are two views of Delhi rulers. Mr. Ishwari Prasad's estimate we must remodel our To the Muhammadans the Lodis were good rulers, impressions. Among other things he says : "the to the Hindus they were terrible iconoclasts. Mr. verdict that declares him & cruel and blood-thirsty Ishwari Prasad is again independent: "Bahlol tyrant like Noro or Caligula does little justice to his deserves a high place in history." His even greater son, Sikandar Lodi, who was the first monarch to great genius." As to this remark I present Mr. Ishwari Prasad with another. We get our ideas live at Agra, he describes as "a narrow-minded about Nero largely from the estimates of his enemies, bigot, but not devoid of the higher qualities of the the Christians whom he persecuted. Have we got heart and mind." Mr. Ishwari Prasad is here them right? He seems to have been a popular striving to be fair even in the case of a persecutor monarch w his contemporaries as a whole. of his faith. And then, in Ibrahim Lodi's time, who was "by no means an incompetent ruler" Muhammad Tughlak was succeeded by Firuzcame in 1526 Babur the Mughal and the Battle of Tughlak for 37 years. Here again Mr. Ishwari Panipat, when the use of field guns for the first Prasad upsets preconceived ideas. I at all events time in India gave the intruding Mughal the victory. had looked upon Firuz Tughlak as a man of peaceful Thus ended the Middle Ages in India and the great ways and lofty character, as a valuable foil to Mogul Empire began. Muhammad Tughlak, but Mr. Ishwari Prasad will The time has not yet come to pass judgment on have none of this. He describes him as a man this great book, but I have said enough to show with little ambition and less fitness for high what it contains. It may also be fairly said that position," and elsewhere as "weak and irresolute." it goes steadily from point to point, and does at Well, as time goes on, one gets accustomed to fixed least place before us clearly the history of India ideas becoming challenged. In the latest issue of during a most difficult and obscure period. the Journal of Indian History, is an article to show that it was Harsha and not Pulikesin II to whom R. C. TEMPLE.

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NOVEMBER, 1928) KATHAKA UPANISAD 201 KATHAKA UPANISAD. TRANSLATED WITI AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. BY PROY. JARL CHARPENTIER, UPSALA, Kathaka (or Katha) Upanisad is one of the best known amongst those often sublime and sometimes rambling texts known as Upanisads. Together with the Chandogya it has perhaps a claim to the foremost rank among them all. It has already been many times translated into various European languages. It apparently belonged to that famous collection of fifty Upanisads which the unhappy Prince Muhammad Dara Shikoh caused to be translated into Persian. For, we find it in Anquetil Duperron's well-known collection as No. XXXVII, with the bewildering name Kiouni'. Otherwise, the oldest translation into a European language, as far as I can find, is the German one by Poley, l.c. p. 113 sqq. (1847)3. Other German translations are those by Bohtlingk4 and by Professor Geldner, as well as one of the three first vallis by the late lamented Professor Hillebrandte. There are English translations by Max Muller, by Whitney, by Hume9 and perhaps still otherg10. Further, our text has been translated into Italianil. and twice into Swedish13. There may be translations into other languages, too, but in that case they have, unfortunately, escaped me. Of all these translations that by Anquetil Duperron can scarcely claim more than historical interest, though we know, thanks to the researches of Dr. F. 0. Schrader13, that his work is still not without importance for the constitution of the text of certain minor Upani. sads. Poley's translation, on the contrary, still seems to be quite good. Certain emendations of the text were suggested by Bohtlingk and Whitney. Some of them, of course, are quite useful, but the majority seem to the present writer far too violent to bo acceptable; and it may be said, with all due respect to Whitney, that his endeavours in the line of textemendation were not always very happy. Hume's translation makes easy reading, but it is simply an imitation and modification of that by Whitney. However, amongst all the translations known to me there is one which stands out far above the others in penetration and clearness, viz., that by Professor Geldner, the foremost living interpreter of the Vedas. I gratefully confess that I owe very much to this excellent piece of work, and it is only with great diffidence that I have ventured, upon various points, to differ from him. Several excellent suggestions are also found in the translation of Hillebrandt which, however, is unfortunately incomplete. Of literature on this Upanisad, outside the works already quoted, there is little enough to be mentioned here. A few years ago Madhva's commentary on it was edited by Dr. B. 1 Oupnek'at (id est, Secretum Tegendum), Tom. ii. (Strassbourg 1802), pp. 299-327. 2 Anquotil himself explains this by the words : 'Satakretice, Khmihi, magnus, magni momenti : vel, Kansand, animi motius, aliquid intendere 'which is, of course, impossible. Weber, Ind. Stud., ii, 195, gives no explanation, I can, unfortunately, find no probable explanation. No. XXXVI in Anquetil Duperron's collection is the Kena, which is there called Kin. However, Colebrooke (of. Poley, Abhandlung ueber die heiligen Schriften der Indier, p. 70) mentions the Kend as the 37th of the Atharvan Upanipade. Is it possible that Kiouni is simply a misunderstood rendering of Kena? 3 On L. Poley cf. Windisch, Geschichte der Sanskritphilologie, i, p. 94 sq. * Berichte der sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften (furthor on quoted-SB.) 1890, p. 127 sq.; cf. ibid. 1891, p. 85 sq. 6 In Bertholet, Religionsgeschichtliches Lesebuch (1908), p. 202 sq. 6 Aus Brahmanas und Upanisaden (1921), p. 116 sq. SBE., vol. XV, p. 1 sq. & Transactions of the American Philological Association, XXI (1890), p. 88 sq. 9 The Thirteen Principal Upanishads (1921), p. 341 sq. 10 There is at least a translation by Roer which, however, I have not been able to see. 11 F. Belloni-Filippi, La Kaphaka Upanipad tradotta in Italiano, Pisa 1904. 12 A. Butenschoon, Kathaka Upanishad, Stockholm, 1902, and the late Professor K. F. Johansson in Frammande Religion surkunder, ii, 153 sq. 18 Cf. Minor Upanisads, vol. i, p. xv sq. (1890). D. 88 sq.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . NOVEMBER, 1928 Heimann14. We ought, of course, to be very grateful for every publication of that sort ; but the real interpretation of the text gets little help from those Vedantic commentators whether Samkara or anyone elsewho constantly interpret it according to their own philosophical tenets. Further, there is a short paper by Hillebrandtio containing a few emendations to our text and another by Professor Sieg18 of the same nature. The present writer always felt the highest consideration for the excellent services rendered by Professor Sieg to Vedic interpretation ; but he feels sorry to say that, with perhaps some very slight exceptions, he finds the suggestions of the professor concerning our Upanisad entirely out of the question. [When writing the above article I was, unfortunately, unaware of the article on the Kathaka Upanisad by Dr. Faddegon in the Mededeelingen der Kon. Akad. van Weten. schappen, Afd. Letterkunde, Deel 55, Serie A, No. 1 (1923). But as our aims seem to differ widely this has perhaps not done much harm. The excellent work by Professors Belvalkar and Ranade, History of Indian Philosophy, vol. i, came into my hands only after this article had gone to print.) The word Upanisad has generally been interpreted as 'secret session' and 'secret teaching, secret doctrine.' This interpretation apparently was known already to Anquetil Duperron, who translated it by secretum tegendum; and has been endorsed by Bohtlingk. Roth, Max Muller, Deussen and others. There can, according to my opinion, be no doubt whatsoever that this is the correct interpretation. It is quite true that the verb upa-ni-sadoccurs in very few passages; but when we find it in AV., xix, 41, 1, in the connection tapo dikesam upaniseduh it is quite correctly rendered by Whitney-Lanman17 by 'sat down in attendance upon. In Sal. Br., xi, 2, 3, 7, we find the following words: ghrtam tanvandn rain gandharvd upaniseduh 'the Gandharvas sat down in attendance upon the seers who were sacrificing ghee.' Besides there is not much difference between upa-ni-sad- and upa-sad-, the meaning of which cannot be doubtful. It means 'to sit down near someone,' viz., in order to worship or honour him, to ask him for something, eto. Cf., e.g., RV.1, 72, 5; iii, 14, 5; vi, 1, 6; Taitt. S., ii, 5, 1, 2; M Bh., vii, 5852 ; Raghuv. xvii, 22; Kathdsarits., 108, 21, etc.18 We may also remember the meaning of upa-vis. and the use of this verb especially in the dramatic literature. The preposition upa itself and its use in compounds like upendra, etc., also indicates the real meaning of upal-ni)-pad-. The noun upanisad consequently means the sitting down (of the pupils) near (the Guru),' viz., in order to partake of his teaching. But apparently this word was not used in connection with the ordinary teaching of the Vedio hymns or the Yajus formulas, which was nowise carried out in secrecy. It was a technical term denominating those sessions of the Guru and his pupil(8) 10 during which secret doctrines, such as those of Brahman-Atman, of 14 Madhvas Kommentar der Kdfhaka Upanipad, Hallo a. S. 1922. 16 ZDMG., Ixviii, p. 579 sq. 16 Aus Indiens Kultur, Fesigabe fur Richard von Garbs (1927), p. 129 sq. 17 Atharva Veda Translation, p. 963. 18 Cf. also the meaning of upaniqadin in Bat. Br. IX, 4, 3, 3. 19 The Upanisads, it will be remembered are generally in the form of dialogues between two persons, a teacher and a pupil. Thus, e.g., the Kathaka, where the acting persons are only two, Yama and Naciketas, or the dialogues between Uddalaka and Syeta letu in the Chandogya Upanisad, etc. Cf. in modern times, e.g., the interviews of Prince Muhammad Dara Shikoh with the ascetic Babe Lal Das (M. M. Huart et Massignon, J.A., 1926: 2, p. 285 sq. Revue du monde mussulman Ixiii, 1 sq.). Mogul pictures give us a good illustration of these upanigade betwoon teacher and pupil.

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NOVEMBER, 1928) KATHAKA UPANISAD 203 karman, etc., the main tenets of the Aranyakas and the Upanisads-were imparted.20 It was used then to denominate those doctrines themselves and finally the collections of texts in which those doctrines were preserved. Thus upanisad by and by got its later meaning of secret doctrine ' in general. There is absolutely nothing queer or bewildering in this development of the various meanings of the word. Curiously enough the late Professor Oldenberg did not agree with this clear and indubitable explanation of the word upanipad.1 According to him the verb upa-ni-sad- should have exactly the same meaning as upa-ds- ; and consequently upanisad would mean 'reverence, worship. This worship, however, according to Oldenberg, was not the worship of the teacher, but that of Brahman-Atman, and of other things held in reverence by the doctrine of the Upanisads. In spite of the great authority of Oldenberg, this is quite wrong. For, if u panisad meant what he suggests, then it could, of course, only be applied to the lonely meditation of the yoni, the samadhi or samnydaa and in no case whatsoever to the interviews between a teacher and his pupil. Moreover, the way in which Oldenberg wants to translate, in some passages, the word u panisad is clearly out of the question. We Are quite prepared to admit that upanisad might, at times, mean something like 'reverence' but then it simply denotes the respectful attitude in which the pupil sits down next to his Guru in order to receive the secret doctrine from him. Quite recently a Polish Sanskritist, Dr. Stanislaus Schayer, has tried to establish still another meaning of the word upanipad. According to him upanipad 'is the equivalence between two magical substances to be arrived at during the act of upasana.'23 From this original meaning of the word he derives the following secondary senses: (1) 'secret formula of equivalence, secret knowledge in general' (2) 'equivalence, substitute,' and (3) general interdependence between two substances, mutual interdependence, condition.' Besides transparent mistakes such as the curious misunderstanding of Panini i, 4, 79, or the entirely wrong explanation of Pali upaniod, Dr. Schayer's paper contains translations which are apparently sheer absurdities. Thus as concerns upa-08.14, when simple sentences like AV. X, 10, 26 : vasam mrtyum upasate they adore the barren cow as Death'or Sat. Br. X, 6, 3, 12: satyam brahmety updsitawith the thought " truth is Brahman" one ought to worship it' are translated in the following way: 'sie umwerben (!) die Kuh als den Tod' and 'die Wahrheit ist das brahman, so muss man (die Wahrheit) umwerben (!). One could scarcely hit upon anything more erratio in the way of translation. And in the same way the author treats the word upanisad. In Sat. Br., xii, 2, 2, 13 we read : ahar iti sarvam samvatsaram saisd samvatsarasyopanisat, which, of course, means: the day is the whole year, that is the secret meaning of the year.' In the same way samnam upanisat in Chand. Up., i, 13, 4, means the secret (mystio) meaning of the samans'; of Dr. Schayer's equivalence' there is not the slightest trace anywhere. These examples picked out quito at random sufficiently prove that the hypothesis of Dr. Schayer is untenable. There need not be the slightest doubt that upanipad has the 10 Wo know, of course, that much sittings were strictly secret. C4. e.g., Brh. Ar. Up., ili, 2, 13, where the great Yajnavalkys takes Artabhaga JAratkarava by the hand and leads him away to a place where they could speak between four eyes. And what they spoke of, that was karman, and what they praised, that was karman.' 31 ZDMG., 1, p. 457 sq.; cf. Die Lehre der Upanishaden und die Anfange des Buddhismus (1915), pp. 37 sq., 155 sq., 348 sq. 13 Rocznik, Orjentalistyczny wydaje Polakie towarzystwo Orjentalistyoene, vol. iii, (Lwow 1927), p. 37 89. 38 This definition is not quito an my one. It is, howovor, founded on the extremely artificial and topky-turvy explanation of upa-de- suggested by Dr. Bohayer. 24 On upa.de in the Upanigade of. Senart, Morilegitan Milohior de Pogid (Paris 1909), p. 675 sq. His explanation of Upaniyad is, however, out of the question.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1928 meaning long ago adopted by Max Muller, Deussen, etc.26 Amongst the innumerable problems presented by Indian sacred lore this one at least can be counted as solved. As is well known, the different Upanisads are counted as belonging to different Vedas, the vast majority consisting, of course, of Atharvana Upanisads. But there seems to be some doubt about the position of the Kathaka within the sacred lore. No doubt Anquetil Duperron26 described it as ex Atharban Beid desumptum,' and Colebrooke enumerated it as the 35th and 36th upanisad of the Atharva-Veda. Still, he seems to have had some doubts about that, as he tried to agcribe it both to the Yajur Veda and to the PancavimscsBrahmana of the Sama-Veda, 27 for which latter suggestion there is certainly not the slightest reason. According to Colebrooke, 'however, Samkara and Balakrsna should have commentated upon it as belonging to the Atharva-Veda, an assumption which has been eagerly en. dorsed by Weber28. The consensus of the older authorities seems to bo that the Kathaka is in reality an Upanisad of the Atharva Veda. This opinion, however, seems not to be too well founded. I do not lay much stress upon the fact that the contents of our Upanisad is not much like that of the Atharvana Upani. sads in general. For, if the Kathaka did really belong to the Atharva-Veda it would undoubtedly be the oldest of its species, and we would thus have no precedents from which to judge the contents of the earliest Atharvana Upanisads. But the name, Katha or Kathaka, is certainly inexplicable as that of an Upanisad belonging to the fourth Veda.29 For, there cannot, of course, be the slightest doubt that this name Katha is identical with that of the old sage Katha, to whose school30 belonged that branch of the Yajur Veda happily preserved to us with the name of Kathaka-Samhita. Judging from the name our Upanisad ought undoubtedly to belong to that branch of the Black Yajur Veda. In this connection we may perhaps draw attention to the fact that certain verses of our Upanisad are wholly or partly identical with verses from other Vedic texts. Of these the verne 4, 9 is nearly the same as AV. X, 8, 16 ; but at the same time its first line is identical with the first line of Brh. Ar. Up., i, 5, 23. Verse 2, 5 is--with the exception of one single word-identical with Mund. Up. 2, 8 31 ; but it is also identical with verse 7, 9 of the Maitr. Up., a text said to belong to the Black Yajus. Verse 2, 23 is entirely identical with Mund. Up. 2, 3, while 5, 15 tallies with Mund. Up. 2, 10, but also with verse 6, 14 of the Svet. Up., a Blac.. Yajur Veda text. Of other coincidences verse 2, 20 tallies with Taitt. Ar. X, 10, 1 and with Sret. Up. 3, 20; while 5, 12-13=Svet. Up. 6, 12-13, and 6,9=Svet. Up. 4, 20. Finally, parts of the verses 4, 10-11 make up the verse found in Byh. Ar. Up. iv, 4, 19, and Verse 6, 14=Brh. dr. Up. iv, 4, 7. In this enumeration I have not included the passages in our text borrowed from the Rig-veda nor the verses 6, 16-17, which are apparently a later addition 25 I have not takon into consideration here the suggestion of Mr. M. R. Bodas, JBBRAS. xxii, p. 69 sq., that upanigad should mean 'sitting down by the sacrificial fire,' as it is unnecessary and partly wrong. 26 Oupnek'hat, vol. ii, p. 299. 27 Cf. Poley, l.e. p. 70. 29 Tud. Stud, ii, p. 195 sq. 29 Is it possible that tho unexplained name Kiouni in Anquetil Duperron's text (cf. supra p. 201, n. 2) has any connection with the attribution of our Upanisad to tho Atharva-Voda ? 30 That School is called Kathah by Pan, iv, 3, 107, and is there mentioned together with the Carakah another school of the Black Yajus. There are the Pracya-Kathah and the Kapinthala-Kathdh, and they are also mentioned together with other schools which need not be named here. 31 Tho Mundaka, as is well known, is supposed to be the oldest existing Upanisad of the Atharva Veda;

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NOVEMBER, 1928 KATHAKA UPANTSAD 205 On the whole, the most numerous coincidences are with texts belonging to the YajurVeda, and we may conclude from this that our Upanisad most probably belongs to that Veda and to that Sakhd of it which is known as the Kathaka. The story of Naciketas is found also in the Taitt. Br. iii, 11, 8, 1-5, a text which must. undoubtedly belong to an older period than our Upanisad. We are told there that Usan Vajasra vasa32 gave away all his earthly goods, and that his son, young Naciketas, three times asked his father to whom he wanted to give him33. At last the father answered him: "To Death I give thee." And when the boy started for the abode of Death a certain (divine ) 34 voice talked to him, advising him to arrive at the house of Death while he was absent. There he was to stay fasting for three nights. When Death, having returned, asked him : "What hast thou eaten the first night?" he was to answer : " Thy offspring"; and likewise concerning the second night : "Thy cattle," and concerning the third : "Thy good actions." Death, apparently scared out of his wits upon hearing this terrible news, now speaks to him: "Hail to thee, O venerable one!" says he," choose a boon "-" Then may I living go to my father "--"Choose a second one"-"Tell me the eternal reward of sacrifice and good works "36, thus he replied. Then he told him about this Naciketa fire. Then forsooth his sacrifice and good works gave abundant fruit .... "Choose a third one," he said. "Tell me how to ward off (apajiti)36 recurring death", thus he replied. Then he told him about this Naciketa fire. Then forsooth he warded off recurring death. This story tallies only partly with the Kathaka Upanisad. According to the latter text Usan Vajasra vasa-otherwise the famous Uddalaka Aruni-gave away all his carthly goods as daksinds.37 His young son Naciketas38, when he saw the sacrificial cows being led away, was seized by longing for the heavenly worlds39 and spoke a verse concerning those cows, which is not to be found in the Brahmana. Three times he asks his father to whom he is going to give him, until finally the father answers : "I give thee to Death.":40 There must be something like a gap in our present text at this point, for the connection is apparently broken and can only be restored hypothetically. Anyhow, it is quite clear 32 On him cf. Weber, Ind. Stud. ii, p. 201 sq. and infra. 38 That the father, after having given overything else away, should at last have to give even his own child undoubtedly reminds us of the stories of Hariscandra and of the Buddhist Vessantarajataka (Jataka 647; Jatakamala 7 etc.) But the situations are, of course, entirely different. 36 Thus the commentary. 35 istapurtayor me 'ksitim bruhi. The Bibl. Ind. edition incorrectly reads me ksitim bruhi. 36 The commentary reads apaciti, probably only by misprint. 37 That probably, though not necessarily, means that ho had been celebrating a Sarvamedha. Cf. Hillebrandt, Ritualliteratur, p. 15 98 The name is difficult, and the various explanations suggested are unsatisfactory. The Indian analysis Natciketas (: cit.), which was endorsed by Bohthing, SB. 1890, p. 129 is, of course, without any value whatsoever. But Professor Wackernagel in his Altind. Gramm. ii: 1, 59 has quito correctly pointed out that naci- is the form of nakra to be used as the first part of a compound. There is no word ketas, but it would probably be found to have the same meaning as ketrt. Thus naci-ketas would mean about the same as makara-ketu or makara-dhuaja, well-known epithets of Kama. The son of Uddalaka Aruni, of course, is Sveta-ketu (cf. Professor Luders, Festschr. Windisch p. 228 ff.); it is, anyhow, remarkable that both names, Naci-kelas and Sveta-ketu, seem to end in the same way. Nakra--though probably originally a colourname--can, however, not be identical with Sveta. 39 Cf. infra. . 40 Hillebrandt, Aus Brahmanas und Upanishaden, p. 116, thought that wo might find here an obliterated trace of a purusamedha in connection with the giving away of all wealth. To me this seems fairly probable, but it cannot be provod satisfactorily.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1928 that in the next lines we find the young Brahman in the realm of Death, nay, even in the very palace of Yama, for whose wishes he at once asks. I have hesitatingly attributed the verse 1, 6 to Mrtyu suggesting that he be the bailiff of Yama; but I willingly admit that this is perhaps not strictly necessary, and that possibly Naciketas and Yama are the only speakers in the whole Upanisad.41 Of the (daivi)vak known to the Brahmana there is not the slightest trace in our text, nor is it necessary to assume its presence; the whole thing is probably the pure fancy of an author who had before him some verses very much like 1, 5-9 of the Upanisad. Naciketas himself announces that he, a Brahman, enters every house42 like Agni Vais. vanara, the guest of all mankind, and proudly exhorts Yama to fetch him water. And he adds a sententious verse to remind the King of Death of the risks he is running by having had a Brahman in his house (for three nights, as we get to know from verse 1, 9) without offering him food. Yama, in real fright, now offers him to choose three boons. Naciketas first of all wishes that his father may greet him joyfully when he returns to his house, 43 Then he wants to know about the fire that leads to heaven, and Yama explains to him the Naciketa. fire, though we do not get to know its secret. This part, which Professor Geldner44 has quite aptly called the karmakanda ends with verse 1, 19. Thus far also goes the Brahmana episode, though there Naciketas in his third wish wants to know how to evade punarmstyu; and this is also done by means of the Naciketa-fire. It is extremely probable that there was an old story-possibly in metrical form--of a young Brahman by name Naciketas, who was taught by Yama how to build the fires in & way that leads to the heaven of the Vedic gods. And by worship (updsana) of, and speculation upon, that fire he would also be able to ward off renewed death, i.e., to obtain immortal life in the heaven of bliss and sensual pleasures. 46 But in his third wish-punarmstyor me 'prajitim bruhi--there was the point of start for & real Upanigadic treatise. In verse 1, 20 of our text Naciketas is made to ask what is the fate of the dead-not the dead in general, but the muktah, as Raghavendra and Deussen have already stated-but Yama does not want to reveal his great secret. He offers the boy all that any living man would set his heart's desire upon, last of all lovely girls and sensual pleasures; but Naciketas is steadfast, and at last Yama is forced to answer his question, and thus to explain the Brahman-Atman question. But he does not do it very willingly, and Naciketas time after time46 has got to exhort him to keep to the point. Thus there begins in 1, 20 the real Upanisad, the jnanakanda 47, which consists of the whole of our text up to 6, 15, a verse that ends with the words etavad anusasanam.48 Most interpreters have thought that the original Upanisad finished with Valli 3, and that 4-6 were later additions. But even here Professor Geldner has seen more clearly and pointed out that there is a considerable stop after 3, 1549, but that the Upanisad by no means ends there. He seems to me to be wrong only in that, following Raghavendra, he attributes verse 4, 3 to Naciketas, which is unnecessary and does not improve the sense of the passage. 41 That this is the case in what is really the Upanisad (viz. from 1, 20 to 6, 15) is quite regular, cf, supra p. 202 sq. 42 It is possible that a verse like 1, 7 was known to the author of the Brahmana as the words parchi matyor grhan in iii, 11, 8, 2 seem to be a misinterpretation of grhan in our text. 43 This wish really comprises two, viz., that the father will be able to groot him, and that he himself will return to life. For there is no reason whatsoever for doubting that Nacikotan, whon ho arrives au the house of Yama, is physically dead. 14. Vedische Stud., iii, p. 154 n. 45 Cf. AV. iv, 34, 2 etc. 46 Cf. 2, 14 ; 5, 4. 14. 47 Ot. Geldner, 1.c. iii, p. 154 n. 48 The verse 6, 16, was taken from the Chand. Up. viii, 6, 6, and put in here by someone who had totally misunderstood the word granthaya) in 6, 15. The greater part of 6, 17 is taken from Suet. Up, iii, 13. Finally 6, 8 is a sort of late patch-work with wrong grammatical forms, and apparently added at a later time. 193, 15-16 are apparently later additiona in an epic style,

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NOVEMBER, 1928) KATHAKA UPANISAD 207 By making this short comparison between the Taittiriya Brahmana passage and the Upanigad we can, I think, see how the later one has originally been built up. The Kafhaka is counted by Deussen and others as belonging to the second period of the greater Upanisads which, however, tells us nothing about the time of its origin. Oldenberg long ago 6o found that metrically it is pre-Buddhist; and Professor Stcherbatsky recently61 seems to take this quite for granted. However, to say that its metre is "pre-Buddhist " can only mean that it is in general more ancient-looking than the metres occurring in the oldest Buddhist texte, as e.g., the Sutta-Nipata and others. But of their age we know nothing-only that they did probably exist at the time of Asoka (c. 250 B.C.). To me it appears that the surroundings are entirely the same that we meet with in the old Buddhism. The question put to Yama in verse 1, 20 is exactly the same as that repeatedly put to the Buddha, viz., "does the Tathagata survive after death, or does he not survive ?" In 5, 11-12 duhkha and sukha seem to have the same sense of unrest' and 'rest' that they have in Buddhist philosophy, as proved by Professor Stcherbatsky; sdnti is just as well Buddhist as Upani. sadio, eto. It thus seems probable that our text belongs to about the same time as the oldest Buddhist texts-perhaps the fourth century B.C.--and that it originated in the same spiritual surroundings as did those works. Oldenberg onceby pointed to the great similarity between the soene where Yama tries to evade the third question of Naciketas by offering him land, wealth, cattle, women and sexual pleasures, and the well-known one where Mara tries to divert the Bodhisattva from his designs on Buddhahood by tempting him with all the goods and pleasures of this worldamongst others with his three lovely daughters. There is not the slightest doubt that these scenes are closely connected with each other. But at the bottom of them both is the old Indian idea of the holy man who is becoming a danger to the gods, and whose holiness they try to destroy by appealing to his carnal desires.63 Naciketas, the Brahman boy who overcomes the resistance of Death, is the male counterpart of the divine Savitri, who by her wise words induces Yama to release the soul of her dead husband Satyavan and give him back to life. Nothing better can be said for him than this, that in him and Savitri Sanskrit literature has perhaps created its most sublime figures. With these perfunctory remarks I turn to the text itself. It need scarcely be pointed out that I do not lay claim to any very startling discoveries. I venture to think that in a few passages I have perhaps succeeded a little better than previous interpreters-that is all. (To he continued.) 80 ZDMG., xl, p. 87 sq. 81 Central Conception of Buddhism, p. 68. 62 Cf. Buddha, 5th ed., p. 60 sq. 53 The Apearases such as Menak, Urvasi, etc., are well known as being the tools of the gods in those unsavoury endeavours of theirs.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . NOVEMBER, 1928 SOME LITERARY NOTES ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE GOVINDALILAMRTA. BY CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI, M.A. THE Govindalilampta is a fairly popular Sanskrit Kavya among the Vaisnavas of Bengal. It deals, as its name implies, with the amours of Radha and Krsna. Its popularity is attested by the fact of its having been translated into Bengali verse as early as 1610 A.D. by Yadunandana Dasa. Numerous manuscripts of it found and noticed or described by various scholars in notices, reports and descriptive catalogues of Sanskrit MSS. in different parts of the world point to the same fact. But curiously enough there has been a good deal of confusion among scholars with regard to its authorship. Thus one set of scholars attributes it to Raghunatha Dasal, while another is inclined to suppose Raghunatha Bhatta as its author. All this confusion seems to have arisen out of a verse which occurs, mutatis mutandis, at the end of every canto. At the end of the last canto it runs as follows: zrI caitanyapadArAvandamadhupazrIrUpasevAphale diSTe zrIraghunAthadAsakRtinA zrIjIvasaMgodgate / kAvye zrIraghunAthabhaTTavaraje govindalIjAmRte sargoyaM rajanIvilAsabalitaH pUrvastrayoviMzakaH / / "This the twenty-third canto, full of nightly amours, in the Govindalilamsla which is the fruit of waiting on Sri Rupa, the bee, as it were, of the feet-lotus of Sri Chaitanyawhich was directed by the scholarly Raghunatha Dasa---which resulted from the companion. ship of Sri Jiva-which originated from the boon of Sri Raghunatha Bhatta, is complete." Evidently the verse does not name the author of the work, but only refers to persons through whose inspiration and help the author undertook and finished his work. But this should not lead one to suppose that the name of the author is not mentioned at all in the work. It is true we have got no colophon proper to this work, where we could expect the name of the author. A verse however in the last canto of the work (xxiii. 95) definitely refers to the author. It runs = pAdAravindabhUna zrIrUparaghunAthayoH / kRSNadAsena govindalIlAmRtamidaM citam // "This Govindaltlamsla was composed by Krsnadasa who was a bee to the feet-lotus of Srirupa and Raghunatha." This leaves scarcely any room for doubt as to the authorship of the work. But this is not the only place where Kranadasa is referred to as the author of the book. He is distinctly mentioned as the author by Yadunandana, both in the beginning and at the end of his metrical Bengali translation of it. The commentary Sadanandavidhayini on it, as contained in the published edition of the work, also attributes it to Krsnadasa in the introductory verses. As a matter of fact the book is quite well-known, among the Vaisnavas of Bengal, as the work of Krsnadasa. The edition of it, in Bengali characters, published from Berhampur (Murshidabad) bears his name as the author. And it is a matter for gratification that of all 1 Report on the Search of Sanskrit MSS. in the Bombay Presidency for 1887-1891, No. 394 ; Ibid for 1891. 1895, Nos. 494, 495, 496 ; Descriptive Catalogue of Sans. MSS, in the India Ofice, vol. VII. No. 3878. 2 Report on the Search of Sans, MSS, in the Bombay Presidency for 1884-87, No. 350 ; Descriptive Oata. logue of Sans. MSS. in the Library of the Calcutla Sans. Coll., vol. X. No. 32; Notices of Sankrit MSS., R. L. Mitra, vol. II, No. 671 : Descriptive Catalogue of Sans. MSS. in the Bikaner State Library, No. 488. 3 A more literal translation of the verse would be This nectar of the amours of Govinda (i.. selected stories of his amours) was collected, etc.' But this is tantamount to saying that the work was composed by Kropadasa.

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NOVEMBER, 1928) THOMAS CANA 209 published catalogues the Descriptive Catalogue of Sans. MSS. in the Ulwar State Library (p. 38) rightly attributes it to Krsnadasa 4. This KrsnadAsa seems to be identical with Krsnadasa Kaviraja, the well-known author of the Chaitanyacharitamata (a Bengali metrical work on the life-story of the great Vaisnava reformer of Bengal, viz., Chaitanya), which, by a statement of the author himself, was com. posed in 1503 S.E. (=1581 A.D.) He came after the celebrated companions of Chaitanya viz., Rupagosvamin, Jivagosvamin, Raghunatha Dasa and Raghunatha Bhatta and held them, as did all later Vaisnava Masters of Bengal, in high respect. This accounts for his reverential mention of them in the Govindarlamrta. THOMAS CANA. BY T. K. JOSEPH, B.A., L.T. (Continued from page 165.) 6. Thomas Cana finds the crucifix in Malabar.-Roz (1604) says that Thomas Cana found the Christians of Paru (Parur) wearing wooden crosses round their necks. This point appears therefore to rest on an ancient tradition. Cross, but not crucifix.] 7. No ordained ministers in Malabar.- This is suspect. In Land's Anecdota, the Christians of Malabar are several times represented as being without priests and leaders, i.e. at the persecution of Manikka Vachakar (the date of which appears to be 293-315), and before the arrival of Thomas Cana. Cf. Mingana, op. cit., 43. Mingana (ibid., 18) has, however, found that "during the Patriarchate of Shahlupha and Papa, say about A.D. 295-300, Dadi (David), bishop of Basrah, on the Persian Gulf, an eminent doctor, left his see and went to India, where he evangelised many people." [No one knows which part of India.) In document IV.1. 4 we are told that there were clergy in Coromandel, but that they neg. lected Malabar. We have some idea that long before A.D. 345 there was at Mylapore a monastery of 200 monks, and that therefore the abandonment of the Christians in Malabar is an exaggeration. The church of Kuravalangad claims to be of the year 335120. Before A.D. 363 Yonan was Abbot of a monastery of St. Thomas in India, near (or below) the black island (Syr. : gazarta akamatd). It had 200 monks. The island was near the town of Milon, six days from Maron, and got its wine from Persia. It had date-trees and palm-trees and crabs of enormous size. It was the see of a bishop. The inhabitants of Milon fished for pearls. Brother Papa sailed to it from Mesopotamia, and it was constantly visited by solitaries from Mesopotamia. Mingana does not know (ibid., 18-22) where to locate it. His efforts to place it in an island of the Persian Gulf are not convincing. He would not mind if it had been at Mylapore, since the placo of St. Thomas' tomb in India had a monastery and a church 131 of vast size before A.D. 594. Precisely. There is room for it in India as early as 363, close to St. Thomas' tomb, near the black sand' island, (Karumanal, & village on * In recording this Aufrecht in his Catalogus Catalogorum, vol. II, Supplement, curiously makes Kropaddsa the son of Raghunatha Bhatta. The statement however lacks any corroborative evidence. 6 Yadunandana, at the end of his translation of the Govindalllampla, and the Sadanandavidhdyint, the Sanskrit oonmentary on it, in the introductory verses identify the two authors, and there is no reason why we should reject that identification. 130 This claim is not supported by any document. In fact the dates for the Malabar churches in the Catholic Directory are mere guesses in most cases. We know how in Bishop Lavigne's time these dates were arrived at for the purpose of the Directory-from mere tradition in most cases. 191 In spite of Medlycott's argumenta in his India and Thomas, (London, 1905, pp. 74-79) I think that the church and monastery that Theodore saw some time before A.D. 590 were in Edessa in civitatem quam Syri Aedissam vocant: in supra dicta igitur urbe, in qua beatos artus diximus tumulatos. (Ibid., p. 80, aote).

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . NOVEMBER, 1928 the coast near Madras), near Milon123 (Meilan ? Mayila-pur). Mylapore had a fishery of pearls at a much later date; it had cocoanut-trees, and at least wild date-trees123 yielding liquor and sugar; its crabs of enormous size may have been sea-turtles. If that were so, that monastery of 200 monks should have existed at least 100 years before, say, in A.D. 220-30, when the Acts of Thomas was composed in Edessa. The first monks must have known at Mylapore people who had known there the Apostle Thomas or his immediate successors, the priest Sifur and the deacon Prince Vizan. We thus reach down to St. Thomas himself at Mylapore. Mylapore is Calamina. It was Calamina for Bar Hebraeus in 1246-86, and the Mount of India on which St. Thomas preached and was killed was for Bar Hebraeus near Calamina. It was Little Mount. Had we not this proof, we would have sufficient proof from Malabar that St. Thomas died and was martyred at Mylapore. The whole of the Malabar tradition 124 supposes it, and that tradition, as we now see, was inherited by the present Christians from those who lived in Malabar before126 the arrival of Thomas Cana in A.D. 345. The existence of a monastery of St. Thomas at Mylapore is borne out by what we find in Ittup's History (Malayalam, Kottayam, 1869, pp. 81-82). After the death of St. Thomas and before the arrival of Thomas Cana in 345, two of the 72 disciples of Mar Augen (Agwin, Augin), named Sabor and Sabri Yesu, came and looked after the church (of Malabar and Mylapore ?). They were students of the great college on the hill north-east of the town of Saibin (Nisibis ?). These details are found in the genuine records still kept at Antioch in the archives of the Patriarch. Sabor died here. Sabri Yesu returned to his own country of Besanaherim, and wrote and kept in the college an account of the Church founded by St. Thomas in Malabar. Thus Ittup, in extracts translated by Mr. Joseph. I believe that the names Sabor and Sabri Yesu belong to A.D. 825128, while the rest seems to belong to c. A.D. 363. Ittup, I learn from Mr. T. K. Joseph, mentions (p. 95 of an edition of his work, dated 1896) two bishops Mar Sabor and Mar Aprot who came to India from Babylon in A.D. 825, in the ship of the merchant Savaris. This Savaris is no other than Sabir 168 or Yesu. Some call him BAresu ; others Job; others Towrio and Thor. The names which Ittap should have had for the much earlier period are, I think, Yonan and Zado8, contempora. ries, and successive abbots of the monastery of St. Thomas in India near (or below) the black island. Yonan had met in Egypt Mar Augen or Agwin, writes the historiographer Zado, Yonan's successor. And we know that Agwin died on the 21st of Nisan, 674 of the era of the Greeks, i.e. April, A.D. 363. On the Convent of Eugene, see Assemani, Bibl. Orient., t. I. 524. It is said that Augin came from the Nitrean Desert in Egypt with seventy disciples to Nisibis and founded near it, on Mount Izla, a monastery where he gathered 350 monks. Many believe that monasticism for both sexes existed at an even earlier date in East Syria. Cf. Fortescue, The Lesser Eastern Churches, 42-43, 110. Crowds of monks came daily from India, Persia, and Ethiopia to St. Jerome in Palestine (A.D. 386-420). The pilgrim lady Sylvia (AEtheria) already speaks of the many pilgrims from Armenia, Persia, India, Ethiopia and Egypt who came to 133 Mion, six days from Maron. The name Milon seems to be deriva ble from Maliarpha (tho old form of the name Mylapore, also called Mayilai). 133 The date-trees of Mylapore are not real date palms, but palmyra palms, yielding" liquor and fugar", i.e. toddy and a kind of dark-red sugar of big crystals, called panankallangam in Malayalam. 134 The extant versions of Malabar tradition do say that St. Thomas lies buried in Mylapore. These are but 400 years old. And from these to infer that in, say. A.D. 150 Malabar tradition said that it was St. Thomas the Apostle himself that lay buried in Mylapore-if there was any tomb at all there at that time is not reasonable. From the tradition of 1500 to that of 150 is a far cry indeed. We do not know at all what Malabar or Mylapore tradition about the Mylapore tomb was in A.D. 100, 200, 300, 400, or 800. W. know Cosmas (635 A.D.) has not a single word about St. Thomas in Malabar. 136 Wo do not know for certain whether before 345 A.D. the Malabar Christians regarded 8t. Thomas a thoir apostle or not. Certain vorsions of Malabar tradition do indeed say that it was Thomas Cans who introduced Christianity into Malabar. Malabar tradition is a hopelem muddle. 136 Sabor and Sabri Yesu are regarded by Ittup as quite different from Sabor and Prodh of 326 A.D.

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NOVEMBER, 19281 THOMAS CANA 211 the Holy Places (c. 383-388). In the Life of Barlaam and Josaphat (5th-7th century) we read that India had its monks in imitation of Egypt. Cf. Migne, PL., 73; 445. 8. The Bishop of Antioch coming after another bishop.This must be wrong. Our writer stands alone here. Thomas Cana is here made to bring the two bishops in turn. The first time the bishop appears to be he of Oruoy or Edessa with his party of colonists, in which case there is no reason for bringing still another bishop from Antioch. The only apparent reason is that our author, confusing Oruoy with Antioch, felt the need of bringing & bishop from both places. 9. The Dareoygul (Dhariyai kal)127.- This is explained by our writer (op. cit., p. 192) as meaning "those who were unmoved," i.e. the Christians of only 8 families, out of an original 64, who persevered during the persecution of Manikkavachakar ; 96 out of 160 families, he contends, apostatised outright from the beginning and became known as Munneygramacar,' or "the disciples of Manikkavassel." In the list of the 18 castes by whom the Christians were to be judged (cf. his note to p. 194 op. cit.) we have" the head Munnigraummumatsheen or Manikavassel's disciples, Sooders or Nairs." There seems to be indeed among the Malabar Christians138 a tradition that these are apostato Christians. Was this Manikka Vachakar possibly a Manichean? There would seem to have been a vast apostasy in Malabar, if we are right in identifying with King Antra yos119 (Andrew) of Cranganore the deacon-king Xanthippus-Xenophon of Sandaruk-Andrapolis-Andranopolis, converted by St. Thomas at the first town in India 130 where he landed, i.e., the king at whose court the marriage feast took place. 10. The Colaycoyle.-Might these not be the Christians of Parur, also called Parur KottakkAyal, and corruptly Kutkayel in Land's Anecdota? There is a touch of tradition here. Roz (1604) states that the first Christians found by Thomas Cana were those of Parur.131 The Angelica must be the Tamil anjili-maram (Artocarpus hirsuta, Lam.) : & wood of great value on the Western Coast for ship-building, house-building, eto. Cf. Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. angely-wood133 The following list133 of privileges said to have been granted to Thomas Cana is taken from an anonymous MS. by a missionary, who in or after 1676 was living at the Carmelita Church of Anjicaimal (Ernakulam). His name, I suggest, is Fr. Matthew of St. Joseph, who 197 The Darsoygul are Tarislykka!, literally orthodox Christians. The term Tarisa Church occurs in the Quilon copper-plates of c, 880. According to John de Monte Corvino (c. 1300) the Christians of China too were called Tarsa. In Malayalam songs and prose accounts of the 17th, 18th centuries the term Tarut ykkal is applied to all Christians--those of Malabar, of Mylapore and even the Portuguese. It was & synonym for the Latin word 'Christiani,' which has displaced the old term Tarutaykkal. 'Unmoved' is not the true sense of the word. It is from a Syriac word meaning orthodox. Tartary Christians too were Tegns. 1:8 The old mon among the Hindu Manigramakkar themselves admit that their ancestors were Christians. 199 The spurious song of 1601 stands alone in giving the name Andrew to the king of Cranganore. 180 Most other authoritios say that Andrapolis or Sandaruk was outside modern India altogether. 131 Parur and Cranganore are very close to each other. Cotaycoyle is Kottakkavil, Parur. 133 Angelica is danili, Artocarpus hirsuta, which yields durable timber used for a variety of purpobow. It may be called the teak of the lowlands. 193 Mont of the privileges in this list correspond to those in footnote 100. No. & White cloth spread on a carpet is a seat of honour used even now at marriage feaste. Only the chief olders can sit on it. No. 12Fr. Monserrato wrote from Cochin in 1579 of the custom existing in this Malavar that there is no pollution between these Christians and the Nayres, nor penalty of death, if there be marriage or friendship, whereas, according to the custom of the land, there is, if they communicate, stay, or marry with other creates higher or lower than custom allows to them." (Ind. Ant. for July, 1927, p. 130). No. 13-Cheremellas resembles Malayalam Charmangalam in sound. The Malayalam word means gong, but ita derivation is not known From alambore comes the Malayalam word tampere a kind of drum.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1928 (13) Thes helped Van Rheede on his Hortus Malabaricus, Amsterdam, 12 vols., 1676-1693. Cf. Sloane MS, 2748-A, British Museum, fol. 7r. (1) They may, the women as well as the men, crown themselves in the manner of kings. (2) They may play every kind of instruments. (3) They may ride on elephants on their feasts. (4) They may light and carry in their hands candles at all their feasts. (5) They may use big royal fans, in the manner of very great lords at their feasts and wear every sort of ornament and apparel. (6) They may in their feasts and solemnities use white clothes and sit on them. (7) They may in the streets walk on white cloths, like noble and privileged persons. (8) In their feasts they may give shouts and signs of joy and jubilee, and also grant permission to other Gentios to do the same. (9) In the journeys and processions of the feasts they may fire espingardes in sign of joy. (10) They may use every kind of jewels and ornaments of gold and silver and silk. (11) They may enjoy every royal privilege. (12) They may enter all houses of noble Nair families, converse with them, and travel with them, which is not granted to any other castes. They have all the privileges, permissions, liberties and powers for celebrating and solemnising in public all the day and night feasts, with bells, great and small, with drums and trumpets (atambores e cheremellas), processions and preachings, with greater freedom than in Europe, without any fear, but with very great respect and esteem. The same writer says of the Naddi184 (fol. 5v): "They are a caste of hunters, and have no other occupation; they go about with their bows and arrows, and are obliged to socom pany the Nairs, Gentios135 and Christian hunters." He also lays stress on a great apostasy in Malabar in the time of a Namburi sorcerer, Changalajari' or Changara chiari' (Sankaracharya)136, whom he confuses with Manikka Vachakar, but places before the arrival of Thomas Cana. Three hundred royal families187 remained Christian and faithful under persecution. He states also that the very Hindus affirmed there was an image of Our Lady in the pagoda called Tir Corunfs 138 belonging to the king of Upper Cranganore (fol. 10r.). 11. Among four castes of Chitties we have the Mullia Chitties. Did these come from Mayila (Mylapore)! We have also the Pullivaula Chitties. May we compare Pullivaula with Pahlava or Pallava ! I find in a relation by Fr. Andrew Lopez, S.J. (1644) that at Ramanancor (Fishery Coast) there were Christians of Palavali caste, with whom the Paravers fraternised. Had these been won back from among the people who at Bepar (Vaipar) and Bembar (Vembar) were Hindus in 1604, though they considered themselves of ancient Christian caste? In 1644 there were Christians at both Vaipar and Bembar : 850 and 1300 respectively. 136 Naddi is for Nayati, a hunting low caste. 136 Nairs too are Gentios, Hindus. 136 This writer of 1676 took the heretic preacher to be Sankaracharys of the 9th century. It may be by a similar mental process that others took him for the famous MAnikks Vachakar of the Tamil land. The heretio proncher may have been Manichaoan, wrongly identified with Mapikka the Saivite fanatic, and Bankaracharya the great reformer of Hinduism in Malabar. 187 Royal families' here perhaps reflects the appellation Mappila for the Syrian Christians, which Gouves (1599) translated as sons of Kings (Jornada, fol. 4v.). 188 Tir Corunfa stands for Tiru Kurumpa, Sanskrit Sri Kurumba, the goddess Kali, who was represented to this missionary of 1676 as Our Lady. Gama and his companions went to 'Mass'in a Hindu temple in Calicut, 1498. Castenhada's Historia, p. 67; Roteiro, Hak. Soc., p. 34.

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NOVEMBER, 1928] THOMAS CANA 213 12. The list of Bishops. This list of Bishops is a remarkable document. Most of the names and dates for 825-1500 are not found in our European authors. The list must how. ever be far from complete. Did all these bishops come from Antioch, as stated ? In other words were they all Jacobite ? Mar Sabore Ambroat' of A.D. 825 is Mar Sabor and Mar Aprot (Prodh, Pirut, etc.). The name of the merchant Towrio' is a misspelling of Sowrio, Savaris, Sabir Iso. Correa (1570) has strangely enough 'Apreto and Thor' (Lendas da India, I. 594) Fr. Bernard of St. Thomas (Brief Sketch of the History of the St. Thomas Christians, Trichinopoly, 1924, pp. 13, 19) has a similar list, to be compared with the Conancode MS. As he refers to Le Quien (II. col. 1275) for Mar Sabor and Mar Prodh, his date for them, A.D. 880, must be that of Le Quien. Fr. Bernard mentions that all these bishops were sent by the orthodox Patriarch of Antioch (pp. 12, 13, 19). [But see infra for Jacobite and Nestorian bishops.] He next names: 988: John; 1056: Thomas ; 1122: John III, who went to Rome in 1122 (perhaps the Jacob, 1122, of the Conancode MS.); 1231 (sic): Joseph; 1235 : David; 1295: Paulos; 1301 : Jacob; 1407: Jaballaha ; 1490 : John (add : and Thomas, who returned to Mesopotamia soon after, but returned in 1504); 1504 : Thomas, Jaballaha, Jacob, and Denha (for these four see also Mingana, op. cit., 41-42). Our list shows that the bishops appointed to India did not uniformly take the name Thomas, contrary to what certain writers have suggested. Raulin (Hist. eccles. Malabaricae, Rome, 1745, p. 435) adds : John II. in 890. For Jacob in 1321, see Mingana, op. cit., p. 69, where he is styled in Codex Syr. Vat. N. XXII: "Bishop Mar Jacob, Metropolitan and director of the holy see of the Apostle St. Thomas, that is to say our director and the director of all the holy Church of Christian India." Was he an Indian? Zechariah, son of Joseph, son of Zechariah, a deacon, who wrote the above in 1301, in a colophon, at the Church of St. Cyriacus of Shingala (Cranganore), calls himself a disciple and one of the relatives of this bishop. "In A.D. 1000 there resided at Cranganore a bishop named John. In a historical Syriac work it is written that he resuscitated his servant, i.e., the sacristan of the church of Cran. ganore. Gouvea says that Fr. Roz, Archbishop of Cranganore, read this in the aforesaid book. S. Giamil (Genuinae Relationes, Romae, 1902, p. 436) states that the book is still in the Vatican Library." Cf. R. P. A. Kaliancara,139 Defensio Indici Apostolatus Div. Thomae A postoli, Cochin, 1912, pp. 28-29. Gouvea' is a mistake for de Souza ', Oriente Conquistado, Pte. II. Conq. 1, Div. 2,16. We have quoted elsewhere the very words of Roz. The Mar Johannan of A.D. 1000 is no doubt the Johannes, Metropolitan, of A.D. 988 in the Con. ancode MS. Do Couto, Da Asia, Dec. 12. c. 5 (t. 8, Lisboa, 1788, p. 288), writes of Mar Johannan : "After the death of these Chaldeans (Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh), they sent to Babylonia asking for Bishops, as they had no facility to send to Rome, because through the death of these there was left to them only a Deacon, who assumed the work of a priest, thinking he could do so, since all were so ignorant. Receiving this message, the Greek Patriarch provided them with an Archbishop, called Mar Joanna, and the two Suffragans, his Coadjutors and future successors. This Chaldean Archbishop arranged the Chaldean Breviary which this Church used until now, and he made his residence at Cranganor. By the death of this Archbishop and these Bishops, (P. 289) there succeeded another, called Mar Jacob, who had also come from Babylonia ; he governed many years, and died about the year 1500." Do Couto's last date cannot be correct. The story of the single deacon who assumed the work of a priest is also told about A.D. 1490. It is possible however that at times the priesthood had practically died out in Malabar. From & report by Mesopotamian bishops, who came to Malabar in 1555 and visited the Syrian Churches during two years and a half, we learn 190 R. P. A. Kaliancara is a fictitious name. The author died a few years ago.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1928 there were only 5 priests left. Cf. Fr. Bernard, op. cit., p. 32. By 'Greek Patriarch' do Couto understood a Nestorian Patriarch. According to him the Greek Patriarch who sent Mar Xabro and Mar Prodh was a Nestorian. John de Marignolli met the Patriarch of the St. Thomas Christians (c. 1348), but whether at Mylapore or in Malabar or at Bagdad, which he also visited, is not stated. Gouvea (Jornada, 1606, fol. 76r) states that, in the Church of Diamper in which the Council of 1599 was held, lay buried a Nestorian bishop.140 He does not however give his name or his period. He only remarks that Diamper had been the see of some Nestorian bishops. In 1599 they showed still at Diamper some of the things which had belonged to the said bishop, among them a very short and narrow bed on which he slept for penance. "Going to sieep on it one night, he did not rise for Matins." Possibly, his name is still remembered at Diamper, and his grave shown. Le Quien, quoting many weighty authors (Tom. II, Paris, 1740, pp. 1086-87-88) Beye that the Patriarch of Antioch used to appoint 'Catholicoses' who had not the title of Patri. arch, although they were in authority above the Bishops, and that these Catholicores were consecrating Bishops to govern the above-mentioned countries [India, Persia, etc.). The same Le Quien in the same place says that in A.D. 1000 the Nestorian Patriarch Abraham II. of Babylon sent up a petition to the Caliph of Bagdad, stating that a Catholicos under the Patriarch of Antioch was during night time consecrating bishops for the territories under his jurisdiction. Thereupon the consecrating Catholicos and the consecrated bishops were seized and imprisoned. A letter of Peter, Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch in communion with Rome, written about 1050 A.D. to Dominic of Graden, throws further light on the subject (Le Quien, ib.). The Patriarch claims that his actual jurisdiction extends to the far East, including India, that he appoints Catholicoses for Babylon, and other regions, and that these Catholicoses have supervision over several bishops, but that they do not take the title of Patriarch. Cf. Bernard of St. Thomas, op. cit. p. 12. Nilos Doxopatrios, notary of the Patriarch of Constantinople, who wrote (c. A.D. 1143) a history for King Roger of Sicily, states that the Patriarch of Antioch still appoints and sends a Catholicos to Romogyris141 in India. Cf. Germann, Die Kirche der Thomaschristen, Gutersloh, 1877, p. 163, n. 1. Several Portu. guese writers note that at times Jacobite bishops as well as Nestorian bishops came to India before the arrival of the Portuguese. [Has Peter in communion with Rome, c. 1050?] We have purposely included this list of bishops in this study. It must prove that Malabar itself can help in the reconstruction of its Christian history. If in 1820 the Syrians could look back 1000 years, up to A.D. 825, it was possible for them, who never passed from barbarism into civilisation, to do the same in A.D. 825, and to reach down to St. Thomas himself, Chronology was a tradition in the East. It had a cult for genealogies. In 1599, Menezes met a man in Malabar who was 123 years old, and who could give not only the years, but the months and days he had lived. He had scored on sticks the days and the months and the years. (Gouvea, Jornada, fol. 108r.) Our list ought to stimulate further research in Malabar for the period 825-1500. For the earlier period we look for help chiefly to Mesopotamia. A considerable amount of facts and dates has been gathered already for the period 300-825. More must exist. Even here Malabar can help, when it can give us in a MS. of c. 1700, discovered by Mr. T. K. Joseph, the dates 293 for Manikka Vachakar's persecution of the Christians of Kaveripattanam, and 315 for his coming to Quilon. [In spite of Menezes', Van Goens' and Tippu's holocaust of Malayalam and Syriac MSS. it is extremely gratifying to see that several valuable historical records still survive among us in Malabar. They have yet to be published,] 140 Perhaps Mar Sapor or Mar Prodh of A.D. 825. 141 Romogyris seems to be formed from (Koltungalore (Crangapore) by aphesis, mutation of 1 intor (the reverse of lambdaciam) and the addition of a Greek suffix, Cerebral is by Europeans sometimes represented by

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NOVEMBER, 1928) COPPER COINS OF THE SULTANS OF GUJARAT 215 NEW TYPES OF COPPER COINS OF THE SULTANS OF GUJARAT. BY C. R. SINGHAL. In 1923, while cutting a passage through the hill north-east of Marole near Andheri rail. way station in Salsette for laying the Tansa Pipe Line, the labourers of the Tata Construction Company discovered a copper vessel measuring four feet two inches in circumference and one foot in height. Half of this vessel was filled with coins covered with such a thick layer of verdigris that it was a difficult task to make out anything from them. This vessel was remov. ed from its find spot to Vakola on the east of Santa Cruz, where it remained for sometime with Mr. Master, who was acting as an Agent to the Tata Construction Company. I have seen the exact spot where these coins were found. The vessel containing coins was found at a depth of about four feet from the surface of the elevated rock which was being cut for making a passage for the Tansa Pipe Line. Round about this spot, there are hills and jungle, and no traces of earlier or present habitation are found. The present village of Marole is also at a distance of about two-and-a-half miles from this place. It is very strange that a big hoard of coins like this should be found in such a solitary place. It does not seem to be the work of thieves, as the vessel with coins is too heavy to have been carried away by them from a distant place and been buried in this hilly area; nor was the intrinsic value of the coins so great as toinduce them to undertake such an enterprise. There is, however, a small stream with flowing water just at the foot of this hill; and as I was told by the representative of the Tota Construction Company that there are some old bridges a little higher up on the east, it is not unlikely that the site may have been very near to some trunk road connecting Gujarat with the Deocan. How and under what conditions the treasure was buried remains a mystery all the same. Mr. H. B. Clayton, I.C.S., the Municipal Commissioner of Bombay, communicated this information to the Museum authorities, and was kind enough to offer this find to the museum if it had any numismatic importance. Three of these coins sent by him for examination were found to be of the Sultans of Gujarat. It was expected that such a big hoard of coins was sure to reveal some new dates and types of the coins of the Sultane of Gujarat, and accord. ingly I was deputed to bring the whole find, intact with its receptacle, on a bullock cart from Vakola to the Museum. As stated above, these coins were covered with such a thick coating of verdigris that it was not possible to decipher the inscriptions and assign them to any king. Besides some of them had stuck together in the form of big lumps which could not be separated without endangering the surfaces of some of the specimens. After some difficulty the servioes of a chemical assistant were made available, and the work of scientific cleaning and decipherment etc., could then be taken in hand in right earnest. This find, consisting of about 6100 coins, is presumably the largest and one of the most important finds of the coins of this dynasty. In the first instance the collection was roughly examined, and coins were separated according to different Sultans of Gujarat. Next more detailed and minute examination was made, when the dated were separated from the undated; and ultimately those bearing new dates and representing new types were separated for pur. poses of publication. About half a dozen scholars have written learned articles on coins of this dynasty, but Indian Numismatists will ever remain grateful to the late Dr. G. P. Taylor, who published his scholarly and exhaustive article on the coins of the Gujarat Sultanat in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1903. Incidentally it was noticed by me that Mr. E. E. Oliver had contributed an article to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (vol. LVIII, 1889, pp. 1-12), wherein he described thirty. two coins of the Sultans of Gujarat. Coins No. XI to XIII are assigned to Mahmud Shah I of Gujarat, while really they are of Mahmud Shah and Kalim Ullah of the Bahmani Dynasty, as pointed out by Dr. Taylor in his article. Coins No. XVI and XVII are described by him as doubtful. Dr. Taylor also made a negative statement to the effect that they are not of the

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( NOVEMBER, 1928 Sultans of Gujarat. These coins belong to the Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar. Recently in 1926, Professor S. H. Hodivala has contributed a learned article on the unpublished coins of the Sultans of Gujarat to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The coins which will be described in this paper are believed to be altogether new types and have not been published anywhere so far. This find consists of coins of the Sultans of Gujarat from Ahmad I to Bahadur Shah, but it is specially rich in the coins of Mahmad I to Bahadur Shah. The coins of Ahmad I and Bahadur Shah found in this hoard bear dates 843 and 941 A..., respectively. Therefore these coins cover a period of about a century. As the coins of Bahadur Shah are of so late a date as 941 A.n., it is, therefore, believed that this hoard of coins was buried in the earth somewhere in the closing year of Bahadur Shah's reign. This hoard also contains a large number of specimens of Muzaffar Shah II, out of which the dated coins are of 930 A.H., the last two figures written in the reverse position. Besides it may be interesting to note that one coin of Firuz III, Tughlag, (752-790 A.H.), two coins of Nusain Shah of Jaunpur (863-881 A.H.) and one coin of Shah-i-Hind (published by Dr. G. P. Taylor in Num. Suppt. No. 33) are also found in this hoard. I am not in a position to explain how these coins got mixed with this board of the coins of the Sultans of Gujarat. The presence of these four coins may be the result of some oversight. It would not be safe to make any more definite suggestion. The new types which I am going to describe belong to Mahmud Shah I, Muzaffar Shah II and Bahadur Shah. From the historical point of view, the coins of Mahmud Shah I are the most important, as they appear to extend the period of Mahmud Shah's reign to 919 A.H. Coins of Mahmad Shah I. Coins of Mahmud Shah I bearing the date 919 A.. havd not been noticed so far. All the historians and other learned authorities say with one voice that Mahmud I reigned up till 917 A.H.= 1511 A.D. In the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, part 1, 1896, pp. 248, there is the following statement : "From 1508 Mahmud remained at his capital till his death in December A.D. 1513 at the age of sixty-seven years and three months, after a reign of fifty-four years and one month." Now the year 919 A.H. began on the 9th March 1513 A.D., and Mahmud died in December 1513 A.D., i.e. nine months later. The coin, therefore, corroborates the statement in the Gazetteer and extends the period of Mahmud's coinage right up to the year of his death, i.e. up to 919 A.H. There is one more important coin of this Sultan which has on it the mint town Muhammadabad. Dr. Taylor says in his article, on page 317, "In silver the issue must have been considerablemy cabinet contains some thirteen specimens-but I have never found a single copper coin bearing the name of this mint." Silver coins of this Sultan of the later dates are found ; copper coins have been noticed of dates up to 911 or 912 A... only, but this board contains coins of all the years from 911 to 919 A..., except 918. Coins of Mugaffar Shah II. There are four new types in the coins of Muzaffar Shah II. The interesting coins are those which bear she pll als below the name of Muzaffar Shah. In one case the legend is written in such an unusual way that it becomes altogether inexplicable. Silver coins with this legend are found, but I have not come across any copper coin bearing it. Dr. Taylor has deg. cribed one silver coin of Muzaffar Shah II with she Usla as legend (vide No. 50, page 333 of his article). But he says "this coin may be Mugaffar Shah III, to whom it is assigned in the British Museum Catalogue, Muhammadan States, No. 440." I have seen a photograph of the coin in the British Museum referred to by Dr. Taylor, and I am of opinion that both these coins belong to Muzaffar Shah II, as the coin which I have got is more or less similar to them. Coins of Bahadur Shah. The coins of Bahadur Shah are very important in as much as they contain about eight new varieties not published 80 far. Muhammadan numismatists, I believe, will be

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NOVEMBER, 1928) COPPER COINS OF THE SULTANS OF GUJARAT 217 - delighted to see these coins as they present quite a new way of inscribing the legends. Some of the coins bear the same inscription on the obverse and reverse, while others have obverse of one type and reverse of another type. This may be the result of the illiteracy of the workmen who were employed to strike these coins. These coins will be fully described in the catalogue given below CATALOGUE OF COINS. Mahmad Shah I. No. 1. 214 grains : Mint ?: A.H. 919. Obverse. Same as T. 22. Reverse. Same as T. 22, but 919 as date. Coins of this date are not known so far. No. 2. 216 grains : Mint MuhammadAbad : A.H. (9) 15. Obverse in circle. mHmd abd lslTn shd shd mHmwd bn mHmd Reverse. Same as T. 22, but [9]15 as date. Copper coins with Muhammadabad as mint town have not been found so far. No. 3. 141 grains : Mint?: A.H. ! Obverse in circle. lslTn mHmwd Reverse. Same as T. 26. Muzaffar Shah II. No. 4. 220 grains : Mint ? : A.H. 929. Obverse in circle. (8) 979 khld (llm mlky) Reverse. Same as T. 44, No. 5. 219 grains : Mint ?: A.. ! Obverse in circle. (Urball) Tflh Reverse. Same as T. 44. No. 6. 217 grains : Mint ?: A.. ? Obverse in circle. (wow) nflh Reverse. Same as T. 44. Copper coins of Musaffar Shah II with Sle UI ala have not been described up till now. Coin No. 6 is similar to No. 5 but it presenta the strange way of writing able Viala. This coin proved difficult to decipher because the upper stroke of s is joined with I, thus giving a strange appearance. No. 7. 220 grains : Mint ? : A.H. 930.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1928 Obverse in circle lslTn mZfr shh khh llh mlgm I have got about Reverse same as T. 44. In the date the last two figures are inscribed in the reverse position. 90 coins in which the date is inscribed in this fashion, * Bahadur Shah. No. 8. 216 grains : Mint ? : A.H. 938. Obverse in circle. nTfy lrn Reverse same as T. 52, but date 938. In this coin Muzaffar Shah is inscribed at the top while Bahadur Shah is in the middle. No. 9. 219 grains : Mint ? : A.H. 933. Obverse in circle. Reverse, Illegible. This is altogether a new type. The inscription on the reverse is very complicated. These coing range in dates from 932 to 934 A.H. These coins may be the earliest specimens of Bahadur Shah. No. 10. 145 grains : Mint ?: A.H. 932. Same as above. This is a smaller specimen. No. 11. 218 grains : Mint ?: A.H. 934. Obverse in circle. ULL Zfr OL m` 93 Reverse same as T. 52. The inscription on obverse is written in a different way altogether. No. 12. 218 grains : Mint ?: A.H. 93X. Obverse same as above. Reverse. Obl nTfy rt lrb The reverse of this coin is same as T. 52 but it bears olbalul elendig in the place of liello No. 13. 219 grains : Mint ? : 4.. 93X. Both reverse impressions. One is same as the illegible reverse of No. 9 above. . The other is same as reverse of T. 52. No. 14. 219 grains : Mint ?: A.H.? Obverse and reverse same as reverse of T. 52.

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Plate 1 SULTANS OF GUJARAT Indian Antiquaru NUMBER OT OBVERSE REVERSE REVERS COIN 62

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NOVEMBER, 1928] BOOK-NOTICE No. 15. 216 grains: Mint?: A.H. ? Obverse and reverse same as obverse of coin No. 11 above. No. 16. 218 grains: Mint?: A.H. ? Both obverse impressions. One is same as obverse of No. 9 above. The other is same as obverse of No. 11 above. Coins Nos. 13 to 16 may be considered as mistakes in minting. [NOTE.-Professor S. H. Hodivala, the well-known authority on Gujarat numismatics, on reading the above article in the first instance, made several comments, which were referred back to the author. Omitting points that have been settled or which are not of essential importance, the issue of the correspondence may be briefly summarized below for the benefit of our readers. 219 Professor Hodivala considers the most important point to be the question of the date of the death of Mahmad I. He has examined six specimens of the coins which Mr. Singhal reads as of 919 A.H., and thinks that the figures on three of these (written in the reverse order) not improbably stand for 914. The Bombay Gazetteer, he suggests, is at best a second-hand authority; and the statement therein is, moreover, discounted by the fact that the compiler has not quoted the source of his information, in view of the discrepancy of two years from the date found in the most accredited Persian histories, such as the Tabaqat-iAkbars, Tarikh-i-Firishta, Mirat-i-Sikandari and Mirat-i-Ahmadi. He points out that while there are Mahmud I coins of 917 and, as now described, of 919, there are none of 918; and he also draws attention to the fact that two copper coins of Mazaffar II, are registered by Mr. Nelson Wright (Indian Museum Catalogue, II, Gujarat, Nos. 57 and 58) which are clearly dated in 918. He thinks it would be hazardous to base on these coins a theory for upsetting the accepted chronology of the two reigns concerned. Prof. Hodivala also pointed out that the phrase Seal is a common adjunct on the silver coins of Muzaffar. Mr. Singhal says as to this that he only referred to the peculiar way in which the letters were inscribed, and to the fact that, though found on silver coins, copper coins with this legend had not hitherto been described. To Professor Hodivala Mr. Singhal's coin No. 8 is the most interesting of those described, as he finds the style or script very similar to that of the 'Shah-i-Hind' coins, of which he possesses a large number of specimens, on some of which the margins, which have hitherto defied decipherment, can be read without much difficulty, and about which he has been preparing a paper to show that they were struck, not by Babur or Humayun, but by Bahadur. Numbers 13 to 16 Mr. Hodivala would prefer to class as freaks.-JOINT EDITOR.] BOOK-NOTICE. ARCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA: ANNUAL REPORT, 1924-25. Edited by J. F. BLAKISTON. 12x9: pp. xiii, 270; 43 Plates. Calcutta, 1927. Mr. Blakiston, who edits this report, fitly preludes it with a feeling reference to the great loss sustained by the Department in the untimely death towards the close of the year of that distinguished archaeologist, D. Brainerd-Spooner. Section I contains a summary of the conservation work (including repair), which forms so essential a part of the functions of the department, carried out during the year. Due attention' is being paid to the protection from erosion and other destructive agencies of important inscriptions. Under this head we notice a reference to exploration work beneath the Tughlaq mausoleum at Tughlaqabad, which has shown that the graves within are the real sepulchres, and that there is no crypt beneath, as had been thought. Section II deals with exploration and research, At Taxila substantial progress was made in the excavation of the older city on the Bhir Mound and of the later Scytho-Parthian city of Sirkap under the supervision of Sir John Marshall, who records an important find of 1167 silver coins, mostly punch-marked Indian issues, including some in the shape of oblong bent bars from 1 to 2 inches in length, but also 3 Greek coins of special interest and a well worn siglos of the Persian empire. Two of the Greek coins are of Alexander the Great and one of Philip Aridaeus. Apart from the fact that this is the first recorded find of such coins in India, the discovery helps to confirm previous conclusions as to the period when Indian punch-marked coins were in circulation and to fix the date for the upper strata of buildings on the Bhir Mound. Among other interesting antiquities found at these sites may be mentioned 18 copper coins of Kadphises I and 2 of Azes II, and 4 terracotta " votive tanks," recalling those in use in ancient Egypt as far back as the third dynasty. Exploration conducted by Mr. H. Hargreaves on mounds near Sibi, Kuchlak, Saranan and Mastung in Baluchistan indicated that the sites had been occupied for a considerable time before and after the Christian era; but it seems unlikely that the remains can throw any light on Indo-Sumerian history or art. The chief interest of the report, however, undoubtedly lies in the further details afforded of the work being carried on at Mohenjo-daro in the Larkana district of Sind and at Harappa in the Montgomery district of the Panjab, which reveals to us the existence of a prehistoric civilization on the plains of the Indus comparable with that of Sumer

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1928 and of Elam, and carries us back all at once to a bed of the Ravi (or was it in ancient times a still period as far anterior to the times of Cyrus the Great more important river) have been found remains as his age lies from us. The site at Mohenjo-daro, of very similar character, generally speaking. At. covering an area of about a square mile of rolling tention was first drawn to this site by Manson in mounds, seems to have lain originally on the western 1826, and five years later by Burney. Cunningham bank of the Indus, which has since shifted its channel examined the site in 1853, 1856 and 1872-3, and it further to the east. "Wherever trenches have been was in his report for the latter year that the famous sunk in these mounds," writes Sir J. Marshall, "the * Harappa seal,' the first of the Indo-Sumerian remains have been disclosed immediately below the seals to be found, was described and illustrated. surface of a finely built city of the Chalcolithic We are told that several previously unknown sites period (3rd millennium B.C.) and beneath this city in this vicinity have been revealed by an experiof layer after layer of earlier structures erected suc- mental aeroplane survey along some fifty miles of cessively on the ruins of their predecessors." The the old bed of the Ravi. buildings exposed in the uppermost stratum com. Important as are the finds recorded in these prise temples and dwelling houses constructed of pages, much more has been discovered during the kiln-burnt and sun-dried bricks. The houses are three years that have since elapsed, as we gather bare of ornament, but "remarkable for the excel from an account communicated to the Times new g. lence of their construction and for the relatively paper, erpecially at Harappa, where antiquities have high degree of comfort evidenced by the presence of been found of a type even earlier than those obtained wells, bath-rooms, brick flooring and an elaborate so far at Mohenjo-daro. It would be difficult to system of drainage, all of which go to indicate a exaggerate the value from the point of view of the social condition of the people surprisingly advanced history of carly civilization of the discoveries for the age in which they were living," that is to say already made at these two sites and of those likely in the transition stage between the stone and copper to follow when adequate staff and funds are availages. They were using stone knives or scrapers of able to conduct operations on a scale commensurate the crudest types, yet were farniliar with the working of copper, gold, silver and lead and probably of with their importance. Scholars are becoming impatient for a comprehensive and up-to-date report mercury also, and were engraving scals "in a style on discoveries that must mark an epoch in the worthy of the best Mycenncan art." On these seals we find the tiger, elephant, rhinoceros and various history of Archaeological research, and necessitatea other animals, delineated but not, as it seems, the complete re-adjustment of previous views on the horse, which Sir John suggests was probably im. so-called "Aryan " civilization of India. Long cherished beliefs are indeed being shattered, and old ported into India at a later date by the Aryans. theories revolutionized, and we begin to realize The inscriptions on these seals are all in the picto. that archeological exploration is still more or less in graphic script of the period, and have yet to be deciphered. Among the mass of antiquities so far its infancy. All interested in the subject will also cagerly await the results of the exploration and recovered mention may be made of two striking paste stamp seals, one with a "Brahmani boll" excavation work recently carried out by Sir Aurel (Los indicus) device in relief and another with a Stein in Makran, the Gedrosin, inhabited by Tehthyo. representation of the sacred fig tree (Ficus religiosa), phagi, of Arrian, where will probably be found traces as the details of the leaves clearly show. The hond! of one at least of the lines of intercourse by land bet. some and well preserved painted vase, 2 ft. 5 in. ween ancient Sumer and Elsm and the Indus in height, found at site D and the other picces of basin. painted pottery at once suggest comparison with the In Eestion III, which deals with epigraphy, at. painted pottery from Susa and that recently dis. tention is drawn to several important inscriptions covered by Mr. Langdon at Jerndet.Nasr in Mesopo. either discovered or deciphered during the year. tamia. It is noteworthy that among the finds Progress is being made with the publication of the registered during the season, which we are told far South Indian Ingeriptions. We would welcome exceeded the total recorded in a single season at similar work in some of the northern provinces. any other site in India, were 177 shell objects, indi. Under Miscellaneous Notes in Section VIII a descating an extensive use of sea-shells for purposes cription is given of a Mathura image of the Naga of inlay as well as for personal ornaments. At the Dadhikarns of the Kushana period, and a new find present time Mohenjo-daro must be some 200 miles is recorded of 15 Andhra lead coins from the Guntur from the sea by the shortest land route, and making district, some of which are of Gautamiputra Sataallowance for the advance of the deltaic coastline kasni and Visiythiputra PulumAyi. The numerous in the course of five millennia, the ancient city must plates are excellently produced. What we chiefly have lain about as far from the mouth of the Indus miss in these annual reports are maps showing the by river. A maritime connexion at least is clearly position at all events of the principal sites where suggested, though there be yet no definite evidence exploration has been carried out, in relation to the of intercourse with Sumer and Elam by sea, as Professor Sayee has pointed out. surrounding country or to geographical features At Harappa, in the Montgomery district of the marked on the available Survey sheets. Panjab, some 450 miles away, by the side of an old C. E. A. W. OLDHAM,

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DECEMBER, 1928] KATHAKA UPANISAD KATHAKA UPANISAD. TRANSLATED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES. BY PROF. JARL CHARPENTIER, UPSALA. (Continued from page 207.) FIRST ADHYAYA. 221 Valli I. Usan Vajasravasa 54 forsooth gave away all his earthly possessions. His was a son, Naci ketas55 by name (1). While the sacrificial gifts were taken away56 longing57 took possession of him though he was only a young boy58. And he thought to himself: (2) "These (cows) have drunk water, chewed grass, given milk and are barren59; verily, bliss are those worlds to which he goes who gives such ones away." (3) 54 Usan generally is translated by 'in zeal' (Wh.), with zeal' (H.), gern' (B.) etc., which gives no sense. For, if the man gave away all his possessions it is quite obvious that he did it willingly or even with zeal. Weber, Oldenberg and Geldner have thus rightly seen in it a proper name. I would suggest that this text (as well as Taitt. Br.) did originally read Usa ha vai Vajasravasah etc., i.e., the name was originally Usan, which was identical with the Avestan Usan (nom. Usa, cf. Bartholomae Altiran. Wb. 406). When this was later misunderstood it was altered into the senseless Ufan ha vai etc. On Vajadravasa cf. Weber, Ind. Stud., ii, 201 sq. 4 55 On this name cf. supra p. 205. 56 Another translation is attempted by Hillebrandt, ZDMG., lxviii, 580. But H. has slightly misunderstood the situation, and we need not follow him here. 57 Sraddha invariably is translated by 'faith' or 'Glaube' (just as in v. 13 eraddadhana is translated by who have faith'). But even the very artificial explanations show that there is something wrong in such a translation; and faith in our sense of the word has got nothing to do with the feelings of the young Naciketas. Longing for a happier world, to which both the giver and the gifts are to proceed, is what he feels. Sraddha, according to the dictionaries, has this sense only in the epics and the classical literature, but this is by no means sure. Simply to translate the word by 'faith' in texts like the Rigveda is certainly wrong, as it creates in modern readers an impression which is totally foreign to the Vedic hymns. It is quite true that the Latin credo and etymologically connected words in the Celtic languages mean to trust, to believe,' but this proves nothing for fraddha; nor does the Avestan zraz-da- always mean the same. The original sense of Srad-dha- is, of course, to put one's heart upon a thing,' which may just as well mean 'to long for as 'to trust.' 53 The commentary on Taitt. Br. iii, 12, 8, 1 explains kumara bupanayanayogyavayaska, which is certainly correct, As Naciketas was a Brahman boy he consequently ought to have been about eight years of age (cf. Hillebrandt, Ritualliteratur, p. 50 sq.) 59 indriya originally has a very concrete sense, viz., that of potentia virilis; (cf., e.g., Maitr. S. IV, 7, 4); later on it also means power of procreation in both sexes. Consequently nirindriya when used of a man means impotens, whon of a woman sterilis, barren. To translate nirindriyah by deren Sinne befriedigt sind, as does Professor Sieg (Festgobe R.v. Garbe, p. 129) is grammatically and etymologically impossible. 60 Curiously enough I have found no single translator who has understood this passage correctly. Hillebrandt, for example, looked upon the first line of the verse as being wholly senseless, and in his transla. tion simply left it out (Aus Brahmanas u. Upanisaden p. 117); and we need not go further into the various interpretations as none of them is satisfactory. We must read, instead of the senseless ananda in the second line, anawlanama te lokah, bliss verily are those worlds. The idea is this: the barren (nirindriya) cow is the vasd, the vacca sterilis, which is the sacrificial gift (daksind) especially apt to be given to the Brahmans. Ample materials concerning this opinion are found in a work by the late Professor Johansson, Etymologisches u. Wortgeschichtliches (posthumously edited by the present writer, Upsala, 1927), p. 60 sq. Consoquently, the Sacrificer (Yajamana) who gives away such cows goes to heaven, to the realm of bliss (cf. R.V. ix, 113. 11:yatranandas ca modas ca mulah pramuda asate | ka masya yatraptah ka mal etc. I venture to think that in this way the passage becomes wholly sensible. The parallels to the first words quoted by Hume, Thirteen Principal Upanishads, p. 341 n. 2, are without any importance. 1

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1928 A second time, a third He said to his father: "Dad, to whom doest thou give me?" time. He (the father) said to him: "I give thee to Death." 01 (4) Naciketas : "I arrived as the first of many (men), I arrive in the company of manyes (people); what then hath Yama to be done that now he wants to do through me?" (5) Mrtyu (?): "Look forward : as (did) the former ones-look backward 1-30 (do) the later ones ; mortal man ripens like seed, like seed he is born again.64" (6) Naciketa:85: "Like (Agni) Vaisvanara the Brahman enters every house as a wayfaring guest."66 Him they appease thus : fetch (me) water, thou son of Vivasvan! (7) "Hope and expectations, sociability and good fellowship, the reward of sacrifice and good works67, all sons and cattle--all this the Brahman wrenches from that man of small wit in whose bouse he dwells not being offered food." (8)68 Yama: "Because, O Brahman, for three nights thou hast dwelt fasting in my house, though a worshipful guest--hail to thee, O Brahman, and welfare to me!-therefore choose thou just three boons89." (9) Nacikelas : " That Gautama may be at peace in his mind, of happy thoughts, and not worrying about me, O Death, that full of joy he may greet me when let loose by thee, this I choose as the first of three boons?0." (10) el All the translators have assumed (in accordance with the commentary on the Taitt. Br.) that the father utters these words in anger at having been importuned by the seemingly senseless questions of the son. But if we read, as has just been suggested, ananda instead of ananda in v. 3 the question of the son is not senseless at all, and there is no need for the father to feel any anger. Hillebran dt, ZDMG. Ixviii, 581, correctly stated that the father does not speak in anger, and Professor Sieg. 1.c. p. 129 sq. follows him -Mrtyu should be translated by 'Death' (not death'); he is the messenger of Yama according to AV. xviii, 2, 27 (cf, the Buddhist idea of the devadata, Morris JPTS., 1885, p. 62). 63 Correctly Bothlingk SB., 1890, p. 130 : eri = Agacchami; Naciketas apparently announces his arrival in Yama's house. 68 bahunan madhyamah=hahunam madhye. There is no discrepancy between these words and the preceding ones. No help towards the interpretation is rendered by Professor Sieg., 1.c. p. 130. 64 Th 3 first half of this verse is not very clear, and it is very uncertain to whom we ought to attribute it. I have hesitatingly suggested Mrtyu, the messenger of Yama, who has fotohod Naciketas and accompanies him to his master's house. Wh. thinks that it is spoken by Nacikotas himself, in which he is followed by Hume; H. thinks of a person acompanying him; G. of the secret voice,' the (daivf)vdk, which is, however, only a fancy of the Taitt. Br. and its commentary: B. speaks of a bailiff of Yama' which is mainly the same point of view as my own. But it must be admitted that this is all very uncertain. $6 This verse generally is attributed to Yama's bailiff or to the Secret Voice. Both attributions are fanciful and unnocessary. Yama now has arrived on the scene, and the proud Brahman boy announces himself to him. 66 We have gc> to remember that Agni Vaievinara and the Brahman are alike the welcome guests of every human lodging. Thus grhan does not mean a house'; it is pregnantly plural in sense and means something like every house. 67 istepurte certainly cannot be interpreted in the way suggested by Hume, 1.c. p. 342 n. 5. Cf. Ait. Br. viii, 16 : ip&partam te lokam sukttam dyuh prajan ur Ajlya, etc. 8 The contents of this verse exactly correspond to Taitt. Br. iii, 11, 8, 3.4, where, in reply to Yama's questions, Naciketas tells him that on the first night he has consumed his offspring, on the second night his cattle, and on the third night his good works. 69 Whitney, 1.c. p. 94, complains of the metrical disorder of the second half-verse, but his own efforts to repair it are futile. In c we have simply to read suasti (80 already Bohtlingk p. 131); in d we should apparently read: tasmat pratitrin (u) vardn vrnisva (u occurs in 1, 14; 2, 1; 4, 9 etc.) All this is fairly simple. 70 This verse has been misunderstood all through ; there is just as little talk of the father being angry with the son here as before. vitanianyre means 'free from worries just as in M.Bh. 1, 6114 etc. The father is, however, in grave doubt and anxiety as to the fate of the son. From these he ought to be liberated, and Nacikotas himself set loose by Yama.

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DECEMBER, 1928 ] KATHAKA UPANISAD 223 Yama: "As of old he will be full of joyit; the son of Uddalaka Aruni has already) been let loose by met. In peace will he sleep every night, free from worries when having seen73 thee released from the jaws of Death." (11) Naciketas : "In the heavenly world there is no fear of any kind, (for) thou art not there, nor does one (there) fear old age14 Having overcome both, hunger and thirst, having left sorrow behind one rejoices in the heavenly world." (12) "Thou, O Death, knoweat the sacrificial) fire leading to heaven; proclaim it then to me who am longing75 (to know). Those in the heavenly world partake of immortality. This I choose as my second boon." (13) Yama: "I proclaim it to thee and do thou listen carefully to me--being conversant with the fire that leads to heaven, O Naciketas Know it as the obtainment of the eternal world and its basis, know it as being deposited in the secret place." (14) He taught him of that fire which is the beginning of the world, which bricks (are needed) and how many and how to be laid). And this one (Naciketas) repeated it word after word. Then Death, well pleased, again spoke to him. (15) 16 To him with a loving mind spoke the great one: "I now grant thee one more boon. This fire shall be (known) by thy name; and take thou also this multicoloured chain?7." (16) "Building three Naciketa-fires78, entering into union with threets, and performing three actions one goes beyond birth and death. Having known and meditated upon (the texts) brahmi jajnanam and devam idyam8i he for eternal time goes to this peace 82." (17) 71 Viz., when the son returns to him. 73 This seems the only possible translation. Geldner's translation : "Zuruckgekehrt ist der Sohn des Uddalaka Arupi, den ich geben hiess" is very clever but scarcely possible. Hillebrandt, however, quite correctly, says: "Aruni, Sohn des Udd&laka, ist (hiermit) von mir ontlassen." Previous translators, misled by Samkara, have taken Auddalaki to be=Uddalaka which is, of course, impossible. Yema impli. citly tells Naciketas that he is already free to go back. 73 dadsavan, Kern, S.B. 1891, p. 86; Whitney, l.c. p. 94. 74 Bohtlingk (in accordance with Pan. i, 4, 25) would prefer na jardyd bidheti. The grammar of our text is far from Papinean, but still the instrumental (jarayd) seems scarcely possible. 78 Cf. n. 57 supra. 74 Most seholars, as M. Muller SBE.XV, 6 n. 1; Whitney, 1.c. p. 96; Hillebrandt, 1.c. p. 175; and Sieg, Lc. p. 130, consider v.16-18 as being a later interpolation on altogether futile reasons. On the contrary they are absolutely necessary in order to understand the text: cf. Geldner, Ved, Stud. iii, 154 n. 1. 1 The word srakd occurs here and in 2, 3, but is otherwise unknown in the literature. The explanstions are manifold, and differ from each other to a great degree. Samkars apparently knew an old and fairly correct interpretation, which he renders by fabdarac ratnamay mala 'a rattling chain of jewels'; but his other explanations (dkutaita gatih karmamayi and optih kutsita madhajanapravrtid) show us that he was in a hopeless muddle as to the real sense of the word. The Petersburg dictionaries hesitatingly translate it by 'way', whilo M. Muller, Douesen and others interpret it as meaning 'chain' or 'garland (Cf. Hume, l.c. p. 344). Bohtlingk, Roth, Kern and Garbo all have explanations which are more or less fanciful and unconvincing, while Whitney left the word untranslated. The late Professor Johansson, in an unpublished paper, tried to establish the sense of 'cornucopis', but that iden is unknown to the Hindus. The word simply means, garland or still better chain.' It is a chain of gold and jewels which symbolises at once worldly riches and the snare (pada) of Death. Etymologically it seems closely connected with sraj. 'garland. Professor Sieg., l.c. p. 130, following Madhva, has given a fairly accurate interpretation of our passage. 78 trindciketa (en irregular formation) is difficult and obscure ; but I suppose it means that one should build all the three sacrificial fires (dhavaniya, gdrhapatya, and dakrina) according to the special rules laid down by Yama to Naciketas. I am unable to follow Bieg here. 70 Samkara (followed by Bohtlingk and Hillebrandt) says that the three mean father, mother, and our, which gives little sense. It possibly means dharma, artha, and kdma, the three goals of every man's life. 0 Vis., yajana, adhyayana, and dona; but d. also Tait. S. VI, 3, 10, 5 (Geldner, Ved. Stud, iii, 152). 91 Correctly interpreted by Hillebrandt (and, though not so well, by Geldner and vaguely suggested already by Whitney p. 95). For brahma jajnanam see AV. iv, i, 1 sq., while devam Edyam alludes to some unidentified Agni-hymn. This, like the preceding verses, alludes to Agni as the basis of the universe and identified with brahman-deman. ** Santi is nothing but the Buddhist nirvana and, of course, also brahma.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1928 "He who, building the NAciketa-fires and having got to know this triad, who thus knowing builds the Naciketa, pushes forth in front of him the snares of death and, having left sorrow behind, rejoices in the heavenly world.83 (18) "This fire, O Naciketas, leading to heaven is thine, thou hast chosen it by thy second wish. This fire men will proclaim (as thine).84 Choose thee now & third 85 boon, O Naci. ketas." (19) Naciketas: "This is the doubt concerning the dead man: some say 'he exists, others say he exista not.' This I should want to know through thy instruction. This is the third of (my)88 wishes." (20) Yama : "On this point even the gods doubted at one time; this is not easy to under. stand; it is a subtle question. Choose another boon, O Naciketas, trouble me not, let me off here87." (21) Naciketas: "Verily, on this point even the gods doubted, and thou, O Death, hast said that it is not easy to understand. Nor can one obtain another declarer of this like thee; nor is there any other boon equal to this one88." (22) Yama : "Choose thou sons and grandsons who live a hundred years, herds of cattle, elephants and gold, horses; choose thou a great stretch of land and live as many autumns as thou desirest 8). (23) "If thou deemest this boon equal to that one90 choose then riches and a long life. Be thou, O Naciketas, prosperous on (thy) great landol. I make thee a partaker of worldly pleasures.92 (24) "All the (sexual) pleasures that are not easily obtainable in the world of men, those pleasures ask for at will. Look! these lavely girls with their chariots94 and instruments 88 This verse is clumsy and somewhat obsodre. With the motyupala mentioned here of the spika in v. 16. 84 savaiva correctly abolished by Bohtlingk. 85 trtiyam, like dvitfyena, suits the metro badly. Forms like duitya and trtya are not acknowledged 89 existing in Sanskrit, but must undoubtedly have existed because of the corresponding Prakert formations. One might suggest that we ought to read here dvityena and trtyam; but this is, of course, very uncertain. 80 Wo may probably read : Daraxdm epa (me) varas trilya. 87 BOhtlingk, 1.c. p. 135, proposes to read ms instead of md, which is certainly unnecessary. Geldner reads na hi suvijeyo 'ur era dharma), which is also unnecessary. 33 Whitney wants to omit yad in the first line, and he is probably right. Hillebrandt translates this verse in a somewhat different way, which is quite possible but scarcely needed. 39 Possibly without ca and with ydvad iccheh because of the metre. A later editor who knew yavat only with the indicative might easily have altered it into ydvad icchasi.. 90 Thus, correctly, Geldner. 91 M. Moller, Bohtlingk, Whitney, Deussen and Geldner wrongly adopt a varia lectio, mahan bhumou. Only Hillebrandt correctly retains mahabhiimau bhumer mahaty ayatane (cf. v. 23). Already Samkara quite correctly explains : mahatyam bhamau raja tram Mava. . 92 Hillebrandt, 1.c., p. 175, considers this verse to be an interpolation, but on insufficient grounds; for, if in Indian literature we should look upon repetitions in general as interpolations, how would, c.g., the Pali canon fare? Professor Sieg. again, 1.c., p. 131, wants to keep 24a (with slight alterations) + d and join this line with the first lino of 25 into one Tristubh. This does not give bad sonse, but the alterstion is far too violent and contravenes every principle of text-criticism. 93 Geldner, 1.c., p. 204, calls them Apsaras (the same ideo as already held by Weber, Ind. Stud, ii, 204). But how do those heavenly beings come into the world of Yama! Cf. also Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 63. * Whitney, 1.c., p. 97, thinks saratha to be wholly out of place, but I am unable to share that opinion. Beautiful girls in cars and accompanied by music are certainly not altogether unknown in Indian literature, and besides vahah in v. 26 prove it to be fairly correct. But I admit that the metre is out of order, though I do not know how to mond it. One might try to read sasuratha) if suratha could mean something like a good charioteer ; but that is not very convincing.

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DECEMBER 1928 ) KATHAKA UPANISAD 226 -buch ones, forsooth, are not obtainable by human beings. I 96 bestow them (upon thee); do thou play with them ! But, O Naciketas, ask not concerning dying." (25) Naciketus : "Those, O God of Death, are ephemeral things'? which make blunt the keenness of all the senses. And is not all life very short ! To thee belong the chariots, to thee dance 98 and song.99 (26) "Man cannot be satisfied by wealth only. Shall we get (real) wealth even if we have asked thee ?100 We shall live as long as thou shalt order. But this boon is just the one to be chosen by me. (27) "What mortal man, himself growing old and well knowing his inferior position 101, having noted the undecaying age101 of the immortals, and meditating upon the illusions102 of beauty and sexual pleasure, could delight in an over-long life ? (28) "That as to which people doubt, o Death, what happens at the great farewell103 tell us now. This wish goes deep into the secret ; Naciketas chooses none but this one." (29) Vallt II. Yama: "One thing is spiritual welfare (sreyas), another thing is earthly pleasure (preyas); both of them, though of different aim, bind a man. Well (is it) with him who chooses spiritual welfare ; he who chooses earthly pleasure misses his sim 104 (1) "Spiritual welfare and earthly pleasure alike come to man; the wise (man) takes good note of them and makes his choice. Verily, the wise man prefers spiritual welfare to earthly pleasure, but the dullard prefers earthly pleasure to (spiritual) well-being106. (2) 95 Mat is metrically superfluous, but cannot well be left out. 96 Paricdrayasva has been correctly explained by Kern, S.B., 1891, p. 86, with the aid of parallels from Buddhist literature. It means much more than have thyself attended with them' (Wh.) or by these be waited on' (Hume). 07 Sucbhdvd retained by Bohtlingk and Geldner, seems to me impossiblo in this passage, though the word occurs in Katyayana's Srauta S. xii, 6, 28. Goldner's translation : die neuen Morgen, o Tod, machen alt, etc., is masterly, but I fail to see how dvobhdud could really mean that. Thus I have reluctantly followed Whitney, Hillebrandt and the Poona ed. in reading fuo'bhdud. 98 Poley mentions & v. 2 nottagite. 99 All the translators seem to take these words to mean something like : 'thine be the vehicles, thine be dance and song!'. But that is scarcely the sense. Naciketas means that all this vanitas vanitatum belongs to the realm of the senses, the unreal world over which rules the God of Death (Antaka or Mrtyu). 100 I should prefer to read apraksma instead of adrakuma. This and the following verse are the answer to Yama's offer in v. 24 a-b. 101 Whitney seems to be the only translator who has recognised the real sense of this difficult verse. Though afruata is an eyopavor it can well be kept and makes good sense, though perhaps ajuryatd, as suggested by Wh. would be easier. The absurd-looking kevadha sthah (read kuvo) is a spontaneous formation from ku + adhahstha (Weber, Ind. Stud. ii, 196, n. adopts the v.l. adhasthak with disappearance of the Visarge, but that is scarcely necessary, cf. Wackernagel, Altind. Gr., i, 342 89.) The v.l. kva tadasthah reported by Samkara and adopted by Professor Geldner seems futile. 103 Kern, S.B. 1891, p. 86, takes vara to be = rupa, which seems correct. We must, however, read pramohan instead of pramodan. 108 Sampardya = moksa (thus, correctly, Raghavendra followed by Professor Geldner). 104 In the first line te (Kern) and in the second bhavati should be rejected. 105 Curiously enough only Roth, S.B. 1891, p. 88, has seen the obvious parallelism which forons us to take yogaksema as = dreyas. Professor Geldner unnecessarily adopts the inferior v.l. yogaksemdr. In this same line Whitney correctly rejected (a)bhi before preyaso.

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2826 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1928 "Thou, O Naciketas, hast meditated upon the lovely and lovely-looking pleasures and hast let them go106. Nor even hast thou accepted this chain of wealth in which many people get tied up.107 (3) "Far away from each other, differing entirely are ignorance and that which is known as knowledge108. Naciketas seems to me desirous of knowledge; the many (sexual) pleasures do not badly hurt thee109. (4) "Those who are living in ignorance, thinking themselves wise, believing themselves to be very learned 110, those fools run to and fro like blind men led by a blind one.111 (5). "The great transition is unintelligible to the dull-witted, the heedless fellow befooled by the illusion of great wealth. This world exists but not the other one, thus believing he from time to time falls into my hands. (6) "Many do not even attain to hearing him, many if they heard him would not understand him: a wonder is a clever preacher of this, (a wonder) the attainer, a wonder the knower instructed by the clever one112. (7) "Taught by an incompetent person this onel13 remains difficult to understand, even when frequently meditated upon. And there is no way to him unless he be taught by another, for he is inconceivably more subtle than the measure of an atom. (8) "This doctrine, which thou hast obtained, cannot be obtained by pure speculation; it is easy to understand when taught by another, O my darling. Upon my word, thou art of true perseverance ! May I not114 get another questioner like thee, 0 Naciketas ! (9) "I for one know that the treasure (of good works) is something perishable; not by un. real things can that real one11s be obtained. Thus I built the Naciketa-fire, with perishable materials I obtained the imperishable116 (10) 106 Cf. abhidhydyan wartaratipramohdn (cf. n. 102 supra) in 1, 28 : atyasrdkih again in 2, 11. 107 The falso reading majjanti, which was adopted by Samkara, has obecured the real sense of srnka in this verse. We should read sajjanti and then everything tallies beautifully. Long after I had found this out I noticed to my great pleasure that Professor Geldner, 1.c., p. 205 n. 6, has already proposed this emendation. This seems to me all the more adinirable because Prof. Geldner is apparently in the dark us to the real meaning of spika. 108 Read probably avidyd yd yd)ca vidyeti jaid; Bohtlingk's jidte is quito unnecessary. 109 Lolupante, Mocording to Pan. iii, 1, 24, should be lolupyante, a slight alteration. But we have already observed more than once that the text is not Paninean in its grammar. I can see no obstacle to translating lolup(y)ante as I have done above, and in that case the sense fits very well. 110 Perhaps we should read panditam manyarnandh with Raghavendra 111 The variae lectiones in Maitr. Up. vii, 9 and in Mund. Up. ii, 8 are of no value. This is perhaps the first time that we meot with the well-known andhaparampard of the Samkhya. 113 This verse seems slightly out of order, metrically as well as in meaning ; but Whitney's suggestion kusalo'nudista scarcely helps us. 1 Viz., the Atman. 114 All the translators take no to be=nah and render the words : 'may there be for us, N., & questioner like thee,' which according to my opinion entirely misses the sense of the passage. Yama nover liked to give his knowledge away: he tries as far as possible to withhold it. bata expresses astonishment or even slight anger, and no is = na , an emphatic na. Yams wishes that he may never meet another man as per nevering in his questions as Naciketas. 115 Viz., Brahman-Atman. 110 Only Professor Goldner (and poosibly Bohtlingk) has correctly attributed this verse to Yama. Whitney And Hillebrandt think of Nacikotas as the speaker, and Profemor Sieg, 1.c. p. 131, attributes it to the illusory prastar of the preceding verse. Yama, who has hitherto only given introductory phrases, now for the last time tries to make his horror be content with his knowledge of the N iketa-fire-but, as he knows himself, without success.

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DECEMBER, 1928 ] KATHAKA UPANISAD 227 "Obtainment of carnal desire117, the foundation of the living world, the eternity of sacrifice, the other shore of fearlessness the firm foundation hast thou, O Naciketas, wise in thy firmness let go.118 (11) "The wise man who, by concentrating all his thought on the Atman, has understood him who is hard to see, who has entered the dark space, the concealed one, living in the depth, the old one to be (the only) god leaves joy and grief behind. (12) When mortal man has heard and fully understood this, when he has flung away dharma119 and arrived at this atom-like one (viz., Atman) then he rejoices, having obtained a reason for rejoicing. The house to me seems wide-open, O Naciketas !120" (13) Naciketas: "Whatever thou seest which is neither good nor bad, neither done nor not done, neither past nor to be, that proclaim to me." (14) Yama: "The word which all the Vedas repeat and which131 all the penances proclaim, to obtain which they lead a student's holy life, that word will I tell thee in brief: Om, thus is it. (15) "This (eternal) syllable, 132 forsooth, is Brahman, this (eternal) syllable is the very highest, he who has come to know this (eternal) syllable obtains whatever he wishes. (16) "This is the very best support, this is the very highest support. He who has come to know this support enjoys bliss in the Brahman-world. (17) "The seer123 is neither born nor does he die; he comes from nowhere, nor did he become anyone else. Unborn, everlasting, eternal is the ancient one. He is not slain if the body be slain.124 (18) "If the slayer thinks that he slays, and if the slain believes himself to be slain, then both these do not know: he135 neither slays nor is he slain.126 (19) 117 Kern, S.B. 1891, p. 88, reads kamanydvd ptim. 118 This verse is perhaps the most obscure one of all the dark passages in our text, and all previous translators differ more or less from each other without being able to render satisfactorily the sense of the two lines. Personally I am first of all absolutely unable to translate the words stomamahadurugayam, which must needs be corrupt; already Samkara apparently understood nothing of them. Hillebrandt, l. c. p. 121, is the one who has tried a real translation when he renders it: das durch Stomas machtige Urugayaliedbut what does that mean? Professor Sieg, l.c. p. 132, has tried a rearrangement of the construction, but without obtaining any intelligible meaning. He is, however, right in translating keratu by Opferwerk; krator anantyam (cf. Pan. V, 3, 24) means either 'sacrifice lasting for an eternal time,' or rather 'eternal life won by sacrifice.' Bohtlingk is also right in rejecting the unnecessary drated, which was certainly put in by a commentator who understood nothing of the verse. The only possible clue to an explanation seems to me to be this: in 1, 14 (supra) Yama calls the Naciketa-fire anantalokaptim atho pratistham. This must be the same in this passage too. What Naciketas has let go is the fire which Yama has taught him, and which here he praises in most exalted language. Naciketes wants something still higher, viz. the knowledge of the fate of the liberated (mukta) after death, the solution of the riddle of the Atman. In his persistence he is wise and firm. 119 With Bohtlingk and Geldner we ought no doubt to read dharmam; but the expression pravrhya dharmam is puzzling and not solved by the translations known to me-flung away' (so also Whitney) is only a weak attempt to render it. 120 The last words are obscure and possibly corrupt; I follow Professor Geldner in reading naciketa! sammanye. 121 Read tapasi saredsi ca yad vadanti with Kern, SB, 1891, p. 86. With this verse cf. Bhagavadgitd, viii, 11, which gives exactly the same ideas in somewhat different words. 122 Note the double sense of aksara. As being the expiration of Brahman, Om, of course, is eternal. 123 Vipascit Atman. 124 Cf. Bhagavadgttd ii, 20; but there the words ndyam bhatud bhavita vd na bhuyah are no immedi ate paraphrase of the expression ndyam kutascin na babhuva kascit of our text. 125 Viz., the Atman. 126 Professor Sieg, L.c. p. 132, suggests that this verse is only a misrepresentation of Bhagavadgita ii, 19 Ya enam vetti hantaram yas cainam manyate hatam | ubhau tau na vijanito niyam hanti na hanyate, and that not even Professor Geldner's clever interpretation can save it. This is unintelligible to me. The Gted verse is, of course, younger, and both of them give absolutely the same sense.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1928 "More subtle than the atom, greater even than the greatest, this Atman abides in the secret place of this living being. Not sacrificing127, free from grief, one sees the greatness of the Atman through the grace of the Creator128 (20) "Sitting he walks far away, lying down he goes everywhere. Who but myself deserves to know that god who is joy and not-joy189 ? (21) "Bodiless in the bodies, settled amongst the unsettled, great, all-pervading the wise man knowing Atman as such does not come to grief. (22) "This Atman cannot be understood by teaching130, not by wisdom, nor by extensive learning. He is understood by whom131 he chooses; this Atman reveals his own person.132 (23) "He who does not desist from bad conduct, who is not at peace nor self-concentrated nor peaceful in his mind will not reach him by sole knowledge. (24) "To whom clergy and nobility are only a rice-porridge and Death only the saucewho does really know where he is?" 133 (25) Valli III. "Those both, who in the world of good actions134 drink righteousness and who have gone into the place of secrecy in the most distant quarter, the Brahman-knowers, the pancagni-knowers,135 the builders of three Naciketa-fires call Shadow and Light.136 (1) ["May we bring forth the Naciketa-fire which is a bridge to the sacrificers, the eternal, highest Brahman, fearlessness to those who want to cross to the other side. (2)] 137 "Know that the Atman is the passenger and the body the chariot itself; know also that the intellect is the charioteer and the mind is the rein. (3) "The senses they call the horses, and the objects their goals; the wise call Atman joined by the senses and the mind the enjoyer. 138 (4) "He who is without understanding and with a mind continuously unyoked, his senses are uncontrolled like the vicious steeds of a charioteer. (5) "But he who possesses understanding, whose mind is continuously yoked, his senses are duly controlled like the brave steeds of a charioteer. (6) 127 Akratuh, cf. kratu in 2, 11 supra. 128 Dhatuprasddat is very doubtful. I have followed the v. 1. dhatuh prasadat (thus Wh., H. and G.). This verse occurs in Taitt. Ar. X, 10, 1 and Svet. Up. iii, 20, with slight variants, which do not help us. 129 Thus already Samkara and nowadays Hillebrandt and Geldner. Other translations are not correct. 130 This sounds strange when compared with. vv. 7-9 above. 131 tena should be abolished; it was added by someone who did not understand the construction labhyas tasya. 139 The last words have been thoroughly misunderstood by all except by Geldner and Hillebrandt. 133 Professor Sieg, I.c. p. 132, translates yasya by in Vergleich zu welchem, which seems scarcely possible and gives no better meaning. S., like Samkara and others, reads odanah. 134 In spite of Samkara, svakrtasya is out of reckoning; we must read sukrtasya. 135 I.e., those who know the doctrine of the five fires as expounded in Chand Up. V, 4 sq. (thus, correctly, Professor Geldner), not those who maintain five sacrificial fires. 136 Atman and Brahman. But as these two are original we need not adopt the somewhat artificial interpretation of the first line suggested by Professor Geldner. 137 Though I do not like to assume interpolations without the very strongest reasons, I still think that this verse must be rejected. It is without meaning here and is chiefly made up from materials takenfrom 2, 1land 16. The suggestion of Professor Geldner, that we should read Naciketam and identify this with Naci ketasam, is, unfortunately, impossible. 188 yuktam in the second line seems impossible; Bohtlingk alters it into yuktah which is, however, wrong. We must then read "yukto. The meaning, however, is not doubtful.

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DECEMBER, 1928) KATHAKA UPANTSAD 229 "He who is without understanding, thoughtless, always impure, he does not arrive at that place, he comes into the circle of metem psychosis. (7) "But he who possesses understanding, full of thoughts, ever pure, he arrives at that place from whence he is not born again. (8) "That man whose charioteer is understanding and whose rein is mind, he arrives at the goal of the road--that is Visnu's highest abode 139 (9) "Higher than the senses are the objects, higher than the objects is mind; higher than mind is intellect, but higher than intellect is the great Atman. (10) "Higher than the great one is the unmanifested, higher than the unmanifested is the Spirit140 ; there is nothing whatsoever beyond that Spirit, he is the goal, he is the highest resort. (11) "This Atman, hidden in all living beings, does not show himself. But he is seen by subtle thinkers by means of the most pointed, subtle intellect. (12) "The wise man should restrain voice and mind, he should restrain it within that Self which is knowledge; that again within the great Self 141; and that he should restrain within the peaceful Self. (13) "Stand ye up! Awake ye248! Having obtained boong143 give ye attention! The razor's edge is whetted, difficult to traverse144 ; this the seers call the dangerous part of the way. (14) 146 "Having meditated upon the soundless, touchless, formless, unalterable, the eternally146 tasteless and scentless, the one without beginning or end, the one higher than the great, the real one, he is liberated from the jaws of Death.147 (15) ["The wise man who recites and listens to this ancient Naciketa-episode proclaimed by Death enjoys bliss in the Brahman-world. (16) "When one recites in an assembly of Brahmans this highest secret or (recites it) with devotion at a sacrifice to the ancestors it makes him fit for eternal life." (17)] 118 (To be continued.) 139 Virton paramam padam is the heaven of light on the top of the universe where is the well of ampla (of. R.V. I, 154, 5; Viston pada parame madhva utsal) and the abode of the blessed. That is, according to a later idee, the Brahmaloka (as in our text; cf. 2, 17; brahmaloke mahiyate) and the abode of the muktas with the Jains. 140 Purusa (=Brahman). 141 Probably Bohtlingk in right in considering niyaochet to be an interpolation. 142 The correct form, according to Bohtlingk, would be jdyrta (found in one MS.); but how it could be four-syllabic baffles me. Read perhaps : utriphata [ca] jdarta. 143 Samkara : tardn praktstacarydn, which is certainly wrong. 144 The razor's edge (krurasya dhard) is an old symbol fetched from the Indo-Iranian ideas of the way into the other world. It is peculiarly clear in Zoroastrian eschatology, but traces of it are found also in India. 146 This verse seems entirely out of connection with its surroundings. 146 Thus, correctly, Whitney, differing from the other translators. 147 CF. 1, Il supra (motyumukhdt pramuktam). 148 These two verees, forming a Sravanaphala in the epic style, are apparently a late addition. They do not in the slightest degree prove that the original Upanipad was at an end hero.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 1 DECEMBER, 1928 A NOTE ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER PRATIHARAS. By NIHARRANJAN RAY, M.A. THE career of Mahendrapala, one of the ablest, most powerful and best remembered of the Pratibara kings of Kanguj, came to an end in the last years of the first decade of the tenth century A.D. Indeed, the last known date of his reign is 964 v.s., which corresponds to A.D. 907-8. He had at least two queens to whom we are introduced by the Bengal Asiatic Society's grant of the Maharaja Vine yakapala. Queen DehanAgadevi gave her king Mahendrapala one son, the illustrious Maharaja Bhojadeva (II) and queen Mahidevi. devi (Mahd according to the Pratabgarh inscription") gave another, the illustrious Maharaja Vinayakapaladeva. The Agni inscription of v.8.974* mentions one Mahisapaladeva (Mahindapala as Kielhorn reads it) with his son Mahipala as Maharajadhirajas. Mahisa or Mahindapala has been identified with Pratibara Mahendrapala, and so we are introduced to a third son of this monarch, namely Mahipala. A passage in Rajasekhara's Prachanda Pandava seems to support the information obtained from the Asni inscription. From this passage we come to know that the play was stayed before an assemblage of guests who were invited by Mahipala, born of the lineage of Raghu, son of Nirbhayanarendra, Lord of Aryavarta. The identification of this Nirbhayanarendra with Mahendrapala Pratihara of Kanauj is also an accepted conclusion, so that there remains very little doubt as to Mahipala's being a third Bon of Mahendrapaladeva. Dr. Kielhorn, while editing the Khajuraho inscription of the Chandela king Yasovarman, v.s. 1011=953-54 A.D.," and the Siyadoni stone inscription, v.g. 1006 = 948-49 A.D.7, came of the opinion that the Hayapati Devapala, son of Herambapala of Yasovarman's inscription is identical with the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhiraja Parameswara the illustrious Devapala, son of Ksitipala of the Siyadoni inscription. Ksitipala and Herambapala must thus naturally have been the one and the same person. And as Ksiti and Mahi were synonymous. it was easy to conclude that Mahipala, Ksitipala and Herambapala were all identical. . While reconsidering the dates and the genealogical data of the Dighwa Dubauli Plate of Mahendrapala and Bengal Asiatic Society's grant of Vinayakapala, Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar pointed out that, Heramba and Vinayaka being synonymous, Herambapala should be identified with Vinayakapala.8 Kielhorn's chronology, therefore, stood thus : DehanAgadevi = Mahendrapala = Mahidevidevi. Bhojadeva (II) Mahipala (alias Ksitipala (Kielhorn) alias Herambapala (Bhandarkar).. alias Vinayakapila After the discovery of the Prat&bgarh inscription of the time of Mahendrapaladeva (II) of Mahodaya, v.s. 1003=945-46 A.D., Pandit G. H. Ojha reconsidered the genealogical arrangement. He accepted the identification of Mahipala and Ksitipala, but rejected that of Vinayakapala and Herambapala on the grounds (1) that Hayapati Devapala could not be the same as Devapala of Mahodaya 'on the casual mention of the former in an inscription 1 Siyadoni Inscriptions, line 4, Ep. Ind., vol. 1, p. 162 ff., Kielhorn. 3 Bengal Asiatic Society's grant of Vinayakapala, Ind. Ant., vol. XV, p. 140. Fleet. 3 Pratabgarh Inscription, Ep. Ind., vol. XIV, p. 178. G. H. Ojha. * The Agni Inscription, Ep. Ind., vol. I, pp. 170-71. 0 The Date of Poet Rajasekhara, Ind. Ant., vol. XVI, p. 177. Fleet. 6 Khajuraho Inscription of Yasovarman, Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 172. Kielhorn. ? Op.cit. For the views of Kielhorn, see Ep. Ind., vol. I, p. 122 ff. and p. 162 8 Bo. Br. R. A.S., vol. XXI, pp. 406-7. Bhandarkar.

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DECEMBER, 1928) CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER PRATIHARAS 231 of a king of a dynasty other than his own;' (2) that Hayapati was never the recognised appellation of any of the Pratibara kings; and (3) that the dates of Mahipala and Vinayakapala did not overlap. According to his view the genealogy stands like this.' Mahendrapala Bhoja (II) Mahipala alias Ksitipala Vinayakapala Mahendrapala (II). Devapala. Vijayapala. Dr. R. C. Majumdar, who last contributed on the subject, strengthened the arguments of Pandit Ojba by adducing further reasons in his favour.10 But even admitting the force of Pandit Ojha's arguments, Dr. Majumdar could not accept the chronological arrangement proposed by the Pandit, but reverted back to the arrangement of Prof. Kielhorn. He based his conclusion on the fact that there was no reference to Mahipala in the Bengal Asiatic Society's grant of Vinayakapala, whereas one brother Bhoja (II) as well as his two predeCrssons with their titles were mentioned. According to him, it was 'difficult to explain the omission of Mahipala's name if he had really been a separate king.' There were thus two distinct arrangements as regards the chronology of the later Pratiharas, and the writer of this note thinks that there is still the possibility of a third one. First, as to Kielhorn's identification of Hayapati Devapala with Devapala, son of Ksitipala, Pandit Ojha and Dr. Majumdar's objections certainly carry weight and they are suffi cient to set the identifications aside. Secondly, the identifications of Herambapala and Vinayakapala cannot also be accepted for the only reason that Heramba is synonymous with Vinayaka. Whether the Khajuraho inscription was put up after the death of Yasovarman or during his lifetime, it is certain that not only Yasovarman but also his son Dhangadeva continued to acknowledge the paramount supremacy of Vinayakapala ; for in the end of the inscription 'Vinayakapaladeve palayati Vasudham' is expressly mentioned. Agreeing that it was put up by Dhanga after the death of his father, we should accept that Dhanga did not royent the supremacy of Vina yakapaladeva. But if we accept this, it is difficult to reconcile why, in the same inscription, Yasovarman or Dhanga should in one place (verse 43) refer to their paramount lord as Hicrambapala and in another concluding verse) as Vinayakapaladeva. If Herambapala and Vinayakapala had been the same person such a different naming would have been simply unnecessary; in fact, the writer as well as the master of the inscription did really mean two individual persons in the two names. This, I think, should raise serious objection to the identification of Vinayakapala with Herambapala, apart from the arguments already put forward by Pandit Ojha. The identification of Ksitipala with Mahipala has been universally accepted and unless positive proof to annul the identification be forthcoming we have no reasons to reject it. The identification of Mahipala with Vinayakapala stands on the validity of the identi. fication of Mahipala=KsitipAla with Herambapala. But Pandit Ojha has shown that Ksiti. pala and therefore Mahipala cannot be identical with Herambapala. So the identification of Mahipala and Vinayaka pala must naturally fall to the ground. But Dr. Majumdar stands for accepting the identification in view of the reason already cited. But he himself admits that there are many records in which no mention is made of the royal brothers intervening between the reigning king and his father. Apart from this and apart also from the possibility of internal dissension between Mahipala and Vinayakapala, Dr. Majumdar's * Op. cit. Pratabgarh Inscription, Ep. Ind., vol. XIV, pp. 176 fl. Ojha. 10 J. of the Dept. of Letters, Cal. University, vol. X, pp. 60-62. Majumdar.

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23.2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1928 objection to the separate individuality of the two kings is not convincing. Even accepting his objection to be tenable, the view that is going to be presented here would accommodate his objection too. Pandit Ojha and Dr. Majumdar have shown that the dates of Mahipala and Vinayakapala do not overlap. All the earlier records, at least upto 917-18, systematically refer to Mahipala, and the mention of Vinayakapala is made for the first time not earlier than 931 A.D. The last known date of Mahipala's father, Mahendra paladeva, is 908 A.D. ascer. tained from the Siyadoni inscription. Bhoja (II) must, therefore, have flourished between 908 and 914 A.D. It is noteworthy that except in the Bengal Asiatic Society's grant of Vine. vakapala, for once and for all, Bhoja is nowhere mentioned as the son of Mahendrapala or brother of Vina yakapala or as king of Kanauj, whereas Mahipala is mentioned at least in two records apart from his mention by Rajasekhara. Nor has Bhoja left us any record to his credit or any definite date of his reign. Is it likely that Bhoja (II) and Mahipala were identical, so that Mahipala Bhoja begotten on Dehanagadevi reigned between 908 and 931 A.D., the earliest known date of Vinayakapaladeva ? The identification seems to be plausible, and there is at least one reason for this identification apart from the facts noted above. We know that Bhoja is, like Vikramaditya, a mere title only and not a name; and kings having such titles came to be more popularly known by their tities than by their names. Such was the case with Chandragupta, who came to be more known by his title of Vikramaditya. In the dynasty of the Pratih&ras, too, there was Bhoja (I) whose original name was probably Mihira, but he came to be more popularly known as Bhoja. So, it seems, was the case with Bhoja (II), the grandson of Bhoja (I) for whom it was all the more natural to assume the title of his grandfather. It seems that his original name was Mahipala, by which he has been mentioned in the recordis, but the grant of his brother Vinayako paladeva has introduced him with his title only, i.e., Bhoja. The writer of this note would, therefore, like to identify Jahipala (of date 914 and 917 A.D.) with Bhoja (II), son of Mahendrapala. And even if this identificatior. be accepted, the chronology of the later Pratiharas would not differ in any very considerable degree from what is at present known. But besides this itdentification, there are other things which, when considered, would greatly modify the existing genealogical and chronological arrangement of these kings. We have seen that the last known date of Mahipala Bhoja (II) alias Ksitipala is 917 A.D. 11 and the earliest known date of Vinayakapala is 931 A.D. (obtained from copper plate inscription).12 For Vinayakapala we have also another date from the stone inscription of Dhanga of the year v.s. 1011, while the illustrious Vinayakapaladeva is protecting the earth.'18 My attention to this date was drawn by Prof. D. R. Bhandarkar. The date 1011 v.s. corresponds to 953-54 A.D. It had hitherto been accepted that Vinayakapaladeva of the copperplate inscription of date 931 A.D. was identical with the king of the same name of the stone inscription of date 953-54 A.D. But this does not seem to have been really the case. For, in the first place we are introduced by the Pratabgarh inscription of v.s. 1003= 945-46 A.D. to Mahendrapala (II), son of Vinayakapala. Now, if Mahendrapala's father Vinayakapala had been reigning in 953-54 A.D., how can the son i.e., Mahendra pala) him. self be reigning in 945-46 A.D.? It seems, therefore, that the two Vinayakapalas are not identical and that Mahendrapala, the son of Vinayakapala had later on been succeeded by another Vinayakapala. But this second Vinayakapala was certainly not the immediate successor. For between Vina yakapala of date 931 A.D. and Vinayakapala of date 953-54 A.D., there is, besides Mahendrapala (II), another king, namely Devapala of date 1005 v.s=947-48 11 Asni Inscription, op. cit. 12 B. A. S. grant of Vinuyakapala, op. cit. 13 Khajuraho Inscription, op. cit.

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DECEMBER, 1928) CHRONOLOGY OF THE LATER PRATIHARAS 233 A.D., son of Ksitipala, alias Mahipala, alias Bhoja (II) of the Siyadoni inscription. We thus see that Vinayakapala (I) of date 931 A.D. was followed by his son Mahendrapala (II) of date 946 A.D.; Mahendra pala (II) was followed by Devapala of date 947-48 A.D. and Devapala by Vinayakapala (II) of date 953-54 A.D. Here we are introduced to another Gurjara-Pratihara king by the Byana Utkha Mandir inscription of Chitralekha, noticed by Mr. R. D. Banerjee in the Pro. Report of the Arch. Survey of India, Western Circle, 1919.14 The inscription, to which my attention was drawn by Prof. Bhandarkar, was incised in the month of Magh, v.s. 1012=957-58 A.D., and records the erection of a temple of Visnu by a queen named Chitralekha during the reign of an emperor Maharajadhiraja Mahipala. Mr. R. D. Banerjee has shown that this Maharajadhiraja Mahipala was certainly a later Pratibara king and that he must have come after Devapala of date 947-48 A.D. As Vinayaka pala of date 953-54 A.D., is earlier than this Mahipala (whom it is convenient to designate as Mahipala II) of date 957-58 A.D. we may assume that Devapala was succeeded by Vinayaka pala (II) and Vinayakapala (II) by Mahipala (II). The Rajor-gadh inscription of Mathanadeva of date 960 A.D.15 introduces us to a Prati hara king named Vijayapala, who is said to have meditated at the feet of an emperor called Kgitipala. Whether this Ksitipala had been the same as the father of Devapala of the Siyadoni inscription (alias Mahipala, alias Bhoja II) or whether Ksitipala was, as is probable, a synonym and only another name of Mahipala (II) of the Byana inscription of Chitralekha, it is difficult at present to ascertain. As the latter one is highly probable, there is also no strong ground against the former assumption, for the son of the father who had been reigning in 917 A.D. might well have reigned in 960 A.D. Vijayapala was probably succeeded by Rajyapala and Rajyapala by Trilochanapala, for all these three kings are said to have reigned in succession in the Bengal Asiatic Society's grant of Trilochanapala of date 1027 A.D.16 It is true that the mutual relations of these kings cannot definitely be ascertained, but the order of succession, as given below, seems to be vouchsafed by the respective dates assigned to them. To make a possible and convenient suggestion, it is probable that the 5th king Vinayakapala was the son of the 3rd king Mahendrapala (II), for it was natural for him to take the name of his grandfather, as had so often been the case in ancient Indian royal dynasties. In the same way, it is also probable that the 6th king Mahipala (II) was the son of the 4th king Devapala, whose father was again Mahipala (I). And as Mahipala (I) had another name, Ksitipala, so also Mahipala (II) might possibly have another name (like his grandfather), namely Ksitipala, who according to Mathanadeva's inscription was the immediate predecessor and probably the father of Vijayapala. According to the arrangement made below we have four kings, Nos. 3-6, i.e., from Mahendrapala (II) to Mahipala (II) reigning in succession within the short span of less than ten years i.e., from 945-46 to 954-55 A.D. But such instances are not at all rare in history, 17 and there is nothing to be surprised at in this, especially when we remember that with Mahipala (1) alias Bhoja (II) the glorious days of the Pratihara empire were gone, and the disruption had begun. Nearer home feudatories were daily declaring independence and striking their blows at the 14 Byana inscription of Chitralokha. Pro. R.A.S., Western Circle, 1919, pp. 43-44. R.D.B. 15 Rajor Inecription of Mathanadeva. Ep. Ind., vol. III, p. 265. 10 Bengal A. S. grant of Trilochanapala, Ind. Ant., vol. XVIIT, pp. 33 ff., in which is mentioned the Rames of three kings Vijayapala, Rajyapala and Trilochanapala who reigned in succession. 19 "In Vengi three Eastern Chalukya monarchs, viz., Vijay Aditya IV, his son Ammer&js I and Ammaraja's son, another Vijay Aditya, ruled only for seven years, six and a half months. In Kasmira five kings, viz., Suravarman I, Parth, Samkaravardhana, Unmattavanti and Suravarman II, ruled within six years (A.D. 933-39); and three generations of kings, viz., Yasaskara, his uncle Varpaa, and his son Samgr. madeva, ruled for ten years (A.D. 039-919)." Political History, p. 365, 2nd ed. Raychaudhuri. Other instances might also be cited.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1928 worn-out gates of the imperial city and in farther corners the armies of Islam were sharpening their swords for the final stab. Nor are we to assume that after Vinayakapala (I) the dy. nasty was divided into two houses, one descended from Vinayakapala (I) and the other from Mahilapala (I) alias Bhoja (II) alias Ksitipala. For, there is no evidence whatsoever to show that the Pratihara empiry was ever divided between two rival houses. DehanAgalovi=Mahendrapala (I)=Mahidevidevi (date 964 v.3.=908 A.D.) (1) Bhoja (II) alias Mahipala (I) (date 974 v.8. =916-17 A.D. Asni Inso.) alias Ksitipala (Siyadoni Insc.) (2) Vinayakapala (I) (date in V..=931 A.D.) (Bengal Asiatic Society grant.) (4) Devapala. (date 1005 V.S.=948-49 A.D.) (Siyadoni Inscription.) (3) Mahendrapala (II) (date 1003 V.8.=945-46 A.D. (Prat&bgarh Inscription. (5) Vinayakapala (II), son of No. 3 (). (date 1011 v.s.=953-54 A.D.) (Khajuraho Insc. of Yahovarnian.) (6) Mahipala (II), son of No. 4 (1) (date 1012 v.8.=954-55 A.D. ByAna Insc.) alias Ksitipala (3) (7) Vijayapala (date =960 A.D.) (R&jor Inso. of Mathanadeva.) (8) Rajyapala (9) Trilochanapala. 1027 A.D. (B. A. Society grant.) (10) Yasabpala (?

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DECEMBER, 1928) THE EMPIRE OF ORISSA 235 THE EMPIRE OF ORISSA. BY PROF. R. D. BANERJI, M.A. I. Kapilendra or Kapile vara (1435-70). VERY little is known about the founder of the most powerful dynasty of Orissa, the Surya-vamsa dynasty, which ruled over the eastern coast of the Indian Peninsula for a little over a century. In the South Arcot District the founder of this dynasty was known as the Kumara Mahapatra even in 1464-65. In two inscriptions only, one at Gopinathpur in the Cuttack District, he is stated to be descended from the race of the Sund. Kapilesvara's relation, Ganadeva, Rautaraya, the viceroy of Kondavidu in 1455, also mentions him as being descended from the Solar race. We are totally ignorant about the circumstances which brought him to the throne after the extinction of the Eastern Gangas. According to inscriptions, discovered up to date, Narasimha IV is the last known king of this dynasty and his latest known date is 1397 A.D. The late Manmohan Chakravarti notes that there is an inscription of this king in the Sri Kurmam temple, on the eleventh pillar of the mandapa, which is dated 1402-3 A.D. The accession of Kapilendra or Kapiles vara cannot be placed earlier than 1434-35. The date given in the records of the temple of Jagannatha at Puri is decidedly wrong. According to that record the accession of the king took place at camp KirttivAsa on Wednesday Kakasa 2, Su. 4. But Sewell mentions that Kapilesvara's accession took place in 1454 6. and he follows Hunter, who places that event in 1452. All of these dates are incorrect, as Man. moban Chakravarti has already proved. The correctness of Manmohan Chakravarti's calcu. lations is corroborated by the Burhan-i-Ma'asir.? The local accounts of Orissa such as the Puri Record (called Madald Panji in Oriya) places another king between Narasimha IV and Kapilesvara. He is called Bhanudeva 8. As Kapilesvara's accession did not take place till 1435 there is plenty of room to place two or three scions of the Eastern Gangas after the last known date of Narasimha IV and before the beginning of the Surya-vamsa dynasty. During the last days of the Ganga dynasty Orissa had lost her prestige and she was being hard pressed by the independent Sultans of Bengal from the north, the Bahmani Sultans from the west and the emperors of Vijayanagara from the south. Sewell's list supplies us with a clear instance of changes in the overlordship of Kondavidu, when it was in the possession either of the kings of Orissa or the emperors of Vijayanagara. One Languliya Gajapati was succeeded by the Reddi king Racha Venka (1420-31). Then came two sovereigns of Vijayanagara, who are named Pratapadeva (Devaraya II) and Harihara. They were succeeded by king kapilesvara of Orissa". The date of the rise of Kapilesvara coincides with that of the commencement of the decline of Vodeyar or Yadava dynasty of Vijayanagara. He ascended the throne of Orissa during the lifetime of Devaraya II and continued to rule till the Saluva usurpation. It opened a glorious career for him and permitted him to conquer the whole of the Eastern coast of India, at least as far as Trichinopoly District of the Madras Presidency. No other king of Northern India and no sovereign of Orissa ever succeeded in ruling over such a large portion of Southern India. The conquest of the Tamil country by Kapilesvara was no temporary Occupation. The Eastern Tamil Districts and practically the whole of the Telugu country rem ined in his occupation for over ten years. This is proved by an inscription of the reign of the Vijayanagara emperor Virupaksha, accord. ing to which, on account of confusion caused by the invasion of the king of Orissa the festivals in the temple of Siva at Jambai in the South Arcot District ceased for ten years, sometime before 1472-73 A.D. The drama Gangadasa-Prata pavildsam also refers to an invasion 1 JASB., vol, LXIX, 1900, pt. 1, pp. 173-79. 3 Aboue, vol. XX, 1891, pp. 390-93. 3 JASB., vol. LXIV, pp. 133. * Ibid., vol. LXIX, 1900, p. 182, note I. 8 Ibid., p. 181 note. Sewell, A Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India, p. 48 and note 3. 1 Indian Antiquary, vol. XXVIII, 1899, p. 285. JASB., vol. LXIX, 1900, p. 182. * Sketch of Suuth Indian Dynasties, p. 48.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . DECEMBER, 1928 of Vijayanagara by the king of Orissa 10 Another inscription in the South Arcot District records that in 1464-65 the village of Munnur was actually in the occupation of Kumara Maha. patra Kapilesvara, son of Ambiradeva. We have therefore to admit that from 1464 till the date of his death in 1470 Kapilesvara was in possession of the whole of the Eastern Coast of the Indian Peninsula from the Balasore District of Orissa to the extreme south of the Trichinopoly District. We have no means so far of deducing the exact chronology of events in the process of these conquests, but we obtain some help from Musalman histories. The best of these are no doubt Firishta and the Burhan-s-Ma'asir. Kapilendradeva was the contemporary of Sultan 'Alauddin Ahmad II, who ascended the throne on the 21st February 1435. One of the earliest events connected with the king of Orissa, in the Burhan-i-Ma'asir, is a statement of the condition of western part of the Telugu country. It is stated in this work that the leader of the Hindu chiefs of the country above the Ghats was an Oriya. Kapi. lesvara is not mentioned by name, but the statement made about the number of elephants which this Oriya chief possessed proves that the king of Orissa himself had come to occupy the most prominent position among the Hindu chiefs of the Telugu speaking country. It is stated that at that time & chief named Sanjar Khan was occupied in the delightful pastime of capturing innocent Hindu villagers of the plains of Telingana and transporting them as slaves into the interior of Deccan.11 At this time Sultan 'Alauddin Ahmad Shah Bahmani is stated to have said that it was dangerous to meddle with a man who possessed more than two hundred thousand elephants, while the Bahmani monarch did not possess more than one hundred and fifty. This is just the beginning of Kapilendra's interferences in affairs outside Orissa proper. The next mention of Telingana in the Burhan-i-Ma'asir is in connection with the rebel chief Muhammad Khan, to whom the district of R&yachal in that locality was assigned 13 Gradually Kapilendra came to be regarded as the suzerain of Telingana, and the occasion soon rose to put him to the test. Though Varangal had been occupied in 1423, the districts of Telingana both above and below the Ghats still remained to be conquered. According to Firishta, Humayun Shah Bahmani determined to conquer Devarkonda and sent Khwajah-iJahan with a large army, and the fort was besieged. He sent an appeal for help to Kapilendra, who marched 80.swiftly with his army that he caught the Muhammadan general unawares. The besieged also sallied out and attacked the Musalmans from the other side. Caught between two armies, Khwajah-i-Jahan was defeated and compelled to fly.13 The Muhammadans never attempted to rally, and Musalman historians had to find some other excuse for Humayun Shah Bahmani, as he never attempted to cross swords with Kapilendra, so long as he was alive.14 It is probable that on this occasion Kapilendra wiped out the Keddi sovereigns of Kondavidu and other places. A drama named Gangaddsa-Pratapavilasam by Gangadhara mentions that Kapilendra had united with the Bahmani king and invaded the territories of the Vodeyar or Yadava dynasty of Vijayanagara. In view of his hostile relations with the Sultans of Bidar, it is not possible to believe that he had invaded Vijayanagara in alliance with any Musalman power. The subsequent reference to his wars with the Bahmani Sultans prove definitely that he, at least, was at no time in amicable relation with any Musalman king. The GangadasaPrata pavilasam says that immediately after the death of Devaraya II of Vijayanagara in 1446, Kapilendra allied himself with Alauddin Ahmad II Bahmani and advanced as far as Vijayanagara, but had to retire after a defeat in the hands of Mallikarjuna 16 This story was 10 Report of the Asstt. Archl. Supdt., s.o., 1906-7, p. 84. 11 Ind. Ant., vol. XXVIII, p. 237. 19 Ibid., p. 238. 18 This is known as the hattle o: Devarkonda and its date is approximately 864 A...=1459 A.D. according to Firishta 14 Brigg's The Rise of the Muhammadan Power in India, vol. III, pp. 456-58: I. A., vol. XXVIII, p. 244 16 S. K. Ayyangar, Sources of Vijayanagar History, Madras, 1919, pp. 66-68. The author omits to identify PAvAchala with PAvAgadh near Champaner in the Panch Mahals District of Bombay. It is the Pavangadh of Maratha chronicles,

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DECEMBER, 1928.] THE EMPIRE OF ORISSA. 237 evidently an invention of Vijayanagara Court chroniclers to hide the shame of their sovereign after his defeat at the hands of the Orissan Monarch, whom they referred to as "the Oddiyan" contemptuously. This supposed joint expedition of 'Alauddin Ahmad II is not mentioned in Musalman histories also. Though the chroniclers of Vijayanagara say that in 1446 Mallikarjuna defeated Kapilendra, we find that correct statements are made in South Indian inscriptions about the stato of the Tamil country which Kapilendra had conquered. Kapi. lendra's conquest of northern Tamil Districts is not a myth as supposed by Prof. Aiyangar of the Madras University. "The aggressiveness of Orissa is seen in the claim made in behalf of the Gajapatis of a successful advance by them as far as Kanchi, in a dramatic romance called the Kanji-Kaveri-Pothi."16 An inscription, No. 93 of 1906, states that on account of the confusion " caused by the Oddiyan (i.e., the king of Orissa)" the festivals in the temple of Siva at Jambai in the South Arcot District had ceased for ten years. This inscription is dated 1472-73. From another inscription, dated 1470-71, of the reign of the Saluva chief Narasimha(!) we find that great confusion was caused by the invasion of the king of Orissa about eight or ten years earlier, and the temple of Vishnu at Tirukoilur could not therefore be repaired.18 Two inscriptions from Munnur in the South Arcot District prove that that part of the Tamil country was actually in the possession of Kapilendra in the Saka year 1386= 1464-65 A.D. Both of these records are incised on the walls of the Adavallesvara temple in the village of Munnur in the Taluka of Tindivanam. Both of them mention "Dakshina-Kapiles. vara-Kumara Mahapatra son of Ambira." No. 51 of 1919 records " a gift of land for Ahamvirabhoga 'festival (%) and repairs to the temples of Tirumulattanarnudaiyar Mahadeva and Perumal-Purushottama in the same village."19 The same record is repeated once more on the walls of the same temple (No. 92). In dealing with this inscription the late Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Shastri state these are dated in the Saka year 1386 (A.D. 1464-65) and epigraphi. cally confirm the statement about the southern invasion of the Orissa king noticed on page 84 of the Annual Report for 1907 . .. our inscriptions clearly prove that this southern conquest by the combined armies was an event that happened about six years later. It establishes also t' at the earlier conquest by Gajapati was not a passing inroad only, but almost an occupation of the southern country right up to Tiruvarur in the Tanjore District and Trichinopoly.30 The obsession of South Indian writers about the joint invasion of Vijayanagara by the Bahmani Sultan and Kapilendra continues from the date of Gangadhara up to our own times. It is therefore necessary to prove first of all that Kapilendra of Orissa could not have been an ally of any of his contemporary Sultans of Bidar. 'Alauddin Ahmad II Bahmani died in 1457 and was succeeded by his son 'Alauddin Humayun, who ruled over the Bahmani empire for four years only. Inscription No. 1 of 1905 clearly indicates that the occupation of the South Arcot and Tanjore Districts took place about ten years before 1471, i.e., in 1461, i.e., about or immediately after the death of 'Alauddin Humayun Shah Bahmani. Firishta and the Burhan-s-Ma'asir agree in stating that immediately after the death of 'Alauddin Hamayan Shah Bahmani and the accession of his infant son Sultan Nizam Shah Bahmani, Kapilendra invaded the Bahmani empire with a large army and almost reached the gates of Bidar, the Bahmani capital. The details of the canipaign are rot given, and from the tone of Firishta it appears that the Bahmani army, unable to cope with the invaders in the field, retired within the walls of the capital. Most probably Kapilesvara and his ally the Kakatiya chief of Varangal, who is described by Firishta as the Ray of Telingana, were purchased off. It appears tha after the crushing defeat of the Musalmang at the battle of Devarkonda the Bahmanis never sallied out into the plains from the Deccan plateau, and after the death of Humayun Shah, Kapilendra crushed the Bahmani power and invaded the metropolitan district, paralysing 16 Ibid., p. 6. 17 Annual Report of the Assit. Arch. Superintendent, Southern Circle, for 1906-7. p. 84. 18 Ibid. Ibid., 1918-19, p. 52, * Ibid., p. 106. 09

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1928 the Musalman attacks and inroads till the date of his death. After the death of Devaraya II of Vijayanagara and the consequent confusion in the southern Hindu empire, the control of the empire of Vijayanagara over the eastern coast of Bay of Bengal ceased and Kapilendra, secure from attacks from the west, extended his dominions as far as Tanjore and Trichinopoly. The Munnur inscription gives the area of his southern dominion in the following words, Kapilesvara Kumara Mahapatra', as the chief is called, was the son of Ambiradeva, and is stated by both records to have been previously the Pariksha (Viceroy) of Kondavidu. But at the time of the inscription he was in the position of the Pariksha of Kondavidu, Kondapalle, Addanki, Vinukonda, Padaividu," Valudilampattu-Usivadi, Tiruvarur, Tiruchchilapalle (Trichinopoly) and Chandragiri."23 This list shows that the eastern Tamil country with the exception of Madura and Tinnevelly in the extreme south had been conquered by Kapilendra from the emperors of Vijayanagara, just as he had wrested Telingana above the Ghats from the Sultans of Bidar. There could have been no love lost between Kapilendra of Orissa and the Bahmani Sultans, and consequently the dramatist Gangadhara's statement in the Ganga-dasa Pratapavilasam cannot be regarded as accurate. There is further epigraphical corroboration about Kapilendra's relations with the Sultan of Bidar in the Krishna plates of Ganadeva of Kondavidu dated 1435 A.D. Ganadeva claims to have defeated two Turushka princes, evidently of the Bahmani dynasty, as there was no other Musalman monarchy in South India at that time except the Bahmani empire. It cannot be understood why at Munnur, a place included within the dominions of Kapilendra, he is called Kumara and Mahapatra ten years after the date of the Krishna copper-plates. Of course in his own country Kapilesvara was acknowledged as the king in all inscriptions with proper titles. He is called Gaudesvara, Gajapati, Karnata-Kalabarakesvara and Maharaja. Most of these titles are given in the short votive inscriptions in the temples of Jagannath of Puri and the Lingaraj temple at Bhuvanesvar.24 They are not given in detail in the Gopinathpur inscription.25 In Ganadeva's copper plate grant he is called Kapilendra Gajapati in the metrical portion. There cannot be any doubt therefore of the fact that the titles Kumara and Mahapatra in the Mun-, nur inscription are due to the ignorance of the scribe about the titles and real position of Kapilesvara. Ganadeva's Krishna inscription raises some interesting points, which were not decided when it was deciphered in 1891. Ganadeva was clearly the viceroy of Kondavidu, but he came of the same family as the emperor Kapilesvara himself. His grandfather's name was Chandradeva and his father's name was Guhideva. Yet he is called Rautaraya. The Telugu scribe spells it Rautaraya as well as Rahuttaraya, but this is really the same as the Oriya term Rautaraya, which is applied to the younger sons of Oriva chiefs of the present day. I learn that in the Mayurbhanj State the king's eldest son is called Tikdit, the second son the Chhotaraya and the third son Rautaraya.26 Rauta cannot be Rahutta, but on the other hand is the same as the Ravat of Rajputana. The Krishna inscription shows that in the sixteenth century a man of a collateral branch of the royal family also could be called Rautaraya. Another interesting term is the adjective Ayapa applied to Ganadeva. Ayapa is the corruption of 21 Mr. H. Krishna Sastri thinks that he was Viceroy of the Kondavidu and Dapdapada. In reality Dandapat means a Viceroyalty in Oriya and is not the name of a place. 22 Mr. Krishna Sastri uses the word Dandapada a second time after Vinukonda, which shows that this place was the seat of the Oriya Viceroy of the extreme south. 13 Ibid., p. 106. 24 JASB., vols. LXII, 1893, pp. 92-93. In 1926 I succeeded in saving these valuable inscriptions at Bhuvanesvar, but the authorities of Puri Temple have destroyed these valuable records in their own temple by covering them with cement and plaster. My attempts to clean them failed. 25 Ibid., vol. LXIX, 1900, pp. 175-78. 2 Twenty-five questions addressed to the Rajahs and Chiefs of the Regulation and Tributary Mahals by the Superintendent in 1814, and the answers given thereto illustrating the established practice in regard to succession to the guddee, &c., Calcutta, Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, reprinted 1905, p. 5.

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DECEMBER, 1928] Sanskrit Aryaputra "the Lord's son." Details about other achievements of Kapilendra are to be found in the form of slight allusions in the Gopinathpur inscription. He is called the lion of the Karnata elephant, the victor of Kalavaraga (Gulbarga of the Bahmanis) the destroyer of Malava (the Khalji Sultans of Malwa), the defeater of Gauda (the independent Sultans of Bengal of the second dynasty of Ilyas Shah). We are at a loss to understand how he could come in touch with the Khaljis of Malwa, because the powerful Gond kingdoms of Chanda and Deogadh and the Haihaya Rajputs of Bilaspur intervened between him and Malwa. But most probably he allied himself with the Gonds of Chanda and Deogadh in an attack of the eastern frontier of Malwa. According to tradition, for which there is no corroboration, the independent Sultans of Bengal lost southern Bengal to Kapilendra, and no attempt was made by the former to recover Midnapur and Howrah Districts from the Oriyas till the reign of 'Alauddin Husain Shah. Henceforth all kings of Orissa and even the petty Gajapatis of Khurda or Puri assumed the high sounding title Nava-koti-Karnata Kalavarakesvara, "the lord of the nine lakhs of Karnata and Gulbarga," and Gaudesvara. BOOK NOTICES In the Gopinathpur inscription Gopinatha Mahapatra states that Kapilesvara was in possession of Khandagiri and Kanchi. Evidently this inscription was incised after the completion of the conquest of the Tamil country by Kapilesvara. According to Oriya tradition, as recorded in the Madala Panji, Kapilendra breathed his last on the banks of the Krishna on Pausha Krishna 3, Tuesday, a date which the late Mr. Manmohan Chakravarti could not verify. His latest known date is still " 41st anka, Dhanu, Sukla, 7-Sunday, 14th December 1466." The traditional date of the death of Kapilesvara given by Hunter and earlier writers is mistaken and incorrect. This is proved by the statement in the Burhan-i-Ma'asir38 quoted above. This event, which took place in A.D. 1470., was hailed with great relief by the Musalmans of Southern India. (To be continued.) BOOK-NOTICES. 239 ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN ARCHEOLOGY FOR THE YEAR 1926. Published by the Kern Institute, Leyden. 12"x9"; pp. x + 107; with 12 plates and 3 illustrations in the text. Leyden, 1928. This publication is intended, we are told in the Foreword, "to contain the titles, systematically arranged, of all books and articles dealing with Indian archaeology in its widest sense, that is, the investigation of the antiquities not only of India proper, but also of Further India, Indonesia and Ceylon and in fact, of all territories influenced by Indian civilisation, as well as the study of the ancient history of those countries, the history of their art, their epigraphy, iconography and numismatics." The volume before us consists of an Introduction surveying the literature dealing with the more important exploration and research work carried out during the year, followed by a classified bibliography, arranged according to geographical areas and subjects. The contents of each publication have been briefly but adequately noted, and in many cases extracts from review notices quoted, the editors themselves abstaining from criticism. In the case of historical worke, the entries are mainly 2 Ibid., vol. LXIX, 1900, p. 183. restricted to writings relating to the pre-Muhammadan period of Indian history. The desired data, we are informed, were not received from Italy, Japan and Russia; and it is thought probable that the information supplied regarding books and papers published in the Indian vernaculars is incomplete. Otherwise the selection of matter worthy of record seems to have been carefully and judiciously made. The experience gained as the compilation continues, and suggestions received from scholars using the work will indicate whether any modification or amplification can be introduced in future issues. The extensive survey of the literature relating to the more important work done during the year contained in the Introduction (pp. 1-28) is of special merit. Concise and clear, it describes the essential matters in each case, and bears the cachet of a scholar familiar with the history of the subjects discussed. The importance to scholars and to all students of Indian Archeology and history of a scientifically prepared bibliography of this character cannot be exaggerated; and the present volume will be widely welcomed as the beginning of what should supply a long-felt need. It should find a place in the library of every one interested in the antiquities 28 Indian Antiquary, vol. XXVIII, p. 285.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . DECEMBER, 1928 and ancient history of India and the Far East. As the utility of such a work of reference becomes fully realized and its use extended, it is hoped that cooperation towards its preparation will no longer be withheld, and financial assistance will be more generously accorded. The index, which is restricted to authors' names, having regard to the general arrangement of the contents, has been suitably prepared; the plate reproduction is of outstanding excellenco ; and the paper and printing leave nothing to be desired : in fact the whole out-turn of this inaugural volume is worthy of the three distinguished scholars forming the editorial board, who are to be congratulated on its appearance. C.E.A.W.O. editors have done a great service to the cause of Indology by bringing out this useful catalogue and we feel indebted not only to them and the B. &0. R. Society but also to the B. &0. Government for bringing to light such valuable material for the study of early Indian culture. One would, indeed, be justi. fied in remarking that it is one of those good deeds which will be never lost. HIRANANDA SASTRI. A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS IN MITHILA. Volutae 1 (Smriti Literature.) The B. &0. R. Society under the patronage of the Bihar and Orissa Government, has been carrying on a very fruitful search for Sanskrit and Prakrit literature during the last ten years or so. Nine years of this decade were devoted to the search in Mithila and the district of Puri in Orissa, the two Important centres of Sanskrit learning. During this period of investigation very valuable manuscripts have been found, which are now being catalogued by Mr. K. P. Jayaswal and Dr. A. P. Banerji Sastri, the two learned Editors of the Society's Journal. The manuscripts for discovered in Mithila have been arranged in ten or eleven different sections such as Smriti, Veda, Vyakarana, etc., the anonymous or the modern ones being separately classed as Miscellaneous with a view to issuing their catalogues in different volumes. The catalogue under notice is the first of the series. It gives us a descriptive list of various Smriti works and Nibandhas or digests, including the highly inte. resting Ratndkaras of Chandesvara, with which, thanks to Mr. Jayaswal's laudable devotion to the cause of our ancient learning, we are already familiar, and enables us to have a with advalokana of not less than 455 such books. The Smritis, I believe, were written according to the exigencies of time, and their value for the social history of India can hardly Le overrated. As Mithild had all along been one of the chier centres or branmanic or Hindu carning where Smriti literature seems to have had an un. interrupted development, the manuscripts descri- bed in this volume-home of which seem to be in. digenous to it--will amply repay study. The erudite MANGALORE, A Historical Sketch by GEORGE M. MORAES. Preface by FATHER HERAS, S.J. Mangalore, Codialbail Press, 1927. This little book of 94 pages is, Father Heras tells us, "the first product of the St. Xavier's College Indian Historical Research Institute" by a research student, and has been written clearly under the guidance of a tutor. As such, it is a useful little work and puts together much information about that west coast port. The author has under the conditions set about his history in the right way, and I may say at once that his effort has resulted in a book which may well be imitated by other research students. He prints his "unpublished documents in a series of appendioes and gives a full list of his "published documents," some of which must be quite rare, reminding us of an old saying-"A book is not necessarily published because it has been printed." Mangalore has never been an important town, but like many others of its kind, it has taken its share in general history. So in discussing its separate histowy we are taken into the doings of the greater personages and peoples that have worked and struggled round it. In this way mdelights are thrown on the work of the early Christians, the Portuguese, the Nayaks of Ikeri, and travellers like Pietro della Valle. Incidentally "the King of the Gioghi," mentioned by Varthema and others, plays his little part. Lastly we come to Haidar 'All and Tipu Sultan, and the not very elevating story of the British occupation. In regard to this tale of the captivity of the Christians at Seringapatam by Tipu, I would refer the author to Harvey's History of Burma in relation to figures in Indian and Far Eastern story. He gives his reasons for roughly dividing them by ten to get at something like the truth. By this "rule" the number of the captives is reduced to 6,000, and as 2,000 was the number of those that eventually returned home it would seem to be not far wrong. R. C. TEMPLE.

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INDEX. P.E.W. stands for the Supplement, Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, pp. 205-248. S.M.S.R. stands for the Supplement, The Sautaseni and Magadhi Stabakas of Rama-Sarman (Tarkavdgida), pp. 21-50. S.P. stands for the Supplement, Notes on The Seven Pagodas, pp. 1-16 .. 148 " .. .. 108 Almora, capture of 66 57 197 ram .. . S.P. Atheria. See Sylvia. Abassid Khalifs .. .. .. .. .. 118 Alau'd-din Khilji .. .. .. .. 198-200 *Abdu'llahi, Khalifa (Madhi) coins, . under, 16, 152 Aleungp'aya dynasty, coinage of .. .. 45 Abdu'r-razzak, on Deva Reya II 78-82 Alavika. See Sela. Aberia .. .. .. .. .. 137 Albatros8 .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 236 Abgar, k. .. .. .. .. .. 119 Albuquerque, Alfonso de, and coinage. Isn. Abhaya, famous Buddhist woman .. 68 and the Malabar Christians ... .. .. 46 abhaya, meaning of .. Algerine .. .. P.E.W. 216, 232, 234, 235 * Abhiras, and the Ahirs .. .. .. 137, 138 Allen, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 212 Abhirika .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 35, 37-39 Allopanisad .. Abhirupananda, famous Buddhist woman, 49. D. Almora, capture of .. .. .. .. 114 abhisanvisanti, meaning of .. Aloma, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 54 Abraham, priest.. .. .. . .. 165 Alompra, (Shwobo) dynasty, coins of .. 14, 40, 45 Achan, P. Aunjan, Bhagavadajjukiyam.. .. 74 Alptagin .. .. . * .. 199 Acta Thame, The .. .. 7-10 Altamish (Altamsh) . .. 32, 199 Acte of St. Thomas ... .. 7, 104n., 118, 210 amarpitha, sweetmeat .. .. .. .. 139 Acts of The Apostles Amir Khan .. .. .. 160 Adanska. See Denha. Amir Shikar, a title of Altamsh . 32 Adbhuta-adgara .. Amita ... .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 226 Addai. Firet bishop of Edessa.. .. .. . .. 118 Ananda, the Elder : adhishthita, (possessed) .. Ananga vajra and Gorakpanatha, maggeted aditya (as Supreme Being) .. 63 identity of .. .. Adivarahasvami, Temple cave in Mahabalipu. Andaman Islands, pirate base, P.E.W. 220 : und Nioo bars, a Commissionership. P.E.W. 290 ancestor worship .. .. . . . . . . . 136 Agincourt. H.M.S. .. .. P.E.W. P.E.W. 221 221 Anderson, author of Mandalay to Momien, on Agni, (Vaigvanara), 141, 143, 147; identified coin forgery, 95; on metal charms .. 126, 128 with brahman-dtmun ... .. ... 223n, Andhra empire . .. .. .. .. 176 Agwin, Angin. See Augen. Andranopolis, (Andrapolis) .. .118, 211 & n. Ahalya Bat Holkar, reputed builder of the Andrew. See Antrayas. Devagurida temple .. .. Andromache, H.M.8. .. . ..P.E.W. 214, 215 Ahichhatrapura. See Nagaur. AnkamAli, near Tapekkad .. Ahirs, and the Gaydanr Festival .. 137-139 Angamallo .. .. .. .. 122, 198 Ahmad I, of Gujarat, coins of .. .. .. 216 Ankor, inscriptions found at Slound & .. .. . . .. 134 Ahmad Shah AbdAli (Durrani), and coinage, 40, 151 Ann ..,.. .. P.E.W. 210, 212 Aibole inscription Anna . " .. .. P.E.W. .. 219 Aiksvakus .. .. .. .. .. 187 Anne .. .. .. P.E.W. 207 Aiyangar, S. K., Rao Bahadur, Adcaryacuda annala, festival .. .. ..... .139 mari, 112; The Journal of Indian History. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for April 1925 .. .. .. .. .. 113 the year 1996 (book-notice) .. .. .. 239 Ajanta inscription : .. .. . .. 200 Annual Report of The Mysore Archaeological De. Ajataiatru of Kasi .. . 166, 173, 185, 186 partment, 1924, (book-notice) .. .. .. 56 Akbar, Fathpur-Sikri palace of, 113; and the Ano pama, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 50 English, 116; coins of .. .. .. .. 152 Anson, A.E.H., Governor of Singapore, P.E.W. 237 Akil Raja, pirate .. .. .. P.E.W. 203 Anson; Capt. Talavera V. .. P.E.W. 216 akalet'ma, coins used in gainbling .. .. 125 Anstey, Mr. Chisholm .. .. P.E.W. 232 Alammap'yu, (Alaumaphyu) k. of Arakan .. 40 Antioch, and St. Thomas, 160, 161 ; Bishops Alau'd-din Ahmad II .. 236, 237 from 164 ; note on .. .. 165, 213, 214 Alau'd-din Ahmad Shah of Gulbarga and Deva Antrayas, k. (Andrew) suggested identification Raya II .. Alauddin Humayun Shah .. .. 211 e n. .. .236, 237 Anula, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 52 Alau'd-din Husain Shah .. .. .. 239. Anupadhifoqa-nirvana . . . . . 36 . .. 28 .. . .. 175 78

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242 INDEX 203n. A'Pak, pirate chief P.E.W. 230 | Awashonks .. P.E.W. 213 Aparantaka, (the Konkan) .. 174 Ayapa, meaning of .. .. 938, 239 Apaotambe 148 Ayyanger, P. T. Srinivas, The Shania de in Apollonius of Tyana .. .. .. India .. .. " . .. 132 Aprot, Mar. Son Prodh, Mar. Arabia, Christians of .. .. Arachosia, (Southern Afghanistan) and Thomas .. .. .. .. .. .. 156 Arakan, coing found in, 37; historical coins of, 38, 39; coins of Buddhist kings .. .. 151 Arakkennei, templo . . . . S.P. 5 Aradoon Apcar .. .. .. P.E.W. 227 Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1924--1925, Section I. Tughlaq Mausoleum ; BABA LAI DAs, guru to Prince Dara Shikoh, 202n. II. Exploration at Taxila: III. Epigraphy. Babur, date of .. . . .. 198, 200 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 219 Babylon .. .. .. .. .. 46, 47 atchitecture, under Deva Raya II .. .. 84 Bacchus, H. M.S. .. .. .. P.E.W. 235 Ardhamagadhi .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 28, 29 Baffin, William, map by... .. .. 116 Arjuna ratha at Mahabalipuram . S.P. 10 Baghdad, 47; date .. .. 118, 119 Arjuna's perance, sculpture of, at Mahabali. Bahadur Shah I, (Shah Alam I) and Manucci, 71, 72 puram .. .. .. . S.P. 4, 10, 12, 13 Bahadur Shah II, (gold mohars of his date).. 151 Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, coins of, 216, 218, 219 Armenin, ar ant dindu colony in .. 75, 210 Bahliki .. .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 27 Arnobius . .. .. .. .. 118 Bahlol Lodi .. .. .. .. .. 200 Arrow .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 229 Bahmani Sultans and the Surya-varnkis, 236-238 Artabhaja Jaratkarava .. Bahram Gor, Sasanian k. .. .. 199 Anthaldatra .. . .. .. .. .. .. 177, 178 Bahuputtika. See Sona. Arthana (in Banswara) .. .. .. .. 33 Baitu'l-Mal, the .. .. 16,17 Arunagirin&tha. Soe Dindima. BAkuda Holeyas, marriage songs of the 21, 22 Aruni. See Uddalaka Arupi. Balakrona .. .. .. .. 204 Aruvaymoli, pass into Travancore 113 Balarama, at Mahabalipuram .. . S.P. 12 Aryans (Bgvedic times) .. .. .. 58n. Balban .. .. 199 Aryvarta, and Brahmavidye .. .. 167 Bali, and the Seven Pagodas .. S.P. 2,6 Asaf Khan, (minister of Jahangir) Bali. See Mahabali. Asanya, and the Tantras .. .. .. .. 188 Ballala Sena .. Ascaryaouddmani, by Saktibhadra (book-notioo), 112 Balachistan, exploration in , exploration in .. .. .. .. 219 asllkd, oyster-shell money Ranas. See Mahabalis. .. . 12, 13 Banerjoe, Kedarnath, Dawn of A New India, 66, 66 ashtdcabra, note on .. .. .. 98, 99 Banerji, Brajendranath, Begam Samru .. Asia, Central, home of the Indo-Europeans, .. 76 banian. See odniyar. 135, 136 Asi inscription Barah, copper-plato inscription of Bhojadeva.. 96 .. .. .. .. .. 230 Baramahal, the settlement of .. .. .. 114 Assam Valley. .. .. P.E.W. 220 Barbe-'Shemin .. .. .. .. .. 120 Aseomani, on Mar Sapor, and Mar Prodh, 47&n. Barbosa, on the Christians of St. Thomas, 27n. Asvaghosa, and nirudna .. -. .. 196 Bardaipan, and St. Thomas in India .. .. 7 Atharvan Upanisade .. .. 2011., 204 Bardesanes, on the home of the Brahmans .. 189 Atman .. .. .. .. .. 226-229 Barosu. See Sabri Yesu, also Savaris. Atmavidye .. .. .. .. .. 187 Bar-Hebraeus, on Christians of Antioch, 118, 210 dttreppe, newly formed land .. .. .. 162 Barnett, Dr. L. D., Mandapur inscription of the Atyantakama-Pallave, and the Yudhishtira reign of Kanhara. Ephigraphia Indica, vol. XIX, pt. I .. .. .. .. S.P. 13 96 ratha, "S.P., 10; and the Gandia ratha, Baroda inscription of Karkaraja II . 181, 182 Augen, Mar . ". .. .. 210 Basre .. .. .. .. .. Aum, sacred . Aum, sacred syllable .. .. .. 179, 180 Ba-tsau-phyu, k of Arakan .. 39 Aurangzeb, ombassy of Sir William Norris to Batten, Mr. H. C., Deputy Commissioner, Mag. 4-8: and Mameci .. . .. .. 69 we, on Burmese coins .. . .. 37, 38 Baudhayana, the law.giver .. .. Autkali .. 36, 37, 38 74 .. .. S.M.S.R. .. Bauka, Jodhpur inscription of .. .. , Avalo gas. See Jaballah. Bayon, temple .. .. .. .. .. 134 Avalokitesvars .. .. .. 36 B&zob'ya. See Ba-tsau-phyu. Avanti .. .. .. . 8.M.S.R. 27 S Bearer, Capt. .. D.E.W. 229 Avon .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 237 Bedingfield. Capt. N. B. .. P.E.W. 221 .. .. 121 .. .. 183

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INDEX 243 Begam Samru, by Rajendranath Banerji, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 76 Belcher, Capt. Sir E. .. .. P.E.W. 218, 219 Bell-metal, coinage of .. .. .. 129 Bencoolen ... .. .. . P.E.W. 205 Bengal, and Arakan, 39-41; magical taboo in, 107-112; Sultans of, and the Surya-vamsis, 235; S., and Kapilendra .. .... .. 239 Beni Yas tribe .. .. P.E.W. 210, 211 Bergaigne, on yaksha .. .. 57 Borgosa, Capt. W. P.E.W. 206 Bernard of St. Thomas, Fr. .. 213, 214 Bertha P.E.W. 233 Best, Capt. Thomas .. .. 116 Bhaddi Kapilani, famous Buddhist woman .. 68 Bhadda Kupdalakosa, famous Buddhist woman, 65, 66 Bittern, H. M. S. .. .. .. .. P.E.W.228 Blackbeard. See Teach. Black Flac. Soo Flass. Black Flags, the Taipinge P.E.W. 235 Black Sea .. .. .. .. 119 Blair, Capt. H. .. P.E.W. 205 Blackiston, J. F., Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1924-1925 .. .. 219, 220 Bock (author of Temples and Elephants), on currency among the Burmese .. .. 12 Bodhayana, author of the Bhagavadajjukiyam.. 74 Bodhayana, the Vrittikara bodhi, nirvana .. .. .. .. 197 Bodichitta, g. .. .. . . . 36 Bodhisattvas .. .. .. .. 36, 196 Bodop'aya, coins of, 13-17, 37, 38, 41, 42, 94 body, the human, (fortress of the gods), 97-102 Boggs, Eli, American pirate, P.E.W. 229, 231, 232 Bohtlingk, on the Kathaka Upanisad, 201, 202, 205n., 221n.--227n., 229n. Boigne, Benoit de Bojjha, famous Buddhist woman . .. 88 Bom bareek, (Hobson-Jobson) .. .. .. 156 Bombay Marine, (Indian Navy). P.E.W. 210 Borneo .. .. ..P.E.W. 214, 216, 221 Bosch, van den .. .. .. P.E.W. 209 Bouncer, H. M. S. .. . P.E.W. 235 Bowring, author of Siam, on Burmese coinage. 43n. Boyer, M., on the interpretation of passages in the Vedas .. 57, 63, 64, 98-100, 143, 146 Brahma, 166, 169, 188; at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 10-12, 14 Brahman, (God), 61-64, 97, 99--102, 141, 148, 179, 222, 227 & n.--229 & n. Brahman, the, and magic .. .. 109-112 Br&hmanas, itinerant) and the Upanisads .. 166 Brahmalas, date of, 185; home of .. .. 188 Brahman-dtman .. 202, 203, 223n., 226n. Brahmani bull .. .. . . S.P. 5 Brahmaps, and the Ahirs, 137; in Malabar, 161n.; Nampari, 26n.; of Kurupancala, 167-172, 185 Brahma-vidyd, (the home of), 166-171, 185, 189 Brhaspatisava, sacrifice .. . .. .. 144 Brhat-katha .. .. 153 bride, bridegroom, (Malabar Christian Church, Southern) dress of .. .. .. .. 117 Britain, Ancient, coins of . .. 40 British, the, in India .. .. .. Brooke, Sir James, Raja of Sarawak, P.E.W. 214, 216, 217, 221--223, 236, 237 " Brothers of the Coast", degraded Europeans, P.E.W. 237 Brown, R., on coinage of Manipur .. .. 129 Bruce, John, on Sir William Norris .. . 4 Bruining, Capt. .. P.E.W.222 Buddha, the, 49-54, 65-67, 86-89; and nir. vina, 196; date of .. .. .. .. 200 Buddha, Gautama Buddhas. Soo Dhyani Buddhas. Buddhasaktis .. .. .. 36 Buddhism, and the Vedic religion, 186-1887 the Vajrayana School of .. . 196, 197 . Bhagavadajjukiyam, by Bodhayana, edited by P. Aunjan Achan, (book-notice) Bhagavad Gita, interpreted by Franklin Edger. ton, (book-notice) (book-notico) .. .. .. .. .. 75 Bhagiratha, Penance of, in Mahabalipuram, S.P. 12 Bhagiratha-vardhamins .. .. S.M.S.R. 37 Bhanudova, Eastern Ganga k... .. .. 235 Bharata, (continent) .. .. .. .. 178 Bhartfibhata III of Mow&r .. . .. 31 Bhasa, the works of .. .. .. .. 112 Bhaskararaya, on bhota, 60, 61; on Yaksham, eto. . . . . . 61, 99m., 100.& n., 101 Bhattacharya, Benoytosh, Indian Buddhist Icono graphy, 35, 36, Glimpses of Vajraydna, 196, 197 Bhavabhuti .. .. .. .. .. 153 bhiklus, Kosambian .. .. .. 51, 52 Bhima, at Mahabalipuram .. .. S.P. 13 Bhima's cooking place, in Mahabalipuram. 8.P. 3,6 Bhima ratha, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 10,13 Bhinmal, Pratihera capital .. .. 182, 183 Bhisma (and Hatakesvara) .. .. .. 167 Bhoja, a title .. .. 181, 183, 232 Bhoja I, Barah inscription of .. Bhojadova 'II, Pratihara k., 230-234; alias Mahipala . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 Bhojpuris, the .. ... .. .. .. 139 Bhadevi, (the Earth) .. .. S.P. 4 bhuta, suggested meaning of .. 57-61, 147, 148 bhuta-caturdasi, festival .. .. 60 bhaidni, weaning of .. .. .. Bhutattu-Alver and Mahabalipuram . S.P. 9 Bhuvanesvar inscription at Lingaraj temple, 238 &n. Bibliography of Piracy in Eastern Waters, P.E.W. 239-248 Bidar, and Orissa .. .. .. .. 236-238 Billinghurst, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 217 Bimbisara, ki of Magadha .. .. .. 50 Birani, famous Buddhist woman ... birch tree .. .. . Bird and Serpent Myth, by Prof. Kalipada Mitra (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 197 birhd, songs .. .. .. .. .. 139 Bishops (Malayalam)from Antioch, 164, 165, 213, 214 .. .. 232 . . Bhoja I, Pretihara Pratihera k. 96

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944 INDEX 919 me or 1 Buddhist Women .. 49-51, 05-68, 80-89 Chakravartin, the antiquity of the idea of, 177-180 Bugis, pirates .. .. P.E.W. 205, 209 Chakrayudha of Kanauj .. .. .. . 184 Bukka III (Vijaya Raya) .. .. .. 77 Chale, Antonio Fernandes, Malabar Native Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, Christian .. .. .. . .. .. 159 vol. XXV, Nos. 3, 1. Ankor Inscription, Chalmers, James, Missionary. murdered, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 134 P.E.W. 212 Burhan-i-ma'asir, and Orissa .. 235-237, 239 Chamarasa, (Chamayamatya) Minister of Deva Burmese, notes on currency and coinage among Raya II .. .. .. 79, 80, 83, 84 the, 11-18, 37-45, 90-96, 125-131, 149-153 Chambal, riv. .. .. Bustard, H.M.S. .. .. .. P.E.W. 232, 233 'Chamberlain, Capt. .. P.E.W. 924 "Butter-ball of Krishna," at Mahabalipuram, S.P.13 P.E.W. 217 Bying Utkha Mandir inscription of Chitralekha, 233 Chanda, Rai Bahadur Ramaprasad, The Indus Valley in The Vedic Period .. .. .. 35 Changalajari, Malabar sorcerer .. .. .. 212 Changtz Khan, and coining Chardin, Sir John, on the Parsees .. .. 73 Charles .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 219 charms, (metal) .. .. .. .. 120, 127 Charpentier, Jarl, The Original Home of The Indo-Europeans . .. 135, 136 Chatterji, Prof. S. K. .. .. S.M.S.R. 32 Chauhane .. .. .. .. .. 159 Cabral .. . 31-32, 183 . Chavadas .. .. .. .. Cagar Fredoriok, on currency among the Bur. 182, 183 mese .. .. cher-kompu mdge (a bull) .. .. .. .. .. 11 .. .. 1 R2 Chennamalai. See Calamina: Chinna Malai. caityas, (templos). 59 & n., 60: (trees) 146, 147 Cheraman Perumal, title of Raja Simha Peru. cala, famous Buddhist woman .. .. .. 53 Calamina, (Mylapore) man Atikal, 25n., 117, 121, 123, 124, 161, 163n., 164 . .. 156, 210 Calderu .. .. .. chetti, meaning o... .. P.E.W. 227 . Caldwell, Mr. D. E.. Aset. Supt. of Police, Cheung Shap-ng-teai, pirate .. P.E.W. 924 Hong Kong .. P.E.W. 226n., 228, 229, 232 Chico .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 233 Childers, H.M.S. .. Calecoulam. See Coulao. .. Cambodia and Jave 135 China, early Christians in, 118; wall of .. 136 Cambrian, H.M.S. P.E.W. 232 Chinese, the, and gunpowder, 121; and piracy, Camilla, H. M. S. P.E.W. 229 P.E.W. 217 Campa .. .. .. 135 chinge (Burmese) lion .. .. .. 43, 44 Cana. See Thomas Cana. Chinna Malai, death of St. Thomas at, 123; Cananoo, (Cana) . . . . 29, 119 Chennamalai .. .. .. .. 156, 165 Canda, famous Buddhist woman .. . 52 Chiniapuram, near Cranganore .. .. .. 30 CandAlka .. . + S.M.S.R. 35, 37, 38 Chitar Perumal, (Chennar.) of Malabar .. 30 Candradeva, Gaharwar k. .. .. 184Chirwa inscription .. Canton .. .. P.E.W. 225, 226n. .. 33, 34 Capricieuse .. .. P.E.W. 231 | Chitralekha, (queen) Byana Urkha Mandar Capuchins, (in Pondicherry) and Manucci, 70, 72 inscription of .. .. Caroline . . .. P.E.W. 224 Chitties, four castes of .. .. .. 212 cach, lourien .. .. .. 11, 12 Chola inscription, in the Shore temple, S. P 14 Cassimondo, nonr the Seven Pagoda, coins Christian, John, (Bihar Proverbs), on the found at .. .. .. .. Gaydan festival .. .. .. .. 138 Caate feelings, reforence, to, in the Kathdaarit- Christianity among the Paravas . 158, 160 sdcard .. .. .. .. 195. 96 Christians, (of Malabar) 26n., 27., 29, 48; Oestea, (Malayalam) eighteen (Malayalam) privileges accorded to, 101 . Castor DE W.208 164, 165, 211, 212, 209-214 Cataycoyle, (Christians of Parur) .. 211 & ng Christians of St. Thomas, 7, 9, 27n., 29, 104 &n., Catheart, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 211 105, 117-123. See also Syrian Christians cattle, in the Gay dans feetival .. .. 137-139 (of Arabia) .. .. .. .. .. 117 Caw, (Law ?) Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 220 chronological sense, a beence of, in Somadeva, 192 carins. See cash. Chui Apou, pirato .. ..P.E.W. 225, 226 Shina, pirate .. .. P.E.W. 299 Chu Kwai, pirate .. .. P.E.W.229 ceremonial murder. See murder, ceremonial. Chulalong Korn, k. of Siam .. .. .. 18 Ceylon, conquest of .. .. .. 78, 80, 81 chalon, chaubinhauk, Shan shell-money. 91, 92 Chade, Capt. Sir H. D. .. ..P.E.W. 213, 214 Chungam, Church at .. Chaitanya .. .. .. .. .. 208, 209 Churches, (in Malabar) of Mar Sapor and Mar Chakravarti, Manmohan, on Ganga dates .. 235' Prodh .. .. .. .. .. .. 48 .. . .. 233

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INDEX 245 .. 161 wa .. .. 43 Cira, famous Buddhist woman .. Cox, Capt., (author of Burmhan Empire) British Citta, famous Buddhist woman .. 49. Envoy to Ava Envoy to A . . . . . . . 13-16, 37 Cleopatra, H.M.S. P.E.W. 237 Cramer, Capt. . .. .. P.E.W. 213 Cleverly, Mr. O... .. P.E.W. 229 Cranganore, 27, 30, 103n.-106n., 117; (Andrano. Clown, H.M.S. .. . P.E.W. 232 polis) 118, 119-121, 161, 164 & 1., 211n.--213 Cochin .. .. 119, 121 Crawford, Capt. L. .. .. P.Ey. 235 Cochin harbour .. .. .. Crawfurd, (author of Sian) or currency in 105n. Cochin Jewish plate inscription .. .. 26n.. Cochin-China .. .. 18 .. Cochin China, currency in .. .. 18 Crocodile, H. M. S. .. .. P.E.W. 209 Cochrano, Admiral Sir J.C. ..P.E.W. 221, 222 crosses, (in Malabar) logend of the sotting up of, 9 Codungalore, (Cranganore) .. Crowdy, Liout. .. .. .. P.E.W. 235 Coffin, Capt. P.E.W. 213 Cruz, Juan da, Nair Envoy to Portugal, 157-159 Coertzan, Capt. J.T. .. P.E.W. 218 Cumja P.E.W. 232 coin, of the realm, in Burma, 13; definition of, 90 cupangs . . . . . . . . . . . Cupid .. . coinage and currency. Soe currency and coinago .. .. 108 coins - Currency and coinage among the Burmese, of ancient Britain .. .. Notes on (contd. from vol. LVI, p. 213), 10 of Deva Raya II 149-153 .. 82, 83 11-18, 37-45, 90-96, 125-131, found near Taxila .. 219 E. I. Co's. old cash .. .. . S.P. 7 Coins, Burmese : symbolical .. 37 39, 41 historical (including kings of Arakan), 39, 43 of Mindon Min .. 43, 45, 90, 92, 125n. gold silver copper .. iron Dacca University, progross of the collection of lead MSS. at (1926-27) .. of Bodop'aya, 13-18, 37, 38, 41, 43, 94. See dacoite, talismans of .. .. .. .. 127 also Currency and Coinage. d'Aire, M. .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 224 coins, copper, of the Sultans of Gujarat, new Daksinapatha .. .. . 174, 175 types of . . . . . . .. .. 215-219 DAkssinatya, meaning of .. S.M.8.R. 28, 34, 35 Co jee-Baba. Seo Khawja Baba. Dalton, Sir C., on Sir Wm. Norris . .. 4 Cole, W., commander of the Spee, P.E.W. 2:25 Dance, the, and the Nico bars, P.E.W. 220, 221 Colobrooke, on the Kathaka Upanisad.. .. 204 Daniel, son of Qison .. .. .. .. 120 College of Fort William .. .. .. Dantika, famous Buddhist woman . .. 54 Colquhoun, author of Across Chryse, on metal Dara Shikoh, (Princo), and the Upanipacis, 201, 202n. charins .. .. . . . . . . . 126, 127 Dare, Bakuda marriage ceremony .. .. 22 P.E.W. 215, 225, 226n. Dareoygul, (converts etc.) .. .. 161, 211 Conancode, (Kannankote) .. .. 164 Darwaz, the mulberry tree in .. .. .. 127 Congloton, Capt... P.E.W. 214 & n., 215, 221 Daiapura ... .. conjugation .. .. .. S.M.S.R.21 Dasor (Dasepura).. .. Conti, Nicolo, and the St. Thomas logond .. 9 Datha-Razs, (Dat'araza), k. of Arakan Cooke, Mr. Wingrove, on Chinose piracy, Datoe Subandhar, of Borneo . P.E.W. 205 P.E.W. 230, 231 Dauistabad and Devagiri .. .. .. 23 copper, as curroncy, 17, 18, 44. Soe also coins, David, Bishop .. .. .. .. .. 213 copper. Dawn of A New India, by Kedarnath Banerjee copper-plate inscriptions. See inscriptions, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 55, 56 copper plate. dead, disposal of the, in the Vodic period .. 35 Cornelis, Capt. .. ... P.E.W. 217 Death, in the Kathaka Upanisad, 203, 205--207, Cornwallis, Lord, 55 ; and Bogam Samru .. 76, 114 222-225, 228, 229 Coromandel, Christians at. .. . 118, 209 de Barros .. .. .. .. .. .. 121 Coromandel, H.M.S. .. .. P.E.W. 220 Decoan, the .. .. .. 174, 175 Correa (on Quilon) de Groots, Cornet.. .. P.E.W. 213, 215, 221 Corvino John de Monte, (on Christians).. 211n. Delafosse, Moufle, (friend to Manucci).. .. 71 Coulao. See Quilon. de la Vaupolier, Elyer, (friend to Manucci) .. 71 Coulon. See Quilon. Delhi, Sultans of, and Jaitrasimha, 31-34; countors, gambling .. .. .. .. 125 Slave kings of, 198--200 ; sack of .. .. 200 Couto. See do Couto. Delorme, (friend to Manucci) .. .. .. 71 Cowasjec Family .. P.E.W. 216 do Monzes, Alexio, Archbishop, 46-48, 123, cowries, as currency ... 17, 18, 92, 06 de Miraculis de Miraculis .. .. .. .. .. 9 23 46n.

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246 INDEX .. 138 . . . . . . . 189 * 237 cient India .. .. 'PEW. 229 demons (evil spirits) worship of .. .. 58n.. 59n. | Dorsett, Capt. .. . P.E.W. 211 Denha, (Mar Danaha), Bishop .. .. 165, 213 Dosadhs, the .. des, Deccan plateau .. Downoe, Capt. J... .. P.E.W. 209 deta, meaning of .. .. 174 Drake, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 235 Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in Mithild, Draupadi's bath at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 4, 13 vol. I, (book-notice) .. .. .. 240 Draupadi's ratha, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. il de Souza (on Quilon) .. .. 46n., 47 &n. Dravidika .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 35, 37, 38 Dousson, on the meaning of Upanisad, 202, 204, duhkha (and sukha), meaning "unrest,' and 206, 207, 223n., 224n. "rest' .. .. .. .. .. .. 207 Devgad, and Devagiri .. .. .. 23 Dukhrana Feast (of St. Thomas) .. .. 8 Devagiri (Mountain), in Kalidasa's Meghadata, Dumas (and Manucci) .. .. .69 a possible identification of .. .. 23, 24 Duncan, Capt. .. .. ..P.E.W. 212, Devagurada, in Indoro, a possible identification Duperron, Anquetil, French Orientalist, 48n. 121, with Mount Devagiri .. .. .. .. 23 124, 201, 202, 204 Dovapala, (Pala Dyn.), Hilsa inscription of .. 153 durga, meaning of .. 35 Devapala of Kanauj .. .. .... .. 184 Durga, at the Seven Pagodas .. . S.P. 3 Dovapala (Hayapati) suggested identification Durga, at Mahabalipuram ... S.P. 11-13 of .. .. .. .. 230--234 Darvis .. .. .. . . Devaraja, linga .. .. .. .. 134, 135 Duryodbans .. .. .. .. 189 Deva Raya I .. .. .. .. .. 77 Dutch, the, in Mughal India, 115; and piracy, Deva Raya II .. 77-85, 235, 236--238 P.E.W. 215 Devarkonda, battle Dutt, Binode Behari, Town Planning in Andevayonayah .. .. " .. .. 57 Devi .. .. .. 20 Duvol, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 229 devil-dancers, song of the .. .. 21 dolpo .. . .. .. 178 Dow, Com. .. .. P.E.W. 231 Dwidabaung, (Duttabaung) k. of Prome .. 38 dhamma . . .. Dyaks .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 208, 216 Dhamma, famous Buddhist woman . .. 68 Dyce, David Ochterlony, heir to Begam Samru, 76 Dhammadinna, famous Buddhist woman, 49, 54, 67 Dyoe, Col. G. A., in the service of Begam Samru, 76 Dhangadeva, Chandela k., inscription of, 231, 232 Dyoo Sombre. Soe Dyoo, David Ochterlony. Dhanurkoti .. .. .. .. .. 167 Dhariyaikal. See Dareoygul. Dharmakirti Dharmaraja, the "Lion-Throne" of ; at Maha balipuram .. .. .. .. 8.P. 13 Dharmaraja ratha at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 10 Dhruvaraja, (Dhord) Raptrakta k... .. 181 Dhyanas, meaning of .. .. .. .. 36 Dhyani Buddhas, names of .. .. .. 36 Diamond .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 209 Eagle .. .. .. Diamper, Synod, decress of, 7, 28, 46, 47, 122, 214 .. P.E.W. 233 Eaglet .. .. .. P.E.W. 228 Diana P.E.W. 214, 215 East India Company, date of the, 116; and Port Dicey, Capt. W... .. .. P.E.W. 220 Blair, P.E.W. 220; (New).. .. Dido, H. M. S. .. .. P.E.W. 217 Eclipse .. .. . P.E.W. 915 DidwAna, (Dendevanaka) .. .. .. 182 Edessa, 7, 8, 0, 105n., 118; (Urfa) 119, 120Didymus, St. Thomas .. .. .. .. 118 122, 165, 209-211 Dighwa Dubauli plate of Mahendrapala .. Edward I, coins of .. .. :. .. 152 Dignaga .. .. .. .. .. 133 Edwards, Capt. ..... .. P.E.W. 238 Dikshitar, V.R.R. La Theorie de La Connais. Edgerton, Franklin, Bhagavad Gita .. .. 75 sance et La Logique Chez Les Bouddhistes Eggeling, J. on the Bralmanas .. .. .. 170 Tardifs .. .. .. 133 Elias, Greek Patriarch of Antioch Dindime, Arunagirinatha .. .. 83, 84 Eliza both-4.; letter of, to Akbar 116 dingga, dinga, (coin) .. .. Elliot, Liout. .. .. .. P.E.W. 214 Dinna, famous Buddhist woman .. 65, 88 Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615- - Divali, festival .. .. 137, 139 1619; Edited by Sir William Foster, C.I.E., do Couto, on the St. Thomas Christians, 213, 214 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 116 Dodda Vasanta Nayaka .. .. .. .. 79 Emily .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 220 Dokthapara. Soe Peikthadomyo. enamol, as money .. .. 96 Dolotsava mantapam, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 4, 6,14 Endicott, Capt. c. M. .. Dolphin .. .. P.E.W. 214, 236 English, the, and Begam Samru, 76; early, in Dom ville, Lieut.-Commr. .. P.E.W. 234 India .. .. .. .. .. 115, 116 Doris .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 217 Enterprise .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 216 . 118 von Ol Annoch .. 39 .. " P.E.W. 200

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INDEX Ephraim. St.. on St. Thomas in India .. ..7-9 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XIX, Pt. I, January, 1927. Zeda Inscription of the Year 11 : Barah Copper-plate of Bhojadeva; Mamdapur Inscription of the reign of Kanhara, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 90 crenadu, black soil.. .. . . .. 174 Esra (unidentified) .. .. .. 105, 121 Eins . P.E.W. 215n. etymology, and folk-etymology .. .. 193, 194 eunuchs, employment of, in Ancient India . 195 euphemism, suggested origin of .. .. 110, 111 Evans-Wentz, Dr. W.Y., Tibetan Book of The Dead .. .. Everest, Lieut. H. B. P.E.W. 236 Everts, Lieut. .. 209 evil eye, the.. .. .. .. 110 evil spirits (demons) 58n. existence, (abstract) .. .. 179 Folk Songs of the Tuluvas .. . 21. 22 Folktales, in the Kathasaritsagara, an examina. tion of .. .. .. .. .. 190-195 foods, and taboos .. .. .. . . . . 111 forgery, of coins .. .. 94, 93 Formby .. P.E.W. 234 Formosa, Japanese invasion of .. P.E.W. 235 Forster, Dr. (on Mar Sapor) .. Forsyth, Capt. C. C. .. P.E.W. 229 Foster, Sir William, Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-1619 . .. 115, 116 foundlings, water-borne .. .. Franciscans, and the Paravas .. .. 158 Frangi, Parunki (the Portuguese) .. .. 156 Frank (Feringhee) . * Friendship .. .. P.E.W. 209 Frucht, Lieut., J. W.F... .. P.E.W. 219 Frumentius, Bishop .. .. .. 118, 119 Fury, H. M. S. .. ..P.E.W. 225, 226n. 232 Fytohe author of Narrative of The Mission to Mandalay), on the mint of Mindon Min .. 127 . .. 195 .. .. 132 . .. 156 . .. .. 236, 237 Fair Malacca P.E.W. 237 Farquhar, Capt. .. P.E.W. 236 Faleh Islam P.E.W. 221 Fathpur Sikri palace, identification of .. 113 Fathal Barie .. P.E.W. 205 Fedden, on smelting in the Shan States .. 129 Feima .. .. P.E.W. 230 Fellowes, Capt. .. P.E.W. 228 Feringhee = Frank .. .. 156 Finot, M., L. Ankor I scription. .. Finsbury . .. .. . P.E.W. 212 fir tree, the .. .. .. .. 135, 136 fires, sacrificial . .. 2 5, 206, 223-328 fires, (Naciketa fires), 205, 206, 223-228 Firishta, on Deva Raya II, 78; on Kapilesvara of Orissa Firuz Tughlaq. 200: coin of .. .. .. 216 Fitch, Ralph, in India .. .. 116 Fitzroy, Com. .. P.E.W. 237 Flags : Black .. . P.E.W. 214, 922 ef Borneo .. * P.E.W. 222, 223 British .. .. P.E.W. 208, 217, 229 Dutch .. .P.E.W. 208 Koti .. E.W. 208 Portuguese (pirato) P.E.W. 229 Red (Beniyas) .. P.E.W. 211 (of Holuk).. P.E.W. 228 , (Malay) .. ..P.E.W. 209, 219, 223 of Sheriff Osman .. P.E.W. 221 Triad P.E.W. 228 Whilo (Mulay) ... .. P.E.W. 219 Fly, H.M.S. P.E.W. 212 Folk chronology in India .. .. 193 Folk-etymology .. .. .. . 193, 194 Gajalak@mi, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 11, 13 Gajapati, (Kapilesvara) .. .. .. 237, 238 Gajapatis, of Kondavidu, 81; of Puri, 237, 239 Gallang, pirate base .. .. P.E.W. 214 Gama, Vasco da .. .. .. .. .. 169 Gambhira, riv. .. .. .. .. 24 gambling tokens, porcelain .. .. 95, 96 Gapadeva, (Viceroy of Kondavidu)'inscription of, 81 ; Kistna plates of.. .. 235, 237, 238 Ganapati .. .. .. .. .. . 36 Gandhamadana, mt., and Raikya Sayugva .. 167 Candhavati, riv. .. .. .. .. .. 24 Ganosa, at the Sev Pagodas.. .. S.P. 5 Ganesa's ratha, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 13 Gangadasa-prald pavila sam .. 235, 236, 238 Cangaikondan mantapam, at Mahabalipuram, 8.P. 10 Cangana mantapan .. .. S.P. 6. 7 Gangas, Eastern .. .. .. .. .. 235 Gangondamandapam, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 13 gansa, (spelter) as currency among the Burmese, 11 Garbe, on the Kathaka Upanisad .. 223n. Gauds .. .. . . . . . . . 239 Gaudas . .. . .. .. 183 Gaulaya, k. of Arakan .. .. 40 Cautama, the Buddha .. .. . 36 Gaydanr festival in the Shahabad District, Bihar .. .. .. .. .. 137-140. Goldner, on the intorpretation of passagos in the Upaniyads, 57, 63, 141, 143, 201, 206, 221228 General de Kock P.E.W. 206 General Wood . .. P.E.W. 224

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248 INDEX .. 81 .. 148 12 Gcorge Andrcas .. P.E.W. 233 Gervasius, St., Church of .. 48n. Ghazni . .. .. .. 199 Shi as tax, 26, 27; as an ofloring .. 29 Ghiyasu'd-din Balban .. 34 (hyiau'd-din Tughlaq .. Ghulam Qadir .. .. .. Gibbs, on coinage .. .. Giraud, (on Mar Sapor) .. glass, stamped, as monoy Glimpses of Vajrayana, by Donoytosh Bhatta. charya, (book-notice).. . .. 196, 197 Glorics of Magadha, by J. N. Samaddar, (book notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 Goalks. See Ahirs. God (Brahman) .. .. .. 179, 180 Gokrina. See Caylaur. . Golconda, conquest of .. .. .. 80, 81 gold, as currency, among the Burinoso, 11, 13 & n., 43; in Japan.. Gondhaphoros .. . .. in. Gopi's Churn, at Mahabalipuram S.P. 14 Gopika, famous Buddhist woman * 52 Copinathpur inscription .. . 235, 238, 239 Goraksan&tha and Anangavajra .. .. 197 Gordon, General, and the Khartoumn arsenal, 152, 153 Gouvea, and the St. Thomas legend, 10, 46-48, 117, 124, 213, 214 Govindalilamyga, some literary notes on the authorship of .. .. . .. .. 208 Govindaraja 111, two inscriptions of .. .. 181 Graham, Capt. .. .. .. .. .. 114 Grant, Com. J. F. u. .. .. P.E.W.238 Grantha-Pallava inscriptions in the Shore Templo .. .. * .* .. .. 8.P. 14 Grave, Mr. van .. P.E.W. 205 Gravesome, Capt... .. P.E.W. 208 Criorson, Sir George, On The Adbhulu Rimayara. 20 Griffin, Sir Lopel, on minting .. . . .. . . . . 1310) Gudapharasa, (Guda phara) .. . Gudnaphar Guide to The Qulb, Delhi, by J. A. Pago (book notico) .. . .. Gujarat, now types of the copper coins of the of the Sultans of .. .. .. 213-219 Gulbarga, 78, 79; (Kalavaraga).. .. .. 239 Gupadhya ... .. .. 153 Gundaphar, 121. Sou also Gudnaphar. gunpowder, dato of Gurjaros, tho .. .. .. .. 182-181 Gutta, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 33 Gwalas .. .. .. .. .. 138, 139 Hakkas, the, in Hongkong . P.E.W. 216 Halhed, N. B. (Civil servant) .. .. .. 55 Hallet, Holt, (author of Thousand Miles on An Elephant in The Shan States) on currency in Siam, 17; on Burmese talismans .. .. 127 Hamilton, Capt. Alex. (author of New Account of The East Indies), on curronoy among the Burmese .. .. .. 11, 12 Harmiramadamardana .. .. .. .. 32 Hampi Mosque .. .. .. Haradatta .. .. Harappa, discoveries at, 36; explorution at, 219, 220 Haricandra, Ksatriya Pratihara of Mandor 183 Harihara, at Mahabalipuram .. .. S.P. 11 Hari Hara II of Vijayanagara, inscription of .. 79 Hariscandra .. S.M.S.R. 39, 40 Harlequin. H. M. Sloop .. .. P.E.W. 219 Harrier, H.M.S. .. . ..P.E.W: 211, 21: Harris, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 233 Harrison, Capt. .. P.E.W. 233 Harsa 175, 198 Harsanatha inscription of Vigraharaja .. .. 183 Hastings, Capt. C.F. P.E.W. 219 Hatakesvara . .. .. . . 167 Haughty .. .. . .. P.E.W. 233 Hawkins, Capt. Wm., of the Hector . .. 116 Hawkins, Com. J.C. .. ..P.E.W. 210, 211 Hay, Capt. J. C. Dalrymple ..P.E.W. 225, 226 Hebert, M. Le Chevalier .. .. .. 69, 70, 72 Hector, first English ship to visit India .. 116 Hekla .. .. ..P.E.W. 215n., 218, 221 Helena, 4. .. .. Helena, widow of Qison .. .. .. 1:20 Helfer, Dr., murdered P.E.W. 220 Hely, Capt. .. . P.E.W. 226 Hemacandra .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 31 Henrictlu Louis . .. P.E.W. 233 Henricula Mario .. P.E.W. 230 Herambapala and Kpitipula, 230; and Vinaya. kapala .. . .. .. .. P.E.W. 221 heroes, naming of, in folktales .. .. .. 192 Heruka, g... .. Hillebrandt, Prof. on demon worship, 58n.; on the Kathaka Upanigad, 201, 202, 205n., 222-228 Hilsa Stalue Inscription of 35th year of Deva pala, (book-notice) . . .. .. .. 153 Hindu colony, ancient, in Armenia .. .. 73 Hinchu symbols, on Burmese coins .. .. 38 Hinduism and Christianity, 160, 165; and the Vajrayanisty .. .. .. .. 197 Hindus, and magic ritos, 108-111, and the Caydanr l'estival, 137-139; (of Malabar), and Christians, 212; under Alau-'d.din Khilji etc. .. .. .. .. 199, 200, 2G Hirayyapura, fort.. .. .. 99 History of Modiceval India, by Lahwari Prasad, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 198 Hiuen Thsang, on Marway, 182 ; on Kazchi, S.P. 8 Hood, Capt. .. .. ... . P.E.W. 219 Hongkong .. P.E.W. 216 Honduras .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 211 eded to the British, P.E.W. 216, 2170, 36 .. .. .. 121 Gurjaros. the .. Haai .. .. Habban .. .. Haji Saman pirate .. P.E.W. 216, 221 .. 121 .. P.E.W. 222

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INDEX 249 .. 58 153 Honqua .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 205 Inscription-contd. Hooft, Lieut. P.E.W. 221 Aukor, from .. 134 Hopkins, E. W., author of Epic Mythology, on Agni .. . .. 2:30, 232n., 234 yaksha .. .. Baroda, of Karkaraja II. . 181, 182 Hornet, H.M.S. . P.E.W. 229 Bhuvanesvar, Lingaraj tomple . .. 238 horser, trade in .. Buddhist votive Hoste, Capt. Sir W. .. .. P.E.W. 229 Byana Utkha Mandir, of Chitralekha, 233, 294 Hough, (roforonco to Mar Sapor, otc.). 47& n. Chirwa .. .. 31, 32 Hulagu Khan and Baghdad .. .. .. 118 Chola, in Shore Tomple S.P. 14 Humayun Shah Bahmani, and Orissa.. 236, 237 of Deva Raya 11 77-81 Hime, on the Kathaka Upanigad, 201, 2210., of Dhanga .. .. 23 222n., 225n. Dharmaraja ratha * S.P. 10 Hunt, Capt. P.E.W. 235 Ganesa ratha .. S.P. 13 Husain Shah of Jaunpur, coins of .. .. 216 Gopinathpur .. .. 23.5. Hyacinth, H.M.S. .. .. 238, 239 .. P.E.W. .. 215 Grantha-Pallave S.P. 14 Cwalior prasasti of Bhoja 181, 183 of Hari Hara II.. .. ... 79 Harganatha, of Vigraharaja .. .. 183, 184 Hilsa Statue, of Devapala .. Jagannath of Puri, templo .. 235, 238 Jodhpur, of Bauka 183 kalaijara .. .. .. . .. 182 Khajuraho, of Yaso varman .. .. 230-234 Ibrahim 'Ali Khan Kuretha, of Malayavarm Ibrahim Lodi .. Mandapur, of the reign of Kanhara .. .. .. 200 .. 96 Identification of Meru up-rooteil by the Rrustra Munnur, two from .. 236-238 kuta King Indra 111, by Prof. S. Mujumdar Nanaghat .. .. .. .. 174 Partabgach .. .. 230-234 Sustri, (book.nouice) . .. . . 15.3 Ignatius, Patriarch Radhanpur, of Govindaraja IIT. .. 181, 182 Ignicoles, applied to the Parscos Rajgarh, of Prithvipaladeva .. .. 184 Ilanuns, (Tlanoons) piratos, P.E.W. 207. 214. Rajorgarh, of Mathanideva .. .. .. 233 216, 218, 219, of Rawal Samarasinha .. 31, 33 Immadi Deva Raya. See Mallikarjun. of Saluva Narasimha .. 237 immortality of Sdok Kok Thom .. 134, 135 .. . .: 130 Imogene .. . .. . P.E.W. Sravana Belgola .. . 85 .. . 23:3 i nenrnation, development of the iden.. .. Siyadoni .. . 184n., 2:30, 232, 234 20 India, Sir Thomas Roo's embarny to, 4-6, Sri Kurmam temple, of Narasimha IV ..235 115, 116; British rule in, 4, 5.5 : beginning of Talokkad, of Rajasinha Poruman Atikal, 24-31 tho silk industry in, 113; and the Upaninade, Tamil, at Mahabalipuram ... .. S.P. 11 166-168 ; and the Puranas, 177, 178: E., Trilochanapala, grant of . .. 233, 234 Ond offorts of Vajrayana Buddhism in, 197; S., . and early Christianity-See Mar Sapor and Wani of Govindaraja III aja .. .. 181, 182 Mar Prodh, Thomas St., Thomas Cana. Indian Buddhist Iconography. by B. Bhatta. Copper-plate inscriptions :- charya, (book-notice) .., .. ... 35, 36 Barah, of Bhojadeva ... .. .. 96 Indian Historical Rerors Commission : Proceed Cochin Jewish plate .. .. .. .. 26 n. inga of Meetings, vol. IX, December 1926, Dighwa Dubauli, of Mahendrapala .. 230 (book-notice) .. .. ... .. 741 Iravi Korttan .. .. 26n., 164n. Indian Navy (Bombay Marine).. P.E.W. 210 Krisna of Ganadeva of Kondavidu, 237, 238 Indo-Europeans, original home of the .. 135, 136 Malabar Christian .. .. 30, 161, 164 Indra, 148 ; at Mahabalipuram.. .. S.P. 10 Pulakesi, grant of .. .. .. .. 182 Indra, III, Rastrskuta k. Quilon Church .. .. 26n., 164n., 211n. Indrabhuti and Mahasuk:havdda . 196, 197 Quilon Tarisa .. .. 47, 48, 124n. Indravarman ... .. .. . 135 Sri Sailam plates .. .. .. .. 82 indriya, meaning of .. . .. . 221n. of Thomas Cana ... .. 29, 30, 161, 164 Indus valley, in the Vedic period .. .. 35 Vinayakapala, grant of .. .. 230-234 Industry .. .. .. P.E.W. 214 of Vira Raghava .. ... .. Inflexible, H.M.S... 26n., 30 P..W. 226n., 232 of Virupaksa ... .. .. 235 firayur, (Iukayur) village, noar Tajekkad . 30 Introduction and Notes to Cunningham'. Geogra. Inscriptions phy of India, by Prof. Majumdar Sastri, (book. Aihole .. notice) .. .. .. .. 153 Ajanta .. .. .. .. .. .. 200. Iravi Korttan, copper-plate of .. .. 28n., 164 ..- . 163

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250 INDEX Iravi Kottan (significance of) and Travi Kort .. 26, 30 Irinjalakkuda, nonr Talekkad . . .. 29 [riunalakkuta, Iruukatikkutal, near Talekkad, 30 iron ta coinage 44 Iron Prince Ist .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 166 Isana, lord of the bhatas .. 60 Islam and the Pratihiras.. .. 234 ista purta, noto on .. .. 222n. Ittoop. (reference to Mar Sapor, etc.) .. 47, 48 P.E.W. 233 .. .. 120 John, Bp. of ANPersia .. jetong, gambling counters jewels, ornaments, regulations n hout the wearing of, in Malabar.. .. 161n., 212 Jilolo, Raja .. .. P.E.W. 205 Jind, coinage of .. .. 149-151 Joio III, of Portugal .. . .. .. 157 Jaosmi pirates .. .. P.E.W. 206, 207, 210 Jodh Bai's palace, and the Fathpur-Sikri palace of Akbar .. .. .. .. .. 113 Jodhpur inscription of Bauka .. .. .. 183 Johanan, Mar, of Cranganore .. . 47, 213 Johansson, Prof., on the Kithaka Upanisad, 221n., 223n. John, son of Qison John, Bp. of All Persia .. .. .. 118, 213 John III, Bp. .. John XXII, Pope, letter of .. John of Monte Corvino, on the St. Thomas legend .. .. . .. John Marshall in India, by Shafaat Ahmad Khan, (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 154 Johnson, Lieut.-Comr. .. .. P.E.W. 234 Johnson, Lieut.-Comr. C.F.W... P.E.W. 235 Johnston, Capt. E. E. .. .. P.E.W. 225 Johore, and piracy .. .. P.E.W. 212 Jones, Sir William .. 155 Joseph, son of Qison .. .. .. 120 Jcsoph, Mar, (Bishop) document on, 105, 106; (of Urfa) .. .. 118-122, 164, 213 Journal of Francis Buchanan in Shahabad, by C. E. A. W. Oldham (book-notice) .. 156 Journal of Indian History, edited by Rao Ba hadur S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar (book. notice) .. .. .. .. .. 113, 114 .. 213 .. 117 .. 213 .. 165 .. 115 .. .. 151 Jaballah, Bishop, 165; (Jaballaha) .. Jacob, Mar .. .. 164n., 213 Jacobitos, and St. Thomas Jagaddals, monastery .. .. 197 Jagamatha of Puri, templo records, 235; in. scription .. .. .. .. 238 & n. Jagannath Tarka-panchanan .. Jahangir, Sir Thomas Roe's embassy to, 4, 5, 115, 116; and the Portuguese . .. 75 Jaichand of Kanauj .. .. .. .. 199 Jain, Banarsi Das, Stress. Accent in Indo. Aryan .. .. Jainism .. .. .. .. .. .. 80 Jaipur, gold mohars of .. .. Jaitramalla. See Jayatungideva. Jakkanna Danda. Natha, minister of Deva Raya II . .. .. 77, 79, 80, 83 Jalalu'd-din (of Khwarazm) . .. .. 32 Jalalu'd-din Khilji .. .. .. 199 Jalasayana temple at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 14 James I, and Jahangir Janaka, k. 168, 169, 183-188 janapada, meaning of .. _ .. .. 174 Janus, H.M.S. .. .. .. P.E.W. 232, 234 Jandous (Chinose pirates) . P.E.W. 217 Jangal (a country) .. .. .. 32, 33 Japanese (in commerce), 12; and Formosa, P.E.W. 235 Jatavarman Sundara-Chola-Pandya, Chola viceroy .. .. .. .. 30 Java and Cambodia . .. .. .. 135 jayastambha, purpose of .. . .. 195 Jayatungideva of Malwa . .. 33 Jayavarman II, Paramesvara . .. 135 Jayavarman III .. .. .. 135 Jayavarman VII .. .. .. 133 Jenti, (Jonta) famous Buddhist woman 49 Jeremiah, R. G., master of the Fair Malacca, P.E.W. 237 Jerome, St. .. .. 210 Jerusalem (and Christians of Malabar), 119, 120 Jesuits, earliest, in India .. .. .. 116 .. 116 1 Kabul, mint system .. 152 Kadanmallai, Mahabalipuram . .. S.P. 9 Kadisas, Holy Men (Sapor and Prodh), 46-48 Kailasanatha temple, Kanchipuram .. S.P. 14 Kalamasha, (Ba-tsau-phyu) .. .. .. 39 Kalajara inscription . . .. 182 Kala araga (Gulbarga) .. .. .. .. 239 Kalidase, the Mount Devagiri mentioned by, 23, 24 Kalim Ullah, Bahmani, coins of .. .. 215 Kali Sindh. See Sindhu. Kallarasa, poet .. .. Kallinatha, musician .. .. .. .. 8.5 Kama, g... .. .. .. .. 108 Kanarese language Kananj, the Imperial Pratiharas of, 181-184,230 Kanishka era, initial date of .. .. .. 96 Kannada. See Maharastra and Kannankote, (Conancode) in C. Travancore . 164 Kanoy, Thomas. See Thomas Cana. Kantu Koros and Gudaphorasa . .. 7n.

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INDEX 251 .. 174 .. 175 .. 175 .. 204 :. .. 153 Kapilendra, (Kapilosvara) Caigu k. .. 235, 236 Kapurthala, coinago of . .. 150 Karikala, Choin k. .. S.P. 16 Karinadu, black country Karkaraja II, Baroda inscription of 181, 182 Karnatak, suggestod dori vation of .. Karmanal, nour Andras 209 Karunddu, (high country) Kasi.. . . .. .. .. . 183, 180 Kathn, sage ... Kathaka l'panisad .. 201207, 221-229 Katha Narit Sagara, Hindu and non-Hindu ele. monts in .. .. .. 190--196 Kathisaritsigara .. Katutturutti, church at .. * 27n., 117 Kautalya, on a Chakravartin's domain.. 177, 178 Kartukaratna Kattuka-saruvasta Kaveripattanam, (Christians of).. 118, 214 Kayankulam, (Coulao) .. 16n., 48 Kayasthas, (and the Ahirs) .. 137 k'ayribat, Shan sholl-monoy .. 92 k'ayubation, sholl-monoy .. ..12n. l'elet'ma, coins used in gambling .. .. 125 Kena, 37th Atharvan Upanisad. (See also Kiouni) .. .. .. .. .. 201n. Koppel, Capt. (afterwards Adm. Sir Henry). P.E.W. 213, 217, 219, 235 Kern, Prof., 147, 148; on the Kathaka Upanisad, 223n., 225n., 227n. Kestrel, H. M. S. .. .. . P.E.W. 238 Khajuraho inscription of Yaso varman, 230, 231 Khartoum, arsenal .. .. .. 152, 153 Khema, famous Buddhist woman .. 50, 52 khep it kaga, a Burmese care of chanco .. 125 Khiljis, the .. ..... 199 Khujjuttara, famous Buddhist woman in Khurram (Prince) Khusrau (Prince) .. . . . . . . 115 Khusru II of Persia . .. 200 Khwaja Baba, and Manucci .. .. .. 72 Kielhorn, Dr., on the Pratiharas .. 230, 231 Kien Eng Sing .. ... .. P.E.W. 237 Killi, Chola k. .. . .. S.P. 16 Kilttirukkoil temple .. .. .. 25 King, (V. A.) .. .. P.E.W. 234 King, Mr. L. White .. .. 37 Kiouni, Kathaka Upanigail ..201 & n., 204 & n. Kiratas . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 Kirtipala of Valor .. . Kisangotami, famous Buddhist woman, 66, 67 Kistna plates of Canadera of Kondavidu, 235, 237, 238 Kitu. Seo Kirtipala. Knayi Tomman. See Thomas Cann. Kokogwa, (in l'pper Burma) coins found at .. 38 1:0l, a mousura .. .. . .. 26 & n. homect .. .. P.E.W. 205 Kondavidu, and Orissa .. .. 23.1, 236, 238 Nosala . . . . .. 185 Kosambian bhikkhus .. . 51, 52 Kottak kavil, (Parur) and Cataycoyle, 211 & n. Krisna, 197; the "Butter-ball " of, at Maha balipuram .. .. S.l'. 13 Krsna mandapam, at Mahabalipuram, S.T. 12 Krona's choultry .. .. S.P. 5 Krinakanta siromani (premier Kathaka of East Bengal) .. Krnadisa, (Kronadasa Kaviraja) and the Clovindalidnyta .. .. .. .. 209 Kriyasaltis, tho.. . " .. .. 77, 80 Ksatriyas :Suryavarusi .. .. .. .. .. 23 Somavamsi tho Ahir.claim to bo, 138'; clefinition of, 181n., 185; and Brahma vidyd .. : .. .. 186 Ksatriyasi hapallavisvara, and the Soven Pagodas .. .. .. .. .. S.P. 14 Ksiti pala and Heram bapala, suggested identity of . . i. 230-232 ksurasya dhard, note on .. 22 On. Kubad I, (Qubad) k. . .. .. 199 Kubera, lord of the Yakshas .. . .. 60 Kulesokhara Varman .. 112, 11:3 krdima, (kalima) creed .. .. . 39 Kumara, (meaning of) Kumara-Mahapatra, founder of the Saryavarsi dynasty of Orissa .. . 233 humara yasa, poet .. .. .. . 81 Kumarila .. .. . .. 133 Kun-hok-tye .. P.E.W. 225 Kuravalangad, in N. Travancore, 28n. 123, 209 Kuretha inscription of Malayavarmi Kurmis, the .. . . . . . . 138 Kurupancals, and the Upanisads, Brahmans of .. ..167-173, 185, 186, 188 Kutbu'd-din, (Qutbu'd-din) Aibak .. .. 199 Kwang Lee .. .. .. P.E.W. 235 Kwan Tung .. .. .. P.E.W. 220 Kyouktat, in Shan States . . . . . . 130 921n. 65 ** -* . .. 115 .. . * .. 33 Ladakh, Chronicles of .. .. 155, 156 La Dordogne .. P.E.W. 215 Ladrone Islands .. .. .. P.E.W. 216 La-dvag8-rygal-rabs .. .. * 155 Lady Grant P.E.W. 210, 214 Lady Mary Wool .. .. P.E.W. 227, 228 L'Aglae .. . P.E.W. 215 Lakhuma, famous Buddhist woman .. Lakkanna Danda Nayaka, minister of Deva Raya II .. .. 77-79, 81, 82 Laksmana, (and the Pratiharas) .. .. 181 Laksmana Sena Laksmi (Sita), 20, 180; at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 11 Laksmidhara .. .. .. .. .. 100 .68

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262 INDEX .. 36 38 . 68 La Loubere, (author of Siam,) on currency : Madhva, on the Kathaka Upanisad ... 201, 203n. among the Burmese .. .. .. 11 Maeterlinck, on the spiritual power in man .. 132 Lancier .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 222 Magadha, (meaning of), 171-173, 187-189 Land's Anecdota Syriaca.. .. 119, 122 Magadhi, .. .176 : S.M.S.R. 28 Lang, Raja, Malay pirate chief .. P.E.W. 206 magic and taboo in Bengal, somo notes on, 107-112 Langtry, Mr. Master of the Ringdove, P.E.W. 223 Magicienne, H.M.S. P.E.W. 232 Lankesvara .. S.M.S.R. 34 mahd, meaning of .. .. .. .. .. 174 Lanun pirates, P.E.W. 208, 209, 214, 215, 218, Mahabali, and Mahabalipuram .. .. S.P. 16 221-223 Mahabalichakravarti Mahabalichakravarti .. .. .. . .. S.P. 9 larin, hook-money.. .. .. .. 93 | Mahabalipur, the antiquities of .. S.P. 15, 16 La Theorie de la Connaissance et la Logique chez Mahabalipuram, Mavalivaram, and other les Bouddhistes tardifs, by Prof. Sh. Stcher forms .. .. .. S.P. 1-9, 15, 16 batsky, (book-notice).. .. . 132, 133 Mahabalis, (the Banas) .. .. .. S.P. 16 Latter, Thomas, (author of Burmese Grammar) Mahabharata .. 2, 186-188 on Burmese coins .. .. .. 38, Mahadaji Sindhia .. .. 74, 76 lead, as currency among the Burmese, 11 ; in Mahadevar Pattanam, near Cranganore, 105, Siam .. .. .. .. .. 17, 18, 45 121, 164 Lo Blano, Vincent, on currency among the Mahakala ... Burmese .. .. 11 Mahamalla, (Narasimhavarman 1) .. S.P. 9 Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme, Hindi translation Mahamoggallana .. .. .. .. of . . . .. . 114 Mahandtaka .. Leeds, William, in India .. .. .. .. 116 Mahapajapati Gotami .. 49, 50, 62, 64, 68 Lo Quien, on Mar Sapor, etc. .. . Maharastra and Kannada .. .. 174-176 Lesmona, (Lesmonda), .. .. P.E.W. 234 Maharastri.. .. .. 176 Lovanoult, husband of Begam Samru.. ... 76 Maharathf. .. .. .. 174 Lion and the Elephant . .. .. S.P. 5 Maharathint .. .. 174 Lion-throne of Dharmardja, at Mahabalipu- Maharatta and Maharastra .. .. .. 174 ram .. .. .. .. .. S.P. 13 Maharatthis and ratas .. ... 174 literature under Deva Raya II .. Mahasamadhiraja, k. of Arakan .. 43 Little Mount, (Chinna Malai) and St. Thomas, Mahsukha, Mahasukhavada .. 35, 196, 197 123, 165, 210 Mahavisnu, at Mahabalipuram .. .. S.P. 14 Lo Chun Sun, pirate .. .. P.E.W. 232 Mahbub Ali Khan .. .. .. 150 Lockyer, (author of Trade in India) on Burmese Mahendrapala of Kanauj, Pratihara k., 184; Currency Dighw& Dubauli plate inscription of, 230--234 Lockyer, Capt. W. N. .. .. P.E.W. 225 Mahendrapaladeva II, Pratihara k. .. 230-234 Lodis, the .. .. 200 Mahendravarman I and the Seven Pagodas, S.P. 11 logoi, the .. .. .. .. 180 Mahinda .. .. .. .. Lo kesvara, Boddhisattva, (as protector of Mahindapala, Pratihara k., identification of .. 230 Ankor) .. .. .. .. 134 Mahipala, Pratihara k., 230, 231 ; and Bhoja loraki, songs .. . .. .. 139 II, 232; and Kqitipala .. .. .. 232-234 Lorik, Ahir hero .. . . . . 139n. Mahipala II, Maharajadhiraja, Pratihara k... 233 lotda, found in Peikthedomya .. .. .. 38 Mahiga, (Mahindapala).. .. .. 230 Lovett, Capt. H... .. .. P.E.W. 227 Mahipa Mandapa at Mahabalipuram.. S.P. 11 lump currency (metal), 11-14 ; ancient .. 93 MahisAsura, at the Seven Pagodas . S.P. 3, 6 Mahis sura-vadha, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 11, 12 Mahmud of Ghazni, character of .. .. 199 Mahmud Shah I. of Gujarat, (coira wrongly assigned to), 215; coins of, 216219 Mahmud Shah Bahmani, coins of . .. 215 Mahsen, place . . . .. 121 Mainwaring, Lieut.-Comr. .. P.E.W. 234 Maitreya . . * Maitreyanatha .. .. .. .. .. Macao, and the Portuguese, P.E.W. 230-233 majizis, (tokons) .. : Macdonell, on the Upanisado, 167, 168, 171, Malabar', the Aryan tholos of .. .. .. 34 173, 186 Malabar and Juan da Cruz .. .. 156-159 Maodo nell, Sir Richard .. ..P.E.W. 217, 234 Malabar and Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh, 46-48 Macfarlane, Capt. .. .. ... P.E.W. 224 Malabar and St. Thomas, 7-10, 156. See also Maehow Wang, pirate . . . P.E.W. 232 Christians of. Mackenzie (reference to Mar Sapor, etc.) . 47 Malabar and Thomas Cana, 103-106, 117--124, Mackenzie, J. .. P.E.W. 227 160-165, 209-214 Madirdvat .. .. .. .. 153 Malabar Miscellany Miscellany .. .. .. 24-31 11

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Malacca Malankara, (Malabar ?) Malati-madhava Malava Malayalam documents, referring to Thomas Cana, 103-106, 117-124, 160-165, 209-214 Malayavarma, Kuretha inscription of.. Malcolm, Sir John, on eastern minting methods, 184 130, 131 Malcolm, (author of Travels in South Eastern Asia) on the introduction of coinage into Burma.. 13, 18, 126 118 149-151 210 & n. Maldive Islands Maler-Kotla, mint of Maliarpha, (Mayilai) and Mylapore Maliarpha, of Ptolemy, and Mahabalipuram, Malik Kafur Malik Khusru Mallai, Mallapuri, Mahabalipuram Mallika, famous Buddhist woman P.E.W. 205 104 153 239 Mallikadevi, famous Buddhist woman Mallikarjuna, 77, 79, 82-84; and Kapilendra, Mandodari.. Mandor, (Mandavyapura) Mandurika 236, 237 Mallinatha and Devagiri .. 23, 143 Mamallapuram, Mahabalipuram.. 8.P. 9 Mamdapur inscription of the reign of Kan. .. hara Mamelukes of Egypt Mamluk-Qulaman mamluks of Delhi.. mamodisa samayakkar, (White Syrians) Man (Soul) Manava-dharmasastra INDEX .. S.P. 9 113, 200 200 S.P. 9 86, 87 86 Manimekhalal Manipur, coinage of Manjuari .. 96 198 176 198, 199 164 180 55 20 183 S.M.S.R. 35, 37, 38 182 .. .. Mangalana.. Mangalore, A Historical Sketch, by George M. Moraes, (book-notice) .. Mangal Singh, Raja of Jaipur, coins of Manichchetti, jewellers 240 .. 40 26n. 26n., 30 Manigraman 26 & n., 211n. Manigramakkar, (Manigramattar), Manigrammattachchan (Syrian Christians), 163n. Manikka Vasakar, 118, 160, 165; (Vachakar), 209, 212n. 214 133; S.P. 16 .. 129 .. 36 178 Manu (called Bharata) Manucci. See Manuchy. Manuchi, (Manucci) reference to Sir William Norris Manuchy, (Manouchy) Andre, Manuchy, Angella Manuchy Francisca Manuchy, (Manouchy) George Manuchy, Nicolao, will and testament of, Manuchy, Perine .. Manuscripts, at Dacca University, progress of the collection of.. 6 70, 71 71 71 71 69-73 71 1-3 212n, MAra Mappila, Syrian Christians ..49, 50, 53, 66-68, 87, 147, 148 Marco Polo, and the St. Thomas legend, 9, 118. Margam Kali Pattu Marianne Maria Philippina.. 9, 10, 123n. P.E.W. 206 P.E.W. 213 Marignolli, and the St. Thomas legend, 9, 214 Markandeya S.M.S.R. 29-40 Marques, Mr., (Portuguese Consul, Ningpo) P.E.W. 227, 230 Mar Sapor and Mar Prodh, 46-48. See also Sapor, Mar, Prodh, Mar. Marsden, on Burmese coinage Martell, Capt. Martin, Francois Martyrdom of St. Thomas, The Apostle, by A. S. Ramanatha Ayyar, (book-notice) Maru. See Marwar. Marwar Mary Mary Anne Massie, Capt. 253 37 P.E.W. 224 69 33, 181-183 P.E.W. 216 P.E.W. 214 ..P.E.W. 227, 237 ..116 .. 163 233 211 156 Masulipatam, and the E. I. Company Matampimar, petty chiefs Mathanadeva, Rajorgarh inscription of Matthew of St. Joseph, Fr. S.P. 1-9, 16 P.E.W. 220 Maung Saw Maung, Township Officer, Toungd. wingyi, on Burmese coins Mavalis. See Mahabalis. Mavalivaram, (Mahabalipuram), May May, Mr. (Supt. of Police, Honghong), P.E.W. 232 Max Muller 172; on Eckhart's mysticism, 180; on the Kathaka Upanisad, 201, 202, 204, 223n, 224n. McCrindle's Ancient India as Described by Ptolemy, by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri, (book-notice) McLeod, Capt. McLeod's and Richardson's Journals, on Bur. mese currency Medals, Pagoda Medea Meermin Meghadata of Kalidasa, a possible identification of the Mount Devagiri mentioned in. 23, 24 Memoirs of The Archaeological Survey of India, No. 31, The Indus Valley in The Vedio Period by Rai Bahadur Ramaprasad Chanda (book-notice) .. Meng-ra-dza (Minraza) k. of Arakan Meng-ra-dzagyi (Minrazaji) k. of Arakan Menjies, Lieut.-Comr. W. Mentaragyi (Bodop'aya). Meru, k., identification of 35 40 .. 40 P.E.W. 234 13 153 Mesopotamia, tholos of, 34; Christians of, 117, 118 metal, (other than gold and silver) stamped lumps of, as currency among the Burmese, 11-14; ancient.. Mettika, famous Burmese woman Mewar, Rawal Jaitrasinha of, kings of Midge, H.M.S. .. 38 12 37, 41 P.E.W. 225, 226 P.E.W. 213 73 114 93 68 31-34 P.E.W. 238

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254 INDEX .. 133 Migas&i, famous Buddhist woman .. . 88 | Mundari languages .. 176 Mihira [Bhoja I] .. .. .. . 232 Munnur, (St. Aroot district) two inscriptions Milachchri Kara. Soo Shamsud-din Altamsh. from .. . . .. 238, 239 Mildenhall, John, visits Akbar .. .. .. 116 Munro, Capt. .. .. .. .. .. 114 ilon, and Mylapore .. .. .. 209, 210 murder, ceremonial .. .. .. .. 176 Mimarosa Murray, the Hon. J. E... .. .. P.E.W. 219 Mindi, (Mengdi) k. of Arakan .. .. .. 40 Mussulmen, Hobson-Jobson .. .. .. 34 Mindon Min, (and the introduction of coinage Mutalali, meaning of .. .. ... 48 & n. into Burma), 13, 14; coins of, 43, 45, 90, Mutta, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 54 92, 125n., 127, 151 Muttachira, church at .. . .. .. 28n. Minraza. See Meng-radza. Muzaffar Shah II, of Gujarat, coins of, 216, 217, 219 Minrazaji. See Mengra-dzagyi. Muziris (Cranganore) .. .. .. 164n. Mintayaji. See Badop'ays. mwesein, green snake .. .. .. .. 131 minting, eastern niethods of .. .. 129-131 Mylapore, and St. Thomas, 8, 10, 103, 118, 123, mints, eastern .. .. .. 149, 150 156, 165, 209, 210 & n., 214 Miranda, Lieut. .. .. ..P.E.W. 226, 227 Myowun, (Governor) .. .. .. Mithila, 188; MSS. in .. .. .. .. 240 Myth, The Bird and Serpent .. .. .. 197 Mitra, Prof. Kalipada, The Bird and Serpent Myth .. .. " .. 197 of Mitraille .. .. .. . P.E.W. 233 Mittakalika, famous Buddhist woman .. 64 Mizuthin (Midzutheng) k. of Arakan .. .. 40 Mlechchhas, (Muhammadans), 31 ; abodes of the .. .. Modain. See Babylon. Moens, on Mar Sapor etc. Mogul administrative methods, a Dutch account . . . .. .. 114 Mohenjo-daro, disco veries at .. 35, 219, 220 Moliere, by Lakshman Sarup. (book-notice) .. 114 Molucco pirates . . .. P.E.. 205 monasteries, Vajrayans, destruction of .. 197 Mondego.. ... P.E.W.231 money-changing, as a trade .. .. .. 11 monks, early Christian .. .. 210, 211 monolithic rock-cut shrinos at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 13 Monserrate, Fr. A., S.J., on Malabar customs, 29, 30, 119, 211n. Montague, Capt. J. W. .. .. T.E.W. 209 Moors, (Arab traders) .. .. .. 158, 159 Mooslim bin Rashid, Joasmi pirate, P.E.W. 206, 207 Moraes, George M., Mangalore, A Historical Sketch .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 Moulton, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 223 Mount of India (Little Mount, near Calamina), 210 Mrityu, as the bailiff of Yama .. 206, 222, 225n. Muda Hasan, Raja of Sarawak . P.E.W. 216 Mughal Court, Sir Wm. Norris at the, 4, 5; Sir Thos. Roo at the Mughal Empire, rise of the. 200. Soo also Mogul. Mughals .. . . 69 Muhammadabad, mint town . . 216, 217 Muhammad bin Bakhtyar Khilji .. ... 199 Muhammad Ghori 198, 199 Muhammad Tugblaq, currency methods of, 17, 198, 200 Muhsinniadans (Mlochclihas), 31: and S. India, 113; and the Vajracharyas, 197; and Hindus, in Mediaval India .. .. 98--200 mulberry plant, in Darwin .. .. 127 Mulikkulam, Church at .. .. .. 27 Nabha, coinage of .. . 149151 Naciketa fires .. 205, 206, 223, 224, 226-228 Nacikotas .. .. 202n., 205-207, 221-229 Nadol, Chauhans of .. .. .. .. .. 33 Nadir Shik.. .. .. 1.50 Nagabhata I, Pratihara k. 181, 183 Nagabhata 11, of Kanauj .. 184 Nagarjuna .. 196 Naguur (in Jodhpur) .. . 32, 33 Nagavaloka. Soo Nagabhata 11. - Nagdy (in Mowar) Xaghrada. Soo Nagila. Nahum Abbaji .. .. . . . 16 Naimisuranya . . .. . 188 Vair (Nayro) and Christian 26 11., 2LI & n., 219 Nair, Manoel .. . 157, 159 Nair Envoy to Portugal (Juan da Cruz). 157-159 Vairatma .. .. .. . Xairs .. . .. 26., 27., 159. Najab Quli Kban . . . . . .. 76 Nakulamata, famous Buddhist woman .. 88 Xalanda, inonastory . . . nali (a measure) .. .. .. .. Nalkos. Soe Panaras. . namiok, (old silver coins) . .. . Nanaghat inscription .. .. .. .. 174 Nanda, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 89 Nanda the Fair. Soo Abhirupananda.. Nandi (Siva's Bull) at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 12 Nandi-varman, Pallava k. and the Seven Pagodlus .. .. .. .. .. S.P. 11, 16 Narada .. .. . . . .. .. 20 Nara-drayasa, mouning of .. .. .. 180 Narasimha, Saluva, inscription of the reign of.. 237 Narasimha IV, Eastern Ganga k. .. .. 235

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INDEX 256 .. 118 _ .. .. 156 Narasimhavarman I, and Mahabalipuram, S.P. 9 Narasimha varman II, and the Seven Pagodas, S.P. 10 Napiru'd-din, Sultan, (son of Altamsh) Nagiru'd-din Qabacha (of Sindh) .. 32 Nasrdni, note on .. .. .. 117 Naushirwan (Khusra, Choeroes I) 199 navadudni, noto on .. 99 Navigateur .. .. .. P.E.W. 207 Nawab of Aroot, Manuchy's mission to, 69, 72 Nayar. See Nair. Nazarenos .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 117 Nodducoon. See Netun Kunnam. negation (and existence).. Nemesis .. .. .. P.E.W. 221, 223, 236 Nopal, Vajrayana Buddhism in .. 196 Nestorian schism, date of .. Nootorians .. .. .47, 164n. Notunkunnam, in Central Travancore .. .. 165 Neufeld, Ch., on the Mahal's coinage .. 16, 152 Neva .. .. .. P.E.W. 232 Nowberry, John, in India 116 ngon, coin . . 126 ngodkiegall (anakong) .. 12n. ngrosjon (anabom) .. ngwemd (sonbo) .. .. Niosa, Council of .. .. 118 Nichnis, mt. .. .. Nicholson, Dr. E., on Burmese coinage. . . 45 Nico bar Lslands .. .. P.E.W. 221 Nicolao Manuchy's Will and Testament, 69-73 . .. P.E.W. 232 Nimrod, H. M. 8... .. Nirbhayanarendra, identification of .. .. 230 Niruddha Bhatta .. 8.M.S.R. 35 nirudna .. .. .. .. 196, 197, 223n. Nirvindhya, riv... .. .. .. 23, 24 Nisi bis. See Saibin. Nizam Shah Bahmani .. .. Nisam Shahi dynasty of Ahmednagar, coins of, 216 Norris, Sir William, Bt., sources for an account of his om basey to Aurangzeb .. .. .. 46 North Star .. .. .. .. PE.W. 232 Notes on currency and coinago among the Bur. mese, 11--18,37-45, 90-96, 125-131, 149-153 Notes on Piracy in Eastern Waters, P.E.W. 205--248 Notes on the Seven Pagodas . S.P. 1-16 Nuevo Lepanto . .. .. P.E.W. 233 Nuniz, on Devu Raya II .. .. 77, 78, 80, 83 Nwahin, the . .. .. .. .. 131 Odoric, Friar, and the St. Thomas legend . 9 olcuyu . . . . . . . . . 12n. Olakkann asara Temple, at Mahabalipuram, S. P. 12 Oldenberg, Prof., on the meaning of Yakaha, 57, 145; on the Upanitada, 168, 170, 171, 203; on the Kathaka Upanigad .. .. 207, 221n., 224 Oldham, C. E. A.W.Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, 35 Indian Historical Records Commission ... 75 Epigraphia Indica, vol. XIX, Pt. 1, Jan. 1927, 96 A Guide to The Qub, Delhi .. .. .. 115 The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615 -1619 .. .. .. .. 115, 116 The Stone Age in India .. .. 132 Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, vol. XXV .. .. .. .. 134 India's Past . . Antiquities of Indian Tibet, Part II .. .. 155 Journal of Francia Buchanan in Shahabad in 1812-1813 .. .. Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1924-26 .. . . 219, 220 Annual Bibliography of Indian Archeology for the year 1926 .. .. 239, 240 Om snorod syllable) .. .. .. 227 Omar Ali, Sultan of Borneo .. P.E.W. 222 Omdurman, mint .. .. .. 152, 153 Omega P.E.W. 294 On The Adbhuta Ramayana, by Sir George Grior. son, (book-notice) . . . . . . 20 Onam, (Malabar festival) .. .. .. opium, (smugglod), P.E.W. 210, 234, 235: (trade in) .. P.E.W. 213--217, 226, 227, 229 Orolt .. .. .. P.E.W. 233, 234 Original Home of the Indo-Europeans, by Jarl Charpentier, (book-notice) .. .. .. 135 Orissa, the Empire of .. .. .. 235-230 omaments, (jewels) (wearing of, in Malabar), 161n., 212 Ornoy (and Antioch), 160, 165; (Oruoy) . 211 Osborn, renegade Englishman .. P.E.W. 314 sprey .. . P.E.W. 234 Oyster shell money (silver), among the Burmese, 12, 13 .. 23 Niger, H. M.S. P.E.W. 231 .. 17 Padmasambhava and Indrabhati ...196 Padmasitha of Mewar.. .. .. .. 31 Padonmadevi, (Princess) .. .. .. 131 Pagan Min, currouvy methods of .. Page, J. A., A Guide to The Qub, Delhi .. 115 Pnyoda medals .. .. . . 37, 41 Pagode, the Seven, Noton on .. .. S.P. I, 16 Paililof .. .. Paislaika dialoota.. 01 . ... .. .. S.M.B.R. 34 .. O'Culinglian, Capt. Oohtarlony, Sir David Odentipurl, monastery .. P.E.W. 228 . .. .. .. .. .. 197 ! .: 176 ..

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256 INDEX .. . P.E.W. 235 .. 200 .. . 35 of .. Pallavas, the .. S.P. 16 Piracy in Eastern Waters, notes on, P.E.W. Palliser, Lieut. .. .. P.E.W. 228 205--238; Bibliography, P.E.W. 239-248 Panamallai temple of Rajasiruha .. S.P. 14 PiratesPanaras, songs of the .. 21 Andamanese .. ... .. P.E.W. 220 Panchakula (Pancholi)... 181 n. Arabian .. .. ..P.E.W. 206, 210, 223 Pangeran Usop, pirate .. P.E.W. 221, 222n. Chinese .. .. 207, 211, 216, 224-235 Panghulu Hamba, pirate P.E.W. 206 .. .. .. P.E.W. 210 Panglima Bapa Palakka .. P.E.W. 221 Formosan Panglima Datoo .. .. .. P.E.W. 209 Malay .. P.E.W. 205-219, 221-223, Panipat, battle .. .. 236--2:38 Panis, the .. . Nico barose .. .. .. P.E.W. 220 Panjab Native Chiefs, (Modern) coins of .. 151 Pischel, Prof. ..S.M.S.R. 31, 32, 34, 38, 39 Paramesvara varman I, suggested identification Pitman, Capt. J. C. .. . PE.W. 225 . . . . 8.P. 13 Pitt, Thomas .. .. .. . . 69 Parantaka, Chola k. .. .. .. S.P. 16 placenta, the, superstitions regarding .. 108 Parasurama, at Mahabalipuram . S.P. 11 Plover, H. M. S. .. .. P.E.W. 232 Paravas, St. Francis Xavier's mission to the, Pluto P.E.W. 221, 237 157-159 poets, of the reign of Deva Raya II .. 83, 84 Parges. See Prodh, Mar. Poley, on the Kathaka Upanigad .. 201, 225n. Paricarayasva, meaning of 225n. Pompei, minting in. .. .. .. .. 152 parompak, (piracy) . .. P.E.W. 223 Pondicherry, Manucci's connection with, 70, 71, 73 Parsees, (Ignicoles) .. . . 73 . p'onji, (monk's money) .. .. .. .. 91 Paru, (and Parur) .. .. 119, 121 Pontia, the, in Hongkong . P.E.W. 216 Parur, Christians of .. .. 19, 209, 211n Poort, Capt. J. .. .. .. P.E.W. 227 Parvati, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 10, 12, 4 porcelain, Siamese, a token currency, 95, 96, Parvati (river) .. i. 128; from Worcester . .. .. 96 Pesepadi, and Vasabha-Khattiye .. .. 86 Port Blair, E. I. Company's settlement at, P.E.W. Passio, of St. Thomas .. .. .. 9, 118 220 Pasupatastram, (weapon of siva) at Mahabali. Portugal, a Nair envoy to .. .. 157-159 puram . .. .. .. .. S.P. 12 Portuguese and the Christians of St. Thomas, Patacara, famous Buddhist woman ..52, 64, 67 8-10, 46n., 104n., 117, 118, 122; and the Patalene 137 Paravas, 158; in Mughal India, 115, 116; Pitaliputre.. . (Parinki), 156 ; As pirates, P.E.W. 217, 229 Patatijali .. .. .. 74 -231, 233 Patiala coinage of .. .. 149-152 Potomac .. P.E.W. 209 Paul Johann P.E.W. 227 Pottinger, Sir H... .. P.E.W. 217 Paul Jones P.E.W. 223 Powhattan .. .. P.E.W. 228 Paulinus, Fr., on Malabar Church Prabhu- Meru-Deva, the Bana .. .. .. 153 Paulos, Bishop .. .. .. 213 Pracy .. . . S.M.S.R. 27 P.E.W. 205 Paulowna .. . pradakpina, circumambulation .. .. .. 19 peacock money .. .. 127 Prakriti Pearl Coast of Tinnevelly and St. Francis Prasad, Ishwari, History of Mediaval India, 198 Xavier . .. .. .. .. 157-159 Pratabgach inscription .. .. 230--232, 234 Peddamma, q. .. . . . . . 138 Prathpadova Raya (Deva Raya II, 77-82) .. 235 Pegolotti, on mint profits in Tana .. Pratapadeva Raya, (Vijaya) b. of Dova Raya Peikthadomya, (in Upper Burma) coin finds in. 38 .. 77, 82 Periplus .. 137 prathamaja, (as first existing) .. . .. 61 Persian Gulf . . .. .. .. 119 pratihdra, (door-keeper).. .. .. 181 & n. Petsians, (Parsees) virtues of the .. .. 73 Pratih Arme, imperial, of Kanauj, who were Perusichetti (Manichchetti) .. .. ..26n. they ? .. .. .. . 181-184 pefenilla, meaning of .. .. 175 PratihAras, the later, a note on the chronology Poter, Bishop, 120 ; (Patriarch of Antioch) .. 214 of .. 230-234 Phayre, Sir A., on coinage of Burma, 14, 37- Pratihdras of Mandor .. .. .. .. 183 41, 44, 151 Pravahana Jaivali.. .. .. .. 185, 186 Pheroz, Mar, (Prodh Mar) pregnancy .. .. .. .. .. .. 20 Philip of Macedon, stater of . .. preta, (ghost) worship of .. .. Philostratos of Semnos .. .. .. .. 189 Prevostiore, M. de la and Manuchy .. Phlegethon .. .. .. . P.E.W. 219 Prevoyante .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 214 Phoenix .. .. .. P.E.W. 215, 218, 221 Prinsep, James, on Shan shell-money. 92; Pidariyamman ratha, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 14 on coins . . . . . . . 120, 101 pig, the, in the GaydApr festival . 137, 138 Prithiraj (Prithvi-raja) .. .. .. 115, 199 PI-lo-mo-lo, (Bhinmal) .. . .. 182 Prithvipaladeva, Pratihara k., Rajgarh in.. Pilot .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 220, 2280 soription of .. .. .. .. .. 184 .. 48n. . . 72

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INDEX 257 . . . 167 . . . . . . 189 .. 140 Prithviraja, Chauhan k. of Ajmer, 31 & 1., 32; (Prithiraj) 115: (Rai Pithaura) .. .. 199 Prithviraja III of Ajmer .. .. .. .. .. .. 32 Privateer .. . P.E.W. 224 privileges, granted to Christians, in Malabar, 161-164, 211, 212 priya .. .. .. 145, 146 Prodh, Mar (and Sapor, Mar), 46-48; 164 & n., 210n., 213, 214n. Protasius, St., Church of .. 48n. Pseudo-Kallisthenes Ptolemy .. .. . .. 137 pu and puja .. 140 pucu, pusu, and puja .. pujd, meaning and etymology of .. .. 140 Pulikesin II .. . .. 200 Punna, (Punnik) famous Buddhist woman, 53, 54, 87 Puns (in Kathdsarit-sagara) .. .. 190, 192 pur, pura, (meaning city' town') .. .. 35 Puranas .. .. 166, 177, 178, 187, 188 Puri, Puri, MSS. in .. .. 240 Pururavas, and Urvasi .. .. .. .. 190 purusa, meaning of .. .. 75 Purusa (Brahman) .. .. 229n. Purusa-medha, ceremony.. .. .. 172 pweza, (brokers) .. .. Pylades, H.M.S. . . P.E.W. 216 Pyrard de Laval, on iron coinage .. .. 45 .. 233 Radhanpur inscription of Govindaraja III, 181, 189 Raghavendra, on the Kathaka Upanisad, 206, 225n., 226n. Raghunatha Bhatta, and the Govindalilamyla, 208, 209 Raghunatha Dasa, and the lovindalaumrta. 208, 209 Rahmah bin Jaubir, Utto boe pirate. T.E.W. 206 Raikva Sayugva .. .. .. _ Railway . . .. .. .. . P.E.W.. 234 ann, rites connected with . .. .. 109 Raja Brooke. See Brooke, Sir James. RAjasimha. Soe Narasimhavarman U.. Rajasirinha, Chera k. .. Rajasimha temple, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 14 Rajasirohapallavesvara and the Seven Pago das .. .. .. S.P. 14 Rajasimha Peruman Atikal, inscription at Talekkid .. .. .. .. .. 24-31 .. .. 145 Raja Varma, and Thomas Cana .. .. 121 Rajendravarman .. .. .. .. .. 135 Rajgarh inscription of Prithvipaladeva.. 184 Rajor-garh inscription of Mathanadeva 233 Rajputs .. .. . . 198, 199 rdjya, meaning of .. .. .. . .. .. 174 Rajyapala, Pratihara k... . Raleigh .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 214 Rama .. .. .. .. 181 Rama Legend, a new version of the . . 153 Ramanancor, (Fishery Coast) .. .. .. 212 Rama-Sarman, (Tarkavagisa) The Sauraseni and Magadhi Stabakas of .. S.M.S.R. 21-56. Ramdyana .. .. .. .. .. .. 112 Ranajaya, Rajasimha, (Atyantakama Pallava).. .. .. .. .. S.P. 10 Rantideva, k. of Dasapura .. .. 23 Rashid bin Hamid, Shaikh of Ejman, P.E.W. 210 rdetra, meaning of .. .. 174 Rastrakutas, the .. .. .. .. 174-176 Rathas, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 10, 11 rattas .. .. 174, 175 rattika .. .. .. .. .. 174, 175 Rattler, H.M.S. .. ..P.E.W. 227, 228 Rautaraya, (and other forms) Oriya title .. 238 Ravivarman Kulasekara .. .. .. .. 113 Rawal Jaitrasimha of Mewar .. .. 31-34 Road, Capt. .. P.E.W. 215 Read, Capt. Alex. .. .. 114 Red Aag. See Flags. Red Rover .. .. .. ..P.E.W. 210,237 Red Sea .. .. . . . . . . . . . 119 Reddi dynasty, of Orissa .. .. 235, 236 Reddis of Rajamandri .. .. Reinhardt, Louis Balthazar, step-son of Begam Samru .. .. Reinhardt, Wm., husband of Begam Samru .. 76 religion and magio .. .. .. 107 Religion, the Christian, and Vedanta .. .. 179 Revati, famous Buddhist woman oman .. .. 89 Rhys Davids, Prof. .. .. .. .. 147 rice, as currenoy in Burma .. 13 & n., 15& n. Richard, (reference to Mar Sapor, etc.) . 47 Qalonya (Caliana, of Cosmas ?) .. .. 120 Qison, merchant .. .. .. .. Queen .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 229 Quilon, in Travancore, Christiane of, 46: Churches .. .. 47, 48, 117 Quilon copper-plates, 26n., 164 & n., 211n., (Qui. lon Taris) . . . Quin, Capt. M.. . P.E.W. 214 Quinay, Thomas .. qula, qulaman. See Mamluk-Qulaman. Qutb, Delhi, a grike to .. .. .. .. 115 Qutbu-'d-din .. .. .. .. Qutiugh Nhan, .. .. .. .. 33, 4 124n. .. 119 .. 116 Rabban, Joseph .. Radha Venka, Reddi k... Radha . .. .. .. .. . 26n. .. 235 .. 208

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258 INDEX " .. .. 178 .. .. 12n. Sandaruk Ripenda .. .. 195Sakariki .. .. 8.M.8.R. 35 Rinaldo, H.M.S. .. .. .. P.E.W. 237 Sakarran, pirates of .. .. P.E.W. 236 Ringdove, H.M.S. .. .P.E.W. 222, 223 Sakti, worship of .. .. .. .. 196 Risloy, on the Ahirs Saktibhadra, date of .. .. 112 Rnam-rgyal dynasty of Tibet .. .. .. 155 Sakula, (Pakula) famous Buddhist woman .. 64 Roberts, Mr. P. E., on Sir Wm. Norris .. 4 Sakym, the .. 49, 50 Robert Spankie .. .. .. P.E.W. 218 Salamis, H.M.S. .. .. .. P.E.W. 234 Robinson, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 236 Salem, settlement Robinson, Capt. G. .. . P.E.W. 237 Saluva usurpation of Orissa . .. .. 235 Roe, Sir Thomas, embassy of, to India, Saluvankuppam, at MahAbalipuram, S.P. 10.14 1615-1619 .. .. .. 4, 115, 116 Saluva Narasimha, inscription of ... .. 237 Rohini, famous Buddhist woman .. 60, 87 SA!Va Narasitha .. .. .. .. 81 Romain, Capt. J. S. .. .. P.E.W. 207 Sama, famous Buddhist woman .. . 86 Rooney, Capt. .. .. ..P.E.W. 227, 228 Samaddar, J. N., The Glories of Magadha .. 73 roota, verbal, changes of .. .. S.M.S.R. 21-26 Samantaparyayi, meaning a universal ruler in Rosa, H.M.S. .. P.E.W. 214 the Aitareya-brdhmana .. .. .. 178 Roth, Fr., S.J., on the St. Thomas legend, 10 : Samarang, H.M.8. .. ..P.E.W. 218, 219 on yakaa, 57, 61, 141 ; on the Kathaka Upa. SAmavati, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 89 niead .. .. .. . 323n., 225n. Samghamitta Mahatheri .. Rover .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 235 Sankara, on the Kathaka Upanigad, 202, 204, Royalist .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 236 222n.-2290. Royata, (pirates) .. .. Sankararya Roz, Abp., on Mar Sapor, etc., 47; on Thomas Samkwei. See Caldwell. Cena .. .. 119, 121, 124, 209, 211, 213 Sampardya, meaning mokna .. .. 226n. Rois of Naimigaranya .. .. . . . . 188 Sampson, H.M.S. .. .. P.E.W. 229 Ruby .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 233 Samrdf. (paramount sovereignuse of the term Rudra, (faana) .. .. .. .. .. 80 in the Matsya-purana rumour, spread of, in ancient India .. .. 193 samudra, moaning of .. .. .. .. 35 Rapachintamani .. .. .. An ... .. Rupananda, famous Buddhist woman .. ... 89 ... ... . Rusool, Rovd. M., O.M.S... . P.E.W. 228n. .. . 211 & n. .. .. .. sandhyabhded, meaning of .. .. .. 196 sankanauk.. .. 12 n. Sarkara, 98, 102; date of, 112, 148; Vedantism of .. .. .. " 167, 212&n. . .. .. 133 Sannyasi robellion in Bengal .. .. .. 55 San Thome, and Manucci .. 71, 72 santi, (nirodna, also brahma) .. .. 207, 223n. Sapadalalege (Siw alikh) country Sapor, Mar (and Mar Prodh), 46-48, 164, 210n.. 213, 214n. See also Mar Sapor. Sara P.E.W. 207 .. BAbari .. . .. 8.M.S.R. .. 35, 37, 38 " Sarada .. .. .. 36 Sabir 180 .. .. 46n., 48, 164n., 210n. 213 Sarah and Elisabeth .. P.E.W. 217! Sabot .. .. .. 210n. Sarasvati .. .. .. Sabor (Sapor) Mar, 164n , 210 & n., 213, 214&R. Sara Theodore .. P.E.W. 206 Sabore Ambrost, Mar . .. .. 164n., 213 Sarawak and Raja Brooke P.E.W. 216 Sabrigo, (Sabir 160) . 164n. Sardhana Principality GP - Sabri Yesu, (Savarls) .. 210 &n. Sarebas, pirates of P.E.W. 236 Sebuktagin and India .. Sariputta, famous Buddhist woman .. 63, 66 addhana, (meaning of) .. .. 38 Sarup, Lakshman, Moliere .. .. .. 114 Sadras, near the Seven Pagodas .. S.P. 8 sarvatathagatajnana, meaning of .. .. 197 Bahadeva ratha, at Mahabalipuram Sastri, HiranandaSaibin, (Nisi bis 1) seat of a College .. Saileshas .. Barah Copper plate of Bhojadeva. Epigraphia St. Thomas, Christians of. See Christiana Indica, vol. XIX, Pt. I. .. .. .. 96 St. Thomas. A Descriptive Catalogue of Manweripue in sainte, Indian, powers attributed to .. Mithila .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 Saiva Saktism .. .. . 20 Sastri, Prof. 8. MajumdarSai vism, Tantrie, of Kashmir .. .. MeOrindle's Ancient India, as Described by salt, metal charms Plolemy .. .. .. .. .. 13 Salalya .. Introduction and Notes to Cunningham's Anciens Sakara .. .. .. 8.M..R. 35, 36 Geography of India .. .. .. 163 .. " Sarikhya .. .. 36 .. 199

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INDEX 259 .. 118 Sastri, Prof. S. Majumdar-cond. Identification of Meru uprooted by The Ras. trakuta King Indra III .. .. .. 153 The Hilad Statue Inscription of 35th Year of Devapala .. .. .. .. .. 153 A New Version of The Rama Legend ..153 Sauraseni and M&gadhi Stabakas of Rama Sarman (Tarkavagisa) .. .. S.M.S.R. 21-56 Savaris, merchant .. .. 46-48, 210, 213 Savitri . . .. .. .. .. 207 Sawyer, Capt. .. .. ... P.E.W. 210 Sayana .. .. 62, 97, 98, 100n., 101, 143, 166 Schayer, Dr: Stanislaus, on Upanipad .. .. 203 Scherravi and Sabir 15o .. .. .. .. 46n. Scott, Capt. . . P.E.W. 211, 219 Soott, Sir George, on Burmese coinage, 44, 90, 91, 96 Scout, H. M. S. . . . P.E.W. 225 Sdok Kak Thom, inscription of .. .. 134, 135 Sea flower .. P.E.W. 205 Sea Serpent.. .. .. P.E.W. 229 Sebastian, St. .. .. 28 Secretary bird and the serpent .. 198 sel, Manipuri coin .. .. 129 Sela, famous Buddhist woman .. 49 Seleucia (Babylon) Seleucia.Ctesiphon Sen-Tamis, (correct Tamil) .. 176 Serpent and Bird. See Bird and Serpent. Sesha at Mahabalipuram S.P. 11 Seven Pagodas, Notes on l'he .. S.P. 1-16 Sewa, (Siwa) .. .. .. .. 182 Seymour, Capt. G. H. .. P.E.W. 219 Shah Alam, coins of .. 150 Shah Alam I, and Manucci .. 71, 72 Shah Alam II . . .. .. 76 ShAhdost . . . . . . Shah-i-Hind, coin of .. .. 216, 219 Shah Jahan .. Shaikh Abdulla of Bahrein - .. P.E.W. 206 Shamsu'd-din Altamsh, and Mewap, 31, 32, 199 Shan Country, metal found in .. .. .. 129 Shan shed-money .. .. .. .. 91-93 Shara Kone Perumal. See Chonaman Perumal. Sharp, Capt. .. . .. P.E.W. 216 Shastri, Dr. R. ShamaAnnual Report of the Mysore Archaeological De partment, 1924 .. .. .. .. 56 Sheriff Osman .. P.E.W. 221 Shore Temple, at Mahabalipuram S.P. 10, 14 Shuja'u'd-danla .. .. Shweb3, (Alompra) .. Suwobo Min, (Thardwadi) shroe-kyatal, gold piece .. shwe-mdusi, gold coin .. .. 44 shtoe-mizi, gold coin .. .. 44 shool-ngamuzt, gold coin .. 43, 90 shtoe-pezi, gold coin . Siam, currency in, 17, 18; and piracy, P.E.W. 215 Sibani, ex-pirate .. .. .. P.E.W. 221 Sieg, Prof., on the Kathaiba Upanigad, 202, 222n. Sikandar Ali Kham * * * * ly Sikandar Lodi .. .. . .. .. 200 Sikhs, as police, in Hong-Kong .. P.E.W. 217 silk industry in India, beginning of the .. 113 silver, as currency, among the Burmese, 11, 12 in Japan.. .. Simhardja, Chauhan .. .. .. 184 Simhavisnu and the Seven Pagodas, S.P. 9, 11 Sind .. .. .. .. .. .. 32 Sindhia Mahadaji .. .. Sindhu, riv. .. .. .. .. 93, 24 Sipra, riv. Sir Edward Ryan .. .. .. P.E.W. 210 Sir Jameetjee Jeejeebhoy .. .. P.E.W. 932 Sir John of The Cross. See Cruz, Juan da. Sirkap, oxcavation at .. .. .. .. 219 Sisupacala, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 53 Sita .. .. .. .. .. .. 20, 153 Siva, the destroyer, 179; at Mahabalipurana, S.P. 6; (Somaskanda).. S.P. 10, 12, 13, 14 Siyadoni inscription .. ... .. 230--234 skulls, as booty .. .. .. P.E.W. 208 Slancy, H. M. S. .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 232 Slave Kings of Delhi . .. 176, 198-200 slaves .. . P.E.W. 221, 222 smelting .. .. .. .. .. 127-129 Smith, Capt. Aaron, (Pirat Smith), P.E.W. 214 Smith, Mr. John .. P.E.W. 227 Spec P.E.W. 225 Sphine, H. M. S. .. .. .. P.E.W.227 Soma, famous Buddhist woman .. . 68 Somadova, (author of the Kathdaaritadgara) . 190 Somalis, pirates .. .. .. P.E.W. 206 Somaskanda, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 10. 14 Sombre, Bamru). See Reinhardt, Wm. Sona, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 65 Sonadippa, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 54 songs. See Folk-songs. sonkd, (coin) . . * sonkroak, (Kwet). .. . 12n. Sooloos, pirates .. .. P.E.W. 207 sorcery . .. .. . .. 107 Soudan, currency in the .. .. 16, 17, 152, 153 Souero, Portuguese pirate P.E.W. 231 Southampton, H. M. S. . . P.E.W. 209 Sraddhd, meaning of .. .. .. 221n. Sravana Belgola inscription .. .. 85 Sreethin, ? Sith . . S.M.S.R. 29 Sri-cakra, the .. .. .. .. 100, 101 Arigiri, (Bhopala) br. of Deva Raya II .. drik .. .. .. .. Sri Kurmam Temple, inscription, of Narnitinha IV .. .. . .. Srimal, (Bhinmal) .. . . . . . 183 Srinagar, mint .. .. .. .. .. 151 Srinatha, poet .. . 83, 84 Srinivasachari, C. S., Tamil Lerioon .. 133, 134 Srf Sailam plates .. .. .. .. .. 82 Srivijaya .. . . .. .. 135 oribd, noto on .. .. 223n., 224n., 226n. Sror-bean-agam-po, k... .. .. .. 156 Stanley, Capt. E... .. ..P.E.W. 213, 215 .. 69 .. 75 - 235 44 Sifur, priest stha, famous Buddhist woman .. . .. 210 .. 49

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26C, INDEX .. 132 104 Ston Konow, Dr., Zeda Inscription of the year 11. Epigraphia Indica, vol. XIX, Pt. I. .. 96 Stonhen, son of Qison .. .. .. .120 Stevens. Fr. Thos., first known Englishman in India .. .. . . .. 116 Sthala ayana Perumal Temple at Mahabalipu. TA ) .. .. .. S.P. 14 stil-born, the, disposal of . . . . 108 Stoll, Lieut. J. W. .. P.E.W. 218, 221 Stone Age in India, by P. T. Srinivasa Ayyan.. gar (book-notice) . Stress-Accent in Indo-Aryan, by Banarsi Das Jain (book-notice) Subha, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 50 Subrahmanya, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 10, 12, 14 gadras, (the Ahirs) . .. .. 137, 138 Sugrur, Sultan bin .. .. P.E.W. 206 Suin .. .. P.E.W. 235 sukha, (and dulkha) meaning 'rest' and 'an. rest .. .. 207 Sukka, famous Buddhist woman dhist woman . .. 49 Sultaness (Hobson-Jobson) 34 Sulu pirates, P.E.W. 205, 214, 216, 217, 223, 237 Sumangalamata, famous Buddhist woman . 53 Surmoda, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 51 Sundari, famous Buddhist woman Bandari Nanda, famous Buddhist woman .. 49 Sanya, 36, 37; (becomes the goddess NairatmA). .. 211 44,91 Ubhi, tamo-noticndo. Are .. .. 149 nerican pirate . 196, 197 talismans, Burmese . . . 126, 127 tamat, (coin) .. 37 Tamil inscription at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 11 Tamil Lexicon, (book-notice) .. 133, 134 Tantras, introduced into Buddhism .. 196 Tapas, as the first-born .. .. .. .. 62 tard, Civil Law .. Tarain, battlefield .. .. 115, 199 Tariga. See Quilon (Tarisa). Tarisas, (Christians) . Tarisaykkal, (Darcoygul) . Tarkavagida. See Rama-Sarman. taungbanni, coins taxes, payable hy Calabar Christians .. 26, 27 Taxila, excavations at .. .. .. 18, 219 Taylor, Capt. D... P.E.W. 225 Taylor, Gen. R. G., on Cis-Sutlej mints, 131 ; on eastern coinage. .. Teach, American pirate ... . P.E.W. 231 Telingana, in the Burhun-i-ma'asir .. 236, 237 Temple, Sir Richard : On The Adbhuta Ramagacs .. 20, 21 The Indian Buddhist Iconography .. 35, 36 Dawn of a New India .. 55 Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department, 1924 .. . .. 56 The Glories of Magadha McOrindle's Ancient India, as Described Ptolemy .. The Bhagavad Gita .. . .. .. .. .. 75 Begam Samni .. .. The Journal of Indian History Moliere .. .. .. .. .. 114 Stress-Accent in Indo-Aryan .. .. 115 The Tibetan Book of the Dead .. .. 132 The Original Home of the Indo-Europeans, 135, 136 Introduction and Notes to Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India .. .. 153 Identification of Meru, Uprooted by the Rastrakuta King Indra IlI. .. The Hilad Statue Inscription of te 35th Year of Deva pala .. .. .. .. A New Version of the Rama Legend .. Letters on Religion and Folklore .. .. Two Articles on St. Thonas: (i) Was St. Thomas in South India ! (is) The Mar. tyrdom of St. Thomas, the Apostle .. 156 Journal of Francis Buchanan in Shahabad .. 166 Glimpses of Vajrayana 196 The Bind and Serpent Myth .. .. History of Mediaval India .. .. Mangalore, a Historical Sketch .. .. 240 temples, of yakshas, ndgas and bheitas, 59&n., 146, 147 Tenaseerim .. .. .. P.E.W. 220 Tavallakkara Church, Quilon , Thirlwadi, coinage of .. .. .. .. 14 Thibo, (Thibaw), coinago of, 14, 17, 43, 45, 90 Thibaw Min, coinage of .. .. .. .. 151 Thistle P.E.W. 229 tholos, The Aryan, of Malabar .. .. .. 34 Thomd Parvam .. .. 9, 10 Thomas of Jerusalem .. . .. .. 119, 120 .. .. Suppavasa, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 88 Suraseni (=Sauraseni) .. .. .. .. 176 Surat Factory .. .. .. ... .. 116 Surprise, H. M. S. P.E.W. 232 Surya-vami dynasty of Orissa .. .. 235-239 Huthie, Lieut. Comr. P.E.W. 234 Suwali .. 116 Suyata, famous Buddhist woman suarga, (meaning of) .. 97, 99 Svetaketu .. .. .. 185, 186, 202n., 205n. suces, coin .. .. .. .. .. .. 95 Syden .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 214 Sylph .. .. ..P.E.W. 213, 216 Sylvia, (AEtheria) pilgrim.. mm.. .. .. .. 210 Symes, Col., and Burmese coinage .. 13, 14, 37 Syriane, (Syrian Christians of Malabar), 7, 8, 46n., ,117-120'; privileges of, 161-164, 214 89 197 * .. 47 Taboo and Magic in Bengal, some notee on, 107-112 Tahtom, Shaikh .. P.E.W. 210 Twiping rebellion .. .. P.E.W. 235 fakt, tarkt fooin) .. .. .. .. 39 & n. Takk .. .. 8.M.8.R, 35, 39 TAlekkad, Syrian Christian family.name .. 27 Tatokkad, in Cochin, R&jasinha Peruman Ati. En inscription at .. .. 24-31

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INDEX 261 .. 150 .. .. 96 Thoraag, Bishop .. .. .. .. 120, 213 Turner, Mr., Master of the Bitem, P.E.W. 228 Thomas Cana, 103-106, 117-124, 160-165, suerga, oporter) .. tutenaga, (spelter).. .. .. . . 37 209-214: plates of .. .. .. 29, 30 Thomas, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 234 Thomas, F. (Capuchin, in Manucci's will), 72, 73 Thomas, George, Raja of Hansi .. .. 76 Thomas Ramban, Song of . .. 9, 10, 120 Thoras, Saint, in South India .. .. 7-10 Thomas, Saint and Apostle, was he in South India ? .. .. .. .. .. .. 156 Thorens, Saint and Apostle, martyrdom of .. 156 Thorss, Saint and Apostle, in South India. Ubbiri, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 66 See Malabar Miscellany, Mar Sapor and Mar Uddalaks Aruni, 168--170, 186, (Usan Vajara Prcdh, Thomas Cana. vasa) .. 202n., 205, 221 & n., 223 & n. . Thorson, Mr. (Ship owner) P.E.W. 205 Vijain . . .... .. .. 23, 24 Ulugh Khan, (Chiyasu 'd-din Balban).. Thorson, Mr. R. Scott, surgeon P.E.W. 227 33, 34 Tibet, (Indian ) antiquities of .. .. 155, 156 | Umr Khan .... ... .... .... : unscrupulousness, evidence of, in the Katha Tibchan Book of the Dead, by W. Y. Evans. saritsdgard .. .. .. .. Wentz (book-notice) .. .. 194 .. .. 132 .. Upacala, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 53 ticais, (lickals) .. .. 14-16, 92 & n. Und inscription .. .. Tilla: d, (reference to the embassy of Sir Wm. Upanigade, the home of the, 166-173, 185-189 Noris) .. .. .. .. .. .. Uppalavanna, famous Buddhist woman .. 53 Timothy T, Catholicus .. .. .. 118 Uraha (and Edessa) .. .. .. Timor . .. .. .. 200 aran-makkar, meaning of .. .. 26n. tin, &s currency in the Federated Malay States, 12 Urfa, (and Edessa) .. . 119-122, 165 Tippu Sultan 114 Urhai, (Urfa) .. .. .. .. 165 . Tir Co runfa, pagoda, Cranganore 212 & n. Uriadi, (Dolotsava) .. . .. S.P. 4,6 Urvasi and Piruravas, (the oldest love story) Tirum angai-Alvur, and Mahabalipuram, S.P. 9, 14 190, 192 Tiru vallam, in N. Aroot, Bana cap., S.L. 16 Vaan Vajaravasa, (UddAlaka Aruni), 202n., 221 & n. Tise famous Buddhist woman .. .. .. 50 Ugasti Cakrayana .. .. .. .. 185 -; (& spirit) coin .. .. .. 43, 45, 90 . .. 144-147 Uttama, famous Buddhist woman tokens, defined, 90-92; ancient, 93 ; porcelain, .. . 54 Uttard, famous Buddhist woman (Biamese) 95, 96; (Worcester) .. .. 65, 68, 84 .. 96 Utarakanda, (of Valmiki's Ramdyama).. .. 153 Tomkyns, missionary, murdered ..P.E.W. 212 Utara-rama-carita .. .. .. .. 153 tortoise, longevity of the . . . . . . 108 Uttari, famous Buddhist woman Uttari, famous Buddhist woman . .. 65 Town- Planning in Ancient India, by Binode Utthunaks. See Arthuna. Bohari Dutt, M.A., (book-notice) .. 18-20 Utto bees, pirates .. .. .. P.E.W. 206 Towrio, (Sabriso) .. .. .. .. .. 164 Trant, (author of Two Years in Ava, on Bur. In currency .. .. .. .. .. 128 Travancore and the Deocan, in an Italian play, 160 Treaty of London, 1824 P.E.W. 205 tree, privileges with regard to ... .. .. 162 Triad Society, (pirates) .. .. P.E.W. 228 Trilochanapala, Pratihara k. . .. .. 233 britanikela, note on . . . . . . 223n. Trinity, the, Christian and Vedantie . 179, 180 Vaddhesi, famous Buddhist woman Tripo, Capt. P. .. .. .. P.E.W. 209 Vaidarbhi .. tripratisthita, note on .. .. .. 97, 99 Vaibesiks .. Trivikrama, in the Varahavatara cave, S.P. 16 Vaisnava templo, at Mahabalipuram, Tuankoo Koodeen, pirate .. P.E.W. 209 Vaispavas, and the GAydanr festival .. Tughlag Mausoleum, Tughlaqabad .. .. 219 Vaigna vism.. .. Tuchlags . Vaisravana (Rudra) . . .. .. 200 Hlasi.plant Vaisvanara, 141, 146: (Agni) .. . .. .. .. Vaidyas, (the Ahirs) .. .. Tulevde, folk-songs of the .. . .. .. 21, 22 Vajira, famous Buddhist woman Tumbooboo race., (sea gypsies) .. .P.E.W. 212 Vajracharyas, destruction of the Turkey Company, (1583) .. .. 16'VoireHat va * * .. 110

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262 INDEX .. 80 .. .. 174 .. .. .. .. 29 27 42 nisl woman . . 67 Vajrayana, School of Buddhism . 196, 197, Vinayakapala I, Pratihers k., grant of, 230-234 VAIAki .. .. 185 Vinayakapala II, Pratihara k... .. 232-234 Valayankuttai ratha, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 14 Vipadcit, (meaning Atman) .. .. 227n. Valmiki, and the Adbhuta Ramdyana, 20, 153 Viraj Vamana Avatara at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 13 Vira Raghava plate inscription .. .. Vanaukasi .. .. .. 8.M.S.R. 35, 37, 38 Vira Saivism Vanavaei .. .. .. Virupaksa, of Vijayanagara, inscription of .. 235 van Iseghen, Capt. .. .. P.E.W. 215 Virupaksa II .. .. .. 77, 80, 81 Vaniyar, meaning of .. Visakha, famous Buddhist woman .. .. 51 Vanmutalkoyil temple, Malabar .. Vinoh paramam padam, and Brah malaba, Varadhammaraja, k. of Arakan note on .. .. .. 229n. Varaha incarnation of Vianu at Mahabali Vissou, the preserver, 179; at Mahabalipuraal, .. .. S.P. 13 4, 7, 10-13, 16 Varaha cave, at Mahabalipuram .. S.P. 11 vitamanyu, meaning of .. .. 922n. Varahamihira .. .. .. 164 ... .. .. 137 .. vitayakldr, (subject folk) Varaha swami shrine, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 11 Vittoria . . * P.E.W. 214 VarahAvatara cave, at Mahabalipuram, S.P. 16 Vixen .. .. P.E.W. 221 Varangal, and Orissa .. .. 236, 237 Vizan, deacon Prince .. Vararuci .. .. .. .. S.M.S.R. 31 Vodeyar, (Vadava) dynasty Vasabhakhattiya and Pasenadi .. Void, (Sunya) .. Vyaghramukha, Chapa k. Vasitthi, famous Buddhist woman Vassal, Capt. S. M. . ..P.E.W. 211, 213 vyanlardh .. .. Vassal, Com., S. L. . P.E.W. 213 Vasu bandhu . .. .. .. .. 133 Vatsaraja, Pratihara k... .. .. 181-183 Vedanta and Christian parallele .. 179-180 Vedic Studies .. 57-64, 97-102, 141--148 Velichchappid, (temple oraole) .. .. .. 28 Veluvana vihara, the .. .. .. Velukantaki Nandamata, famous Buddhist woman .. .. .. .. .. Ventura, Capt. I. .. .. .. P.E.W. 220 verbal roote, changes of .. S.M.S.R. 21-26 Wallace, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 216 Vervis, the Hon. Mary Anne, wife of Dyce Wanderer, H.M. Sloop . P.E.W. 919, 229 Sombre .. .. .. .. .. .. 76 Wani inacription of Govindaraja III.. 181, 182 he nine." . S.M.S.R. 35-37 Warren, Capt. W. .. .. P.E.W. 215 Vico, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 216 Warren Hastings.. . .. .. .. 35 Victoria .. .. .. P.E.W. 211 Was St. Thomas in South India, by T. K. victory columns, in the Kathdaaritadgara .. 195 Joseph (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 156 175, 185, 186 Wasp, H.M.8. .. . .. P.E.W. 221 Videba, and the Upanigads, 168, 170, 1 "Wave-covered City of Bali" .. .. S.P. 6 186-1891 Waverley .. .. .. P.E.W. 211 Videha-Magadha and the Upanisads, 171, 172, Weber, on the Kaphaka Upanipad, 204, 221n., 185--189 224n., 225n. Videgha-Mathava .. . . .. .. 170, 172 Wellesley, Lord, 55, 56 ; and Begam Samru .. 76 Vidya 180 White, Capt., C. H., on coins of Arakan, 38; Vigrahardja, Harsanatha inscription of.. account of his collection .. .. 4143 Vigraharja II .. .. 184 Whitehouse, on Coulao .. .. 46n. Vijayal, famous Buddhist woman White Ysjus .. . . . . 167 Vijaya, (Prataps Dova Raya) b. of Deva Whitney, on the Kathaka Upaniyad,201,291n.-229n. Raya II .. .. .. .. 77, 82 Wilkins, Capt. .. .. .. P.E.W. 215 Vijayanagara, under Deva Raya II, 77-85, 200; William I .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 215n. and the Surya-Variis .. .. 235-238 willow tree, the .. 135, 136 Vijayapala, Pratihara k... 231, 233, 234 Willson, Mr. Bookcloe, on Sir Wm. Norris . Vijayapala of Kananj .. .. Wilson, Mr. .. ... P.E.W. 216 Vijaya Raya, other names of .. .. .. 77 Windhondt .. .. .. P.E.W. 208, 219 Vijana .. .. .. .. wine-drinking, mention of, in the KathdaritVikramaditya, a title .. .. . 232 edgara .. .. .. .. .. .. 195 Vikramadila, monastery .. .. 197 Wingsunn .. .. .. .. P.E.W. 232 Viliyarvarttam, non-Christian king of Malabar Wolf, H.M.S. .. . P.E.W. 213-215 Christians . . . . Worcester porcelain tokens . . 96 . . Vimal, famous Buddhist woman .. . 54 Wright, Mr. A., on Sir Wm. Norris .. . Vidarbha .. . 168, 170, 171, 173, . .. 184 . .. 35

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Wunjls, (ministers of state) Wynn, Capt. Wyon Brothers, (famous dye sinkers) Xabro (Xobro). See Sapor, Mar. Xanthippus, Xenophon, k., and Antrayas Xavier, Francis, Saint, and the Paravas, Yabyum deities Yadava dynasty of Vijayanagara Yada vananda Yadus INDEX 15, 18 P.E.W. 229 127 Yamapuri, (Mahia Mandapa) Yasapala, Pratihara k. (of Kanauj) 211 157, 158 197. 235, 236 2 187 Yajnavalkya .. 167-170, 185, 186, 188, 203n. yaksa, (suggested meanings of) 57-64, 101, 141-148 Yama, in the Kathaka Upanisad, 202n., 206, 207, 222n-227n. 8.P. 11 184, 234 Yasodharagiri, (modern Bayon) Yasodharapura, (Ankor Thom).. Yaso varman Yaeo varman, Chandela k., Khajuraho inscription of Yavanas Yazdajird, Sasanian k. yewun, (custom-house officer) Yogdchara system 230-234 .. 178 .. 199 15 197 209, 210 P.E.W. 219 145, 146, 189 Yudhisthira-ratha, at Mahabalipuram. S.P. 10 Yule, Sir H., on Burmese Currency, 11, 13, 18, 92, 128 .. 120 12n., 15, 16 Yonan, Abbot Young Queen Yudhisthira Yustedius, (Eustathius) ywetmi, (eonathal) 263 134 134 134, 135 Zeda inscription Zephyr zine, as currency among the Burmese .. Zadoe, Abbot Zafaryab Khan, (Reinhardt, Louis Balthazar).. Zaleski, on Thomas Cana .. 210 76 118, 119 96 P.E.W. 211 11, 18

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