Glimpse into Sanskrit and Other Forms of Drama in Medieval Gujarat

Author(s): Govardhan Panchal
Publisher: Z_Nirgrantha_1_022701.pdf and Nirgrantha_2_022702.pdf and Nirgrantha_3_022703.pdf
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269007/1

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A GLIMPSE INTO THE SANSKRIT AND OTHER FORMS OF DRAMA IN MEDIEVAL GUJARAT
Govardhan Panchal
The region known as Gujarat received this designation during the rule of its first Caulukya monarch, Mülarāja I. Their capital was then known as Anahillapāțaka, Pattana, or Anahillapura, and now as Pätana in North Gujarat. Anahillapura was, for nearly 250 years, a prosperous city and a seat of learning, culture, and trade. Caulukya was the golden period of the history of Gujarat.
Siddharāja Jayasimha (A.D. 1095 -1144), the greatest of the Caulukya monarchs of Gujarat, expanded the kingdom's frontiers by his conquests of Māļavā in Madhya Pradesh and Mevād in west Rajasthan, the Lāta territory had been already incorporated in south Gujarat. In Dhara, when he noticed the great bhandāras of manuscripts and an atmosphere of learning, he felt its dearth in Gujarat. He took steps to encourage men of different sects, brāhmanas as well as Jainas, to write on the various aspects and in different categories of Sanskrit literature. In his kingdom flourished Jaina scholars and brāhmana pandits. Among them had prominently stood a great Jaina pontiff, Ācārya Hemacandra.
Siddharāja Jayasim ha was an enlightened king and during his time many temples were built which were enriched by figural sculptures showing postures which accorded with the karanas of Bharata's Nātyaśāstra. He built a great reservoir in the environs of the capital and aptly called it 'Sahasralinga', because a thousand Śivalinga shrines encircled its banks. He also built vidyāpithas for the students and the teachers, both of whom lived there free. Any learned man wanting to pursue his studies could stay there as long as he wished, and free of sustenance worries.
The king was in the habit of touring in the city, often in cognito for finding out as to how the people fared and what they said. Once, disguised as a lay man, he entered one of the temples, named Karnameru. There, a Sanskrit play was being staged. He took his seat by the side of an ordinary man who was engrossed in watching the play. After a while, to his surprise, that man rested his hand on his shoulder. He did this again and again, offered betel nuts and camphor to his neighbour, the king, who responded by accepting these.
After the play, the king asked his attendents to find out all about the man. The next day, to his court, he summoned the man and told hiin : "My neck is aching from the weight of the hand that you rested on it last night.” But the man, with quick wit as he was, replied: "If Your Majesty does not feel the weight of the whole earth, reaching the verge

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of ocean, what pain can it feel from the weight of my arm, that of a mere lifeless man of straw, who subsists by trade?" The king was delighted by his answer and gave him gifts!. In this instance we notice the great king watching a performance in the company of the common people, in cognito, and his keen interest in the play.
Sanskrit Drama
During Siddharāja's times and those of his sliccessors, several plays were composed in Sanskrit and Prakrit by Jaina munis and brāhmana pandits, some of whom were residing in Anahillapura, the capital. Hemacandrācārya, the doyen of scholars, had a learned śisya-mandala (group of disciples). His chief disciple Ramacandra composed about 11 Sanskrit plays.
The first play written in Gujarat was in A. D. 868 by a Jaina writer śīlācārya. The play in Sanskrit, named the Vibudhananda, is included within the poet's larger work, the Caüpannamahāpurisacariya (the life-stories of 54 great men), in Prakrit prose and verse. This one-act Sanskrit play resembles an Utśrstikānka type of the ten Rūpakas mentioned by Bharata, which ends with the death of the hero. Its peculiarity is that its prastāvanā begins with a character called Nandi who recites the Nandi-śloka and, after his exit, enters the Sütradhāra with the usual stage-direction "nandyante". In Sanskrit plays, the Nandi is sung from behind the curtain.
The Vibudhānanda deals with the story of a minister namned Vimalamati, who hopes to bring his king Mahābala, who is engrossed in worldly pleasures, to the path of righteousness. Knowing that the king was fond of witnessing plays, he arranges to stage a play in which the king Rajasekhara gets his daughter Bandhumati married to a Rāstrakūta prince named Lakşmidhara. But, as ordained by fate, Laksmīdhara dies of snake bite soon after marriage. And Bandhumati immoluates herself as a sati after her husband. The King Rājasekhara, greatly distressed by this untoward happening, renounces the world and embraces prayrajyā (renunciation). The enactment of this play had the desired effect on King Mahābala, who, after seeing it, renounces the world, thus fulfilling the intention of the minister. The play emphasises the fact that the fate is blind, cruel, and to defy it is fruitless : and there is no escape from death?.
In Gujarat, several types out of the ten Rūpakas, had been written. The next play that we come across is by the Kashmiri poet Bilhana who visited Pātaņa and was patronized by King Karnadeva's minister Sampatkara (Santū mantri). Bilhana wrote a nātikä entitled Karnasundari. It depicts the marriage of Karnasundari, a vidyadhari in the play, who, however, was the guise for the princess of Karnataka, named Mayanalladevi (Maiļaladevi), to whom was born the great Siddharaja Jayasimha. The nātikā might have been inspired by Harsa's Ratnávali. This nātikā was staged in the temple of Ādinātha in Pātana at the time of the yātra-mahotsava during Śäntyutsava, as mentioned in its

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prastāvanā. It was composed in c. A. D. 1070.
Rāmacandra (A. D. 1089-1173), the accomplished literti and disciple of Ācārya Hemacandra, wrote the following eleven plays : the Nalavilāsa, the Raghuvilāsa, the Yaduvilāsa, the Satya-Hariscandra, the Nirbhayabhima-vyāyoga, the MallikaMakaranda-prakarana, the Rāghavābhyudaya, the Rohiņimrgānka-prakarana, the Vanamālā-nātikā, the Kaumudimitrānanda, and the Yadavābhyudaya,
Among these, we find that he has tried his hand on the different types of Rūpakas, such as the Nataka, the Prakarana, the Nātikā, and the Vyāyoga. (He considers 12 Rūpakas with Nātikā derived from Nataka and Prakarani from Prakarana, two more than Bharata's). He chooses his themes from the Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahābhārata and the purānas, and also from the life of common people. Although he was a Jaina muni, he has chosen to depict a sentiment like śmgåra. Some critics apparently criticised him for writing plays depicting erotic sentiments, for a Jaina muni was expected not to indulge in that class of writings. But he was a man of independent thinking, who loved his freedom of expression. In his Nalavilāsa-nataka, he prayed to Lord Jineśvara:
स्वतंत्रो देव ! भूयासं सारमेयो पि वर्मनि । मा स्म भूवं परायत्तस्त्रिलोकस्यापि नायकः ।।
"I would any day prefer the free life of a street dog to the sovereignty of the three worlds that is dependent on others. Indeed, he had preferred to die a tragic death by biting his tongue than to succum to the punishment inflicted by the then ruling cruel king Ajayapala, who is said to have ordered him to sit on a hot tin-plate for opposing his enthronement.
Out of the 11 plays of Ramacandra', the seven-act Nalavilāsa stands out in deviating from the usual story of Nala-Damayanti and making it stage-worthy. It is noteworthy for its garbhānka (a play within a play) which depicts Karuņa-rasa at its best. This garbhänka is in the sixth Act. In the beginning of the sixth Act, there is a svagatokti (soliloquy) of Nala which gives the information that, after his abandonment of Damayanti in the forest, his father appearing in the form of a serpent, transforms him (Nala) into an ugly man and that he is serving as a cook at the palace of Dadhiparna, the king of Ayodhyā. The King, who came to know about his mastery in some special arts, invites him to witness a play to be staged by some actors from Vidarbha. Nala comes, hoping to get some news of Damayanti, whom he earlier had abandoned in the forest but now very much regrets his deed.
The garbhänka begins with the entry of the sutradhāra who anounces the title of the play to be performed as Nalänvesana-prabandha (the prabandha of the search of Nala). As he hears the voice of Damayantī from the nepatlıya, he makes his exit after reciting the

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sloka that my namaskāras to that fortunate man who has never suffered the pangs of separation from his beloved.
Then enters Damayanti and two servants named Gandhära and Pingalaka of a sārthaváha (roving merchant) named Dhanapati. Seeing Damayanti alone in the forest, they ask her to go with Dhanapati, the sārthavāha. But Damayanti, unable to bear the separation, reaches a cakravāka bird, a female elephant, a bear, and a peacock and inquires each one of them the whereabouts of Nala, her husband. She shouts in the forest, "o, come my dear" ! and, on hearing the echo, she thinks Nala has replied. She runs after her own shadow taking it to be Nala. Her delicate feet are pierced by thorns and to take shelter from the burning sun, she goes to an āmrakunja (mango-grove) where she sees a lion, and she rushes towards it to be devoured, but Gāndhāra, one of the servants, prevents her. She tries to strangle herself by a creeper, unable to bear her pain but Pingalaka saves her. Exhausted, Damayanti swoons and falls. The two men decide to hand her over to the sārthavāha, and the garbhänka ends.
The play-act had been staged so effectively that the king Dadhiparna rushes to the ranga to touch the feet of Damayanti taking her to be the real one. And he and others censure Nala in very strong terms. Nala himself, in the form of Bāhuka, is so much touched by the sufferings of Damayantī caused by his abandonment, that he wishes he were dead so that the unbearble wailings of his beloved would not be heard; he wishes that he were blind so that he would not have to see the pitiable plight for which he was responsible, and wishes to be engulfed in the earth. His mental state becomes so unbearable that he, too, rushes to the stage, forgetting that it was only a play. The poet has so effectively depicted Karuna rasa by this garbhänka that it touches the hearts of the spectators and makes them forget that they are witnessing only a play. The garbhanka appears in a very few Sanskrit plays, among which this is less known though in no way less important or of lesser merit than others. It is enough to show how touching the whole play is. In the earlier acts of this seven-act play, the Nalavilăsa, the kathā (taken from the Mahābhārata) begins with Nala seeing a portrait of Damayanti. He falls deeply in love with her, and feels an intense desire to meet her. Then comes the episode of Damayantisvayamvara. She garlands Nala signifying her choosing him as her husband.
Rāmacandra's another notable play is the Raghuvilăsa in which the "Rāma-kathā" is depicted according to the Jaina version and not the Valmiki Rāmāyana. Even in following the Jaina tradition, he has made some changes to suit his dramatic vision. Raghu in the play is not to be taken as an ancestral individual name but as a Paitrka cognomen. In the Natyadarpana, several examples are quoted from the Raghuvilāsa which is noteworthy. This play seems to have been popular at the time, because its abridgement, the Raghuvilāsa-nătakoddhāra, was also made; in it most of the prose dialogues are substituted by verses.

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Some plays had been written on certain historically significant events. Among these may be mentioned the Mudrita-Kumudacandra-prakarana (c. 2nd quarter of the 12th century), dealing with the doctrinal debate between the supporters of the two Jaina sects, the Svetāmbara and the Digambara. In the court of Siddharaja Jayasimha, the Digambara dialection Kumudacandra and the Svetambara Devasūri held the religious debate on whether "a woman can attain salvation or not" and whether "a clothed one" can attain release or not. This 16 day long debate on doctrinal divergencies of the sects was woven into a five-act play by Yaśașcandra, a protégé of the king of Sapadalaksa. Importance of this play lies in its depiction of the religious and social conditions of Gujarat at that time. From the prastāvanā of the play, it is clear that the poet wrote four more plays, but nothing is at present known about them.
The Moharājaparājaya is an allegorical play, written some time between A. D. 1173 and 1176. It was staged during the yātrā-mahotsava in the Kumāra-vihara in the town of Thārāpadra (Tharād) in North Gujarat. Its author, Yaśahpala, was a minister of king Ajayapäla who was not favourably disposed to Jainism. The theme of the play is to depict the marriage of Kumārapala (who preceded Ajayapāla) to Krpasundarī, the daughter of the allegorical King Vivekacandra of the Purusamanonagara, which had been attacked by Moharāja (the King of Delusion) as a spy (cara) named Jñanadarpana announces, and that the king had fled his kingdom and taken refuge in the tapovana (hermitage) of Hemacandra. All characters have allegorical appelations except King Kumärapåla of Pattana, Hemacandra, and the Vidusaka. All other characters are symbolic of the good or bad qualities in the human beings. The purpose of the play was to extend the sway of Jainism in the kingdom by making the king embrace that religion under the influence of which he would banish some of the vices in the State, such as gambling, meat eating, sunā (butcher), theft, drinking, vyabhicāra (prostitution), etc. These abstract qualities appear as characters and they lament that the former kings had permitted them to stay, but now this monarch wants them to leave except at the mansions of the ganikās (courtesans). In the end, Moharāja is conquered with the help of the armour in the forin of the Yogaśāstra and the "Vitarāgastuti" (prayer to Jina), the unseen Vidya (knowledge), and returns the kingdom of the Manonagara to its king Vivekacandra. The play provides a fine example of the social and religious conditions of Gujarat of that time.
In the 13th century, Gujarat had been attacked from the south by the Yadava king Siñhana and from the north by the Muslim army at the same time. But Vastupāla, the illustrious prime-minister of King Viradhavala of Dhavalakakka (Dholka), defeated both the invaders. To commemorate this famous victory, Jayasimha Süri of Bhrgukaccha wrote a play nained the Hammīramadamardana some time between A. D. 1221 and 1229. Since the play was penned by a contemporary writer, it contains useful historical material. It has five acts, the first two of which depict how Vastupāla succeeds in breaking up the alliance between the Yādava King and the Lāța prince Sangrāmsimha

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with the help of his secret agents. This gives some idea of the secret service of the times as in the Arthaśāstra. In some ways, the play betrays some resemblance to the Mudrārāksasa, but it also differs from it in several ways. The play ends with a note of adbhuta, since in the end Siva himself appears to bless Vastupāla. It was performed during the yātrāmahotsava of Bhīmeśvaradeva by the order of Jayantasimha, son of Vastupāla.
Another notable play is the Prabuddha-Rauhineya by Rāmabhadra Sūrió. This six-act play was performed during the yātrā-mahotsava in the temple of Ādinātha, built by two Jaina brothers named Yaśovīra and Ajayapāla at Jhalor. The vastu or theme of the play is taken from some contemporary incident of the time of the Buddha and Mahāvīra. It depicts the story of a clever thief named Rau vineya who evades capture inspite of vigorous efforts made. But finally he is caught. A clever trick is used by the minister for making him confess his crimes. A hall was transformed to look like Indrabhavana and the ganikās dressed like apsarases stood there to serve and question Rauhiņeya, who is brought there in a heavily drunken condition. When he was somewhat sober, he found himself surrounded by beautiful damsels who tell him that they are so happy to have him among them and they dance and sing in joy. He felt he was really in heaven! Now, Rauhineya had been earlier advised by his father never to listen to the words of lord Mahāvīra. Once, while passing through a place near which Mahavira was delivering a sermon, he closed his ears. But a thorn pricked his foot and he was forced to hear a few words of the sermon- "that gods never perspire, they do not tire, never wink, and their feet do not touch the ground." And Rauhiņeya in his present situation realizes that what he sees is merely a trick of the minister to make him confess his crimes. When asked what punyas (merits) he accrued that brought him there, he says he has done nothing but good and noble deeds all his life!
The trick of the minister having failed, he informs the king to release Rauhiņeya as nothing could be proven. The king orders that he should be brought before him. When the king tells him that he is set free, he is unable to believe. He realized that, if a few words of Mahāvīra could save his life, then, by surrendering himself to the Jina, he could be free from this wretched cycle of life and death for ever. He surrendered all the wealth he had amassed by stealing. Thus, he took to the path to Enlightenment?.
Apart from the Nātaka, the Nātikā, and the Prakarana, the other Rūpaka type that had been employed in Gujarat is the Vyāyoga which is a one-act play. Three vyāyogas so far have been found. The Nirbhaya-Bhima-vyāyoga of Rāmacandra, the Parthaparakrama of Prahalădanadeva, and the Sankhaparābhava of Harihara. In these vyāyogas, of Gujarat and elsewhere, usually Bhima or Arjuna are the heroes. But in Sarkhaparābhava of Harihara, the hero is the famous minister Vastupāla, a contemporary, who has been chosen as the main character.
The Nirbhaya-Bhima deals with the story of how Bhima kills Bakāsura, who wants one

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75
person from each family every day for his meal. The episode took place while the Pandavas were in exile. They heard the wailing of the mother and wife of a brāhmana who was to be the victim of the demon. Bhīma consoled them, saying that he will substitute himself for the brāhmaṇa, In the end, after the demon had been killed, the play ends with the Bharatavākya of the brāhmana blessing Bhima.
The Pārthaparākrama was composed by Prahalādandeva, the younger brother of the Paramāra King Dhārāvarsa of Abū, in V. S. 1226 (A. D. 1170) while he was still an heirapparent. The play was performed during the Pavitrakāropana festival in the Acaleśvara temple on Mt. Abū by the order of the king. Its kathāvastu (plor) is taken from the "Virata-parva" of the Mahabharata when the Pandavas were to remain in cognito in the last year of their exile and had sought employment with king of Virāța. The Kauravas
attempted to drive away the cows of Virata and Arjuna defeated them, and brought the * animals back. This vyāyoga is noteworthy from the viewpoint of the Nätyaśāstra conventions. After the nandi śloka, usually it is the sthāpaka who first enters and recites two ślokas, and then enters a nata who addresses him as sutradhāra. Here, however, it is the sthāpaka who enters first. But in the Natyaśāstra of Bharata, the first entry after the nāndī is made by the sūtradhāra, who performs the jarjara pūjā, etc. as a part of the pūrvaranga, alongwith pāripārsvika and the vidusaka, and after their exit enters the sthāpaka who resembles the sūtradhāra in every way and performs the sthāpanā8. The author claims to depict Dipta rasa in the play. The play ends with the Bharatavākya sung by Indra instead of the nāyaka (hero) as was the convention in the earlier Sanskrit plays.
Kavi Harihara was a brālmaņa from Gauda-deśa. He was on a pilgrimage to Somanātha in Gujarat, and on his way had stopped at Stambhatirtha where governed the great Vastupāla, the minister of King Viradhavala. Harihara was so impressed by Vastupāla's many fine qualities that he wrote the Sankhaparābhava-vyāyoga commemorating an important event in Vastupāla's life. The nāyaka of the play depicts how Vastupāla defeated Sankha (the chief of Lāța). The peculiarity of the play is that, like the Pārthaparākrama, the sthāpaka and the sūtradhāra are shown as unified and like the earlier-mentioned vyāyoga, the Bharatavākya śloka is sung by the śresthi (Vastupäla ?) with pūjā of Bhagavati who blesses all through the Akāsabhāşita.
Among the natakas, Someśvaradeva's Ullagha-Raghava is also a notable example, written by the hereditary rajapurohita (chief priest) of the Caulukya kings of Anahillpura - pattana'. Besides this play, he has several other Sanskrit works to his credit, among which is the Kirtikaumudi, a kávya praising his friend and patron Vastupala. Someśvaradeva praised Vastupāla not just because of his friendship and patronage but also because he was a great warrior and an equally great patron of the learned, the builder of the temples at Satruñjaya, Girnāra, and several other places, and a well known literti in his own right. In the cultural and political history of Gujarat in the 13th century,

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he had played an invaluable role alongwith his brother Tejapāla. The Ullägha-Rāghava has a verse at the end of each of its nine acts in praise of Vastupala's many noble qualities, particularly his generosity.
The story of Rāma is presented in the form of nataka, which was performed in the Jaganmandira of Dvärikä on the sacred day of the Prabodhini-ekādasi. It was performed before an assembly of learned brāhmaṇa pandits. The sthāpaka enters after the nandi ślokas in praise of Śri Kșsna, and tells the nati that the play Ullagha-Rāghava is to be performed before the august assembly of the brähmana pandits who have gathered there from many places on the occasion of the sacred parva (festival).
The play begins with the departure of Sitä from her home in Janakapuri after her wedding with Rāma, a scene somewhat resembling the fourth act of the Sakuntala, in which Śakuntala takes leave of the aśrama-inmates, of course under different conditions and situation. The play is based on the natyaśāstric rules and must have been popular among the people because of its theme. The play was written at the request of Someśvara's son. (He seems to have written one other play also, which, however, is not available).
Another peculiarity of the Ullägha-Rāghava is that its foruth Act ends with the words
.......3A 1 474127o Agents and in the 7th Act?, two characters, Vakramukha and Kārpātika, are describing among themselves the Lanka war between Rāma-Rāvana forces :
सखे ! कियदप्यन्तर्गतं मया रामलक्ष्मणयोः स्वरूपं स्वामिनो मनोविनोदाय पत्रपट्टे .. विन्यस्तमस्ति । तद् अवलोकयतु । इति पट्टमर्पयति,
कार्याटिकः
गृहीत्वा विलोक्य च । साधु महामते ! साधु । छायानाट्यानुसारेण मनोहरमिदमालिखितं भवता ।। इति वाचयति
Here, the words 314177 and 91911 are used. Another chāyānataka, named the Dutāngada by Subhata (A.D.1242-1244), is also known. This is said to be the first chāyānātaka proper in the Sanskrit literature. It was staged in Patana during the dolotsava in the Siva temple by the order of the then king, Tribhuvanapāla. Subhata was also a protégé of Vastupāla". The Dharmabhyudaya of Meghaprabhācārya (A. D. 1217) seems to have been written for the puppet theatre as it is mentioned in one of its stagedirections. It has been called a chāyānataka!2.

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Muslim Period
Plays continued to be written and staged during the Muslim Period also. Noteworthy among them was the Gangadāsapratāpavilāsa of Rājakavi Gangadhara (A. D. 1449). It depicts the theme of the defeat of Sultān Muhammad of Ahmedabad and his ally, the chief of Idar, by Rāja Gangadasa of Champāner. The play is a landmark in the cultural history of Gujarat, because the actors who staged this play came from far off Vijayanagara. It was staged in the sabhāgrha of the Mahākāli temple in Chāmpāner at the foot of Pāvāgadha. The play ends with the appearance of Mahākäli who gives a flower to the king as a token of her blessings.
In this brief survey of the Sanskrit Drama Tradition in Medieval Gujarat, the attempt has been made to deinonstrate the variety of the Rūpakas that were composed and also staged. It is not possible to give a detailed account of the 35 odd plays in this brief
** survey.
Geya Rūpakas
At this time, two different streanis of dramatic literature are clearly noticeable. One more or less followed Bharata's Margi Dasarūpaka tradition : The other was the popular tradition of the second generation of plays for which, during the Caulukya period, c. 11th to 13th century, no definite name was given. For, we find Hemacandra calling these second generation plays the "Geya-rītpakas" or rūpakas which were music-based. Rāmacandra-Gunacandra enumerated these plays and called them "Anyani-rūpakāni" 'other forms of drama which were different from those described by them in their Nātyadarpana.
The Nātyadarpana is among the very few works on dramaturgy and is invaluable for the study of the subject from the viewpoint of its time. Like all the later works, its main source of reference is the Natyaśāstra of Bharata. But it also shows the influence of the Dasarūpaka of Dhananjaya (10th century), though he differs from both these works in some ways, which shows the change in the presentation style of the play at this time and also in the theoretical aspects of drama. For example, he believed that an actor cannot play a character fully unless he hinself feels the emotions through which the character passes. He gives an example : "A prostitute, while giving pleasure to others, herself also gets enjoyment." Earlier writers believed that an actor need not feel the character's emotions. He also differed from others who believed that rasa should give ānanda (joy) like the Brahmānanda (eternal bliss). The Natyadarpana says that rasa was sukhātmaka
joyful) as well as dulkhātmaka (painful) "3. The purpose of the rasa was not only to give joy by seeing the play but was also to hold a mirror to the tragedies in life.

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His plays falling under the Prakarana type refelect his keen observation of the life around him among the people. Further, he adds two more types in the ten Rasäśrya Rūpakas, making the total number 12, as noted earlier, the two being the Nātikā and the Prakaranika. Significantly, the Natyadarpana does not include Sattaka (written in Prakrit) as it is concerned only with the Sanskrit Nātya tradition.
Hemacandrācarya also mentions 12 types of Geya Rūpakas!or Geya Kāvyas and defines them as padārthabhinayātmaka which broadly expressed the bháva of a pada and were music-oriented. Besides these Geya Rūpakas, he has mentioned 12 rúpakas proper which were rasäśrya (based on rasa). He also called these latter Pathya Rūpakas, which were recitational.
Hemacandra as well as Ramacandra call the Bhāvāśrya Rūpakas as anyāni rūpakāni, other forms of Rüpakas's. The author of the Bhăvaprakāśa (13th century) called them nätyäbhidhah plays based on dance. It was Viśvanātha from Bengal (14th century) who, in the Sahitya-darpana, called them Uparūpakas (minor forms of drama), the denomination which later became popular and was widely used.
Thus, we see that there were two parallel traditions of drama : One Mārgā, as Bharata's tradition came to be called, which was rasāśrya (based on rasa) and it was vākyarthābhinayatmaka (depicting detailed abhinaya of each sentence). The other tradition came to be called Desi which was bhāvāśraya, broadly depicting the sense of a pada through bhāva (emotions), and was called padārthabhinayatmaka.
There are also clear indications that even the Mārgā tradition of Bharata, on which the later authors like Dhananjaya, Hemacandra, and Rāmacandra-Guņacandra had based their works, had undergone some changes as the plays written during their times indicate. They include long narrative passages which would appear rather uninteresting when read. But, in a stage-production, in the style prevalent during those times, they could be very engrossing and entertaining. Long soliloquies or descriptive passages, instead of being spoken in merely Vācika abhinaya, if acted with Ārgika abhinaya with appropriate dance, movements, hand-gestures, anga-bhangis (body-bends), facial expressions with netrabhinaya, and accompanied by appropriate music, they could be highly interesting, entertaining, and absorbing. And hence, the criticism of some scholars that the Sanskrit drama was declining in quality during the medieval times hardly has any substance. Such criticism merely shows the lack of historical perspective in which the latter Sanskrit plays must be viewed. I would cite the example of Kerala's surviving Sanskrit dramatic tradition, called Küțiyattam. The term seemingly is of later origin, because in some of the old manuals wirtten for the actors and the stage presentation, called the Āttaprakāra-s, and the Kramadīpika-s, the term used is kūthu, which in Sanskrit could be translated as nātya, used for the prayoga of the actor's Art with its technique of four-dimensional abhinaya - Angika, Vācika, āhārya, and Sātrvika. We see

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in Kūțiyattam a clear departure in the prayoga--performance-technique of the Sanskrit plays as the emphasis is basically on the Kaisiki vrtti and Angika abhinaya accompanied by Nytta or pure dance, Vācika-pāthya (recitational or sung speech), Gira, (singing), and Vädya (instrumental music). Kūțiyātrain is a living tradition, indeed of more than a thousand years standing.
Now, how were the plays written during the Caulukya tiine performed ? This can be discerned from a long description of the staging of a Sanskrit play, given by Ācārya Hemacandra in his Trişaştiśalākāpurūsacarita (TISSPC), Parva 5, Sarga 2 (Santinātha parva)". Two brothers, Anantavīrya and Aparajita, of whom the latter was the king of Śūbhanagara in the Jambūdvīpa, possessed two highly skilled actresses named Barbarikā and Kirātī wlio were like jewels on earth. Nārada muni visits their court, but feels slighted as he is not properly received, because the brothers were engrossed in the play that was being enacted by Barbarikā and Kiräti. Enraged, Nārada goes to the court of the gandharva-chief Damitāri. He praises the actresses he saw at the court of the earthly king. Damitāri immediately orders his messangers to bring those actresses to him. The brothers decide to go themselves to the court of Damitāri, disguising themselves as actresses Barbarikā and Kirātī, and present themselves. Damitāri, impatient to see the play acted by them, ordered them to start the performance at once. "Damitāri looked at the slave-girls cetyävapaśyat , with a gentle glance. Merit that has been heard of, even through popular report, causes devotion on the part of connoisseurs. Damitāri instructed them to perform a playi'. Verily, the desire to see something new cannot endure delay. Then the two, in the roles of actresses, went on the stage immediately and delivered the preliminaries of their parts, bearing of the drum, etc. The stage director (rangācārya) made the stage-pūjā with handful of flowers and the troupe of female singers and other sat down in the proper directions. An actor recited the invocation (Nandi) with a musical accompaniment suited to the invocation. At the end of the invocation, he portrayed the prologue with its parts. The singers, wearing various costumes, behind the scenes, sang the introductory verse with Jati-rāgas, etc, introducing the characters :
विचित्रनेपथ्यधरो नेपथ्ये गायनीजनः । जगौ च जातिरागाद्यां पात्रप्रावेशिकां ध्रुवाम् ।।
Then they began to act a drama, an ocean of the sentiments, charming from the combination of the elements of plot, situations, component parts of the divisions of the play), and the divisions (Sandhi) :
प्रकृत्यवस्थासंध्यंगसंधिसंबंधबन्धुरम् । प्रचक्रमेऽथाभिनेतुं नाटकं रससागरम् ॥
At times, there took place the representation of peace and war in Smara's empire with lovers' meetings, rivers of nectar of pure bliss, and with separations (of lovers), sources

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of various painful situations, with various devices for the union of lovers by atonement for improper acts :
संप्रयोगेरथेकान्तसुखपीयूषसिन्धुभिः । विप्रयोगेरपि तत्तदुःखावस्था निबन्धनैः ।। तत्ततत्संघट्टनोपायैरपाय परिहारतः । क्वाप्यभूत् स्मर साम्राज्यसंधिविग्रह कल्पनम् ॥
Sometimes even the sophisticated townsmen were made to laugh, like the villagers, by fat men, men with projecting teeth, lame men, hunchbacks, flat-nosed men, inen with disheveled hair, bald men, one-eyed men, and other deformed men; by ash-coloured men; by men with buttock-bells, by musicians using arm-pit and the nose as instruments, by dancers of the ear and brow, by mimicary masters, by deceitful people, and at the same time simple-minded, such as the buffoons and the boon-companions :
विदूषकविटप्रायैः सद्यः कपटमुग्धकैः । ग्रामीणवदहास्यंतच्छेकाः पौरा अपि क्वचित् ॥
Even wicked men, softened by speeches off-stage, by reproaches to fate, by shedding tears, by unsuitable requests, by rolling on the ground, by lamentations, by leaps from precipices, by hanging from trees, by entering into fire and water, by swallowing poison, etc., by blows with weapons, by frequently beating on the heart caused by the destruction of wealth and murder of beloved, shed tears at times. Sometimes men, though quite self-possessed, were made to tremble (with anger) by biting the lips with the teeth, by redness of the eyes, by frowns, by palpitations of the cheeks, by rubbing together the fingers, by tearing up the ground, by drawing weapons, by drawing blood, by quick attacks, by fights, by blows, by trembling of the limbs, by shedding tears caused by kidnapping of women, the abuse of slave-girls, etc. Men, timid by nature, had courage produced at once by dignity, resoluteness, courage, skill, and by various other most excellent virtues, liberality, etc., originating from valour toward the enemy and in exertion in good conduct, etc. The people in the audience were sometimes reduced instantly to a state of terror by dryness of the palate, throat, and lips, by glances from rolling eyes, by trembling hands, hoarseness, change in colour and shedding tears, caused by seeing mainfestations of ghosts, etc., and by hearing sounds from them, etc. Sometimes the audience was exceedingly disgusted, instantly by contractions of the body, palpitations of the heart, screwing up of the nose and mouth, spitting, crushing of the lips and fingers etc., caused by seeing, hearing, etc. of bad smells, vomiting, and worms from wounds. Sometimes the audience was astonished suddenly by the wide-opening of the eyes, by glances without winking, by the appearance of perspiration, tears, horripilation, by exclamations of "well done," etc., caused by the sight of the supernatural, attainment of desires, exhibitions of magic etc. :

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दिव्यालोकेप्सितप्राप्तीन्द्रजालप्रेक्षणादिजैः । विस्माय्यते स्म सहसा ववनापि सभासदः ॥
Sometimes the people, greedy for the enjoyment of sense-objects, were made tranquil by meditation on the mula- and uttara-gunas, by thinking of texts concerning the Supreme Spirit, by attendance on good gurus, by pūjās to the gods and such other things arising from disgust with existence, fear of worldly existence, knowledge of the Principles, etc. :
मूलोत्तरगुणध्यानैरध्यात्मग्रंधचितनैः । सद्गुरमासनैर्देवपूजाद्यैरितरैरपि ॥
Just as all kinds of sentiments were portrayed by the actors, so all the spectators became composed by them. The actors looked like characters (themselves) who had come, because of dramatic actions, conveyed by expressions, etc. to be properly portrayed:

वैराग्यसंसारभयतत्वज्ञानादिजन्माभिः ।
शममीयुः कचिदपि विषयास्वादगुध्नदः ॥
When the king, chief of the prudent, had seen this dramatic art, he considered the two slave-girls to be the jewels in the ocean of existence. Then the king entursted his daughter, named Kanakaśrī, to the pretender slave-girls for instruction in acting":
यथा यथाभ्यनीयन्त रसाः सर्वे कुशीलवैः । सामाजिकजनः सर्वस्तन्मयो ऽभूत्तथा
तथा ||
वाचिकाद्यैरभिनयैर्यथावदुपपातितैः । अलक्ष्यंताभिनेतायेऽप्यभिनेया इवागताः ॥
81
तं नाटकविधि प्रेक्ष्य नृपः प्रेक्षावदग्रणीः । संसाररत्नभूतं तु चेटीद्वयममन्यत ॥
अथ नाटकशिक्षायै मायाचेयोस्तयोर्नृपः । पुत्र समर्पयामास नामतः कनकश्रियाम् ॥
This long description of the staging of a Sanskrit play is a rare example of such an information and is unique in some ways. It not only portrays a graphic picture of the performance but mentions several terms which permit an insight into the natyaśastric tradition of the time of Hemcandra whose status in the world of learning is unequalled. He describes the Pürvaranga mentioning pratyalara, etc. with which, enjoins the

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Nātyaśāstra, the preliminaries should begin before the staging of the play. The entry of the character is made with the appropriate Dhruvägäna and Jātirāgas, the Nātyaśāstra terms for the musical modes prevalent during the time of Bharata. The play itself is described as depicting different rasas and is termed rasasāgara--an ocean of rasas. Hemacandra clearly shows that he follows the natyaśāstric tradition according to which the plays must have been staged at least up to his time, i. e., 12th century.
But the authors of the Natyadarpana, Rāmacandra and Gunacandra, Hemacandra's own disciples, do not seem to consider Pūrvaranga except the Nāndi to be essential in the staging of the plays. They regard Nandi important as it consists of benedictory verses in praise of gods and blessings for the audience.
Ranga
While speaking of Nāndi, the Natyadarpana in its fourth viveka (chapter) mentions two types of theatres: the Tryasra (triangular) and the Caturasra (square). It says: "The length of the Nandi depends on the shape of the theatre. In a triangular theatre, the Nandi can consist of maximum 12 padas and minimum of three padas 21. In a square theatre, it consists of 16 padas (at the most) or minimally four padas. This is a very significant piece of information. For many of the Caulukya period plays were performed in the temples on the occasion of some religious festival. But they do not mention where exactly the plays were performed in the temple. The temple, whether Jaina or brahminical, had a mandapa called sabhämandapa or rangamandapa or nātyamandapa. Here, the devadāsīs, the sons of ministers and tradesmen, or even the queens at times must have performed dances in the propitiatory ceremonies for the gods. But these were not suitable for the staging of the plays, though once in a while they may have done so. -
The mention of the two types of theatres, Tryasra and the Caturasra, leaves no doubt now as to where the plays were staged in the temple complex. These two types of theatres might have been constructed with the Ranga (stage) facing the deity as in the Küttampalam of Kerala.
The square theatre might have been of the madlıyama or middling size, measuring 64 hastas on all sides and the kaniyas measuring 32 hastas on all its three sides. The following illustrations show the theatres re-constructed by the present author on the basis of the Chapter II of the Nātyaśāstra. (See Illustrations 1 and 2.)
An example of vara para entry in the Prabuddharauhineya22 suggests that two doors must have been curtained for practical reasons of barring the view of the nepatlıya activity to the audience. And its dramatic use was certainly made by the actors.
The Tryasra stage could not have mattavārani-s the side-extensions and suppplimentary

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areas on the stage, as it was smaller in size. Also, it was not necessary to have the mattavārni-s because only one or iwo actors, as in Bhāna or Vithi rūpaka, must have participated. But there were mattavārani-s on the Caturasra stage as it was large enough and on which Prahasana and Prakarana types of Rūpaka with larger cast and showing simultaneous scenes, it would be necessary.
The nepathya might have been partitioned off to create rooms for the male and female performers. Their entries to the nepathya might have been as shown in the diagrams. The stage was backed by a wall separating it from the nepathya. In this wall, there must have been two doors for facilitating the entries and exits of the characters,
In Tryasra, a single door in the wall backing the stage was enough due to smaller cast. The musicians on the Caturasra stage might have sat on the other side of the mattavārani-s or on the off-stage on the right side as they do even now. The three areas of the stage, rangapītha and the two mattavārani-s, each measured 16 hastas square according to Bharata's specifications as applied to the middle-sized Caturasra theatre. Bharata has described the Vikrsta-madlıya theatre at length as it was neither too small not too large for staging the Nătaka and the Prakarana type of Rūpakas having large casts, but he has only briefly described the small-sized (kaniyas) Tryasra and Caturasra, each measuring 32 hastas on all sides. But later writers of the medieval times mention Caturasra type of theatre of madhya (middling) size measuring 64 hastas square. This was so because there was greater emphasis on dance and music during this time and group-dances as in the Hallisaka would require a larger stage and also more ample space for a large orchestra.
Mattavārani-s on either side of the middle-sized (Caturasra-madhya) stage were necessary because the plays abounded in simultaneous scenes played in different locales --- kaksyā-s --- as Bharata called them.
This theatre differs from the Küttampalam of Kerala, where also, even now, the Sanskrit plays are staged. Kuttampalam is a rectangular building having a square stage at one end with a roof of its own”. (See Illustration 3.)
In the Küttampalam Sanskrit drama tradition, the emphasis is on the Angika abhinaya in Kaiśiki vrtti with highly stylised recitational speech. It is Nātyadharmi in style. The plays staged were classical plays based on the Rāmāyana or the Mahābhārata. with divine or semi-divine characters and this stage was suitable for it. The Caulukya tradition of Gurjaradeśa seems to lay emphasis on Bhārati vịtti in which the speech predominated. In other words, these were Pathya-rupakas in Lokadharmi style. The plays staged were Prakaranas, also the Nātakas. They depicted contemporary kings with elements of adbhuta in them.

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Here, the Lokadharmī is definitely not to be mistaken for the straight realistic speech of every day. But some form of stylised speech might have been used, since the Sanskrit drama had nothing to do with the realism as understood today in west-oriented plays. The Caulukyan plays might have used some sort of poetic recitational form of speech. We have, unfortunately, no example to go by as in Küriyarram, which is a living tradition, at least of a thousand year standing as earlier said.
Some stage directions also provide an indication of the equipment used on the stage. We have already mentioned pata, also called pati of apaļī by earlier playwrights like Bhāsa, and is mentioned by Bharata who has also indicated the circumstances under which it was to be used : a character entering in anger, deep sadness, or in great joy, was to enter with a fling of the curtain. We have already mentioned above an exaniple of patāksepaentry.
Apart from this pata, there definitely was used another type of entry which indicated a different kind of curtain — a flexible one which could be moved on any part of the stage as it was held by two persons holding the upper ends. I have called this curtain "citrayavanikā" after Bhavabhūti, who has named it so in his play, the Mälati-Mädhava. It is a sinali, colourful curtain and due to its flexibility, could be of considerable dramatic effect :
(3)
It could suddenly reveal a character behind it by lowering it. It had the impact almost like that of a modern spot light. It could be trembled to show the fear in the character behind. The two persons holding it could manipulate it to suggest water, flying, etc. Behind it could be made an entry, such as "Enters as Indicated" e.g. (: fasil
en farfet ) found in many a Sanskrit plays including those of the Caulukyan period, such as the Malavilās, the Mallikā-Makaranda, the Ullägha-Rāghava, and the Prabuddharauhineya.
Thus, the two doors, with their apati-s, a citra-yavanikā, some asanas or seats, a throne, swords, bow and arrow, etc. were the only props necessary for the staging of these plays on the Caturasra-madhiyama stage of that era. And the inagination of the audience did the rest.
The Third Drama Tradition
Apart from these two dramatically different traditions mentioned by the Natyadarpana, one also sees the existence of a third popular drama tradition, which was less sophisticated than the other two and was for the enjoyment of the people of lower social strata. We know this from a work called the Laghuprabandha-sangrala of the 15th century, whose author's name is not known. This work mentions :

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भवाइयात्रायां राजा नृत्यति ।
Yeai aigufa 1121
This short but clear mention of the Bhavai, the popular traditional dramatic form, still prevalent in Gujarat, was a very clear indication of the existance of the Bhavāi and its very naine is very significant : for Asäita Thakara, who flourished in the 14th century, is said to be traditionally the originator of Bhavãi. He himself did not call it Bhavai and the word seems to have been used in the next century. He called it "IC". In the Deśī drainatic forms, the uparūpakas, dance, and music were the basic elements and even the dialogues were sung rather than spoken in straight speech. Asäita Thakara's contribution was limited, though very significant, to writing plays by adding prose dialogues alongwith the verse dialogues 2.
Writes the Jaina poet Lavanyasamdaya (16th century) in his Vimalaprabandha2 : 14 GET it (where there is a chowk (cacara, Skt. catvara), there is a jätar) and further laments about the social conditions then prevaling: (The dramatic persona are considered sudras; p.30 : a
: The lowly is the actor's art.) (p.31). He further says,
7 TOE T
HE नाराऊँ जोवा जाइ जात्र घरना बाल: मेल्हइ वारि चपल पणइ हीरइ संसारी
(The women do not bother about their husbands or children and flock to see the jātrā.) Although the status of the actor (natakiya) was ranked low, the jātrā clearly was very popular. It is also clear that this jātrā was a fully developed form in the lete medival times as people flocked to see it. The (Bhavai) term was already in existence before Asaita's time in Gujarat as known from this late but dependable Solanki source.
Conclusion
The Dramatic traditions of Medieval Gujarat, the Sanskrit Rūpakas, and the GeyaRūpakas or the "other forms" (3741 774 ) were an all-India phenomenon. Both these forms with their regional emphasis were prevalent in many parts of the country as we know it from the writers of the medieval times, of the south as well as of the north. Southern writers like Sārngadeva, Saradātanaya, Jaya Senāpati, and others wrote about these Mārgā and Desi dramatic traditions and so did the writers in the north such as Bhoja of Dhārā, Hemacandra, Rāmacandra-Gunacandra, Visvanatha of Bengal, and Rānā Kunbha of Rajasthan the names given by them of the Deśī forms are almost the same in the south and north, though sometimes the nunbers vary. Now nothing is known

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about the Rūpakas or the Uparupakas. These became the entertainment for the court and the élite and vanished with feudalism. Perhaps the third generation of dramatic forms now prevalent all over India absorbed.
The Rūpaka-Mārgi Sanskrit tradition also vanished from many parts of the country except in Kerala where it still survives in the form of a regional variation and has acquired a strong local colour. Only decades ago, many classical Sanskrit plays were staged in full, each lasting for weeks. But now only single acts from a few plays are staged which take seven or 15 days depending on the act and the actor's capacity and knowledge.
It must be noted that more than 35 plays were written and many of these were staged during the Caulukyan times. The Sanskrit plays must have been popular as indicated by the Prabandhacintamani mentioning the incident of Siddharāja Jayasimha watching the play with a gram-seller. The plays were staged during the yātrā-mahotsavas, the gods, birthday celebrations, vasantotsava, and other occasions. These plays were sponsored by the kings as well as rich tradesmen who were either Jaina or Brahaminist, both of whom used the plays for their religious propaganda. And people flocked to see them.
The Nātyadarpaņa clearly mentions the Trysra and the Caturasra theatres in which the plays were staged in the temple complexes. But the plays also seem to have been staged in the rangamandapa-s of the temples. Geya-Rupakas also might have been staged in these theatres as they also had been patronized by the courts and were codified and become sophisticated and had moved away from the common people.
I would like specifically to point out that Hemacandra, while speaking of the GeyaRūpakas, ended the sentence with the word " s" (et cetera). This clearly shows that there were other Geya-Rūpakas also besides those he mentioned. The Bhavai, as we have seen, was a full-fledged dramatic form by the 14th century as the words "7915ET4i "etc. clearly point out. This leads to the belief that the Bhavai also may have been one of the Geya-Rūpakas in its early stage in Caulukya times. And it is from this Bhavāi GeyaRūpakas that Asäita Thakara, by adding pathya (prose) dialogues reformed it to suit the environment of his time. And he enriched it by writing 350 plays as the tradition goes.
Among the third generation forms that are seen all over India which around the 15th century and after, Asaita Thākara seems to be the first among these to reform Bhavai in the 14th century.

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Notes and References : 1. Cf. the Prabandhacintā mani or The "Wishing Scone of Narratives, composed by Ācārya
Merutunga, translated by C. H. Tawny, Asiatic Society, Calcutta 1899, pp.106-107. 2. નીલાંજના શાહ, “ચલપત્રમહાપુરિસચરિયાન્તર્ગત “વિબુધાનન્દ નાટક' પર એક નજ૨, ફાર્બસ ગુજરાતી સભા સૈમાસિક,
145, MLZ 9682. Cf. Mallikamakarandanataka by Rāmacandra, Ed. Muni Punyavijayaji and "Introduction", Notes, etc. by V. M. Kulkarni. L. D. Institute of Indology Series, (No.) 91, Ahmedabad 1983. p.25. Rādha Vallabh Tripathi, translation in Hindi, Narya Sankrit Parishad Publication. Nilanjana S. Shah, A Note on ut of the play afect. (Personal Note · 1993). ve Gifgutan, Teuf, el 4 SLIHUE HOU, 6494212 So Hoteze. प्रबुद्धरौहिणेय and मलिकामकरन्द - हिन्दी अनुवादः राधा वल्लभ त्रिपाठी, संस्कृत परिषद्, सागर विश्वविद्यालय, सागर (म.प्र.) 3863. Par Farha Rufa: Nātyaśāstra, G.O.S. Vol. 2, Baroda, p. 248 Ullāgha-Rāghava Nāțakam by Someśvaradeva. Ed. Muni Punyavijayaji and B. J. Sandesara, Oriental Institute, Baroda 1961. Ibid., Act 7, p. 136. Carla (a$ 4, 2-1 : Slagllas 247 nits 216147, 248 25187, HELQLE 8868. p.52. There is some controversy regarding these Chāyānāțakas which need detailed discussion. See Carla lasu 42, "2142uulon10944141128 24091461124", uu , 244614E HC
2. reco, 4 €2-02. 46145:14 17:, in afat %. 231," 210 i sized 1429", Stela , (Gujarāti); 4. 40-90, 431€R! 9684. Y. 28, 30, 39. A. M. Upadhyaya, Kavyānuśasana of Acārya Hemacandra-A Critical Study, Ahmedabad 1987. pp. 421-424. These rasas are : Dombikā, Bhāna, Prasthāra, Singaka, Bhanika, Purana, Ramakrīdā, Hallisaka, Rāsaka, Gosthi, śūgadita, and Rāgakávya, See Govardhan Panchal, Bhavai and Its Typical Aharya-Costumes, Make-up, props of the Popular Dramatic Form of Gujarat, Ahmedabad 1983. Usha Bhise, "The Technique of Medieval Sanskrit Drama," Journal of The National Centre for the Performing Arts, Bombay Vol. VIII, No. 4, December 1979. Trišastišalākāpuruşacarita of Acārya Hemacandra. Translated by Helen M. Johnson, Oriental Institute, Baroda 1949; also, feriferici r afa, fed 91214, 21HELLE (a.i. 2080 (S. Ho 964X); and that by Jainendra Prasäraka Sabhä, Bhavnagar 19 ?. For the numerous technical dramatic terms in this passage, see the works on dramaturgy, the Natyaśāstra, the Bhävaprakaśa, the Dasarūpaka, and Keith's The Sanskrit Drama.

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Govardhan Panchal
Nirgrantha
Nāryābhinayāya te. The Sanskrit phrase is from TŚPC. Johnson, TŚPC, Vol. 2, pp. 238-241. K. H. Trivedi, The Nāryadarpana of Ramacandra and Gunacandra-A Critical Study, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad 1966, Ch. IV, pp. 176-77, etc. vegaafuta, all Ho, Y. CH. See Goverdhan Panchal, Küttampalam and Kutiyattam -A study of the Traditional Theatre of the Sanskrit Drama of Kerala, New Delhi 1984. ગુજરાતનો રાજકીય અને સાંસ્કૃતિક ઇતિહાસ ગ્રંથ ૪,“સોલંકીકાળ” ખંડ ૨, પ્રકરણ ૧૦: “સામાજિક સ્થિતિ" પૃ 289, suis uu. mo 6o al3azt, "jxtui nizare ," slastal 11, yo €3, uelu. Alq446446f, Paneru Translated by D. D. Shah, Gujarat Sahitya Sabha, Ahmedabad 1965.
Besides the sources figuring in the annotations, the author has used the following sources: (i) Nalavilāsa of Ramacandra Sūri, ed. G. K. Shrigondekar and Pt. L. B. Gandhi, Oriental
Institute, Baroda 1926. (ii) Helixmt 1. Ale, "98Hi azert tesi, 245 Eud, R14, EG TE a fer
19974, Ahmedabad Mar. 1991. (iii) A. K. Majumdar, Caulukyas of Gujarat, "Prama," Bombay 1956, pp. 363-364.

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