Cultural Study of Nisitha Curni

Author(s): Madhu Sen
Publisher: Sohanlal Jain Dharm Pracharak Samiti Amrutsar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001743/1

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PARSHVANATH VIDYASHRAM SERIES : 21: A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI MADHU SEN Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti For Private & Personal Only

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S. J. Pracharak Samiti ACTIVITIES 1. P. V. Research Institute 2. S. R. Library 3. L. H. Jain Hostel 4. Shramana (Monthly) 5. Fellowships and Scholar ships 6. Lecture Series 7. Publication Rs. 30-90 www . long

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Parshvanath Vidyashram Series : 21 : Editors : Mohan Lal Mehta Harihar Singh A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI MADHU SEN M.A., Ph.D, Published by Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti AMRITSAR (India ) P. V. RESEARCH INSTITUTE Available at P. V. RESEARCH INSTITUTE VARANASI - 5 (India)

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Published by : Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti AMRITSAR Available at: P. V. RESEARCH INSTITUTE VARANASI - 5 1975 Price : Rs. gg-010 Printed by : Educational Printers Gola Dinanath VARANASI - 1

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A Cultural Study of the Nisitha Curni Lala Rattan Chand Jain (1889-1943)

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PUBLISHERS' NOTE The present volume represents a thesis approved for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology of the Banaras Hindu University in 1969. The authoress, Dr. Mrs. Madhu Sen, was a Gyanoday Trust Research Scholar in the Parshvanath Vidyashram Research Institute, Varanasi. The scholarship was provided by the Trust in Ahmedabad founded by Pt. Sukhlalji, who has been guiding from the very beginning the activities of the Institute. The P.V. Research Institute is a Jain Research Centre recognised by the Banaras Hindu University. It is the first and the only Jain Institute of its kind. It was founded and is being run by the Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti, Amritsar. It has been continuously rendering valuable services to Jainological Studies for the last thirty-eight years. Under its patronage, many scholars have worked for the Ph.D. and D. Litt. degrees. At present, six Research Scholars are preparing theses for Ph.D. Every Research Scholar is given a scholarship of Rs. 250/- p.m. for a period of two years. There is also a provision for studentships of Rs. 50/- p.m. each to the M.A. Students who have taken Jainism as their special group. The Institute has brought out twenty-one books by now. It has undertaken the publication of a 'Comprehensive History of Jain Literature' in ten volumes covering 5000 pages. A monthly journal of Jainology entitled 'Shramana' is being regularly published by it for the last twenty-seven years. The publication of this valuable work is associated with the memory of Lala Rattan Chand Jain of Amritsar, who was the leading light of the Samiti which was established in 1935. He was an inspiration to his friends. His enthusiasm was catching. He was an admirer of Acharya Shiromani Pujya Sohanlalji for

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( iv i his great qualities of head and heart. His approach to problems was fearless, and he was undaunted by difficulties that came in his way, When he suddenly passed away in 1943 by heart failure, so soon after the beginning of the Samiti's work in Varanasi, the loss was difficult to bear. We had already suffered in the death in 1940 of Shatavadhani Ratna Chandraji, who was a pillar of strength and a source of inspiration. Lala Rattan Chand was always in the forefront of the social movement of the S.S. Jain Sabha, Punjab, and followed its decisions. When he died, his friends and admirers along with his sons raised a memorial fund to him in the Samiti. From its income the Samiti has been awarding research scholarships. Lala Rattan Chand has left an everlasting inspiration with his succeeding workers of whom one of the foremost is his son, Shri Shadi Lal Jain, J.P. and former Sheriff of Bombay. His brother, sons and nephews are equally believers in the need for research in Jainology. The publishers thank Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta, the Director of the P. V. Research Institute, and Shri Harihar Singh, the Research Assistant, for their labour of love in editing this book. Rup Mahal Harjas Rai Jain N. H. 2 Hony. Secretary Faridabad (N.I.T.) 30th December, 1975

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PREFACE A historical gap exists between the period after the reign of Harsa and the advent of the Muslims. It suffers from the lack of chronological records which obscures the effort to depict the cultural life. The discovery of Nisitha Curni, an encyclopaedic work of the early medieval period, gives adequate opportunities to deduce inferences of the cultural life of the people against a definite chronological background. Though composed in the last quarter of the 7th century A.D., the work existed in its manuscript form till 1960 when it was published for the first time from Agama Pratisthana, Sanmati Jnana Pigha, Agra by the invaluable efforts of Upadhyay Shri Amar Muni and Muni Shri Kanhaiya Lal "Kamal'. However, a cyclostyled copy was brought out prior to this publication by Acarya Vijayaprema Suri and Pt. Sri Jambuvijaya Gani, which was made available in a few Jain Bhandaras and for the personal perusal of Jain Munis. Dr. Jain in his thesis Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons had for the first time drawn the attention of the scholars towards the invaluable contents of the text by quoting certain references from the Mss. of the Nisitha Curni. This largely hastened the demand towards the publication of the text. A short introduction to Nisitha was written by Pt. Dalsukh Malvania in March 1959, which is added to the present edition of the text. An article has also been published by Pt. Kalya navijaya Gani, which mainly deals with the contents and authorship of the Nisitha. The vast cultural material which thus remained virgin has been endeavoured to be taken up in the present work by a comprehensive study of the various aspects of the cultural life as depicted in the NC. The importance of this cultural information lies in the fact that it has been culled out extensively from a monastic soure--from a text which basically intends to lay down the rules for the mode of

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l viI conduct of the Jaina monks. The classical Sanskrit texts deal mainly with the highest strata of society and its lofty idealism. In contrary, the NC. gives a realistic representation of the culture and the day to day life of the Indians of that age. The aim of the present work is to critically study the text in all spheres of cultural perspective. Being a commentary on an ancient text it may be submitted here that much of the cultural material belongs to a former age and has filtered down to our author in the form of tradition. Thus, the material available can be classified into two groups-ancient and contemporary. The former is revealed by historical, semi-historical and legendary stories, illustrations and injunctions which specifically belong to their respective period, while the latter is the original contribution of the author which is of more importance from the cultural point of view. All possible efforts have been made to supplement and corroborate this information with the other available contemporary sources so as to give a comprehensive picture of the cultural life of the period. The subject-matter has been treated in eight chaptersinitiating with Introduction with a view to introduce the author, the contents, the place and time of its origin. Continuing in the next chapter the work deals with Polity and Administration and startlingly reveals a disturbed state of political administration in spite of well-developed political ideologies. The third and the fourth chapters comprise Social Life and Material Culture in which the structure of society, family and marriage, customs and beliefs, food habits, dress and articles of toilets and the pastimes have been studied. The Jaina attitude towards the women has been kept in view specifically while discussing the social status of the women. It can be fairly well deduced from the study of these chapters that a sense of materialistic concept had entered the minds of the people making it essential for the individuals to be conscious of their status in society. Economic Life and Fine Arts also contribute to strengthen the significance of material prosperity, i.e. economic prosperity.

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(vii) Here a comparative study has been done with a view to analyse the status of various people in society. Fine Arts' depicts the development in the fields of architecture, sculpture, painting, music, dance and drama, and shows the artistic bent of mind that had developed with the predominant sense of having a luxurious living. Education and Religious-life form the two concluding chapters. A study of various systems and schools of education, particularly the Jaina system of education, has been attempted in the former one. The concluding chapter on Religion records the activities of the various religions, i.e. Jainism, Brahmanism, Buddhism etc, which flourished side by side and also shows the impact of religion on the social life as a whole. To complete this cultural account a list of various diseases and another of geographical names mentioned in the NC. along with their identification with the modern place-names have been appended at the end. I hope that this cultural study of the Nisilha Curni will further attract the attention of the scholars towards the vast unexplored cultural material lying in obscurity amongst the various unpublished or recently published Jaina texts. The present work is a revised version of the original work submitted in the form of a thesis for my Ph.D. degree in the year 1968 under the guidance of Dr. A.K. Narain, the then Professor and Head of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University. Professor A.K. Narain primarily suggested me the subject and took great pains to guide and encourage me during research. I owe a great deal to him for the successful completion of the work. I am indebted to Dr. M. L. Mehta, Director, P.V. Research Institute, Varanasi, who immensely helped me in understanding the language of the Jaina Prakrit texts and readily helped me whenever I was in doubt. I am deeply under obligation to Pt. Dalsukh Malvania, Director, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, who painstakingly went through

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( viji ) the entire thesis in a very short time available at his disposal before leaving for Canada. I am grateful to Pt. Sukhlalji (Ahmedabad) and Pt. Bechardasji (Ahmedabad) for explaining me certain doubtful portions of the text. I am also thankful to Dr. Lallanji Gopal, the then Reader, Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, B. H. U. and Sri J. N. Tiwari, Lecturer, A. I. H. C. & Archaeology, B. H. U. for giving me certain valuable suggestions on the subject. I am under deep obligation to Late Muni Shri Punyavijayaji for providing me with his corrected press-copy of the Nisitha Curni which I have freely utilized wherever the text of the present edition of the NC. appeared to be corrupt. I am also grateful to Dr. J.C. Sikdar (Ahmedabad) for sending me the English version of Dr. Schubring's comment on Nisitha. I acknowledge my indebtedness to the P. V. Research Institute for the Research Fellowship received by me from the Institute for a period of two years and for publishing the work in the present form. My sincere thanks are also due to the members of the Institute for providing me with library and other facilities. Madhu Sen

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ABBREVIATIONS ABORI. Aca. Ca. Anu. Cu. AS. Av. Cu. Bsh. Bha. Bph. Vr. CAGI. CII. EC. EI. GD. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Acaranga Curpi. Anuyogadvara Curpi. Arthasastra. Avasyaka Curni. Brhatkalpa-Bhasya. Bshatkalpa-Bhasya-Vstti. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Epigraphia Carnatica. Epigraphia Indica. Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India. Geography of Early Buddhism. Indian Antiquary. GEB. IA. or Ind. Ant. IHQ: JBORS. JISOA. JOIB. JRAS. JUB. LAI. Indian Historical Quarterly. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art. Journal of the Oriental Institute Baroda. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal of the University of Bombay. Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons. | Manusmrti. Manakacanda-Digambara-Jaina-Granthamala. Manu. MDJG.

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N. Bha. NC. Nitiva. NS. POV. Raghu. Raya. SED. Uttara. Ca. Uttara. Tr. Vya. Bha. Nisitha Bhasya, Nisitha Carpi. Nitivakya mrta. Nisstha Satra. Paumacariya of Vimalasari. Raghuvamsa. Rayapaseniya. Sanskrit English Dictionary. Uttaradhyayana Curpi. Uttaradhyayana Tika. Vyavahara Bhasya.

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CONTENTS 16 22 28 30 36 40 Chapter 1: Introductory Nisitha Satra and its Commentaries (Niryukti, Bhasya and Carni) Curni Literature and the Nisitha Curni Jinadasa Gani : the author of the NC. Date of Jinadasa Gani Geographical Background of the NC. Analysis and Evaluation of the Contents of the NC. Chapter II : Polity and Administration Types of States or Forms of Government King and Kingship Viceroyalty and Succession Royal Council and Ministers Royal Household Military Organisation Police and Police Officers System of Espionage External Affairs Treasury or Sriglha Revenue and Taxation Judiciary and Courts Administrative and Territorial Units Administration in Sub-divisional Units Feudatory Kings and Their Councils Town Administration Village Administration Village-Council (Gramaparisad) Chapter III : Social Life Society Caste System Brahmanas Ksatriyas 49 50 51 52 55 63 70 71 74 75 77 84

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Vaisyas or Vaniks Sudras Despised and Untouchables Family Marriage Pastimes Customs and Beliefs Chapter IV: Material Culture Food Dress Shoes Ornaments Flowers and Garlands Toilet Medicine and Health (xii) Chapter V Economic Conditions Agriculture (Kisivavara, Kisikamma) Arts and Crafts Labour Trade Coinage Weights and Measures Banking and Loans Teachers and Their Qualifications Students Routine for Study Curriculum and Existing Literature of the Jainas Method of Education Five-fold Study Method of Oral Transmission Chapter VI: Education, Learning and Literature Jaina System of Education ... ... ... Writing and Books Special Facilities for Higher Studies Vada or Debates Brahmanic Institutions: Education in the Gurukulas ... 88 8 : g g g 113 115 124 146 171 172 174 176 181 191 197 202 208 223 227 228 231 232 233 234 235 238 238 239 239 240 242 243

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Lehasala (Lekhasala) Literature Jaina Literature Brahmanic Literature Philosophical Systems Secular Literature Chapter VII: Fine Arts Architecture Sculpture Painting Music Dance and Drama Chapter VIII: Religion Jainism Brahmanic Religion (Saivism and Vaisnavism) Saivism Vaisnavism Buddhism Classes of Ascetics (xiii) BIBLIOGRAPHY INDEX ... Supernatural Powers and Magical Practices Festivals Jaina Festivals and Fasts Pilgrimage APPENDIX A: Diseases mentioned in the NC. APPENDIX B: Geographical Names mentioned in the NC. ... ... ... :: 244 246 246 248 251 251 254 266 269 270 275 277 290 291 297 299 302 311 319 323 327 331 339 349 361

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY Nisitha Sutra and its Commentaries (Niryukti, Bhasya and Curni ) The Nisitha Sutra ( X'isiha Sutta )1 is unanimously supposed to be one of the most valuable Cheda Sutras of the Jaina canon. It not only deals with rules of the ethical life of monks but also prescribes atonements and expiations in the form of punishments for violating these rules. Initially the Nisitha Sura formed the fifth part (Cula ) of the latter half of the Acaranga Sutra ( Ayaramga Sutta )2 and was known as Acara 1. Different views have been held regarding the authorship of the Nisitha Sutra. According to the NC. (1, p. 4), it was the composition of a Ganadhara, while according to Silanka (Commentary on Aca Niryukli, verse 287 ), it was composed by a Sthavira. The Pancakalpa Bhas ya Curni shows Bhadrabahu as the author of the Nisitha Sutra (See-Malvania, D..D., Nisitho-Eka Adhyayani, pp. 18-20). The three Prakrit verses concluding the NC. reveal Visakhacarya (Visaha Gani) to be the author of the Nisitha Sutra, and this view has been accepted by the editor of the NC. According to Kalyanavijaya Gani, these verses have been later interpolated and were not existing in any of the ancient MSS. of the NC. Considering various factors he regards Arya Raksit , the last Srutadhara, as the author of the Nisitha Sutra ( Pt. Kalyanavijaya Gani, Prabandha Parijata, pp. 6-15 ). 2. Ayara, the first Ang', is divided into two Suyakkhandhas. The first which formerly had 9 ajjhayanas known as Banhha era has at present only 8. The second Suyakkhridha now consists of 4 Culas, viz. Pirndes madi, Sattikkag, Blava. a and Vimutti; initially it had one more, i.e. Nisiha (NC. 1, p. 2; see also Kapadia, H. R., A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas, p. 75).

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI prakalpa ( Ayara pakap pa ).' In the preludial verses the author of the NC, clearly indicates that having dealt with the Vimutti Cala ( the fourth Cula of Ayara ) he subsequently explains the wisiha Cula.2 This last Cala, i. e. Nisatha, marked the culmination of the whole Jaina *Acara as it not only prescribed expiations for transgressing the monastic rules, but also laid down exceptions to the general rules ( avavada ) which could be resorted to by the versed ( giyattha , monks in case of exceptional or unusual circumstances. 3 Due to the complexity of its contents the Nisitha Satra soon acquired an independent status and a considerable intellectual and moral standard in respect of stu lents was deemed necessary for being imparted with the contents of this text. The study of Acara along with its first four Calas could commence any time after the initiation, but the Nisitha Czla being profound and abstruse in its contents, was to be divulged only to a few versed ( giyattha, parinimaga ) monks after a minimum period of three years of initiation to the monkhood. The nuns were completely debarred from studying Nisitha, a Satisayz work. However, they were allowed to study Acara. This restriction regarding the study of Nisitha must have been the main cause of its exclusion from the rest of the Acara. It was later incorporated into the section of the canon known as Cheda Sutra. This was perhaps because of the similarity of its contents with 1. Qani L * 214!T97), NC. I, p. 3. 2. Or fagier T, 345-11990 for TF13-NC. 1, p. 1. 3. NC. 1, p. 3. 4. Ibid. 5. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 117; Brh. Vr. 1, pp. 45-46. 6. The NC. mentions Chedasuva asuttamasutta' (NC. 4, p. 253 ). Acco rding to Kapadia such a class of works which can be taught to the purinata p?pils only is designated as Chadir Sura (Kapadia, op. cit., p. 35 ). According to another definition, Ckudu means cut and consequently Cheda Sutra may be construed as a treatise which prescribes cuts in seniority ( aiksa-paryaya) in the case of Jaina clergy on their violating any rules of their order ( Ibid. ). The Cireda Su'ras are six in number, viz. Nisithe, Maharisitha, iyavahara, Dabas rutasan dha, Kalpa and Pancakalpu or Jitakalpa.

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3 INTRODUCTORY the other Cheda Sutras, viz. the Dasa, Kalpa and Vyavahara . 1 Though the expiatory rules were primarily laid down in the Nisitha Sutra, yet the Sitra being a condensed version could not serve as a practical hand-book for the various difficulties which confronted the monks in their daily life and behaviour. To overcome this difficulty two versified commentaries, namely the Niryukti ( Nijjutti ) and the Bhasya ( Bhasa ), were written in the Prakrit language. This can be judged from the Nisitha Curn which refers to some of the verses particularly as Nijjutti gahas? and assigns their authorship to Bhadrabahu, the famous author of many well-known Niryuktis,: The Bhasya of Nisithat has now practically superseded the Niryukti 1. The Cheda Sutras like Dasa, Kalpa and Vyavahara as well as the Nisitha originated from the Pratya thyana Purva; hence the similarity in their contents (Malvania, op. cit., p. 16. According to Winternitz, Ni'itha is a later work than the Kalpa and V yavahara, and it has embodied the major portion of Vyavahara in its last sections. Probably b th these works originated in one and the same earlier source. -Winternitz, M., History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 464. 2. For a list of these Niryuktigathas (Nijjuitigahas ) see-Malvania, op. cit., p. 27. 3. Acarya Bhadrabahu ( II ) is generally regarded as the author of the ten Niryuktis like Acaranga Niryukti etc. He was different from Bhadrabahu I and he flourished in the 6th century of the Vikrama era (See-Muni Punyavijaya's introduction to the Brhatkalpa, Vol. VI, pp. 18-20; Malvania, op. cit., p. 26). According to Kalyanavijaya, however, the existence of Bhadrabahu II cannot be proved from the historical sources. In his view Muni Arya Rakita, the last Srutadhara, may be considered as the author of the 10 Niryuktis including the Niryukti on Nistha ( P/aba dha Parijata, p. 21). 4. Many of the Niryukti-gathis on Nisitha have been explained by Siddh asenacarya or Siddhasena Ksama'ramana. On this basis he has been regarded by the scholars to be the author of the Nistha Bhasya (See-Malvania, op. cit., pp. 40-43 ). According to Malvania, this Siddhasenacarya was different from Siddhasena Divakara, the author of the Sanmati Tarka, and may be identified with Siddhasena as the pupil of Jinabhadra Ksarnasramana and the author of the Jitakalpa Cuvni ( Ibid., p. 44 ). According to Kalyanavijaya, though the name of Siddhasena frequently occurs in the NC., yet nowhere he has been I

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI commentary, and it is well-nigh impossible to differentiate the Niryukti verses from the verses of the Bhasya. The Bhasya of Nisitha is quite prolific in its contents. Prescribing the various rules, punishments and exceptions to the general rules regarding the religious life of the monks, it also refers to various social, religious, historical and legendary stories and illustrations which have been explained later in the Nistha Curni. Being in the form of a versified commentary, the Bhasya revealed the contents in point-form, the detail exposition of which was left to the interpretation of the reader alone. To ensure the stability of the Church and popularity of the faith in gradually changing social and religious circumstances, further exposition of the ethical and religious tenets became practically essential. Therefore, a vast prose-commentary exposing the two versified commentaries, i.e. Niryukti and Bhasya, and the original text of the Nisitha Sutra, was written by Jinadasa Gani Mahattara during the latter half of the 7th century A. D. (8th century of the Vikrama era). It forms the basis of our present work. Curni Literature and the Nisitha Curni The Curnis belong to a period of transition. Because of their exhaustive and scrupulous treatment meted out to the subject matter, they are the most valuable amongst the extensive exegetical literature on Jaina canonical texts. The various stages of the gradual development of the Jaina religion (Church) in its social, moral and cultural background can easily be visualized from the study of the Curni literature. Stylistically, the Curnis are prose-commentaries written in an intermixture of the Prakrit and Sanskrit languages and reveal that stated to be the author of the Nisitha Bhasya. In his view Siddhasena could be the author of the Samanya Curni on Nisitha which was written prior to the Visesa Curni of Jinadasa and may be identified with Siddhasena, the author of the Jitakalpa Curni. He, therefore, could not have lived later than the second half of the 7th century of the Vikrama era (Prabandha Farijata, p. 6). According to Muni Punyavijaya, however, Sanghadasa Gani, the author of the Kalpa and Vyavahara Bhasyas should be the author of the Nisitha Bhasya.

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INTRODUCTORY important phase when Prakrit was being gradually replaced by the Sanskrit language among the Jaina literati. As many as twenty Curnis were written during a period extending from the 4th to the 8th century of the Vikrama era.1 Unfortunately, many of these are still in the form of Mss. and the names of the authors are unknown. Of these Carnis, the following eight(i) Nisitha Gurni (Nisttha Visesa Curni), (ii) Nandi Carni, (iii) An:"yogalvara Carni, (iv) Avasyaka Carni, (v) Dasavaikalika Carni, (vi) Uttaradhyayana Curni, (vii) Acaranga Curni and (viii) Sutrakytanga Girni--have been traditionally ascribed to our author Jinadasa Gani, which itself is a stupendous testimony to vast contribution in the field of the Carni literature. The chronological sequence of the works of Jinadasa can be arranged on the basis of references that can be traced in the Curnis composed by him. According to Anandasagara Suri, following is the sequence of the works of Jinadasa--(i) Nandi Carni, (ii) Anuyogadvara Carni, (iii) Avasyaka Curni, (iv) Dasavaikalika Curni, (v) Uttaradhyayana Curni, (vi) Acaranga Carni,(vii) Sutrakstanga Curni and (viii) Vyakhya prajna pti Gurni.* A reference to Nandi Curni can be traced in the Anuyogadvara Curni,' which shows the former to be an earlier work. The Avasyaka Carn has been referred to in the Dasavaikalika Curni, while the latter itself has been mentioned in the Curnis of Uttaradhyayana6 and Nisitha'. The Nisitha Curni has not been 1. The Curnis were written on the following Agamas--Acaranga, Sutra krtanga, Vyakhya-prajnapti (Bhagavati ), Jivabhigama, Nisitha, Mahuniitha, Vasahara, Dakarnatashanaha, Brhatbalba, Pancakaipa, Oghaniryukti, Jitakalba, Uttaradhyayana, dvasyaka, Dalataikalika, Nandi, Anu yogadvara and Jaibudvi pa-prajna pti.-Mehta, M. L., Jaina Sahitya ka Brrad Itihasa, Vol. 3, p. 289; Kapadia, op. cit., p. 190. 2. Mehta, op. cit., p. 291; also Mehta's article--Curniyam aura Curni kara-published in Sramana ( monthly }, 1955, No. 10, p. 18. 3. See 'Arhat Agamoni Curnio ane tenum Midrana'-article published in Siddhacakra, ix, No. 8, p. 165; vide Mehta, op. cit., p. 291. 4. Anu yogadvara Curri, pp. 1-2. 5. Daiavaikalika Curni, p. 71. 6. Uttaradhyayana Curri, p. 274. 7. NC. 2, p. 363; NC. 4, p. 157.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI separately mentioned as it must have been originally a part of the Acaranga Curni. As the Nisitha Sutra was later separated from the rest of the Acara, its Curni also came to be regarded as an independent work?. It is however clear that Nisitha being the last Cala of the Acara, its commentary was written after the Acaranga Curni was composed. Keeping in view Anandasagara Suri's statement it may be argued that the Cmnis of Nandi, Anuyoga, Avasyaka, Dasavaikalika, Uttaradhyayana and Acaranga were already written when the Ni iha Curni was composed. The Nisitha Curni is thus a product of the experienced and matured judgement of the author which was necessarily required for commenting upon such an abstruse text, The author of the NC. has nomenclatured his work as Nisiha Visesa Crnnia. This is further augmented by the fact that the word Visesa (Visesa) is mentioned at the conclusion of all the ud desakas of the NC.3 Mention of the word visesa (visesa) has led some scholars to believe that formerly there had been two Curnis on Nijitha. To differentiate the two this latter conimentary was termed as Visesa Curni.' This conjecture seems quite valid as in the beginning of the NC. the author has also remarked, "Although expounded by earlier scholars I have dealt with it in particular." However, no traces of any other Curni are to be found at present, and the Visesa Cuini written by Jinadasa Gani is the only available Garni on Nisitha. Jinadasa Gani : the Author of the NC. The versatile genius of Jinadasa Gani, his profound knowledge of the religious as well as social values and his deep study of human nature may be easily visualized from the Nisitha Curni as well as his other works. Unfortunately, 1. See-Malvania, op. cit., p. 19. 2. Qor acer quot, faedah FAHREFF--NC. 4, p. 411. 3. Visesa Nisila Cunni in uddesakas 1-8, 10, 12-15, and Nisiha Visesa Cunni in uddeiakas 9, 11 and 16. 4. Kapadia, cp. cit., p. 190; Kalyanavijaya, op. cit., p. 3; Mehta, op. cit., p. 289. 5. yaariftiam fu, e foi a 3a --NC. 1, p. I.

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INTRODUCTORY very little is known about his personal life. Our knowledge in this respect is solely based on the meagre references given by him in some of his works. The 20th uddesaka of the NC. reveals the name of the author as Jina lasa, whereas Gani and Mahattara are mentioned as two epithets bestowed upon him by his able preceptor. 1 At the end of the Nandi Curni the author has mentioned his name in a very queer way. The verse mentioned there runs as Nirenanagattamaha sadajina,? which with a proper emendation may be read as 7nada saganinamahattarena' and provides a link towards the identity of its author. According to the Uttaradhyayana Curni, another work ascribed to Jinadasa, he was the disciple of Gova liya Mahattara or Gopala Gani Mahattara of Vanija Kula, Kodiya Gana and Vayara Sakha. 4 The name of the fathers and the mother of the author has been vaguely mentioned in the 13th and 15th uddesakas of the NC. Thus, it is difficult to discern the actual names of his parents. In view of Pt. Kalyanavijaya Gani these verses reveal his father's name as Candra and mother's name as Viradhava, both the names being quite popular in the Marubhumi from ancient times.' Two verses at the end of the 16th uddesaka of the NC, mention the names of his other six brothers and indicate that he was the fourth amongst the seven brothers. As an instance of extreme 1. ti cau paNa aTa Thamavagge, ti paNaga ti tiga akkharA va te tesi / paDhamatatipahi tidusarajuehi NAmaM kayaM jassa // Tafamui TfUTTI, FETICE I NC. 4, p. 411. 2. Nandi Carni ( Frakrit Text Society ), p. 83. 3. See-Descriptive Catalogue of Jaina Matuscripts, Vol. XVlly Part III, Preface p. XXV. 4. Uttaradhyayana Curni, p. 283. 5. saMkarajaSTamauDavibhUsaNassa tnnnnaamsrisnnaamss| en gaia , fa#aztoft PURATEFA 11--NC. 3, p. 426. 6. ravikara nbhidhaann'kkhrsttmvggNtakkhrjupnnN| VIT | Heft, va di I LUft |--NC, 3, p. 594. 7. Kalyanavijaya Gani, op. cit., p. 30. 8. dehaDo sIha thorA ya, tato jeTa ThA sahotharA / kaNiThA deulo NaNNo, sattamo ya tiijjgo| kater afta HT 3, #2 at man fiftrat i--NC. 4, p. 163.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI humility the author here mentions himself as a person with inferior intellect (manda).' The opening verses of the NC. mention Pradyumna Ksam asramana as the religious preceptor (atthadai)? of the author. The identity of Pradyumna Ksamasramana is a matter of dispute. However, as Pt. Malvania has observed, "he was definitely different from the Guru Pradyumna of the commentator Abhayadeva, as there is a lot of difference between the periods of the two". According to Pt. Kalyanavijaya Gani, he may be identified with Pradyumna Suri, the disciple of Ya odeva Suri and the preceptor of Vararuci (the commentator of the famous astrological treatise Pakariwho flourished in a contemporary period.* Nothing more at present can be said about the personal life of Jinadasa Gani. Date of Jinadasa Gani Jina dasa Gani must have flourished during the last quarter of the 7th century A. D. Several old Mss. of the Nandi Curni mention the date of its composition as Saka Samvat 598, i. e. Vikrama Samvat 733, or A. D. 676. The text edited by Anandasagara Suri gives the date as Saka Samvat 500. Both these dates have been questioned by the editor in his preface to the Nandi Carn without giving any specific reasons. It appears that the editor observes so, as this date upsets his belief to the effect that Haribhadra Suri died in Vira Sanvat 1055.6 Evidences prove that Jinadasa Gani flourished during this period. He must have flourished some time after Acarya Jinabhadra, the famous author of many Bhasyas, as many of the latter's verses (gahas) have been quoted by Jinadasa 1. A different version of this verse has been given by Pt. Kalyanavijaya Gani. There appears to be some difference in the original text of the NC.-Prabandha Parijata, p. 30. 2. savisesAyarajuttaM, kAu paNAmaM ca atthadAyissa / TourCATARUR, FT-OTOT TETET |--NC. 1, p. 1. 3. Malvania, op. cit., p. 47. 4. Kalyanavijaya Gani, op. cit., p. 4. 5. Nandi Curni, p. 83; Kapadia, op. cit., p. 191. 9 Kapadia, op. cit, p. 191.

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INTRODUCTORY Gani in his commentaries. On the other hand, he should be anterior to Acarya Haribhadra who quotes at length from the Curnis of Jinadasa in the Vitti on Avzlyaka,' The period assigned to Acarya Jinabha Ira is somewhere between Vikrama Samvat 600-660,2 while Acarya Haribha ira flourished in Vikrama Samvat 757 to 827.3 Deductions from these lead us to believe that Jinadasa Gani must have flourished sometime between Vikrama Sanvat 650-750. The date prescribed in many of the old Mss. of the Nandi Curni, as noted above, is Vikrama Sanyat 733, i.e. Saka 598, or A. D. 676. The faisalamera Bhan lara Saci mentions the date of the Nisitha Curni as Vikrama Samvat 733. Besides, Jinadasa in the Nisitha Carni refers to the coins of Varmalata (Vammalata) which were used in Bhillamala (Bhinmal) during his time. An inscription of king Varmalata belonging to the last quarter of the 7th century of the Vikrama era has been recently found near Vasantagadha, 6 Jinadasa Gani, therefore, should have belonged to a period when the coins issued by king Varmalata were in circulation. Thus, keeping in view these various evidences it may be safely concluded that Jinadasa Gaai flourished during the last quarter of the 7th century A. D. Geographical background of the NC. It is perhaps more difficult to ascertain the place from where Jinadasa Gani hailed. In the context of Ksetrasamstava in the NC. the author has mentioned the name of Kuruksetra? instead of any other region. Pt. Malvania thus in his intro1. vikramasaMvat 733 varSa racitAyA nizIthacUNA avataraNAni haribhadrasUrI AvazyakavRttau Frid-Jaisalamera Bha.dara Suci, Baroda; also Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka ( Ahmedabad ), 1.1, p. 50. 2. Galadharavada, Pre face pp. 32-33; Mehta, op. cit., p. 291. 3. Jaina Agama, p. 29; also Mehta, loc. cit. 4. See above note 1. 5. In the present edition of the NC. the text runs as agt MESAS TFT-NO. 2, p. 95. But according to Pt. Kalyanavijaya, the text found in the other Mss. of the NC. is STET CHEAT FHOTTT which seems to be more authentic.--Prabandha Parijata, pp. 18-19. 6. Ibid. 7. NC. 2, pp. 108, 110.

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10 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI duction to Nisitha has deduced Kuruksetra to be the native place of the author. But seeing the formation of the sentence and the context in which it has been cited, the inference does not seem to be logical. On the other hand, the editor of the NC. feels that the commentator (the author of the NC.) must have belonged to the Lata country. While describing the four Great-festivals of the time the author remarks, "Here in the Lata country the Indra-maha is celebrated on the full moon day of Sravana". Mention of the word 'Here' (iha) shows that the author was writing his commentary in the Lata country." This reference gives a more plausible ground for discerning the place of Jinadasa Gani. The internal. evidence, the cultural background and atmosphere depicted in the NC., seems to be more suitable to this part of the country. In the second uddesaka of the NC., while explaining the nature of Adattadana which enjoins upon the monks non-acceptance of even the smallest article which has not been given by others, the author explains ikkada as a type of grass which is common in the Lata country. A few lines later, the author, writing in the same text, allows the monks to take the grasses like ikkaga if confronted by unusual circumstances, viz. while reaching the village at unusual time when there is no one to provide the same." This reference may also be taken as an indication towards the geographical background of the text. The innumerable references to the social customs of Kaccha, Saurastra, Lata, Malava, Maharastra, Dak inapatha, Konkana etc., reveal the author's deep knowledge of these regions. An analysis of the geographical place-names mentioned in the NC, further indicates that while the references from east, north or north-west like Campa, Mathura, Varanasi, Rajag ha, Ujjayini, Gandhara etc. are in the context of $ 1. Malvania, op. cit., p. 48. 2. iha lADesu sAvaNapoNimAe bhavati iMdamaho - NC. 4, p. 226. 3. 'iha' anena jJAyate lATadezIyo'yaM cUrNikAra iti --NC. 4, p. 226, note 1. 4. vaNassatibhedo "ikkaDA" lADANaM pasiddhA - NC. 2, p. 81. 5. NC. 2, p. 82. 6. NC. 1, pp. 51-52, 100; NC. 2, pp. 94, 223; NC. 3, p. 39; NC. 4, p. 132.

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INTRODUCTORY 11 the ancient stories or legends, the contemporary references are mainly forthcoming from west and south like Anandapura, Baravai, Bharukaccha, Bhinamala, Mahissara, Komkana, Daksina patha etc. Use of the various words typically belonging to the language of Saurastra and Gujarat? indicate towards the same fact. A palm-leaf manuscript of the Nisitha Curni was also written in Bhrgukaccha (Lata) in V. S. 1157 during the reign of Siddharaja,? Seeing these evidences forthcoming from Lata or Gujarat it would not be improper to assume that the NC. was written in the Lala country where it could easily be recognised as a famous work within a short period of its composition. Keeping in view that Gujarat, Saurasira and the various parts of Deccan were great strongholds of Jainism during the early medieval period, it may be safely stated that the author belonged to this region or at least the NC. was composed in this part of the country. Analysis and Evaluation of the Contents of the NC. Though in the Nisitha Curni the author has never confined himself to the miotic limits of Religion and Ethics, yet it is beyond doubt that being a commentary on a canonical text, the nucleus of the NC. lies in the exposition of the Jaina Ethics, particularly the rules of monastic life as designed for the Sthavira-kalpi Svetambara Jaina monks and nuns. The name Nisithao (night, dark=mysterious, profound ) itself indicates the nature of its contents, and the later commentaries 1. See Geographical Index. 2. Malvania, op. cit., p. 86. 3. Colophon-Arie uut ATET I HITS Fansf: 1 H. 9940 341HGTE TYH zukadine zrIjayasiMha devavijayarAjye zrIbhagukaccanivAminA jinacaraNArAdhanatatpareNa TARA aftrafu get fifeartam-Dalal and Gandhi, A Descrittive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Jaina Bhandaras at Patan, p. 203. 4. Some f the scholars like Weber believe that the interpretation of the Prakrit word Nisiha as Nisitha is an error and that it should be rendered as Nisedha (See--IA., Vol. 21, p. 97). But seeing the contents of Nisiha and the way the word has been explained in the Nisitha Curni it is obvious that the word can be explained as Nisitha only and not as Nisedha..See NC. 1, pp. 8-14; Malvania, op. cit., pp. 8-13.

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12 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI added more to its profoundness by their elaborate exposition. The object of the Nisitha Curni is to explain and elucidate the various points mentioned in the Sutra, Niryukti and Bhasya of Nisitha in which the author has undoubtedly succeeded. Each word has been derived and defined--its meaning explained in the context of Dravya, Ksetra, Kala and Bhava, and further supplemented with the help of the analogies and illustrations. The original contribution of the NC. lies in its exposition of the ethical tenets in which the author gives a legal sanction to the minor changes which had to be introduced in the monastic life considering the changed social and religious circumstances. Such changes were necessarily required to make the Church-life less severe and adaptable to the monks and also to propogate the Religion amongst nobility and the common masses. A The Nisitha Sutra being divided into 20 udde akas the Nisitha Curni is also divided under the same sections. In the beginning there is a lengthy introduction, called Pithika, in which the fundamentals of Jaina Religion and Ethics have been explained. Rest of the text mentions innumerable rules -covering every aspect of the daily life of the monks including their mode of behaviour inside and outside the Church. clear picture of the subject matter of the NC. can be found from the list of contents specifically mentioned in each volume. The aim of the Nisitha Curn is to prescribe atonements and expiations by means of punishment for transgressions against the ethical rules. To reach the goal the author has explicitly explained the innumerable rules concerned with the monastic life, viz. begging, clothes, requisites, food, shelter, study, travelling, water-travel, the mode of behaviour with the monks, nuns, lay-disciples, royalty, noblemen, common masses and heretics etc. He has prescribed punishments for specific faults and also laid down exceptions to the general rules which could be resorted to by the versed monks under unusual circumstances like famine, epidemic, illness, journey The or insecure political circumstances in a particular state. scheme of classification is based upon the specific form of

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INTRODUCTORY 13. punishment, i.e. the various transgressions leading to a specific punishment have been mentioned together. As such the Nisitha Sutra as well as its Curni may be divided under three sections : uddesakas 2-5 and 12-16 deal with Ugghaiya or mitigated punishment, uddesakas 1 and 6 to 11 with Anugghaiya puni-. shment, udde.'aka 20 deals with Arovan i punishment and mode of inflicting the various punishments.' Though the treatment meted out to the subject-matter is exhaustive, yet it lacks a systematic form. The system of punishment being based upon a specific form of punishment led to a lot of repetition, as all the rules regarding one aspect of life could not be mentioned at a single place. The observer thus has to go through the entire encyclopaedic text in order to be acquainted with any particular aspect of life. To illustrate it further, the rules regarding food and clothing are given in almost all the uddesakas; rules regarding utensils in udde-- sakas 1, 2, 5, 11, 14 and 16; rules which restrict a monk from anointing his body in uddesakas 2, 3, 6, 7, 11 and 15; rules: regarding sayya and samstaeraka in udde/akas 2 and 16 and those regarding maithuna have been described in the Pithika as well as in 1, 6 and 7 uddesakas of the NC. This system misst have been convenient to those who had to award these punishments. However, to the students of cultural history it appears as a. medley of rules' mentioned in a haphazard way without any inter-connecting links. Quite rightly Prof. Schubring has observed, "in this disorderly contents of Nisitha the author has drawn attention to bring an order by introducing the system of threefold expiations or punishments".2 However, the author has indeed succeeded in his aim of prescribing punishments for the specific faults and is regarded amongst the most authoritative theologians in the history of Jainism. Apart from its religious significance, the NC. is invaluable due to its contribution to the field of Indian culture. A study of the following pages will clearly reveal that with a popular royal support the Jaina lawgivers gradually came in 1. NC. 2, pp. 67, 371; NC.3, p. 315. Also see--Kapadia, op. cit., pp. 149-50. 2. Schubring W., Drei Chedasutras des Jaina-K anons-A yaradasao, Vavahara, Nisiha (1960).

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14 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI direct contact with the kings and politicians which made them imbibe a practical knowledge of the science of state-craft. With the passage of time the Jaina monks were allowed to observe local customs (lokovayara) which resulted in their extensive movement in order to be acquainted with the cultural traditions of the different regions. Jainism being widely popular amongst the mercantile communities of India, the Jaina lawgivers became quite conversant with the professional intricacies of trade and other occupations. Besides, in an atmosphere of conflict and rivalry when the various opposing sects. were struggling hard to acquire supremacy, a fair knowledge of the religious tenets of the rival sects became practically essential in order to be able to defend one's own faith from the active onslaughts of the rivals and prove its supremacy amongst the people at large. A combined effect of these various factors may be seen in the works of Jinada sa Gani which provide a wealth of information on the various aspects of the cultural life. The language of the NC. gives the opportunity for an independent field of investigation. We find many words which are now extinct from the popular usage or have changed their meaning. This may help the philologists in tracing the development of the Indian languages. The Carn's, as already referred to, belong to a period of transition when Prakrit was being replaced by the Sanskrit language among the Jaina literati. Hence, even while writing commentaries in the Prakrit language, many of the words have been virtually taken from Sanskrit. Various popular Sanskrit verses have also been quoted in the text.1 Technically, the Prakrit language of the later Jaina Svetambara texts is termed as Jaina Maharastri, as it mainly follows the rules of Maharastri and yet it has certain peculiarities of its own, i. e. it is influenced by Ardhamagadhi. The language of the NC. also belongs to the same The language of the narratives in the NC. is almost group. 1. NC. 1, pp. 53, 54, 104, 127; NC. 3, p. 562. 2. Woolner, Introduction to Prukyta Gramma, p. 6; also Sheth, H. T., Priya Sadda Mahanava, p. 43. 3. According to the author of the Paiya Sadda Mahanava (p. 43), even

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INTRODUCTORY 15 similar to the language as found in the stories of Kalakacarya, Udayana, Domuhal etc., which has been termed as Jaina Maharastsi.2 An influence of the regional dialect can also be seen from the text. Besides, a great many gems of ancient myths and legends have been skilfully preserved in the NC. The history of the rulers of the Mauryan dynasty from Candragupta to Samprati is revealed by means of popular legends, while a number of stories relating to the life of Ajja Kalaga, Ajja Vairasami,6 Samitayariya,<< Ajja Khauca' etc. give a graphic description of the life and activities of various great Jaina monastic personages. The author is adept in telling the folk-tales-historical, semihistorical or sometimes purely imaginative, which reveal the general life of the people and thus prove to be an important source of cultural information. By citing the instances, illustrations and narratives of materialistic nature and giving their moral purport, the author of the NC. justifies the ancient truth that "strict a lherence to the rules is the key to success in material or spiritual field" and that "circumstances dictate the necessity to formulate, change or amend the ethical rules with a view to suit the requirement to achieve the ultimate aim in life, i. e. to be free from the bondage of the karmas and attain the final Liberation." though composed in the later Middle-Indo-Aryan period (600-1000 A. D.), the language of the Nisitha Curri and.certain other Jaina works like Samaraiccakaha, Dharmasangrahani etc. is in conformity to the early Middle-Indo-Aryan stage of language (600 B, C.-200 A. D.). 1. See-Jacobi, Selected Stories, No3. V and IX; also Woolner, op. cit., pp. 146-151. 2. Ibid. 3. NO. 2, pp. 361, 362; NC. 3, p. 424; NC. 4, pp. 10, 129. 4 NC. 3, pp. 58, 131. 5. NC 1, pp. 21, 163. 6. NC. 3, p. 425. 7. NC. 1, p. 22. 8. NC. 4, pp. 34-35.

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CHAPTER 11 POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION The NC. is not an administrative manual like the Nitivakyamsta ( a famous Jaina treatise on Polity written in 10th century A. D. ) of Somadeva, yet it throws a welcome light on the various aspects of Administration and Polity. The 9th uddecaka of the NC. specifically lays down the rules of monks' behaviour with the King and the State. References can also be found in the 2nd, 4th, 8th, 11th, 15th and 16th uddesakas of the NC. This information, when collated and corroborated with contemporary sources, enables us to visualize the system of administration prevailing at that time. The political concepts of our author are remarkably similar to those of Somadeva. However, certain outstanding differences can be noticed from the Brahmanic theory of Administration. Types of States or Forms of Government Monarchy has prevailed as a popular form of Government in ancient India, yet other types of States are also referred to in the ancient Sanskrit and Jaina Prakrit texts. In order to restrict the Jaina monks from travelling into anarchical regions the author has explained the following seven types of States in the NC. : (i) Non-ruler-States (anardya (anarajya) or arajaka) (ii) Yuvaraja-ruled-States (juvarojja) (iii) Kingless-States (verajja) (iv) States in hostility (virudd na-rajja) (v) Two-ruler States (dorajja).' (vi) Republics (ganarajja) 1. NC. 3, p. 198.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION (vii) Monarchies (rajja) Detailed study of the above mentioned states are as follows: (i) Non-ruler States--The word an ardya (anardjya) when used as a technical term does not mean anarchy, as for anarchy Hindu Politics use a special term matsya-nyaya.2 Anarajya is defined often by the scholars as a type of government where "law was to be taken as a ruler and that there should be no man-ruler.>>3 Mutual agreement or social contract was the basis of such States. * According to the NC. that State is termed as aniraya where coronation of the king and crown-prince had not taken place after the death of the former king." If this definition is analysed then as per author anaraya was only a state of monarchy, which existed during the period beginning after the death of the former king till the new ruler was coronated. It may thus be termed as a 'Non-ruler State', because in the absence of any coronated king, the people had to abide by the existing law for the proper functioning of the State. Arajaka(r) is another term used for anaraya in the Jaina and other classical texts. The Mahabharata ridicules the constitution of the arajaka States by saying, "when the law would not rule, the citizens of this form of government took to monarchy". In the NC. also the monks are advised 1. NC. 1, p. 133. 2. AS. 1. 4; Khalimp'ir Copper-plate (EI. IV, 248 ); Manusmrti, VII. 20; also see-Jayaswal, K. P., Hindu Polity p. 86. 3. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 86. 4. Ibid. 5. mo rAmANe jAva mUlarAyA juvarApA ya ete do vi abhisittA tAva aNarAyaM bhavati (NC. 3, p. 198. J. C. Jain's explanation of anaraya on the basis of the Brhatka!pa Bhas ya that "after the death of the king if there were two heirs-apparent and none of them was so far anointed as the king" (LAI., p. 198; appears to be misleading. "Two' here refers to the king and the crown-prince and not to two heirs-apparent.-NC. 3, p. 198; also Bri-V. 3, p. 780. 6. Bih. Bha. 1, 2763; Ayaraingasitta (ed. Jacobi ), II, 3.1. 10; Mahabha rata, Santi Parva, Ch. LIX. 7. Mahabharata, santi Parva, Ch. LXVII; seeJayaswal, op. cit., pp. 87-88.

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18 L A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI to refrain from visiting such States because of the lack of security prevailing there. (ii) Yuvaraja-ruled. States--yuvarajja or yauvarajya were the types of States where sovereignty of the State was vested in the hands of a crown-prince (juvaraya ). According to the NC. that State was termed as juvarajjal where the crown-prince had not been formally coronated after the death of a king and the former had not selected an heir-apparent. The coronation ceremony formally bestowed upon a king the rights of a full sovereign.2 Legally such a period of rule under a crown-prince would have been considered as interregnum.S Instances can be observed in our history when the princes ruled for years before their formal coronation. Besides, the territory bestowed upon the crown-prince as kumara-bhukti* by the sovereign ruler may also be regarded as YuvarajaState. Instances may be cited of prince Kunala and Samprati who were given the charge of the city of Ujjayini as kumara-bhukti, while the emperor Asoka ruled from the capital city of Pataliputra. Government in such cases must have been in the hands of a council of regency, the sovereign being too young.' (iii) Kingless States--The term verajja or vairajya may be rendered as the 'kingless constitution' denoting a democratic type of government." But, as Jayaswal has pointed out, "Hindu commentators failing to recognise the significance of the word vairajya ( kinglessness ) have fallen into the error of rendering it as shining condition". 8 Many a 1. puvarAiNo jo juvarAyA abhisitto teNa adhiTi ThayaM rajja' jAva sa docca juvarAyANaM ufaftrafa ara i Jaw' zoufa-NC 3, p. 198; cf. Bph. Vr. 3, p. 780. 2. NC. 2, p. 462. 3. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 82. 4. NO. 2, pp. 361-62. 5. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 88. 6. Ibid., p. 82. 7. Altekar, A. S., State and Government in Ancient India, p. 77. 8. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 83. The word vairajya can be explained as (i) without a king and (ii) a very distinguished king. In Sayana's explanation of vairajva as itarebhyo bhUpatibhyaH zreSThaM-the latter meaning

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 19 definition to this word has been given in the NC." Verajja is explained as (i) States going on traditional hostility, (ii) or where hostility has started recently, (iii) or the State occupied by an inimical king, where the government was in a state of anarchy due to aggressions of the enemy because of which the cities and villages had been devastated, (iv) or a State where the king is deserted or forsaken by all his isvaras (savvesara), that is the servants (bhrtyas)", (v) or a State without a ruler to the throne because of the death or abdication of its former king. Here, various explanations given to the same word are itself indicative of the vagueness and uncertainty of the .author's conception of this term. The commentator of the Brhatkal pa Bhasya, in a later period, while explaining these ese various definitions of vairajya clearly states that this word may be derived in various ways to give a suitable meaning istari panis pattih sarvatra pi niruktivasat).3 The author of the NC. has evidently derived the word on its etymological grounds without considering its political significance. However, an analysis of the contents reveal that 1, 2, 3 and 5 of the above mentioned definitions explain verajja only as "States in mutual hostility" or "States captured by enemy's or "a kingless State because of the death or abdication of its king", and bear hardly any constitutional significance. But the 4th definition is significant from the political point of view, since it points towards the constitutional significance of the term. It is worthwhile to note that the word "all the isvaras' ( savussara ) is specifically explained as "the servants' (bhitya-ityarthah )* which infers that they must have been VY preponderates. Shamasastry takes vairajya to mean 'foreign rule' which comes into existence by seizing the country from its king still alive.--Arthalastra, Tr. p. 395; see also-Jayaswal, op. cit., pp. 82-83; Altekar, op. cit., p. 77. 1. NO. 3, pp. 197-98. 2. jassa rAiNo rajje savvesarA virajaMti--bhRtyA ityarthaH, taM rajja rajjeNaM virattaM bhaNNati, va acovi-NC. 3, p. 197. 3. Brh. V 7. 3, p. 779. 4. Sce above note 2.

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20 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI representatives of the people. This definition of verajja mentioned in the NC. virtually corroborates the account of the Aitareya Brahmana where it is stated, "in this type of govern. ment the whole country or nation (jana pada.? ) took to conse-- cration of rulership.". However, it appears that, because of their democratic set-up, such States often became the centres of struggle, conflict and confusion. Kau'ilya also observes, no body feels in a vairajya government the feeling of mine ( with regard to the State ); the aim of political organism is. rejected; any one can sell away (the country), no one feels responsible, or one becoming indifferent leaves the State."2 In the NC. verajja is counted among the anarchical regions, where a monk is categorically restricted to move without any specific reasons, and if needed it was to be done after taking proper permission or letter of authority ( muddapatta) from the senior administrative authorities. However, as seen above, it can be supposed that the word verajja was originally meant to denote a perfect democratic type of government, but this meaning was distorted in later centuries because of the continuous insecure and anarchical conditions in such States. (iv) States in Hostility--The term viruddha-rajja has been mentioned in a multifarious way in the NC.-- sometimes with verajja5 and sometimes independently. Jayaswal's interpretation of the term as "States ruled by parties"7 has not been supported by the NC. The NC. explains viruddha-rajja as "States which were hostile with aggresive postures towards each other which resulted in the imposition of restrictions on trades and communication, to conduct which special sanction from proper authorities was required."8 The government was in a state of turmoil and any person of 1. Aitareja Bralmana, VIII. 14; Jayaswal, Hindu Polity', pp. 81-82. 2. Arthasastra, VIII. 2; Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 83. 3. NC. 3, p. 202. 4. NC. 3, p. 203; also Bih. Vr. 3, p. 786. 5. Ibid. 6. NC. 3, p. 198. 7. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 88. 8. NC. 3, p. 196.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 21 doubtful conduct could be easily imprisoned and punished." If the first two definitions of verajja, indicating it as 'States in hostility' are accepted, it is not clear as to what was the difference between a verajja and the virud dharajja. Perhaps, the fundamental difference between the two was that, in spite of the strained relations and hostility, general trade and commerce as well as communication at the social and economic level were permitted to be continued in the verajja, whereas these were strictly restricted in the viruddharajja. 2 (v) Two-ruled States--Dorajja or dvairajya was the type of government where "sovereignty vested in the hands of two rulers, both claiming their rights to the throne, and struggling hard to appropriate the kingdom, violence being the only means to decide the issue". 3 According to Jayaswal, in this type of government "the legal principle of joint property was transferred to the region of politics and acted upon". * Mention of the word daiya (dayaka-a claimant)s in the NC. clearly indicates that such kingdoms came into existence when there were two or more claimants to the throne, neither of whom was inclined to leave his right. Very often it would lead to conflict and disharmony. Kautilya characterises dvairajya or 'the rule of two' as "a constitution of rivalry and mutual conflict leading to final destruction.'>> The author of the NC. also does not recommend the constitution of dvairajya." (vi ) Republics---Ganarajja in ancient India denoted a form of government where the power vested not in the 1. Ibid. 2. See p. 20, note 8; also Brh. V. 3, p. 781. 3. OTTICHTET TIZI FUT FTTHI TETTE A TEE HOU-NC. 3, p. 198; also Brl. V?. 3, p. 780. 4. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 86. 5. See above Note 3. 6. rAjyavairAjyayoH dvai rAjyamanyonyapakSadvaSAnurAgAbhyAM parasparasaMgharSega vA vinazyati / --Arthasastra, VIII. 1-2. 7. NC. 3, p. 198. The nature of dvairajya mentioned by Kalidasa is quite different from that of the NC. The dvairajya mentioned in the Malavikagnimitra does not refer to a joint rule and responsibility,

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22 A CULT URAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI hands of a person, but in 'a gana or a group of people'.' The religious ganas or sanghas of the Jaina and Buddhist Orders were precisely based on this form of government.2 In the NC. references have been made to the gana of the Mallas and the Sarasvatas." Mention has also been made of the Abhira-visaya which was a republic under the Guptas." It is well known that the republics ceased to exist by the end of the 5th century A. D., and we get no information about them from our text. (vii) Monarchies--Despite the references to the other types of States, monarchy was the usual form of government prevailing during the period. The political theories of our author are explicitly based on the monarchical form of government. The area ruled by a single king was known as rajya where the authority of the king was considered to be indespensable for the welfare of the State. This form of government is known to us as monarchy.' King and Kingship King was the sovereign head of the State and was also the nucleus of all the State-activities. In the NC. the remarks of a king are quoted as "although not the Lord of the whole of India, I am the master or Lord in my dominions at least.' Such statements indeed indicate recognition of king's sovereignty over the State. The Ksatriyas alone were regarded as eligible for kingship, but in practice non-Ksatriyas also some 9 but it seems to have been a kingdom divided into two, each of which was held by a king.-Upadhyaya, B. S., India in Kalidasa, p. 111. 1. Altekar, op. cit., p. 71. 2. NG. 3, p. 305. 3. NC. 3, p. 195. 4. NC. 3, p. 425. 5. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 166. 6. rAjyaM nAma yAvatsu dezeSu ekabhUpaterAjJA tAvadda dezapramANaM | - Brh. Vt. 5, p. 1338. 7. For Monarchies in ancient India see-Shamasastry, "Forms of Government in Ancient India"-ABORI., Vol. XII (1930-31), pp. 1-24. 8. jai vi No bharahAhivo tahAvi appaNI rajje pabhavAmi - NC. 2, p. 465. 9. NC. 2, pp. 459, 467. Yuan Chwang also remarks-The sovereignty for many successive g nerations as been exercised only by the Ksatriyas

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 23 times assumed the power. The Puranas of this time invariably refer to the Sudra kings who were ruling over certain parts of the country during this Kali age. 2 To be regarded as the true king by the people it was necessary that the king should have a pure heritage (ubhaya-kulavieuddha), should belong to high Ksatriya family (uditakulavasasambhuta), and be properly coronated either by the previous king or by the subjects (muddhabhi sitta).8 King Candragupta was thus not respected by the Ksatriyas, because he came from the class of peacock-tamers (mayura posagavamsa). The coronation ceremony alone invested upon a king the rights of a full sovereign. The coronation of a king or emperor was styled as mahabhiseka, while that of a crown-prince or feudatory as abhi seka.According to the popular practice the heads of all the eighteen guilds or corporations and the ascetics of all the religious sects called on the king at the time of his coronation. King had the right of keeping certain royal insignia like chatra ( the royal parasol ', camara ( a pair of Aywhisks ) and simhasana ( the royal throne ) as indicatives of his royal powers." Proficiency in the science of state-craft (rajjaniti)' was the prerequisite for a king. The king, who was not versed in state-craft, being incompetent in administering justice, was rebellion and regicide have occasionally arisen, other castes, assuming the distinction-Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol. 1, p. 170. 1. NC. 3, p. 266; NC. 4, p. 229. 2. Matsya Puruna, CXLIV. 30-47; Kurma Purana, Sec. 1, Cantos XXIX-XXX. Vide-Beni Prasad, States in Ancient India, p. 336. 3. NC. 2, p. 449; also Paumacariya of Vimalasuri, 6. 18; B/h. V!. 6, p. 1684, 4. NC. 4, p. 10 5. NC. 2, p. 462. 6. NC. 2, p. 463; also cf. Uttara. Ti., p. 248; Adi Purana, XVI. 223-30. 7. NC. 3, p. 101; NC. 2, p. 450; also cf. Harsacarita, p. 103; Prabandha Cintamani, p. 20. 8. NC. 3, pp. 506-7.

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24 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI bound to lose his kingdom and was sometimes even dethroned or replaced by another king by his discontented ministers and subjects. The kings were advised not to indulge in the following seven vices (vasana-vyasana)-women, dice, wine, hunting, rude speech, severe punishment and misappropriation of the royal funds. 2 Addiction to these vices was bound to make a king incompetent in managing State-affairs in spite of his sound knowledge of state-craft (rajjaniti). To have weakness for women was considered to be the greatest vice which even in the absence of the other vices could make a king neglect the affairs of the State. Somadeva also considers free association with the inmates of harem as an intimate source of danger to the king. He states-"Verily the king who, blind with passion, associates with women in the inner apartments, soon loses his life, like a frog entering a serpant's hole'." Women, dice, hunting and drink are mentioned in the Brhatkal pa Bhasya as "four sins reprehensible in a king with regard to the State-function"." The same view has been upheld by most of the ancient Brahmanical authorities. Rude speech (vayana-pharusa) was another source of danger to the king as it could create dissatisfaction amongst the intellectuals. Somadeva clearly asserts-"Rude speech is even worse than the injury caused by a weapon"." Kings were advised 1. rajjaNItiajANattaNato vavahArAdi kajjANi appaNA "Na sIleti" Na pekkhatitti vRttaM bhavati, apekkhaMtassa ya rajjaM viNasruti, aNNo vA rAyA Thavijjati -- NC 3, p. 507. Vimalasuri also states the knowledge of state-craft to be necessary for a king-Nayavihinu Niyikusala.-Paumacariya, 8. 142, 612. 2. N. Bha. 15. 4799; see also-NC. 3, p. 507. 3. NC. 3, p. 506. 4. sesavasaNehiM avaTTato vi visayalolattaNato NiccamaMteure acchati tassa vi rajjaM viNassati -NC. 3, p. 507. 5. Yasastilaka, Book IV, p. 153; Nitivakyamrta. 24. 31; vide-Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 104. 6. Brh. Bha. 1. 940. 7. Arthasastra, 8. 3.421; Mahabharata, III. 13. 7; Manusmrti, VIII. 50; Kamandaka Nitisara, V. 54; Sikdar, J. C., Studies in the Bhaga vati Sutra, p. 82. 8. "vayaNapharuso" ettha vayaNadomeNa rajjaM viNassati -- NC. 3, p. 507. 9. vAkpAruSyaM zastrapAtAdapi viziSyate - Nitiva., p. 179.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 25 to keep the policy of avoiding severe punishment (atiuggadanla), since severe punishment like death or confiscation of property etc. could intimidate the people to leave the country.' Misappropriation of the sources of income (attha-dusana) resulted in empty treasury.? The term is explained by Somadeva as spending money beyond the income of the State or giving money to a person unworthy of the same.: King with an empty treasury (kosavihuno raya) was bound to ruin himself*, since it was the treasury and not the person of the king which was the real sovereign.Somadeva in the 10th century, while giving a detailed explanation of these vices (vyasanaj, emphatically asserts--"A single vyasana is enough to destroy a powerful king who may be possessing four kinds of armies, needless to say if all of them are combined." Unlike the Brahmanical law-givers who exempt even a wicked king and a Brahmana from censure and punishment, as these two sustain the visible world, our Jaina author asserts that a king addicted to any of the seven vices or unversed in the science of state-craft (rajjanitiajanaga) should be discarded by his ministers and replaced by an able king. Several instances are to be noted in the Jaina texts when the subjects revolted against a tyrant or vicious king, dethroned and banished him, and appointed his son as the king. In the NC. instances of threat to the life of the king (or virtual killing) by the monks can be observed 1. 34fdstadt az At, 974 TL 4T ES --NC. 3, p. 507. 2. 3rycaf tre cata CHTH 397459 Tit u hafa-Ibid. 3. 37f7T1571257137TFT -Nitiva., p. 178. 4. 3ctura italario tra laureat-NC. 3, p. 507. 5. Nitiva., p. 178. 6. Ibid., pp. 177, 179. 7. Naradasmrti, XVIII. 31 8. at Taft Ta Ta Huft aufust-NC, 3, p. 507. 9. The Avasyaka Curni states that king Jiyasattu of Vasantapura was dethroned and banished by his ministers for his neglect of the stateaffairs because of his excessive love for the queen Sukumaliya, and his son was appointed as the king at his place.-Ava. Cu., p. 534; also Paumacariya, 22. 75; Saccamkira Jataka (1, No. 73), p. 362.

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26 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI because of the king's vindictive attitude towards their religion, for asking the Jaina monks to touch the feet of the Brahmanas and not permitting them to stay in the kingdom.1 The king was always surrounded with exceptional pomp and decorum (vibhuti),2 yet it would be unwise to assume that his duties were less arduous than his rights. He was prima-. rily the protector of the State and his foremost duty was to protect the people from external aggressions and internal dis-sensions. A king, unable to discharge these functions, was indeed worthy of condemnation (ayasa). Our author quotes the famous dictum-"How can king be a king who does not protect the State (ko raya yo na rakkhati)". Somadeva also believes"The king's duty is to punish the wicked and protect the wellbehaved, not just shaving his own head or wearing matted. hair," and also "the king should adopt all possible measures to protect the world, that alone is counted as the basis of kingship." h h The king was the sovereign head in performing the mili-tary, judicial, legislative and executive functions of the State.. Though assisted by a senior military official, i. e. mahabaladhikrta, the king was ultimately the head of the army. He often led his armies to the battle-field in person." His act of lea-ding his troops in person was compared with the asvamedha. sacrifice by the contemporary authorities. He was the final. authority in the judicial matters of the State, and his judgement could not be overruled. The laws of the country were formulated by the king in accordance with the customs of the land; any person defying the same was liable to severe punish 1. NC. 1, p. 163 2. NC. 1, p. 52; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1200. 3. NC. 2, p. 83, 4. NC. 1, p. 7. 5. rAjJo hi duSTanigrahaH ziSTaparipAlanaM ca dharmaH / na punaH ziromuNDanaM jaTAdhAraNAdikam / -Nitiva., p. 42. 6. rAjJaH pRthivIpAlanocitaM karma rAjyaM -- Ibid., p. 43. 7. NC. 3, p. 146. 8. svAminaH purassaraNaM yuddhe'zvamedhasamam -- Nitiva., p. 369.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 27 ment.1 Several instances can be traced in the text when the king confiscated the property of the people, banished them or even put them to death being enraged on trifle matters.2 King was the Lord of the royal treasury; treasury of an able king was supposed to be always full. The king was authorised to levy taxes, he could also excuse or allow the same to be paid later." The important officials of the State and members of the personal staff were appointed by the king himself; he fixed their salaries and could also give increment in recognition of their meritorious services. Besides these executive functions, the king was ultimately responsible for the overall social,. cultural and moral well being of his subjects. Very often we find the kings giving donations to the Brahmanas, organizing religious debates, administering judgements on religious debates, arranging various festivals and also taking a lively part in the social functions. Another sacred duty of the king was to ensure proper maintenance of the asramas and provide the monks and recluses with their necessary requirements.. The author, re-echoing the sentiments of Kalidasa, asserts, "the hermits are to be protected by the king (raya-rakkhiyani ya tavodhanani)", and also believes that any physical injury to the hermits could cause disgrace to the king. Though not the head of a religion or Church, the king exercised a great influence in the field of religion as well. The heads of the various religious sects always tried to influence the king with their specific tenets with a view to convert him 1. je puNa aNAyAramaMtA Na pariharaMti te raNNA DaMDiyA --NC. 3, p. 503; also NC. 4. p. 331. 2. raNNA ghosAviyaM sotUNa taM apariharaMtA jahA dhaNaviNAsaM sarIraviNAsaM ca pattA --- NC. 3 p. 503; NC. 1, p. 133. 3. NC. 4, p. 280. 4. NC. 4, p. 350, 5. NC. 3, p. 92. 6. NC. 3, p. 325. 7. NC. 2, p. 444. 8. NC. 2, p. 83; also freen & adiquanfe af-NC. 2, p. 179. 9. NC. 2, p. 83.

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28 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI to follow their faith. It was firmly believed that "the subjects follow the king in every matter including religion."2 It may, however, be said that leaving aside a few exceptions the kings of this age were not sectarians or hostile to religions other than their own. The religious debates organized for the various religious sects are a striking testimony to this fact. It can thus be visualized that the duties and functions of the king were as varied as his powers, and that a high moral and spiritual standard must have been expected of him, Occasional references to inimical, unworthy and vicious kings (duttha raya, rayaduttha, vasani-narimda), however, reveal that not all the kings conformed to the desirable standards. Although the author is of the opinion that such a king should be dethroned by the people, yet, such cases of replacement must have been very few. The people thus must have silently suffered during the reign of tyrani and vicious kings. Viceroyalty and Succession The State was entrusted to the king as a trust and he had the right to choose his heir. An instance can be quoted from the NC. where we find a king requesting a Jaina monk to accept the crown." Though not much authenticity can be placed on such instances, yet, these definitely reveal a king's right to choose his heir. In normal circumstances the law of primogeniture prevailed, i. e. the eldest son succeeded the throne." He was appointed as a crown-prince during the 1. NC. 3, p. 325. 2. NC. 4, p. 130; Harsacarita, Tr. p. 84. 3. For instance the case of a sectarian Brahmana king asking the Jaina monks to touch the feet of the Brahmanas or leave his kingdom.--NC. 1, p. 63. 4. NC. 3, p. 325. 5. NC. 2, p. 117; NC. 3, p. 507. 6. NC. 3, p. 507. 7. NC. 2, p. 232. 8. --NC. 3, p. 48. In the Harsacarita after the death

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 29 life time of the king and succeeded him after his death. I Younger princes were normally given small principalities to rule or important jobs in the Central administration. However, instances are not lacking when the princes conspired to seize the kingdom even while the king was alive. An instance can be seen in the NC. when three princes conspired together to kill the king with a view to usurp the kingdom and divide it amongst themselves.2 The king, however, was aware of their conspiracy and severely punished the princes for their act of treachery. The problem of succession sometimes became quite complicated when the king had no heir to succeed him. The lawgivers of this age contend that in the absence of a son to inherit the throne, the brothers, step-brothers, uncles, members of the royal family and thereafter a qualified outsider was entitled to be consecrated to become the king.3 Very often the heirless kings were advised by their ministers to beget sons through monks.. Instances indicate that physically healthy and morally strong monks were called to the harem under the pretext of imparting religious sermons, and were forced to cohabit with the inmates of the harem. The unwilling monks were threatened to be executed. Such a heir was accepted as a legitimate ones although the public opinion never favoured this practice. Even while resorting of the Prabhakaravardhana, Prince Rajyavardhana offers to resign the throne in favour of his younger brother and the latter violently protests (Harsacarita, 200 etc. ). It shows the law of primogeniture to have been a common practice although not a universal rule. Vide Beni Prasad, op. cit, p. 360. 1. NC. 3, p. 198, 2. ATST RF a fa7151-NC. 3, p. 48. 3. Nitiva., p. 249; see also---Basak, R. G., 'Ministers in Ancient India', IHQ, Vol. I, pp. 523-24. 4. NC. 1, p. 127; NC. 2, p. 381. 5. NC. 1, p. 128. 6. jahA parakhete zrapaNe vIyaM vApiyaM khettiNo AhavaM bhavati, evaM tuha aMTara khete aNNeNa ari filga g 9 gail nafamNG. 1, p. 127; NC. 2, p. 381.

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30 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI to this practice under unavoidable circumstances, the kings always concealed the fact so as to avoid general condemnation.' Still another way of choosing the heir to a vacant throne -was the choice of Divine-will'.2 In this form of succession a royal horse or elephant was invested with all the auspicious articles required for the coronation and was left by the officials to roam about the city to select a suitable heir. An instance can be quoted in case of the robber Muladeva* who was being taken around the city before being executed. At that time a royal horse and an elephant had been released, because the king had died issueless. When this procession of royal horse and elephant reached Muladeva, the horse neighed and turned its back towards him, the elephant trumpeted, sprinkled sacred water over his body and placed him over its back. He was then publically announced to be their soverign by the royal bards and ministers. Many such instances can be noticed in the faina and other ancient texts. However, once the heir was selected, he was coronated to the throne and was respected by the subjects irrespective of his former background and character. Royal Council and Ministers In the text of the NC. a cabinet (parisa)' consisting of 1. NC. 2, p. 381. 2. LAI., p. 52. 3. NC. 2. p. 268. 4. NO. 4, p. 342; also Vya. Bha. 4. 169. 5. NC. 4, p. 342. 6. The Avasyaka Curni (II, p. 180) refers to Nhaviyadasa Nanda who was declared to be the sovereign of Padaliputta when the ceremonial horse turned his back towards him. The Paumacariya of Vimala Suri mentions that when the king of Mahapura died issueless, an elephant was released to choose a heir (PCV, 22, 91). See also-Darimukha.Jataka (III, No. 378, p. 239); Devendra Gani's commentary on Uttaradhya yana, 3, p. 63; Karakanducariu, 2. 30; Brh. VI. 4, p. 140 and 2, p. 233. 7. NC. 1, p. 140; NC. 2, pp. 233, 460.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 31 ministers and a number of State-officials have been mentioned who used to assist the king in matters concerning state-craft and administration. The political lawgivers of the age contended that "even an intelligent king cannot know every thing, the king, therefore, should enlist the help of competent ministers". 1 A list containing names of the senior most authorities of the State has been frequently mentioned in the NC. It includes the king (raya), the crown-prince (juvaraya), primeminister (amacca), setthi and purohita.2 These five or rather three members excluding the king and the crown-prince must have formed the royal cabinet. Elsewhere in the NC. two other officers, viz. sena pati (commander-in-chief) and satthavaha ( chief caravan-leader ), are included in the list. It is also stated that the king enjoyed the rights of kingship along with the crown-prince, the commander-in-chief, the primeminister, the purohita, the setthi and the satthavaha. 3 According to Somadeva, the ministry of the king should consist of 3, 5 or 7 members, while Sukra recommends a ministry of 10 members. It is evident that our author sharing his views with Somadeva favours a smaller cabinet of only 3 to 7 members to which the king was bound to consult for all the important matters of the State. This royal council must have exercised immense influence over the king. The Jaina monks were advised to please the members of the royal council (parisa) for the achievement of any objectives. The opposition from the royal council was the greatest misery that could befall the fate of a king and could also result into 1. Sukraniti, Chap. II; also Nitita., p. 114; Manu. VIII. 30. 2. tir Jatir 37571 TEGI yelleat-NC. 4, p. 281; NC. 1, p. 164. 3. tassa AdirAiNA abhisitto muddho muddhAbhisitto, seNAvai amacca purohiya sechi Hera H i To Jaia-NC. 2, p. 449. 4. Nitiva., p. 128. 5. Sukraniti, II. 10. 6. duhra NAma rAyA paduTTho hojjA, taMmi paduThe jA tassa parisA sA uvacariyavvA-NC. 1, p. 140.

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32 A CULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHE CURNI state-dissension (rajjaviggha).1 Somadeva points out towards the importance of the royal council by saying, "every enterprise of the king should be preceded by deliberation with councillors"2 and that "with the help of the council of ministers the king can achieve all the wishful objects".8 It can be, therefore, surmised that though endowed with sovereign powers, the kings of the age were duty-bound to consult the royal council for the proper administration of the State. An account of the duties and the stai us of these officials are given in the succeeding paragraphs on the basis of the matter available in the NC. Crown-prince (yuvaraya )--Next to the king was the crownprince, who, as noted above, was the heir to the throne.5 References reveal that the crown-prince held a very responsible position and represented the king during his absence or illness. He was called adhiraya or subordinate to the king as against the adiraya? or the supreme king, and may be identified with the pratinidhis af the Sukranili, who was one amongst the 10 important officials of the State. The isvara 1. u want HA TITH MARIS THAT THNC. 2, p. 233. 2. Haga: Fajare: faldata14--Vitiva., p. 114. 3. Ibid., p. 130. 4. The Jaina texts describe five kinds of royal council, viz. turanti, chattainti, buddha, maiti and rahassiya. The puranti (purayanti) council consisted of the Mahajanas of the State, while the members of the chattanti or chatravcati were given the privilege of holding the royal parasol by the king. The members of the buddhi council were well-versed in the local customs (svasamni yakus ala), while the miamsi council was the council of the ministers well-read in the political science. The rahassiya or rakasvihi council consisted of the secret emissaries who were adept in appeasing the angry queens and informed the king about the harem affairs.--See Brh. Vr. 1, p. 113. For details of these councils see also--LAI., p. 59; also Sikdar, op. cit., pp. 97-98. 5. NC. 2, p. 449. 6. NC. 2, p. 462. 7. NC. 2, p. 449. For adiraja as a title of the sup eme king see also Cunningham, The Stura of Bharaliut, p. 143. 8. Sukri niti, II. 70-72.

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3 POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 33 in the NC. is explained as an officer surrounded with splendid grandeur and also invested with a royal frontlet (patta). He is identified with the crown-prince in the Anuyogadvara Curni.? Thus, his status might have been that of a feudatory king, and he succeeded the king after his demise. Amacca (amatya) ---The next office in the list is held by amacca (amatya), and it is difficult to state the exact significance of the term. In the Arthasastra the officials of the State are collectively called amatya', while Manu calls the prime-minister simply as amatya.4 Various terms like amacca,' saciva, mamti, mahamamti etc. are mentioned in the text, but the difference between these terms have not been explained. Various inscriptions of the mediaeval periodio show amatya to be distinct from saciva and also as incharge of the revenue and taxation. However, this is not mentioned in the NC. At one place, saciva is explained as mamtili and elsewhere amacca as mant7,12 In a story in the NC. Subuddhi is mentioned as a 1. dato 977: $59T: AT IT faunagreitNC. 2, p. 450. 2. Anu. Cu., p. 11. 3. Arthasastra, p. 6. 4. Manusmrti, VII. 65. 5. NC I, p. 164; NC. 4, p. 281. 6. NO. 1, p. 127. 7. Ibid. 8. NC. 3, p. 57. 9. According to Basak both the words amatya and saciva mean 'associ ates' or 'companions', but the word mantrin means a person who is concerned with mantra or secret counsel or deliberation on political matters. The Amarakosz ( VIII. 8. 4-5 ) shows that an amatya, who is the king's dhi-saciva or mati-saciva, i. e. an associate or nister for counsel, shall only be called mantrin and that all amatyas other than mantrins are karmas icivas ministers for action or execution. So it is that all amatyas, although they may be called sacivis, were not mantrins.Basak, R. G., Ministers in Ancient India', IHQ., Vol. 1, pp. 523-24. 10. Altekar, A. S., The Rastr akutas and Their Times, p. 81. See also Sukraniti, II. 70-72. 11. Afatidt-NC. 1, p. 127. 12. H a Hat-NC. 2, p. 267.

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34 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI saciva of king Jiyasattu and also as amacca and mamtil which shows that these three terms are somewhat indiscriminately used by our author. Kalidasa also uses these terms almost as synonyms.2 It seems that during this age the prime-minister was called maha-marti,s while the other terms like amacca, saciva and mamti simply denoted the other ministers of the State. The mahamamti has also been designated as maha matya in the various Caulukyan records. + Purohita--The purohita or the royal-priest was mainly responsible for the religious, moral and cultural well-being of the State, and was instrumental in warding off natural and supernatural calamities (asiva) by performing sacrifices and rituals. 5 The Thanamga ( Abhayadeva's commentary, 7-558 ) defines purohita as santikarmakarin, i. e. one who performed rituals for the peace of the country. The Viva gasuya. informs us that a sacrifice was performed by Mahesaradatta, the priest of king Jayaratha, to avert the king's misfortune. With the decline of the Vedic sacrifices by this time, his position, however, must have considerably deteriorated, and, as Altekar has pointed out, "the post-Gupta inscriptions usually distinguish him from ministers showing that he was no longer a member of the ministry.987 The sukraniti, however, places him at the head of the ministry, although it also states that in view of others he had no place in that body.. Here again Altekar has opined that "the sukraniti is probably following the older traditions rather than 1. NC. 3, p. 150. 2. Upadhyaya, op. cit., p. 127. 3. TSITH HEHE-NC. 3, p. 57. 4. Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India, p. 125. 5. NC. 2, p. 267; cf. Nitiva., p. 160. 6. P. 53. The Dhanasakha Jataka (III, No. 353, p. 159 ) also refers to an ambitious purohita who helped the king by performing sacrificial rites for acquiring a city which was difficult to conquer. See LAI., p. 58. 7. Altekar, op. cit., p. 121. 8. Sukraniti, II. 70-72.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 35 the contemporary practice,>>l the same may be evidently stated about the NC. as well. It is, however, clear that even though not as a member of the ministry, the purohita exercised a deep moral influence over the State and the king. The war-minister must have occupied an important place in the ministry of the king, although he has not been regularly mentioned along with the other members of the royal council in the text. It is interesting to note that Somadeva is also opposed to the inclusion of commander-in-chief in the political council of the king, for he thinks that "war mongering leaders have a natural hankering after war".3 Various references in the text, however, definitely show him to have been a very influential member who was to be consulted in all the important matters of the State. He has been variously called as senapati, senadhipa and mahabaladhikyta. The last mentioned term has been more frequently used in the text. The inscriptions of the Guptas' and the Maitrakass also reveal the mahabaladhikyta to have been a common denomination of the commander-in-chief during this period. The other members of the council were the setthio and the satthavahalo who acquired a high social and political status because of their economic prosperity and assistance to the State. Setthi was a prominent citizen, the head of a mercantile guild, a merchant or a banker, and he was entrusted 1. Altekar, op. cit., p. 121. 2. NO. 1, p. 164; NC. 4, p. 281. 3. zastrAdhikAriNo na maMtrAdhikAriNaH syuH / zastropajIvinAM kalahamantareNa bhaktamapi bhukta a zifaNitiva., pp. 136-37. 4. vag Fortrag 31455fT: 7 7 Heathend Tel:-NC. 2, p. 234. 5. NC. 2, p. 179; NC. 3, p. 203; Harsacarita, p. 212; also all. III, pp. 167, 168, 243, 249. 6. NC. 2, pp. 183, 234. 7. EI. X. 71; also CII. III, p. 210, note 2. 8. The Majhagawam Copper-plate Inscription of Maharaja Hastin (A. D. 510-11 CII. III, No. 331, p. 109, text p. 108, also p. 129, text p. 128. 9. NC. 2, p. 449. 10. Ibid.

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36 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI with the duty of protecting the people of the town.' He is said to have been the head (mahattara) of the eighteen professional castes or guilds and was invested with a golden patta by the king which was inscribed with the image of the goddess Sr1.8 Satthavaha was the chief caravan-leader, who took caravans abroad with the permission of the king. He has not been mentioned always as a member of the council, and at one place in the NC. he has been mentioned amongst the personal staff of the king. It is, however, clear that the business communities played an important part in the political life and administration of this age. The above-mentioned officers constituted the council of the king. Besides, there were the heads of various departments who in turn were assisted by a number of sub-officers. An analysis of the nature and duties of a large number of officials mentioned in the NC. enables us to visualize the working of the following departments of the State : Royal House-hold In the monarchical form of government the department of royal house-hold must have claimed the foremost importance. Rajakula was the centre of State-politics. The royal palace (pasada, bhavana); was provided with every convincible amenities for comforts, was surrounded by walls and moats. (prakara, parikha) 8 and was guarded day and night by the royal guards (arakkhiya-purisa). It was decorated with gardens and parks, and its floor was studded with precious stones and 1. gert het start 91-NC. 3, p. 57; also Holly37 57 trefa formal Tree Sit At heet-NC. 2, p. 234. 2. BEGITEUE qaratui ETT HETTI ART-NC. 2, p. 267. 3. jammi ya paTTe siriyA devI kajjati taM vaiTeNagaM, taM jassa raNNA aNunnA so seTThI Huufa-NC. 2, p. 450. 4. RETT TEJ ORTOTT Fou arele AI FRUTTET-Ibid. 5. SAAT TRIHEATOT BE il serait a Fra161-NC. 2, p. 469. 6. NC. 2, p. 232. 7. NC. 1, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 397. 8. NC. I, p. 9.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 37 jewels.1 Efficient architects (vaddhakirayana) were employed to plan the royal palace in a manner so that it remained cool during summer and warm in winter. 2 (i) King's Harem-The harem of the king constituted the most important part of the royal house-hold. The chief queen of the king must have been the cynosure of all eyes of the royal harem's inmates, and she was known as rajamahisi (ranna-mahisi) or mahadevi. She was invested with a royal frontlet which shows that probably she also underwent coronation ceremony at the time of the king's coronation. Prabhavati, the chief queen of Prabhakaravardhana, can be seen to remark : "This forehead in winning the honorable fillet of chief queen has enjoyed a thing scarcely accessible to desire.'' 4 The royal harem (oroha, amteurajo was divided into three parts-(i) junna-amteura, (ii) nava-amteura and (iii) kanna-amteura. In the former resided the old ladies unfit for sexual relationship; the second one was inhabited by the young ladies in full-bloom of their youth; and in the third one lived the daughters of the royal family who had yet not attained the prime of their youth. The kings were always desirous of enriching their harem with beautiful women without any consideration of their caste or family background. A story narrates that five hundred girls of a town, who had gone to worship Indra, were kidnapped and taken away to the harem by the orders of prince Hemakumara. The king on being confronted by the parents of these girls enquired if any one of them had any objection to take his son as their son-in-law. Finally, all the girls were married to the prince." 1. NC. 2, p. 154. 2. NC. 3, p. 44. 3. NC. 3, p. 536. 4. Harsacarita, p. 153. 5. NC. 4, p. 120. 6. NO. 2, p. 452. For king's harem see Ramayana, 11. 10. 7. NO. 3, p. 243; also Byh. Bha. 4. 4153. also-Arthasastra, pp. 39-41;

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38 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Sometimes the kings did not hesitate even in kidnapping the married women or the nuns. Example of the nun-sister of Ajja Kalaga, who was taken to the harem by king Gaddabhilla,1 can be cited in this context. & (ii) Harem Officers-The harem of the king, being the primary source of royal pomp and prestige, was carefully guarded. Entry to and exit from the harem was strictly restricted.2 Royal harem was guarded by the following five officers: (i) damdarakkhiya was the guard who took a man or woman into the harem with the permission of the king, and carried a staff in his hands; (ii) dovariya stood at the entrance of the harem;* (iii) varisadhara was the guard whose testicles were removed by a surgical operation (vaddhiya) or made ineffective by rubbing medicines (cippiya) at the time of his birth; (iv) kancuki was the chamberlain who had free access to the king as well as to the inmates of the harem; (v) mahattaraga was the officer who took the inmates of the harem to the king or told him about their menstruation bath, pacified the anger of the inmates and reported to the king the cause of their anger. A strict watch was thus kept over the movements of women of the harem. Tho author believes that the women of the palace should be properly guarded and heavily punished for any breach of chastity. However, in spite of these strict precautions there did exist cases of illicit relationships between the inmates of the harem and State-officials. Several stories in the NC. testify to the existence of the same." 8 1. NC. 3, p. 59. 2. aug gch-NC. 2, p. 232; see also-Hursacarita, p. 111. 3. NC. 2, p. 452; see also-Abhidhanarajendrakosa under damdarakkhiya. 4. NC. 2, p. 452, 5. Ibid.; also Brh. Bha. 4. 5167. 6. NC. 2, p. 452; see also-Paumacariya, 938, 297. According to Vacaspati Kancukin was old in age, Brahmana by caste, virtuous and clever in every thing (Abhidhanarajendrakosa under kancuki ). 7. NC. 2, p. 452. Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra (4. 2. 56) refers to mahattarika as taking message to the king with various presents from the queens. Chakladar, Studies in Kamasutra, p. 109. 8. NC. 3, p. 521. 9. NC. 3, p. 520.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 39 (iii) Other Employees of the Palace Apart from the abovementioned officers who were particularly entrusted with the duty of guarding the royal harem, there were a number of other employees employed to serve the various departments of the royal house-hold. The management of the royal kitchen was under the charge of a particular officer. The royal cooks (suyara--supakara)1 were proficient in preparing various types of dishes. The royal kitchen was divided into six sub-sections? (i) kotthagara or granary where all the varieties of provisions, e.g. wheat, rice, pulses etc. were stored, (ii) bhan lagara or the place for keeping the costly vessels of the royal household, (iii) liquor and other varieties of drink were kept in the panlgara or panasala, (iv) milk products were stored in khiraghara or khirasala, (v) the fuel was stored in the gamjasala, a place for grinding the corn and (vi) mahanasasala was the actual cook-house where the food was prepared for the members of the royal house-hold, Besides the members of the royal house-hold, the guests of the State (ranni-pahun iga) and the employees of the royal house-hold, i.e. the soldiers and guards, the needy persons and the monks were also fed from the royal kitchen. The people were given food at the time of epidemic or famine (dubbhikkha).* The king bad his own doctors and physicians (vejja) who were well versed in the various branches of medicine. Astrology (joisa ) being a popular science of the age, the kings very often consulted the astrologers ( joisiya ) and fortune-tellers ( nemittiya ) for various ceremonies and important matters of the State. Among the personal attendants of the king, siroraksa? or the royal body-guard was the most important. He has been 1. NO. 1, p. 15. 2. NC. 2, pp. 455-56. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 2, p. 455. 5. NO. 3, p. 423; Prabandha Cintamani, p. 55. 6. NC. 1, p. 22. 7. trivoi si cela pt cariteit-TTTH:-NC. 2, p. 234.

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40 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI termed as anga-raksakal in the various Jaina texts. Rajavallabha2 is another officer frequently mentioned in the text. According to Gulab Chandra Choudhary, his status was equivalent to our modern private secretary. Among the minor attendants, parimadda ( who rubbed and massaged the body of the king ), majjavaga ( who gave bath to the king ), mandavaga ( who adorned the person of the king ), pariyattaga (the carrier of clothes and ornaments), the bow-carriers (ca pa), the sword-carriers ( asi ), the jewellery-box-carriers or betelbox-carriers (hadappa) etc. are mentioned in the text.* There were various employees to entertain the royal house-hold. The king along with the members of his family attended various performances performed by the acrobats ( nada ), dancers ( nattaga ), wrestlers ( malla ), boxers ( mutthiya ), jestors (velambiya ), reciters ( kahaga ), story-tellers ( akkhahaga ), jumpers ( pavaga ), pole-dancers (lamkha ) etc. The jalla, lasaga and bhanda were the bards and minstrels who proclaimed victory to the king (jayasadda-payotta )e and recited songs in his praise ( stotra-pathaka ).' The department of the royal house-hold thus was an administration by itself and must have exercised immense influence over the internal and external affairs of the State. Military Organisation Wars and border-conflicts being a regular feature, the kings maintained large standing armies to protect the State. The political atmosphere depicted in the NC. often displays very unsafe and insecure circumstances--the subjects revolting 1. Choudhary, Gulab Chandra, Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources, p. 346. 2. NC. 1, p. 86; NC. 2, pp. 121, 181; see also-U Thamitibhava-prapanca katha, p. 344. 3. Choudhary, op. cit., p. 346. 4. NO. 2, p. 469. 5. C. 2, p. 468. 6. FerTTATI ATT HET--Ibid. 7. Fa TIST: FETTTIFT:- Ibid.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 41 against the crown, the State authorities constantly fighting among themselves, the cities being attacked, seized or burnt by the enemies, the villages forming a confederation to fight against a common enemy or uniting under a common fort, 4 the kingdoms being destroyed ( visaya-bhanga ) under the wake of State-dissension. All these circumstances make it apparent to assume that each village, town and kingdom had at least a limited amount of army for the protection of its people. Four-fold Army-The army (sena or bala) of a king consisted of the traditional four arms ( cauranga )-infantry (paikka ), cavalry ( asa ), elephant-corps (hatthi ) and chariot-corps (raha ). No information regarding the formation of these units is given in the text. However, it appears that chariotcorps had ceased to play any important part in the warfare of this time. In none of the stories the chariot-corps are mentioned, while the others are alluded to." The chariots, however, were used for purposes other than warfare. The elephants and horses were trained thoroughly.9 The trainers of elephants and horses were called damaga, 1deg while the mahouts were styled as mentha. 11 All the four departments must have been 1. Haffi TGHETAT-NG. 2, p. 419. 2. HTET HT467 lattal, TIFH T, TETEH TETEH -NG. 2, p. 428. 3. NC. 2, p. 423. 4. NC. 2, p. 419; also NC. 3, p. 163. 5. NC. 2, p. 187. 6. NC. 3, p. 321; also NC. 2, p. 455. 7. Tit TE FIER-NC. 3, p. 298. In the Aihole Jaina inscription Harsa is mentioned as possessing an army of well trained elephants fajindranika (EI. VI, pp. 1-10). Although the chariot-corps (rahabala) is referred to in the NC. and the other contemporary Jaina texts, yet mention to them appears to be rather conventional. In the Harsacarita also the chariots are hardly ever mentioned (see-Altekar, op. cit., p. 145; also Choudhary, op. cit., p. 372 ). 8. NC. 3, p. 99. 9. NC. 1, p. 3. 10. NC. 2, p. 469. 11. Ibid.

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42 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI under the charge of efficient officers, though no information in this respect is forthcoming from the text. Army Staff-The conimander-in-chief, known as mahabaladhiksta, sena pati or senadhipa, was the senior-most officer of the army who worked under the direct supervision of the king. The mahabaladhikita is sometimes mentioned as a protector of a desa or visaya, which shows that while holding his office of commander-in-chief, he was also entrusted with the charge of administration of a certain province.2 A story in the NC. indicates that three generals were sent by a king to protect the border towns. The status of mahabaladhikrta was higher than kotta pala, nigamarakkhiya or setthi, coroddharanika and damda pasiga, but it appears to have been lower than that of the amatya or the prime-minister to the king. There must have been a number of generals or commanders known as baladhikytas under the mahabaladhikyta. The officers of the army were sometimes simply called as dan dar meaning thereby a dan lanayaka. Their status was that of the colonels stationed in different districts in charge of local units. Bana in the 7th century A. D. mentions yet another class of officials styled as katuka' which is interpreted as a marshal.1' In this context Bana continues : "Shrill words of command from the marshals dispelled the slumbers of the blinking riders." In the NC., however, the kaduga is mentioned as one of the five village-officers who was vested with powers to punish a person 1. NO. 2, pp. 183, 234. 2. Same fact can be seen from various Jain. texts.-Choudhary, op. cit., p. 365. 3. NC. 4, p. 311. 4. NC. 2, p. 234; also NC. 3, p. 203. 5. NC. 3, p. 203. 6. Harsacarita, p. 199; Kadambari, p. 331; CII. III, pp. 109, 208, 210. 7. NC. 4, p. 311. 8. Altekar, op. cit., p. 145. 9. Hariacarita, p. 199. 10. Saletore, R. N., Life in the Gupta Age, p. 265.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION for his reprehensible behaviour during a gotthi. He appears to be more of a judicial authority rather than an official in the army. The important towns and cities of the State were considerably fortified to enable the people of the adjoining towns and villages to take shelter during the hostile period. A king is observed issuing command to his subjects to leave their villages and towns and take shelter inside the adjacent fort (samasanna dugga)2 due to the aggression of a non-Aryan king. The kottapala or kolavala* was responsible for the protection of the fort. He has been called by a similar name in the Jaina literature dur gadhyaksa was his another designation. The frontiers of the State or town were guarded by the officer known as dvarapala", raksapala(r) or sthanapala (thanipala or thanailla) who kept a strict watch over the borders of the State. He was called maryadadhuryal under the Pratihara kings. It appears that each kingdom had a restricted area called janmerall or janusima. Beyond this the ordinary citizens were not allowed to travel. The royal guards, however, were allowed to move beyond this area till. the actual borders to defend the frontiers. They were, however, not allowed to cross the border of the State, i. e. rayamera12 or rayasima 13 and enter the territory of the other 4. NC. 3, p. 57. 5. Jaina Pustaka Prasasti Sangraha, p. 10. 6. Altekar, op. cit, p. 146. 7. NC. 4, p. 16. 8. Ibid. 1. dosAvaNNassa goTThiyassa daMDapariccheyakArI kaDugo bhaNNati - NC. 2, p. 144; also Brh. Vr. 2, p. 229. 2. NC. 4, p. 229. 3. nagaraM rakkhati jo so nagararakkhiyo koTTapAla - NG. 2, p. 234. also jaNarAyasImA -- NC. 3, p. 200. 43. L 9. NC. 3, pp. 199-200. 10. EI. 1, pp. 154-60. 11. sImA merA majjAtA, taM jaNameraM rAyameraM ca duvihaM pi atikkamati - NC. 3, p. 201; 12. Ibid. 13. rAyasI mAikkame ime dosA - NC. 3, p.202.

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44 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI king. Gomiyal (gaulmika) is another officer frequently mentioned in the text. He is sometimes identified with sthanapalaa or raksapala, showing thereby that he was a royal guard for defending the State frontiers. The word is also explained in the sense of a danda pasika or a saulkika. From the references in the text the gomiyas appear to be the royal guards moving in the forests near the State frontiers with a view to keep In the watch over the persons passing through the forests. Vrtti of the Brhatkal pa Bhasya the gaulmika is generally explained as a sthanapala. From the Bana's account and the Mrcchakatika it can be inferred that the gaulmikas were the royal guards who were responsible for defending the State frontiers. B The ancient as well as mediaeval texts on polity invariably refer to the six-fold division of the soldiers. This was presumably based on the community or region of their recruitment. These six kinds of soldiers or forces were: hereditary troops (maula ), mercenaries (bhrta), guild-levies (sreni), soldiers supplied by feudatory chiefs or allies (suhyd-bala), soldiers captured during war (dvisad-bala) and forest-tribes (atavi-bala). The author, however, has referred to only two No types of soldiers, namely the krtavrtti and the akrtavrtti." 1. NC. 2, pp. 97, 231; NC. 3, p. 197. 2. gomiyA ThANaillA - NC. 3, p. 199. 3. gomiyA daMDavAsiyA - NC. 2, p. 231. 4. gomiyA sukiyA - NC. 2, p. 97; cf. gaulmikaiH zulkapAlaiH - P1. V. 4, p. 1071. 5. Various explanations of the gaulmika are given in the Brh. Vr. ( 4, p. 1185) ; gaulmikA nAma ye rAjJaH puruSAH sthAnakaM baddhA rakSayanti - ( 3, p. 783); gaulmikaiH baddhasthAnakaiH rakSapAlaiH 3, p. 829) ; gaulmikA : sthAnapAlA : ( 3, p. 860; 6, p. 1686). 6. na dattamasya ATavikasya gaulmikeneva devI prAsAdena gantum / aga fata qefalaffeacggaye: -Agrawala, V. S., Kadmbari : Eka Samskrtika Adhyayana, pp. 137, 221. The term gaulmika frequetly mentioned in the inscriptions has been interpreted as superintendents of woods and forests (gulma) (CII. III, No. 121, p. 52, note 4). However, no such thing is denoted in our text. Act 6. 8. Amarakosa, IV. 26; Nitiva., p. 211; Dvyasrayakavya, VI. 71. 9. NC. 2, p. 455.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 45 details regarding these soldiers are found in the text, but it can be presumed that the kstavsiti must have been the soldiers who were paid according to rules formulated and agreed to by the king, while the akstavitti were the hereditary soldiers who subsisted upon the land-grants or such other trusts issued by the State. In other words, this two-fold division appears to have been a broad division of the soldiers into mercenary and hereditary troops. Yuan Chwang also informs us that "the recruitment ( of the soldiers ) was done by public proclamation, rewards were promised">1 and also that "a select body of guards was recruited from heroes of choice valour, a sort of hereditary military aristocracy."2 Besides, the employees like the bhada3 and cada' are also mentioned along with the sucakas or spies. Both these terms have been interpreted as 'regular' and 'irregular troops' by the scholars. The NC. does not enlighten us about the nature of their work, although they are seen as a class of employees of the State. Weapons--Various types of offensive and defensive weapons were provided to the army. The various weapons for fighting as mentioned in the NC. were : capa or dhanu (bow ), sara," salya and kanaka ( different kinds of arrows ), ar dha-candra" 1. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 343; Beal, S., Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. 1, p. 213. 2. Watters, op. cit., p. 171; Beal, op. cit., p. 87. 3. NC. 3, p. 245. 4. 31791 e arcgrefTC-T tuottaa tarvita-NC. 3, p. 42. 5. CII. III, p. 98, note 2. The cata and bhata are frequently mentioned in the contemporary inscriptions--see Copper-plate Inscription of Maharaja Hastin (475-76 A.D.) CII. III, No. 21, p. 98, text p. 96; Maliya Copper-plate Inscription of Maharaja Dharasena II (571-72 A.D.) issued from Valabhi-CII. III, No. 38, p. 170. text p. 166, also pp. 105, 109, 120. 6. NC. 2, p. 6. 7. NC. 4, pp. 306, 304. 8. NC. 3, p. 298. 9. Ibid.

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46 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (an arrow with crescent-shaped head), asi or khagga1 (sword), churiya or ksurika ( (dagger), kumta2 (lance), bhallis (spear) and gada (club). The bow and arrow seem to have been the most popular weapons of the time. The science of archery (dhanurveda) was regularly practised and had reached an advanced stage. Mention has been made of the five postures of body which are assumed by the archers at the time of fighting (johatthana). These were alidha, paccalidha, vesaha, mamdala and sama-pada. Chaliya is also mentioned as another posture according to certain authorities." Kalidasa in his Raghuvamia mentions the alidha posture of fighting.' Commenting upon the verse Mallinatha quotes from a lexicon according to which there were five postures of fighting, and alidha was the one in which right foot was placed forwarded and left bent back." Vallabha also mentions eight such postures of fighting.10 There were proficient archers who could shoot on hearing the sound (saddaveh no-gahiyaca pa).11 Among the defensive equipments the coat of mail (kavaca-sannaha) is mentioned and the soldier clad with the same (vammita-kavaca )12 was supposed to be invincible in the battlefield. These weapons (ayudha-sastra (13 were stored in the ayudhagar which was under the charge of a responsible State officer. 8 1. NC. I, p. 45. 2. NC. 1, p. 32. 3. NC. 2, p. 28. 4. NC. 3, p. 203. 5. idANi johaTThANaM paMcavihaM imaM - AlIDha paccalIDhe, vesAhe maMDale samapade ya-- NC 4, p. 281. 6. Ibid. 7. Raghuvamia, III. 53. 8. sthAnAni dhanvinAM paMca tatra vaizAkhamastriyAm, trivitastyantarau pAdau maMDalaM toraNAkRti / anvarthaM syAt samapadamAlIDhaM tu tato'grataH -- Com. on III. 52. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. NC. I, p. 103. 12. NG. 3, p. 298; cf. Brh. Vr., p. 1123, also p. 1122. 13. NC. 4, p. 127.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 47 Wars-The wars were a common feature of the age in which a large number of people were killed. Although no mention of the righteous war (dharmayuddha )2 is made in the text, yet it seems that a certain moral code was desired to be observed during the war. An enemy who was seeking refuge (sarana gata) was not to be killed in spite of his act of damage to one's own troops. Somadeva believes that the frightened and the unarmed should not be killed in the battle; it is like killing a Brahmana. Taking revenge because of a woman was one amongst the many causes of war. This can be seen in case of Ajja Kalaga who waged war against king Gaddabhilla of Ujjayini with the help of 94 kings from Persia for kidnapping his nunsister.5 Sometimes the desire to acquire certain precious or sacred object like the image of a deity or a diadem also resulted in war. Udayana waged war on Pajjoya, because the latter had kidnapped a maid servant and the image of a deity from the farmers of the State. Due to the lack of proper demarcation of State boundaries, border conflicts between the neighbouring States frequently occurred.? Very often the martial spirit and the desire for self-aggrandisement was the main cause of fighting which led the powerful kings to exploit the smaller ones. In such cases usually the victorious kings were satisfied only by a formal acceptance of sovereignty and overlordship by the vanquished. Quite often the kingdom of the defeated king was re-entrusted in the hands of his nearest relative. In the NC. we find a victorious king giving back the kingdon to the crown-prince, i. e. the son of the defeated 1. G o a FUPER Haf-NC. 3, p. 203. 2. For the conception of dharmayuddha in ancient India see-- Altha sastra, 10.10.27. 3. TIT o vefsifa, uit FTOITETTH geftonifa--NC. 3, p. 148. 4. Tuy TETTI CET SEET Hala-Nitiva., p. 364. 5. NO. 3, p 59. 6. NO. 3, p. 196. 7. ZC. 4, p. 311.

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48 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI king for being pleased with his services.1 This was a common practice followed in India from the 4th to the 10th century A. D.2 On the basis of the above references, it can be easily stated that in those days of political uncertainty, the kings were always desirous of enhancing the strength of their army, which was a well organized department of the State. Police and Police Officers Corelated to the armed forces was the Police Department. The coroddharanikas (the exterminators of thieves) as well as the damdapasikas (the carriers of nooses to catch the thieves) were the two senior officers of the police. The coroddharan ka was entrusted with the duty of protecting a desa or visaya (a unit), and was designated as desaraksika.3 The dam dapasika was given the charge of detecting the thieves, especially during night, and his status was that of an araksika. These two officers frequently figure in the contemporary Maitraka records, on the basis of which Virji has concluded: "The dan lapasika was apparently a head police-officer under whom the cauroddharanikas, the vartmapalas, the pratisarakas and other sub-ordinate police-officials exercised their functions". From the NC. the status of the coroddharanika seems to have been much higher than that of dan lapasika. In a list showing the consecutive status ( parampara ) of the State officials, the dan lapatika is mentioned before the setthi and the sena pati," showing his inferior status to these two officials, while at another place the 1. NC. 3, p. 283. 2. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 357. 3. deso visato, taM jo rakkhati so desAra kkhio, coroddha raNikaH - NC. 2, p. 234. 4. "Arakkhi " daMDavAsio bhaNNati - NC. 3, p. 113; ArakSikaH daNDapAzikaH -- Bh. 5 Vr. 5, p. 1441; als Prabandha Cintamani, p. 77. 5. Maliya Copper-plate Inscription of Maharaja Dharasena II ( 571-72 A. D.)--CII. III, No. 38, p. 170, note 2, text p. 166; also Deo-Baranark (undated) Inscription of Jivitagupta II-CII. III, No. 46, p. 218, note 3, text p. 216. 6. Virii, K. J., Ancient History of Saurashtra, p. 288. 7. NC. 3, p. 203.

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49 POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION coroddharanika is mentioned after the setthi and before the mahabaladhiksta ( senapati ), 1 denoting his status to have been higher than that of the setthi ( apparently from the dandapasika also ) and inferior to that of the senapati. The dan likas2 very frequently mentioned in the text were perhaps the senior police officers in charge of surveillance. The royal guards and policemen, termed as raya-purisas,' were responsible for proper maintenance of law and order in the State. The political and social conditions being quite unsafe, most of the towns and villages were in a constant danger of an attack from the non-Aryan thieves and bandits ( bodhita ) who kidnapped the people and captured their property. The services of the army must have been requisitioned by police to solve such acute problems. Mention of the arrival of the king's army ( klamdhavara ) in order to threaten the Mleccha banditse in the text reveals the same fact. Yuan Chwang informs us that "soldiers were requisitioned to perform police functions".? System of Espionage A regular system of espionage was organized by the Military as well as the Police Department for the protection and security of the State. The sucakas or the spies along with the ca dagas reported to the king about the general activities of the people and monks. Sucakas were also termed as cara. No details about these spies are given in the text, but from Somadeva we learn that the spies or secret agents could be broadly divided into two groups--one responsible for internal 1. NC. 2, p. 234. 2. NC. 1, pp. 66, 86; NC. 3, p. 262; NC. 4, p. 234. 3. According to Fleet, dandika (Lit. a chastiser, a punisher ) may de note either a judicial functionary from danda in the sense of a fine, or a police-officer from the same word in the sense of , rod (or punish ment )--CII. III, p. 218, note 4. 4. NC. 3. pp. 200-1; also Samaraiccakaha, p. 271. 5. NC. 2, p. 419; NC. 3, p. 163. 6. "area" foi, ar fts11 af 1557-"FET ETTI glat" f1_NC. 2, p. 81. 7. Beal, op. cit, 1, p. 87. 8. quire al tro fola-NC. 3, p. 105; also Brh VI. 2, p. 568. 9. NC. 3, p. 113; Nitiva., p. 172.

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50 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA QURNI intelligence and surveillance of the State subjects and the other in charge of collating external intelligence and organising espionage activities in the neighbouring States. These spies worked in the guise of travellers, traders etc. The monks were often suspected to be spies (cara) 2 from the neighbouring States. The spies indeed would have found it feasible to disguise themselves as monks to avoid the suspicion of the State-officers. In the rasastilaka we find a spy disguised as a religious mendicant and surrounded by his disciples who proclaim his mystic powers. * With the help of the reports regularly furnished by the spies, the kings were facilitated in the proper administration of the State. External Affairs The External or Foreign affairs of the State were entrusted in the hands of an officer variously called as rayadita,+ dutas or datapuri sa(r) in the text. The State envoys were entitled to move even in the hostile kingdoms and no harm was done to their person.? Somadeva also asserts : "An envoy is not to be molested on any account howsoever rudely he may speak, because he speaks the wishes of his master." In the contemporary inscriptions, duta is sometimes taken as an occasional substitute for the dutaka who was authorised to issue the copper-plate charters.' Written messages were sent abroad 1. Vide-Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 392. The sucakas, anu-sucakas, prati sucakas and sarva-sucakas were four classes of spies who were entrusted with different rights and duties-V yavahara Bhasy, 1, pp. 129 f. 2. NO. 3, p. 113. 3. Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 109. 4. trucao at af Fafa--NC. 3, p. 203. 5. NC. 3, pp. 204, 262. 6. NC, 3, p. 203. 7. Ibid. 8. Harguitst a part, Halaca: pia tefia-Nitiva., p. 171. 9. CII. III, p. 100, note 3; also p. 217, note 9. In the NC. dutaga is meu tioned as distinct from duta and is shown as an employee of the royal court-NC. 3, p. 274.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 51 and the person in charge of taking a message was known as lehasamdesaga. He has been called lekhavaha in other Jaina texts.' Bana as well as Yuan Chwang informs us that 'there were numerous couriers to carry messages to and fro'.8 Besides, there was an officer known as mudrika or mudradhyaksa who issued passports (mudda patta)" to travellers and traders for their safe and secure journey in the State. The persons travelling without the royal sanction or the passport ( mudda patta ) were liable to be imprisoned and punished. Treasury or Srigpha The Department of Royal Treasury was the very life to the king and the State. King with an empty treasury (kosavihino raya ), as mentioned before, was bound to be ruined." Misappropriation of the sources of royal treasury was a grave danger to the king. Evidently,the king was the head of the royal treasury and under him must have worked a number of other officials. The treasury of the king consisted of three parts. The first was kosaor the treasure-house where the currency and precious metals like gold and silver were preserved. The twenty-four varieties of pearls and jewels (rayana ) are said to be enriching the royal treasury.? The kotthagara: was the second place where all the twenty-four varieties of corns were stored, and the last one was called samtthana' where the valuable royal clothes and dresses were safely kept. These departments had their respective heads like the kosadhyaksa and kosthagaradhyaksa. No mention of them, however, is made in the text. The royal treasury was usually called sirighara 1. A JEH O gaara orrei iifa --NC. 3, p. 203; also Bih. V 7. 3, p. 786. 2. Vimalasuri, Paumacari ya, 37. 1. 3. Harsaourita, vv. 59, 160, 169, 179; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 215. 4. NC. 3, p. 203. 5. NC. 3, p. 507. 6. Filt Ffe our com-NC. 1, p. 52. 7. NC. 2, p. 109. 8. TEETTITT TRY FIETATE you-NC. 1, p. 52. 9. "Hit Etui a 2007-0ac4__Ibid.,

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52 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (srigtha )1 from the fact that treasury was the primary source of prosperity and grandeur ( sri ) to the State. Revenue and Taxation For the maintenance of the rich royal treasury the State had a regular Department of Revenue and Taxation which worked out all the financial problems of the State. Agriculture being the main occupation of the people, the landrevenue was the main basis of the State's income. The percentage of the land-revenue is not mentioned in the text. However, it would not be incorrect to assume that the State must have followed the ancient practice of charging one-sixth, oneeighth or one-tenth of the produce.2 Next to the land-revenue were the commercial taxes. Every article of trade was taxed by the State. There were regular check-posts or customhouses (sumkathana)s situated at the gate of a town or village where all the commodities of trade were checked ( paricchitta ) and taxed by the toll-superintendents or custom-officers designated as sumkiya ( saulkika ).* The percentage of taxation must have differed from State to State. In the NC., we find an example of a merchant, who had twenty carts loaded with vessels as giving away the twentieth part of it (visati-bhaga), i. e. one full cart of vessels to the toll-officers as royal tax.5 The trade-articles were fully checked and reloaded ( aruhana 1. NC. 2, p. 18; Brh. V;. 6, p. 1318. 2. The Vyavahara Bhasya (1, p. 128 ) mentions one-sixth of the land produce as the legal land-tax. According to Gautama (x. 24), it could be either one-tenth, onc-eighth or one-sixth of the land-produce. See also-Manusmyti, VII. 130 ff. 3. ASTU BO377 safegit. Et afe" --NC. 4, p. 344. The custom houses have also been called sulkamanda pika in certain Jaina inscriptions -Jaina Lekha Sangraha, pt. 1, p. 209. 4. NO. 4, p. 344; NC. 2, p. 97. Saulkika or sulka pala is the common desig nation of the custom-officers to be seen in the inscriptions as well as literature of the time-see Bth V. 4, p. 1071; CII. III, No. 12, p. 52, note 3; EI. XIX, pp. 69 ff. They are called sulkadhyaksa by Kautilya-Arthasastra, Bk. II, Chap. 21. 5. NO. 4, p. 344.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 53 paccaruhana )1 at the check-posts, and the merchants trying to avoid the tolls were severely punished. Judicial fines considerably added to the State resources as most of the crimes committed could be cleared away in terms of fines.2 The State had its full rights over the treasure-troves (nihi ); a king is mentioned to have confiscated the whole property of a merchant who did not report to the king on finding out a treasuretrove.s A Brahmana, on the other hand, was permitted to enjoy the whole of it as he reported to the king on the discovery of a similar treasure-trove.* The king also received regular tributes ( davva )* from the feudatory kings. In the Avaiyaka Curni we find a king being attacked by his overlord for his failure to pay taxes ( kappaka ) in due time. Payment of Taxes--Taxes could be paid in cash or in kind (hiranna or dhanna).' A king, in the text, is mentioned to have punished three of his army-officers, who during the course of their campaign in the border regions happened to utilize thirty pots of corn each from the granaries of the king (ahiva-ranno kotthagara). Evidently, the State granaries in the outlying areas of the State would have been maintained by the landrevenue paid by the people of that area. While it shows that the taxes were first gathered at towns and villages and a portion of it was reserved for the king or State, it also reveals that payment could be made in kind. Payment of one cart loaded with vessels by the merchant as a royal tax is also another example of paying the taxes in kind,o On the other hand, the terms like khoda, ukkoda or akkhola are explained as money (hirannadi davva) that was to be necessarily paid to the 1. Ibid. 2. NO. 1, p. 130; NC. 3, p. 48 3. NC. 4, p. 345. 4. Ibid. 5. NO. 4, p. 131. 6. Ava. Cu. II, p. 190. 7. NC. 4, p. 280. 8. NC. 4, p. 311. 9. NC. 4, p. 344.

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54 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI rajakula.1 In a story a king is mentioned to have demanded ruvagakara2 (taxes in the form of money) from the merchants, which shows that cash payment was preferred by the State. The king was solely responsible for the settlement of any dispute of the taxes and he was authorised to postpone payment or even to remit the taxes. The kings were kind enough to give a grace period upto three months for paying the taxes,3 at the end of which non-payers were liable to be punished. An inscription from South India also reveals, "the State did not wait for more than three months; at the end of this period it would sell away the property of the defaulters." Taxation was hereditary in nature, that is it could be levied from the son after the death of his father ( puttanu puttio karo),3 Sometimes the subjects altogether refused to pay taxes to the king. Five hundred merchants of Soparaya are mentioned to have defied the king to pay the taxes, and consequently they were ordered to be burnt alive by the king." Forced Labour-Besides these regular taxes, the custom of forced labour (vetthi-karana)" was also prevalent. The poor people unable to pay the taxes in cash or kind were forced to provide physical labour in return of the protection they received from the State. Prevalence of the forced labour (visti) is revealed from the contemporary Maitraka records. Yuan Chwang also found it sparingly exacted in some of the States. With the help of the regular taxes being paid by every capable member of the State and with the additional labour provided by others, the States of the time must have been 1. khoDaM NAma jaM rAyakulassa hiraNNAdi davvaM dAyavvaM - NC. 4, p. 280; also Vyavahara Tika-see Paiya Sadda Mahannava, pp. 15, 280. * 2. "ete rUvagakaraM maggijjaMti" - NC. 4, p. 14. 3. taM (khoDa) rAyaNuggaheNaM majjAyAe bhaMjaMto ekkaM do tiNNi vA sevati - NC. 4, p. 280. 4. Altekar, op. cit., p. 195. 5. puttANuputtio karo bhavissaI, Na demo - NG. 4, p. 14. 6. Ibid. 7. NC. 4, p. 280 8. CII. III, p. 170; also Virji, op. cit., p. 243. 9. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 167; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 87-88. B

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 55 financially strong to meet out the requirements of the king and the subjects. Judiciary and Courts Judiciary was of primary importance for the maintenance of law and order in the State. King was evidently the head of the same and his judgement could not be over-ruled.1 The kings were advised to refrain from inflicting severe punishments ( ati-ugga-danda ).2 Just punishment was demanded on the part of the king.3 The monks were not to approach the king directly to settle any grievances. They were required to approach the village-officer or the village-headman (i.e. gramavya pitaka, gramakuta or gramamahattara ) first, then the bhojika, thereafter the mahabaladhiksta or amatya and lastly the king. 4 The king was to be approached only as a last resort, as his judgement would be final and the punishment inflicted by him could be the most rigorous. It evidently shows that besides the royal court, there were village-tribunals or citytribuuals, and that the appeal could be filed in the higher courts till it reached the highest, i.e. the royal court. Somadeva also informs that "cases decided in the village-tribunals or city-tribunals could be put before the king for appeal, and there was no higher court to approach to over-rule the judgement of the king.'"? For the administration of justice the king was assisted by a chief justice at the centre designated as karana pati.8 Under 1. NC. 4, p. 331. 2. NO. 3, p. 507. 3. See-Kamandaka Nitisara, II. 37; Manu. VII. 20. 4. NC. 2, p. 183; cf. Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1249. 5. Qui ( statui) faena, a tis:, AI TETT Halfa-NC. 2, p. 183; cf. FT T a Gaga, TE: TOTTFT parauf Fit quet Halla-Bih. VI. 4, p. 1249. 6. bhoikassa bhoiko, tassa vi jo aNNo uttarottareNa jANAvijjati jAva pacchimo rAya tti -NC. 2, p. 182; cf. Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1249. 7. grAme pure vA vRtto vyavahArastasya vivAde tathA rAjAnamapeyAt / rAjJA dRSTe vyavahAre alertart:-Vitiva., p. 302. 8. NC. 4, p. 305.

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56 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the karanapati worked a number of officials called karanikas, 1 whose status must have been that of the judges or magistrates. Two different terms, i.e. the rajakarana2 or rajakulakaranas and the karanasala,' are mentioned to denote the courts. It would not be improbable to assume that while the former denoted the royal court, the latter indicated the other courts in general. Karana is the usual term used for the courts in the literature of the time, and the judges were known as karaaikas. The karanikas have also been called pancakulikas in the contemporary Jaina texts. Law-suits and Their Procedure--The legal proceedings were usually termed as vavahara." Regarding its procedure we are informed that after filing an appeal in the court, the plaintiff was made to repeat his case thrice by the karana pati to ascertain the correctness of the case, 8 If the words uttered by the plaintiff were repeated thrice without any faltering or change, then the case was considered to be just and worthy of consideration by the court. According to the ancient authorities the judgement could never be given by a single person and the mention of the word karamika in plurallo shows the same practice to have been observed during this time. The authorities were to take into account all available evidences before giving their judgement. The witnesses (saksi)11, sureties 1. NC. 2, pp. 18, 83. 2. HET IS THT pooulant TAFITOI Galert--NC. 4, p. 305. 3. 1755 ciput Safe T TOT TY Top agert fastla-NC. 2, p. 18. 4. QUESTO TITUE TENGGAME at-NC. 3, p. 200. 5. er forget alori-Samaraiccakaha, Vol. 1, p. 86. 6. Ibid., pp. 210-13. 7. NC. 2, p. 18; NC. 3, p. 200. 8. kahie karaNapatI bhaNati-puNo kahehi, kahie puNa tatiyavArA kahAvijjai, jati tisu vi sarisaM to jANati--sabbhAvo kahio, aha visarisaM to jANatI karaNapatI, esa paliuMciyaM E NG. 4, p. 305. 9. Sukraniti, IV. 5. 5-6. 10. NC. 2, pp. 18, 83; Samaraiccakaha, Vol. 1, p. 86. 11. E F 1 an T N G. 3, p. 105; also NC. 3, p. 106. According to

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57 POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION (pratibhn) * and the written documents (leha) were considered as prime evidences. In spite of these elaborate rules, it cannot be definitely stated as to how far these rules were put into practice by the State-officers. Very often we find the Statecffiicers being bribed (ukkoda) by the wealthy citizens. The friends and relatives of the king usually took undue advantage of their higher social status.* The false-witnesses ( kuda-sakkhi, alika-sakkhi )4 and the fabrication of forged documents ( kulaleha ). were common. There were people who readily agreed to give false witnesses in court in order to earn money. Filing a case in the court was indeed a costly affair. The poor people having no money were unable to lodge a complaint in the court and were "even turned out of the court by the dutagas or the servants or guards of the court".? A similar statement is found in a contemporary work, the Mattavilasaprahasana, in the remarks of Devasoma when she says: "Why this man has heaps of riches drawn from the revenues of many monasteries and with it he can stuff the mouth of the courtofficials at pleasure. I am the maid of a poor Kapalika whose only wealth is snake's skin and sacred ash, and what riches have I that I should go to the court ?>>8. The legal proceedings in the court being a costly affair, people must have tried to settle the disputes with the arbitration of the village-elders or the Panini, saksi was the one who was an eye-witness (V. 2.91) and surety was called pratibhu in relation to the loan for which he was bound as surety (II. 3.30)--Vide Agrawala, V. S., India as known to Panini, p. 417. 1. See above note. 2. NC. 3, p. 274; also 37TT 91364TSIOIT TUOTT Erald-NC. 3, p. 53. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 1, pp. 101-2. 5. NO. 3, p. 361. 6. Falta ja miter f Pati HasHi aafa-NC. 1, p. 101; # Staf ICT Coupe FTOT seaftati fit-NC. 1, p. 102. 7. adha so darido rAyakulaM gacchati, dUtageNa kaDDhati, tattha ghaNakkhato bhavati, dravyAbhAvAttaM op hela peut aftet, Tea Cucafa_NC. 3, p. 274. 8. Mattavilasa-prahasana, p. 31.

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58 A CULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI elders of the caste or guild. Indeed, the NC. refers to a meeting of the caste of Brahmapas who assembled to decide punishment for a Brahmana who had beaten a bullock to death.1 The merchant communities and the other castes must have followed the same practice. As a last resort only people went to the court, though the number of law-suits filed in the court does not appear to be any way small. It is, however, evident that the legal code was elaborate and strong, though the authorities at times did not conform to the rules. * Crimes--The court had to deal with all types of cases including criminal cases. Important amongst them were the cases of theft, robbery, adultery, murder, non-execution of the king's order and treason against the State or king. Theft and robbery were the most frequent crimes of the time. There was a class of people who had no profession other than stealing. 2 The organized bands of the Mleccha thieves and bandits used to reside on the hill areas surrounding the Malwa region.s They had their own settlements known as corapalli or stenapallia and they attacked the people in groups, drove away their cattle, deprived them of their belongings and burnt the villages. The army help was often resorted to eradicate such disturbances. The general offences of theft, however, were grouped under three categories: theft of the horses, elephants, jewellery and kidnapping king's harem-inmates was regarded to be the worst offence; theft of the cows and buffaloes or theft performed by making breaches in the walls (khattakhana). and kidnapping the maid servants was regarded as the second degree offence; theft performed in the houses of the ordinary citizens ( pahiya-jana-mosaga ) for objects like food or drink was the third type of offence.' This classification of theft is 1. E AI PHUT theo la HEUFU fe sahifa yafe NC. 3, p. 150. 2. alatai aiztaila 777727, 7 fra foto for f ast tillatfa_NC. 3, p. 259. 3. aTETI ATECO AE81, a qoyang ftar ATQafo afat-NC. 4, p. 124. 4. NC. 3, p. 217. 5. NC. 2, p. 61. 6. NC. 3, p. 259. 7. Ibid.

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upon apparently based the nature of the object stolen away by a person, and the punishment differed accordingly. Death. (marana-danda ), either by mutilating the head or impaling, is stated to have been the only punishment for stealing jewels. from the royal treasury.1 was Next to the theft and robbery was the act of adultery. Sexual relationship with any one except the wife was regarded as the most heinous crime on the part of a person. Adultery with the virgins or the ladies of the respectable families or the inmates of the royal harem2 more condemned than that with the widows or maid servants. Mention has been made of the mythological story of Indra's seduction of Udamka Risi's wife for which he was cursed with the sin of Brahma-hatya, one of the five great crimes", by the sage. The person charged with adultery was taken around the city after being censured and beaten, his head shaven off and his penis mutilated." This was an usual punishment for this sort of crime. 4 POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION Murder was a serious crime and was severely dealt with.. In the text, an instance can be found where three sons of a king devised to murder the king in order to seize the kingdom. They, however, did not succeed in their plans and were severely punished by the king for their treacherous action." Non-execution of the king's order was also a grave offence.. King being the absolute ruler of the State, his orders were 1. raNNA rayaNahAri tti kAuM. tassa mAraNadaMDo ekko ANatto - NC. 4, p. 343; also NC. 2, p. 18. 2. NC. 4, p. 19; NC. 2, pp. 379-80. 3. Ibid.; also NC. 2, p. 379. NC. 3, pp. 581-82. 7. NC. 3, p. 48. 59 4. NC. 3, p. 340; Brh. Vr. 2, pp. 543-44. 5. According to Manu the pancamahapatakani or five great crimes are: (i) slaying a Brahmana, (ii) drinking intoxicating liquor, (iii) theft of the gold belonging to a Brahmana, (iv) adultery with the wife of a spiritual preceptor and (v) associationing with any one guilty of these crimes-Manava-dharmasastra, IX. 235 and XI. 55-59. 6. paradAre bahu dosA, NaragagamaNaM DaMDaNaM saMDaNaM tajjaNaM tADaNaM liMgacchedAdiM ca pAvati

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60 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI supposed to be indisputable by the subjects. We observe a king issuing a command to his subjects to take shelter under the fort during the invasion of a non-Aryan king. Most of the persons disobeying the order were killed by the enemy's forces, while the rest were severely punished by the king himself for not obeying his orders.' Cinakya is also mentioned to have ordered the people of a village to be burnt alive for disobeying the commands of their master-the king Candragupta,2 Persons causing slightest doubt in the mind of the king were immediately imprisoned and even executed. Treason against the king or State (raya pakara)3 was not tolerated. It included the offences like entering the king's harem without his permission, stealing royal property or kidnapping the members of the royal family, working against the interests of the State by acting as a spy courier5 or by writing false documents (kudaleha) or making an effort to create dissensions among the members of the royal council? etc. Among the general crimes against the State, non-payment of taxes to the king, 8 using false weights (ku latula) and false measures (kudamana), giving false witness in the court (kudasakkhi)io and transgression of the moral and legal code were the important ones. Punishments--The nature and severity of punishment was based upon the gravity of the crime and its nature. Various types of punishments like censure or reproach (durvacanakhimsana), fines and confiscation of property (bhogaharana), 1. TOT TUUTT TURHYTH HH 317 f eftat-NC. 4, p. 229. 2. NO. 4, pp. 10-11. 3. NC. 3, p. 261, also p. 37. 4. NO. 3, pp. 261-62. 5. ATUUT AI Tettat-NC. 3, p. 262. 6.15 EUT AT trifascii-NC. 3, p. 262. 7. NO. 2, p. 233. 8. NO. 4, p. 14. 9. NO. 1, p. 115. 10. NO. 1, pp. 101-2.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION physical torture or corporal punishment (sarira-tadana), imprisonment (niggahabamdha), banishment from the State or kingdom (nirvasita) and death (marana-dan la) are frequently mentioned in the text.1 Censure or reproach (durvacana2_ khimsant) must have been a mild punishment for ordinary offences. Almost all the crimes could be cleared away in terms of fine and it was a regular source of State income.. Frequent references to fines and confiscation of property* reveal that they were most commonly administered punishment. of the time. Physical punishment (sarira )5 was not uncommon. Amongst the various forms of corporal punishment, mutilation of the various limbs of body, i. e. hands, feet, ears, nose, penis etc., blinding the eyes or extracting them out with a hot iron stick (tattasalaga), putting to fetters (nigadabandha), torture with an instrument (janta-pidana)1o and beating with lashes (kasaghata) have been frequently mentioned in the text. From another contemporary Jaina work we learn that the eyes were extracted and the tongue 1 61 1. Eight kinds of punishment are recorded in the Jaina tradition. These are: Expression of regret, prohibition, reproach, reprimand,. confinement to a certain district, imprisonment, corporal punishment and fine-Samarai ccakaha, p. 358; vide-Choudhary, op. cit., p. 371. For similar references to crime and punishment in certain Jaina texts. see-Prof. Kalipada Mitra's article 'Crime and Punishment in Jaina Literature', IHQ., Vol. 15, pp. 75-89; also LAI., pp. 66-74. 2. duvvayaNa - ghAya-baMdhAiehiM uttAveMti mAti vA - NC. 2, p. 233. 3. tassa bhogaharaNa - baMdhaNa-tADaNa- khisaNA ya savve pagArA katA - NC. 3, p. 48. 4. Ibid.; NC. I, p. 130. 5. mama daMDaM sArIraM vA NiggahaM karehi - NC. 4, p. 362. 6. kaNNacchi - nAsa-kara- pAdakiraMgite vA - NC. 3, p. 200; kaNNa - NAsa - NayaNugdhAyaNaM vA fa-NC. 4, p. 13; also Samaraiccakaha, p. 289, also ata, p. 95; Yalastilaracampu, 3. 403. 7. NC. 3, p. 582. 8. atrarAhiyassa vA uppADiyAgi, tattasalAgAe vA aMjiyANi - NC. 3, P. 263. 9. NigaDAdito baMdho - NC. 3, p. 202. 10. jaMteNa vA pIlati - NC. 3, p. 56. 11. kasaghAtAdito vaho - NC. 3, p. 202.

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62 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI severed as a punishment for putting a false charge of theft. 1 For criminally assaulting any woman of the royal house-hold the guilty person's hands and feet were amputated, and he was pierced on a pale or killed with one stroke of a sword. 2 Yuan Chwang's statement that "corporal punishment was nonexistent" and that "torture was not used to elicit confession" is contradicted by himself when he states that on violating "the rules of property, justice, fidelity and filial piety, the nose and ears of the person were cut off, his hands or feet amputated, or he was expelled from the country or was driven to the wilderness of the deserts."4 Imprisonment for violating the legal code was a common punishment. Although the imprisonment (bandha)" is frequently mentioned, no details regarding prisons (bandha gara) are to be found from the text. Prisoners, however, were released ( bamdhana garasodhana )8 on certain auspicious occasions. Yuan Chwang also informs us that "for certain crimes the offenders were imprisoned"? and that "on auspicious occasions like the birth of a child the king ordered a general release of the prisoners "8 Banishment from the village, town, state or country was another common punishment. Two different forms of this punishment appear to have been in vogue. Usually the respectable citizens and the Brahmanaslo were only expelled from 1. Samaraiccakaha, Vol. I, preface p. XXXIV. 2. Ibid., pp. 165-75. 3. Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 84-85; Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 172. 4. Vide-Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 371. 5. NO. 3, pp. 56, 202. 6. TUTTICHTIU 7701-NC. 3, p. 261. 7. Watters, op. cit., 1, pp. 83, 264. 8. Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 188. 9. FYTITZ TUOTT forfoqanit tat-NC. 2, p. 153; aafa-ford Hot-ITA-OTTT-T Tulat at foroghf-NC. 3, p. 56. 10. From Yuan Chwang we learn that five hundred Brah manas were simply exiled by Harsa for making a conspiracy against him, although his ministers and feudatories demanded an extermination of the whole tribe.---Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 220-21.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION the State without being subjected to any public humiliation; sometimes they were even allowed to take their property with them. The ordinary citizens or the victims of some serious crime, however, were often taken around the city on an ass or horse, and then subjected to public humiliation. They were then turned out of the city and their property confiscated by the State 1 In the Samaraiccakaha, we find the king banishing Cakkadeva, the son of Apratihatacakra, for stealing gold articles of the merchant Camdamana.2 63 Death was the last penalty that could befall the fate of a victim. Various forms of corporal punishment (maranadamda)3 like mutilation of head or impaling*, poisoning, exposing the body to crows and vultures", or burning a criminal alive in the fire, are mentioned in the text. The legal code for the criminals was thus harsh and rigorous, although the wealthy citizens and the persons of higher social standing can be observed in attempting to escape punishment by bribing the judicial authorities, or by pleasing the king. the text. There might have been other departments also, but the above mentioned were the important ones as can be judged from the respective designations of the officers mentioned in This fairly large and comprehensive list of the State-officers presupposes a full-fledged scheme of administration. Assisted by this official hierarchy at the centre, the king must have efficiently ruled from the capital (rayahani)." Administrative and Territorial Units For a proper administration the States were divided into various manageable units. Various units like gama, pura, 1. The commentary on Uttaradhyayana informs us that a person charged with adultery was banished from the town by the king in such a manner (23, pp. 285 f.; also LAI., p. 701). 2. Samaraiccakaha, Vol. 1, preface pp. XXXII-XXXIV. 3. NC. 4, p. 343. 4. NC. 2, p. 18. 5. NC. 3, p. 292. 6. NC. 4, pp. 10-11. 7. rAyAdhiTThitA rAyahANI - NC. 2, p. 328.

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64 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI desa and rajjal are regularly mentioned in the text and these units were placed under their respective heads. There being no imperial power, the country was divided into various independent States having a federal character of their own. As natural, our author's conception of a rajya or kingdom does not go far beyond the constitution of such States. The bhukti ruled by a king was called rajya (rajja) and was said to have been divided into the visayas2. Sometimes the bhukti consisted only of one visayas which normally led to a confusion between these two units during this time. The division of the bhukti into the visayas mentioned in the text appears to have been an ancient one which was not in practice during this time. Not a single bhukti is named in the text, although its head, the bhojika", is regularly mentioned. The status of this officer was a little higher than that of the gramavya prtakas or equal to the village-headman," which shows that this unit, even if in existence during this time, was indeed mush smaller than a visaya. Inscriptions from proper Gujarat also do not reveal the presence of this unit." The visaya, as noted above, was the largest administrative unit of the time, and as many as 16 visayas are mentioned.s Desa' is another unit frequently mentioned in the text. This term has sometimes been used in a wider sense as in the Himdugadesalo, but usually it is used in a restricted sense. 1. TT-91-4-TSTOT 399t wouifat-NC. 3, p. 57. 2. rANayabhottI rajjaM bhaNNati / sA puNa bhottI egavisao aNegavisao vA hojja / --NC. 1, p. 133. 3. Ibid. For controversy over the form of various units like the bhukti, visaya, desa etc. sce-CII, III, pp. 32-33. 4. NC. 2, pp. 101, 162, 428. 5. 91H1975 Freret i att tatt Hilfa:--NC. 2, p. 183. 6. "f@al" THE HI-NC, 3, p. 579; Bih. Vr. 5, p. 1478. 7. Sankalia, H. D., Archaeology of Gujarat, p. 199. 8. NC. 1, pp. 51-52; NC. 2, p. 362; NC. 3, P, 425; NC. 4, p. 125 9. NC. I, p. 133; NC. 3, p. 37. 10. NC. 3, p. 59.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 65 Desa is also shown as the next sub-division of the rajjal which itself was equated with bhukti, and as mentioned before, the bhukti is said to have been divided into the visayas, 2 Desa was a synonym of the visaya, and Surattha, Sindhu and Malava which were sometimes styled as desass were at other places called visayas.* The term visayarakkhiya is also explained as desarakkhiya" which leaves no doubt in the indentification of these two units. The janapadas of the ancient times were by now replaced by the visayas. Thus, in the context of the ancient division of the jana padas Magadha is mentioned as a janapada, while usually it has been called disaya.' The janapada of Kunalas is also at another place called Kunala-visaya'. Mandalalo is mentioned as another unit and Suractha is said to have been divided into 69 mandalas.11 The post-Maitraka inscriptions reveal that Surastra comprising the whole of modern Kathiawar was called a mandala which contained smaller mandalas. 12 Under the Gurjara Pratiharas the terni man lala stood for a province.13 The rattha or rastrait is another unit occasionally referred to in the text, though its head, the rascramahattara or rastraklta (ratghauda)16 is frequently mentioned. The 1. NC. 3, p. 57. 2. NC. 1, p. 133. 3. Ibid.; NC. 2, p. 79. 4. NC. 2, pp. 357, 362; NC. 3, p. 193; NC. 4, p. 90. 5. Fraait facere: -NC. 2. p. 183. 6. NC. 3, p. 124. 7. NC. 3, pp. 193, 523; NC. 4, pp. 124, 126, 158. 8. NC. 3, p. 371. 9. NC. 4, p. 126. 10. Hafafa fareteit-NC. 3, p. 508. 11. NC. 3, pp. 59, 508. 12. EI, IX, No. 10. 13. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 201. 14. NC. 2, p. 428. 15. TESETT TTSHETITI-NC. 2. p. 267.

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66 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Bagumra Grant of Nikumbhallasakti of 654-55 A. D. from Southern Gujarat also discloses rastra as an administrative division under the officer rastrakuta.1 In spite of this mention of the rastra and its officer, not a single rastra is named either in our text or in any of the inscriptions forthcoming from Gujarat.: However, this unit, if ever in existence, was smaller than the visaya, as in the context of mentioning the names of the heads of the various administrative units in the text, the gramamahattara, the rasgramahattara, the bhojika and the visayarakkhiyas are mentioned in a consecutive order. The same fact is revealed from the Kavi Grant of the Gurjara king Jayabhatta (486 A. D.), which refers to the visaya pati, the rastrapati and the gramamahattara respectively,* and thus indicates their official status in descending order. According to Beni Prasad, the rastra was perhaps a revenue division", while according to Virji, rastra was just another name of ahara and that rastrapati must have been the head of this unit.' The NC. refers to only one ahara, viz. the Kosanbahara,& but no details regarding the formation of this unit are to be found in our text. From the various references in the text it is clear that visaya was the largest and the most common administrative unit during this time, although the units like bhukti, janapada, mandala, desa and rasgra are also mentioned in the text. This is also corroborated by the contemporary Maitraka records. Virji has also pointed out : "Even if the designations given to these units are not same, very little 1. Ind. Ant. XVIII (1889), p. 265; Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 382. 2. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 198; Virji, op. cit., p. 231. 3. NC. 2, p. 101. 4. IA. V, p. 114. 5. Virji, op. cit., p. 237. 6. Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 382. 7. Virji, op. cit., p. 237. 8. NC. 2, p. 361. The unit ahara was common in Kathiawar, C.I. and U.P. In the Nausari Plates of Sryasraya (671 A. D.) ahara is mentioned as a division of visaya--EI. VIII, No 22.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION difference existed between them."'I It is also noteworthy to remember that "the old designation (like visaya and desa) continued to be applied to, albeit the units very much diminished in size.>>2 The visayas were further divided in towns and villages. Various terms like pura", puri*, nagara", nagaris, pattana?, donamuhas, nigama etc. are mentioned to denote a town according to its geographical, political or economic situation. Though the term pura is itself a suffix, yet a practice of using both the suffixes, the pura and nagara together, can be seen in the text. In the usages like Anandapuranagarao, Andhapuranagara 11, Dasapuranagara 12, Kampillapuranagara 18, Varattapuranagara14 etc., the pura is being taken as part of the word and the nagara is added as a suffix. Pattanas were the towns having a flourishing trade. Anandapura is mentioned as a famous thalapatlana. 15 Donamuhas were the towns where trade by land and waterways were carried out. Besides, there were towns exclusively inhabited by the merchants or trade-guilds, and these were 1. Virji, op. cit., p. 236. 2. Ibid., p. 235. 3. NC. 2, pp. 357, 269, 503. 4. NC. 2, pp. 95; NC. 3, p. 295. 5. NC. 2, p. 382; NC. 3, p. 346; NC, 1, p. 105. 6. NO. 3, p. 419; NC. 2, p. 417. 7. NC. 2, p. 382; NC. 3, p. 346. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10, NO. 3, p. 268. 11. NC. 3, p. 269. 12. NC. 3, p. 441. 13. NC. 2, p. 21. 14. NC. 4, p. 158. 15. FATEO gftant, aqEoj struiageid-NC. 2, p. 328; also NC. 3, p. 346; Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 342-43. 16. Got out all fa TE -NC. 2, p. 328.

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68 A CULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI known as the nigamas.1 Sthalia is another unit mentioned in the text. This unit seems to have existed only in Kathiawar under the Maitrakas of Valabhi. It is not clear as to which administrative area did this unit correspond. Perhaps, it was also another designation of a town based upon its natural geographical area. In the text we find that Varattapura, which is once called pura or nagara, has also been called sthali ( Varatthali ) at another place. These towns consisted of a number of villages (ga ma) which were the smallest administrative units. Palli' is yet another term mentioned in the text. It seems to have been a small village, especially a settlement of the wild tribes, as can be judged from the words like temapalli or corapallzo etc. According to sukra, however, the word palli denoted "the half of the village". Administration in Sub-divisional Units The scheme of general administration in the sub-divisional units was quite similar to that of the centre, although naturally on a quite lower grade. These units were presided over by a representative of the king or were ruled by the feudatory kings. The visayarakkhiya and the desarakkhiya. or desakutta were the corresponding heads of the visaya and desa. 11 As the designation itself suggests, their main duty was to protect the people of the visaya or desa. They did perform judicial functions also, as the citizens and monks 1. aporti fra qat qeifa forta-NC. 2, p. 328; also NC. 3, p. 341; Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 342-43. 2. NC. 3, p. 117. 3. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 194, note 6; also Virji, op. cit., p. 239. 4. Ibid. 5. NC. 4, p. 158. 6. NC. 3, p. 442. 7. NC. 3, p. 123. 8. SED., p. 610; also Abhidhanarajendrakosa, p. 729. 9. NC. 3, p. 217. 10. Sukraniti, I. 193. 11. NC. 2, p. 183; also Tht dhe af, higaan-NC.-3, p. 57.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 69 could be seen taking all their complaints to them. In short, it can be stated that endowed with the authority of the king these governors or representatives of the king performed all the functions of the State with the help of their junior officers. Feudatory Kings and Their Councils The States had a federal character and the kings usually had a large number of feudatory kings (samamtarayano): under them who in turn had their own with the permission of their overlord. Though legally ruling under the overlordship of the sovereign, these feudatories were quite autonomous in the internal administration of their State. The feudatory rulers had their own courts and councils. Mention has been made of a meeting of the council (sabha) of the feudatory rulers3 where they asked the members if any one of them could succeed in capturing the mighty horse of their sovereign which had made him invulnerable in battlefield. Sometimes we find the sovereigns marching against the unruly feudatories.* It can thus be judged that the feudal kings were always trying to assert their power even at the expense of their overlord. Town Administration Kottapala or setthz" was the highest authority in a town. He is mentioned as a protector of the town,' and was invested with a golden patta(r) with the permission of the king. The 1. NC. 2, pp. 182-83. 2. NO. 4, p. 304. The Sukraniti defines a feudatory or samanta as a ruler whosc revenue ranged from one to three lacs of silver coins or he was the chief who had 100 villages under him (1. 182; 1. 190). In the Harsacarita (p.170) a number of feudatories are seen waiting for an audience of the suzerain. On his death-ted Prabhakaravardhana charged Harsa inter-alia to make prize of feudatory kings (p. 188). 3. JE FATHERM 3969cquit Auto Hifa-NC. 4, p. 304. 4. Avasyaka Curni, 11, p. 190. 5. NC. 4, p. 304. 6. OCET ZDI 21---NC. 3, p. 57. 7. NC. 2, pp. 234, 267. 8. NC. 2, p. 450.

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70 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Zsvara', talvara2 and madambiyas also appear to have been the leaders of certain groups of villages. Administration in the towns seems to have differed according to the geographical, political or economic situation of a town. In the nigamas or towns exclusively inhabited by the merchants, the administration was solely run by the members of the merchant communities and their Head or President was directly responsible to the king. The setthi and satthavaha have been frequently mentioned as the executive officers in a town. Though the king was ultimately responsible for the over-all administration in the State, it is evident that the popular element also played a great part in the administration of the lower units. Village Administration Grama or village was the smallest administrative unit. This was virtually the basis of the whole administration. The village-headman has been variously called mahattara", gramamahattara(r), gramakutao, gramabhojika10 or bhojikal! in the text. In administration he was always assisted by a senior village-officer known as gramavya prtaka."2 It seems 1. Ozan : T, HT ITTIFAaiche2--Ibid. 2. RA athafect Taal--Ibid. 3. i forca arafa i Arefa311--Ibid. In the Vyavahara Bhasya Tika (4.52) Madambiya is explained as a leader of Madamba which consisted of eighteen thousand villages. 4. NC. 4, p. 14. 5. NC. 2, pp. 267, 450; NC. 3, p. 489. 6. NC. 2, p. 183; NC. 3, p. 57. For the constituents of a village see Brh. Bla. 1096-1100; also LAI., p. 82. 7. NC. 2, pp. 144, 183; Harsacarita, p. 84; various Jaina inscriptions refer to the mahattar as or mahattumus of a village -see Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, 1, pp. 248, 249 an 1 266. 8. HETTI OTHO: YTH HET Z: ---NC. 2, p. 183. 9. Ibid. 10. NC. 2, p. 450. 11. NO. 2, p. 81. A Grant of Ranagraha of the year 640 A.D. shows a bhojika acting as dutaka-EIII, No. 4; EI. V, No. 5. 12. NO. 2, p. 183.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 71 that the gramamahattara was merely a village-elder, while gramavya prtaka was the officer actually entrusted with the duty of performing all the executive functions of the village. 1 From the Valabhi inscriptions it appears that the mahattara during this time was regarded no more than a village-elder. Thakkuras is another village-officer mentioned only once in .the text. It appears to have been a later designation of the village-headman, as he is frequently mentioned in the subsequent records from Gujarat. * Village Council (Gramaparisad) The villages had their own councils called grama parisadss which solved all the problems of the villagers. Agamta gara was the place where the meetings of the village-council were held. Meetings, however, could take place in a hall (sabha)", in a temple, or even under a tree. The house-holders (gihattha---kudumbiya) frequently took part in the proceedings of the village-council. We, however, get no information from the text to enable us to ascertain if all the house-holders were allowed to attend the meetings of the village-council. The members of the village-council must have formed a smaller cabinet for the proper administration of the village. In the context of a gothi (gosthi--a social gathering), we are informed that the gosthis were presided over by five villageofficers," who were specially honoured by the villagers. There 1. "pez "? @ The Parenti, 91427198125 r:---Ibid. 2. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 20. 3, NC. 4 p. 312. 4. Thakkura is often mentioned in the Caulukyan inscriptions-Sankalia, op. cit., p. 203. 5. NC. 2, p. 99. 6. AgaMtAro jattha AgArI AgaMtu ciTThati taM AgaMtAgAraM / gAmaparisaThANaM ti vuttaM bhavati NC. 2, p. 199. 7. : FATTI AH--NC. 3, p. 344. 8. NC. 2, pp. 199, 200. 9. cafe zie afirfear azt goate atat STIE-NC. 2, p. 144; also Bih. Vr. 4, p. 994.

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72 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA GURNI is every reason to believe that the same practice must have continued even during this time in some form or the other. These five officers were : mahattara, anu-mahattara, lalitasanika, kaduga, dandapati or dan daga. The mahattara was same as the gramamahattara or the village-headman. He was consulted for all the activities during a gotthi and was given the highest seat.2 The anumahattara was an assistant officer who performed the village-functions in the absence of the mahattara.: Lalita sanika is another officer mentioned in this list, but his functions as an officer are not very clear. It was the custom to provide him with a high or beautiful seat during the gotthi and double amount of the food offered at the time of the gotthi-bhatta." Kaduga was another officer who determined the type of punishments for the gotthiyas for any of their short-comings during a gotthi.5 Dandapati or dandaga was the officer who administered the punishment decided upon by the former officer. These five officers must have formed the village cabinet which is now known to us as pancayata. Bana in the 7th century A.D. alludes to the pancakula? which may be taken as a variation of the technical term pancaman lali. The office of these officers must have been elective, and the money (dhana) or family (kula) is mentioned as the basis of their selection. From the respective designations of these village 1. Ibid. 2. savvesu uppajjayamANesu goThikajjesu pucchaNijjo, goTiThabhatta-bhoyaNakAle jassa jeTha ATHU sfasat HT HETTI Hourf-NC. 2, p. 144. 3. TTHET BTHCdifed fi gasfogat i grald E BUJAETTI-NC. 2, p. 144; Bih. V. 4, p. 994. 4. laliyAsaNiyassa AsaNaM laliyaM i8 kajjati, parivesiyA itthiyA kajjati, iTThabhoya OF JUUT HOT favald-NC. 2, p. 144. 5. Claquien TIETTES Sfiorat histit stufa-Ibid. 6. CE BITTAa 5 H2594 oua, 1 ta gesit woul-Ibid. 7. Harracarita, p. 255. 8. Saletore, op. cit., p. 303. 9. NE AT TAGE TOT TETT--NG. 2, p. 101.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION 73 officers, it can be easily judged that most of the social, economic and even judicial functions were locally imparted by the village-officers and that the villagers enjoyed a favourable degree of internal autonomy in spite of the apparently monarchical character of the State.

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CHAPTER III SOCIAL LIFE Although composed in the last quarter of the 7th century A.D., the Nisitha Gurni embodies a considerable amount of material depicting ancient customs and traditions which might not belong to the period of its composition. In this chapter it will be our endeavour to evaluate and illustrate the multifarious aspects of social life by analysing the NC. and other contemporary sources with a view to reflect the life of that period. Society Similar to classical Sanskrit and Jaina Prakrit texts the NC. also marks a distinction between the Aryans and the non-Aryans, the latter being variously called Anariyas, Mecchas or Dasus. People living inside the twenty-five and a half Aryan regions, 3 following Aryan customs and 1. For physical differences between the Aryans and the non-Aryans see Senart, Caste in India, pp. 122 f. 2. NC. 3, pp. 492, 518; NC.4, p. 124. 3. According to the ancient tradition, the Jaina monks in the ancient times were allowed to move as far as Magadha in the east, Kosambi in the south, Thuna in the west and Kunala in the north (N. Bha. 5733; NC. 4, pp. 125-26). It was from the time of Samprati that Jainism spread in other regions and consequently the twenty-five and a half countries were declared as Aryan. These were : (1) Magadha, (2) Anga, (3) Vanga, (4) Kalinga, (5) Kasi, (6) Kosala, (7) Kuru, (8) Kusatta, (9) Pancala, (10) Jangala, (11) Surattha. (12) Videha, (13) Vaccha, (14) Sandilla, (15) Malaya, (16) Vaccha, (17) Varana, (18) Dasanna, (19) Cedi, (20) Sindhu-Sovira, (21) Surasena, (22) Bhamgi, (23)Purivatta, (24) Kunala, 25) Lada (Ladha) and (26) Kegaiaddha--Brh. V. 3, p. 913; LAI., p. 250.

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SOCIAL LIFE 75 speaking Aryan languages, were regarded as Aryans, while the non-Aryans dwelled outside these Aryan regions. They were called paccamtiyas (pratyantikas) as they inhabited on the outer fringes of the Aryan society. The non-Aryans are described as wearing quaint dresses, following different customs and speaking various languages, 2 and indulging in indecent and violent activities. Pointing towards the aboriginal habits of these people the author gives an interesting explanation of the word Dasu, that is the people who used to bite with their teeth when enraged. + Caste System The Aryan society was governed by the traditional order of the four Varnas (cauvoanna) which consisted of the Banbhana, Khattiya, Vaisa and Sudda. Though fundamentally opposed to the Brahmanical caste system, the Jaina lawgivers during these later centuries not only identified themselves with the essentials of the Varna organisation, but also produced a caste-system of their own which was not basically very different from the Brahmanical caste system.? A rigid demarcation was 1. magahAdiyANaM addhachanvIsAe AriyajaNavayANaM, tesiM aNNataraM ThiyA je aNAriyA te T--NC. 4, p. 124. 2. HaoferumahATE Recai furat facan--Ibid. 3. FEH3015614FAFTTTTT surfti-Ibid. In the Vasisthadharmasastra (IV. 24) the Sudras, who must have initially heen the non-Aryans by caste, are characterised as hostile, violent, boastful, short-tempered, untruthful, extremely greedy, ungrateiul, heterodox, lazy and impure.. See-Sharma, R.S., Sudras in Ancient India, p. 253. 4. 0762yr Cafe zifa durch--NC. 4, p. 124. 5. NO. 3, p. 124. For the traditional division of the four Varnas, which can te traced from the time of Kautilya down to the Smrti literature and also in the contemporary epigraphs, see-Arlhasastra, Bk. 1, Ch. III, pp. 6-7; Laws of Manu, Ch. 1, 88-90, and 4, 24 (Buhler); Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 168; Beal, op. cit, 1, p. 82; Alina Plates of Siladitya (A.D. 766-67), CII. III, No. 53, p. 232 and No. 39, p. 185, text p. 177. 6.771 PHUSTA .afauy TTSTI, 312g Tat 45H-TE --NC. 3.p. 413 7. Some of the contemporary Jaina texts provide a Jaina version of the origin of the Varnas in which the origin of four Varnas has been

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76 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI made between the higher (ibbha-jai) and the lower castes (jati-jumgita)2 and we also find people following lower artscrafts (kamma-jumgita, sippa-jumgita) whose entry to the Jaina church was restricted on social grounds. Those belonging to the lower castes or following the lower arts and crafts were characterized as abhojjas" (outcastes interdining with whom was not permissible to the higher Varnas) and the Jaina monks were directed to keep themselves away from them. The Jaina Acaryas during these centuries had become vehemently conscious of their social status; anything which could degrade them in the eyes of society was to be avoided by the Jaina monks. It was firmly believed that no one would like to embrace the monastic order of those who accepted food from the abhojjas (interdining with whom was not permissible), and that even religious-minded monks, who were initiated to the monkhood, would also get disgusted with being thought of as Svapakas associated with the limbs of the Adi Jina. According to Jinasena, Rsabhadeva himself took up weapons in his arm and trained people in wielding them, hence they (Ksatriyas) were called as created by hisarms. He taught the people how to travel by thighs for earning livelihood by trade, hence they (Vanijakas) came to be known as created from his thighs. He taught with his own feet how the people should serve others, therefore they (Sudras) were said to have been created from his feet. Then the Brahmanas were taught with the mouth of Bharata how to study, teach and perform rituals, hence they were known to be created by his mouth (Adipurana, 16.243; Paumacari ya, 3.115-17; Mahapurana, 16. 343-46; also Adipurana, 38-46). This account clearly reminds us of the Brahmanical theory of the origins of four Varnas (Rgveda, 10.7. 90. 12; Mahabharata, Santiparva, 296. 5-6; Manu., pp. 1, 31; see also-Pt. Phulacanda, Jaina Dharma aura Varna-vyavastha). 1. mAtipakkhavisuddhA ibbhajAi - NG. 3, p. 29. 2. NC. 3, p. 270. 3. NC. 3, p. 271. 4. NC. 3, pp. 270-71, 448. 5. je ti kulA jattha visate juMgitA... abhojjA - NC. 2, p. 243.

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SOCIAL LIFE because of their association with the outcaste people.1 The author has a firm conviction that "the religion (i.e. Church) flourishes by leaving aside the outcastes of society".2 77 Besides, like the Buddhist texts, many of the Jaina texts assign a higher status to the Ksatriyas by positioning them first in the order of the four Varnas.3 In the NC., however, the author has described the ladies of the four Aryan Varnas in general conformity to the Brahmanical order.* Brahmanas (i) Jaina Attitude towards Brahmanas-The Brahmanas werethe highest in order of the four Aryan Varnas. They were respected and even worshipped by the other Varnas. However, being the members of the opponent faith, the Brahmanas were held in contempt by the Jainas," and any contact with them. was barred to a Jaina monk. Very often the Brahmanas were contemptuously called dhijjati, i.e. belonging to a condemned caste, 8 by the Jainas, and rivalry among the two sects. existed to that extent that the Mahanas (Brahmanas) and the Samonas (which also included the Nigganthas) could never be seen as going out physically together." But like the Brahmapical texts which claim undisputed authority for the Brahmapas, the information provided by the Jaina texts cannot be taken as reliable. However, it indeed shows that at least among a section of society the authority of the Brahmanas did. 1. abhojjasaMpakkaM kazcit pravrajatIti evaM parihANI, abhojjesu bhaktAdiggahaNaM dRSTvA dharmAbhimukhA pUrvapratipannagA vA vipariNamate, zvapAkAdisamAnA iti jugupsA - NC. 4. P. 132. 2. loge dugu chiyA je, te pariharateNa titthassa vuDDhI katA bhavati - NC. 2, p. 244. 3. Jinasena, Adipurana, 16. 243; Vimalasuri, Paumacariya, 3. 115.7. 4. tattha aduguMchitA baMbhaNI khattiyA vesi suddI ya - NC 4, p. 50. 5. Belonging to a different sect or religion has been considered to be one basis of untouchability in ancient India-Kane, P. V., History of Dharmasastras, Vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 188. 6. NC. 1, pp. 13, 163; NC. 2, p. 208; NC. 3, pp. 223, 418. 7. ete samaNamAhaNA paropparaM viruddhA egato aData, Na ete je vA, te vA, NUNaM ete corA cAriyA vA kAmI vA- -NC. 2, p. 119.

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78 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI 1 not go undisputed. In spite of an underlying effort to tarnish the image of the Brahmanas and the other sects, in order to eulogise the character of the Jainas, the various stories and instances unconsciously referred to by the author bring before us the real picture of the society. (ii) Divine Origin of the Brahmanas-The period from the end of the 3rd upto the 10th or 11th century A.D., or as it has been called the age of the Dharmasastras, 2 shows a remarkable development in glorification of the theory of imparting gift to the Brahmanas who were regarded as human gods. A similar position can also be judged from the NC. The Brahmanas were popularly regarded to have been gods in heaven who were sent to earth by Prajapati himself. This concept of the Brahmanas as being veritable gods upon this earth (bhudeva'-pratyaksadeva), evidently re-echoes the spirit of the various Brahmanical texts where it is stated: "Brahmanas are the gods that are directly seen' and also that "there are two kinds of gods; for indeed gods are gods but the Brahmanas are the human gods" 4 (iii) Brahmanas by Caste Alone-Another important feature seen from the text is that the birth alone had now become the only criterion for belonging to a particular caste. The Brahmanas were called Brahmabandhu because of their caste itself (jatimatra-sam panna-Brahmabandhusu). According to the ancient injunctions, "a Brahmana alone could be one with Brahma, for he alone was entitled to enter the fourth stage of life, viz. "asceticism". Bana also enjoins that even to a Brahmana by 9 1. NC. 3, p. 142. 2. Ghurye, G.S., Caste and Class in India, p. 44. 3. Ibid., p. 91. 4. kiM ca ete divi devA AsI, prajApatinA bhUmau sRSTA devA - NC. 3, p. 415. aa: :-Yasastilaka, 88. 5. 5. Ibid.; also 6. NC. 4, p. 55. 7. Taittariya Samhita, 1. 7. 31. 8. Satapatha Brahmana, SBE., Vol. 12, p. 309 and Vol. 26, p. 341. 9 eteSu jAtimAtra saMpannabrahmabaMdhuSvapi dattaM mahat phalaM - NC. 3, p. 415.

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SOCIAL LIFE 79 birth merely, uninitiated in heart, respect is due.1 Mention has been made of the Brahmanas who in spite of belonging to chaste Brahmana family were not versed in Srutis and Smotis or in the art of sacrifice.2 Such Brahmanas or the Sottiyaputtas (i.e. the sons of a Srotriya), as they have been called in the NC.", may be compared with the jati-Brahmanas of Patanjali as according to him, "the person devoid of tapas and Vedic study is a Brahmana by birth alone.?4 (iv) Duties of the Brahmanas--The Brahmanas formed the intellectual section of society; they were usually called as satkarmaniratas (engaged in six activities). The six duties of the Brahmanas, enumerated in the NC., are : offering sacrifice (yajana), performing sacrifice for others (yajana), study (adhyayana), teaching ! adhya pana), giving gifts (dana) and receiving gifts (prati graha). These six duties of the Brahmanas have been enumerated by Manu? who adds that receiving gifts was the principal means of their livelihood. So far as the duties of study and teaching (adhyayana, adhya pana) are concerned, the learned Brahmanas acquired the knowledge of the 14 Vidyas or sciences by staying in the Gurukulas for a number of years. Evidently, there must have been efficient Brahmana teachers who imparted the sacred lore to the students. A highly appreciative account of the different 1. Harsacarita, p. 7. 2. Filadagat fa g farturafatraforat sitfr*:"--NC. 3, p. 412. 3. Ibid. 4. 91:appi TT ETT ETTET ET UT : -Mahabhasya, Vol. 1, p. 411 and Vol. II, p. 363. 5. Bfar afat qeshiferay-NC. 3, p. 415. 6. ATA JE TR 37274 372219 CT af-Ibid.; also Pauma cariyo, 105. 21; Mahapurana, 16. 264. 7. adhyApanamadhyayanaM yajanaM yAjanaM tathA / dAnaM pratigrahazcaiva ssttkrmaannygrjnmnH|| SaNNAM tu karmaNAmasya trINi karmANi jiivikaa| yAjanAdhyApane caiva vizuddhAcca pratigrahaH / / Manavadharmasastra, 10.75-76. 8. NC. 3, pp. 92, 413; Uttaradhyayana Tika, 8, p. 123.

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80 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI activities of the Brahmana teachers given by Yuan Chwang also points towards the same. The knowledge of the science of sacrifice (homa, yajna) was a must for the Brahmanas who not only performed sacrifices for themselves (yajana) but also for others, for the security of the king as well as the subjects (yajana). As priests they were employed by kings, while the Sottiyas (Srotriya) were a class of the house-holder Brahmana sacrificers who usually performed sacrifices for the public. The Brahmapas have been held in contempt for sacrificing goats. This evidently shows that grand sacrifices must have been in vogue in which the animals were sacrificed. The ideal extolled before the Brahmanas was that of poverty and chastity. The Brahmanas must have displayed their charity (anugraha) towards the people by helping them in various religious ceremonies held for self-purification, and also during the birth and death ceremonies. Receiving gifts (pratigraha) was a proud privilege of the Brahmanas. Once the theory of the divine origin of the Brahmanas was accepted, imparting gifts to them was considered to bring great spiritual merit to the donor. The king as well as the public was eager to secure their favours. The kings used to feed the Brahmanas before launching a campaign to conquer the enemy (paravijaya) and for acquiring victory and maintaining peace in the State.? A king is shown as giving donations to the Brah1. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 160. 2. NC. 2, p. 267. 3. NC. 3, p. 343, also p. 413. 4. TO SET TOT Toasta falfament-NG. 3, p. 429. In the Paumacariya of Vimalasuri also Parvataka is mentioned as preaching that goats should be killed in sacrifices--Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of the Paumacariya (unpublished thesis), p.-598; Manusmrti (3. 268-70) also refers to offering of the meat of goat for the liberation of the manes on the occasion of monthly Sraddha. 5. grisaat-sahlazurs --ETTHEUTATU, Ayeg e ta EATUI-NC. 3, p. 415. 6. Ibid, 7. FITE T RUE stoot me HIIT Affari faaetuisterdim-NC. 2, p. 461.

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6 SOCIAL LIFE manas on every full-moon day of Kartika. But, these pious and learned Brahmanas, proud as they were of their knowledge and learning, never cared to bow down even before the kings. A learned Brahmana, being advised by others to visit the king and ask him for gifts, is seen as bluntly replying, should I accept gifts from a king going there uninvited? If the king desires the welfare of his forefathers and ancestors, he should come here himself to take me with him or send me the gifts here1. This shows the patronizing attitude with which they received gifts from the kings, and ensured that it was not a begging on their part, but a demand which was a mandatory duty on the part of the donor if he desired his own salvation. Apart from the kings, the people also showed liberal charity towards the Brahmanas by providing them with food and other requirements. Feeding the cows and the Brahmanas was considerd to be an act of meritorious duty on the part of the donor.2 The Brahmanas were never refused alms during their begging-round. In the month of Kartika people broke their fast only after offering food to the Brahmanas. The Brahmanas were respectfully called to perform the religious ceremonies on various auspicious and inauspicious occasions. Often they were invited to the Sraddha ceremony when the food was offered to the dead ancestors. The period of ten days impurity because of the birth or death in a particular family also ended after offering food to the Brahmanas. It is thus evident 6 81 1. NC. 3, p. 92. The Brahmanic authorities lay down various restrictions. upon the Brahmanas and a Snataka for accepting food or gifts from a king. According to Manu, a Brahmana was not to seek gifts from a king who was avaricious and transgressor of the rules of the Sastras. -Manu. VII. 5. 84; also VII. 13. 4. 2. qui magia Alfa (NC. 2, p. 315). According to the Smrtis, feeding the Brahmanas is one of the acknowledged ways of gaining religious merit (Collection of Smrtis, p. 423; Vayu Purana, 80. 55). 3. kiM tumo babhaNoM ! tAhe imassAgatassa avassaM bhikkhaM dejjaha - NG 3, p. 413. 4. NC. 3, p. 418. 5. NC. 3, p. 415; Hariacarita, p. 164, text p. 175. 6. NC. 3, p. 526.

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82 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI that 'receiving gifts' (pratigraha) was the principal means of livelihood of the Brahmanas, and the people also voluntarily reciprocated by offering their best possession to please these human gods in order to ensure their own welfare during the life-time and after. (v) Brahmanas and Other Occupations-Apart from these six duties which were specifically laid down, the Brahmanas indulged in other activities also. They must have worked as astrologers or fortune-tellers (nemittiya) and mastered the science of medicine (tegicchiya). The Brahmanas also went abroad with the caravans.1 Besides, in spite of the Brahmanic injunctions to the contrary, some of the poor Brahmanas did embrace the occupation of agriculture in order to earn their livelihood. 2 They not only supervised the lands but also tilled by themselves. A Brahmana is mentioned to have gone to the field (kayara) to till the land with only one bullock." It might be said that social and economic conditions, especially after a slow decline in the Vedic rites and rituals, must have forced the Brahmanas to embrace other occupations, though the ideals regarding a true Brahmana was still the same, i. e. one performing the pious activities assigned to his own Varna. (vi) Privileges of the Brahmanas-Apart from these duties the Brahmanas enjoyed certain other privileges. Being attacked by 1. Ibid. 2. NC. 3, p. 150. Different rules have been laid down by the Brahmanic authorities for the Brahmanas following the occupation of agriculture. Gautama (Gautama Dharmasutra, 10.5.6.) allows a Brahmana to maintain himself by agriculture, sale of commodities and moneylending only, if he did not engage in it personally but through the agency of others. Madhava (Parasara, Vol. 1, pt. ii, pp. 3-5, 15-16) allows a Brahmana to live on agriculture provided he employs Sudra labourers to do the actual work. According to the Viddha Harita (8. 179), however, agriculture was common to all the Varnas.--Kane, op. cit., p. 126; Ghurye, op. cit., p. 109. 3. NC. 3, p. 150. In the Jatakas we very frequently find the Brahmanas driving the plough with their own hands (Jataka iii, p. 162 and iv,. p. 276). According to Fick, it must have been a living reality, particularly in western India (The Social Organisation in NE. India, p. 242).

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SOCIAL LIFE the Bodhitas, the non-Aryan or Meccha thieves, the Jaina monk in the NC. is directed to save his life by calling himself a Brahmana. Similarly, in an area occupied by the caste of fishermen (dhiyara) a monk could introduce himself as a Brahmana.2 These references clearly indicate that in those circumstances the Brahmanas were not to be robbed or molested, and that their person and property were absolutely safe even amongst the professional thieves. This reminds us of the two privileges assigned by Vasistha to the Brahmanas, viz. both the person and property of the Brahmanas being absolutely inviolate. Yajnavalkya also regards the murder of a Brahmana as one of the five maha patakas.* 1 (vii) Brahmanas and Judicial Matters-It is not clear from the text as to how the various castes settled their legal disputes and other day-to-dayproblems. In case of Brahmanas, however, we get a reference to the meeting of the caste of Brahmanas who assembled to decide punishment for a Brahmana who had killed a bullock by excessive beating." He was, however, spared being considered as a man of too low morale on whom punishment in any form could not be effective. There is no reference that the above matter was reported to the king by the assembly. An epigraphic record from South India shows: "As occasion arose, the Brahmanas used to call a special meeting of the members of the caste, and the assembly could get its decree executed by the king's officials"." From other sources we learn that the Brahmins in Gujarat also had such assemblies," and the disputes were usually settled amongst themselves. 1. bohie vA gahito. abrAhmaNopi brAhmaNo'haMmiti bravIti --NC. I, p. 113. 2. "khette " dhIyAra (jAi) bhAvie "baMbhaNo ahami " tti bhAsae - NC. 2, p. 81. 3. Vasisthasmrti, p. 5. 4. Yajnavalkyasmrti, III. 227. 5. NC. 3, p. 150. 83 6. Hultzsch, E., South Indian Inscriptions, i, No. 56. 7. Ghurye, op. cit., p. 3. 8. Borrandaile's Gujarat Caste-rules, translated into Gujarati by Manga Idas Nathoobhoy, vide-Ghurye, op. cit., p. 29.

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84 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI As noted before, the two virtually contradictory views regarding the social status of the Brahmanas can be seen from the text : first the Brahmanas belong to a condemned caste (dhijjati) as they were thought by the Jaina lawgivers, and second, they are veritable gods upon this earth as they were considered by the members of the orthodox Brahmanic society. It is, however, clear from this account that even though severely condemned by the Jainas, the Brahmanas were held in the highest esteem by the general public and society. The con temporary accounts of Yuan Chwangi and I-Tsing2 as well as the inscriptions of the period amply testify to the fact that this was not a mere wish of the Brahmanas, but a living reality arted upon by the contemporary men and women. Ksatriyas Ksatriyas were the next in order. They were called Ksatriya, since they protected others from danger (ksata). Their primary duty was to protect the people. Only the king belonging to a high Ksatriya family was respected by the people.5 The Ksatriyas appear to have been particularly aware of the purity of their descent (piya-pakkha-visuddha). Various respe 1. According to Yuan Chwang, India during his time was known to them as country of the Brahmanas.-Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 140. 2. I-Tsing clearly states: "The Brahmanas are regarded throughout the five parts of India as the most honorable (caste). They do not, when they meet in a place, associate with the other three castes, and the mixed classes of the people have still less intercourse with them", Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 182. 3. Bhandarkar, R. G., A Peep into the Early History of India, p. 53. 4. gaia alfa rar 3717&TOR *:--NC. 2, p. 467. According to Mahapurana (16. 243), the term Ksatriya denotes a Saviour who is entrusted with the duty of protecting the wounded. For similar definition of the word Ksatriya see-Raghuvansa, II. 53; Paumacariya, 3. 115; Manu. 10. 79. 5. NC. 2, p. 449. 6. NC. 3, p. 29. The early Jaina and Buddhist texts also reveal that the Ksatriyas claimed descent from the leaders of the Aryan tribes. They were most particular as to the purity of their descent.-Law, B.C., India. as Described in the Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, p. 144.

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SOCIAL LIFE 85 ctable kulas of the Ksatriyas like the Uggakula and Ikkkagukula have been mentioned.1 The NC. does not say much regarding the caste of the Ksatriyas, but their social status must have remained the same as in the earlier centuries. Vaisyas or Vaniks Next were the Vaisyas (Vaisa)? who have been usually called Vapiks (Vanija, Vaniya) in the NC. Jainism being popular amongst the trading class of the Vaniks, a graphic account of their activities can be found in the text.* The Vapiks were the skilful traders who embarked on any enterprise only after properly calculating the income and expenditure. They always followed the profitable course. By their experience and pragmatic approach they gained large profits even by investing a very little amount of money. As bankers and money-lenders they controlled the whole economye and also enhanced the material prosperity of the country. Taking into .consideration the multifarious activities of the Vaniks it would not be unjust to remark that although third in the traditional order of the Varnas, the Vaisyas enjoyed the foremost status in day-to-daylife of the period and also raised their social status to a great extent by their religious and philanthropic activities. Sudras The lowest strata of society consisted of the Sudras, ? Cindalas, Svapakas" and various other despised people. The 1. afTE J I--NC. 3, p. 413; fotorelage salgai zicom-NC. 3, p. 29. 2. NO. 3, p. 413; NC. 4, p. 50. 3. See Chapter VI. 4. 311-7-574 TEST AT TEFTITTIETC 572 af 90-NC. 2, p. 341; Brh. Vt. 4, p. 1177. 5. Tur af 1341-3901 afaoi 788 agat apa nugft-NC. 1, p. 153. 6. See Chap. VI. 7. NC 2, p. 119; NC. 3, p. 413. 8. NC. 3, p. 207. 9. NC. 3, p. 132.

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86 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Sudras, however, were included into the four Aryan Varnasa and as such they were differentiated from the Candalas, svapakas and other despised people who had no place in the Aryan society. It is not clear as to who constituted this class of the Aryan Sudras. The dasas, kammakaras, bhayagas and other agriculturist and manual labourers so frequently mentioned in the NC.might be taken as representatives of the Sudra Varpa. Yuan Chwang informs us that the fourth class is that of the Sudras or agriculturists who toiled by cultivating the soil and were industrious at sowing and reaping. Like the three higher Varnas the Sudras also had their own kulas or families and the ladies belonging to the Sudras were not equated with the untouchables for having belonged to the Aryan Varna. It is evident that although occupying the lowest position in the Aryan society, the status of the Sudras was much higher than that of the Candalas or others who were considered as untouchables. Despised and Untouchables Besides this Aryan population there was a large number of the tribal population residing on the outer fringes of the Aryan settlements who were despised and segregated by the members of the Aryan society. These people were usually called by a generic term Mecchas or Andriya?, and they roughly corresponded to the untouchable sections of the Brahmanical society. A difference has been marked by the scholars between impurity and untouchability. According to Ambedkar, 1. See-NC. 4, p. 50. Here the Sudra ladies are mentioned along with the other three Aryan Varnas as distinct from the ladies belonging to the despised castes. 2. NO. 2, p. 263; NC, 3, pp. 272-73, 519. 3. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 168. 4. Tracy T , 341Chetat 9 - --NC. 3, p. 413. 5. tattha aduguchitA baMbhaNI khattiyA vesi suddI ya / dugu chitA...NaDavaruDAdiyAo-- NC. 4, p. 50. 6. NO. 3, pp. 429, 518. 7. NO. 4, p. 40. 8. Sharma, op. cit., p. 125.

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SOCIAL LIFE 87 even though the notions regarding impurity must have prevailed in India from the earliest times, 1 yet untouchability, in the modern sense of the word, came into existence somewhere between 200 and 600 A. D.2 A complete segregation of the untouchable castes can be seen in the NC. which shows that untouchability had reached an advanced stage during these centuries. It has been clearly stated that there were two forms of the worldly segregation (loiya-parihara-nijjudha)-(i) for a definite period (ittarita) and (ii) for the whole life (avakahiya). This might be called the temporary and the permanent segregation. As an example of the former the author has referred to the typical Indian custom of segregating those families for a period of ten days where a death or birth had taken place.. Various despised castes like that of the nada, varuda, chimpaga, cammara and cumba, on the other hand, have been cited as examples of the latter for being permanently segregated by the civilized sections of society." If we are to believe that the main distinction between the impure and the untouchable lay in the fact that while the touch of the impure caused pollution only at a ceremonial occasion, the touch of the untouchable caused pollution at all times, then the former could be cited as a typical example of impurity, while the latter clearly revealed the existence of untouchability. It can thus be judged that the notions regarding impurity as well as untouchability were largely prevailing during this time. Furthermore, these despised people, or jumgitas or dugunchitas, as they have been called in the NC.', have also been termed as abhojjas or asambhojikass, showing thereby that interdining 1. Untouchables, p. 139. 2. Ibid., p. 144. 3. Izsit shiftat 37194fe3ft --NC. 4, p. 280. 4. Fifth H afaqh550--Ibid. 5. 3717 Ter E-755-fETNT-FAT-GAI-Ibid. 6. Ambedakar, op. cit., p. 140. 7. NC. 2, p. 243. 8. Ibid.

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88 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI with them was not permitted to the higher Varnas of society. Their families were especially known as thavana-kula wherefrom a monk was expressly barred from accepting food. Referring to the grounds on which they were shunned by society, three categories of the despised and untouchables have been mentioned in the NC.2 : (i) jatijumgita or people condemned by their caste, (ii) kammajumgila or those condemned because of the work they followed and (iii) sippajumgita or those following condemned arts and crafts. Although a distinction has been made between kamma and sippa,: yet for a clear understanding of the problem we may call them by a common term, viz. occupation, and thus broadly divide the untouchables into two groups : (i) untouchables by caste, (ii) untouchables by occupation. Taking into consideration the untouchables by occupation we find that the peacock-teamers (posaga), barbers (sampara, nhavita), acrobats (nada), pole-dancers (lamkha), hunters (vaha, luddhaga), fowlers (vaguriya), butchers (sogariga, khattiga) and fishermen (macchigga) have been mentioned as following condemned work (kammajumgita), while the leather-workers (padakara, cammakara), barbers (nhavita), washermen (rayaga), dealers in silken clothes (kosejja), colicoprinters (chim paga)) and wine-sellers (kallala) have been mentioned as people following low or condemned crafts (si ppajumgita, duttha-si ppa)." Here a comparison with the Buddhist and the Brahmanical authorities will also reveal that many of these professions have been 1. gear gott squirgit 3TH OH OTU: -Ibid. 2. FFAM a1 fetchur ar straty ar--NC. 2, p. 243; NC. 3, pp. 270-71; Brh. V!. 2, p. 336. 3. Kamma is explained as work which could be followed without any previous training or teaching like gathering sticks etc., while sippa required a proper training under the guidance of a teacher.---NC. 4, p. 120. 4. NC. 3, p. 271. 5. NC. 4, p. 280.

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SOCIAL LIFE called hinasippas (low professions) by the Buddhists, and the people following these professions were called abhojyas by the Brahmanical law-givers. The terms sippajungita and kammajungita indicate that these people must have been despised by society because of their low and unclean occupations. An analysis of the above-mentioned occupations also supports to quite an extent the Occupational Theory of Rice according to which the "origin of untouchability is to be found in the unclean and filthy occupations of the untouchables." Besides, there were no hard and fast rules regarding the basis of untouchability. People following a particular occupation could be considered as despised in certain regions, while they were not despised so in other regions. For instance, the washermen (nillevaga) were despised in Sindhu,+ and the smiths (lohara) and wine-sellers (kallala) in Daksinapatha,s while they were not despised in the Laca country where the acrobats (nada), bamboo-workers (varuda) and leather-workers (cammakara) were held in contempt. The untouchables by caste were the people who were despised because of their birth in certain families.' They 1. The five low occupations (hinasippani) mentioned in the Vinaya are that of the na lakara (bamboo-workers), the kumbhakara (potter), the kosakara (weaver), thc cammakara (leather-worker) and the nhacita (barber)-Vinaya Pitaka, IV.7. 2. According to Visnu, a member of the first three castes has to undergo a penance if he takes food offered by a carpenter, a black-smith, a gold-smith, a dealer in molasses and other liquids, an oil-presser, a weaver, a dyer of clothes, a cane-worker and a washerman. Atri declares a washerman, a leather-worker, a cane-worker, a fisherman and a Bhil to be antyajas or outcastes-Ghurye, op. cit., p. 101. :3. Rice, Hindu Customs and Their Origins, pp. 113-15. Although Ambedkar has tried to reject the Occupational Theory of Rice (see-Untouchables, p. 65), yet from the NC., occupation seems to have been the basis of untouchability. 4. aaa sfouce 34'tral, TET HELE focall_NC. 2, p. 243. 5. Tagg arafagfrat el cfaerie TE ACESTIT-NC. 4, p. 132. 6. JEG TEHETtafittifa--Ibid. 7. arfag'firat fortal godda g'firat ft-NC. 3, p. 270.

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90 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI mostly belonged to the aboriginal primitive tribes? who were unaware of the civilizedtways of life. The various untouchable castes and the wild tribes mentioned in the NC. are as follows: (i) Bhilla--The primitive tribe of the Bhillas or Bhils has been frequently mentioned in the NC. as residing in the forests or hills.' They had their own forts or habitats knows as bhillakotta or bhilla-pall7.3 Because of their uncivilized and barbarious habits, their existence was a grave danger (vaghaya) to the caravans passing through the dense forests.* The existence of their caste in the neighbouring regions of Gujarat is evident from the fact that the Bhils or Kolis were supposed to have been the earliest traditional rulers of Gujarat.6. (ii) Bodhita--Bohiga or Bodhita was a caste of the Mecchas who resided in the hilly areas serrounding the Malwa region. They are mentioned as a class of the professional robbers or thieves who kidnapped and robbed the people of their belongings.? (iii) Candala-The lowest position in society was assigned to the Candalas. In the feasts organized for all the sections of society, from the highest to the lowest (yavantiga-samkhad7), the Candalas can be seen occupying the lowest status. The Candalas, Matamgas and svapakas were condemned and illreputed as they observed no restrictions on matters relating to 1. According to Rhys Davids, the hina jatis of the Buddhists also were the aboriginal tribes.Buddhist India, p. 54. 2. NC. 3, p. 219; NC. 1, p. 144. 3. NC. 4, p. 151. 4. NC. 1, p. 144. 5. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 35. 6. asett arma#=51, a qatarde fal HTUATU ETA-NC. 4, p. 124; also Brh. V!. 3, p. 880. 7. a&TAT E T =31, Alucarft ata a alertato afouifa---NC. 1, p. 100. 8. Ca fa grafator at, han afecaferri Tricic fassfa---NC. 2, p. 207.

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SOCIAL LIFE 91 food habits. According to Manu, the Candalas were the lowest amongst men, and the description of the Candala-hamlet ( Candala-vasati ) given by Bana in the Kadambari also reveals the same fact. (iv) Cora-The Cors are mentioned as a caste residing in the forests along with the Sabaras and the Pulimdas. They used to steal cattle from the villages and had no other profession apart from stealing. + (v) Domba or Dumba-The Dombas are mentioned as despised people "living in the open space', as they used to live in the unprotected places. They are also described as "people constantly fighting among themselves and being notorious for their haughty and jealous disposition.' 6 They were usually employed by the kings to drive the elephants (memtha).? The ancient authorities compare the Dombas with the Cancalas and Svapakas in social status. 8 This caste is the present scheduled caste in Madras as Dombo and as Doma in Bengal, Bihar and U. P.9 (vi) Harikesa-The Harikesas ( Harikesas) were the people despised on the basis of their caste (jatijum gita) along with the Lohakaras, Medas, Panas, Dombas and Varudas. 10 They have been equated with the Matamgas. 11 In the Paiya Sadda Mahannava also they are indentified with the Candalas. 12 1. Soler Feri PT 392 ei saizi ara facturachitay At Arildistatant-NC. 3, p. 527. 2. Manu. 10. 12. 3. NC. 3, p. 87. 4. TaifaeftoIT FATTI-NC. 3, p. 198. 5. Farfedt biar --NC. 3, p. 270. 6. H TTFT STE) Starfaa Hari Fiat Al, CTET, agroaftar-NC. 2, p. 284. 7. Etat for HD-NC 3, p. 436. 8. Kane, op. cit., p. 82. 9. Ibid. 10. NC. 3, p. 270. 11. NC. 1, p. 10. 12. P. 941.

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92 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (vii) Kolika--The Kolikas were another set of despised people.1 The Yasastilaka mentions them as a class of weavers. 3 Kolika as an Antyaja caste has also been mentioned by Vedavyasa. Describing the original population of Gujarat, Majumdar informs us that the Kolis stand between the Kaliparaja or the early aboriginal tribes and the Ujali-varna or the fair complexioned people of Gujarat. They are half Bhil and half Hindu and have in some parts intermingled with the Ujali-varpa. They were supposed to have been the earliest traditional rulers of Gujarat. (viii) Lohakara --The caste of the Lohakaras was not universally condemned. While they were treated as despised in Southern India,' they were not despised in the Lata country. Perhaps they might have originally been the members of a primitive tribe and retained their occupation even in the later centuries. (ix) Matanga-The Matangas were another popular wild tribe. They have been identified with the Panas also.8 The Matangas were versed in various occult powers, and they maintained their own religious beliefs. The Papas and the Matarigas worshipped the deities knows as zakkhas. The shrine of the Adambara Jakkha, who was also known as Hirimikkajakkha, was supposed to have been built upon the bones of human beings. 10 This practice was probably the result of 1. Timo Hiftoria HT JERI-NG. 3, p. 270. 2. Jain, G. C., Yasastilaka ka Sanskitika Adhyayana, p. 63. 3. Vedavyasasmrti, I. 12-13. 4. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 34. 5. Ibid., p. 35. 6. NC. 3, p. 270. 7. NC. 4, p. 132. 8. stop" fet-ARIT-NC. 4, p. 238. King Seniya is mentioned to have learnt two supernatural powers called unnamani and onnamini from a Harikesa or Matanga-NC. 1, p. 9. 10. "TI" ---ATTI E Cat 5et fertfaqet fa uufa a TOT Huvihaaz gifot sfarsikt-NC. 4, p. 238; Avasyaka Curni, II, p. 294.

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SOCIAL LIFE 93 their association with the cremation-ground. The terms. Matanga and Candala have been taken as synonyms by Bana.2 The present untouchable caste called "Mang' in the cld Bombay Presidency and 'Mang' in Orissa 3 may be the descendants of these Matangas. (x) Meda-The Medas or Meyas are mentioned as the untouchables who hunted games with bow and arrow.. According to Manu, the Medas, were employed in hunting wild animals. The Medas as an antyaja caste have also been mentioned by Vedavyasa. (xi) Morattiya-Morattiya is mentioned as an untouchable caste with whom the higher Varnas could not interdine.? They have been identified with the Candalas or Svapakas. (xii) Pana-Papa was another wild tribe. As noted before, they have been identified with the Matangas. Panas were highly despised by the people because of their filthy habits. 10 The Jaina monks were directed not to eat in their company lest they might also be thought as unclean as the Panas. 11 As mentioned before, the Panas and the Matangas worshipped the deities called Jakkhas. The status of the Panas was. evidently the same as that of the Candalas. (xiii) Pulinda-Pulinda was a popular non-Aryan tribe. Like the Bhillas, the Pulindas also had their own forts or habitats marked as the Pulinda Kotta12 or Pulinda Palla18 and they 1. Sharma, op. cit., p. 264. 2. Kadambari, para 9. 3. Kanc, op. cit., p. 91. 4. F IERIAI Tata taarianca--NC. 3, p. 198; also Bjh. V:. 3, p. 781. 5. Manu. 10. 48. 6. Vedavyasasmrti, 1. 12-13. 7. gate toit, Eta, Athar -NC. 2, p. 243. 8. Paiya Sadda Mahannava, p. 700 9. See Matangas. 10. NC. 1, p. 16; NC. 3, p. 157. 11. Hem faciut iga 9108 sa Hea vallat Tua-NC. 1, p. 16 12. NO. 3, p. 496. 13. NC. 3, p. 521.

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94 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI robbed the people passing through their habitats. They were totally barbarious people living outside the pale of the Aryan society, and even the sight of an Aryan was a surprise (kotua) to them.2 They are mentioned as nillajjas1 or people without any sense of shame, for they openly cohabited with their women. Sometimes, illicit relations seem to have existed between the Aryan male and the non-Aryan female, particularly the Pulinda female." The Pulindas used to eat meat of the dead cows.* It has been clearly indicated that the Pulindas or the non-Aryans as a whole were allowed to eat meat of the dead cows, but they were not allowed to kill a living cow.5 According to Vedavyasa, all those castes, who indulged in killing animals, were to be termed as antyajas," The status of the Pulindas as outcastes is evident from the text. (xiv) Sabara-Sabara as a non-Aryan tribe has been mentioned along with the Pulindas and the Coras residing in the dense forests outside the Aryan regions. In the Kadambari as well as in the Harsacarita of Bana the Sabaras are shown as residing in the Vindhya forests. The Sabaras along with the Pulindas, Kiratas and other non-Aryan tribes have been included in the Sudra-varna in the Amarakosa.10 (xv) Varuda11--The Varudas earned their livelihood by making ropes and selling the winnowing baskets. 12 Varuda 1. NC. 4, p. 49. 2. ffl-Ibid.; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 680. 3. NC. 4, p. 49. 4. NC. 3, p. 521. 5. sA (jaragavI) puliMdehiM "sayaM maya" tti khaiyA -- Ibid. 6. Vedavyasasmrti, 1. 12-13. 7. NC. 3, p. 87. 8. Agrawala, V.S., Kadambari: Eka Samskrtika Adhyayana, p. 42. 9. In the Harsacarita (p. 232 ) Bhukampa is described as a general of Sabaras, the lord of all this Vindhyan range, the leader of all the village chiefs. 10. Amarakosa, II. 10-21. 11. Avakahito jahA gaDa varuDa. DubAdi - NC. 4, p. 280. 12. suppAdiyA ruDaM karettA varuDA - NC. 3, p. 270.

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SOCIAL LIFE 95 has been mentioned by Atri as an antyaj a caste.: Baruda as a scheduled caste can now be found in Orissa.' (xvi-xvii) Saka-Yavana--The non-Aryan tribes of the Sakas and the Yavanas are shown as ruling outside the Aryan regions.s They wore quaint dresses and spoke different languages. An analysis of the various customs and habits of these despised castes in the NC. reveals to us certain outstanding features of this tribal population as a whole. Firstly, they were non-Aryans or Mecchas (Dravidians or non-Dravidians whosoever they might have been)s as against the Aryan people who ruled over the territory. Secondly, they usually resided in forests or hills or at such other quarters outside the village and were thus segregated by the Aryan society. Thirdly, as noted before, in case of the Pulindas, the habit of beafeating may be regarded as a general habit of all the non-Aryan population, and as Ambedkar has remarked: "It is decisive on this point that it is beaf-eating which is the root of untouchability and which also divides the impure and the untouchables."6 Lastly, they maintained different religious beliefs, worshipped different deities like the Jakkhas and believed in various occult powers and practices. The society revealed from the NC. is thus a mixed assortment of this Aryan and non-Aryan population. The Aryans formed the civilized section of society and ruled over the territory, and their subjects were governed by the order of the four Varnas (caturvarna), while the Mecchas or the non-Aryans resided at the outer quarters and were least affected by the civilized ways of the Aryans. In the following pages an account shall be given of the various social institutions of the 1. Atrismrti, 199. 2. Kane, op. cit., p. 70. 3. NC. 4, p. 124. 4. Ibid. 5. According to the Racial Theory of Rice, the untouchables were the non-Dravidian aboriginals.-Hindu Customs and Their Origins, pp. 113-15 6. Ambedkar, op. cit., p. 142.

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96 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Aryans who had developed a high social life from the earliest times. Family Family (kula) was the nucleus of all social activities of the individual, and society was but an aggregate of such families. 1 Birth in a particular family higher or lower (ibbha' or jumgiya:) determined the social status of a man, and we find various kulas belonging to all the four Varnas, viz. Bambhanakula, Khattiya-kula, Vaniya-kula and Sudda-kula. The pattern of the family was a joint one (samanna.ghara), in which the uncles (pitTvya), brothers (bhrata), grandfather (pitamaha) and grandsons (pautraka) lived together under the same roof and followed the common customs (ega-savvd-samacari).. Every thing spiritual or material must have been shared by them in common. "Joint in food, worship and estate' has been the ideal of Hindu Joint Family, and Kautilya also lays down that the members of a family must live in the same abode, partake the food cooked in the same kitchen, and enjoy the common property." The following six relations, i.e. mother, father, brothers, sisters, sons and daughters were the prime members of the family. They have been called 'blood-relations' or members united due to the relationship of a common umbilicalcord (malabaddha). Besides these six family members, the other 1. Agrawala, V. S., India as known to Panini, p. 93. 2. NC. 2, p. 433. 3. NC. 2, p. 243. 4. NC. 3, p. 413. 5. NC 2, p. 140. 6. fazati, TM, Cate:, 07:--104 cm: 37621- toag af et Hal Alert-NC. 4, p. 86. According to Kautilya also the family includes children, wife, mother, father, minor brothers, sisters or widowed daughters-Arthasastra, p. 47. 7. Arthasastra, p. 190. 8. TEITH_Ara font HT afruft get al-NC. 4, p. 86; BIh. Vg. 4. p. 1267.

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7 SOCIAL LIFE sixteen nearest relatives are enumerated as four from the mother's side, i.e. mother's mother, father, brother and sister; the same four from the paternal side; brother's sons and daughters, sister's sons and daughters; grandson and granddaughter from the son All and daughter both. these twenty-two relations have been called blood-relations being united by the chain of the same umbilical cord.1 An analysis will make it clear that the list includes three generations from both the sides, maternal and paternal. These blood-relations called nala-baddha in the NC. may correspond to sanabhi of Panini and sanabhya or spinla as explained by Manu." In this joint-family father was the master (prabhu) of the house and was known as grhapati or gharasami. He looked after all the affairs of the family and was the master of the family-property during his life-time. The parents were to be respected and obeyed by all the family-members. To repay the debt which one owes to the parents and preceptor was hard indeed." In the absence or on the death of the father, the eldest son (jettha-putta) usually became the master of the house." Sometimes, however, the younger one or all the sons acquired an equal status (savve-pabhu)." After the death of the father the family-property was equally distributed amongst all his sons. An illustration of the same has been mentioned in which the four sons got an equal share of the father's pro 97 1. NC. 4, p. 87. According to the commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, the first six, i. c. mother, father, brother, sister, son and daughter, were the direct blood relatives, while the other sixteen were indirectly united by a common umbilical cord.-Brh. V., p. 1267. 2. Asadhyayi, VI. 3. 85; Agrawala., V. S., op. cit., p. 93. 3. Vide-Agrawala, op. cit. 4. gRhasya patiH prabhuH svAmI gRhapatItyarthaH - NC. 2, p. 118. 5. duppaDiyaragaM jao tiNha mAtu pitu dhammAyariMyassa ya / ete paramovakAriNo - NC. 3, p. 34. 6. pabhU pitA jadi asahINo...jo jeTThI putto so aNuNNavijjati - NC. 2, p. 140. gazNG. 2, p. 140; Brh. Vr., p. 900. 7. a

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98 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI perty (piisamtiyan davvan) including produce of the field, irrespective of the fact that three of them were lazy and indulged in vices like drinking and gambling. The wife of the master was the mistress of the house (gharini2-glhini) and she was responsible for all the internal affairs of the family. The duties of a mistress were quite exacting although in her household duties she was usually helped by the daughters, daughters-in-law and by slaves and servants of the family. The lady was responsible for meeting the requirements of all the family-members; she kept a watch over the servants of the family, provided them with proper food and also looked after the budget of the family, Polygamy being in vogue, wives thus lived under the same roof.4 In such cases the eldest wife was usually the mistress of the house; but in case she had no son, the younger one having a son could also be given the charge of the family. In case all the wives had sons, then the mother of the eldest son (jettha putta-maya) usually commanded more respect. * However, no hard and fast rule could be laid down in this regard, and the wife dearest to husband was, in fact, the mistress of the house.? Generally, the co-wives must have lived in the same house. Sometimes, however, they had separate houses and the husband took meals with them in turns (varagena). The existence of co-wives in a house must have created unpleasantness in the family. However, no such instances have come to light which led to the disintegration of the family.. 1. Aron ci fastifade fatte cop ad at geyoui di Hood AHTUT Hafi-NC. 3, p. 227. 2. NC. 1, p. 15; NC. 3, p. 357. 3. NC. 2, p. 22. 4. ...alarauit-Athou ar-NC. 2, p. 140. 5. quff Tort he Tall 5977 Tagoraft-NC. 2, p. 141; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 991. 6. har at EST-NC. 2, p. 141; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 991. 7. NC. 2, p. 140. 8. sfofasi aru yafa-NC. 2, p. 142; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 992.

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SOCIAL LIFE 99 Marriage Forms of Marriage--Marriage (vivaha, parinaya or udvaha)? was a necessary step for the individuals to enter the familylife (glhibhava). Of the forms of marriage prescribed by the Brahmanic authorities, examples of only three are to be usually found in the Jaina Agama Texts. These are : (i) marriages arranged by the parents, (ii) marriages by purchase and (iii) marriages by self-choice (svayamvara).8 Instances of all the three are to be found in the NC. Besides, certain unorthodox types of marriage like the sister-marriage, cousin-marriage and marriage in exchange have also been referred to. Marriage Arranged by the Parents Marriage was usually arranged by the parents in which the daughter was given away to the bridegroom after decorating her person with beautiful clothes and ornaments. This type of marriage corresponds to the Brahmyat or Prajapatya form of marriage prescribed by the Brahmanic authorities. Most of the examples of marriages referred to in the text belong to this category. This shows that it was the usual form of marriage practised by the Indians during these centuries. Marriage by Purchase--Marriage by purchase was also common in which the bridegroom gave a settled amount of money as 'bride-price' to the father or guardian of the bride. This type of marriage corresponds to the Asura form of marri 1. NO. 1, p. 17; NC. 3, pp. 140, 423. 2. Manusmrti, 3. 21; Baudhayanadharmasutra, 1.21.1. 3. Jain, K. C., Bauddha aura Jaina Agamon mem Nari-Jivana. Accord ing to J.C. Jain, three types of marriage mentioned in the Jaina Sutras are : marriages arranged by parents, svayamvara aud Gandharva LAI., p. 155; see also-Sikdar, op. cit., pp. 211-12. 4. # erat faaret 27 atras sit amet rata--Nitiva., p. 374. 5. fafatata traty[TITIETTI: -Ibid. For marriages like Brahmya or Prajapatya sec-Sangave, V. A., Jaina Community, p. 146. See also Chaterjee, H. A., Study of the Prajapatya Form of Marriage, IHQ, Vol. 32 (1957), pp. 44-51. 6. NO. 1, p. 17; NC. 3, p. 150.

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100 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI agel prescribed by the Brahmanic law-givers. In the NC. Anamgasena, a rich jeweller from Campa, is mentioned to have married a large number of beautiful young women by giving a high price.2 Bhacta, the daughter of a setghi, after being forsaken by her husband, was sold to a Vaidya by the Senapati whom she was unwilling to marry.: References in the literature reveal that marriages by purchase were quite in vogue in certain parts of India, particularly in Gujarat where it turned out to be a regular custom among certain castes, In spite of giving it a legal sanction, this type of marriage has been severely condemned by the Brahmanic law-givers. , Marriage by Self-choice (Svayamvara)--Marriage by self-choice or svayamvara was a particular custom amongst the Ksatriyas. in which a husband was chosen by a princess or the daughter of a Ksatriya at a public assembly of suitors.' According to certain contemporary Jaina Puranas, the svayamvara mode of marriage was the sanatana-marga and was considered as the best form of marriage. However, the practice of svayamvara amongst the higher castes had gone out of vogue by these centuries. Strangely enough, the author refers to a typical custom of swayamvara existing among the slave boys of the Tosali Visaya where a fire-vessel (agni-kunda) was constantly kept burning in the spayamvara-hall (vaggharana-sala) for the purpose of 1. quatre fra GTAGTET: --Nitiva., p. 375. 2. HI 4 649 hou Traft I ai dau [IM 4G LT TENC. 3, p. 140, 3. aur fa Ft Feata Sultan fakta-NC. 3, p. 151. 4. Nayadhammakaha, 1. 17. 101; Vivagasuya, 1. 9. 177; Uttara. Ti. 4.97; Ultara. Cu., p. 110. 5. Some castes, especially the Patidara caste in Ahmedabad and Kaira districts and the Anavala Desai caste in Surat district are said to pay bride-price'-Majumdar, op. cit., p. 151. 6. Altekar, A. S., Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, pp. 47-50. 7. SED., p. 1278. 8. Mana purana, pp. 44 ff.; sce also--Jain, K. P., 'Marriage in Jaina Literature', IHQ:, Vol. IV, p. 146. 9. A ltckar, op. cit., pp. 78-80.

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SOCIAL LIFE marriage. Many slave-boys and a slave-girl entered the svayamvara-hall and the slave-girl used to choose a boy of her own choice. It is clear that svayamvara as a mode of marriage amongst the higher castes was not popular during these centuries. 2 Apart from these, certain traditional examples of abduction and elopement as in the cases of Suvarnagulika's abduction by king Pajjoya and Ajja Kalaga's nun-sister's by king Gaddabhilla have been mentioned which may be taken to correspond the Raksasa form of marriage as practised by the kings and princes, i. e. the Ksatriya class. These references, however, belong to the earlier centuries and do not reflect the life of the age. Other Types of Marriage--Besides these traditional forms of marriage, examples of certain untraditional or unorthodox marriages have also been cited in the text. Marriage with one's own mother or daughter has always been condemned and restricted, but the sister-marriage, according to the Jaina mythology, was quite prevalent during the time of Rsabhadeva who married his own sister. It has been stated in the NC. that the sexual relations with a sister could be tolerated during the mihuna-kala. The author here seems to refer to those days of promiscuity or the age of yugala-dharma when men and women were born in couples as husband and wife." 101 1. vagdhAraNasAlA tosalivisae gAmamajjhe sAlA kIrai / tattha agaNikuMDaM Niccameva acchati. sayaMvaraNimittaM / tattha ya bahave ceDA ekkA ya sayaMvarA ceDI pavisijjati, jo se cer3Ie -NC. 4, p. 62.; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 963. 2. According to Saletore, no concrete example is so far forthcoming to prove that it (svayamvara) was actually adopted in practice by (Gupta kings) between the 4th and 7th centuries.--Life in the Gupta Age, p. 201. 3. NC. 3, p. 145. 4. NC. 3, p. 59. 5. mAtA appaNI agammA - NC. 4, p. 16. 6. LAI., p. 160. 7. mihuNakAle bhagiNI gammA / sesakAle bhagiNI - NC. 4, p. 17. 8. Jain, K. P., 'Marriage in Jaina Literature', IHQ., Vol. IV, p. 146.

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102 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Cousin-marriage, i. e. marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter or with a girl related from the mother's side, was a regular custom (chamda ayara) in the Lata country.1 According to the Avasyaka Curni, marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter was common in Lata and Daksinapatha; but it was severely condemned in Uttarapatha. Kumarila Bhatta also refers to this particular custom while stating that a Daksinatya is overjoyed to get the hand of the daughter of his maternal uncle. The epigraphs of the Rastrakuta monarchs belonging to the 9th and 10th centuries A. D. also approve of the same practice. Although this type of marriage has been forbidden and even condemned by the Brahmanic law-givers, since it falls in the field of the Sapinda Marriage, yet our author consi-ders it as a natural custom. Many of the rules for the Jaina monks were formulated to restrict them from keeping any contact or begging alms etc. from the maternal uncle's daughter. She has been specifically called garugi or mehuniya", as a person was generally supposed to marry his maternal uncle's daughter in the Lata country. 6 Marriage in exchange, i. e. marrying by giving one's own sister in return, was also common. In such marriages it was. believed that one's sister would remain happy if he behaved well with the sister of the other. Such types of marriages are still in vogue in certain parts of India. 1. chaMdo AyAro gaMmA jahA lADANaM mAuladuhiyA, mAusassa dhUyA agaMmA - NC. 1, p. 57. 2. Ava. Cu. II, p. 81. 3. svamAtulasutAM prApya dakSiNAtyastu tuSyati -- Kumarila Bhatta, quoted by Govinda Svami in the commentry on Baudhayanadharmasutra (Mysore ed.), p. &.. 4. Combay Plates of Govindaraja IV', EI. VII, p. 38. 5. Manusmrti, 11. 172-73. 6. NC. 2, p. 14. 7. mehuNitti mAula piussiyadhAtA - NC. 4, p. 135. 8. NC. 3, p. 432. 9. NC. 3, p. 432.

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SOCIAL LIFE 103 Of all the different types of marriage mentioned in the NC. marriages arranged by the parents were the most common, although the other types were also practised amongst the different sections of society. Marriageable Age--No restriction to age-limit for marriage in case of men was put, as many of them married several times in their life.2 Instances show that some boys embraced the monkhood on the day of their marriage." The age of the boy therefore must have been at least sixteen at the time of his first marriage. The Jaina Sastras of this period advocate twelve years as the age for the bride and sixteen years for that of the bridegroom. It is strange enough to see that while the Hindu law-givers of this age enjoy pre-puberty marriages for the girls," no examples of child-marriage are referred to in the text. The references indicate that the girls were quite grown up and had reached the prime of their youth (jauvvana-patta) by the time they got married, 6 In the classical Sanskrit litera. ture of the contemporary period the heroines are usually shown as quite grown up which does not easily coincide with the injunctions of the Smoti literature of the time. The various references in the NC. appear to quote the examples only from the Jaina families where the marriage of a girl before attaining puberty was not considered to be a religious binding, 1. LAI., p. 161. 2. NC. 3, p. 53; NC. 1, p. 15. 3. Ta pie frazit fufafaa AT-NC. 2, p. 108. 4. Jain, K. P., 'Marriage in Jaina Literature', IHQ, Vol. IV, p. 151. According to Somadeva, a girl of twelve years and a boy of sixteen years become competent for selection. dvAdazavarSA strI SoDazavarSaH pumAn prApta agri Haa:--Nitiva., p. 371. "This can be regarded as proper age of marriage recommended for adoption by the Jainas"-Sangave, op cit., p. 149. 5. Yajilavalkyasmrti, 1. 13; see also--Altekar, op. cit., p. 68. 6. RT I UFATI aqui T NC. 2, p. 417. 7. Among the Jainas the insitution of marriage is viewed clearly in its social aspect. There is no religious motive in contracting marriage as

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104 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI and therefore the girls could grow up in their paternal house for a longer period. Marriage Ceremonies and Feasts--Two different phrases, i. e. varita and paripita, have been used. The word varita meant the betrothal ceremony preceding parimita which was the stage after the marriage ceremony was over. Favourable conditions of the stars and planets (naksatra) were studied in great detail as it was believed that marriage solemnised at an inauspicious hour would not promote matrimonial happiness. It was thus a superstitious belief amongst the unhappy wives who were deprived of the love and affection of their husbands to take it for granted that at the time of their marriage the stars were not in favourable position (vivakkara di dosa).* The Buddhist and Brahmanic authorities also put a great stress on this point." Vatsyayana quoting the earlier authorities in his text gives it as his decided opinion that a girl should be sought for or given away when the signs, omens, portents and voices were favourable.* Bana informs that "on a day of good omen Prabhakaravardhana poured the Rajyasri's betrothal water upon the hand of an envoy extraordinary".2 During marriage a pavilion or canopy (man lapa)* was raised and various types of festoons of flowers and green leaves (vandana-maliya) were suspended at the gates for auspicious such.-Sangave, op.cit., p. 159; see also_Jain, K.C., op. cit., pp. 45 and 339. 1. Ar qui AYET-YIT AZT afruitat--NG. 1, p. 17. 2. oui faarelau 177TTIG-DIAT OFEETF9--NC. 2, p. 25EUR; Bih-Vr. 4, p. 1030. Sumai.gala Vilasini, 1. 96; cf. Paumacarija, 6. 27 and 15. 95. 4. kamasutra, p. 185. See also-Chakaldar, Social Life in Ancient India, p. 129. 5. Harsacarita, p. 123. 6. CAT 34Th Heal, pre A Ft-NC. 2, p. 461. Mention of the words asthanamand apa and vasagrha perhaps point towards the ceremonies of Mandapa-vedi-pralis na and Vasakse pa which are two rites among the 16 main rites in the marriage ceremony as observed by the Svetambara Jainas. For 16 main rites of marriage see-Sangave, op. cit., p. 165. 3

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SOCIAL LIFE 105 purposes. I The bride and the bridegro)m after marriage were taken to the va sagrhal or the marriage-chamber the walls of which were sometimes painted with beautiful and auspicious scenes. In the Harsacarita Rajyasri was also taken to vasaglha the doorways of which were adorned by the human representations of love and joy (Rati and Priti).* Various household ceremonies were held before and after the marriage at bride's or bridegroom's place. Ahena' was a feast given to the guests when the bride entered the bridegroom's house. Pahenagae was a feast given by the bride's parents. Sammela was another type of marriage-feast (vivahabhatta).' Marriage was thus the most auspicious and sacred occasion which was celebrated with great joy and mirth in the presence of various relations, friends and guests. Widows and Remarriage-Though men married several times, remarriage of the widows, or of the women forsaken by their husbands, was spurned by the society, especially amongst the higher castes. They (widows) had to keep their chastity and even the unwilling widows were forced to keep the vow of 1. faarea sUMITE BUTTET 69 Arrasart--NC. 2, p. 396; BIh. Vg. 3, p. 654. 2. qfrufttt 7 a Tati-NC. 1, p. 10. The author here seems to have followed the scheme of marriage ceremonies as observed by Svetambaras. According to the Brahmanical texts, the newly wedded couple must observe strict chastity for three days before the consummation of the marriage. The Digambara Jainas also enjoin celibacy for seven days. But among the Svetambaras the newly wedded couple depart for consummation of marriage on the same day on which Asirvada, i. e. the last marriage ceremony, is performed. --Jaina Samskara Vidhi, pp. 110-11; Sangave, op. cit., p. 170. 3. NC. 2, p. 461. 4. Harsacarita, p. 130. 5. Dettet af forsfa Si TUI.aam-NC. 3, p. 223; THATTESTAT htforsifa 01NC. 3, p. 222; Acaranga Cu. II, p. 11. 6. statliterat at fosglat di TETIST..Fant fossila & TE N C. 3, p. 222. 7. atare ai Ibid.

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106 A CULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI celibacy, 1 Such celibate life has been termed as dravya-Brahma, i. e. material celibacy, 2 as against bhava-Brahma, i. e, celibacy which was practised due to an inner urge. Widows were to wear simple clothes and were not allowed to wear any ornaments. Usually women would have remained in the same house after the death of their husbands, but in many cases they went back to their maternal homes. Many a woman embraced Jaina or Buddhist monastic order being disgusted with the life due to the death of their loving husbandse or because of the quarrelsome atmosphere in the family. The Jaina Acaryas took an active part in preaching such ladies.' It can be thus stated that the Jaina and Buddhist monastic orders provided a great help in alleviating the miseries of women by giving them the status of nuns and thus saving them from the sorrowful life of the ancient Indian widowhood. Though remarriages were strictly restricted among the higher castes, i. e. the Brahmanas and Ksatriyas, it was tolerated amongst the lower castes. A story is cited in the NC. wherein Bhatta, the daughter of a Sresthin, was proposed for marriage by the Senapati after she had left her former husband.& Instance has been mentioned of a householder who being enraged in a family dispute ordered his four wives to leave the house; out of them one went to another family, i. e. married another man (para-gharammi gata). This shows that this course of behaviour was also resorted to by some ladies in 1. NO. 1, p. 1; Manusmrti, 9. 65. 5, 158, 160. 2. G1311 376 377311 Testers Huila Hodie Coaxi--NC. 1, p. 1. 3. Faz Tegitemit Sacrorrait Haifa-NC. 2, p. 11. 4. NC. 2, p. 111. 5. Ibid.; also NC. 3, p. 52. 6. HA TIT FUIT OTETTI TIFET, HUT TOFT--NC 2, p. 258. 7. HEARTTT A UTETET 79 Permai sifat ata a 56-NC. 2, p. 258; Brh. VT., pp. 1029-30. 8. NC. 3, p. 151. 9. T raffe for TCE TIT I TOT fer op ais. Para feq371370-NC. 3, p. 52; BIh. Vs. 5, p. 1518.

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SOCIAL LIFE 167 certain circumstances. Remarriage was thus prevalent amongst the lower castes where it might have been an economic necessityl and was also not considerd as a factor degrading the family prestige. Niyoga or Levirate-The practice of Niyoga or Levirate was quite prevalent in ancient India. This practice allowed a childless woman to have a son through any other person in case the husband was dead or was incapable of procreating children. In the NC. we find that an heirless king is advised by his ministers to have a son through monks in order to save the kingdom from destruction. It was believed : "The seed in the field could be sown by any one but its product belonged to the landlord. Similarly, the son born to a wife belonged to her husband alone". However, even in exceptional circumstances the rulers tried to avoid this practice because of the fear of social repercussions. Levirate as a social practice has been severely condemned as a "beastly practice'' by the contemporary law-givers and was out of vogue soon after the sixth century A.D. Sati or Self-immolation--The custom of Sati or self-immolation was common during these conturies,5 as it has been referred to by most of the law-givers of the time. Contemporary inscriptions also refer to this practice.' A story in the NC. narrates that 500 merchants of Soparaya were ordered by the king to be burnt alive due to non-payment of taxes. Their wives also voluntarily entered the burning pyre after their 1. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 156. 2. Hoflfe fotef=31 aya hil feces, Qc a TITA JE a --NC. 2, p. 381; also NC. 1, p. 127. 3. jahA parakhette aNNeNa bIyaM vAviya khettiNo AhavvaM bhavati, evaM tuha aMteurakhette aNNeNa are POAST TE a g raf-NC. 1, p. 127. 4. Altekar, op. cit, pp. 168-75. 5. For the custom of Sati see-Altekar, op. cit., pp. 143-48. 6. Ibid. 7. See-Eran Posthumous Pillar Inscription of Goparaja" (A. D. 510-14) --CII. III, No 20, p. 93, also No. 2, p. 92.

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108 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA GURNI husbands.' In spite of references to self-immolation, the practice of Sati was not universal. A number of widows can be observed as living with the families of their husbands or going back to their paternal house, a practising chastity and renunciation and also sometimes embracing the monastic order.s Faina Attitude Towards Women-Being the expounder of an ascetic religion the attitude of our author towards women could not be very different from the other advocates of his faith. Women as a social entity were not only neglected but also held in contempt by the Jaina and the Buddhist lawgivers, as their (women) presence was supposed to be an impediment in their spiritual development-"a bolt barring the city of heaven, a path to the dwelling of hell".. Emphasising the agility of the woman-nature, the author in one of his works quotes from other sources in support of his views :8 "They (women) laugh and weep for the purpose of acquiring money (arthahetch), they make others believe but never believe themselves; therefore a man belonging to a high family and possessing virtues should remain away from women like flowers growing up in the grounds of a cemetery", and unstable by their very nature like the waves of an ocean, unsteady in their affection like the evening clouds, women discard a person after fulfilling their purpose like the lacbranch squeezed out of its sap.96 Similar statements can be found in the NC. It has been stated that women are fickleminded by their very nature and lack the strength of character.' Their affection can be easily won over by showering 1. a far g'a Afcas, arfo fa affer 9iaE G10--NC. 4, p. 14; Brh. V. 3, p. 208 2. NC. 2, p. 111. 3. NC. 2, p. 261. 4. Winternitz, M., History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 462-63. 5. Uttara. Cu., p. 65. 6. samudravIcIcapalasvabhAvAH saMdhyAbhrarekhA va muhUrtarAgAH / striyaH kRtArthAH puruSaM nirarthaka faqifsat isa otsifat 11 --Uttara. Ci., p. 65. 7. Tore for Fantat i Farat e graft BETHAT Hafd--NC. 3, p. 584.

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SOCIAL LIFE 109 them with gifts, and they can easily be urged to do even the undesirable actions.1 Moreover, they are very prone to sexual pleasures and the excitement in the company of men easily overcomes their reasons. Although no evidence of purdah system is recorded in the text, yet it was firmly believed that women should be kept under strict control and could also be beaten for any breach of moral conduct. It was believed that women could accept paramours (jara) even in the form of a father, brother or son.. Various instances like daughters and daughters-in-law running away with their paramours: or with persons of loose character ( dharta-vita )", women leaving their illegitimate children in the shelter places of monks,' women enticing the monks for sexual intercourse, the prosita-patikas giving food to the monks on a similar condition have been mentioned to emphasise the unstability of their (women's) character. However, such statements do not command the general acceptance of the age 10 and are not supported by the contemporary writings of the other faiths. J. C. Jain has rightly pointed out that these statements are specifically made with a view to blacken the character of 1. sA ya appasattattaNao jeNa vAteNa vatthamAdiNA appeNAvi lobhijjati, dANalobhiyA ya 32 our fa fa-Ibid. 2. vi ya tAo bhmohaao| tesiM ca purisehiM saha saMlAva kareMtINaM dANaM ca geNhatINa gfaacerat het fe4--Ibid. 3: NC. 3, p. 521. 4. jeNa bahU mahiliyANaM kRtakabhAvA bhavaM ti, putta-pati-pitti kaDagabhAveNa ya jAre geNhati NC. 3, p. 582. 5, NC. 3, p. 267. 6. NC: 2, p. 265. 7. NC. 2, p. 173. 8, NO. 1, p. 129. 9. Ibid. 10. Varahamihira in the contemporary period violently protests against the various vices attributed to women. According to him, men are cqually guilty of them. Sec-Brhatsanhita, 76. 6. 12, 14, 16, 17, Altekar, op. cit., p. 387.

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110 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI women in order to warn the lustful monks to keep aloof from the feminine charms that might overcome their reasons", 1 In spite of this general attitude towards women, an almost equal status was given to the nuns by the Jaina law-givers in their monastic order. They could lead a pure and chaste life in their respective order and thus strive for their spiritual salvation. Most of the rules were common for monks as well as nuns except a few which were specifically made keeping in view the aspect of social security of nuas. It is worthwhile to note that under no circumstances a nun could be expelled from the order. Even when a nun was forcefully raped and was pregnant, she was to be kept in the house of a layman and properly looked after throughout the period of her confinement. She could rejoin the order after the birth of the child and her child could also be initiated in the monastic life. This rule evidently gave a social security to women who once having embraced the monastic life had been unable to live up to the required standards or were forced to deviate from their chosen path due to circumstances beyond their control. Position of Women-The ideal of womanhood was that one should entirely devote to her husband. The husband, good or bad, was the only refuge of a wife. A story is narrated of a husband who being displeased with the conduct of his wife asked her to leave the house. But on her lamenting that "where should I go as I have no place to go. Even if you beat me, you are my only refuge>>t the husband was so pleased that he handed over the responsibilities of the household back to her. 5 Women enjoyed certain rights in other fields also. Mention has been made of the religious works being recited by the 1. LAI., P: 153. 2. Fr lagtg any osoy Fuchfa--NC. 3, p. 277. 3, NO. 3, p. 234, 4. kato NaM vaccAmi, NAtya me aNNo gativisao, jati vi mArahi tahAvi tuma ceva Tatatui --NG3, p. 52. 5. Ibid.

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SOCIAL LIFE 111 learned women (vidusa-stri).1 They were versed in the art of music also. The text does not enlighten us much about the method of imparting education to women. In case of nuns, however, we know that curriculum was common for both the monks and nuns. A few texts of very high order were, however, not to be disclosed to the nuns. 2 Women could freely take part in religious functions. Apart from nuns who led a highly religious life, women are seen attending the sermons delivered by the Acaryas, giving donations to the monks, and performing various secrifices (bali) on auspicious days. Women enjoyed certain economic rights. The wife was regarded as the mistress 6 of house in the absence of the master. It has been stated that "the share (vibhaga) which belongs to the hired labourers or slaves, daughters, daughters-in-law and widows is not to be given to any one else as it may lead to conflict and unpleasantness." The word daughter is perhaps used for the unmarried daughters who had a share in the family-property, while the daughter-in-law or the widow received her husband's property. This statement is practically true in case of Jaina society as "according to Jaina law, on the death of a man his widow takes the * husband's share as an absolute owner even if there be a son". Herein lies the main difference between the Hindu law and the Jaina law", since the right of the widow to inherit her husband's property is not recognised by the Hindu jurists, 10 1. Faturi taifa, faguetton aftaifa tan-NC. 2, p. 12; Brh: Vc. 3, p.701. 2. See Chapter I. 3. NO. 2, p. 257. 4. NC. 2, p. 102; NC. 3, p. 358. 5. NC. 3, p. 410; NC. 2, pp. 174-75. 6. NC: 2, p. 141. 7. evaM kharagaputtadhUyasuNhAe ya vihavAe saMtiyaM vibhAga acchidiuM detassa aciyattadosA Haifa, fieftai 7 344Fafa-NC, 3, 433. 8. Jain, C. R., Jain Law, pp. 80-81. 9. Sangave, op. cit., p. 191. 10. Altekar, op. cit., p. 300.

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112 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Public Women--The ancient texts clearly differentiate between the ganika and the vesya. Ganika was socially respected by the kings and the nobles because of her accomplishments in various fine arts, while vesya earned her livelihood by selling her body for the physical satisfaction of the people, Both the terms later came to be used almost as synonyms, ' as the chief amongst the vesyas came to be known as ganika. 8 In the NC. the various terms like ganika,* vesya,, vesitthis and vesastri? have been used almost as synonyms. The Kamasutra defines the ganika as a vesya who is accomplished in sixty-four arts.8 In the NC., however, youth, beauty and other coquetish charms are mentioned as the only requirements for a gaaika.. The ganikas were supposed to be very beautiful and their company could only be enjoyed by persons capable of paying the suitable price.10 Thus, she could be approached by the rich people, but it was difficult for a man to leave her company as she excited the passions of a man by her youth and beauty.li The residences of the courtisans were known as ganiyathana (ganika sthana--a brothel). 11 The persons like Vita and Ceca and even the prostitutes who could not carry on with their professions because of their old age did often indulge in search of beautiful orphan girls to turn them . into prostitutes. The Jaina nuns were restricted from accepting 1. For the Buddhist and Jaina information regarding the origin and growth of the institution of ganjkas see-JainK.C., Bauddha aura Jaina Agamom men Nari-Jivana, pp. 145-66. 2. arcraft fort arata tal-Amarakosa, 2. 6. 19; Paiya Sadda Mahan. nava, p. 286. 3. Jain, K. C., op. cit., p. 158. 4. NO. 1, pp. 3, 50; NC. 4, p. 19. 5. NC. 3, p. 399. 6. NC. 2, p. 466; NC. 3, p. 586. 7. NC. 2, p. 31. 8. Kamasutra, 1, p. 20. 9. NC. 4, p. 19. 10. NO. 1, p. 50. 11. NC. 4, p. 19. 12. NO. 3, p. 586.

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SOCIAL LIFE 113 clothes even from an old prostitute as she might take the beautiful nuns to the brothel.2 References make it clear that relationship or contact with the ganikas had become an object of social condemnation. Pastimes Pastimes or amusements, festivals and festivities prevailing in the society show the importance given to the material pursuits and as such indicate a healthy state of society. Various outdoor and indoor pastimes prevailed amongst the people of this age and the form differed in accordance to the material status with the direct bearing on sex and age of the participants. Play-nurses (kilavani dhati) were usually engaged by the wealthy citizens to teach various games to the children.2 Children played with balls (gemduga)' and its mention in various Jaina works indicates its popularity. The young ladies loved to sit on a swing (andolaga) with their husbands or lovers and also indulged in wine-drinking (majjapana).. Sporting in water (jala-madhye-krida), mentioned as toya-krida in the literature, was another pastime.5 Wine and women were a source of amusement for the kings and the nobles, while dice and gambling have been mentioned as their special vices. Picnics were also arranged, especially during the spring season. The game af dice (bukkanna) was popular. Bana also asserts the existence of this game. Gambling was largely prevalent 1. juNNA vesitthI, appaNA asattA vi ThavettuM rUvavaI samaNi daTTu abhiyogejjA, gaNi TOM QZO -NC. 3, p.-586. 2. NC. 3, p. 404. 3. NC. 3, p. 349. 4. FTIT THO HF 59T773TITUTU S TOHET SEANC. 3, pp. 349 50; also NC. 4, p. 25. 5. NO. 3, pp. 349-50. 6. NO. 4, p. 50. 7. FourTT RUUTGUT TH -NC. 1, p. 17; also NC. 3, p. 349. 8. Harsacarita, p. 65, text p. 78, Kadambari, p. 5.

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114 : A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI amongst the lower strata of society. Gamblers were known as dyutakaras, and the devakulas situated outside the villages were their famous resorts. Dandin giving a graphic picture of the game appreciates gambling as "a source for developing unexampled magnanimity, since one drops the pile of money like a straw".' Wrestling (mallajuddha) and boxing (bahujuddha) were popular, and akkhavada (aksataka) was the gymnasium where the wrestlers (malla) and the boxers (mutthiya) regularly practiced. The bird and animal-fights were also popular. Birds like crows (carata), sparrow (cataka), quail (lavaka) and animals like horses, bulls and elephants were trained for the purpose of fight.* Subduing mad horses and elephants was an act of glory for the kings and the princes. Dandin and various Prakrit Jaina stories of contemporary period give a graphic account of the animal and bird-fights and also indicate heavy betting done by the owners of the animals on the occasion of the fights. B The inmates of harem used to teach the birds like parrots and sarikas to imitate the human voice as a pastime. Bana refers to various birds like parrots and mainas being taught to imitate the human voice once heard. In the villages gosthis or village-concerts used to be frequently held to cater for all social and religious ceremonies. People mostly assembled in the devakulas to entertain themselves after the day's work. Here the story-reciters (kahaga-akkhahaga) used to 1. Zagaty quifq fazza--NC. 3, pp. 227, 380; NC. 2, p. 262. 2. Dasakumaracarita, pp. 209-10, text p. 135; see also--Kadambari, P. 81. 3. NC. 1, p. 157; NC. 4, p. 234; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 346. 4. NC. 3, p. 348. 5. Dasakumaracarita, pp. 149-50, text pp. 96-97; Harsacarita, p. 159; Meyer, Hindu Tales, pp. 34-36. 6. suka - sAlahiyAdi sikkhAvaNaM - NC. 1, p. 6. 7. Agrawala, Kadambari: Eka Samskrtika Adhyayani, p. 27. 8. NC. 2, p. 144-45. 6

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SOCIAL LIFE 115 narrate the stories from the Epics and the Puranas. Apart from these, performances performed by the actors ( nada ), singers ( gojja ), acrobats, bamboo-top-dancers ( lamkha ) and rope-walkers attracted large audience.' Customs and Beliefs The NC. displays a wide variety of customs, traditional beliefs and superstitions prevailing in the society at that age. Apart from the usual ancient customs like respect towards elders, occupying lower seat in the presence of the elders, proper form of salutation,' hospitality towards the guests, giving of alms to the ascetics and monks by house-holders? etc., the author also refers to various beliefs such as potentiality of omens, charms, augaries and dreams. Also listed with them are various supernatural powers or magical practices to counteract the effects of the same or for the acquisition of anything desirable. Great faith was displayed towards the science of astrology. Rarely a sacred ceremony or significant activity in the material or spiritual field could commence without finding out a suitable time when the tithi, karana, muhurta and naksatra were favourable.: The 4th, 6th, 8th, 9th and 12th of the bright as well as dark half of the month were considered inauspicious ( appasattha ). Considerable attention was also paid towards the astronomical position of the stars and planets. The following seven positions of planets were considered inauspicious(i) the planet which rises in the heaven as the sun rises ( samjhagata ); (ii) the planet in which the sun is existing ( Ravigata ); (iii) when the planet has gone opposite to its 1. HYFTAT... 37TAT HITT szafa--NC. 4, p. 26. 2. NC. 2, p. 468. 3. NC. 3, p. 34. 4. NO. 1, p. 10. 5. NC. 4, p. 88. 6. NC. 3, p. 415. 7. NC. 2, p. 102; NO. 3, p. 358. 8. NO. 4, p. 302.

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116 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI usual direction ( viddara ); (iv) when the planet is attacked by another planet (saggaha) ; (v) the time of solar and lunar eclipses ( Rahuhata ); (vi) when a third planet is in line with the sun and the other planet (vilambi); (vii) a planet which crosses the path followed by another planet (gahabhinna). 1 These situations of the planets were supposed to precipitate dispute ( kalaha ), lack of proper food ( kubhatta ), victory of the enemy ( paravijava ), lack of salvation ( anivvana ), fight (viggaha), death ( marana) and blood-shed ( soniuggala ) respectively.2 The planets like Ravi, Soma, Agara (Mamgala), Buha, Vihassati, Sukka and Sanicchara were supposed to be auspicious for the Zodiacs (rasi) like Mesa, Vasabha, Magara, Kanna, Kakkada, Mina and Tula respectively. Among the planets Buha, Sukka, Vihassati and Sasi were always considered auspicious. Due cansideration was given to the place ( khetta ) and direction ( disa ) also. The places, which produced lower variety of food-grains, lacked in vegetation and mineral resources, were considered to be inauspicious, while the places where there was abundance of food-grains, mineral resources with plentiful of raw metals and precious stones, were regarded as auspicious. At the time when a pupil was to be initiated, he was required to sit facing the east,' while the preceptor used to sit opposite to the pupil. Similar consideration in respect of direction was also kept in view before the dead bodies of the monks were cremated. Besides the astronomical conditions, certain natural occurences were also taken to indicate good or evil omens (sauna, Skt. sakuna). Meeting a person clad in dirty or unclean clothes or anointed with oil, a dog, a hunch-back, a dwarf, one wear 1. N. Bha. 6384; NC. 4, p. 301. 2. N. Bha. 8385-86; NC. 4, pp. 301-2. 3. NC. 4, p. 302. 4. Ibid. 5. NC. 4, p. 301. 6. NC. 4, p. 302. 7. Ibid.

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SOCIAL LIFB 117 ing ochre or coloured clothes, the Kuccandhara or the Sasarkkha ascetics or those besmeared with ashes were regarded to predict the failure of the work in hand. To stumble against a tree branch or striking the head against the same, inquiring a person who is on his way about his destination, sneezing or hearing unpleasant sound when a person is about to leave also indicated impending inauspicious moment. The monks were not to start at such inauspicious moments even if they had to go to a physician.2 Contrary to these, the sound of the twelve musical instruments being beaten simultaneously or that of Nandimukha, Msdanga, Sankha and Pataha (drum), the sight of filled vessels, a golden pitcher (bhingara), umbrella (chatta), fly-whisks (camara), the throne (simhasana) and the food like curd (dadhi) were considered auspicious for ensuring success in the work. The sight of an ascetic or a monk was considered inauspicious (amangala) while proceeding on a journey or pilgrimage by some, while it was taken as an auspicious omen by the others. While proceeding on a journey or venturing into a commercial enterprise the merchants as well as the monks always considered the fact that the omens were favourable to them. The science of prognostication (nimitta) was highly developed and the fortune-tellers (nemittiya) were versed in the eight-fold division of the maha-nimittas. They could foretell profit or loss, happiness or suffering, life or death in the 1. N. Bha.3019. See also-ga for the fact as a prefa_NC. 3, p. 100. 2. akkaMcito kahiM vA vaccasi tti pucchio chIrya vA amaNuNNasahasavaNaM evamAdiesu NC. 3, p. 101. 3. N. Bha. 3020; NG. 3, p. 101. -4. jattA Niggato vA gihattho sAhuM daTu 'amaMgalaM' tti bhaNNati / kuto amhANaM suhaM for ER a Sifher faco-NC. 2, p. 328. 5. FIC TEST Fift Ford Bylarela --NC. 2, p. 328. 6, NC. 3, p. 215. 7. JATI STEBIT-folhei qul-NC. 1, p. 22.

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118 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI past, present and future.' At the death-bed of a man various universal phenomena (artitthaga), which could forecast the future, could be of three types--(i) physical ( kayika ) like the throbbing of eyes or arms, (ii) vocal (vacika) like the words unconsciously or accidentally uttered which come out to be true in life (sahasa-bhasita) and (iii) mental like dreams etc. People firmly believed in the potentiality of dreams (suvina). The dreams seen in the early hours of the morning were taken to forecast the coming events. Dreams and their results could be of five types-(i) dreams that come out to be true in life (ahatacca)--this type of dream could be seen only by holy and pure-minded people, (ii) dreams seen in an unbroken chain (pratata ), (iii) dreams concurring with the thoughts. of a person (cimta-savina), (iv) dreams radically opposite to the actual happenings in life ( vivarita ), and lastly, (v) the dreams which one does not remember properly or the implications of which cannot be understood by the person concerned (avvatla ).4 The science of dreams thus was well-defined, and there is no doubt that the birth of all the great personalities in Jaina, Buddhist as well as Brahmanic literature is always linked with various dreams which their mothers are apt to behold at the time of conception. Like the belief in dreams to be seen by the mothers of the great religious personages, it was also believed that such a child would be invested with certain auspicious distinctive body marks as well as certain moral or spiritual qualities to forecast his future greatness. Such distinctive marks were known as laksana and vyanjana. The former could be of two types--the internal marks like the nature, physical strength and other moral virtues etc., and the external marks like speech, complexion and physical marks which could be seen on hands 1. NC. 3, p. 18. 2. NC. 3, pp. 384-85. 3. NC. 3, p. 384. 4. NC. 3, p. 385. 5. N. Bha. 4292-3; NC. 3, pp. 383-84.

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SOCIAL LIFE or feet.1 The Laksanas were the signs or auspicious marks with which a child was invested at the time of his birth, while the Vyanjana type of marks, i. e. the warts, moles or black spots etc., could appear later in life.2 Such marks were supposed to be 32 in number in case of ordinary human beings, while its number was 300 in case of Baladevas and Vasudevas, and 8000 in case of Cakravartins and Tirthankaras.3 The science of detecting the auspicious marks was well developed and one versed in it could predict the future of a person. 4 Disposal of Dead and Funeral Obsequies-Like matrimony and the occasion of birth, death was also accompanied with proper religious rites and ceremonies. Cremation was the usual practice to dispose off the dead bodies. Among the non-Aryans 'burial' seems to have been in vogue. The non-Aryans did not burn their corpses and the place of depositing the corpse was known as madagagiha (mrtaka-grha). According to the usual practice of cremation, the corpse was taken to the cremation ground (susana-susanakudi) and was properly cremated." On the death of Prabhakaravardhana, Bana informs us that "a pyre befitting the emperor solemnly consumed all but his glory in the flame"." Yuan Chwang also refers to three customs of funeral'--(i) cremation, (ii) water burial and (iii) interment in the wilds. Of these, cremation was the most popular one. 1. NC. 3, p. 383. 2. NC. 3, p. 384. 3. NC. 3, p. 383. 119 The rites of collecting the charred bones (asthisancayana )* was also observed and the ashes of the charred bones were called chara.o Proper rules of cleanliness were to be observed after the funeral. After seeing or touching the corpse, a person 4. maDagahiM NAma mecchANaM gharabbhatare matayaM choDhu N Nijjati, na Dajjhati -- NC. 2, p. 255. 5. mato diTTho bhaNati - ' kiM majjha gharaM susANakuDI, jeNa mataM ANeha'-NC. 3, p. 99. 6. Harsacarita, p. 158. 7. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 174; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 86. 8. For the rite of asthisancayana see-Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 240-42. 9. abhinava daDDhaM apu jakayaM chAro bhaNNati --NC. 2, p. 22.

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120 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI was to take a bath with his clothes on.' Yuan Ch wang also records the same practice that "those who attend a funeral are regarded as unclean and they all wash outside the city walls before entering the city'.2 The house of the deceased or the place where the dead body was kept was to be sprinkled with water and smeared with cowdung. The ancient law-givers believed that "a polluted house is to be purified by being swept and cowdunged."4 After death a period of 10 days of impurity was observed during which the near relatives of the deceased were held as impure or uclean. The practice of 10 to 13 days of impurity is enjoyed by almost all the law-givers and is a living practice even now amongst the Jainao and non-Jaina society.' Yuan Chwang also observed that no one goes to take food in a family afflicted by death till the funeral rites are over and normalcy dwells once again. The period of impurity ended after offering oblation to the deceased or by observing such other religious rites. Bana after the death of Prabhakaravardhana narrates : "The Brahmana, who consumes the departed soul's first oblation, has now partaken of his meals. The horror of the days of impurity has passed". Kalidasa also refers to the same custom when he states that ten days after the death of a father the offering of rice-balls (pin la) by the son to the manes of their departed ancestors were considered meritorious.'Due consideration was also taken to observe the 1. gata sett at vergot-NC. 3, p. 99. 2. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 175; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 86. 3. HafiH OET 09 foizi 55-NG. 3, p. 99. 4. Yajnavaik ya smrti, 1. 187;Visnusmrti, 23. 56; sec also-Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 231. 5. Tift371 AT TIGHT757_NC. 4, p. 280. 6. Sangave, op. cit., p. 361. 7. Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 308. 8. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 175; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 86. 9. Harsacarita, p. 164, text p. 115. 10. Raghuvansa, VII, 73. .

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121 monthly or yearly $raddhas in which food was offered to the Brahmins in honour of the dead ancestors. Such a feast was known as mayabhatta or kareduya-bhatta. Hingola was also another death-feast in which meat was freely offered. A story in the NC. depicts a Jaina monk being unable to get the alms even to break his monthly fast, as all the members of the family were busy in serving food to the Brahmins (dhijjatiya) in such a death-feast (kareduyabhatta). The feast was held after a month of the death of the deceased which may indicate the practice of observing the monthly Sraddhas. 3 SOCIAL LIFE 2 The practice of offering pindas or rice-balls to the dead ancestors+ was also obligatory for the family-members. We are informed that proper time for offering pinta (rice-balls) to the pitys (dead ancestors) was during the Magha Sraddha. The Magha Sraddha mentioned in the NC. is evidently the same as the Maghyavarsa Sraddha' which has been highly eulogised by most of the ancient authorities. The Ava yakagrhasutra (II. 59) explains Maghyavarsa as a rite performed on the 13th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada when generally the moon is in Magha Naksatra." The Visnudharmasutra (76. 1. 78) states that the 13th of the dark half of Bhadrapada, when the moon is in the Magha asterism, is highly appreciable for offering the 1. H-NC. 3, p. 418. Even now such a feast is known as karaja-bhatta in Gujarat, and is given on the 13th day after the death of a person. 2. jaM matabhattaM karaDugAdiyaM taM hiMgola - NC. 3, p. 223. 3. NC. 3, p. 418. 4. piti - piMDapadANaM vA piMDaNigaro - NC. 2, p. 444. 5. pitRpiMDapradAnakAlo maghA zrAddheSu bhavati - Ibid. Here the editor of the NC. failing to understand the significance of the word magha gives another reading in bracket as yatha.which is not correct. In the press copy of the NC. prepared by Muni Punyavijaya the reading is to be found as 'Maghasraddha' (8, p. 59). 6. For detailed information regarding the 'Maghyavarsa' Sraddha see -Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 360-61. 7. haradattastu bhAdrapadakRSNapakSe maghAyuktaH trayodazyAM mAdhyAvarSAkhyaM zrAddhaM Ibid., p. 360.

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122 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Sraddha. According to Yajnavalkya, whatever food is offered on the 13th day in the rainy season, when the moon is in the Magha, procures endless satisfaction. Evidently, the Magha Sraddha must have been observed on the 13th of the dark half of Bhadrapada which, according to P. V. Kane, was perhaps a precursor of Mahalaya Sraddha. 2 1. aur and FUTAI HATE = fastra:-Yajnavalkyasmrti, 1, p. 261. 5. Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 361.

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CHAPTER IV MATERIAL CULTURE "In the life of man the first and foremost are food and clothing. To man these two are the fetter and chain which bind him to the field of rebirth".1 This statement of contemporary Chinese traveller I-Tsing virtually represents the ascetic spirit of our Jaina author as well. However, it is doubtless to assume that the ordinary life of worldly man is usually governed by these two factors, and that man is simply not satisfied to take them as bare necessities of life. The innume. rable varieties of food and drink mentioned in our text and the various efforts at the embellishment of the person--the fine and costly clothes, the ornments decorating the body from hair to toe, the flowers and the garlands, the sweet and agreeable smell of the scents and perfumes purifying the air all around, all claim for a highly aesthetic taste of the people. The author widely refers to the luxuries of the materialistic life2 in orderto show its contrast with the hard and rigorous monastic life, and warn the monks of the untold hardships of the monkhood before venturing to embrace the monastic life. Any attraction or attachment towards the artistic and aesthetic aspects of life was no doubt a disgrace to the monk,3 but a virtually opposite view of the material-minded people who took the monks to be "dead-persons' (msta;. because of their renunciation of the 1. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 72, 2. NC. 2, p. 12; NC. 4, p. 3. 3. NO. 2, pp. 212, 220. 4. aai wat trang HIV aa-NC. 2, p. 286.

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12+ A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI worldly pleasure and comforts during their life time,' is also to be seen in the text. Both these views must have prevailed in society side by side. Here we propose to survey the materialistic achievements of these worldly people, who no doubt formed a majority in society. Food Food is the basic necessity of life and our author is well aware of the importance of food in the development of physical body and also its various effects on the mental activities.* Dietary discipline for different people, particularly the avoidance of rich and nourishing food, and the use of dry and coarse food for overcoming the carnal human desires, testifies the same fact. Food-articles, however, have been classified into four categories : (i) asana or soft food such as boiled rice (kura), (ii) pana or beverages like butter-milk, rice-milk, water and wine, (iii) khaima or hard food like roots and fruits, and (iv) saima or relishable articles like honey, sugar, betelleaves etc. It can be visualized that the food of the people must have been rich and varied. The cereals and pulses, milk and its various products, honey and sweets, spices and condiments, fruits and vegetables, the non-vegetarian dishes, the intoxicating liquors as well as other beverages all formed a part of the manifold dietary of the people during this time. Cereals and Pulses-Most of the food-grains of today were known to the people of this time. The Nisitha Bhasya refers to 1. Tema Hoteftantia pat yan-Ibid. 2. TotatETTISTATIE HET Hat Hair:-NC. 2, p. 21. 3. folaatfal Threr Bieta - Ibid. 4. 317&TT Rifitat et qefoqet--NC. 3, p. 287. The Buddhist works also divide food into four categories.Digha, 30 (Lakkhana Sutta). Susruta also mentions four categories of food : (i) asitam (solid), (ii) pitam (drink), (iii) ridham (that by licking) and (iv) the khaditam (that is chewn).Vide G. P. Majumdar's Article on 'Food', Indian Culture, Vol. 1, p. 413. I-Tsing, however, mentions five solid and five soft varieties of food.-Takakusu, op. cit., p. 43.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 125 twenty-four varieties of food-grains (dhanya) which are evidently known to our author also. These include--(i) java, (ii) gohuma: (iii) sali, (iv) vihi, (v) satthiya, (vi) koddava, (vii) anda, (viii) kangu, (ix) ralaga, (x) tila, (xi) mugga, (xii) masa, (xiii) atasi, (xiv) harimamtha, (xv) ti puda, (xvi) nipphava, (xvii) alisamda, (xviii) masa (explained as pan lara-cavalaga in the NC.), (xix) ikkhu, (xx) masura, (xxi) tuvari, (xxii) kulattha, (xxiii) dhanaga and (xxiv) kala. 1 Among these food grains barley (java), wheat (gohuma) and.. rice must have been the staple food of the people. I-Tsing informs us : "In the north (of India) wheat flour is abundant, in the western district backed flour (rice or barley) is used above all, in Magadha (in central India) wheat flour is scarce but rice is plentiful and the southern frontier and eastern border land also have similar products to those of Magadha." Rice appears to have been the most popular of all the food. grains, three varieties of rice, viz. (i) sali ( fine variety), (ii) vihi (common variety) and (iii) satthiya (rice ripening in sixty days),- have been mentioned in the text. According to Cakrapani, rice had three main varieties--urihi ripening in autumn, sali ripening in winter and sastika ripening in sixty days in summer. Yuan Chwang also mentions the variety of rice "which was ready in sixty days for cutting." Of these varieties of rice sali was supposed to be the best.. People highly cherished to eat boiled unbroken sali rice, but its use was restricted to the monks on the ground that they might not get accustomed eating delicious food.: Of the various 1. Nisitha Bhasya, 1029-30; see also--NC. 2, p. 109. Bih. Bha. (Vol. 2, P. 264) also mentions seventeen varieties of grains, 2. Takakusu, op. cit., pp. 43-44. 3. NC. 2, p. 109; NC. 3, pp. 287, 295, 432. 4. Nisitha Bhasya, II, 1029-30. See also-NC. 2, p. 109; Bih. Bha. 2, p. 264. 5. nfs CAF y feliz #1: DEY: RET:-Cakrapani on Carakasamhita, 27. 6. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 300; Beal, op. cit., I, p. 179. 7. NC. 2, p. 236.

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126 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI sub-varieties of sali rice,1 the kalama variety has been frequently mentioned; it was highly relished and the monks accustomed to delicacies sometimes aspired to eat the boiled kalama sali rice. Vihi rice was also widely used and layatarana is explained as a kind of gruel (peya) prepared from the parched vrihi rice (laya). It was usually taken by the monks at the end of a long fasting." Barley (java) was another important food-grain. Various preparations of barley such as apupas were common. People often took with them the parched barley-meal (saktu) while proceeding on a journey. It was usually mixed with sugar and clarified butter. Wheat (gohuma) was also common, and we find the traders going out for trade with carts loaded with wheat. Various types of cakes (khajjagas) 10 were prepared from the wheat-flour. Mandagal was a type of wheat cake stuffed with molasses and ghee. On certain occasion people in south India used to make a large cake (mandaga) containing a kudava of wheat flour; it was stuffed with molasses and ghee and was given to a Brahmana in the early morning.'" Besides rice, barley and wheat, certain inferior varieties of grains were also used. While the rich people were fond of taking sali-kura (boiled sali rice), the poor people ate koddavakura (paspalum scorbiculatum, Hindi-kodom), an inferior variety of rice. We find a poor lady exchanging koddava-kura with the 1. Caraka mentions fifteen good and five inferior varieties of sali riceCarakasamhita, 27. 7-8, 11. 2. NC. 2, p. 233; NC. 3, p. 295. 3. ajjo ! Aha meM kalamasAlIkUra - NC. 3, p. 295. 4. NC. 1, p. 162. 5. kate vA vikitave pAraNae lAyataraNAdI piejja-- Ibid. 6. NC. 2, p. 117; NC. 4, p. 130.. 7. NC. 3, pp. 117, 295, 436; NC. 4, p. 115. 8. sattuA ghayagulamissA gheppaMti - NC 4, p. 115. 9. NC. 4, p. 111. 10. NC. 3, p. 295; NC. 4, p. 115. 11. NC. 2, p. 282; NC. 4, p. 115. 12. NC. 3, p. 207; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 808.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 127 sali-kura of her sister-in-law in order to serve it to her brother who had come as a guest. I Besides, kangu ( setaria italica, Hindi-kamgani) and ralaga (mala-kangani in Hindi) were also inferior varieties of food-grains widely taken by the poor. The grain of kamgu was a bit larger in size than that of ralaga.2 Pulses were widely used. The following varieties of pulses have been mentioned in the text : (i) mugga (phaseolus mungo), (ii) masa (phraseolus radiatus), (iii) harimamtha (gram), (iv) ni pphava (carnavali ensiformis, Hindi-bhatabanas), (v) alisaida (a variety of chickpea), (vi) masura (lens esculenta or lentils), (vii) tuvari (cajanus indicus, Hindi-adhakz or arahara), (viii) kulattha (delichos biflorus, Hindi-kulathi), (ix) kalaya (pisum arvens, Hindi-matara) and (x) canaka (cicer arietinum).S Among these pulses mugga and masa have been frequently mentioned, but it seems that the masa pulse was not liked by children. We find a school boy nistaking the soup of the masa pulse to be that of flies. * Canaka or grams were also very popular.* Various types of soups were prepared out of these pulses, and the flour of pulses was also used in making certain saline preparations like the thin cakes usually known as par patas. Evidently, these cereals and pulses formed integral part of the Indian dietary. Dairy Products--Milk and various milk-products were a part of the daily diet of the Indians. Milk mixed with sugar was supposed to be the most condusive to health.? Apart from the cow-milk, the milk of buffaloes, sheep, goats and camels was also used for the purpose of drinking as well as for making curd. Amongst the various preparations 1. FT GIFTET 35169EITT Tr55-NC. 3, p. 432. 2. TERT IT, TUPITT 130:-NG. 2, p. 109. 3. NC. 2, p. 109. 4. NC. 1, p. 15. 5. NC. 2, p. 237; NC. 3, pp. 327, 462. 6. NO. 2, p. 447. 7. Hafiitui apaTTT-NC. 1, p. 6; ett a Cehi -NC, 3, p. 102. 8. NC. 2, p. 238.

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128 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI of milk payasa or milk-rice prepared from the fresh milk was highly relished. It was largely served during the feasts. 1 Curds (dadhi) were extesnively consumed. Milk and curds are mentioned as articles which became stale very soon.2 Buttermilk, variously called as takra,udasit or chasis in the text, was much liked, and the milk-maids can be seen selling the butter-milk frorn village to village. Fresh butter (navanita)' was taken, but clarified butter (sarpiss or ghsta(r)), was mostly used in preparing daily food as well as the various fine dishes like apupas, man lagas, khajjagas etc. People liked to mix clarified butter in the parched barley-meal. 10 All the five dairy products, i. e. milk, curd, butter, clarified butter and butter-milk, could be easily procured from the dohana-vadaga or dairy where the cows wure milked."I These products were stored in the khirasala. 12 In certain parts of the country milk and milk-products like the curds and rice-milk were included in the daily diet of the people, and even the Jaina monks, who were usually prohibited from accepting rich and nourishing food, were allowed to accept the same in those regions. 13 Apparently, milk and milk-products were abundantly 1. Quero TT Theat--NC. 3, p. 147. 2. etcafeafai fait to a pear-NC. 2, p. 250. 3. NC. 1, p. 92. According to Manasollasa (I11. 1527), takra contained three parts of curd with one part of water. 4. NC. 1, p. 92. Udasi mentioned as udasvitsa in the Manasollasa (III. 1571) was a solution of curd with cqual quantity of water (vide-Om Prakash, Food and Drink in Ancient India, p. 293). Takra and udasi have been used as synonyms in the NC. 5. NC. 1, p. 92. 6. NC, 1, p. 8. 7. NC. 2, p. 238; NC. 3, p. 135. 8. NC. 2, p. 145. 9. NC. 2, p. 238; NO. 3, p. 135. 10. HTH ETT arroqua-NC. 3, p. 436. 11. NC. 2, p. 145. 12. NC. 2, p. 456. 13. kamhi ya dese gAme vA so ceva dahikhIrAti AhAro havejja, tattha viNA kAraNeNa AhArejja -NC. 2, p. 243.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 129 used. Yuan Chwang1 as well as I-Tsing2 informs us that milk and its products were available everywhere in India. Sweets-Honey, sugar and various sweet-preparations were necessary items of food. Honey (madhu) was fairly used.: Three varieties of honey have been mentioned :(i) komtiya, (ii) makkhiya and (iii) bhamara.* Komtiya was honey collected from sprouts, of the mango tree, while the latter two were collected from small and big black bees. These three varieties of honey have been mentioned in other Jaina texts also, but the latter has been usually called kuttiya. According to Caraka, honey collected from small bees (maksika) was considered to be the best, while that of big black bees (bhramara) is heavy to digest. In the NC., however, honey is included in the 'contemptible articles' (aprasasta-vikyti;' along with meat and wine, and its use was interdicted to the monks in usual circumstances. Sugarcane (ikkhu) and its products were widely used as sweetening ingredients. Juice of sugarcane was extracted through juice-extracting machine (ikkhu-janta)' and various products like guda (treacle)o, phanita (inspissated juice of sugarcane)1o, khanla (raw or unrefined sugar), sarkara (granulated or crystal sugar)11 and macchan liya (sugarcandy)1etc. were made out of it. Two varieties of guda have been mentioned : (i) chidaguda and (ii) khadahada. 18 Difference between 1. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 178; Bcal, op. cit., 1, p. 88. 2. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 44. 3. NC. 2, p. 394; NC. 3, p. 135 4. Hefu fafonifati, #frasi, #TH(r) 7-NC. 2, p. 238. 5. Av. Cu. II. 39; Acaranga, II, 1. 4; Uttara., 19. 70.: 6. Afegy garaat fagtate THT T-Carakasamhita, 27. 342. 7. NC. 2, p. 394; NO. 3, p. 135. 8. NC. 4, p. 127. 9. NO. 2, p. 238; NG. 3, p. 422. 10. NO. 2, p. 238. 11. NC. 3, pp. 102, 295. 12. ait a A fai CSHESY-Haige-NC. 3, p. 295. 13. f1 forsit tett koirat, et grael-PETIT USEST 4--NC.2, p. 238. Cf. Bih V!. 4, p. 970.

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130 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI these two has not been made clear. Macchantiya is also mentioned as a sweetening ingredient.' According to Caraka' and Susrutas , it was a variety of sugarcandy, the crystals of which were globular in shape like the egg of the fish. These varieties of sugar have been mentioned by the earlier authorities also. The abovementioned varieties of sugar were used in making various fine sweet-preparations. Among the various sweets a pupas or puvas (cakes made of rice or barley-meal and cooked in clarified butter on slow fire)appear to have been the most popular. The puvas were sold at the confectioner's shop, which was specially called puviyaghara. Ghaya punna was another sweet-preparation. It was also called ghaya pura? (Skt. gheta pura) or havi puya (Skt. havispupa), because a large quantity of clarified butter was used in it. ' Ghita pura has been explained as a cake prepared with fine wheat-flour mixed with milk and fried in ghee. According to Susruta, small pieces of coconut were also added to it. 10 * Ittaga (Skt. istaka) was another variety of sweet, perhaps prepared from barley-meal by adding ghata and molasses to it.il Khajjagasis and mandagasls, as mentioned before, were 1. NO. 3, p. 295. See also.-NS. VIII. 18. 2. Carakasanhita, 27, 339. 3. Susrutasanhita, 45. 162. 4. Arthasastra, 2. 15. 15. 5. Om Prakash, op. cit., p. 284. 6. STIFUUT Yaatrit at ga 57--NC. 2, p. 117. 7. Baitrit at tage Feui-NC. 3, p. 97; also Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1005. 8. havi ghitaM, tattha jo pUto paccati so havipUyo, so ya ghayapuNNo bhaNNati saMghAyaM ghate aftET-NC. 2, p. 280. 9. Om Prakash, op. cit., p. 145. 10. Susrutasamhita, 46. 393. 11. afe (ETE) Tagalori u savst-NC. 3, pp. 419-20. 12. NO. 3, p. 205; NC. 4, p. 115. 13. NC. 2, p. 282; NC. 3, pp. 207, 295.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 131 fine wheat-cakes. These were usually stuffed with molasses and ghee, but sometimes plain cakes were also prepared with which guda was separately taken. Laddugasor modagas were sweet-balls prepared with the flour of rice or some pulse and sugar. Tila-modagas* were evidently the sweet-balls prepared with the sesamum seeds. Pudalagaso are mentioned along with laddugas; perhaps it might have also been a similar preparation. Amongst other sweet-preparations, moran laga and puvaliga or paviga? have also been mentioned. According to Am gadijja, moran laga was a sweet prepared with inspissated milk in the shape of the egg of a peacock.8 Puvaligas or puvigas were small cakes of rice or wheat flour. Saskuli or tharpatio mentioned in the text appears to be a variety of thin cakes prepared from rice-flour. Amongst the milk-products payasa, 1deg as noted before, was a favourite sweet-dish of the people and it was largely served in feasts. Salts and Spices--Salts and spices were used for seasoning food and the word vyanjana denoted seasoned food. 11 It is stated that food (i. e. odana) becomes more relishable by adding spices to it. 12 Different varieties of salt were in common use of which vida was black-saltls, while samudraka (sea-salt) and simdhaval 4 (rock-salt) are mentioned as two sub-varieties of 1. J FETT qraraat 40531 Taifa affeaf-NC. 2, P. 282. 2. NO. 2, p. 55. 3. NC. 1, p. 15. 4. NC. 4, p. 130. 5. NC. 1, p. 15. 6. NC, 4, p. 130. 7. Ibid. 8. Angavijja, p. 182. 9. NC. 2, p. 447. 10. NO. 3, p. 147. 11. NC. 2, p. 167; NC, 1, p. 12. 12. TETUAT STUHTUTI tal hafa-NC. 1, p. 12. 13. fac susqui--NC. 2, p. 446. 14. NO. 3, p. 287.

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132 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI ubbhijja or ubbhetima salt (kitchen-salt). In certain regions where salt was not easily available, it was extracted by boiling the salt earth (usa-khara-bhumi) in the water. This type was called bila-lona or earth-salt.2 People in these regions did not put salt in food at the time of cooking, but took it separately whenever required. These different varieties of salt have been mentioned by the ancient as well as contemporary authorities, and according to Susruta, saindhava (rocksalt) was the best of all. The spices were known as vesana or vesavara.? Various spices like jiraga (cummin), hingu (asafoetida), dhanaga or kulhumbhari.' (corriander ), mariya ( black-pepper )11, pippali (long-pepper)12, allaga phalals or simgavera (ginger)16, sumthi (dry-ginger),16 haridda (tumeric),16 haritaki (terminilia chebula)17 and bhutatana (andropogo martini) 18 etc. have been 1. 3AH U FRIFFET Anuge fara 91-NC. 3, p. 287. 2. 474 farv tuj ofret etter sint eafa, i fammitui ouifa-Ibid. 3. tattha puNa dullabhaloNe dese ukkhaDijjamANe loNaM Na chumbhati, uvari loNaM dijjati NC. 1, p. 67. 4. Kautilya (Arthatastra, II. 15. 16) mentions six varieties of salt. In the Carakasanhita (1. 88-89) five varictics of salt are mentioned. 5. Susrutasanhita, 46. 339. 6. NO. 2, p. 251; cf. Bih. VC/. 2, p. 473. 7. NC. 2, p. 467. Om Prakash interprets the termves avara as a stuffing in which spices were added to ( op. cit., p. 113). From the NC., however, it appears to have been a common term used for spices. 8. NC. 2, p. 251; NO. 3, p. 288. 9. Ibid. 10. NC. 2, p. 109. 11. NC. 3, p. 287. 12. Ibid. 13. NC. 3, p. 11. 14. NC. 3, p. 287. 15. Ibid. 16. NO. 3, p. 149. 17. NC. 3, p. 516. 18. NC. 3, p. 319.

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133 frequently mentioned. The process of seasoning food was almost similar to what we find today, i.e. the clarified butter was heated in a large spoon (kadacchuya), and then the spices like asafoetida and cummin etc. were fried in it. The spices were freely used in preparing various soups (surpa)2 and sauces. Amongst these temanas or soup prepared with curd, and a sauce prepared with dry ginger and sugar* have been mentioned. 5 Oil and Oil-seeds-Oil (tella) was used as a substitute for butter or ghee. Various types of oil-seeds like atasi (Linum Usitatissimum, linseed), eranda (Ricinus Communis, castorseed), ingudi (Ximenia Aegyptiaca), sarsapa (Brassica Campesbri, mustard)s, and tila (Sesamum Indicum) are mentioned. Oil must have been extracted out of these seeds. Sesamum oil (kharasanha) was widely used, and pinnaya (Skt. pinyaka) is especially mentioned as a sweet prepared from the viscous sediment of sesamum in which guda and sesamum oil was also mixed,10 Mustard oil was fairly used. Yuan Chwang also found that mustard oil was in common use. MATERIAL CULTURE Fruits and Vegetables-A large variety of fruits and vegetables were used by the people, some of which have been referred to in our text. The following fruits have been mentioned: (i) amalaka (Emblic Myrobalan)11, (ii) amra, amba or rasala 1. khAro loNaM chubbhara kaDacchute ghayaM tAvijjati, tattha jIragAdi chubbhati, teNa jaM dhUviyaM feaf-NC. 2, p. 251; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 473. 2. NC. 3, p. 159. 3. NC. 2, p. 251. 4. NC. 3, p. 159. 5. 6. NC. 2, p. 109. 7. tellaM eraMDAdi --NC. 3, p. 159. -NC. 3, p. 159; also NC. 4, p.115. 8. NC. 4, p. 153. 9. NC. 2, p. 109. 10. asati ghassa kharasaNhagulamisso piNNAo ghettavvo - NC. 4, p. 115. 11. NC. 1, p. 162.

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134 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (Mangifera Indica, mango)', (iii) badara (Zizyphus Sp.)', (iv) cinca (Tamarind), (v) dalima (Punica Grantum, pomegranate), (vi) draksa, muddita or madvika (Vitis Vinifera, grapes), (vii) kadali or kayalaka (Musa Sapientum, plantain, banana), (viii) kapittha (Feronica Limonia), (ix) karamarda (Carissa Carandas Lim), (x) Kartra (Cappris Aphyalla), (xi) kharjura (Phoenix Sylvestrus, dates), (xii) matulunga (Citrus Medica), (xiii) talaphala ( Barassus Flabelli Formis ) , (xiv) tenduga ( Diospyros Cembryapteres)'deg and (xv) udumbara (Ficus Glowmerata).'1 Amongst the fruits, mango appears to have been the favourite one, but it, if taken in a large quantity, could cause the disease cholera (visacika).1: The amalaka fruit was usually taken with granulated sugar, the kharjura (dates) with guda and ghee, but the kapittha and cinca (tamarind) were to be taken with salt only.18 Various delicious drinks and beverages were prepared from fruits like mangoes, grapes, tamarind etc. 14 Four different methods for ripening fruits were in vogue. 16 The fruits like mango were ripened by covering them with husk and straw (indhana). The fruits like terduga and others were subjected to a heating process (dhuma) for the purpose of ripening by keeping them in undergound hollows. The fruits 1. NO. 2, p. 237. 2. NC. 1, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 319. 3. NC. 2, p. 213. 4. NC. 4, p. 115. 5. NC. 3, p. 319. 6. NC. 1, p. 66. 7. NC. 4, p. 415. 8. NC. 3, p. 482. 9. NC. 3. p. 489. 10. NC. 3, p. 484. 11. NC. I, p. 60. 12. THIS IT Safaga arke -NC. 2, p. 237. 13. NC. 1, p. 162; NC. 3, pp. 259, 319. 14. NC. 2, p. 123. 15. iMdhaNapaliAmaM dhUmapaliyAmaM gaMdhapaliyAmaM vacchapaliyAmaM, caumvihA paliyAmavidhI -NC. 3, p. 484.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 135 like matulunga and mangoes were also ripened by mixing them with ripe fruits (gandha). Lastly were the fruits ripened on trees (vaccha) in their natural process. The forests yielded a rich crop of fruits (pauraphala), from where the people carried the fruits to villages and towns in carts or wagg India in those days must have been rich in fruits, although the Jaina monks were not allowed to eat many of these fruits on the ground that it amounted to the killing of a number of souls. Vegetables were also a necessary item of food. It was believed that food (ahara) taken with vegetables was easily digestible. Most of the vegetables would have been consumed by the people during this time, although only a few have been occasionally mentioned in the text. These are : (i) alabu or lau (Lagenarea Vulgaris), (ii) a suri (a kind of Brassica)?, (iii) kalaya (field-pea) , (iv) kovidara (Bauhinia Variegata), (v) kusumbha (safflower), (vi) lasuni (garlic root)' , (vii) mulaga (radish), (viii) nimba (Margosa tree), (ix) nipphava (flat beans)?\,(x) palam Ju (Allium Cepa, onion)'2, (xi) sana (Crotalaria Juncea', (xii) sari sava (Brassica Compestris, mustard) 13, (xiii) niluppala (blue lotus)?+ and (xiv) valumka (cucumber: 15 1. Ibid, 2. NC. 3, p. 490. 3. See-Yuan Chwang's description of Indian fruits-Watters, op. cit. 1, pp. 292-93. 4. NC. 1, pp. 88-90; NC. 3, pp. 516-17. 5. quemfefTTO TUE STETT FOTcfisatfd-NC. 3, p. 517. 6. NC. 1, p. 70. 7. BEHETET FCHETTE IMATI BERETTI 2-NC. 3, p. 319. 8. NC. 3, p. 327. 9. NC. 3, p. 489. 10. NC. 3, p. 319. 11. NC. 2, p. 109. 12. NC. 3, p. 489. 13. NC. 4, p. 153. 14. NC, 3, p 319. 15. NC. 1, p. 103.

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136 A GULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA QURNI The leafy vegetables were called by a generic term saka or saga. 1 Certain vegetables were held in contempt by the Jainas because of their very species (jatidugunchita). Onion (palamdu) and garlic (lasuna) have been specially cited as examples 2 and their use was severely condemned by the Jaina monks. The avoidance or contempt against the use of onion and garlic may be traced from the earliest times. Both the contemporary Chinese travellers, Yuan Chwange and I-Tsings , noted that the people generally avoided the use of onion and garlic. Meat Diet-Besides the vegetarian diet the non-vegetarian food was also consumed. Meat-diet was prominent amongst the lower castes, but even the higher castes like the Brahmanas? seem to have had no objections to meat-eating. The animals were sacrificed in the sacrifices (yaj na );& evidently, the meat of the animal thus sacrificed was partaken by the sacrificers. People usually abstained from meat-eating during the month of Kartika at the end of which feasts ( samkhadi) were observed in which meat-preparations were first offered to the Brahmanas and were later partaken by the other members. During the exceptional circumstances the Brahmanas were permitted to take even impure meat like that of dogs. 10 It was 1. NG. 1, p. 51; NO. 2, p. 65. 2. jAtiduguMchitaM jahA lasuNamAdI, AdiggahaNeNaM palaMDuNhesuruMDagaphalaM tAlaphalaM ca-NC. 3, p. 489; cf. Brh. V:. 2, p. 277. 3. Sec--Mahabharata, Anusasana parva, 91. 38-39; Manusmrti, 10. 126 Fa-Hien also informs us that onion and garlic were taken only by Candalas-Legge, A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, p. 43. 4. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 178. 5. Takakusu, op. cit., pp. 45, 138. 6. NC. 3, pp. 518, 521. 7. NC. 2, p. 223: NC. 3, pp. 429, 527. 8. fut aguon to ao fa rifaha NC. 3, p. 429. 9. kattiyamAsAdi amaMsabhakkhaNavate gahite tammi puNNe maMsAdipagaraNaM kAuM dhijjAtiyANa art Tool FIATA-NC. 3, p. 223. 10. The Brahmanas can be seen killing their own dogs in order to take their mcat to save their life while being lost in a desert ( NC. 3, p. 527; cf. Brh. Bha. 1, 1013-16). The Vedic authorities also allow mcat-oating

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MATERIAL CULTURE 137 believed that even the Vedas enjoin meat-diet in order to save one's own life rather than starving unto death.1 The rich, sumptuous feasts of this time were known as samkhadi because of the fact that a large number of animals were killed on such occasions.2 People from all strata of the society partook in these feasts;& evidently, they had no objections to meat-eating. There was a section of people who even believed that "there is no fun in taking wine without eating meat, and they propounded the theory that "there is nothing wrong in taking meat of the animals killed by others."4 Meat had three main varieties--meat of the aquatic animals like fish etc., meat of the birds, and that of the beasts.5 Fish was largely taken by the people, and the fishermen used to go out for fishing early in the morning with fishing hooks in their hands.? Fish was even dried and stored at a place called maccha-khala. The hunters were regularly paid by their masters for bringing meat.' It could be easily acquired from the market as well.10 Meat of buffa in exceptional circumstances. The sages Vamadeva, Bharadvaja and Visvamitra are mentioned to have saved their life by eating the flesh of a dog and a cow.-Manusmrti, 10. 106. 1. NC. 3, p. 527. 2. Fafe fr--37TE3TfOT AFFA au pielessita Ft Feet-NC. 2, p. 206. 3. NC. 2, p. 207. 4. eta Hegyi for factTTATET T HE aat-NC. 3, p. 521. The author here seems to refer to the Buddhist theory according to which a Buddhist monk is allowed to take meat which is not purposely killed for him. I-Tsing clearly states that "the three kinds of meat that are pure are ordained as meats that can be eaten without incurring guilt" (Takakusu, op. cit., p. 58). Three kinds of pure meat were the meat which is not seen (drsta), heard (sruta) and suspected (parisankita) to have been expressly killed for him. (Mahavagga, VI. 31. 14. 2). 5. NC. 2, p. 238. 6. NC. 3, pp. 222, 271. 7. NC. 2, pp. 9, 281. 8. NC. 3, p. 222. 9. NO. 4, p. 280. 10. NC. 1, p. 55.

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138 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NETHA CURNI loes', goats, dogs and cows has been specifically mentioned in the text, although meat of other animals might have also been used. Various preparations of boiled (pakkani) as well as fried (taliyani) meat and meat-soup (timmana) were made." The meat-soup (mamsa-rasa) was supposed to be highly conducive to health. In some of the feasts meat or fish was offered first (mamsadi, macchadi), while the other articles like rice (odana) etc. were served later.' Meat was dried at a place called mamsa-khalas and was stored for the season. The Mlecchas and the other lower castes, however, seem to have been more accustomed to take fish and uncooked meat." Besides, as noted before, the Pulindas and the other untouchable castes were habituated of taking meat of the dead cows.". It can thus be assumed from the above account that meat-eating was largely in vogue. The non-vegetarian diet was common in society, but it has always been a matter of dispute as to what the Jaina monks did in regard to non-vegetarian food. Various contradictory views have been held by different scholars. 11 In the NC. honey, meat and wine have always been regarded as contemptible articles (garahiya-vigati, appasattha-vigati), 2 the use of which was not allowed to a monk in normal circumstances, 18. We know that the Jaina monks even abstained from 1. Ibid. 2. NC, 3, p. 429. 3. NO. 3, p 527. 4. NC. 3, p. 521. 5. ET for aferzifo e FFHUTE SOTTET HACYtiti pagara-NC. 1, p. 55. 6. ## aftera fe AFTAAI BERFI-NC. 1, p. 158. 7. fi# queUT HE Brett fasula real sitauila, at wala hufa--NC. 3, p. 222. 8. Haec Fra AHTO Herita, vai sad fa-Ibid. 9. gal TH EITTH Fitda da TATU TO--NC. 3, p. 518. 10. NC. 3, p. 521. . 11. For references see--Shah, M.V., Jainism and Meat-eating; also Prof. Kosambi's article on Meat-eating in Purataltua (3. 4, p. 323). 12. fez faratsit HFTFATA-NC. 1, p. 141. 13. f3702HISHIFTAIRE-NC. 2, p. 124.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 139. night-food, lest it might involve killing insects, or they might. unknowingly accept the prohibited articles like the meatpreparations which could be harmful for them.2 Innumerable rules imposed upon the monks while going on their begginground (gocuri)s also reveal that the monks had to exercise utmost care in accepting the alms. In spite of these various injunctions, it can be seen that the Jaina monks did accept meat-diet during unusual circums-- tances. It is clearly stated in the text that honey, wine and meat may be taken by the monks under the exceptional circumstances (avavada).4 The author even believes that meateating is better than accepting the food especially prepared for the monks (ahakammiya) or the night-food (addhanakappa). During such circumstances the monks were to exercise their own judgement keeping in view the regional customs. In those regions where people were not aware of the vegetarian habits of the Jaina monks, the monks were expected to prefer meat-diet (pisita) rather than accepting the night-food or food especially prepared for them. But in the regions. where people were aware of the fact that the Jaina monks were not allowed to take meat, the monks were exhorted to take night-food or food especially prepared for them. Sometimes while passing through the robbers' settlements (tena palli) with large caravans ( sattha) the monks were forced to 1. NO. 1, p. 141. 2. Ibid. 3. NC. 2, pp. 113-17. 4. AY- HH-HAT 37aare 7599!--NC. 2, p. 394; see also--NC. 3, p. 136. 5. NC. 1, pp. 148-49. 6. jattha sAhU Najjati jahA "maMsaM Na khAyaMti" tattha varaM addhANakappo, Na pisiyaM, jattha puNo Na Najjati tattha varaM pisitaM, Na NisibhattaM, mUlaguNopaghAtatvAt gurutaraprAyazcittatvAt 14NC. 1, p. 149. 7. NAe tti jattha Najjati jahA--"ete samaNA maMsaM Na khAyaMti" tattha saliMgeNa pi sate DETAIU GET hafa, stat ai 34E12 fufhzi_NC. 1, p. 148. Also pisitte tti jattha gihatthA jANaMti jahA sAhUNaM Na vaTTati pisiyaM gheta.. bhuttuca tattha jai Afaatus juefa ETTI-NG. 1, p. 152.

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140. A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI accept meat-diet.1 In such circumstances, greater punishment was enjoined upon a monk who accepted meat while wearing his monk-robes (salinga).2 Besides, meat was also taken by the Jaina monks for purposes other than eating. It is said to have been used for curing certain diseases like fistula (bhagandara).8 The oil hamsatella, which was extracted from the body of a swan, was also used 'for medicinal purposes. Keeping in view the various references that are found in the text, we have to accept that the Jainas took a practical view of the question of flesheating, and that the NC. at least allows the monks to save their life even by taking meat, although the monks had to atone for it during their later period of life. Drink--As in food so in drinks a great variety ranging from fresh water, milk and butter-milk to perfumed water, juices, syrups as well as intoxicating liquors(r), can be found. Fresh water was procured from wells, ponds, springs and rivers for drinking. In the Tosali Visaya water of ponds (tala) was used for drinking which was termed talodaka", water of springs or streams was called dharodaka", while the water brought from the great rivers like Ganges or Sindhu was termed as maha salilodaka. In Rajaglha hot-water-springs (tavodaga) existed in abundance. 10 1. NO. 3, p. 217. 2. jattha satthe gAme vA jaNo visesaM jANati-jahA sAhU pisitaM na bhuMjaMti, tattha jati Afisitor fra EU ila at 306_NC. 3, p. 217. 3. httir HFT, SI TE 510 Tas Talhuifa, fenfifty Tin rifat-NC. 1, p. 100. 4. NC. 1, p. 121. 5. LAI., p. 127. 6. qto e-ett-SGT HIFTTH-NC. 3, p. 287. 7. Jalat PENC. 4, p. 43. 8. ETTESI FET RICH-NC. 4, p. 38. 9. HETESTETI PTIETY HIGIE-Ibid. 10. aratari tre NC. 4, p. 43; also atcatena TTFLERS_Brh. V. 4, p. 959,

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MATERIAL CULTURE 141 Water was usually perfumed with various ingredients like kar para (camphor)1 and patala (trumpet-flower) for drinking purposes. The water fumigated with four to five fragrant substances (caumala, pancamula)' was largely served to the guests in feasts and garden-parties. It was considered to be beneficial for the patients as well. Even the expectant mothers sometimes craved to drink such water as their pregnancy-longing (dohada). These fragrant substances have no where been enumerated in the text, but according to the commentary on the Byhat-kal pa-Bhasya these were ela (Cardamaom), tvak (Cinnomomum zeylonicum), tamalapatra (Jamaica pepper, pimento ) and nagakesara (Calophyllum Inophyllum). The water fumigated with five fragrant substances (pascamula) must have been similar to the panca-sara-panaka of the Astanga HIdaya which was prepared by boiling water with five spices like ginger, asana, nagaramotha etc.? Bana also frequently refers to perfumed water which was largely taken in summer. It is said that "the fierce heat of the sun made people long not only to drink water perfumed with the strong scent of trumpet-flower (patala) but even to drink up the very wind."8 A large number of fruit-juices and syrups were prepared from the flowers, fruits and sugarcane products. Khandapanaka, sarkara panaka and gulapanaka were the syrups prepared by mixing water with raw-sugar (khanda), refined sugar (sarkara) and molasses (guda). Gulapaniya is explained as water boiled 1. Bih. V!. 4, p. 957. 2. NC. 4, p. 41. 3. qefe cafe at sootadfe ESTE MET HARE-NC. 4, p. 43; also | BIh. V. 4, P. 959. 4. NC. 4, p. 41. 3. Ibid. 6. aparaM ca caturjAtakasukRtasambhArA elA-tvak-tamAlapatra-nAgakesarAkhyaizcatubhirgandhadravya tifeartaiga ACATABih. Vt. 4, p. 970. 7. Asanga Hrdaya, III. 31. 8. Harsacarita, p. 31, text p. 52. 9. --TA-HRT-a -great-faarfaita NC. 2, p. 123.

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149 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI in guda; it must have been the same as gudodaka' mentioned by other authorities. Then there were syrups prepared from the juices of pomegranate (dalima ), grapes (draksa, muddita, mrdvika), tamarind (cinca), and other similar fruits. Among these the syrup prepared from the grape-juice (draksa pa naka) was regarded as the best. The water fumigated with the juices of mango-fruit (sahakara), and flowers of pacala (trumpetflower) and ut palu (blue lotus)* was also liked; this drink has been termed as pus pa sava in the Manasolla sa. All these drinks had a beautiful colour as also a sweet and agreeable smell. These drinks must have been commonly used by the people. According to I-Tsing, it was a common practice in India to offer one of the eight syrups prescribed by Buddha to distinguished visitors, teachers, pupils, disciples, strangers and friends.' Some of these drinks were allowed to the monks as well. Yuan Chwang informs us that "the Sramanas and Brahmanas drink only syrup prepared with grapes and sugarcane.>> 8 Besides, ayama or avasamana (scum of boiled rice) and kanjika, also called aranala in the regional language (a sour-gruel prepared from cereals)10, were largely taken, especially by the monks. 1. NC. 2, p. 253. 2. NC. 2, p. 123. 3. TEEMATE TigrisBT FTTILAI-NC. 3, p. 223; also granata 31419767 gafauft-NC. 2, p. 102. 4. TOTT FETTTT-Teartacusadf HGT 1995-NC. 3, p. 319. 5. Manasollasa, III. 1621. 6. gou un stagi quriyHafe TaTUTNC. 2, p. 123. 7. The eight panas ( drinks ) allowed by Buddha were moka, koka, kolaka, asvattha, ulpala or udumbara, parusaka, mrdhuika and khar gula ( Mahavagga, VI. 35. 6. ). I-Tsing, however, mentions anba, jambu, koka, kolaka, moka, madhu, saluka and pharusaka (Takakusu, op. cit., p. 125). 8. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 178. 9. NO. 1, p. 74. 10. "Fiffi' FATC Brard Houfan-NG. 1, p. 74; Fiftraf afheNC. 2, p. 253.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 143 Wines and other intoxicating liquors were extensively used. Strong liquors were termed as majja or madya and were easily available in the market. The wine-shops or taverns were termed as rasavana, majjavana? or panabhumi. We are informed that "the flags (jjhaya-dhvaja ) were hoisted over the wineshops, particularly in the Maharastra country, so that the monks could detect the wine-shop from a distance to enable them to refrain from accepting alms from there. Yuan Chwang also observed that, "drinking-booths were disting uished by sign-boards.>>st Wine (majja) was of two varieties : (i) pitthakada and (ii) gulakada.' The former was wine prepared with the powder of rice or barley-meal and has been called paisti sura by other authorities. The latter was evidently a liquor prepared with the fermented juice of sugarcane.? Besides, sura, sidhuo, madhulo and a savali were the other varieties of 1. NC.1, p. 53. 2. Talauit #14 #FETTU NC. 2, p. 136. 3. NC. 2, p. 136; BIh. VI. 4, p. 985. 4. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 147; Beal, op. cit., I, p. 74' 5. fate Hysi, H 1-fazTFIT TRE N C. 2, p. 238. 6. Ostali atafayetanafrisarai. tui-Brh. Vr. 4, p. 954; aflaterale for a la faerit Hafa Al TTIbid., p. 953; Manusmrti, 11. 94-95. In the Sanmoha Vinodini (p. 38) also pitthi sura is mentioned as one of the five kinds of suras. For the process of making paisti sura see-R. L. Mitra, Indo-Aryan, Vol. X. 1, p. 413. 7. Tai yefasuarai-Brh: V1. 4, p. 954. 8. NC. 2, p. 456; NC. 3, p. 518. Sura was generally prepared with barley or rice-flour.-Carakasanhita, 27. 188. 9, NC. 2, p. 456. Sidhu was prepared with the juice of sugarcane and dhataki flowers. Caraka mentions two varieties of sidhu--one prepared from boiled juice and the other from unboiled juice ( Carakasanhita, 27. 182-83.) 10. NC. 2, p. 456. The juice of grapes was termed as madhu-Artha Sastra, p. 133; also LAI., p. 126. 11. NC, 1, p. 53. Asuva.was prepared with the extract of kapittha ( Ferr. onia Elephantidin), inspissated juice of sugarcane and honey with some spices--Arthasastra, II: 25. 19; Susrutasamnita, 45. 195:

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144 liquors widely used by the people. Liquors were usually stored in jars (sura-kuda)1 and the royal kitchen had a special store-house called panagara where various types of intoxicating drinks and other beverages were stored.2 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI reasons.1 In spite of the great variety of liquors, the Jaina monks, as we know, were not allowed to take wine." The author, however, allows the monks to accept wine during serious illness (agadha-gelanna). They could either get it from the market or ask the lay-devotees for the same by giving specific Being a pious Jaina, the attitude of our author towards wine-drinking can be easily comprehended. The author describing the sixteen great evils considers addiction to wine as one of the worst evils which deprive a person of his three-fold aim of life, i.e. Dharma, Artha and Kama and consequently of Moksa as well. ing.' 9 Betel-eating-People were quite accustomed to betel-eatBetel-leaves along with the various ingredients were regarded as luxurious or relishable articles (saima).(r) Betelleaves were usually taken with five spices like jai phala (nutmeg), kokkola (cinnamon), kappura (camphor), lavamga (cloves) and pugaphala (arecanut). Sometimes samkha-cunna and khaira (Acaeia Catechu) were also used in preparing betel.10 Caraka as well as Susruta mentions that betel-leaf was to be chewn along with spices like cloves, camphor, nutmeg, kokkola, Latakasturi and similar other objects of flavour.11 Innumerable 1. NC. 3, p. 518. 2. NC. 2, p. 456. 3. NC. 1, p. 141; NC. 2, p. 124; NC. 3, p. 135, 4. mahu - majja - maMsA garahiyavigatINaM gahaNaM AgADhe gilANakajjaM " garahAlAbhapamANe" tti garahaMto geNhati-NC. 3, P. 136. 5. viyaDaM majjaM taM saDDhagharAo AvaNAo vA geNhai - NC. 1, p. 53. 6. NC. 1, p. 53; als> Brh. V, 5, p. 1324. 7. puvvabhAvito koSa pakkaM taMbUlapattAdi muhe pakkhivejjA - NC. 1, p. 164. 8. NC. 3, pp. 287, 519. 9. NC. 3, p. 319. 10. Ibid. 11. Carakasamhita, 75.76; Susrutasamhita, V. 12, p. 483 (ed. by K. Bhisagratna).

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10 MATERIAL CULTURE 145 references to the practice of betel-chewing can be found in the contemporary literaturel which reveal that betel-eating had by then become a common practice amongst the people. Food-habits and Customs--Some idea regarding the foodhabits and customs of the people can also be had from the text. Moderation in food was always enjoined, and overeating was never appreciated. Thirty-two morsels of food were supposed to be sufficient to keep a person alive.2 An ideal monk was expected to take only this much of food as his diet. Different food-customs were observed in different regions. In the Kosala country the place of dining (ahara-bhumi) was besmeared with cow-dung; lotus-leaves and flowers were strewn over the ground, the earthen-pots were properly arranged and only then the people had their meals. S I-Tsing also found the same practice being observed by the people of his time as he wrote: "Ground, before taking food, is strewn with cow-dung, and fresh leaves are scattered over it." In the Koukana country rice-gruel (peya) was offered first at meals, while in Northern India parched barley-meal (saktu) was offered first and other articles of food were served later. The monks from the Korikana country could easily withstand the dry and coarse food (ayambila), but the monks from Sindhu were accustomed to rich and spicy food (vamjanamisa). They were even allowed to take the same. In certain regions, as in Northern India, people were habituated to night-food.? In these regions the Jaina monks had to be allowed to take food 1. In the Harsacarita (p. 85) of Bana Sudrsti is mentioned as having ps red with betel leaves. In the Kadambari (para 15), Sudraka is shown as gRhItatAmbUla: / 2. NO. 1, p. 144. 3. et Filialaug BERHA Rata taraf-NG. 1, p. 51. 4. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 25. 5. Yra to vodi ET PRO OTT, 57TE TY-NC. 1, p. 52. 6. NC. 1, p. 145. 7. Test Hught Tietty GIF, FET STREE_NO. 1, p. 154.

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146 at night. It seems that taking food at night was not a regular practice in certain regions where people abstained from nightfood. In certain parts of the country milk and milk-products were found in abundance. Even the Jaina monks, who were usually directed to abstain from taking rich diet, were allowed to take the same in those regions.1 It is evident that due to the social as well as climatic conditions the food-customs of different regions also widely differed. In such differing circumstances the Jaina monks were directed to observe regional or local customs for being successful in their aim, i.e. "to preach their religion without suffering the pangs of hunger."2 Dress A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI The NC. provides us ample information regarding the nature of costume and textile material of the time. Elaborating the various rules that were to be observed by the Jaina monks and nuns with regard to their clothing, the author gives a vivid description of the clothes and costumes worn by men and women in society and also relates various processes involving weaving, washing, stitching, dyeing etc. The clothes were variously known as vattha3, parihana*, vasa", cira, cela, civara or nevattha', and were divided into three categories: (i) cotton clothes (kappa siya), (ii) silken clothes (kosejjaka) and (iii) woollen clothes (unniya). The cotton cloth was manufactured from the hair of one-sensed beings (egemdiya-nis panna), the silken cloth from two to foursensed beings (vigalemdiya-nis panna) and the woollen cloth was 8 1. kamhi ya dese gAme vA so ceva dahikhIrAti AhAro havejja, tattha viNA kAraNeNa TER-NC. 2, p. 243. 2. LAI., p. 128. 3. great fa NC. 2, p. 56; NC, 3, p. 560. 4. NC. 1, p. 52. 5. NC. 3, p. 142. 6. NC. 2, p. 322. 7. NC. 1, p. 52. 8. NC. 3, p. 566,

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MATERIAL CULTURE 147 made from five-sensed beings (pamcendiya-nispanna). These different varieties of clothes may be grouped under two heads : (i) the common clothes and (ii) the costly clothes. The Jaina monks were allowed to wear only the common clothes, while all varieties were worn by the people in society. Common Clothes-- The Jaina monks were allowed to wear five varieties of coarse clothes which were comparatively cheap. These were : (i) jamgiya, (ii) bhamgiya, (iii) saniya, (iv) pottaga and (v) tiridapatta. 2 (i) yangiya-yangiya is explained as cloth manufactured from the body or hair of the moving beings (jangama-satta, tasa-jiva).. Five varieties of the jamgiya cloth have been mentioned in the text. These were : unniya, uttiya, miyalomiya, kutava and kitta.* Unniya was the cloth manufactured from the sheep's wools, while uttiya was from the camel's hair. Miyalomiya was the cloth made from deer's hair.? Kutava and kitta are also mentioned as two types of hair (romavi sesa) which were common in certain regions but were not available in the region to which the author belonged. Kutava has been explained as varakka, while kitta or kittima is mentioned as -"cloth manufactured from the residue of the same material.'' Perhaps the author means to say that the best part of the hair (varakka) was used for making the kutava cloth and that the kitta was manufactured from the remaining inferior portion of 1. NC. 3, p. 566; also Bih. V!. 1, p. 174. 2. NC. 2, pp. 56-57; Brh. VI. 4, pp. 1017-18; Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 364, 368. 3. GAATTO 399afcat foceront Hora1NC. 2, p. 57, also p. 39; Byh. V. 4, p. 1017. 4. NC. 2, p. 57. 5. gout' f STEMT TETT yoifa, deA CAT 439 foisgt CathtopaNC. 2, p. 223. 6. BETHE _NC. 2, p. 57. 7. fizime tha fhihiNC. 2, p. 57. 8. gaffet la CaEhda a FAT, FE Scaffol--NC. 2, p. 57. 9. 3Tout stuifaictat acomit at fani fi gaf aa 9181_NC. 2, p. 57; also | NC, 2, p. 400.

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148 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the same. The commentary on the Bshatkalpa Bhasya explains kutava as jina and kitta as cloth manufactured from the residue of the hair or wool after the best part of it had been utilized for making better grades of cloth.1 According to a Curni quoted by the editor of the Bihatkalpa, kutava as well as kitta was the cloth manufactured from different parts of the goat's hair. Besides, following the definition that "jamgiya was the cloth manufactured from the hair of the movable beings", the andaga and kidaga varieties of cloth have also been included in this group. Andaga was the cloth manufactured from the swan's egg (hamsa-gabbha). * According to Motichandra, it perhaps refers to the cloth hansa-dukulas which has been so widely referred to in the classical Sanskrit texts. Kidaga was. evidently the cloth manufactured from the insects and it included the varieties of silken cloth like the patta and kosigara.6 The monks, however, were to take the patta or kosigara cloth only when the cotton or hemp-cloth was not available. (ii) Bhangiya-Bhamgiya was the cloth manufactured from the fibres of the linseed plant.? It must have been a cloth manufactured from the bhaga tree which is still produced in Kumon district in U.P. and is known as bhagela.s 1. Bih. V r. 4, p. 1018; Motichandra, History of Indian Costumes from the 3rd Century A. D. to the end of the 7th Century A. D', JISOA., Vol. XII, p. 28. 2. Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1018; also Motichandra, op. cit., p. 28. 3. Giftsit SETZTNC. 2 p. 39. 4. NC. 2, p. 38; also commentary on Anu yogadvara, su. 37. 5. Motichandra, Pracina Bharatiya Vesabhusa, p. 145. 6. NC. 2, p. 38. In the Anuyogadvara, Si. 38, the malaya, ansuka, cinansuka and kimiraga are mentioned as four varieties of kidaga cloth. 7. TIHA virulet-NC. 2, p. 57; also NC. 2, p. 37. According to the commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, bhuaiigika was either manufactured from linseed plant or from the inner portion of karila-vansa -Brh. V!. 4, p. 1018. 8. See--Motichandra's article on Dress in Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 40; also LAI., p. 128.

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i MATERIAL CULTURE : 149 (iii) Saniya-Saniya was hemp cloth prepared from the fibres of hemp.2 Yuan Chwang also refers to sanaka as a dark red cloth made from the fibres of the sanaka plant (a kind of hemp cannabis sativa or croloraria juncea) used by the bhikkhus.' (iv) Pottaga-Potta or pottaga was cotton cloth made from the fibres of the cotton flower.s According to the commentary on the BIhatkal pa Bhasya, pottaga was the cotton cloth. The Acaranga-vytti explains it as cloth made from the palmleaves. 5 (v) Tirida patta--Tirida patta or patta was cloth manufactured from the bark of the tirida tree ( Symplocos Racemosa ). "The earlier list of textiles mentioned in the Acaranga, however, allows the monks to wear the tulakada cloth in place of the tirida patta.? These five varieties of cloth were allowed to the Jaina monks for their clothing. The monks, however, were advised to prefer the cotton-cloth, although the other types of cloth could be taken as its alternatives when the cotton cloth was not available. Costly Clothes-Besides these, a large variety of expensive clothes having fine finish with gold embroidery or inlaid with golden thread were the prised possession of the people. Leather skins were also used to devise garments. The Jaina monks, however, were barred from using such costly variety of cloth. The varieties of expensive clothes mentioned in the N.C. are as follows : 1. NC. 2, p. 57, also pp. 39, 223; Bih. V r. 4, p. 1018. 2. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 120. 3. NO. 2, p. 57; see also--NC. 2, pp. 38, 39, 223. 4. liti effetti 1-Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1018.... .5. 11. 5. 1. 364, 368. 6. NC. 2, p. 399; also Brh. Vr. pp. 1018-19. 7. See-Acuraiiga, II, 5. 1. 364, 368. 8. NO. 2, pp. 398-99.

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150 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (i) Aina--Aina was a cloth made from the deer-skin (ajina).1 (ii&iii) Sahina and Sahinakallana-Sahina was a type of very thin or fine (suksma)* cloth, while the sahinakallana was fine as well as soft (snigdha). (iv) Aya-Aya is explained as cloth prepared from the moss. (sevala) that clung to the goat's hoof in siyatalaya (sita-tadagarsitadaga) in the country of Tosali. This definition of the aya cloth given in the NC. is almost unintelligible and shows that the author himself was not quite clear regarding the origin of this cloth. In the other Jaina texts, however, aya is explained as cloth made from the goat's hair." (v) Kaya-Kaya is explained as cloth made in the Kaya country (Eastern Malwa ) by dyeing the cloth in a pond in which the seeds of kakajangha (Abrus Procatorius-Hindi gunja) have fallen", or the cloth dyed in the liquid or solution (druti) of kaya (a medicinal plant, perhaps known as cakaseni in Hindi).' Both these definitions are not clear and do not. reveal the nature of this cloth. The commentary on the Acaranga, however, explains kaya as cloth manufactured from blue-cotton. (vi) Khomma-Khomma has been mentioned as a type of cotton cloth, but it is also stated that in view of others it was a cloth made from the bark of the banyan tree.10 If the 1. ajiNaM cammaM, tammi je kIrati te AIANi - NC. 2, p. 359; also Acaraiga, II. 5. 1. 3. 2. sahiNaM sUkSmaM - NC. 2, p. 399. 3. kallANaM snigdhaM, lakSaNayukta vA, kiM ci sahiNaM kallANaM ca - Ibid. 4. Aya NAma tosalivisae sIyatalAe ayANaM khuresu sevAlatariyA laggaMti, tattha vatthA kIraMti--NC. 2, p. 399. 5. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 3. 6. kAyANi kayavisae kAkajaMvassa jahiM maNI paDito talAge tattha rattANi jANi tANi kAyANi bhaNNaMti - NC. 2, p. 399. 7. dute vA kAye rattANi kAyANi - Ibid. 8. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 3. 9. poMDamayA khommA -- NC. 2, p. 399. 10. aNNe bhaNati -- ruva rohito niggacchaMti, jahA "baDehiMto pAdagA sAhA " -- Ibid.

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MATERIAL CULTURE former definition is accepted, it is not clear as to what difference there was between the khomma and the pottaga which has also been explained as cotton cloth. The latter definition of khomma appears to be more reliable, and the other Jaina texts also mention it as linen cloth. According to the Amarakosa, ksauma was a synonym of dukula. Yuan Chwang also mentions Calico-Chiu (or Chu)-ma (ksauma) as a kind of linen.3 (vii) Dugulla-Dugulla was a cloth manufactured from the bark of the dugulla tree.+ The bark of the dugulla tree was pounded in a mortar by adding water and the cloth was made out of its fibres." Bana also frequently refers to dukula-cloth(r) which has been explained by scholars as bark-silk." The commentator of the Acaranga, however, explains dugulla as cloth made from cotton grown in the Gauda country. 8 (viii) Tiridapatta (see-common-clothes). 9 (ix) Mayala-Mayala or malaya cloth was manufactured in the Malaya country from the saliva of the insects which fell the leaves of the malaya-plants. Apparently, it was a cloth manufactured from the malaya fibres in the country of Malaya. 10 upon 151 (x) Pattunna-Pattunna is also mentioned as a cloth made from the bark-fibres.11 1. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 1. 2. Amarakosa, II. 6. 112. 3. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148. 4. dugullo rukkho tassa vAgo ghettu udUkhale kuTTijjati - NC. 2, p. 399. 5. pANieNa tAva jAva jhUsIbhUto tAhe kajjati etesu dugullo -- Ibid. 6. Hartacarita, p. 125, text p. 143. 7. Saletore, R.N., Life in the Gupta Age, p. 404. 8. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 3. 9. kirIDayalAlA mayalavisae mayalANi pattANi kovijjati - NC. 2, p. 399. 10. malayonAma deza: tatsambhavaM malayajam Bh. 1. 4, p. 1018. 11. tesu vAlae pattuNA - NC. 2, p. 399.

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152 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (xi) Amsuya-Amsuya cloth was manufactured from the inner bark of the dugulla tree.1 Ansuya thus must have been a finer variety of cloth than dugulla. The commentator of the BIhatkalpa Bhasya also explains it as a fine, soft and shining cloth. (xii) Cinar suya-Cinam suya was yet a finer variety of cloth than amsuya.' It has been explained as silk imported from the China country also. The commentator of the BIhatkal pa Bhasya explains it as silk manufactured from the koieka or kosikara insects or as soft cloth made in China.' Bana also refers to the clothes "white and delicate as China-silk."8 (xiii) Desaraga-Desaraga was the coloured cloth dyed in the regional process of dyeing.' 1. guesta taratie of 3695afa d sini-NC. 2, p. 399. Explaining the ansu ya cloth Motichandra remarks in his Pracina Bharatiya Vesabhusa (p. 148) that we find a very wide explanation of the amsuya cloth in the Nisitha, viz. ziatifit, fi Ciri-piriu, furario, FURTTITUT, Ufar Fil meaning thereby that the "amsuya was a cloth interwoven with golden threads and various designs were made on it. Ansuya thus has been a cloth like brocade ( kimaklaba or pata in Hindi)". This explanation is evidently based on an incorrect reading. The words like ka agakantani are not used as adjectives of ansuya, but as Motichandra has himself shown later in his text, were independent varieties of cloth interwoven with golden threads. 2. Bih. V!. 4, p. 1018. 3. Jcha atriuri offNC. 2, p. 399. 4. Ibid. 5. cInAMzuko nAma sozikArAkhyaH kRbhiH tasmAd jAtaM cInAMzukam , yadvA cInA nAma 77777: ITT: SEMIT: EFATHIT TITAHBih. Vr. 4, p. 1018. 6. Harsacarita, p. 28. 7. Frit fat trifaut arc, aA TOTI ACHI-NC. 2, p. 399. Here the word jattha viszya meaning "in which region" or "in which particular country', has been rendered by Motichandra as the country of Jatas'', on the basis of which he has conjectured that "it might be taken to indicate towards a particular process of dyeing which must have been in vogue in eastern Punjab and western part of Central Province" (Pracina Bharatiya Vesabhura, p. 149 ). The inference evidently is a far-fetched one and it would be more accu

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MATERIAL CULTURE 153 (xiv) Amila--Amila is explained as a cloth manufactured from hair (roma)i or as a cloth spotlessly clean (nimmala), properly starched and calendered on a rubbing implement (ghattini-ghatita .2 Elsewhere in the NG. amlata is mentioned as fine cloth which did not absorbe dirt very easily. This must have been a polished cloth having a fine finish. (xv) Gajjala--Gajjala was a variety of cloth which made rustling noise like a thunderbolt.* It must have been a heavily starched cloth. (xvi) Phadiya--Phadiya was a cloth fine and transparent like crystal.s (xvii) Kambala- The word kambala denoted all types of expensive woollen clothes, i. e. the blankets as well as the woollen upper garments. A story in the NC. depicts how a Jaina monk was troubled by thieves for a fine kambala-cloth (kambala-rayana) that was given by a king. Yuan Chwang also refers to 'Han' or ( Kan ) po-lo (kambala ) as a texture of fine wool.? (xviii) Pavaraga--Pavaragas were the mantles or the housings of the elephants (kharadaga--painted cloth to cover the elephant's back). 8 (xix) Kanaga--Kanaga cloth was made from yarns ( sutta ) dyed in a solution (druti) of gold. rate to translate desaraga as clothes dyed in the regional process of dyeing. In the Acaraiga ( II. 5. 1. 31 ) al:o they are mentioned only as coloured clothes. 1. THE FIL BAST-NC. 2, p. 399; Acaraiga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. 2. 31691-fOFFICIT 3 for afguit afar a TYTTATOTIE Fiefd-NC. 2, p. 400. 3. AT 7 Feparat sita ara 37 Taifa Tan -Ibid., p. 109. 4. T ATAMI FE la THORNC. 2, p. 400; Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. 5. ETTETTHT FIEITT BEST EU:-Ibid. 6. Garchi tar-NC. 2, p. 400. 7. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148. 8. ETETT TERTINC. 2, p. 400 9. Taru ga Tri Tra, auga a 911--Ibid. Motichandra's explanation of kanaga cloth is based on a different

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154 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (xx) Kanagayaka--Kanagayaka was a cloth having its border woven with golden thread.' (xxi ) Kanagapatta--Two definitions of this cloth are found in the text. According to one, it was a cloth interwoven with golden threads, while according to the other, it was a cloth made from the hair of a particular species of deer called Kanagapatta.s (xxii) Kanagakhaciya--Kanagakhaciya was a cloth embroidered with golden threads.It must have been a cloth like brocade. (xxiii) Kanagaphulliya--Kanagaphulliya is explained as a cloth on which the designs were made with gold by applying. a type of wax or such other adhesive substance (kaddama).' This process has been rendered by Jaina as the art of 'tinsel reading of the NC. It reads : qaratie granu a quo, quot ga sutta rajjati teNa jaM taM taM kaNagam / On the basis of this he has stated that "two definitions of the karaga cloth are to be found in the NC. According to one, "it was a cloth made from the bark of the banyan tree" and secondly as "clothes dyed in golden solution' (Motichandra, op. cit., p. 149 ). But in the present edition of the NC. we have a different reading, viz. ESTETITE TAICII, yquot ga ati Taid, ito of gri i ri. Evidently, the previous one is a definition of the pavaraga cloth and the latter, i. e. 'cloth made from yarn dyed in golden solution'', is the only definition of kallaga cloth in the NC. In the commcntary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, however, it is explained as cloth made from the golden coloured yarns of certain insects ( Brh. V:. 4,. p. 1018 ). 1. at FF Fitur foar FORTY-NC. 2, p. 400. 2. STEH TET fiat a FUTTE Lacaranga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. 3. 34891-FTTTET PAI-NC. 2, p. 400. 4. FUTTETO El JFF GEET i forrela Ibid; Acaranga, II. 5.1.3-8. 5. TOT GEA yene faunis n firmiyafeti i FET TEHy geelsuha NO. 2, p. 400.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 155 printing.>>1 According to Motichandra also it was a particular art of printing with wax.: (xxiv) Abharanam Abharana was a printed cloth having a single pattern like the pattern of six leaves etc. (chapatrikadi). S (XXV) Abharana-vicitta-It was a printed cloth having different designs like that of the leaves (patrika), a digit of moon (cand ralekha), fylot (svastika), bell ( ghantika ), pearl (mottika) etc.* (xxvi-xxvii) Veggha and Vivaggha-Vegghas and Vivagghae were the clothes made from tiger and panther's skin. (xxviii) Uttha-Two explanations of the uttha cloth have been given in the text. According to one, it was a cloth made from the skin of an aquatic animal having the appearance of a dog (sunagagiti) and known as uttha.? According to the other, it was made from the skin of the yellow-deer (gora-miga).8 It can be judged that it was a type of skin-cloth. According to the commentary on the Acaranga also, it was made from the skin of an aquatic cat (udabilava in Hindi) found in the country of Sindhu. (xxix) Pesa--Pesa in, explained as cloth made from the skin of the pesa animal or from the skin of fish (maccha). 'The 1. LAI., p. 129. "In tinsel printing an adhesive substance is printed over the texture and subsequently dusted with colouring matter and the designs are printed with blocks,'s--Sir George Watt, Indian Art at Delhi, p. 267. 2. Motichandra, op. cit., pp. 152-53. 3. Tra gyfetalla THLUTT Sat-NC. 2, p. 400. 4. AbharaNatthapatrikaM caMdalehika-svastika-ghaMTika-mottikamAdIhiM maMDitA AbharaNa-vicittA-- Ibid. 5. quafi FR -NC. 2, p. 400. 6. PETIT-7faqrail_Ibid. 7. gorifiaft F ITT ATT af arferoit -Ibid. 8. FOu suifa--JET + TRENTO TUTTA 1 --Ibid. 9. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. U dra is mentioned in the Taittiriyasamhita according to which it was a water-cat (Vedic Index, 1, p. 89; also LAI., p. 123). 10. der har afa 378U1 I 3Tout Hifa_aar ATT Half40 NC. 2, p. 400.

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-156 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI commentary on the Acaranga also explains it as a fine leather of an animal of Sindhu. 1 Besides, another cloth casually mentioned in the text is rallaga which was used as a wrapper (paurana). It has been explained as kambala in the Amar akosa." Yuan Chwang also refers to a cloth po-lo-li which has been rendered as rala, an equivalent of Sanskrit rallaka. It was made from the wool of a wild animal. This wool being fine and soft could be easily spun and woven. It was a prized material for clothing. * Another cloth mentioned in the text is vadaya which was also called tasara in the regional language. It was same as kosejja or the silk-cloth. I-Tsing informs us that kauseya is the name of silk-worms, and the silk which is reared from them is also called by the same name. It was a very valuable thing. Cost of Clothes--The clothes were divided into three categories on the basis of their prices. The clothes costing upto eighteen ruvagas were of the cheapest variety (jahanna), while those costing above a million ruvagas were the costliest (ukkosa).? The clothes costing between these two grades belonged to the medium category (majjhima). In the context of the various punishments that were imposed upon the monks for wearing costly clothes, the clothes costing about 18, 20, 50, 100, 1000, 5000 and 10,000 ruvagas have been mentioned. 9 1. Acaraiga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. In the Vedic texts pesa is mentioned as a gold embroidered cl th with artistic and intricate designs (Vedic Index, II, p. 22). 2. TETUT TESTT-NC. 3, p. 102. 3. Amarukosa, 2. 6. 116. 4. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148. 5. hat a53it iuf-(24T HTTF)--NC. 2, p. 68. 6. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 60. 7. NC. 2, p. 95. 8. Ibid. 9. NC. 2, p. 96.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 157 This cost is given according to the ruvaga of Pataliputra", but it has not been made clear as to how much cloth could be bought for this price. Clothes for Different Occasions--Due consideration was given to the fact that the dress worn by an individual was befitting the occasion. Four types of garments are mentioned in the NC. : (i) niyamsana, (ii) majjaniya, (iii) chanisaviya and (iv) rajaddariya." Niyamsanas were the garments that were worn daily at home during day or night.' The lower as well as upper garment of daily wear was included in this group. The majjaniya. garments were worn at the time or after taking bath and visiting the temple. Prabhavati, the queen of king Udayana, is mentioned to have gone to the temple to propitiate the deity in pure white clothes ( suddha-va sa, sukilla-vasa) after taking her bath. People clad in different types of fine and. beautiful attires (vividhavesa) proceeded to attend the garden. parties? or functions; such garments were known as chanisaviya, i.e. to be worn at the time of feasts and festivals.* Lastly, rajaddariya were the garments that were worn while visiting the king or nobles. Seasonal Clothes-Proper clothes were selected in order to suit the season. The kasaya clothes dyed in red colour (kasaya) were appreciated in summer, wrappers (pavara) were worn in winter, while the clothes dyed with saffron ( kurkuma) were supposed to be fit for the rainy season. 10 Clothes dyed. 1. NC. 2, p. 95. 2. NC. 3, p. 556, also p. 578; Bih. Bha., p. 644. 3. forran fagurat Igre1NC. 3, p. 466. 4. "fizigut" HIT HIETTT.....TF5Tui fu a 300--NC. 3, p. 566.... 5. " HE" fervatat or utafa qiyah atat a' Fritz-NC 3, p. 566... 6. Efacec7a-4fTET-NC. 3, p. 142; afteTAT CA NC. 3, p. 143. 7. NC. 4, pp. 24, 40. 8. Evita serait souchat, affa aftiesala a' ghazi-NC. 3, p. 566.: 9. fprei aaaat sige trazi -Ibid. 10. FOTFE GET IT, fafit gratuiflet, atata bigaifa afani-NC. 2, p. 94; Bih. V. 4, P: 1068; cf. Kalidasa, Rtusamhara, VI. 4.

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158 in red-colour during the summer were thought to be unfit for wearing during the winter. Perhaps they might have been dyed again in every season. A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Coloured Clothes-White as well as coloured clothes were worn. Five colours for clothes were held in esteem (varnadhya): (i) black like the neck of a peacock, (ii) blue like the tail of a parrot, (iii) red like the colour of an Indragopa (an insect of scarlet colour), (iv) golden-yellow and (v) white like the conchshell or moon. 2 Red-clothes dyed in the colour of safflower (kusumbharaga) were thought to be proper for the bride to enter her marriage chamber (vasagrha), white, on the other hand, was appreciated during the religious ceremonies, i.e. at the time of worship or visiting the temple.* Yuan Chwang also noted that people wore clothes of different colours, but white was held in esteem." Centres of Cloth Manufacture-The clothes must have been produced in almost every region, yet, some of the places were especially famous as centres of cloth-manufacture. Such regions were usually known as bahu-vattha-desa, i.e. countries rich in cloth. Mahissara is mentioned as one such place and the monks in this city were allowed to wear better types of clothes." Mahissara is obviously same as Mahisa or Mahismati which has been mentioned by Kautilya as one of the most famous centres for the manufacture of cotton-cloth, the others being Madhura (southern), Aparanta (western parts) of Kalinga, Kasi, Vanga and Vatsa. Sindhu and Malava also must have been famous for their clothes. People in these 1. kAsAraNa rattaM kAsAyaM. gimhe kayaM jaM hemaMta ajoggaM paribhogasseti - NC. 3, p. 569. 2. NC. 2, p. 94. 3. NC. 3, p. 143. 4. NC. 3, p. 142. 5. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 75. 6. NC. 3, pp. 568-69. 7. bahuvatthadese jahA mahissare aNNaM cokkhatarayaM parirheti -- NC. 3, p. 569. 8. mAdhuramAparAntakaM kAliGagakaM kAzikaM vAGgakaM vAtsakaM mAhiSakaM ca kArpAsikaM zreSThamiti -Arthasastra, Bk. II, Ch. XI, p. 83. ..

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MATERIAL CULTURE 159 regions usually wore fine garments (ujjalovadhi) and even the monks were advised to wear better clothes as a person clad in filthy garments (kucela) could not even get alms in these regions." Pondravardhana was another famous centre where the fine as well as the coarse varieties of cloth (sanha and sthala) were easily available.2 Kaucilya refers to two varieties of the paundraka cloth, one that was black and as soft as the surface of the gem and the other the ksauma' which was a variety of coarse cloth.4 Bana also considered pale silken Paundra cloth as decorous and respectable. Clothes were also imported from one region to the other. Clothes manufactured in eastern India were rare (dullabha) in the Lata country and were highly prized (arghita). It is interesting to note that most of these places mentioned in the NC. have been famous centres of cloth-manufacture in India from ancient times. Spinning and Weaving--Some idea regarding the other subsidiary processes like spinning, weaving, dyeing or washing can also be had from the text. The unrefined or uncarded cotton, i.e. seduga, was carded and the seeds were removed out of it (panjita). From this clear-cotton (ruya or rui) spools (pelu) were prepared for spinning the yarn (kac canijja-sutta) from which the cloth was made.' Same process must have been resorted to in case of the silken as well as woollen clothes. 1. dubhikkhe vA kucelassa Na labbhati tti siMdhumAlavagAdisu tatthujjalovadhidharaNaM karejja NC. 3, p. 594, also p. 566. 2. afereeGET THE qua NC. 4, p. 144. 3. Arthasastra, Bk. II, Ch. XI, pp. 81-82. 4. Vide-Saletore, op. cit., p. 395. 5. Harsacarita, p. 72, text p. 85. 6. NO. 2, p. 94; alati af stafari TTCT HET=H_Bth V:. 4, p. 1068. 7. NC. 2, p. 224; Bph. V. 3, p. 843. For detailed information regarding weaving sec-Brh. V, 1, p. 186.

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160 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Washing and Dyeing-Rajaga, vatthasohagal and millevagas were the traditional classes of the washermen who were adept in the art of washing (dhovana). The washermen can be seen washing the clothes with pitchers full of water (jalakuda)' on the banks of rivers and ponds. The clothes must have been usually cleaned with the soap-nut (kataka-phala)', although a solution of soda, called kharajoga, was also applied to clean the dirty clothes (ati-panka). According to the Nayadhammakaha, the clothes were first put into a solution of soda (vattham sajjiyakharenanulimpai), then boiled and finally washed. For the purpose of giving a fine finish, the clothes were calendered after washing, starched and also perfumed." The clothes were dyed in different colours. Desaraga, as mentioned before, was a fine variety of cloth dyed in the regional process of dyeing.' Various colours like the hariddaraga (colour of tumeric), kusumbharaga (safflower), kaddamara ga (mud) and kimiraga (a red dye or lac produced by certain insects) were used for dyeing. 10 Vatsyayana also informs us that blue, orange ( colour of kusumbha flower ) and yellow dye of tumeric were generally used by the people for dyeing purposes. 11 Among these different colours, kimiraga's was 1. NC. 3, p. 270. 2. NC. 4, p. 357. 3. Ibid. 4. TF-FICO, GET NO Fiyat T io Fast foreta--NC. 1, p. 34, also p. 33. 5. FET afachirurgTI ERFITTI UFAD O Atefa--NC. 4, p. 341. 6. Nayadhammakaha, II. 60; vide-Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA, XII, p. 10. 7. Brh: Vr. 4, p. 1094. 8. NC. 2, p. 327. 9. NC. 2, p. 399. 10. NC. 3, p. 149. 11. Kamasutra, p. 259 (Su, 12 ). 12. The dye called ktmiraga ( kiramadana ) was imported from Persia. The Jaina texts contain absurd stories about the preparation of this dye ( seeA. N. Upadhye's Introduction to Brhatkatha Kosa, p. 88 ),

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11 MATERIAL CULTURE 161 quite lasting, while the kusumbha ( safflower) colour could easily fade after washing. 1 A more simple and cheap method of dyeing was to dye with the red-mud (kasaya)2 which was usually resorted to by the ascetics of the different sects. Stitching of the Clothes-Although the unsewn garments like the sadaga and pauranawere worn by the people, yet the stitched garments like the kancuka', shorts and tunics", which required a proper stitching, were also used. There was a special class of tailors or darners known as tunnagae who were adept in the art of sewing (sivvana) and darning (tunnana)." Various technical terms related to cutting and sewing are to be found in the text. The measurement (pramana) for measuring the cloth was one's own fore-arm (svahasta) 8 and the breadth and the length of the cloth were called vistara and Qyama.' The borders of the cloth were known as patta or dasa.10. Clothes were divided into three categories on the basis of their stitching-(i) bahu parikamma or clothes that required more cutting or sewing for making them fit to wear, (ii) appa parikamma or clothes which required very little stitching and (iii) ahakada or clothes which required no stitching. 11 The Jaina monks, however, were to accept only the ahakada which were probably told by the Persian traders to keep up the secrets of its manufacture and also to emphasise its rarity and high cost (Gopal, L., Economic Life in Northern India, p. 152 ). 1. FEHTTATI 3TTATTADT, STUFTITAROT PARTITI-NC. 1, p. 6; Bfh. Vs. 5, p. 1310. 2. NC. 3, p. 569. 3. NO. 3, pp. 568-69. 4. NC. 4, p. 282. 5. NO. 2, p. 191. 6. NO. 2, p. 3. 7. NC. 2, p. 58, also p. 3. 8. NC. 2, p. 190. 9. NC. 2, p. 93. 10. NO. 2, p. 68. 11. NO. 2, p. 58.

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162 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI or naturall clothes, although the others could also be taken during the exceptional circumstances. Various types of stitches (sivvana) like the gaggara, damai, jalaga, gomuttiga, dukkhila and egakhila were used for stitching the clothes.: Gaggara type of stitch (sivvana) was used by the nuns for their clothing, while the clothes of the householders were stitched with dandi type of stitch. Gomuttiga was an uneven form of stitching in which the cloth was left unsewn at various places. The egakhila and dukkhila were perhaps the forms of single and double stitching. These are mentioned as improper forms of stiching and the monks were allowed to wear the clothes sewn in proper manner only (vidhi-sivvana).' It can be easily judged that the stitched garments were used by the people and we cannot accept the statement of the contemporary Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang that "the Indians of that time did not wear sewn clothes." Dress of the paina Monks--Leaving aside a few visuddha-zinakalpikaso who practised absolute nudity (acelakatva--pauranavajjiya), the dress of all the Jaina monks, i.e. the avisuddha-zinakal pikas and the Sthavirakalpikas, was to be conformed to the proper monastic rules. Five varieties of the coarse-clothes, i.e. jamgiya, bhamgiya etc., as mentioned before, were allowed to the Jaina monks, although ordinarily they were to accept only the cotton and the woollen clothes. Monks could keep only two cotton-garments and a woollen cloth at a time. In 1. Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA. XII. 2. NC. 2, p. 60. 3. Ibid. 4. Watters, op. cit. I, p. 148. 5. Two types of monks are mentioned among the Jinakalpikas-one who ate in the hollow of their hands (panipatrabhoji) and the others who accepted pots for eating food (pratigrahadhari). Among these two also there were some who accepted clothes (sa paurana) and the others who practised nudity (paurana-vajjiya). The last one alone was termed as visuddha-Jinakal pikas, while the others who accepted clothes were called avisuddha-Jinakalpikas.-NC. 2, pp. 188-89. 6. NC. 2, p. 57.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 163 case the cotton-cloth (kappa siya) was not available, the monks were to take the bark-cloth (va gamaya), then the patta-cloth and lastly the silken cloth (kosiyara). Similarly, when the woollen cloth was not available, the bark-cloth (va gamaya), the silken cloth (kosiyara) and finally the patta-cloth could be accepted in its place.1 Of these three clothes, the two cotton-clothes were to be used as under-garments and the woollen cloth was to be used only as outer-covering to protect the body against cold climate or rains. The reverse of it, i.e. wearing the woollen cloth inside and the cotton-cloth outside, was not allowed, since it was believed that the woollen clothes could easily get soiled, attracted the lices and were difficult to wash, while the cotton-clothes on the other hand could absorb the dirt and were easy to wash.' These three clothes were common to all the Jaina monks following the zinakalpa (avisuddha-zinakal pa) as well as the Sthadirakal pa mode of life, but the latter also accepted as extra colapatta during the rainy season. The colapatta was made with a cloth of two hands, length and one hand's width and was used as a square piece by folding it once. However, if the cloth was not so strong, a length of four hands was taken and it was folded twice before being used. Besides, certain minor items of clothes like the muha pottiya (a cloth for covering the mouth), padala (a piece used to protect the alms vessel) and kappa ( a general term for the various requisites of the Jaina monks) have also been mentioned", which were kept by the monks for maintaining proper discipline in the Church. 1, Ibid. 2. Ibid. 3. NC. 2, p. 58; BIh. V!. 4, p. 1019. 4. NO. 2, pp. 57, 188; NC. 4, p. 141. 5. NC. 4, p. 141. 6. Ibid. 7. NC. 2, p. 93. Padala and kappa are technical terms for clothes required by t monks. Motichandra's explanation of pa.a! 'id: as 'pacfined clo

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164 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Besides, certain rules were to be observed by the Jaina monks with regard to their clothing. Four types of krtsna or undivided or complete clothes, i.e. dravyakrtsna (clothes valuable because of their material or more in size than the proper measurement prescribed for the monks), ksetrakrtsna (clothes valuable in certain regions because of being rare), kalakrtsna ( clothes valuable for being much in use during a particular season) and bhavakrtsna (clothes valuable because of their colour or price), were not allowed to the monks.1 It was believed that krtsna clothes being heavy were difficult to carry around and were also difficult to wash. Moreover, these being valuable, monks wearing the kitsna clothes could be easily attacked by the thieves or be suspected by the Stateofficers for having made a theft.2 Some exceptions, however, could be resorted to during the exceptional circumstances. For instance, the monks could wear the krtsna or undivided garments in the regions where all the people were accustomed to wearing the same." They were allowed to wear better grades of clothes in the regions of Sindhu and Malwa where otherwise they could not procure the alms.* Certain latitude was also given to the kings and princes willing to embrace the monkhood; they could wear soft and fine garments till they were habituated to wearing the coarse clothes. However, this being in exceptional circumstances, the Jaina monks, in general, were to wear the garments of proper measurement (yukta--yatha pramana), without borders (adasaga), cheap in price (appamulla) and also without colour (vannahina)." thes' and kalapakadi as starched clothes (article on Dress in JISOA, XII, p. 30; also Pracina Bharatiya Vesabhusa, p. 165) does not seem to be correct. 1. NC. 2, pp. 93-95. 2. NC. 2, p. 98. 3. ucitadese tasmi dese ucita kasiNaM, savvajaNo tArisaM paribhu jati - NC. 2, p. 98. 4. NC. 3, p. 459. 5. NC. 2, p. 98. 6. NC. 2, p. 97.

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MATERIAL CULTURE Dress of the Jaina Nuns-Dress of the Jaina nuns was quite voluminous, and proper care was taken so that it covered all their limbs. The object of wearing the clothes was not to beautify the person, but to save the nuns from the lustful eyes of the society. In all, eleven clothes were worn by them of which six covered the lower half and five were for the upper half of the body.1 Clothes for the lower-half of the body: (i) Uggahanamtaga--It was a boat-shaped cloth (nauvat), wide at the centre and thin on the sides. It was meant to cover the privities and was made with soft (masina) and closely woven cloth (ghana).3 Each nun had one cloth of this type and its size varied according to the size of the body. It has also been called avagraha in other Jaina texts. 165 (ii) Patta-Patta was like the strip of a dagger in its shape (ksurika pattikavat), and was tied with fasteners at the ends (bidagabaddha)." It was four fingers in width, and its length differed according to the size of a nun's waist. It covered both the ends of the uggahanamtaga from the back and front, and looked like the shorts worn by the wrestler (mallakacchavat).(r) (iii) Addhoruga-Addhoruga was worn over the uggahanamtaga and patta. Covering the waist it reached till half of the thighs." In shape it was like the shorts worn by the 1. NC. 2, pp. 190-91; Brh. Bha. 4082-83. According to the Vinaya, nuns in the Buddhist order were allowed to wear five garments. These were sanghati, uttarasanga, antarvasa, sankaksika and kusulaka (a type of skirt ).-Takakusu, op. cit., p. 78. 2. uggahaNaMtagaM, tacca tanuparyante madhye vizAlaM nauvat - NC. 2, p. 190. 3. Ibid. 4. Brh. Bha. 4084. 5. kSurikApaTTikAvat paTTo daThavvo, aMte bIDagabaddho - NC. 2, p. 190. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid.

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166 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA GURNI wrestlers (mallacalanakyti), but it was tied on one side of the thigh or between the thighs. 1 (iv) Calaniga-Calaniga was similar to addhoruga in shape, nevertheless it reached upto the knees and was tied with fasteners at the ends (yotraka-nibaddha). Its shape resembled the cloth worn by the bamboo-top dancers (lamkhiya-paridha-- navat).2 (v) Antoniyamsani-It was worn at the time of dressing up in order to save the nuns from being laughed at by the people for being naked or to save them from being raped. From the waist it reached upto the half of the thighs (addhajamgha). (vi) Bahiraniyamsank--From the waist it reached upto the ankles (khaluga) and was fastened with strings at the waist.* These six clothes were used to cover up the lower-half of the body. Clothes for the upper-half of the body: (i) Kancuka-Kamcuka of the nuns was a loose (prasidhila)and unstitched (asivvita) garment to be worn over the breasts to hide the distinct features of the body. It had a length of two and a half hands and a width of one hand and was tied with the fasteners (jottaya padibaddha) at the waist. The kancuka of the nuns. being a loose garment, resembled the kamcuka worn by the Kapalikas (Ka palika-kancukavat). (ii) Ukkacchiya-Ukkacchiya was so called because it covered the portion near the armpit. It was a square piece of cloth 1. ET51 49 alla Beci - Hauen Ibid. 2. calaNigA vi erisA ceva, NavaraM ahe jANuppamANA yotrakanibaddhA, laMkhiyA-paridhAnavat -Ibid. 3. saft 7787877 BRET HET Fra Beat--Ibid. 4. are forcinoit saft #613 GT BET ESTIMIbid. 5. Get stafar af urafiri:-Ibid. 6. NC. 2, p. 190; Bih. Bha. 4088.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 167 of two and a half hands covering the breasts, the back and the right shoulder, and was fastened with the fasteners on the left shoulder. 1 (iii) Veyacchiya--Veyacchiya was similar to ukkacchiya except that it was worn over the left side. The veyacchiya patta covered the kancuka as well as the ukkacchiya.' (iv) Samghadi--Four samghadis of different sizes were used by the nuns for different purposes. These, however, have been counted as one item, as only one samghadi could be worn at a time (yugapat paribhogabhavat ). One having two hands width was worn by the nuns inside the nunnery (uvassaya). The other two of three hands width were used while going out on begging-round (bhikkhattha) or for easing purposes. The fourth one having a four hands width was worn by the nuns while attending the religious sermons ( samosarana ). It covered the body from shoulders to the feet when a nun stood erect.' (v) Khamdhakaran -It was a square piece of cloth of four hands in length and breadth, and it was to be kept upon the shoulders to protect the nuns against the strong wind. This cloth was also used for the purpose of dwarfing the stature of a beautiful nun (ruvavatiye khujjakaranattham) by putting it on the back and shoulder, and tying it with ukkacchiya and veyacchiya. These different clothes were to be worn by the nuns while going anywhere out of the nunnery. Even during the worst circumstances when the clothes were not available or were stolen away or burnt, the nuns were to cover up their limbs with something or the other like grass or leaves. Nudity was never proclaimed for the nuns and clothes were thought to be essential for keeping up proper discipline. 1. Ibid. 2. Taarasgreto ei gefegei a asigat affreufa_NC. 2, p. 191. 3. Ibid.; Brh. Bha. 4089-90. 4. NO. 2, p. 191; Brn. Bha. 4091.

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168 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Costume of the Common People--A few points can also be inferred regarding the costume of the ordinary men and women in society. The common man in society wore two pieces of cloth, the artarijja and the uttarijja as the lower and upper garment. They were also called as sadaga and paurana.2 Both these clothes have been invariably mentioned in the contemporary literature. Bana describes Harsa as "clad in two seemly robes (dukula) of bark-silk marked with a pair of flamingoes & and at another place as wearingthe lowergarment (dvitiyambara) shot with silk threads."King Sudraka and Candrapida are also mentioned to have worn two clothes--the uttariya and the ad hovastra.* Bana's friend Sudrsti may also be seen wearing a pair of pale Paunqra clothes. Yuan Chwang refers to the lower garment as nivasana.' I-Tsing, describing the costume of the Buddhist monks of the time, refers to uttarasanga or the upper cloth and the nivasana or the lower garment. Besides, certain garments were particularly worn by some occupational classes to suit the nature of their work. Among these, the shorts and drawers worn by the wrestlers ( mallakaccha, mallacalana ), and the dress of the bamboo-top dancers (lamkhiya-parihana ) may be mentioned. The female dress of this time must have consisted of the three garments, i.e. the upper garment, the bodice ( kancuka ) and the lower garment. In the contemporary literature and paintings the women can be seen wearing many clothes worn 1. startesi A forihvi, nisi 97590--NC. 3, p. 569. 2. "fortigui" AT THIETNI, HISTTEUTT 45cvi fq---NG. 3, p. 368. 3. Harsacarita, p. 197, text p. 202. 4. Ibid., p. 59, text p. 73. 5. Agrawala, Kadambari-Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, pp. 23, 31, 288; see also-Mochakalika, V. 11 (89); Paumacariya, 25. 18. 6. Harsacarita, p. 12, text p. 85. 7. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 150. 8. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 55. 9. NO. 2, p. 190.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 169 by the nuns as well, such as the kancuka, ardhoruka (addhoruga), bahirnivasani and sam ghati.1 However, there seems to have been a difference between the kancuka of the nuns and that of the ordinary women. The kancuka of the nuns, as mentioned before, was a loose unsewn garment", but another type of kancuka which was made by stitching the pieces of cloth together has also been mentioned in the text.Evidently, this type of kancuka must have been well-fitting and well-shaped, and would have been worn by women in society. In the Puumacariya of Vimalasuri, the kancuka worn by Kalyanamala, who kept herself dressed up in male attire, is explained as a coat like jacket full sleeved and hanging upto the knees." Bana also refers to the kancuka of a similar type.' In the 'Scene of Toilet of a Royal Lady' in the Ajanta Cave No. XVII, the mistress is shown as clad in short drawers which are similar to the ardhoruka garment of the Sanskrit lexicons and literature, and was also worn by the Jaina nuns during this time.? Evidently, most of the garments worn by the ordinary women and nuns would have been similar except that the latter wore some additional garments to avoid nakedness of any part of the body, which in case of ordinary women was considered not as a matter of shame but quite in keeping with the fashion of the day, Besides, girls in Maharasira used to wear a type of underwear known as bhoyada which was worn by them from their childhood till the time they got married and conceived. Then a feast was held, the guests and relatives were invited, a cere 1. Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA. XII. 2. NC. 2, p. 190. 3. 3 UutuuLISTI THT PEMUTATOTT FEL Digitato_NC. 4, p. 282. 4. PCV. 34. 15; Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Paumacariyam, p. 519. 5. Agrawala, Kodambari-Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, p 26 6. Ghurye, G, S., Indian Costume, p. 131. 7. NC. 2, p. 190. 8. Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA., XII.

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170 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI mony was performed and this cloth ( bhoyada ) was replaced by another cloth ( padaya ). This bhoyada of Maharastra was known as kaccha in the Lata country.1 Curiously enough, in his play Viddhasalabhanjika Rajasekhara, describing the dress of the girls of Maharastra of his time, states that the dress of the ladies after their marriage was one which appeared charming owing to the arrangement of the knot-nivibhangavisesa.a On its basis Ghurye has concluded that "the chief distinction between the dress of the unmarried female and married one was that whereas the former wore a skirt (coloka) which did not require the arranging of a knot as her lower garment, the latter put on a garment which was held in its place by a knot which enhanced the charm of their dress.* The above mentioned statement of the NC, also seems to be indicating towards the same difference between the dress of a married and unmarried female of Maharascra. Besides this lower garment, the bodice (coli) and the other upper garment would also have been worn by the ladies of this time. Miscellaneous Clothes Besides those described above, there were clothes used for purposes other than wearing. The bedsheets were variously known as atthurana, prastarana or pracchada. There were also the mattresses stuffed with cotton, especially with the cotton of swallow-wart-a plant called Aka in Hindi-(tali), the pillows for head ( uvahana ), pillows or cushions to be kept under the cheeks or knees (ganduvadhaniga and alimigini), round cushions made with leather-skin and stuffed with cotton ( masuraga ), the housings for elephants ( palhui ), fluffy blankets ( koyava ), mantles (pavaraka), woollen sheets ( navaya ), sheets as white as the row of teeth (dadhiyali) and also the clothes woven with double yarn ( viralt ). Five - 1. NC. 1, p. 52. 2. Vide-Ghurye, op. cit., p. 243. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 3, pp. 68-69. 3. NC. 3, p. 321; Bih. Bha. 3823-24.

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types of cilamil or curtains made from yarn ( sutta) strings (rajju, dora), bark-strips (vaga ), sticks ( danda ), and bamboo sticks (vamsakada )1 were used by the monks to protect themselves from heat, cold, rains, or the wild beasts when no shelter was available to them. These curtains were five hands in length and three in width.2 Shoes 1. NC. 2, p. 40. 2. Ibid. MATERIAL CULTURE Shoes were also a necessary item of the dress of the civilized people in society. The kings and nobles as well as the ordinary people were accustomed to wearing shoes and even the Jaina monks were allowed to wear the same under exceptional circumstances like illness or while passing through dense and dreary forests." Different varieties of shoes like egapuda (shoes having a single sole ), dupadadiya (having two or more soles ), ardhakhallaka ( shoes covering half the feet), samastakhallaka (shoses covering the entire feet), khapusa (shoes reaching upto the knees)", vaguri (those covering the toes as well as the feet), kosaga (shoes covering only the toes to protect them from getting struck against a stone or thorns) 10, addhajamgha (shoes covering half the thigh )11 and samasta * 3. NC. 2, p. 87. 4. egapuDaM egatalaM -1bid. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 171 5. NC. 2, p. 87. 6. yA pAdArthamAcchAdayati sA ardhakhallakA - Ibid. 7. yA ca sampUrNapAdamAcchAdayati sA samastakhallakA--Ibid. 8. yA ghuTakaM pidadhAti sA khapusA - Ibid. According to Motichandra, the khapusa mentioned in the Jaina. texts has its equivalent in kavasi mentioned in the Fan-yu-tsaming, the Sanskrit-Chinese dictionary of Li-yen who died in A.D. 758-794, The khapusa or kavasi was probably the boot of Iranian origin brought to India by the Sakas aud Kusanas whose Iranian affinities are well known.-Article on Dress in JISOA. XII, p. 261. 9. yA punaraMguliM cchAditvA pAdAvuparicchAdayati sA vAgurA -- NC. 2, p. 87.

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172 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA GURNI jarhgha (those covering the whole thigh)1 have been mentioned in the text. A similar description of the shoes is to be found in the BIhatkalpa Bhasya as well.2 Ornaments Ornaments ( alamkaras , abharana* ) were profusely worn. The art of ornamentation ( abharanavidhi )) was considered to be a special art which was carried out by a separate class of workers called man lavagas. Both men and women were equally fond of wearing the ornaments, although a difference must have existed between the ornaments of the two." Among the ornaments for head, kirlta or mukuta ( mauda ), wulamani and patta are mentioned in the text. Kirita or mukuta? was the royal crown inlaid with precious pearls and stones. In the contemporary literature and inscriptions the kings have been invariably shown as wearing the crown.& Yuan Chwang also observed that "garlands and tiaras with precious stones were the head-adornments of the kings". Calamanilo was another ornament for head. In the Maliya Copper-plate grant of Maharaja Dharasena II dated A. D. 571-72, the culamani is explained as a jewel in the locks of hair on the top of the head. 11 In the Kadambari of Bapa kirita and cudamani can 1. Ibid. 2. TH 375*71, FTITET 3T aftal-Ibid.; Bph. Bha. 3847, 3852-55. 3. NC. 2, p. 467. 4. NO. 4, pp. 2, 24. 5. R TTTT 3THUTH-NC. 2, p. 467. 73efur far TT-NC. 2, p. 469. Special female nurses called mandavana-dhati were also employed in the houses of wealthy citizens to decorate the person of the child, NC. 3, p. 404. 7. NC. 2, pp. 398, 469. 8. Alina Copper-plate-grant of Siladitya VII ( dated A. D. 566-67 ), CII III ( 39 ), pp. 156, 176. 9. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 151; Beal, op. cit. 1, p. 75. 10. NC. 1, p. 32. 11. CII. III (38), p. 168, text p. 165. . 32.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 173; be seen as two head-ornaments of the kings coming to salute the king Tarapida.1 Patla was a golden frontlet measuring four fingers; the chief queen and the vassal kings ( pattabaddho-raya no ) were privileged to wear the same. According: to Varahamihira, patta was made with pure gold (visuddhakancana-vinirmitah ), and only the king, the crown-prince, thechief queen and the commander-in-chief were entitled to wear the golden frontlet. The ear-rings (karnabharana ) were styled as kundalas or kanna paraga. Various varieties of the ear-rings were in vogue. In the Kadambari king Sudraka is also mentioned as "having his ears adorned with a pair of karnapura embedded with precious gems.>>7 A large variety of the necklaces was to be found. Thenecklace was termed either after its material or according to the style in which it was made. The following varieties of the necklaces have been mentioned-hara was a chain of eighteen strings of pearlse; addhahara was made with nine strings(r); Cudamani, also called cudaratana, is mentioned in the Alina Copperplate-grant of Siladitya VII (CII. III (39), p. 173, also p. 176 ). Cudamani has sometimes also been called sikhamani, because it was. to be fixed on the tuft of the head (see-Vimalasuri's Paumacariya, 3. 98, 7, 106; sec also D. C. Ganguli's article-Jeu ellery in Ancienti India, JISOA. X, pp. 140-49 ). 1. Agrawala, Kadambari--Eka Samskttika Adhyayana, p. 29. 2. qat T0371 TT-NC. 2, p. 398. 3. NC, 3, p. 147. 4. BIhatsanhita, 4912-15. 5. I FUHRU1_NC. 2, p. 398; NC. 1, p. 130. 6. NC. 2, p. 396. 7. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 31. 8. 377 OTCFORT311--NC. 2, p. 398. The necklace worn by Malati in the Hariacarita ( pp. 116-17, text Pp. 21-24) is also termed as hara. See also-CII. III (10), pp. 42, 45. 9. og Eger-NC. 2, p. 398.

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174 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI egavali was the necklace having a single chain of multi-coloured pearls1; muktavali, kanagavali and rayanavali were evidently the necklaces of pearls, gold and jewels; tisariya was the necklace having three strings of pearls"; palamba, also called ulamba, was a long chain reaching upto the navel*; galolaiya was a neck-chain usually worn by the married ladies. 5 The armlets (bahurakkhiya) were styled as tudiya, while the bracelets were known as kadaga" or valaya. Bracelets appear to have been the most popular of all the ornaments, as these have been frequently mentioned in the text. The fingerrings ( mudda ) were known; signet rings ( nama-muddiya ) were also worn and exchanged." The girdles or waistbands (kadisutta-guna) and anklets (nu pura-neura)11 were worn by the ladies alone. Women were capable of attracting people by the sweet sound of their bracelets (valaya) and anklets ( nupura).1a 0 Flowers and Garlands Besides the gold ornaments, the flowers were also fairly used as ornaments (pupphadi-alamkara).18 The profession of the garland-makers was a flourishing one. They used to sell 1. vinittehiM egasarA egAvalI - NC. 2, p. 398. Compare-Amarakosa, 2. 6. 106. Egavali is to be usually seen in Gupta sculptures and paintings.-Agrawala, Hariacarita-Eka Samskrtika Adhyayana, p. 198. 2. muttiehiM muttAvalI, suvaNNamaNiehi kaNagAvalI, rayaNahiM rayaNAvalI - NC. 2, p. 398. 3. tiNi sarAto tisariyaM - NC. 2, p. 398. 4. nAbhi jA gacchai sA palaMbA sA ya ulaMvA bhaNNati Ibid. 5. agArINa vA galolaiyA Ibid. 6. gezi agua--Ibid.; also NG. 4, p. 167. 7. AbharaNA kaDagAdI - NC. 4, p. 2. 8. NC. 2, p. 12. 9. NC. 1, p. 17; also Harsacarita, p. 8. 10. guNaM kaDIsuttayaM - NC. 2, p. 398. 11. NC. 2, p. 12; also Harsacarita, pp. 116-17. 12. NC. 2, p. 12. 13. NC. 2, p. 467.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 175 beautiful flowers and garlands at a very high price during the festival days. The flowers of different varieties ( anegajati ) and different colours ( anegavanna ) were used for making garlands.2 The five-coloured garlands ( pancavanna-maliya) made from the fragrant flowers like pauma ( lotus ), uppala ( blue lotus )' or mayana' etc. were largely appreciated. The fivecoloured garlands of Mathura were made with grasses like viranao and were very famous. The garlands as well as the flowers were worn on the head. Such decorative flowers were called kesa-puspa. The fower-chaplets ( sekhara ) were also worn. In the Kadambari king Sudraka is mentioned to have adorned his head with a flower chaplet of the fragrant Malatt flowers after finishing his toilet.? Yuan Chwang obviously refers to the same custom when he says that "garlands were worn on the head">8, and that "garlands and tiaras with precious stones were the head-adornments of the king." The garlands of different varieties were used for different purposes. The garlands made from the flowers or seeds of gunia (abrus precotorius), rudraksa (eleocarpus ganitrus), putranjiva, the cotton plantio, leaves like that of tagara (taberna emontana)11, bhin Ja (abelmoschus esculantus) and from the peacockfeathers (moramgamayi ) 2 are mentioned in the text. The garlands of different types (a negavidha) were suspended on the gateways of the houses as bentings (vamdana-maliya ) at the 1. NC. 4, p. 306. 2. NC. 4, p. 40. 3. Get YourTETICFAST TECTA TI-NC. 3, p. 280. 4. FU #TO-s critila, 79001_NC. 2, p. 396. 5. attomaat 17quotatie9137 ET HETTT-Ibid. 6. golf 37 IINC. 2, p. 467. 7. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 31. 8. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 148; Beal, op. cit. 1, p. 75. 9. Watters, op. cit. I, p. 151; Beal, op. cit. 1, p. 75. 10. NC. 2, p. 396. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid.

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176 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI time of marriage or other auspicious occasions.' The garlands of munja grass ( mumjamaliya ) were used for stupifying a person of sound intellect.2 The garlands made from the monkey-bones (makka-hadda) were tied around the neck of the childrens, evidently for protecting the child from evil spirits. In the Paumacariya of Vimalas uri Sita is mentioned to have put around the neck of her sons the strings of the nails of tiger embedded with gold. The garlands of ivory ( dantamayi ) and cowries (kavadagamayi ) were also used for the same purposes. The Persians, it is said, used to wear the garlands made of the horns of buffaloes ( mahisa-simga ). These garlands were sold for various prices--some were quite cheap (appamolla), while the others were very costly (bahumolla ).' Toilet In spite of being a monastic text, the NC. provides ample information regarding toilet and its various accessories used by the people during this time. This information usually comes in the way of prohibitive injunctions, as the monks and the nuns were not allowed to use any of these articles in normal circumstances. The kings and the princes have always been shown as having their bodies suffused with fragrant pastes (vilevanovalittagatta), and even the ordinarily well-off householders did make a fair use of them which enriched their beauty a hundred times more. The youngmen (taruna) living in the capital cities were always desirous of enjoying the company 1. fig BOMPET 30-TRET GMA731 atafa-Ibid. 2. This -fawrfagrui helport --Ibid. 3. HEEEECH EGREI FEHT Tag Ibid. 4. PCV. 97. 10. 5. NC. 2, p. 396. 6. HEART ET TOFU.Ibid. 7. qan ar Arant 3CT HIRAISHT 91, 92931 aght=4391Ibid. 8. NO. 1, p. 52. 9. at gatal ETTE 3472 TATT A STATERACT F#tqa: Tagur NC. 2, p. 12. 98 misita

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12 MATERIAL CULTURE 1777 of women after finishing their toilet.1 The ladies made liberal use of the toilet-articles which gave an impetus to their sensual feelings. 3 Certain pbrases like "nhanavatthabharanagamdhamallamu-.. levanadhuvanava satamboladi'3 and "abbhamguvattananhanavilev-. anapi'setc. mentioned in the text clearly reveal the whole process of toilet and its various accessories. The various items. of toilet have been mentioned here in a consecutive order. It can be easily judged from these phrases that the gentleman of this time had his body anointed with perfumed oils and scented pastes (abhyanga), underwent proper massage and were scrubbed with cleansing substances (uvastana-uvvalana) before he proceeded to take bath. Fine clothes and ornaments (vatthabharana) were worn after taking bath with the garland adjusted around the neck (malla), body besmeared and suffused with various scented unguents, powders and perfumes (anulevana, vilevana, alimpana). Clothes were perfumed with fragrant smoke of incense (dhuvana-va sana) and the betel-leaves were chewn to redden the lips(tambola). This description of the earlier life of the monk, i. e. when he was a house-holder, bears a striking similarity with the account of earlier authorities, i. e. Susruta and Vatsyayana. Susruta while laying down twenty-four rules regarding the toilet says that a man had to massage his head with oil (sirobhayanga), anoint and rub his limbs (udvartana, utsadanaudgharsana), take some exercise, shampoo his body and then go to his bath. After bath the body was to be suffused with fragrant paste (anulepana), his hair combed, nails painted, ornaments 1. Atollerarafarei sfturhufige-NC. 2, p. 466. 2. TEFT T SHTqE9-1610-fam quifaciame ga1_NC. 2, p. 22. 3. NC. 4, p. 3. Similar expression is also found in Pali phrases. Sce Girija Prasanna Majumdar's article on "Toilet' in Indian Culture Vol. I, pp. 651-66. 4. Sce above note 2. 5. "uvabhogo" tti pahANavatthAbharaNagaMdhamallANulevaNadhUvaNavAsataMbolAdiyANaM puvvaM AsI NC. 4, p. 3; also NO. 2, p. 12.

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178 A CULTUAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI worn and some scents sprinkled on his limbs.1 Vatsyayana gives a similar account of the toilot of a Nagaraka2 but he adds betel-chewing the practice of which, as seen before, has been frequently mentioned in the NC. It is evident that the same procedures regarding toilet were observed by people during these centuries also. Various types of perfumed oils (tella)", fragrant powders (sugamdha cunna)*, pastes and unguents (leva), scents and perfumes (gamdha) were used for beautifying the person. Perfumed oil and pastes were used prior to bath. The oil was sometimes mixed with the powders prepared from the bark or fruits of the plants like punnaga (white lotus) and munniga (the tree aeschynomena grandi flora), and was anointed over the body. The oiliness and dirt of the skin were removed by applying various cleansing substances (uvvalana) like kakka and loddha. The kakka powder was prepared from the bark or fruit of the plant beleric myrobalan, various other substances were added to it (davva-samjoga). The loddha was prepared from the bark of the lodhra tree (symplocos recemoze)1o and is mentioned as hatta-dravya, perhaps because it could be easily acquired from the market. 11Kalidasa also informs us that "the bride after her bath was smeared with the lodhra to remove the oiliness of skin (lodha-kalkana-hrtangatailam) and anointed with kaleyaka unguent.12 1. Susruta, Cikitsasthana, II, Ch. XXIV, 29-33. 2. Kamasutra, pp. 45-46, sutra 16. 3. NC. 3, p. 465. 4. NC. 2, p. 27. 5. NC. 2, p. 213. 6. NC. 2, p. 467; NC. 4, p. 24. 7. tellamoito cuNNo puNagaMmuNNigAdiphalA cuNNIkatA - NC. 3, p. 465. 8. " kakkaM " uvvalaNayaM NC. 2, p. 27, also p. 212. 9. --NG. 2, p. 27; also NC. 3, p. 465. 10. loddho rukkho tassa challI - NC. 3, p. 465. 11. NC. 2, p. 27. 12. Kalidasa, Kumarasambhava, VII. 17.

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179 Various types of fragrant powders were prepared by pounding differnt substances. The powders like padma-curna (powder made from lotus-leaves), candana-curna (sandalwood powder), masa-curna (powder from kidney beans), vaddhamanacurna (powder from castor-oil plant) and patavasa (powder used to perfume dress) have been mentioned.' The powder prepared by pounding the dry vegetables (kuttita-vanas pati-curna) was also used." 3 A large number of scents and perfumes (gandha) were prepared by subjecting the various aromatic substances to a particular fumigating process (gandha-yukti-krta). The perfumes were used as incense and were largely available from the market called gandhiyavana. Various types of perfumes like that of the sandalwood (camdana), musk (migada), camphor (kappura), aleo-wood (agaru), saffron (kumkum), olibanun (turakkha), palavasa, kotthapuda or kotthakapuda etc. were common. Bana informs us that after taking his bath Candrapida was taken to the perfuming room (vile pana-bhumi) where his limbs were anointed with sandalwood-paste (candanenovalipta sarvango) and also fumigated with the fragrance of saffron, camphor and musk (mrgamadakar purakumkumavasa su: abhina).10 7 MATERIAL CULTURE The fragrant pastes and unguents (leva-aleva) were prepared by grinding (gharsana) the various fragrant substances on a grinding stone (gamdha-patta). 11 Among these pastes sandal 1. NC. 2, p. 27. 2. NG. 2, P. 270. 3. gaMdhayuktikRtA gaMdhA--NC. 2, p. 109. 6 4. NC. 3, p. 243. 5. NC. 3, pp. 106, 110. 6. gaMdhetti caMdaNAdiNA vilitte - NC. 4, p. 4. 7. migaMDa- kappUrAgaru-kuMkuma caMdaNa turukkhAdie gaMdhe--NC. 2, p. 467. 8. NC. 2, p. 104. 9. NC. 4, p. 24. 10. Kadambari, p. 14, text pp. 33-34 11. paTTatti gaMdhapaTTAto tattha varA pradhAnA gaMdhA pIsijjaMti - NC. 2, p. 5. I-Tsing mentions the same method of preparing the scent or paste

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180 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA. CURNI wood paste appears to have been the most popular.1 Sandal was used as powder (camdanacunna) and also as a paste. Bina also describes that "viscious sandal was used to perfume the body", and that "bosoms of the ladies glistened with rich. sandalwood ointment'',8 Yuan Chwang informs that "they (people of India) smear their bodies with scented unguents. such as sandal and saffron."* The collyrium (anjana) was applied to the eyes. Two varieties of collyrium, i.e. soviraya and rasanjana have been mentioned. Of these the former might have been the same as. srotanjana or antimony mentioned by Susruta which was usually found in the vicinity of river Indus and was considered to be the purest of all the anjanas.' Teeth were also stained or coloured. People, as noted above, were accustomed to betel-eating which imparted a red colour to the teeth. Yuan Chwang observed that people stained their teeth red or black. Feet were usually dyed or stained with lack-dye (alaktaka). 10 While applying the dye to the feet it was made to dry up by when he says that "the scent is prepared as follows-take any per fume tree such as sandalwood or alco-wood and grind it with water on a flat stone until it becomes muddy, then anoint the image with it and next wash it with water".-Takakusu, op. cit., p. 149. 1. Mettle for siquiat77347 aftalte ze N C. 2, p. 5; also get a OFTETE SHUI-NC. 2, p. 6. 2. Harracarita, pp. 260-61. 3. Kadambari, p. 55. 4. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 152; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 77. 5. NO. 2, p. 220. 6. 37Tufata Aldre ThicTUL an-NC. 2, p. 290. 7. Vide-Motichandra, Cosmetics and Coffieur in Ancient India", JISOA. VIII, PP. 62-145. 8. ga safar tafa 91NG. 2, p. 220. 9. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 151; Bcal, op. cit, 1, p. 76. 10. 3135grof gray sige near AfT* 390 TRIEUIT T --NC. 1, p. 212.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 181 breathing over it.' Bana also obviously refers to the custom of applying lac-dye when he remarks that "a fresh lac-branch becomes worthless through the taking of its sap.'>2 Medicine and Health While the clothes, ornaments and toilet articles aim at enhancing the outer beauty of an individual, the medicine like food aims at the inner perfection of the body. Body free from all the diseases could only be benefitted by the materialistic -achievements of a people. It was firmly believed that a disease must be cured at the earliest, otherwise it would become incuTable like the debt which becomes irrepayable because of its manifold interest or like a plant which is hard to be uprooted after it has grown up to a tree.s The great sage Dhanvantarit was thought to be the first propounder of the Science of Medicine on earth. He is believed to have composed the first treatise on Medicine, viz. the Vejjasattha, by seeing it through his clairvoyant know 1. 375470Tt glasstat confa-Ibid. cf. aralaTIFIAFTIETOTI gaat oftar ARCT-Malavikagnimitra, Act III, 13. 2. Candi ataka; p. 269; also Kadambari, p. 23. 3. NC. 3, p. 394. 4. NC. 3, p. 512; NC. 4, p. 340; BIh. Vr. 2, p. 302. In most of the ancient texts Dhanvantari is cited to have been an authority on Medical Sciences (Harivansa Purana, 3. 303 Mahabharata, Adiparva, 18. 38; Visnu Purana, 1.9; Vayu Purana, 35. 9; Carakasanhita, 6. 21), but different views have been held regarding his identity. According to the tradition preserved in the Harivansa Purana ( Parva 1, Chap. 29 ), in the dynasty of Kasa king Dhanva had a son named Dhanvantari who is said to be an incarnation of divine physician of that name on account his knowledge of mcdical lore. In the same line of kings Divodasa came two generations after, and it is interesting to note that in the beginning of Susrutasanhita Susruta and other sages are described as being instructed in medical lorc by Divodasa Dhanvantari, the king of Banaras (vide-Handiqui, Yasastilaka and Indian Cultura, p. 460).

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182 A CU'LTURAL-STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI ledge.' Proper study of this Vejjasattha was enjoined upon every student of Medicine, and one versed in its theoretical knowledge and practical application could alone be styled as Mahavejja.2 The Vejjasattha dealt with three types of diseases, viz. vatita, pittiya and simbhiyas which were caused by the derangement of vata ( air ), pitta (bile ) and simbha (slesma--phlegm)-the three fundamental principles of physical economy. A simultaneous derangement of all the three was. termed sanni pata. The sage Dhanvantari had prescribed proper medicines for different types of diseases. In his various theories regarding the diseases and their treatment our author follows the precepts of Dhanvantari and the disciples of his school', i.e. Susruta and others. Diseases-- Various terms like rogao, vyadhi", atanka:o and amayali were meant to denote a disease. A distinction was marked between yoga and vadhi or atanka. Roga denoted a disease which lasted for a long time and could only be cured. slowly, while vyadhi or atanka were serious diseases affected. For details on the problem or identity of Dhanvantari see-Sanskrit Introduction to the Nirnayasagara edition of Susrutasanhita. 1. Filoft quoiadt, ato faziaragruto a Tore SHREY -NC. 3, p. 512;. Bih. V1, 2, p. 302. 2. Ibid. 3. FF FEET, "falam" fer alfaat itt, fuffet a fafazit a--NC. 3, p. 417. 4. For functions of Vata, Pitta and Simbha (lesma) sce-Introduction to Susrutasanhita by Bhisagratna ( Vol. 1, p. 111). 5. NC. 4, p. 340. 6. NC. 4, p. 340. 7. Caraka in his discourse upon the development of the foctal body cites the opinion of Dhanvantari and also refers to the Dhanvantari School of surgeons mcaning thereby Susruta and his School. Susruta. samnitarcd. by Bhisagratna, Vol. 1, introduction p. XI. 8. NC. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340. 9. NC. 3, p. 258. 10. NO. 3, p. 529. 11. NC. 2, p. 340.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 189 with which a person could die immediately.' Amaya was another term used for diseases, and patient suffering from any disease was called amat7.2 A long list of diseases has been given in the Nisitha Bhasya. The following eight types of vyadhis, viz. (i) jara (fever), (ii) sasa (asthama), (iii) ka sa (cough), (iv) daha (inflamation), (v) ati sara (diarrhoea), (vi) bhagandara (fistula in ano), (vii) sula (colic), (viii) ajira (indigestion), and the sixteen rogas, viz. (i) veva (paralysis agitans, trembling or tremor), (ii) aggi (over-3 appetite), (iii) pamgu (paraplegia), (iv) vadabha (humpback), (v) mimmani (mental disorder), (vi) alasa (swelling), (vii) sakkara (gravel), (viii) pameha (a disease of urine), (ix) bahih (deafness), (x) andha (blindness), (xi) kumta ( one without hands ), (xii) vadabha (dwarfishness), (xiii) gan 11 (scrofula),(xiv) koti (leprosy), (xv) khata (wound) and (xvi) sui have been mentioned. A few more diseases to this list have been added by the NC. which provides a useful information on this subject. * Medical Treatment - The medical treatment prescribed for the cure of diseases has been grouped under two sections-i) samsohanas or cleansing the body through emitics and purgatives, and (ii) samsamanas or curing the disease with the help 1. B etfarars :, freigt:-NC. 3, p. 258; Brn. Vr. 2, p. 322. In the Vipalasutra (ed. Jaina Sastramala Karyalaya, Ludhiana, pp. 56-57 ), however, roga and ataika have been used as a combined term. 2. NC. 4, p. 340; Katyayana (vartika on V. 2. 122), also notes the word amayavi for an ailing patient.--Agrawala, V. S., India as Known to Panini, p. 123. 3. N. Bha. 3446; NC. 3, p. 258. For similar lists of sixteen discases sce--Vipakasutra, pp. 56-57; Acaranga, 6. 1. 173; Vivagasuya, 1, p. 7. 4. For information regarding various diseases mentioned in the NC. sec-Appendix A. 5. gate thitu PHTEO a qui fattoi -NC. 3, p. 417. Regarding the theory of Sansohana and Sansamant see-Bhisagratna's Introduction to Susrutasamhita, Vol. 1, p. LXI; also Susruta, Cikitsasthana, XXXIII. 2 ( Vol. 2, p. 565 ). 6. NC. 3, p. 417.

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184 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI of medicines without resorting to the former process. The act of expelling through the lower channel was called virecana (purgation). 1 Various other processes like medicated baths (snana) or cleansing a particular portion of the body (uccholana), massaging the body with oil (abbhanga), drinking ghee or oil for getting a clear complexion and strength (tappana) 2 etc. were also resorted to. Rasayana (the science of elixirs) was a distinct branch of Medicine which aimed at retaining the perpetual youth by arresting the body of old age and senile decay with the help of proper medicines." Nasal therapy ( nattha ) was administered to cleanse the nasal passages. Caraka also administers nasal therapy (nasta) in diseases of head, as nose was the gateway to the head. An application of anema (vatthi-kamma), especially oil anema (meha-vatthi), was enjoined for cleansing the body of various dosas, especially for the diseases like piles or gastic trouble. A physician had to be very careful in prescribing the quantity of such drugs, as excess of emises or purgation could even result in the death of the patient." The samsamana way of treatment aimed at curing a disease 1. Et Alquilazeit-NC. 3, p. 392; 37:ituri fataCaraka, Kalfasthana, 1. 4. -2. 2017 TOPATI Palaute TT acqui-NC. 3, p. 392. Sce also-Vipakasutra, p. 65. 3. qarTO TTHUNG OF THPTO-NC. 3, p. 392. For the importance of Rasayana and the way of administering drugs for the same see Susruta, Cikitsasthana, XXVII, 1-4, 1-Tsing also mentions Rasayana as one of the eight branches of Medical Science.Takakusu, op. cit., Pp. 127-28, also pp. 222-23. 4. OPATTATE CTITOITETUIERI OF TOP opei--NC. 3, p. 392. 5. Caraka, Siddhasthana, 9. 88 ( Vol. 4, p. 2311 ). 6. kaDivAyaarisaviNAsaNatthaM ca apAgaddAreNa vatthiNA tellAdippadANaM vatthikammaM / -NC. 3, p. 392; cf. Susruta, Cikitsasthana, XXXV. 3 (Vol. 2, p. 590). 7. stala CHO TH7, fara total H NC. 3, p. 393.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 185 with the help of medicines, i.e. by prescribing those which were required for the pacification of the deranged elements and retaining those elements which were already in a state of aggravation.2 Medicine was given in various forms of powders (cunna), pills (gulika), oils (tella), gheta and confection (like ghaya punna for gastic trouble) etc. The powder or oil of the padma or ut pala,eran da, nimba and matulunga, was prescribed for the diseases of vata, pitta and sanni pata respectively. The powder of ela (cardamom) and of the various substances included in the eladi group (eladigana) was recommended for the various diseases. Trikatu, a mixture of dry ginger, long pepper and black pepper worked as an antidote (agata) against diseases. There was also a type of pill (gulika) which could change the voice and complexion of a person.s The oils like sata paka and sahasrapaka were highly prised and were beyond the means of ordinary citizens (dullabhad avva). The Jaina monks were allowed even to deviate from 1. "FHUD"_TOTAL FlArsifat 5 afegeTOTES....forrroi" fat sto TT Fiat Etor at Tecla FT GETU-NG. 3, p. 417; also Susrutasanhita Introduction, pp. L-lxi. 2. NC. 2, p. 316; BIh. Vt, 2, p. 323. 3. "itu" 5514 20-NC. 1, p. 121. According to Susruta, the group of medicinal drugs known as Eladigara consists of the substances like Ela, Tagara, Tvak patra, Naga puspa, Priyangu, Agaru, Usira, Kumkuma etc.-Susruta, Sutrasthana, XXVIII. 2. 4. NO. 1, p. 153. 5. Fl-qrafitoille Tfatte at aequoi ritet 557_NC. 3, p. 194, also NC. 4, p. 116. 6. greitai par HEFANT-NC. 1, p. 153, also p. 121. According to the Vitti on Brhatkalpa Bhasyas the sata paka and sahasrapaka oils were prepared either with a hundred or thousand medicinal drugs or by boiling one drug a hundred or a thousand times (Brh. V!. 5, p. 1591). Susruta in his Cikitsasthana gives an elaborate description of the various drugs required for making the sahasra paka and sata paka oils, and of the hard and laborious process required for their preparation. For proper details see-Susruta, Cikitsasthana, IV. 29 (Vol. II, pp. 293-94).

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186 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the general rules for acquiring the satapaka or sahasrapaka oit in case it was required for a patient monk.' Ham satellaa was the oil extracted out of the body of a swan. To prepare this oil a swan was killed and the viscid matter of its body was extracted by piercing it. Its body was then stuffed with various medicinal substances, stitched from outside, and kept on fire till the oil came out of it. The oil prepared in such a manner was termed hamsatella and was considered to be highly beneficial for curing certain diseases. There was also a variety of fruits or flowers the smell of which was used to induce or obstruct sleep.' These may be compared with the sleeping tablets or anti-sleep drugs of today. Besides, the smell of certain flowers was particularly beneficial for certain diseases. However, these were to be taken only when prescribed by an able physician.o The plasters or ointments were used for healing the wounds. There were three varieties of ointments6--(i) those for killing the pain, (ii) those helping in ripening the unripe wound and (iii) those used for extracting the pus or such other viscid matter from the wound. The ointments prepared from the skin of the japa-plant ( calm evisera ), vata ( banyan ) and tuvara were used for killing the pain.? The plaster of cowdung ( gomayalepa ) was used for healing the wounds. The fresh cowdung or the cowdung dried under a shade was considered to be more effective and anti-poisonous. 8 1. NO. 1, p. 155, also p. 121. 2. NO. 1, p. 121; also BIh. V1.5, p. 1591. 3. rAto jaggiyadhvaM tattha kiM ci erisaM pupphaphalaM jeNa jiMghieNa giddA Na eti |...nidraalaame at lagi lahti fraf-NC. 2, p. 33. 4. NC. 2, p. 33. 5. Ibid. 6. Format Gafasit_IT THRt, 94814t, gatuli ecuer?--NC. 2. p. 216; also NA. 3, p. 362. 7. FIFT 453fca27 gadi T ITI-NC. 3, p. 362. 8. NO. 3, pp. 361-62.

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MATERIAL CULTURE 187 Visavidya or Toxicology-Visavidyal or Toxicology was. another branch of Medicine. Two varieties of poison, i.e. visa and gara?, have been mentioned. The former killed a person immediately, while the other caused a death due to slow-poisoning.s Gara was prepared by a combination of various medicinal drugs. Caraka also states that "there is another variety of poison called artificial poison (gara) which is produced by a combination of substances and which gives rise to a diseased condition. Being slow in reaction it does not kill swiftly."+ Snake-bite and its Remedies-The monks were proficient in detecting the snake-bite and differentiating it from the bite of the other poisonous insects on the basis of the symptoms.5 Various methods were resorted to for eliminating the effects of a snake bite. The person bitten by a snake was treated with the sacred mantras. Amulets charmed with the mantras were also tied around his hand. Sometimes the portion affected with snake bite was incised' or the poison was sucked. after keeping the burnt earth or mud inside the mouth. Sometimes the mud-plaster was also applied to extract the poison or the person was made to eat the earth. According to another method, a piece of gold was rubbed inside the water and then golden water was given to the patient for eliminating the poisonous effects of the snake-bite. 10 The person bitten 1. NC. 2, p 364. 2. NC. 2, pp. 281-82. 3. go feat taste of afar FEATAT TI, #t fa comprisil taff-NC. 2, p. 282. 4. Caraka, Cikitsas!hana, 13-14 (Vol. 4, p. 2143). 5. NC. 1, p. 82. 6. telfu ex ufaffronu 215TTT The wife-NC. 1, p. 66. 7. gat ar fotot 75 OHNC 1, p. 82. 8. Hfej ar y gigi dan raha-NC. 1, p. 66. 9. atacafa ar ferarafthofher area at Hereft-Ibid. 10. vise kaNagaM ti viSagrastasya suvarNa kanakaM taM ghettu dhasiUNa visaNigghAyaNaTThA tassa pArNa fass -NC, 1, p. 135.

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188 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI by a snake was to be kept awake so that the poison did not spread all over the body. Similar methods have been prescribed by the other medical authorities. According to Susruta, incision, cauterization and sucking of the poisoned blood from the base of the bite should be highly recommended in all cases of snake-bites.2 Dallan a recommends burnt earth or earth of an ant-hill or ash for the purpose of filling up the mouth before sucking the poisoned blood. As to the efficasy of the mantras, Susruta remarks that "elimination of the poison with the help of the mantras full of the energy of Brahma of truth and austerities is more rapid than under the effects of drugs." Surgery--The science of surgery had reached an advanced stage. The physicians usually carried with them their bags of surgical instruments (sattha-kosa) which contained the instruments like patthana-sattha, amguli-sattha, siraveha-sattha, kappurasattha, lohakantiya, sam lasaga, anuvehasalaga, vihimuha and suimuha.* The physicians always accompanied the army to the battle-field. The arrows were properly extracted from the body of the wounde soldiers, although it was a very painful process. Veterinary Sciences-There were also veterinary doctors versed in detecting the diseases of the animals. They could easily judge if the disease of an animal was caused by the derangement of any of the tumours of the body (dhatuvi samvadaroga) or because of some other reason.? A doctor is mentioned 1. Pot fer a Fritilassat, at faci o of Golfer_NC. 1, p. 82. 2. Susruta, Kalpasthana, V. 3-5. 3. Ibid. 4. Susruta, Kalpasthana, V. 10. 5. NC. 3, p. 214; Brh, V1, 3, p. 818; Vi pakasutra, p. 65. 6. NC. 4, p. 306; NC. 2, p. 214. 7. vejjeNa diTTho, bhaNiyaM ca-gatthi se koti dhAuvisaMvAdarogo, atthi se koI 340 T N C. 4, p. 304. For the development of the veterinary science in ancient India, see Jyotirmitra's article <Page #209
MATERIAL CULTURE 189 to have operated a horse of the king for extracting an invisible arrow or thorn which made the horse lose its strength. The body of the horse was covered with a mud-plaster and the portion containing the thorn could be observed as drying faster because of the excessive heat emanating from the portion of its body. It was then operated and the thorn was successfully extracted which shows the mastery of the doctors in the field of the veterinary sciences. These medical facilities must have been available to most of the people of the time as there were regular dispensaries and hospitals called aroggasala or anahasala2 run by the state where free medicine and food were provided to the patients by the king.' Yuan Chwang also noticed such institutions which were maintained by the State or by public-munificence for the welfare of the common or poor people. Besides, there were vejjasalass or private dispensaries run by private doctors (vejja) whose services could be requisitioned by the people at any time. Even the Jaina monks during the later centuries were permitted to take help of the doctors during the critical circumstances, but they were to visit the doctor at a proper time and in a proper manner. For them, however, the most common method for curing a disease was to take resort to fasting or starvation." Yuan Chwang also refers to this common practice of fasting when he states that "every one who is attacked by sickness has his food cut off for seven days. In this interval the patient often 1. NC. 4, p. 304. 2. "TUITE ATT" BARTITAMAT-NC. 3, p. 259. 3. Food given by the king particularly for the patients was known as aroggabhatta.--NC. 2, p. 455. 4. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 286; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 166, 198. 5. NC. 3, p. 173. 6. For rules prescribed for monks for approaching a doctor sce-NC. 3, pp. 100-17. 7. NC. 3, p. 97.

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190 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI recovers, but if he cannot regain his health, he takes medicine. Their medicines are of various kinds, each having a specific name. Their doctors differ in medical skill and in prognostication. The accounts of Bana2 and I-Tsing: also reveal a similar progress in the field of the Medical Sciences. 1. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 147; Beal, op. cit., 1. p. 86. 2. Harsacarita, p. 138. 3. Takakusu, op. cit., pp. 130-40.

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CHAPTER V ECONOMIC CONDITIONS Social stability and political security ensure the economic growth and prosperity of a country. In India, however, the usual economic life in small towns and villages has been least affected by such political vicissitudes, although it must have hampered the economy at large, i.e. in large commercial towns having a rich and flourishing trade. The general picture of society as depicted in the NC. is that of economic prosperity and opulence, although the vast differences or inequalities in the distribution of wealth may not be totally ignored. The wealth and affluence of the kings and nobles, the setthis occupying a high status because of their economic assistance to the State, the rich caravan-leaders (satt havaha) and merchants (vaniya) having a Aourishing trade by land or sea, the peasant population (kari saga) working hard on fields, those following the industrial arts and crafts (sippa), the slaves (dasa) and a large number of servants and hired labourers (bhayagakammakara) earning their livelihood by hard manual work, and a large number of monks and ascetics depending on society for all the essential needs, display the economic life at its various levels. In the following pages an attempt has been made to survey the economic conditions of the age on the basis of the NC. Agriculture (Kisivavara, Kisikamma)? Cultivators and Fields-Agriculture was held in contempt by the Jainas as it involved killing of the innumerable insects. Those following this profession were, however, designated as "Aryans and not as Mlecchas--the two groups in which all 1. NC. 3, pp. 160, 227.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI human beings were classified by the Jaina philosophers". I From the various references in the text it can be easily judged. that agriculture was the principal occupation of the people especially in the villages. The karisagas2 and the kodunbiyas or Kudumbiss were the peasants and cultivating householders following the occupation of agriculture. The term kutumbin has been variously explained by different scholars.* In the NC., however, kudumbis are seen as cultivating householders who not only cultivated the fields themselves but were also in a position to employ servants and agricultural labourers (kammakara) for the purpose of cultivation.5 They seem to have belonged to quite well-off families and very often they provided shelter to the Jaina monks. The contemporary inscriptions also show kutumbins to be agriculturist-labourers, and fields belonging to them are described as kutumbiksetras. 1. Prajna panosutra. For cultivation see also--Ganguli, "Cultivation in Ancient India'', IHQ. (1930-31 ), p. 136 and the Bhasya of Tattuarthadhigama-sutra (published by Sheth D. L. P. Jaina Pustakoddhara Fund Series, III. 15, p. 265 ). Vide--Hiralal Kapadia's article, "Some Reference Pertaining to Agriculture in Jain Literature", IHQ, Vol. X, p. 799 2. NC. 1, p. 115. 3. NC. 2, p. 9; NC. 3, pp. 160, 227, 4. The term kulurbin frequently occurring in the contemporary inscrip tions has been taken in the sense of the cultivators ( CII, III, 314 ) or the housc-slaves (Kielhorn, EI. III, 314). According to D. R, Bhandarkar, they were the heads of the families of the cultivators ( videJinist Studies, pp. 79-82 ). According to another view, kuturbins belonged to professional artisan classes who cultivated land as subsidi. ary means of livelihood ( Pran Nath, Economic Condition in Ancient India, p. 157 ). However, the view that they were agriculturist householders appears to be more reliable.--Gopal, L., Economic Life of Northern India, p. 24. 5. NC. 3, p. 519. 6. NC. 2, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 519. 7. CII. IV, Nos. 11, 20, 22, 24; EI. XXII, 115-20.

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13 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 193 The cultivated land or fields were known as khetta 1 and these were situated not very far (abbha se-adure) from the houses.2 Vappa or keyara was another term which denoted a wetfield' or field having a flourishing field-crop. The peasants always cherished to possess large fields having a flourishing field-crop of the superior variety of food grains (visistasasya) like sugarcane, barley, rice etc, Proper care was taken to protect the field from itis or the calamities of the season (itivargitatvam).5 According to the ancient authorities itis or the calamities of the season could be of six types, viz. 'i) excessive rain, (ii) drought, (iii) locusts, (iv) rats, (v) parrots and (vi) foreign invasions. Agricultural Operations--The twenty-four varieties of foodgrains and the different varieties of fruits, vegetables, spices, oilseeds etc. as mentioned before, formed a part of the Indian dietary during this time. These products were cultivated in the country. A regular process was to be followed in the field of cultivation. First of all the land was ploughed by means of plough driven by the bullocks and the soil was prepared for sowing. Agricultural labourers (kammakara) were employed for ploughing the land.8 Ploughing and sowing (vapana) was mostly done in the rainy season. The peasants usually stored up all the necessary articles required by them at home before the advent of the rainy season, so that the work of cultivation 1. NO. 2, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 227; Buh. Vt. 2, p. 263. 2. NC. 2, p. 83. 3. In the Arthasastra, kedara is used in the sense of a wet-field, and a collection of adjoining wet-fields has been called kaidarya of kaidaraka.-Agrawala, V.S., India as known to Panini, p. 195. 4. NC. 4, pp. 409-10. 5. NC. 4, p. 410. 6. Kalidasa, Raghuvania, 1. 63. 7. NC. 3, p. 150. 8. NO. 3, pp. 273, 519.

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194 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI may not be hampered by going to the market during tlese busy months. 1 After sowing the seed (vavana, ropita)2 the field was to be protected from the wild-beasts and thieves by making fences (vati) all around and small ditches (khatiya) were dug for the purpose of holding water.: Ripe grain was then reaped (lita) with a sickle (datra), * thrashed (malita), and winnowed (pata)5 with a winnowing-fan ( suppa ) which had the shape of an elephant's ear. After separating the chaff, the pure (pariputa) grain? was measured (miyamana) and properly stored in a barn ( khalaga ) or granary (kotthagara). Sometimes, however, the barns were put to fire because of the personal enmity amongst the peasants. 8 Agricultural Implements ---Various implements were used for cultivation. Three different varieties of the plough, ie, hala, Kuliya and damtala' have been mentioned in the text. Kulita is mentioned as a grass-cutting wooden instrument which was particularly used in Surattha. It measured two hands in length and had iron nails ( ayakilaka ) fixed at the end along with an iron plate attached to it.1. Among other agricultural imple 1. NO. 3, p. 160. 2. NO. 1, p. 102. 3. NC. 3, p. 519. 4. GET fucrito arNC. 1, p. 31. 5. atqui gagg Hay qah--NC. 1, p. 102. Compare-tia: q4a: gia: Tia:-Satapatha Brahmana, 1. 6. 1. 3. 6. 70 Tarra' fai 7. aftra fHETI HAH(TeftaifatNC. 1, p. 102. 8. NO. 3, p. 139. 9. data Hit oglasatiNC. 1, p. 3; & perat Edarat Ecofa-- NC. 1, p. 31; Brh. Vc. 1, p. 79. Hala, kulisa and dantulaka have been mentioned as three agricultural implements in Akalanka's commentary on Tattvarthadhigamasutra.--See, Kapadia's article on Agriculturc, IHO., Vol. X, p. 798. In the Avasyaka Curni (p. 81), nangala is also mentioned as a type of plough along with hala and kuliya. 10. NO. 1, p. 31.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 195 ments, the sickle ( datra )!, axe ( kuha la?, parasu? ), hatchet or spade ( sattara- phavara in Hindi ), scissors (pippalaga) and knives ( churiya )* have been mentioned. Irrigation-Since the various activites like ploughing and sowing were done in the rainy season, rains must have been the most substantial source of irrigation.5 Apart from the rainfall, the water from rivers, lakes, ponds and wells were also used for irrigating the fields. In the villages a number of peasants irrigated their fields in their respective turn (varagena ) from a common watersourse ( sarani paniya ). An instance can be seen when a peasant secretly broke through the water-course during the turn of the other in order to irrigate his own field.? Some of the regions were naturally rich in water-resources, and there the fields could be easily irrigated from the water of rivers or ponds even in the absence of rains.8 Tosali is mentioned as such a place where water was found in abundance (anugadesa) and there was never a fear of drought. But frequent references to famine (dubbhikkha) and epidemic 1. Ibid. 2. NC. 3, p. 5. 3. NO. 1, p. 31. 4, NC. 2, p. 5. 5. NC. 3, p. 160. 6. The commentary on Brhat Kalpa Bhas va provides us with interesting details regarding the irrigation sources, according to which rainfall was the main source of irrigation in the Lata country, while in Sindhu the fields were irrigated from rivers, in Dravida from ponds and in Uttarapatha from wells (Bp. VI. 2, p. 336 ). The same text divides the fields into two groups, viz. setu and ketu, the former being irrigated by means of wells and the latter depending on rainfall (Bih. Bha. 1. 826). 7. tatthego karisago aNNassa vArae agAvadesA pAdega NikkaM bhettuNa... appaNo khette Tifozi -NC. 1, p. 115. 8. ANugadeso NatisalIlAdIhiM jalaba hulo...."tammi variseNa viNA vi sassaM Nipphajjati NC. 3, p. 538. 9. Ibid.

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196 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (asiva)i in the text clearly reveal that in certain regions there was always a fear of drought and famine which were usually accompanied with epidemic also. In such circumstances nothing could grow for want of rains, and people, especially the monks, suffered terribly for being unable in procuring alms. Land-owner ship-Regarding the ownership of the land two different theories have been upheld by the ancient Hindu law-givers-state-ownership of the land or the theory which recognises king as the owner of the land and that of the peasant-proprietorship. In the context of the ownership of a garden in the NC. the author has remarked that the garden (drama) could have been purchased by the kudumbi, the bhojika, the village (gamena), the vanik, the gotthi ( corporation), the arakkhiya, or by the king (ranna) by paying the stipulated sum ( mulla )." Here from the mention of the purchase of a garden by the king it may be judged that the theory of the state-ownership of land has not been upheld by our author, although the king like anyone else had the right to purchase the land by giving the proper price. Elsewhere in the NC. a cultivator is mentioned as cultivating on the other's field (paravatta-khetta) by paying the negotiated amount of money. It points towards the peasant-proprietorship of the land and that the land could be even given on rent or mortgaged by its owner. In some of the contemporary Maitraka records. the fields are mentioned to have been owned by the kutumbins (kutunbi-khetta) and very often the term satka has been used to convey the idea of ownership. It was thus the theory of 1. Dubbhikkh or omakala ( famine ) and, asiva ( epidemic) have regularly been mentioned in the NC. as two circumstances in which the excep tions ( apavada ) to the rules could be resorted to by the Jaina monks. 2. For the concept of ownership of land in ancient India sce-Kane, P. V., History of Dharmasastra, vol. III, p. 547; also Gopal, op. cit., pp. 1-31. 3. NC. 3, P. 498; Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 287-88. 4. PEST ariau gri offre a gefa afro arepN C. 3, p. 519. 5. EI. XXII, 115-20; XXI, 183; IV, 76-81.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 197 the peasant-proprietorship of the land which seems to have been practically carried out during these centuries. Arts and Crafts Apart from agriculture a number of vocational arts and crafts were practised by the people. Sippa was defined as an art or profession which required proper training under the guidance of an efficient teacher. It included both the fine arts as well as the crafts like chariot-making, weaving, tailoring etc.1 A proper vocational education therefore must have been imparted to the workers in their specific field. Vocational Education ---The professions during this time were mostly hareditary in nature. Besides, the system of apprenticeshipa was practised in imparting the industrial education. The apprentice, willing to master the art, was to enter into an agreement with the teacher for working under him for a specific period. The duration of this period could be either till the time one fully mastered the art in case one was paying proper fees to the teacher* or it could be more than the actual time required to master the art, since the trained apprentice was expected to work free for his teacher for sometime in lieu of the training imparted. The apprentice thus bound with an agreement was called ubbaddha, and he was not to leave his master during this period of contract. These rules must have been scrupulously practised, since we find that like a slave (dasa) and the hired-labourer (bhayaga) a person under an agreement (ubbaddha) was also excluded 1, erreftalaga at TETITTATIT -NC. 3, p. 272. 2. Altekar, A.S., Education in Ancient India, p. 187. 3. sikkhaMto sivakhatassa kevagAdi davvaM deti, so-ya jati teNa evaM ubbaddho jAba sikkhA JH HATITI-NC. 3, p. 272. 4. adha eva ubbaddho sikkhie vi uvari ettiyaM kAlaM mamAyatteNa bhaviyava, tammi kAle 3grat up frafa yorat cufat--Ibid. 5. Compare-agatia hati #dalet HATETETTEL I da ti #P 79r9efciar. Fiat 11 - Naradasmrti, Susrusabhyupagama prakarana (v. 20 ); Vide--Altekar, op. cit., p. 199.

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198 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI from being initiated in the monastic order of the Jainas till which contract period was not over.' The same rules must have been carried out in case of all the important arts and crafts of the time. Mines and Mineral-products-The mines (agara? or khana) were extensively worked and khitikhanas was a class of labourers especially employed for working in the mines. The following were the seven important ores produced from the mines-iron (aya), copper (lavu), tin (tamba), lead (sisaga), silver (hiranna, tuppa), gold (suvanna) and diamond (vaira).* Besides, vessels made of bronze ( kamsa ) were also not unknown.5 The artists were versed even in the art of Dhatuvada, i.e. turning base metals like copper into finer ones like gold.6 Along with these metals, mention may also be made of the different varieties of precious stones (pasana) and gems (mani) which were usually wrought in precious metals for making ornaments. Among these, supphire (indranila), ruby (padmaraga)?, jasper' or sunstone (surakanta), moon stone (candrakanta)8, quartz (Sphatika, phadiha)', baryl (vaidurya). have been mentioned. Maniyaras were the dealers in precious stones and gems who gave different shapes to the stones by rubbing them on the touchstone (sana).10. Mottiyas were the beadsmen who deligently stringed beautiful pearls and beads into different types of necklaces. 11 1. NO. 3, p. 272. 2. NC. 2, p. 329. 3 NC. 3, p. 273. 4. NC, 1, p. 136; NC. 2, p. 329. 5. I ATU-NC. 2, p. 290; NC. 3, p. 173. 6. Ofera fata aquife maat 17:NC. 3, p. 387. Bana also mentioned the old Dravida priest as versed in the a t of Dhaluvada.-Agrawala, V, S., Kadambari : Eka Sanskrtika Adhyay.in , p. 230. 7. NC. 3, p. 389. 8. NC. 2, p. 109. 9. Ibid., also p.400. 10. NC. 2, p. 5. 11. Ibid.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS Workers in Metal-The rich mineral wealth of the country provided a great industry for workers in metal. Among the metal-workers the goldsmiths (kalada1, suvannagara)2 and the blacksmiths (lohakara, kammara) were important. The large variety of ornaments worn by men and women provided a great scope to the art of the goldsmiths. Besides, a number of vessels and ornamental vases were cast in different metals Vessels were like gold, silver, copper, bronze and iron.* sometimes inlaid with diamonds (vaira) or other precious jewels (manimaya)5, and were also embedded with pearlstrings (mauktika).6 Yuan Chwang observed that the gold and silver vessels of the period were outstanding for their exquisite workmanship.7 Besides, images were also cast in different metals like gold (kanagapadima)8 or bronze. goldsmiths thus had a very rich and flourishing trade. Yet, in spite of their wealth and prosperity, the goldsmiths were considered as unworthy of being trusted. A goldsmith is mentioned to have deceived a herdsman by giving him the copper ornaments in place of the gold given by the herdsman to make the golden earrings. 10 Sometimes, however, people voluntarily gave a copper-polish to the gold ornaments to save them from being molested by the robbers or thieves.11 The 1. NC. 3, p. 269. 2. NC. 1, p. 50; NC. 3, p. 268; NC. 4, p. 12. 3 NC. 1, p 79. 4. NC. 3. pp. 107, 329. 5. maNimayaM vA NC. 3, p. 329. 6. ayamAdyA: pAtravizeSAH mauktikalatAbhirupazobhitA : - NC. 3, p. 172. 7. Beal, op cit., 1, p. 77. 8. NC. 3, p. 144. 9. One of the goldsmiths called Anangasena is mentioned to have been so rich to enable him to purchase five hundred ladies by giving a proper amount of money. He also announced to pay a million Rupees to a pilot who could lead him to Pa casaila Island (NC. 3, p. 140). Another goldsmith is mentioned to have enjoyed the company of a famous courtesan by paying the high charges (bhadi) ( NC. 1, p. 50 ) which is indicative of the affluence enjoyed by them. 10. NC. 3, p. 269; Brh. Vr. 5, p. 1389. 11. NC. 1, p. 130. 199

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200 A CULTUAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI The blacksmiths played a useful part in village industries. They made different types of weapons such as swords, daggers, lances etc. and also supplied the peasants with their agriculcural implements. The work of the blacksmiths was specifically styled as aggikamma", since by heating and melting the various metals he moulded different types of objects. Pottery---Pottery had reached an advanced stage because of the importance given to this art. There were regular markets or shops for pots known as kuttiyavanas, padabhumit or bhanabhimi.' Five apartments were required for the work of a potter ( kumbhakara, kulala )-i) paniyasala was the place where the potters or the vaniks sold the earthenware pottery; (ii) bhan dasala was the store-house for storing the vessels; (iii) in kammasala the pots were moulded; (iv) in payanisala pots were baked and (v) in imdhanasala the fuel like grass or dung required for baking the pots was stored. 6 A regular process was followed in making the earthenware pottery. The clay was kneaded with water and by rotating the wet-clay on the potter's wheel (cakka). 7 Vessels of various types like ghata, katthoraga, thala etc. were made. These were dried and baked on fire. A proper polish or coating ( leva ) was given to the pots. Pots were also dyed in different colours.8 The potters either gave their wares to the Vanils on getting a little profit or sold it to the customers direcily, 10 1. NC. 1, p. 79. 2. JEITILI JOZE 31 He rifat-NC. 2, p. 9. 3. NC. 2, p. 47. 4. THE E TIETOTNC. 2, p. 52. 5. NO. 2, p 100. 6. NC. 4, pp. 61-62; also Brh. VI. 4, p. 963. 7. NC. I, p. 30. 8. TFFHattia pro__NC. 3, p. 446. 9. NC. 4, pp. 61-62. Compare tarfa fitria, afnt at FITEFTIR HIETATIET mitsat Tarqut faithfa hifaT_Bih. V!. 4, p. 963. 10. Ibid.; also NC. 3, p. 139.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 201 A regular tax of 1/20, i.e. the twentieth part (vimsati-bhaga) was charged from the potters on the pots taken to the neighbouring village for sale;1 this shows permanent recognition of the potter's profession by the state. Other Occupations--Among the other skilled artisans the carpenters (valdhaki)2 and chariot-makers (rahagara), the leather-workers or cobblers (cammakara, padakara),* the weavers (tamtugara), the dyers ( sodhaga ),5 the calicoprinters (chimpaga ), the tailors and darners (tunnagara)e may be mentioned. Apart from these skilled artisans there were people following various other vocational trades like that of the washermen (rajaga, millevaga),? barbers (mrvita), 8 rope-makers ( varuda ), garland-makers (malakara),1deg peacockteamers ( mayura posaga ),11 wood-cutters (tanaharaga )12 and herdsmen ( govala )18 etc. It is, however, interesting to note that while the early Jaina or Buddhist texts frequently refer to craft-guilds or sinis (guilds) of the skilled artisans, le in the NC. they have been categorised to belong to the caste of their profession. 15 It might have been the result of the transformation of the guilds which were previously composed of same or different castes following a common occupation 16 into the regular hereditary castes during these centuries. 17 1. NC. 4, p. 344 2. NO. 3, p. 44. 3. NC. 2, pp. 3, 35; NG. 3, p. 169; NC. 4, p 342. 4, NC. 3, p 271; NC. 4, p. 132. 5. NC. 3, p. 271, 6. NC. 3, p. 272. 7. NC. I, p. 104; NC, 2, p. 243. 8. NC. I, p. 12; NC. 2, p. 243; NC. 3, p. 271. 9. NC. 3, p. 270. 10, NC. 2, p. 9; NC. 4, p. 360. 11, NC. 3, p. 271. 12. NO. 4, p. 120. 13. NC. 2, p. 272. 14. LAI., p. 109. 15. The lohakaras and the varudas are specifically mentioned as belonging to contemptible caste-NC. 3, p. 270. 16. Majumdar, R. C., Corporate Life in Ancient India, p. 280. 17. Gopal, op. cit., pp. 82-83.

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202 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Besides, hunting, rearing, poultry and fishing were carried on by the lowest section of society. The loddhaya, misaluddhaga, va guriya, simhamoraja, si nakaraga and hhattigal were the hunters and butchers who regularly supplied the king and the public with the meat of the animals. 2 The snares and traps (vagura, s kata* ) were regularly used for hunting the animals. The vadhas or saunakas were adept in the art of birdcatching by casting the nets (pasa, jala ).5 Medas are also mentioned as a class of people who used to hunt with bow and arrow in their hands. 6 Fishing was another important occupation. Early in the morning the fishermen ( machhaga, macchaggahaga )' used to go for fishing with fishing hooks and nets ( macchagabandhagadi ).8 They also trawled the fish with fishing hooks having iron.nails at its end and a long rope ( diharajju ) attached to it. Fish were also dried, stored and sold in the market which shows that it must have been a popular industry of the time. Labour From the status point of view after the peasants and skilled artisans (sippi) there was a large population consisting of the 1. NC. 2. p. 9; NC. 3, pp. 198, 271. 2. NC. 4, p. 380. 3. NO. 3, p. 271. 4. NC. 2, p. 281. 5. RH ( TISUT ETTGT farfaecqz_Ibid. Vagura, kuga and pasa have been mentioned by Bana also (Harsacarita, p. 228.; Kadambari, anuccheda 338). According to V. S. Agrawala there was difference between the vugura and the kua pasa. Vagura was used for catching the deer, while ku a and pasa for other injurious animals, Kadambari: Eka Sarskrtika Adhyayana, p. 280. 6. NC. 3, p. 198. 7. He TIET Hoshi, ga 6+HS feat_NG, 3, P. 271, 8. NO. 2, p. 9. 9. NC. 2, p. 281.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS dasas, bhaya gas (bhrtakas ),2 kammakarass and sevagapurisas1 whose services were regularly requisitioned by the higher section. of society for all sorts of hard manual work. The classification of the different types of dasas and bhayagas given in the NC. clearly reveals a difference between the status of the two and shows that while the former were the domestic servants or slaves in a family, the latter worked as hired labourers. 1. NC. 3, p. 263. 2. NC. 3, p. 273. 3. NC. 3, p. 519. Slaves and Servants-Slavery was largely in vogue and the slaves (dasa, kharaga, duakkhara)5 were usually employed by the house-holders for their domestic work. Six classes of slaves (dasa) have been mentioned in the NC.-(i) slaves by birth or slaves born in family (gabbha), (ii) slaves by purchase (kita), (iii) those reduced to slavery for non-payment of debts (anaya), (iv) those who accepted slavery during famine (dubbhikkha), (v) those made slaves by the king as a punishment for certain crime (savaraha) and (vi) the slaves formed out of the prisoners of war (ruddha ).6 These different classes. of slaves have also been mentioned by the Brahmanic" as well. as the Buddhists authorities, although with minor variations. :03 4. NC. 4, p. 350. 5. NC. 2, pp. 263, 265. For the institution of slavery see-"The Ideological Aspect of Slavery in Ancient India', Journal of Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. VIII, pp. 389-98; see also- Banerjee, N.C., "Slavery in. Ancient India", Calcutta Review, August 1930, pp. 249-65. 6. NC. 3, p. 263. 7. Seven types of slaves are mentioned by Manu ( Manusmrti, VIII. 415). Eighteen kinds of slaves are mentioned by Narada ( Naradasmrti, V. 26-28), while Yajnavalkya enumerates fourteen kinds of slaves (Yajnavalkyasmrti, p. 249 ). 8. The Buddhist account of slaves includes prisoners of war, the voluntary slaves, those born in the family of slaves and those reduced to slavery as a result of the judicial decision.- Law, B. C., India as Described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, p. 192. See also-Basu, S. N., "Slavery in the Jatakas", JBORS., Vol. IX, Pts. 3-4, pp. 249-65.

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204 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI The maid-servants and the female-slaves ( dasi, khariga, duakkhariya )? were also employed to do various jobs ( kamma ) at home. Female slaves ( dasi ) could be easily purchased ( mollakata ) by paying the proper price. Even the women belonging to good families could be reduced to slavery (da sattu) for non-payment of debts. A monk's sister is mentioned to have worked as a slave girl to a grocer on being unable to repay the debt of the oil, as it grew manifold because of the heavy interest. The slaves, thus reduced to slavery, could be manumitted on the payment of the balance or through voluntary manumission by the master. The house-holders embracing the monk-hood normally used to set free all their slaves and servants.5 Mention of the word udagasambhara6 in this context perhaps points towards the ancient custom according to which the slaves were to be made free by their masters by washing their forehead,? The general treatment meted out to the slaves seems to have been far from satisfactory. Slaves can be seen to run away from the family ( nattha )8 and the slave-girls are mentioned to have been captured by others, 9 Slave-girls formed concubines from the early period, and according to our author the slave-girls could be enjoyed by all. 11 The 1. NC 2, p. 430; NC. 3, p. 434; NC. 4, p. 19. See aiso-Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 470, 714 and NC. 4, p. 1231. 2. I le arat hasitai-NC. 3, p. 434. 3. stokamapi RNaM zeSaM dhArayantI kvacidda ze kA'pi strI tad RgamadadatI kAlakramega #nagi T B !h. VI. 6, p. 1663. 4. taM tella adalaMtIe aparimiyavaDhIe vaDhaMtaM bahu jAyaM / asattA dAuM tattha ghare THO qat-NC. 3, p 430. Cf. Pinda Niryukti, 319. Vide also LA1., p. 107. 5. Af Higafeuit--"qoqi" f@ fanitar-NC. 3, p. 430. 6. Ibid. 7. Vya. Bha. 6. 208; Naradasmrti, V. 42. 8. Jatetit ar ozo1-NC. 2, p. 265; Brh. V . 4, p. 1038. 9. garefiti art la 51NC. 2, p. 265. 10. Arthasastra, III, 13. 11. after HoT FOETHUOJ ft-NC. 4, p. 19; Brh. V. 3, p. 714.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 205 slaves were treated not as free individuals but were thought to have been the property of their master along with the quadrupeds ( caupada )1 and other external possessions. 2 The initiation of the slaves in the Jaina Church was also restricted on the same grounds. Besides the slave-girls, female-nurses (dhati) were appointed for bringing up the children in the houses of the wealthy citizens (iddhighara ).* Five nurses, viz. the wet-nurse (khiradhati), the bath-nurse (nha nadhati ), the toilet-nurse ( man 'adhatz ), the play-nurse ( kilavanadhati) and the lapnurse ( amkadhali ) have been mentioned who performed their respective functions. Specific qualities were required for these nurses, especially for the wet-nurse. 6 Brahmanic authorities also lay down proper rules for selecting such women.? The occupation of these nurses was usually hereditary in a family ( pitiparam paragaya ), although their master could relieve them of their duty any time he so desired. 8 There were also the foster-mothers or ammadhatis' whose status must have been higher than that of these ordinary nurses. The foster-mothers (ammadhati ) not only performed all the functions of a mother but also served the purpose of a companion to the girl even when she was grown up.10 Hired Labour--Apart from the dasas there were the bhajagas and kammakaras ( hired labourers or wage-earners ) 1. g4C GHI CA 91 7398 391 oz Efti a1NC. 3, p. 475. 2. Dasa and dasi were included among ten kinds of external possessions. -Brh. Bha. 1. 825; LAI., p. 107. 3. NC, 3, p. 263. 4. pi atai yrafa mat-NC. 3, p. 403. 5. Elecurat AFF T-FEUI-itque sical-NC. 3, p. 404. 6. NC. 3, pp. 403-407. 7. Chapana, D. R., Slavery in Ancient India, p. 160. 8. A nurse (ahati) can be seen complaining to a monk about her master (babhu) who employed another nurse in her place and thus deprived her of her hereditary occupation-NC. 3, p. 405. 9. NC. 2, p. 22. 10. A young girl is mentiond to have asked her fostermother (ammadha tir to bring a man for her.--Ibid.

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206 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI who eked out their living by working on a contract basis. Four classes of the bhayagas are mentioned in the NC.1-(i) divasabhayagas or labourers employed on daily basis, 2 (ii) jattabhayagas or those employed while undertaking a journey; they assisted their master and did all the work as required during a journey on getting a definite sum, (iii) kavvalabhayagas or labourers employed on a contract; they received their wages after finishing the work; the services of this class of labourers were usually requisitioned for doing hard manual work like digging the earth or clearing the grounds (uvda )* and (iv) uccattabhayagas or those employed for a definite period on a stipulated sum; they were to do all types of works as directed by their master during this period of contract. 5 Narada also mentions four categories of bhitakas as distinct from the fifth category of slaves ( dasa )', and Bshaspati also describes three classes of bhitakas which include (i) those who served in army, (ii) those engaged in agriculture and (iii) those who carried loads from place to place.? The kammakaras were the agricultural labourers who were employed for cultivating the soil and guarding the fields. 8 The gopas or govalas ( cowherds) are mentioned as servants 1. NC. 3, p. 272; Thananga, 5. 382. 2. kAle chiNNo savvadiNaM dhaNaM pacchiNNaM rUvagehiM tume mama kammaM kaaynvN| evaM diNe diNe Tita -NC, 3, p. 273. 3. imo jattAbhayago-isajoyaNAgi mama sahAraNa egAgiNA vA gaMtavvaM ettieNa dhaNega, tato q a E71 | Tra Hi huifa- Fodd tiri a 1700-Ibid. 4. kavvAlo, khitikhANato, uDDamAdI, tassa kammamappiNijjati, do tiNNi vA hatthA chinnaM achinnaM vA ettiyaM te dhaNaM dAhAmi tti-Ibid. In Saurastra there is even today a caste known as Oda which is usually employed for digging the carth --Malvania, D.D., Nisitha--Eka Adhyayuna, p. 82. 5. imo uccattabhayago-tume mama ecciraM kAlaM kamma kAyavvaM jaM jaM ahaM bhaNAmi, ettiyaM a que acTA -NC. 3, p. 273. This class of workers is called Ucaka in Gujarat-Malvania, loc. cit. 6. Naradasmrti, V. 23. 7. Brhaspatidharmasastra, XV. 12-13 8. NO. 3, p. 519.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS engaged for tending the cattle or milking the cows.1 Besides, there were large number of servants and personal attendants or sevaga-purisas2 like the majjavaga, man lavaga3 etc. who were regularly employed by the kings and wealthy citizens for carrying out their personal work. According to A.N. Bose, there have been five categories of hired-labourers in ancient India, viz. those engaged in agricultural, pastoral, industrial, mercantile and household labour.* The existence of all these types of hired labourers can be seen from the above account of the NC. 207 Wages-An analysis of the above-mentioned classes of the bhayags will reveal that two main principles were followed in deciding the wages of the labourers, i.e. either according to the duration of their work or according to the amount of work done by them. Bhati was a specific term for the wages of the bhayagas and kammakaras, while the wages earned by a physician have been called veyani or veyanaga. Panini also informs us that the wages of the unskilled or manual labourers were to be called bhrti", while those of the skilled artisans (silpis) were known as vetana.8 The labourers could take their wages either in cash or in kind or in both combined. Instances of all the three can be found in the text, although the payment in cash seems to have been more popular. The bhaya gas and kammakaras are invariably mentioned as receiving their wages in the form of 1. govAlaga " bhatI" vRtti:-NC. 2, p. 145; NC 3, p. 433. 2. NC. 4, p. 350. 3. NC. 2, p. 469. 4. Bose, A. N., 'Hired Iabour in Ancient India', Indian Culture, Vol. 4, Pp. 252-57. 5. " bhatI" NAma bhayagANaM kammakarANaM ti kuttaM bhavati - NC. 3, p. 519. 6. Na vaTTati jatIga hatthAto veyaNagaMvettu --- NC. 3, p. 110. 7. fat-Astadhyayi, III. 2, 22. 8. Ibid., III. 1, 14, 26, and II. 36; Agrawala, V. S., India as Known to Panini, p. 236.

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208 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI ruvagas? or money ( dhanaa, davvas ). At one place, however, the labourers, especially those employed on daily wages. ( divasabhayaga ), are mentioned as getting the food like ricemilk in lieu of their wages.* The practice of remuneration in kind can be attested from the various Sanskrit and Pali texts.5 A cowherd ( gopa ) employed for milking the cows is mentioned to have received 1/4th of milk daily or the entire milk on every fourth day ( varagina ) as his wages. The wages of an attendant are said to have been increased to an extent of one suvai namasaka daily along with a fine pair of clothes ( pahanam ca vatthajuyalam ) by the king.? Remuneration thus could be in cash as well as in kind, although payment in cash was more appreciated. Trade Inland Trade-Jainism being popular amongst the mercantile communities of India, especially those of the coastal regions, a graphic account of their trading activities can be found in the text. Trade was carried by land (thala ) and water ways (jala).' Thalapattanis were the towns rich in land-trade, while 1. NC, 3, p. 273. 2. Ibid. 3. Bih. V 1. 2, p. 310. 4. faqaTCITATEA a STTE Rettifasi favola--NC. 3, p. 433. 5. Arthasastra, II. 23; Brhaspatidharmasastra, XXI. 13; Pata ajali, Bhasya, II. 36; Asiadhyayi, IV. 4. 68. In Takkala Jataka the labourer is mentioned to have received rice-gruel (yagubhattadi) as his wages by which he could feed his father suiting his station in life.-Bose, op. cit., p. 253. 6. so ya khIriyANaM cautthaM khIrassa geNhati / cautthadiNe vA savvadohaM geNhati NC. 3, p. 433. According to Naradasmyti (VI. 10) for tending 100 cows a heifer was to be given to the herdsman every year; for tending 200 cows a milk Cow was to be given annually and the berdsman was allowed to milk all the cows every eighth day. 7. raNNA tassa tu?NaM patidivasaM suvaNNamAsato vittI katA, pahANaM ca se vatthajuyalaM diNaM NC. 4, p. 350. 8. Gopal, op. cit., p. 130. 9. NC. 2, p. 208.

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14 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS jalapattanas were the ports having a flourishing water-trade.1 Anandapura and Dasannapura are cited as examples of thalapattana, while Purima and Diva were the famous jalapattana of the time." Donamuhas were the centres of trade where trade was carried by land as well as by water.* Frequent mentions of the pattana, nigama ( towns exclusively inhabited by the Vaniks), sannivesa ( halting places for the caravans) and putabbhedana ( trade emporiums where the packages of the trade articles were received and sold ) in the text reveal the importance of these trading communities which actually controlled the economic and commercial life during the period. A regular local trade or trade within the state as well as inter-state trade existed during this time. The trade articles were classified into two groups-those brought from the villages of the same kingdom or state (sadesagamao) and those brought from the villages of the other states (paradesagamao). The merchants or Vaniks were also divided into two groups, viz. those who lived at a definite place and sold their commodities in the market or shops (vani) and those who were without shop (vivani). The latter must have moved from village to village selling their commodities. The Vaniks usually went to the neighbouring villages or states with their carts loaded with merchandise." Some of the Vaniks even went to the distant regions for trade leaving their everything behind. 8 1. paTTaNaM duvihaM - jalapaTTaNaM thalapaTTaNaM ca -- NC. 3, p. 346. 2. 4aqi izgufa-NC. 2, p. 328; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 342. 209 7 3. jalapaTTaNaM purimAtI - NC. 2, p. 328. 4. jaleNa thaleNa dosu vi muhaM doNamuhaM -- Ibid. The Vrtti on Bhatkalpa mentions Bhrgukaccha and Tamralipta as two dronamukhas of the time (Brh. Vt. 2, p. 342) 5. vaNiyA jattha kevalA vasaMti NigamaM - NC. 2, p. 328. 6. bhaMDagA ghaNA jattha bhijjaMti taM puDAbheyaNaM - NC. 3, p. 347. 7. paragAmAhaDaM taM duvihaM-sadesagAmAo, iyare tti paradesagAmAo vA -- NC. 2, p. 209. 8. vaNitti - je NiccaTThitA vavaharaMti, "vivaNI" tti -- je viNA AvaNeNa * * * vANijjaM f-NC. 4, p. 130. 9. NC. 3, p. 139.

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210 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI There was also a class of individual traders who carrying the miscellaneous articles of trade by themselves ( lit, under their armpits-kakkha pudiya )1 toured the villages throughout the year except the rainy season, and thus provided the villagers with all their requirements by selling their multifarious commodities. Besides, collective or joint trade enterprise was also not unknown. Five merchants are mentioned to have embarked on a joint trade by putting an equal share ( samabhaga)." When they desired to get separated the property and profit were equally divided amongst the five. For all practical purposes the traders were united under corporative bodies or trade-guilds headed by the setthi or salthavaha. The corporation of the Balamjuya Vaniks has been frequently mentioned in the text. These traders usually went to the different villages to sell or purchase the food-grains ( balanja ).5 The contemporary inscriptions from South India also reveal Balamjuya as flourishing corporation of a certain class of traders. 1. tere naa YET SEA # 85311-NC. 2, p. 143. 2. Tagfe4aft III vi gift_NC. 3, p. 160. 3. 12 aforit FHUTTEAEA Teia-NC. 4, p. 309. 4. NC. 2, pp. 118, 163, 164; Brh. VI. 4, p. 1158. 5. 91 910T37 afors acier THqfatti-NC. 2, p. 118; atrof qigit--NC. 3, p. 163. qoca forum Tagiatoi art teaIbid., p. 164. Also quitoi fe aiforoleh-afsi asist-Brh. V;. 4, p. 1158). 6. Inscriptions from South India frequently refer to a corporation of merchants variously termed as Valan jiyam, Valan jiyar, Balazji, Bananji etc. The term Valan jiyam occurs in the Kottiyam Plate of Vira-Raghava Three Kanarese inscriptions from Baliganji (Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, Nos. 38, 55, 56 ) refer to this corporation of merchants who are called protectors of bananji-dharma or vira-balazji-dharma. The last one even gives a list of the various classes of merchants that composed this guild. The words banajiga in Kanarese and balja or balijaga in Telugu even now denote a class of merchants (see--EI. IV, p. 296, n. 2; also Majumdar, R. C., op. cit., pp. 88-91). The term balamjua vanija as mentioned in the NC. in Prakrit, or Valin juka as mentioned in Sanskrit in the commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, seems to refer to the same corporation of the merchants,

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 211 Caravan Trade-Although mention of the words like rajamagga (royal roads), duga (junction of two roads), tiga (junction of three roads ), caukka (junction of four roads ), caccara (crossroads), singhadagatthana ( traingular roads ) etc. will suggest the existence of regular roads, yet the journey through land ( thala ) was fraught with innumerable difficulties (vyaghata).2 Among these the existence of dense forests inhabited by wild tribes and wild animals, the organised bands of robbers and thieves (bodhita, cora), the impassable condition of roads because of heavy rains or floods, and above all the fear of seige (rohaga) or political upheaval (rajjakkhobha) in the state where the traders aspired to reach for trade were the main difficulties faced by the traders. 8 To counteract these difficulties the merchants, while embarking on large enterprises, organised themselves into corporate bodies or caravans ( sattha ) under the guidance of a caravan-leader called satthavaha, satthapati or satthadhiva. Satthavaha is mentioned as a senior stateofficer who led the caravan with the permission of the king or state. It is possible that the state would have made proper arrangements for the safety and security of the caravan. Sometimes there were two caravan-leaders in one caravan; each of them shared equal responsibility. In such circumstances the travellers and the Jaina monks travelling with the caravan were enjoined to take permission of both the caravan-leaders. Some junior officers (ahappadhana-purisa)e were also appointed 1. NC. 3, pp. 498, 502. 2. NO. 1, p. 111. Taking into consideration these various factors I-Tsing remarks that it is important to go in a company of several men and never to proceed alone, 3. NC. 4, p. 111. Medhatithi also speaks of political upheavals and distur bances (rastropaplava) among other causes which force the merchants from proceeding on journey for trade ( Medhatithi on Manusmrti, VIII. 156). In the Bhavisayattakaha also we find a mother dissuading her son from going out with a caravan for fear of war. 4. NC. 2, p. 469; Anu. Cu., p. 11; Brh. V;. 5, p. 1040; Amarakosa, 3. 9. 7-8. 5. 5774 at Fateat cu atsla sporujalaNC. 4, p. 114. 6.5 376 41 great a fe spojuuala-Ibid.

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212 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI under the caravan-leader and were given the charge of the particular wings. Apart from the traders, other people as well as the monks and ascetics willing to go to far off regions joined the caravan which provided them a strong protection against all the difficulties. It seems that they had to pay some money (mulla) to the caravan-leader for the protection they received by joining the caravan. Even the monks were sometimes asked to pay these charges. A group of traders (sattha ), the caravan-leader ( satthavaha ) and the travellers (atiyattiya) were thus three essential components of an ideal caravan.2 The caravans (sattha) were classified into five categories :3 (i) those who carried their goods by carts or waggons (bhandi), (ii) those who carried on camels and bullocks (bahilaga), (iii) those who carried loads by themselves (bharavaha), (iv) the wandering people who travelled from place to place and paid for their food or those who carried food with theni (odariya), and (v) the karpatika ascetics (kappadiya).5 From J. STE O faut uzgla at ara rajatacaf_NC. 4, p. 111; Brh. V. 3, p. 864. 2. faed-PAEH #Aaleta snazfeat-NC. 3, fi. 215. 3. so sattho paMcaviho-bhaMDi tti gaMDI, bahilagA uTTabalidAdI, bhAravahA poliyA vAhagA, udariyA NAma jahiM gatA tahiM ceva rUvagAdI chodu samudisaMti pacchA gammati, ahavATITETI Saftat, ftafett fHFCITT-NC. 4, p. 110; Brh. Vr. 3, pp. 862-63. 4. On the basis of Brh. Bha. (1. 3066 ff.) J. G. Jaia (LAI., p. 117) explains (odariyasattha) as wandering people who travelled to earn their livelihood and went from place to place. 5. It is possible that the kappadiya-sattha consisted not only of the kar patika ascetics but also of the pilgrims who went on a pilgrimage. The Puranas enjoin a person to assume the dress of karpalika while going on a pilgrimage. According to Vayu Purara (110. 2. 3.), the person after deciding to go on a pilgrimage should after worshipping Ganesa, the planets and the deities should put on the dress of a karpatika which includes a copper-ring, a copper-bracelet and reddish garments. Bhattoji prescribes the apparel of a karpalika for pilgrimage to Gaya, while the Padma Purana (iv, 19, 22) prescribes the same for the other Tirthas also (vide-Kanc, op. cit., IV, p. 573).

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 213 the religious point of view of the Jainas, the caravan-leaders (satthavaha) and the travellers (atiyattiya) accompanying the caravan were divided into eight classes, such as a Jaina layman (savaga), or one devoted to his religion (ahabhaddaga), or a heretic ( annatitthiya ) and so on. From the economic point of view this reveals that the trade was equally carried by the Jaina and the non-Jaina communities. The caravans normally ventured on a journey under the auspicious omens ( sakuna ) and after seeing the favourable condition of stars and moon. Even the Jaina monks while travelling with a caravan were enjoined to follow the same regardless of their own particular omens. A feast (samkhadibhatta) was usually given to the Brahmanas and the castepeople before proceeding on a journey. The caravan proceeded halting at proper places where its members took their meals and rest,' Every precaution was taken for safe and secure journey, yet there are many instances of the caravans being robbed, looted and destroyed (nattha), or lost in dreary forests or deserts.5 Articles of Trade--The trade-articles ( sattha-vihana ) were divided into four categories : (i) those which could be counted (ganima ) like the betel-nuts (pugaphala) and haritaki (terminilia chebula ), (ii) those which could be weighed ( dharima ) such as pepper ( pippali ), dry ginger ( sunthi) and sugar ( khanda, sakkara ), (iii) those which could be measured (mejja) such as rice and ghsta, and lastly (iv) those which were to be authenticated for genuineness (pariccha ) such as pearls and jewels. This classification of the goods carried by the merchants for trade incidently reveals to us various articles which must have formed items of export and import. 1. NC. 4, p. 112. 2. suho i ariae POF THITT Toal-NC. 3, p. 215. 3. FET PU qaraar Fre fagor HSOTO Tofa--Ibid.; Bih. Vr. 3, p. 868. 4. NC. 4, p. 113. 5. NC. 3, p. 527; NC. 4, p. 118. 6. referi go fortfa lu-NC. 4, p. 111; NC. 1, p. 144; Brh. VI. 3, p. 864; Nayadhammakaha, 8, p. 98.

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214 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI There were traders who went for trade only with the eatable commodities ( damtikka ) such as sweets, rice, wheat, oil, treacle, clarified butter and the different varieties of the food-grains. The other class of the merchants dealt with the costlier commodities like saffron, musk, asafoetida, tagara and other aromatic substances. 2 Our author, because of practical considerations, suggests the monks to prefer the caravan carrying the eatable articles. In case of unforeseen calamities the members of this class of caravan could at least manage to subsist upon the articles which were being carried for trade. Moreover, the caravans carrying the costlier commodities were more vulnerable to be robbed than those carrying cheaper commodities. * The merchants went far and wide with their goods of trade including cheap and costly comrnodities. A standardization of the coinage of different regions, i.e. that of the Daksinapatha, Kancipuri, Diva, Surat ha and Uttarapatha", must have been made for the proper evalution of the tradearticles. The clothes of eastern India ( puvvadesa ) were sold at a high price in the Lata country. Clothes must have been exported from Mahissara which was a famous centre of spinning.? The articles like long pepper ( pippali ), yellow orpiment ( haritala ), red arsenic ( manosila ), salt ( lona) etc. are mentioned to have been brought from long distances such as a hundred yojanas or more.8 The contemporary Jaina texts frequently refer to the merchants of different regions of north and south meeting each other with their 1. NC. 4, p. 111; Brh. V1, 3, p. 864. 2. Ibid. 3. NC. 4, p. 111. 4. The Vanik Sagaradatta who was a dealer in precious pearls and jewels (ratna-vanik) is mentioned to have acted like a mad person in order to safely cross the dense forests inhabited by the wild tribes.-NC. 3, p. 87. 5. NC. 2, p. 95; Bth. V g. 4, pp. 10, 64. 6. NC. 2, p. 94. 7. NC. 3, p. 569. 8. NC. 3, p. 516; Bih. Vr. 2, p. 306.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 215 respective merchandise.' In the Samaraiccakaha the merchant Dharapa of Makamdi is mentioned to have gone to Acalapura for selling his goods. 2 System of Transaction-Buying and selling of the merchandise were usually done in the markets or shops which were known as avanas or hatta*; pattanas or the towns having a flourishing trade had abundance of such shops which remained open throughout the year except for the rainy season. The articles meant for sale were known as panya. The sale-andpurchase of articles was called kaya-vikkaya,' while the sellers and the buyers were known as kayika or kayaga and vekkayika. There were separate markets or shops for the different articles of trade. In gamdhiyavana, the incense and other aromatic substances like sandalwood or saffron were sold. There were also specific markets for the precious metals like gold and silver. 1. Nesatthiya is mentioned as a place where the implements like pestles ( musali ) etc. were sold.11 The kuttiyavana and padabhumi or bhanabhumi were the markets for pots. 2 Potiyals and puviyaghara! * were the confectioner's 1. tatra kSetre nAnAprakArAbhyo dakSiNApathAdirUpAbhyo digbhyo vastrAdivikrayArthaM samAgatya fofocal:-Af arrostag gezi a Trap at TH B Ih. V. 3, p. 896; Kuvalayamalakaha-Apabhrana Kavyatrayi (G.O. S.), introduc tion, p. 91. 2. Samaraiccakaha, VI, p. 16. 3. NC. 3, pp. 106, 110. 4. NC. 3, p. 160. 5. TEME @ alhaET E o afa-Ibid.; Brh. V!. 4, p. 1153. 6. afforgur afuat-AA vai qoui, o turt--NC. 3, p. 110; Bh. V1. 2, p. 257. 7. g quot I 9371490 Falla parte roz--NG. 3, p. 160. 8. sau Hiec qua giai I GI 438I qedTqUfe-NC, 3, P. 581; Bih. V 1. 3, p. 792. 9. riftgraut seuraai-NC. 3, p. 106; Brh. Vt. 2, p. 572. 10. Fytaut gaoof E ar Try Tuefa_NC. 3, p. 106. 11. Jafrua yafetara -Ibid. 12. NC. 2, pp. 47, 52, 100. 13. uue ( ATAITT) OFFTTHAT_NC. 3, p. 106. 14. 341 pongladatait gat eritus31_NC.

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216 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI shops, while the wine-shops or taverns were known as majjavana, rasavana, or panabhumi. The prices of the goods in the market were fixed in terms of money as the customers are seen paying the stvagas for buying pots and clothesand for commodities in the gamdhiyavana. 3 Means of Communication--A flourishing trade dernanded rapid means of communication. Different types of conveyances (jana, vahana )* were used for land communication, while the boats and ships served the water-ways. The merchants employed the carts and waggons ( bhandi, sagala, anuram ga and gaddi )5 for carrying their goods, while the chariots (raha ) and litters or palanquins ( siviga ) were used for more sophisticated purposes. The janasalas were the coachhouses where the conveyances were kept. The animals like horses, camels and elephants were employed for carrying the loads as well as for riding purposes. Yuan Chwang also noted that the elephants of Kong-u-to (near about Ganjam ) were used as a means of transportation for undertaking long journeys. The caravans proceeding on long journey had these animals for the purpose of carrying the loads, or to carry children, sick or old people, especially when required to move very fast through insecure places. 10 Water-Trade_Besides the land-trade, a regular water-trade was carried by means of rivers and sea. Gujarat during these 1. Tarqui TTH H531201_NC. 2, p. 136. 2. NC. 2, p. 95; BIh. VI. 4, p. 1064. 3. ho fa sifauor igrao TTTT faral-NC. 3, p. 110; Bih. Vt. 2, p. 572. 4. NO. 4, p. 111. 5. BTUP-TT OTA Sf31_NC. 4, p. 111; also 3TUENTI TETT-NC. 3, p. 99. 6. TETET Ho truT unfa i fafestiferi Gui---NC. 3, p. 99. 7. ETTFITT3 fa, fi fafatila 5774 PoftCTI-NC. 3, p. 344. 8. TT&TT FUNC. 3, p. 99; NC. 4, p. 111; NC. 2, p. 9. 9. Beal, op. cit., II, p. 207. 10. NC. 4, p. 111.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS centuries was particularly famous for its sea- aring activities.1 Large ships sailed in the sea, while boats of different sizes were used for river-trade. Four varieties of boats have been mentioned in the NC. Of these one type wasse a-faring (samudda )2, while the other three were used in rivers (samuddatirittajala ). The first kind of boats, which must have been large boats or ships, regularly sailed from Teyalagapattana (Veravala ) to Baravai ( Dvarika ).* The great navigable rivers (mahanadi) provided an important means of water-ways. These were five in numberGanges, Yamuna, Sarayu, Eravati and Mahi.5 Besides, the rivers like Sindhu and Venna or Kanhavenna (in Abhira Visaya) have also been mentioned. The rivers of Komkana were usually full of stones which caused great difficulty to the 1. Describing the maritime activities of Gujarat Yuan Chwang remarks: As the Saurastra country 'is on the western sea-route, the men all derive their livelihood from the sea and engage in commerce and exchange of the commodities' ( Beal, op. cit., IV, pp. 459 ). According to Manju-Sri-Mulakalpa (ed. by Jayaswal, p. 25), a contemporary Buddhist work, people of Valabhi reached Sura by crossing the sea. Describing the economic importance of Valabhi Dandin says that ships were owned there even by private individuals ( Dasakumaracarita, Bombay, 1925, p. 225 ). 2. tAriNI NAvAtArime udage cauro NAvAppagArA bhavaMti / tattha egA samudde bhavati, jahA teyAlaga paTTaNAo bAravai gammai | NC. 1, p.69. 217 3. The other three types of boats mentioned in the text are: (i) those sailing according to the current of the water (anusrotagamini), (ii) those sailing against the current (pratilomagamini) and (iii) those used for crossing the rivers (tiracch-samtarini )-NC. 1, p. 69. These three appear to be three distinct positions assumed by a boat during the course of its journey. and may not be regarded as three different varieties of boats, yet this four-fold classification of the boats indeed reveals that there existed a difference between the ships sailing in the sea and the boats sailing in rivers, although both have been called by a common term, viz. nava. 4. NC. 1, p. 69. 5. NC. 3, p. 364; Brh. Vr. 5, p. 1487. 6. NC. 4, p. 38. 7. NC. 3, p. 425.

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218 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI boats navigating through the rivers,2 These rivers must have served as important trade-routes of the time and were a source of great cultural contact between the different regions of India. Journey by water was not very safe because of the fear of the large acquatic animals, yet water-route must have been more convenient for the traders than the landroute. Falapattanas, as mentioned before, were the large commercial towns where trade was carried by water-routes.' Very often the Vaniks can be seen going out for trade after loading their boats. Sometimes they boarded a common vessel or exchanged their old boats with the new ones which could sail faster. Travellers could also cross the rivers by paying the proper ferry-charges,5 The monks, however, were considered as undesirable burdens, since they had nothing to pay as ferry charges. Sea-Voyages-- A few stories mentioned in the text reveal that sea-voyages were frequently undertaken by the merchants. We find a goldsmith anouncing to pay a million rupees to a pilot who could lead him to Pancasaila island. The ship (pavahana ) of a merchant (vaniya ) is mentioned to have remained lost at the sea for over six months before it could reach Vitibhayapattana.? Another ship of a merchant, who went out for trade ( vanijja ) along with his wife, was shipwrecked because of the terrible cyclone in the sea. Taking resort to a plank ( phalaga ) the lady reached an island from where she could reach her home-town after a number of years by boarding a vessel which had reached the island in course 1. koMkaNavisae NadIsu aMto jalassa kallugA pAsANA bhavati te pAdaM aceyaNaM kareMti fgf-NC. 3, p. 370. 2. 472973it go O TET-HTC-Hostia -NC. 2, p. 210. 3. TOUTH HEAMEET A U NC. 3, p. 346; NC. 2, p. 32. 4. NC. 3, p. 206. 5. Tit f-TEQUi quel-NC. 4, p. 206. 6. NC. 3, p. 140. 7. NC. 3, p. 142; Uttara. T7. 18, p. 252.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 219 of its journey. Though the historiocity of these voyages may not be proved, yet they reveal a sound practical knowledge of the various technical features of shipping. Ships and Boats--The sea-going vessel was known as nava, potas, pavahana*, vahana5 or janapatta(r), and its pilot was called naviga? or nijjamaga. Definite places were reserved in a ship or boat for different purposes. The front portion (purato ) was assigned to a deity ( devayatthana ), the guiding deity of the ship', the middle portion ( majjha ) was reserved for the mast ( kuva, kuvaga or simva ), while the pilot ( nijjamaga ) sat at the back of the ship ( amta ).10 The ship was fitted with ores (alitta ) which had a blade having the shape of a Pippala-leave attached to one of its ends.11 The ship could be steered towards right or left by means of pushing the rudder (vamsa) by feet. "2 People embarked on journey with adequate provisions for food ( gahiya-sambala )13 as the ship had sometimes to sail in the sea for months together. Apart from the sea-going vessels, there were different types of small and large boats which sailed in the rivers. The ghatanava was a kind of boat prepared by tying the earthen 1. NC. 3, p. 269; Brh. Vr. 5, p. 1388. 2. NG. 1, p. 69. 3. NC. 4, p. 400. 4. NC. 3, p. 142. 5. NO. 2, p. 439. 6. NO. 3, p. 269. 7. NO. 3, p. 140. 8. NO. 3, p. 374. 9. Certain gods and goddesses were thought to have been their guiding deities by the boatsmen. Onc such Devi was Manimckhala who was considered to be the goddess of pilots and ships in south.--V.S. Agrawala's intro. to Sarthavana, p. 4. 10. NC. 3, p. 374; also NC. 1, p. 74. 11. taNutaraM dIhaM alittAgitI alittaM, Asattho pippalo tassa pattassa sariso ruMdo piho Hala-NC. 4, p. 209. 12. aa aa aa 34997 Ton grate aftar mar tfa-Ibid. 13. NC. 3, p. 140.

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220 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI jars on the four corners of a wooden frame. The tumba boat was made by filling up a net (jala) with a number of dry gourds ( alabu ).2 Udupa was a type of small boat; it was also know as kotthimba. In the panni type of boat two baskets of the panni leaves were tied together for the purpose of crossing the river ( samtarana ).* Besides, some other primitive devices like a plank (phalaga )', an earthen jar ( kumbha ) 6 and the leather bag filled with air ( diti or dati)? were also resorted to for the same purposes. On the basis of the description of ships available in the Jaina text Angavijja, four varieties of ships are believed to have existed in ancient India. Of these nava and pota were the largest ships, the kotthimba, samghada, plava and tappaka were a little smaller; the kattha and vela were next in size, while the tumba, kumbha and dati were the ships of the smallest size.' Out of these different types of ships, the nava, pota, kotthimba, tumba, kumbha and dati, as noted above, have been mentioned in the NC. Besides, the NC. also refers to other types of boats like udupa, ghatanava and panni. It is doubtful if the kumbha and dati were actually the different types of ships or simply the 1. ahavA caukaTiTha kAuM koNe koNe ghaDao bajjhati, tattha avalaMbiuM ArubhiuM vA saMtaraNaM FiF -NG. 1, p. 70. 2. tube tti macchiyajAlasarisaM jAlaM kAUga alAbugANa bharijjati, tami ArUDhehiM saMtaraNaM al-Ibid. 3. 357) Tilltal-NC. 3, p. 364; gi fa qilfitat-NC. 1, p. 70. The word Kothimba or Koinba occurring in the various Jaina texts has been identified with Cotymta of the Periplus which was a variety of Indian ships sailing near the sca-coast of Bhrgukaccha to help the foreign ships which reached near the port.-Sce, Agrawala's introduc tion to Motichandra's Sarthavaha, p. 10. 4. paNNi tti paNNimayA mahaMtA bhAragA bajjhaMti, te jamalA baMdheu te ya avalaMbiuM saMtaraNaM isfa-NC. 1, p. 70; also NC. 3, p. 364. 5. NC. 3, p. 269. 6. NO. 1, pp. 70, 72; NC. 3, p. 364. 7. aos forargruit laat, au ar Facuj-NC. 1, p. 70. 8. Agrawala's introduction to Sarth avana, p. 10. 9. Ibid.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 221 earthen jars and the 'leather-bags filled with air' for crossing the rivers. However, it is clear that these different devices were largely in vogue during these centuries for the purpose of the river and sea-trade. Foreign Sea-Trade-See-trade with foreign countries also existed during this time. Cinamsuka is explained as cloth brought from China, while the Malaya cloth was from the Malaya country.1 The dye called kimira ga (kiramadana) has also been mentioned2 which must have been imported from Persia.: Sea-route between India and China was more frequently used during these centuries, as among the sixty Chinese pilgrims mentioned by I-Tsing thirty-seven are found to have gone by sea." In spite of a regular sea-trade, sea-voyages were not very safe. Apart from the fear of the ship-wrecks or the wild acquatic animals, the fear of the sea-pirates was most important. We are informed that the sea-pirates, who captured men and deprived them of their belongings, constantly kept on moving in the sea on their large boats (nava) or the pirateships." Perhaps the author here makes a reference to the piratical activities of the Gujarat traders or the Arab traders?, which had started on the western coast as early as the middle of the seventh century A.D. Ports- Among the chief historic ports of Gujarat, Baravai, Teyalagapatlana, Purima, Diva, Pabhasa and Bharukaccha have been mentioned. The ships are mentioned to have regularly sailed from Teyalagapartana to Baravai. Baravai seems to be same as Dvaraka on the sea-shore, although it has - 1. NC. 2, p. 399. 2. NC. 3, p. 149. 3. Gopal, op. cit., p. 152. 4. Ibid., pp. 108-09. 5. Araur gatuan guridar ai torte A EHF p. 367. 6. Gopal, op. cit., pp. 127-28. 7. Housani, Arab Sea-faring, pp. 53-55. 8. ET SIST.Entit arcas FFK-NC. 1, p. 69. ular H N C. 3,

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222 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI been identified with mudern Junagadh also. Teyalaga was another name of Veravala which was a famous sea-port of the time. The poet Bilhana during his course of career is mentioned to have sailed from the port of Veravala for Hona. vara near Gokarna. Purima or Puri, mentioned as a famous jalapattana of the times, was another sea-port on the western coast. It has been wrongly identified with Puri in Orissa on the eastern coast. The Aihole Prasasti,dated Saka Samvat 556,mentions the Calukya sovereign Pulakesin II to have beseiged Puri, the Fortune of the western sea, with hundreds of ships in appearance like arrays of rutting elephants. Puri, on the western coast, has been identified with Chandapur or Chandor in the present Goa territory or with Gharapuri or the Elephanta Island across the Bombay harbour.6 Diva is mentioned as an island situated about a yojana away in the south of Saurastra.? It is still known by the same name.8 Pabhasa was a famous place of pilgrimage duriug this time. It has been identified with Somanatha in Kathiawar.10 The existence of Pabhasa as famous sea-port is confirmed by Merutunga who narrates how Yogaraja, the grandson of Vanaraja, seized the ships at Pabhasa.11 The most important sea-port was Bharukaccha in Lata country which played an important part in foreign sea-trade. The foreign merchants (agastuga-vaniya)13 regularly came to 1. Bhattasali, N. K., IHQ., 1934, pp. 541-50. Vide also--LAI., p. 271. 2. Gopal, op. cit., p. 92. 3. NC. 2, p. 328. 4. LAI., P 325. 5. Keilborn, "Aibole Inscription of Pulkeshin II," EI, VI, pp. 9-10. 6. Virji, K.J., Ancient History of Saurashtra, p. 67. 7. NC. 2, p. 95. 8. In the later centuries Diy became a famous port of call for all the vessels bound to and from Gujarat, the Red sea and the Persian gulf. Majmudar, M. R., Cultural History of Gujarat, p. 71. 9. NO. 3, P. 195. O. GD., p. 157. 11. Majmudar, M. R., op. cit., p. 317. 12. NO. 2, p. 439; Brh. V1.2, p. 594.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 223 Bharukaccha for trade, and some of them are even mentioned to have captured the beautiful young Jaina nuns. An instance may be cited of the merchants who after initiating themselves as Jaina laymen and thus gaining the faith of the Church authorities, called the nuns to worship the deity or Caitya established inside the ship, and the moment they entered, the ship was sailed. The importance of Bharukaccha as a seaport has been recorded by all the foreign merchants and travellers. It is well-known that the maritime activities of the port of Broach which had commenced as early as the second millennium B.C. continued unabated until the seventh century A D. In spite of a regular trade by land and water, a slow decline in the standards of trade can be judged from the text. Apart from other difficulties the fear of seige (rohaga) and political upheaval ( rajjukhobha ) must have considerably effected the land-trade, while the inviolable activities of the sea-pirates proved to be a cause of slow decline in the standards of shipping. Coinage A flourishing trade afforded great possibilities for a rich coinage. Coins were the regular media of exchange in buying and selling commodities. No examples of barter-system can be observed in the text. The servants, however, could sometime be paid in cash as well as in kind. 4 Coins made of gold, silver and copper5 have been mentioned in the text. The existence of these different coins may be easily proved by the combined testimony of Yuan Chwange and Sulaimanthe Arab traveller who visited Gujarat in 851 A.D.7 1. Ibid. 2. MacCriodle, Ancient India as Described in classical Literature, pp. 98-100. Al-Idrisi also mentionsBaruch (Broach ) as a port of call for ships coming to China and Sind.-Elliot and Dowson, History of India, Vol. I, p. 87. 3. Majmudar, M. R., op. cit., p. 66. 4. NO. 3, p. 433. 5. NG, 3, p. 111; Brh. VI. 2, P. 573. 6. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 178; Bcal, op. cit., 1, pp. 89-90. 7. Ras Mala, p. 45.

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224 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI The term hirannal denoted money in general, and among the gold coins suvanna or dinara2 and suvannamasakahave been mentioned. According to Bhandarkar, suvarna, when associated with hiranya, stood not for gold but for a type of gold coin.4 Dinara is mentioned as a gold coin which was common in eastern India (Puvvadesa).5 A hoard of dindras minted by king Mayuranka and engraved with the peacock-replica (mayura-anka)" is mentioned to have been discovered by a person who was later punished by the king for making use of these coins without the permission of the state. It is wellknown that the Guptas struck two types of gold coins one of which conformed to the weight of Roman Dinarus standard and the other that of Manu's suvarna.? Visnugupta as quoted in Hemadri's Vratakhan da equates 7 rupakas with a suvarna and 28 rupakas with a dinara.8 Narada and Katyayana', however, regard both the terms, i.e. suvarna and dinara, as synonyms. The author of the NC. also shares the same view. Suvannama saka is another type of gold coin mentioned in the text. The wages of an attendant are mentioned to have been increased to an extent of one suvannama saka daily by the 1. FETTO F91_NC. 2, p. 109. Vatsyayana also uses the word hiranya for money in general whicb, according to H. C. Chakaldar, perhaps includes gold and silvar coins.--Social Life in Ancient India, p. 150. 2. NC. 3, p. 111; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 574. 3. NC. 4, p. 350. 4. Bhandarkar, D. R., Ancient Indian Numismatics, p. 51. 5."14" f ari, El Tall TOTI ANC, 3, p. 111; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 574. 6. NC. 3, p. 388. The practice of engraving coins with peacock stamp was quite prevalent in ancient India. The coins of Kumaragupta are mostly engraved with the stamp of peacock-the bird sacred to Kumara and his name sake. These have been found in large number in peninsula and also in central Gujarat. The Maitrakas of Valabbi also issued coins which bore the goddess Parvati, a peacock and a trident.--Majmudar, M. R., op. cit., pp. 123-24. 7. Bhandarkar, D. R., Lectures on Indian Numismatics, p. 183; also Brown, Coins of India, p. 45. 8. Kane, P.V., op. cit., vol. III, p. 122. 9. Ibid.

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15 ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 225 king for being pleased with his work.1 The suvarnamasaka: was a gold coin equal to one masa in weight according to the standard of gold coinage and weighed five rattis when issued in gold or copper. It may, however, be noted that while the specimens of the silver and copper masas are known, the suvarnamasaka occurs only in literature.8 Among the silver coins the tuvagas or rupakaso were the most popular. The word rivaga was sometimes used as a common denomination of money, but it also denoted a spe cific silver coin. The ruvagas of different regions were usually named after their region and their value differed from: region to region. The ruvagas of Diva ( an island situated amidst the sea at the distance of a yojana in the south of Saurastra ) were known as sabharaga? or Diviccaga, while the Uttara pahaga, Padaliputtaga or Kusuma puraga, and Dakkhina pahaga were the ruvagas of these specific regions. The ruvaga of Kancipuri was called nelao or nelaka. Regarding the relative value of the ruvagas of the different regions, we are informed that two sabharaga-ruvagas of Diva were equivalent to one of Uttarapatha, and two of Uttarapatha were equivalent to one of Pasaliputra. 10 According to another scheme, two tuvagas of Daksinapatha were equated with one nelaka-ruvaga of Kancipurs and two of Kancipuri 1. RUNT 15 zgjafafeah yquUtara faz 1-NC. 4, p. 350. 2. Bhandarkar, D. R., Ancient Indian Numismatics, p. 53. 3. Agrawala, V.S, India as Known to Panini, p. 262. 4. NC. 2, p. 95. 5. NC. 3, p. 576. 6. Gopal, op. cit., p. 205. 7. NC. 2, p. 95. According to Motichandra, sabharagas were the pro-Islam mic coins known as Sabien coins.-Sce, LAI., p. 120. 8. NO. 2, p. 95. 9, NC, 2, P. 95; Br, VI. 4, p. 1069. 10. tehiM dohiM diviccagehiM ekko uttarApahako bhavati, tehiM ekko pADaliputtago NC. 2, p. 95; Brh. V:. 4, p. 1069.

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226 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI were equivalent to one of Pasaliputra.' This scheme may be cleary understood from the following table : Ruvaga Sabharaga or Diviccaga 2-Ruvaga Uttara pahaga l. Ruvaga Uttara pahaga 2=Ruvaga Padaliputtaga 1. Or Ruvaga Dakkhina pahaga 2=Ruvaga Kancipuri (Nelaka ) I. Ruvaga Kancipuri ( Nelaka) 2=Ruvaga Padaliputtaga I. The rivaga of Padaliputta was thus considered to be the standard money of the time. It is significant to note that the prices of all the articles in the NC. are given according to this standard of Padaliputtage money, 2 Among the copper coins (tammamaya) the na naka', kahavanat and kagini5 have been mentioned. At one place in the NC. kagini is explained as a silver coin which was popular in South India. In the commentary of the Bihatakal pa Bhasya n is mentioned as a copper coin common in south. The kugini, mentioned as smallest coin in the context of Samprati's coronation, however, must have been same as kakini which is mentioned by Kautilya as a copper coin equal to 1 of a copper karsapana.' Kahavanas are to be seen as coins of small denomination lo and these must have been same as the copper karsa panas.11 Besides, mention has been made of a 1. dakkhiNApahagA do rUpagA kaMcipurIe ekko Nelao bhavati, nelako rUpakaH, sa nelao TOT E THYTTt Hafal-Ibid. 2. 347777 69774AIUET STETTAEFAT TETT7-NC. 2, p. 95. 3. ali 1 01101i qae fa--NC. 3, p. 111; Bih. Vr. 2, p. 573. 4. NC. 3, p. 173. 5. NO. 2, p. 362; NC. 3, p. 111. 6. FEI fua filtruitech-NC. 3, p. 111, 7. I AT 710796 @afegd, 791-zfiqh fillefioit-Brh. Vr. 2, p. 573. 8. 3 fefTot yrit, ut prata Farfetfu--NC. 2, p. 362. 9. Arthasastra, p. 95; Uttara. Ti. 7. 11, p. 118. 10, NO. 3, p. 173. 11. The copper karsa pana was the standard money from slightly before the rise of the Mauryas to at least the beginning of the Gupta supromacy, i. e. for upward of 600 years.-Bhandarkar, D. R., Lectures on Indian Numismatics, p. 88.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS 227 leather coin ( cammalato ) or to the coins issued by king Vammalata (Dhanamalata' according to another reading ) which were used in Bhillamala. In the commentary on the Bihtakal pa Bhasya, however, it's variation is to be found in dramma, which is mentioned as a famous silver coin.2 Besides, cowries (kavad? daga, varadaga ) were also used in buying and selling the commodities.3 Fa-hien* as well as Yuan Chwang5 noted that cowries were used as media of exchange. Sulaiman, the Arab traveller who visited Gujarat in 851 A. D., also observed that 'shells are current in this region and serve for small money, notwithstanding that they have gold and silver.'6 Weights and Measures The four-fold classification of the trade articles clearly reveals that there was a class of articles which was to be weighed (dharima) by keeping on a weighing balance (tula),? while the others were measured (mejja) by a measure (mana).8 1. The current reading in the present edition of the NC. is GET THIS 777FATTTT (NC. 3, p. 111), But in one of the Mss. of the NC. the text runs : GET CSATO QFhat, while the press copy of the NC. prepared by Muni Punyavijaya reads as TET PACATS Tharat, which is quite unintelligible. It is difficult to decide any meaning with certainty. However, the first reading will show the existence of a leather coin, which has been mentioned in the Bhavabhavana (pt. II, p. 378, Bhavanagar, 1938 ) of Maladhari Hemcandra also. On the basis of the second reading Muni Kalyanavijaya has suggested that it refers to the coins issued by king Vammalata during the 7th century whose inscriptions are to be found near Vasantagagh.--Prabandha Parijata, pp. 18-19. 2. The ar florati Hafa, 41--f CSATA: Bih. Vr. 2, p. 573. 3. $TETTI farsifat-NC. 3, p. 111; Bih. V . 2, p. 573. 4. Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms, p. 43. 5. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 178; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 189-90, also II, p. 43. 6. Ras Mala, p. 45. 7. TH--TSIT aftesla-NC. 1, p. 144. 8. Hi Hidroj grytarfag Fifa-Ibid.

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228 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Prasthal was a famous measure of the time which was popular as kulava? in the Magadha visaya. The king decided proper weight and measures ( mana ) for his kingdom and those transgressing the rules were liable to be punished. The Vaniks, however, were clever in cheating the customers by using false weights (kudatula) and false measures (kudamana). Banking and Loans The banking facilities being not available in those days people either hoarded their money, underground (mihi nihana)5 or deposited it with the Vaniks. Money thus deposited was called nikkhevaga, and it was to be deposited after counting the money in the presence of a witness (sakkhi).' The system of depositing money with the Vaniks, however, was not very safe. Instances are to be found when the Vaniks appropriated the whole deposit (nikkhevaga),8 and the poor depositors could not even lodge a complaint against them. The Vaniks gave money to the people on loan (ina).* It was given after taking a written letter from the debtor in the presence of a witness or a surity (saksi, pratibhu).10 A heavy interest was charged from the debtors wbich meant doubling 1. NC. 1, p. 144; NC. 4, p. 331. 2. HIETIGHT Yt fi gianat NC. 4, p. 158. 3. jahA raNo appaNo rajje jaM mANaM pratiSThApitaM jo tato mANAto atiregamUlaM vA kareti HT 3777ret fraf-NC. 4, p. 331. 4. jaM vANiyagA parassa cavakhuvaceUNa mappakaM kareMti, kUDatulakUDamANehiM vA avaharaMti NG. I, p. 115. 5. foajor forat, fo feci Fairtai alangtalaciet:-NC. 3, p. 387. 6. NC. 2, p. 102. 7. NC. 3, p. 274. According to Mitaksara, mikse pas were the deposits counted in the presence of the depository, while nyasas were the deposits handed over in the absence of the head of the house. -Gopal, op. cit., p. 177. 8. fc a a aforament estat fugeasi fuffeti sahabat zaaafd-NC. 1, P. 102. 9. NC. 3, pp. 263, 394. 10. E Fireft afaz atah-NC.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS the amount (duguna) every day.1 The debtors being unable to repay the debt were severely treated by the Vaniks, and physical pressure such as beating with whips and lashes was also used to receive the money back. The debtors unable in repaying the debts were usually made to work as slaves." Sometimes, however, the creditors relieved the debtors after receiving only the partial payment of the debt.* 229 1. NC. 3, p. 394, also p. 340. 2. jhaMjhaDiyA riNe adijja'te vaNiehiM agapagArehiM duvtrayaNehiM jhaDiyA jhaMjhaMDiyA, latAkafear-NC. 3, p. 270. antefe a 3. NC. 3, p. 263. See supra-Slaves and Servants. 4. addhapadatte dANeNa tosieNa dhaNieNa visajjito, "pabhu" tti dhaNito, savvammi adinne teNa visajjito pavvAvijjati - NC. 3, p. 270.

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CHAPTER-VI EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE Life in the monasteries was indicative of the perpetual studenthood and the Jaina monks and nuns residing therein may be compared with the Naisthika Brahmacarins of the Vedic agel who had taken recourse to education for their spiritual salvation. The system of education thus revealed from the NC. is mainly the one as practised in the Jaina monasteries of the time although the Brahmanic institutions like the Gurukulas have also been occasionally referred to.2 Mention has also been made of the Lehasalasor schools which mainly flourished as the centres of primary education. The existence of three distinct types of institutions, viz. Monastic schools (Jaina ), Brahmanic schools (Gurukulas ) and the Lekhasalas, is thus to be seen from the text.. Besides, the Buddhist universities like Nalanda and Valabhr of the time must have also been the prominent centres of learning, as can be judged from the contemporary accounts of Yuan Chwang 1. They were the male and female students observing life long celibacy to devoto their time entirely to religion and education for their spiritual salvation.--Altekar, A. S., Education in Ancient India, p. 91. 2. NC. 3, pp. 294, 412, 434. 3. NC. 1, p. 15. 4. For details regarding these three types of institutions sce-Dasgupta, D. C., Jaina System of Education, p. 8. 5. Yuan Chwang, during his visit to Valabhi, noted that it bad about 100 Buddhist monasteries with 6000 Brethern adherents of the Hinayana Sammatiya school. He also refers to the famous Buddhist Acarya Sthiramati Gunamati who resided outside the town.--Watters, op. cit., II, p. 246; Bcal, op. cit., II, pp. 206, 268.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 231 and I-Tsing.1 No such Buddhist institutions, however, have been mentioned in the text; those will be thus excluded from the following discussion. Below, an account is given of the salient features of the system of education as practised in the Jaina monasteries and other institutions, i. e. the Brahmanic institutions and the lekhasalas as reflected in the NC. Jaina System of Education Preceptor to impart education was thought as necessary entity for the spiritual enlightenment of the individual by the Jaina as well as the Brahmanic authorities. It was believed : "As the existing objects could not be seen in the absence of light, similarly the abstruse meaning of the scriptural texts could not be comprehended unless it was made to discern by an able preceptor."* "As a potter shaped different vessels out of the same clay, the preceptor by the dint of his spiritual insight was capable of imparting varied explanation to the scriptural texts", . and further the entire study of the sacred lore depended on the preceptor.95 The mere statement that "preceptor and parents are the greatest benefactors (paramovakarin)"6 implies that towards the master the highest reverence was to be displayed by the pupil. 1. I-Tsing observed : "Thus instructed by their teachers and instructing others they pass two or three years, generally in Nalanda monastery in Central India or in the country of Valabbi in Western India." Takakusu, op. cit., p. 177. 2. Prasamarati, V. 69; Kathopanisad, II. 9. 3. NC. 4, p. 30. 4. jahA egAto piMDAo kulAlo aNege ghaDAdirUve ghaDeti evaM Ayario egAo suttAo 3Tota 3774fetto Gafa I-Ibid. 5. Tacial HOJTAT zaif to uforutla-NC. 4, p. 36. Cf. Kapadia, H. R., "The Jaina System of Education'', JUB., Vol. 8, 1939-40, pp. 193-959. 5. greuthi 47311 fare aig ag qfarIITTEET VNC. 3, p. 34; Bih. V!. 5, p. 1455. Compare Visnusmrti ( 31. 1-2) where the father, mother and preceptor are collectively styled as atigurus or supreme worthics.

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232 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Teachers and Their Qualifications Acarya ( ayariya ) was the senior-inost authority in the Church and he was assisted by Upadhyaya ( uvajjhaya ) in his work of education of the monks. He alone had the right to initiate the monks and was ultimately responsible for their maintenance of the code of conduct. Since the Acarya beld the highest office of the church, it demanded an ideal display of conduct. A standard of progress achieved in the spiritual field was a necessary must and caste or age was of no significance. Contrary to the Brahmanic injunctions we here find a conglomeration of teachers belonging to the lower catses (jatihina )2 which sometimes resulted in the concealment of the names of such teachers by their ungrateful disciples. 8 Such disciples are mentioned as unworthy of being taught and are supposed to be divested of achieving higher bliss in the present life or the ones to come. Even a king was to offer due regards to a teacher of the low caste if he desired to learn from him. 5 To be fit for the position of an Acarya, a monk was judged by his spiritual progress or the spiritual age. Physical or material age was insignificant. The old monks (parinayavaya) are sometimes seen as accepting the discipleship of the young Acaryas (tarunayariya) who might be of the age of their sons or grandsons (putta-nattua-samana). These young Acaryas were 1. 34feitasata gfaET FEAT HTETI -NC. 3, p. 35. 2. rafizi agresit afatit-NC. 3, p. 4. a haf i sagtuite--NC. 3, p. 2. 3. aut et FRA HTTE FACT # 21... vaig ar ETOATT I zyat an Dougla - NC. 1, p. 12. 4. armurette for at EARSTE at uifTFICATOR_Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Fifa het aftur a31 TF filta qoftaal 3TOUur Houfa_-"TETT esa tava guru tumaM ca pariNayavao, Nesa Ayariya sIsasaMjogo jujjati, kahaM putta-Nattua. HATUFE E faraf ?-NC. 3, p. 35.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 233 sometimes sarcastically called dahara (small child ) by the opponent Acaryas. Describing the various classes of the Buddhist teachers I-Tsing also mentions one as Cha-ga-ra, i. e. dahara, which has been translated as a small teacher.2 Caste or age was thus insignificant factor for holding the office of an Acarya in the Buddhist and Jaina order. Apart from the spiritual and moral qualifications, the Acarya was required to be well-versed in scriptures, and a good exponent of the texts of his own sect and those of others. 8 The Sutras he had learnt by heart and was at a stage where he understood their meaning. Practical knowledge he acquired by extensive visits to the various regions. Instances have been brought to the notice where the. Acaryas aspiring for higher stages of spiritual plane handed over their disciples to the other Acaryas and themselves took up the discipleship a s students once again.* Students Caste or creed was no bar for a student to get admission to Jaina Church. A conglomeration of students from all walks of life was thus to be found. Basically a high moral standard was desired of the students. Only deserving (patta) ones were to be taught and the Acarya teaching an unworthy (apatta ) student was severely condemned for displaying wrong sense of judgement towards the selection of his pupils.6 The following were considered as unworthy students (apatta): "a babbler or one who grumbles over petty things (timtiniya ), a fickle-minded person ( calacitta ), one who changes his Acarya or Gana frequently ( gananganiya ), one of low moral 1. Ibid. 2. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 104. 3. 3714fait Falafhen 196901-NC. 1, p. 22. 4. Britaifa utafAT Eqtisfa-NC.4, p. 96. 5. Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 2. 6. NC. 4, p. 261.

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234 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI character ( dubbalacaritta ), one who speaks ill of his Acarya (ayariya-paribhast ), one who goes against the instructions of his Guru or Acarya (vamavatta ), one who is a backbiter ( pisuna ), one who is not devoted, and the one who hides the name of his Acarya."8 Patra ( worthy ), on the other hand, did not possess the drawbacks mentioned in case of the unworthy student (a patta). * The master was duty-bound to teach the deserving students without any distinction or prejudice. An Acarya was refrained from witholding any knowledge from a patra and was subjected to severe criticism if he did so.6 Code of conduct as prescribed by the teacher was to be strictly followed by the student after being initiated to the Jaina Church. The disciple was always to occupy a seat lower than his Acarya,? serve him personally, e. g. carrying the Acarya's broom or stick,6 always addressing him with folded hands and touching his feet. The Acarya, on the other hand, was required to guide the disciple on the right times regarding his code of conduct and was liable to be punished if he failed in his duty to guide his disciple.10 Routine for Study Monks were to pursue their studies at proper time. It was believed that studies conducted at an appropriate hour of the day lead to the knowledge required for salvation, 11 otherwise 1. NC 4, pp. 255-61; also N. Bha. 6198. 2. NO. 4, p. 259. 3. NO. 4, p. 260. 4. ga fafafoniet Til, gaf feeHa! o qraf_NC. 4, p. 261. 5. NC. 4, pp. 263-64. 6. NC. 4, pp. 261-62. 7. NC. 1, p. 9. 8. NC. 1, p. 10. 9. NC. 4, p. 88. 10. 37FR 347112afa TFFH f t-NC. 3, p. 45. 11. Get out fq faro BfFFALO FOIFFUTET Hafd-NC. 1, p. 7.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 335 it was itself a cause of bondage. Among the Jaina scriptures, the Kalika Sruta ( Kaliya-suya ) was meant to be studied during the first and the last porisi (Skt. prahara--the eighth section of the day) of day and night', while the Ukkalika (Ukkaliya ) could be studied at anytime except the kalavela 2 ( the time when the studies were not to be pursued).' In the study of the Kalika Sruta also the first pori sa was reserved for learning the Sutras and was known as sutta-porise, while the meaning of the Sutras was to be learnt during the attha-porisi." The scriptural study of the Jaina monks thus amounted to three hours during day and night, and the monks in normal circumstances had to conduct their studies at the prescribed hours. During the unusual circumstances, however, the studies of the Jaina monks were to be suspended, and those conducting the studies during the time of suspension (asajjhayaasvadhyaya)5 were subjected to severe punishment. Curriculum and Existing Literature of the Jainas The curriculum mainly consisted of the Jaina scriptures although the subjects like grammar, mathematics, astrology, astronomy, logic, the science of omens (nimitta-sastra ) etc. were invariably taught in the Jaina as well as the Brahmanic institutions of the time. The Jaina Acaryas, as noted before, were the masters of the scriptural texts of their own religion and also those of the others. Frequent observations are noticeable in which the householders accept to give shelter to the Jaina monks on condition that the subjects like astrology (joisa ), the science of omens ( nimitta ), prosody ( chamda ), 1. NC. 4, p. 228. 2. Jaafadi Hoare data do HI-NC. 1, p. 7. 3. Firmaet-foferte raraata:-Sabda-kalpa-druma, p. 110; Abhidhana Ra jendra Kosa, Vol. III, p. 493. 4. NC. 1, p. 6; also NC. 1, p. 37. 5. For rules regarding asvadhyaya sec--NC. 4, pp. 224-48: 6, NC. 1, p. 21.

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236 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI mathematics ( ganiya ), grammar (vagarana ) and the art of writing would be taught by them. 1 There is an instance when a monk requests his Acarya to explain him the Chedasutras, for he had forgotten the portion of the Chedasutras being involved in the study of grammar ( sadda, vigarana ) and the Hetusastra of Aksapada, i. e. the Nyaya system of Indian philosophy.2 The accounts of Yuan Chwang and I-Tsing also reveal that these various sciences were widely mastered by the Jainas, the Brahmins and the Buddhists of the time. According to Dasgupta, the monastic university of the Jainas had three sections-Jaina scriptures, Vedic study and Arts." It is, however, beyond cognition as to how the latter two were imparted to the students in the Jaina monastic universities. Curriculum in the Jaina monasteries depended on the specific period of initiation ( diksa-paryaya ). The NC. does not enlighten us on the curriculum followed at a particular stage. It only mentions that the advanced texts of the canon ( uvarilla ) were to be taught after the monks had mastered the primary texts ( hetthilla ).5 The rules of the monastic life, which comprised the initial part of the canon, was taught first and the texts dealing with the exception to rules (avavada) were disclosed to a monk only after he had reached a certain stage of development in the spiritual field. Ayara, the first Anga of the Jaina canon, consisted of the nine ajjhayanas, each known as Bambhacera and was appended with 1. jati joisa nimittaM chaMdaM gaNiyaM vA amhaM kahessaha aNNaM vA kiM ci pAvasuttaM vAgaraNAdi NC. 4, p. 36. 2. saddetti vyAkaraNaM, hetusatthaM akkhapAdAdi, evamAdi ahijjato chedasuttaM NisIhAdi Na NC. 4, p. 88. 3. According to Yuan Chwang,children at the age of seven were regularly taught five sciences among the Buddhists, viz. Science of grammar, skilled professions, astrology, medicine and the sicnece of eternal.-- Watters, op. cit., 1, pp. 154-55; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 78-79. 4. Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 15. 5. NC. 4, p. 252. 6. &feat 3Fgar af staten gaffect 3faatagal 1-Ibid.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 237 five Calas.1 of these the Ayara along with the first four Culas could be taught at anytime, but the fifth one, i. e. Ayarakappa or Nisitha, was to be taught only after three years of initiation to the monkhood.' This rule was effective for all the Chedasutras. It can be thus deduced that the monks have mastered the Ayara and its first four Culas during the first three years of their initiation. Among the other scriptural texts the Dasaveyaliya was to be taught after the monk had mastered the Avassaga and the Uttarajjhayana after learing the Dasaveyaliya. This rule also implied in case of the various sections like anga, suyakhandha, ajjhayana and uddesaga of a particular text, the method of teaching being the one in which the former preceded the latter. * The texts dealing with carananuyoga (i. e. Kaliya-suya or the eleven Angas ), dharmanuyoga (I sibha siya etc.), ganiyanuyoga ( Sarapannatti etc.) and dravyanuyoga (Ditthivaya ) were also to be taught in the manner stated above. Apparently the Jaina Acaryas and the monks residing in the monasteries during these centuries were so intimately aware of the curriculum that the author considered it insignificant to give specific details of the texts which were to be studied at a particular stage. 1. NO. 1, p. 2. 2. NC. 1, p. 3. 3. jahA dasaveyAlissAvassagaM heTiThallaM, uttarajjhayaNANa dasaveyAliyaM helliM , evaM NeyaM NC. 4, p. 252. 4. Ibid. 5. NC. 4, p. 253. 6. Some of the Jaina texts specifically prescribe the curriculum which was to be followed at a specific stage. In all a period of twenty years was required for becoming a Srutajnani or Srutakevalin and the scriptural study of the monk was to start after a period of three years of his initiation. According to Vidhimargaprapa (p. 48) of Acarya Jinaprabha Suri (1306 A.D.), a monk was to be taught Ayara pakappa after three years of his initiation, Suyagada was to be taught during the 4th, Dasa, Kabpa and Vavahara in the 5th, Thana and Samavaya in the 8th, Bhagavai in the 10th, Khuddiyavimana etc. in the 11th,

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238 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Method of Education Education imparted to the monks was called sikkha and it was to be acquired by a labourious process. Education of the monks was two-fold: (i) gahana-sikkha and (ii) asevana-sikkha.1 In the commentary on the Visesavasyaka Bhasya (p. 9, v. 7) by Maladhari Hemacandra the gahana-sikkha is explained as the study of the Sutras or committing them to memory ( gahana ).2 This was followed by the study of its artha (meaning) for a period of twelve years." The education was considered complete only when the monk had understood the Sutras thoroughly. Five-fold Study For a thorough understanding and retention of the scriptural lore to memory, a five-fold system of study (sajjhaya*svadhyaya) was practised by the Jainas. These were: (i) vayana-teaching of the text by an Acarya or learning one's lesson, (ii) pucchana--questioning the teacher in order to clear one's doubts, (iii) pariyattana-repetition, (iv) anuppehameditation or thinking intently and (v) dhammakaha-religious discourses or imparting religious sermons.5 Arunovavaya etc. in the 12th, Utthanasuya etc. in the 13th, Asivisabhavana, Ditthivisabhavana, Caranabhavana, Mahasuminabhavana and Teyanisagga from 14th to 18th and Ditthivaya in the 19th, and thus the monk mastered the whole canon in a period lasting over twenty years.--Vide, Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, Vol. 1, intro. pp. 38-39. 1. sA sikkhA duvihAAsevaNasikkhA gahaNasikkhA ya / - NC 3, p. 251.; Bh. V. 2, P. 257. 2. tatra dvAdaza varSANi yAvata sUtraM tvayA'dhyetavyamityupadezo grahaNazikSA, AsevanAzikSA tu pratyupekSaNAdikriyopadezaH / 3. Ibid. 4. NC. 1, p. 18; Tattvarthadhigamasutra, IX. 25, Umasvati's Bhasya 1, p. 259. 5. sajjhAetti vAyaNA pucchaNA pariyaTTaNA aNuppehA dhammakA ya - NC. 1, p. 18.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 239 Method of Oral Transmission From the above mentioned method of two-fold education ( sikkha) and five-fold study ( sajjhaya ), it may be deduced that the monks after finishing their education must have orally transmitted their sacred lore down the generations. The art of writing ( livi ) was not unknown but it was never allowed or appreciated as far as the religious lore was concerned. The frequent use of the word vayana ( Skt. vacana-lecture )i and the class of teachers known as vayana-yariya ( those who give lectures ) 2 also justify to the same fact. The monks are mentioned as becoming learned ( bahussuya ) by listening to the sermons imparted by the Guru.3 The Acaryas can be seen getting tired after giving lectures to their disciples. Various references in the text and the contemporary accounts of Yuan Chwang5 and I-Tsinge confirm to the fact that the method of oral transmission was practised in the Jaina, Brahmanic as well as the Buddhist institutions of the time. Writing and Books The system of oral transmission prevailed in case of the sacred lore, but the art of writing ( livi ) was freely used for 2. Hel. 1, p. 12 3. TIT TEFT311 FTTTNC. 4, p. 88. 4. 319freit acumftfrial-NC. 1, p. 11. 5. Describing the activities of the great Brahmana teachers Yuan Chwang remarks: "when disciples intelligent and accute are addicted to idle shirking the teachers doggedly perserved repeating instruction until their training is finished" (Watters, op. cit., I. p. 160). Stress on repetition of instruction noted by Yuan Chwang suggests that oral system of imparting knowledge was predominant (Saletor, R. N., Life in the Gupta Age, p. 100 ). 6. Regarding the Brahmanic practice of imparting knowledge I-Tsing remarks: "In India there are two traditional ways in which one can attain great intellectual power. Firstly by repeatedly committing to memory the intellect is developed, secondly the alphabets fixed one's ideas." --Takakasu, op. cit., pp. 182-83. 7. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 222.

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240 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI secular purposes. Frequently we find the royal charters being reduced to writing1 and the young men and women writing love letters to convery their feelings.2 In spite of these injunctions, expansion of the canon and a degeneration in the retentive capacities during the later centuries forced the Jaina Church to allow the monks to keep the manuscripts for the preservation of their sacred lore. The NC. clearly allows the Jaina preceptors and monks to keep any of the five varieties of the books (potthaga panaga ) or manuscripts pertaining to the Kaliya-suya in case they were incapable of remembering (gahana) and retaining (dharana) the whole scriptural lore.* The following five kinds of books have been mentioned in the NC. : (i) ganlipotthaga or books square ( cauramsa ) in shape, (ii) kacchavi or those wide at the centre and tapering at the ends, (iii) mutthi or books square ( cauramsa ) or circular ( vitta ) in form and four fingers in length, (iv) sampudapha. laga or books made by stitching the leaves at the centre aod (v) chevadi or those made with thin leaves (tanupatta ) which were longer in length and smaller in breadth.5 A general use of these books was not allowed to the Jaina monks on the ground that they easily gave rise to the killing of small insects and thus went against their vow of non-killing (ahimsa). It is, however,clear that these books were kept by the Jaina Acaryas and monks, especially the higher works of the canon, although their knowledge was orally imparted to the students. Special Facilities for Higher Studies Due attention was paid by the monasteries to enrich and enhance the knowledge of the students with a view to 1. NO. 4, p. 10. 2. NO. 2, pp. 385-86. 3. See-N. Bha. 3999 ( NC. 3, p. 320 ). 4. mehAu gahaNadhAraNAdiparihANi jANiUNa kAli suyaTThA kAliyasuyaNijjuttiNimittaM vA Treatqui acara --NC. 3, p. 324. 5. NC. 3, pp. 320-21; NC. 2, p. 193; Byh. V!. 4, p. 1054. 6. "yft" for TIEYTTt u only for this agatataarat facsi-NC. 3, p. 321.

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16 EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 241 preserve the distinguished works from becoming extinct. The author firmly believes that after learning from one's own Acarya, the monk should accept the discipleship of the other Acarya of the same region and ultimately proceed to visit the other regions for the sake of higher learning. Sometimes the Acaryas themselves not being well-versed in a particular branch of knowledge used to send their disciples to another Acarya who was more versed in that particular branch of knowledge.2 Monks aspiring to master the difficult texts like the Hetusattha or Govimdanijjutti are seen accepting the discipleship of the other Acaryas. While engaged in the study of the distinguished works like Sammadi or Siddhvinicchiya,5 which glorified the philosophy of the Jainas (damsana-pabhavaga-sattha), monks were allowed to deviate in exceptional cases and were not subjected to any expiatory penances for deviating from the general rules. 6 They were even allowed to go to a verajja ( vairajya ) in order to acquire the knowledge of these damsana-pabhavaga-satthas from an Acarya who was well-versed in such distinguished works. It is evident that the monastic authorities were very keen to ensure that all possible facilities were provided to the monks studying the works of high order." 1. mA taM muttatthaM vocchijjatu tti - NC. 3, p. 202. 2. NC. 4, p. 75. 3. hetu sattha- goviMdaNijjuttA diyaThA uvasaMpajjati - NC 4, p. 96. 4. NC. 3, p. 202; NC. 1, p. 162. Sammadi mentioned in the NC. is same as the Sanmatitarka-prakarana,a book on logic written by Siddhasen: Divakara in the 6th century A. D.-See infra, Jaina Literature. 5. NC. 1, p. 162. Akalanka (c. 625-75 A.D.) has also written a book named Siddhiviniscaya. But, according to certain scholars, Siddhiviniscaya mentioned in the NC, is different from the Siddhiviniscaya of Aka lanka and was written by Acarya Sivaswami.-See Siddhiviniscaya, introduction, p. 53; Sanmatitarka, introduction, p. 4. 6. dasaNapamAvagANi satyANi siddhiviNicchiya- sammatimAdigeNhaMto asaMtharamANo jaM akappiya paDisevati - NC. 1, p. 162. 7. ato taggahaNaTyAe kappati verajjaviruddhaM saMkamaNaM kAuMNC. 3, p. 202. 8. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 244.

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242 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Vada or Debates The ability of a Jaina monk was tested in the active religious disputations or tournaments which were a constant feature of the literary life of the day. The highest aspiration of a monk was to be bestowed with the title of Vadian? which was bestowed on a monk who came out successfully in a literary affray where he was to defend his own religion from the active onslaughts of the rivals.2 1ada or debates were usually conducted before an assembly of the learned scholars ( Vadi-parisad ) and were presided over by the king or the Mahajanas of the state. A story narrated in the NC. mentions a Jaina monk to have defeated his Buddhist opponent in a literary affray held in the king's court.* Very often the contestants to these debates tried to influence the king or the state-authorities to gain their support. The Jaina monks while going for a contest in the Vadi-parisad were allowed to take bath and wear pure white clothes so as to keep up the prestige of their preceptor and faith. The individuals defeated in Vada were usually made to accept the discipleship of the rival victor, while the king mostly patronised the faith of the victor being influenced by his religious tenets.? Sometimes, however, the defeated monks accepted the discipleship of the rival with a view to grasp the inlets of his teachings (siddhanta-harana) and later defeated him in an open contest.8 The tradition of conducting the religious 1. Et rogiquot 3751311_NC. 1, p. 22. 2. Taifaut at af ara fa ONC. 3, p. 37. 3. je tattha paMDiyA vAdiparisaM ca geNhati...te raNNo mahAjaNassa vA purato Niruttare kareti NC. 4, p. 88. 4. NO. 3, p. 325. 5. NC. 2, p. 233. 6. vAdino vAdiparSadaM gacchato-AcAryasya atizayamiti kRtvA desasnAnaM sarvasnAnaM vA NC. 2, p. 86. 7. NC. 3, p. 325. 8. In this context example is cited of the Govinda Vacaka or Govinda Ajja, the famous author of Govindanijjutti, who after being defeated

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 243 disputations is largely supported by the contemporary sources. Yuan Chwang' as well as I-Tsingemphatically" speak of such fiery affrays where the Buddhists, the Brahmins and the Jainas all tried to prove the superiority of their own faith. King Siladitya of Valabhi is also mentioned to have presided over one such literary affray held between Mallavadin and Buddhananda.s Keeping in view the above factors it can be concluded that the aim of education in the Jaina monasteries during these centuries were directed to produce scholarly monks with keen forensic power who could expound the tenets of their faith with a view to prove its supremacy before the rulers of the state and the public. Brahmanic Institutions's Education in the Gurukulas A detailed account of the Brahmanic institutions is not available from the text, yet a few references in the text reveal them to be the most prominent agencies of learning among the non-Jaina sections of society. Apart from the individual Brahmana teachers who imparted the sacred lore to the younger generation, there also existed the Brahmanic institutions known as Gurukulas. Similar to the Jaina monasteries the students of these institutions were to stay with their preceptor ( gurukulava sa )5 for a number of years for acquiring the sacred lore and an ideal conduct. eighteen times in a debating contest accepted the discipleship of his rival for being able to understand his tenets. --NC. 4, pp. 265-66. 1. Yuan Chwang noted that during such debating contests "the tenets of these schools keep these isolated, and controversy runs high." Watters, op. cit., I, p. 162. 2. I-Tsing describes the House of debate where the literary tournaments were held. He further remarks that those who emerge victorious the sound of their fame makes the five mountains of India vibrate and their renown flows, as it were over the four borders.--Takakusu, op. cit., p. 178. 3. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 246. 4. NC. 3, pp. 294, 412, 434. 5. NC. 3, p. 412; Yasasti laka, p. 26. 6. " fa"--BTCT faharaftada TTT: AFRS 1144 date:--NC. 3, p. 412.

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244 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI .: Some of the Gurukulas were renowned for their high standard of learning (visittha-gurukula) and the students trained at such centres were thought to have been the infallible masters in performing the sacrificial rites. 1 Bana also informs us that "besides mastery in the Vedas, the student had to display earnestness in learning the art of sacrifice."2 The Vedic studies during this time must have comprised the fourteen vijjas, as a learned Brahmana is mentioned to have mastered the fourteen vijjas. The fourteen vidyas have been frequently referred to in the contemporary literature. The Uttaradhyayana Curni enumerates them as the four Vedas, six Vedangas, Mimamsa, Nyaya, Purana and Dharmasastra.5 The Brahmanic law-givers also describe the same fourteen vidyas.6 Apart from this scriptural lore, the other subjects would also have been taught to the students in the Brahmanic institutions, The NC., however, does not enlighten us regarding the nature of their studies. Lehasala ( Lekhasala ) Apart from the Jaina and Brahmanic institutions, the existence of the Lehasalas ( lekhasalas)' is also revealed from the text which must have imparted primary education to the children. The Lehasalas were usually situated in the vicinity of the houses or village from where the students could come home to take their meals during the recess (bhoyanakala). 1. avitahaM puNa kiriyaM kareMto Najjati jahA-"visiTTe gurukule vAsio vA sikkhio 1-NC. 3, p. 412. 2. Harjacarita, p. 11. 3. Col I HETI TEAKTREMYRTINC. 3, p. 92. 4. Raghuvansa, v. 21. 5. Uttaradhyayana Curni 3, p. 596. 6. See-Upadhyay, B. S., India in Kalidasa, p. 274. 7. Elfa DHM NO. 1, p. 15. This type of institution has been mentioned as Arts schools or Writing-schools by Dasgupta.-Op. cit., p. 13. 8. Hueros prato NC. 1, p. 15.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 245 The commentary on the BIhatkal pa Bhasya explains the Lekhasala as Darakasala or schools where the children (darakah) studied during the day time, 1 The Lekhasalas or livisalas have been mentioned in the various Jaina and Buddhist texts. The teachers in these schools were known as "Darakacarya or Lehavariya. 2 Mention of the phrase 'grasping the alphabets like a child's in the text perhaps points towards the ceremony of learning the alphabets ( aksarasvikarana ) which was by now exalted to the status of a ritual and was performed at the age of five or six. + It is nowhere specifically stated as to what formed the curriculum in these primary institutions. Elementary knowledge of the subjects, however, must have been imparted to the students. Mention has been made of the seventy-two arts beginning with writing ( leha ) and ending with the 'notes of birds ( saunaruya ), which constituted the field of education. The early Jaina and Buddhist texts specifically describe these 72 Arts to have been mastered by princes and heroes like Mahavira, Buddha, prince Meha, the son of Seniya Bimbisara, Goyama and the prince of Baravai, in such 1. aroma:- Fored that tana: 987 AT CIATa der :-Brh. Vt. 3, p. 829. 2. Lalitavistara, Ch. X; Avasyaka Curni, p. 199. See also-Altekar, op. cit, p. 178. 3. fex fe fe ha 37CR STIEFHE_NC. 4, p. 36; Brh. Vt. 4, p. 437. 4. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 265-68. 5. Tell me H307617557TATUT ara el tratait fafar_NC. 3, p. 272; Bih. V1.1, p. 79. Two different lists of the 72 arts are found in the Jaina texts, one beginning with writing (leha ) and ending with the Bird's cries ( saunaruya ), as is to be found in the Antagadadasao and Anuttarovavaiyadasao (tr. by L. D. Barnett, pp. 30-31 ) and the other may be seen in the Prabandhakosa of Rajasckhara which starts with writing and ends with the rule of Kevalins ( Prabandhakosa, vol. 1, p. 28; scc also-Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 75 ). The author of the NC. evidently follows the first tradition which starts from writing and ends with the notes of birds, or bird's crics.

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246 A CULTURAL-STUDY.OF THE NISITHA CURNI primary, institutions.1 Mention of these 72 Arts in our text: seems to be traditional, although, most of these arts like writing, arithmatic, dancing, music, instrumental music etc. were regularly practised by men and women in society. Literature The existing literature as revealed from the NC. may be divided into two groups--(i) religious literature and (ii) secular literature. The former again may be classified under two sections : (i) Jaina literature and (ii) Brahmanic literature which includes the ancient Vedic literature also. Jaina Literature It is a well-known fact that the first redaction of the Jaina canon had taken place in the Valabhi council held under the presidentship of Devardhi Gani Ksamasramana in 513 or 526 A. D. (V. E. 980 or 993 ).: The Jaina canon during this time consisted of the twelve Angas, twelve Upangas, ten Prakirnakas, six Chedasutras, Nandi and Anuyogadvara, and four Mulasutras. The author being a learned Jaina preceptor is well-versed in the canon from where he widely quotes. A detailed discussion on the various passages cited from these works is not possible, and it will suffice to say that among the Angas the Ayara, *. Suyagada, 5 Bhagavai,. Panhava 1. The teachers of Arts trained prince Meha, and taught him 72 Arts. --Ardhamagadhi Reader. (tr. by Banarasi Das Jaina ), p. 101; Anta. gadadasao and Anuttarovavaiyadasao / tr. by Barnett, pp. 30-31 ). The Jatakas refer to 72 -Arts which were mastered by Lord Buddha. -Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 4. 2. According to Dasgupta (op. cit., p. 5), "it was cus princes to receive their education in the arts or secular schools where the curriculum included 72 Arts." 3. LAI., p. 33. 4. NC. 9, p. 122. 5. NC. 1, p. 35; NC. 4, pp. 252, 264. 6. NC. 1, pp. 33, 79; NC. 2, p. 232.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 247 garanal and Ditthivaya,2 among the Upangas Surapannatti, Camdapannatti and Jambudivapannatti," and among the Prakirnakas Tamdulaveyaliya and Candavejjhagas have been specifically mentioned in the text. Apart from Nisiha the other four Chedasutras, i. e. Dasa, Kappa, Vavahara and Mahanisiha6 have been mentioned, while no mention is made of the 6th Chedasutra. The four Mulasutras, i, e. Uttar ajj hayana, Avassaya,& Dasaveyaliya and Pin lanijjuttilo or Ohanijjutti, 11 and the individual texts like Nandi and Anuyogadvara12 have been referred to. Mention has also been made of the Mahakappa-sutta as a work of very high order, the monks studying which could resort to exceptions to the rules. 18 "This was probably a Cheya sutta, but on that account it is not possible to identify it with any of the six wellknown Cheyasuttas."14 Besides the canonical literature, the other texts like Jonipahuda, 15 goni sam gaha, 16 Govindan sjutti17 and Samaiyanijjutti 18 have also been mentioned. The Sammati or Sammadi19 and 1. NC, 3, p. 83. 2. NO. 1, p. 4; NC. 3, p. 63; NC. 4, pp. 226, 253. 3. NC. 1, p. 31; NC. 4, pp. 253, 278. 4. NC. 1, p.31. 5. NC. 4, p. 235. 6. NC. 4, p. 304. 7. NC. 2, p. 238; NC. 4, p. 252. 8. NC. 2, p. 33; NC. 4, pp. 73, 103. 9. NC. 1, p. 218; NC. 2, p. 80; NC. 3, p. 280; NC. 4, pp. 252, 254. 10. NC. 1, pp. 132, 155; NC. 2, p. 249. 11. NC. 2, p. 439; NC. 3, pp. 40, 449, 450, 461. 12. NC. 4, p. 235. 13. NC. 2, p. 238; NC. 4, pp. 96, 224. 14. Kapadia, H. R., History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas, P. 102. 15. NC. 2, p. 281; NC. 3, p. 111. 16. NO. 3, p. 266. 17. NC. 3, pp. 212, 260; NC. 4, p. 98. 18. NC. 4, p. 103. 19. NC. 1, p. 162; NC. 3, p. 202.

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248 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Siddhivinicchiyal are mentioned as texts which glorified the religion and philosophy of the Jainas. The Sammati mentioned in the NC. is the same as Sanmati sutra, also known as Sanmatitarka or Sanmatiprakarana composed by Acarya Siddhasena Divakara in circa 550-600 A. D.2 It was a famous philosophical treatise which afforded a comparative study of the different Brahmanic and Buddhist systems of philosophy and their criticism from the Jaina point of view.s A controversy exists regarding the authorship of the Siddhivinicchiya. According to certain scholars, it should be identified with Siddhiviniscaya, the famous treatise composed by Akalanka. Its mention in the Nisitha Curni (A. D. 676 ) has been taken by these scholars as a deciding factor for determining the date of Akalanka. According to others, Siddhivinicchiya mentioned in the NC. was a composition of Acarya Sivaswami, and was different from the Siddhiviniscaya of Akalanka. It is, however, difficult to reach at any conclusion in the absence of proper evidences, Brahmanic Literature Vedas or Sruti--The ancient Vedic literature has been mentioned as Sruti or revealed literature. It must have comprised the four Vedas, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas and the Upanisads. The learned Brahmanas are described to have been versed in the four Vedas ( cauvejja ), and they had grasped the abstruse meaning of the Vedas ( Vedarahassa ).? Bana, 8 Yuan Chwang as well as I-Tsing also say that a regular impartation 1. NC. 1, p. 162. 2. Sec-Sanmati prakarana, Jnanodaya Trust, Ahmedabad. 3. Jain, J. P., Jain Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 164-66. 4. Ibid., p. 177. 5. See-Sanmatiprakarana, prcface p. 4; Siddhivinicchiya, preface p. 53. 6. NC. 3, p. 413; NC. 1, P. 103. 7. NC. 3, p. 527. 8. Hariacarita, p. 71. 9. Watters, op. cit, I, p. 159; Bcal, op. cit., 1, p. 79; sce also-Watters' remark on Yuan Chwang's account, pp. 157-61. Although Yuan

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 249 of the Vedic knowledge was made to the Brahmins. In the contemporary inscriptions of the Maitraka rulers the Brahmins are mentioned to have been the students of the different Vedas like the Samaveda and the Atharvaveda, 1 King Siladitya VII is also mentioned as anana-trayi, i.e. one who possesses the knowledge of three Vedas. Of the U pavedas, the Dhanurveda ( science of archery )and the Ayurveda (science of medicine ) were prominent. Vedangas-Among the Vedangas vagarana ( grammar ) and joisa ( astrology and astronomy) were the most popular. The science of grammar (vagar ana, saddas ) must have been mastered by all the sects alike. Although it has been mentioned as pavasutta? by our Jaina author, yet the various references in the text reveal a thorough mastery of the Jaina monks over the science of grammar. Differences of opinion regarding the various sutras or grammatical rules have been cited in the text.Bana,. Yuan Chwanglo and ITsingit all put a great stress on the science of grammar without which learning was of no account. A contemporary inscription from Valabhi also speaks of king Dhruvasena II as one versed in the grammar of Panini'. 12 Chwang clearly states that the Brahmanas learn 4 Veda treatiscs, yet his account of the Vedas and the topics they deal with is quite erroneous and confused. I-Tsing remarks : "Scriptures they rever are the four Vedas."Takakusu, op. cit., p. 182. 1. EI. XI, p. 112; IA. VII, p. 68. 2. "Alina Copper plate Inscription of Siladitya VII," CII. III, pp. 171. ff. 3. Hazug prie to PATEIKTO-NC. 3, p. 203. 4, NC. 2, p. 272. 5. NO. 4, p. 36. 6. E f i NC. 4, p. 88; NC. I, p. 12. 7. sour arrets fa qapi aircufa--NC. 4, p. 36. 8. NC. 1, p. 43. 9. Hars acarita, p. 71. 10. Watters, op. cit., 1, pp. 154-55; Bcal, op. cit., 1, pp. 78-79. 11. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 178. 12. CII. III, pp. 171 ff.

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250 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI foisa or gotisa ( Astrology and Astronomy ) It was of great practical importance to all the sects alike as the auspicious ceremonies were to be performed only at a time when the omens and portents were auspicious. Vivahapadala2 and Agghakalas are mentioned as treatises on astrology (joti sagartha ). The former explained proper time for conducting the marriages, while the latter revealed the proper time for entering into enterprises like trade and commerce. Chamda or prosody is specifically mentioned. Besides, a great stress on pada, matta, bindu etc. in the proper recitation of the Vedic as well as Jaina scriptural lores and the innumerable etymological derivations of the words mentioned in the text reveal the popularity of the other Vedangas, i. e. siksa (pronunciation ) and nirukta ( etymology). Smyti Literature--The later literature of the Brahmanas has been mentioned as Smstise which was especially mastered by them for learning the proper rules of the science of sacrifice ( homa ). Although none of the Smytis is specifically named in the text, yet some of the statements of the author, especially regarding the six duties of the Brahmanas ( sadkarma-nirata ) etc. are directly based on the Smrti of Manu. Epics--The great epics like Ramayana and Bharaha ( Mahabharata ) have been referred to as pavasutt as the study of which was prohibited to a Jaina monk. Validity of the various mythological stories of the Epics and the Puranas has been critically questioned by our Jaina author' which reveals that 1. NC. 4, p. 36; Watters, op. cit, 1, pp. 154-55. 2. faareserie taattle fareas af-NC. 3, p. 400. 3. 372hCaffe TE F# God affe-Ibid. 4. ganeuri TATTI ETI tela 91NC. 3, p. 399. 5. NO. 1, p. 12. 6. NO. 3, p. 412. 7. NC. 3, p. 415. 8. TU TEFAT PRE-TTATTURE Taga-NC. 3, p. 179. 9. NO. 1, pp. 103-4.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 251 these texts were widely read by the Jainas though with a view to question the validity of the theories prescribed therein. Philosophical Systems Among the various systems of Indian philosophy, mention has been made of the followers of Kapila, 2 Kanada or Uluka? and Akkhapada ( Aksapada ),s showing thereby the existence of the Samkhya, Vaisesika and Nyaya systems of Indian philosophy. I-Tsing also refers to the doctrines of the Sankhyas and Vaisesikas.* Nyaya or Tarka was the most popular subject mastered by all the sects of the time. The Hetusastra of Aksapada was studied even by the Jaina monks. The author gives proper explanations of the various technical terms of logic like the vada, jalpa and vitana;& this shows his deep knowledge of the subject. It seems that the different sects had their own individual texts for teaching the science of logic. Among the Jainas Govindanijjutti written by the famous dialectician Govinda was one such text.7 Mastery in logic was indeed practically essential for participating in the religious debates. Bana informs us that the students of the time had to participate in an old logic society8 where they evidently discussed the problems pertaining to the science of logic (Tarkasastra ). Secular Literature Besides this vast literature on religion (dharma ), there existed the texts dealing with attha ( artha ) and kama which were widely read by the cultured section of society. The 1. NC. 1, p. 15; NC. 3, p. 195. 2. NC. 1, p. 15. 3. NC. 4, p. 88. 4. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 2. 5. AY B UTTE-NC. 4, p. 88; Brh. V . 5, p. 1441. 6. NC. 2, p. 355. 7. NC. 3, pp. 212, 260; NC. 4, p. 96. 8. Harsacarita, p. 71. 9. Saletore, op. cit., p. 98.

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252 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI story-literature or kahas were of three types, viz. dhamma, attha, and kama.1 The dhammakahas included the tradition of the carita-kavyas which were usually written to eulogise the lifehistory of some religious hero or saint. The Vasudevacariya and Cedagakaha have been cited as the examples of the dhammakahas.2 Among the literature dealing with attha, Atthasattha has been mentioned, which seems to be the same as the Arthasastra of Kautilya. The works like Arghakadat were of great importance from the materialistic point of view, since they revealed proper time for venturing into trading or commercial enterprises. The literature on erotics (kama-kaha) was variously known as simgarakaha,' simgdrakavva, chaliya-kavva" etc. Setu8 and Itthivannaga' have been cited as examples of such literature. Setu should be the same as Setubandha, 1. the Prakrit poem of Pravarasena, perhaps composed in late 6th century A. D.11 The various forms of classical literature like the kaha ( katha ), akhatiya ( akkhyayika ) and akkhanaga ( akhyanaka ) 1. FACETHE T 3Tourant fa freeri1_NC. 4, p. 26, also pp. 251, 253, 399. 2. a qafuanifest371_NC. 4, p. 26; NC. 3, p. 251; also Bih. V1.3, p. 722. 3. seria" Per tal -NC. 3, p. 399. 4. NC. 4, p. 400. 5. Hreat TTTTTTTI FENTET op gehNC. 3, p. 253. 6. afin fotos a fiftieho qark-NC. 3, p. 251. 7. fic feft, first foutile 46Fel ?-Ibid., p. 399. 8. afh quot That grattaat-NC. 4, p. 26. 9. glaset ATITET ceftquure-NC. 3, p. 399. 10. Setubandha is attributed to Kalidasa by certain scholars (sec-ed. and trans. ty S. Goldschmieth, 1880-4 ), but according to later theory, it is to be excluded from the works of Kalidasa because of the difference in its style (Kieth, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 97 ). Bana in the beginning of Harsacarita refers to the pocm of Pravara sena, which must be the same as Setubandha (Kieth, op. cit., p. 316 ). 11. Stein, Rajatarangini, 1. 66, 84; also Kieth, op. cit., p. 97.

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EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE 253 have been referred to.1 The Naravahanadattakaha is cited as an example of kaha, while the Tarangavati, Malayavatis and Magadhasena have been mentioned as akkhatiya s.* This classification between kaha and akkhatiya shows that the author must have been aware of the existing difference between the two according to which the akhyayika was necessarily based upon certain historical theme, while the katha could be purely a fiction.5 Among the akkhanagas the Dhuttakkhanaga has been referred to from where the author largely quotes. The existence of these different forms of classical literature may be easily attested to from the works of the authors like Dandin, Bana and Subandhu who flourished in and around these centuries. 1, NC. 4, p. 26. 2. a E - TE F Y -NC. 2, p. 415; Bih. Vf. 3, p. 722. Nara vahapadatta is the hero of Gunadhya's Brhatkatha (see-Keith, op. cit., pp. 270-71 ). Perhaps it might have been a book written on the same theme. 3. NC. 4, pp. 26, 415; Bih. Vr. 3, p. 722. Tarangavati was written by Padalipta Suri in the third century A. D. The book is now lost to us, only its fragments are available.-Sce, Munshi, K.M., Gujarat and It's Literature. 4. Stupiai atradi, Tamil, T TY-NC. 2, p. 415. 5. For difference between Katha and Akhyayika-sce, Kieth, op. cit., PP. 376, 383. 6. 39@tout YORE NC. 4, p. 26. The Dhuttakkhanaga mentioned in the NC. may be different from the Dhurtakhyana of Haribhadra Suri written in the 8th century A. D.

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CHAPTER VII FINE ARTS Apart from being a great Jaina preceptor the author displays his intricate knowledge about the various fine arts of his time. His observations are not only methodical but critical too and his field covers architecture, sculpture, painting, music, dance and drama. Architecture Architecture from the dawn of civilization is co-related to human existence and can be attributed directly towards the progressive growth of the material culture of the people. The author of the NC. has elucidated many an architectural term in clear and simple definition. This information may be classified in two main sections-(i) Religious Architecture and (ii) Secular Architecture. Religious Architecture-Any architectural structure constructed in connection with religion or religious sentiments can be termed as religious architecture. It included various structures like cetiya ( caitya ), thubha ( stupa ), lena, thambha ( stambha ), devakula, devayatana, pratima glha etc. Cetiya or caitya was a distinctive feature of the Buddhist 1 1. Giving the Buddhist version regarding the origin of tho caityas I Tsing informs us that when the Great Teacher, the world honoured entered into Nirvana, and men and gods assembled together to burn his remains in the fire, people brought there all kinds of perfumes until they made a great pile which was called 'kiti' ( citi) meaning piling'. Derivod from this we have afterwards the name Kaitya ( Caitya )".Takakusu, op. cit., p. 121.

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FINE ARTS 255 and Jaina architecture. In the NC, we frequently find the monks as well as laymen going to visit the caityas and worshipping the deity there ( caitya-vamdana ).2 Two types of caityas are mentioned-caityas belonging to very ancient period (cirayatana ) and the caityas recently constructed ( abhinavakaya ).3 While various ancient caityas were existing during this time, the tradition of making new ones also continued. Mention has been made of the Bhandira Caitya of Mathura where the devotees used to visit from far and wide. Thabha or stupa was the earliest form of Jaina architecture and it has been defined as "a structure constructed with the heap of bricks".5 I-Tsing has also stated that "the stupas or the caityas were made by piling up of the bricks or earth.>>6 Mention has been made of the Devanirmita-stupa? (Godmade ) of Mathura as one of the most sacred places of worship during this time. Various contemporary Jaina authors like Haribhadra Suri (c. 7th century A.D.). Jinaprabha Suri and Harisena ( 932 A. D.) have also referred to the Devanirmitastupa of Mathura with different versions regardng its origin.8 Somadeva also refers to one Devanirmita-stupa at Mathura and states that "the shrine is still known by the name of Devanirmita, i. e. built by the gods" This Devanirmita-stupa appears to have been same as Vodava-stupa unearthed at Kankali Tila bearing an inscription 'Devanirmita' which has been 1. Scc-Jaina, J. P., Jain Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 234, also p. 237 2. NC. 2, p. 113. 3. aut ftrant 37goat ar ff01a1NC. 2, P, 134; Brh. V!. 3, p. 776. 4. NO. 3, p. 366. 5. SETTIERIT for TH 006-NC. 2, p. 225. 6. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 121. 7. ayete aaruit TH-NC. 3, p. 79; Byz. Vr. 5, p. 1536. 8. Shah, U. P., Studies in Jaina Art, p. 4. 9. avatar anita agafaTTE T -Yasastilaka, p. 315; Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 43.

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256 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI assigned the date A. D. 156. According to Furher, "the stupa was so ancient at the time when inscription was incised that its origin had been forgotten"2 Lena was a temple ( devakula ) built upon the relics of the saints. Stambhas (thambhas) were also built to commemorate some sacred event and were constructed out of stone (sela ) or wood ( kattha ).* The free-standing stambhas or pillars near Jaina Vasati or dwelling is supposed to be a peculiar feature of Jaina architectures and the various stambhas belonging to the contemporary centuries also corroborate the same fact. Deva-temples (devakulas or devakulikas ) were built at the centre or outside the villages or a town where people assmebled for daily prayer. Temples belonging to different sects like the Rudraglhas? or Matiglhase have also been mentioned. The sacred place of worship whure the image of a deity was installed was known as caitya or pratimaglha.Devayatanas were same as devakulas. 10 Secular Architecture--Secular architecture includes all the architectural structures apart from those mentioned above. The references to a large variety of palaces and houses, innumerable types of residential and occupational buildings, proper arrangement for ventilation and drainage, regular system of 1. Jain, J. P., op. cit, p. 238. 2. Ibid.; see also-Smith, V. A., Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities of Mathura, p. 3. According to Shah, Devanirmita-stupa of Mathura is one of the earliest known stupas in India and should be assigned to eighth century B. C. especially because the title given to it is in accordance with the Satapatha Brahman.-Shah, op. cit., p. 5. 3. FEYFA safe si ai o hufat-NC. 2, p. 225. 4. NC. 3, p. 149. 5. Jaina, J. P., op. cit., p. 232. 6. NO. 3, p. 334. 7. NC. 1, pp. 146-47, 8. NO. 1, p. 147. 9. qftaf afariNO. 3, p. 344. 10. Ibid.

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17 FINE ARTS 257 house-construction and town-planning along with the various public places like the gardens and parks ( ujjama, arama ), rest-houses ( a gamta gara ), wells and lakes ( kuva, vavi) meant for comfort and enjoyment of the public, give us a fair idea of the secular architecture of the time. Architectural structures were divided into three categories : (i) khata or underground construction like the bhumiglhas ( underground cells ), (ii) usita or construction above the ground as the prasadas or palaces and (iii) khata-usita or combined construction having underground and overground constructions like the palaces with cellars underground.1 Pra sada or Palace--Palaces were usually known as thrasadas ( pasaya ) and were of different types like dubhumiga or bibhuma and hamma ( harmya ) etc. Bibhumas or dubhumigas were the palaces having two stories (bhumi ),2 while the word hamma was used for the uppermost story ( tala ) of the palace.s A particular area was reserved for the palace in the city. The city including the royal palace was surrounded by ditches ( pariha, khatiya ) and ramparts ( pigara )* which had only one main entrance. At this entrance were built two large columns which were known as balinagas and inside it was the gopura or the gate-house which gave entrance to the royal palace. There were also many arched-gateways or the 1. Try age-eri, sfhi, ar-hi i Cri AFTE, EI YHTET, arsit ZEGT HATE Safi TTH13715311-NC. 1, p. 114; Brh. Vr. 2, pp. 263-64. 2. fietafe HT THAI_NC. 3, p. 379; NC. 4, p. 191. This type of buildings or palaces have been known as dvi-tala also.-Acharya, P.K., Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, p. 282. 3. Halaf #HTC LT AT at EFH -NC. 3, p. 379. The Sama raigana Sutradhara (XIII. 10) also defines harmya as "the uppermost storey of a house" which according to Bhattacharya is not clear at all. - A Study on Vastu-Vidya, p. 266. 4. NC. 2, p. 433; NC. 3, p. 344. 5. qapi ate, at a TUTTI CHITTOET&-.NC. 2, p. 433. 6. a stat igi-Ibid. Gopura was a colossal building built over or near the gate giving entrance to a city.--Acharya, op. cit., p. 74.

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258 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI toranas.1 The gates were fastened with strong iron-bolts called aggala2 for safeguarding the palace. On one side of the pagaja ( prakara ) near the entrance was situated the royal palaces and a passage of eight hands between the prakara and the pra sada or the palace was left open for the chariots (rahamagga ) which was known as cariya.. The palace was decorated with turrets ( nijjuha ) and latticed windows (gavakkha );: its floors were sometimes studded with precious stones and jewels. Besides the palace of the king, there were palaces of the ministers known as amacca-pasaya." Wooden palaces as well as palaces made of bricks and stones were quite common. A story narrates that king Seniya of Rayagiha ordered his architects to make an ega-khambhupisaya (palace based on one pillar ) for him. A large tree having auspicious signs ( salakkhana ) was selected by the architect for the purpose of building the palace but a Vanamamtara residing on the tree requested him not to cut the same and himself made a beautiful ega-khambha-basaya for the king which was decorated with gardens and surrounded with ditches and ramparts from all the sides. 8 Describing the glory of Rama's palace Vimala Suri informs us that the whole palace was one-pillared ( egatt hanbha ) and seemed like the Kalpataru.9 Palaces made on one-pillar-base were specifically known as Khamdha.1' Mention has also been made of an ivory 1. Tratgartu atti-NG. 3, p. 344. For construction of the Toranas see-Acharya, op. cit., p. 246. 2. UTGITT 3771_NC. 3, p. 344. 3. Ta rit refidat qrarat-Ibid. 4. ARTITE 27ET BIETETYT TEHTI --NC. 2, p. 433. 5. fuglena Fetaatfaat ma -NC. 3, p. 379. 6. gfa fa fohla 1-NC. 2, p. 154. 7. NC. 3, p. 81. 8. NC. 1, p. 9. 9. Paumacariya, 80.2-14; Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Pauma. cariya ( unpublished thesis ), p. 539. 10. See-Motichandra, "Architectural Data in Jaina Canonical Lite rature,'' JRAS. (Bombay Branch }, Vol. 26 pp. 168-82.

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FINE ARTS 259 palace ( sacca-damta-maya-pasaya ) which was asked to be made by king Damtavakka of Dartapura to fulfil the pregnancylonging of the queen.1 Mention of the siyaghara ( satagrha ) or the cool-house of an emperor built by an efficient architect ( vaddhakirayana ) to suit all the seasons has been made. It was cool in summer and warm in winter and was unaffected by the dampness of the rainy season. 2 Such houses were sometimes built by the wealthy citizens also. This sitaglha of the NC. may be compared to the samudragsha or cool-summer-houses mentioned by Vatsyayana, "which were surrounded by water, washed as it were by the sea and also rooms in the walls of which there were secret passages for water to circulate and take away the heat."'4 Houses and Buildings and Their Layout-Various types of houses and other buildings have been mentioned in the text. Each of these was styled according to its architectural style or nature of its use. The houses were usually called glha, ghara5 or agara, since they were made out of trees (agama).6 It shows that perhaps formerly only wooden houses were built, but frequent references to the baked bricks and strong walls7 indicate that other materials were also used. The Caussala ( catussala ) houses are frequently mentioned 8 which signifies the usual plan of the house-construction. The style of having apartments or rooms on four sides around the inner 1. NC. 4, p. 361. 2. vaDhikIrayaNa-NimmiyaM cakkiNo sIyagharaM bhavati,vAsAtu givAya-pavAtaM, sIyakAle somhaM, FATA FT_NA. 3, p. 44. 3. Ibid. 4. Kamasutra ( Su. 17 ), pp. 283-84; Chakaldar, Social Life in Ancient India, p. 154. 5. NO. 1, p. 89; NO. 2, pp. 131, 224. 6. "37 TAL" Ter, ais i "TITI" qi-NG. 2, p. 131; also NC. 4, p. 388. 7. NC. 2, p. 439. 8. TISFETS ET QEFAT_NA. 2, pp. 266, 333, 422; NC. 1, p. 89; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 403 and 3, p. 742.

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260 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI courtyard (mandapa-sthana or angana) was a very ancient one1 and even Bhasa designates the antahpura of the ladies as "the inner court with apartments on four sides (abhyantaracatuhsala )." According to Chakaldar, this plan combined the advantages of seclusion and privacy together with provisions for light and air. Tesala (trisala )* houses have also been mentioned which had apartments on three sides only. The houses were built in a line (sahi) along the road-side.5 The word giha not only meant the inner-apartment (gihabhamtara) but could also mean the entire house. 6 The houses had two entrances (gihamuha). The inner courtyard around which rooms were built was called mandapatthana or anganas and the passage for entrance in the front was called gihaduvara. The houses were built with baked bricks, and strong walls were covered with windows and doors opened towards the front.1 The situation of the various architectural features like gihamuha, angana, alinda, kotthaga11 and gihaduvara etc. clearly shows that a regular pattern was followed for the construction of the houses. 1. See-Acharya, op. cit., p. 193; also Rangachari, K., "Town-planning and House-building in Ancient India according to Silpa Sastras," IHQ., Vol. 4, pp. 102-9. 2. Bhasa, Carudatta (ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri), Act. I; see also-Catuksala in Bhasa's Avimaraka ( Trivendram Sanskrit Series), pp. 23, 42, 86, 3. Chakaldar, op. cit., p. 154. 4. NC. 2, p. 333; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 493 and 3, p. 742. 5. gharapaMtI sAhI bhaNNati - NC. 2, p. 209. 6. gharassa aMto gihabbhaMtaraM gi NC. 2, p. 224. bhaNNati / gihagahaNeNa vA savvaM caiva gharaM gheppati 7. Ibid. 8. gihassa aggato abbhAvagAsaM maMDavadhANaM aMgaNaM bhaNNati -- Ibid. 9. aggadAraM pavesitaM taM gihaduvAra bhaNNati ---- Ibid. 10. pakkaTTagAdi ghaNakuDDA sakavADA mahaMta purohaDA yaNC. 2, p. 439. 11. Kotthaga is explained as alinda which was situated at the frontal entrance.-NC. 2, p. 224; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 742 and 4, p. 975. The word alinda is taken to denote the lattice-covered path beyond the wall of

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FINE ARTS 261 Bhavanas and Mahagshas (large houses ) also known as mivesanaswere also constructed. The bhavanas are explained as stupendous houses surrounded with greenery and vegitation on all the sides. The mahagshas usually belonged to the rich Secchis and could accommodate a large number of people. In one such house five hundred monks are said to have taken resort during their rain-retreat.: Ujjanagihas were the pleasure-houses constructed amidst beautiful surroundings of gardens. Nijjanagihas were the houses made outside the city and were used as rest-houses for the kings while travelling. * Sunnagihas were the dilapidated houses which were used as rest-houses by the travellers and monks. Rukkhagihas were the houses made of tree or on the tree. There were also bhumigihas or underground cells used for various purposes. Apart from these the little huts ( tinakudiya ), thatched with bamboo and reeds, were used by the poor people.' sala-While the gihas had walls, the salas were devoid of walls.8 It shows that the sala was a hall-like structure without any compartments inside. Various salas, viz. janasala, gosala, tanasala, tusasala, kammantasala, kumbhakarasala etc. have been mentioned. Agara-Agara denoted a house but it has also been used as a name ending with the various types of buildings. The dramagara and agamta gara were the rest-houses, the former being parti a hall and facing (or in front of) the courtyard. --Acharya, op. cit., p. 54. 1. NC. 2, p. 209, also p. 433. 2. NO. 3, p. 344. 3. NC. 2, p. 138; Brh. V. 4, p. 988, 4. NagaraNiggame jaM ThiyaM taM NijjANaM etesu ceva gihA kayA ujjANa-NijjANagihA NC. 2, p. 433. 5. NC. 3, p. 344. 6. T for fat-Ibid., also NO. 1, p. 114. 7. NO. 1, p. 9. 8. Figge ME, 345551 FS-NC. 3, p. 344; NC. 2, p. 433. 9. Ibid.

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262 A CULTURAL STUDY OR THE NISITHA CURNI cularly situated inside a garden. Bhinnagaras and sunna garas were the same as sunnagihas. 2 Kudagaras were the houses constructed on the top of a hill or houses with a conical shape. Dhanna garas and kottha garas, as mentioned earlier, were the granaries meant for storing the food-grains.* Besides these buildings, there were sabha and Ayatana which were the assembly halls ( samavayatthana ) for nobles or for public gather ing. Essential Features of House-Construction- Elucidating the various rules for the proper vasati ( dwelling ) required by the Jaina monks during their rain-retreat, the author elaborates the various features of house-construction which had great importance from the architectural point of view. These features have been divided into two groups-principal (malaguna.). and subsidiary ( uttaraguna ). The principal features numbering seven in all were indispensable for an architectural structure. These were four mulavelis or cross-beams, two dhuranas or wooden columns or pillars and one patthivamsa or the beam which was the base of the whole inner-structure.' On the basis of their importance the subsidiary features. have been subdivided into two groups. Features having more importance were-(i) varsaga, (ii) kadana, (iii) okam pana, (iv) chavana, (v) levana, (vi) duvara and (vii) bhumikamma. S 1. NC. 2, p. 199. 2. NO. 2, p. 433. 3. 3 faari 597afe safety FEM NC. 2, p. 433. Yoqtif graftH TE AUTHENTITNG. 3, p. 344. Kudagara or 'gabled mansion is explained as self-contained separately roofed pavilion on any story of palace. According to Coomaraswamy, Kutagara was a chamber with walls analogus to uttamagara of a dvarakoshaka and having a ridged, barrel-vaulted or doomed roof.- Early Indian Architecture, p. 143; Motichandra, op. cit., pp. 177-78. 4. NC. 2, P. 433; NC, 3, p. 344. 5. FCHT: TYTT FH- ITAHIRITTOY T N C. 3, p. 344. 6. NC. 2, p. 65. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid.; Bih. Vr. 1., p. 169.

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FINE ARTS 263 An analysis of these features reveals that after the innerstructure of the house was built the open space was filled up with bamboo reeds (vamsaga), the walls were built up (kadana), the bamboo reeds were painted (perhaps with a layer of mud) ( okampana ), the roof was thatched with darbha or such other coarse grasses (chavana), the walls were painted probably with chunam ( levana ), doors large or small were made according to the size of the house ( duvara ), and the earth or floor was made even and clean (bhumikamma ).1 This made the construction of a house complete, still some more process was required to make it fit for residence. The forthcoming features were included amongst the less important ones, i. e. after the construction was over the house was dusted and cleaned (pamajjana ), washed with water, plastered with cowdung ( uvalevana ), strewn with flowers ( pupplovayara padana ) and illuminated with lamps kept burning (divaga-pajjalana). Proper care was taken to make the house free from dampness, as it was believed that "dampness of the house leads to indigestion". 8 From the above account it may be seen that most of the portion of the house was built of wood, bamboo and reeds, although bricks and mud must have been used for the walls.* In case of the skandha or prakara which was the surrounding wall of a city, it has been specifically stated that it was constructed with bricks, mud and wood. It is interesting to find a similar account of Indian architecture given by Yuan Chwang when he says : "As to the construction of houses and enclosing walls, the country being low and moist, most of the city-walls are built of bricks, while walls of houses and enclosures are of wattled bamboo or wood. Their halls and terraced 1. NC. 2, p. 377, also p. 333. . 2. NO. 2, p. 334. 3. FranqhES HTTop stofa, atat imuut frafat-NC. 2, p. 37. 4. NC. 2, p. 439. 5. #215para Fhry :-NC. 3, p. 379.

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:264 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI belvederes bave wooden flat-roofed rooms, and are coated with chunam, and covered with tiles burnt or unburnt.... The (houses ) thatched with coarse or common grass are of bricks or boards; their walls are ornamented with chunam; the floor is purified with cowdung and strewn with flowers of the season." Staircases, Drains and Bridges Staircases known as sova na or padamagga were an integral part of the buildings. They were of two types--staircases made by digging the earth, as required in case of the underground cells, and staircases built over the ground with bricks and stoness which afforded a way for ascending the upper stories. On the basis of situation these could be again divided into two groups-staircases attached to the inner apartments of a house ( vasahisambaddha ) and staircases away from it ( vasahiasambaddha ), as in case of the staircases of the courtyard (amgana ) or near the frontal entrance ( aggadara ). Proper system of drainage was a necessary must specially because of the damp climate. Drains ( dagaviniya ) were made to take away the rain-water.5 The drains connected to a house could be built at three particular spots-(i) drains outside the houses, (ii) drains inside the houses and (iii) drains upon the roof or terrace. Drains outside the house were underground ( nicca-parig gala ),6 drains inside the house were constructed by digging the floor,' and drains upon the roof or terrace were made to extract the rain-water from accumu 1. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 147; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 73-74. 2. gefa a afisiu mal-NC. 2, p. 34. -3. START FETITEta ft Fiat-Ibid. 4. Asi que ftat, Tel 37007 377074 HAR AL-NC. 2, p. 34. 5. The trattare ti-NC. 2, p. 36. 6. AT AT THEtiqa alat ar farsaffrat_Ibid. 7. ET H BI TI OTTH Shafa-Ibid.

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FINE ARTS 265 lating. Water could come out through passages made inside the walls or through holes made for drains ( panala-chidda ). Bridges ( samkama ) were required either for spanning the marshy grounds ( visama-kaddama ) or for crossing the rivers. There were two varieties of bridges-bridges built upon earth, and bridges whose spans were based on pillars ( khambha ) or beams (veli ).' These could be made either by a single piece of wood or by joining various pieces together. Wooden bridges seem to have been a familiar feature in Gujarat. The contemporary Valabhi inscriptions mention that the moat around the wall, which surrounded the city of Valabhi, was pierced by a number of gates, and at each of these gates there was a wooden bridge to cross the moat. * Bridges were both movable or permanent fixtures according to their construction. 5 Wells, Ponds and Miscellaneous Architectural Structures-A number of wells, pools, artificial lakes and ponds have been mentioned, which were a source of recreation for the people and also solved their water problem. While kupa, tada ga and dahal were ordinary wells and ponds, vapi is mentioned as a rectangular construction (samavrta)? and pukkharani as quadrangular in shape ( caturassa ).8 Dihiya was another variety of water-reservoirs and sometimes many such ponds or lakes were built together in a circular form ( mandali-samthiya ).' The Paumacariya of Vimala Suri informs us that reservoirs of water which were square in shape were known as vavi, the 1. Ibid. -2. NO. 2, p. 34; Brh. Vf. 5, p. 1492. 3. Ibid. 4. Information as given by Prof. Nadvi of Ahmedabad 10 K. J. Virji, Ancient History of Saurashtra, p. 220. 5. garantit antifashistat at:-NC. 2, p. 34. 6. NO. 3, p. 346. 7. HHH arg-Ibid. 8. IOTEAT gratuit-NC. 3, p. 346. 9. Ibid.

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266 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI long and narrow ones as dihiya and circular as pukkharani.) Vatsyayana also informs us that the proper house of a Nagaraka must have wells ( kupa ) and tanks or lakes (vapi or dirghika ) attached to it.2 Gunjaliya was same as pukkharant but it was circular in shape. There were also small and large pools ( maha-prama na-sara ) and sometimes many ponds were dug together in a line which was styled as sarapamti.* Waterplaces were known as prapa where water was distributed to the travellers during the summer season. It is evident that architects of this time were aware of constructing all these architectural structures and a regular system of architecture was evolved according to which the constructions were duly made. Sculpture Images of gods and human beings carved in wood, ivory and stones and cast in clay and plaster reveal the art of sculpture as a well developed one.5 A proper standard was expected from the sculptor. Images were classified according to the expression imparted to them by the sculptor or according to the material used in making the same. In the NC. images have been classified in three groups : (i) images of birds and beasts (tiriya paoima ), (ii) images of human beings (manuya-padima ) and (iii) images of gods and goddesses ( devi-padima ).6 Small clay models of elephants, buffaloes, cows etc.? have been mentioned in the NC. Bana also mentions the group of sculptors making such trivial things as models of fish, tortoise, crocodiles, coconut, plantain and areca-nut trees on the occasion of Rajyasri's marriage. 1. Chandra, K. R., op. cit., p. 541. 2. Y anul afami ar ariaKamasutra, p. 225; Chakaldar, op. cit., p. 151. 3. NC. 3, p. 346. 4. NC. 3, p. 346. 5. For sculpture in ancient India sce-Gaogoly, D.C., "Iodian Sculpture", Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. III, pp. 536-54. 6. NC. 2, p. 30. 7. NO. 1, p. 61. 8. Harsacarita, p. 143.

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FINE ARTS 267 According to the popular custom, life-size statues of the enemy was modelled in clay inscribed with his name (vaullaga, purusaputtalaga minmaya-pratima ). It was then shot down at the centre by an arrow. This act was supposed to bring his down-fall. A life-size statue of Amatya Varattaga, who later embraced monastic life, was built by his devoted son. It was adorned with all the paraphernalia of a Jaina monk, i. e. with broom (rajoharana) and mouth-covering (muha pottiya), and was then installed in the deva-temple. 3 Although the word pratima has been used for all types of images, this word had a sacred connotation. According to the author, pratimas were the images which were to be worshipped by human beings. Sukracarya (circa 500 A.D.) believes that even a mishapen image of a god is to be prefered to an image of a human being irrespective of the physical charm it may display.* A large number of festivals were held in honour of the various gods and dieties. Their images must have been made by their respective followers. A mention has been made of the golden image of Rsabha6 kept in the cave of Vaitadhya mountain where the disciples went on pilgrimage. Kosala was famous for its Fiyanta-pratima (image of the living god ) which was an object of worship for people from far and wide.' Mention has been made of a sandal-wood image of Vardhamana Svami which was in possession of the king Udayana. This was later taken away by king Pajjoya of Ujjayini by replacing a similar plaster cast image in its place. Similar stories of 1. NO. 1, p. 65, also pp. 61, 63. 2. NO. 4, p. 158; Bph. V. 4, p. 1110. 3, 35ayfa afara Broat far-NC. 2, p. 30. 4. Coomarswamy, A. K., Arts and Crafts.of India and Ceylon, p. 16. 5. Sce Chapter VIII. 6. NO. 3, p. 144. 7. Il a feetagsaNC, 3, p. 79. 8. NO. 3, pp. 141-45.

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268 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Jivantasvams image have been narrated in the various Jaina texts like Avasyaka Carni, Vasudevahindi and Kumarapalacarita.1 The existence of this tradition known only from literature can be supported by the find of bronze image of Jivantasvami from Akota, with an inscription on its pedestal in characters of circa 550 A. D. expressly calling it an image af Jivantasvami. Another bronze image of the same iconographic type, more beautiful and older, but with its pedestal lost, has also been found in the same hoard. 2 The images of Brahma, Visnu, Rudra and all other gods or the ganas of gods ( devagana ) were made and worshipped by their respective devotees.: Reference has also been made of an image of Narayana which was installed in the temple.* A beautiful image adorned with flower-garlands was worshipped in Anandapura.5 People physically unclean were not allowed to touch or worship these sacred images. During the Leppagamaha which was a festival observed in ancient times during the early spring season (balavasanta ), the images of gods were taken in a procession accompanied by artisans playing the musical instruments in order to be installed in the temple.? On the basis of material used, the images of gods were classified in three categories8 : (i) images of gods and goddesses carved in wood ( katha-kamma ) or cast in clay ( pottha ) or plaster ( leppaga ) or paintings (citta-kamma). They belonged to the lowest grade as they were susceptible to getting spoiled 1. Shah, U. P., Studies in Jaina Art, p. 4. 2. Ibid., p. 5, also see figs. 20 and 22. 3. NC. 3, p. 142. 4. gare great ac ornar afha_NC. 4, p. 59. 5. NC. 3, p. 349. 0. Thefarit di afer f@ale, 345 aui ar pure a CA-NC. 4, p. 151. 7. NC. 3, p. 145. 8. NO. 4, p. 6; Brh. Vp. 3, p. 708.

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FINE ARTS 269 even by touch.1 (ii) Images carved out of ivory (hatthidamta ) were of the medium grade. These also were delicate in nature and appearance and could be easily spoiled. 2 (iii) Images carved out of stones like mani sila (red-stone ) were the best. These were soothing to touch and were not spoiled easily. 8 Evidently different materials were used for making images. This corroborates Smith's observation that "small portable images of the saints are made of crystal, alabaster, soap-stone and various other materials, while the larger ones are carved from whatever kind of stone is locally available>>t and that "the Jainas delighted in making their images of all materials and sizes".0 I-Tsing also mentions that various types of materials like gold, silver, copper, iron, clay and stones were used. for making images. Painting Like sculpture the art of painting was also practised for religious as well as secular purposes. Paintings having sacred objects as well as erotic scenes have been mentioned in the text. The art of painting was known as citta-kamma.? Like the images of gods, the paintings of gods and goddesses were also a favourite theme of the paintess ( citrakaras ).8 The walls of the houses were sometimes painted with erotic scenes ( sacittakamma vasahi ) depicting the vorious objects relating to marriage like vasagrha. This practice of having 1. F oyful ata asta fa al Tits vej tecupA-NC. 4, p. 6. 2. Figu efica witeit FT AFHAT, ET EHITACHI, 34219 THT:--Ibid. 3. #forfitates FT RITE AT 571AT, ATA ATATTUTT 3ettuat 7-Ibid. 4. Smith, V. A., History of Fine Arts in India and Ceylon, PP. 267-68. 5. Walhouse, quoted by Jaina, J. p., Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, p. 230. 6. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 150. 7. NC. 4, p. 6. 8. NC. 2, p. 327. 9. At 1777FATE THETE SpotifHT HET HYcTfA-NC. 2, p. 461.

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270 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI "painted walls" in the houses is attested by the contemporary literature, A contemporary Jaina story called "Domuha's tale" describes a guild of craftsman painting a hall in the royal palace with beautiful paintings. They were rewarded with gifts of raiments and other presents after the completion of their work.2 Kalidasa frequently refers to the palaces decorated with paintings ( sacitrah prasadah, sadmasu citravatsu ).' Bana also shows a group of painters painting auspicious scenes on the walls of palace on the occasion of Rajyasri's marriage. Mention has also been made of the female figures painted in such paintings. It perhaps indicates towards the practice of carving 'citra-putrikas' in the royal palaces. 6 Paintings were also made on wood, clay, plaster, books and clothes.' Single-coloured paintings as well as multi-coloured paintings having five colours were known.. Bana also displays his knowledge of the five elementary colours,' and mentions a specific term varnasamkara for mixing the various colours... It is evident that the art of painting was well-known to the people, although no further details can be judged from the text. Music * Music was popular amongst all the sections of society. It formed an integral part of the social and religious functions. 1. Meyer, J. H., Hindu Tales, p. 174. 2. Ibid., p. 139. 3. Malavikagnimitra, 1. 17; Raghuvania, XIV. 15, 25; see also-Upadh yay, B, S., India in Kalidasa, p. 231. 4. Harsacarita, p. 124. 5. 377 1976ferti FAT 255f05HT--NC. 2, p. 17. 6. Harsacarita, p. 165. 7. Cari ile zaifa, grahy a araty te, fapor aflNC. 3, p. 349. 8. fazlafani taqrufe-NC. 2, p. 327. 9. Kadambari, p. 143. 10. Ibid., p. 10.

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FINE ARTS 271 Music in ancient India was associated with semi-gods like the gandharvas, kinnaras and jakkhasl who practised it in assembly of gods in heaven ( deva-sabha ) to please the higher gods. A proper classification of music along with description of the various musical instruments given in the NC. displays the wide knowledge of the author on this subject. Music was divided into two groups--vocal and instrumental-although the former was also invariably accompanied with some type of musical instrument. Vocal Music Vocal music known as gandharva, gita or geya2 was divided into four categories; (i) tanti sama, (ii) talasama, (iii) gahasama and (iv) layasama.8 Tanti sama was the music accompanied by stringed instruments (tamti) like vini or vivanci. Talasama was the music in accordance with rhythm or rhythmic beating of the drums ( tala ).* Gahasama is explained as music in unison with 'voices' or 'notes' ( svara ) and lavasama was music adopted to different 'speeds' or layas ( a kind of measure in music ).6 According to the Ramayana, the essential qualities of music were : (i) it should be in accordance to a recognised scale, (ii) it should be composed of seven notes or svaras and (iii) it should be accompanied by one of the stringed instruments like vina or vivanci. It should also be adapted to three speeds-(i) druta, (ii) madhya and (iii) vilambita, i. e. fast, slow and medium.? 1. NC. 2, p. 12; NC. 3, p. 141; NC. 4, p. 2. 2. TEITUT AHITI ar Ai-NC. 4, p. 199; NC. 2, p. 12. 3. tej zelor-fagri ISHH TEH TAR F-NC. 4, p. 2; Brh. V. 3, p. 697. 4. Tala is a technical term in music used for rhythmic beating. 5. Gaha is explained as instrumental music by J. C. Jain (LAI., p. 183 ). According to the NC., however, it was music in accordance with the svaras (NC. 4, p. 2). For seven svaras or notes or voices in music SCC-Amarakosa, 1. 611. 6. According to the Amarakoia, laya is the perfect harmonious combi tion of nrtya-gana and vadya. 7. Sec-Dharma, P. C., "Musical Culture in the Ramayana", Indian Culture, Vol. IV ( 1937-38 ), p. 447.

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272 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Music was equally practised by both the sexes.1 Women were supposed to be having sweet voice? and men versed in music were given the compliment of gamdharva or kinnara." Gamdhavva-natta-sala was the place where music was regularly practised. Instrumental Music Instrumental music was played independently or along with the vocal music. Musical instruments were known as aojja5 or turiya. Aujjasala was the place where the various musical instruments were kept.' These have been divided into four classes : (i) tata, (ii) vitata, (iii) ghana and (iv) jhusira. 8 Tata is explained as stringed instruments ( tant7 ) like vina, flute etc.9 Vitata refers to percussion instruments. Vitata includes anaddha or avanaddha (stretched or leather-bound ) instruments like the various kinds of drums, tabors etc. 10 Ghana was the concussion instrument like the instruments played upon by sticks. 11 ghusiras were the hollow or wind instruments like vamsal2 etc. The Nisitha Sutra refers to the following list of 35 musical instruments which 1. NC, 2, p. 12. 2. (7-AYP-alightAiAE ...... 19-NC. 2, p. 20. 3. NC. 2, p. 12. 4. NC. 3, p. 297. 5. NC. 4, p. 24. 6. ag 3113FALEMI ar qe Huulfar--NC. 3, p. 101. 7. NC. 3, p. 297. 8. 311551 zafone-a fastai qui --NC. 4, p. 2; Bih. V. 3, p. 697; Amarakosa, 1. 1. 16.; Yasastilaka, p. 384.; Bhagavati Sutra (Ti, Abhaya ), 5. 4. 148. 9. feruitrarfe aci...3769-aafe an-NC. 4, p. 201; Brh. VI. 3, p. 697; Harsacarita, Tr. p. 19. 10. agrate faadu Jahatfe faas-NC. 4, p. 201. 11. qui Filodag-Ibid. 12. ghi dhe Ibid. See also-Dharma, P. C., op. cit., p. 450. For proper explanation of the four types of musical instruments see-Kapadia, H. R., "The Jaina Data about Musical Instruments - JOIB., Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 263-67, also Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 377--87.

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18 FINE ARTS have been classified into the four categories.1 (i) Vitata or Percussion Instruments-(i) bheri, (ii) padaha, (iii) murava, (iv) muimga, (v) namdi, (vi) jhallari, (vii) vallari, (viii) damaruga, (ix) maddaya, (x) saduva, (xi) paesa, (xii) golui etc., are included in the vitata class of instruments. 273 above-mentioned (ii) Tata or Stringed Instruments--(i) vina, (ii) vivamci, (iii) tuna, (iv) bavvisaga, (v) vinaiya, (vi) tumbavina, (vii) jhodaya, (viii) dhamkuna etc. are included in the tata or stringed class of instruments. A (iii) Ghana or Concussion Instruments--(i) tala, (ii) kamsatala, (iii) littiya, (iv) gohiya, (v) makariya, (vi) kacchabhi, (vii) mahai, (viii) sanaliya, (ix) valya etc. belong to the ghana class of instruments. (iv) ghusira or Hollow or Wind Instruments--(i) sankha, (ii) vamsa, (iii) venu, (iv) kharamuhi, (v) parilasa, (vi) veva etc. are mentioned as jhusira instruments. 1. NS. XVII. 135-38 (NG. 4, pp. 200-201 ). 2. "saMkho" jalacara prANivizeSa: NC. 1, p. 84; NG. 4, p. 201. 3. siMgaM mahisIsiMgaM -- Ibid. 4. dIrghAkRti svalpA ca saMkhiyA --NC. 4, p. 201. The NC. enlightens us about some of the instruments mentioned above and also gives information about few more additional instruments which came into vogue by this time. Sankha was from an aquatic animal, srnga was made of the horn of buffalo, samkhiya was a similar instrument but it was longer in length and smaller in width. Kharamuhi was same as kahala; its frontal portion made of wood was shaped like the mouth of an ass.5 Piripirit was an instrument made by joining together two pieces of hollow sticks and its mouthpiece had only one opening. It was blown like a sankha (conch-shell) and produced three different sounds simulta 5. kharamukhI kAhalA, tassa muhatthANe kharamuhAkAraM kaTThamayaM muhaM kajjati - Ibid.; Hariacarita, p. 204; for the construction of the Kahala see-Agra wala, Kadambari : Eka Samskrtika Adhyayana, p. 77.

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274 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI neously.1 Gumja-panava and bhambha were the musical instruments used by the menthas ( elephant-drivers ) and the matangas.2 Dundubhi was similar to bheri but was constricted towards the mouth-piece. Muraja was larger than bheri in size, 8 Nalika was an instrument made from the jointless portion of the bamboo reed ( apavva-vamsa ); it was known as murali ( flute ) also.* Other musical instruments like kamsiga, kamsalaga, bhala, talajala and vadiyat have also been mentionned which are not included in any of the traditional four groups. The large number of instruments mentioned in the NC. indicates the popularity of the musical instruments in the society during this time, There were also organised bands of singers and musicians who were proficient in playing the various instruments. The head or master of such bands was known as turyapati and the other artists working under him were known as kusila or talacara.? These musicians were usually employed by the king for various purposes, and we find that it was their proud privilege to receive the old garments of the king apart from the wages as a reward of their services to the king. These musical instruments were played upon on various social and religious occasions. 9 Army always marched in accompaniment to the sound of various musical instruments 10 1. muhamUle egamuhA sA saMkhAgAreNa vAijjamANI jugavaM tiNi sapiripiritI kareti NC. 4, p. 201. 2. Tatouat HiJIu Haiti HT ARITM Hafel-Ibid. The term Gunja occurring in the Ayara Nijjuiti (v. 166 ) has been explained by Silanka Suri as under-T58THI JET TS T ara # T=51917: - See, Kapadia, JOIB., Vol. II. 3. NC. 4, p. 381. 4. mifce for 3790al vafa, Fr TU MIC "get Hoft-NC. I, p. 84. 5. Fit-EPIETIETET-735-7195-a131NC. 4, p. 201. 6. NO. 3, p. 577; Bih. Vf. 1, p. 190. 7, Tagfafa: failasta: grifa athaTINC. 3, p. 577. 8. Ibid. 9. Sec-Music. 10. NO. 1, p. 8.

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FINE ARTS.. .. 275 like sankha, sraga, bher7, dundubhi and pataha etc. Bana writing about the army before its march depicts the scene in a graphic way : "Straight away the drums rattled, the nandis rang out joyously, the trumpets breyed, the kahalas hummed, the horns blared, the noise of the camp gradually increased.>>I Various instruments like namdimuha, mausda, samkha and padaha when seen or heard in a dream were considered auspicious for acquiring material prosperity.2 Dance and Drama Related to music were the arts of dance ( notya, natta ) and drama ( nadaga, abbinaya ) and these have been mentioned as components of music. The nadas or nattass have been mentioned along with the talacaras and kusilas. The term gamdhuvvanattasala" also indicates that music and dancing were practised together. Three different terms, i. e. natta, nadaga and nitya have been mentioned in the NC. Natta was without music, while na daga was accompanied by music.5 Nitya is explained as assuming various postures or forms by the different parts of the body, i. e. feet, thigh, knee, waist, arms, fingers, face, eyes and eyebrows along with their proper expression (vikarakarana). Expression thus played a great part in dancing and dramatic performances. A proper training under a competent master was required for natta which must have been given in the natyasala. Natta was divided into four classes : (i) anciya, (ii) ribhiya, (iii) arabhada and (iv) bhasola.? These have been mentioned in the Natyasastra of Bharata along with the various types of dances, 1. Harsacarita, Tr. p. 199, also p. 113. 2. atga hELITEETHGEA TEKEE 4 auf T -NG. 3, p. 101. 3. NO. 2, p. 468. 4. NO. 3, p. 297. . ritate fatigd opez, traui JT 4131_NC. 4, p.-2; Byh. Vq. 3, p. 697. 6. NC. 4, p. 199; scc also-Paumacariya, 37. 50. and 39. 22. 7. Azt golongifi fefite 37TCHE Heta fa-NC. 4, p. 2; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 697.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI 276 but in place of bhasola, bhramara dance is mentioned there." Bapa refers to the actors in the wild miracle play (arabhatz ) with its passionate circular dances." It seems to represent one of the dances mentioned in the NC., viz, arabhada dance. Drama or the art of acting (nadaga ) was always accompanied with music. * It was also known as ahinaya the art of which was to be learnt under a competent teacher. The nadas have been frequently mentioned to be performing in front of the public at different places. Pekkhanagas or dramatic performances were enjoyed by the kings along with their queens. Further information on dance and drama is not available from the NC. However, music, dance and drama may be taken as different component parts of a major art. According to Kautilya also, music in wider sense includes all the four subjects--singing, playing on instruments, dancing and dramatic perfurmance." 1. nRttamapi caturvidham, tadyathA-aJcitaM ribhitaM ArabhaDaM bhasolaM, ete catvAro'pi bhedA ARNEHT: Bih. V!:!3, p. 696; Bhagavati (Bechardas ed.), p. 43; see also-LAI., p. 185. 2. Hariacarita, p. 28, text' p. 51. 3. NC. 4, p. 2; Bih. V 5. 3, p.-697. 4. feuizit qe87 frequ-NC. 4, p. 199; Bqh. Vg. 3, p. 696. 5. MEIE Uszat OET-NC. 2, p. 468. -6. NO. 1, p.15. 7. Arth asastra, 2. 27.

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CHAPTER VIII RELIGION The Nistha Curni being a treatise on Jaina religion provides ample material on the religious life of the people. Its contribution to Jaina religion and ethics is above par, but its importance may not be minimised in understanding the general religious and moral outlook of the country. However, our knowledge of the other religious sects is not as exhaustive as of Jainism and there is a definite lack of sufficient data to enable us to know the internal activities of the other religions. Below, an account is given of the various religious sects of the time and a generl picture of the religious activities of the people as disclosed by the Nisitha Curni. Jainism1 Change is the law of nature; everything in this world is changing incessantly. Yet, in the fields of religion and philosophy the changes are perceptible only after centuries. One is astonished to see the divergence of later Jainism from the original teachings of Lord Mahavira. Religion has its moorings in society and the action and reaction between the two are bound to affect some changes. Yet, sometimes the changes are so fundamental that no amount of reconciliation can help in sponsoring a precise explanation. Theoretically, 1. For the religious, philosophical, ethical and monastic aspects of Jainism, readers may consult my thesis "Some Aspects of Religion and Philosophy as Known from the Nisitha Curni" (submitted in lieu of two papers of the Post-graduate Diploma Examination of Indian History and Culture, Banaras Hindu University, 1966). These aspects are being excluded from the present work in order to avoid the unnecessary bulk of the thesis; only a general outline of Jainism as a religion is thought advisable to be given here.

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278 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the teachings remain unchanged but the difference between theory and practice forces its upholders to invent new rules, definitions and elaboration of the religious tenets. Such an attempt of reconciliation, of making the religion more liberal and adaptable so as to suit the changed socio-religious circumstances, can be judged from the Nisitha Curni. The spread of Jainism in different parts of the country, the different social and religious circumstances faced by the monks, the less severe forms of asceticism and discipline due to the laxity of the monks, deterioration among its votaries itself and above all an active effort for the popularity of the faith appear to be the possible causes which led to the transformation of the religion. The spirit of adaptability, so very essential for the propagation of the faith, is bound to affect changes. particularly in case of religions flourishing outside the land of their origin. Buddhism is known to have assumed various forms in the different parts of the world owing to the diverse cultural and social circumstances. Smith has observed: "While the original official Buddhism was a dry and highly moralised philosophy much resembling in its practical operation the Stoic Schools of Greece and Rome, the later emotional Buddhism approached closely to Christian doctrines in substance although not in name. In other direction it became almost indistinguishable from Hinduism."1 This statement seems to be equally true in case of the early medieval Jainism as depicted in the NC. Originated from northern India the religion had by these centuries spread in distant regions like Andhra, Tamil, Mysore and Karnataka in the south, Gujarat in the west, towards Rajasthan and further lands. The various social circumstances pertaining to diverse social practices which confronted the Jaina monks helped a lot in changing and determining the form of the early medieval Jainism. Jainism was quite flourishing in various parts of the coun 1. Smith, V. A., Oxford History of India, p. 55.

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RELIGION .. : 279 try, especially in the west and south from the 6th century A. D. It maintained its sway even after, but the 7th and 8th centuries proved to be the most critical epoch in the history of Jainism. With the revival of Brahmanism (Saivism and Vaisnavism ) under the Nayanaras and the Alvaras during the later part of the 7th contury and after,1 a very grave situation arose for the followers of the Jaina faith. The tide of revival in favour of the saivite and Vaisnavite faiths began to shake the very foundation of Jainism. Saint Appar in Kanci area and Sambandhar in the Madura region launched their crusades against the supporters of Jaina religion. Many a Jaina king was converted to Brahmanism, and Jainism lost much of its prestige due to the aggressive spirit of the rivals. With the conversion of the Pallava king Mahendravarman 1. to Brahmanism in the 7th century A. D., Jainism suffered the most severe blow. In this context P.B. Desai has observed : "Jaina law was challenged, Jaina philosophy was quetioned, Jaina religious practices were discredited every where, polemics were raised, disputations were held between the supporters of the rival creeds regarding their superiority, proofs were demanded and sometimes even ordeals and miracles were resorted to. The elated victors backed by the authority of the State indulged into violent activities. The vanquished were pursued and persecuted".* The above account, even if exaggerated, must have been true in case of the puritanical kings, or at least it shows the disturbed state of affairs during these centuries, when both the religions were struggling hard to acquire supremacy and to propogate their religion amongst the kings and public by all possible means. Writing in such an atmosphere the commentator of the NC., who was commenting upon an early Jaina text so as to provide new rules of conduct for the Jaina monks in order to 1. Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, p. 21. 2. Ibid., p. 81. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid , pp. 81-83.

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280 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI suit the changed social circumstances, could not have done away with its impact. Mention of the Brahmanas as dhijjatil or dugunchiya ( condemned caste ) apparently shows the existing spirit of hatred and rivalry between the two. Besides frequent mentions of the inimical kings ( rayaduttha ), the unsafe political circumstances ( rayabhaya ), the conditions when the Jaina monks had to live in the guise of other sects ( paralimga-karana ),s the inimical regions ( pratyanika-ksetra !, * the kings compelling the Jaina monks to touch the feet of the Brahmins or leave the country and the various spiritual practices and miracles ( abhicarakavaszkarana )5 resorted to by them to counteract the royal power, the tempered disputations (vivida ) with the heretics ( anyatzrthikas ), the attempts of killing the Jaina acarya, gana and gaccha clearly indicate the disturbed,? unsafe and critical circumstances through which the religion was passing and its votaries were struggling hard to maintain its supremacy over the royalty and the public even at the cost of their original teachings. Jainism gave place to the tenets of the rival sects within its own fold and adopted social manners and customs of the different regions of the country. It is this changed form of Jainism that is disclosed in the Nistha Curni. But in the field of religion, changes take place slowly and gradually and are perceptible only after centuries. The divergence in Jainism that we see during this time must have, therefore, set in quite some time before and took its positive form during this period. With this perspective let us determine the state of Jainism during these centuries, its divergence from the prestine faith of Lord 1. NC. 2, p. 208. 2. NC. 2, p. 117. 3. NC. 2, pp. 325, 424. 4. NC. 2, p. 164. 5. NC. 1, p. 163. 6. NC. 2, p. 86. 7. NC. 1, p. 100.

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RELIGION 281 Mahavira and the various causes and circumstances that led to this transformation on the basis of the Nisitha Curni. Jainism, in the early centuries of its history, flourished and developed its centres on and around the hills and most of the shrines and monasteries were confined to the hills. The monks rarely came in contact with the public which helped in keeping the purity of the faith intact and unimpaired. But by this time monks had usually started living in monasteries, upasrayas or devakulas situated in or around the villages or at the houses of the devotees. The innumerable rules regarding proper and improper residence, the exact form of behaviour with the host,the abstinence from taking food of the host ( sayyatara ) and the rules regarding touring within a particular region5 show the fixed dwellings in villages to be the permanent feature of their life and it was only in the absence of residence that they spent the night in the open air." Though monk is ever exhorted not to develop intimacy with the laity or the public, yet this constant contact must have brought some changes in the monastic life especially when the tendency to propagate the religion was at its extreme. The sanction given to the monks to move with the caravan while passing through long and dreary regions, to attend the religious feasts arranged by the kings, the frequent references to religious discourses and teachings given by Jaina monks ( dhammakaha )' go to prove that the Jaina monks freely came in contact with the masses and tried their best to mould the spiritual, moral and mental outlook of the public. The monk was ever made conscious of the society so as not to create any doubts that may bring disfavour to the religion. 1. Desai, op. cit., p. 71. 2, NC. 2, p. 16. 3. NC. 2, pp. 130-37. 4. NC. 2, p. 130. 5. NO. 2, p. 139. 6. NC. 2, p. 17. 7, NC. 2, p. 178.

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282 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI The author even allows the monks to take resort to falsehood: to avoid contempt ( uddaharakkhana )1 of their religion. History of the popular religions of India is a story of royal patronage and protection and the Jaina monks too were conscious of this fact. The innumerable epigraphical and literary references speak of the royal patronage offered to the adherents of Jaina faith during different periods. In the earliest times the monks were totally barred from keeping any contact or becoming intimate with the kings or with the persons in authority. The Nisitha Sutra2 forbids a monk to see the king or to have friendship or to show profound respects to him or his. officers or to attend the royal functions and ceremonies like coronation. The rules apparently remained the same even at the time of the Curni, yet there are sufficient grounds to believe that monks always tried to influence the kings and royal. officers for enhancing the prestige of their religion (gaurava,3 prabhavrddhi, tirthavrddhi). Monks used to keep friendly relations with the kings,5 State officers, king's relatives and with other influential persons to pacify the angry king, for selfprotection during the time of agitation and tumult, to go out safely during the reign of a prejudiced king or at times of siege, to procure food and shelter, to influence the king at times of religious disputations and for various other needs of the Church. Many of them gave religious discourses in the courts of the kings and even in their harem; anything that could displease the king was to be avoided by them and the persons dear to the king (rajavallabha) were to be initiated. References make it clear that in spite of the inherent denial to the outwardly help, the monks aspired to have good rela- 1. NC. 1, p. 113. 2. NC. 4, pp. 1-18. 3. NC. 2, p. 262. 4. NC. 2, p. 268. 5. NG. 2, pp. 232-33, 267. 6. NC. 2, p. 223. 7. NG. 2, p. 435. 8. NC, 2, p. 181.

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RELIGION 283 tions with the persons in authority. Thus, during the time of great struggle and chaos the Jaina monks displayed their practical wisdom and sagacity to propagate the religion by trying to win over the royal assistance. The tendency to propagate religion sought its refuge in the royal power. "Casting away all their traditional seclusion from politics, the Jaina sages assumed the role of king-makers as in the case of the Gangas and the Hoysalas'! and also that religious tenets were to be subordinated to the political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake'. 2 This regular contact with the public and the kings and its constant anxiety to popularise the faith especially in the face of the rival religions forced Jainism to imbibe some of the practices then popular amongst the different sections of society. With the spread of Jainism outside the land of its origin (Magadha ) and especially in South India, Jaina monks came in contact with the people following various Aryan and Dravidian practices. Jainism too adopted some of these to make itself more acceptable. The monks were now permitted to observe local customs and practices. This new outlook is clearly visible in the words of Jinadasa when he writes in the NC.: "Religion cannot flourish among the people who do not even know the social customs and etiquettes (logovayara )". 8 The observance of local customs and practices was brought under exceptions ( avavada ) and the inonk resorting to it was not liable to be punished. Thus, even though "abstinence from food at night" is counted amongst the six vows of the Jaina monks, the NC. allows the monk to take food at night in the countries where it is a custom as in Northern India. * Monks were permitted to wear the clothes according to the customs of a particular region and also take food accordingly. The monks in 1. Dco, S. B., History of Jaina Monachism, p. 133. 2. Saletore, op. cit., p. 7; vide--Deo, op. cit., p. 133. 3. tiger for og gari fa, storiastrarfeda at gaat FANC. 2, p. 171.. 4. NG. 1, p. 154.

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284 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the Jaina order were recruited from the various parts of the country and from different strata of the society. Thus, even though trying their best, they could not do away completely with the habits or practices to which they were habituated since birth. In such circumstances fair tendency to show considerable latitude is clearly visible in every aspect of life. For instance, during the period of long fasts the Curni allows consumption of liquid and dry food ( vamjana-misa and nyambila ) by the monks of Sindhu and Kornkana respectively, as the people in the former country were not accustomed to take dry food due to the eating habits of their region.' This spirit of adaptability and eagerness to change for the welfare of the Church may be summed up in the words of Somadeva : "It is legitimate for the Jainas to follow any custom or practice sanctioned by popular usage so long it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of the Jaina faith or the moral and disciplinary vows."2 Besides these changes in the general life of the monks, fundamental changes can be seen in the form of Jainism which are in strange contradiction to the original tenets of the religion. Jainas had questioned the existence of God as the Creator of this world and believed that there was no overlord commanding this universe. According to them, Loka ( world ) was never created, nor it is supported by any being of the name of Hari or Hara? and is in a sense eternal, yet they believed in the eternity of the soul, the state of perfection and the possibility of each soul achieving it by its own efforts. This rationalistic atheism of the Jainas was in direct opposition to the theism and "the priest-ridden ritualism of the Brah 1. NC. 1, p. 145. 2. sarva eva hi jainAnAM pramANaM laukiko vidhiH / yatra samyaktvahAnirna yatra na vratadUSaNam Yasastilaka, Book VIII, Section 34; Handiqui,op. cit, p. 332. 3. Sharma, S. R., Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 132.

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RELIGION 285 mapas."1 But when the question of propagation and popularity of faith came forward, Jainism had to accept certain changes. "Jainism was placed in the midst of religious schools whose advocates believed in single sovereign god-heads such as Siva, Visnu, Sakti etc. Consequently, in the atmosphere of competition the champions of Jaina religion and philosophy had to make suitable adjustments, without violating the fundamentals, in the minor details of their philosophical concepts and religious terminology with a view to capture the popular mind and maintain the impression among its adherents that their faith was in no way inferior to that of others". 2 Thus, the founder of the religion and its various preachers became their gods; and the perfected souls called Jinas, who were the ideal beings for the monks, became the active supporters to affect the salvation of their devotees. Mention of Mahavira as the 'Lord of Universe' and the worship of the images of Jina (piya-padima ) in the NC. are the testimony to this fact. The images were given ceremonial bath (nhavanapuya), and were decorated with flowers and garlands. Besides the worship of Mahavira, the worship of Arhats,5 Tirthankaras, Siddhas and Acaryas? ( Paramesthi-pujana ) became the general feature of their life. As Buhler has observed : "Since the religious doctrine gave no other support, the religious feeling of laity clung to it; Jina and with him, his. mythical predecessors became gods.398 Here it is to be marked that this religious devotion was not confined to the laity but was common amongst the monks as well. In the NC. mention of various Acaryas going in all directions to bow to 1. Ibid. 2. Dosai, op. cit., p. 88 3. NC. 2, p. 362. 4. NC. 2, f. 137. 5. NC. 1, p. 1. 6. NO. 2, p. 137. 7. Ibid. 8. Vide--Sharma, op. cit., p. 142. 9. NC. 2, p. 113.

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226 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA QURNI the images of Jina (zina-pratima-vandana ) also corroborates the same fact. 1 With the godhood of its founder and preachers, their worship in the temple (zinaghara )? also came in vogue. The temple-worship was the most common feature of the religious life during this period, and we see innumerable types of early medieval temples belonging to different sects. The Jainas did not lag behind their Brahmana counterparts in this field and as is evident from the various epigraphs, many of the kings liberally gave grants for erecting Jaina temples during this time. Fergusson has remarked: "Jaina temples were really prayers in stone." In the NC. monks are frequently mentioned as going for the reverence in the temple ( caitya-vandana-nimitta ),5 The temples must have been cleaned (pamajjana ), washed ( Qvari sana ), anointed with clay ( uvalevana), decorated with flowers ( thupphovayarappadana ) and lighted with lamps ( divaga-pajjalana ). The princes as well as the public made grants for these provisions. By giving place to such religious rites and ceremonies the adherents of Jainism proved that the popularity of a religion is based on its ceremonial aspect which has a direct appeal to the common man. - The animistic or the hylozoistic theory of Jainism? is the basis of the entire Jaina philosophical, moral and ethical system. According to Jaina conception, the entire cosmosplants, trees, birds, animals, water, earth etc.-is possessed of life. This animistic theory of the Jainas "was of course 1, NC, 2, p. 362. 2. 97751 FFTUETTICE-NC. 3, p. 65. 3. 97731) pratila baaT HETTTTT TA ETT 7-NC. 4, p. 301; NC: 3, p. 14. 4. Fergusson, J., History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II, p. 26. 5. NC. 2, p. 113. 6. NO. 2, p. 334. 7. Sharama, op. cit., p. 131.

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quite different from the animistic belief in the existence of spirits in trees, stones, and running brooks" which are to be propitiated by various types of sacrifices. But with the spread of Jainism in Dravidian countries some of its factors were embibed by Jainism and the belief in the spirits, ghosts and evil omens infected even the Jaina followers. In the NC. various types of spirits and ghosts like the bhutas,2 jakkhas, pisacas,* raksasas, gujjhakas, vanamamtaras" and the female hobgoblins like the putana (puyana ) and dakini (dagini) have been frequently mentioned who were largely worshipped and propitiated. Belief in obsession by the jakkhas was widely spread amongst the people and it had deeply affected the monastic life also. Very frequently the Jaina monks and nuns may be observed being obsessed by the jakkhas (jakkhaittha-jakkhaggaha) and later treated with exorcism (bhuyavijja).10 A monk obsessed by the jakkhas was not to be punished even for committing the most heinous crime.11 All the exceptions to the general rules could be resorted to by an obsessed monk. The jakkhas were believed to have two-fold influence-beneficial and evil, and they were propitiated to yield the beneficial aspect. 12 1. Ibid., p. 133. 2. NO. 1, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 186. RELIGION With the belief in the existence of ghosts and spirits there arose the desire to master the occult lores-Mantravidya, Tantravidya-to counteract the effects of the same. knowledge of occult lores became the source of prestige amon The 3. NC. 1, p. 21; NC. 3, p. 141. 4. NC. 3, pp. 185-86. 5. NC. 3, p. 186. 6. NC. 4, p. 224. 7. NC. 1, pp. 8-9; NC. 4, p. 13. 8. NC. 3, p. 408. 9. NC. 2, p. 81. 10. NG. 1, p. 67; NG. 2, P. 262; NG. 3, p. 102. 11. NC. 2, p. 2. 12. NG. 2, p. 308; NG. 3, p. 416. 287

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288 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI gst the monks and many of them took pride in styling themselves as Mantravadins. Though barred from having any contact with the heretics, the Jaina monk is allowed in the NG. to follow a Pasattha or a Parivvayaga for learning the occult lore.1 The Jaina Acaryas and the monks versed in the art of exorcism have been mentioned as visiting tbe nunnery to treat the nuns obsessed by the jakkhas or spirits. 2 Thus, during this time of rivalry and competition and in consonance with the belief prevailing in the efficacy of incantation amongst the other religious schools in the country, the Jaina preceptors and monks appear to have indulged in claiming proficiency in this craft also. From the earliest times caste or social status was no bar to a person for entering the Buddhist or Jaina order. Even during these centuries we find the monks being recruited from all the strata of society, i. e. the kings, the businessmen, the agriculturists, the carpenters etc;s yet the influence of their earlier social status had far reaching effects on their monastic life. We find special privileges being given to the kings, caravan-leaders and sons of the State-officers etc., who wanted to embrace the monastic life. The growing tendency for the propagation of the Church restricted the monks from having any contact with the people condemned by the society. In the NC. as seen before, 5 people have been divided into two groups-ajungita and jungita or sambhojika and asambhojika,? the latter being the people condemned by society with whom the Jaina monks were to keep no contact. The whole theory has been summed up by the author when the says : "The prestige 1. NC. 1, p. 141. 2. NO. 2, p. 262. 3. NC. 2, p. 235. 4. NC. 2, p. 90. 5. See-Chapter III. 6. NC. 2, p. 243. 7. NC. 2, p. 324.

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19 RELIGION 289 of the Religion, i. e. Church, enhances by avoiding contact with the people condemned by society." Besides these external relations, divisions arose among the Jaina community itself. The distinction between the Svetambaras and the Digambaras was the most substantial one and between them arose various subsects due to the trivial differences regarding religious practices. The Marathi piana Kosa enumerates not less than eighty-four subsects among the Jainas,2 These facts justify the observation of Smith : "though the teaching theoretically condemns the caste, in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brothers in the ironfetters of the caste,"3 and this spirit of exclusiveness must have prevailed during these centuries. This spirit of exclusiveness seems to be at its extreme in their relation with the heretics. Though fundamentally believing in the universality of the soul, the philosophical tenets were put aside and a devout Jaina was expected to avoid contact with the people following a different faith. Even when emphasizing on the essential moral virtues like affection, charity, donation, humility etc., their feeling seems to have been restricted only to the coreligionists ( sahammiya ).* Charity towards the people following the non-Jaina faith or the praise of their religious doctrines was a serious mistake on the part of a Jaina monk.5 The monks were directed not to live in the company of heretics or search or eat food in their company and should avoid taking food from the houses where heretics were in majority.? It was believed that the company of the persons not following the Mahavratas and Apuvratas, i. e. not believing in the Jaina faith, was against 1. n go'feara, a afecta a goat far hafa--NG. 2, p. 244. 2. Mara hi Jnana kosa, p. 2323. 3. Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 54. 4. NC, 1, p. 19. 5. NO. 1, p. 15. 6. NC. 2, p. 118. 7. NC. 2, p. 253.

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290 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the injunctions of Tirthankaras. The monks of the Jaina order were to keep themselves away from the ascetics of different orders such as the Parivrajakas, Sakyas, Ajivakas and Caragas.1 Perhaps the reason behind tbis exclusiveness was to avoid friction and disputes and keep their followers unimpressed from the religious doctrines of the other faiths, especially at a time when the rival sects were also trying their best to convert others into their respective faiths. Thus, by their conservativeness by keeping themselves away from the social intercourse, the Jaina lawgivers of the time tried to maintain the integrity of the Church. K. K. Handiqui has rightly remarked: "Isolation rather than amity based on free social intercourse was the object aimed at in inter-communal relations.''2 These and various other changes seem to have taken place in the early medieval Jainism, and it would not be unjust to say that by giving place to the tenets of rivals within their own faith and by showing a spirit of adaptability in case of the outer differences, Jainism saved itself from being extinct from the country and is still holding its grounds down to these centuries. Brahmanic Religion ( Saivism And Vaisnavism) The ancient Vedic religion had by now rejuvenated in form of new Brahmanic religion or Hinduism comprising in its fold the various sects and subsects, and the ceremonial or ritualistic aspect took the upper hand in religion. Though still holding its central position among the trinity of gods, the worship of Brahma, however, could not acquire an independent form. In the NC. also no mention is made of the cult of Brahma or the temples dedicated to him. All other Brahmanic sects worshi. pping the different deities and following diverse practices may be grouped under two main heads, viz. Saivism and Vaisnavism. 1. NC. 2, p. 118. 2. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 331.

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RELIGION 291 Saivism Saivism was the most flourishing religion of the time. Immense contemporary poetic literature and archaeological remains reveal a new activity and vigour under the Saivite pantheon during the 7th and 8th centuries. I Worship of Lord Siva had become a general feature of the life of the Indians (even though not related to any particular sect )2 and Saivism in itself developed various sects and subsects due to the different attributes of Siva. Four main schools of Saivism, viz. Saiva, Pasupata, Karukasiddhantin and Kapalika, have been mentioned by Vacaspati, the commentator of Sarkara. 8 Ramanuja in a later period describes the four sects of Saivism, although the Karukasiddhantin is called by the name of Kalamuha.* Distinction among these sects was based upon their way of worship or conception of Siva. While the former two may be said to have constituted the Savism proper, the latter two were the extremists who "represented the grosser forms of Saivism or rather Tantricism.>>5 Of the various classes of the Saivitic ascetics mentioned in the NC. the Sarakkhas or Bhautas and Pandaramgas must have belonged to the former group, while the Ka palikas and the Haddasarakkhas (Skt. Asthi sarajaskas ) are to be identified with the latter group. Saivities And Pasupatas-Rudra, the ancient deity of the Rgvedic pantheon, had by now given place to more popular names and conceptions like that of Siva, Pasupati? or Mahadeva.8 Although the Rudragshas or the temples of Rudra have 1. Ghatege, A. M., Classical Age, p. 409. 2. Bhandarkar, R. G., Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems, pp. 168-69. 3. Ibid., p. 172. 4. Ibid. 5. Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 334. 6. NO. 1, p. 10. 7. NO. 1, p. 105. 8. NO. 1, pp. 146-47.

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292 been alluded to in the text, yet the synonym Mahadevayatana1 given for the same proves the accuracy of the above statement. The worship of Siva with all its ceremonial aspects extracted the utmost devotion of the people from all strata of society. High Brahmana priests as well as the people belonging to the lower section like the Pulindas were the ardent devotees of Siva. The story is cited of a Brahmana and Pulinda, both worshipping the image of Siva, but the Pulinda is mentioned to have reached an exalted status due to his sincere devotion.2 Bana also mentions the evening worship of Siva as a general feature of the time." In the Malatimadhava of Bhavabhuti Malati can be seen going to the temple of Siva on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month.* A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI The worshippers of Siva could be divided into three classes (i) clericals or ascetics, (ii) their lay-followers, and (iii) the ordinary people who had no connection with any particular sect. The Sarakkhas, the Bhautas and the Pandaramga ascetics of the NC. may be included into the first group of the Saivite ascetics. Describing the chief Pasupata practices Somadeva records their particular habit of besmearing the body with ashes in the morning, noon and evening. The Sarakkha ascetics mentioned in the NC. may be identified with the Pasupatas on similar grounds. I-Tsing also refers to a class of ascetics who anointed their body with ashes and tied up their locks of hair." The Sarakkhas used to store the ashes for the rainy season as a part of their ritualistic parapher 1. ruddagharaM mahAdevAyatanamityarthaH NC. 1, p. 146. 2. NC. 1, p. 10. 3. Like the sweat of Sandhya in her delight at Siva' worship-Harsacrita, Tr. pp. 10. 4. Malatimadhava, Act III. 5. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 169. 6. NC. 3, pp. 101, 160, 532, 584. 7. NC. 2, p. 119; NC. 3, pp. 123, 414. 8. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 199. 9. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 2. 8

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RELIGION 293 nalia. They were also called as Bhoya or Bhauta ( besmeared with ashes ) because of the same reason. In the commentary on the Bihatkal pa Bhusya they are mentioned as a class of the Ta pasasa, while the Anuyogadvara Curni identifies them with the Pandaramga ascetics.3 Pan laramgas, as the name itself suggests, were a class of the Saivite ascetics. 4 Their sect appears to have been a popular one irrespective of the fact that they were highly despised and 'even compared with the Sudras by the Jaina monks. Pandaraga ascetics can be seen assembling at a place during the festival of Indra ( Imdamaha ).6 Although held in contempt by the Jainas because of their personal rivalry," they must have been held in respect by the public who easily provided them with food and shelter.8 Pandaramgas, as noted above, have been identified with the Sarakkha ascetics in the Anuyogadvara Carni. Difference between these two sects is not clear, although both were undoubtedly the Saivite ascetics. - 1, EI HIFCEH GUTTTTTTHETIS-NG. 3, p. 160. The text at this place in the present edition of the NC. appears to be corrupt. In the press copy of the NG. prepared by Muni Punya Vijaya the text runs as: TET HEET TIEFE H rifa TETTAETIT TIET (1, p. 271 ), which is more reliable and correct; also sec-Brh. Vi. 4, p. 1153. 2. TITAT: HT55-: _Bih. Vr. 2, p. 456. 3. A11, Cu, p. 12. 4, Describing the Panduranga or Pandaranga ascetics J. C. Jains remarks: "According to the Nisitha Curni, however, the disciples of Gosala were called Pandarabhikkhu" (LAI., p. 207). Here it is to be noted that the Pandaramgas and the Pandarabhikkhus are mentioned as two different classes of ascetics in the NC.; whereas the latter are called the disciples of Gosala, i, e, the Ajivakas, the former may be identified with the Saivite ascetics.-NC. 3, pp. 123, 414; NC. 2, p. 119. 5. ET E QETESTETHITTA asft-NC. 2, p. 119. 6. NO. 3, p. 123. 7. CETTE af feTTIA TUTTAFETT wafa_NC. 2, p. 119, 8. NC. 3, p. 123.

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294 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Apart from the ascetics there were the householder-devo-- tees of Siva. Mention has also been made of 'food' or 'offerings brought to the Siva temple by the householders; and the Jaina monks could accept the same in times of dire necessity. These devotees have been specifically called as householders ( gihattha ),2 and may be regarded to have been the laydevotees of this faith. Yuan Chwang in his account mentions at several places the temples of Mahesvara at which the Pasupatas worshipped, while at one or two places they are mentioned as residing in the temple. As conjectured by R. G. Bhandarkar, "those residing in the temple must have been the ascetics, while the others were the householder disciples of the Pasupata faith."* Probably outside this sectarian circle the worship of Siva formed a part of the religious life in general. Sivagphas or the temples of Siva, though primarily built for the Saivite ascetics, were sometimes resorted to even by the heretics. In an ancient story cited in the text, Ajja Suhatthi, the famous Jaina Acarya, is alluded to have resided in a Sivaghara in the country of Saurastra.5 Various terms like Ruddaghara, Ruddanikeyana, Mahadevayatana, sivaghara? etc. used in the text indicate the richness of the Saivite temples during this time. The fact is further supported by the archaeological remains. Many a temple of Siva constructed by the early Calukyas and the Rasgrakatas, the Kailasa and the cave temples of Ellora, may be taken to show the worship of Siva in Maharastra from the 7th century A. D., & while it flourished as a State-religion.. under the Maitrakas of Valabhi who style themselves as 'in. 1. FEIATTE faqafoaferi TETT TRACT:NC. 1, p. 146. 2. Ibid. 3. Vide_Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 167-68. 4, Ibid. 5. NC. 2, p. 362. 6. NC, I., pp. 146-47. 7. NC. 2, p. 362, 8. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 169.

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RELIGION 295 unbroken descent from the most devout worshipper of the god,' viz. Mahesvara or Parama-Mahesvaral during the same centuries. Ka palikas and Haddasarakkhas ( Asthi sarajaskas )-The sect of the Kapalikas has been frequently nentioned in the NC., and it was bighly despised by the Jaina monks and society.The Kapalikas (literally, furnished with a human skull) are described as besmeared with ashes and residing at despised or impure places, and their presence was disgusting because of their extreme uncleanliness. They were also regarded as untouchables ( asprsya ) because of the same reason." In his work Yasastilaka Somadeva prescribes a bath for the Jaina monks when they happen to come in contact with a Kapalika.* The Kapalikas are shown as keeping ashes (bhoya ) and other fragrant substances like guggula ( most probably for worship ) in a particular object called sikkaga-nantaga (a type of covering used to cover something ) as a part of their ritualistic paraphernalia.? Another similar sect mentioned in the NC. is that of the Haddasarakk has.8 They have been identified with the Kapalikas in the commentary of the BIhatkal pa Bhasya.9 They were akin to the Kapalikas on the basis of the similar practices 1. Alina Copper-plate Inscription of Sitaditya VII (A, D, 766-67 A. D.); also grants of Dhruvasena II and Kharagraha 11-CII, III, pp. 180, 182, 185. 2. NC. 2, pp. 38, 227, 244; NC, 3, p. 252. 3. NO. 2, p. 244. 4. Astay for gama faca... teadmatatit ca 19rfesor TTNA: 2, p. 227. 5. fafarat ca u gu feat Haifa, 37FTFIT T:--NC. 2, p. 244. 6. Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 356-57. 7. fhF 31 3 Anaht 9691Eu...FTTH Fraiseu thuy-NC. 2, p. 38. In the pross.copy of NC, prepared ly Muni Punya Vijaya the text runs as fraiftea Tufeni ( 1, p. 64 ) which appears to be more correct, 8. NC. 2, pp. 207, 227; NO. 3, pp. 81, 585. 9. Brh, V7. 3, P. 788.

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296 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI attributed to them or could have been an independent sect like the Kalamuhas who shared almost similar practices. Both the Kapa likas and the Haddasarakkhas were characterised alike with uncleanliness and impurity. The Jaina monks were directed to remain pure and clean in the presence of others lest they might be thought even worse than the Haddasarakkhas. 2 The Kapalikas and the Haddasarakkhas were supposed to be versed in various supernatural powers and inagical practices. In the Samaraiccakaha of Haribhadra also, the gambler Mahesvaradatta, who later became a Kapa lika, is mentioned as an expert in garuda-mantra--the mystic formula for curing the snake-bites.* These sects were versed in the art of divining the treasure-troves ( nihi) by practising certain mystic formulas like the Maha kala-mama.In the Yasastilaka also the saiva Haraprabodha is shown to have been an expert in divining the underground treasures. 6 Certain heinous practices have always prevailed amongst the Kapalikas, but the references in the text make it clear that their sect was a popular one during this time. These accounts of the NC. are firmly supported by the literary as well as archaeological sources. In the 1. Kalamuhas were also a sect akin to the Kapalikas. Their six distinc tive marks were : cating food in skull, besmearing body with ashes of a dead-body, eating the ashes, holding a club, keeping a pot of wine and worshipping the god seated therein (Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 181). According to Dakshina Ranjana Sha'tri, the Kapalikas in a later period gave up bearing the Kipala skull ), although they were still Styled as Kapalikas. But the other section of the Kapalikas, wbich did not approve of this retrograde step, kept on bearing Kapala and were called Kalamuha or Kalavadana.--"The Lokyatikas and the Kapalikas', IHQ., Vol. 7 ( 1931 ), pp. 125-37. 2. Baca ar ESHTE te sfatuladt HUFFT-NC. 3, p. 81. 3. "37665" ff Satar a fagutta fiat ar fh11571_NC. 3, p. 585; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 789. 4. Samaraiccakaha, Book IV. 5. NC. 3, p. 387. 6. Yasastilaka, Bk. IV; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 89.

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RELIGION 297 Malatimadhava ( Act 5 ) of Bhavabhuti, the Kapalika Aghoraghanta is shown as attempting to sacrifice Malati before the goddess Karala or Camunda. It can also be judged from the Bhavabhuti's statement in Act I of the same text that Sriparvata, a holy mountain in Kurnol district (Madras Presidency) on the Krsna river, was a famous centre of the Kapalika cult. The existence of the Kapalika cult can also be judged from the Mattavila sa-prahasana of the Pallava king Mahendravarman I (7th century A. D.) and the Prabodhacandrodaya of Ksemakirti.. Yuan Chwang also refers to the Kapalikas as one of the important sects of the time.2 In the copper-plate inscription of Nagavardhan (7th century A. D. ), the nephew of Pulakesin II, a grant is recorded for the worship of god Kapalesvara and the maintenance of the Mahavratins residing in the temple,* which also proves the existence of the sect of the Kapalikas during the 7th century A. D. All the four main sects of Saivism have thus been alluded to in the NC., and frequent references to these sects reveal them to have been the greatest and the most hostile rivals of Jainism during this time. Vaisnavism Though less popular than saivism, Vaispavism was quite flourishing in Northern as well as Southern India. Vaisnavism in the form of Bhagavatism received a philip under the Gupta rulers during the 3rd and 4th centuries A. D.,* and 1. Vide--Hindiqui, op. cit., pp. 356-57. 2. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 148. 3. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 168. The Kapalikas and the other similar sects like the Kalamuhas were styled as Mahavratin ( observers of the great vow), as the greatness of their vow lay in their extraordinary character, Sec--Jagadhara's commentary on Malatimadhava sect, 1); Kathasaritasagara, 2. 81; Yasastilaka, 1. 115; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 358. -4. Sircar, D. C., Classical Age, p. 414.

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298 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI even after their decline it remained popular amongst the masses. In South, the worship of the various forms of Visnu became popular due to the extreme devotion of the Alvara saints during these centuries." Visnu, the sun-deity of Rgveda, was reborn in the Puranic pantheon with exuberant power, and the cults of Visnu, Narayana, Vasudeva, Ksspa etc. represented its various streams. From the Nisitha Curni, we do not get a fair picture of Vaisnavism. While the hostile attacks of the author are usually directed against the Saivites and the Buddhists', the author is remarkably silent about the Vaisnava faith. At one place, however, mention is made of the image of Narayana (Narayanadi padima)* which shows that images of Narayana must have been made and worshipped by its devotees. At several places in his works Bana refers to the images of Narayana. From the inscriptions also we learn that in the Vaisnava cave at Badami excavated under the Calukya king Kirtivarman I in 578 A. D. an image of Visnu was installed and provision was made for the Narayana-bali or offering to Narayana.6 The Sirigharas or the temples dedicated to the goddess Sri have been alluded to in the text?, which shows that the worship of Visnu with his consort Sri or Laksmi must have been in vogue and that temples were also erected for their worship. Amongst the various forms of Visnu mention is made of Vasudeva who fled from the prison of Kam sa even in the presence of its guards. The story of the origin of the Bhalli 1. Ghatege, A. M., op. cit., p. 409 2. Sce--Saivism. 3. Sce-Buddhism. 4. ay giet cafe feitung Neufaha -NC. 4, p. 59. 5. Agrawala, V. S., Kadambari: Eka Sanskrtika Adnyayaha, pp. 1-8g 34, 118. 6. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 61; also Handiqui, op. cit., p. 365. 7. NC. 2, pp. 360, 362. 8. NO. 2, PP. 415-16.

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RELIGION 299 Tirtha, the place where Krspa was killed, has also been narrated in the text.1 The cult of Vasudeva Krsna, which existed in India at least from the 2nd century B. C., must have existed down to these centuries as can be judged from certain inscriptions belonging to the 5th century A. D. The stories. mentioned in the text, however, do not describe Vasudeva as a central figure of any religion, although they clearly reveal the prevalence of various stories and fables regarding the wonderful feats of Krsna. Among the associates of Vasudeva mention is made of Baladeva, also known as Mukunda, and the festival in honour of Mukunda, i. e. Mukundamaha, has also been referred to. It can be thus safely concluded that the worship of Visnu in various forms and in its ritualistic or ceremonial aspects was quite popular, although Vaispavism. as such did hold subsidiary position to Saivism.' Buddhism Buddhism having touched its peak during the early centuries of the Christian era was now on its way to decline, although it had not actually faded particularly in western India. In Valabhi, as noted by Yuan Chwang, Buddhism had considerable influence at the court and had a good adherence in Saurastra.I-Tsing also observed a large number of Buddhist monks residing in the monasteries near Valabhi, while Valabhi itself was a famous Buddhist centre of learning during these centuries.5 The most hostile attacks of our Jaina author are directed against the Buddhists who appear to have been their active rivals on account of their ideological differences with the Jainas. The Buddhist monks are virtually mentioned as enemies. 1. NC, 2, p. 416. 2. NO. 2, p. 444. 3. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 371. 4. Watters, op. cit., II, pp. 109, 246. 5. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 177. ddhist monks see also-Sakka-classes of Ascotics.

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300 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (paccatthiya, pratyanika ) or thorns ( Buddha-kantaka ) towards whom no charity was to be displayed by the householders. The doctrine of Buddha is mentioned as a false belief born out of ignorance (mithya-drsti ), 2 and his followers were ignorant people who believed in false principles mistaking them to be the ultimate knowledge or truth.s The Buddhist monks were considered to be unaware of the true religion even after shaving their head and renouncing their home. According to the author, the Buddhists could not be regarded as bhikkhu (lit, one who lives on begging ) because they did not observe proper rules in regard to their begging or in accepting the alms. This laxity regarding the matters of food on the part of the Buddhists has been hinted at by various Jaina scholars. Hemacandra in the 12th century goes even to the extent of saying that the religion of Buddha is excellent indeed, its essentials being a soft bed, rice-gruel in the morning, boiled rice at noon, drinking bouts in the evening and sugarcandy at night. The Buddhists were highly criticised by the Jainas for their laxity in the matters of meat-eating. Buddha had allowed three kinds of meat as pure which could be taken by the Buddhist monks without incurring any guilt.? 1. TA GozfTT SCHAFT TE FIT ht quh yuzifa, egoi qaft-NC 3, p. 415. 2. FIREHAT Affort fortale: -NC. 3, p. 101; fhearrta: 91777 EDHET:-Brh. Vr. 2, p. 561. 3. F FFFfa hal Pratcom ungata itd-NC. 3, p. 269. 1. muMDA kuDubavAse Na vAsaMti rattapaDA ete dhamma sayaM Na yANaMti, kahamannassa kahissaMti NC. 3, p. 429. 5. (AFCIENTI AT Prepele "garet TFTE FUST-Wat Hafia" *7 a f a: THITgtdf4c44[ ( 14t -NG. 4, p. 272. 6. Hemacandra's commentary on Yogasastra, 4.102. 9-10; also Devasena's Bhavasangraha, 68-69; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 373. 7. For three kinds of pure meat see-Chap. IV-Meat-diet. It is, however, to be noted that only the Hinayanist Buddhists accepted the three kinds of pure meat, while the Mahayanists totally abstained from mcat-diet,

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RELIGION The author fiercely attacks the Buddhist practice of meateating by giving the logic that those who are in the habit of taking meat are to be called meat-eaters even when they take the vegetarian food; as such the Buddhists are the confirmed meat-takers.1 He further ironically remarks: "To say that a person is vegetarian in the absence of the meat-diet is quite similer to the belief that a person is not addicted to killing so long there is nothing to kill, or one is a celibate in the absence of the campany of women, or one abstains from meat and wine in the absence of the two, or that one is not a thief so long there is nothing to steal".2 The same spirit of contempt and hatred regarding the Buddhist practice of meat-eating can be judged from the works of the other Jaina authors. Somadeva in his rasastilaka contemptuously remarks: "Buddhists are the first among the communities which prescribe eating of flesh," "'s and also "How can a wise man respect the Buddhist who is addicted to flesh and wine ? It can be thus deduced that there must have been some laxity in matters of food and drink on the part of the Buddhists for which they were severely criticized by the contemporary Jaina authorities. However, in spite of these unfavourable remarks from the pen of our Jaina authors regarding the Buddhists and their faith, it can be judged that the Buddhists commanded certain respect amongst the nobility and the public. Many of the Brahmanical kings, though hostile towards the Jainas, were tolerant towards the Buddhists. The sanction given to the and some of them even abstained from milk and milk products (Watters, op. cit., I, p. 57; Watters, op. cit., II, p. 191; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 373). The author of the NC., however, makes no such difference and meateating is described as a habit of the Buddhist monks in general. 1. NippisA vayaM jAva pisiyassa alAbho tti - NC. 4, p. 273. 2. NC. 4, pp. 272-73. 3. Yasastilaka, VI. 2, p. 267; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 371. 4. Yalastilaka, VII. 24; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 372. 301 .

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*302 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Jaina monks to wear Buddhist apparel in order to save themselves where the king is in the latter's influence also testifies the same fact.1 The same rule was to be implemented in the region where the Buddhists were held in esteem.2 Although charity shown towards the non-Jaina monks, i. e. the Buddhists, was thought to be futile in its results by the Jainas, yet the Jaina monks in the NC. are directed not to speak to where the public is in the influence of the Buddhists." Animate disputations took place between the two in which the Jainas are always shown as coming out victorious. However, in spite of these various references to the Buddhist monks, no mention is made of the Buddhist Sangha or the monasteries inhabited by the Buddhist monks. From other sources we learn that "the integrated strength of the Buddhists had tumbled down by now, and Buddhism in India was carrying a life and death struggle with Jainism and newly revived Brahmanism or the Hinduism." Classes of Ascetics In India no higher achievement was thought to be possible without the renunciation of the worldly life. A conglomeration of the different sects of ascetics was thus to be found, the presence of which may be easily attested to from the contemporary accounts of Yuan Chwang, I-Tsing and Bana.6 In 1. bauddhAdinA rAjJo'numatena paraliGagena sthitA vRSabhA yuktiyuttairvacobhistaM rAjAnaM -Brh. Vr. 3, p. 879. 2. savvA asati uvakaraNassa sakkAti paraliMgakaraNaM kajjati - NC. 2, p. 325. 3. NC. 1, p. 113. 4. Describing the various types of ascetics Yuan Chwang remarks: "The Bhutas, the Nirgranthas, the Kapalikas and Julikas or Chundikas (ascetics with matted hair) are all differently arrayed". Some wear peacock's tails, some adorn themselves with a necklace of skulls, some are quite naked, some cover the body with grass or blades, some put out their hair and clip their moustaches, some mat their side hair and make a top knot coil. Their clothing is not fixed and their colour varies."-Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148. 5. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 2. 6. See the description of the hermitage of the sage Divakaramitra where

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RELIGION 303 the NC. these various types of ascetics have been grouped into two main groups, viz. the Brahmanas ( Mahana ) and the Sramanas ( Samana ).1 The first group must have consisted of the Saivite and the Vaisnavite ascetics ( see-Brahmanic Religion ), while the latter consisted of the five classes of the Samanas, viz. (i) Niggartha, Sahu or Khamana, (ii) Sakka, (iii) Tavasa, (iv) Gerua or Parivayaga and (v) Ajivaga. (i) Niggamtha-Nigga mtha Samanas were she Jaina monks who followed the path or order of the Jainas ( Jaina-sasana,: painatantra ). Various sects and subsects existed among the Jainas during this time The seven schisms ( nihmava ) led by Jamali, Tissagutta, Asadha, Assamitta, Ganga, Rohagutta and Gotthamahila have been referred to in the Nisitha Bhasya. Schism between the Svetambaras and the Digambarase was the most substantial one which was finally recognised by this time. Digambaras ( sky-clad or naked ) have been usually called as Bodiya,' while the Sveta mbaras were known as Seyavacas 8 (Sveta pata ) or Seya-bhikkhus. Among the Svetambaras also there were the monks following the Jinakalpa or the Sthavirakalpa mode of life 10 and also the ascetics of the lower grade known as Pasattha, Kusila, Osanna, Samatta and Nitiya because of their respective mental attitude or spiritual status. Pasatthas were originally the followers of Parsva, but the term Pasattha later came to be used in the sense of ascetics of all the sects lived and studied together.-Bana, Harsa carita, Tr. p. 236, text pp. 265-66. 1. NC. 1, p. 13. 2. samaNasaddo imesu Thito-NiggaMthA sAdhU khamaNA vA, sakkA rattapaDA, tAvasA vaNavAsiNo, TESTT TARTIT, 3715ftanti-NC. 3, p. 414, 3, NO. 1, p. 17. 4. NO. 3, p. 390. 5. N. Bha. 5596 -5624 ( NC. 4, pp. 101-3). 6. Ibid. 7, NC. 4, p. 102. 8. NC. 1, p. 78. 9. NO. 3, p. 422; NC. 4, p. 87. 10. NO. 1, p. 131.

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304 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the ascetics of loose moral conduct.1 However, in spite of the internal differences, they were known to the public by a common name, i. e. Niggankha. There was a well developed fraternity consisting of the monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen. Bound by innumerable rules they strived for the good of humanity and for their own salvation ( see also--Jainism ). (ii) Sakka-Sakkas or sakyas were the Buddhist monks who were known as Bhikku,2 Taccaniya' and Rattapada (Raktapata )also. Raktapata was a common appellation of the Buddhist monks of the time. Bapa also frequently mentions the Buddhist monks as clad in red attire. Divakaramitra, the Buddhist sage, is shown as clad in a very soft red attire as if he were the eastern quarter of the sky bathed in the morning sun-shine, teaching the other quarters to assume the red Buddhist attire. Harsa also tells the sage Divakaramitra that "at the end when I have accomplished the design, she (Rajyasri) and I will assume the red garments (kasayani) together."6 In the Kadambari also the Buddhist nuns are described as wearing clothes, red like the skin of the ripe Tala tree.' The Buddhist monks and nuns utilized the bark of the Arjuna ( teak ) and Kandala (plantain ) tree for dying their clothes in red colour. 9 As noted before, though the large Buddhist monasteries were mostly desroyed by now, ihe Buddhist monks could be found everywhere in the country. The references make it clear that they were respected by the kings as well as by the public. 1. NC. 2, p. 286. 2. NO. 1, p. 113. 3. NC. 3, pp. 246, 253, 325. 4. AFFIT TE YER_NC. 3, pp. 414, 429; NC. 1, p. 17, 113, 121; NC. 2, p. 116. 5. Hariacarita, Tr. p. 237. 6. Ibid., p. 258. 7. pariNatatAlaphalavalkalalohitavastrAbhizca raktapaTavratavAhinIbhiH...tApasIbhiH Kadambari, p. 208. 8. JoafoutaiuttOTATI 245Gui pacaAfati afectautuiNC. 3, p.. 160.

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20 RELIGION 305 (iii) Tavasa-Tavasa Samanas were the hermits or forestrecluses who lived in the forests (vanava si so)? practising meditation and various other spiritual austerities. They were people following the third stage of life, i. e. Vanaprastba. The Tavasas lived in the Asramas situated amidst the forests and their head was called Kulapati.2 Various classes of the Tavasas have been mentioned in the Jainas and the Brahmanic texts of which the following have been referred to in the NC.: (i) Govvaiya -- They were the worshippers of cow who had taken the vrata of gocarya. According to the ancient texts, this vrata consisted of imitating the ways of a cow.5 (ii) Disa pokkhi(r)--They were a class of the Vanaprasthi Tavasas who sanctified all the sides by sprinkling water before gathering flowers and fruits. A graphic description of this class of the Tavasas is to be found in the description of Siva, the royal sage of Hastinapura who retired from life by joining the order of the Disa pokkhiya Tavasas.? (iii) Pancaggitavaya8_They were the worshippers of the five fold fire who practised pamcaggi penance by burning fire on the four sides and facing the sun above their head. Bana describes the sage Harita as having faced (lit. drunk ) the scorching rays of the sun' during his course 1.719 qualfeit-NC. 3, p. 414. 2. NC. 3, p. 425; NC. 2, p. 328. 3. Ovaiya Sutra, 38, p. 170; Bhagavati Sutra, 11. 9. 417. 4. govvayAdiyA disApokkhayA paMcaggitAvayA paMcagavvAsaNiyA evamAdiyA savve kucayA NC. 3, p. 195. 5. Papanca Sudani, 3. 1000; sec-Agrawala, V. S., Pracina Bharatiya Lokadharma, p. 102. 6. NC. 3, p. 195. 7. Bhagavati Sutra, 11. 9. 417; see also-Sikdar, J. C., Studies in the Bhagavati sutra, p. 176. 8. NC. 3, p. 195, also p. 179. 9. Agrawala, V. S.; Kadambari : Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, p. 48.

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306 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI of the pamcaggi penance. Parvati also practised severe penances like the parcaggi penance in order to please Siva. (iv) Pancagavva saniya? -- They were the Tavasas who lived upon the five products of cow, viz. milk, curd, clarified butter, urine and cowdung.: According to the ancient Brahmanic texts, the pancagavya prepared from the five products of cow and mixed with water in which the kuca blades have been placed, was taken for the purification of many lapses.* In the commentary of the BIhatkal pa Bhasya we find a Brahmana being given the pascagavya prayascitta for atoning the sin of eating the flesh of dog to keep himself alive in a desert. These penances undertaken by the Tavasas being that of an opponent faith have been termed by our author as 'false penances. ( kutava ) or 'false vows' ( kuvvaya ).* Yet their popularity among the Tavasa Samanas may be fairly attested to from the contemporary Brahmanical sources. (v) Parivvayaga"-Parivvayagas or Parivrajakas or the wandering ascetics were to be found in a large number. They were the masters of the sacred Brahmanic lore. They were also called 'Gerua-ascetics' since they wore the clothes dyed with red-clay (dhatumattiya-ratta ). Bana also describes the Parivrajakas of the Pasupata sect as clad in red clothing, 1. zucau caturNA jvalatAM havirbhujAM zucismitA madhyagatA sumdhymaa| vijitya netraprati graait a ralafe: Afer 11-Kumarasambhava, 5. 20. 2. NO. 3, p. 195. 3. qai eft af at 91FZI FER THAT 7-SED., p. 308. 4. gomUtraM gomayaM kSIraM dadhi sarpi: kuzodakam / nirdiSTaM paMcagavyaM tu pavitraM pApanAzanam / / ----Parasara Samhita, X. 1. 28-33. See also---Yajuavalkyasintti, III. 314; Kane, op. cit., Vol. II, Pt. III, p. 773. 5. Brh. Vr. 2, p. 319. 6. NC. 3, pp. 179, 195. 7. NC. 2, P, 207, 332; NC. 3, pp. 414, 420. 8. According to the Ovoiya Sutra ( 38, p. 172 ), the Parivvayagas were usually versed in the four Vedasa, Itihas, Nighamtu, six Vedangas and six Upangas,

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RELIGION 307 i.e. clothes dyed with red-clay.1 Various articles like the matta or dagavaraga, gaduka, dyamani, lottiya, ullamkaya, varaga, caddaga, kavvaya etc. were kept by the Parivrajakas.? Of these the first two were the earthen-ware pots, while the rest of them appear to have been wooden pots mant for keeping water. Sikkaga,' or a net-work of strings for hanging anything in, is mentioned as a necessary object of their ritualistic paraphernalia. 4 These wandering monks were usually held in respect by the public as can be judged from the fact that the Jaina monks were directed to keep the paraphernalia of the Parivrajakas in order to save themselves during the unusual social or political circumstances. (vi) Ajivaga--The sect of the Ajivagas ( Ajivakas ) was an ancient one and Gosala, the third leader of the sect, was a contemporary of Lord Mahavira. They were naked ascetics and because of their nakedness, they have usually been confounded with the Digambaras by the modern scholars. Even I-Tsing during the 7th century A. D. makes the same mistake. They undoubtedly belonged to an independent sect and were usually versed in the eight-fold mahanimittas which they acquired through rigorous penances. Doctrines of the Aji vagas have nowhere been explained in the NC. Yet, constant references to this sect reveal them to have been a popular sect of the time. In his two astrological works, the 1. Kadambari, p. 108. 2. matto dagavArago gaDuao AyamaNI loTiyA kaTThamao, ullaMkao kamao, vArao yazifoqi si tu oft TH-NC. 3, p. 343. 3. futai , td AT aftal -NC. 2, p. 38. 4. Sikkaga, and sikkaganamtaga are mentioned in the NC, as two diffe rent objects which were kept by the Parivrajakas and the Kapalikas respectively.-NC. 2, p. 38. 5. afragraf Tretti FATUITI FIT are f i -Bhagavati Tika, 1.2, p. 87. 6. Kalyanavijaya, Sramaya Bhagavana Mahavira, p. 281. 7. NC. 2, pp. 118, 200, 332; NC. 3, p. 414.

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308 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Brhajjataka1 and the Laghujataka, Varahamihira mentions them as one of the seven important sects during this time. Their existence in the subsequent centuries is also proved by Silanka3 (circa 876 A. D.), Halayudha* (950 A. D. ) and Somadeva (959 A. D. ). According to the NC., the disciples of Gosala were known as Pandurabhikkhus,7 while they have been identified with the Digambaras by Silanka.8 The word 'Ajiviya' (Skt. Ajivika) originally denoted a class of mendicants who followed special rules with regard to their livelihood." We are told that Gosala and his father followed the profession of a mamkha, i. e. earning the liveli hood by exhibiting pictures. In the NC. we find a mamkha earning his livelihood by exhibiting pictures depicted on a canvas or wooden-board (mamkha-phalaga) and telling their religious significance to the people, i. e. the causes of happiness and suffering. 10 Being satisfied by his explanations people provided him with different varieties of food and other requisites. According to the commentary of the Brhat Kalpa Bhasya, a mamkha, who keeps a clean wooden-board (phalaka) 1. Brhajjataka, XX. 2. Laghujataka, IX. 12. 3. Suyagada Tika, 1. 3. 38. 4. Abhidhana Ratnamala, II. 189-90. 5. Yasastilaka, VII. 43, p. 406; see also-Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 284, 373. 6. Three leaders of the Ajivaka school, viz. Nanda Vacca, Kesa Sanikicca and Makkhali Gosala are known to us, of which nothing except the names of the first two are known. According to A. S. Gopani, the Buddhist references to the Ajivaka school point only to the Ajivaka school headed and led by Gosala and not the first two.-"Ajivaka School-A New Interpretation", Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. III, pt. 1 (1941), p. 55. 7. AjIvagA gosAlasissA paMDarabhikkhuA vi bhaNNaMti - NC. 3, p. 414. 8. Suyagada Tika, 1. 338. 9. Sikdar, op. cit., p. 425. 10. tAhe so makho taM disiM gaMtu vaDyAe maMkhattaNeNa saMkhaphalakahattho gao / suhaM dukkhaM afa-NC. 3, p. 428; Brh. Vr. 1, p. 65,

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RELIGION 309 having beautiful pictures depicted on it and is proficient in explaining their religious connotations, is respected by all the people.1 Ajivakas were thus one of the important sects of the time and they earned their livelihood by following the profession of exbibiting pictures. Besides these five classes of the Samanas, there were a number of other ascetics who may be classified here as under: (i) Caraga-Caragas were the wandering monks who moved about in groups even when begging the alms and taking their food. They are described as ascetics practising severe penances like the pancaggi penance. The austerities undertaken by the Caragas are mentioned as false-practices or material practices ( davva-carani )4 which afforded no help in elevating the soul. The male and female ascetics of this sect were condemned by the Jainas for their loose moral character and the Jaina monks were directed to keep themselves away from them. In the Acaranga Curni they are mentioned as direct disciples of Kapilamuni ( Kapilasinu), while according to the commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, they were the followers of Kanada,' the founder of the Vaisesika system of Indian philosophy. 1. maMkho nAma citrakalakavyagrahastaH, tasya ca yadi phalaka mujjavalaM bhavati tato lokaH aisia aipat--Bch. V!. 2, p. 532; also No. 1, p. 165. 2. AvaraNAcaraNaM NAma caragAdI gaM, ahavA tesi pi jo AhArAdigibhitaM tavaM carati taM ET-NG. 1, p. 2. Caraka mentioned in the Brhadara yaka Upanisad also denotes a wandering mendicant-Vedic Index, p. 250. 3. TTTTTTTTUU Taftaaria --NC. 3, p. 179. 4. Soc-above note 2. 5. te tu agabhigayadhamnA tattha caragAdirahiM vuggAhijjati... "cariyAdiyAhiM agAhiM ar kaufen CNC -NC. 2, p. 207; aff-T7377 371C347 al 1707317 afcTA A F#5:1- NO. 2, p. 203; BiH. V!. 3, p. 893. 6. Izarangt Cirqi, p. 2w5; Pannava la Tika, 20, p. 405. 7. aC for For TITT Etretatur af-Brh. Vt. 2, p. 456.

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310 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (ii) Dagasoyariya--Dagasoyariyas (Skt. Dagasaukarikas) were a class of the Parivrajakas.1 They were called Sui, Sut72 or Sucivadi, since they emphasised upon the cleanliness and purity of the body and mind. An instance of their extremist views has been recorded in the Acaranga Curni which describes a Dagasoyariya mendicant as taking bath sixty-four times being touched by others. According to Malayagiri, they were the followers of the Sarkhya system of philosophy.* (iii) Isaramata --The followers of this sect believed in the existence of God. They may be identified with the Naiyayikas according to whom God was Creator of the Universe. They have been called Aisvarakaranikas by Bana.' (iv) Kavila(r)-- They were the followers of Kapila, the founder of the Samkhya philosophy. (v) Ulukao -- They were the followers of Uluka, i. e. Kanada, the founder of the Vaisesika philosophy. They must have adhered to the doctrines of their Master. (vi) Kucciyalo- Kucciyas were the ascetics who grew beard and moustaches. They cannot be definitely identified with [ any particular sect. According to Pt. Nathuram Premi, however, Kurcaka monks belonged to the Digambara sect. 11 (vii-viii) Atma stitvavadi and Vetuliya or Nastitvava dz--Another classification of the ascetics has been made in terms of those who believed in the existence of soul and others who denied 1. foli TITATI-NC. 3, p. 429; BIh. V!. 3, p. 798. 2. gat Gu N C. 3, p. 585; Bih. VI. 3, p. 788. 3. Acaranga Curni, p. 21. 4. Pinda Niryukti Tika, 314. 5. NC. 3, p. 195. 6. Upadhyaya, B. D., Bharatiya Darsana, p. 274. 7. Harsacarita, Tr. p. 236, text pp. 265-66. 8. NO. 1, p. 15; NO. 3, p. 195. 9. NC. 1, p. 15. 10. google gio711---NC. 3, p. 585; Brh. V . 1, 2822. 11. Anekanta, August-Sept., 1944.

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RELIGION 311 the same. Atmastitvavadins were those who believed in the existence of souls and as such they are to be identified with the Jainas. In the early Jaina texts they have been mentioned as Kriyavadins, as Kriya denoted the existence of soul. Contrary to these were the Nastitvavadins who denied the existence of soul. They were called Vetuliya, as according to them, every object was of the momentary existence, hence it was not the same at the next moment (vigata-tulla-bhava ).3 They are to be identified with the Buddhists who uphold the doctrine of Ksanika-vada.* (ix-x) Soyavadi and Asoyavadi--Another classification divides the ascetics into two main groups : those who strived for cleanliness (sui-suci)s and those who stressed upon the uncleanliness of the body (asui--asuci). This classification seems to have been based upon the general attitude of a particular sect towards cleanliness or physical purity. As such the Parivrajakas like the Dagasaukarikas may by included in the former group, while the ascetics like the Kapalikas and the Haddasarakkhas constituted the latter group. Supernatural Powers and Magical Practices Belief in various supernatural powers and magical practices was potent in India fron the ancient times. Through austerity and continence the sages could acquire various supernatural powers, the application of which for any worldly or material gain was deemed to be the greatest impediment in the way of salvation. According to the NC., the penance practised only for salvation is a fruitful one? and that the austerities get crippled by the frequent use of supernatural 1. HT THAT Tat aatat, Caffargaratz:-NC. 3, p. 196, 2. LAI., p. 212. 3. Sen, A. C., Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, p. 29. 4. fair cha aarest-Affaqaf TUI:--NG. 3, p. 196. 5. He after I HIHLBIh. VI. 1, p. 60. 6. NC. 3, p. 494. 7. NC, 1, p. 2.

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312 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI powers. 1 In spite of these injunctions, a study of the text clearly reveals as to how deeply such practices had affected the general life of the monks who aspired to acquire these powers not only for salvation but even for petty and trifle objects like procuring food, a healing diseases, to overpower the enemy,s to ward off evil spirits, and for innumerable other purposes which could be somehow or other helpful for the upkeep, integrity and stability of the Church. The examples of certain great Acaryas like Ajja Vairasami,5 Ajja Khauda, 6 Siddhasenayariya," Kalagajja,Palittayariya' and Sa aitayariya lo cited in the NC. are memorable in this context. Various terms like rddhi, laddhi, vijja, mamta, cunna and joya mentioned in the text denote these superhuman qualities. 11 The monk versed in the same was styled as ati saya-sahu, i. e. possessing superhuman qualities or powers. 12 Rddhi (iddhi) was a potentiality of the spiritually advanced souls which they acquired either by knowledge or by penance. The person possessing this power could assume any form of the body 1. facrisftaucitata ant for dent_NC. 3, p. 192. 2. NC. 1, p. 121. 3. NC. I, p. 65. 4. NC, 1, p. 163. 5. Ajja Vairasami is mentioned to have protected the Church by means of Padavijja during the great famine in Uttarapatha.-NC. 1, p. 21. 6. las FEI 375TTICI_NC. 1, p. 22; NC. 3, p. 58. 7. Siddhascnayariya is stated to have created magical horses by following the instructions laid down in the Joni pahuda, an important work on magic-NC. 2, p. 281; Bih. Vr. 2, 2681. 8, NO. 3, P. 59. Kalagajja is mentioned to have been versed in Jotisa and Nimitta ( astrology and science of prognostication ). 9. Palittayariya is described to have cured Murunda of his severe headache with the power of manta-vijja--NC. 3, p. 423. 10. NO. 3, p. 425. 11. cat fasalu quotie ar att fara, fortid an-NC 2, p. 83; also NC. 2, p. 183, 12. NO. 1, p. 163.

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RELIGION 313 at will (viuvvana ), could fly high in the sky (aka sagamana ) or acquire vibhamga-mina (a type of clairvoyant knowledge in which knowledge was not totally free from false perception ).1 The term vijja is frequently used to denote various spiri. tual powers (i. e. charms and magics ) and a person possessed of the same was called vijja siddha.2 Vijja could be accomplished by performing certain mystic rites incurring severe penances ( sasahan2 ). It was presided over by a female deity. The mamta (mystic formula ) on the other hand could be accomplished by reciting (padhana-siddha ) and had a male deity to preside over it.3 A story narrated in the text alludes Palittayariya to have cured king Murunda of his severe headache by chanting certain mystic formulae ( mamta ).* Mahakala is mentioned as another mystic formula by reciting which the underground treasures (nihi) could be detected. Cunna and joga are also other practices frequently mentioned in the text. Cunni was the consecrated powder used for fascination or conjuration ( vasikarana). Foga could be applied in various forms, sometimes body was rubbed with substances like sandalwood powder and paste, or the clothes were perfumed with fragrant substances, or the consecrated paste was applied to the feet ( padalevajoga ) which enabled a person to walk on the surface of water. 6 With the help of joga the inauspicious things ( dubhaga ) could be made auspicious ( subhaga ) or vice-versa.? It could be accomplished 1. iDhitti issariyaM, taM puNa vijjAmataM tavomataM vA, viuvvagAgAsagamaNavibhaMgaNANAdi 594-NC. 1, p. 17. 2. NC. 1, p. 22; NC. 3, p. 58. 3. FAHAETT A FAI, y TAETT #S129871-T TART faszt, af&4. het HANC. 3, p. 385. -4, NC. 3, p. 423. 5, NC. 3. p. 387. 6. NC. 3, p. 425. 7. CHT gHit posla, Hit a CERTIFACT gitaui._--Ibid. Bana also mentions siddhajoga which was an infallible charm.-Harsacarita, Tr. p. 267.

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314 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI by means of a power ( vijja ) or by other means and was practised for the purpose of fascination or cunjuration ( vasikarana ), to end or generate enmity (viddesana ), to cause annihilation or destruction (ucchadana ), to walk over the surface of water by applying it to the feet ( padaleva ), to make a person invisible ( antaddhana ) by applying the collyrium to the eyes ( amjanajoga ) and for various other purposes. The Kulapati of Bambhadiva is mentioned to have walked on the surface of water by applying padaleva to the feet, while two Khuddagas or Jaina monks are described to have eaten the food of king Candragupta Maurya by making themselves invisible (antaddhana ) with the help of the anjanajoga during the great famine which broke during his reign.: Severe penances were required for acquiring these powers or vijjas. Some of the vijjas could be acquired only in a desert or dreary place like the burial ground or a cemetery and on a prescribed day like cautthi ( 4th day ), atthami ( 8th day ) or cauddasi ( 14th day) of the month. These powers could be lost on uttering a falsehood. The trident (tidan la) of a Parivrajaka, which was hanging up in the sky without any support, is mentioned to have fallen down the moment he uttered a lie regarding his preceptor from whom he had acquired this spell.6 The monk is exhorted to use vijja, mamta or cunna only as last resorts for warding off evil, and is advised to settle any dispute by means of anusatthi ( lecture ), dhammakaha (religious teaching ) or bhesana (threat )." However, constant references to these spells and powers in the text clearly reveal that the last and ultimate resort for acquiring 1. qattilag Foldura TaeTT ETT a gastar--NC. 3, p. 385. 2. NC. 3, pp. 425-26. 3. NC. 3, pp. 423-24. 4. 5TEETID ATE HAD_NC. 1, p. 16. 5. NC. 1, p. 16. 6. NC. 1, p. 12. 7. NC. 2, p. 181.

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RELIGION 315 anything difficult was the application of these supernatural powers. Various types of powers or vijjas have been alluded to in the text. Onimani and unnamani or the powers which made a thing fall down and rise upwards or assume the same posi - tion, are mentioned as two vijjas by means of which Harikesa could steal the mangoes from the well guarded orchard of the king Seniya.! King Seniya is also described to have learnt these two powers from Harikesa by occupying a seat lower to him.? A sravaka is mentioned to have gone to the burial ground on the night of kala-caturdasi to acquire the power by means of which one could rise high in the sky (akasa-gata )." During the famine, epidemic or such other emergencies when the monks could not procure food, they acquired it by means of abhicaraga (conjuration )', abhiyoga and vasskarana ( fascination and subjugation )5 or in the absence of these powers through talugghadini-vijja ( the power which unlocks the locks )' or through usovini-vijja (the power which induces sleep)? or through antaddhana-vijja by concealing themselves with the help of this power. 8 The practices of abhicaraga caused by the chanting of the mystic formulae ( mamta ) was allowed for the safety of the kula, gara, samgha or gaccha. Among other vijjas mention is made of the abhogini-vijjalo by means of which one could know the mind of others. 1.759 at faldt af I BIHUT, 500|1401-NC. 1, p. 9. 2. NO. 1, p. 10. 3. NC. 1, p. 16. 4. 31atcai Oith a fleitoi 527 91NC. 1, p. 163. 5. 37ftitit akiteacui, go fa galau Harete -NC. 1, p. 121. 6. Jie atsasoftg facity afastifo fa&i.3707--Ibid. 7. Fratarfaustig 31 atas tue Ibid. 8. stupanja valla 37fEFH Hafat a ziagnf-Ibid. 9. gfe-tro-elaste hucqua ali pa-NG. 1, p. 163. 10, NC. 2, p. 463; Brh. V r. 4, p. 1252.

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316 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Through manasi-vijjal one could acquire any object as desired by him. Pasatthas were usually supposed to have been versed in this charm. Thambhini-vijja: was another power which could stupify the mind of a person and also caused the magical arresting of any feeling or force. This power was used by the Jaina monks to suppress the forces of water, fire or air or in order to protect themselves from thieves or wild beasts.* A Jaina monk is described to have acquired sweet meats from a layman by stupifying his mind by this power." The monk possessed of the uvasamana-laddhi was supposed to be capable of pacifying an angry king. 6 Gaddabhi-vijja is mentioned as another spell which was accomplished by king Gaddabhilla of Ujjayini.' In this spell a vanamamtari assumed the form of a female donkey and by listening her braying the forces of the enemy were overpowered with grief, vomitted blood, lost their senses and fell on the ground. Padavijja8 was another power by dint of which Ajja Vairasami is mentioned to have protected the samgha during the severe famine which broke in Uttarapatha in his time. Gori, gamdharilo and matanga-vijja were the other powers which were highly despised by the people because of the filthy process which underlied their acquisition. But once acquired 1. Amacht OTTH #otal faasiu G Fatifa H NG. 1, p. 139. 2. Ibid. 3. vtafor face fait 551_NC. 1, p. 164. 4. NO. 1, p. 164. 5. NC. 3, p. 422. 6. CHTAUDIT HYUuit at HG a ana trui 5aatfa_NC. 1, p. 140. 7. NC. 3, p. 59. 8. NO. 1, p. 21. 9. NC. 4, p. 15. Gori and Gandhari are mentioned as two of the four important spells in the Avasyaka Curni (p. 161) and Brh. Vr. (1, 2502); Gori and Gandhari vijja have been mentioned in the Mahabharata also (Aranyaka Parva, 221, verses 1-77). 10. Gandhari is mentioned as a charm possessed by the Gandharvas. Suyagadainga ( Trans. by Jacobi, SBE., Vol. XLV, p. 367 ).

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RELIGION 317 these powers were capable of fulfilling all the desires of an individual. There were also counter-spells known as padivijja2 which were used to counteract the effect of a certain power or charm. The Jainas, the Buddhists, the Pasatthas,* the Saivite ascetics5 etc. are all mentioned to have been versed in these practices at various places in the text, which shows the practice of these supernatural powers to be a common feature of all the religious sects of the time. Besides these superhuman powers, certain magical practices like koua, bhui, pasina, pasina-pasina, nimitta etc. were also in vogue. Various magical or mystic rites like the custom of taking bath at cemetery or cross-roads by the childless woman or those giving birth to still-born children for the purpose of acquiring a son were termed as koua-kamma.? Bhui-kamma consisted of the rites like besmearing the body with consecrated ashes as a protective charm. 8 In pasina the question was asked from a deity, and suvinapasina and amguttha-pasina are mentioned as two varities of the same in which the deity either appeared in dream or ascended on the nail of the thumb.9 Panhava garana is mentioned as a treatise on this subject. 10 In pasina-pasina the question was answered by the deity who appeared in dream.11 1. gori-gaMdhArIo mAtaMgavijjAo sAhaNakAle logagarahiyattaNato duhaviNNavaNAo, FIESTATAHTMITTUTTI I JETE--NC. 4, p. 15; CAT Arlifte 279&C facute AENATI cufa-Cauvvana-mahapurusa-cariyan (Prakrim Grantha Parishad, Varanasi ), p. 228. 2. NO. 3, p. 422. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 1, p. 139. 5. NC. 3, p. 585; NC. 3, p. 584; BIh. V!. 3, p. 796. 6. NC. 3, p. 383. 7. fog HiTT FAMT57an Eaui fosfa--Ibid. 8. The Tita, fararladt tat-Ibid. 9. siya gafont favolat, afegim ar-NC. 2, p. 184. 10. GET va queathtub gorrat-NC. 3, p. 383. 11. gfquufaust afturi anfernth aftrafaui atafa-Ibid.

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318 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI According to another practice, the consecrated tiny bells were rung around the ear of a person and the deity ascended there whispered the answer in his ear. This practice was also called as imkhin7.1 Nimitta is mentioned as another practice by which the person could acquire the knowledge of the past, present and future.2 There were also the aimdrajalikas (conjurers and jugglers ) and the vuitalikas ( those worshipping vetala ) who were versed in various feats. The inanimate objects could be displayed as animate with the power of indajala, while the vaitalikas are described as propitiating the ghost occupying the dead body ( vetala ) by performing sacrifices and other mystic rites. These practices were fraught up with danger as the slightest mistake on the part of the performer could bring his complete disaster.5 Besides, according to the popular practice, the person desiring to bring the downfall of his enemy or king was asked to make the image of that person (voullagakarana ). It was then shot down at the centre by chanting certain mystic formulae. 6 This rite was believed to cause the destruction of the person concerned. Kadagabamdhas ( amulets) and vasikarana-suttas ( threads for conjuration ) were tied around the neck or hand of the person to be conjured or secured." 1. vijjAbhimaMtiyA ghaMTiyA kaNNamUle cAlijjati tattha devatA kIdhati... ...sa eva sooit zoufaIbid. 2. NO. 3, p. 383. 3. Ti ar HEALTH A acla, a GGMME-NC. 3, p. 193. 4. HITTT Casar dari hartfarfa for re NC. 3, p. 526. 5. Ibid. 6. jo sAhu-saMgha-cetita-paDiNIto tassa paDimA mimmayA NAmaMkitA kajjati, sA mategAbhi Hanu Haaa sala--NG. 1, p. 65. 7. ETTEI TE Elifa Fui TEIPITUISTE (NC. 2, p. 223). In the Kadambari of Bana Vilasavati is also shown as wearing the charmed amulets ( mantrakarandaka ).-See Agrawala, Kadambari : Eka Samskrtika Adhyayana, p. 71; also Kalidasa, Abhijnana Sakuiltalam, Act. 7.

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RELIGION 319 The popular practice of tying the horns of buffalo around the neck of the children by the Persians has also been referred to. 1 Festivals In India most of the festivals and festivities are some way or other related to religion. A great many festivals were observed by the Jaina and the non-Jaina society, some of which were common to both, while the others like pajjusana, 2 atthahiyas etc. were observed by the Jainas alone. Festivals were celebrated in honour of the deities, due to the changing seasons, and towards innumerable other sacred objects. The Nisitha Sutra mentions various festivals held in honour of Imda, Khamda, Rudda, Mugumda, bhuta, jakkha, naga, thubha, ceiya, rukkha, giri, dari, agada, tadaga, daha, nidi, sara, sagara etc. A festival was usually observed on the erection of a temple, on the installation of an image in a temple or when a well was dug.5 Every new enterprise was thus accompanied with proper religious ceremonies. Great Festivals ( Mahamaha )-Of these various festivals ( maha ), four festivals were of greater importance and were styled as mahimaha or great festivals. These were : (i) Imdamaha, (ii) Khandamaha, (iii) 7akkhamaha and (iv) Bhuyamaha. These four great festivals were successively celebrated on the four full-moon days ( punnima ) of Asadha, Asoya, Kattiya ( Kartika ) 1. NO. 2, p. 396. 2. NC. 3, p. 131. 3. NC. 3, pp. 81, 141. 4. NS. 8.14; NC. 2, p. 443. Similar lists of festivals are found in the various Jaina and Buddhist texts.- Nayadhammakaha, 1. 25 ( ed. by Vaidya, ); Mahanid desa, 1, p. 89, also p. 310; Milinda paino ( ed. by Vadekara ), p. 190. 5. 934 FUOLIT JANITOUT Trys ar 2557-NC. 2, p. 143; Brh. Vi. 5, p. 1539. 6. NS. 19. 11; NC. 4, p. 226,

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( 320 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI and Cetta (Caitra ).1 People utilized their time in preparing delicious food or arranging different sorts of conserts; even the Jaina monks were directed to suspend their studies during these festival days.2 These festivals lasted for a number of days and ended on the full-moon day of their respective months. Along with the full-moon days the four palivaya days (i. e. the first full-moon day or the next day after the full-moon ) of the above mentioned months were also included in the festival days, as people could receive or visit their friends and relatives who could not be visited on the previous day of the full-moon festival.: Of these four great festivals we get some more details regarding the Indamaba. Imdamaha-Imdamaha, or the festival held in honour of the deity Indra, was usually celebrated on the full-moon day of Asadha.. In the Lata country, however, it was celebrated on the full-moon day of Sravana. According to another tradition, during the reign of king Salivahapa of Paithana Imdamaha was celebrated on the 5th day of the bright half of Bhadrapada, because of which the date of the Jaina festival Pajjusana was changed by Ajja Kalaga from the 5th to the 4th.6 1. NC. 4, p. 226. According to the Avasyaka Curni (p. 315) also the Skandamaha was observed on the full-moon day of Asoja. 2. 140-42U-Erot-CPO-09-12-712 7 HEM FETHET NE GT ASER FIT JEH. acas-NC. 4, p. 226. 3. Struj 7 hefug algavata affeina a Hiffara qisqui--Ibid. 4. B]TATETTARTN. Bba. 19. 6065; also NC. 4, p. 226. Among the Rajaputas even now the festival of Indra is observed in the month of Asadha.-Agrawala, V. S., Pracina Bharatiya Lokadharma, p. 38. 5. E TIEU arauatfogjang Hafa CAETNC. 4, p. 226. A festival must have been observed on the full-moon day of Sravana, as according to Alberupi the full-moon day of Sravana;.was observed as a holiday held in bonour of Somanatha and the people used to feed Brahmanas on that occasion. (Al-Beruni's India, Eng. Tr. by G. Sachau, Turtnir Oriental Series, London, 1914, II. 176, 179). Its relation with Indamaha, however, is not clear. 6. NC. 3, p. 131.

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321 According to Abhayatilaka Gani, the commentator of Hemacandra's Doyasraya, the festival of Indrapuja lasted from the 8th day of the bright half to the full-moon day of Asvina.1 The date of the Indramaha thus seems to have differed in different regions from Asadha to Sravana, Bhadrapada, or Asvina, although the festival was evidently observed in honour of the rain-god. 21 RELIGION 3 During the Imdamaha, the image of the deity was installed at a place called Imdatthana, around which the people assembled for worship. Young girls on this particular day used to pray Indra to grant them the boon of leading a happy married life (sobhagga). The king as well as the subjects from different towns and villages brought their offerings (bali, uvahara) to the god and the ascetics were given a sumptuous feast.* Even the Jaina monks were allowed to partake the food given in such feasts in case it was arranged by public munificence." The ascetics of the different Brahmanic sects like the Pan laramgas and Sarakkhas can be seen assembling at a place during the Indra festival. This made it difficult for the Jaina monks to acquire a proper shelter during the festival days. Their studies, as noted before, were to remain suspended during the festival days to keep them in harmony with the local sentiment.8 1. Dvjasraya, III. 8. In the Ramayana (Kiskindha-kanda, 16-37 ) also the festival of Indradhvaja is mentioned to have been celebrated on the full-moon day of Avina. 2. NC. 3, p. 243. Indian terminology, the word thana assigned to a deity.-Agrawala, V. S., op. cit., p. 97. 3. iMda maggati varaM, sobhaggaM ca abhilasaM ti - NC. 3, p. 243. 4. iMdAdINa mahesu je uvahAra NijjaMti balimAdiyA jaNeNa pureNa vA -- NC. 2, p. 444. 5. NC. 2, p. 239; also NG. 2, p. 444. 6. NC. 3, p. 123. 7. iMdamahAdisu samAgatesu bahusu paratitthisu, sakhette paDivasabhesu jataMti aMtarapallIsu ya, tesu vi asaMtharaMtA gacchati - NG 3, p. 124. 8. NC. 4, pp. 226-27. According to the ancient denotes the sacred place

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322 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Sugimhaga (Sugrismaka )--While some of the festivals were observed only in certain regions, the Sugimhaga is mentioned as a festival which was observed in all the regions. This festival seems to have been observed on the full-moon day of Caitra.2 It has been mentioned in the Hemacandra's Desinamamala, but according to him,a the festival of Sugrismaka was celebrated on the full-moon day of Phalguna.* Abhayatilaka Gani commenting upon the Duyasraya quotes from the Bhavisyat purana according to which this festival originated during the reign of Raghu to drive away the demoness Dhundba who was creating havoc ( upadrava ) amongst the children. 5 Vasamtusava ( Vasantot sava )-Vasamtu sava or spring-festival as the name itself suggests was celebrated during the advent of the spring season. During this festival the kings and nobles amused themselves with wine and women, and special journeys were arranged to the rivers where they played pranks in the water. Worship of Kamadeva, so frequently mentioned in the text,? must have been performed during this festival. Vasantot sava has been equated with Phiggu or Dola parva which was observed in the month of Caitra. The Dharaprasasti of Arjunavarman also mentions the Vasantotsava as Caitra parva9 because of the fact that this festival was celebrated in the month of Caitra. Besides, Komuli or Komuticara, lo also called as Komudimahof 1 EfTENT YOU Haaret for at H75--NC. 4, p. 233. 2. gritain daytouHTG-NC. 4, p. 226. 3. Desinamamala, VIII. 39. 4. Dvyasraya, V. 141; see also-Majumdar, A. K., Chaulukyas of Gujarat, pp. 306-8. 5. Ibid. 6. qfarsa source Frana faza gl Feater FHFHO_NC. 4, p. 50. 7. NC. 1, p. 9; NO. 3, p. 144. 8. Desinamamala, VI. 82; also Majumdar, op. cit., p. 305. 9. EI. VIII, p. 96. 10. NO. 1, p. 17; NC. 4, p. 306.

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323 sava in various classical Sanskrit texts, was the festival held in honour of the full-moon.1 The young girls accompanied by their friends or mothers participated in the festival. The garland-makers brought beautiful flowers and garlands for the festival, which were sold at a high price." 2 Some of the festivals were observed by a certain section of society or in a particular village or town." Mallajuddhamaha5 was evidently a festival of the wrestlers when the wrestling-contests were arranged. Bahuraya is mentioned as a festival celebrated by the Sarakkha ascetics, while the Bahu-milakkhu-maha is explained as a festival in which a large number of non-Aryan population like the Dravidians participated. Mention has also been made of the Ittaga-chana which has been explained as the feast of noodles. 9 According to J. C. Jain, it might correspond to the feast of Raksabandhana or Saluno held in North India.10 Jaina Festivals and Fasts RELIGION Pajjusana-Jainism being an ascetic religion, most of the Jaina festivals were accompanied with fasts. Pajjusana was the most important of the Jaina festivals. According to the ancient tradition, the festival of Pajjusana could be held on punnima (full-moon day ), pancami ( fifth day ), dasami (tenth 1. Saletore, Life in the Gupta Age, p. 161. 2. komuticAraM mAtAe samaM AgatA - NC. 1, p. 17. 3. NC. 4, p. 306. 4. NO. 2, p. 242; NC. 4, p. 233. 5. tAhe...mallajuddhamahe vaTTamANo - NC. 3, p. 139. 6. jattha mahe bahU bahurayA milaMti jahA sarakkhA so bahurayo bhaNNati - NC. 3, p. 350 . 7. avvattabhAsiNo bahugA jattha mahe milaMti so bahumilakkhU maho, te ya milakkhU -NC, 3, p. 350. In the press-copy of the NC. prepared by Muni Punyavijayaji the text is. te ya milakkhU damiDAdi / 8. NC. 2, p. 419. 9. LAI., p. 239. 10. Ibid.

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324 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI day ) or such other pavva days, but it was from the time of Ajja Kalaga that the date of the Pajjusana was changed from the 5th to the 4th of the bright half of Bhaddavaya (Bhadrapada ) at the request of the king Salivahana of Paithana (Maharascra ), as it coincided with the date of the Indrafestival in his region. From this time this festival came to be known as Samanapuya among the people of Marahatcha. 3 Even today the Paryusana among the Jainas begins with the twelfth of the dark half of Bhadrapada and ends with the fifth of the bright half of it. The object of this festival was to make the person free from sins committed by him during the year; hence an atthama fast5 was necessarily enjoined upon a monk, while the laymen could take recourse to fasting according to their individual capacities. An.yearly confession of sins was made on this occasion and old enmities were given up. Example is cited of king Udayana, a devoted Jaina layman, who made king Pajjoya free from his captivity and restored his kingdom back to him on this day on learning that he also believed in the 1. NC, 3, p. 131. 2. Ibid. 3. dat grafa Tetraggi " V " f@ gult Tat--Ibid. 4. Sangave, V. A., Jaina Community, p. 247. According to the Digam baras, however, Paryusana lasts every year for ten days from the fifth to the fourteenth day (both days inclusive ) of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapada-Ibid., p. 246. 5. Toith1--3T BYTH got - NC. 3, p. 157. The Jaina monks were enjoined to do atthama, chattha and cauttha fasts during the Pajjusana, Caummasiya and Pakkhiya fasts respectively (Ibid). The Cauttha meant one fast during which the person took bis mcals on the fourth turn ; the Chattha thus meant two such fasts and the atthama, three fasts. 6. qilgang af faar 31131011-NC. 3, P. 157. 7. Foi qotaquin NC. 3, p. 139. Sco also--Stevenson, S., 'Festivals and Fasts (Jaina ),'Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 5, pp. 875-79,

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RELIGION 325 faith of Jinas.1 It was from the time of Pajjusana that the monsoon retreat started for the monks. During the Pajjusana days the Pajjosavan2-kappa was studied by the monks but its reciting aloud during the day time was not allowed to the monks. We are, however, told that in the central Caityagrha of Anandapura the Pajjosavandkappa was read out before all the people; it was, however, recited by a Pasattha, as the monks were usually not allowed to recite the same,s It can be thus deduced that the monks as well as laymen would bave tried to spend a greater portion of their time in the temples or Caityas during the days of the Pajjusana festival. Atthahiya ( Asxanhika )-Next in importance was Atthahiya, a festival so named because of the fact that it lasted for a period of eight days. This festival was believed to have been observed even by the gods in their heavenly abode.5 In the Paumacariya of Vimala Suri the Ascanhika-parva (eight days festivity ) has been called as Nandisvaramahotsavas and the celestial beings can be seen going to Nandiyvaradvipa to celebrate the Astanhika-parva.' The importance of this festival during these centuries is proved by an inscription of Caulukya ministers Tejapala and Vastupala, which gives a detailed information regarding the Ascanhika festival. In this particular case the festival was to start on the third day of the dark half of Caitra and to last for eight days. This festival is 1. NO. 3, p. 147. 2. NC. 3, p. 157. 3. jahA divasato ANaMdapure mUle cetiyaghare (pajjosavaNAkappo ) savvajaNasamakkhaM afferatla, Jau la Argu ela, recent pieza-NC. 3, p. 158. 4. NO. 3, p. 81; Bih. V . 5, p. 1539. 5, 34001 ar valutarala 31Z GICHEAPOCA P. iar fifa--NC. 3, p. 141. 6. Paumacariya, 66. 14. 7. Ibid., 15. 30. See also-Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Pauma cariya ( unpublished thesis ), p. 594. 8. EI. VIII, F. 200 ( Ins. No, 2).

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326 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI observed thrice a year during the week beginning from the lunar eighth in the month of Kartika, Pbalguna and Asadha." Nhavana puya and Rahajatta (Snanapuja and Rathayatra)-The ceremony of giving bath to the images of the holy Tirthankaras ( nhavana )2 and taking them out in procession in cars (rahajatta ) was observed with great pomp and show. The custom of giving ceremonial bath to the images must have existed among all the sects alike. 1-Tsing also believed that "the washing of the holy image is a meritorious deed which leads a meeting with Buddha in every birih.' Rahajattas were also carried out in which the monks as well as the laymen accompanied the procession. In certain places rahajatta or "the ceromony of taking out the images of the Arhats in cars' is said to have been performed in the month of Vaisakha.3 From the Mahaviracarita of Hemacandra we learn that "Kumarapala caused the statues of the Arhatsto be borne in the procession in cars in every village and town". On its basis Buhler has concluded that "there is no doubt that during the time of orthodox kings the Svetambaras of Gujarat were not permitted to exhibit their divine images in public and that Kumarapala was the first king to grant this privilege to them". But Majumdar has observed : "Seeing the close ties of amity between the two communities from the time of Mulara ja I, it is difficult to believe that the privilege of taking out a procession was withheld by his predecessors. What is more likely is that Rathayatra festival was being observed by the Jainas for a long time, but it was Hemacandra and Kumarapala who understood its efficacy as 1. Sangave, op. cit., p. 249; Kailashchandra, Jainadharia, p. 312. 2. titthagarapaDimANaM NhavaNapUyA rahajattAisu kulAikajjesu vA dUraM pi gao puNo te kule. gfa afe3-NC. 2, p. 137; Brh. Vr. 2, PP. 488, 494, 522. 3. 74 ugqui a aT Q HICHTE natafa_NC. 2, p. 334; also Bih. l', 2, p. 494. 4. Mahnviracarita, verse 76. 5. Bubler, G., Life of Hemacandracarya, p. 45.

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RELIGION a means of popularising Jainism and organised it on a national scale".1 The evidence provided in the NC. supports the same fact and it is clear that the custom of taking out the images of Arhats was practically carried out during these centuries. The custom of rahajatta, also known as anujana ( anuyana ),2 prevailed among the Jainas even in the time of the Mauryan king Samprati." It is stated that very enthusiastically he (Samprati) participated in this festival, roamed about the whole city with procession along with his servants and officials and also asked the vassal kings to observe the ceremony of rahajatta in their respective kingdoms as a sign of his tutelage.* It was from the time of Samprati that this custom was made popular in various regions like Andhra, Tamila, Kuduk ka and Maharastra, and carried down to the later centuries. Pilgrimage The ideal of pilgrimage was common to all the religions, although unlike the Brahmanic version of the word, the Jaina philosophers define tirtha as a place which shows the way to cross the ocean of Samsara.5 327 Visit to the various places related to the life history of the Tirthankaras was considered to be the means of purifying the vision and acquiring Right Faith in religion (damsana-suddhi)." As such all the places where Tirthankaras were born (jammana), where they renounced the world and got initiated into the ascetic life (nikkhamana), where they roamed abou 1. Majumdar, A. K., Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 321. 2. aNujANaM rahajattA -- NC 4, p. 131; Brh Vr. 2, p. 522. 3. NC. 4, p. 131. 4. Ibid. 5. Sangave, op. cit., p. 270. The Brahmana practice of taking bath in the tirthas for the purification of sins has been highly criticised by the Jaina philosophers. See-Visesavasyaka Bhasya, 1026-27; also Paumacariya, 22. 85. 6. NC. 3, p. 24.

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328 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI practising great austerities during the days of their spiritual struggle (vihara), where they achieved omniscience (kevaloppada) and the places where they achieved salvation ( nivvana ), were the sacred places of pilgrimage.1 A similar sentiment is shared by the Buddhists who have the following four places for their pilgrimage the place of the Buddha's birth (Lumbini), the place where he attained perfect enlightenment ( Bodhgaya ), the place where he set in motion the wheel of Dharma by delivering his first sermon (Sarnath near Varanasi ) and the place where he passed away into the state of Nirvana ( Kushinara ).3 Besides, journey to certain places famous for some religious objects like the temple or image was considered to be meritorious. Among such places the dhamma-cakka in Uttaravaha, the god-made thubha ( stupa ) at Mathura and the image of Jiyam tasami at Kosala3 were regarded as places where the Jainas aspired to go to pay their homage to the deity and purify their mind and intellect ( Bohilabha ).* The famous Brahmanic tirthas or the places of pilgrimage like Ganges, Payaga, Pahasa etc. have been mentioned as kutittha (kutirtha) in the NC., which only shows the sectarian spirit of the Jaina author. These tirthas have been highly eulogised by the ancient as well as the medieval Brahmanic authorities and pilgrimage to these places is held in regard even to the present centuries. Among these Brahmanic tirthas ( kutitthas in the NC. ) the following have been mentioned : 1. titthakarANa ya tilogapUiyANa jammaNa-NikkhamaNa-vihAra-kevaluppAda-nivvANabhUmIo ya iFja augs. STEAIbid. 2. Mahaparinibbanasutta, SBE., Vol. X, p. 90; Kane, P. V., History of Dharmasastras, Vol. IV, p. 552. 3. uttarAvahe dhammacakkaM, madhurAe devaNimmiyathUbhI, kosalAe va jiyaMtapaDimA titthakarANa ar Jifit-NC. 3, p. 79. 4. F@algo q au dat aan fa fertile_NC. 3, p. 24. 5. NC. 3, p. 195.

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RELIGION Ganges, Pahasa, Payaga, Avakhamda, Sirimaya and Keyara.1 Of the above mentioned titthas, Ganges, as we know, was held to be the most sacred from ancient times. Here mention of the river Ganges as a tittha and not of the specific titthas situated on its bank is perhaps due to the fact that the Ganges was considered to be pure at all places. The Vayu Purana and the Kurma Purana clearly state that all parts of the Himalayas are holy and the Ganges is holy everywhere;2 Prabhasa or Pahasa, as it has been called in the text (modern Somnath in Junagarh dist., Gujarat), was another famous ancient tirtha which was regarded as deva-tirtha along with Kast and Puskara. 329 Prayaga mentioned as a kutittha in the NC. is evidently the same as the Tirtharaja Prayaga of the Brahmins situated at the confluence of the three rivers at Allahabad. Yuan Chwang, who visited India during these centuries, also narrates the religious significance of this place. 5 Avakhamda is mentioned as another tirtha. This place, however, remains unidentified; the text seems to be corrupt at this place. Sirimaya as mentioned in the text is same as Srimala, also known as Bhinmal or Bhillamala, the famous capital of the Gurjaras; its religious significance as a tirtha, however, is not known. Keyara is another tirtha mentioned in the text; it might have been same as Kedara, a sub-tirtha in Varanasi or Kedaranatha in Tehri Garhwal. Mention has also been made of the ancient Pukkhara 1. gaMgA AdiggahaNAto pahAsa - payAga avakhaMDa - sirimAya (la) keyArAdiyA ete savve kutitthA -- NC. 2, p. 195. 2. Kane, P. V., loc. cit. 3. GD., p. 157. 4. Jain, op. cit., p. 322. 5. Beal, op. cit., pp. 232-34. 6. Jain, op. cit., p. 269. In the press copy of the Nisitha Curni prepared by Muni Punyavijayaji the text is to be found as Avarakanda. 7. GD., p. 192. 8. Kane, op. cit., p. 768.

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330 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI tittha ( Puskara-tirtha )1 and Bhamdira-tittha of Mathura. The author gives a Jaina version of the origin of these tirthas. It was believed that while marching against king Udayana from Vitibhaya to Ujjayini, king Pajjoya had to pass through desert ( marubhumi) where he and his ten vassal kings suffered terribly for three days due to lack of water. At last with the grace of a certain deva ( Prabhavati-deva ) it rained heavily, and the rain-water was stored in a pukkharani ( lake or well) made by the god bimself (devayakaya). From the word pukkharaai the place later came to be known as Pukkharatittha.& According to the Brahmanic version, however, this. place was called Puskara from the lotus (puskara) that Brahma cast here. The Vanaparva states Puskara as the best tirtha in the areal region;s it has also been called as deva-tirtha. According to the NC., this tirtha was situated in the Marubhumi? (marujana pada ); this place which is six miles away from Ajmer has always been famous for pilgrimage.8 Pilgrimage to the Bhandira-caitya, the abode of the Bhamdira-jakkha at Mathura, was also considered meritorious.* According to the Avasyaka Curni, Mathura was a famous centre of heretics and was also known for pilgrimage to the temple of Bhamdira-jak kha.lo Bhamdira is mentioned as one amongst the twelve important forests or gardens near Mathura." According to the Mahabharata, however, the famous Nyagrodha tree of Vindavana was known as Bhandira. 1 2 1. NC. 3, p. 146. 2. NO. 3, p. 366. 3. taM ca jalaM devatA-kaya-pukkharaNItie saMThiyaM, devayakayapukkharaNi tti abuhajaNeNaM "ti get"fa farvi gara-NC. 3. p. 146. 4. Kanc, op. cit., p. 794. 5. Vanaparva quoted by Tirtha Prakasa, p. 19. 6. Tirtha Prakasa, p. 18. 7. NC. 3, p. 147. 8. Kane, op. cit., p. 793. 9. TET AYTIT HET Gag. Jaffnete e farei qua7_NC. 3, p. 366: 10. Avasyaka Curni, p. 281. 11. Kanc, op. cit., pp. 690-91. 12. Mahabharati, 11. 53. 8.

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APPENDIX A DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NC. From the text valuable information about various diseases can be found which is in corroboration with the ancient medical texts. An alphabetical list of the various diseases along with their description as found in the NC. is appended below: (i) Ajira (Indigestion): Ajira, also known as aratita, was same as indigestion. The person suffering from it was unable to digest any food.2 (ii) Ameha Eating impure food or food that has been touched by ants was the cause of the disease ameha which led to the 'loss of wisdom'." (iii) Arisila, Arisa or Ast, (Piles-Haemorrhoids) : Arisila,* also known as arisa or asi, was same as piles or haemorrhoids and it affected the rectum.5 Oil-anema (nehavasti) was especially prescribed for the patients suffering from this disease. (iv) Bhagamdara (Fistula in Ano): Bhagamdara or the disease 'Fistula in Ano' affected the rectum of the body and the pustules attracted small worms or 1. NC. 3, p. 258. 2. aratito jaM Na paccati -- NC. 2, p. 215. 3. mUiMgasaMsatte amehA bhavati, mehovaghAto bhavatItyarthaH -NC. 1, p. 92. 4. NC. 2, p. 90. 5. asI arisA tA ya ahiThANe NAsAte vaNesu vA bhavaMti - NC. 2, p. 215. 6. NC. 3, p. 392.

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-332 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI insects.1 Flesh (mamsa) or rice-floor mixed with ghrta and honey was commonly used for extracting the small insects which clung to the affected portion.2 According to Susruta, bhagandara was so named as it burst the lower rectum, the perineum, the bladder and the place adjoining them (thus setting up a mutual communication between them ).* (v) Daddu ( Ringworm): Daddu was a common skindisease.* It is same as dadru or ringworms which usually appear on the skin. (vi) Dagodara ( Dakodara-Ascites ) : Dagodara, also known as jaloyara (jalodara), was considered as one of the eight types of vyadhis5 and is same as ascites. Eating impure food touched by lice or other insects, or wearing wet-clothes," is mentioned as the cause of this disease. According to Susruta, the person suffering from the disease inordinately enlarges the abdomen which becomes glossy and full of water like a fullbloated water-drums. (vii) Daha or Dahajara (Inflamation or Typhoid fever): Daha was caused by the derangement of the pitta element (bile ).9 Daha and jara are mentioned as two 1. bhagaMdara appaNNato adhiTThANe kSataM kimiyajAlasaMpaNNaM - NC. 2, p. 215; bhagaMdara: putasaMdhau vraNa vizeSo -- Bh. V. 4, p. 1118 ****** 2. poggalaM maMsaM, taM gaheUNa bhagaMdale pavesijjati, ' ...asatI poggalassa samiyA gheppara, " sA maddughaehiM tuppeuM maddijaM ca bhagadale cchubhati, te kimiyA tattha laggaMti--NG. 1, p. 100. 3. te tu, bhagagudabastipradezadAraNAcca bhagandarA ityucyante -- Susrutasamhita, Nidanas thana, 4. 3. 4. NC. 2, pp. 62, 214. 5. N. Bha. 3647; NC. 3, p. 258. 6. chappadAdisu yannAdipaDiyakhaddhAsu dagodaraM bhavati - jalodaramityartha: - NG 3, p. 161; also NC. 1, p. 93. 7. NC. 3, p. 161. 8. yathA dRti: kSubhyati kampate ca zabdAyate cApi dakodaraM tat |- -Susrutasamhita, Nidanasthana, 7. 23. 9. f -NC. 2, p. 267; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1039.

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DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NC. 333 different diseases but sometimes these are used as a combined term dahajara' meaning thereby inflama tion accompanied with fever, i. e. typhoid fever. (viii) Ganda : Ganda2 was a common term for boils or pustules during their unsuppurated stage. The ganda appearing on feet were known as mahula. 4 Massaging with oil particularly with the mTgadantika oil ( lawsonice inermis ) was thought to be beneficial in such cases, 5 (ix) Gan lamala or gan li ( Scrofula ): Gan lamala or gandi was same as scrofula or the disease of tubercle glands. It was called so as it spread around the neck of the patient.? (x) Gila sini: Gila sini is mentioned as a toga along with the ganlamala, slipada and sunija. It may be same as. over-appetite. (xi) zaloyara ( See Dagodara ). (xii) Kasa ( Cough ): Kasa is mentioned as a vyadhi or atanka which seriously affected the victim.. According to Caraka, ka sa is derived from the root kas meaning 1. Ibid. 2. NO. 2, pp. 90, 214, 215. 3. Ganda is called as a type of pidaka in the NC. According to Susruta. (Nidanasthana, 4.3), a pustulo was called as pidaka in its unsuppu-- rated stage. 4. qi jE AGMT Huua--NC. 2, p. 90. 5. NO. 2, p. 213. 6. JITHRTIFACT THEM TISASIY--NC. 3, p. 529. 7. Toget fa te, N = TEATING. 2, p. 215. 8. NO. 3, p. 529; Bih. V. 2, p. 322. 9. LAI., p. 180. The word grasnu used by Panini (111. 2. 139 ) is explai ned by Agrawala as one suffering from the debiliating effects of a discase, the convalescent ( India as known to Panini, p. 123 ) from which also the word gilasini may be derived. 10. NO. 3, p. 529.

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334 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI to move.' It caused the movement of phlegm from the respiratory passages. 1 (xiii) Kidima (Keloid Tumerous ) : Kidima was a type of skin disease (kayavrana) caused by the internal disorder in skin.2 Secretion of a type of black viscid matter from the affected portion like the thighs etc. was a normal feature of this disease. Susruta also describes kitima as a kind of ksudra-kustha ( minor leprosy ) in which the eruptions exclude a kind of slimy secretion and are circular, thick, excessively itching, glossy and black in colour. (xiv) Kuttha ( skin-diseases ): Kuttha was a general term for all the skin-diseases. Daddu, kitima, pama and vikiccika have been mentioned as various sub-varieties of kuttha. Bhinna-kuttha was also another type of leprosy. 6 (xv) Mandaggi ( Dyspepsia ): Mandaggi was the disease of dyspepsia. A person suffering from this disease was advised to take salt in order to strengthen the power of the digestive organs.? (xvi) Padala : Padala was a kind of eye-disease caused by the derangement of the simbha (slesma--cough) element in the body.' It covered the layer of the eyes and the person affected by the same was unable to see anything. 1. Carakasamhita, Gikitsasthana, 18. 8. 2. # south metal (arroquil) sed, fleH, , fafef71, 4tht, utellaan 1-NC. 2, p. 214. 3. Hi fare for thD aed-NC. 2, p. 62. 4. Susrutasanhita, Nidanasthada, v. 9-10. 5. NO. 2, p. 213-14; Bih. Vl. 2, p. 322. Eighteen kinds of kustha arc men tioned in the Susrutasamnita (Nidanasthana, 5. 4-5) and Caraka samhita, Ch. 7, pp. 2069-73. 6. NC. 2, p. 90. 7. ETT HETT FETT Tecyf-NC. 1, p. 67. 8. feryculare i contifelariatui qed Hot-NC. 3, pp-55-56.

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DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NC. 335 (xvii) Pama ( Eczema ): Pama is mentioned as a type of skin-disease. 1 According to Susruta, it is a kind of minor leprosy in which small pustules or pimples characterised by itching and burning secretion appear on the surface of the body. 2 (xviii) Pittiya ( Paittika): Pittiya diseases were caused by the derangement of the pitta element ( bile ) in the body.s Among the various pittiya diseases, timira* ( a type of eye-disease), murcha 5 (fainting) and dahajaras (typhoid fever ) have been mentioned in the text. For the elimination of this type of diseases use of substances like padma and utpala (nilumbuim specioscum ) was prescribed by the physicians.? (xix) Sanni pata : Sanni pita or sannivita was the disease caused by a simultaneous derangement of the vata ( air ), pitta ( bile ) and simbha (cough ).8 Use of the fruits like matulunga or bijapuraka ( citrus, medica-var typica ) was recommended for this type of disease. (xx) Silippa ( Elephantiases ): Silippa is mentioned as one of the sixteen rogaslo or diseases which last for a long 1. NC. 2, p. 214. 2. Susrutasainita, Nidanastbana, V. 9-10. 3. NC. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340. 4. NC. 3, p. 55. 5. T OT 231_NC. 2, p. 267. 6. Ibid. 7. faze y T CTOR-NC. 2, p. 316; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 323. The sub stances belonging to the class of padma and ut pala have the quality of pacifying the deranged phlegm and bile.-Sharma, Priyavrata, Dravya Gula Vijnana, p. 447. 8. faldet i alat for FH 37t ar are ar fara afuarlaat hat-NC. 4, P. 310. 9. afogaty haft-NC. 2, p. 316; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 323. According to Briyavrata Sharma, two varieties of the fruit matulunga are available, one sweet and the other sour. The former is used for the pacification of pitta and vata, while the latter for Simbha and vata.--Op. cit., pp. 276-77. 10. NO. 3, p. 529; M14Gift clau per gratuit-TO125 HETTAME** paritala: setust-Brh. Vr. 2, p. 358. 10.

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336 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI time. It was same as slipada which is known to us as Elephantiases. (xxi) Simbhiya--Simbhiya (slaismika ) was the disease caused by the derangement of the simbha (phlegm ) element. Kasa ( asthma) and padala (a type of eye-disease ) are mentioned as diseases caused by the same factor.2 Use of the leaves of the nimba tree ( melia azadirachta ) was recommended for the cure of the deranged phlegm. 3 (xxii) Sula-Sula was a type of colic pain. It is mentioned as an atamka. The person affected with this disease could die immediately. (xxiii) Suniya--Suniya was one of the sixteen rogas. It is sarne as swelling. (xxiv) Timira-In this disease deranged vayu ( air ) covered the layers of the eyes which resulted into the loss of vision.6 Susruta also states that in vataja type of timira all external objects are viewed as cloudy, moving, crooked and red-coloured.? (XXV) Vamana ( Vomitting )-Over-eating or eating impure food, in which the flies had fallen,' caused the disease vamana. (xxvi) Vatita--Vatita or vataja diseases were caused by the derangement of the vata ( air ) element. The person 1. NC. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340. 2. NO. 3, p. 55. 3. fa fua901-NC. 2, p. 316; Brh. V. 2, p. 323. According to Priya-- vrata Sharma, the nimba pacifies cough and bile (op. cit., pp. 122-23); hence it must have been used in such diseases. 4. NO. 3, p. 529; Bih. Vr. 2, p. 322. 5. NC. 3, p. 529. 6. fazafant a coqaleefayah 791Fitui fafhx soufd-NC. 3, p. 55.. Bana also mentions the persons suffering from this disease as taimirika who were unable in seeing anything--Agrawala, Kadambari: Eka Sanskrtika Adhya yana, p. 120. 7. Susrutasanhita, Uttaratantra, VII. 6-7. 8. HfEgil HATIH SEu afa, qaafhete:-NC. 1, p. 92. 9. NO. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340.

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DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NO. 337 suffering from the dataroga (wind-trouble) was advised to drink clarified butter 1 or take food or sweets like ghaya punna2 in which the clarified butter was poured in abundance. Use of the products of eranda (ricinus communis ) was also prescribed for the elimination of this class of diseases.' (xxvii) Vikiccika ( Propriasis )-Vikiccika was a kind of skin disease. * Susruta explains vicarcika as a kind of minor leprosy characterised by excessive pain and itching and giving rise to extremely dry crack like marks on the body. 5 (xxviii) Visucika ( Cholera )-Over-eating is mentioned as the possible cause of this disease. 1. si Pathet afat et anataractant I feela-NC. 4, p. 340; qadficut miferi-Brh. V. 2, p. 557. 2. qitet at Threvi_NC. 3, p. 97; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1005. 3. NC. 2, p. 316; also-BIh. Vi. 2, p. 323. Eranda was meant to pacify the deranged wind and thus helped the limbs in the swift motion. Sharma, Priyavrata, op. cit., pp. 51-53. 4. NO. 2, p. 214. 5. Susrutasainita, Nidanasthana, v. 9-10. 6. yu ar faqat_N 5. 2, p. 267; Bih. Vr. 4, p. 1039.

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APPENDIX B GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NC. Abhira (NC. 3, p. 425): Abhira was situated in Daksinapatha. Kanha and Venna were the two rivers of this visaya between which was situated the island Bambhaddiva. Akkatthali (NC. 3, p. 192): It is identified with Akkatthala, one of the five places mentioned in Mathura, others being Virathala, Paumatthala Kusatthala and Mahathala (vide-LAI., p. 265). Amdha (NC. 2, p. 362; NC. 4, pp. 125, 131): It is identified with the country between the rivers Godavari and Krishna including the districts of Krishna (GEB., p. 62). Situated 150 miles to the south of Kosala the province of Andhra was 500 miles in circuit (CAGI., pp. 444-16). It was a non-Aryan country. Samprati made Amdha, Damila, Kudukka and ( mentioned Maharattha in Nisitha Bhasya, see-NC. 4, approachable to the Jaina p. 101) It is Allakappa of monks for their wanderings. the Buddhist literature (GEB., pp. 24 f.) Amalakappa Amdhapura (NC. 3, p. 269): It is identified with the Amdhapura of the Buddhist Jatakas. Situated on the river Telavaha it was the capital of Andhra (GEB., p. 24; also LAI., p. 266). Anandapura (NC. 2, pp. 528, 357; NC. 3, pp. 158, 192, 349) It is identified with modern Vadnagar in Northern Gujarat. According to Yuan Chwang, it is situated 117 miles to the north-west of Valabhi (see-CAGI., p. 416). It was trade. a famous centre of Aojjha or Aujjha, also known as Saeta (NC. 2, p. 466; NC. 3, p. 193): It is

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340 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI era identified with modern Oudh p. 275 ). It was a centre of situated about four miles away trade and commerce and was from Faizabad ( GEB., pp. a big port. 523 f.; also CAGI., p. 341 ). Bhillamala (NC. 3, p. 111): Avakkhanla (NC. 3, p. 195): It is identified with modern It cannot be identified as the | Bhinmal, a town in the Jodhtext appears to be corrupt. pur division. The text being It is mentioned as an unholy corrupt at this place, the inplace in the NC. along with terpretation of the coinage of Gamga, Pahasa, Payaga, this region differs. Sirimaya and Keyara. Campa (NC. 1, p. 20; NC. Avamii (NC. 1, pp. 13, 2, p. 466; NC. 3, p. 140; NC. 102 ): It is identified roughly 4, pp. 127, 373 ): Its actual with modern Malwa, Nimar site is probably two villages and adjoining parts of Central Campanagara and Campapura. Provinces (LAI., p. 269 ). | near Bhagalpur in Bihar In the NC. it is mentioned as (GEB.,p. 6; also LAL., p. 275). a Janapada with its capital It is mentioned in the N. at Ujjeni. Bha. as one of the ten capitals. Bambhaddiva : See under of ancient India. Abhira. Cina (NC. 2, p. 399): It Baravai or Daravati (NC. is said to have comprised the I, p. 69 ) : It is identified country of Tibet along with the whole range of Himalayan with modern Junagadh situa mountains (vide-LAI., p. 360). ted very near the Raivataka It was famous for the produchills ( LAI., p. 271 ) or with tion of the China-silk. Dwarka on the sea-shore. According to the NC., it was Dakkhini paha or Dakkhinaa great port. daha (NC. 2, pp. 95, 415; NC. Bhansurulaya (NC. 3, p. 3, pp. 39, 111, 207, 574; NG. | 4, p. 132): It is identified with 350 ): It cannot be identified the country lying between as the text seems to be corrupt. Narbada in the north and Bharukaccha (NC. 2, pp. Krishna in the south exclusive 415, 439): It is identified of the provinces lying to the with modern Broach (CAGI., east. It is thus almost identi

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GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NO. 341 cal with the country called | History of the Arabs, 1931, p. Maharashtra. It was a great | 8; see also--LAI., p. : 81 ). centre of the Jainas Juring Gamdhara (NC. 3, p. 144) : this time. It is identified with the disDamila (NC. 2, pp. 362, tricts of Peshawar and Rawal381; NC. 3, p. 191; NC. 4, pp. pindi in the northern Punjab 125, 131 ): It is identified (GD., pp. 60 f.). It is mentio. with Tamil ( GEB., p. 63). ned as a Janapada in the NC. It is mentioned in the NC. as Giriphulliga (NC. 3, p. a non-Aryan country made | 419): The place remains approachable to the Jaina | unidentified. monks by king Samprati. Gollaya (NC. 3, p. 191): It People of this region followed is identified with Goli, situaDamila livi for writing pur- ted on the Gallaru, a tribuposes. tary of the river Kistna in Damtapura (NC. 3, p. 166; Guntur district (LAI., p. NC. 4, p. 361): It is identified 286 ). It is mentioned along with Dartapura of the with the countries of MarahaBuddhist chronicles, which, as ttha, Damila, Kudukka, Kirathe capital of Kalinga, may duga and Simdhu in the NC. with much probability be Hatthina pura (NC. 2, p. identified with Raja Mahen 466 ): It is indentified with dri, which is 30 miles to the an old town in Mawana north-east of Coringa (CAGI., Tahsil in Meerut (vide-LAI., p. 436). p. 288 ). It is mentioned in Dasapura ( NC. 3, pp. 147, the N. Bhasya as one of the 441 ): It is identified with ten metropolises of ancient modern Mandsor, a place to India. the west of Ujjain. Hemapuri sanagara (NG. 3, Diva ( NC. 2, p. 95): An | p. 243): The place remains island situated to the south unidentified. According to of Saurascra. It is identified the NC. the festival of Indra with the island of the Arabs, i was widely celebrated by the which is surrounded by water | people of this place. on three sides and by sand on Himdugadesa (NC. 3, p. the fourth. (Fillip Hitti, 59 ): It is identified with

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342 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI India which was called Hin- Keyara (NC. 3, p. 195):. dugadesa by the Persians. It is identified with modern Favana (NC. 4, p. 125 ): Kedarnath in the district of It is identified with Alexan- ! Garhwal ( GD., pp. 975 f. ), dria near Kabul (GEB., p. or with a sub-tirtha called 54 ). It is mentioned as a Keyara near Varanasi. It is non-Aryan country in the mentioned as an unholy place NC. along with the Saka- | in the NC. visaya. Khitipatitthiya (NC. 3, p. Kaccha (NC. 1, p, 133 ): 150; NC. 4, p. 229): Its. It is identified with modern exact situation is not known. Kutch (GD., p. 82 ). The place is mentioned to Kampillapura (NC. 2, pp. have been raided by a Mlec21, 466 ): It is identified cha king during the reign of with modern Kampil in the Jiyasattu. Farrukhabad district. It was Kiraduka (NG. 3, p. 191): one of the ten ancient capitals It might have been the same of India. Kamcanapura (NC. 3, pp. as Kira which has been iden295, 302). It is identified tified with the Kangra district with modern Bhuvaneshwar in the Punjab ( see-LAI., p. 297). According to the Paiya(vide-LAI., p. 293 ). Sadda-Mahannava, Kira was Kanci puri (NC. 2, p. 95) : the common name given to It is identified with Canjee Kashmir. varam on the Palar river, which is the capital of Kollaira (NC. 3, p. 403 ): Dravida (CAGI.,p. 462 ). It is identified with KullapaThe ruvaga of this place was kapura or Kulpaka near Seknown as nelaka or nelaa. cunderabad in the Nizam Kaya ( NC. 2, p. 399 ): It State (LAI., p. 28). is identified with Kaka'pura Komkana (NC. 1, pp. 52, near Bithur or with Kakanada 100, 101, 145; NC. 3, p. 296): near Sanci (Law, B. C., Komkana denotes the whole Tribes in Ancient India, p. 256; strip of land between the WesLAI., p. 295 ). It is famous tern Ghat and the Arabian for production of a fine va- Sea ( see-CAGI., p. 466 ). riety of cloth. | Komkana seems to have been

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GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE 'NG. 343 much under the influence of 1 is mentioned to have been the Jainas. situated in the Uttara patha.' Kosala (NC. 1, pp. 51-52, Kunala (NC. 3, p. 368; 74; NC. 3, pp. 79, 430 ): NC. 4, p. 126 ) : The JanaKosala roughly corresponds pada or visaya of Kunala to modern Oudh. According has been identified with to Yuan Chwang, its frontiers Uttara Kosala with its were bound by Ujjain on the capital as Kunalanayari or nortb, Maharastra on the west, Savatthi (see--LAI., pp. Orissa on the east and Andhra 303 and 332 ). Kunala was and Kalinga on the south | included among the twenty( CAGI., p. 444 ). It was five and a half Aryan regions famous for its Jiyamta Sami and the Jaina monks were image. allowed to move upto the Kosambahara (NG. 2, p. Kunala vinaya in the north. 361 ): The place remains Eravati or Eravati was the unidentified. main river of this region Kosabz ( NC. 2. p. 466, which can be identified with 125, 128 ): It is identified Aciravati, the river Tapti in with the old village of Kosam Oudh on which the town of on the Jumna about 30 miles Savatthi or Kunalanayari south-west of Allababad (see was situated (see-GEB., pp. CAGI., pp. 330-34). 35 f.). Kudukka (NC. 3, p. 191; Kurukhetta or Kuruksetra NC. 4, p. 131 ): It is identified | (NC. 2, p. 198; NC. 3, pp. with Coorg (Kodagu ), a 340, 341 ): It is identified territory in South India (LAI., with the country immep. 301; see also-Imperial diately around Thanesara, Gazetteer, Vol. III, p. 28). between the rivers Sarasvati It was a non-Aryan country and Dssadvati. (CAGI., p. made approachable to the 279 ). Jaina monks by king Sam- Kusumabura (NC. 2, p. 95): See under Padaliputta. Kumbha karakada (NC. 4, Lanka (NC. 2, pp. 104, p. 127 ) : Kumbhakarakada | 105 ): It is identified with prati.

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344 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Ceylon (GD., p. 113). Hanu- / among twenty-five and a half mana is described to have | Aryan countries. The Jaina reached Lamkapuri by cros- monks were allowed to move sing the sea with his hands. upto Magadha in the east. Lata or Lada (NC. 1, p. Mahanakun laggama ( NC. 57; NC. 2, pp. 81, 82, 94, 223; | 3, p. 239 ) : Kunclaggama NC. 3, pp. 39, 59, 596; NC. has been identified with mo. 4, pp. 132, 26): It is identi- dern Basukund, a suburb of fied with southern Gujarat ancient Vaisali (GD., p. 107). including Khanadesa situated | It had two divisions : Khattbetween the river Mahi and | iya Kundaggama and Mahathe lower Tapti (Bhandarkar, |na Kundaggama, which were R. G., Early History of the ruled by the Khattiyas and Dekkan, p. 42). Lata compri- Mahanas respectively (seesed the collectorates of Surat, LAI., pp. 299-97, also p. 307). Broach, Kheda and parts Mahissara (NC. 3, p. 569): of Baroda districts. A regular It is identified with Mahiscommercial contact existed mati or Mahesa situated on between Lata and Purvadesa. the banks of Narbada, forty The clothes produced in miles to the south of Indore Purvadesa were available in (GD., pp. 119, 120 ). It is Lata at a high cost. a famous centre of clothThe Indramaha was cele manufacture. brated in the Lata country on Mahura or Mathura (NC. 1, the fullmoon-day of Sravana. p. 8; NC. 2, pp. 125, 357, 466; Marriage with maternal NC. 3, pp. 79, 152, 366): It is identified with Mohali, five uncle's daughter was allowed miles to the south of the prein the Lata country. sent town of Mathura or MuMagadha or Magaha (NC. ttra (CAGI., pp. 314-15;LAI., 3, pp. 193, 523; NC. 4, pp. p. 309 ). It is one of the ten 124, 126, 158 ) : Magadha capitals of ancient India, and roughly corresponds to mo- is famous for its Devanirmita dern Patna and Gaya districts Siupa. in Bihar (see-CAGI., pp. Pilgrimage to the Bhan281-83). It is included dira-tittha of Mathura was

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GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NC. 345 also considered auspicious. | the Malabar country incluA regular contact existed bet- ding Cochin and Travancore ween Mathura and Apanda-|(GD., p. 122 ). It is famous pura. for producing a fine variety Malava (NC. 2, pp. 79, of cloth. 109, 175 ; NC. 3, pp. 193, Mihila (NC. 2, p. 466 ) : 594 ) : It is identified with It is identified with modern modern Malwa situated on Janakpur. It is one of the the south-east of the river ancient capitals of India. Mahi (CAGI., p. 413; GD., p. 122 ). People of Takka, Pahasa (NC. 3, p. 195 ) : Malava and Simdhu were It is identified with Somnath known for the harshness of in the Junagadh district, Gujtheir speech. arat (GD., p. 157 ). It is Marahatta (NC. 1, p. 52; mentioned as an unholy place NC. 2, pp. 11, 136, 371; NC. in the NC. 3, pp. 131, 191; NC. 4, pp. 115, Patitthana (NG. 3, p. 131): 195 ): It is identified with It is identified with modern the Maratha country, the Paithan on the southern bank country watered by the upper of Godavari in south of Godavari and lying between Aurangabad (GD., p. 159 ). that river and the Krishna. At one time it was ruled by At one time it was synony- king Sayavahana. mous with the Deccan (GD., p. 118 ). It is a non-Aryan Parasa (NC. 2, p. 396; country made suitable to the NO. 3, p. 59): It is identiJaina monks by king Samp fied with modern Persia. The Persians were known for rati. Maru ( NC. 3, p. 146; NC. wearing the garlands made from the horns of buffaloes. 4, p. 109): Maru-janapada or Maru-visaya, also known Padali putta (NC. 2, p. as Marusthali, denotes the 95): It is identified with whole of Rajputana (GD., modern Patna. Padaliputp. 127 ). taga ruvaga was regarded as Mayala or Malaya ( NC. 3, standard money in commerp. 399 ). It is identified with | cial dealings.

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346 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Payaga (NC. 3, p. 195 ): , and Ganjam (CAGI., p. 421). It is identified with modern Dinara was the famous goldAllahabad at the confluence coin of Puvvadesa. of Ganga and Yamuna Rayagiha (NC. 1, pp. 9, (CAGI., pp. 327-29). It is 17, 20; NC. 4, pp. 101, 109, an unholy place according to 126): It is identified with the NC. modern Rajgir (CAGI., p. Pukkhara (NC. 3, p. 145) : | 394). One of the ten anciIt is identified with modern ent capitals of India it is Puskara, six miles away from famous for its hot-water Ajmer ( GD., p. 163 ). springs. Paundravardhana : NC. 4, Roma ( NC. 2, p. 399): It p. 144 ): It might be same as ) is perhaps same as Ruma Pandya, a country between which has been identified by Jhelam and Ravi (vide-LAI., H. E. Wilson with Sambhar p. 323 ). (vide-LAI., p. 365 ). It is Purima or Puri (NC. 2, | famous for a fine variety of 328 ): Purt on the western cloth. coast is to be identified with Saga (NG. 4, p. 125 ): It Chandapur or Chandor in is identified with the country the present Goa territory or of the Sakas in central Asia. with Gharapuri, the Elephanta island across the Sapatthi (NC. 2, p. 466; Bombay harbour (Virji, K.J., | NC. 4, p. 103): Savatthi, also Ancient History of Saurashtra, known as Kunalanayari, is p. 67). It was a famous identified with Sahet-Mahet Jalapatjana where the goods on the bank of the Rapti were carried by water ways. (CAGI., p. 345 ). Puvvadesa (NC. 2, p. 94; Simdhu (NC. 1, p. 133; NC. 3, p. 111): It is identi- NC. 2, pp. 79, 150; NC. 3, fied with the eastern division pp. 566, 594; NC. 4, p. 90): of India which comprised According to Yuan Chwang, Assam, Bengal proper, toge- Simdhu comprised the whole ther with the Delta of the valley of the Indus from the Ganges, Sambhalpur, Orissa | Punjab to the sea, including

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GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NC. 125-26). Malava. the Delta and the island of Kutch (CAGI., p. 209). Sirimaya or Sirimala ( NC. 3, p. 195) It is identified with modern Bhinmal or Bhillamal, fifty miles west of Abu mountain. (GD., p. 192). It is an unholy place according to the NC. Soparaya (NC. 4, p. 14): It is identified with modern Sopara in the Thana district. Surattha (NC. 1, p. 133; NC. 2, pp. 146, 210, 357, 362; NC. 3, pp. 39, 59, 508): It is identified with the country stretching from Sindh or Indus to Broach, that is Gujarat, Kutch and Kathiawar (GD., p. 183, also pp. 273-74). It is a non-Aryan country made approachable to the Jaina monks by king Samprati. Surattha at one time was divided into 69 Mandalas. Takka (NC. 2, p. 79): It is identified with Taki of Yuan Chwang, which comprised the whole of the Punjab. Sakala was the old capital of the powerful tribe of the Takkas, whose country was named after themselves Takkadesa (CAGI., pp. as 347 See also under Teyalagapattana (NC. I, p. 69) It is identified with modern Veraval. It was a big port. Thuna (NC. 4, p. 126 ) : It is identified with modern Thanesar (CAGI., p. 276). The Jaina monks in ancient times were allowed to move upto Thuna in the west. Tosali (NC. 2, p. 399; NC. 4, pp. 43, 62): It is identified with the village Dhauli or the near-by place in the district of Cuttack in Orissa (vide-LAI., p. 344). Tosali was known for the production of the Aya cloth. The region was rich in water resources. A typical custom of Svayamvara among the slaves of Tosali visaya has been referred to. Turumini (NC. 2, p. 41): The place is unidentified. Ujjeni (NC. 1, p. 102; NC. 2, p. 261; NC. 3, pp. 59, 131, 145, 146; NC. 4, p. 200): It is identified with modern Ujjain on the bank of river Sipra (CAGI., p. 412 ). It was situated eighty Yojanas

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348 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI away from the Vitibhaya- | rainfalls. Uttara patha was pasiana. also known for its Dhamma cakka. Uttara-Mahura (NC. 2, pp. 131, 2.9): Same as Mahura. Vaccha (NC. 4, p. 46): It is identified with modern Uttara patha or Uttaravaha territory of Alwar. (NC. 1, pp. 20, 52, 67, 87, 154; NC. 2, pp. 62,95; NC. 3, * Vanarasi (NC. 2, pp. 417 p. 79; NC. 4,p. 27): It is iden 466): It is identified with tified with the districts of modern Varanasi. It is one Kamsa and Uttara-Madhura of the ten ancient capitals of India. which lay on the northern high-road (GEB., pp. 48 ff.). Varatta pura (NC. 3, p. 442; Uttara patha had either extre- NC. 4, p. 158 ): The place mely cold or extremely hot remains unidentified. climate, and it had constant |

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BIBLIOGRAPHY ORIGINAL WORKS (Sanskrit and Prakrit ) Abhidhana Rajendra-Kosa, Ratlani, 1913-34. Abhidhana Ratnamala-Halayudha. Abhijnana Sakuntala-Kalidasa. Acaranga Sutra, Eng. trans. by H. Jacobi, SBE., vol. XXII, London, 1884. >> Niiyukti, Surat, 1935. >> Curni--Jinadasa Gapi, Ratlam, 1941. ,, Vstti--Silanka, Surat, 1935. Adi purana-Jinasena, Varanasi, 1951. Aitareya Brahmana. Amarakosam-Amara Singh, Bombay, 1915. Angavijja, Varanasi, 1957. Antaga la-dasao and Anuttarovavaiya-dasao, Eng. trans. by L. D. Barnett, London, 1907. Anuyogadvara Curni-Jinadasa Gani, Ratlam, 1928. Arthasastra-Kautilya, Eng. trans. by S. Shamasastry, Mysore, 1908. Astanga HIdaya-Vagbbatta II, Trans. by Atrideva Gupta, Bombay, 1951. Atrismati. Avasyaka Curni --Jinadasa Gani, Ratlam, 1916. Avimaraka - Bhasa, Trivendrum Sanskrit Series. Baudhayanadharmasutra, Mysore. Bhagavati Sutra, Ed. by Bechardas and Bhagvandas, Ahmeda bad. ,, Vrtti--Abhayadeva, Bombay, 1921. Bhavisayattakaha-Dhanapala, Ed. by H. Jacobi, Munchen, 1918. Bihajjataka--Varahamihira. BIhaspati Dharma sastra, Ed. by M. N. Dutt, Calcutta, 1908; Eng. trans. by J. Jolly, SBE., vol. XIII, Oxford, 1886.

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350 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Byhatkalpa Satra Bhasya--Sanghadasa Gani, Vrtti, by Malaya giri and Ksemakirti, Bhavnagar, 1933-38. Bihatkathakosa - Harisena, Ed. by A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1943. Bihat samhita - Varabamihira, Ed. by Sudhakar Dvivedi, Banaras, V. S. 1987. Candisataka - Bana, Ed. and Eng. trans. by G. M. Quaekenbos, New York, 1917. Carakasamhita, 6 Vols., Jamnagar, 1949. Carudatta - Bhasa, Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri. Cauppannamaha purisacaria - Silanka, Ed. by A. M. Bhojak, Varanasi, 1961. Dasakumaracarita - Dandin, Ed. by M.R. Kale, Bombay, 1925. Dasavaikalika Curni - Jinadasa Gani, Ratlam, 1933. Desinamamala - Hemacandra. Digha Nikiya, Ed. by Rhys Davids and J. E. Carpenter, PTS., London, 1889-1911. Dvyasrayakavya - Hemacandra, Vitti by Abhayatilaka Gani, 2 vols., Bombay, 1915. Gautama Dharma Satra, Ed. by H. N. Apte, Poona, 1910. Harivamsa Purana --Jinasena, Bombay, 1930. Harsacarita - Bana, Eng. trans. by E. B. Cowel and F. W. Thomas, London, 1897. gataka, 2 Vols., Prayag, V. N. 2485. 7atakas--Fousboil, London, 1877-97. Kadambari - Bana, Ed. by K. P. Parab, Bombay, 1896; Eng. trans. by C, M. Ridding, London, 1896. Kamandaka-niti sara, Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri, Trivendrum, 1912. Kamasutra-Vatsyayana, Ed. by Damodar Gosvami, Varanasi. Karakanducariu - Ed. by H. L. Jain. Kathopanisad. Kumarasambhava,-Kalidasa, Ed. by K, P. Parab, 1897. Kurma Purana, Ed. by P. Tarkaratna, Calcutta, B. S. 1332. Kuvalayamalakaha--Uddyotana Suri. Laghujataka (1X)--Varahamibira. Mahabharata, Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 351 Mahabhasya--Patanjali. Maha parinibbanasutta, SBE., vol. X, 1906-9. Maha purana, Bharatiya Jnanpith, Varanasi. Mahavagga. Mahaviracarita (Trisastisalaka purusacaritra)--Hemacandra. Malatimadhava--Bhavabhuti. Malavika gnimitra--Kalidasa, Ed. by S. P. Pandit, Bombay, 1889. Manasollasa - Somesvara, GOS., No. XXVIII, Baroda, 1925. Manjusrimulakal pa, Ed. by K. P. Jayswal, Patna, 1934. Manusmiti or Manavadharmasastra, Ed. by V. N. Mandalik, 1886; Eng. trans. by G. Buhler, SBE., vol. XXV, Oxford, 1886. Mattavilasa prahasana-Mahendravikrama, Varanasi, 1666. Meghaduta--Kalidasa, Bombay, 1929. Milinda panho, Ed. by V. Trenckner, London, 1880. Micchakatika--Sudraka, Ed. by R. D. Karmarkar, Poona, 1937. Namamala--Dhananjaya, Bombay, 1940. Nandi Curnim.Jinadasa Gani, Ratlam, 1928. Naradasmsti, Ed. by J. Jolly, Calcutta, 1885; Eng. trans. by J. Jolly, SBE., vol. XXXIII. Vayadhammakahao, Ed. by N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940; .., Vytti--Abhayadeva, Bombay, 1919. Nisitha Satra Bhasya Curni-Jinadasa Gani, Agra, 1957-60. Nitivakyamsta, MDJG. Series No. 22, Bombay, 1979. Ovaiya Sutta, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Surat, V. S. 1914. Pannavana Sutta, Comm. by Malayagiri, Bombay, 1918-19. Paumacariya--Vimala:uri, Bhavnagar, 1914. Pinla Niryukti, Comm. by Malayagiri, Surat, 1918. Prabandha Cintamani-Merutunga, SJGM., Calcutta, 1956. Prasamarati. Raghuvamsa--Kalidasa, Bombay, 1882. Ramayama--Valmiki, Ed. by. T. R. Krishnacharya and T. R. Vyasacharya, Bombay, 1911. Raya paseniya Sutta, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1938. Rgveda--Sayana Bhasya.

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352 Rtusamhara--Kalidasa, Bombay, 1938. Sabdakalpadruma. Samaraiccakaha--Haribhadra Suri, Ahmedabad. Sanmati prakarana, Jnanodaya Trust, Ahmedabad. Satapatha Brahmana, Ed. by E. Weber, 1924; Eng. trans. by J. Eggeling, SBE., vols. XII, XXVI, XLI. A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA GURNI Siddhiviniscaya--Akalanka. Sthananga Sutra, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1937. Sukraniti--Sukracarya, Ed. by B. Misra, Varanasi, 1968. Sumangala Vilasini, 3 vols., PTS., London, 1886-1932. Susrutasamhita, Ed. by K. K. Bhisagaratna, 3 vols., Varanasi, 1946. Sujagada, Comm. by Silanka, Bombay, 1917; Eng. trans. by H. Jacobi, SBE., vol. XLV, Oxford, 1895. Taittariya Samhita-Sayana Bhasya. Tattvarthadhigama Sutra-Umasvati Bhasya, Jaina Pustakoddhara Series. Tilakamanjari-Dhanapala, Kavyamala Series No. 85. Tirtha Prakasa. Trisastisalaka purusacaritra-Hemacandra, Ed. by Punyavijaya, Bhavnagar. Upamitibhava pra pancakatha-- Siddharsi, Ed. by H. Jacobi, Calcutta, 1899-1914. Uttaradhyayana Sutra, Eng. trans. by H. Jacobi, SBE., vol. XLV, Oxford, 1895. 33 33 Curni-Jinadasa Gani, Ratlam, 1933. Vrtti-Santi Suri, Bombay, 1917. -Nemicandra, Bombay, 1937. 33 Vasistha Dharma Sastra or Vasisthasmrti,, Ed. by M. N. Dutta, Calcutta, 1908; Eng. trans. by G. Buhler, SBE., vol. XIV, Oxford, 1905. d. Vayu Purana, Anandasrama, Poona, S. S. 1827. Vedavya sasmrti. Vinaya Pitaka, 5 vols., Ed. by Oldenberg, London, 1879-1883. Vipaka Sutra, Jaina Sastramala Karyalaya, Ludhiana. Visesavasyakabhasya.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 353 Visnu Dharma Sastra or Visnusmsti, Ed. by M. N. Dutta, Calcutta, 1909; Eng. trans. by J. Jolly, SBE., vol. VII, Oxford, 1881. Visnu Purana, Ed. by P. Tarkaratna, Calcutta, B. S. 1331. Vivagasuya, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Baroda, V. S. 1922. Vyavahara Bhasya, Comm. by Malayagiri, Bhavnagar. Yajnavalkyasmyti, Ed. by Pannikar, Bombay, 1926. Yasastilaka Campu--Somadeva, Kavyamala Series, Bombay. ORIGINAL WORKS ( Chinese and Muslim) Beal, S., Si-yu-ki-Buddhist Records of the Western World, Eng. trans. from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsang, 2 vols., London, 1906. Legge, J. H., Record of the Buddhistic Kingdoms, being an acco unt of the Chinese monk Fa-hien's Travels, Oxford, 1886. Sachau, E. C., Al-Beruni's India, London, 1910. Takakusu, J. A., Record of the Buddhistic Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archi pelago, by I-tsing, Oxford, 1896. Watters, T., On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 2vols., London, 1904, 1905. MODERN WORKS Acharya, P. K., Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, Oxford, 1927. Agrawala, V, S., Harsacarita, Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, Patna, 1953. India as Known to Panini, Varanasi, 1953, 2nd edition, 1963. Kadambar?--Eka Sanskitika Adhyayana, Varanasi, 1958. Pracina Bharatiya Lokadharma, Abmedabad, 1964. Altekar, A. S., Education in Ancient India, Banaras, 1944. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Varanasi, 1962. Rashtrakutas and Their Times, Poona, 1934.

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354 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI State and Government in Ancient India, Banaras, 1949. Ambedkar, B. R., The Untouchables, Delhi, 1948. Belani, F. C., faina Grantha aura Granthakara, Banaras, 1950. Beni Prasad, States in Ancient India, Allahabad, 1928. Bhandarkar, D. R., Ancient Indian Numismatics, Calcutta, 1921. Lectures on Indian Numismatics. Bhandarkar, R. G., A Peep into the Early History of India, Bombay, 1920. Early History of the Dekkan. Vaisnavism, Saivism and Other Minor Religious Systems, Strassburg, 1913. Bhattacharya, T., A study on Vastuvidya, Patna, 1947. Brown, C. J., The Coins of India, Calcutta, 1922. Buhler, G., Indian Sect of the gainas, London, 1903. Life of Hemacandracarya, Calcutta, 1936. Burgess, J., The Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, reprint, Varanasi, 1971. Chakaldar, K. A., Social Life in Ancient India-Studies in Vatsya yana's Kamasutra, Calcutta, 1929. Chanana, D. R., Slavery in Ancient India, Delhi, 1960. Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Paumavariya of Vimalasuri (unpublished thesis ). Choudhary, G. C., Political History of Northern India from Jaina Suurces, Amritsar, 1963. Coomarswamy, A. K., Arts and Crafts of India and Ceylon. Early Indian Architecture. Cunningham, A., Ancient Geography of India, reprint, Varanasi. The Stupa of Bharhut, London, 1897. Dalal, C. D. and Gandhi, L. B., A Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the gaina Bhandars at Patan, Baroda, 1937. Dasgupta, D. C., Faina System of Education, Calcutta, 1944. Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India and Some paina Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957. Dey, N. L., The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, London, 1927.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 355 Fergusson, J., History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, vol. II, London, 1910. Fick, R., The Social Organisation in North-east India in Buddha's Time, Calcutta, 1920. Forbes, A. K., Ras Mala, Oxford, 1924. Ghurye, G. S., Caste and Class in India, Bombay, 1950. Indian Costume. Gopal, L., Economic Life of Northern India, Varanasi, 1965. Handiqui, K. K., rasastilaka and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1949. Housani, Arab Seafaring. Jain, C. R., faina Law, Bijnaur, 1928. Jain, G. C., rasastilaka ka Samskytika Adhyayana, Amritsar, 1967. Jain, H. L., Bharatiya Samskyti me faina Dharma ka rogadana, Bhopal, 1960. >> Jaina silalekha Sangraha, pt. I, Bombay, 1923. Jain, J. C., Life in Ancient India as Depicted in the pain Canons, Bombay, 1947. Jain, J. P., Jaina Sources of the History of the Ancient India, Delhi, 1964. Jain, Kailash Chandra, Jainism in Rajasthan, Sholapur, 1963. Jain, Komal Chandra, Bauddha evam paina Agamom mem Nari jivana, Amritsar, 1967. Jain, K. P., Faina Tirtha aura Unaki Yatra, Delhi, 1946. Jayswal, K. P., Hindu Polity, Bangalore, 1943. Jinavijaya, Gujarata ka ainadharma, Banaras, 1949. >> (Ed.) zaina Pustaka Prasasti Sangraha, Bombay, 1943. Kailashchandra, zainadharma, Banaras, V. N. S. 2474. Kalyanavijaya Gani, Prabandha Parijata, Jalor, 1966. Sramana Bhagavana Mahavira, Jalor, V. S. 1988.

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js. 356 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Kane, P. V., History of Dharmasastra, 4 vols., Poona, 1930, 1940-41, 1946. Kapadia, H. R., History of the Canonical Literature of the fainas, Surat, 1941. Keith, A. B., The History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford, 1928. Law, B. , Geography of Early Buddhism, London, 1932. India as Described in the Early Texts of Buddhism and painism, London, 1941. Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943. Macdonell and Keith, Vedie Index, 2 vols., 1912. Majmudar, M. R., Cultural History of Gujarat, Bombay, 1965. Majumdar, A. K., Chaulukyas of Gujarat, Bombay, 1956. Majumdar, R. C, Corporate Life in Ancient India, Poona, 1927. (Ed.) The Classical Age, Bombay, 1954. Malvania, D. D., Nisitha : Eka Adhyayana, Agra. McCrindle, J. W., Ancient India as Described in Classical Litera ture, Westminster, 1900. Mehta, M. L., Faina Sahitya ka BIhad Itihasa, vols. 1-3, : Varanasi, 1966-67. Meyer, J.J., Hindu Tules, London, 1909. Mookerjee, R. K., Harsha, Calcutta, 1976. Motichandra, zaina Miniature Paintings from Western India, Ahmedabad, 1949. Pracina Bharatiya Vesabhusa, Prayag, V. S. 2007. Sarthavaha, Patna, 1953. Munshi, K. M., Gujarat and Its Literature, Bombay, 1938. Narang, M., Some Aspects of Religion and Philosophy as Known from the Nistha Curni (An unpublished thesis for Post Graduate Diploma examina tion, B. H. U., 1966). Om Prakash, Food and Drink in Ancient India, London, 1929. Patil, D. R., Cultural History from the Vayu Purina, Poona, 1946. Pran Nath, Economic Condition in Ancient India, London, 1929.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 357 Rhys Davids, T. W., Buddhist India, London, 1917; Calcutta, 1950. Rice, Hindu Customs and Their Origin. Saletore, B. A., Medieval painism, Bombay, 1938. Saletore, R. N., Life in the Gupta Age, Bombay, 1943. Sangave, V. A., yaina Community-A Social Survey, Bombay, 1959. Sankalia, H. D., Archaeology of Gujarat, Bombay, 1941. Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnology of Gujarat, Poona, 1949. Schubring, W., Drei Chedasutras des faina Kanons---Ayaradasa, Vavahara and Nisiha, 1960. Sen, A. C,, Schools and Sects in faina Literature, Vishvabharati Studies No. 3, 1931. Senart, E., Gaste in India, London, 1930. Seth, H. T., Paiya Sadda Mahonnava, Varanasi, 1963. Shah, C. J., Jainism in North India, London, 1932. Shah, M. V., Jainism and Meat-eating. Shah, U. P., Studies in paina Art, Banaras, 1955. Sharma, P. V., Dravya Guna Vijnana, Varanasi. Sharma, R. S., Sudras in Ancient India, Delhi, 1958. Sharma, S. R., gainism and Karnataka Culture, Dharwar, 1941. Shastri, P. C., Jainadharma aura Vai navyavastha, Delhi. Sikdar, J. G., Studies in the Bhagavati Sutra, Muzaffarpur, 1964. Smith, V. A., A History of Fine Arts in India and Pakistan, Oxford, 1911. The Faina Stupa and Other Antiquities at Mathura, reprint, Varanasi, 1969. The Oxford History of India. Stein, Otto, The Finist Studies, Ahmedabad, 1948. Upadhyaya, B. C., India in Kalidasa, Allahabad, 1947. Upadhyaya, B. D., Bharatiya Darsana. Virji, K. J., Ancient History of Saurashtra, Bombay, 1952. Watt, George, Indian Art at Delhi. Williams, M., Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford, 1899. Winternitz, M., History of Indian Literature, vol. II, Calcutta, 1933. Woolner, A. C., Introduction to Prakrit Grammar, Varanasi, 1928,

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358 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI ARTICLES Banerjee, N. C., 'Slavery in Ancient India,' Calcutta Review, August, 1930, pp. 249-65. Basak, R. G., 'Ministers in Ancient India', IHQ., vol. I, pp. 523 ff. Basu, S, N., 'Slavery in the Jatakas', JBORS., vol.IX, pts. 3-4, pp. 249-65. Bose, A. N., 'Hired Labour in Ancient India,' Indian Culture, vol. IV, pp. 252-57. Chaterjee, H., 'Study of the Prajapatya Form of Marriage, IHQ., vol. 32, pp. 44-51. Dharma, P. C., 'Musical Culture in the Ramayana', Indian Culture, vol. IV, pp. 447 ff. Ganguly, D. C., 'Indian Sculpture,' The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. III, pp. 536-54. Jewellery in Ancient India,' JISOA., vol. X, pp. 140 ff. Ganguly, R., 'Cultivation in Ancient India,' IHQ., vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 19-27. Gopani, A. S., 'Ajivaka School-A New Interpretation', Bharatiya Vidya, vol. III, pt. 1, pp. 55 ff. Jain, K. P., Marriage in Jaina Literature,' IHQ.., vol. IV, pp. 146-52. Kapadia, H. R., 'Some References Pertaining to Agriculture in Jaina Literature', IHQ., vol. X, pp. 797- 800. "The Jaina Data about Musical Instruments', 7ournal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda, vol. II, No. 3, pp. 263-67 and No. 4, pp. 377-87. Kosambi, D. D., Article on Meat-eating, Puratattva, vol. III, pt. 4, pp. 323 ff. Majumdar, G. P., Article on Dress, Indian Culture, vol. I, Nos. 1-4, pp. 196 ff. Article on Food, Indian Culture, vol. I, Nos. 1-4, pp. 417-20. Article on Furniture, Indian Culture, vol. II.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 359 Article on Toilet, Indian Culture, vol. I, Nos. 1-4, pp. 651-66. Mehta, M. L., 'Curniyam aura Curnikara', sramana, No. 10 (1955), p. 18. Mitra, J., 'Science of Veterinary Medicine as Practised in Ancient India,' Nagarjuna, vol. X, No. 2, pp. 582-94. Mitra, K. P., 'Crime and Punishment in Jaina Literature', IHQ., vol. XV, pp. 75-89. Motichandra, 'Architectural Data in Jaina Canonical Litera ture', JRAS. (Bombay Branch ), vol. 26, pp. 168-82. Article on Clothes and Dress, Bharatiya Vidya, vol. I, pt. I, pp. 40 ff. 'Cosmetics and Coiffeur in Ancient India', JISOA., vol. VIII, pp. 62-145. The History of Indian Costumes from the 3rd century A. D. to the end of the 7th century A. D.,' JISOA., vol. XII, pp. 1-47. Rangachari, K., Town-Planning and House-building in Ancient India according to Silpa Sastras', IHQ., vol. IV, pp. 102-9. Shamasastry, S., 'Forms of Government in Ancient India', ABORI, vol. XII, pp. 1-24. Shastri, D. R., 'The Lokayatikas and the Kapalikas, IHQ., vol. VII, pp. 125-37. Stevenson, S., Jaina Festivals and Fasts," Encyclopedia of Reli gion and Ethics, vol. V, pp.875-79. EPIGRAPHY Fleet, J. F., Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, vol. III, Oxford, 1837. Hultzsch, E., South Indian Inscriptions, 4 vols., Madras, 1890 1924.

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Page #381
INDEX Abharga 184 Abharana 155 Abharang-vicitta 155 Abharanavidhi 172 Abhayadeva 8, 34 Abhayatilaka Gapi 321, 322 Abhicaraga 315 Abhicarakavasikarana 280 Abhinavakaya 255 Abhinaya 275 Abhira 339, 340 Abhira-Visaya 22, 217 Abhiseka 23 Abhiyoga 315 Abhogini-vijja 315. Abhojja 76, 87 Abhojya 89 Abhyanga 177 Abhyantara-catuhsaia 260 Abu 347 Acalapura 215 Acara 2, 6 Acaranga 1, 5, 6, 149-51, 153, : 155, 156 Acaranga Curni 5, 6, 309, 310 Acaranga Niryukti 1, 3 Acaranga-uqtti 149 Acaraprakalpa 2 Acarya 232, 280, 285 Aciravati 343 Adattadana 10 Add hahara 173 Addhanakappa 139 Add horuga 165, 169 Adhakt 127 Adhara-bhumi 145 Adhiraya 32 Ad hovastra 168 Adhyapana 79 Adhyayana 79 Adi Jina 76 Adiraya 32 Agada 319 Agadha-gelanna 144 Agama 259 Agarta gara 71, 257, 261 Agamtuga-vaniya 222 Agara 116 Agara 198, 259, 261 Agaru 179, 185 Agata 185 Aggadara 264 Aggala 258 Agghakada 250 Aggi 183 Aggikamma 200 Aghoraghasta 297 Agrawala 333 Agriculture 191 Ahabhaddaga 213 Ahakada 161 Ahakammiya 139 Ahappadhana-purisa 211

Page #382
362 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Ahara 66 Ahatacca 118 Ahena 105 Ahinaya 276 Ahmedabad 100 Aihole-Prasasti 222 Aimdrajalika 318 Aina 150 Aisvarakaranika 310 Aitareya Brahmana 20 Ajira 183, 331 Ajivaga 303, 307 Ajivaka 290, 293, 307, 308 Ajiviya 308 Ajja Suhatthi 294 Ajmer 330, 346 Ajumgita 288 Aka 170 Akalanka 241, Akasagamana 313 Akasa-gata 315 Akhatiga 252 Akhyanaka 252 Akhyayika 253 Akkatthala 339 Akkatthali 339 Akkhahaga 40 Akkhanaga 252, 253 Akkhapada 251 Akkhatiya 253 Akkhavada 114 Akkhoda 53 Akota 268 248 Akrtavrtti 44, 45 Aksapada 236, 251. Aksataka 114 Alabu 135, 220 Alaktaka 180 Alamkara 172 Alasa 183 Alberuni 320 Alexandria 342 Al-Idrisi 223 Alimpana 177 Alinda 260 Alisamda 125, 127 Alitta 219 Allagaphala 132 Allahabad 329, 343, 346 Allakappa 339 Altekar 34 Alvara 279, 298 Alwar 348 Amacca 31, 33, 34 Amacca-pasaya 258 Amalaka 133, 134 Amali 183 Amalakappa 339 Amangala 117 Amarakosa 33, 94, 151, 156, 271 Amatya 33, 42, 55 Amaya 182, 183 Amayavi 183 Amba 133 Ambedkar 86, 89, 95 Amciya 275 Amdha 183 Amdha 339 Amdhapura 339 Amdolaga 113 Ameha 331 Amgana 264

Page #383
INDEX - 363 Angavijja 131, 220 Anguli-sattha 188 Anguttha-pasina 317 Amila 153 Amjanajoga 314 Arkadhati 205 Amlata 153 Ammadhati 205 Amra 133 Asuka 148 Amsuya 152 Artagadadasav 245, 246 Amtarijja 168 Anteura 37 Antoniyan sani 166 Anaddha 272 Anahasala 189 Anandapura 339, 345 Anamgasena 100 Anandapura 11, 67, 209, 268, 325 Anandapuranagara 67 Anandasagara Suri! Anangasena 199 Anarajya 16, 17 Anaraya 16, 17 Aauriya 74, 86 Anavala Desai 100 Anaya 203 Andaga 148 Andhapuranagara 67 Andhra 278 Andhra 327, 339, 343 Anga 1, 246 Aniga 74 Angana 260 Anga-raksaka 40 Anjana 180 Annatitthiya 213 Antaddhana 314 Antaddhana-vijja 315 Antahpura 260 Antarvasa 165 Antyaja 89, 92-95 Anulevana 177 Anugghaiya 13 Anujana 327 Anu-mahattara 72 Anuppeha 238 Anuraga 216 Anusatthi 314 Anusrotagamint 217 Anu-sucaka 50 Anuttarovavaiyad asao 245, 246 Anuvrata 289 Anuyana 327 Anuyoga 6 Anuyogadvara 5, 148, 246, 247 Anuyogadvara Curni 5, 33, 293 Anva 125 Anyatirthika 280 Rojja 272 Aojjha 339 Aparanta 158 Apatia 233, 234 Apavva-vassa 274 Appaparikamma 161 Appar 279 Appasattha 115 Appasattha-vigati 138 Apratihatacakra 63 Apupa 126, 128, 130

Page #384
364 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Arab 221, 341 Arabhada 275, 276 Arabhatt 276 Arabian Sea 342 Arahara 127 Arajaka 16, 17 Arakkhiya 196 Arakkhiya-purisa 36 Araksika 48 Arama 257 Arama gara 261 Aranyaka 248 Aranala 142 Aratita 331 Architecture 254 Ardhakhallaka 171 Ardhoruka 169 Arghakada 252 Arhat 285, 326, 327 Arisa 331 Arisila 331 Arjuna 304 Arjunavarman 322 Aroggabhatta 189 Aroggasala 189 Arovana 13 Art 197 Artha 251 Arthasastra 33, 193, 252 Artitthaga 118 Arunovavaya 238 Aryan 191 Arya Raksita 1, 3 Asa 41 Asadha 303, 319-321, 326 Asajjhaya 235 Asambhojika 87, 288 Asana 124, 141 Asava 143 Ascetic 302 Asevana-sikkha 238 Asi 40 Asia 346 Asirvada 105 Asiva 196 Asivisabhavana 238 Asoja 320 Asoka 18 Asoyavadi 311 Asprsya 295 Asrama 27 Assam 346 Assamitta 303 Astanga Hrdaya 141 Astanhika 325 Astanhika-parva 325 Asthanamandapa 104 Asthisancayana 119 Asthisarajaska 291, 295 Astrology 250 Astronomy 250 Asuci 311 Asui 311 Asura 99 Asuri 135 Asvadhyaya 235 Asvamedha 26 Asvattha 142 Asvina 321 Atamka 336 Atanka 182, 183, 333 Atast 125, 133

Page #385
INDEX 365 Ayamani 307 Ayambila 145, 284 Ayara 1, 2, 237, 246 Ayarakappa 237 Ayaranga Sutta 1 Avara Nijjutti 274 Ayarapakappa 2 Ayariya 232 Ayariya-paribhasi 234 Ayasa 26 Ayatana 262 Ayudhagara 46 Ayudha-sastra 46 Ayurveda 249 Atavi-bala 44 Atharvaveda 249 Atiug gadanda 25 Atisara 183 Atisaya-sahu 312 Atiyattiya 212, 213 Atmastitvavadij310 Atmastitvavadin 311 Atri 89, 95 Attha 251, 252 Attha-dusana 25 Atthahiya 319, 325 Atthami 314 Attha-porisi 235 Atthasattha 252 Atthurana 170 Aujjasala 272 Aujjha 339 Avagraha 165 Avakharda 329 Avakhamda 329 Avakkhanda 340 Avamti 340 Avara 215 Avanaddha 272 Avarisana 286 Avasamana 142 Avassaya 247 Avasyaka 5, 6,9 Avasyaka Curni 5, 25, 30, 53, 102, 268, 330 Avasyakagrhasutra 121 Avvatta 118 Aya 198 Aya 150 Ayama 142 Badami 298 Badara 134 Bahih 183 Bahilaga 212 Bahiraniyamsani 166 Bahujuddha 114 Bahu-milakkhu-maha 323 Bahuparikamma 161 Bahuraya 323 Bahussuya 239 Bala 41 Baladeva 119, 299 Baladhiksta 42 Balanja 210 Balanji 210 Balamjuya 210 Balanaga 257 Balavasanta 268 Bali 111, 321 Baliganji 210

Page #386
366 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Balijaga 210 Balja 210 Bambhacera 1, 236 Bambhaddiva 339, 340 Bambhadiva 314 Bambhana 75 Bambhana-kula 96 Bana 42, 44, 51, 72, 78, 91, 93, 94, 104, 113, 114, 119, 120, 145, 151, 152, 159, 168, 169, 172, 179-181, 198, 202, 244, 248, 249, 251, 252, 266, 270, 275, 276, 292, 298, 302, 304. 306, 310, 313, 318, 336 Banajiga 210 Bananji 210 Banaras 181 Band ha 62 Bandhagara 62 Banking 228 Baravai 11, 217, 221, 245, 340 Baroda 344 Baruch 223 Baruda 95 Basak 33 Basukund 344 Bavvisaga 273 Bengal 91, 346 Beni Prasad 66 Betel 144 Bhada 45 Bhaddavaya 324 Bhadrabahu 3 Bhadrapada 320, 321, 324 Bhaga 148 Bhagalpur 340 Bhagamdara 183, 331 Bhagandara 140, 332 Bhagavai 246 Bhagavati 5, 237 Bhagavatism 297 Bhagela 148 Bhala 274 Bhalli-Tirtha 298 Bhamara 129 Bhambha 274 Bhanda 40 Bhandira 330 Bhamdira-tittha 330 Bhamgi 74 Bhamgiya 147, 148, 162 Bhamsurulaya 340 Bhanabhumi 200, 215 Bhandagara 39 Bhandarkar 224, 294 Bhandasala 200 Bhandi 212, 216 Bhandira 330 Bhandira-tittha 344 Bhandira Caitya 255, 330 Bhangika 148 Bharadvaja 137 Bharaha 250 Bharata 275 Bharavaha 212 Bharukaccha 11, 221-23, 340 Bhasa 3 Bhasa 260 Bhasola 275, 276 Bhasya 3 Bhatabana 127

Page #387
INDEX 367 Bhati 207 Bhatta 100, 106 Bhastoji 212 Bhauta 291-293 Bhava 12 Bhavabhavana 227 Bhavabhuti 292, 297 Bhava-Brahma 106 Bhavakstsna 164 Bhavana 36, 261 Bhavana 1 Bhavisayattakaha 211 Bhavis yatpurana 322 Bhayaga 86, 197, 203, 205-207 Bhayagakammakara 191 Bheri 275-75 Bhesana 314 Bhikkhu 300, 304 Bhil 89, 90, 92 Bhilla 90, 93 Bhilla-kotta 90 Bhillamal 347 Bhillamala 9, 227, 329, 340 Bhilla-palli 90 Bhinamala 11 Bhinda 175 Bhingara 117 Bhinmal 9, 329, 340, 347 Bhinnagara 262 Bhinna-kutta 334 Bhogaharana 60 Bhohiga 90 Bhojaka 64 Bhojika 55, 66, 70, 196 Bhoya 293, 295 Bhoyada 169, 170 Bhoyanakala 244 Bhramara 276 Bhtgukaccha 11, 209, 220 Bhita 44 Bhytaka 203, 206 Bhiti 207 Bhrtya 19 Bhudeva 78 Bhui 317 Bhui-kamma 317 Bhukampa 94 Bhukti 64-66 Bhumigiha 261 Bhumigrha 257 Bhumikamma 262, 263 Bhuta 287, 319 Bhuta 302 Bhutatana 132 Bhuvaneshwar 342 Bhuyamaha 319 Bhuyavijja 287 Bijapuraka 335 Bibhuma 257 Bihar 91, 340, 344 Bila-lona 132 Bilhana 222 Bithur 342 Boat 219 Bodhgaya 328 Bodhita 83, 90 Bodhita 211 Bodiya 303 Bohilabha 328 Bombay 222, 346 Bose 207 Brahma 78

Page #388
368 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Brahma 268, 290, 330 Brahmabandhu 78 Brahma-hatya 59 Brahmana 25-28, 47, 53, 58, 59, 62, 76-84, 106, 120, 126, 00, 120, 126, 136, 142, 292, 306 Brahmana 248 Brahmanic Literature 248 Brahmin 121 Brahmya 99 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad 309 Bihajjataka 308 Bshaspati 206 Brhatkalpa 5 Brhatkalpa Bhas ya 17, 19, 24, 44, 97, 141, 148, 149, 154, 172, 185, 195, 210, 226, 227, 245, 293, 295, 306, 308, 309 Bohatkatha 253 Bridge 264 Broach 223, 340, 344, 347 Buddha 32 Buddha 142, 245, 246, 300, 326 Buddha-kantaka 300 Buddhananda 243 Buddhism 299 Buha 116 Buhler 285, 326 Caitra 320, 322, 325 Caitra-Parva 322 Caitya 254-56, 325 Caitya-vamdana 255 Caiiva-vandana-nimitta 286 Crkaseni 150 Cakkadeva 63 Cakrapani 125 Cakravartin 119 Calacitta 233 Calaniga 166 Calukya 222, 294, 298 Camara 23, 117 Candamana 63 Cardana 179 Cardanacunna 180 Candavejjhaga 247 Cammakara 88, 89, 201 Cammalata 227 Cammara 87 Campa 10, 100, 340 Campanagara 340 Campapura 340 Camunda 297 Canaka 127 Canakya 60 Candala 85, 86, 90, 91, 93, 136 Candala-vasati 91 Candana-curna 179 Candra 7 Candragupta 15, 23, 60, 314 Candrakanta 198 Candrapida 168, 179 Canjeevaram 342 Capa 40 s Caccara 211 Cada 45 Cadaga 49 Caddaga 307

Page #389
INDEX 369 Cara 49, 50 Caraga 290, 309 Caraka 126, 129, 130, 143, 144, 182, 184, 187, 309 Carakasamhita 132 Caranabhavana 238 Carananuyoga 237 Carata 114 Carita-kavya 252 Cariya 258 Cataka 114 Catussala 259 Cauddasi 314 Caukka 211 Caulukya 34, 325 Caummasiya 324 Caumula 141 Caupada 205 Cauroddharanika 48 Caussala 259 Cauttha 324 Cautthi 314 Cauvejja 248 Cedagakaha 252 Cedi 74 Ceiya 319 Cela 146 Ceta 112 Cetiya 254 Cetta 320 Ceylon 344 Cha-ga-ra 233 Chakaldar, H.C. 224, 260 Chaliya-kavva 252 Chamda 235, 250 Chandapur 222, 346 Chandor 222, 346 Chanusaviya 157 Chara 119 Chasi 128 Chatra 23 Chatravati 32 Chatta 117 Chattarti 32 Chattha 324 Chavana 262, 263 Cheda Sutra 1-3, 236, 237, 246, 247 Chedasuya 2 Chevadi 240 Cheyasutta 247 Chid aguda 129 Chimpaga 87, 88, 201 China 152, 221, 223 China-silk 152, 340 Chundika 302 Churiya 195 Cikitsasthana 185 Cilamili 171 Cinta-suvina 118 Cina 340 Cinamsuka 148, 221 Cinamsuya 152 Cinca 134, 142 Cippiya 38 Cira 146 Civara 146 Cirayatana 255 Citi 254 Citrakara 269 Citra-putrika 270 Citta-kamma 268, 269 Cochin 345 Coinage 223

Page #390
370 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Colapatta 163 Coli 170 Coomarswamy 262 Coorg 343 Cora 91, 94, 211 Corapalli 58, 68 Coringa 341 Coroddharanika 42, 48 Cotyamba 220 Court 55 Craft 197 Crime 58 Crown-prince 32 Cudamani 173 Cudaratna 173 Cula 1, 6, 237 Culamani 172 Cunna 185, 312-314 Curni 4, 6, 9 Cuttack 347 Dahara 233 Daiya 21 Dakint 287 Dakkhina paha 340 Dakkhina pahaga 225 Dakkhinavaha 340 Dakodara 332 Daksinapatha 10, 11, 89, 102, 214, 225, 339 Daksinatya 102 Dalima 142 Damaga 41 Damaruga 273 Dandapasiga 42 Damdapa sika 48 Dandarakkhiya 38 Damdi 162 Damila 339, 341 Damila-livi 341 Damsana-suddhi 327 Dantala 194 Damtalaka 194 Damtapura 259, 341 Damtavakka 259 Damtikka 214 Dana 79 Dance 275 Danda 42 Dandaga 72 Dandanayaka 42 Dandapasika 44, 48, 49 Dandapati 72 Dandin 114, 217 Dantamayi 176 Darakacarya 245 Darakasala 245 D Daddu 332, 334 Dadhi 117, 128 Dadhiyali 170 Dadima 134 Dadru 332 Dagas aukarika 310, 311 Dagasoyariya 310 Dagavaraga 307 Dagaviniya 264 Dagini 287 Dagodara 332, 333 Daha 265, 319 Daha 183, 332 Dahajara 332, 333, 335

Page #391
INDEX 371 Daravati 340 Darbha 263 Dari 319 Dasa 3 Dasa 161, 237, 247 Dasa 86, 191, 197, 203, 205, 206 Dasami 323 Dasanpa 74 Dasanpapura 209 Dasapura 341 Dasapuranagara 67 Dasasrutaskandha 2,5 Dasatta 204 Dasavaikalika 5,6 Dasavaikalika Curni 5 Dasaveyaliya 237, 247 Dasgupta 236, 246 Dasi 204 Dasu 74, 75 Dati 220 Datra 194, 195 Davva 53, 208 Davva-carana 309 Dayaka 21 Debate 242 Deccan 11, 345 Desa 42, 48, 64-68 Desai, P. B. 279 Desakutta 68 Desaraga 152, 153, 160 Desarakkhiya 65, 68 Detaraksika 48 Desinamamala 322 Deva 330 Devagana 268 Devakula 114, 254, 256, 281 Devakulika 256 Devanirmita-stapa 255, 344 Devardhi Gani Ksamasramana 246 Deva-sabha 271 Devasoma 57 Deva-tirtha 329, 330 Devayakaya 330 Devayatana 254, 256 Devayatthana 219 Devi-padima 266 Dhamkuna 273 Dhamma 252 Dhamma-cakka 328, 348 Dhamma-kaha 238, 252, 281, 314 Dhammalata 227 Dhana 208 Dhana 72 Dhanaga 125, 132 Dhanasakha Jataka 34 Dharna 53 Dhannagara 262 Dhanurveda 46, 249 Dhanva 181 Dhanvantari 181, 182 Dhanya 125 Dharana 215 Dharana 262 Dharana 240 Dharaprasasti 322 Dharasena 48, 172 Dharima 213, 227 Dharma 251 Dharmanuyoga 237 Dharmasangrahani 15

Page #392
372 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Dharmasastra 244 Dharmayuddha 47 Dharodaka 140 Dhatakt 143 Dhati 205 Dhatumattiyaratta 306 Dhatuvada 198 Dhauli 347 Dhijjati 77, 84, 280 Dhijjatiya 121 Dhi-saciva 33 Dhiyara 83 Dhruvasena 249 Dhundha 322 Dhurtakhyana 253 Dhurta-vita 109 Dhuttakkhanaga 253 Dhuvana-va sana 177 Digha 124 Dihiya 265, 266 Diksa-paryaya 236 Dinara 346 Dinara 224 Dinarus 224 Dirgkika 266 Disapokkhi 305 Disease 182, 331 Ditthivaya 237, 238, 247 Ditthivisabhavana 238 Diva 209 Diva 214, 221, 222, 225, 341 Divaga pajjalana 263, 286 Divakaramitra 304 Divasabhayaga 206 Diviccaga 225, 226 Divine-will 30 Divodasa 181 Dohada 141 Dohana-vadaga 128 Dolaparva 322 Doma 91 Domba 91 Dombo 91 Domuha 15 Domuha's tale 270 Donamuha 67, 209 Dorajja 16, 21 Dosa 184 Dovariya 38 Drain 264 Draksa 134, 142 Draksapanaka 142 Drama 275 Dramma 227 Dravida 195, 198, 342 Dravya 12 Dravya-Brahma 106 Dravyaktsna 164 Dravyanuyoga 237 Dress 162 Drink 140 Drsadvati 343 Drti 220 Druta 271 Duakkhara 203 Duakkhariya 204 Dubbalacaritta 234 Dubbhikkha 39, 195, 197, 203 Dubhaga 313 Dubhumiga 257 Duga 211 Dugulla 151, 152

Page #393
Dugumchita 87 Dugumchiya 280 Dukkanna 113 Dukkhila 162 Dukula 151, 168 Dukula-cloth 151 Dumba 87, 91 Dumdubhi 275 Dundubhi 274 Dupadadiya 171 Durgadhyaksa 43 Durvacanakhimsana 60, 61 Duta 50 Dutaga 50, 57 Dutaka 50, 70 Dutapurisa 50 Duttha-sippa 88 Duvara 262, 263 Dvairajya 21 Dvaraka 221 Dvarakosthaka 262 Dvarapala 43 Dvarika 217 Dvisad-bala 44 Dvittyambara 168 Duyasraya 321, 322 Dwarka 340 Dyeing 160 Dyutakara 114 Ega-khambha-pasaya 258 Egakhila 162 Egapuda 171 Egavali 174 Ela 141, 185 E INDEX Elephanta Island 222, 346 Ellora 294 Epic 115, 250 Eranda 133, 185, 337 Eravati 217, 343 F Fa-Hien 136, 227 Faizabad 340 Family 96 Fan-yu-tsaming 171 Farrukhabad 342 Fast 323 Fergusson 286 Festival 319, 323 Fick 82 Fleet 49 Flower 174 Fruit 133 Furher 256 Gahabhinna 116 Gahana 240 G Gabbha 203 Gachha 280, 315 Gaddabhilla 38, 47, 101, 316 Gaddabhi-vijja 316 Gaddi 216 Gaduka 307 Gaggara 162 Gaha 271 Gahana-sikkha 238 Gahasama 271 Gahiya-sambala 219 Gajjala 153 373

Page #394
374 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Gallaru 341 Galolaiya 174 Gama 63 Gamdapannatti 247 Gandha 178 Gandhara 341 Gamdhari 316 Gamdhavva-nattasa la 272, 275 Gandha-patta 179 Gandharua 271, 272 Gandhiyavana 215, 216 Gamena 196 Gamga 303 Gariga 340 Gamjasala 39 Gana 22, 233, 268, 280, 315 Ganadhara 1 Ganarajja 16, 21 Ganda 333 Ganda 183 Gandamala 333 Gandhara 10 Gandharva 99 Gandi 333 Gandi potthaga 240 Ganduvad hamga 170 Ganesa 212 Ganga 283, 346 Ganges 140, 217, 328, 329, 346 Ganika 112 Gaaikasthana 112 Ganima 213 Ganiya 237 Ganiyanuyoga 237 Ganiyathana 112 Ganjam 216, 346 Gara 187 Garahiya-vigati 138 Garhwal 342 Garland 174 Garuda-mantra 296 Garugi 102 Gauda 151 Gaurava 282 Gautama 52, 82 Gavakkha 258 Gaya 212, 344 Gerua 303 Gerua-ascetic 306 Geya 271 Ghana 272, 273 Ghara 259 Gharapuri 222, 346 Gharasami 97 Gharini 98 Ghata 200 Ghataniva 219, 220 Ghayapunna 130, 185, 337 Ghayapura 130 Ghee 133, 134, 184 Ghyta 128, 185, 332 Ghitapura 130 Ghurye 170 Giha 260, 261 Gihabhamtara 260 Gihaduvara 260 Gihamuha 260 Gihattha 71 Gilasini 333 Giri 319 Giriphulliga 341 Gita 271

Page #395
INDEX 375 Glasnu 333 Goa 222, 346 Gocarya 305 Godavari 339, 345 Gohiya 273 Gohuma 125, 126 Gojja 115 Gokarna 222 Gollaya 341 Golui 273 Gomayalepa 186 Gomiya 44 Gomuttiga 162 Gopa 206, 208 Gopal Gani Mahattara 7 Gopani, A. S. 308 Gopura 257 Gori 316 Gosala 307, 308 Gosala 293 Gosala 261 Gosthi 71, 114 Gotthamahila 303 Gottht 43, 71, 72, 196 Gotthi-bhatta 72 Gotthiya 72 Govala 201, 206 Govaliya Mahattara 7 Goviidanijjutti 241, 242, 247, 251 Govinda 251 Govinda-Ajja 242 Govinda Vacaka 242 Govvaiya 305 Goyama 245 Gramabhojika 70 Gramakuta 55, 70 Gramamahattara 55, 66, 70-72 Gramaparisad 71 Gramavyaprtaka 55, 64, 70, 71 Greece 278 GTha 259 Gshapati 97 Gshini 98 Guda 129, 133, 134, 141, 142 Gulodaka 142 Guggula 295 Gujarat 11, 64, 66, 71, 83, 90, 92, 100, 121, 206, 216, 217, 221-224, 227, 265, 278, 326, 329, 339, 344, 345, 347 Gujjhaka 287 Gulab Chandra Choudhary 40 Gulakada 143 Gulapanaka 141 Gulapaniya 141 Gulika 185 Gumja-panava 274 Gunadhya 253 Gunja 150, 175, 274 Gunjaliya 266 Guntur 341 Gupta 22, 35, 224, 226, 297 Gurjara 329 Gurjara Pratihara 65 Gurukula 230, 243, 244 Gurukulavasa 243 Guru Pradyumna 8 H Hadappa 40 Haddasarakkha 291, 295, 296, 311

Page #396
376 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Hetthilla 236 Hetus astra 236, 251 Hetusattha 241 Himalaya 329, 340 Hirdugadesa 64, 341, 342 Hiigola 121 Himgu 132 Hinajati 90 Hinasippa 89 Hinayana 230 Hiranna 53, 198, 224 Hiranya 224 Hirimikkajakkha 92 Homa 80 Honavara.222 Hoysala 283 Hala 194 Halayudha 308 Hamma 257 Hamsa-dukula 148 Hamsatella 140, 186 Handiqui, K. K. 290 Han-po-lo 153 Hanurnana 344 Hara 284 Haraprabodha 296 Harem 37 Hari 284 Haribhadra 9, 296 Haribhadra Suri 8, 253, 255 Haridda 132 Harikesa 91, 92, 315 Harimartha 125, 127 Harisena 255 Harsta 305 Haritaki 132, 213 Haritala 214 Harmya 257 Harsa 41, 62, 69, 168, 304 Harsacarita 28, 41, 69, 94, 105, 145, 173, 252 Hastinapura 305 Hatta 215 Hatthi 41 Hatthidamta 269 Hatthinapura 341 Havipuya 130 Havispapa 130 Hemacandra 300, 321, 322, 326 Hemadri 224 Hemakumara 37 Hemapurisanagara 341 Ibbha 96 Ibbha-jai 76 Iddhi 312 Iddhighara 205 Ikkada 10 Ikkhagukula 85 Ikkhu 125, 129 Ikkhu-jamta 129 Imda 319 Indajala 318 Imdamaha 293, 319, 320, 321 Indarthana 321 Imdhanasala 200 Inkhini 318 India 221, 224, 299, 311, 342 Indore 344 Indra 37,59, 293, 320,321, 341 Indramaha 10, 321, 344

Page #397
INDEX 377 Indranila 198 Falapattana 209, 218, 222, Indrapaja 321 346 Indus 180, 346, 347 Falla 40 Ingudi 133 Jalodara 332 Instrumental Music 272 Jaloyara 332, 333 Irrigation 195 Jalpa 251 Isaramata 310 Jamali 303 Isibhasiya 237 Jambu 142 Istaka 130 Jambudivapannatti 247 I'svara 19, 32, 70 Jambudvipaprajnapti 5 Itihasa 306 Jangiya 147, 148, 162 I-Tsing 84, 123-125, 129, 136, Jammana 327 137, 142, 145, 156, 168, Jana 216 179, 190, 211, 221, 231, Janakpur 345 233, 236, 239, 243, 248, Janamera 43 249, 251, 254, 255, 269, Janapada 20, 65, 66 292, 299, 302, 307, 326 Janapatta 219 Ittaga 130 Janasala 216, 261 Ittaga-chana 323 Janasima 43 Itthivannaga 252 Jangala 74 Janta-pidana 61 Japa-plant 186 Jaina 317 Jara 183, 332 Jaina Literature 246 Jara 109 Jaina-Sasana 303 Jata 152 Jaina-tantra 303 Jataka 246, 339 Jainism 277 I tidugunchita 136 Jain, J. G. 109, 293, 323 Jatihina 232 Jaiphala 144 33:i-jurgita 76, 88 Jakkaittha-jakkhaggaha 287 Jattabhayaga 206 Jakkha 92, 93, 95, 271, 287, 9 sttha-visaya 152 288 3 dua 125, 126 Jakkhamaha 319 Javana 342 ala 208 Jayabhatta 66 Jala 202, 220 Jayaratha 34 Jalaga 162 Jayaswal 18, 20, 21

Page #398
378 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Fotisagatha 250 Joya 312 Judiciary 55 Julika 302 Jurgita 87, 288 Jurgiya 96 Jumna 343 Junagadh 222, 340, 345 Junagarh 329 Junna-amteura 37 Juvarajja 16, 18 Juvaraya 18 Juvaraya 31, 32 Jhallari 273 Jhelam 346 Jhodaya 273 Jhusira 272, 273 Jina 148 Jina 285 Jinabhadra 8,9 Jinabhadra Ksamasramana 3 Jinadasa 4, 7, 9, 283 Jinadasa Gani 5, 6, 8-10, 14 Jinadasa Gani Mahattara 4 Jinakalpa 163, 303 Jinakalpika 162 Jinaprabha 237 Jinaprabha Suri 255 Jina-pratima-vandana 286 Jinasena 76 Finaghara 286 Jiraga 132 Jitakalpa 2,5 Jitakalpa Curni 3, 4 Jivabhigama 5 Jivantasvami 268 Jivitagupta 48 Jiyantasami 328, 343 Jiyanta-pratima 267 Jiya-padima 285 Jiyasattu 25, 34, 342 Jnana-trayi 249 Jodhpur 340 Joga 313 Joisa 39, 249, 250, 235 Joisiya 39 Fonipahuda 247, 312 Joaisamgaha 247 Jotisa 250, 312 Kabul 342 Kaccha 10, 342 Kaccha 170 Kacchabhi 273 Kacchavi 240 Kadaga 174 Kadagabamdha 318 Kadalt 134 Kadambari 91, 94, 145, 172, 173, 175, 318 Kadana 262, 263 Kadisutta 174 Kaduga 42, 72 Kagini 226 Kaha 252, 253 Kahaga 40 Kahaga-akkhahaga 114 Kahala 273, 275 Kahavana 226 Kaidaraka 193 Kaidarya 193

Page #399
INDEX 379 Kailasa 294 Kaira 18 Kaitya 254 Kakajangha 150 Kakanada 342 Kakapura 342 Kakini 226 Kakka 178 Kakkada 116 Kala 125 Kala 12 Kala-caturdasi 315 Kalada 199 Kalaga 15, 38, 47, 101, 320, 324 Kalagajja 312 Kalaky tsna 164 Kalama 126 Kalamasali 126 Kalamuha 291, 296 Kalavadana 296 Kalavanadhati 205 Kalaya 127, 135 Kali 23 Kalidasa 21, 27, 34, 46, 120, 178, 252, 270 Kalika Sruta 235 Kalinga 71, 158, 341, 343 Kaliparaja 92 Kaliya-suya 235, 237, 240 Kallala 88, 89 Kalpa 2-4 Kalpataru 258 Kalyapavijaya 3, 227 Kalyanavijaya Gani 1, 7, 8 Kama 251, 252 Kama-kaha 252 Kamadeva 322 Kamasutra 38, 112 Kambala 153, 156 Kamcanapura 342 Kamcipuri 342 Kamcuka 166, 167 Kangasi 127 Kangu 125, 127 Kamma 88 Kammajumgita 88, 89 Kammakara 86, 205, 206, 207 Kanmakara 86, 192, 193, 203 Kammara 199 Kammamtasala 261 Kammasala 200 Kampillapura 342 Kampillapuranagara 67 Kansa 198 Kaisa 298, 348 Kansalaga 274 Kamsatala 273 Karsiga 274 Kanada 251, 309, 310 Kanaga 153, 154 Kanagakhaciya 154 Kanagapad ima 199 Kanagapatta 154 Kanagaphulliya 154 Kanagavali 174 Kanagayaka 154 Kandala 304 Kanci 279 Kancipuri 214, 225 Kancuka 168, 169 K ancuki 38

Page #400
360 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Kane, P.V. 122 Karnapara 173 Kangra 342 Karnasala 56 Kapha 339 Karnataka 278 Kaphaveppa 217 Karpatika 212 Kanjika 142 Karpura 141 Karkali-[ila 255 Kars@pana 226 Kappa 116 Kartika 81, 319, 326 Kanna-anteura 37 Karukasiddhantin 291 Kannapuraga 173 Kasa 181 Kan-po-lo 153 Kasa 183, 333, 336 Kapadia 2 Kasaghata 61 Kapalesvara 297 Kasaya 157 Kapalika 311 Kashmir 342 Kapalika 57, 166, 291, 295-297, Kasi 74, 151, 329 302, 307 Katha 252, 253 Kapila 251, 310 Kathiawar 65, 68, 222, 347 Kapilamuni 309 Kattha 256 Kapilasunu 309 Kattha-kamma 268 Kapittha 134, 143 Katthoraga 200 Kappa 163, 237, 247 Kattiya 319 Kappadiya 212 Katuka 42 Kappana-sattha 188 Katyayana 224 Kappasiya 146 Kautilya 20, 21, 52, 75, 96, Kappura 144, 179 158, 159, 226, 252, 276 Karaja-bhatta 121 Karala 297 Kavadagamayi 176 Kavaddaga 227 Karana 56, 115 Kavasi 171 Karanapati 55, 56 Kavila 310 Karanika 56 Kareduyabhatta 121 Kavvalabhayaga 206 Karila-vamsa 148 Kavvaya 307 Karira 134 Kaya 150, 342 Karisaga 191, 192 K ayaga 215 Karmasaciva 33 Kayalaka 134 Karnabharana 173 Kaya-vikkaya 215

Page #401
INDEX 381, Kayavrana 334 Kayika 215 Kayika 118 Kedar 329 Kedara 193 Kedaranatha 329 Kedarnath 342 Kegaiaddha 74 Kesa 308 Kesa-puspa 175 Ketu 195 Kevalin 245 Kevaloppada 328 Keyara 193 Keyara 229, 340, 342 Khadahada 129 Khaima 124 Khaira 144 Khajjaga 128, 130 Khalaga 194 Khamapa 303 Khanbha 265 Khanda 319 Khandamaha 319 Khamdha 258 K handhakarani 167 Khana 198 Khanadesa 344 Khanda 129, 141, 213 Khandapanaka 141 Khapusa 171 Khara-bhumi 132 Kharadhati 205 Kharaga 203 Kharamuhi 273 Kharasanha 133 K har gula 142 Khariga 204 Kharjara 134 K hata 183 Khata 257 Khata-usita 257 Khatiya 194, 257 Khattakhana 58 Khattiga 88, 202 Khattiya 75 Khattiya-kula 96 Khattiya Kundagga ma 344 Khauda 15, 312 Kheda 344 Khetta 198 Khiraghara 39 Khirasala 39, 123 Khitikhana 198 Khitipatitthiya 342 Khoda 53 Khomma 150, 151 Khuddaga 314 Khuddiyavimana 237 Kidaga 148 Kidima 334 Kilavana dhati 113 Kimakhaba 152 Kimiraga 148, 221 King 22 Kingless State 18 Kingship 22 Kinnara 271, 272 Kira 342 Kiraduga 342 Kiraduka 341

Page #402
382 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Kiramadana 221 Kirata 94 Kirita 172 Kirtivarman 298 Kisikamma 191 Kisiva vara 191 Kistna 341 Kita 203 Kiti 254 Kitima 334 Kitta 147, 148 Kittima 147 Kodagu 343 Koddava 125 Koddavakura 126 Kodiya Gani 7 Kodom 126 Kodumbiya 192 Koka 142 Kokkola 144 Kolaka 142 Koli 90 Kolika 91 Kollaira 342 Komkapa 11, 217, 284, 342 Komtiya 129 Komudimahotsava 322 Komuti 322 Komuticara 322 Kong-u-to 216 Konkana 10, 145 Kosa 51 Kosadhyaksa 51 Kosaga 171 Kosakara 89 Kosala 74, 145, 339 Kosala 267, 328, 343 Kosam 343 Kosambahara 66, 343 Kosambi 343 Kosa mbi 74 Kosavihuna raya 25 Kosejja 88 Kosejjaka 146 Kosigara 148 Kosika 152 Kos ikara 152 Kosthagaradhyaksa 51 Kotavala 43 Koti 183 Kotimba 220 Kottapala 42, 43, 69 Kotthaga 260 Kotthagara 51, 194, 262 Kotthapu,la 179 Kotthimba 220 Koua 317 Koua-kamma 317 Kovidara 135 Koyava 170 Krishna 339, 340, 345 Kriya 311 Kriya vadin 311 Krsna 298, 299 Krsna 297 Kytavrtti 44, 45 Krisna 164 Ksanikavada 311 Ksatriya 22, 23, 76, 77, 84, 85, 100, 101, 106 K sauma 151, 159

Page #403
INDEX 383 Ksemaksrti 297 Ksetra 12 K setrakrtsna 164 Ksetrasamstava 9 Ksudra-kustha 334 Kuccandhara 117 Kucciya 310 Kuda gara 262 Kadamana 60, 228 Kudasakkhi 60 Kudatula 60, 228 Kudukka 341, 343 Kudukka 327, 339 Kudumbi 192 Kudumbi 196 Kudumbiya 71 Kuhada 195 Kula 72, 86, 96, 315 Kulala 200 Kulapati 305, 314 Kulathi 127 Kulattha 125, 127 Kulava 228, 306 Kulisa 194 Kulita 194 Kuliya 194 Kullapakapura 342 Kulpaka 342 Kumara 224 Kumara-bhukti 18 Kumaragupta 224 Kumarapa la 326 Kumarapalacarita 268 Kumarila Bhatta 102 Kumbha 220 Kumbhakara 89, 200, Kumbhakarakada 341 Kumbhakarasala 261 Kunkuma 179, 185 Kusta 183 Kunala 18, 65, 74 Kunala 74, 343 Kupala nayari 343, 346 Kun la-visaya 650 Kundaggama 344 Kundala 173 Kupa 265, 266 Kurcaka 310 Kurma Purana 329 Kurnol 297 Kuru 74 Kuruksetra 9, 10, 343 Kusa 306 Kusana 171 Kusatta 74 Kusattha 339 Kushinara 328 Kusi la 274, 275, 303 Kusulaka 165 Kusumapura 343 Kusumapuraga 225 Kusumbha 135 . Kuta 202 Kuta gara 262 Kutava 147, 148 Kutch 342, 346, 347 Kuthumbhari 132 Kutirtha 328 Kntittha 328, 329 Kuttha 334 Kuttita-vanaspati-corna 179 Kuttiya 129

Page #404
384 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Kuttiyavana 200, 215 Kutumbiksetra 192 Kutumbin 192 Kava 219, 297 Kavaga 219 Kuvvaya 306 Labour 202 Lada 74, 344 Laddhi 312 Ladduga 131 Ladha 74 Laghujataka 308 Laksana 118 Laksmi 298 Lalitasanika 72 Larka 343 Larkapuri 343 Lankha 40, 88, 115 Lankhiya-paridhanavat 165 Lankhiya-parihana 168 Land-ownership 196 Lasaga 40 Lasuna 135, 136 Lata 10, 11, 89, 92, 102, 159, 170, 195, 214, 222, 320, 344 Latakasturi 144 Lau 135 Lavaka 114 Lavaga 144 Laya 272 Laya 126 Layasama 271 Layatarana 126 Leha 57, 245 L:hasala 230, 244 Lehasamdesaga 51 Lehavariya 245 Lekhasala 230, 231, 244, 245 Lekhavaha 51 Lena 254, 256 Leppaga 268 Leppagamaha 268 Leva 178 Levana 262, 263 Levirate 107 Literature 246 Littiya 273 Livi 239 Livisala 245 Loan 228 Loddha 178 Loddhaya 202 Lodhra 178 Logovayara 283 Lohakamtiya 188 Lohakara 91, 92, 199, 201 Lohara 89 Lona 214 Lottiya 307 Luddhaga 88 Lumbini 328 Luta 194 M Macchagabamdhagadi 202 Macchaggahaga 202 Maccha-khala 137 Macchandiya 129, 130 Macchigga 88 Madagagiha 119

Page #405
INDEX 385 Madamba 70 Madambiya 70 Maddaya 273 Madhava 82 Madhu 129, 142, 143 Madhura 158 Madhya 271 Madra 91 Madura 279 Madya 143 Magadha 65, 74, 125, 228, 283, 344 Magad hasena 253 Magara 116 Magha 121 Magha Naksatra 121 Magha Sraddha 121, 122 Maghya varsa Sraddha 121 Maha 319 Mahabaladhikrta 26, 35, 42, 49, 55 Mahabharata 17, 250, 330 Mahabhiseka 23 Maha deva 291 Mahadevayatana 292, 294 Mahadevi 37 Mahagyha 261 Mahai 273 Mahajana 32 Maha ka la 313 Mahakala-manta 296 Mahakappa-sutta 247 Maha laya Sraddha 122 Mahamaha 319 Mahamanti 33, 34 Mahamatya 34 . . Mahana 77, 303 Ma hapakundagga ma 344 Mahanasasala 39 Maha-nimitta 117 Mahanisiha 247 Mahanisitha 2, 5 Mahapataka 83 Maha-pramana-sara 266 Mahapura 30 Mahapura na 84 Maharashtra 341 Mahara stra 10, 143, 169, 170, 294, 324, 327, 343 Maharattha 334 Maha salilodaka 140 Mahasuminabhavana 238 Maha thala 339 Mahattama 70 Mahattara 36, 70-72 Mahattaraga 38 Mahattarika 38 Maha vira 2 307 Mahaviracarita 326 Maha vrata 289 Mahavratin 297 Mahendravarman 279, 297 Mahesa 344 Mahesaradatta 34 Mahesvara 294, 295 Mahesvaradatta 296 Mahi 217, 344, 345 Mahisa 158 Mahisa-simga 176 Mahismati 158 Ma hismati 344

Page #406
5386 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Mahissara 11, 158, 214, 344 Mallacarana 168 Mahula 333 Mallajuddha 114 Mahura 344 Mallajuddhamaha 323 Maina 114 Mallakaccha 168 Maithuna 13 Mallakacchavat 165 Maitraka 35, 48, 54, 65, 66, Mallavadin 243 68, 196, 224, 249, 294 Mallinatha 46 Majja 143 Malvania 3,8 Majjaniya 157 Malwa 58, 90, 164, 340, 345 Majjapana 113 Mandaggi 334 Majjavaga 40, 207 Mandavaga 40 Majjavana 143, 216 Mangala 116 Majumdar 92, 326 Mankha 308 Makamdi 215 Mankha-phalaga 308 Makariya 273 Mamsa 332 Makka-hadda 176 Mamsa-khala 138 Makkhali Gosa la 308 Mamsa-tasa 138 Makkhiya 129 - Mamta 312-315 Malabar 345 Manta-vijja 312 Maladhari Hemacandra 227 Manti 33, 37 Mana 227, 228 Mala-kamgant 127 Manasi-vijja 316 Malakara 201 Malati 173, 175, 292, 297 Manasollasa 128, 142 Mandadhati 205 Malatimadhava 292, 296 Malava 345, 347 Mandaga 126, 128, 130 Malava 10, 158 Mandala 65, 66 Mandapa 104 Malavika gnimitra 21 Malaya 74, 151, 221, 345 Mandapasthana 260 Malaya 148, 151 Mandapatthana 260 Malayagiri 310 Mandavaga 172, 207 Malayavati 253 Mandavana-dhati 172 Malita 194 Mandsor 341 Malla 22 Mang 93 Malla 40, 114 Mang 93 Malla 177 Mani 198 Mallacalanakyti 166. Maaimaya 199

Page #407
Manimekhala 219 Manisila 269 Maniyara 198 Manju-Sri-mulakalpa 217 Manosila 214 Mantrakarandaka 318 Mantrava din 288 Mantravidya 287 Mantrin 33 Manu 33, 59, 79, 81, 91, 93, 97, 224, 250 Manuya-padima 266 Marahattha 324, 341, 345 Maranadamda 63 Maranadanda 59, 61 Maratha 345 Marathi Jnana Kosa 289 Mariya 132 Maru 345 Marubhumi 7, 330 Marujanapada 330, 345 Marusthali 345 Maru-visaya 345 Maryadadhurya 43 Masa 127, 225 Masa 125 Masura 125, 127 Masuraga 170 Matamga 90, 91 Matamgavijja 316 Matanga 92, 93, 274 INDEX Matara 127 Mathura 10, 175, 255, 328, 330, 344, 345 Mati-saciva 33 Matrgrha 256 Matta 307 Mattavilasa-prahasana 57, 297 Matulunga 134, 135, 185, 335 Mauda 172 Mauktika 199 Maula 44 Maumda 275 Maurya 15, 226 Mawana 341 Mayabhatta 121 Mayala 151 Mayala 345 Mayana 175 Mayura-anka 224 Mayuranka 224 Mayuraposaga 201 Measure 227 Meat 136 Meccha 74, 83, 86, 90, 95 Meda 91, 93, 202 Medhatithi 211 Medicine 181 Meerut 341 Meha 245, 246 Mehuniya 102 Mejja 213, 227 Mentha 41 Mentha 274 Merutunga 222 Mesa 116 Meya 93 Migada 179 Mihila 345 Mihuna-kala 101 Mimamsa 244 Mipa 116 387

Page #408
388: A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Mine 198 Minister 30 Mitaksara 228 Mithya-dssti 300 Miyalomiya 147 Miyaluddhaga 202 Mleccha. 49, 58, 138, 191 Modaga 131 Mohali 344 Moka 142 Monarchy 17, 22 Moramgamayl 175 Morandaga 131 Motichandra 148, 152, 153, 155, 171 Mottiya 198 Micchakatika 44 Msdanga 117 Mydhvika 142 Mydvika 134 Mydvika 142 Mrgadantika 333 Mytaka-glha 119 Mudda 174 Muddapatta 20, 51 Muddita 134, 142 Mudradhyaksa 51 Mudrika 51 Mugga 125, 127 Mugumda 319 Muhapottiya 163, 267 Muhurta 115 Muktavali 174 Mukunda 299 Mukundamaha 299 Mukuta 172 Maladeva 30 Mulaga 135 Mulaguna 262 Malasutra 246, 247 Malaveli 262 Mulla 212 Muga 273 Mumjamaliya 176 Munja 176 Munniga 178 Muraja 274 Murali 274 Murava 273 Murcha 335 Murunda 372, 313 Musali 215 Music 270 Mutthi 241 Mutthiya 40, 114 Muttra 344 Mysore 278 N Nada 40, 87-89, 115, 275, 276 Nadaga 275, 276 Nadi 319 Naga 319 Nagakesara 141 Nagapuspa 185 Nagara 67, 68 Nagaraka 178, 266 Nagaramotha 141 Nagari 67 Nagavardhana 297 Naisthika Brahmacarin 230 Naiyayika 310

Page #409
Naksatra 104, 115 Nalabaddha 96, 97 Nalakara 89 Nalanda 230, 231 Nalika 274 Nama-muddiya 174 Namdi 273 Namdimuha 275 Namgala 194 Nanaka 226 Nanda 308 Nandi 5, 6, 246, 247 Nandi 275 Nandi Curni 5, 7-9 Nandimukha 117 Nandtsvaradvipa 325 Nandisvaramahotsava 325 Narada 206, 224 Naradasmrti 208 Naravahanadatta 253 Naravahanadattakaha 253 Narayana 268, 298 Narayana-bali 298 Narayanadipadima 298 Narbada 340, 344 Nasta 184 Nastitvava di 310 Nastitvava din 311 Nathuram Premi 310 Natti 275 Natta 275 Nattaga 40 Nattha 204 Nattha 184 Natyasastra 275 Nauvat 165 INDEX Nava 217, 219-221 Nava-amteura 37 Navaya 170 Naviga 219 Nayadhammakaha 160 Nayanara 279 Nehavasti 331 Nehavatthi 184 Nelaka 342 Nelaka 225 Nelaka 226 Nelao 225, 342 Nemittiya 39, 82, 117 Nesatthiya 215 Neura 174 Nevattha 146 Nhanadhati 205 Nhavana 326 Nhavanapuya 285, 326 Nhavita 88, 89, 201 Nhaviyadasa Nanda 30 Nicca-pariggala 264 Nigadabamdha 61 Nigama 68 Nigama 67, 70 Nigamarakkhiya 42 Niggahabamdha 61 Niggan tha 303 Niggantha 304 Niggantha 77 Nighamtu 306 Nihi 52, 313 Nihi 296 Nihi Nihana 228 Nihnava 303 Nijjamaga 219 389

Page #410
390 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Nitivakydmyta 16 Nitiya 303 Nivasana 168 Nivesana 261 Nivrana 328 Niyamsana 157 Niyoga 107 Non-ruler State 16, 17 Nrtya 275 Nytya-gana 271 Napura 174 Nyagrodha 330 Nyaya 236 Nyaya 244, 251 Nijjaragiha 261 Nijjuha 258 Nijjutti 3 Nijjuttiga ha 3 Nikkhamana 327 Nikkhevaga 228 Niksepa 228 Nikumbhallasakti 66 Nillajja 94 Villevaga 89, 166, 201 Niluppala 135 Nimar 340 Nimba 135, 185, 336 Nimitta 117, 235, 312, 317, 318 Nimitta-sastra 235 Nimmani 183 Nipphava 125, 127, 135 Nirgrantha 302 Nirvana 254, 328 Nirvasita 61 Niryukti 3 Niryuktigatha 3 Nisedha 11 Nisiha 1, 11, 247 Nisiha Cula 2 Nisiha Sutta 1 Nisitha 2, 5, 10, 11, 237 Nisitha Bhasya 3, 4, 124, 183, 303 Nisitha Cala 2 Nisitha Curni 3-6, 9, 11, 12, 74, 248 Nisttha Satra 1-3, 6, 12-13, 272, 282, 319 Wisitha Visesa Curri 5, 6 Oda 206 Odana 131 Odariya 212 Oghaniryukti 5 Oil 133 Oil-seed 133 Okampana 262, 263 Omakala 196 Om Prakash 132 Onamani 315 Onnamini 92 Onuvehasalaga 188 Orissa 93, 95, 222, 343, 346, 347 Ornament 172 Oroha 37 Osappa 303 Oudh 340, 343 Ovaiya Satra 306

Page #411
P Pabhasa 221, 222 Paccamtiya 75 Paccatthiya 300 Padabhumi 200, 215 Padaha 273, 275 Padakara 88, 201 Padala 163, 334, 336 Padalakadi 163 Padaleva 314 Padalevajoga 313 Padalipta Suri 253 Padaliputta 30, 226, 345 Padaliputtaga 225 Padamagga 264 Padavasa 179 Padavijja 312, 316 Palivijja 317 Padaya 170 Padhana-siddha 313 Padivaya 320 Padma 185, 335 Padma-curna 179 Padma Purana 212 Padmaraga 198 Paesa 273 Pagara 257, 258 Pahasa 329, 340 Pahasa 328, 345 Pahenaga 105 Paikka 41 Painting 269 Paisti sura 143 Paithan 345 Paithana 324 Paithana 320 INDEX Paittika 335 Paiya Sadda Mahannava 91 Pajjosavana-kappa 325 Pajjoya 47, 101, 267, 324, 330 Pajjusana 319, 320, 323-325. Pakasri 8 Pakkani 138 Pakkhiya 324 Palace 257 Palamba 174 Palamdu 135, 136 Palar 342 Palhvi 170 Palitta yariya 312, 313 Pallava 279, 297 Palli 68 Pama 334, 335 Pamajjana 263, 286 Pamcagavva saniya 306 Pamcaggitavaya 305 Pameha 183 Pamgu 183 Pana 91-93 Pana 124, 142 Panabhumi 143, 216 Panagara 39, 144 Panala-chidda 265 Panasala 39 Pancagavya 306 Pancaggi 309 Pancakalpa 2, 5 Pancakalpa Bhasya Curni 1 Pancakula 72 Pancakulika 56 Pancala 74 Pancamahapataka 59 391

Page #412
392 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Pancamandali 72 Pancami 323 Pancamala 141 Pancasaila 199, 218 Panca-sara-panaka 141 Pancayata 72 Pandarabhikkhu 293 Pandara-cavalaga 125 Pandaramga 221-293, 321 Pandurabhikkhu 308 Panduranga 293 Pandya 346 Panhavagarana 246, 317 Panini 57, 97, 207, 249, 333 Panipatrabhoji 162 Paniyasala 200 Panni 220 Panya 215 Paralimga-karana 280 Parama-Mahesvara 295 Paramesthi-pajana 285 Parasa 345 Parasu 195 Pariccha 213 Pariha 257 Parihana 146 Parikha 36 Parilasa 273 Parimadda 40 Parinayauzya 232 Parinita 104 Parisa 30, 31 Parivayaga 303 Parivrajaka 290, 306, 307, 310, 311, 314 Parivvayaga 288, 306 Pariyattaga 40 Pariyattana 238 Parpata 127 Parpati 131 Parsva 303 Parusaka 142 Parvataka 80 Parvati 224, 306 Paryusana 324 Pasa 202 Pasada 36 Pasana 198 Pa sattha 288, 303, 316, 317, 325 Pasaya 257 Pasina 317 Pasinapasina 317 Pasupata 291, 292, 294 Pasupati 291 Pata 152 Pataha 117, 275 Patala 141, 142 Pitaliputra 18, 225 Patanjali 79 Patavasa 179 Patitthapa 345 Patna 344, 345 Patra 234 Patta 33, 36, 69, 148, 161, 165, 172, 173 Patta 233 Pattana 67, 209, 215 Patthana-sattha 188 Patthivamsa 262 Pattunna 151

Page #413
INDEX 393 Pauma 175 Paumacariya 30, 80, 169, 176, 265, 325 Paumatthala 339 Paundravardhana 346 Paundra 168 Paundraka 159 Paurana 161, 168 Paurana-vajjiya 162 Pavaga 40 Pavahana 218, 219 Pavaraga 153, 154 Pavaraka 170 Pavasutta 249 Pavva 324 Payaga 328, 329, 340, 346 Payanasala 200 Payasa 128, 131 Pekkhanaga 276 Periplus 220 Persia 47, 160, 221, 345 Persian 319, 342 Persian Gulf 222 Pesa 155, 156 Peshawar 341 Peya 126, 145 Phadiha 198 Phadiya 153 Phaggu 322 Phalaga 218, 220 Phalaka 308 Phalguna 322, 326 Phanita 129 Pharusaka 142 Phavara 195 Pidaka 333 Pilgrimage 327 Pimdesana 1 Pinda 120, 121 Pinnaya 133 Pinyaka 133 Pipalaga 195 Pippala 219 Pippali 132, 213, 214 Piripiriti 273 Pisaca 287 Pisita 139 Pisuna 234 Pithika 12, 13 Pitt 12! Pitta 182, 185, 332, 335 Pitthakada 143 Pitthi sura 143 Pitiya 335 Plava 220 Police 48 Pond 265 Pondravardhana 159 Porasi 235 Port 221 Posaga 88 Pota 219, 220 Potiya 215 Potta 149 Pottaga 147, 149, 150 Pottery 200 Pottha 268 Potthagapanaga 240 Prabandhakosa 245 Prabhakaravardhana 29, 37 69, 119, 120 Prabhasa 329

Page #414
394 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Prabhavati 37, 157 Prabhavati-deva 330 Prabhavrddhi 282 Prabhu 97 Prabodhacandrodaya 297 Pracchada 170 Pradyumna Ksamasramana 8 Pradyumna Sari 8 Prahara 235 Prajapati 78 Praja patya 99 Prakara 36, 258, 263 Prakirnaka 246, 247, Prapa 266 Prasada 257, 258 Prastarana 170 Prastha 228 Pratata 118 Pratibha 57, 228 Pratigraha 79 Pratigrahadhari 162 Pratihara 43 Pratilomagomini 217 Pratima 267 Pratimaglha 254, 256 Pratinidhi 32 Pratisaraka 48 Prati-sucaka 50 Pratya khyana Parva 3 Pratyaksadeva 78 Pratyanika 301 Pratyanika-ksetra 280 Pratyantika 75 Pravarasena 252 Prayaga 329 Priti 105 Priyangu 185 Prosita-patika 109 Pucchana 238 Pudalaga 131 Pugaphala 144, 213 Pukkhara 346 Pukkharani 265, 266, 330 Pukkhara-tittha 329, 330 Pulakesin II 222, 297 Pulimda 91 Pulinda 93-95, 138, 292 Pulinda Kotta 93 Pulinda Palit 93 Punishment 60 Punjab 152, 341, 342, 346, 347 Punnaga 178 Punnima 319, 323 Punyavijaya 4, 121, 227 Pupphovayarapadana 263 Pupphovayarappadana 286 Pura 63, 67, 68 Paramti 32 Purana 23, 115, 212, 244, 250 Purayanti 32 Puri 67 Puri 222, 346 Purima 209, 221, 222, 346 Purivatta 74 Purohita 31, 34, 35 Purvadesa 344 Puskara 330 Puskara-tirtha 330 Puspasava 142 Puta 194 Putabbhedana 209 Putana 287

Page #415
Putranjiva 175 Pava 130 Puvaliga 131 Puviga 131 Puviyaghara 130, 215 Puvvadesa 214, 224, 346 Puyana 287 Raghu 322 Raghuvamsa 46 Raha 216 R Rahagara 201 Rahajatta 326, 327 Rahamagga 258 Rahassiya 32 Rahassiya-council 32 Rahasyiki-council 32 Rahuhata 116 Raivataka 340 Rajaddariya 157 Rajaga 160, 201 Rajagrha 10, 140 Rajakarana 56 Rajakula 36, 54 Rajakulakarana 56 Rajamagga 211 Raja Mahendri 341 Rajam thist 37 Rajaputa 320 Rajasekhara 170, 245 Rajasthan 278 Rajavallabha 40, 282 Rajgir 346 Rajja 17, 64, 65 Rajjakkhobha 211 INDEX Rajjaniti 23, 24 Rajjanitiajanaga 25 Rajjaviggha 32 Rajoharana 267 Rajputana 345 Rajya 22, 64 Rajyasri 104, 105, 266, 270, 304 Rajyavardhana 29 Raksabandhana 323 Raksapala 43 Raksasa 287 Raktapata 304 Rala 156 Ralaga 125, 127 Rallaga 156 Rallaka 156 Rama 258 Ramanuja 291 Ramayana 250, 271, 321 Ranna 196 Ranno-mahisi 37 Ranno-pahunaga 39 Rapti 346 Rasala 133 Rasavana 143, 216 Rasayana 184 Rasi 116 Rastra 65, 66 Rastrakuta 102, 294 Rastrakuta 65, 66 Rastramahattara 65, 66 Rastrapali 66 Rastropaplava 211 Rathayatra 326 Rati 105 395

Page #416
396 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Ruddanikeyana 294 Ruddha 203 Rudra 268, 291 Rudraglha 256, 291 Rudraksa 175 Rukkha 319 Rukkhagiha 261 Ruma 346 Rupaka 224, 225 Ruppa 178 Ruvaga 208, 225, 341 Ruvaga Dakkhinapahaga 226 Ruvagakara 54 Ruvaga Padaliputtaga 226 Ruvaga Sabharaga 226 Ravaga Uttara pahaga 226 Raina-vanik 214 Rattapada 304 Rattha 65 Ratthauda 65 Ravi 116, 346 Ravigata 115 Rawalpindi 341 Rayabhaya 280 Rayaduta 50 Riyaduttha 280 Rayaga 88 Rayagiha 258, 346 Rzyahani 63 Rayamera 43 Rayanavali 174 Rayapakara 60 Raya-burisa 49 Rayasima 43 Rddhi 312 Red Sea 222 Republic 16, 21 Revenue 52 Rgveda 298 Rhys Davids 90 Ribhiya 275 Rna 228 Roga 182, 183, 333, 335, 336 Rohaga 271 Rohagutta 303 Rome 278, 346 Ropita 194 Royal Council 30 Rsabha 267 Rsabhadeva 76, 101 Rudda 319 Ruddaghara 294 Sabara 91, 94 Sabha 69, 71, 262 Sabharaga 225 Sabien Coin 225 Sacca-dantumaya-pasaya 259 Sacittakammavasahi 269 Saciva 33, 34 Sadaga 161, 168 Sadda 236, 249 Saduva 273 Saeta 339 Saga 346 Saga 136 Sagada 216 Sagara 319 Sagaradatta 214 Saggaha 116 Sahakara 142

Page #417
INDEX 397 Sahammiya 289 Sahasa-bhanita 118 Sahasrapaka 185, 186 Sahet-Mahet 346 Sahi 260 Sahina 150 Sahinakallana 150 Sahu 303 Saima 124, 144 Saindhava 132 Saiva 291, 317 Saivism 290, 291 Sajjhaya 238, 239 Saka 95, 171, 346 Saka 136 Sakala 347 Saka-visaya 342 Sakka 303, 304 Sakkara 183 Sakkara 213 Sakkhi 228 Saksi 56, 57, 228 Sakti 285 Sakiu 126, 145 Sakuna 116, 213 Sakya 290, 304 Sala 261 Salakkhana 258 Saletore 101 Sali 125 Sali 126 Sali-kura 126, 127 Salimga 140 Salivahana 320 Salivahana 324 Salt 131 Saluka 142, Saluno 323 Samaiyanijjutti 247 Samantaraya 69 Samana 77, 303, 309 Samana-paya 324 Samanta 69 Samanya Curni 4 Samara iccakaha 15, 63, 215, 296 Samarangana Sutradhara 257 Samasta-jangha 171 Samasta-khallaka 171 Samatta 303 Samavaya 237 Samaveda 249 Sambandhara 279 Sambhalpur 346 Samuhojika 288 Suindasaga 188 Sangha 315, 316 Sanghada 220 Samghadi 167 Saniitayariya 15, 312 Sanjha gata 115 Samkima 265 Sankha 275 Saikha-cunsa 144 Samkhadi 136, 137 Samkhadibhatta 213 Samkhiya 273 Samkhya 251, 310 Sammadi 241, 247 Sammati 247, 248 Sammatiprakarana 248 Sammatisutra 248

Page #418
398 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Sammatitarka 248 Sammatitarkaprakarana 243 Sammatiya 230 Sammela 105 Samosarana 167 Sampara 88 Samprati 15, 18, 74, 226, 327, 339, 341, 343, 345, 347 Sampudaphallaga 240 Samsamana 184 Sarnsara 327 Sansohana 183 Samstaraka 13 Samtarana 220 Samtthana 51 Samudda 217 Samuddatirittajala 217 Sumudragyha 259 Samudraka 131 Sana 135 Sana 198 Sanabhi 97 Sanabhya 97 Sanaka 149 Sanaliya 273 Sanatana-marga 100 Sanci 342 Sandilla 74 Sangha 22 Sanghada sa Gani 4 Sanghatz 165 Sanicchara 116 Sanikicca 308 Saniya 147, 149 Sankaksika 165 Sankara 291 Sankha 117 Sankha 273, 275 Sanmati T arka 3 Sanmoha Vinodini 143 Sannipata 182, 185, 335 Sannivata 335 Sannivesa 209 Santikarmakarin 34 Sapaurana 162 Sapinda Marriage 102 Sara 319 Sarakkha 117, 291-93, 321 Saranagata 47 Saranipaniya 195 Sarapamti 266 Sarasvata 22 Sarasvati 343 Sarayu 217 Sarika 114 Sarira 61 Sarira-tadana 61 Sarisava 135 Sarkara 129, 141 Sarkara panaka 141 Sarnath 328 Sarpisa 128 Sarsapa 133 Sarva-sucaka 50 Sasa 183 Sasahana 313 Sasarakkha 117 Sasi 116 Saskuli 131 Sastika 125 Satapaka 185, 186 Satapatha Brahmana 256

Page #419
Satt 107, 108 Satisaya 2 Satkarmanirata 79 Sattara 195 Sattha 139, 211, 212 Satthadhiva 211 Sattha-kosa 188 Satthapati 211 Satthavaha 31, 35, 36, 70, 191, 210-213 Sattha-vihana 213 Satthiya 125 Sattikkaga 1 Saulkika 44, 52 Sauna 116 Saunaka 202 Saunaruya 245 Saurastra 10, 11, 206, 217, 222, 225, 294, 299, 341 Savaga 213 Savaraha 203 Savatthi 343, 346 Savvesara 19 Sayana 18 Sayavahana 345 Sayya 13 Sayyatara 281 Schubring 13 Sculpture 266 Sea-voyage 218 Secunderabad 342 INDEX Seduga 159 Sekhara 175 Sela 256 Self-immolation 107 Sena 41 Senadhipa 35, 42 Senapati 31, 35, 42, 48, 49, 106 Seni 201 Seniya 92, 258, 315 Seniya Bimbisara 245 Servant 203 Setthi 35, 42, 48, 49, 191, 210, 261 Setthi 31, 69, 70 Setu 195, 252 Setubandha 252 Sevagapurisa 203 Seya-bhikkhu 303 Seyavada 303 Shamasastry 19 Sharma, Priyavrata 335, 336 Shastri, D.R. 296 Ship 219 Shoe 171 Siddha 285 Siddhajoga 313 Siddhanta-harana 242 Siddharaja 11 Siddhasena 3, 4 399 Siddhasenacarya 3 Siddhasena Divakara 3, 241, 248 Siddhasena Ksama sramana 3 Siddhasenayariya 312 Siddhivinicchiya 241, 248 Siddhiviniscaya 241, 248 Sidhu 143 Sikhamani 173 Sikkaga 307

Page #420
400 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Sivaghara 294 Sivagrha 294 Sivasvami 241, 248 Sikkaga-nantaga 295 Sikkaganimtaga 307 Sikkha 239 Siladitya 173, 243, 249 Silanka 1, 274, 308 Silippa 335 Silpi 207 Simbha 182, 334-336 Simbhiya 336 Simdhava 131 Simdhu 341, 345, 346 Simgarakaha 252 Simgarakavva 252 Simgavera 132 Simhamaraga 202 Simhasana 23, 117 Simva 219 Sind 223 Sindhu 89, 140, 155, 156, 158, 164, 217, 284, 346 Sindhu-Sovira 74 Singhadagatthana 211 Sippa 83, 191, 197 Sippa-jumgita 76, 88, 89 Sippi 202 Sipra 347 Siraveha-sattha 188 Sirighara 31, 298 Sirimaya 329, 340, 347 $iroraksa 39 Sisaga 198 Sita 176 Sitagrha 259 Siva 285, 291, 292, 294, 305, 306 Siviga 216 Sirimala 347 Siyaghara 259 Siyatalaya 150 Skandamaha 320 Skandha 263 Slaismaka 336 Slave 203 Slesma 182, 334 Slipada 333 Smith 269, 289 Smrti 103, 250 Snake-bite 187 Snana 184 Snanapuya 326 Snataka 81 Sobhagga 321 Society 74 Sogariga 88 Soma 116 Somadeva 16, 24-26, 31, 32, 35, 49, 50, 55, 103, 255, 284, 292, 295, 301, 308 Somanatha 222, 320 Somnath 329, 345 Sopara 347 Soparaya 54, 107, 347 Sottiya 80 Sottiyaputta 79 Soyavadi 311 Sphatika 198 Spice 131 Spinda 97

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INDEX 401 Spinning 159 Sraddha 121, 122 Sramana 142 Sravana 320, 321, 324, 344 Sreni 44 Srt 36, 298 Srigpha 52 srima la 329 Sriparvata 297 Srnga 273, 275 Srotriya 79, 80 Srutadhara 1,3 Srutajnani 237 Srutakevalin 237 Sruti 248 Sryasraya 66 Staircase 264 Stambha 254, 256 Stenapalli 58 Sthalt 68 Sthanapala 43, 44 Sthavira i Sthavirakalpa, 163, 303 Sthavirakalpika 162 Sthiramati Gunamati 230 Student 233 Siapa 254-56, 328 Subhaga 313 Subuddhi 33 Sucaka 45, 49, 50 Succession 28 Suci 311 Sucivadi 310 Sudda 75 Sudda-kula 96 Sadra 23, 76, 82, 85, 86, 94, 293 Sadraka 145, 168, 173, 175 Sudssti 145, 168 Sugamdha-cunna 178 Sugimhaga 322 Sugrismaka 322 Suhtda-bala 44 Sui 310, 311 Sui 183 Suimuha 188 Sukka 116 Sukra 31, 68 Sukra carya 267 Sukraniti 32, 34, 69 Sukumaliya 25 Sula 183, 336 Sulaiman 223, 227 Sulkadhyaksa 52 Sulkamandapika 52 Sulkapala 52 Sumkathana 52 Sumkiya 52 Sumthi 132 Sunakaraga 202 Suniya 333, 336 Sunna gara 262 Sunnagiha 261, 262 Suntht 213 Supakara 39 Suppa 194 Sura 217 Sura 143 Surakanta 198 Sura-kuda 144 Surapannatti 237, 247 Sarasena 74 Sura stra 65 Surat 100, 344

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402 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Surattha 65, 74, 194, 214, 347 Surgery 188 Surpa 133 Takkadesa 347 Takkala Jataka 208 Takra 128 Tala 271, 273 Susana-susanakudi 119 Susruta Talacara 274, 275 177, 180-82, 332-37 Talajala 274 Talaphala 134 Talasama 271 Tala-tree 304 124, 130, 132, 185, Susrutasamhita 181 Suti 310 Sutrakrtanga 5 Sutrakgtanga Curni 5 Sutta-porisi 235 Suvanna 198, 224 Suvannagara 199 Suvannama saka 224 Suvarna 224 Suvarnagulika 101 Suvarnamasaka 208, 225 Suvina 118 Suvina-pasina 317 Suyagada 237, 246 Suyarag39 Svadhyaya 238 Svapaka 76, 85, 86, 90, 91 Svara 27! Svayamvara 100, 101 Svetapata 303 Sweet 129 T Taccaniya 304 Tadaga 265, 319 Tagara 175, 185 Taimirika 336 Taittiriyasamhita 155 Takka 345, 347 144, 188, Taliyani 138 Talodaka 140 Talugghadini-vijja 315 Talavara 70 Tamalapatra 141 Tamba 198 Tambola 177 Tamdulaveyaliya 247 Tamil 278, 327, 341 Tammamaya 226 Tamralipta 209 Tamti 271, 272 Tamtisama 271 Tanaharaga 201 Tanasala 261 Tantravidya 287 Tantricism 291 Tanupatta 240 Tapasa 293 Tappaka 220 Tappana 184 Tapti 343, 344 Tarangavati 253 Tarapida 173 Tarkasastra 251 Tarunayariya 232 Tasara 156

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INDEX 403 Tata 272, 273 Tattasalaga 61 Tavasa 303, 305, 306 T avodaga 140 Tavu 198 Taxation 52 Tegicchiya 82 Tehri Garhwal 329 Tejapa la 325 Telavaha 339 Tella 133, 178, 185 Temana 133 Tenduga 134 Tenapalli 68, 139 Tesala 260 Teya laga 222 Teya lagapattana 217, 221, 347 Teyanisagga 238 Thakkura 71 Thala 208, 211 Thala 200 Thalapattana 67, 208, 209 Thambha 254, 256 Thambhini-vijja 316 Thana 347 Thana 237, 321 Thanailla 43 Thanamga 34 Iranapala 43 Tha nesara 343, 347 Thavana-kula 88 Thubha 255, 259, 319, 328 Thupa 347 Thuna 74 Tibet 340 Tidanda 314 Tiga 211 Tila 125, 133 Tila-modaka 131 Timira 335, 336 Timmana 138 Timtiniya 233 Tinakudiya 261 Tipuda 125 Tiraccha-samtarina 217 Tiridapatta 147, 149, 151 Tiriyapadima 266 Tirtha 327-30 Tirtharkara 119, 285, 290, 326, 327 Tirthavrddhi 282 Tisariya 174 Tissagutta 303 Tithi 115 Tittha 329 Toilet 176 Torana 258 Tosali 150, 195, 347 Tosali Visaya 100, 140 Toxicology 187 Toya-krida 113 Travancore 345 Trikatu 185 Trisala 260 Tudiya 174 Tula 116, 227 Tulakada 149 Tuli 170 Tumba 220 Tumbavina 273 Tuna 273

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404 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Tunnaga 161 Tunnagara 201 Turakkha 179 Turiya 272 Turumini 347 Turyapati 274 Tusasala 261 Tuvara 186 Tuvari 125, 127 Tvak 141 Tvakpatra 185 Ubhetima 132 Ubhijja 132 Ucaka 206 Uccattabhayaga 206 Ucchadana 314 Uccholana 184 Udagasambhara 204 Udamka Risi 59 Udast 128 Udasvitsa 128 Udayana 15, 47, 157, 267, 324, 330 Uddaharakkhana 282 Udumbara 134, 142 Udupa 220 Uggahanamtaga 165 Uggakula 85 Ugghaiya 13 Ujali-varna 92 Ujjain 341, 343, 347 Ujjana 257 Ujjanagiha 261 Ujjayin: 10, 18, 47, 267, 316, 330 Ujjeni 340, 347 Ukkacchiya 166, 167 Ukkaliya 235 Ukkoda 53 Ullamkaya 307 Ulaka 251, 310 Unnamani 92, 315 Unniya 146, 147 Untouchable 86 Upadhyaya 232 Upanga 246, 247, 306 Upanisad 248 Upasraya 281 Upaved a 249 Uppala 175 Usa 132 Usira 185 Usita 257 Usovini-viija 315 Utpala 142, 185, 335 Uttama gara 262 Uttamasutta 2 Uttaradhyayana 5, 6, 63 Uttaradhyayana Curni 5, 7, 244 Uttaraguna 262 Uttarajjhayana 237, 247 Uttara Kosala 343 Uttara Madhura 348 Uttara Mahura 348 Uttarapahaga 225 Uttara patha 102, 195, 214, 225, 312, 316, 343, 348 Uttarasanga 165, 168 Uttaravaha 328, 348

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Uttarijja 168 Uttariya 168 Uttha 155 Utthanasuya 238 Uttiya 147 Uvahana 170 Uvahara 321 Uvajjhaya 232 Uvalevana 263, 286 Uvarilla 236 Uvasamana-laddhi 316 Uvattana 177 Uvvalana 177 Vacana 239 Vacaspati 38, 291 Vacca 308 Vaccha 74, 348 Vacika 118 Vada 242, 251 Vadabha 183 Vaddhaki 201 V Vaddhakirayana 37 Vaddhakirayana 259 Vaddhamana-curna 179 Vaddhiya 38 Vadha 202 Vadi-parisad 242 Vadiya 274 Vadnagar 339 Vadya 158, 271 Vagarana 236, 249 Vaggharana-sala 100 Vagura 202 Vaguri 171 Vaguriya 88, 202 INDEX Vaha 88 Vahana 216 Vahana 219 Vaidurya 198 Vaira 198, 199 Vairajya 18, 241 Vairasami 15, 312, 316 Vaisa 75, 85 Vaisakha 326 Vaisali 344 Vaisesika 251, 309, 310 Vaisnavism 290, 297 Vaisya 85 Vaitadhya 267 Vaitalika 318 Valabhi 68, 71, 217, 224, 230, 231, 243, 246, 249, 265, 294, 299, 339 Valanjiyam 210 Valanjiyar 210 Valaya 174 Valinjuka 210 Vallabha 46 Vallari 273 Valumka 135 Valya 273 Vamadeva 137 Vamana 336 Vamavatta 234 Vamdana-maliya 104, 175 Vamjanamisa 145, 284 Vammalata 9, 227 Vamsa 219, 272, 273 Vamsaga 262, 263 Vanamamtara 258, 287 Vanamamtari 316 405

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406 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Vanaprastha 305 Vanaraja 222 Vaparasi 348 Vanavasino 305 Vanga 74, 158 Vani 209 Vanija 85, 210 Vanijaka 76 Vapija Kula 7 Vanijja 218 Vanik 85, 196 Vaniya 85, 218 Vaniya 191 Vaniya-kula 96 Vapana 193 Vapi 265, 266 Vappa 193 Varadaga 227 Varaga 307 Varahamihira 173, 308 Varakka 147 Varana 74 Varanasi 10 Varanasi 328, 329, 342 Vararuci 8 Varattaga 267 Varattapura 348 Varattapura 68 Varattapuranagara 67 Varatthali 68 Vardhamana Svami 267 Varisadhara 38 Varita 104 Varmalata 9 Varna 75, 88 Varnasamkara 270 Vartmapala 48 Varuda 87, 89, 91, 94, 201 Vasa 146 Vasabha 116 Vasagyha 104, 105, 269 Vasahisanbaddha 264 Vasamtusava 322 Vasana 24 Vasantagadh 227 Vasantapura 25 Vasantotsava 322 Vasati 256, 262 Vasikarana 313-15 Vasikarana-sutta 318 Vasistha 83 Vasisthadharmasastra 75 Vastupala 325 Vasudeva 119, 298, 299 Vasudevacariya 252 Vasudevahindi 268 Vasudeva Krsna 299 Vata 186 Vata 182, 185, 335, 336 Vataja 336 Vati 194 Vatita 336 Vatsa 158 Vatsyayana 38, 104, 160, 177, 178, 224, 229, 266 Vattha 146 Vatthasohaga 160 Vatthi-kamma 184 Vaullagakarana 318 Vavahara 56, 237, 247 Vavana 194 Vavi 257, 265

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Vayana 239 Vayana-pharusa 24 Vayanayariya 239 Vayara Sakha 7 Vayu 336 Vayu Purana 212, 329 Veda 136, 244, 248 Vedanga 244, 249, 250, 306 Vedarahassa 248 Vedasa 306 Vedavyasa 92-94 Vegetable 133 Veggha 155 Vejja 39, 189 Vejjasala 189 Vejjasattha 181, 182 Vekkayika 215 Velambiya 40 Veli 265 Venna 217 Venna 339 Venu 273 Verajja 18, 20, 21, 241 Veraval 346 Veravala 217, 222 Vesana 132 Vesastri 112 Vesavara 132 Vesitthi 112 Vesya 112 Vetala 318 Vetana 207 Veterinary Science 188 Vetthi-karana 54 Vetuliya 310, 311 Veva 183, 273 INDEX Veyacchiya 167 Veyacchiyapatta 167 Veyana 207 Veyanaga 207 Vibhamga-nana 313 Vibhuti 26 Vicarcika 337 Viceroyalty 28 Viddara 116 Viddesana 314 Viddhasulabhanjika 170 Videha 74 Vidhimargaprapa 237 Vidusa-stri 111 Vigata-tulla-bhava 311 Vihara 328 Vihassati 116 Vihi 125, 126 Vihimuha 188 Vijja 312-15 Vijjasiddha 313 Vikarakarana 275 Vikiccika 334, 337 Vilambi 116 Vilambita 271 Vilasavati 318 Vilepana-bhumi 179 Vilevana 177 Vilevanovalittagatta 176 Village-Council 71 Vimalasuri 24, 30, 80, 169, 176, 258, 265, 325 Vimutti 1 Vimutti Cula 2 Vina 271-273 407

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408 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI Vinaya 89 Vindhya 94 Vipakasutra 183 Viradhava 7 Virali 170 Virana 175 Vira-Raghava 210 Virathala 339 Virecan, 184 Virji 48, 66 Viruddha-rajja 16, 20 Visa 187 Visaha Gani 1 Visakhacarya 1 Visama-kadda ma 265 Visavidya 187 Visaya 42, 48, 64-68 Visaya-bhanga 41 Visayapati 66 Visayarakkhiya 65-68 Visesa Curni 4,6 Visesavasyaka Bhasya 238 Visnu 89, 268, 285, 298 Visnudharmasutra 121 Visnugupta 224 Visti 54 Visucika 134, 337 Visva mitra 137 Vita 112 Vitamda 251 Vitata 272, 273 Vstibhaya 330 Vitibhayapattapa 218, 348 Viuvvana 313 Vivada 280 Vivagasuya 34 Vivaggha 155 Vivahapadala 250 Vivarci 273 Vivanci 271 Vivarita 118 Vocal Music 271 Vodava-stupa 255 Vratakhanda 224 Vyddha Harita 82 Vrihi 125, 126 Vrndavana 330 Vstti 9 Vyadhi 182, 332, 333 Vyakhya Prajnapti 5 Vyakhya Prajnapti Curni 5 Vyanjana 118, 131 Vyasana 24, 25 Vyavahara 2, 3,5 Vyavahara Bhasya 4, 52; Vyavahara Bhas ya Tika 70 . W Wages 207 War 47 Washing 160 Water Trade 216 Weapon 45 Weaving 159 Weber 11 Weight 227 Well 265 Western Ghat 342 Widow 105 Wilson, H. E. 346 Winternitz 3

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INDEX 409 Y Yagubhattadi 208 Yajana 79, 80 Yajana 79, 80 Yajna 80, 136 Yajnavalkya 83, 122 Yamuna 217, 245 Yasastilaka 50, 92, 295, 296, 301 Yasodeva Sori 8 Yawarajya 18 Yavana 95 Yogaraja 222 Yuan Chwang 22, 45, 49, 51, 54, 62, 80, 84, 86, 119, 120, 125, 129, 133, 136, 142, 143, 149, 151, 153, 156, 158, 162, 168, 172, 175, 180, 189, 199, 216, 217, 223, 227, 230, 236, 239, 243, 248, 249, 263, 294, 299, 302, 329, 339, 343, 346, 347 Yugala-dharma 101 Yuvaraja 16, 18

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P.V. Research Institute The Parshvanath Vidyashram Research Institute, Jain Research Centre recognised by the Banaras Hindu University, is the first and the only Jain Institute of its kind. It has been continuously rendering valuable services to Jainological Studies for the last thirtyeight years. Under its patronage, many scholars have worked for the Ph. D. and D. Litt. degrees. The Institute has brought out twenty-one books by now. It has undertaken the publication of a 'Comprehensive History of Jain Literature' in ten volumes covering 5000 pages. A monthly journal of Jainology entitled 'Shramana' is being regularly published by it for the last twenty-seven years. The Institute owns a magnificent building which houses its Library, Office, Director's Chamber, Assistants' Rooms and Research Scholars' Cubicles. The Director and the Staff of the Institute are provided with suitable residential accommodation. There is a modern Hostel for Research Scholars equipped with all amenities, a

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P.V. Research Institute, Varanasi-5 OUR OTHER PUBLICATIONS 1. Jaina Psychology - Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta Rs. 8-00 2. Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources-Dr. G. C. Choudhary 24-00 3. Studies in Hemacandra's Desinamamala -Dr. H. C. Bhayani 3-00 4. Jaina Culture --Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta 10-00 5. Jaina Philosophy-Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta 10-00 6. prAkRta bhASA-DaoN0 prabodha becaradAsa paMDita ru01-50 7. jaina AcAra-DaoN0 mohanalAla mehatA 8. jaina sAhitya kA bRhad itihAsa, bhAga 1-60 becaradAsa dozI 15-00 9. jaina sAhitya kA bRhad itihAsa, bhAga 2 -DaoN0 jagadIzacandra jaina va DaoN0 mohanalAla mehatA 15-00 10. jaina sAhitya kA bRhad itihAsa, bhAga 3-DaoN0 mohanalAla mehatA 15-00 (uttara-pradeza sarakAra dvArA 1500 ru0 ke puraskAra se puraskRta) 11. jaina sAhitya kA bRhad itihAsa, bhAga 4 -DaoN0 mohanalAla mehatA va pro0 hIrAlAla kApar3iyA 15-00 12. jaina sAhitya kA bRhad itihAsa, bhAga 5-60 aMbAlAla zAha 15-00 13. jaina sAhitya kA bRhad itihAsa, bhAga 6-DaoN0 gulAbacandra caudharI 25-00 (uttara-pradeza sarakAra dvArA 1000 ru0 ke puraskAra se puraskRta) 14. bauddha aura jaina AgamoM meM nArI-jIvana-DaoN0 komalacandra jaina 15-00 15. jIvana-darzana-zrI gopIcanda dhAr3IvAla 3.00 16. yazastilaka kA sAMskRtika adhyayana-DaoN0 gokulacandra jaina 2000 (uttara-pradeza sarakAra dvArA 500 ru0 ke puraskAra se puraskRta ) 17. uttarAdhyayana-sUtra : eka parizIlana-DaoN0 sudarzanalAla jaina 25-00 (uttara-pradeza sarakAra dvArA 500 ru0 ke puraskAra se puraskRta) 18. jaina-dharma meM ahiMsA-DaoN0 baziSThanArAyaNa sinhA 20.00 19. apabhraMza kathAkAvya evaM hindI premAkhyAnaka-DaoN0 premacandra jaina 20-00 (uttara-pradeza sarakAra dvArA 1000 ru0 ke puraskAra se puraskRta) 20. jaina dharma-darzana-DaoN. mohanalAla mehatA 10-00 (uttara-pradeza sarakAra dvArA 1000 ru0 ke puraskAra se puraskRta) ale Education personal For Private & Personal use only