Gommateshvara Commemoration Volume

Author(s): T G Kalghatgi
Publisher: Parshwanath Shodhpith Varanasi
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/012066/1

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Bhagavan Bahubali Pratishthapana Sahasrabdi Mahotsava Shravanabelagola,
Gonnateshvara Conmemoration Volume
(A.D. 981 - 1981)
OBS
SALE
Editor: Dr. T.G. Kalghatgi Jain Eduaterblished By: S.D.J.M.I. Mayata gterngalofmittee Shravanaberaja olingary.org

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GOMMATESVARA COMMEMORATION VOLUME
With Blessingi
EDITOR T. G. KALGHATGI, M. A., Ph.D. Rtd. Professor of Jainology and Prakrits University of Mysore
ASSOCIATE EDITOR B. K. KHADABADI, M. A., Ph.D. Reader in Prakrits, Karnatak Arts College, Dharwad
SHRAVANABELAGOLA
1981

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Published by:
Shravanabelagola Digambara Jaina Muzrai Institutions Managing Committee Shravanabelagola (Karnataka-INDIA
Printed by:
Manohar Printing Press, Dharwad - 1 (Karnataka-INDIA)
Publisher
First Edition: 1981
Copies: 2100
Price: Rs. 30/
$ 5
£2

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ASĪRVACANA
It is gratifying to note that the Mahāmastakābhişeka Celebration Committee is publishing the Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume on the occasion of the Mahamastakabhişeka of Bhagavān Bahubali of Sravaqabe!goļa in February 1981. Eminent scholars of Jainism and Indology have contributed learned articles for the volume.
Jainism is a Sramaņic religion which prevailed in India, as Dr. Radhakrishnan says, much before Pārsvanātha and Vardhamāna, the last two Tirthankaras. Jainism has contributed to world culture in its emphasis on ahinsa, anekānta and aparigraha. Ahimsā is the universal religion which has contributed to the enhancement of the unifying force of mankind.
world will dhamāna. India, as D.
Bhagavān Bahubali was the embodiment of ahimsa (non-hurting), tyāga (self-denial) and tapas (penance). Bābubali was called Gommata, the beautiful. He lived the life of royal splendour with dignity and self-respect. He renounced everything worldly and practised penance. In Bahubali we find the crystallisation of the qualities of self-sacrifice and human dignity directed towards the realisation of the perfect in man. His enobling influence on mankind needs to be emphasised in modern society which is beset with anti-values.
We are glad that the efforts in this direction have been made in presenting the many-faceted personality of Bahubali in the articles of the learned scholars in this volume.
We wish that in the years to come the humanisation of the brute and the divinisation of man will be possible by such efforts.
Elācārya Munibri Vidyānandaji
Sravanabe!go!a
1-1-1981

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BENEDICTION
Sravanabelgoļa is not only a religious centre of the Jainas but also a nucleus of social and cultural tradition of India.
The statue of Bahubali was installed in this place in 981 A. D. by Cāmundarāya, the minister of Rācamalla II of the Ganga dynasty. Sravanabelgola has a much longer history. It was in the 3rd century B. C. that Bhadrabāhu Svāmi came to the South with his disciples along with Candragupta Maurya and sanctified this place. They settled down here, and there is evidence to show that Candragupta Maurya took Sallekhana (fasting unto death) as the culmination of the spiritual path to perfection
Sravanabe!goļa has contributed immensely to the culture of Karnataka in Tespect of literature and architecture too. Cāmungarāya gave patronage to great poets like Ranna. He has himself contributed to Kannada literature through his books like Cavundarāya-purā ņa. He was a pious house-holder (srävaka) and a devotee of Nemicandra Siddhānta Cakravarti and Ajitasenācārya.
It is fitting that eminent scholars of Jaina Studies and Indology are contributing learned papers to the Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume to be published on the occasion of the Mahāmastakābbişeka of Bhagavān Bahubali to be held in February 1981, a thousandth year celebration of the installation of the statue of Gommateśvara.
We hope that Sri Gommateśvara will inspire us towards the path of social and spiritual progress for the good of mankind. We also hope that the Commemoration Volume will immensely contribute to the understanding of the nobler values of life.
We appreciate the efforts of Dr. T. G. Kalghatgi and Dr. B. K. Khadabadi rin bringing out this valuable work on the occasion of the Mahāmastakabhigeka of Bhagavān Bahubali.
Jai Gommafesa !
Sri Bhatjāraka Charukeerty Swamiji
Digambara Jaina Matha,
Sravanabelgola
1-1-1981

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EDITOR'S NOTE
Atituigākştiyāgodāgadadadaro! soundaryamounnatyamum Nuta soundaryamumāge mattatisayam tānagadounatyamun Nuta soundaryamumūrjitāliśayamum tannalli nindirduvēm Kșitisampūjyamo Gommațeśvarajina trirūpamātmöpaman.
The 12th century Kannada poet Boppaņa has given a beautiful description of the colossal statue of Gommateśvara at Sravanabelgoļa. The poem has been inscribed on the stone pillar at Sravanabelgola. The Gommata statue at Sravagabe!goļa is unique and unparalleled as it crystallises the synthesis of the imposing height with grandeur and serenity. The childlike innocence on the face and the serene dignity of posture lead us to the heights of meditative spiritual excellence.
The story of Bāhubali is an enobling story. It leads us to the kindly light of spiritual glory. Hunger and thirst after righteousness is filled. Bahubali is Gommateśvara, the Lord of the beautiful. Bahubali symbolises the noblest and the best in man. His personality expresses the harmonious blending of the secular and the spiritual. He was the King ruling at Paudanapur. He lived the life of royal splendour with dignity and self-respect. When his elder brother, Bharata, having acquired the Cakraratna, sent his emissary to Bāhubali asking him to accept his authority, he said to the emissary, 'If your Cakravartin was to send for me as a brother, I would have gladly gone to meet him. But your Cakravartin is an ambitious man, and ambition knows no bounds. I would rather meet him on the battlefield'. In order to avoid unnecessary bloodshed, the two brothers were engaged in 3 forms of duel - i) drsti yuddha (staring at each other to the point of exhaustion, ii) jalayuddha (splashing water at each other) and bāhu-yuddha (wrestling)'. Ācārya Jinasena has mentioned vägyuddha (continuous talking to exhaustion) as an additional form of duel.' And Bāhubali won. Bharata was humiliated. Bharata was enraged and he set the Cakraratna at his brother against

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viii
fair rules of the game. The Cakraratna was expected to hit Bahubali, and cut his head, but it went round Bahubali and returned to its master. At this stage, Bahubali suddenly felt disgusted with all that happened, he felt the stupidity and meaninglessness of the glory and the achievement in the fights. That he should. have to fight with his own brother was the height of ignominy. He became fully detached. He decided to renounce the worldly pleasures. He became a Sramaya." He practised austere penance for one full year, Bahubali could not get enlightenment inspite of the severe penance, because still there was a lurking passion in his mind about the enormity of his meditation and the gnawing egoity (māna kaṣāya). Then, Bharata Cakravartin came to his brother in all humility and said to him "O, Sramaņa, do not have the slightest idea that you are standing on my land. Nothing is mine or thine." Bahubali realised the folly of his disturbing egoity. His mind became crystal clear. He attained purity and perfection. He attained nirvana. That was the highest state of self-realisation. This incident of the fierce fighting between the two brothers has a great psychological significance. expresses the fundamental attitude of the Jainas as presented in the outlook of Anekanta and the spirit of self-abnegation. Bahubali won the duels in the secular sense, but the success led him to the realisation that all this struggle for power and pelf is meaningless. The way to the realisation of the highest self is to develop the spirit of detachment to the things of the world and to renounce everything. He did renounce everything and attained the highest state of perfection. The story of Bahubali expresses the consummation of the processes of transcending the secular to the heights of spiritual excellence, of divinising the human.
And we have in the Sravanabelgola kşetra, the statue of Bahubali, Gommafelvara installed in 981 A. D. by Camuodaraya, the minister of the Gadga king Racamalla II. For a thousand years the statue of Gommatesvara stands reminding us of the futility of our struggle for power and pelf and the need to transcend the secular towards the spiritual excellence.
On this occasion of the celebration of one thousandth year of the installation of the statue of Gommatesvara we are offering this flower of the Commemoration Volume in which scholars from all over India and from the West have offered their petals of appreciation. The scholars have dwelt on various aspects of the study of Gommatesvara, Sravanabelgola and Jainism. We are grateful to them for their

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contribution of learned papers. The inspiration for these celebrations has come from Elācārya Munišri Vidyānandaji. His Holiness Charukeerty Bhattāraka Swamiji of Sravanabe!go!a has been the guiding spirit for this work. Our ‘praņāmas' to both of them. We are grateful to Bhagayan Bahubali Pratissāpanā Sahasrabdhi and Mahamastakabhişeka Mahotsava Committee, and the Sravanabelgoka Digambara Jaina Muzrai Institution Managing Committee, Sravanabelgola for sponsoring the project of publishing this Commemoration Valume. We thank Dr. B. K. Khadabadi for associating with us in editing this Volume. We thank Shri Laxmichandraji Jain for his valuable help in getting the photographs and cover-jackets printed centrally at Delhi and Bombay for all the three Commemoration Volumes. We also thank the Manohar Printing Press, Dharwad for the efficient and very prompt work of printing the book. In fact the press had to race for time
Dharwad 9-2-1981
T. G. Kalghints
References
i Māhapurā ņa : 33, 45, 204 2. Āyaśyakauūrņi ; 210 p. 3. Avasyakabhāsja : gātha 32 4. Mahāpurā ņa 36, 186, 217

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CONTENTS
ĀŠirvacana Benediction Editor's note
1. Ahimsa Culture and Human Evolution
-R R. Diwakar 2. Bāhubali -- Kosala Prince - Gommața
-D. R. Bendre 3. The Eternal Message of Gommaţadeva
----V. K. Gokak 4. Jainism and Karnataka
-T. G. Kalghargi 5. Bhadrabāhu and the Sravanabelgola Kşetra
- Robert J. Zydenbos 6. The Colossal Statue of Gommatesvara and its Significance
:-D. S. Parmaj 7. Lord Gommațeśvara of Sravanabelgo...
---Jyoti Prasad Jain 8. Cāmundarāya- A Great Jaina Minister of Karnataka
-G. S. Dikshit 9. Inscriptions on Sallekhanā at Sravanabelgola
-T. K. Tukol 10. The Gangas and Sravaṇabe!go!a
-S. L. Shantakumari 11. Bhattāraka Tradition
-Vilas Sangave 12. Commentaries on the Gommațasāra
-B. K. Khadabadi 13. Bahubali in Prakrit Literature
--- Prem Suman Jain 14. Gommațeśvara as found in Harivaṁsapurāņa
- Prem Chand Jain

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93
99
105
15. Bahubali in Kannada Literature
-B. S. Kulkarni 16. Gommateśvara Statue from the Archaeological Point of View
- A. V. Navasimha Murthy 17. World's Greatest Sculptural Colossus completes a Thousand Years
-R. S. Surendra 18. The Belgoļian Bahubali and Western Indian Notices
–M. A. Dhaky 19. A 12th Century Celebration of Pancakalyäņa Rites to Gommateśvara
--A Sundara 20. Bhadrabā husvāmi and Samrāt Candragupta
-M. D. Vasantharaj 21 Antiquity of Bahubali and His Monument at Sravanabe!gola
- Bhagachandra Jain 22. Gommateśvara Statues in Karnataka
--Shubhachandra 23. The Jaina Heritage of Karnataka and Sravanabelgola
- Robert J. Del Bonta 24. Jaina Art in Karnataka : Some Examples
-Saryu Doshi 25. Bahubali (a soliloqui)
--Laksmi Chandra Jain 26. Obeisance
-B. K Khadabadi
116
120
128
135
141
145

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Jain Educati
e apersonal Use Only
ibrary.org

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Pujyashri Elacharya Vidyanand ji Maharaj
Was
Swastishri Bhattaraka Charukeerti Swami ji Swastishri Bhattarak Charukeerti Chairman
P. Swami ji Shravanabelagola Digamber Jain Muzarai
Jaina Math, Moodbidri Institutions Managing Committee

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40
.
.
W
WWW
Sahu Shriyans Prasad Jain
Chairman Bhagwan Bahubali Pratishthapana Sahasrabdi and
Mahamastakabhisheka Mahotsava Committee

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1
AHIMSA CULTURE
AND HUMAN EVOLUTION
Ahimsa is an ancient Sanskrit word. It is formed by the prefix a to the word himsa which means killing'. The prefix a- stands for negation. So, Ahimsa is non-killing. Non-injury is really the secondary meaning of Ahimsa current today. It is one of those Sanskrit words, like Yajña and Tapa which have developed very rich connotations. They reflect to that extent, the progress of thought and action of the people using them.
R. R. DIWAKAR
The word 'himisa' means killing, and causing any kind of injury to life. It is true that today, among the current religions, the religion founded by the Jina and called Jainism in India, is identified with Ahimsa, as it declares that Ahimsa is the highest religion- Ahimsa paramo dharmaḥ. Jainas had twentyfour Tirthankaras or Prophets. Vardhamana Mahavir, the latest, was born in 599 B.C. and was contemporary of Bhagavan Buddha. The ancient Sramana cult too is said to have practised Ahimsa as a basic tenet.
Here, however, I am not dealing with Ahimsa as a religious injuntion but as a universal social principle and social virtue and its projection in the culture of human beings and communities. Of course, religious and spiritual approaches to life have played their own significant part in developing the theory and practice of Ahimsa. But since all religions do not give equal importance to Ahimsa, and since Ahimsa in its evolved connotation means vastly more than mere non-killing of life, and physical non-injury, it seems necessary to look upon Ahimsa as a universal social principle and almost a compulsive guide for human survival and evolution, both individual and social. With the advent and progress of a race in nuclear weaponary, with the possibility of nations using biological and chemial missiles in wars and in mutual conflicts, the importance and value of Ahimsă in its full and developed connotation of today has increased

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Gommates vara Commemoration Volume
hundred-fold. We may go a step further and declare with, Gandhi, that Ahimsā - Nonviolence - Love alone can now save humanity from mutual annihilation
Before trying to trace and gauge the present dimension of Ahimsā and its adoption and operation in our lives, let me explain what I mean by Ahimsā Culture in the present context. Culture is a comprehensive word and it includes religion, philosophy, literature, arts, crafts, customs, usages and so on of a people. Ahimsa Culture would mean that culture which is imbued with and takes its inspiration from Ahiisā with all its implications in its present dimension.
Similarly I would like to say what I mean by human evolution in the present context. It is not biological evolution. Neither is it only individual evolution as a human being to his highest capacity. Human evolution here means, the evolution of not merely individuals but the evolution of human society, of the whole of the human family in terms of the human awakened consciousness.
Man has no doubt a material body, a life-force animating it and a functioning brain which is an instrument of his consciousness. He is now conscious of his consciousness, that is, he is highly self-conscious. Further, he has developed the faculty of reasoning and a conscience, which acts as a discriminatory power or as a judgement seat. So, man cannot only be a mere witness unto himself, but he has the power to choose between alternatives of thought as well as of action. In this sense, he is the master of his own destiny. What is the meaning of human evolution?
Now how does man's consciousness work? What are its dimensions ? (a) The horizontal dimension of man's consciousness consists in gathering information and knowledge of the world of matter, life and mind, their laws and working, by means of the power of his own senses and thinking; (b) the demension in depth of man's consciousness consists in turning his probe inwards to find out the root of his own being; and (c) the third, which is the vertical dimension, consists in trying to rise higher and higher as per an inner urge and aspiration, to reach the acme of consciousness where peace, harmony, spontaneous joy are blissfully supreme. A balanced progress in all these dimensions and on all cultural fronts already mentioned, spell the real evolution of human beings, both as individuals and as man-in-society.
I have stated so far, what was originally meant by the expression Ahimsa, I have also said that culture includes all human activities, all human thought as well as the shape given to it in the form of actions. I have delineated my idea of human evolution also.

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Ahimsa Culture and Human Evolution
Now let us see the fortunes of the concept of Ahimsā and how it evolved and what are its, dimensions today, so that we can have a clear idea of what Ahimsa Culture would mean. Concepts, ideas, words go on evolving with man's own evolution and progress. Either new words are coined or old words are brought into service with new meanings. There is nothing strange in this general and naiural process.
Most anthropologists agree that man was once a hunting animal, and in some cases, a head-hunting animal. This head-hunting could be either agressive or retaliatory. But wisdom must have dawned at some lucid moment and a leader of men must have declared, 'Thou shalt not kill'. That may be said to be the first injunction, Ma himseh, in Sanskrit. That was the birth of Ahimsa. This must have been extended by a few of the group, to non-killing of any life. Those few felt a sympathetic bond with all living creatures. They were the first vegetarians.
When hunting gave place to agriculture and stability of life, social contacts became easier and thicker; ‘killing of the physical body was out of date. Killing (that is destruction) of property belonging to another person came to be included in Ahimsä. Further, killing (destruction) ones prestige came to be looked upon as abhorrent. So, Ahimsa, non-killing, meant non-destruction of person, his property and his prestige (or name). From that to non-injury (not merely nonkilling) was a big step, still it was a logical step. So, Ahimsā, having gone through three incarnations, became non-injury to person, property and prestige, and automatically, non-injury by thought, word, and deed -- the three tools by which men inflict injury on others.
This too was not enough for saintly persons, those who were advanced in getting intuitive flashes. Just as 'Thou shalt not kill' was not adequate at the time of the Bible, progressively, 'thou shalt not hate' and 'thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself' dawned and took shape in the Gospels! Who knows, there will be one more step, thou shalt love all as thyself !' Still further, man may have to declare, 'love all more than thyself'.
So far as India, Jainism, Buddhism and Hinduism are concerned, the word continuously being used for at least three millenia has been the old word, Ahimsā, both religiously, ethically and in common parlance. Though Buddhism has practically disappeared from India except for some recent attempts for revival, though Jainism as a religion has a very small following compared to the vast Hindu population, Ahimsa has a strong hold on the minds of the Indian people. Whatever the provocation, by and large, the tolerance practised by the populace is due to the influence of Ahimsa and the firm belief, that God is one, but paths to Him are many.' The mass following which Gandhi commanded could not be explained

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Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume
but by the deep-seated doctrine of Ahimsā. In the hands of Gandhi, who believed, Satyannästi paro dharmaḥ (there is no religion greater than Truth), Ahimsā proved the most powerful instrument for the regeneration of the masses. The connotation of Ahimsā as preached - practised by Gandhi reached the highest watermark ever. To Gandhi, Ahimsā was not merely non-violence but love, and not merely 'love all' but ‘love thy enemy', almost a divine quality. Once I asked Gandhiji as to why stick to the negative word Ahimsā, why not adopt the word Love; he quipped, ‘Love has other meanings, and I do not want to take the risk; for me Ahimsā, is more than sufficient'. The fabric of the whole philosophy of Gandhiji's life was built round Ahimsā. Truth is God, but the way to Him is Ahimsa.
Gandhi gave Ahimsa a positive content, and that was, 'Resist evil and injustice, you must but always do it by non-co-operation, by Ahimsã and with no ill-will towards even the opponent'. His Satyagraha was another word for the Ahimsā way of life, the fragnant flower of the philosophy of love : Life lived in love, for love and out of love for all.
It is true that things and events as they are happening today in our midst, are sufficient to shake any one's faith in Ahimsā and the Ahimsä way of life and Ahimsā Culture. But if one glances objectively and without any prejudices at the course of human history, one can easily discern that it is, Ahimsā -- Love, non-violence, self-control observed by the bulk of humanity which have been responsible for all the civilization and culture that exists today. One may say, that if there were no violence, hatred, war and destruction, humanity would have evolved not only to the present levels but even to higher levels. But do we not see, that within the span of about six thousand years, man has evolved from the tribal and head-hunting stage to a United Nations Organisation which can boast of 152 free and independent nations ? Science and technology have advanced to such an extent that the idea of the Family of Man is no longer too distant. Global planning and thinking have come to stay. Problems of peace, of food, of refugees, of health, of population are no longer thought of piecemeal, but on a global scale The idea of One-World is no longer an impossible utopia but some thing which can be thought of and planned. Gandhi asked himself a question, man who had access to the secret of the atom, will he be far away from the secret of the human heart, human harmony and human happiness? What is required is to follow, the clues already provided by Ahimsā, by love, by altruistic disciplines. Pitrim Sorokin, the great Sociologist of the century, in his preface to 'The Ways and Power of Love' declares: "...cruelty, hatred, violence and injustice never can and never will be able to create a mental, moral or material millenium. The only way toward it is the royal road of all-giving creative love, not only preached but consistently lived'.
Abimsā, spelt Love, is a life-giving force, necessary for physical, mental

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Ahimsa Culture and Human Evolution
and moral health. Culture based on Ahimsā alone can lead humanity to its destined goal. .
It is no doubt extremely difficult to give even the outlines of a world of human beings pursuing and living in the atmosphere of Ahimsa Culture. One World Government and a world without war, in which all conflicts of interest are solved by legal and juridical methods are the sine qua non. After the second world war, the whole of humanity agreed to be guided by the United Nations Organisation. There is bound to be another landmark in the history of man on account of the realisation that unless man takes to ways of peace, justice, and love of each other, his fate is sealed and would end in a calamitous disaster. It is found that even in the animal world, 'Fighting among members of the same species never ends in death or serious injury to either of the partners' (Science Reporter: page 852, December 1979). Man who boasts himself as the crown of creation must and will rise above the present level of mutual destruction and make way for a new civilization, in which each one lives for the other and all live and strive for the good of all. Decentralisation of all power, economic, social and political as well as non-exploitation will be the keynotes of the non-violent or Ahimsaka human society. All science and technology will have to be diverted from the present destructive purposes to fight against poverty, disease, ignorance, superstition, lethargy and aggressive behaviour. Today's disciplined armies would be tomorrow's trained social workers who would deem it their duty and privilege to prevent all outbursts of passion and disorderly patterns of conduct. Education would address itself to the ideal of a human society founded on love and altruism.
When I am speaking about Ahimsa Culture, a natural query would be, have there been individuals, groups, or nations who have advocated as well as tried to live according to this type of culture. The basic ingredients of such a culture would be the belief that "all life is one". No one who believes in this dictum intuitively would consciously injure any living creature, nay even a plant, by thought, word or deed; while this would be a negative attitude, the positive attitude would be to dedicate ones life to do everything possible to promote life and its healthy growth all round. There are lacs of individuals in India alone, especially of the several orders of Sanyāsis, who are vegetarians and lead life of abstinence, though not always of positive social service. The Jainas of India as a whole, both those of the holy order, men and women, and householders are pledged to Ahimsä as a religious principle. They believe that even atoms have souls marching towards final salvation. If one cannot help them on, one could and would and ought to abstain from obstructing them by any kind of injury in thought, 'word and deed. They are all supposed to observe what are called Vratas, vows, the Aņu-vratas, mini vows, and Mahā-vratas, the great vows. The Jainas in India can be counted in a few millions. Ahimsă in a limited sense of noninjury to life only of the animal world, is followed by the Veerashaiva community

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in Karnataka State and their number is about five millions, They are all vegetarians and abstain from killing or injuring any life. Brakimins of South India, generally observe vegetarianism on principle and as a sacred tradition.
Along with Ahimsā, non-injury in thought, word and decd, there is another very important psychological, philosophical and spiritual aspect of it, which is what is normally termed as toleration; toleration in this context means consideration and respect for the beliefs and opinions of neighbours and of others. This kind of tolerance has its roots in the firm belief that God is one but people call Him by many names', Ekam sat viprā bahudhā vadanti (Rgveda). If we spell it out in abstract terms, it means, there is only one 'truth' seen and observed by a person, but as seen and observed by others than oneself, there might be other aspects of the same 'truth': hence is the necessity to concede that position and not be dogmatic- fanatic about ones own 'truth', that is, truth as seen and observed by oneself. This logically as well as rationally leads to tolerance and absence of violence or force or undue influence in trying to convert the others to ones own view, and to respect and tolerance of the views of others. The Jainas observe this principle on the basis of what is called Anekānta-vāda or Syād-vāda. This has permeated the whole of Hindu culture and the Indian mind. Hindus do not believe, as a rule in conversion or reconversion or prosyletisation in religion, and may not commend the various methods used by other religions for that purpose, which are usually on the basis of the untenable belief that ones own religion is the best and the brightest, and that that religion alone holds in its palm the hope of salvation for all mankind. India's religious history is singularly free from religious persecution and use of force or misuse of political power for propagating religion or religious belief. That is the secret of India having all the religions of the world and three more, Jainism, Sikhism and Zoroastrism living together and side by side. Philosophically also even the atheists- Cārvākas --have been recognised by Indian philosophy as having a Darśana, a philosophy. The two famous Sanskrit verses, "Yam saivassamupäsate..." (13th century) and “Trayi samkhyam yogam...” reflect this attitude of tolerance and recognition of various philosophies and their existence side by side.
It was possible for me to point to the Jainas as a big community in India owing allegiance to Ahimsā in its various aspects for at least three millenia; however I have no nation before me as a political entity, which could be said to have been following Ahimsa in all its aspects. Even the Jaina Kings in charge of Kingdoms had to keep an army for their defence and use violence if need be. It is only Gandhi who had the boldness of his vision when he wrote to Hilter and to the British during II World War to down arms. The same intrepid spirit inspired him to dare say in 1942 to India that India should face the Japanese army with bare arms if Japan invaded her. Unilateral disarmament by nations was also his idea. It is evident that in these matters he was far ahead of his times, though

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Ahimsa Culture and Human Evolution
after II World War, the United Nations was born, embodying his ideal of world without war: 'no threat or use of force', are the words used in the U. N Charter. The symbol in front of the U. N. in New York is, 'beating the sword into a ploughshare', a bibilical expression.
Of course, historically speaking, the Indian Emperor Asoka of Pāšaliputra (modern Patna) of the third centry B. C., a convert to Buddhism, gave up arms in a remorseful mood after his bloodly conquest of Kalinga (part of modern Orissa). Thereafter, he ruled over practically the whole of India for forty years without a single war and was instrumental in spreading the gospel of Buddha, of peace, of compassion to animals and stopping of animal sacrifice and so on. He sent out Dharmamātyas, messengers of righteousness to countries outside India. His several edicts stand witness to his greatness not so much as emperor, but as an upholder of righteousness, based on the doctrine of Ahimsā, of the Sambuddha Buddha...
It would be a matter of some research to find out examples of individuals and groups in other countries of Asia and Europe who swore by Ahiinsa at least in some of its aspects, especially non-injury to life. Many of the altruistic disciplines of Christianity bear witness to this principle either as part of austerity or as exemplifying Jesus and his gospel of non-resistance. The lives of St. Francis of Assisi, St. Augustine and other mystics can be quoted as following broadly, not merely the negative aspect of non-injury but the positive aspect also of the service of the poor and the suffering.
In modern times, Dr. Albert Sweitzer's principle of 'Reverence for life' can he said to be a partial paraphrase of the doctrine of Ahimsā. Though it seems to be a far cry before Ahimsa in its fullness and glory, penetrates through the heartless crust of the economic and political life of the people of our planet, signs are not wanting of the appreciation of the necessity of owing allegiance to AhimsaNon-violence-Love as a working principle for humanity for taking the next step in its evolution. Soulless science and utterly mechanistic technology in the service of man's lust for pleasure and passion for power over men and matters has led man to a precipice, alienating him from himself, from his society and from the finer and nobler treasures of his own inner being. A recovery of a fundamental nature awaits him. In what other form can it salvage humanity except in the realisation of oneness, identity and love, which is another name for Ahimsa !

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BAHUBALI- KOSALA PRINCEGOMMATA
D. R. BENDRE
At the request of my friend Dr. T. G. Kalghatgi of Dharwad, I am once again placing my reading of the riddle of Kosala Gommața.
For me they stand for two numbers : 173 and 351 written in the mirror image for 153 and 371. Certain people may not like my reducing Gommaţa to Gnoman--the suveyor's stand- trišanku-tripod. It is necessary to show that the Kosala Prince is like Gommața Bahubali.
It is obvious: 1 + 5 + 38 = 1 125 + 27 = 153. The sum of the cubes for the basic number itself. So is the number 371.
38 + 78 + 18 - 27 + 343 + 1 = 371. Both the numbers belong to the same kind. By the way 17 = 153. It means add 1 to 17 number, the sum would be 153. 17 x 18 - 2
0 = 17 x 9 = 153. 153 is based on the nature of the number 17. This nature of 17 was noted by Sri Jñāneśvara of Mahārāştra in his
Anubhavāmsta Ch. 4.v.15. :
Te vheti puniyā bhare ! Na avansa sare te candrimci ure ! Satarā vi jaisi 15
Sivakalyāņa in his commentary on the same says:
Jevi candrimci satarāvi Paurnime navhe navi 1 Nā ama väsyä mälhavi 1 Candriñci ase

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2] Bāhubali- Kosala Prince- Gommata
It is not like the 15th digit of the moon, not like the 16th digit. It is the 17th digit. It is not like the 18th which is eclipsed; not like the 19th which is free from eclipse.
Poet W. B. Yeats wrote a book on the twenty-eight digits of the moon. Twenty-eight splits into 17 and 11. The 17 does not know waxing or waning. It is neither the full moon nor the new moon. The uniqueness of 17 is outstanding like the statues of Bahubali in Karnataka.
Sri Vidyāraṇya in his Pañcadasi, Ch. I, V. 23 says:
Buddhikarmendriya prāņa pañcakairmanasa dhiya Šariram saptadašabhi sūkşmam tallingamucyate 11 23 11
The five vital elements = the five and five buddhi and karma along with manas and dhi < 5 + 5 + 5 + 2 = 17.
Many other pathfinders have referred to 17. It gives the milk of immortality. The statue of Gommaţa- Bahubali - the Kosala Prince stands for immortality. These two numbers are further associated with 1, 370 and 407. A Mathematical Apology by G. H. Hardy on page 105 refers to these numbers as merely amusing.
If people interested in Jainology take further interest in this finding, I will say some more things which will cast a flood of light on the creative process. Till then the interested will meditate on the number 3149608725. This number is monumental like Bahubali- the Kosala Prince- the Gommaţa.

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3
THE ETERNAL MESSAGE OF GOMMATADEVA
On the day I went from Mysore to Sravanabelgola to have the darsana of Gommatesvara, there was a special puja. It was an auspicious occasion and convenient to me. I climbed up the numerous steps and reached the corridors of the spot where the monolythic statue of Lord Gommatesvara has been standing for a thousand years. I stood near the feet of the statue. I was overwhelmed by the majesty and the grandeur of the statue. I saw that there was a ladder and a scaffolding around the staue of Gommata erected for the sake of mastakabhişeka. I was eager to climb near the top of the statue by the ladder and to see for myself the head. But I was feeling helpless as there was no one to support me and hold the ladder firm while I climbed. I had gone to the place alone. I, as a mortal, cannot reach the heights as Gommaţadeva would, I thought. If I had to climb, I had to do so singlehanded without any one's support.
V. K. GOKAK
And finally, I did climb and stood firm near the head of the statue. While I climbed every step, I found that my vision was broadening, with the expanding horizon. I glanced at the sculptured curly locks of hair of the head. I passed my hand on the circlets of the sculptured hair on the head. It was a unique experience.
I looked down and around from the top and felt giddy. Far off on the horizon was the Camundi hill. I was later told that the Camuṇḍi hill was about 45 miles from Indragiri, the mount on which Gommatesvara stood. It was difficult for me to remain there for a long time.
The modest feat of mine in climbing up the ladder to the top gave me a new experience and a new vision of greatness and grandeur, not only in physical height. but in spiritual ecstacy. I could rouse the spiritual heights that Gommatdeva had

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The eternal message of Gommatadeva
reached in the attainment of excellence. The physical extent of the vision reached upto 45 miles. Crystallised in mathematical terms, the breadth of the physical vision was 0.45 and its height would be my height 5.11 ft. versus the height of the hill plus the 563 ft. of the statue. In the two latter cases, 45 and hill plus 561 would be imperfect indications of infinity. The spiritual height of Gommateśvara was infinite : the finite extending into the Infinite. The drooping eyelids and the bewitching smile suggested this to me. It was a beautiful, aesthetic and spiritual experience. And I felt the pulse of greateness in the presence of the statue of Gommateśvara.
The enobling message of Gommațeśvara of Cămundarāya was of eternity encircling you : Reach the heights of the Infinite ! Experience eternity and be one with it !

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JAINISM AND KARNATAKA
T. G. KALGHATGI
I. Jainism is a religion preached by the Tirtharikaras. The first Tirthankara in this eon of the cycle of time is Rşabha and the 24th, the last Tirthařkara is Vardhamana Mahāvira. He carried the tradition of the previous Tirthaikaras. Jainism is a pre-Aryan religion which prevailed in India long before Mahävira and Pārśva, the last two Tirthankaras'. It belongs to the Sramaņa current of thought.
Jainism has made a significant contribution to the stream of Indian thought in its fundamental concepts of Anekānta and Ahimsa. These concepts are logical and ethical in content.
The concept of Anekānta with its logical expression in Syādvāda is the special and significant contribution of Jaina thinkers to Indian thought. It states that reality is complex. It can be looked at from different points of view. Each point of view gives the picture of reality which is as valid and real as the picture of reality received from other points of view. The point of view is the naya. There are several points of view. Seven points of view have been mentioned. Among them the noumenal (niscaya) and the phenomenal (vyavahāra) points of view are important. For instance, jiva can be described as spiritual substance, pure and simple from the noumenal point of view; but from the phenomenal point of view it is the doer and the enjoyer of the fruits of karma. Each naya presents a partial picture of truth. But to say that it is the sole truth is dogmatism, ekanta. Jainism, therefore, gives a synoptic view of reality.
Syadvāda is the logical expression of nayavāda in propositional forms. Anekānta is the foundational principle. Naya is the analytical approach to the understanding of the problem. It is epistemological in content. And Syādvāda is synthetic. It is logical in expression, in sevenfold proposition. It is the formulation of the possibility of reconciling the apparent contradictions in the

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13
real whole. It is formulated as: i) Syād asti: it asserts the existence of a thing in a particular context. ii) Syäd năsti: it is the denial of existence in another context. iii) Syad asti nästi: refers to the simultaneous affirmation and denial in a different context. There is no logical contradiction in this. Detailed elaboration would be required to explain this point. It is beyond the scope of this paper. iv) Syād avaktavya : It posits the inexpressibility of the nature of the object or an event from a different point of view. For instance, the agnostic would affirm the unknowability and not merely inexpressibility of the nature of reality. By permutation of the 3.— affirmation, negation and inexpressibility--- we get the other formulations; v) Syād asti avaktavyaṁ (affirmation and inexpressibility) vi) Syad nästi ayaktayyaṁ (negation and inexpressibility) and vii) Syād asti nästi ayaktayyan (affirmation, negation and inexpressibility). These predications have to be understood in the context of drayya (substance), kşetra (place), kāla (time) and bhāva (nature).' Jainas say that different philosophical theories have been presented by different points of view. The Vedāntic formulation is from the sangraha naya (Synthetic point of view) and the Buddhists have approached the problem of reality from the momentary point of view (rujusūtra naya). Each approach to the understanding of the real has a place in the comprehensive picture of reality. The Anekānta gives the comprehensive picture of reality. It symbolises the fundamental nonviolent attitude of the Jainas.
In its metaphysical aspect, Jainism is a realistic philosophy. It posits the dychotomous categories of jīva and ajiya as equally real. The Jiva is a spiritual substance. It is pure and perfect. It is indestructible. Jiva is active. Due to its dynamic nature it comes into contact with ajiva, the nonliving substance. Due to the contact of the living and the nonliving there is activity, both physical and mental. It gives rise to the after-effects of activity, which is karma. The jivas in the wheel of samsāra are infected by the karmic matter. This is beginningless. And in the normal course of things it has no end. But it is possible for an individual self to be free from this bondage by means of moral and spiritual efforts. There is no place for divine grace. One has to reach ones perfection by self-effort. The process of perfection has been formulated by five more categories bandha (bondage due to the self coming in contact with the non-self). This bondage is due to the influx of karma into the self, which is called asraya. Freedom from bondage is possible by first stopping the influx of karma. This process is sam vara. Once the influx of karma is arrested, it is necessary to remove the accumulated karma. This is nirjarā. When all the karma is removed, the self attains the state of perfection. This is self-realisation in the real sense of the term. This is the state of moksa..
The Jaina contribution to the philosophy of life is to be found in its insistance that the path way to perfection is threefold: i) Samyag-darśana (right faith, right understanding), samyag-jnāna (right knowledge) and samyag-căritra

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(right conduct). The theories which do not emphasise the moral responsibility of individual selves are not to be accepted as absolutely real. Moral excellence is as much important as right knowledge and right understanding for self-realisation. The path of virtue is the path leading to the realisation of truth. The five vratas: ahimsa (non-violence), sarya (pursuit of truth), asteya (non-stealing and honesty), brahmacarya (celibacy) and aparigraha (non-possession and non-attachment) are the fundamental virtues. However, the practice of vratas is graded. A distinction is drawn between the moral codes for the ascetic (muni) and for the layman (śravaka). The munis (ascetics) have to practise the vratas rigorously. But the śravaka has social responsibilities. They have to practise the vows with lesser degree of rigour
The practice of non-violence is the most important principle of the Jainas. Ahinsa paramodharmah is the cardinal principle of Jaina view of life. Ahimsa is non-injury, physical and mental. One should not hurt another in body, mind and speech, one should avoid directly causing injury to a living being, one should not cause others to commit injury, nor should one consent to the causing of injury. Himsa (injury) is the hurt caused to a living being through negligence, intentionally or under the grip of impulses and emotional stress. Himsă caused without the slightest intention and awareness in the pursuit of one's duties in society need not be branded as himsā. For instance, the farmer ploughing the field. although he has awareness that possible injury would be caused to numerous tiny creatures, cannot be avoided in the larger good of society. Similarly a soldier has to fight with the enemy for the righteous cause, although he may detest fighting. has to do so as duty. This is virodha himhsa and it is permitted. The Jaina scriptures did not preach, as has been very often misunderstood, the practice of unqualified and abstract principle of ahimsa to the extent of the ridiculous. A citizen should be free from sthüla himhsa. Gandhiji said that nonviolence is the virtue of the brave. A coward has no moral strength to observe nonviolence. Gandhiji said that a mouse hardly forgives a cat when it allows itself to be torn to pieces by her.
The Jaina concept of nonviolence has influenced the way of thought for centuries. Ahimsa has been the very fibre of the Indian Weltanschauung. There were frequent protests against the animal sacrifices in the Upanisads. In the Chandogya Upanisad life has been described as a great festival in which qualities like tapas, ahimsa are important. The protests against animal sacrifices were more pronounced from the Buddhist and the Jainas. In our time Gandhiji's weapon of Satyagraha has been built up on the analysis of ahimsa by the Jainas, Gandhiji has stated that he derived benefit from the Jaina religious works as from the scriptures of other great faiths." Polak said that the first 5 vows of Gandhiji were the code of Jaina monks during the two thousand years." Zimmer writes that Gandhiji's programme of Satyagraha as an expression of ahimsa is a serious,

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Jainism and Karnataka
15 very brave and potentially powerful modern experiment in the ancient Hindu science.?
Ahimsā is not negative in content. It is not mere non-injury; it expresses love and compassion. The practice of ahiṁsā is not for the sake of others, but for saving our own selves.
II. We may consider the impact of Jainism on the culture of Karnataka. History of Karnataka is intimately connected with the history and development of Jainism in this part of the country. Jainism is a way of life which has permeated the life-pulse of the people of Karnataka for over two thousand years.
The Jaina poet Ngpatunga, in the 9th century A.D., described the expanse of Karnataka as the Country extending from the river Godāvari to Kāveri, and the land with people skilled in the art of making speeches and well versed in poetry
The impact of Jainism as religion and philosophy may be considered from two aspects. (1) Political influence and royal patronage and (2) Its influence on the life and philosophy of the people of Karnataka.
Exactly when Jainism came to the south, specially to Karnataka, is difficult to say. There is a tradition in Jainism which says that the land was ruled by Jivandhara in the 6th century B. C., who was himself a Jaina and who met Mahāvira when he came down to the south. Mahāvira gave Dikşä to him, and the King became an ascetic
(1) Apart from this tradition it is fairly certain that Jainism entered Karnataka well before the Christian era. Jainism came down to the south with Bhadrabāhu Svāmin, last of the Six Śrutakevalins. He reached, by stages a Country filled with happy people". He was accompanied by Candragupta, the Maurya. Bhadrabāhu Svāmin practised Svamlekhanā on the mount Candragiri in 297 B.C.". This was the beginning of the influence of Jainism in the south. Samprati, the grandson of Ashoka, was himself a Jaina in his earlier days. He sent missionaries to the south. For nearly 12 hundred years, from the 2nd century A. D., to 13th century A. D., Jainism played an important part in the social and political life of the people. It influenced the lives of the princes and the people alike. The earliest political influence of Jaina Dharma is evidenced by the establishment of a Jaina Kingdom in the south. Sometime in the 3rd century A.D., two princes of the Ganga family came to the city of Perur in the south. Ācārya Simhanandi initiated one of them in the Syādvāda doctrine and Kongunivarma I established the Ganga dynasty with the blessings of the Ācārya. There were many Jainas in Karnataka at the time. The Gangas continued their patronage to the Jaina religion. The Ganga monarchs, except in a few cases, gave royal

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Gommagesvara Commemoration Volume patronage to Jainism for centuries after Konguņivarma I, Avinita (500-540 A.D.) and Durvinita (550-600 AD.) were devout Jainas. Pūjyapada the celebrated grammarian, was their spiritual teacher. King Sivamāra II built the Basadi on the smaller hill at Sravanabeļgola.
Jainism also gained the royal benevolence of the Kadambas and the Rāšţrakūtas. Kadambas were essentially Brahminical in religion; yet some of them fostered the cause of the Jaina religion in Karnataka. King Kākusthavarman gave to Srutakirti the field called Badovarakshetra which belonged to the holy Arhats. Mrgeśavarman, his grandson, granted certain specified fields for the purpose of cleaning the Jinālaya for worship, offering flowers and also for repairs. Jainism continued to prosper also under King Ravivarma, who built a Jaina temple at Pālasika (modern Halasi) in the Belgaum District. King Harivarman continued the tradition of his father and made generous donations and gifts to the worship of Jinendra and for the maintenance of the devotees".
The Calukyas of Bādāmi gave patronage to the Jainas by giving gifts of land to Jaina Temples. Ravikirti the famous Jaina writer, received high honour from Pulakeši Irs.
The Cālukya rulers, Vinayāditya, Vijayāditya and Vikramāditya, gave liberal donations to the Jaina temples. The sculptures and paintings used in Ellora and Ajanta were copied in the caves at Bādāmi for depicting the Jaina and Hindu deities. The Carvings of images of Jaina Tirthankaras and of Vişņu are found side by side in Bādāmi. The religious ideas and practices of earlier period continued to be practised during the Rāştrakūta period. Jainism received royal patronage in the reign of Nspatunga, who was himself a Jaina. It did not suffer influence during the Rāştrakūta period although there was, at a later stage, revival of Hindu influence. This was because the people were used to Jaina practices and Jainism was popular among them, and also because some Rāstrakūța generals were Jains. Bankeśa and his son Lokadiša were Viceroys at Banavāsi and they patronised Jainism".
The influence of eminent poets like Pampa and philosophers like Samantabhadra and Akala ñka was immense. People did not feel any difference between Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism. Any one could follow a religion and faith of his choice. During the Rāştrakūta period there was abundant Jaina philosophical literature
During Hoysala period Jainism was an influential force. In fact the Hoysalas owed much to the foresight and wisdom of the Jaina Ācāryās. The period between the 11th and 14th centuries was favourable for the propagation and glorification of the Jaina faith. Most of Hoysala kings were Jains and they patronised the Jaina temples and institutions. Jainism was a living faith for many

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Jainism and Karnataka
17
classes of people, from the peasants to the princes The founder of Hoysala Kingdom had the blessings of the Jaina Ācārya Vardhamana muni. Ācārya Santideva at the time of King Vinayāditya II, was not only a Rājaguru but also Rāştraguru. Other Kings like Ballāļa I continued to patronise Jainism. The celebrated King Vişnuvardhana is said to have changed his faith under the influence of Rāmānujā cārya. Yet he continued to be a benevolent patron of Jainism. Queen Santalādevi was a devout Jaina and she made liberal donations to the construction of Jaina temples. Instances are not wanting among the royal families in Karnataka wherein the King professed one faith and the Queen the other. There is ample evidence to show that there was perfect tolerance between the different faiths in the country.
The same tradition of tolerance continued under the rulers of Vijayanagara. During the period of Vira Bukkarāya I (1368 A. D.), dispute arose between Jainas and Vaisnavas regarding some injustice done to the Jainas. Bukkarāya took the hands of the Jainas and placing them in the hands of the Vaişqavas said, “As long as the Sun and Moon last, the Vaişgavas will continue to protect Jaina Darsana. The Vaisnavas and Jainas are one body; they must not be viewed as different."* Bukkarāya II also made liberal grants to Jaina temples.
(2) We may now consider the impact of Jaina philosophy on the life of the people of Karnataka. The Jaina Weltanschauung presents synthesis of Samyagdarśana (right intution), Samyag-jñāna (right knowledge) and Samyag-Cāritra (right conduct).17 Jainism presents the rationalistic atheism and a high spiritual idealism. It also mentions the importance of personal moral responsibility. Jacobi says that the concept of Jiva is a hylozoistic theory which pervades the whole philosophical system and code of morals. The rationale underlying the Jaina metaphysics and ethics is their doctrine of the Universality of Ahimsā. Due to the practice of Ahimsā, it was possible for the Jainas to influence society to a great extent.
The rationalistic atheism of the Jainas denied the existence of a creater God. He is not necessary, because the self and the universe are uncreated and therefore eternal. We are not to seek God in the world outside, nor is God to be found 'in the dark lonely corner of a temple with doors all shut.' He is there within us. 'He is there with the tiller tilling the hard ground and the pathmaker breaking stones.' Each individual soul is to be considered as God, as he is essentially divine in nature. However, the Jainas worship Tirtharkaras not because they are gods, not, because they are ideals for us, but because they are human and yet divine. - -
But, Jaina concept of divinity and their practice of worship were also influenced by other ideas and practices prevailing in society. This influence is

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evident in the Jaina practice of worshiping the deities like Padmavati and Jvālāmālini. This was due to the psychological and sociological necessity. Similarly the current practices and cults prevailing in Hindu society have been assimilated in the Jaina form of worship. For instance Akalaika is said to have invoked the Goddess Kūşmāņdiņi to work a miracle against the Buddhist goddess Tārā, and by her interference won a victory over his rivals.2 Elācārya allayed the devil by means of the Jvālāmālini-stotra.2) Jainas invoke the goddess Padmāvati for the increase of wealth, later on, we are told, "that Yakşi began to be worshipped as the goddess Vasantikā. Every Jaina family in Karnataka has a copy of Ammunavara caritre which is devoutly read every day. Similarly Jainas in the south have notions about demons and ghosts very much similar to the ideas of these prevailing in other Hindu Society. The Jainas in South Canara had the practice of worshipping the Bhūtas. They used to set apart room for them in their houses. Thus the sociological influences of the practices of mantra and tantra are also to be found among the Jainas.
REFERENCES
1. Radhakrishnan (S.): Indian philosophy Vol. I (Allen and Unwin, 1945) M-287, 2. Tattvärthasütra VII-8. 3. Gandhiji Young India : August 11, 1920. 4. Chandog ya Upanişad : iii, 16. 5. Letter from Gandhiji : Modern Review : October, 1916. 6. Polak (H. S. L.) and others : Mahatma Gandhi (Odhams Press Ltd., London, 1949) pp. 112. 7. Zimmer : Philosophies of India pp. 272. 8. Karnataka Kavi Caritre, Introd., I, pxvii. 9. Jivandhara Carite -- Bhaskar Kavi, as mentioned in Karnataka through the Ages, Govt. of
Mysore (1968) pp. 164. 10. Inscriptions in Candragiri, Sravanabelgola. 11. Jacobi, H. : Kalpasūtra- Introduction 12. Karnataka through the ages- pp. 165 13. Aihole inscriptions 634. 14. Karnataka through the Ages- pp. 243. 15. Ibid- pp. 245. 16. Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 288-289. 17. Samyag darśana Jnāna caritrāņi mokşa margh - Tattvārthasütra. 18. Jacobi : Studies in Jainism and Jaina sutras S. BE XXII Introd. 19. Subhacandra, Com Kārtikeyanuprekşa, ch. X; of Bhandarkar, op 20. Of. Epigraphica Carnatika I Introd.. 21 Hiralal, Catalogue of MSS in C. P and Berar, Introd. 22. Of Buchanan's Travels III, pp. 81.

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BHADRABAHU AND THE SRAVANABEĻGOLA KSETRA
ROBERT J. ZYDENBOS
In this article, I want to give a short survey of the work done by a few scholars with regard to the old tradition that Jainism was brought to South India by the śrutakevalin Bhadrabahu, who is said to have died by sallekhanā at Sravanabelgola, so that we can form an educated opinion about the authenticity of that account and Bhadrabāhu's importance for Jainism in southern India.
Digambara tradition says that it was on the hill Candragiri at Sravanabe!gola, that Bhadrabāhu, the sixth thera of the Jaina church after Tirthankara Mahavira met his death. He is accredited with having brought Jainism to South India, where it was to flourish brilliantly in the centuries that followed, by leading a following of 12000 monks from the north-east of India to southern Karnataka to avoid a fearful famine, and he played a cardinal role in the development which led finally to the schism that divided the original sangha in the two major sects, the Svetāmbara-s and Digambara-s.' The Svetämbara-s hold him in very high esteem as the author of a number of ancient and holy works. For the Digambara-s, he is the link between their religious tradition and the original teachings of Mahāvira, he being the last śrutakevalin,and hence it is only natural that Sravanabelgola is a place of great importance to them.
The historian B. A. Saletore believed the Digambara tradition, but in his important book Mediaeval Jainism he is not very clear about the "literary and epigraphic evidence" that supports it. He writes that the tradition is supported by "inscriptions on the summit of Candragiri itself and elsewhere, the writings of early Jaina writers like Harişeņa (A. D. 931), and mediaeval and later writers like Ratnanandi (ca. A. D. 1450), Cidānandakavi (A. D. 1680), and Devacandra (A. D. 1838)". He gives no further details, but refers to Rice's and Narasimhacarya's works about inscriptions which have been found in southern India. The

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oldest inscription, at Candragiri, referring to Bhadrabāhu and the Migration which I could find mentioned in the book was dated A. D. 600. We can also wonder about the historical accuracy of a book written in A. D. 931 or 1838, when they deal with an event that is supposed to have taken place 1200 or 2100 years earlier. Saletore gives no details as to whether these various sources support each other or differ in certain respects. An inscription dated A. D. 600 is still separated by 900 years from the event, and it only proves that by that time, the tradition of Bhadrabāhu's Migration was current in that region. We may take it as an indication that there is an element of truth in the tradition, but no more than that.
And there are more of these indications. In an old study about the origination of the two major sects, the German Prof. Jacobi quotes verses from the Paris işta-parvan of Hemacandra, a Svetāmbara author, which mention how “in that bad time... the community of monks went to the shore of the ocean”, and soon after that the monks decided to send a few from among them to Nepal, where Bhadrabahu was engaged in heavy tapas, to get the pūrva-s from him, since he was the orly person who still knew those texts. Here we have a clear Svetambara reference to a large migration, without any details, and Bhadrabāhu doing tapas reminds us of Bhadrabahu's penances in the cave in the Karņāța country, as it is said in the Bhadrabāhucarita of Ratnanandin.' Besides these two works by Hemacandra and Ratnanandin, Jacobi also investigates the Svetāmbara legend about the origination of the Digambara sect, found in the výtti to the Uttarādhyayanasūtra, written by Devendraganin in A. D. 1123.8 It tells about the rugged warrior Sivabhūti, who wanders through the streets of his city at night until one night he finds the door of his house locked by his wife, and then decides to become a monk because the monastery is the only building with its doors still open; later he adopts the old jinakalpa which demands complete abandonment of possessions, also clothing, though his teacher warns him not to do so. Jacobi writes about this somewhat incoherent and crudely negative story that it shows in all details clearly the characteristics of being contrived." He cannot entirely believe Ratnanandin's legend about the Svetāmbara-s either, but thinks it "less like a fairy tale ... than the story of their opponents," and based on these literary sources, he draws three conclusions : a. a number of monks migrated to the south, led by Bhadrabāhu, ca. 350 BC; b. the doctrinal differences between the northern and southern church finally led to the Svetāmbara-Digambara schism approximately by the beginning of the Christian era; c. neither the Svetāmbara nor the Digambara sect can be said to be the genuine representative of the original Jaina monasticism, but both sects have developed the original situation one-sidedly.
If we believe together with Jacobi that the story of the Migration to the south is essentially true, then the tradition that Bhadrabāhu met his death at

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Sravanabe!goļa gains credibility. And this tradition is very persistent indeed. Inscriptions from the 7th century AD mentioning Bhadrabāhu and the Migration are found at Sravanabelgola. P. B. Desai writes that the "earliest epigraphical record that testifies to the eminence of Sravana Be!goļa as a Jaina holy place is approximately assigned to the 7th century A.D." S.B. Deo says that" inscriptions testify to the sallekhana-s of numerous people at Sravanabelgoļa as early as the 7th and 8th centuries. When the Jainas suffered persecution at the hands of the Srivaişğava-s in the early years of the Vijayanagara period, king Bukka Rāya I had this stopped and ordered the Vaişpava-s to place a guard of 20 men to watch over the Gommațeśvara statue at Sravaṇabelgo!a. 13 The fact that so many inscriptions concerning not only Sravanabelgoļa itself but also other places and events in the history of Jainism in the south are found at Sravanabelgoļa seems to stress the importance the kşetra had for the Jaina community in South India.
Another feature of the tradition is that the emperor Candragupta Maurya abdicated the throne to become a monk and follow Bhadrabahu in the Migration, and again the evidence adduced consists of inscriptions and literary sources, which mention Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta together. At a first glance, this bringing together of two celebrities in one story sheds suspicion on the whole tradition, and that the last śruta kevalin would have died in the presence of only this emperor from the north-east of India, while the other 12000 sådhu-s apparently had disappeared completely, seems too romantic to be true. But concerning the last years of Candragupta's reign and the end of his life we know extremely little. The British historian V. A. Smith wrote: "The evidence cannot be described as conclusive, but after much consideration I am disposed to accept the main facts as affirmed by tradition...... His (Candragupta's) abdication is an adequate explanation of his disappearance at such an early age. Similar renunciations of royal dignity are on record, and the twelve years' famine is not incredible. In short, the Jain tradition holds the field, and no alternative account exists." There is no evidence, but neither is there any evidence that the essentials of the tradition are wholly untrue.
Some controversy has arisen over whether Bhadrabāhu brought Jainism to the south, i.e., whether Jainism was not present in the south prior to his arrival. Desai believed Jainism was there carlier, and gives three main reasons for his view : a) Bhadrabāhu had to be sure he and his followers would be welcome in the land of their destination : hence there already were Jainas in southern Karnataka and Tamilnād; b) the Buddhist chronicle Mahāvamsa mentions the presence of Jainas on Ceylon in the 4th century B. C., and this suggests that Jainism had already spread throughout the south by that time; c) Jainism reached Tamilnad before the Vedic faith did, as is suggested by early Tamil works such as the Tolkāppiyam and the Tirukkura". Desai furthermore argues the historicity of a certain Jaina King in the Andhra Desa, basing his unconvincing reconstruction

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on a story found in a work of the 12th century A.D. and an inscription dated in the 3rd century B.C., i.e. after Bhadrabahu's arrival in the south. The first argument could be a motivation for Bhadrabahu to move to southern Karnātaka, or for us to look for evidence, but nothing more than that. Besides, we need not grant absolute credibility to the romantically large number of 12000 monks who followed Bhadrabāhu. Desai draws his second argument from the English translation of the Mahāvamsa by Geigers and points to a reference to nigantha-s on p. 75 (chapter X, vss. 97-99) and the supposed time of the events mentioned in that portion of the text as given in the chronological table on p. xxxvi of the introduction. Thus he concludes that during the reign of king Pandukābhaya, 377-307 B.C., there were Jainas on Ceylon. In his enthusiasm, however, Desai seems to have overlooked Geiger's very great reservations about the reliability of the early chronology on p. xxi, where he speaks of "an absolute impossibility in respect of the last two kings of that period Pandukābhaya and Mutasiva."" He believes this chronology was faked in order to make the first king, Vijaya, a contemporary of the Buddha. If we accept Jacobi's date of 350 BC for Bhadrabāhu's arrival in the south, and reckon with the false dating of Pandukabhaya as 377, then we may assume the arrival of the nigangha-s on Ceylon to have taken place after Bhadrabahu's arrival in Karnāțaka and the spread of Jainism further south. As regards the third argument, I must say that it is not really an argument either. There are indeed some indications that the two Tamil works Desai mentions show some influence of Jaina ideas, but this has never been proven conclusively by anyone. Besides this, Desai gives no dates at all for these works, and the latest research has given a date of 100 BC to AD 500 for the Tolkāppiyam and AD 450 to 500 for the Tirukkural,' i.e., both works were compiled long after Bhadrabāhu's arrival in the south." Desai's idea that Jainism was already in the south before Bhadrabahu is interesting, but at present we will have to wait for scholars to come up with other data before we can accept it.
If we cannot accept the view that Jainism existed in the south before Bhadrabāhu, then the view that Jainism is of Dravidian origin is still more unwarranted. Nevertheless, there are people who actually want to believe this. M. L. Mehta says that Jainadharma and “Drāvidadharma” both see the world as full of sorrow (duḥkhapūrņa), both deny the existence of a creator-god, accept the doctrines of karma and rebirth, accept souls and matter as ultimate realities in a dualistic philosophy, and all these characteristics are non-Vedic : therefore they are Dravidian, and the Dravidians were the people of the ancient Indus Valley civilization, and the inhabitants of Mohenjo Daro were Dravidians and spoke a Dravidian language, so say a number of (anonymous) vidvan-s. Mehta gives absolutely no details about bis “Drāvidadharma", if such a thing exists at all, and I have absolutely no idea what he means. If the “Drāvidadhárma" is supposed to deny the existence of a creator-god, then why did the Saiva and Vaişņava bhakti- movements, which forced back Jainism and completely expelled its sister

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religion Buddhism from India, begin with the Nāya mār-s and Āļvār-s in Tamilnād in the 7th century? If we would want to know something about the view of life of the ancient Dravidians, then the first thing we ought to do is to examine the oldest Dravidian literature available, the so-called cankam-literature in Tamil of which the earliest extant poems are dated AD 100-200": the subject-matter of this literature is love and war, and the values of the people were purely secular. If ever there was such a thing as a "Drāvidadharma", then probably it was some form of theism. It is usually extremely difficult, and especially so in India, to ascribe traits of religious or philosophical thought to this or that ethnic group. From the cankam- poems we can conclude that for the ancient Tamils the world was not full of sorrow at all, but the contrary seemed much more the case. No one has ever provided evidence that the doctrines of karma and rebirth are nonAryan and could not have developed from ideas which we find in the Veda." So here we have Prof. Mehta writing about "Drāvidadharma", which is totally a figment of his imagination, and giving it some of the characteristics of Jainism which are non-Vedic. Then he apparently believes that whatever is non-Vedic is non-Aryan. His next leap into the dark is that whatever is non-Aryan must have a Dravidian origin.
To conclude this survey, we may say that at the present state of scholarly research, the essentials of southern tradition about Bhadrabāhu and his Migration to southern Karnataka may be thought of as true, and it is most probable that it was this śrutakevalin who brought Jainism to South India. With this in mind, it easily becomes clear to us why Sravanabelgola ought to be considered the holiest place of Jainism in the south.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
It is the orthodox Digambara belief that after Bhadrabahu, who was the leader of the Jaina church, had led part of the community to the south, the other part in the north began to adopt other practices under the heavy stress of their difficult circumstances, such as the wearing of clothing by monks. As Bhadrabā hu was a srutakevalin, and hence had full knowledge of the right doctrine, the orthodox Digambara-s consider the Svetāmbara practices as deviations from the original
teachings of the Tirtha nkara-s. 2. The Svetā mbara-s say Bhadrabāhu was the second last, and name Sthūlabhadra as the last
Srutakevalin. See The Kalpasů tra of Bhadraba hu, ed. Hermann Jacobi, introduction pp. 10, 11, in
Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, VII. Band, No. 1, Leipzig 1879. 3. B. A. Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, Bombay: Karnatak Publishing House, 1938 (?), p. 4 4. Saletore, op. cit. p. 185. 5. Hermann Jacobi, Ueber die Entstehung der Svetambara and Digambara Sektan in Zeitschrift der
Deutschen Morgenljindischen Gesellschaft, vol. 38 (1884), pp. 1-42. 6. itas ca tasmin duşkale karale kälaratrivat
nirvahärtham sådhusanghas tiran niranidher yayau || IX, 55 // 7. Edition of the text included in Jacobi (1884). 8. Text ibid., pp. 2-4.

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9. Die mitgetheilte Legende verräth nun in allen Details deutlich den Charakter des Erfundenseins Ibid p. 7.
10. Ibid. p. 17.
11. P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur: Jaina Samskṛti Samrakshaka Sangha, 1957, p. 202.
12. S. B. Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, Poona 1956, p. 568.
13. Helmuth von Glasenapp, Der Jainismus, Berlin 1925 (reprint Hildesheim: Georg Olm, 1964), p. 55.
14. V. A. Smith, The Oxford history of India, Oxford University Press, 3rd ed. 1958, p. 99. I quote the entire fragment here to guard Mr. Smith against the misunderstanding that he took these literary and epigraphical sources as complete evidence, as T. K. Tukōl seems to suggest in his article Karnatakadalli Jainaparampare (in Kannada) in Karnatakadalli Jainadharma, ed. Dr. T. G. Kalghatgi, University of Mysore, 1976, p. 2. Judge Tuk öl probably took this from Saletore, op. cit. p. 4 n. 1, who is indeed 'quite ambiguous about this point. I fully support Mr. Smith..
15. Desai, op. cit p. 2.
16. Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahâvamsa, London: Pali Text Society, 1912 (reprint Colombo 1960). 17. Geiger, op. cit. p. xxi.
18. K. V. Zvelebil, Tamil Literature (in the series Handbuch der Orientalistik, 2. Abteilung, ed. J. Gonda, 2. Band, 1. Abschnitt- but the book is in English), Leiden Köln 1975, pp. 71 and 124. 19. In my criticism, I have used Jacobi's date of ca. 350 BC for Bhadraba hu's arrival in the south. based on his assumption of 467 BC for Mahâvira's nirvana. M. D. Vasanthraj in A brief note on the Nirvana dates of Mahavira and Buddha (in Jainism A study, ed. Dr. T. G. Kalghatgi, University of Mysore 1976, pp. 30-52) gives a complicated defence of the traditional 528 BC as Mahavira's nirvana-date, which at the time of writing this article I have not yet been able to study. If one wants to accept 528, then the refutation of Desai's arguments will be still easier. 20. Dr. Mohanlal Mehta, Jaina-Dharma-Darsan (in Hindi), Varanasi Pärsvanath Vidya sram Research Institute, 1973, pp. 5 and 6.
21. Zvelebil, op. cit. p. 107.
22. A view radically opposite to Mehta's is that of Nathmal Tatia, Studies in Jaina Philosophy, Banaras: Jain Cultural Research Society, 1951, pp. 4 and 5, who thinks the karma and rebirth doctrines to be the work of the Aryan mind. Tatia puts forward the reasons for his view, and that is much more than can be said for Mehta.

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& Personal use only

1. Baroda Museum : Rishabhadeva,
bronze from Akota,
2. Barwani (M.P.) : 82 feet high rock-cut
statue of Rishabhadeva

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3. Shravanabelagola: A bird's eye-view of Chandragiri

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4. Chandragiri : A view of Jaina temples in their natural setting

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> 5. Chandragiri : Chamundaraya Basadi

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*
6. Chandragiri : Parshvanatha Basadi and Manastambha

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CeE
GS యు గవరిస్తుండగా An దందీ తజగత్తు కోసం చుడం
ముదంతయపలు కదయము దేవుడు అగుల విద్యుదుదారుడు తనను డయు గురించి నమ్ముకున్న అజ అమాంజయ దారులకు కది రజనవరం తందా నమసురిని, అంత బుదవపుదగురువల్లి
7. Chandragiri : Upper portion of an inscribed pillar of Parshvanatha Basadi
(A view of Acharya Mallis hena's Sallekhana)

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8. Chandragiri : A view of the ninety panels in the Chandragupta Basadi, depicting the story of Acharya Bhadrabahu's
migration to the South with his disciple Chandragupta Maurya as a Jain ascetic, with other Munis

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9. Chandragiri : Foot-print of Shrutakevali Bhadrabahu in the cave known by his name.

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6
THE COLOSSAL STATUE OF GOMMATESVARA AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE
How and why this statue can be viewed as one of the wonders of the world :
Any object in the visible world, which is unparalleled, whose counter parts. or imitations can have no comparison with it, and whose mere sight evokes admiration in any thinking human mind can be rightly considered as one of the wonders of the world, if not as a miracle. The biggest river like Nile or Amazon or Bramhaputra, tallest mountain like Everest or Himalaya, the Great wall of China, monumental architecture like Tajmahal at Agra or Pyramids of Egypt rank as some of the wonders of the world. Foreign travellers and other site-seers, poets and philosophers, seers and sages, famous painters and builders, sculptors and artists, who have had the good fortune of seeing this colossal statue at Sravanabelgola, even once, return with a firm conviction that this statue is really one of the wonders of the world.
D. S. PARMAJ
Some special features of this statue :
The first important feature of this holy statue is its very situation at the top of a mountain called Indragiri opposite to its counterpart called Candragiri. The statue is one with the mountain, the top portion of which is so finely, artistically and symmetrically hewn and shaped into a huge, splendid, colossal statue. Colossus is a huge, gigantic, superhuman being in Greek mythology. This statue is a monolithic figure, as it is carved out of a single block of granite stone, forming the top of a mountain. The total height of the statue itself is 58 feet at the top level of the mountain. So it has an added grace, it being visible to a naked eye from most of the places round about the mountain within a radius of 20 to 25 miles. Tiptur Railway Station may be about 25 miles from the statue but pilgrims alighting at the said Station can see the face of the holy Bahubali statue from there.

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As one gets along to the top of the mountain and sees the whole marvellous statue face to face, one is struck with wonder but not with terror as to how a human artist could at all chisel such a splendid statue with his human tools. Even a cynic would feel ashamed of being dwarfed in the holy presence of this tall and majestic statue. The statue, an embodiment of Universal love and benevolence, would even transform the heart of the worst iconoclast i. e., hater and breaker of idols, if the latter were just to go round the statue to observe its amazing gaze for revealing the hidden divine power in it. Any impartial artist or sculptor on seeing this statue, would only be left to say that the artist of this statue has really broken the mould for future generation of artists.
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The face is the most important part of a human frame. Face is said to be an index to the mind. It is the real fortune or earthly wealth of a human being. Sculptor-artist of this statue has understood this phenomena very well, as he has chiselled the different parts of the face with perfect proportion, the round head. with attractive curly hair, straight nose as if meant to inhale the odour of good things and exhale the smell of bad things of the world; smart shining eyes, which may pierce into your heart to read your mind and thoughts, keen ears ready to hear not merely his glories sung but also the grievances of the suffering ignorant masses with equanimity; lips exhibiting a delicate sweet, soft smile but not laughter, the sweet smile, like a cluster of beautiful blooming flowers, conveying different meanings and messages to different observers. The statue faces North, and this direction, according to some writers, is interpreted to mean that the statue is gazing to the north as if Bahubali wants to talk to his father Adinatha, who attained final salvation from the Kailas mountain in the Himalayas situated to the extreme North of India.
Divine Unparalleled skill of the Sculptor-artist:
Like music, painting, and poetry, sculpture is also an art. If good music pleases our ears, good painting speaks to our eye, good poetry or sculpture would appeal to our heart and soul, sculpture is said to be music or melody in stone for arousing our inner vision. It is said and said rightly that a real artist is sacrificed to his art. In achieving an artistic perfection an ideal artist merges himself in the subject matter of his art by becoming one with his art in hand. A real and inspired artist is said to breathe life into his creation and himself to live therein unseen. In the instant case, if Lord Bähubali, in order to become immortal by attaining spiritual liberation, sacrificed his royal pomp and glory as a mere trash, the sculptor of his statue has also become immortal and lives in the form of his art by sacrificing his very precious life-blood for completion of the divine statue.
Is it not an irony that such a gifted and dedicated artist-probably inspired by Lord Bahubali himself, to leave an artistic legacy to succeeding generations, should go unrecorded in history leaving his patron Camundaraya to enjoy the

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27 earthly fame and name vicariously? In this context I recollect what Shakespeare has observed in his famous tragedy called Julius Ceasor "No comets fall, when a beggar dies but Heavens themselves blaze forth Prince's death".
Nudity of the Statue :
This superb statue symbolises a Spiritual Hero in his erstwhile human form after he renounced the worldly life including his loin cloth. There is nothing to be concealed at the highest stage of a spiritual aspirant. As mythology recites Bāhubali was the tallest, bravest and handsomest of all the sons of Adinātha, the first Jain Prophet. So naturally the sculptor, being almost divinely inspried has tried to exhibit in his art all the faculties of Bahubali, physical, moral and spiritual, as if Bahubali himself is personified in all his naturalness. So the nudity of the statue shines in all its purity and innocence as revealed in Nature. Even a small piece of cloth to conceal anything natural would have spoilt the beauty and grandeur of the present majestic statue with a smiling face in a meditative mood with a message to the erring humanity for giving up their selfishness and egotism and silently blessing one and all, good or bad.
Art seen through Artist's eyes :
Oscar Wilde observes, "An unhewn stone lies in the quarry, before the sculptor has set God within it”. John Keats so pertinently remarks, "The excellence of every art is its intensity, capable of making all disagreeables evaporate from their being in close relationship with Beauty and Truth." Ingersoll, a great Free-thinker and candid speaker of the nineteenth century in America, in his work entitled Liberty of Man observes, "Real art has nothing to do directly with morality or immorality. It is its own excuse for being, it exists for itself. There is an infinite difference between the nude and the naked, between the natural and the undressed. The undressed is vulgar while the nude is pure. The old Greek statues, frankly, proudly nude, whose free and perfect limbs have never known the sacrilege of clothes, -were and are as free from taint as pure as stainless, as the image of the morning star trembling in a drop of perfumed dew".
A great artist puts love, hope, heroism and triumph in stones and marbles, if not in dust-- in order to enrich the common things of earth with the gems and jewels of his mind. The paintings, the statues and the images that decorate the walls and windows of the mansions and colleges alike and the artistic descriptions that illuminate the pages of real literature have all originated from the private laboratory of the human brain.
Object of the Undisclosed Master Artist behind the majestic and holy Statue of Lord Bahubali :
Whatever his name, whatever his social status, whatever his place of birth, though now lost in antiquity or oblivion, the sculptor, who shaped the superb

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statue of Bāhubali, has held a mirror upto Nature, nay upto Heaven, in which the erstwhile human personality of Lord Bahubali is reflected with perfect accuracy, faultless proportion of each limb, each organ, nay all parts of the body matching in full harmony with each other in their shape and size--imperceptibly revealing all the qualities of Lord Bāhubali, such as his huge physical body and its strength coupled with his heroism and compassion, spirit of self-denial, renunciation, universal love and kindness. The hidden Master Sculptor hehind the statue never intended to sermonize or preach any moral lesson to the admirers of his art, though unknowingly the silent Holy statue enlightens our inner faculties, ennobles our hidden powers. He must have intended completely to dedicate himself as a Divine Architect, and become one with Bahubali through his statue. The statue, cut to perfection one thousand years ago, stands as the earthly reflection of Lord Bahubali but irresistably revealing his divine qualities to many an observer in general and to gifted poets in particular like Kuvempu, the Kannad poet and winner of the covetable Jñānapitha Award, in whom poetry has rolled from heart with ease and naturalness to sing freely in praise of both Lord Bahubali and his statue with the aid of his inward vision, thereby immortalising the statue and the sculptor together with his own musical songs, which may require a separate article for their elucidation.
The Nude Statue at the top of the mountain is left open to the sky infinite, neither fury of Nature, such as heavy rains or violent storms, nor the earth-quake, has affected the majestic statue in the least, nor has the age staled its glory and grandeur. Does it not baffle our thinking mind as to how this statue has withstood the onslaught of both Nature in its fury and man in his wickedness or brutality?
How the extra-sensory powers of Lord Bahubali are revealed through this silent statue :
Mythology records how Lord Bahubali after renouncing the transitory worldly life and its illusory royal pleasures took to strict austere life of penance and meditation with a view to obtaining omniscience (Kevalajñāna) ultimately leading to his spiritual liberation free forever from the earthly journey of birth and death and existing only in the form of Infinite Bliss, Infinite Knowledge, Infinite Vision, and Infinite Strength. Strange, but true that Bahubali could attain final salvation even during his father's life time.
His perfect life in the form of his Statue, with all its sublimity, appears to a thinking mind to have been almost vivified or personified for the deliverance of suffering, ignorant, erring human race itself. In its holy presence only holy thoughts can arise even in the ordinarily wicked mind. One feels in its presence as if Bahubali himself is present, with his Clairvoyance, an extra sensory faculty of seeing mentally through the gaze of his statue all that is happening or existing

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throughout the world, with power of Clairaudience enabling him to hear far off things, for reading, receiving and transmitting his thoughts to other receptive minds. One feels as if his mind and thoughts are being read by the statue correctly by the faculty of Telepathy-- science of action and reaction of two minds through emotional influence without communicating through senses. Therefore, blessed are they, that can forget their daily drudgery of hum drum life for a while and see the spiritual personality of Bahubali through his sublime statue and return home purified and holified at least to some extent. Bahubali Statue is all things to all men :
This sublime statue is practically a miracle of majesty and beauty, the supreme idea of the Supreme Man. It presents different views to different persons at their own respective levels of understanding. To a common man with a prosaic mind, it, may present merely a view of an artistically symmetrical symbol of a great noble soul evoking admiration and respect in his mind. To a poet, gifted with a poetic genius, the statue presents an entirely different view, which can quicken his imaginative power by inspiring him to sing in praise of Bahubali's universal message of sympathy and pity for the ignorant and teaching the sclfish world by his own example of self-denial and renunciation in order to attain the highest aim of life. Sages and saints can derive inspiration from the statue steadily to tread the spiritual path lcading to eternal Bliss. A philosopher, on the other hand, with his speculative mind, will benefit by adjusting or correcting his own philosophic doctrines to be in harmony with the Ultimate Reality- a lesson issuing from this holy statue. Even a cruel man's hard heart will melt by the sight of the statue by its silent message of compassion for all that lives. In short, the Statue serves as a perennial source of inspiration both to the animate and inanimate Things by preaching without words, peace and compassion for co-existence. As Shakespeare puts it in his comedy called As you Like It, while describing Nature's blessings in disguise available in a pastoral life away from the madding crowd of ignoble strife by observing that there are sermons in stones and tongues in the trees in forest and the running brooks are the books of Nature teaching lessons of charity and self-sacrifice to forest-dwellers.
Relevant Mythological Account of Lord Bāhubali : Birth and Boyhood in royal family :
In the galaxy of twenty four Jaina Prophets of the present cycle of time known as Tirthankars, Emperor Bhagvān Adinātha ranks first and Mahāvira ranks last. From 814 to 877 A. D. Nrpatunga as the head of Rāştrakūta Dynasty, was the ruler and his religious preceptors Jinasenācārya and Guņabhadrācārya wrote respectively Pūrva Purā ņa and Uttara Pura na which served as guide and basis for the later Kannada poets like Pampa for their works in old Kannada. Jinasenācārya, the ancient Jaina Saint Scholar wrote a part- Pūrva

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Purāņa i.e. (earlier part) dealing with Ādinātha's life and teachings. After Jinasenācārya's death, his disciple Guṇabhadra, a Sanskrit scholar, wrote the later part (Uttara Purāņa) dealing with the lives of remaining twenty three Jain prophets including Mahāvira. Adinatha had two wives by names Yeśasvati and Sunandā. From Yeśasvati, Ādinātha had hundred sons of whom Bharata was the eldest and from Sunandā, Ādinātha had one son by name Bahubali. Of all the sons of Ādinātha, Bahubali (the strong armed) or popularly known as Gommața i e., very handsome, was the bravest, tallest, and handsomest as his name suggests. Adināthā himself educated all his sons and daughters in various lores such as agriculture, mathematics, music, medicine, horse-riding, archery and other warfares. Because of his most handsome face and strong body Bāhubali had become a legendary figure of beauty even in his boyhood. So he was called God of Beauty, Madana, God of Love, his western counterpart is known as Cupid i.e., Roman God of Love But in Bahubali's case he proved by his own example the ancient maxim 'Handsome is that Handsome does'.
Father's Asceticism and Bharata's worldly ambition :
In his old age Emperor Adinātha crowned his eldest son Bharata as the King of Ayodhyā, the then capital and distributed small portions of his empire amongst his other sons, giving Poundanpura region to Bahubali. Then he renounced his worldly life and took to strict asceticism and penance on Kailās Mountain. Thereafter Bharata, being actuated with a desire to conquer other kingdoms, started on a mission of conquest with the aid of his army. He had an added advantage of jewelled victory wheel known as Religious Wheel with the aid of which he could easily defeat his enemies in war. After conquering so many kingdoms and widening his empire, he started his return journey to Ayodhyā, his own capital. On his way back, as the legend goes, his religiovictorious wheel could not enter Poundanpura city ruled then by Bahubali, his younger brother On consulting his Religious Counseller, he learnt that unless all his brothers acknowledged his supremacy over their areas, the Victory Wheel could not proceed further. So Bharata issued orders to all his brothers to surrender and acknowledge his supremacy. All, excepting self-respecting brave Bahubali, surrendered their kingdoms and as per their father's advice took to religious life.
Combat between Bharata and Bahubali (Trial of Strength) :
Then ensued the combat between Bharata and Bāhubali in the presence of their religious preceptor. In the combats of different kinds, verbal, physical, mental, duel and archery, it was brave, heroic Bahubali who emerged victorious. Though nothing is fair in war and love, as the maxim goes, Bāhubali did not avail of any unfair means. In the final duel, Bahubali lifted up Bharata with ease and comfort by mere virtue of his amazing physical strength and indomitable courage and laid him prostrate on the ground. Bharata much to his discomfort, had to

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The Colossal Statue of Gommages vara and its Significance admit defeat at the hands of Bahubali, as his own vanity or pride resulted in his fall. As a result thereof, Bahubali could have easily assumed the position of an earthly emperor, if he was so minded. But he showed greater heroism in renouncing even his own kingdom in favour of his empire-thirsty brother and took to asceticism and penance to attain the highest goal of life i.e., Spiritual Liberation. His meditation was so deep, that creepers had entwined both his legs and hands up to his neck, as His statue shows ant-hills had appeared in the vicinity. As the legend goes, due to his human egoity that he was standing for his penance on his brother Bharata's land his Final Spiritual Emancination was held up, till Bharata came and touched his holy feet by worshipping him and admitting that the land was not his, and that he should give up his egoity.
Historical Background of Bahubali Statue at Sravanabelgola :
Of all the Jain sages and saints, prophets and philosophers, Bahubali has somehow caught the popular fancy of the Jain community. His lovely figure and sweet smiling face have established his unparalleled popularity, as a real spiritual hero and as such every Jain householder has his photo hung up for invoking his blessings. As a sign of his popularity, two counterparts of his Belgoļa statue came to be installed in Southern India long ago- one at Karkal in 1432 A. D. measuring 43 feet in height and the other at Venur in 1604 A. D. measuring 35 feet in height. Both these high statues were chiselled and shaped outside and transplanted to their respective places of installation. In Northern India also similar statues of lesser height but of fine beauty in marble have been installed and consecreted at different places of pilgrimage. In many of the Jain temples and shrines all over India the handsome statue with a smiling face has become a common sight.
In 1963 at the holy hillock known as Bahubali hillock in Kolhapur District in Maharashtra State, a place of pilgrimage, a handsome white marble statue of Bahubali measuring 28 feet in height came to be installed and consecreted at the base of the hillock in a prominent place, as per the desire of late Shri Shantisagar Jain Muni, with the unstinted blessings and inspiration coupled with religious zeal of the living Jain saint scholar Gurudev Ācārya Samantabhadra, who has virtually turned the hillock into a popular place of residential education for poor students and spiritual knowledge for saints and sages. This statue has immensely added to the grace and glory of the ancient place of pilgrimage silently inviting and blessing every visitor with its sweet smile. Of late a beautiful huge statue of Bāhubali is kept ready for consecretion at Dharmasthaļa, an ancient place of pilgrimage of both Jainas and Hindus. All these statues, old and new, in perfect harmony individually and collectively speak to the age long glory and popularity of Lord Bahubali.
Consecretion hile. Ofia. pilgrimas

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Sravanabelgoļa with its fine natural scenery, is at present a small holy township with small lakes growing beautiful lotuses, temples and shines, schools and colleges, Jain monasteries and libraries, and a place of pilgrimage with a Jain Matha presided over by a highly learned Bhattāraka Svāmiji. It is in Hassan District in the present Karnatak State i.e., former Mysore State. In Southern India from the third century onwards the famous Ganga Royal family, following Jain religion, was ruling over vast area including Kannada speaking present Karnatak State having their head-quarters at Mysore and other places. Ganga Royal Dynasty was founded by Mādhava Gangarāj. This royal family produced some learned warrior members. Pūjyapada, an ancient Jain Saint Scholar and author of many important Jain religious books, was the religious preceptor of this Ganga royal family. In the ninth century the head of this Ganga Dynasty was one Narasimha, a great warrior, who was a veritable lion amongst kings as his name suggests. He followed Jain religion both in letter and spirit. He embraced asceticism in his old age and expired in 975 A.D. Cāmundarāya was the General under Narasimha after whose death, his son Rācamalla raised the position of Cāmundarāya to that of Chief Minister and Head of the army. Cāmundarāya had combined in himself rare virtues of religious piety, scholarly temper, coupled with unparalleled heroism exhibited in battle field. Saint Scholar Nemicandra, author of Gommațasāra, was Cāmundarāya's religious counsellor. Cāmundarāya was himself the author of some religious books. His old mother expressed a keen desire to worship the statue of Bahubali if available at Poundanpur, where Bāhubali had ruled for some years; if such a statue is not available, then to have one carved out in old Karnataka area. To fulfil his mother's dream Cāmuṇdaraya selected a Master Sculptor, who shaped the present Bāhubali majestic statue in all its perfection and it was consecreted by Holy Bath and other religious ceremonies in March 981 A. D. So it completes its 1000th year in 1981 March. Therefore a special function of the Great Holy Bath to celebrate the statue's 1000th year is fixed in 198! March under the guidance of the learned Jain Muni, Elacharya Vidyanand Svāmiji. Till now the Holy Bath ceremony was being performed once in every decade. The 1981 function will be a unique event in the religious and cultural history of India in general and Karnataka in particular. It is no wonder, if in commemoration of this unique function of the Holy Bath of this majestic and popular statue, volumes of literature in different languages by different authors will be published.
Object of Idol worship :
Worshipping an idol or image, representing some divinity by whatever name it is called, has been in vogue in human race itself all over the world since long. In primitive days certain objects in Nature were worshipped just to ward off some evil or danger or to receive some earthly benefit. Till the 6th century even in Muslim and Christian countries idol worship was observed on

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The Colossal Statue of Gommagesvara and its Significance a large scale. Some Christian Saints and Prophet Mohammad preached against idol worship in the 6th century.
Believe it or not, devotional worship of a statue or portrait or other symbol is one of the methods of following the righteous path pointed out by the erstwhile human personality for whom the symbol stands as his earthly reflection.
Zimmer, a German intellect and a philosopher, observes in his book on Indian Religions and Philosophy, “Function of the worship of a symbol or statue is to imbue the Devotee with the divine essence of the Truth, this being made manifest under the symbolic thought directing forms of divinities or other superhuman holy figures, as well as through the Teacher himself, who năm nding for truth incarnate, revealed Truth continually both through his teaching and in his way of life during his earthly existence.”

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LORD GOMMATESVARA OF SRAVANABELGOLA
JYOTI PRASAD JAIN
*A statue solid set
And moulded in colossal calm." 'It is human in shape and feature, yet as inhuman as an icicle; and thus expresses perfectly the idea of successful withdrawal from the round of life and death, personal cares, individual destiny, desires, sufferings and events... Like a pillar of some superterrestrial unearthly substance... stands supernally motionless, absolutely unconcerned about worshipping jubilant crowds that throng around his feet'.
'Truly Egyptian in size, and unrivalled throughout India as detached work... Nude, cut from a single mass of granite, darkened by the monsoons of centuries, the vast statue stands upright, with arms hanging straight, but not awkwardly, down the sides in a posture of somewhat stiff but simple dignity's
"Set on height of more or less prominence, visible from a considerable distance around, and despite its formalism, commands respectful attention by its enormous mass and expression of dignified serenity... Nothing grander or more imposing exists anywhere out of Egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it in height'.
'It is the biggest monolithic statue in the world - larger than any of the statues of Rameses in Egypt."... "The image on the whole is a very successful piece of sculpture since the spirit of Jaina renunciation is fully brought out in it. The naked figure shows absolute renunciation while its stiff erect posture stands for perfect self-control and the benign smile on the face shows 'inward bliss and sympathy for the suffering world... Its merits are the sublime beauty of the face and the gigantic proportions of the colossal image."

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35 'The grandeur of the image as also its serene looking and peace-inspiring presence, are all known to all Jainas and non-Jainas who have had the good fortune of visiting it. The image is about 57 feet high and still every limb and minor limb is in exquisite proportion'.'
'I came here and felt extremely happy to see this unique statue.''
‘This figure of Gommata is indeed known only in South India, and statues of that size are very rare elsewhere.''
'Undoubtedly the most remarkable of Jaina statues and the largest free standing statue in Asia... set on the top of an eminence is visible for miles round.' 0
'The sculptured representation, supposed to represent so rigid and complete an absorption in penance that ant-hills had been raised round his feet and plants grown over his body, without disturbing the profoundness of the ascetic's abstraction from mundane affairs."
'The artist was skilful indeed to draw from the blank rock the wonderous contemplative expression touched with a faint smile with which Gommaţa gazes on the struggling world' -- has, in fact, been gazing for the last one thousand years!
These are some of the tributes paid by eminent historians, archaelogists and connoisseurs of art, to the Sravanabelgota colossus of Bahubali popularly known as Gommaţa. Carved out from a fine-grained light grey granite rock, and uninjured by weather or violence, this striking and unusual object, the image of Gommateśvara, looks as bright and clean as if just from the chisel of the artist. Standing on the top of the Vindhyagiri and visible for miles around, this fifty-seven feet tall ascetic par excellence faces North, as though with his mind's eye fixed upon the far off holy Mount Kailāsa, the abode of Lord Rşabha, the Mahādeva, own father of Bahubali and the first Tirthankara, 'the crossing-maker, the breaker of the path across the stream of time to the final release and bliss of the other shore.' Curiously enough, the illustrious son succeeded in attaining Nirvāṇa long before the Great Father did. In life, Bahubali, also called Bhujabali or Dorbali, was famous as having mighty and victorious arms with which he overcame his adversaries, and he possessed such an extremely charming personality that he has been designated as the first of the twenty-four Kāmadevas, incarnations of love and manly beauty, of the current cycle of time. Moreover, he was so great a lover of freedom, justice, honour and self-respect that he refused to submit to the authority of Bharata, the first Cakravartin, who was also his own elder brother, Consequently, a fierce duel was fought between the two brothers. Bāhubali came out victorious, but was shocked at human frailty, the mortal's insatiable greed for

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power and pelf when life itself is so uncertain and ephemeral. The realisation of reality turned his mind from the world which he renounced altogether." He left Podanapura," his capital, went to the nearby forest, took the vows of asceticism, and stood for full one year in one place, without food or drink, nay, absolutely motionless, ultimately obtaining Kaivalya and then Nirvana, being thus the first to do so in the present cycle.
It is said that Emperor Bharata had erected a life-size golden image of the saint Bahubali on the spot, outside the city of Podanapura, where he had practised penance, but which, in the course of time, had become quite invisible and untraceable.16 It is also said that a more or less similar image was later installed by Rāvana, the King of Ceylon, on the Vindhyagiri." It was, however, early in the last quarter of the 10th century A. D. that Camundaraya, the illustrious general of the Ganga Kings of Mysore, caused the present Gommata statue to be sculptured by Aristanemi, a superb artist, under the guidance of his own gurus, Ajitasena Acarya and Nemicandra Siddhänta Cakravartin, in order to fulfil the pious wish of his own mother, Kajala Devi. "The image marks the site of Sravanabelgola, the chief seat of the Jainas in South India from very early times. The village lies picturesquely between two rocky hills, one larger than the other, which stand up boldly from the plain and are covered with huge boulders." As a foreign visiter has rightly remarked, 'In the whole beautiful state of Mysore, it would be hard to find a spot where the historic and the picturesque clasp hands so firmly as here.' 19
In fact, as Sir Mirza Ismail observed, 'Sravapabelgola is not merely of sectarian interest it is a national treasure'"'It is not only a holy place for the Jainas, but also a place of cultural and historical importance to the students of South Indian history." Another eminent scholar has it, 'Sravņabelgola has a very romantic history. From all Jaina accounts in literature and epigraphs, it was originally a bare hill in an uninhabited country, but in time it became a Tirtha or place of pilgrimage, a Karma-kşetra for Siksa and Diksa, or a University of piety and culture, and even a religious state or Samsthanam, somewhat like the Vaticangrand sublimation of mere, forbidding earth by the aspiring, advancing and self-purifying soul of Man.'" Yet another avers, 'Above all, to my mind, Sravapabelgola is most typically Indian, for it enshrines the spirit of sacrifice in the cause of Spirit which alone is life that faith is transcendental; it seeks liberation of the Soul from the trammels of mundane existence; it stands for the ultimate triumph of Spirit over matter. It is the shining beacon of life across the wasteland of death, life that is enduring and eternal." On 14th March, 1925, on the occasion of a former Mahamastakabhiseka celebration, the then Mahārāja of Mysore had said, "This is the holy spot so sacred to the Muniśvara Gommata whom tradition represents to be the younger brother of Bharata, the eponymous Emperor of Bharatavarsa. The land of Mysore symbolises Gommata's spiritual

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empire as Bharatavarşa stands for the Empire of his brother Bharata.”* Verily, the life and image of the Great Spiritual Hero Bahubali Gommateśa stand for all that is true, blissful and beautiful !
Some Historical Facts :
The Place: What represents the spiritual empire of Gommateśa is the land described in a stone inscription, as dated 1408 A. D., as- "Among the many beautiful countries it (Bharata-Khaqda) contained, an abode of the Jaina dharma, a mine of good discipline, like the dwelling of Padmasana (Brahma or Gommateśa), having acquired great fame, the birth-place of learning and wealth, the home of unequalled splendid earnestness, thus distinguished in many ways was the lovely Karņāța country.” And, the crest-jewel of Karnataka is undoubtedly the holy town of Sravanabelgola with its presiding deity the Lord Gommatesa.
The town, situated in the Chennarayapattan taluk of district Hasan in the State of Karnataka, the erstwhile princely state of Mysore, in 12° 51' N. Latitude and 76° 29' E. Longitude, is at a distance of 12 Kms. south of Chennarayapattan, 50 Kms. from Hasan and about 100 Kms. from Mysore. It nestles in a valley between two hills, that on the north being known as the Cikkabetta (small hill), also called Candragiri, Rşigiri, Tirthagiri and Gommațagiri, and that on the south being called the Dodda-betta (big hill), Vindhyagiri or Indragiri. It is on the top of the latter hill that Lord Gommatesa, standing on a full-blown Jotus-seat, and facing North, commands the horizon on all sides.
The antiquity of the place reaches back to prehistoric times, tradition associating it with the earliest known heroes like Rşabha, Bharata and Bāhubali, and later with Rāma, Lakşmaņa and Rāvana. At least, in the fourth century before Christ, it was already famous as a sacred place surrounded by habitations of pious Jainas. It was why the sage Bhadrabāhu I, the last Srutakevalin, migrated from Magadha in the North to this distant place in the South, with a large following of Jaina ascetics, because northern India was on the verge of being afflicted by a very severe twelve-year famine. His royal disciple, the emperor Candragupta Maurya, too, abdicated the throne in favour of his son Bindusāra, took the vows of an ascetic and followed the master to this place. The Katavapra (hill having matted sides), by which name the Chikkabetta (the smaller and northern hill) was then known, had already been an established Tirtha or holy spot. And, it was in a cave on this hill that sage Bhadrabāhu died by observing the rite of Sallekhanā, whence the cave came to be known as the Bhadrabāhu-guphā. Candragupta Muni followed suit a little later, and it was after him that the hill came to be known as Candragiri. A descendant of his, named Bhāskara, is said to have built the Candragupta-basadi and several other temples on the hill in memory of that royal sage." Locally, the sacred hill has also been known as the Kalbappa or Kaļbappu Tirtha, which term has been interpreted as the 'Hill

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Father' or 'Hill Sage', obviously alluding to its association with the sages Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta."
The name Belgoļa (white lake) or Sravana Be!gola, 'the white lake of the Jaina Ascetics', is also at least as old as the 6th or 7th century A.D." In some records, it has been called as the Dhavala-Sarovara Nagara' (the town of the white lake). The present Kalyāṇi tank in the centre of the town is supposed to mark the site of the original 'white lake' on the banks of which numerous Jaina ascetics used to practise penance. During the last two thousand years, the two hills, the town and even the neighbourhood have been adorned with numerous temples and other religious monuments. Not all of them have survived, but of those that remain several are quite beautiful and artistic. Since the consecration of the Gommateśa here, the place certainly acquired great celebrity and became world famous. It also came to be known by such names as Gommațapura, Gommața-tirtha or the city of Gommaţadeva'. Historical and traditional associations - association with saints, sages and ascetic yogis, with learned men, scholars and poets, with lay devotees of different classes and ranks, and with pious pilgrims from far and off places, gave a distinct character and significance to Sravanabelgoļa Culture. The Bhattāraka-svāmijis of the local Pitha have also, during the last one thousand years or so, contributed a lot in sustaining and maintaining this culture.
The distinctive iconographical details of the Bahubali image had already been well established long before its installation at Sravanabe!go!a. Several such images, dating from the 6th to 10th century A. D., have been discovered in different places in the North and South, such as at Badami, Ellora, Khajuraho, and Devagarh. But the age of Gommața colossi commenced only with the one at Sravanabe!go!a. Not only this, a regular Gommața-cult with its distinct ritual and folklore has developed in the course of time.
The Builder : The erection and consecration of the Bahubali colossus is rightly ascribed to the great Camu darāya, a highly celebrated name in the Jaina annals of South India. He came out of a noble Brahma-Kşatriya family of Karnataka and was the General-in-Chief as well as Prime Minister of the kingdom of the Western Gangas of Talkad, during the reigns at least of Mārsimha II (961-974 A. D.) and Rācamalla IV (975-984 A. D.). He seems to have entered the service of this kingdom in the reign of Mārsimha's predecessor, Maru?adeva (953-961 A. D.), and may have continued for some time in the reign of Rācamalla's successor, Rakkasa Gaiga. But, almost all of his numerous military exploits, heroic deeds and political, social and moral or religious achievements, which won for him dozens of befitting titles and honours, and about which contemporary and later records, literary and epigraphical, are so eloquent, are confined chiefly to the first mentioned two reigns, i. e., the period 961-984 A. D.

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The Rāya was not only an invincible warrior, an efficient commander, an astute politician and a great man of action but was also a dutiful son, a good husband and father, a gentleman of noble bearing, pious and of charitable disposition and of exemplary character. Moreover, he was a highly educated and accomplished person, a patron of art and learning, a great builder and a great author. His Cāmundarāya-Purāņa, completed in 978 A. D., is a popular gem of Kannada literature. He is also believed to have written a Kannada commentary, the Viramartandi so called after one of his many honorofic titles 'Vira-märtanda' (son of valour), on the Gonimajasära, almost simultaneously with the latter's compilation by his guru Nemicandra Siddhānta-Cakravartin. He received instruction in the Siddhānta from his guru, and it was in order to satisfy the querries of his royal pupil that the guru avowedly compiled at his instance and for his benefit the famous Gommafasāra. Another work of this nobleman is the caritrasāra, written in Sanskrit. He patronised many poets and writers, more famous among whom is Ranna, the poet and author of the Ajitanatha Purā ņa. Camundarāya erected the superb Bahubali colossus on the Vindhyagiri in order to fulfil the pious wish of his beloved mother Kāļalādevi, and in front of the image the TyāgadaBrahmadeva-Stambha where he distributed daily charities generously. He also built the beautiful temple, which came to be known as the Camundarāyabasadi, on the Candragiri, also called Gommațagiri, and enshrined in it the one cubit high image, made of blue saphire (indra-nila-maņi), of Lord Neminātha, his favourite deity, and the Kūge-Brahmadeva-stambha there. The building and restoration of many other temples and religious monuments, as well as numerous acts of piety, are attributed to this great man. His wife, Ajitadevi, was a pious and accomplished lady, and their son, Jinadevan, was a religious minded nobleman who is also said to have built a fine temple. The Rāya's sister, Pulavve, was also a pious lady. **
The Gurus: Ācārya Ajitasena, the disciple of Āryasena of the Senagaña, was the family guru of Cāmundarāya, who alongwith his mother, wife and son owned him as their religious preceptor. He was likewise the guru of the Rāya's masters, the Ganga Kings, especially of Marsimha II who died in 974 A. D. by the rite of Sallekhanā in the presence of this guru. It was this Ācārya who inspired and guided Cāmundarāya in the building of the Bahubali colossus, and presided at its consecration ceremony, most probably assisted by Nemicandra SiddhāntaCakravartin. The latter was not only a teacher of the Rāya in the Siddhānta but also his friend, philosopher and guide in his religious and literary activities. After the consecration of the image, he seems to have been appointed as the chief priest, pontiff and caretaker of this holy place, for which the Rāya bestowed upon him a handsome grant of land and money. Nemicandra was an erudite scholar and commanded great influence and respect. He appears to have resided at Sravaņabelgoļa for a considerable time, where he taught, preached and wrote his famous works, the Trilokasāra (973 A. D.), Gommagasāra-- Jivakāņda and Karmakānda,

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Labdhisāra, Kşapaņasāra and Karma-prakriti, all in Prakrit verse. He claims to have earned the title 'Siddhānta-Cakravarti' (Paramount Sovereign of the Doctrine) for his having mastered the 'six divisions of the Siddhānta,' that is, the Satakhandagama together with its Dhavalā commentary, in the same was as a temporal monarch becomes a Cakravartin after subduing the six divisions of Bharatakşetra. He was a guru of the Deśiyagaña-Pustakagaccha, a branch of the Nandisaṁgha of the Mulasamgha-Kundakundānvaya, and among his preceptors, teachers and contemporary elder saints he mentions several names: Indranandi, who appears to be identical with the author of Jvala malini-Kalpa written in 939 A. D, and his disciple Kanakanandi, the author of Sattvasthāna (Vistara-Satta-tribhangi), bulk of which has been incorporated by Nemicandra in his Karmakānda. Another guru was Abhayanandi, the disciple of Vibudha Gunanandi and preceptor of Viranandi, the author of Candraprabha-carita. Yet another guru was Ajitasena of Senagana, mentioned already. This Ncmichandra was in all probability a Kannadiga and belonged originally to these very parts. The Bhattāraka-svāmījis of the Sravanabelgola Pitha claim descent from this celebrated Siddhānta-Cakravarti.
Name : There is no evidence, literary or inscriptional, earlier than the 12th century, to show that Bāhubali, the celebrated ascetic son of Lord Rşabha (Purudeva or Adinātha) was ever called by the nāme of Gommața. Even his image at Sravanabelgola was originally designated as Kukkuțeśvara, Kukkuța-Jina or the Dakşiņa-Kukkuța-Jina, because it was traditionally believed that the original image of the saint, erected near Podanapura by Bharata Cakravartin, had been entirely covered and surrounded by dreadful Kukkuța-sarpas (dragons with body of fowl and head of serpent) after sometime, and had thus become unapproachable and untraceable. Since the site of that image was believed to lie somewhere towards the north, the Sravanabelgoļa image of Kukkuţeśvara (Bāhubah) was designated as Dakşiņa-Kukkuța-Jina (the Kukkuța Jina of the South). Nemicandra himself and the poet Ranna also called it so. But in later times, the image came to be so popularly known as the Gommața, Gommagesa, Gommateśvara, Gommaţa-Jina, Gommata-deva, Gommața-nätha or Gommața-svāmi that all subsequent colossi, viz., those at Karkal, Venur, Shravanappagiri (near Mysore), Bastihaddi, Dharmasthala, etc., came to bear that name, which in a way became synonymous with the saint Bāhubali. Hence the early set of modern scholars, like S. C. Ghoshal, N. R. Premi, J. L. Jaini, M. Govind Pai, S. Srikantha Sastri, and H. L. Jain, started with the presumption that Gommata was another name of Bahubali and that it was why his colossus at Sravanabelgola got the name and the term was applied to several other persons and things associated with it. Govind Pai went so far as to make out the term 'Gommața' a corrupt derivation of the Sanskrit word 'Manmatha' (or Kāmadeva, the god of love and beauty), and since Bahubali is believed to have been the first Kāmadeva of the Jaina tradition, Pai found a justification for the appellation in his case." Some others, like J. L. Jaini,

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Lord Gommatesvara of Sravaṇabelgola
believed that the term 'Gommata' (lord of 'go' or speech) was used for Lord. Mahavira, and so it could be used for every Jina or Kevalin including Bahubali. Dr. A. N. Upadhye. however, succeeded in proving all these presumptions, surmises and conjectures erroneous and in establishing that the term is not derived from any Sanskrit or Prakrit root or word, but that it is a local word found used in slightly variant forms in the Kannada, Telugu, Konkani and Marathi languages, generally in the sense of good, excellent, pleasing to look at, well-wisher or benefactor. He, therefore, inferred that it must have been the pet name of Cămundaraya, which came to be applied to several things associated with that nobleman. Although, Upadhye, too, could not furnish any solid contemporary evidence in support of his theory, his is the most plausible one. To us it appears that Nemicandra, the first person to make use of this term, must have known Camundaraya from childhood, probably himself hailing from the same locality where the Raya was born and bred up. The two seem to have been so intimately acquainted with each other that even after the one turned out to be a learned saint and the other rose to be a great nobleman, the former, out of affection or habit, continued to call his earlier friend and later pupil and patron by the same pet name. It is not without significance that Nemicandra nowhere alludes to him by his official or famous name Camundaraya, but always as Gommata, the rājā Gommata or Gommataraya. Not only this. he calls the image of Lord Neminatha, the favourite deity of both of them and enshrined in the Camundarayabasadi, as the Gommața-Jina or Gommața-Jinacandra, and also the hill (Candragiri) on which this temple stood as the Gommatagiri, the rock from which the Raya supervised the carving of the Bahubali image as the Gommata-silä, and the work he wrote for Gommaṭaraya's benefit as the Gommata-sutta, Gommatasangraha or Gommata-sangraha-s@tra," which has come to be popularly known as the Gommalasara. It is, therefore, evident that Gommata was the pet, childhood or household name of Camunḍaraya, because from his early years he was a handsome person of generous disposition, noble character and good manners. And, it was Nemicandra who made this appellation of his friend and patron. popular to the outside world and posterity who, no wonder, began to call the matchless image set up by Gommataraya by the name Gommateśvara (the Lord of Gommataraya). It is surprising that although Nemicandra never used the term 'Gommata' for the Bahubali colossus," referring to it only as the KukkutaJina or Daksiņa-Kukkuta-Jina, the term came to stick to this image and was forgotten in all the other contexts in which it was used by him, with the sole exception of the work Gommatasära. In fact, the image did not acquire this name at least till the end of the 10th century- Ranna, in his Ajitanathapura na (993 A.D.), speaks of the pilgrimage of Attimabbe, a celebrated pious noblewoman, to visit the Kukkuta-Jina at Sravapabelgola.
Date: The date of the setting up of this image has also baffled modern scholars and opinions differ widely, ranging from 907-908 A. D. to 1028 A. D.

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Gommafes vara Commemoration Volume Thus S. Srikantha Sastri fixed the date as 907-908 A.D., A. Venkata Subbayya 978 A D., S. C. Ghoshal 980 A. D., M. Govind Pai“ and N. C. Sastri 981 A. D., S. R. Sharma," M. H. Krishna's and J. L. Jaini" 983 A, D, A. N. Upadhye 984 A. D.," and Shama Sastri and Hira Lal Jain 1028 A D.
We know for certain that the image was set up by Cāmundarāya who completed his Purāņa in 978 A D. and was the minister of Ganga Mārasimha II (961-974 A. D.) and Rācamalla IV (975-984 A. D.) and whose son Jinadevan built a temple about 995 A. D. We also know that Ācārya Ajitasena of the Senagana, the family preceptor of Cāmuqdarāya presided over the consecration of this image-- the same guru had guided the Ganga King Mārsimha II in performing Sallekhanā in 974 A. D., and probably also presided over the consecration of the temple built by Jinadevan about 995 A D. The poet Ranna, in his Ajitanāthapurāņa (993 A.D.) claims to have been a protege of Cāmundarāya. And, Nemicandra Siddhānta-Cakravarti, who owned Indranandi (939 A.D.), Kanakanandi, Abhayanandi and Viranandi (circa 950 A. D.) as his gurus, and who wrote his Trilokasāra in 973 A.D., assisted at the consecration of the Bahubali image, and specifically mentioned in his Gommațasāra that Gommațarāya (Camundarāya) had set up the Dakşiņa-Kukkuța-Jina (The Bahubali colossus) on the Vindhyagiri. All these synchronisms clearly point to a period from about 950 to 995 A.D. for the principal actors in these drama, namely Cāmundarāya, Ajitasena and Nemicandra. Moreover, since Camu darāya makes no mention of the image in his Purāņa (978 A.D.), nor Nemicandra in his Trilokasāra (973 A.D.), it is plausibly inferred that the image was set up sometime after 978 A.D. On the other hand, since Ranna speaks of its existence in 993 A. D. and Amitagati (993-1016 A. D.) utilised in his Sanskrit Pancasangraha (1016 A. D.), Nemicandra's Gommafasāra which contains a definite reference to the image, the latter must have been erected sometime before 993 A.D. The time limits are thus narrowed to 978-993 A.D.
The scholar who advocated the 907 A.D. date, ignored all historical considerations and made the sole basis of his assumption an inscription" from Cikka Hanasoge, which bears no date but is conjecturally assigned to circa 910 A. D. This short record contains the names of Ereya, presumably a ruler, Kalneledeva, a guru described as the moving Tirtha, and Gommaţadeva, described as the fixed or immobile Tirtha or sacred place. There is nothing in the record to identify the first two or to fix its date, yet presurning the ruler to be identical with Ereya, the Ganga King (c. 907-913 A. D.), the date of the erection of the Gommaţa image has been fixed as 907 A. D. Apart from the fact that this date is impossible for historical reasons, as discussed earlier, a ruler named Ereya, the father of Vişnuvardhana Hoysala, and a guru named Kalneledeva of the Surastha-gana, are known to have belonged to about the end of the 11th century A.D." Hence, in all probability the inscription in question belongs to that period and not to the beginning of the 10th century, and is thus irrelevant for our purpose.

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Similarly, the advocates of the 1028 A. D. date seem to have paid no heed to contemporary historical facts and even ignored the fact that the image was already in existence in 993 A.D. Prof. H. L. Jain even tried to support his contention by stating that Nemicandra, the author of Dravya-sangraha, whom he believed to be identical with the author of Gommafasāra, lived in the reign of King Bhojadeva (circa 1019-1042 A. D.) of Dhārā. But, it has been proved that the author of Dravya-sangraha is a different and later Nemicandra, and not the same person who wrote the Gommațasāra." Hence the date 1028 A. D. may as well be dismissed.
The difficulty is that there is no record of the date of the consecration of this Bāhubali image except in the Bahubali-caritra or Bhujbali-sataka of Doddayya (1550 A.D.), which gives it as Sunday, the 5th day of the bright-half of the month of Caitra of year 600 of the Kalki era, when the Samvatsara was Vibhava, also supplying certain astral indications of the time, viz., Sambhagya Yoga, Mrgasira nakşatra, etc. The details so minutely and precisely given appear to have been based on some well-founded tradition. But, the Kalki era commenced in 431 A. D. with the coming of the first Kalki who flourished at the end of the first millennium after the Nirvāņa of Mahāyira (527 B. C.), dying in M. E. 1000 (or 473 A.D.) after reigning for 42 years. This would mean that the Kalki year 600 fell in 1031 A. D., which as we have already seen, cannot be the date in question. Therefore, all the scholars ignored the fact of the Kalki era, and arrived at their dates on the basis of the remaining data supplied by Dodayya, which according to S. C. Ghoshal corresponded to 2nd April, 980 A. D., and according to M. Govind Pai and Nemicandra Sastri to 13th March, 981 A. D. The latter date, however, is the most plausible one, and we have also arrived at the same date in our own way.
In fact, the Kalki year 600, which has been so baffling to scholars, presents no difficulty if we remember three factors that in Karnataka in the middle ages there was a general belief, though mistaken, that the era of M. E. 605 was started by the Saka King of the name of Vikrama. Hence, they equated it with the popular Vikrama era and pushed up the date of Mahāvira's Nirvāna by 135 years, that is, to 662 B. C.-some people persist in continuing to believe so even now. Secondly, they thought that the Kalki appeared in M. E. 1000, forgetting that his 42 years reign was also included in that period. Thirdly, they believed that all the ancient eras commenced with the death of their founders, not from their birth or accession to the throne. Keeping these three things in mind, we find that according to them the Kalki appeared in (1000-662=)338 A.D., reigned for 42 years, and died in 380 A.D., when his era commenced. The year 600 of the Kalki era would, therefore, be equivalent to 980 A.D. But since the year changed with the first day of the bright half of Caitra, the fifth day of that fortnight would fall in the next year or 981 A. D. Thus, the date of the consecration of the Bahubali colossus at

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Sravanvbelgola would correspond to Sunday, 13th March, 981 A. D., which satisfies all the data including astral indications laid down in the Bahubali-caritra. And, this is the date now accepted by Pt. Kailashchandra Sastri and other present-day scholars, and on its basis, too, the present one-thousandth anniversary of the Gommatesvara is being celebrated with unprecedented grandeur and
enthusiasm.
44
1. Cf Jaina Antiquary, I, 3 (Dec. 1935), p. 47.
2. H. Zimmer, Philosophies of India.
REFERENCES
3. Walhouse cf. Sturrock, South Canara, I, p. 86.
4. Fergusson, A History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, II, pp. 72-73; Buchanon, Travels, III, p. 83.
5. M. H. Krishna, Jaina Antiquary, V, 4, p. 103.
6. Proceedings of 8th Sess. of AIOC, pp. 690-691; J. A., VI, 1, p. 31.
7. J. L. Jaini, introd. to Gommaṭasāra-Jivakända, (SBJ, V, 1926).
8. J. L. Nehru.
9. S. R. Sharma, J. A., I, 3, p. 47.
10. Vincent Smith, History of Fine Arts in India and Ceylon, p. 268; J. A., VI, 1, p. 34.
11. Lewis Rice, Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, Introd., p. 33; J. A., VI, 1, p. 30.
12. Cf. J. A., V, 4, p. 138.
13. Cf. Vipaksha-bala-dalana bahubalo, dhrita-jaya-bahu.
14. For the life story of Bahubali see the Adipurana of Jinasena, the Harivamsa Purana and the Padma Purana.
18. Some scholars place Podanapura near Takshashila in the north-west, others like K. P. Jain
place it somewhere near the northern border of South India, and M. Govind Pai identifies it with Bodhan in erstwhile Nizam's territory, Cf. J.A., VI, 1, p. 30 Fn. 7.
16. Ibid, pp. 29-30.
17. Ibid., p. 33.
18. Ibid, V, 4, p. 101.
19. Workman, W. H. and W. J., Through Town and Jungle, p. 80 (London, 1904); Ep. Carnatica, II, Intr. p. 2.
20. J. A., V, 4, p. 141.
21. Ibid, p. 137 (A. N. Upadhye).
22. Ibid, p. 148 (B. Sheshagiri Rao).
23. Ibid, p. 141 (S. R. Sharma).
24. Ibid., pp. 105-106.
25. Epi. Carnatica, VIII, Sb. 261, pp. 41, 107.
26. Cf J. P. Jain, Bharatiya Itihasa, Ek. Drshți (2nd ed., BGP., 1966), pp. 85-86, 89.
27. J. A., V, 4, p. 149
28. Ibid, p. 152.
29 Jain Sila-Lekha-Sangraha, I, Nos. 17-18 (31), pp. 6-7, Intr. p. 2.
30. Ibid, No. 54 (67), p. 114 of 1128 A. D.
31. J. A., 1, 3, p. 47.
32. Cf. J. P. Jain, Pramukha Aitihāsika Jain Puruşa aur Mahilāyem (BGP 1975), pp. 83 ff.
33. J.S.S, I, No. 38 (59), pp. 16-21.
34. Indian Historical Quarterly, IV, 2, pp, 270-286; JSB,, IV, 2, pp. 102-109.

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38.
35. Gommatasara-Jivakanda (SBJ. V, 1926), Introd. 36. Indian Historical Quarterly, XVI 2; Anekānta IV, 3, pp. 229-233; IV, 4, pp. 293-299. 37. Cf. Gommațasāra-Ji vakānda (v. 734), Karmakūnda (vv. 811,995-972).
Recently a small hymn of 8 Prakrit verses, entitled 'Gommatesa-thudi' by Nemicandra Siddhānta-Cakravarti has been published in some books and magazines. There is nothing in the poem to indicate its authorship. If it is proved beyond doubt that its author was that guru, as claimed, the credit of giving the name Gommatesa to the Bahubali image would also go to
Nemicandra-Siddhanta-Cakravarti. 39. J.A., V, 4, pp. 107-114. 40. Ibid , p. 108. 41. Dravyasangraha (SBJ., I, 1919), Introd. 42. Cf. JSB, VI, 4, p. 209. 43. Ibid pp. 261-266 44. J. A.. I, 3, p. 47. 45. J.A, V, 4, p. 102. 46. Gongatasara-Jivak anda (SBJ, V), Introd. 47. J. A.'v, 4. p. 138. 48. M. À, R., 1923. 49. J.S.S., I, Introd. pp. 28-32. 50. M. A. R, 1913-14, p. 28; J. A., V, 4, 107-114. 51. Cf J. S. S., J, Nos, 53, 56, 124, 130, 137, 138 for Ereya, and J. S. S. II, No. 269 for Kalneledeva. 52. CE J. K. Mukhtar, Purátana Jain Vakya-Suci, Introd. pp. 92-94. 53. Cf. J. A., V, 4, p. 107; J. S. S., I, Introd. p. 29.

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CAMUNDARAYA- A GREAT JAINA MINISTER OF KARNATAKA
G. S. DIKSHIT
All the devotees of Gommateśvara and all the admirers of his world-famous statue at Sravanabelgo!a must know about Cāmundarāya, the minister of the Gangas, who set up this statue, one thousand years back. For understanding the political and religious role of Cāmundarāya, we have to acquaint ourselves with the political situation as it existed in South India in the second half of tenth century AD.
Krişņa III (939-966 A. D.) was the last great Rāştrakūţa ruler. Between the Rāştrakūtas and the Gangas, there was at this time not only political alliance, but there were a number of matrimonial alliances also. Krişga III's sister Revaki had married the Gaiga King Būtuga II (925-960 A. D.). Būtuga II and Krişna III had formed a powerful and invincible military alliance. They cemented their friendship further by marriage alliances. Krişņa III's daughter married Būtuga II's son Maru!adeva. Būtuga's daughter married a son of Krişņa III and to this pair was born the last Rāştrakūța prince Indra Rāja.
Būtuga's first son Maru!adeva, for some reason, did not rule. The second son, Mārasimha III (961-974) succeeded his father. Mārasimha continued the policy of friendship with the Rāştrakūtas and fought with all their enemies both in the north and in the south of India. He was the last great Garga ruler. It was under him that Camundarāya came to the lime light. Cāmundarāya came from a family of Brabmakşatriyas who were loyal for generations to the Ganga ruling family. His grandfather was Govindamayya. Govindamayya and his younger brother Isvarayya were, it appears, like Bhima and Arjuna. They both served under Mārasimha. Cāmuṇdarāya's father Mahābalayya was known as a virtuous and able man.

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Cámuqdarāya proved his loyalty to his master Mārasimba by defeating his two rivals, who aspired for the Ganga throne. The first was Chaladanka Ganga and the second Mudurācayya. The latter in addition to being a rival of his master had also offended Cāmundarāya by killing his younger brother Nāgavarma. Thus with one stroke, he avenged his brother's death as well as saved his master.
He fought along with his master Mārasimha against the Noļambas. The Noļambas who were ruling in Tumkur, Chitradurga and Anantapur districts had opposed the Rāştrakūtas and thus incurred the wrath of the Gangas. Mārasimha made a clean sweep of the Nolambas and came to be known as Noļamba-Kulantanka or the destroyer of the race of Nolambas, a bit of exaggeration. But they were thoroughly defeated and in achieving this result Cāmundarāya had a lion's share. He won a victory over them at Goņür and earned the title of Viramärtaņda. He also defeated Rājāditya who had the title of Raņasjnga or Raņaranga Singa and took his hill-fort of Uchchangi and bore the title of the defeated king. He also defeated one Vajvala, younger brother of Pātāļamalla. Vajvala is identified by Hultzch with a local chief ruling in the Chittoor region.
Besides serving his king as a military general and minister, Cāmuodarāya distinguished himself as a great writer boih in Kannada and in Sanskrit. In Kannada, he is the author of the Cāvundarāya Puräņa, which he wrote some years after Pampa's Adipurāņa. The early part of the Cāvundarāya Purāņa and the Adipurāņa have the same subject matter. They are based upon the same Sanskrit sources. But the treatment is different. Pampa's poetry is high-flown and can be appreciated only by scholars. Cāmundarāya wrote for the layman in simple prose. His main aim was religious propaganda. He nowhere takes liberties with the contents of the original works. He was formerly considered to be the first prosewriter in Kannada. But after the discovery of the Vaņdarādhane, which is an earlier prose work, his position in this respect is second.
In Sanskrit, he is the author of Caritrasära. He was as good a writer in Sanskrit as in Kannada. He was both a poet as well as a prose-writer. This work deals with Jaina ceremonies ( vratas) which are to be performed by the married people (grhasthas) and saints (munis).
In addition to being a poet, he was also a patron of poets, And the bestknown of his proteges was no other than Ranna the author of the Gada yuddha. When Ranna found it difficult to eke out a livelihood in Mudhol, he was patronised by Cāmundarāya. He thus was responsible in giving the Kannada language one of its greatest poets.
But the foremost claim to the fame of Cāmundaraya rests upon his promotion of art. He is the author of the Gommața statue in Sravanabelgoļa. This statue has won the admiration of art-lovers all over the world for the last thousand years.

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Besides, on the smaller hill (cikkabetta), in Sravanabelgola, he is said to have constructed Cāmundarāya basadi or temple, which bears his name., An inscription in this temple says that this Cāmundarāyaba sadi was constructed by him. Recently Dr. B. R. Gopal has denied Cāmundarāya's authorship of this temple, because he thinks that the characters of the inscription which says that he built it belonged to the 11th century, that is, a century later than Camundarāya's time. It is possible that the temple was built by Camundarāya in the 10th century and the inscription saying that he constructed it was put up a century later, when additions to the temple may have been made. His son Jinadevan also got constructed some portions of this temple probably the upper storey.
Like his master, Mārasimha III, Cāmundarāya was the disciple of Ajitasena and Nemicandra- great Jaina saints of the times who inspired him to serve the Jaina religion by his literary and artistic creations. Camundarāya was a devout Jaina and his place in Jaina history is correctly estimated by a later record which praises him as one of the chief promoters of the Jaina religion and classes him with Ganga Rāja, minister of Hoysala Vişnuvardhana and Hulla, minister of Hoysala Narasimha I.
While posterity judged him correctly, his contemporaries did not fail to recognise his merit. This they did by showering upon him a string of titles. We have already mentioned above his military titles Viramartanda and Raņarangasinga. In addition, for his defeating of Vajvaladeva, he got the title of Samaradurandhara or leader in war. For his noble character and service to his religion, Jainism, he was called Samyaktvaratnākara. He was also known as Satyayudhisthira for his reputation of not telling a lie even in jest. But the title which was most used to describe him was Rāya-- a title affectionately bestowed on him by his King, Rācamalla.
Thus lived and died, Cāmundarāya, who by his loyalty to his kings, military ability, literary talent, patronage of poets and artists and above all by his devotion to his religion and by leading an exemplary life has left a name to conjure with
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The Küdlür plates (M. A. R. 1921, para 50) and Sravanabelgola 64 of Mārasimha give all his military exploits. We get an idea of the battles in which Cāmundarāya fought on the side of Mārasimha in Sravanabelgola 388. Camundaraya Purana gives his family history as well as his innumerable titles.
B. Sheik Ali's History of the Western Gangas contains the latest account of Camupdarāya. Mysore Gazetteer ed. C. Hayavadana Rao Vol. II, Part II pages 676-687 has a valuable account of the subjet on which I have relied most. Similarly R. S, Mugali's Kannada Sahitya Caritre pp. 112-114 and K. Bhujabali Sastri's 'Viramārthanda Cāvundaraya' in Karnataka Sahitya Parishat Patrike Vol. xv, pp. 28-32 are helpful for the literary activities of Cāmurdarāya. For his patronage

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of art S. Settar's Ph. D. thesis Sravana Belgoļa Monuments written under my guidance is authoritative. The Sravanabelgola inscriptions referred to here are to be found in EC II latest revised edition by B. R. Gopal, published by the Institute of Kannada Studies, University of Mysore in 1973. Gopal's account of Cāmupdaraya on pages Ixxxiii-Ixxxv, based as it is on the latest epigraphic research is very valuable and original. B. V. Sirur's Sravanabelgola in Kannada (Karnatak University, Dharwad 1976) surveys the importance of the place in political, literary and cultural fields. And since Camupdarāya was associated with this place in all these fields, his contributions are covered here in a comprehensive and competent manner. B. S. Kulkarni has edited the Camundarāya Purāņa (Dharwad, 1966). Sri H.T. Kamble, Research Scholar in the History and Archaeology Department of Karnatak University has helped me in collecting material for this article. My thanks are due to him.

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INSCRIPTIONS ON SALLEKHANA AT SRAVANABEĻGOLA
T. K. TUKOL
Sravanabelgoļa is the most famous place of pilgrimage in South India for all Jains. The name has a religious and cultural significance. Sramana or Sravana refers to a Jaina saint, obviously to Bhagavān Bāhubali whose colossal image adorns the hill named Vindhyagiri. Belgola means a white pond (bel-kola) obviously referring to the splendid pond a few yards away from the foot of the hill. The two words bel and koļa are Kannada words meaning a white pond which is described in some inscriptions by the Sanskrit words : Sveta-sarovara and Dhavala-sarovara. The earlier inscriptions refer to the place as merely Belgola indicating that the pond was in existence even prior to the carving of the image of Gommateśvara by Cāmundarāya in the latter part of the 10th century.
The word Sallekhana has been derived from the two terms : sam and lih meaning the subjugation of the inner passions by an individual who undertakes the vow. “Sallekhana" may be defined as "facing death by an ascetic or a householder voluntarily when he is nearing his end or when normal life according to religion is not possible due to old-age, incurable disease, severe famine etc, after subjugation of all passions and abandonment of all worldly attachments, by observance of austerities gradually abstaining from food and water, while simultaneously meditating on the real nature of the Self until the soul departs from the body". The vow has been expounded in all its aspects by Ācārya Samantabhadra in his renowned work : Ratnakaranda Śrāvakācāra. According to him the vow is to be adopted "for seeking liberation of the soul from the body as a religious duty during a calamity, severe famine, old age or illness from which there is no cure".
Till about the 10th century, Sallekhanā seems to have been considered both by the ascetics and the house-holders as a holy way of facing death free

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Inscriptions on Sallekhana at Srayaņabelgola
from all worries and passions, and engrossed in undisturbed meditation on the attributes of the Tirthankara.
The first inscription which is dated 600 A. D. opens with a reverential salutation to Bhagavān Mahāvira and refers to his unique creeds of high merit, enlightening all creatures and providing them with guidance most beneficial in their mundane living. It refers to the arrival of Bhadrabahu Svāmi who hailed from the holy line of Gautama Ganadhara and who, from his knowledge of the past, present and future, predicted at Ujjain that there was to be a severe famine for twelve years. He set out from the North towards the South with his Sangha. The inscription refers in most glorious terms to the wealth of the people, the fertility of the soil and the hospitality of the people who welcomed them on their journey. Ācārya Prabhācandra who was a member of the Sangha perceived that he had little span of life left for him and adopted the vow of Samadhi, the goal of every righteous person. He bade farewell to all the members of the Sangha and in the company of a single disciple, lay on the cold rock of the small hillock (Cikka-beffa) and became engrossed in meditation without taking any food or water till the soul went out from the body to its heavenly abode. It is further stated that about seven hundred saints accomplished the vow thereafter as a tribute to the victorious doctrines of the Jina. This inscription is on a rock to the south of the Pārsvanātha temple on the Candragiri or Cikka-betta.
The arrival of Bhadrabahu (the last Sruta Kevalin) to the South along with Candragupta Maurya who was his disciple in 290 B. C. is of great historical significance. Some Svetambara scholars who participated in a Seminar on Kunda Kundācārya at Mysore denied the truth of the version when I mentioned it, while tracing the history of the great Ācārya. They opined that the incident might relate to sometime in the 4th or 6th Century A. D. It is enough to quote Prof. Sharma S. R. from his book Jainism and Karnataka Culture about the historicity of the event: “The conclusion of the late Dr. V. A. Smith, regarding the plausibility of the persistent tradition about Candragupta Maurya having accompanied Bhadrabāhu (the last of the Jaina Sruta Kevalins) to Mysore and died there by Sallekhanā, may be accepted without much ado.” Dr. Rice accepts the view and says that "these events must be assigned to the date somewhere about 250 B. C.” It is because of these great associations that the Cikka-betta or Candragiri seems to have acquired great sanctity long before the monolith image of Bhagavān Bāhubali was carved out on the Vindhyagiri hill.
The second inscription (650 A. D.) describes the beauty of Cikka-betta as being surrounded by green paddy fields and water lilies growing therein. One Baladeva Muni who was the disciple of Kanakasena and was well-versed in the knowledge of religion taught by the Bhagavān, was full of mercy for all living creatures; he departed to the world of the Siddhas by adopting the vow. The next

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Gommafes vara Commemoration Volume five inscriptions (700 A. D.) refer to the observances of the vow respectively by the Guru of the holy place, by the Guru of Ullikkal, a nun by name Dhannekuttirevi, by Guru Gunasena and by Panapa-bhatār. No details are given - of their antecedents or the manner of observance of the vow.
Ācārya Ariştanemi came to the South along with his disciples. He was worshipped by Queen Kampila and King Dindik with lamp, incense and sandal. The group following him consisted of members of the four castes. The Ācārya ascended the hill, gave up all food, engaged himself in lofty meditation and attained perfection, being honoured by the Siddhas and the Vidyadharās (No. 11-650 A. D.). Just above this, inscription (No. 12-700 A. D.) refers to Sallekhana by Municaritra Sri, who by his glorious conduct destroyed all his sins and false notions of other religions (maithyātv). He conquered all his senses and acquired that knowledge which showed him the path of salvation. He observed the vow on the hill Kaļbappa and attained the heavenly abode, being praised by gods and sages. There is a brief inscription (No. 14--800 A. D.) which merely states that Ariştanemi-deva attained liberation on the Kalbappu. The next inscription refers to Bhagavān Mahāvira but the name of the person who adopted Sanyasana has been erased.
There are numerous inscriptions which are assigned 700 A. D. One Akşaya Kirti, who had come from Mathura, was bitten by a snake on the hill and observed the vow amidst great suffering and attained the happiness of the world of gods (No. 21). There is reference to an eminent Guru who practised meditation for many years and attained perfection after accomplishing the vow. The details are wanting (No. 22). The next inscription (No. 23) refers to one Gunadeva Sūri who was proficient in many sciences and practised twelve kinds of penances on the holy hill. He attained the abode of gods after successfully observing the vow. One Baladeva Guru, the disciple of Dharmasena Guru of Valmadi and of Ugrasena Guru, observed Sanyasana and attained the heavenly abode (Nos. 25 & 26). Mahasena Muni of !supreme glory observed the vow and attained the heavenly abode (No. 27). There is a reference to one Muni whose name has been erased, he is described as being adorned with virutes (gunabhūşana) and descended from the Gurus of Sandvi Gana (No. 29).
There is an important inscription (No. 31) which expressly mentions that Jainism prospered when the Muni Bhadrabahu along with Candragupta came to this part and awakened the people to the glory of Jainism. It then weakened for some time but Muni Sāntisena restored it to its pedestal of renown. He climbed the hill at Belgoļa, gave up food and drink and attained immortality, It may be noted here that the place is described in this inscription as merely Belgoļa and not as Sravanabelgoļa. (650 A.D.). Singanandi Gugu, who was the disciple of the Guru of the bill, observed the vow and expired (No. 32). There

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Inscriptions on Sallekhana at Sravanabelgola
53
is another (No. 33-700) inscription where the name of the Muni is not clear; it states that he observed the vow of Sanyasana for 21 days and ended his life. The next inscription refers to Nägasena Muni, the disciple of Beabhasena, ended his life by the observance of the vow Sanyasana. He was renowned for his virtues, had conquered all his passions and was respected by the kings. He went to the heavenly abode.
Kongunivarma, who was the King of Ganga line, had numerous victories in different parts of the country. He built many temples at various places and holy pillars (Manasthambhas). He performed many acts of piety and thereafter relinquished his kingdom. He obsrved the vow for three days by worshipping at the holy feet of Ajitasena Bhattaraka at Bankapur and accomplished (Samadhi) (No. 59-974).
Devakirti Muni was a great poet, debator and orator. He defeated many devotees of other faiths. He was skilful in composition, had sound knowledge of grammer and possessed the ability to discuss other philosophies. He was a logician too. He was a saint of pure conduct, adorable penance and was the chief among the learned. He was the chief of the assembly of Jaina saints. He observed the vow and attained Nirvana on the appointed day (No. 63-1163 A.D.). There is another inscription (No. 64-1163) relating to Devakirti Pandita Deva erected by Hulla Raja who was the Chief minister, senior treasuerer and the Chief of the army.
An ascetic by name Aryadeva, the best of the teachers, and the propounders of the doctrine, observed the vow in Käyotsarga when he was about to make his happy journey to Heaven and abandoned his body. His concentration and selfrestraint could not be shaken even by inserting a blade of grass in his ear (No. 671129).
An ascetic by name Karmaprakirti was a thorough master of the Jaina. doctrines. He was renowned for his virtous deeds. He secured deliverance from the eight Karmas by observing the vow (No. 67-1129). Saint Maladhari who ist described as the lord of ascetics, was worthy of worship on earth. He had conquered all his passions and was being praised by the ascetics as being competent to give decisions of questions relating to the Agamas. He was virtuous and had love for all living beings. At the first stage of his life, he practised penances. He had become famous for his renunciation and meditation on the great attributes. He abandoned his perishable body by observing the vow. His illustrious disciple Ajitasena Panditadeva abandoned his body by Sallekhana which is extolled in the scriptures. He performed the last rights of his Guru Maladhari (No. 67-1129).
Vreabhanandi who was famous for his fasts was a very learned ascetic. He was distinguished for his austerities and meditation. With his clairvoyance, he saw that his death was near and adopted Sanyasana according to established rules on

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Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume the summit of Katavapra. He burnt his Karmas by meditation and attained the celestial happiness (No. 75-650). There are brief references to ascetics Soucadarya (No. 79-750) and Mahāvdeva who performed the great penance and entered the heaven (No. 80-700 A.D.).
Candradevārya was an ascetic free from any weaknesses. He had distinguished himself for his modesty and purity of character. He had attained high reputation for his austerities. He ascended the hill Kaļbappu, abandoned the body and his soul ascended to the heaven in a happy condition and was being praised by gods (No. 84-700 A.D.). Nandisena was an Ācārya amongst ascetics. He was of strong will and had become convinced that beauty, wealth and pleasures were as transient as a rainbow, disappearing in a moment like the dew. This, according to him, was the supreme truth. He adopted Sanyasana and went to the world of gods (No. 88-700 A.D.). Indranandi Ācārya was very noble and self-controlled. He conquered all his passions and achieved victory over the delusions of life. He achieved Samadhi on the Katavapra hill and attained immortal splendour in the Kingdom of Indra (No. 95-700 A.D.).
Gugakirti was perhaps an ascetic of lofty devotion. He abandoned his body on the peak of the beautiful golden mountain (No. 105-700 A.D.). Vrşhabhanandi was the disciple of Ācārya Muni belonging to the Navilūr Sangha. He was an ascetic of stainless character and of great austerities. He realised that worldly existence was of transient nature and followed the path of Jainism with unstinted devotion. He accomplished the vow of Samādhi and achieved the happy state in the heavenly abode (No. 106-700 A.D.). There is a short inscription (No. 111-- 700 A.D.) about Nandi Muni who was renowned for his austerities. He observed the vow and attained immortality.
Devasena was a great ascetic. He came to know that death was near at hand. He was renowned for his learning and humility. He was adorned with numerous virtues. He observed the vow and ascended to heaven (No. 113700 A. D.).
Inscription No. 140 (1145 A. D.) records a number of instances of Sallekhanā. It refers to one nun by name Demitamati of Mayuragrāma Sarigha. She stayed in the midst of Katavapra mountain and accepted Samadhi. Indra Rāja was popular with his subjects. He observed the vow with immense peace of mind and acquired the great power of the Indra. Prabhācandra Siddhānta Deva was the senior disciple of Meghacandratraividya Deva, belonging to the Pustaka Gaccha of Desiga Gaña. He observed the vow and went to the world of gods on the appointed day.
Ajitakirti Deva was a disciple of Sāntikirti Deva. He fasted for one month and attained godhood with ease (No. 167-1809). This is the most recent

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Inscriptions on Sallek hanā ar Srayanabelgola
inscription that we find on the hill regarding observance of Sallekhanā by an ascetic.
Sallekhana by Householders
All the aforesaid inscriptions except the epitaph in relation to Indra Rāja refer to ascetics and a nun. But the vow of Sallekhanā appears to have become famous both for sits piety and sanctity on account of the religious austerities observed by ascetics of renowned character and deep religious knowledge. The doctrines of Jainism were then popular and had attracted numerous followers. As I have already stated Jainism must have been a popular religion in the area since a Sruta Kevalin like Bhadrabāhu with his 12000 monks and nuns expected a devoted and hospitable reception. Therefore, there is nothing surprising if numerous householders, both men and women, accepted the vow of Sallekhana on the hill and breathed their last.
There are inscriptions (like No. 17-700 A. D.) where the names are erased and the only portion that can be deciphered is that he or she observed the vow on the holy hill. One Jambu Nāyagir observed the vow at the holy place and ended her life (No. 18-700 A. D.). Similarly one Nagamati Gantiyar was a disciple of an ascetic at Chittur. She observed the vow for a period of three months and left her body (No. 20-700 A. D.). One Pegurama is said to have attained the world of gods and he was honoured by his sons (No. 26-700 A. D.).
Since all the inscriptions except one referred in the two paragraphs relate to the year 700 A. D., I have mentioned only the number of inscription at the end of the description. Vaijabbe was the daughter of Bettadeva. She observed the vow of Sanyasana on the holy hill (No. 68-950 A. D.). Saśimatiganti of stainless austerities and virtues, was possessed of noble qualities and unstinted devotion. She was also well-read. She came to Kalbetta and felt that she was nearing her end. She observed the vow of Sanyasana on the top of the hill and ascended the heavenly abode (No. 76). Sasimati Ganti was a lady of noble character and performed many devotional actions. Her study of scriptures was extensive. She came to Kaļvappu and felt that her life was coming to a close. She observed the vow of Sanyasana on the top of the mountain 'which is described as Tirthagiri or holy hill and ascended the heavenly abode (No. 77). This inscription also seems to refer to the Sanyasana of another person but the name is erased.
Rājamati Ganti of the holy Namiļūr Sangha was renowned for her character and virtues. She went up the hill, adopted Sanyasana and ascended to the abode of gods (No: 97). The firm-minded Anantamati Ganti of Namilūr Sangha observed the vow on the mountain of Kaļbappu and attained the state of matchless happiness in the world of gods (No. 98). Māvi-abbe severed the worldly bonds with eagerness, ascended the hill and attained the happiness of gods (No. 107). Āryā

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Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume
was an ornament to the Mayuragrāma Sangha. She was wholly self-controlled. She accomplished Samadhi on the Kațavapra mountain (No. 108). , Prabhāvati of Namilür Sangha observed the vow on the mountain and attained a body endowed with natural beauty (No. 114). The last expression of a natural beauty seems to have been used to denote that the soul attained its full brilliance. Sri Purtya was a person of many virtues and had been observing numerous austerities. He observed the vow (No. 115).
Pocāmbike was a householder and a woman of high repute. She was the mother of Ganga Rāja. She amassed endless merit and shone by the nobility of her character. She constructed many temples at Belgola and at many other holy places. She gave many charities. She observed the vow of Sanyasana and took possession of the world of gods by perfection of her vow (No. 118-1120).
Special reference must be made to the death of queen Sānataladevi (No. 1431131) about which there is some controversy. She has been described in the inscription, to use the words of the editor of Vol. II, “gentle to sages and dependents, upholder of the four creeds, lover of vows, virtues and pure conduct, of unique fame in the world, the celebrated Sita (herself) in the loftiness of devotion to her husband, a celestial jewel to all panegyrists, crest-jewel of perfect faith in (Jainism)... expert in singing and instrumental music, a rampart to the Jaina faith, delighting in the narration of stories relating to Jainism, taking pleasure in gifts of food, shelter, medicine and learning, pure in Jaina faith, kind to the blessed... "There are numerous historical references to show that Santaladevi was a devout Jaina and that she continued to profess that faith even after her husband Bittideva had become a Vaişgava. The inscription states that "(on the date specified) she ended her life at the holy place Sivaganga and attained heaven.” Since the manner of her death is not specified, the late Sri K. V. Jyar has stated in his novel on Sāntaladevi that she committed suicide. It is ordinarily impossible that a lady who has been described as "a rampart to the Jaina faith” would commit suicide since Jainism regards suicide as a very heinous sinful act. Her Guru was Prabhācandra who was Siddhānta Deva. Under this background, it is hard to believe that she would commit suicide. Neither this inscription nor the circumstances support the view that she committed suicide. Dr. Saletore has stated in his Medieval Jainism on page 166 thus: “Queen Sāntaladevi's work to promote the cause of Jaina Dharma was lasting. True to the instruction of Jaina Dharma, she died by the orthodox manner of Sallekhana in 1131 A.D. at the holy place of Sivagangā (thirty miles to the north-west of Bangalore)” in Tumkur District of the Karnataka State.
That very inscription states that the mother of Sāntaladevi, by name Măcikabbe, went to Be!goļa after hearing that her daughter "had attained the state of gods” and adopted "severe sanyasana" after renouncing the world. It is further

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Inscriptions on Sallek hana at Sravanabelgola
57
stated that she took leave of her relatives, fasted cheerfully for one month and easily attained the state of gods by Samadhi in the presence of all the blessed. It is stated that Jinanātha was her favourite god, that she was endowed with virtues and devoted to her husband Mārasingamayya. The inscription further states: "Thus in the presence of her Guru Prabhācandra-Siddhāntadeva, Vardhamānadeva and Ravicandradeva and all the blessed, did she embrace Sanyasana.
There are some other inscriptions relating to the observance of this vow but the names of munis, nuns or the householders have been erased. Some of the inscriptions are in verse and are highly poetical; while others are bald statements. The long inscriptions usually bear the name of the person who engraved them and, or, at whose instance it was engraved.
So far as the inscriptions relating to Sallekhanā are concerned, the word Sallekhanā is used only in two inscriptions. Most of the inscriptions use the word Sanyasana while a few of them use the word Samādhi. The nature of the death of the person who observed the vow and left the body is normally described : "went to heaven" or "went to the world of gods" or "the abode of Indra." Most of the inscriptions relating to the observance of this vow seem to have been carved out somewhere between 500 A. D to 700 A. D.
It is worthy of note that everybody seems to have chosen the Cikkabetta or Candragiri as that had been hallowed by the Sallekhana of many saints who accompanied Sruta Kevalin Bhadrabāhu; there are only three or four instances of Sallekhana by persons who seem to have chosen the village nearby; it might probably be Jinanāthapura.
All the twelve volumes of Epigraphia Carnatika which contain the textual readings of the inscriptions available in the old State of Mysore contain inscriptions on Sallekhanā in greater or smaller number. From this fact, it can be safely inferred that Jainism had a great hold in the area, that there were numerous pious house-holders of great merit and eminent ascetics who kept the torch of the religion of the Tirtharkaras ever bright. It is these saints that seem to have been responsible for the construction of numerous beautiful temples of great architectural beauty.
REFERENCES
1. Epigraphia Carnatika Vol. II Ed. by R. Narasimhachar. 2. Sallekhana is not suicide by T. K. Tukol Published by L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad 9.
page 7.

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10
THE GANGAS AND ŚRAVANABELGOLA
S. L. SHANTAKUMARI
The place of the Sramaņas or Sravanabe!go!a has played a dominent role in the religious history of our country from the earliest times. Even today it has remained a place of celebrity on account of its being a centre of pilgrimage which had brought under its influence many dynasties from the days of the Kadambas till the Wodeyars of Mysore. It attained fame as a sacred place when Bhadrabāhu, the great ascetic, selected this place for his stay along with his disciple Candragupta, who is variously taken as Candragupta Maurya or Samprati, the grand-son of Asoka or a ruler having the same name, from Ujjaini. Bhadrabahu is said to have breathed his last here and even Candragupta scems to have ended his life by following Sallekhanā on the smaller hill here, which is named after him as Candragiri. From that time onwards it has been a great religious centre. History shows that since then this place attracted a large number of ascetics in different periods and from different regions. For example, the great Ācārya Aristanemi, who, accompanied by many disciples, is said to have come from north India and attained perfection through Sukladhyāna, on the hill Kațavapra' or Candragiri. There were others like Akşayakirti who came from Madura," Nāgamati ganti from Chittūr, Jaina gorava from Kaļantūr' who had selected this place as a religious resort. There are references to Panadabhatāra, Isänaparameşthi' who came from places like Neļubore and Kittūr respectively.
The Gangas have occupied an important place in the history of South India. Their contribution to South Indian culture is considerable. They extended their patronage to Jainism in a distinct way. The Ganga kingdom had the distinction of producing such great rulers like Sivamāra, Durvinita and Marasimha. It produced such eminent generals like Cāvundarāya who was responsible for the erection of the colossal Gommatēšvara, renowned poets like Cāvundarāya, who patronised Ranna and Nāgavarma etc. It is well known that almost all the Ganga kings practised

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The Gangas and Sravanabelgola and patronised Jaina religion. In the days of the Gangas the glory of Sravanabelgola reached its climax.
The Garga kingdom, according to a tradition narrated in a later inscription", was founded mainly with the help of a Jaina preceptor named Simhanandi and probably on account of this they had great regard for Jainism. But it is hard to say whether Korguộivarma the founder member of the family who is said to have obtained the sword to cut the pillar of hurdles in establishing the kingdom and also the five tokens from the preceptor had any connection with Sravanabe!go!a. However there is reference to this incident in the inscription referred to above.
Siva māra scems to be the first Ganga King to have come into contact with Sravanabelgola. The name of Sivamāra® is found on the rock near Candranatha Basadi at Belgola. According to this inscription, it is believed that this King constructed a basadi nearby. But this view is not accepted by Dr. B. R. Gopal, who, while editing the inscriptions of Sravanabe!go!a rightly says that "the mere mention of the name is certainly not an evidence to identify him with the Ganga king. It may be mentioned here in passing, a closer examination of the workmanship of the images and the architectural features would suggest that this monument will have to be assigned to, say, 9th-10th cent. A.D. and not earlier."'16
The subsequent ruler after Sivamāra who is connected with Sravanabelgola, was Mārasimha. His connection with Sravanabelgoļa is established by an inscription" on a pillar in that place. The pillar is locally known as Kūge Brahmadēva pillar, which was erected to commemorate the King's death at Barkāpura.
The spectacular contribution of the Gangas to Jaina religion is the collosal image of Gommatēšvara at Sravaņabe!gola. It is the creation of Cāvundarāya, the genius among the Ganga ministers. The circumstances that led Cavundasāya to erect the image of Bahubali i. e., Gommatēśvara at Sravanabelgoļa is narrated in an inscription" found in the place. During Cāvundarāya's time there was a tradition in current that Bharata erected an image of Bahubali, his brother, at Paudanapura and the image was 525 bows in height and the image had supernatural powers. Cāvundarāya being impressed by this tradition developed a keen desire of visiting this place. But he was told by the people that the journey was beyond his reach on account of the distance and also of inaccessibility of the region. Hence he resolved to erect an image of the type that is said to have been in Paudanapura. With great effort he did succeed in getting this statue made. As the inscription is quite interesting it is worth quoting the passage here :
... rājyamanittu põgi tapadim karmmārividhyamsiyada mahātmam purusūnu
Bahubaļi volmattārā mānom natar u Dhritajayabāhu Bāhubalikēvali sūpasamāna pañca vimšati samupēta
panca-satachāpasamum

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natiyuktamappa tatpratikritiyam manõmudade mädisidam Bharatam
jitakhiļa kşitipati cakri Paudanapurāntikadolpurudēvanandanam | Chirakālam sale tajjinantika dharitri
dēśado! lokabhikaranam kukkutasarpasam Kuļamasankhyam puttedalkukkuţēšvara nāmantada ghārigādudu baļikkam
praksitarggāytagochara mantām himantratantraniya takkāņņbarggadinnum palar 1 Kēļalkappudu dēvadun
dubhiravam Mātēno divyārchana jālam kāņalumappuda jinana padodyannakha prasphurallilā darppamamam
nirikshisidavarkkāņbannirjätita janmalambākritiyam mahātisayamādēvamgiļāviśrutam 11 Janadim tajjina
višrutātiśayamam tām kēlduno Ipasti chētaneyolpuţțire põgaludyamise dūram durggamam tatpurāvaniyend
ārya janam prabodhisidodanta dandu taddēvakalpaneyim mādipenendu mādisidaninti dēvanam Gomațam ||
śrutamum darśana suddhi yum vibhavamum sadvrittamum dānamum dhritiyum tannole sanda Ganga
kula candram Rācamallam Jagannutanā bhūmipa nadvitiyavibhavam cāmuqdarāyam manupratimam Gommaţanalte mādisi
daninti dēvanam yatnadimir
Cāvundaraya's scholarship and statemanship and above all his devotion to Jainism are well known. Like his Trišaşthi Salākapuruşapurāna and other works which have great literary and religious value the creation of Gommațēśvara by him is a poem in stone indeed. A Basadi's stands in his name (Cāvuņdarāya Basadi) today in Sravanabe!goļa. His son Jinadevana is said to have constructed & basadi, here." A pillar called Tyāgada Brahmadēva also stands in the name of Cāvundarāya. For an inscription of c. 10th AD. on it gives an account of the battle that the minister Cāvundarāya fought at the instance of the Rāştrakūta king Indra against Noļambarāja. But in course of time the inscription is partly erased, in as much as full details about this incident are not available. There is another inscription of c. 12th A.D. on the south face of the pillar. It refers to Heggade Kanna, who made the figure of a Yakşa on the Cāgada kamba.
There is a relic in the form of Sri Kaviratna indicating the association of the famous poet Ranna who was patronised by Cāvuņdarāya.
Thus many Ganga rulers and their ministers contributed to the growth of Sravanabelgola as a religious centre. Its fame spread far and wide especially because of the magnificent image of Gommațēśvara which was carved during this period. To the ascetics it was a place of deliverence, and to the lay devotees it was

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The Gangas and Sravanabelgola
61 a place of solace. A large number of inscriptions assignable to the Ganga period testifies to the fact that people of all walks of life visited this place. Sravanabelgola owes its growth to the Gangas. Their name and fame are crystalised in the wonder of sculptural art Gommaţēśvara.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Though there are no contemporary evidences, a few inscriptions of the later date make references
to this aspect. EC. II, SB. 1. 2. Ibid No. 13 3. Ibid No. 24 4. Ibid No. 23 5. Ibid No. 25 6. Ibid No. 11 7. Ibid No 27 8. Ibid No 397 9. Ibid No. 140 10. Ibid Int. p. Ixxxii 11. Ibid SB No. 64 12. Ibid SB. 336 13. As the inscription has been assigned to 11th cent. there is an objection with regard to the
construction of the basadi by Cāvundarāya. Ibid Int. p. liv. 14. Ibid No. 150 15. Ibid No 388 16. Ibid No. 389

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11
BHATTĀRAKA TRADITION
VILAS SANGAVE
Rise of the Tradition :
The Bhattāraka tradition is a very well established tradition of sufficiently long duration and prestige found among the Digambara Jainas of different parts of India. The Bhattäraka was a special type of religious authority evolved by the Digambara Jainas during the early part of the medieval period as a policy of survival to meet the severe challanges created by the advent of Muslim rule in India. As the Muslim rulers looked down upon the practice of nudity observed by the Digambara Jaina ascetics, it became extremely difficult for these Sadhüs or ascetics. to move freely on foot in different regions according to the rules of conduct prescribed for them and to exercise their influence on the proper behaviour of the Srāvakas or the lay followers of the religion. The members of the Digambara Jaina community also faced disintegration due to uncertainty and insecurity prevailing at that time. In these peculiar and pressing conditions the system of Bhattarakas was slowly formed to save the religion and its followers from utter destruction. A special functionary known as Bhattāraka was created to perform certain important religious and social duties in the interests of the community and he was placed above the laymen and below the ascetics. With a view to helping the Bhattāraka in the discharge of his duties in an orderly and continuous manner, a new organization known as 'Matha' was also constituted. In this way the tradition of a Bhattāraka attached to a particular Masha came into existence and became popular in different parts of the country. It is thus clear that the system of Bhattārakas was not established on a particular day but it was slowly evolved during the medieval period. That is why about the Bhattaraka tradition we get stray references from the, 8th century onwards and continuous references from the 13th century onwards to the present day. Extent of the Tradition :
As the Bhattāraka was a religious preceptor of a Sangha or Gana or

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Bhatjāraka Tradition
Gachchha, i. e., a religious division of the Jainas, of a particular region or locality, the seats of Bhattārakas increased in number and were found in different parts of India during the medieval period. The location of the important seats of Bhattarakas of that period is given in the table below:
Region
Seats of Bhatjārakas
North India
Delhi, Hissar (Haryana), Mathura (Uttar Pradesh).
Rajasthan
Madhya Pradesh
Gujarat
Jaipur, Nagaura, Ajmer, Chitauda, Pratapgarh, Dungarpur, Narasimhapur, Keshariyaji, Mahaviraji. Gwalior, Sonagiri, Ater (Malwa). Idar, Sagavada, Surat, Bhanpur, Sojitra, Kalol, Jerhat. Karanja, Nagpur, Latur, Nanded, Kolhapur, Nandani. Malakhed, Shravanbelagola, Mudabidri, Karkal, Humach, Swadi, Narasimharajpur. Melasittamur, i. e. Jinakanchi.
Maharashtra
Karnataka
Tamil Nadu
From this list of the seats of Bhațțārakas it is clear that the Bhattāraka system was completely absent from East India and from the major portion of North India, was more popular in the regions which were strongholds of Digambara Jainas and was mostly concentrated in the regions of Karnataka and Maharashtra. Further, the popularity of the system can be seen from the fact that at some places there were seats of more than one Bhattārakas at the same time. For example, at Karanja in Maharashtra there were 3 seats of Bhattārakas belonging to Sena Gana, Balātkāra Gana and Kāşthā Sangha; and at Surat in Gujarat there used to be one Bhattaraka of the Balatkāra Gana and one of the Käştha Sangha. .
Even though these several seats of Bhattārakas were quite active for long periods, many of them could not maintain their continued existence during modern times due to various reasons. As such at present we find that only 11 seats of Bhattārakas have survived in India and that they are continuing the Bhattāraka tradition with vigour and in a useful way. The list of these existing Bhattārakas with their capital places of residence and their traditional names is as follows:

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Sr.
2
No.
Region
Rajasthan Maharashtra
1
2
3
4
5 Karnataka
6
7
8
9
10
11
39
37
33
27
39
Tamil Nadu
Traditional Name

Yashakirti
Vishalakirti
Laxmisena
Jinasena
Charukirti
Charukirti
Lalitakirti
Devendrakirti
Bhattakalanka
Laxmisena
(Pinagondi) Laxmisena (Jinakanchi)
Gommates vara Commemoration Volume
Capital place of residence
Pratapagarh (Dist. Chitaurgarh) Latur (Dist. Osmanabad)
Kolhapur (Dist. Kolhapur) Nandani (Dist. Kolhapur) Shravanabelagola (Dist. Hassan) Mudabidri (Dist. South Kanara) Karkal (Dist. South Kanara) Humcha (Dist. Shimoga) Swadi (Dist. North Kanara) Narasimharajapur (Dist. Chikmaglur)
Melasittamur (Dist. South Arcot)
From the above list it is evident that out of 11 existing seats of Bhattarakas, as many as 6 are in Karnatak, 3 in Maharashtra and 1 each in Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu. Further, it also reveals that not even a single seat of Bhaṭṭāraka from the regions of North India, Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat could survive to the present day and that only one seat out of 9 seats from Rajasthan could maintain its continuity to this day. In this connection it may be noted that the flourishing seats of Bhattarakas at
i) Nagaura (Dist. Nagaura, Rajasthan) (Name: Devendrakirti),
ii) Mahaviraji (Dist. Jaipur, Rajasthan) (Name: Chandrasagar),
iii) Sonagiri (Dist. Datiya, Madhya Pradesh) (Name: Chandrabhushan),
iv) Karanja (Dist. Akola, Maharashtra)
(Names: Virasena of Sena Gana, and Devendra Kirti of Balātkāra Gaņa) and
v) Malakhed (Dist. Gulbarga, Karnataka)
(Name: Devendrakirti)
were active upto the early decades of the twentieth century. It is thus clear that the regions of Karnataka and Maharashtra have been most successful in maintaining the Bhattaraka tradition through more than ten centuries.

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Peculiarities of the Tradition :
The Bhattāraka tradition has been the peculiar feature of the Digambara sect and even here the tradition is found only among the Bisa panthi sub-sect. The recognition of the system of Bhattarakas was one of the major points of difference between the Bisapatnhi and Terāpanthi sub-sects of the Digambara sect. The Bisapanthis consider Bhattārakas as their 'Dharma-gurus', i. e., religious teachers, and as their 'Acāryas', i. e., heads of religion. But the Terāpanthis do not treat Bhattārakas as their religious teachers or heads.
Another peculiar feature of the Bhattāraka tradition is the forging of close association of a Bhattāraka with a particular caste only. In fact the Bhattāraka was a religious preceptor of a 'Sangha' or a 'Gana', i.e., a religious division of the Jainas. But when the Jainas adopted the caste system from the Hindus, with whom they were in intimate contact for centuries, it was considered that a particular seat of Bhattāraka belonged to a specific caste only. Accordingly the Bhattāraka got special powers also to control the affairs of the caste which was associated with him. In this way an intimate link was established, especially in Maharashtra and Karnatak, between the seat of a Bhattāraka and the members of a specific caste. The list of the names of such castes and their seats of Bhattārakas at present is given below :
Name of the caste
Name and place of the Bhattāraka of that caste
No.
Narasinhapurā Saitavāla Panchama Chaturtha Bogara Upadhyāya Vaishya Kshatriya
Yashakirti Vishalkirti Laxmisena Jinasena Devendrakirti Charukirti Charukirti Lalitakirti
Pratapgarh Latur Kolbapur Nandani Humach Mudabidri Shravanabelagola Karkal
8.
Even though each Bhattāraka is linked with a particular caste it may be specifically noted that according to religious precepts every Bhattāraka belongs to all Jainas irrespective of the distinctions of caste and locality. The Bhattāraka is technically above all caste considerations and at present he has absolutely no powers to wield control over the affairs of a caste as the system of 'Jāti-Pancāyatas', i. e., caste councils, has become completely defunct among the Jainas in recent times. That is why we find that among many Jaina castes in the North like Agravāla, Jaisavāla, Kathanerā, etc. there was no system of Bhattārakas at all and that among certain castes like Bagheravāla, Kha delawāla, Paravāra, Bannore etc., the system of Bhattārakas has become extinct.

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Further, it may be observed that there is no counterpart of the system of Bhattārakas in the Svetāmbara sect. It is stated that like Bhattārakas, there are 'Munis' who are attached to various religious divisions of Sthānakavāsi subsect known as 'Sarghāļās' of particular places. The 'Munis' are appointed and removed by the 'Sanghāļās'. These 'Munis' are not allowed to have any property and they do not exercise any control over the people or any authority over the caste councils like the Bhattārakas. Hence these 'Munis' cannot be regarded as counterparts of Bhattārakas among the Sthānakavāsi Jainas. But it is reported that among the Mürtipūjaka Svetāmbaras there are at different places the seats of “Yatis' instead of Bhattārakas and that the pomp displayed by these Svetämbara ‘Yatis' was practically like that displayed by the Digambara Bhattārakas.
Duties of Bhattārakas :
The Bhattāraka has to perform a number of duties of religious and social nature. In the field of religion he has not only to direct and control the religious behaviour of his followers but also to encourage and help the undertaking and completion of various religious projects and activities. It is his responsibility to provide religious education to students and others by various means -- like conducting 'Patha-Sālās', ie, religious schools, maintaining 'Sastra-bhāņdārs', i.e., religi ous scripture houses, delivering 'Dharma-pravacanas', i.e., religious discourses, publishing and distributing 'Dharma-granthas', i.e., religious books, training persons in the performance of 'Dharma-vidhis', i. e., religious rituals, arranging “Dharma-sammelanas', i. e., religious conferences, etc. Further, it is his main work to supervise and direct several religious functions like 'Mürti-pratişthā', i.e., installation of images in temples, and various 'Dharma-Samārambhas', i. e., religious ceremonies. Again, he has to officiate at all kinds of “Pūjās', i. e., worships, and especially at the great ‘Vrat-udyāpana-pājās', ie, the special worships arranged at the completion of vows. On the same lines he is required to perform, personally or through others, important 'Dharma-Samskāras', i. e., religious sacraments, at the time of birth, marriage and death. Moreover, it is his major concern to look after the management of 'Tirtha-Kşetras', i.e., holy places and at times to arrange for long 'Tirth-yātrās', i. e., pilgrimages, with a large number of followers. Further-more, it is his solemn work to encourage and help his followers in carrying out religious activities like construction of new temples, renovation of old temples, grant of donations, publication of books, provision of education, medicine and shelter to the needy, etc. In social matters it is the duty of a Bhattaraka to control the general conduct of his followers by exercising his authority over the caste-councils. He also collects contributions from his followers and thus tries to maintain personal contacts with them.
Status of Bhattārakas :
The Bhattāraka has got a very distinctive position in society. He is a

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special type of religious functionary in society. In the "Caturvidha Jaina Safgha",. i. e, fourfold division of Jaina social organisation, consisting of Sravakas, (male laity), Sravikās (female laity), Sadhus (Male ascetics) and Sädhvis (female ascetics), he is placed above the laity but below the ascetics. As such he combines the characteristics of both laymen and ascetics. Like laymen, he lives in a house, holds estate, administers property, moves anywhere and uses all means of transportaion. At the same time like ascetics, he leads a celebrate and higher state of religious life, stays at one place during the 'Caturmas', i. e., the four months of rainy season, wears sparse clothing, and carries 'Pinchhi', i. e., a tuft of peacock feathers. In fact it is reported that in the beginning the 'Nirgrantha Sadhus', i. e., the usual naked ascetics of the Digambara sect, used to work as Bhaṭṭārakas but with the increase in property and extension of activities of a social nature, instead of Nirgrantha Sadhus special persons similar to Sadhus were appointed as Bhattarakas. That is why even today the Bhattaraka is expected to enter, even though for a very short period, the 'Nirgrantha Sadhu stage of the Digambra Jaina ascetic order at the time of his death.
Further, the Bhattaraka holds a distinctive characteristic position in society because he is regarded as a religious ruler. In this sense all the attributes, accessories and paraphernalia of a king are associated with the Bhattaraka. His 'Matha', i. e., central place of residence, is termed as 'Samsthana', i. e., State, and his ceremonial place of sitting is termed as 'Gadi', i. e., throne. Like a king, he maintains huge property, wears luxurious dress, lives in a palatial building, uses articles made of gold or silver, goes in a procession led by elephants and horses, moves in a special palanquin, is entitled to use accessories like 'Chatra', 'Camara', 'Abadagiri', etc., on ceremonial occasions, gives honorific titles to distinguished persons, issues proclamations and orders with his own seal, settles caste-disputes, holds enquiries, conducts court proceedings, gives judgements, prescribes punishments of fine, expiation or ex-communication and collects contributions or taxes from his followers. At the same time he enjoys certain privileges like going in a procession with his palanquin facing the road, using lighted torches during daytime in procession, and exemption from paying certain taxes and duties to the State. Of course with the liquidation of the Princely States in India, the Bhattarakas have ceased to use these royal honours, accessories and privileges. But it is a fact that in the past all rulers considered the Bhattarakas as "Raja-gurus", i e., King's preceptors and accordingly always received the Bhattarakas with honour and reserved elevated seats for them in the royal 'Darbärs', i. e.. courts. Many enlightened Muslim monarchs treated the Bhattarakas with respect and gave their royal recognition to the seats of Bhattarakas. For instance, in the "Gurvivali", i. e., the list of religious preceptors of the Balätkära Gaga seat of Bhattarakas at Karanja in Maharashtra it is specifically mentioned that the preceptor Vidyananda was recognised by the Turk Monarch Allauddin Khilaji. Even today the seats of Bhattarakas are treated with regard by the various State Governments.

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Contributions of Bhattārakas :
The Bhattārakas, throughout their long history, contributed a great deal to the advancement in various fields of culture of the region. Their lasting contribution can be seen in the development of several arts like architecture, sculpture, painting, music, dance and drama. They encouraged their rich followers to construct new temples in large numbers and they personally officiated at the image installation ceremonies of these temples. It is reported that in 1492 A. D. Bhattāraka Jinacandra installed more than one thousand images at a single ceremony held at Muçasā in Rajasthan and that these images were later on sent to a large number temples all over India On the same lines it can be noted that Bhattaraka Laxmisena (1896-1965 A.D.) of Kolhapur officiated at 59 major image-installation ceremonies from different parts of India. The images installed were of various deities of different metals and stones, and of several sizes. The temples and Mathas were decorated with paintings and the image installation and other religious ceremonies were usually accompanied with different performances of music, dance, and drama The Matha also was a centre of cultural activities throughout the year. In this way the Bhattārakas were indirectly responsible in giving patronage to the cultivation of various arts.
In the field of literature, the contributions of Bhattārakas have been really impressive. Their main literary works have been in the forms of epics, stories and texts for worship. They also wrote on serious subjects like grammar, prosody, logic, metaphysics, mathematics, astrology, medicine and other allied sciences. Their compositions are found in classical languages like Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhramsha and in regional languages like Hindi, Rajasthani, Gujarati, Marathi, Kannada and Tamil. By their valuable literary works the Bhattārakas contributed not only to the enrichment of literature but also to the growth of different regional languages.
In the field of learning, the Bhattārakas made monumental contributions. By various means they turned their Mathas into the central seats of learning in the region They used their Mathas as 'Grantha-bhāņdāras', i.e., book-houses, which were virtually treasure-houses of knowledge. In these Bhāņdāras they assiduously preserved a large number of manuscripts written on paper or plam leaves by both Jaina and non-Jaina scholars and in different languages on various religious and scientific subjects. In addition to the preservation of knowledge, they also helped in the spread of knowledge by making specific arrangements to copy the manuscripts and to distribute the manuscripts to several places: Further, the Mathas were used as schools where permanent provisions were made to impart regular training to Jaina priests and general instructions to all students. There are many cases where non-Jaina students came to receive learning from Bhattārakas. The names of Muslim Hāji, Saiva Madhava and Dvija Viśvanātha are notable in this respect.
i
!

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Decline and Revival of the tradition :
Thus the Bhattārakas by means of their personal accomplishments and influence, their devoted services in the execution of their several duties and their significant contributions to the development of culture proved very beneficial and useful to society. Through their own learning and behaviour and with the help of their trained disciples, they not only spread the message of Jainism but also unified the disintegrated Jaina community. Without the introduction of the Bhattārakas the Digambara sect would have hardly survived. But later on the Bhattāraka institution degenerated to such an extent that instead of serving as a force of integration it hastened the disintegration of adherents. In the beginning the field of activities of a Bhattāraka was very wide and he catered to the needs of all Jainas in general. But in course of time his field of activity was restricted to a particular caste of Jainas only and he began to control the religious and social life of that caste. Naturally this widened the gulf between various Jaina castes. In addition, the Bhattārakas slowly became worldly minded, tried to amass wealth and to raise their position by all means, and utterly neglected their religious and social duties. This was the state of decline of the Bhattāraka tradition roughly up to the beginning of the twentieth century.
But in recent years and especially after the attainment of Independence, the Digambara Jainas began to think seriously whether to discard the Bhattāraka institution altogether or to retain it by giving it a new shape to suit the changed circumstances. The general opinion moved in favour of reviving the institution because a religious preceptor was considered necessary to look after the spiritual and cultural life of the people. It was felt that if the Bhattārakas, who are well educated and who wish to lead a strictly religious life, are appointed and recognised not as the heads of particular castes but as organisers, propagators and preceptors of the Digambara Jaina sect, then not only the Digambaras would be united by closing their rift between the Bisapanthis and the Terāpanthis but also they would be benefitted in the long run by diverting the large estates of the Bhattārakas to various religious and social purposes.
As this reformist view point gained ground, the process began to adjust the system of Bhattārakas to the needs of modern times. The seats of the Bhattārakas are not now so strictly restricted to the members of particular castes alone but are meant for all Jainas of the region. Accordingly the activities of the Bhattārakas are now carried out for the benefit of all Jainas. The Bhattārakas are also trying to improve their accomplishments through modern education and to adopt new means to spread the message of Jainism. The existing Bhattārakas in 1969 started a new organization known as “Bhațţäraka Sammelana "to coordinate their various activities. In this regard it is pertinent to note that for the first time in the history of the institution, the Bhattārakas of Sravagabelgola, Mūdabidri and Humach

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Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume crossed the borders of India and actively participated in the World Peace and Religious Conferences held in Belgium, U. S. A., and other foreign countries. Shri Laxmisena Bhattaraka of Kolhapur has started editing the book-series entitled "Laxmisena Jaina Granthamala", has launched under his editorship, a new journal entitled "Ratnatraya" in Marathi, Kannada and Hindi languages, and has been carrying on educational activities for all through "Laxmisena Vidyapitha", and "Laxmisena Education Society" founded by him. Shri Devendrakirti Bhattaraka of Humach is catering to the modern educational needs of the students through different means. Shri Charukirti Bhattaraka of Mudabidri has devoted his attention to publication and research in Jainology on modern lines and has started "Srimati Ramarāni Jain Research Institute" at Mudabidri.
This revival of the Bhattaraka tradition on modern lines in the States of Karnataka and Maharashtra has got a good impact on the Jainas in the South. As a result the Jainas in other parts of India are, it is stated, seriously thinking of restarting their old seats of Bhaṭṭārakas.
Joharapurkar, V.
Premi, Nathuram Sangave, V. A.
Sangave, V. A.
REFERENCES
: Bhaṭṭāraka Sampradaya (in Hindi), (Jain Samskriti Samrakshaka Sangha, Solapur, 1958)..

: Bhattaraka "Jain Hitaishi", Vols. VII & VIII.
: Jaina Community: A Social Survey (Popular Book Depot, Bombay, 1959).
: History of Dakşina Bharata Jain Sabha (in Marathi). (Dakshina Bharat Jain Sabha, Sangli, 1976). Gurusmriti Special Number, Journal Ratnatraya, January, 1978. Proceedings of Bhattaraka Sammelan (Laxmisena Matha, Kolhapur, 1969). Old Manuscript Birudavali (in Marathi), Balatkar Gana Mandir, Karanja.

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COMMENTARIES ON THE GOMMATASĀRA
B. K. KHADABADI
Ācārya Nemicandra, generally known as Nemicandra Siddhānta Cakravarti, was a very eminent Jaina teacher who flourished in the region of the modern Sravanabelgoļa in Karnatak during the latter half of the 10th century and the first quarter of the 11th century A. D. Belonging to and topping the desīya gaña, he was the preceptor of the great Cāmundarāya and was highly revered by him :
trilokasära-pramukha........ ......bhuvi Nemicandraḥ vibhāti saidhāntika-sarvabhaumah Cāmundarājārcita-pădapadmah Il
(The author of religious works), Trilokasära and others, Nemicandra, the monarch among those well versed in scriptural knowledge, shines in the world, with his lotuslike feet worshipped by Cāmundarāja. Besides his usual instruction to Cāmuṇdarāya in the Jaina tenets', Ācārya Nemicandra also composed some works with the purpose of imparting to this royal lay disciple the important facets of scriptural knowledge as systematically culled from ancient works like the Lokavibhāga, the Tiloyapannatti, the Şarkhandāgama of Puspadanta and Bhūtabali with the Dhavala, Jayadhavala and Mahadhavala commentaries. All of his works are in Prakrit viz., Jaina Sauraseni. They can be enumerated as follows:
(i) Davva-Sangaha (Dravya-sangraha)* (ii) Tiloyasāra (Trilokasāra)" (iii) Gommatasara (Gommagasāra) (iv) Laddhisāra (Labdhisāra)

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The Dravya-sangraha expounds the theory of the six substances that exist in and comprise the universe. The Trilokasära describes the three units of the Jaina cosmography. The Gommatasära, as the title indicates, was specially written for instructing Gommaţarāya and, hence, is of great importance and value. It consists of two parts viz., Jivakāņda and Karmakānda, with 22 and 9 Adhikāras, and 733 and 972 gāhās respectively. It, as a whole, is also known as Pamcasamgaha as mentioned by the commentators. It contains the valuable essence of ancient works of Karaṇānuyoga concerning jiya and karma, particularly the Satkhandaðgama with the three great commentaries'. Though this work is of the nature of collection, with its language, style and discussion on many a Jaina philosophical points etc., it has earned a great name among scholars right from the beginning. The Labdhisāra is just like an appendix to the Gommatasāra describing the way how jiya liberates itself by destroying karma. This brief survey of Ācārya Nemicandra's works shows us that the Gommațasāra is his greatest and monumental work and, hence, naturally, greater number of scholars took interest in writing commentaries on it than those who did so regarding each of the other three works®.
On the Gommațasāra there are available so far mainly four commentaries':
(i) Mandaprabodhika in Sanskrit by Abhayacandra (c. 1275 A. D.): It is incomplete and available up to gāhā No. 383 only of the Jivakāņda. Whether the remaining part was written by the author or not can hardly be decided. Though available in part, it is the earliest available Sanskrit commentary on the Gommatasāra. This commentary, together with the other two, (iii) and (iv) discussed below, is published along with the Calcutta edition of the Gommafasāra.
(ii) Jivatattvapradipikā in Kannada (mixed with Sanskrit especially in the beginning) by Kesavavarņi (1359 A. D.): This commentary is on both the Kāndas, complete and quite in detail. The author seems to have availed himself of the Mandaprabodhikā in the course of his writing. This commentary, unfortunately, is still in MS form.
(iii) Jivatattvapradipika in Sanskrit by Nemicandra (c. 1525 A. D.): This commentary is also on both the Kāndas and complete. The author has followed the Mandaprabodhika in respect of several details. On the whole it is the translation of Keśavavarni's Kannada commentary.
(iv) Samyagjñānacandrika in Hindi by Pt. Todarmal (little earlier than Samy. 1818): This commentary is almost the translation, at times with elaborations of the Sanskrit Jivatattvaprdipikā of Nemicandra. This Hindi commentary is important in the sense that all the Hindi, English and Marathi translations of the Gommagasăra came to be based on it later. Moreover it helped, to a large extent, to make the Gommafasāra popular both among the modern scholars and the laity.

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at ignore the the authoriti of
At this juncture, we cannot ignore the confused view of Pt. Todarmal and a few other scholars that Keśavavarņi was the author of the Sanskrit Jivatattvapradipikā, which was based on the assumed Karņāțaka vrtti of Cāmundarāya. This confusion arose out of the following factors:
(a) The names of both the Kannada and the Sanskrit commentaries are the same viz., Jivatattvapradipika. (b) The names of the author of the Gommagasāra and the author of the Sanskrit Jivatattvapradipika are the same viz., Nemicandra. (c) The vague reference, ... Gommatarāyeņa ja kayā desi... Viramattamdi' etc., found in gāhā 972 of the Ka.Kā of the Gommagasära, led to believe that Cāmundarāya was the author of the Kannada Jivatattvapradipikā. (d) Besides, some queer readings in the verse 'sritvā karnatakavšiti.....,' etc., in some MSS of tlie Sanskrit Jivatattvapradipikā led to believe that Keśavavarņi was its author. And this confused view was carried over by several later scholars until 1940, when Dr. A. N. Upadhye gave serious thought to this confusion, examined the concerned manuscripts of the commentaries and clearly proved that Keśavarņi (1359 A. D.) is the author of the Kannada commentary and one Nemicandra (originally from the Gurjara country and contemporary of Sāļuva Mallirāya-- 1st quarter of the 16th century A. D.) is the author of the Sanskrit commentary, which is the translation of the Kannada commentary itself; and he also stated that no MS of the výtti of Cāmundarāya has come to light."
After duly acquainting ourselves with these four commentaries on the Gommatasüra, a question stands before our eyes : What could be said about the desi (Kannada) commentary, or otherwise, of Cāmundarāya alluded to by his own preceptor, Ācārya Nemicandra, in gāhā No. 972 of the Ka.Kā. of the Gommatasara?
That no MS of any všiti, or anything like it in Kannada, on the Gommatasāra by Cāmundarāya has come to light", cannot be denied. Pt. Nathuram Premi observes that the right anvaya of this gāhā cannot be achieved as the reading appears rather incorrect. He thinks that Cāmundarāya might have prepared a copy in Kannada script (pratilipi) of the Gommagasära.Pt. J. K. Mukhtar, giving due thought to this question, noting the vague nature of some words in this gāhā and finding a metrical flaw in it, presents a textually criticised alternate gāhā." The original gāhā is:
gommatasuttallihane Gommagarāyeņa ja kiyā desi / so rão cirakālam ņāmeņa ya Viramattardi //
"May (C#mundarāya) named Viramārtanda (or) Gommaţarāya be ever victorious, who prepared the vernacular (commentary) while Gommațasāra was being written". 15

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The gāhā presented by Pt. J. K. Mukhtar is :
gommațasuttallihane Gommatarāyena jam kaya desi / so jayau ciram kalam (rão) namena ya Viramartandi /
While writing the Gommagasāra (at the time of preparing the first copy of the Gommatasara) Gommaţarāya who prepared the desi ( who prepared its chāyā in Kannada, the desi language ) and who is well known as Viramattamdi, may this King be victorious for long.
Further, Pt. J. K. Mukhtar comments : Here we should take desi to mean the Kannada chāyā and not the Kannada vȚtti or ţikā for which requires, on the part of the author, far better capacity which cannot be, at that stage, expected of Cāmundarāya to instruct whom the Gommațasāra was being composed. But, unfortunately, this chayā of the Gommafasāra by Cāmundarāya too is not available.
With some hope in this regard, I closely scrutinized the Kannada Prāntiya Tadapatriya Granthasūci and was, at the first sight, extremely glad to note MS No. 55 of the Gommațasära" in the Kannada script with the following note added by the editor : 'This MS contains a Kannada vștti written in Salivāhana Saka 1821 by Cāmundarāya and to the všiti is appended a Kannada prasasti in detail'. But the very next moment the date mentioned therein (Sā.Saka 1821) disappointed me. Could the date be wrong? Or could this Cāmundarāya be some other recent author who wrote this vstti? Or could it be that some furious lines in the MS may have led the editor to add this note ? Only a close examination of the MS itself would throw light on these surmises.
After taking, thus, a critical survey of the various commentaries on the Gommațasāra, one is struck by a fact that the Kannada commentary of Keśavavarni, which is complete, thorough and the biggest in volume, still remains in the manuscript form, though its Sanskrit translation and the latter's Hindi version have come to light long back. The Manuscript Library of the Jaina Matha at Moodbidri alone possesses several MSS of the Gommatasāra with the Kannada commentary of Keśavavarņi. Besides there are many other MSS of the Gommatasāra with the Kannada commentaries noted anonymously. With all these in view, I would irresistably appeal that some capable Oriental or Jaina Institute should have this great Kannada commentary of Keśavavarni critically edited by some competent scholar and publish it soon, so that the importance and value of the Gommațasāra would stand out in their perfection. Moreover this project may also throw some light on the alluded desi attempt - a vstti, pratilipi or chāyā-- in respect of the Gommatasära by Camurdarāya."

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NOTES AND REFERENCES
1 Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. VIII (Nagar Taluka), Inscription No. 46 (c. 1530 A D.).
2 The beautiful picture, as found in an old manuscript of the Trilokasâra and nicely illustrated on a leaf in the introductory part (after p. xxxviii) of the Dravya-Sangraha, Sacred Books of the Jainas, Vol. I, Arrah 1917, very well gives the idea of this possibility.
3 (i) Pub. in S. B. J. Series, Vol. I, Arrah 1917.
(ii) Some scholars like Pt. J. K. Mukhtar, however, hesitate to attribute the authorship of this work to Acarya Nemicandra. Vide Intro. to Puratana-Jaina-Vakyasuci, Sarsawa 1950, pp. 92-94.
4 Pub. by Gandhi Natharangaji, Bombay 1911.
5 Pub. in Rajacandra Jaina Series, Bombay 1927 and Samv, 1985; in S. B. J. Series Vols. V (1927), VI (1927), X (1937); and in Gandhi Haribhai- Devakarapa Jaina Series, Calcutta.
6 (i) Pub. in Rajacandra Jaina Series, Bombay 1916.
(ii) Many a time, immediately after this work, Kşapaṇasara is also enumerated and attributed to this author. But, in fact, it is the name of the Sanskrit commentary on the 3rd Adhikara of the Labdhisära written by Madhavacandra Traividyadeva.
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7 (i) Acarya Nemicandra himself refers, in his own peculiar way, to this fact in gaha 397 of the Gommaṭasara (Ka.Ka.): jaha cakkena etc. As the Cakravarti conquers the 6 parts (of the Bharatakşetra) with his Cakra without any hindrance, so the six-fold (Scriptural Work) has been duly mastered by me with the Cakra of (my) intelligence.
(ii) and his epithet 'Siddhanta Cakravarti' appears to have accrued from this statement.
8 Brahmadeva has commented in Sanskrit on the Dravya-sangraha and Madhavacandra on the Trilokasara and the Labdhisara. Manuscripts of Kannada commentaries on the Dravyasangraha and the Labdhisara by Keśavavarni and Balacandradeva are noted in the Kannada Prantiya Taḍapatriya Granthasuci, Bharatiya Jñanapitha, Kashi 1948.
9 Pt. J. K. Mukhtar holds that a number of other commentaries on this great work, possibly written during the past few centuries, have not come down to us. Vide op cit., p. 91.
10 Vide Jivatattva Pradipika on Gommațasara: Its author and date, Indian Culture, Vol. VIII-1, 23-33.
11 As noted by R. Narasimhachar in Kavicarite Vol. 1, Bangalore 1923, pp. 46-49.
12 Ibid
13 Jaina Sahitya Aaur Itihasa, Bombay 1956, p. 269.
14 Op. cit., pp. 90-91.
15 Editor's translation of gaha 972, S. B. J. Vol. X, Lucknow 1937.
p. 91.
16 Op. cit.,
17 On p. 6.
18 Could any one of these turn out to be with a vṛtti or chaya of Camunḍaraya?
19 After completing this paper, recently I learnt, with pleasure, that the Bharatiya Jñānapitha is publishing shortly Kešavavarni's Kannada Commentary on the Gommaṭasara as edited by the late Dr. A. N. Upadhye, from whom I could have no chance to get this happy information then.

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13
BAHUBALI IN PRAKRIT LITERATURE
PREM SUMAN JAIN
The great Bahubali finds a respectful place in Prakrit literature. His name is to be found enshrined as a man who had a profound love for non-violencea principle which has been a distant and shining seal of Jaina religion and philosophy. Inspite of the fact that he was an embodiment of strength itself, he advocated vigorously and practised whole-heartly non-violence as well as renunciation, the principles which could well be regarded as the backbone of Jainism.
In the celebrated Jain literature, which is mainly available in Prakrit, Sanskrit as well as Apabhramsa languages, one comes across references to the great Bahubali together with the mention of the Emperor Bharata, his brother. While going through the pages pertaining to the life of Bhagvan Kṣabhadeva references to both of them are to be found recorded. It may be noted that the texts, written in Prakrit, viz., Adina hacariyam and Ṛgabhadevacariyam throw fight on the life of Bhagvan Rşabhadeva. There are other texts too such as Chaupannamahapurisacariyam, Vasudevahindi, Paumacariyam, Jambūdivapaṇṇatti etc., which shed light on the life of the same celebrated Tirthankara'. It is with this apostle that Bahubali finds mention. There is literature of the Agamas and that of commentaries namely Kalpasūtra, Avalyakaniryukti, vadyakacürṇi, Uttaradhyayana-tika etc., too which gives accounts of Bahubali. However, it is a matter of regret that there is not to be found a single treatisede aling comprehensively and completely with the life of such a personality in such a vast and varied literature like this one. The reason, however, appears to be that the life of Rabhadeva and the personality in question is so inextricably interwoven that no author in Jain literature thought it fit to undertake such task. With the result one has to remain contended with the material scattered here and there only.
Attention may be drawn to the commentary on the Avadyakaniryukti,

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which is found written in Sanskrit. The Bahubali-story which is found incorporated in it, is not .in Sanskrit but in Prakrit. This fact naturally leads one to suppose, and quite justifiably, that the original Bahubali's life-story recorded must have been in Prakrit and not in Sanskrit. Another point which leads considerable support to this is the fact that Srisubhasilagani's Bharatesvara-Bahubalivṛtti too is found written in Prakrit. It may thus be seen and may perhaps be safely maintained that Bahubali-life-story writing has a beginning right from the Agama period itself and flows invariably down to the Prakrit writings. This is a subject of great importance, and of interest too indeed, and it is very likely to pay rich dividends provided handled properly. It anxiously awaits a competent hand to tackle critically and comprehensively. Pt. Dalsukhbhai Malvania has also given vent to similar opinion in one of his papers."
What disappoints one is the fact that there is extremely little information available and that too in brief on the life of Bahubali in the earlier Prakrit literature. Vasudevahindi" of the 4th century A. D. narrates the story as follows:
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Bahubali was the son of Lord Rşabhadeva and younger brother of Emperor Bharata. He was born to Ṛsabhadeva's second wife known as Sunanda. His real sister's name was Sundari. Rṣabhadeva educated his son Bahubali like his other He was trained in drawing and painting and astrology. When Ṛşabhadeva distributed his wealth, Taxila fell in the share of Bahubali. As soon as Bharata acquired Cakra-Ratna, he started invasions. He desired to Vanquish Taxila also, and when he reached there, Bahubali is recorded to have offered a proposal of physical fight instead of war so that the life of the soldiers of both sides could be saved. And it was readily agreed upon by Bharata. A non-violent fight took place between them and in this Bahubali emerged victorious. Enraged at this result, Bharata could not hold himself and attacked Bahubali with his Cakra but fortunately Bahubali escaped unhurt. It was a clear violation of the agreement. Viewing this unprincipled and anti-Dharma incident Bahubali filled with disgust renounced his throne and embraced the life of a mendicant. Therefore he underwent tremendous penance, yet he could not attain Kevalajñāna because of the residual Manakaşaya in him. Eventually Brahmi is said to have appeared and instructed As a consequence Bahubali attained his desired Kevalajñāna getting rid of the clutches of Kaşaya and got liberated."
Of the same century i. e., 4th, a Prakrit text Paumacariyam also throws light on Bahubali's life as stated earlier. Unfortunately it is also available in brief. One important difference in it is the fact that there is no mention of Bharata as Bahubali's brother. The author narrates only that there lived in Taxila King Bahubali. He was an opponent of Bharata and never followed his orders. There is one more difference worthy of note in the Paumacariyam that one does not notice here any mention of the existence of Manakagaya in Bahubali after his undergoing

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penance. Here it is recorded that Bahubali attained liberation immediately." Jambūdivapannatti too does not speak of the family relation of Bharat and Bahubali." All these variant readings legitimately prompt one to conclude that the life-story of Bahubali has seen its development in numerous different traditions. However, the following points occur in all the texts available with almost no variations.
1. Bahubali was the ruler of Taxila. According to some of the texts he got it from his father. The other sources, on the contrary, describe him as an independent King who developed enmity with Bharata. According to Jambūdvipaprajñapti Bahubali was given the state of Bahali situated near Taxila."
The conversation held between Bāhubali and Bharata's messenger is undoubtedly an invaluable treasure of ancient Indian culture from the point of view of political standards of those days. In it one finds a vivid description of duties and rights of kings". The description of Bahubali's struggle for freedom and the efforts to defend his kingdom is an event unparalelled in the literature of the world. This indeed accounts for the fame and glory he attained.
2. The real greatness of Bahubali lies in his character and his belief in non-violence. All the texts describe his fight with Bharata which was far from being violent. However, Bharateśvara-bāhubalivștti states that they fought terribly for as many years as twelve. The proposal for fight without involving violence comes either through Indra, or messanger, or ministers. But it may be underlined that according to the Paumacariyam" and Āvas yakacūrņi." it was Bahubali himslef who proposed it. It was his policy that he must try his utmost to avoid violence as far as he could inspite of the fact that he was sufficiently strong. This factor earned for him fame and glory far and wide.
There is a controversy regarding the type of the non-violent fight. One text mentions Drsti-yuddha and Malla-yuddha while other one describes Jala-yuddha." Jinadāsaganimahattara has further added Vag-yuddha. At other place one learns about five types of fight including Danda-yuddha'?. It all indicates that the authors meant that there took place a fight between Bahubali and Bharata which, though not involving violence, could decisively prove one as a winner. The Prakrit authors might have desired to throw light on Bahubali's physical strength. Despite the fact that he was strong enough he clinged to the moral values whereas Bharata acted just opposite.
3. Another point common in all the texts available is that Bharata gets angry when he finds himself defeated, and strikes Bahubali with the Cakra.' This is a clear violation of the accepted principle of fighting. With the result Bharata degrades himself; and further, on the other hand this incident brings complete transformation in Bāhubali's life. He renounces the world and embraces

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a life of a mendicant. It may be noted that although there have been used many a motif in Prakrit stories yet assailing with Cokra is a new one and thereby it puts the incident completely on a different footing. At this juncture the thoughts given. vent to by Bahubali are indeed precious enough and they can very well be regarded as the jewels of Indian literature.1 It, as a matter of fact, opens up multifaceted nature of man's personality. Bahubali overtakes materialistic victory considering it negligible and advances further with a keen aspiration to reap spiritual one. It should be noted that one who strives for the protection and preservation of the traditional values is greater than the one who destroys it. Bahubali, this way, certainly surpasses Bharata.
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4. Prakrit texts describe at length the penance undertaken by Bahubali. Paumacariyam makes no mention of any hindrance in Bahubali's Kevalajñāna attainment. But later on some of the authors have mentioned the presence of Mana-kaşaya in Bahubali's mind, with a view to further purify his soul. It was used as a motif in order to conceal his Mana. According to the Prakrit texts Bahubali did not approach Ṛsabhadeva for initiation because of the point that he would have to bow down to his own younger brothers who have already undergone initiation.20 This pride (Māna-kaṣāya) played the role of a villian and obstructed the coveted Kevalajñāna to Bahubali. The Jain Puranas record still different reason. Bahubali did not want to practise penance on the land of Bharata". This stubborness was responsible for the delay of Kevalajhana. Thus Bahubali has become a symbol for Mana-kaşaya in Prakrit stories. Malayaprabhasūris commentary on Jayanticarita records as many Prakrit stories as fifty six". Herein one notices Bahuali's story as an illustration of pride. Prakrit-Katha-Koşa too includes it on the same point of Mana-kaşaya." Bhavapahuda again refers Bahubalis story just to illustrate Mäna-kaşaya"
One clearly learns that though Bahubali had reacted on the high point of developed personality yet he failed to attain Kevalajñana because of the presence of Māna-kaşaya in him. In order to remove this vice, one Jaina tradition introduces Rşabhadeva's daughter Brähml, who advises Bahubli to get rid of his pride. She says "You are not bowing down to your younger brother but actually bowing down to the virtues. Without overcoming the ego how will you be able to attain the height of the order of Atman" In another tradition of the story Bharata himself requests Bahubali to shed ego and transcend it. Consequently Bahubali is said to have shed his ego and with the result he obtains the desired object. He becomes Kevalajani.
Bahubali's life-story is one of those stories in Jain literature" which are universal and directly linked with the day to day life of the people. Though Bahubali was not a Tirthankara yet he got highest respect in literature for he stood for certain virtues. If Bharata is famous by dint of his being Emperor,

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In the life-story of Bāhubali it may be pointed out, there has been used an invisible motif of vastness, of highness. In the Prakrit stories his personality has been described much higher than that of Bharata. In strength he proves himself to be stronger. He has also touched the height of oneness with his brother when he does not allow his brother down on the earth even though he was the winner. This is an exhibition of his height of Karuņā. When he was attacked by Bharata with the Cakra, he forgives him and thus vanquishes his anger.
Bharata invaded others just to mount on the throne of an Emperor. This very greed brought him to stand against his brother. But it was met by Bahubali with renouncing the world -- an act unparalelled in the history of the world. Actual greatness lies in renunciation. The motif of this greatness of Bahubali, which made him mendicant, is a great and unique example. Bahubali virtually diminished in his mind the difference between his body and the dust of the earth. There could be no greater instance of affection or love than this one when somebody's body becomes a shelter for some creature or plant. This motif of large-heartedness has considerably influenced the sculptors' minds who have carved out Bahubali's images like Gommateśvara.
In Jain philosophy Bahubali's life-story has become a symol of the four famous Kaşāyas.*' Bharata's invasion symbolises ambition and greed, violation of norms in bettle-field symbolises Māyā, assailing with Cakra symbolises anger and obstruction in attaining Kevalajñāna symbolises ego respectively. Bāhubali has set an example for posterity as a winner of all these passions. It is an extremely popular motif in literature- one is upgraded while other is degraded. There are to be found examples in literature such as Rām-Rāvana, Krsna-Kamsa, Pandava -Kaurava and the like. The same motif has remained an active and contributory factor to the development of Bharat-Bāhubali's story.
REFERENCES
1. Shastri, Devendra Muni, Rşabhadeva-Eka Parisilana, Udaipur, 1971. 2. Jain, J. C.; Jaina Agama Sahitya Me Bharatiya Samāja, Varanasi, 1965. 3. Commentary on Avaš yaka-Niryukti (Haribhadra & Malayagiri) Gathā 185-206. 4. Oghavji, Shah Amritlal; Bharateš vara-Bahubali-Vștri, Ahmedabad, 1938. 5. The story of Bahubali, Sambodhi, pt-6, No. 3-4, 1978, 6. Muni Punyavijaya, Vasudevahindi, Pt. I, Bhavnagar 1931. 7. Ibid, p. 162-188. 8. Takkhasilae mahappa Bahubali tassa niccapadikoolo /
Bharahanarindassa saya na kunae anapama nam so IIPauma-4.38

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81
9. Bahubali vi Mahappă uppādiya Kevalam Tavabalenam /
Naf! haviya Asthakammo Dukhavimokkham gao Mokk ham / Pauma-4.55. 10. Jambūddi vapannatti, Ch. 2 and 3. 11. Uvadisittà puttasayam rajjasae abhisimcai, Ibid, 36-77. 12. Chaupannamahapurisacariyam, p. 44-45. 13. Bharatesvarabahubalīvștti and Trişaštisalakapuruşacaritam, 1-5. 14. Bhanio ya Bahubalina, Cakkaharo kim vahena Loyassa /
Donham pi hou jujiham, dit chimuthihiranamajjhe // 4-43. 15. Tahe Te tavbalena do vi desante miliya tahe Bahubaliņa haniyam kim anayarahiņa logena mariena?
Tumam aham ca duyaga jujjhamo. A vas yakacūrni, p. 210. 16. Mahāpurāņā, 33-34. 204 17. Ävas yakabhaşya, Gāthā 32. 18. Ayam Bharahanarindo nihao bhuyavikkamana Sangame/
To muyae Cakkarayanam tassa vahathe paramaruttho Il Paumacariyam, 4.47. 19. For details please see :
(a) Paumacariyam, Gāthā 4, 49-52 (b) Jae tumam logut tamasuo hou na Majjā yamatikkemasi pihujaủa ka ganana ? Vasudevahindi,
p. 167. (c) Caupannamahapuri cariyam, p. 47-48. 20. A vaš yakacürpi, p. 210 Vasudevahindi, p. 186. 21. Mahapurâņa, 36, 186-217. 22. Jayanticaritavstri by Malayaprabhasuri, Leench (Mehsana) V. S. 2006. 23. Chaudhari, G. C, Jain Sahitya kâ Brahattitiha sa Pt. 6. p. 250. 24. Bhā vapå huda, Gathā, 44 25. Vasudevahindi, P. 187-88. 26. Mahapura na - Jinasena. 27. Chandra, K. R.; Prā krita Proper Names, Pt. 2 Bahubali word. 28. Rşabhadeva eka parisilana, p. 205. 29. Jain, L. C.; Antardvandom ke påra Gommatesvara Bahubali Delhi, 1979 p. 56. 30. Jain, P. S.; Pali-Prakrit Kathaon ke Abhipra ya-eka adhyayana, Rajasthā nabharati,11969, p. 115.

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14
GOMMATEŚVARA AS FOUND IN HARIVAŃSAPURĀNA
PREM CHAND JAIN
Gommațeśvara, also called Bahubali, was a son of Lord Rşabha', the first great world Teacher (in this avasarpiņi) who, after teaching his people the way of house-holder's life. divided his kingdom among his sons. He made Bharata, his eldest son, his successor and took to asceticism to teach mankind the way of salvation. After long years, Bharata went out to conquer the world and became the first Emperor.
Subjugating all the countries in the six continents and subduing the kings one after another Bharata returned to Ayodhyā, the imperial capital." The huge and victorious army marching through triumphal arches entered the high gates of the city. First the chariots rattled in; the elephants, swinging their trunks gracefully, moved on while the bells hanging on their sides sounded ding-dong; then the horses neighed and trotted into the city with raised heads; and then the infantry clad in armour majestically walked on with swords held up. Elaborate preparations were going on briskly to celebrate the victory of Bharata, King of Košala and Emperor of şad-Khanda. The entire city was jubilant. The Emperor himself was immersed in great joy. The ministers seated in front of him were receiving instructions regarding the details of the celebration of victory. Just then the Commander-in-Chief stepped into the Durbar Hall and reported to the Emperor that the Discus, the cakra, was still outside the city gates. Bharata was dismayed. He was at a loss to know the reason why the discus had not entered the armoury. He asked the Minister for War if there was any king still unconquered by him. The lists of kings, who had become his vassals, were scrutinized. It was found that the name of Bahubali, the King of Paudanapura, was not in them. He was still independent and he was to be brought under the sway of Bharata.

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It was suggested that, that might be the reason why the cakra-raina was still outside the gates of Ayodhya. Immediately swift ambassadors were sent to Paudanapura to demand from Bāhubali recognition of the suzerainty of Bharata and submission to his rule. The ambassadors were respectfully received at the court of Bahubali. But on hearing the demands from Bharata, Bāhubali got enraged.' Bahubali was no less a son of Lord Rşabha than Bharata himself. So Bāhubali said, "The kingdom was portioned out and allotted to us by our father the Lord, If he asks me to hand over my kingdom to Bharata, I will do so most willingly. But if your king wants to take it from me, let him do so after conquering me in war.” The ambassadors returned disappointed and reported to Bharata all that had happened at Paudanapura'
After the departure of the ambassadors, Bahubali gathered his army and was prepared to meet his brother on the battle field. On hearing the reply of Bāhubali, Bharata grew furious and summoning his entire army he marched towards Paudanapura. Both the armies came closer together at a particular place. Conchs were blown; kettle-drums were beaten, pipes, horns and trumpets blared forth making a tumultuous sound. They were about to attack one another. But the ministers of both the brothers stepped forward and prayed to their Lords not to fight and said, “O Lords, Both of you are divine personalities. Yor are in your last births now. At the end of this life you will be attaining salvation. Your bodies are invulnerable. Why should these innocent soldiers be thrown to the jaws of death? You may kindly decide your superiority by a duel combat. 11"
Both the contending brothers were naturally averse to any form of injury to any life and they readily agreed to decide their question by methods of righteous fight, namely drsfi-yuddha' (looking at each other without winking ), jalayuddha" (throwing water on each other's face) and malla-yuddha' (wrestling). In all the three combats Bahubali became victorious and his army shouted with applause 16 Emperor Bharata felt humiliated. But Bahubali was not elated in spite of his victory. This was no victory for him. He had to fight his greater enemy karma. He asked his brother to take over his kingdom and rule over it, while he would himself renounce the temporal world and strive for the Spiritual Empire.
Bāhubali became an ascetic and was deeply engaged in meditation. He was so much immersed in dhyāna and self concentration that he became absolutely unconscious of the external world. Ant-hills grew up at his feet, and creepers wound themselves arround his legs and hands. As he was advancing in concentration, the divinity in him was manifesting itself until at last when he attained Omniscience, He became the fullest manifestation of the Divinity itself. Devas from above, human beings on the earth, animals and birds gathered around him

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to pay obeisance and hear His teachings. No less a person than His Imperial Majesty Bharata became one of his ardent devotees. Such was, the. Glory of Gommateśvara who was none else than Bāhubali, the King of Paudanapura. The devotion of Bharata was so intense that he caused an image of Bahubali to be made in gold and installed at Paudanapura.
REFERENCES
1 Hari-Vansa-purāņa- 9/22. 2 Ibid., 9/94. 3 Ibid., 9/95. 4 Ibid, 11/56. 5 Ibid., 11/56. 6 lbid., 11/57-58. 7 Ibid., 11/76. 8 Ibid, 11/76. 9 Ibid., 11/77-78. 10 Ibid, 11/79. 11 Ibid., 11/80. 12 Ibid., 11/81-82. 13 Ibid., II 83. 14 Ibid., 11/84. 15 Ibid., 11/81-84.

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10. Shravanabelagola : A general view of Vindhyagiri and Kalyani tank

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11. Vindhyagiri : Gommateshvar Bahubali

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12. Vindhyagiri Gullikayajji
13. Chandragiri Kushmandini Devi

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SSOCIETY
बलीप्रतिकवक
मनविदामाणिकरणक सावरणकिणविमलयामितियmamमाKिuman
नारायः
मावशमायामा मिसपुस्तक चामुंडशकायोसा लिलाकार

मामलामि नमक
तरनपिना भारत निमालकावासा
aintaiश्रीदेवी Faadhaमकसकीय
सुवासिक निमा विभवन सामना विभूतावमकतरनोमय विnिeagबनवा केवलज्ञानकरकम
अतिविनको छान किरातमीविदाका
लिवरलकमाया mare किया aashीविदाविधी
क्लनमः 1मिमामला
पाकिरणकलाम किया। पसीनाए। लिकालासमति के निम्निमसननिश्रीरा अजरामकलापनका स्थानमिचेच्या कलर विनमतचानुभम्पाद
Aarosaml JARAमिलना सिपोनिक किविताटा किन विनमान
के अधिभुवनचक्ष रविनवे नाममा रिआरपत्रकाया। Magaदीकि
तादिवसगावला मनामीविवाडि निगममत्रगजसविधान देवयममा
14. Siddhantachakravarti Acharya Nemichandra explaining the text of his philosophical work to
Chamundaraya (Painting from an old manuscript of Trilokasar)

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15. Vindhyagiri Tyagad Brahmadeva pillar, shown in the centre with beautiful carving

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F
12

16. Shravanabelagola: A Jaina Basadi, in the town

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17. Jinanathpur: Fascinating art work on the outer wall of Shantinatha Basadi

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18. Badami (Bijapur): Bahubali rock-cut
of 8th c A.D.
19. Tirumalai (Vellore) : Bahubali Rock-cut
of 9th c. A.D.

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15
BAHUBALI IN KANNADA LITERATURE
Out of the 24 Tirthankars the story of Adinatha may be said to be more attractive. This is partly because, Adinatha was the first Tirthankara and did many useful things for humanity and partly because of the story of Bharata and Bahubali which is there in Adinatha Purana. From the point of view of story, both Bharata and Bahubali are equally important. But from the point of view of qualities Bahubali has a higher place and he stands in the heart of the reader.
B. S. KULKARNI
Bahubali as the name itself suggests, was a very strong and also the most handsome person of his age, and, as such, was the Kama-dēva of his age.
The good qualities such as valour, sacrifice etc., attracted the poets. It is true that Bahubali's story occurs in Adipurāņa. But the poets took special fancy and wrote independent works on Bahubali. Like poets in other languages, the Kannada poets too respected the qualities of Bahubali and wrote a good number of works on him.
Kannada people did not stop here only. They went a step ahead and did marvelous work. They created Sculptures of Bahuball and erected them so that the people of this age should have the Dariana of Bahubali of Krtayuga. Cavundaraya got carved the statue of Bahubali at Sravapabelgola and there are three more at Kärka), Vēnüra and Gommatagiri (near Mysore). The statute of Bahubali at Sravanabelgola is supposed to be the most beautiful and wonderful in the world.
The story of Bahubali occurs in the following Kannada works.
1) Adipurana-Pampa, 2) Adipurana-Hastimalla, 3) Cavundaraya-purana, 4) Gommata Stuti, 5) Gommaja Stuti. 6) Karkal Gommelvar Carlte, 7) Bharatēša

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Vaibhaya, 8) Bhujabaliya Carite, śvara Carite, 11) Raja yaļi Kathe, 14) Bhujubali pūje etc.
9) Songs on Bhujabali, 12) Gommațādhyaya,
10) Belgolada Gommage13) Gommatës varcharita,
Out of the works mentioned above Gommata Stuti or Hadugaļu ( songs ) contain verses in praise of Bahubali. Some works contain very good verses of the highest category of poetry. In other works, the story of Bahubali runs alike. But the Poet Ratnākaravarại differes a bit from the earlier works. To know how Bahubali is depicted in Kannada works, it is enough if we examine the poet Pampa and the poet Ratnākaravarņi. Still, some works are important as they give historical information about the erection of the statues of Bahubali, about the Mastakābhişēkas etc. For example the Poet Candrama (1646 A. D.) in his work Karkala Gommațēśvaracarite has written about the installation of the statue at Kārkaļ by Pāņdya King in 1431 A. D. and also about the Mastakābhişeka performed in the year 1646. Pañcabāņa (1614 A. D.) in his work 'Bhujabali Carite' has written that one person by name Shāntavarņi performed Mastakābhişēka to Bahubali in 1612 A. D. and also about its installation by Cāvundarāya. This poet was the native of Sravanabelgola. Ananta (1780 A. D.) in his work Belagolada Gommateśvara Carite has written that one Virūpaksha Pandita-minister to the Mysore King Cikadēvarāya, performed Mastakābhisēka to Bahubali at Sravanabelgoļa in the year 1677 and also about another Mastakābhişēka which took place in 1777 A. D. This poet has written about a person by name Annayya who was responsible for the construction of Kalyāņi (i. e. tank) with the help of King Cikadēvarāya.
Now, we may see Bahubali as depicted in Pampa's Adipurāņa. Pampa is the first poet in Kannada and has written this purāņa in the year 941 A.D. Pumpa was a great poet and had read previous works in Sanskrit and Prakrit. So, in his Adlpurāņa, he has almost gone along the lines given by Jinasēnācārya in his pūrvapurāņa.
Ādinātha had hundred sons headed by Bharata and a daughter namely ‘Brāhmi' by his one wife Yashashvati and a son i.e., Bahubali and a daughter viz, Sundari by his another wife Sunandādēvi. Bharata was the eldest and was to become the King after his father. So, it is no wonder if Ādinātha had taken special care about him. But we notice that equal care was taken about Bāhubali by his father. While giving education, Ādinātha taught Bharatašāstra, Artbaśāstra to Bharata and; Kamatantra, Ayurvēda, the science of elephants, horses and jewels to Bahubali.
Adinātha installed Bharata as the King in Ayodhyā and Bahubali as. Yuvarāja in Paudanapura at the time of his renunciation. This again shows, how important a person Bahubali was! In his kingdom Bahubali was quite independant and happy.

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In due course Bharata conquered all the six continents on the strength of his Cakra-ratna and returned to Ayodhyā. But his Cakra-ratha did not enter the city. On enquiry it was found that he had some enemies to conquer and those enemies were none but his brothers including Bahubali. Bharata sent servants with an order to surrender. His own brothers did not like the idea of Bharata and abandoning the kingdom they went to Ādinātha and accepted monkhood. But Bahubali did not like this idea of renunciation nor was he afraid of Bharata. He condemned the greed of Bharata for Kingdom and also the idea of asking his own brothers to be his subordinates. He told the messenger that the kingdom was given to him by his father. If Bharata wanted to snatch his kingdom let him do it in the battle-field. The description given by Pampa regarding Bahubali is noteworthy. On seeing Bahubali the messenger said, “Puruparamēshvara Putram Bharatēshvara Chakravartiganjaenal Sundara Rūpani Kumārane Dore Chakrigameseyadinitu Tējasphuritam". "Two important aspects to be noted in this verse are : Bharata's messenger says that Bahubali is a handsome person and in splendour he exceeds even Bharata. After hearing the message of Bahubali, Bharata says, "Antanibarumavarindaggalamene negalda Bahubalianenteragisuvem" meaning thereby that Bahubali who is the strongest among all of us how can I conquer him? This means Bharata was knowing the strength of Bahubali and was afraid in the heart of his heart about the valour of Bāhubali.
War was inevitable. But on the advice of their ministers both Bharata and Bāhubali agreed for “Driştiyuddha” (staring into each other's eyes), “Jalayuddha" (throwing water on each others face) and “Mallayuddha" (wrestling) to avoid violence and the unnecessary deaths of many innocent soldier. Very good description of these fights is given and in all the attempts Bharata was defeated. In ‘Mallayuddha' Bahubali took Bharata in his arms and he wanted to throw him on the ground, but at that moment Bahubali's good sense became alert and he thought, it would be improper to insult a great king like Bharata and also an elder brother who stands in the place of father. So, Bāhubali slowly placed Bharata on the ground. This is really the greatness of Bahubali. But Bharata being insulted, took Cakra-ratna and threw it on Bāhubali, but the weapon did not do any harm to Bahubali. Bharata's action hurt Bāhubali. He was annoyed at the greed of Bharata for kingdom which is perishable and temporary. He decided to renounce the kingdom. In this connection the poet says:
Kiduvodalakiduva Rajyada / Padematugofalkamenna Meyygidapudi // Gade Jainadiksheyam Kon/ Dodigeragisuvem samasta Surasamudayamuth 11
meaning hereby that the body as well as the kingdom are perishable. I will accept monkhood and will see that even the gods will bend down before me! Knowing

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his mistake, Bharata asked Bahubali not to leave the kingdom; but Bahubali was firm. He took initiation at the holy hands of Adinatha and stood like a mountain practising penance. But he did not attain Kevalajñāna. On enquiry, Adinatha told Bharata, "Bahubali is still contemplating about the ground on which his two feet are standing and he is sorry for having done so, because that ground belongs to you. Till he becomes free from this ego, he does not get Kevalajääna." On hearing this, Bharata went and worshipped the feet of Bahubali and told him that all the kingdom belonged to him and he should think in terms of his soul and. realisation. In this connection the humble prayer of Bharata is noteworthy. He says: 'This kingdom is given to me by you which is just like the remains of your food. Please do not entertain any other idea. Think of your own self and soul." Bahubali realised his mistake and let off that ill idea. At once he achieved Kēvalajñāna. After some years he attained Mokşa earlier than his father Adinatha.
In Adipurana, we see at first a heroic Bahubali fighting with his brother for his independance and self degnity. And then we see a wise man even on the battle field and at last we see a monk abandoning every thing and achieving self-realisation. A beautiful picture of Bahubali is given with a human touch and as such the reader will be all for Bähubali in Adipurana,
Now, we may see Bahubali as depicted by Ratnakaravargi. Ratnakaravarni lived in the latter part of the 16th century. He has written Bharatēśavaibhava. In this work the poet has taken full liberty to make suitable changes to make Bharata his (poet's) hero a master in every field. Bharata is superior in all aspects. He is both Bhogi and Yogi at one and the same time.
The story connected to Bahubali in Bharatēŝavaibhava is as follows; Bharata while returning from Digvijaya came near Paudanapur and wanted to go ahead. But the Cakra-ratna did not move at all. When asked, the minister said, 'Your brothers should come and surrender'. As in Adipurāṇa, letters were sent to the brothers. Bharata's own brothers renounced the kingdoms and accepted monkhood. A wise messenger was sent to Bahubali with the order of Bharata. He went to Paudanapur.
Here, Ratnakaravargi has taken liberty with the word Kāma (Cupid). Bahubali was the Kamadeva of his times. Taking this opportunity, Ratnakara has made Bahubali in the sense of Cupid-the husband of Rati. He has used words like Minänka, Smara, Manmatha, Puganeya, Pradyumna etc., for Bahubali and has described him to be a lustful man. When the messenger saw him, he was amidst a thousand women. His city Paudanpur was full of all sorts of activities connected with lust and all the people were indulging in only Kāma and they did not like those who were not like them. Only one verse may be quoted here:

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“Möhave muktiyallembana bāyahoy Mohiyalladana nodadiru Mohavaballavanellava ballanes
Dā hādiyolagādutiharu" (Greed or lust itself is salvation. If there is anybody denying this, simply beat him. The person who is expert in the matters of lust, knows everything). Such kind of talk was heard by the messenger throughout the streets of Paudanpur while he was going to the palace of Bahubali. When we read such description, we feel disgusted and sorry to note that Bahubali belonged to such a culture being the son of Ādinātha and brother of Bharata.
Further, Bāhubali decided to fight. Here Ratnākara has brought his wives and mother who advised him not to fight. The poet writes that Bahubali told them a lie, which is common to Madana (Cupid). Bahubali is made a deceitful person.
In the battlefield, Bharata advised him that fight between Ādinātha's sons was not a good thing and at last told that he i. e., Bharata would be defeated. When asked by his people, he said, "Is there any person who is not defeated by Smara i, e., Cupid ?” and asked the Cakraratna to go to Bahubali. But it did not go, because, Ratnākaravar i writes, Bāhubali was not so meritorious as to hold that Cakraratna. Bharata pushed it to Bahubali. At that time, untimely omens took place. Seeing all, Bahubali felt sorry and begging pardon of his brother renounced the kingdom and went to practise penance.
Poets are uncrowned monarchs. They can do any thing. Ratnākaravarņi, to raise the status of Bharata-- his hero, has made Bahubali to stand a step below. Still, when admiring Bāhubali's handsomeness, strength, Ratnākaravarni, excels any other poet. Even then, as already said, to read Bahubali's description as a lustful man and as a person not so meritorious so as to have Cakraratna, one feels sorry. Even in modern Kannada, a good number of poets have composed poems on Bahubali of Sravanabelgola and have kept up the tradition of the ancient poets.
Anyway the Kannada people also have tried to keep up their pace, along with others, in giving due credit and place in literature as well as in sculpture to Bāhubali, recognising his highest qualities like valour, self-respect and intelligence, control over the mind etc. We should be grateful to all those who are responsible for this good and immortal work done in showing their devotion to and admiration for Bahubali.

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16
GOMMATESVARA STATUE FROM THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL POINT
OF VIEW
A. V. NARASIMHA MURTHY
The statue of Gommate vara at Sravapabelgola, the tallest free standing stone sculpture in the world has given a unique cultural status to Karnataka. It has attracted archaeologists and art historians alike who have made a detailed study of this unique statue. It was R. Narasimhachar who collected all the details about this sculpture and gave a good account of this which is authoritative even to this day. The image is nude and stands facing north in an erect way. The serene expression of the face is remarkable and symbolises the attitude of the saint to the worldly existence. The hair is curled and the ears are long, the shoulders being broad and the arms hang down straight with the thumbs turned outwards. The waist is small. The lower portion, though it looks dwarfish, adds majesty and grandeur. The entire image stands on a pedestal which is in the form of a lotus.
The colossal nature of the statue is one of the points of great importance. One will be overawed by the superhuman measurements of not only the entire statue but even the minor components of the sculpture. Even this colossal nature of the sculpture should be understood not merely as the imagination of the artist but representing the great heights to which he raised. Thus this is a statue in which the size is also symbolic of the greatness of the person involved.
This point becomes more meaningful when we look at the following measurements of this sculpture. Different estimates of the height have been given so far. Buchanan estimated it as 70 feet 3 inches. Sir Arthur Wellesley thought it to be 60 feet 3 inches. 57 feet is the correct height according to the Mysore Archae ological Department experts. The colossal nature can be imagined when we say that the toe and fingers are of unimaginable size. The foot itself measurer nine feet in length. The toe measures two feet nine inches. The middle finges

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is five feet three inches, the forefinger three feet six inches, third finger four feet seven inches and the fourth finger two feet eight inches. These measurements would give us an idea of the colossal nature of the image.
The face of Gommateśvara is most artistic and is a commentary on the success of the skill of the sculptor who made it. "Whether for boldness of conception or for the manner in which the idea underlying it the idea of man's victory over his karma, of a kevali in perfect peace with himself and all else in the universe has been translated into artistic terms, it stands unrivalled.' It has proportionate and relatively uniform eye brows which form one end of the eye to the other appear to have been a curve of a wave. The nose though prominent is proportionate and straight. The eyes are open and the eye balls are so naturally cut one feels as they are real. This also gives the impression of the pensive mood of the saint. The cheeks, the chin, and the lips add to the serenity of the face and the total effect is one of grace, majesty, dignity which were the inner nature of the person. One of the most remarkable aspect of this sculpture is the smile that is seen on the face which has been characterised as the symbolic representation of the saint towards his fellow human beings. That is not a smile of self satisfaction but it is coupled with pity that the world of humanity is not following the right path and thus are going on the wrong track. Thus there is something melancholic in that smile. Perhaps no Indian sculpture has been able to represent this attitude of any saint as this sculpture. The Buddhist Mathura sculptures and the sculptures at Angkor represent smile in a different way. But the smile of the image of Sravanabelgola is of a different nature and of a superior human feeling and this character makes it unique in the history of Indian art.
Ferguson, one of the earliest to write on Indian art, studied this image from various aspects and his comparison of this image with those of Egypt is very interesting. "The statues of this Jaina saint are among the most remarkable works of native art in South India... Whether the rock was found inside or moved, nothing grander or more imposing exists anywhere out of Egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it in height. It is larger than any of the statues of Ramses in Egypt. The figure carved in fine grained light grey granite has not been injured by weather or violence, and looks as bright and clean as if just from the chisel of the artist. The face is its strong point. Considering the size of the head, which from the crown to the bottom of the ear measures six feet six inches, the artist was skilful indeed to draw from the blank rock the wondrous contemplative expression touched with a faint smile with which Gommaţa gazes out on the struggling .world. Gommateśvara has watched over India for only 1000 years whilst the statues of Ramses have gazed upon the Nile for more than 4000. The monolithic Indian saint is thousands of years younger than the prostrate Ramses or the guardians of Abu Simbal, but he is more impressive both on account of his commanding position on the brow of the hill overlooking the wide stretch of plain

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and of his size". Thus these words of a great art historian has to be taken as a valid appreciation of the beauty of this great image.
Another remarkable feature is that this is a dated image. Though there has been some controversy regarding the date of Camuşdarāya, it has been possible to arrive at the correct date. Cāmundarāya was the minister under Rācamalla who ruled from 974 to 984 A. D. According to R. Narasimh char, the image was set up in 983 AD. since the consecration took place during the time of Rācamalla. But the main objection for this is the absence of any mention of it in the camundarāyapurāņa which was written in 978. Perhaps this was not begun when the above work was composed. Thus this image is a good example of Ganga sculpture the date of which can be fixed.
Thus the Gommațeśvara statue has been a great creation of the artists of Karnataka at least a thousand years ago and has been guiding the people to follow the path which will elevate them to higher life.

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WORLD'S GREATEST SCULPTURAL COLOSSUS COMPLETES
A THOUSAND YEARS
Gommatesvara, 57 feet giant granite colossus, chiselled out from the summit of 500 feet Indragiri mountain, in Sravanabelgola town situated at 86 miles from Bangalore, capital of Southern Indian State of Karnataka, will be completing a thousand years of its phenomenal existence in February 1981. The mountain itself is 3,347 feet above the sea level.
R. S. SURENDRA
The Gommateşvara statue ideally fits into the definition of sculpture-inrelief as specified in the new Encyclopaedia Britanica. Sculpture-in-relief is three dimensional object emerging out of a subjascent matrix. The statue has a kind of reality, a vivid physical presence that is denied in pictorial arts.
sculpture are as tangible and visible and appeal strongly, directly to both visual and tactual sensibilities. Such statues go beyond mere presentation of fact and communicate a wide range of subtle and powerful feelings. The aesthetic raw material of sculpture, so to speak, is the whole realm of expression of three dimensional forms. Here Indian sculptors have employed Iconometric Cannons or systems of carefully related proportions that determined the proportions of all significant dimensions of human figure.
The Gommatesvara statue is nude and the statues of Gommatesvara are among the most remarkable works of native art in South India long known to Europeans. Three of them are well known and that at Sravanabelgola attracted the attention of Late Duke of Wellington in 1799, (who defeated French Emperor Nepolean Bonaparte in 1815 at Waterloo), when as Sir A. Wellesly, commanded a division at the siege of Srirangapattnam in the 4th Mysore War. He, like all those who followed him, was astonished at the amount of labour such a work entailed and puzzled to know, whether it was a part of hill or had been moved to the spot where it now stands.

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Nothing grander or more imposing exists anywhere out of Egypt and, even there, no known statue surpasses Gommateśvara in height and faciál charm. It is larger than any of the Statues of Ramses of Egypt.
Gommateśvara has watched over India for over a thousand years, while the statues of Ramses of Egypt have gazed upon the Nile for more than 4000 years. The monolithic Indian saint is thousands of years younger than the prostrate Ramses or Guardians of Abu Simbal of Egypt, but he is more impressive both on account of his commanding position of the brow of the hill overlooking the wide stretch of plain and his astonishing size.
Owing to the great height of the statue and want of any point sufficiently elevated from which to take a picture of it, most of the representations fail to give a good idea of the features of the face, which are the most perfect part artistically carved and most interesting to see. Considering the size of the head which from the crown to the bottom of the ear measures six feet six inches the artist was skillful indeed to draw from the blank rock, the wonderous contemplative expression touched with a faint smile with which Gommateśvara gazes out the struggling world. The smile on his face is more wonderful than the smile on the face of the world famous Mona Lisa, painting of Leonardo da Vinci.
The nudity of the statue represents complete renunciation of all world attachments. Here Gommațeśvara has destroyed the bonds of karma. The statue of Gommateśvara is that of Jain saint caused to be erected during the years 974 A.D., to 981 A.D. by Cāmundarāya, General of Ganga King Rācamalla the IV, who was ruling this part of the country in the latter part of tenth century A.D A flight of 500 steps out in the granite hill leads to the summit of the hill upon which stands an open court surrounded by a corridor cotaining cells each enshrining a Jain God. The corridor is again surrounded at some distance by a heavy wall, a good part of which is picturesquely bound by boulders in their natural position. In the the centre of the court stands the colossal statue of Gommateśvara standing 57 feet high. The statue is facing north, the hairs on the head curled in short spirals. The figure has no support over the level of thighs. Upto that point, it is surrounded by ant-hills, from which emerge serpents and creepers entwining both legs and arms terminating at the upper part of the arms.
Measurements of the Statue :
57'.
7
Total height: Total height from the crown of the head to
the bottom of the ear: Total height from the foot to bottom of the ears : Length of the foot : Breadth across the foot :
50' 9'
4' 6"

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World's Greatest Sculptural Colossus Completes a thousand years
Length of the great toe : Breadth across the shoulder: Breadth across the pelvis: Length of the forefinger: Length of the third finger:
2' 9"
20'
2

13'
3' 6"
4' 7"
Normally once in 12 years festival of worship called Mahamastakabhiseka (head annointing ceremony) is performed for the statue. During which a powerful scaffolding is erected behind the statue to facilitate the priests and devotees to worship the God by pouring milk, and other materials over the head. During the previous Mahamastakabhiseka Aeroplanes and Helicopters showered flowers and garlands from the sky over the statue. In February 1981, the statue completes a thousand years of its phenomenal existence since its inception which will be celebrated by the State Government and devotees on a grand scale during which period millions of devotees and tourists gather in this town to witness the
event.

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The unique features of the Gommatesvara statue are:
1. The statue is a sculptured out of the summit of the hill.
2. The entire statue is made up of a single rock which is 57 feet tall.
3. The statue was sculptured one thousand years ago during which there was no modern equipment.
4. The sculptors have remained anonymous.
The sculpture of Gommatesvara 1000 years ago (974 A. D. to 981) in Sravanabelgola definitely surpasses 'World's most heroic sculpture of the Giant American President faces over Mount Rushmore in South Dakota of United States carved between 1927-1941 A. D.

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THE BEĻGOLIAN BAHUBALI AND WESTERN INDIAN NOTICES
M. A. DHAKY
On the basis of the available evidence, the Bahubali legends seemingly were first formulated in the Svetapața canonical and quasi-religious works;' but Bāhubali's earliest known iconic representations are of Digvāsa affiliation, encountered as they are in the Kuntaladeśa of the times of the Cālukyas of Vatapi." Not only that; for adoration, Bāhubali practically had no appeal to the followers of the Svetāmbara sect;* while to the sectaries of the Digambara belief he was almost as reverable as the Jinas themselves; and his several images, some indeed of heroic proportions, were carved with much care and love, particularly in the Karņāța country. The practice of carving Bāhubali images has indeed lasted for many centuries; in fact it continues till our own times.
Although not the earliest, the Gommateśvara Bahubali of Sramaņa Bilagula (mod. Sravaņa-Belgoļa) is the most celebrated of them all. Some say that this colossal monolithic image on the Vindhygiri (or Gommața-giri) was named 'Gommateśvara' because Gommața was the other name of Cāmundarāya, the prime minister of Ganga Rācamalla IV, who caused it to be carvedThis suggestion does not seem to hold good since an inscription in Karņāța pre-dating Cāmundarāya mentions 'Gommaţadeva' as a sthā vara-tirtha."
The fame of the Bahubali image of Sravanabe!goļa must have spread far and wide after the image's consecration. Seemingly it had also reached the ears of the Digambara as well as Svetāmbara Jainas in the distant tracts of Rājasthan and Gujarāt. Late in the medieval period, even the Svetāmbara pilgrim-monks either visited 'Biļaguļa' or wrote about the image from what they had heard. Similar is the case with the Digambara bhațjārakas from Gujarāt who contemporaneously in their psalms took notice about the celebrated Belagolian Bahubali.

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Perhaps the earliest Northern reference to Gommaţadeva of the Southern country is by the Digambara friar Madanakirti in his Sāsanacaturstrinsika (c. late 12th cent. A.D.) : Devo Daksina-Gommataḥ sa jayatad digvāsām sāsanam // 7 //
The next allusion is from the Svetāmbara side and is found in the Kalpapradipa of Jina prabha Süri of Kharatara gaccha' (early 14th cent. A. D.). In the “Caturśīti-mahātirtha-sa igraha-kalpa" inside the selfsame work, the Sūri includes “Gommaţadeva Bāhubali of the southern country": (Dakşiņāpathe Gomaţadevah Sri-Bahubaliḥ). As some indications are, Jainaprabha Sūri had gone as far as Urungal (mod. Warangal) in Andhradeśa on pilgrimage with Samarasimha, the renovator of the Satruñjaya hill Jaina temples, sometime early in the second quarter of the fourteenth century A. D. He does not seem to have visited SravanaBelagola but possibly records on the basis of what he then may have heard.
The earliest allusion in the late medieval period is by the Digambara monk Megharāja whose Tirtha-vandanā in Gujarati, a psalm pertainig to the Digambara Jaina tirthas, dates from the earlier part of the sixteenth century. Among the places to which he offers obeisance are those where images of Bahubali are located :
............ Gommatasvāmi Belguleë
Terapure Vaddhamā ne Poyanāpure vandu Bāhublië // 19 // The next allusion is in the Sarva-tirtha-vandanā by Jñānasāgara of the Nanditaţa-gaccha of the Kāşthā-sangha (c. 17th cent. A. D.). The author briefly alludes to the miraculous legend which tells as to how as a result of Cāmundaraya's austerities the image was revealed (when he) struck an arrow to the hill-top.10
One other Digambara monk, namely, Bhattāraka Somasena of the Sena Gaņa of the Müla Sangha (c. 1600-1640 A. D.) briefly alludes to Gomațasvāmi after mentioning the Bāvanna-gaja Jina (of Badvāni in Central India) in his Puşpāñjali-Jayamala."
So also refers Visvabhūşaņa of the Balātkāra Gana of the Mūla Sangha (c. the third quarter of the 17th cent. A. D.) to the 'Gomata-prabhu' of Karņāța : (Karnāte Gomata-prabhu sevyam....../48') in his Sarva-trailokya-jinālaya-jayamala."
Next in time we come across two significant notices from the Svetāmbara side. The first is the Tirthamala of Silavijaya of Tapagaccha V.S 1746/A. D. 1490. His account, unlike the former authors, is somewhat detailed. He refers to the annual abhişeka of Gommațasvami with 7800 pitchers of pañcāmsta and the splendid chariot procession of the Lord. He locates Sravana-Belagoļa some twelve košas from Srirangapattana near Mysore. Also he refers to the image of Bāhubali alias Gommațasvāmi who is at a (rough) estimate 60 ft. high, standing in käyotsarga-mudrā on the hill-top; the (Bahubali) tirtha he says was established by the Jaina Camundarāya. The Sūri also refers to the temples of Jina Vasupūjya

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inside 'Biligul' and twenty-three other temples on the hills. He likewise alludes to the temple of Candragupta and the legend of the ritually fasting-unto-death by Bhadrabāhu. He also refers to the Cărukirtti (friar in charge of the tirtha) and the seven villages attached to, as well as the annual) income of the tirtha's
The next (and the last) reference is by Saubhāgyavijaya of Tapagaccha in his Tirthamäla he completed in V. S. 1750/A. D. 1695." He mentions that near Bilagula is the Gomaţadeva : ( Bilagula păseñ Gomajadeva......)
These medieval and late medieval references are sufficiently indicative of the esteem in which the Jainas of both the sects held the colossal contemplative image of Gomațasvami of Bilagula.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
The Jambudvi paprajnpti (c. 303-313 A.D., Mathurā recension) : the Paumacariya of Vimala Sūri of Nāgendra Kula (479 A. D.); the A vašyaka-niryukti of Bhadrabahu II (c. Sth-6th cent. A.D.); the Vasudeva-hindi (Book I) of Vācaka Saighadāsa gani (c. early 6th cent. A.D.), and the Višeşā vasyakabhā sya of Jinabhadra gani kşamā śramana (c. 590 A.D.) are the earliest Svetā - mbara works referring to Bahubali story. While the Padmacaritra of Ravişeņa (677 A.D.), the Harivams a-purana of Jinasena of the Punnā ta-gana (784 A.D.), and the A dipurana (Mahapurāņa Book T) of Jainsena of the Pancastūpānvaya-gana (c. mid 9th cent. A. D.), are the earliest known Digambara sources for this subject. (Details, vide Dalsukhbhai D. Malvania, " The story of Bharata and Bahubali", Sambodhi, vol. 6, Nos. 3-4, Ahmedabad Oct. 1977,
Jan. 1978, pp. 1-11). 2 The vishika or patļašala (Front corridor) of the Jaina Cave at Aryapura (mod. Aihole) and
Cave IV, which is a Jaina cave at Vätāpi (mod. Bâdâmi) enshrine the earliest (and of course rock-cut) images of Bahubali. Both the caves are datable to c. late sixth century A.D. and
stylistically are ascribable to Câlukya Maigaleśa's time. 3 The only Svet âmbara image of Bahubali I know of is the one in marble in the great Adinatha
temple complex of Satrunjaya. But it is, as per its inscription, dated as late as 1335 A.D. 4 I shall not go into details concerning references; for the point indeed is not a major issue. 5 Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Mysore, 1974, p. 38. The inscription dates
from the time of Ganga Ereya and hence early tenth century. 6 Cf. Vidyadhar Joharapurkar, Tirthavandanasangraha, Jivarâja Jaina Granthamâlâ No. 17,
Sholapur, 1965, p. 31 7 Cf (ed.) Jina Vijaya, Vividhatirthakalpa, Pt. 1, Singhi Jaina Series No. 10, Santiniketan 1934,
p. 85. 8 My paper on this subject, entitled 'The Western Indian Pilgrim Notices of the Jaina Sacred Places
of South India", is shortly appearing in the commemoration volume for N. Venkataramaniah. 9 Cf. Joharaparkar, p. 53, 10 Ibid., p. 70, vss. 39-40. 11 Ibid., p. 85, vs. 21. 12 Ibid., p. 93. 13 Cf. Vijayadharmasüri, Präcina-tirthamala-sangraha, pt. 1, Sri Yašovijayaji Jaina Granthamālā,
Bhavnagar 1934, p. 118, vs. 67-74. 14 Ibid., p. 99. vss. 9-10.

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A 12TH CENTURY CELEBRATION OF PANCAKALYANA RITES TO GOMMATESVARA
A. SUNDARA
In the Jaina sect the twentyfour Tirtharkaras and Bahubali, the younger brother of Bharata, both being the sons of the first Tirtha ikara Rşabhanātha, are the greatest spiritual personalities who attained by self-effort the supreme goal : 'Siddhapada' i. e., freedom for ever from the cycle of births and deaths, worldly bondages. Nay, the enlightened Tirthankaras instead of entering into 'Siddhapada' immediately, preferred to move about for sometime in the midst of the common and ignorant, teaching them from their actual way of lives and experiences, how they can also make their lives sublime. Here lies the invaluable, kind and selfless service of these Tirthankaras. In their early lives they were like any other human beings, enjoying royal material prosperity and happiness, being princes but soon realised the truth that the so called worldly happiness and pleasure are short lived and not free from exhaustion, pain and sorrow. The good and bad acts of human beings must bear fruit accordingly and they must be enjoyed by them. Thus human beings are always caught in the endless cycle of births and deaths, and their span of life between is bound with swaying worldly pleasures and pains. In the wake of their awakening, the princes who were later to become Tirthankaras strove hard to find out a true way to be free from the clutches of these fluctuating never ending dualities and to attain a stage that puts an end to karma and thus is blissful. Overcoming all stress and strain, hardship both internal and external, physical and mental with patience and restraint, determination, they did succeed in discovering the correct supreme path; and in being spiritually enlightened and being compassionate taught and showed the path to their fellow beings. Being impressed by their self-sacrifice and spiritual glory there were to thein innumerable followers afflicted with the mundane dualities who found solution in their preachings and solace in the practice. Naturally these luminaries in course of time became ideal. nay, divine personalities so much so they were adored and worshipped. And stories of their lives were inspiring models to the followers of

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the sect to improve their lives and follow the right path for crossing across successfully the worldly life to achieve the supreme goal. These great. men were therefore called, Tirthankaras.
In the stories of these great divinised men, five stages were, in course of time, recognised as the most eventful as they were for the good of the mankind and therefore auspicious. They are: the sacred conception (garbhavataraṇa kalyāṇa), the divine birth celebration of the birth (janmābhişēka kalyāṇa), renunciation (parinişkramana kalyana), the divine enlightenment (kevalajnāna kalyāṇa) and attainment of mōkṣa (mōkşa kalyana). They are religiously described as Pañca Kalyānas (the five auspicious events) and ceremoniously observed by the faithful on the occasion of the consecration of the images of the Tirthankaras
Historically speaking, there are hardly any records speaking about the performance of the Pacha Kalyāņas to such images of the Tirthankaras as and when Jaina basadis were founded. Luckily, there is but one such inscription" mentioning about the performance of the Pañcha Kalyāṇas to Gommatesvara at Sravanabelgola. It is therefore particularly worthwhile to note it on this spectaclur occasion of the celebration of 1000th year of the consecration of the most imposing colossus of Gommatesvara Bahubali on the peak of the Dodda Betta here.
Bahubali before his absolute negation of the worldly ties, he is traditionally believed to have been ruling over the part of South India later called Karnataka," his elder brother Bharata being the ruler of northern India. The latter in order to be supreme sovereign wanted his brother to submit to him. Really Bahubali, handsome and impressive, was mighty and powerful. In the duel that followed Bahubali defeated his elder brother who was greedy of emperorship. Bharata being completely overcome with human passions, unjustly used the divine cakra he was possessing, against his brother. But the divine wheel just circumambulated Bahubali and returned to him. Then, Bahubali realised that it was the greed that led even the brothers to fight each other for the short-lived worldly power and made his elder brother to resort to unjust means. Although victorious he therefore being disgusted with such worldly things breeding ill-feeling, greed, etc, he gave up even his kingdom to his defeated brother and discarded all wordly attachments, and began penance standing alone and aloft. His brother being utterly ashamed of his own misconduct and touched by his brother's magnanimity, be with his sisters Brahmi and Sundari, prayed, appealed and persuaded him to give up penance and to continue as monarch but in vain. Bahubali continued his penance austerely unmindful of the growth of anthills, creepers, snakes moving round him and attained the supreme salvation. Bharata with utmost reverence to his great brother got an image of 'Bahubali Kevali' about 525 bows' height, made near Paudanapura. When Bahubali could have become the sole monarch he displayed magnanimity towards his brother, gave up even his own kingdom and preferred to

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A 12th century Celebration of Pancakalyaņa Rites to...
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follow the spiritual life. He thus became exceptionally great and exemplary character who was revered and looked upon as great as Tirthankara by the Jaina devotees. But as the time passed on, the place where Bharata got consecrated his brother's image became inaccessible owing to forest-growth infested with venomous snakes, to common people. However, divine worship with drum beating etc. was believed to have been carried on to the image as known by a few devotees who could go with the help of charms and spells. On hearing about this sacred place from people Cāmundarāya, minister to Gaiga Rācamalla, desired to visit the place. But he was persuaded by his close associates not to embark upon the pilgrimage since it was dangerously inaccessible. Cāmundarāya also known as 'Gommața' got a stately image of Bāhubali Kēvalin carved out of a huge rock on the top of Doddabetta, appropriately in the region ruled by him, befitting his spiritual magnanimity. The image was popularly described as Gommateśvara-jina since it was got created by Gommața Cámundarāya.
An inscription of c. 12th A. D. that exists to the left of the entrance doorway of the enclosure wall (Suttālaya) briefly narrates the circumstances rousing determination in Camundarāya to get carved the statue and at length praises the story of Bāhubali's victory, renunciation and enlightenment and his spiritual greatness. The poem 'Gommata jinendra stava' of the inscription was composed by Boppa also known as Sujanottamsa, a disciple of Ācārya Bālacandra who in turn was a disciple of Nayakirti Siddhāntadēva.
Now the inscription that speaks of the performance of Pañcakalyānas to the statue is on a rock to the right of 'Akhanda Bāgilu' dated Hēbanambi (Hēvaļambi), Phālguna Suddha 8 Thursday, corresponding (palaeographically) to 14th February 1118 A.D. Unfortunately the latter part of the inscription is worn out. The extant part speaks of the performance of the Pancakalyāṇa rites to Gommaţadeva by Bhānucandra Siddhanta Cakravarti of Kondakundānvaya, Mahādesi gana, postaka gachha, along with a host of his fellow Ācāryas and Kantis: Sri Somacandra Siddhānta Cakravarti, Sri Caturmukha Bhattāraka, Sri Simhanandi Bhattā. cārya, Sri Santi Bhattārakācārya, Sri Santikirti Bhattācārya, Sri Kanakacandra Maladhāridēva, Sri Nemicandra Maladhāridēva, Catusangha Sri Sakala gaņa sādhārapa...... dadēvadhama, Kaliyugagañadhara five hundred munindras, their disciples such as Gaura Sri Kanti, Somasrikanti, Dēvasrikanti, Kanakaśrikanti and their disciples of twentyeight groups. The participation of a very large number of Jaina Ācāryas and Kantis in this solemn worship strikingly indicates that the performance was of great grandeur and on a large scale some 800 years ago and about a century and a quarter after the consecration of the image. It must have been a very great occasion. The relevant reference to the religious rites in the inscription runs as follows: "......Hebananbi samvatsarada palguna su 8 bri Sri Gomagadēyara tirthananda Pancakalyäņa......"

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The Jaina scriptures prescribe performance of Pancakalyāņa rites to Tirthankaras only. But Bāhubali is not a Tirthaikara. According to Jaina Puranic legends no Pancakalyānas are said to have been performed by the divine beings, Indra and the others, to Bahubali as in the case of the Tirtharkaras. But the surging emotional devotion of the people at large-of any faith for that matteris generally too strong and forceful to be contained by the scriptural injunctions and sometimes overrule them. Being deeply touched with Bahubali's magnanimous sacrifice and attainment of mökşa, the devotees intimately and strongly desired to perform Pancakalyāṇa rites to the Bāhubali image also. Hence the celebration of the rites to the image were carried out. But it is unique. Expression of such popular emotional devotion in some other respects i. e., in sculptures is common. For instance, an image of Tirthankara seated in padmāsana (who has completely forsaken all worldly comforts) is depicted as having seated on a simhasana with cylindrical pillow having ornamental tassels at the ends behind him to lean on.
Incidentally the inscription describes in detail the profound scholarship and greatness of Sri Bhānukirtidēva in an unusual way. His accomplishments and qualities are enumerated in consecutively ascending order as e g., ēkatvabhūvanābhavitā tmarutrayõdašāchārasīlagunadhairyamansampannaruń".
The reference to the performance of these religious rites as early as 12th c. A.D. to Gommațēśvara in particular is only one of its kind and in Sravanabelgoļa in general. Elsewhere too inscriptions pertaining to the stately statues of Bāhubali (not described as Gommateśvara) at Karnataka' and Venur (both in South Kanara Dist.), mention only about their installations in Saka 1353 (1432 A. D.) and 1525 (1603 A.D.) by Sri Virapāndyēša, the son of Bhairarasa of Somavamsa at the initiation of Sri Lalitakirti muni of Desigana, Panasoge Bali and, by Ajila Timmarāja at the instance of Sri Cārukirti of Belguļapura (i.e., Sravanabe!go!a) respectively, and not the celebrations of the Pancakalyāṇa rites to them.
The text of the relevant inscription, with appropriate captions, is given below :
I. Invocation :
1. Srimatuparamagambhirasyādva 2. dhāmēghalañchanam jiyatryailo 3. kyanātasya sāsanam jinaśāsanam
II. Prasasti of Sri Bhānusiddhanta-cakravarti
4. Svasti samadhigata-pamchamahāsabha mahāmamdalā-chäryyādi 5. Praśastya-virājita-chimnnāļamkritarum vismbodhva 6. bõditarum sakaļa-kēvaļa-jnānunētratrayarum 7. ananta-jnanadarśana-viryya-sukhatmakarum viditātma-saddharmme

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A 12th Century Celebration of Pañcaklyaṇa Rites to....
9.
8. ddhärakarum Ekarva-bhavana-bhavitätmarum ubhanaya samartthisakharum tridamda-rahitarum trisalyanirākritarum 10. chatukasä-vinäsakarum chaturvvidha-upasargga-girikam 11. daradi-daireya-samanvitarum panchadasa pramada-vinäsa 12. karttugalum pamchachara-viryyachara--praviparum saḍudaru 13. s'anada bheda-bhēdigaļum satu-karmmasărarum sapta-nayanira tarum aşşamganimitta-kusalarum astavidhajnanacharasam 15. pannarum navavidha-brahmachariya-vinirmmuktarum das'adha 16. rmma-sarmma-santarum ekadas'a-iravakachara-upadeśa-bratacha 17. racharitrarum dvadada-tapaniratarum dvada-samga-śruta pravidhana18. sudhakararum trayōdasachara-silagunadhairyyamam-sam
19 pannarum embata-nalku-lakga-jivabhödamarggaparum sarvvajtvada 20. yapararum Srima-komḍakumdanvaya-gaganamarttamdarum
21. vidite - tamda - kuşmamamdarum desigana - gajendra simdhuramadadhāravabha
22. surarum Srimahādēligaga postakagachha-komḍukundānvaya S'rimat
tribhu
23. vanarajaguru Sri Bhanuchamdra siddhanta-chakravartigalum......
III. The other spiritual sages who participated in the rites
23.
... Sri Sōmachau....
24. drasiddhämta - chakravartigalum chaturmukhabhaṭṭāra-dēvarum Sri Simha
25. Namdi-bhattacharyyarum Sri Santi - bhattarakacharyyarum Sri Santi
kirtti
26. . ra. bhaṭṭāraka - dēvarum Sri kanakachamdra - Maladhāri - dēvarum Sri Nemi
103
28.
27. chandra-Maladhäridevarum chatusamgha-Sri-Sakalagapa-sadhāraṇa .da-dēvadhamarum kaliyuga-gapadhara-pamcha satamunimdrarum ava sisyaru Gaura-Srikamtiyarum Soma-Sri-kamtiyarum na-Sri 30. kamtiyarum deva-Sri-kamtiyarum kanaka-Srikamtiyara sişya 31. ippattu-cmtu-tamda-sişyaru verasu....
IV. Reference to the Pañcakalyana rites
31.......
hebanamdi-samvatsarada pā
32. Igupa su 8 bri Sri Gommaţadevaratirthanamida pamchakalyāna. (The remaining portion is broken and lost)

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1. Epigraphia Carnatica Vol. 2 (Second edition, 1973); Inscription No. 374.
2. Op. cit, Inscription No. 336. But in it there is no mention that Bahubali was ruling over the region of Karnataka.
Gommatesvara Commemoration Volume REFERENCES AND NOTES
3. Ibid. Inscriptions nos 272, 273 and 276 on the sides of the feet of Gommata's statue in Kannada, Grantha-Vatteluttu and Nagari Scripts and Kannada Tamil and Marathi languages of c. late 10th c. A. D. respectively mention about the creation of the image by Sri Camuṇḍarāya.
4. Inscription No. 336.
5. Inscription No. 374.
6. Ibid.
7. Ramesh K. V. and Sharma M. J. (Eds): 1978: Tulunāḍina Sāsanagalu Vol. i, Mysore. Inscription No. 66.
8. Op. cit. Inscription No. 89.
§ I am thankful to Dr. B. S. Kulkarni, Director, Kannada Research Institute, Karnatak University, Dharwad for the valuable and useful information about the pancakalyaṇa rites and to my wife Smt. Bhagyalakshmisundara for neatly typing my manuscript of this article.

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20. Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay: Bahubali bronze of 9th c. A.D.

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21. Deogarh (M.P.): Bahubali Statue (stone) of 10th c. A.D.
22. Ellora : Rock-cut Bahubali of 10th c. A.D.

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23. Karkala : Bahubali, 42 feet high Statue installed in 1432 A.D.

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24. Karkala: The famous Chaturmukha Basadi on a hillock

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25. Halebidu : The well-known Hoyasala Basadi

www jainelibrary.org

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OPODO

A
26. Halebidu: Highly polished and artistic pillars in the Hoyasala Basadi

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Hatirla
27. Moodbidri : Tribhuwan-tilak-chudamani Basadi with its thousand pillars

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C121
28. Moodbidri : A wooden pillar carved with an elephant formed
with a collage of nine female figures at Chautar palace

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20
BHADRABĀHUSVĀMI AND SAMRAT CANDRAGUPTA
M. D. VASANTHARAJ
Bhadrabāhu Svāmi, the Dvādaśānga Caturdaśapurvin, was the 8th Pradhānācārya in succession after the nirvāṇa of Mahāvira Tirththankara. According to the Digambara Jaina tradition Samrāt Candragupta, King of Ujjaini, taking Muni Dikşā joined the Munisangha headed by Bhadrabāhusvāmin. It was foreseen that wicked times would befall the regions of Northern India and so Bhadrabāhusvāmin, with the Munisangha, undertook journey to Dakşiņāpatha. On reaching Ka!bappu i.e., Sravanabe!go!a he felt that his last days were fast approaching and therefore he asked the Munisangha to continue the journey, took to the vow of Sallekhanā, and stayed on the hill Candragiri at Sravanabelgoļa. Candraguptamuni, also stayed back with a desire to serve his guru Bhadrabāhu. This Candragupta the disciple of Bhadrabābu has been identified by some of the scholars as Maurya Candragupta of historic fame. But an important problem in relation to this identification has not been solved satisfactorily. Scholars, in their majority, have accepted 527 B.C., as the date of Mahāvīra's Nirvana. The date of Bhadrabāhu's death is placed in the year 162 after Mahāvira's Nirvāņa (A. Mv) i.e., 365 B.C. according to the Digambara Jaina tradition or 170 A Mv. i.e., 357 B. C. according to the Svetāmbara Jaina tradition. Further Candragupta Maurya's accession to the throne of Magadha cannot definitely go beyond 322 B.C. His rule ended in the year 298 B. C. Thus it is quite clear that Bhadrabāhusvāmin was not at all living at the hour of Maurya Candragupta's coronation. Therefore, the identification of Samrāt Candragupta, the disciple of Bhadrabāhu, with Maurya Candragupta stands disapproved for not being based on proper reasoning. Thus this question needs fresh investigation. This subject has been discussed in detail by me elsewhere and here only a compendium of it is presented.

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The earliest available reference to Bhadrabahu is found in Kundakunda's Bodhapāhuda (2nd century A. D.) as follows:
1) Sadda-viyāro huo bhasa-suttesu jam jine kahiyam /
So taha kahiyaṁ näyan siseņa ya Bhaddabāhussa // 61
2) Bārasa-anga-viyāṇam caudasa-puvvanga-vivuia vittharanam /
Suya-nūņi Bhaddahāhūgamayaguru bhayavavo jayau // 62
Here the name Bhadrabahu mentioned in the above first gāhā is with reference to the one who was the preceptor or Dikşāguru of Kundakunda and the name mentioned in the 2nd gāhā is with reference to the one who is a paramparāguru, i. e., Bhadrabāhu the Dvādaśānga Caturdaśa Pūrvin.
There are a few inscriptions that mention the name of Bhadrabāhu, and to them Sravanabelgo!a Inscription No. 1 is the earliest one. In this Inscription the name Bhadrabahu occurs twice: the first one occurs as the 8th name in succession of the name Gautama ganadhara and the 2nd occurs after a few phrases that follow 'Buddhila', a name 17th in succession of these two names the first one refers to Bhadrabāhu the Dvādaśānga Caturdaśa Pūrvin who is referred in the stories as the preceptor of Samrāt Candragupta. The second name refers to a person who lived long after the first Bhadrabāhu. Here in this inscription it is essential to note that there is no mention of the name Candragupta and instead occurs the name Prabhācandra and that this is mentioned in association with the 2nd Bhadrabahu.
There are also few other inscriptions at Sravaṇabelgola which mention Bhadrabāhu in association with Candragupta'.
All the stories, with the exception of one in the Vaddārādhane, tell that Candragupta the king of Ujjayini taking Muni Dikşā accompanied Bhadrabāhu the Caturdaśa Pūrvin in his journey to Dakşiņāpatha and remained with his guru i. e., Bhadrabāhu on the hill Kalbappu. However, the story in the Vaddārädhane gives the name of the king as Samprati Candragupta, whom the same source mentions as the grand son of Asoka and son of Kunala.
In the Svetāmbara traditional accounts the event of Bhadrabāhu's journey to Dakşiņā patha is entirely absent and instead he is mentioned to have lived in Nepal during the period of famine. Hemacandrācārya states that at that period, MauryaCandragupta was ruling the country of Magadha. A thorough investigation into the available records points out that confusion in identifying persons bearing the identical names has led to the distortion and misrepresentation of the historical facts and figures. There were three Acāryas bearing the name Bhadrabāhu and

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Bhadrabāhusvāmi and Samrat Candragupta
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their life accounts have, as time passed on, mixed up with one another and thus finally took story-form of four versions differing from one another in regard to some of the historical points. One of the differences, essentially notable, is that in two versions of the story, Bhadrabahu's journey to Dakşiņāpatha is not mentioned and instead it is stated that he stayed in a town in North India in his last days of life.
A careful study of the traditional accounts reveals that the life events of Bhadrabāhu, the second one to bear this name in the line of Srutadharas and whom the traditional accounts mention as the Aştānga Srutapāțhi, and as a contemporary of Vikramāditya are consfused with the life events of first Bhadrababu the Dvadasānga Srutapathi and thus in the versions of Svetambara story and of the BȚhatkathakaša story Bhadrabāhu's journey to Dakşiņāpatha is missing. As against this in the Vaļļārädhane and the other Digambara versions of the story, the life events of 'Dvādaśānga Srutapāțhi Bhadrabāhu and Ācārāåga Srutapāthi Bhadrabāhu, one more Acārya to bear this name in the line of Srutadhara Ācāryas, are mixed up. As an example we can cite the Bhadrabāhu story of the Vadậāradhane. It starts with the life story of Bhadrabāhu the Dyādaśanga Srutapathi in which the main events are: 1) As a result of the interpretation of the twelve dreams dreamt by Candragupta, the king of Ujjaini, Bhadrabāhu starts for Dakşiņāpatha. 2) Candragupta takes to Muni Diksā and accompanies the Munisangha in its journey to Dakşiņāpatha. 3) Bhadrabahu reaches Kalbappu with the Munisangha and takes the vow of Sallekhanā. 4) Višākhācārya the newly appointed head of the Munisangha continues the journey with the Munisangha further on to Damila Desa. 5) Candragupta muni stays back at Kaļbappu to serve his guru Bhadrabāhu 6) After a lapse of twelve years the Munisangha returns to Uttharāpatha and finds the Munisanghas, which not accompanying Bhadrabāhu to Dakşiņāpatha had remained in Uttharāpatha, to have abandoned the code of conduct of Nirgrantha Munidharma, some of the munis of this sangha take Prāyaścitta and join the Munisangha that had arrived there from Dakşiņāpatha, but a few others formed a new Munisangha which is named as Ardhaphālaka.
Here, with the formation of the Ardha-phālaka Sangha, the story in relation to Bhadrabāhu Dvādasāngin should have naturally ended. But the story continues to narrate how from Ardha-phalaka Sangha originated later on the Svetāmbara Sangha. With reference to the emergence of the Svetambara Sangha one of the versions of Nandi Amnāya pattāvali states that this Sangha came into existence when Bhadrabāhu the Ācārānga Srutapāțhi happened to be the head of the Munisangha. The Bhadrabāhu story ends with the narration of this event of the origination of the Svetāmbara Sect. Therefore it is evident that in these

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Gommagesvara Commemoration Volume versions of Bhadrabāhu story, the events of the life of Ācārārga Srutapāthi Bhadrabāhu are mixed up with the events of the life of Dvādaśāngi Bhadrąbāhu.
There are five inscriptions' at Sravanabelgoļa which speak of Bhadrabāhu. Four of these inscriptions with the exception of inscription No. 1, are related to Dvādaśāngi Bhadrabāhu. Rice, who for the first time brought to light the inscriptions of Sravanabelgoļa and attracted the attention of scholars towards the names of Bhabrabahu and Candragupta in the inscriptions, has somehow, made a mistake in recognising Bhadrabāhu Dvādaśāngi as the central figure of Inscription No. 1. It is stated earlier that in this inscription the name Bhadrabāhu occurs twice. First it occurs as the eighth name in the list of succession of Ācāryas starting from Gautama Ganadhara and ending with Buddhila. There is an invariable tradition which places Dvadaśāngi Bhadrabāhu as the 8th successor in the line of Ācāryas starting from Gautama Ganadhara. Therefore without any doubt we can assert that the eighth name in the Inscription refers to Dvādaśāngi Bhadrabāhu. The name Bhadrabahu again for the second time occurs after the end of the list of the names of Ācāryas as...... 'Buddhilādi guru parampareņa kramābhyāgata mahāpuruşa santati samavadyoritānvaya Bhadrabāhusvāminā......' It is very clear from this statement that the name Bhadrabāhu occuring for the second time is indicative of a person who is definitely different from (Dvādaśāngi) Bhadrabāhu mentioned earlier. Therefore this second name must be indicative of either Aştā igapäthi Bhadrabahu or Ācārārgapāļhi Bhadrabāhu. Earlier it is pointed out that the accounts of Dvādašāngi Bhadrabahu and Ācārāngapathi Bhadrabahu are in stories somehow fused together to form a single narrative. The reason for this must be something more than the identity of names. In other words similarity of events that took place in the lives of two Bhadrabāhus must have led to the confusion while handing down traditional accounts, and thus must have fused together into a single narrative. This similarity of the events in the life of two Bhadrabāhus must be with reference to the journey undertaken by both of them to Dakşiņāpatha and this is supported by the statements of the inscriptions. Four inscriptions with the exception of No. 1 mentioned earlier, speak of Dvādaśangi Bhadrabāhu's spending of his last days on Candragiri with his disciple Candragupta. Further it is clear from inscription No. 1, that the person indicated in it by the second name 'Bhadrabāhu,' who happens to be the central figure of this inscription, also migrated to south with the Munisangha and spent his last days on Candragiri with his disciple PRABHĀCANDRA. It is stated in the inscription itself that this second Bhadra

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109 bāhu started for Dakşiņāpatha following the way of Rşi (Ārsa) which cannot be other than the way followed by Dvādaśangi Bhadrabāhu. Thus in conclusion we can say that both Dvādaśāngi Bha irabāhu and Acārāigapāthi Bhadrabāhu undertook journey to Dakşiņāpatha and spent their last days on Candragiri hill at Sravanabe!goļa.
Before taking up the question of identifying King Candragupta, who accompanied Dvādaśāngi Bhadrabāhu in his journey to Dakşiņāpatha, it is necessary to give a brief account of chronological succession of Magadha and Avanti Kingdoms which has been worked out somewhere else (See the table at the end).
Ariñjaya or Ripuñjaya was the last King of the house of Bịhadrathas that ruled Magadha country for a long period. This king was killed by Cilātaputra alias Pradyoti, son of Kūņika, the lord of Kuņaka country. Thereafter Kūnika consecrated his son Cilātaputra-Pradyoti as the king of Magadha in the year 582 B. C He ruled for 12 years (582 to 570 B. C.) whereupon he was replaced by Sreņika-Bimbisāra, another son of Kūņika, and he in turn ruled for 38 years (570 to 532 B, C). Then his son Darsaka, bearing the dignitary name Ajätaśatru and the paternal name Kūņika or Kuņaka, became the king and ruled for 32 years (532 to 500 BC). He was succeeded by his son Udāyibhadra who ruled for 16 years (500-484) and was killed by Munika (pseudomonk) alias Munda alias Nāgadāsaka. After his 17 years rule (484-467 B.C), he was compelled to give up the kingdom and thus the vacant throne of Magadha was ceremoniously caused to be occupied by Nanda. According to the available traditional account Nanda was chosen as the king by the state elephant, accompanied by other paraphernalia, and thus after consecration he came to be known by the name Siśunāga (childelephant). Nanda was none other than Nandivardhana whose consecration as the king of Avanti had taken place 8 years earlier at Ujjaini. A word of explanation becomes necessary at this point. Palaka's coronation took place on the very day on which Mahavira's Nirvāņa took place. Palaka is the son and successor of Pradyota Mahasena. According to the Matsyapurāņa, after 52 years rule of five Prādyotas, i e., descendents of Pradyota, coronation of Nandivardhana has taken place. Again in Vaidika purāņas the name Nandivardhana occurs after the name Udayibhadra', and this indicates that Nandivardhana, the king of Avanti, must have acquired the throne of Magadha. Further according to the Jaina tradition Nanda becomes the monarch of Magadha after a lapse of 60 years from the day of Nirvāņa of Mahāvīra. Nandivardhana is often mentioned by the name Nanda. As the kings of the house of Pradyota of Avanti had the dignitary names ending with 'Sena' such as Mahāscna, Kumärasena etc., Nanda also had one such name i. e., Vijayasena. In the Buddhist chronicles he is mentioned by the name Susunāga, which is definitely, a Prakrit form of Siśunāga. After the acquisition of Magadha throne Nanda is said to have extended his empire by making free the part of Indian territory that was occupied by Pārasikas. As an emperor of Avanti

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Magadha he ruled for 32 years, (467-435 B. C.), and was succeeded by his son Mahānanda.
It is to be stated sadly that historians, particularly Indians, have not taken sufficient interest to formulate ancient history of India. There is ample material, particularly with reference to Nandas, which, when worked out with interest, will surely yield good result. Very often these kings of ancient times are mentioned by different names in different sources resulting in great confusion. However, this confusion can be got rid off by a careful study of all the available material. This is particularly true with reference to the history of the rule of Nanda and Mahananda as well.
According to the Jaina tradition, Nanda became the king of Magadha when 60 years elapsed from the day of Mahävira's Nirvāņa. Taking into consideration the chronological succession of the kings of Magadha and Avanti kingdoms and of the traditional account related in connection with Mahavira's Nirvāņa, it is ascertained that Mahāvira attained Nirvana in the year 528 B. C. (i. e., 527 years and 2 months before Christ), and that Nanda's coronation, as the king of Magadha, took place in the year 467 B. C. Further again according to a statement in Buddhist chronicles, Gautama Buddha's Nirvāņa took place in the 8th year of the rule of Ajātaśatru and this coincides with the year 525 B. C. Mahānanda's rule commenced in the year 435 B. C.) exactly 90 years after the Nirvāņa of Gautama Buddha, and this same event is mentioned in Buddhist Chronicles with only one variation, i. e., here the king's name is given as Kālāśoka instead of Mahānanda. It appears that Mahānanda had a nick name Kakavarpi and in addition a dignitary name Virasena 10.
The Buddhist tradition maintains that after Kālāšoka, his ten sons ruled successively for 22 years. But according to Burmese Buddhist tradition Bhadrasena and his eight brothers ruled for a period of 33 years. These and other materials aid us to come to the conclusion that after 46 years (B. C. 435-489) of the rule of Mahānanda alias Kalāšoka, bis nine sons Bhadrasena and others ruled successively for 17 years (B. C. 389-372). All these nine brothers were fraudulently put to death by Padmananda alias Ugrasena, son of Kālāśoka, born to a concubine.
The Divyā yadāna, a narrative of the Northern Buddhist tradition, gives a story, according to which Kuņāla, son of Asoka, was deceitfully blinded and out of remorse his son Samprati (Candragupta) was placed by Asoka on the throne of Magadha. Here in this story it is said that after a duration of 100 years from the time of Nirvāņa of Gautama Buddha Asoka shall become a king at the city Pataliputra". This statement cannot definitely be with reference to Asoka the grandson of Candragupta Maurya as he could have become the king not before 250 years from the time of Gautama Buddha's Nirvāņa. On the other hand there is a southern Buddhist tradition according to which it was Kalasoka who

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Bhadrabāhusvāmi and Samrai Chandragupta
became the king of Magadha 90 years after the Parinirvāņa of Gautama Buddha and that when 100 years elapsed from the time of Gautama Buddha's Nirvāṇa, a congregation of Buddhist monks took place under the patronage of that king. With this evidence now it becomes necessary to investigate that whether Kuņāla, son of Maurya Asoka, was blinded as stated in the Avadāna Sataka story, or was it a son of Kālāsoka that was blinded. One more point worthy of note in this regard is that according to the stories, in the Avadāna Sataka, the Vad dārādhane and others, Samprati Candragupta, son of Kuņāla, was the consecrated king of Magadha by Aśoka and not Kuņāla. By this it is implied that Kuņāla did not become the king of Magadha. But the Vaidika Purāṇas clearly mention Kuņāla's rule of 8 years. This Purāṇic version cannot be set aside as worthless. Thus it further strengthens the need for the above mentioned investigation. In the Bșhatkathākosa of Harişena there is a story by name 'Vyañjana Katha' which contains the same elements of the story as that of the Avadāna Sataka, though with characters named differentiy. Instead of the names 'Asoka' and 'Kuņāla' here in this story there are the names Vira sena and Simha respectively. It is pointed out earlier that Nandas being the descendents of Avanti house of kings, used to have the appellations ending with 'Sena'. Thus 'Virasena' of the Vyañjana Kathā can be taken as an appellation of one of the Nanda kings, who, as the evidences point out, is none other than Kālāsoka alias Mahānanda. The tradition of Harişeņa's Brhatkathākoša version of the story is as much authentic, if not more, as that of the Avadana Sataka and others. Therefore, it can be said with certainty that an incident that was originally related to the life of Kālašoka has been transferred to that of Maurya Asoka. Geiger, the famous editor of the Chronicles of Mahā vamso, also has expressed the same opinion. Thus it leads us to come to the conclusion that it was Kālāšoka's son, Simha, who was blinded deceitfully and not Kuņāla, the son of Maurya Asoka. This conclusion helps to assert a fact which has not come to the notice of the scholars in the field of ancient history.
Hemacandrācārya in his Parişişța Parvan states that after 155 years from Mahāvira's Nirvāņa Candragupta became the king of Magadha. Earlier it has been pointed out that Mahavira attained Nirvāna 527 years and 2 months before Christ. Thus Candragupta referred to by Hemacandrācārya must have become king in the year (527-155=) 372 B. C. It has been also shown earlier that the rule of the nine sons of Mahānanda in succession ended in the year 372 B.C. Therefore, this aids us to come to the conclusion that after the rule of the nine sons of Mahānanda the rule of Candragupta has commenced. This Candragupta cannot definitely be Maurya Candragupta whose rule cannot have commenced earlier than 323-2 B. C. Therefore, it becomes inevitable to give place for the rule of one more King (Nanda) Candragupta by name prior to the rule of Maurya Candragupta. This preposition is supported further by the following evidences. According to the tradition maintained in the Dipayamso and the Mahavamso, ten descendents of Kālāśoka ruled in succession for 22 years. Of these ten descendents nine were

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112
Gommagesvara Commemoration Volume the sons of Kālāšoka as it is mentioned in the Burma Buddhist record and the remaining one, i.e., the 10th king, must be none other than (Nanda) Candragupta, the grandson of Kālāsoka.
The Vayu Purāņa mentions the rule of 'Nanderdu'i.e., Nanda-Candragupta, who definitely cannot be the same as Mauryandu i.e., Maurya-Candragupta. Again according to the Matsya Purāņa Candragupta rules for 100 years and thereafter the Mauryas become the rulers. Here also one Candragupta is mentioned who is not the same as Maurya Candragupta and who must have ruled prior to the Maurya. As for the statement of 100 years of rule' it appears there is an element of error. Possibly this may be referring to the total period of the rule of Nanda and his successors (Nanda, 32 years + Mahānanda 46 years + ten successors of Mahānanda 22 years = 100 years). Further again, the Divyä vadāna mentions Bindusāra as the son of Nanda whereas it is well known that he is the son of Maurya Candragupta. Therefore, it must be that the author of the story of the Divyā yadāna has mistaken Maurya Candragupta for Nanda (Candragupta) which indirectly suggests that there must have been a king, Candragupta by name, prior to Maurya Candragupta. In addition to these facts there is one more piece of worthy evidence. According to the Svetāmbara Jaina tradition, Sthūlabhadra succeeded Bhadrabāhu Dvādaśāngin as an Ācārya and lived thereafter for 45 years and died in the same year in which Candragupta's coronation took place. According to the Digambara Jaina tradition, Dvādaśāngi Bhadrabāhu left Ujjaini accompanied by the Munisaigha of which Candragupta, the newly initiated monk, was a member, reached Kalbappu i. e., Candragiri at Sravanabelgola and there taking Sallekhanā died in the year 162 A. Mv. Allowing about one year's duration to travel from Ujjaini to Kaļbappu it can be stated that Drādaśāngi Bhadrabāhu had left Ujjaini in the year 161 A. Mv. and, hence, we come to the conclusion that the rule of Candragupta, who accompanied Bhadrabāhu joining the Munisangha, ended in the year (528-161) 367-366 B. C. Sthūlabhadra who did not accompany Bhadrabāhu and stayed back in North India with his Munigaņa became the Ācārya or head of the Munigaņa, that stayed back in north India in the year 161 A. Mv. or 367-366 B.C. As according to the tradition he lived as an Ācārya for 45 years and died in the same year in which Candragupta's coronation took place, we arrive at 322–321 B. C. as the date of his death and also the date of the coronation of King Candragupta, who, it can be said with certainty, is none other than Maurya Candragupta.
A search, thus, into the ancient literary records brings into light the reign of a king by name 'Nanda-Candragupta' prior to the rule of Maurya-Candragupta, and in addition it also reveals that it is this Candragupta who is referred to in the Bhadrabāhu Kathā. Further this disclosure of the historic fact removes finally the controversy regarding the date of Nirvāṇa of Mahāvira also. The adjoining table showing the chronological succession of the kings of Magadha and Avanti Kingdoms points out clearly the place of Nanda Candragupta.

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Magadha Kings (After Bșhadrathas)

Years of Reigning Period
ames of Kings
Contemporary Avanti Kings
Years of Names of Kings Reigning
Period
Dates From and To
S1.
Dates From and To
No.
No
12
582 - 570 BC
570 - 532 BC
1. Cilātaputra alias Pradyoti
Son of Küņika and Cilāta 2. Bimbisāra-Sreņika
(2nd Son of Kūņika) 3. Ajātasatru alias Konaka
alias Darsaka Maharaja 4. Udayi Bhadra 5. Munda alias Nāgadasaka
(Murderer of Udayi)
115
years 321 16
1. Pradyota alias Mahāsena 24
551 - 527 BC 2. Gopālaka-Avantiputra 41
527-523 BC
Pañca 3. Pālaka
24 Pradyotas 523 - 499 BC
52 years 4. Ajaka
499 - 475 BC 5. Rājaka 6. Avantivardhana Nandivardhana
475 - 467 BC alias Nanda
532 - 500 BC 500 - 484 BC
17 J
484 - 467 BC

MAGADHA AND AVANTI UNITED
NANDAS
SI.
Names of Kings
Years of Reigning Period
Dates From and To
No.
32
10
1. Nandivardhana alias Nanda 2. Mahānanda alias Kālāśoka 3. Bhadrasena alias Padma Nanda 4-11. Bhadrasena's eight brothers 12. Nanda Candragupta 13. Mahā Padma Nanda 14-21. Mahā Padma Nanda's eight sons
467 BC - 435 BC 435 BC - 389 BC 389 BC - 379 BC 379 BC - 372 BC 372 BC - 367 BC 367 BC - 334 BC 334 BC - 322 BC
33367
12

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1.

2
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
1.
Candragupta Maurya
Bindusara
Sumana
Aśoka
Kuņāla
Bandhupalita alias Samprati Indrapalita alias Dasaratha
Devadharma
Satadhara
Brhadratha
MAURYAS
** Vikrama's Life events according to Tradition: Vikrama, Son of Gandharvasena :
SUNGAS
Puşyamitra and his two Successors
24
25
4
36
8
8
10
7
8
7
95
322 BC
298 BC
273 BC -
Saka Kings ** Vikramaditya
269 BC -
233 BC
225 BC
217 BC
207 BC
200 BC
192 BC
Gandharvasena Gardabhilla
-
184 BC
!!!
-
298 BC
273 BC
269 BC
233 BC
223 BC
217 BC
207 BC
200 BC
192 BC
185 BC
89 BC
AVANTI KINGS
40 years
13 years
4 years
56 years
89 BC
49 BC
36 BC 32 BC
-
49 BC
36 BC
32 BC
24AD
Born in the year 470 after Mahavira (528-470) 58 BC, lived happily upto his 8 years of age, wandered for 16 years as the throne of Ujjaini was occupied by Gardabhilla who ruled for 13 years. Gardabhilla was defeated by Sakas, who in their turn ruled for 4 years. Vikramaditya won back his ancestral throne from Sakas in his 25th year of age. ruled for a period of 56 years, 33 BC. to 23 AD.
He

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Bhadrabāhusvāmi and Samrat Candragupta
115
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Sanmati Srivihara - Jaina Dharmada Prā cina Itihasa. 2. No. 17, 40, 54, 108 and also the two inscriptions of 9th century A. D., of Gautamik şetra,
Vol. II, E.C., p. 2, fn. 7. 3. For details see, Sanmati Srivihara. 4. These are: 1) Svetā mbara version 2) Harişena's Bțhatkathākoša version, 3) Vaddārā dhane
version and 4) One more Digambara version. 5. Svetā mbara version and Brhatkathākosa version. 6. Nandi Āmna ya pattā vali version 'A'. 7. Nos. 1, 17, 40, 54 and 108. 8. Sanmati Srivihara. 9. In Vaidika Purā ņās the rule of Nā gadā saka is missing. 10. Vyañjana Kathā nakaṁ, in Harişēna's Bșhatkathakosa. 11. Varşa-sata-parinirvștasya Tathagatasya
Pajaliputra-nagare Aś oka-nama raja bhavis yati. 12. According to Burma Buddhist tradition nine sons of Kala soka ruled for 33 years.

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21
ANTIQUITY OF BAHUBALI AND HIS MONUMENT AT ŚRAVANABEĻGOĻA
BHAGACHANDRA JAIN
The colossus of Bhagavān Bahubali is the best and the most important ancient monument in the field of Indian iconography. Lord Bāhubali as we know, was one of the beloved sons of Tirthaņkara Rşabhanātha, the son of the last Kulakara Nābhirāya. He was married to Yašasvati (Sunandā) and Sumangalā in a newly established manner which was not adopted earlier. Yašasvati gave birth to Bharata and Brāhmi and Suma igalā to Bahubali and Sundari. It is said that 98 more sons were born from Sumangala.' According to Jinasena, the total number of sons were 101 adding the name of Rşabhasena."
Lord Rşabhadeva distributed his kingdom among the princes. Out of them Bharata, the eldest son became the sovereign of Ayodhyā and Bāhubali was given Podanapura. We do not find any other detailed description as to which provinces were allotted to other sons. The names of provinces have been generally mentioned in the Purāņas.
Later Bharata started all efforts to fulfil his ambition to be a Cakravarti. He was finally opposed by Bāhubali and consequently the war between them became inevitable to determine as to who was more powerful On declaration of war, the leaders of both the sides thought that the war would cause destruction and misery to both the parties. Hence, it had to be avoided at any cost. Bharata and Bāhubali were persuaded by the elders to avoid bloodshed and restrict the conflict to both of them only. The duel was restricted to: dr$fi-yuddha (staring constantly at each other till one of them is exhausted), jala-yuddha (splashing of water) and malla-yuddha (wrestling). At last Bharata could not meet the challenge and was defeated by Bahubali. Bharata was frustrated and provoked so much that he hurled the Cakra on Bahubali. But it could not hurt him at all.

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Antiquity of Bahubali and His Monument at Sravanabelgola
117
The reaction of this unfortunate event on the mind of Bahubali was that he renounced worldly life and went to mount Kailāsa for severe penance. He ultimately attained Kevlajñāna and then Nirvāņa. .
Now the question is as to how the place Podanapura could be recognised. Jinasena described the cultural peculiarities of the provinces. An envoy of Bharata Cakravarti had come to visit Podanapura to convey the message of Bharata to Bāhubali. Podanapura, the capital of Bahubali's kingdom, might have been in the present Andhra Pradeśa. Gunabhadra made it clear that Podanapura was situated in South India.
Jambū Visesane dvipe bhārate dakşine mahān/ Suramyo visayastatra vistirņam podanam puram //
The Buddhist literature also supports the view that Podanapura (Podan, Potan, Potali) was the capital of Aśmaka situated on the bank of the Godavari'. Pāṇini also appears to agree with this view. Dr. Hemachandra Rai Chaudhari recognises Bodhana as Podana of the Mahābhārata and Pottana of Buddhist literature. The Vasudevahindi also supports the view of Dr. Rai Chaudhari.
The Svetāmbara tradition in general is of the view that Takşašilā was the capital of Bāhubali, which could not be supported by other evidence. As a matter of fact, the (Podanapura) town is Bodhana of Nizamabad district in Andhra Pradesh. The Bhāra takā vya of Pampa, the Vemulvād pillar inscription and the Parvani Copper inscription also support the view. This town was also the capital of the Raştrakūta King Indravallabha. The Jaina temple therein was converted into a mosque during the Mughal period.
According to the Jain tradition, Bharata had installed the Bahubali statue at Podanapura. After a sufficient gap of period it was covered and became difficult to locate. Acārya Jinasena narrated the whole story to the mother of Camundarāya who went to find out the exact place at Podanapur. He visited on the way the Candragupta Basadi of Sravanabelgola and paid homage to Lord Pārsvanātha and Ācārya Bhadrabāhu. It is said that during the night in a dream he was instructed by Padmāvatidevi that it would not be possible to reach Podanapura. But he could have a Darsana of Bahubali there itself, if he threw a golden arrow from Candragiri to the South direction. Cāmundarāya shot the arrow in the Southern direction and the upper portion of the Bahubali statue became visible. The statue was then discovered. Then it was methodised by artists. Eventually the Mastakābhişeka' was performed with the kind assistance of Gulļakāyajji. Cāmurdarāya named the town as Belgola and donated 96 thousand Varāhas for its administration and welfare.

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This event is found described in the Bhujabalicarita of Pancabāņa and also in the Sravanabelgola inscription No. 84 (250). With slight variations it is also available in the Bhujabalis ataka, Gommatesvaracarita, Raja yalikatha and Sthalapurāņa. However Cāmundarāya is recognised unanimously as the one who installed the Gommateśvara statue. This is also recorded in the Sravanabelgola inscriptions No. 75 (179-180), 76 (175, 176, 177), 85 (234) and 105 (254). No. 75 and 76 are engraved on the left and right side of the statue. They can be, therefore, considered the earliest ones.
Boppaga Pandita composed a hymn in praise of Bāhubali entitled Sujanottamsa which is engraved on the left side of the Gommateśvara door. Cāmundasāya is also said to be a main source of installing the statue.
The Gommateśvara statue became very popular. A number of events are connected with it. It is a traditional belief that there was a shower of Namerupuspa on the statue. No bird flies upon it. All the while, fragrance and lustre from the below portions of the hands of the statue were coming out People come from all walks of life to pay homage to Lord Bāhubali's statue with the hope that they would be free from diseases and get the way to prosperity in the material field and also would get spiritual satisfaction.'
This excellent and enormous statue installed by Cāmuṇdarāya is the best and most important ancient monument in the field of Indian iconography in general and Jain iconography in particular. The Camundaraya Purana (978 A. D.) does not mention about the statue but Nemicandra Siddhāntacakravarti, the teacher of Camundarāya, refers to it in the Gommagasāra (993 A. D.). This means that the statue was installed between 978-993 A. D., Govinda Pai, Dr. Nemichandra Shastri, Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain and others have come to the conclusion that the Bahubali statue was installed on Sunday, the 5th day of Caitraśukla, in 981 A. D.
Cāmungarāya had also built on the Candragiri the Jaina temple called Cāmundarāya Basadi in about 985 A. D. which was extended by his sons Ecana and Jinadevana. Rakkasagarga (985 A. D.), the son of Govinda has been mentioned as Rakkasamaņi (Gangavajra) in the inscription of Bāhubalivasadi (Sravanabelgoļa). The Jain Ācārya Vijayadeva Nāgavarma was his teacher. Later on the Coļas invaded and occupied Gaigavāļi and Talakāda. This was the starting point of the fall of the Ganga dynesty. Kāliganga, the younger brother of Rakkasaganga expelled the Colas from Mysore province and established the kingdom of Hyosala Naresa Vişnuvardhana (116 A. D.)
Vişnuvardhana had eight Generals, i. e., Gangarāja, Boppa, Punisa, Baladeva, Mariyana Bharata, Eca and Vişnu.

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119
Gangaraja, the minister of Viṣṇuvardhana was the prominent one. His mother Pocikavve had constructed a number of Jaina temples in Sravanabelgola. Gangaraja constructed a Nişadya in her memory in Sravanabelgola. Two more inscriptions are available which show as to how Gangaraja was brave and honest to his master. He defeated the Colas and Calukyas and saved Gañgavādi. Vişnuvardhana was pleased, and on his demand, he donated Govindavādi and Parama villages for the conduct of worship of Gommatesvara. Gangarāja presented these villages to his mother Pocaladevi and wife Laksmidevi for conducting the worship in the Jaina temples constructed by them. He had also constructed some more Jaina temples and made contribution to the development of Sravanabelgola. His sons Boppa and others also did a lot towards its development.
Gangarāja Mārasimha and his General Cămundaraya assisted the Rastrakūta kings Akalavarsa III, Khottiga, Indra IV etc., in saving their kingdoms from the Colas, Pandyas, Gurjaras, Calukyas, Kiratas, etc. Though the Rastrakutas and the Calukyas did not do much towards the development of Sravapabelgola directly, they protected the holy place and the monuments indirectly. The inscriptions found around Sravanabelgola area Sravanabelgola area reveal the facts in this connection. In comparison to other dynasties the Ganga dynasty contributed much to protecting and developing the Sravanabelgola complex.
REFERENCES
1 Kalpaaütra Kiranaval!, 151-2.
2 Adipurāṇa, 16, 28.
3 Uttarapuraṇa, 35, 28-36. See also also the Pars vanathacarita of Vadiraja, 9.37-28, 2-65. 4 Suttanipara, 977.
5 Panini, Aşpadhyayi, 1-373.
6 Ibid, Padya No. 14.
7 Jain Silalekhasangraha, Vol. 1 No. 24, 1, 2, 3, 4 etc
8 Silaiekha No. 235 (158).

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22
GOMMATEŚVARA STATUES IN KARNATAKA
SHUBHACHANDRA
Sculpture is one of the ancient arts of India. As idol-worship went on gaining cultural importance, sculpture also gained equal prominence. In India sculpture has evolved fairly under the sponsorship of Jainism. We find several instances of idol-worship in the Jain canon and inscriptions. The Khāravela inscription of Hathigumphā belonging to the 2nd century B. C. refers to the idol of Tirthańkara Rşabhadeva prevalent even during 4th-5th century B. C.
Jaida idols generally mean to be the idols of the Tirtharkaras and of Bāhubali. These idols are usually found in Käyotsarga (also called Khadgāsana) a standing posture or Padmasana (also called Palyaikāsana) a sitting posture with crossed legs. Calm and comely countenance, lustrous body, serene ascetic face and nudity- these are the main characteristics of the Digambara Jina idols. There is no scope for a variety of sculptural manifestations in these Jina idols.
Gommațeśvara statues occupy an important place in the sculpture of Karnataka. In fact Gommațeśvara and Jainism have become almost synonimous with the overwhelming fame of Gommateśvara and his images. This image has sought some special importance in the Digambara sect of Jainism Gommateśvara's image essentially differs from other Jina images in one important aspect. All other Jina images may be found either in Khadgāsana or in Padmāsana but Gommateśvara can easily be identified as compared to other Jina images. The presence of serpents and ant-hills near the legs and or creepers on the hands and legs of the image confirms that it is of Gommateśvara.
It is rather interesting to study why Bahubali was called Gommageśvara. In Sravanabelgola inscriptions Cāmundarāya is usually referred to as Gommata and the image of Bāhubali that he got carved and installed as Gommateśvara.

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Gommages vara Statues in Karnataka
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Gommața means beautiful, handsome, excellent, Cupid. Cāmundarāya's kith and kin as well as the elders used to call him Gommaţa. Hence the image of Bāhubali installed by Cāmundarāya with utmost devotion might have been called Gommațeśvara. There onwards all the images of Bahubali were termed as Gommateśvara in general, thus establishing the name Gommatesvara for all Bāhubali images.
Where was Bahubali's image first established ? Poet Boppana provides us a reference for this Emperor Bharata got an image of Bahubali of 525 bow-length at Paudanapura. But later on there were innumerable Kukkuţa Sarpas rendering the area almost impregnable to common men. When Cāmundarāya set out for the Darsana of the image, elders advised him that Paudanapura was far away and not easily accessible. Hence Cām darāya, who was also known as Gommata, got the image installed there alone. But, however, the image of Bahubali installed by Bharata Has become mythical. Historically we come across the image in Karnataka. Of the images which have been found, the earliest known is at the Jaina cave of Bādāmi which dates back to the 7th century A. D. In the verandah, we find Gommateśvara on the left and Tirthařkara Parávanātha on the right. Both of them are relief sculptures. The height of Gommateśvara is about 7 feet. Madhavi creepers are seen entwined to his legs and arms. We also see two women holding the same creeper on both his sides. The other significant aspect of this image is that the curly hairs on the head are seen descending up to shoulders.
In Aihole there is a Jaina temple called Meņa Basadi near the hillock Meguţi. There is a Gommateśvara image in standing (Kāyotsarga) posture on the right side of the cave. This is also a bas-relief sculpture. The arms and legs of the image are entwined by creepers and there are serpents near the feet. On both sides, two women wearing ornaments, can be seen with creepers in hands. They are referred to as sisters of Bahubali. This cave dating back to c. 7th century A.D. might have been built during Pulikesin II and Poet Ravikirti. The Jaina temple built by Ravikirti and his inscription are found on the Meguți hillock near the same Meņa Basadi. Even the Meņa Basadi must have come to existence during his time.
The regime of the Rāştrakūtas is significant in the history of Karnataka for its outstanding sculpture. The present Ellora cave temples found in Maharashtra provide a standing example for the superior variety of sculpture during the kings' rule in Karnataka. The art of constructing cave temples has attained its fullness in Ellora caves. All these Jaina caves were chiselled during the regime of Rāstrakūta King Amoghavarşa Nrpatunga who was a great patron of Jainism and a disciple of Jinasenācārya. He ruled during the 9th century A.D. In all the Jaina caves found in Ellora we see the images of Gommateśvara and also the special noticeable feature is that Gommateśvara is always accompained by Tirthankara

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Gommateśvara Commemoration Volume Parávanātha on the other side. This is nothing but a direct influence of Bādāmi and Aihole caves.
There are two images of Gommateśvara in the 30th cave of Ellora popularly known as Chotā Kailāsa. There is an image on the right side of the hall in the 31st cave. The whole body of the image is entwined by creepers. To the right side there is a Gandharva, a demi-god, flying in the sky with a garland in his hands. To the left are chisselled celestial couples as well as Gandharvas with garlands in there hands. Just beside the image two women are seen with folded hands.
The 32nd cave with two stairs carved 200 feet into the rock is well known as Indrasabhā. There are in total six Gommateśvara images here. Of the several Gommateśvara images found all over Ellora, the one that is found here is considered to be the most significant and beautiful. This image being entwined by creepers is surrounded by all types of lives Deer, serpent, rat, scorpion as well as a dog can be easily recognised. To the right there is a male devotee, and on both sides there are two women. It is generally presumed that the man is his elder brother Bharata and the women his sisters, Brahmi and Sundari. This bears a spec acular semblance with the episode where Bharata requests Bahubali to give up his pride.
Caves 33 and 34 have two and one Gommateśvara images respectively. In Ellora there are in all 12 Gommateśvara images. The significant features of these images are :
1. As the image was carved in bas-relief in stone background it was possi
ble to chisel out the Gandharvas flying in sky on the same background. 2. Of these images some have got curly hair upto the shoulders and some
have got it descending down till breasts and armpits. As mentioned
earlier this is an impact of the Gommateśvar image of the Badāmi cave. 3. Nowhere do we find Gommațeśvara with two women on both sides and
a man in front of him.
The Gommateśvara image of Sravaņabelgola is world famous. It is considered to be one of the wonders of the world. It is an incomparable contribution of Karnataka to Indian sculpture. It is perfect from all points of view. It was carved during the reign of the Gangas who were responsible for the development of architecture in Karnataka. There are several stories referring to the antiquity of this statue. The Rājāyaļikathe of Devacandra states that Rāma and Sitā brought this from Lanka and installed here. When mother Kālaļādevi wanted to see Bahubali at Paudanapura but could not do so, it is said that her son Cāmundarāya got this installed here. According to the Bhujabalicarite as well as the Sthalapurāņa of Pancabāga, Bāhubali appeared in Cāmundarāya's dream and

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the latter got the statue carved in 983 A. D. According to the historical evidence available recording this statue, it was Cāmundarāya who got it installed. Three inscriptions of 10th century attribute this Bāhubali statue to Cāmundarāya as “Camundarāja caused (this image) to be made.” Another inscription of 1180 confirms that Cāmuṇdaraja, a minister of Rācamalla caused this image to be made. But the camundrāya Purāņa, which Cāmundarāya himself wrote in 978 A. D., deals with his life, wars that he fought, adventures, etc. without any mention anywhere about the installation of the Gommateśvara statue. This points out that the statue did not exists before 978 A. D. The available sources today confirm that it was carved in 982 A. D. There were different opinions about the height of the statue. Mr. Browring, who was the Chief Commissioner of Mysore, got this height measured and as published by him it was 57 feet.
There are some specialities in this statue of Sravanabe!goļa. This monolithic statue is carved out of the tapering edge of the hill itself. Ant-hills are carved beside the legs upto the knees. Serpents are at the mouth of the ant-hills. There are creepers entwining the legs and have flown through the fore-arms terminating at the arms. Poet Boppana describes these ant-hills and creepers like this: "The ant-hills and the pressing and entwining creepers on the body looking as if the earth and creeper-like women owing to their grief came and tightly embraced him, saying 'why have you forsaken us? The state of Gommaţadeva's intense application to penance was honoured by the lords of serpents, gods and sages”.
This statue has curly hair on its head which do not descend down to the shoulders. As there are lotus-petals carved around the feet, it looks as if the statue is standing on a lotus pedestal. It is remarkably significant to note that inspite of the fully grown ant-hills and dreadful serpents, embracing creepers, the facial expression of the statue as carved by the sculptor very well gives out the undisturbed state of mind and severity of penance. In the words of Boppaņa the grandeur and beauty of the statue is as follows: “When an image is lofty it may not be beautiful; though it may be lofty and really beautiful it may not have magnificence. Loftiness, real beauty and magnificence all being confined in only one thing, how worthy of veneration in this world should that glorious form be, being comparable to itself, of Gommațeśvara- Jina !”
It is considered to be one of the greatest sights to witness the holy Mahamastakabhişeka of Gommateśvara on the Vindyagiri popularly known as the Doddabetta. Generally the Mahāmastakābhişeka ceremony is performed once in twelve years.
Next to Sravanabelgoļa comes the Gommateśvara statue of Kārkala in South Canara district. It was installed on a hill near Kārkala town, in 1432 A.D., by Virapāņdya, son of Bhairavarāja. The statue is 411 feet tall. The history relat

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ing to its installation is fully depicted by the poet Cadura Candrama in the Karkasada Gommaļcsvara Carite, a Kannada work in Sāngatya form. Starting with the blessings of Sriguru Lalitakirti Bhattāraka the story proceeds with the finding of a suitable rock (vajrasile), carving the statue and transporting the same to the top of the hill. Candrama's descriptions bear a historical significance. After the rough statue was carved it was carried on a cart with 20 wheels. The statue was pulled on to the cart with ten thousand livers and even one thousand men could not drag it for more than a yard. Next day the cart was provided with one thousand pulleys and wild tuskers pushed the cart upto the hill. Even then it could move about for 7 or 8 yards only. Thus it took a whole month to transport the statue to the top of the hill. On the hill the statue was laid on a net-work of seventytwo pillars and final touches were given which took one more year. Then the statue was ceremoniously installed on the hill.
The other Gommațeśvara statue is in Veņūr in the South Canara district. This statue which is 35 feet tall was installed by Timmannäjila in 1604. It is found on a plane level ground with walls on all the four sides. There is an interesting story about the controversy that occured at the time of installation of this statue. It seems that Timmannājila also wanted to become famous as Cãmundaräya and hence got this statue chiselled in his kingdom. But Bhairavaräya II, who was ruling at Kärkala at that time, wanted that no statue similar to the one erected in Karkala should be installed anywhere else. He demanded that the Venur statue should be surrendered to him. Then Timmanņājila, a brave warrior, decided to fight. He buried the statue in sand, and installed the same later, only after winning the battle. But we have no evidence to corroborate this story either in inscriptions or in literature. This has only a legendary value.
There is another Gommațeśvara statue of 18 feet height in Gommatagiri, a place at a distance of sixteen miles from Mysore city and to the South of the river Cauvery. This statue is situated on a huge rock which is about 100 feet in height. This small hill looks like a Chariot if it is seen from a distance. We do not have any document or inscription or reference about the installation of the statue. But however the Kings of Changaļva family who were the heirs of Cāmundarāya as well as the rulers of that region are understood to have installed this statue. The exceptional feature of this statue which is not found in any other Gommațeśvara statue is that it is facing towards the east and has got the hands almost touching the open hoods of the serpents. There are no ant-hills near the feet.
Behind the Krishnarajasagara reservoir, to the north of the river Cauvery, there is a Gommateśvara statue 18 feet in height at Basti Hosakoțe near Mavinakere village, Krishnarajapet taluk in Mandya District. This is known to be a statue chiselled out of soap-stone. Surrounding this statue there are relics of Jaina temples built during the time of the Gangas and Vişnuvardhana. This

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idol might have been installed by Somaiah and Punisamaiah who were officers in the court of Vişnuvardhana.
There is another Gommateśvara image of 10 feet height on a hill near Tippur in Maddur Taluk, Mandya district. This image is not endowed with any special features. There is inscriptional evidence to show that this place was a Jaina centre in the 8th century A. D.
We have another Gommateśvara statue made very recently. Sri Virendra Heggade, the religious head of the famous holy place Dharmasthaļa, has this statue made. The chief sculptor of this statue is eighty years old Sri Rañjāļa Gopala Shanoy. The chiselling of this statue began in 1967 and was completed in 1973. The total height of the material of the statue is 52 feet. Of this, 6 feet was to go into earth with a pedestal of 7 feet above the earth. The actual height of the statue from the feet upto the head is 39 feet. This statue was prepared in Karkala. M/s. Mangathram Brothers of Bombay transported this huge statue weighing 170 tonnes from Karkala to Dharmasthaļa. A special trolly with 64 tyres weighing 20 tonnes was constructed and with the help of two trucks and a bull-dozer of 80 H. P., the statue went up through one thousand feet height in Dharmasth!a to a place called Bahubali Vihāra. This statue has got some special features. Its curly hair descends down till the shouldes. On both the feet there are snakes climbing up. Along with the Mallika creepers all through the body, there are also some flowers. Beside the right and left feet mango trees, parrots, monkeys, beehives etc., are also carved on two separate stones.
Sri Gopāla Shanoy has chiselled one more huge statue of Gommateśvara at the instance of a devotee and is installed in North India. This statue from Karnataka, endowed with the talent and imagination of the sculptor, is permanently situated in North India.
Thus the Chiselling of Gommațeśvara statues has been a tradition for 12 Centuries in Karnataka contributing a significant feature to Indian sculpture.
It is really interesting to study the reasons for the installation of so many Gommateśvara statues in Karnataka. We may proceed in this way: In South India especially in Karnataka the Jainas belonged to Digambara sect. The worship of the Bahubali idol has a special significance in this tradition and this might be the reason for the installation of so many statues. Moreover the story of Bahubali which incorporates the battle fought between the two brothers Bhrata and Bahubali and Bāhubali's giving up of kingdom even after the victory, has enjoyed enough popularity as compared with the stories of the Tirtha:karas. This might also have contributed to an abundance of Bahubali-Gommateśvara idols in Karnataka.

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Two Traditions :
Two traditions are particularly obvious, as far as the sculptare of the above Gommateśvara images which we have considered. The art of images of Bādāmi, Aihole and Ellora belongs to one tradition and that of Sravanabelgola, Kārkala, Vegūr, Gommatagiri and Basti-Hosakoţe speaks of the other tradition. The images of Bādāmi and Aihole in North Karnataka and of Ellora caves towards north of Karnataka have the hair on their head down till the shoulders and two women stand holding creepers in hand near their feet. But the statues which are found in Sravanabelgoļa, Kārkala, Veņür and other places in South Karnataka are different. Perhaps age as well as regional factors might be responsible for this. The images of North Karnataka stand by one tradition following the Bādāmi cave model i.e., the hair down to the shoulders, the image being chiselled as a part of the wall of the cave itself (Bas-relief). On the other hand, with the installation of the colossal statue of Gommateśvara at Sravanabelgola another tradition came into existance, the features of which can be found in Kārkala, Veņūr, Gommațagiri and other places. But however the statue at Dharmasthaļa isolates itself from both the parameters viz., regional influence and age. This is in South Karnataka and of a recent origin. But unlike the statue of Sravanabe!goļa it follows the model of Badāmi with hair down to the shoulders.
Two other images of Gommateśvara have drawn my attention. Both of them are on the big hill of Sravanabelgoļa. To one side of the wall circumscribing the great statue of Gommaieśvara, beside the foot-prints of Gandharva there is a Gommateśvara image of about 5 feet tall. There is a halo of about 7 feet, in height starting from the side of the feet, and it has creepers well twined. The curls of the creepers consist of the figures of peacocks and angels. Two women with creepers in hand stand at the feet of the image. The other Gommateśvara image is to the right of the Akhanga-Bāgilu on the big hill. This dates back to 12th century A.D. The image is carved out of mother rock and is a bas-relief. It is about 51 feet tall with no ant-hills or snakes at the feet. The legs and hands are entwined by creepers. Here also two women holding creepers stand on both sides of the feet of the image. The significant aspect is that though both these images are in neighbourhood of the colossal statue, it is strange how the sculptors of these images were not influenced by the latter to chisel out ant-hills with serpents beside the feet.
Besides the images of Gommāțeśvara referred to above there are so many other such images both in Karnataka and outside. It is necessary to have an intense research into the age, region and reasons for the installation of those images.
This paper may be concluded with the message of Bahubali-Gommateśvara in the words of Poet Boppaga: "No man shall take pleasure in killing, lying,

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stealing, adultery and covetousness; If he does, he will lose for ever this world and the next; lo! Gommaţadeva looks as if procliaming this standing on high".
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1
3 4 5 6 7
Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II, Sravanabelgola. Karkalada Gonimaješvara Carite by Candrama. Bharatiya Samskrti Darsana, Ed. Aa, Na, KỊ. Karnataka Parampare, Part-I. Inscriptions In Mysore District, Part-I. The art and Architecture of Aihole, by R. S. Gupte. Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad Caves, by R. S. Gupte.

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THE JAINA HERITAGE OF KARNATAKA AND ŚRAVANABELGOLA
ROBERT J. DEL BONTA
It is clear that the Jainas were firmly entrenched in Karnataka from very early times whether one accepts the Bhadrabāhu story or not to explain the presence of the Jaina community in South India. The Early Calukyas of Bādāmi are known to have patronized the Jainas as well as the Hindus throughout their history and their ultimate successors to northern Karnāțaka, the Late Cālukyas of Kalyāņi, have left many architectural remains dedicated to the Jaina faith. The influence of Jainism in the southern half of the state was even more important and practically all of the numerous dynasties of that area had Jaina phases to their histories. The principal powers of the region, the Gangas of Talakād and the Hoysalas, were clearly Jaina at their origins.
The site of Sravanabelgoļa may be the most spectacular in the present state of Karnāțaka but Jajna remains are spread throughout the Kannada regions with a major concentration in South Kanara District in and around Mudabidri near the large city of Mangalore on the west coast. Although very little remains from pre-Medieval times, some lovely temples built by the Gangas are found at Kambadahalli (Mandya District) and Sravanabelgola. Many bastis remain from the Hoysala period with impressive bastis at Bastihalli, part of the royal capital Haļebid, and some sixty other sites including a large number of Hoysala dedications at Sravanabelgola.
What is most important about Sravanabelgola is its endurance and growth throughout the centuries. It is a site of incredible diversity of form, of style, and dynastic patronage. Where most of the other sites in Karnātaka date from a very specific time, Sravanabelgoļa developed over the centuries and represents some of the greatest achievements of the Kannadiga craftsman. From the very simple bastis

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on Candragiri to the highly impressive Gommatesvara on Vindhyagiri and the beautiful Cāmundarāya busti to the highly ornate Sāntiśvara busti at Jinanāthapura we find the history of Jaina monuments graphically portrayed in one place.
It is true that the earliest remains of the Jains in the state are not found at Sravanabelgola and that the site itself did not take its important place in the history of the area until Ganga times, more specifially until the carving of the great Bāhubali image at the end of the 10th century; but, inscriptions at the site clearly record its importance from much earlier times. Many inscriptions record the deaths of Jaina holymen and devotees from pre-Garga days and it is commonly held that Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta Maurya died on the smaller hill. Any visit to the site will confirm the great suitability of the place for the rite of selfstarvatian practised so extensively among the Jainas. The site with its two peaks rising from the plains creates the mountain so central to the religions of India.
While the mountain gave the site its auspicious character, the colossus on Vindhyagiri made the site of Sravana Belgoļa the important pilgrimage centre which it is to this day. It is this beautiful and impressive figure placed on an auspicious spot which in turn led to the importance and development of the site through the centuries. Of all the Jaina sites in the state, indeed of all the sites of any religious dedication, this giant statue sets Sravaņa Be!goļa apart as something very special due to its sheer grandeur, beauty, and dramatic impact. Other nonJaina sites in the state such as Haļebią with its wild profusion of detail and Hampi/Vijayanagar with its vast expanses of impressive remains are not nearly as awe-inspiring as Gommateśvara who gazes over the plains of Mysore.
The importance of this image is clear from the number of copies of the figure found elsewhere in the state. Four large examples are known at Karkala, Veņūr, Gommațagiri, and Sravaṇappagutta. These are smaller than the Bahubali of Vindhyagiri and later in date, but they illustrate the religious importance given to the image by the Jainas of Karnāțaka, which is curiously absent from the iconography of the Jainas in the north.
Cālukyas and Gangas
Some of the earliest Jaina remains in Karnataka are from the time of the early Cālukyas of Bādāmi, the most important of which are the Jaina cave (Cave IV) at Badāmi of the 6th century and the Jaina temple (No. 39) at Aihole of the 8th. The former contains many images sculpted during the Late Calukya period including images which copy the Bāhubali image at Srava pabego!a illustrating the importance of the image to the Jainas in the northern part of Karnataka.

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At the fall of the Early Cālukyas the artistic focus shifted south to the lower regions of the state. This area was ruled by the Gangas, a family of very old origins and the most important Jaina dynasty in the history of South India. During the Ganga period a variant of architecture developed which can truly be called Drāviţa, closely allied to the styles of the Noļambas, Coļas and other South Indian dynasties. It is the style of Ganga architecture which dominated the development of Jaina building throughout its entire history in Karnataka despite the more northerly flavour of much of the later Hindu architecture.
The most perfect of all Garga temples is the impressive Pancakūţa basti at Kambadahaļļi (Mandya District) of ca. 900, which consists of what is commonly called a trikūsä сala (three-shrined temple) flanked by two other shrines bringing the total count to five. It is not the first temple in the state which uses a very distinctive Karnāțaka trikūța plan since it is already found in the Jambuliiga at Badāmi of 699 and in the Jaina temple (No. 39) at Aihole. In the centuries following the building of the Pañcakūţa, the trikūta plan became very important particularly in the many examples built by the Hoysaļas. Along with the Ganga Pancakūta at Kambadahalli, the Karnataka Raştrakūta Navalinga at Kukkanūr (Raichur District) of the 9th-10th centuries and the Cangaļva Ādinātha basti at Cikka Hana soge (Mandya District) of the 10th-11th centuries lead to the common usage of later times. These later temples are almost always Hindu in dedication.
Notable exceptions are found with the Trikūța bastiat Colasandra (or Yalladahalli, (Mandya District) of before 1145, Pārsvanātha basti at Heragu (Hassan District) of 1155, and Trikūța basti at Mārculi (Hāssan District) of 1173 which is actually a Pañcakūțācala as at Kambadahal!i. A fourth example is the Odegal basti on Vindhyagiri built sometime during the 12th century. The group of Kampili triküsācalas which overlook the main temple at Hampi can also be included since they are very often identified as being Jaina, although they were probably Hindu at their dedications.
While the Pañcakūta basti at Kambadaballi can be viewed as extremely important to the development of later art in the area, the Camundaraya basti on Candragiri at Sravanabelgola can be viewed as no less important. It is a building of great beauty of detail and proportion and is one of the crowning glories of Jaina art in Karnataka.
Late Cālukyas of Kalyāpi
Very little remains which dates between the fall of the Early Calukyas of Badāmi in the last half of the 8th century and the establishment of the Later

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Calukyas of Kalyāni in the mid-11th century in northern Karnataka. It is during the history of the Late Calukyas that the medieval period of Karnāțaka truly began. Due to their great successes throughout the state and into the northwestern sections of Andhra Pradesh a very distinctive mode of architecture which developed under their patronage had tremendous impact throughout the entire region. Many of the temples now labelled Late Cālukya in style were actually built by their feudatories, but as a stylistic label it suggests the definite connection with the main dynasty itself. In turn elements of their style were extremely important in the development of other dynastic styles in the area, styles connected with their one-time feudatories, the Hoysaļas in southern Karnataka and the Kakatiyas in Andhra Pradesh. Both these dynasties were Jaina at their origins but little remains besides stray sculpture of the Kākatiya Jaina period.
The Jaina basti at Lakkundi (Dharwār District) of the 11th century is one of the earliest Late Calukya buildings and one which is extremely important in tracing the development of the style. The temple clearly illustrates the way the artists were compressing the stories of the tower to form the friezelike treatment found in the later temples. Already we find a very particular decorative vocabulary for the architectural articulation of the walls, a vocabulary used in all later Late Calukya style temples and in the styles influenced by it. Despite its importance in the architectural history of the area this Jaina basti was more important in the development of Hindu architecture than that of the Jainas. Most later Jaina bastis follow a more austere tradition and are built of granite instead of the chloritic schist so favoured by the Late Cālukyas and the Hoysaļas for Hindu buildings. Most bastis, as seen from the large number at Sravanabelgoļa, are very simple in style and more allied with South Indian Dravidian architecture than to the Jaina basti at Lakkundi.
The Late Cālukyas had many feudatories besides the Hoysalas in their early days. One such feudatory was the Santara dynasty at Humca (Shimoga District). Humca is still a very important Jaina center. Tradition tells us that the dynasty was founded by a man from Mathura sometime during the 7th century, but the temples which are found there must date from the 11th or 12th centuries. The temples are heavily renovated, but the Pārsvanātha and Santinātha bastis are impressive temples. The use of a heavy eave cornice relates to the architecture of the west coast and is often noted in the architecture of the Kadambas in Shimoga District and also relates to the usage in South Kanara District. In fact the Bahubali image erected in 1432 at Kārkala is said to have been built by a descendent of the Santara family.

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The most important dynastic patrons at Sravanabelgola were the Hoysalas since most of the temples at the site were built during their rule. In fact the great majority of Jaina temples throughout the state date from their period with the greatest number from the 12th century. The most impressive of their temples are found at Bastihalli at Halebid and at Sravapabelgola.
The dynastic style of the Hoysalas is derived both from that of the Late Calukyas of Kalyani and a style found much further north in the Deccan, while is owes very little to the style of their predecessors in Southern Karnataka, the Gangas. Due to the close ties between this early power and the Hoysalas, the lack of a continuous artistic tradition is surprising. This is due in part to the introduction of the Srivaispava faith into the Hoysala regions early during the reign of Visuvardhana and the subsequent quick evolution of the Hoysala style in the early 12th century at Belur and Halebid. At the same time the very ornate style associated with the Hoysalas, with many examples ranging in date from the Cennakelava at Belur (Hassan District) of 1117 to the Kelava at Somanathapura (Mysore District) of before 1268, is almost totally ignored by the Jaina architect. Their preferred style is the simpler more austere tradition already in vogue during the Ganga period. The Jainas continued to build temples with unpretentious exteriors and lavished the bulk of their ornamentations to the interiors of the building. Even the most important of the Jaina bastis tend to be cubes of cut granite with little architectural decoration.
The few exceptions to this trend include the Parsvanatha basti at Bastihalli and the Sintivara basti at Jinanathapura. Pärivanatha basti is much closer to the Hoysala style with the addition of rather ornate parapets to the temple and the use of decorative basement mouldings and articulation of the walls. At the same time there are none of the large figures on the walls that are present at many of the Hindu temples at the site. Compared to the great Hoysaleśvara nearby it can only be called restrained. What is so typical about this Jaina basti is that the interior offers a wealth of delicate detail that is not fully expected from the relatively plain handling of the exterior.
The only Jaina equivalent to temples like the Hoysaļešvara is the Santisvara basti at Jinanathapura built at the end of the 12th century. The differences between the usual Jaina basti type and the Santiśvara are not just differences of style, but rather an entirely different approach to temple building. The greatest Hoysala temple, the Hoysaleśvara, is extravagantly ornate on its exterior, but the interior (although highly articulated) is much more restrained and ultimately the detail is reduced to the aniconic linga, the most abstract focus of religious rites. On the other hand the Jaina temples function in a different manner; the exterior is very plain and the interior is ornate leading to what is often a very large image of one of

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the tirthankaras. The dramatic impact of these images would be lost if the contrast between outside and inside was not so stated. This impact is similar to the large Buddhist images in the shrines of sites like Ajanta. This points to more of a sense of congregation and group worship in a religion like Buddhism. The contrast is most striking between this and the Hindu approach which ultimately reduces the temple to a small image or symbol directed to individual personal devotion.
Postscript
Many of the still active Jaina temples in Karnataka are the large group in South Kanara District at the sites of Mudabidri, Kārkala, Veņūr, etc. The temples on the whole post-date the temples built at Sravanabelgoļa and represent the period of time when Vaişņavism and more importantly the growth of Vira-Saivism throughout much of the state forced the Jainas to seek refuge along the south-west coast. It is here that we find some of the great Jaina libraries of South India and some of the oldest of all of the Jaina manuscripts.
South Kanara District also presents us with a very distinctive architectural style which dates from the 15th century to the most part. This architecture has often been compared to that of Nepal but the connections are not easy to trace. On the whole the peculiarities of the style have affinities to the architecture of Kerala farther down the coast. The use of sloping roofs gives these temples a very different appearance from all of the temples so far discussed. Where the Santara and Kadamba architect in Shimoga District was content to use a heavy wedge shaped stone cornice on the mandapas of these temples, the superstructures of many of the South Kanara temples display heavily bracketed large wooden roofs, often in more than one storey.
There may be a few temples which perhaps date as far back as the 10th century, but the Jaina monuments are much more recent. "The most famous of these is the Tribhuvana Tilaka Cūļāmaņi, more commonly called the Candranātha or Thousand Pillared basti at Mūdabidri. It was constructed at a few different times starting in ca. 1429. It is rather plain from the exterior since much of the temple is overpowered by the huge two-storey wooden roof, but it is a large temple of great beauty. The many pillared mandapa at the front gives the basti its popular name. This mandapa with its ornate columns most definitely discredits the theory that granite does not lend itself to fine carving, since many of the details on the interior of the temple are extremely ornate. Although very late by Indian standards it is a glorious tribute to the virtuosity of the Kannadiga carftman and is a fitting conclusion to the history of Jaina architecture of Karnāšaka.

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Gommates vara Commemoration Volume SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Gopalakrishanamurthy, S. Jain Vestiges in Andhra, Andhra Pradesh Government Archeaological
Series, No. 12, Hyderabad: Government Press, 1963.
Gururaja Bhatt, P., Antiquities of South Kanara, Udipi, Prabhakar Press, 1969. Panchamukhi, R. S., "Jainism in Karnataka and Bhatkal Finds," The Karnataka Historical Review,
Vol. VI, Pts. 1-2 (Jan.-July 1939), pp. 14-31.
Narasimhachar, R., ed., Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. II, Inscriptions at Sravanabelgola (Revised
Edition), Bangalore: Government Press, 1923.
Sharma, S. R., Jainism and Karnataka Culture Karnataka Historical Research Society Silver Jubilee Publication Scries, No. 1, Dharwad, Karnatak Printing Works, 1940.

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24
JAINA ART IN KARNATAKA: SOME EXAMPLES
SARYU DOSHI
Among the many Jaina legends prevalent in south India, there is one which claims that Lord Mahāvīra, the twentyfourth Tirthařkara came to the South to preach and propagate his faith. Many persons joined his fold, including Jivandhara, the King of Hemangada desa, ancient Karnataka Jivandhara not only became a devoted follower of the faith but renounced worldly existance by taking diksā from Mahävira and spending the rest of his life as a Jaina ascetic.
Whether or not there be any truth in this legend, there can be little doubt that Jainism spread rapidly from its base in north India to the various provinces in the southerly regions. In the first few hundred years of its existance more than one wave of missionary activity rolled down in different directions and different periods, reaching remote corners in the South.
Though not the earliest, certainly the most significant move of the Jainas southwards appears to have taken place towards the end of the fourth century B. C. during the reign of Candragupta Maurya. According to a tradition widely prevalent among the Jainas this move was headed by the last Srutakevalin Bhadrabāhu who, accompanied by his devoted disciple Candragupta Maurya and a sangha of twelve thousand followers, set out for the land south of the Vindhyas.
The Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta tradition maintains that when they reached the place now known as Sravaņa Be!goļa, Bhadrababu, sensing that death was near, instructed the samgha to proceed to the South while he stayed back, and on the smaller hill of Sravana Belgo!a, with his royal disciple in attendance, died observing sallekhana - death by ritual starvation. Candragupta continued to live on the hill leadiog an ascetic life and performing sallekhana at the end.
It is important to note that the sacred association of Bhadrabahu and Candragupta with the smaller hill at Sravaņabe!go!a, even if legendary, had a

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profound bearing on the history of Jainism in Karnataka. It provided much inspiration to the Jaina community; monks and laymen emulated, the two saints by coming to the smaller hill of Sravana Belgoļa to perform sallekhana. This is graphically indicated by a sixth-seventh century inscription which records and in course of time, seven hundred rşis similarly accomplished samadhi". That this practice continued into the later centuries is borne out by the numerous epitaphs engraved on pillars and the stony rock surface of the hill.
It is generally believed that it was the Digambara sect which was active in the proselytisation of the South. This does not reflect the actual state of affairs. The Svetāmbaras also sent missionaries to the South and their activities were sponsored by King Samprati, the grandson of Asoka, who was a Jaina having been converted to the Svetāmbara creed by Suhastin. References in Jaina literary treatises suggest that followers of the Svetambara sect had settled in Paithan, north Deccan, as also in Madkhed in the Deccan. The penetration of the Svetāmbaras deeper into the South is attested by an inscription recording the grant of a village made by the Kadamba king Mrgeśavarma (A. D. 470-488). The missionary activities of the Svetāmbaras, however, began to slow down in the first centuries of the Christian Era and then ceased.
The Digambara Jainas remained active in south India receiving munificent endowments from the rulers of different dynasties in Karnataka. Even if the kings. were not adherents of the Jaina faith but they were, nevertheless, very tolerant in the sphere of religion, allowing different faiths to exist side by side and extending generous support to them all.
Regardless of their personal beliefs and religious affiliations, many Karnataka rulers became closely associated with the Jaina faith. Jainism received consistent patronage under the kings of the Garga dynasty who ruled over the greater part of Mysore from the second to the eleventh centuries. This was the golden period of Jainism, and it was during this era that the Ganga kings built numerous basadis, consecrated images for worship, commissioned the hollowing of caves for Jaina ascetics and made grants for Jaina ācāryas. The rulers of the Rāştrakūta dynasty were, also, well disposed towards the Jainas and it was a favourable period for the Jainas in the Deccan and Karnataka, particularly so for Jaina litterateurs.
During the tenth century, the resurgence of Hinduism in the form of Vira Saivism and Vira Vaişnavism led to the decline of Jainism. The Jainas were persecuted and harassed. The best days of the Jainas in the South were over; it was an unhappy sequel to a long and glorious history.
Although patronage from the royalty and aristocracy had dried up and many adherents of the faith had gone over to other religions, Jainism, unlike

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Buddhism, managed to retain its hold over a fair section of its adherents. The Jaina bhattārakas, religious heads of the community, played a pivotal role in providing stability and security to their followers during those troubled times. Gradually, the bhajtāraka mathas, the religious establishments of the bhaffärakas, became focal points for all religious and social activities of the Jainas.
The religious activities of the Jainas in Karnataka continued, but in a low key. In those inimical times it was perhaps not advisable to build temples, but it was possible to commission metal icons and votive tablets for enriching the existing temples. It was perhaps this reason that influenced the design of the metal images executed after the tenth century A. D. For, they begin to be conceived like shrines with architectural elements figuring prominently in their design. In addition to donating images to the temple it was customary to make offerings of manuscripts to the temple or to a religious personage. These gifts were usually stored on the temple premises.
It is against this historical religious and social background that we shall discuss some metal images and illustrated manuscripts from Karnataka (Plates 1 to 9 following P. 140) and analyse their stylistic implications:
1. A Metal Image of Tirthankara,
c. 10th century, Karnataka :
This image approximately 34 centimetres high stands in the khadga sana or the sword-stance of the kāyotsarga position. This yogic pose, assumed by Jaina ascetics, signifies complete control over the body where it needs no sustenance nor requires to perform any bodily functions.
Because of the excessive deference to rules and prescribed formulae in the casting of metal images among the Jainas, such icons, with their rigid pose and no accessories, tend to be very uniform in style and rather dull aesthetically. But this particular image with its elegant proportions, flowing lines and serenely contemplative facial features is a beautiful piece. It appears to have been executed during the Ganga period, sometime in the tenth century. A comparison with another superb figure, the one commissioned by the sister of the Ganga king, Mārasimha II (A. D. 961-974), unearthed in a coffee plantation and now in the collection of the Sravana Belgoļa Jaina Matha, reveals that though the two figures are coeval they represent slightly different, but cognate idioms.
The pedestal of this image is both anachronistic and anomalous and appears to represent repairs carried out at a late, but not too late, date.

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2. A metal image of the Chovisi of Rşabha,
c. 12th century, Deccan-Karnataka style :
This image, about 29 centimetres high, appears to be from the region of the Deccan rather than the Karnataka because, at first sight, it appears to correspond closely to the metal images fashioned for the Svetāmbaras in western India. The decorative devices arranged along the prabhā vaļi reveal the influence of architectural elements. Although this figure shows only eight out of the nine grahas or planetsa characteristic associated with early bronzes- the somewhat stilted style, especially evident in the treatment of the attendant figures, would suggest a date not earlier than the twelfth century.
3. A metal image of the Chovisi of Rşabha,
inscribed A. D. 1216 at Ma]khed :
This image, with a long inscription on its pedestal, is in worship in a Jaina temple at Ajmer. It is a large and handsome object where the architectural conception of the piece as a shrine is rather striking. Unfortunately, the sikhara on top of the prabhāvaļi could not be included in the photograph, already thought an abbreviation and conventionalisation of the lion and the makara motifs is visible. According to the authorities of the temple where this image is installed, the inscription bears the information that this piece was executed in Vira Samyat 1263, at Malkhed. This date corresponds to A. D. 600 which is stylistically impossible. It would seem that the term must not have been Vira Samvat but Vikrama Samvat 1263 which is in perfect accord with the stylistic characteristics exhibited in this piece. The provenance of Maļkhed appears quite convincing.
4. Metal icon of Pārsvanātha,
inscribed A. D. 1718, probably Kolhapur :
This image is 26 cms high. Though late and executed in folkish style it presents an interesting treatment in the depiction of the attendant figures and the serpents on the base. There is a rather laconic inscription in Devanāgari characters and a slightly longer one in Kannada characters on its pedestal. Interestingly, it mentions that the donors belonged to the Pancama caste, a caste associated with the bhajjarakas of Kolhapur. This information, in addition to the fact that the inscription is engraved in Marathi as well as Kannada, goes a long way in establishing Kolhapur as the provenance of this piece. Although Kolhapur may have been in Maharashtra, the bhaffāraka seat here has affiliations to the tradition prevalent in Karnataka, and the cultural ties are stronger with that region rather than northwards towards the Deccan.

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Jaina Art in Karnataka : Some Examples 5-6. Metal Placque depicting Gapadharas,
19th century, Tanjore School :
This votive placque in the majha at Sravana Beļgoļa is about 27 cms high and represents, according to its inscription in Grantha and Tamil characters, Vrşabhasena-Ganadharan, Bharateśvara-Cakravarti, Gautama-Ganadharan and Sreņika-Mahāmandleśvaran. The last two lines in Kannada state that it is the dharma of Padumaiyya of Kalasa.
In style and execution this placque resembles many others in the matha at Sravana Belgoļa which have been brought by devotees from Tamil Nadu. The connections with Tamil Nadu are understandable in view of the fact that several of the bhaffärakas at Sravana Belgoļa, particularly in the last century, came from Tanjore.
7. Folia from a palm-leaf manuscript of the Trilokasāra,
c. 15-16 century :
This manuscript is a copy of the text composed by Nemicandra, the preceptor of Camundarāya, the man who commissioned the colossus of Bahubali on the Indragiri hill at Sravana Belgola.
Although palm-leaf as a carrier had been discontinued in western and northern India it continued to be employed in Karnataka and also in Orissa until quite recently.
One of the folios of this manuscript depicts the manastambha, an architectural feature found commonly in front of Jaina temples in Karnataka. Some of these free standing pillars are really beautifully conceived and executed. In the whole range of Indian art," observes Vincent Smith, "there is nothing, perhaps, equal to these Kanara pillars for good taste. A particularly elegant example, faces a Jain temple at Mudbidre.”
8. Folio from a paper manuscript of the Pratişthā-Tilaka,
A.D. 1739, Probably painted at Kolhapur :
A profusely illustrated manuscript, it deals with information regarding consecration ceremonies of images and various other rituals conncted with those ceremonies. Pianted in a rather exuberant and folkish style this manuscript shows the influence of the Maratha School of Painting particularly in the costumes.
9. Chovisi of Mabāvira,
c. A.D. 1824; Mysore School :
The Mysore School of Painting is a parallel developmenl to the Tanjore School of Painting. After the defeat of the Vijayanagar Empire, the artists fled

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to Mysore and Tanjore whose rulers were feudatories of the Vijayanagar Kings. The rehabilitated artists painted in styles that were a continuation of that practised in Vijayanagara, but since the idioms flourished in different environments they developed their own characteristics.
Not much of the work executed at Mysore in the seveteenth and eighteenth centuries has survived due to the ravages of war during the time of Tipu Sultan. But after Tipu's death, when Mummadi Krsnarāja Wodeyar, Mahārajā of Mysore, came to the throne in the early nineteenth century there was a revival of the traditional art forms under his dynamic patronage and leadership. In fact, were it not for his active interest, the traditioal arts and crafts would have disintegrated under the impact of European civilising influences.
This painting shows Tirthaikaras with their attendants in small panel around the central panel depicting the figure of Mahāyira. It must have been painted around A.D. 1894 because its support, made of several sheets of paper pasted together to provide stiffness and thickness, has as its bottom sheet a page from a newspaper in English of that year.
The Mysore School of Painting with its elaborate and resplendant paintings of gods and goddesses of the Hindu Pantheon came to an abrupt end when Raja Ravi Varma's paintings were printed on a mass scale by litho process. These pictures with their novel treatment of traditional themes as well as their extremely low price left no patrons for the traditional painters. In recent years, however, there has been a move to revive this traditional art of Mysore.
It is evident from these and other art objects, that in Karnataka, the art forms patronised by the Jainas- be it architecture, sculpture or metal, iconstended to be more austere than their contemporary counterparts in the service of other religious. The religions ethos of the Jaina community, with its ascetic outlook and abstract approach, moulded its artistic expressions accordingly.

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1. Metal image of Tirthankara
c. 10th century Karnataka
Private Collection 2. A'metal image of the Chovisi of Rishabha
c. 12th century Deccan-Karnataka Style Private Collection
NORDIC
3. Metal image of the Chovisi of Rishabha
Inscribed A. D. 1216 at Malkhed Deccan-Karnataka Style
Jain Temple, Ajmer te & Personal Use Only
CD 2
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ducation Info

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4. Metal icon of Parshvanatha
Inscribed A. D. 1718, Probably Kolhapur Deccan-Karnataka Style Private Collection
- 5. Metal Plaque depicting Ganadharas
19th century, Tanjore School Collection: Jain Matha
Shravana Belgola 6. Inscription on the reverse
of metal plaque depicting
Ganadhara image 7. Folio from a palm-leaf
manuscript of the Trilokasara c. 15-16th century Karnataka
Collection: Jain Matha, Shravana Belgola 8. Folio from a paper manuscript of the
Pratistha-Tilaka A. D. 1739, Probably painted at Kolhapur Collection: Laxmisena Matha, Kolhapur
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9. Chovisi of Mahavir
Gouache on paper c. 1895, Mysore School Private Collection: Shravana Belgola

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25
BAHUBALI (A SOLILOQUI ) ( While on way to the forest )
LAKSHMI CHANDRA JAIN
I have turned my back On the world of conflict Of passion, of hate, of anger, Of greed, of deceit... It hurts to think that I should have been the epicentre, The cause primaeval, of all this strife
STRIFE’, did I say ? Ah, it was the very doom, The enveloping gloom Thickening and thickening Around the arena.
Gleamed only the Cakra, Standing steadfast in attendance To think of it is to fall In the bottomless crevices... To think that the Cakra was hurled By Bharata, my brother My elder brother My dear elder brother, Respected and revered, More so, in the absence of The father Tirtha ökara Adinātha Whose Samavasara na the holy refuge
of the afficted, Breathes and instils peace, par excellence.

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Did your omniscience mirror The events, father? Dart by dartThe fiery flow of gazes. Splash by splashThe surge of shifting walls of water, Grip by gripThe wraps of warriors' entangled frames.
How I lifted him lightly On to my shoulders! That was the MOMENTMoment of what? Revenge ? NO The moment of disenchantment, And of deliverance ! That was the point of the parting of the ways. That was the moment of final victory And of final defeat. That was the moment when cosmos Shrank into the size of a peanut And Space vanished Into the haze of a vapour ! Though I laid him down Ever so gently On the ground, My humility prided in The pinacle of power it had mounted.
What made my brother accept, I wonder, The three contests Of foregone conclusions ? My build, my power, my prowess Were there for all to see. The invincible army of the Cakravarty Was there, too, for all to see. Denying him the use of his unmatched power On the battle field, Granting me the use of my superior might In combat, face to face Was the destiny's way of Inflicting a cruel joke.

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Bahubali
Methinks, Bharata could have said 'NO'
To the chagrin of the
Old wise ministers of
The warring camps
Who joined hands to champion
The cause
Not of Bharata, nor of me, Bahubali, But of Tirthankara Adinath, our father
Whose sermon of non-violence
Would have lain bleeding mortally
Under the clank of swords
And the trample of tuskers !
So what?
War being war
My brother could have said 'NO' But he did not.

The scales stood heavily tilted, Against him.
The dice stood heavily loaded, Favouring me,
I clashed.
And clashed,
And clashed.
To humble him down
I used my strength
Shamelessly!
To vent his fury
He summoned his Cakra Aggressively.
Safe in the thought, perhaps, That I could not smother him Safe in the thought, perhaps, That he could not obliterate meThe two, in whose veins flows The blood of the Tirthankara; The two, whose cheeks Are washed with the same Salt of tears
In shared remorse !

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When I lifted him aloft the shoulders. When he hurtled his Cakra on me... That was the moment Of the dawning of the Truth" It is not the futility of the act But the multiple injury of the intent That is violence !"
To atone for the sin. To light a lamp. In the dark recesses of the mind I now seek the solitude of the forest. I long for the light that will defy The gory glitter of the Cakra The light that will cover in effulgence Not only the mind and the heart But will also dispel the crafty darkness That shelters itself Under the base of the lighted lamp, Under the two bare feet That will be compelled to occupy The land that belongs to the Cakravarty! Will the Light also be his gift? Only the father Tirthankara-- The omnicient oneKNOWS

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26
OBEISANCE
B. K. KHADABADI
Here at Sravaṇabe!goļa in the South of Karnatak, On mount Vindhya of far antique fame, Look! There stands for the past thousand years, Lord Gommateśvara all alone, in profound meditation !
Here He stands as the silent proclaimer as it were Of Gommațarāya's signal service to Jinadharma! He, the living emblem of the enlivening art of sculpture of massive medieval India !
Who can gauge the depth of His silence ? Or rather read easily the mystery of His smile? Who can scale the acme of His satiety ? Or rather reach the bounds of His self-denial ?
Many a man and woman- Indian and foreign, Move here daily and gape at the wonder of the world! They but later return serene and musing With their passions stilled there and there alone!
Once but in twelve years for Lord Gommateśvara Is held the peerless Holy Great Bath With varied pitchers- of molten gold and silver too! And reminds us of the Rāya's egotism once then annulled

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Gommateśvara though standing here silent ever With serpents and creepers encircling closer, So very instantly removes from the visitor's heart Darts like rage and revenge, pride and greed !
*A Thousand Salutations' to Lord Gommateśvara, Who goads our souls to the right track !
A Thousand Cheers' to the great Gommatarāya, Who consecrated His colossus a millennium back!

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'SINDH FIVE THOUSAND YEARS AGO'
"Not only the seated deities engraved on some of Indus seals are in yoga posture and bear witness to the Prevalence of yoga in the Indus valley in that remote age, the standing deities on the seals also show Kayotsarga posture of Yoga." Further that "The Kayotsarga posture is peculiarly Jaina. It is a posture not of sitting but of standing. In the Adi Purana, Book XVIII, Kayotsarga posture is described in connection with the penances of Bsabha or Vrsabha. A standing image of Jaina Bsabha in Kayotsarga posture on a slab showing for such images assignable to the 2nd Century A.D., in the Curzon Museum of Archaeology, Mathura is reproduced in figure 12. Among the Egyptian sculptures of the time of the early dynasties there are standing statues with arms hanging on two sides. But though these early Egyptian statues and the archaic Greek kouroi show nearly the same pose, they lack the feeling of abandon that characterises the standing figures on the Indus Seals and images of Jinas in the Kayotsarga posture. The name Ṛsabha means 'bull' and the bull is the emblem of Jina Ṛsabha.

-Prof. Ram Prasad Chanda, Modern Review,
August 1932, pp.155-160

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OUR CONTRIBUTORS
1.
R. R. Diwakar Ex. Governor of Bihar 233, Sadashivanagar, Bangalore-6
V. K. Gokak, M.A (Oxen) Eminent Professor of English and Author in English and Kannada Rajamahal Vilas Extension Bangalore-6
D. R. Bendre, M.A, D. Litt. Eminent Kannada Poet Winner of the Jñanapitha Award Sadhanakeri, Dharwad
T. G. Kalgbatgi, M.A., Ph. D. Retd. Professor and Head of the Dept. of Jainology and Prakrits University of Mysore Ratnatraya Savanur Nawab Plots, Dharwad-8
5. Robert J. Zydenbos, B. A.
Research Scholar de Genesthlaan 6 5615 Eh Eindhoven The Netherlands
D. S. Parmaj, M. A., LL. B. Eminent Advocate Anantashayana Galli, Belgaum

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7. Jyotiprasad Jain, M. A., Ph. D.
Retd. Professor of History Lucknow University Jyoti-kunj, Charbagh Lucknow (U. P.)
8.
G. S. Dixit, M A , Ph. D. Retd. Professor and Head of the Dept. of History Karnatak University, Dharwad
9.
T. K. Tukol, M.A., LL. B. Retd. Judge, High Court of Karnataka Kuberniwas Jayanagar, Bangalore-11
10. Smt. S. L. Shantakumari, M. A., Ph. D.
Lecturer, Dept. of Ancient Indian History & Epigraphy Karnatak University, Dharwad
11.
Vilas Sangave, M. A., Ph. D. Retd. Professor and Head of the Dept. of Sociology Shivaji University, Kolhapur Abhinandan Rajarampuri, Kolhapur-1
12.
B. K. Khadabadi, M. A., Ph. D. Reader in Prakrit Karnatak Arts College, Dharwad
13. Prema Suman Jain, M. A., Ph. D.
Associate Professor and Head of the Dept. of Jainology Udaipur University, Udaipur
Prem Chanda Jain, M. A., Ph. D. Lecturer in Jainology Rajasthan University, Jaipur

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15.
B. S. Kulkarni, M. A., Ph. D. Director Kannada Research Institute Karnatak University, Dharwad
A. V. Narasimhamurty, M.A., Ph. D. Professor and Head of the Dept. of Ancient Indian History and Archaeology University of Mysore, Mysore-6
17.
R. S. Surendra, M.B., B.S. Medical Practitioner and Social Worker 582, 10th Main, 5th Block Jayanagar, Bangalore
M. A. Dhaky, M. A., Ph. D. Associate Director (Research) American Institute of Indian Studies Ramanagar, Varanasi-8
19. A. Sundara, M. A., Ph. D.
Reader, Dept. of Ancient Indian History and Epigraphy Karnatak University, Dharwad
20.
M. D. Vasantaraj, M. A., Ph. D. Reader and Incharge Head of the Dept. of Jainology and Prakrits University of Mysore, Mysore-5
21. Bhagachandra Jain, M. A., Ph. D.
Head of the Dept. of Prakrit and Pali Nagpur University, Nagpur
22. Shubhachandra, M. A.
Lecturer in Jainology University of Mysore, Mysore-5

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23. Robert J. Del Bonta, Ph. D.
Visiting Lecturer at the San Fransisco Museum U.S.A.
24. Smt. Saryu Doshi, Ph.D.
Visiting Professor at the University of California, Michigan (U. S. A.) and Poona
25. Lakshmi Chandra Jain
Director Bharatiya Jnanapith B/45-47, Connought Place, New Delhi-1

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Kşemam sarva prajānām prabhavatu balavān dhārmiko bhūmipālaḥ / Kāle kāle ca vrstim vitaratu maghavā vyadhayāyāntu nāśam 11 Durbhikşam cauramāri kşaşamapi jagatām māsambhājjivaloke / Jainendram dharmacakram prabhavatu satatam sarvasoukhyapradayil
May all the people be happy. May the King be just and good,
righteous and powerful May God Indra shower opportune and ample rains May there not be famine and disease. May the country be free from.
all the troubles of theft and robbery. May the Jaina religion preached by the Tirthařkaras from Sri Rşabha onwards eternally prosper and may the Dharmacakra (wheel of righteousness ) influence the minds of the people constantly.

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M.1.M GCO . AITTEE 1.0 SAVANABELAGOLA