Cultural Study of Nisitha Curni

Author(s): Madhu Sen
Publisher: Sohanlal Jain Dharm Pracharak Samiti Amrutsar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001743/1

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PARSHVANATH VIDYASHRAM SERIES : 21:
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURŅI
MADHU SEN
Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti
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Parshvanath Vidyashram Series
: 21 :
Editors : Mohan Lal Mehta
Harihar Singh
A CULTURAL STUDY
OF THE NIŚĪTHA CŪRŅI
MADHU SEN
M.A., Ph.D,
Published by Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti
AMRITSAR (India )
P. V. RESEARCH INSTITUTE
Available at P. V. RESEARCH INSTITUTE
VARANASI - 5 (India)

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Published by : Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti
AMRITSAR
Available at: P. V. RESEARCH INSTITUTE
VARANASI - 5
1975
Price : Rs. gg-010
Printed by : Educational Printers Gola Dinanath VARANASI - 1

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A Cultural Study of the Nisitha Curni

Lala Rattan Chand Jain (1889-1943)

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PUBLISHERS' NOTE
The present volume represents a thesis approved for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology of the Banaras Hindu University in 1969. The authoress, Dr. Mrs. Madhu Sen, was a Gyanoday Trust Research Scholar in the Parshvanath Vidyashram Research Institute, Varanasi. The scholarship was provided by the Trust in Ahmedabad founded by Pt. Sukhlalji, who has been guiding from the very beginning the activities of the Institute.
The P.V. Research Institute is a Jain Research Centre recognised by the Banaras Hindu University. It is the first and the only Jain Institute of its kind. It was founded and is being run by the Sohanlal Jaindharma Pracharak Samiti, Amritsar. It has been continuously rendering valuable services to Jainological Studies for the last thirty-eight years. Under its patronage, many scholars have worked for the Ph.D. and D. Litt. degrees. At present, six Research Scholars are preparing theses for Ph.D. Every Research Scholar is given a scholarship of Rs. 250/- p.m. for a period of two years. There is also a provision for studentships of Rs. 50/- p.m. each to the M.A. Students who have taken Jainism as their special group. The Institute has brought out twenty-one books by now. It has undertaken the publication of a 'Comprehensive History of Jain Literature' in ten volumes covering 5000 pages. A monthly journal of Jainology entitled 'Shramana' is being regularly published by it for the last twenty-seven years.
The publication of this valuable work is associated with the memory of Lala Rattan Chand Jain of Amritsar, who was the leading light of the Samiti which was established in 1935. He was an inspiration to his friends. His enthusiasm was catching. He was an admirer of Acharya Shiromani Pujya Sohanlalji for

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( iv i his great qualities of head and heart. His approach to problems was fearless, and he was undaunted by difficulties that came in his way,
When he suddenly passed away in 1943 by heart failure, so soon after the beginning of the Samiti's work in Varanasi, the loss was difficult to bear. We had already suffered in the death in 1940 of Shatavadhani Ratna Chandraji, who was a pillar of strength and a source of inspiration.
Lala Rattan Chand was always in the forefront of the social movement of the S.S. Jain Sabha, Punjab, and followed its decisions. When he died, his friends and admirers along with his sons raised a memorial fund to him in the Samiti. From its income the Samiti has been awarding research scholarships.
Lala Rattan Chand has left an everlasting inspiration with his succeeding workers of whom one of the foremost is his son, Shri Shadi Lal Jain, J.P. and former Sheriff of Bombay. His brother, sons and nephews are equally believers in the need for research in Jainology.
The publishers thank Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta, the Director of the P. V. Research Institute, and Shri Harihar Singh, the Research Assistant, for their labour of love in editing this book. Rup Mahal
Harjas Rai Jain N. H. 2
Hony. Secretary Faridabad (N.I.T.) 30th December, 1975

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PREFACE
A historical gap exists between the period after the reign of Harsa and the advent of the Muslims. It suffers from the lack of chronological records which obscures the effort to depict the cultural life. The discovery of Nišitha Cūrni, an encyclopaedic work of the early medieval period, gives adequate opportunities to deduce inferences of the cultural life of the people against a definite chronological background.
Though composed in the last quarter of the 7th century A.D., the work existed in its manuscript form till 1960 when it was published for the first time from Agama Pratisthāna, Sanmati Jñāna Pīgha, Agra by the invaluable efforts of Upadhyay Shri Amar Muni and Muni Shri Kanhaiya Lal "Kamal'. However, a cyclostyled copy was brought out prior to this publication by Ācārya Vijayaprema Sūri and Pt. Śrī Jambūvijaya Gani, which was made available in a few Jain Bhandaras and for the personal perusal of Jain Munis. Dr. Jain in his thesis Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons had for the first time drawn the attention of the scholars towards the invaluable contents of the text by quoting certain references from the Mss. of the Niśītha Cūrņi. This largely hastened the demand towards the publication of the text. A short introduction to Niśitha was written by Pt. Dalsukh Malvania in March 1959, which is added to the present edition of the text. An article has also been published by Pt. Kalyā navijaya Gani, which mainly deals with the contents and authorship of the Nišitha. The vast cultural material which thus remained virgin has been endeavoured to be taken up in the present work by a comprehensive study of the various aspects of the cultural life as depicted in the NC. The importance of this cultural information lies in the fact that it has been culled out extensively from a monastic soure—from a text which basically intends to lay down the rules for the mode of

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l viI conduct of the Jaina monks. The classical Sanskrit texts deal mainly with the highest strata of society and its lofty idealism. In contrary, the NC. gives a realistic representation of the culture and the day to day life of the Indians of that age.
The aim of the present work is to critically study the text in all spheres of cultural perspective. Being a commentary on an ancient text it may be submitted here that much of the cultural material belongs to a former age and has filtered down to our author in the form of tradition. Thus, the material available can be classified into two groups-ancient and contemporary. The former is revealed by historical, semi-historical and legendary stories, illustrations and injunctions which specifically belong to their respective period, while the latter is the original contribution of the author which is of more importance from the cultural point of view. All possible efforts have been made to supplement and corroborate this information with the other available contemporary sources so as to give a comprehensive picture of the cultural life of the period.
The subject-matter has been treated in eight chaptersinitiating with Introduction with a view to introduce the author, the contents, the place and time of its origin. Continuing in the next chapter the work deals with Polity and Administration and startlingly reveals a disturbed state of political administration in spite of well-developed political ideologies. The third and the fourth chapters comprise Social Life and Material Culture in which the structure of society, family and marriage, customs and beliefs, food habits, dress and articles of toilets and the pastimes have been studied. The Jaina attitude towards the women has been kept in view specifically while discussing the social status of the women. It can be fairly well deduced from the study of these chapters that a sense of materialistic concept had entered the minds of the people making it essential for the individuals to be conscious of their status in society.
Economic Life and Fine Arts also contribute to strengthen the significance of material prosperity, i.e. economic prosperity.

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(vii) Here a comparative study has been done with a view to analyse the status of various people in society. Fine Arts' depicts the development in the fields of architecture, sculpture, painting, music, dance and drama, and shows the artistic bent of mind that had developed with the predominant sense of having a luxurious living.
Education and Religious-life form the two concluding chapters. A study of various systems and schools of education, particularly the Jaina system of education, has been attempted in the former one. The concluding chapter on Religion records the activities of the various religions, i.e. Jainism, Brahmanism, Buddhism etc, which flourished side by side and also shows the impact of religion on the social life as a whole.
To complete this cultural account a list of various diseases and another of geographical names mentioned in the NC. along with their identification with the modern place-names have been appended at the end. I hope that this cultural study of the Niśīlha Cūrni will further attract the attention of the scholars towards the vast unexplored cultural material lying in obscurity amongst the various unpublished or recently published Jaina texts.
The present work is a revised version of the original work submitted in the form of a thesis for my Ph.D. degree in the year 1968 under the guidance of Dr. A.K. Narain, the then Professor and Head of the Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Banaras Hindu University. Professor A.K. Narain primarily suggested me the subject and took great pains to guide and encourage me during research. I owe a great deal to him for the successful completion of the work. I am indebted to Dr. M. L. Mehta, Director, P.V. Research Institute, Varanasi, who immensely helped me in understanding the language of the Jaina Prakrit texts and readily helped me whenever I was in doubt. I am deeply under obligation to Pt. Dalsukh Malvania, Director, L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, who painstakingly went through

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( viji ) the entire thesis in a very short time available at his disposal before leaving for Canada. I am grateful to Pt. Sukhlalji (Ahmedabad) and Pt. Bechardasji (Ahmedabad) for explaining me certain doubtful portions of the text. I am also thankful to Dr. Lallanji Gopal, the then Reader, Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, B. H. U. and Sri J. N. Tiwari, Lecturer, A. I. H. C. & Archaeology, B. H. U. for giving me certain valuable suggestions on the subject.
I am under deep obligation to Late Muni Shri Punyavijayaji for providing me with his corrected press-copy of the Nišitha Cūrni which I have freely utilized wherever the text of the present edition of the NC. appeared to be corrupt. I am also grateful to Dr. J.C. Sikdar (Ahmedabad) for sending me the English version of Dr. Schubring's comment on Niśītha.
I acknowledge my indebtedness to the P. V. Research Institute for the Research Fellowship received by me from the Institute for a period of two years and for publishing the work in the present form. My sincere thanks are also due to the members of the Institute for providing me with library and other facilities.
Madhu Sen

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ABBREVIATIONS
ABORI.
Ācā. Ca. Anu. Cũ.
AS.
Av. Cū. Bșh. Bhā. Bph. Vr. CAGI. CII. EC. EI. GD.
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. Ācāränga Cúrpi. Anuyogadvăra Cūrpi. Arthaśāstra. Āvaśyaka Cūrni. Brhatkalpa-Bháşya. Bșhatkalpa-Bhasya-Vștti. Cunningham's Ancient Geography of India. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Epigraphia Carnatica. Epigraphia Indica. Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India. Geography of Early Buddhism. Indian Antiquary.
GEB. IA. or Ind.
Ant. IHQ: JBORS. JISOA. JOIB. JRAS. JUB. LAI.
Indian Historical Quarterly. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art. Journal of the Oriental Institute Baroda. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Journal of the University of Bombay. Life in Ancient India as depicted in the Jaina Canons. | Manusmrti. Māņakacanda-Digambara-Jaina-Granthamāla.
Manu. MDJG.

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N. Bhā.
NC. Nītivā.
NS.
POV. Raghu. Rāya. SED. Uttara. Ca. Uttara. Tr. Vya. Bhă.
Nisítha Bhāşya, Nisītha Carpi. Nītivākyā mrta. Nisstha Satra. Paumacariya of Vimalasari. Raghuvamsa. Rayapaseniya. Sanskrit English Dictionary. Uttaradhyayana Cūrpi. Uttarādhyayana Țīkā. Vyavahāra Bhāșya.

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CONTENTS
16
22
28
30
36
40
Chapter 1: Introductory Nisītha Satra and its Commentaries (Niryukti,
Bhāşya and Carni) Curņi Literature and the Niśıtha Cūrni Jinadása Gani : the author of the NC. Date of Jinadāsa Gani Geographical Background of the NC.
Analysis and Evaluation of the Contents of the NC. Chapter II : Polity and Administration
Types of States or Forms of Government King and Kingship Viceroyalty and Succession Royal Council and Ministers Royal Household Military Organisation Police and Police Officers System of Espionage External Affairs Treasury or Śrīgļha Revenue and Taxation Judiciary and Courts Administrative and Territorial Units Administration in Sub-divisional Units Feudatory Kings and Their Councils Town Administration Village Administration
Village-Council (Grāmaparişad) Chapter III : Social Life
Society Caste System Brāhmanas Kșatriyas
49 50
51
52
55
63
70
71
74
75
77
84

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Vaisyas or Vaņiks Śūdras
Despised and Untouchables
Family
Marriage
Pastimes
Customs and Beliefs
Chapter IV: Material Culture
Food
Dress
Shoes
Ornaments
Flowers and Garlands
Toilet
Medicine and Health
(xii)
Chapter V
Economic Conditions
Agriculture (Kisivāvāra, Kisikamma)
Arts and Crafts
Labour
Trade
Coinage
Weights and Measures
Banking and Loans
Teachers and Their Qualifications
Students
Routine for Study
Curriculum and Existing Literature of the Jainas
Method of Education
Five-fold Study
Method of Oral Transmission

⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
Chapter VI: Education, Learning and Literature Jaina System of Education
...

...
...
Writing and Books
Special Facilities for Higher Studies
Vada or Debates
Brahmanic Institutions: Education in the Gurukulas
...
៨៨ 8 ៖ គ គ គ
113 115
124
146
171
172
174
176
181
191
197
202
208
223
227
228
231
232
233
234
235
238
238
239
239
240
242
243

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Lehasala (Lekhaśālā) Literature
Jaina Literature Brahmanic Literature
Philosophical Systems Secular Literature
Chapter VII: Fine Arts
Architecture
Sculpture
Painting
Music
Dance and Drama
Chapter VIII: Religion
Jainism
Brahmanic Religion (Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism)
Śaivism
Vaisnavism
Buddhism
Classes of Ascetics
(xiii)
BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX

...
Supernatural Powers and Magical Practices
Festivals
Jaina Festivals and Fasts
Pilgrimage
APPENDIX A: Diseases mentioned in the NC. APPENDIX B: Geographical Names mentioned in the NC.

⠀⠀⠀⠀
...
...
...
::
244
246
246
248
251
251
254
266
269
270
275
277
290
291
297
299
302
311
319
323
327
331
339
349 361

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А
CULTURAL STUDY OF THE
NIŠITHA CŪRNI

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY
Niśītha Sūtra and its Commentaries (Niryukti, Bhāşya and Cūrņi )
The Niśitha Sutra ( X'isīha Sutta )1 is unanimously supposed to be one of the most valuable Cheda Sutras of the Jaina canon. It not only deals with rules of the ethical life of monks but also prescribes atonements and expiations in the form of punishments for violating these rules. Initially the Nišitha Sura formed the fifth part (Cūla ) of the latter half of the Acāranga Sütra ( Āyaraṁga Sutta )2 and was known as Acara
1. Different views have been held regarding the authorship of the Nisitha
Sūtra. According to the NC. (1, p. 4), it was the composition of a Ganadhara, while according to Silānka (Commentary on Aca Niryukli, verse 287 ), it was composed by a Sthavira. The Pañcakalpa Bhās ya Cürni shows Bhadrabāhu as the author of the Nisitha Sutra (See-Malvania, D..D., Nišitho-Eka Adhyayanı, pp. 18-20). The three Prakrit verses concluding the NC. reveal Visakhācārya (Visāha Gani) to be the author of the Nišitha Sutra, and this view has been accepted by the editor of the NC. According to Kalyānavijaya Gani, these verses have been later interpolated and were not existing in any of the ancient MSS. of the NC. Considering various factors he regards Arya Raksit , the last Srutadhara, as the author of the Nisitha Sutra ( Pt. Kalyānavijaya Gani, Prabandha Parijāta, pp. 6-15 ).
2. Ayāra, the first Ang', is divided into two Suyakkhandhas. The first
which formerly had 9 ajjhayanas known as Banhha era has at present only 8. The second Suyakkhridha now consists of 4 Cūläs, viz. Pirndes mādi, Sattikkag, Blava. ā and Vimutti; initially it had one more, i.e. Nisīha (NC. 1, p. 2; see also Kapadia, H. R., A History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas, p. 75).

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
prakalpa ( Ayara pakap pa ).' In the preludial verses the author of the NC, clearly indicates that having dealt with the Vimutti Cala ( the fourth Cūla of Äyara ) he subsequently explains the wisīha Cūla.2 This last Calā, i. e. Niśätha, marked the culmination of the whole Jaina ·Acara as it not only prescribed expiations for transgressing the monastic rules, but also laid down exceptions to the general rules ( avavada ) which could be resorted to by the versed ( giyattha , monks in case of exceptional or unusual circumstances. 3 Due to the complexity of its contents the Niśītha Satra soon acquired an independent status and a considerable intellectual and moral standard in respect of stu lents was deemed necessary for being imparted with the contents of this text. The study of Ācāra along with its first four Calās could commence any time after the initiation, but the Nišitha Czla being profound and abstruse in its contents, was to be divulged only to a few versed ( giyattha, pariņimaga ) monks after a minimum period of three years of initiation to the monkhood. The nuns were completely debarred from studying Niśitha, a Satiśayz work. However, they were allowed to study Ācāra. This restriction regarding the study of Nišitha must have been the main cause of its exclusion from the rest of the Acara. It was later incorporated into the section of the canon known as Cheda Sūtra. This was perhaps because of the similarity of its contents with
1. Qani L * 214!T97), NC. I, p. 3. 2. Or fagier T, 345-11990 for TF13-NC. 1, p. 1. 3. NC. 1, p. 3. 4. Ibid. 5. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 117; Brh. Vr. 1, pp. 45-46. 6. The NC. mentions Chedasuva asuttamasutta' (NC. 4, p. 253 ). Acco
rding to Kapadia such a class of works which can be taught to the purinata p?pils only is designated as Chadır Súra (Kapadia, op. cit., p. 35 ). According to another definition, Ckudu means cut and consequently Cheda Sūtra may be construed as a treatise which prescribes cuts in seniority ( aikšā-paryāya) in the case of Jaina clergy on their violating any rules of their order ( Ibid. ). The Cireda Sü'ras are six in number, viz. Niśithe, Maharišitha, iyavahāra, Dabas rutasan dha, Kalpa and Pancakalpu or Jitakalpa.

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3
INTRODUCTORY the other Cheda Sūtras, viz. the Daša, Kalpa and Vyavahāra . 1
Though the expiatory rules were primarily laid down in the Nišitha Sutra, yet the Sitra being a condensed version could not serve as a practical hand-book for the various difficulties which confronted the monks in their daily life and behaviour. To overcome this difficulty two versified commentaries, namely the Niryukti ( Nijjutti ) and the Bhāşya ( Bhasa ), were written in the Prakrit language. This can be judged from the Nišitha Cürn which refers to some of the verses particularly as Nijjutti gahās? and assigns their authorship to Bhadrabahu, the famous author of many well-known Niryuktis,: The Bhāşya of Nišithat has now practically superseded the Niryukti
1. The Cheda Sūtras like Dašā, Kalpa and Vyavahāra as well as the Nišitha originated from the Pratya thyāna Purva; hence the similarity in their contents (Malvania, op. cit., p. 16. According to Winternitz, Ni'itha is a later work than the Kalpa and V yavahāra, and it has embodied the major portion of Vyavahāra in its last sections. Probably b th these works originated in one and the same earlier source.
-Winternitz, M., History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 464. 2. For a list of these Niryuktigāthās (Nijjuitigāhās ) see-Malvania, op.
cit., p. 27. 3. Ācārya Bhadrabāhu ( II ) is generally regarded as the author of the ten
Niryuktis like Acaranga Niryukti etc. He was different from Bhadrabāhu I and he flourished in the 6th century of the Vikrama era (See-Muni Punyavijaya's introduction to the Brhatkalpa, Vol. VI, pp. 18-20; Malvania, op. cit., p. 26). According to Kalyānavijaya, however, the existence of Bhadrabāhu II cannot be proved from the historical sources. In his view Muni Ārya Rakita, the last Srutadhara, may be considered as the author of the 10 Niryuktis including the Niryukti
on Nistha ( P/aba dha Parijata, p. 21). 4. Many of the Niryukti-gāthīs on Nišitha have been explained by Siddh
asenācārya or Siddhasena Kşamā'ramana. On this basis he has been regarded by the scholars to be the author of the Nistha Bhāsya (See-Malvania, op. cit., pp. 40-43 ). According to Malvania, this Siddhasenācārya was different from Siddhasena Divākara, the author of the Sanmati Tarka, and may be identified with Siddhasena as the pupil of Jinabhadra Ksarnāsramana and the author of the Jitakalpa Cūvni ( Ibid., p. 44 ). According to Kalyanavijaya, though the name of Siddhasena frequently occurs in the NC., yet nowhere he has been
I

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
commentary, and it is well-nigh impossible to differentiate the Niryukti verses from the verses of the Bhasya.
The Bhasya of Nisitha is quite prolific in its contents. Prescribing the various rules, punishments and exceptions to the general rules regarding the religious life of the monks, it also refers to various social, religious, historical and legendary stories and illustrations which have been explained later in the Nistha Curni. Being in the form of a versified commentary, the Bhasya revealed the contents in point-form, the detail exposition of which was left to the interpretation of the reader alone. To ensure the stability of the Church and popularity of the faith in gradually changing social and religious circumstances, further exposition of the ethical and religious tenets became practically essential. Therefore, a vast prose-commentary exposing the two versified commentaries, i.e. Niryukti and Bhasya, and the original text of the Nisitha Sutra, was written by Jinadasa Gani Mahattara during the latter half of the 7th century A. D. (8th century of the Vikrama era). It forms the basis of our present work.
Cūrṇi Literature and the Niśītha Cūrṇi
The Curnis belong to a period of transition. Because of their exhaustive and scrupulous treatment meted out to the subject matter, they are the most valuable amongst the extensive exegetical literature on Jaina canonical texts. The various stages of the gradual development of the Jaina religion (Church) in its social, moral and cultural background can easily be visualized from the study of the Curņi literature. Stylistically, the Curnis are prose-commentaries written in an intermixture of the Prakrit and Sanskrit languages and reveal that
stated to be the author of the Nisitha Bhasya. In his view Siddhasena could be the author of the Samanya Cürni on Nisitha which was written prior to the Visesa Curni of Jinadasa and may be identified with Siddhasena, the author of the Jitakalpa Cürni. He, therefore, could not have lived later than the second half of the 7th century of the Vikrama era (Prabandha Fārijāta, p. 6). According to Muni Punyavijaya, however, Sanghadasa Gani, the author of the Kalpa and Vyavahara Bhasyas should be the author of the Nisitha Bhasya.

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INTRODUCTORY
important phase when Prakrit was being gradually replaced by the Sanskrit language among the Jaina literati. As many as twenty Cūrnis were written during a period extending from the 4th to the 8th century of the Vikrama era.1 Unfortunately, many of these are still in the form of Mss. and the names of the authors are unknown. Of these Carnis, the following eight(i) Nišitha Gürni (Ništtha Viseșa Cūrni), (ii) Nandi Carni, (iii) An:"yogalvāra Carni, (iv) Avaśyaka Carni, (v) Daśavaikālika Carni, (vi) Uttaradhyayana Cūrni, (vii) Acarānga Cūrni and (viii) Sutrakytānga Girni--have been traditionally ascribed to our author Jinadāsa Gaņi, which itself is a stupendous testimony to vast contribution in the field of the Carni literature.
The chronological sequence of the works of Jinadasa can be arranged on the basis of references that can be traced in the Cūrnis composed by him. According to Anandasāgara Sūri, following is the sequence of the works of Jinadasa--(i) Nandi Carni, (ii) Anuyogadvāra Carni, (iii) Avašyaka Curņi, (iv) Daśavaikalika Cūrņi, (v) Uttaradhyayana Cūrņi, (vi) Acaranga Carni,(vii) Sutrakstanga Cūrni and (viii) Vyakhya prajña pti Gürni.* A reference to Nandi Cūrni can be traced in the Anuyogadvara Cūrņi,' which shows the former to be an earlier work. The Avaśyaka Carn has been referred to in the Daśavaikalika Cūrni, while the latter itself has been mentioned in the Cūrnis of Uttaradhyayana6 and Nišitha'. The Nišitha Cürni has not been
1. The Cūrnis were written on the following Agamas—Ācārānga, Sūtra
krtānga, Vyākhyā-prajñapti (Bhagavati ), Jivābhigama, Nišitha, Mahữniitha, Vasahara, Dakarnatashanaha, Brhatbalba, Pancakaipa, Oghaniryukti, Jitakalba, Uttaradhyayana, dvasyaka, Dalataikälika, Nandi, Anu yogadvāra and Jaibūdvi pa-prajna pti.-Mehta, M. L., Jaina Sāhitya kā Brrad Itihāsa, Vol. 3, p. 289; Kapadia,
op. cit., p. 190. 2. Mehta, op. cit., p. 291; also Mehta's article--Curniyām aura Cūrni
kāra-published in Sramana ( monthly }, 1955, No. 10, p. 18. 3. See ‘Arhat Āgamoni Cürņio ane tenum Midrana’-article published
in Siddhacakra, ix, No. 8, p. 165; vide Mehta, op. cit., p. 291. 4. Anu yogadvāra Curri, pp. 1-2. 5. Daiavaikālika Cūrni, p. 71. 6. Uttaradhyayana Curri, p. 274. 7. NC. 2, p. 363; NC. 4, p. 157.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
separately mentioned as it must have been originally a part of the Acāranga Cūrni. As the Niśitha Sūtra was later separated from the rest of the Acara, its Cūrni also came to be regarded as an independent work?. It is however clear that Niśitha being the last Cala of the Ācāra, its commentary was written after the Åcārānga Cūrni was composed. Keeping in view Anandasāgara Sūri's statement it may be argued that the Cmnis of Nandi, Anuyoga, Āvašyaka, Daśavaikalika, Uttarādhyayana and Acāranga were already written when the Ni iha Cūrņi was composed. The Niśitha Cūrni is thus a product of the experienced and matured judgement of the author which was necessarily required for commenting upon such an abstruse text,
The author of the NC. has nomenclatured his work as Nisiha Visesa Crnnia. This is further augmented by the fact that the word Visesa (Višeşa) is mentioned at the conclusion of all the ud dešakas of the NC.3 Mention of the word visesa (višeşa) has led some scholars to believe that formerly there had been two Cūrnis on Nijitha. To differentiate the two this latter conimentary was termed as Viseșa Cūrni.' This conjecture seems quite valid as in the beginning of the NC. the author has also remarked, “Although expounded by earlier scholars I have dealt with it in particular." However, no traces of any other Cūrņi are to be found at present, and the Višeşa Cūini written by Jinadāsa Gani is the only available Garni on Niśītha. Jinadāsa Gani : the Author of the NC.
The versatile genius of Jinadāsa Gani, his profound knowledge of the religious as well as social values and his deep study of human nature may be easily visualized from the Nišitha Cūrni as well as his other works. Unfortunately, 1. See-Malvania, op. cit., p. 19. 2. Qor acer quot, faedah FAHREFF--NC. 4, p. 411. 3. Visesa Nisila Cunni in uddešakas 1-8, 10, 12-15, and Nisiha Visesa
Cunni in uddeiakas 9, 11 and 16. 4. Kapadia, cp. cit., p. 190; Kalyāṇavijaya, op. cit., p. 3; Mehta, op. cit.,
p. 289. 5. yaariftiam fu, e foi a 3a --NC. 1, p. I.

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very little is known about his personal life. Our knowledge in this respect is solely based on the meagre references given by him in some of his works. The 20th uddeśaka of the NC. reveals the name of the author as Jina läsa, whereas Gani and Mahattara are mentioned as two epithets bestowed upon him by his able preceptor. 1 At the end of the Nandi Cūrņi the author has mentioned his name in a very queer way. The verse mentioned there runs as Nirenanagattamahā sadājina,? which with a proper emendation may be read as 7ņadā sagaņiņāmahattarena' and provides a link towards the identity of its author. According to the Uttarādhyayana Cūrņi, another work ascribed to Jinadāsa, he was the disciple of Govā liya Mahattara or Gopāla Gani Mahattara of Vānija Kula, Kodiya Gana and Vayara Śākha. 4 The name of the fathers and the mother of the author has been vaguely mentioned in the 13th and 15th uddeśakas of the NC. Thus, it is difficult to discern the actual names of his parents. In view of Pt. Kalyānavijaya Gani these verses reveal his father's name as Candra and mother's name as Viradhāvā, both the names being quite popular in the Marubhūmi from ancient times.' Two verses at the end of the 16th uddešaka of the NC, mention the names of his other six brothers and indicate that he was the fourth amongst the seven brothers. As an instance of extreme
1. ति चउ पण अट ठमवग्गे, ति पणग ति तिग अक्खरा व ते तेसि ।
पढमततिपहि तिदुसरजुएहि णामं कयं जस्स ॥ Tafamui TfUTTI, FETICE
I NC. 4, p. 411. 2. Nandi Carni ( Frakrit Text Society ), p. 83. 3. See-Descriptive Catalogue of Jaina Matuscripts, Vol. XVlly Part
III, Preface p. XXV. 4. Uttarādhyayana Cūrņi, p. 283. 5. संकरजष्टमउडविभूसणस्स तण्णामसरिसणामस्स।
en gaia , fa#aztoft PURATEFA 11--NC. 3, p. 426. 6. रविकर नभिधाणऽक्खरसत्तमवग्गंतअक्खरजुपणं।
VIT | Heft, và đi I LUft |--NC, 3, p. 594. 7. Kalyāņavijaya Gaņi, op. cit., p. 30. 8. देहडो सीह थोरा य, ततो जेट ठा सहोथरा । कणिठा देउलो णण्णो, सत्तमो य तिइज्जगो।
katër afta HT 3, #2 at man fiftrat i--NC. 4, p. 163.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
humility the author here mentions himself as a person with inferior intellect (manda).' The opening verses of the NC. mention Pradyumna Kşam aśramaņa as the religious preceptor (atthadāi)? of the author. The identity of Pradyumna Kșamāśramaņa is a matter of dispute. However, as Pt. Malvania has observed, "he was definitely different from the Guru Pradyumna of the commentator Abhayadeva, as there is a lot of difference between the periods of the two". According to Pt. Kalyānavijaya Gani, he may be identified with Pradyumna Sūri, the disciple of Ya odeva Sūri and the preceptor of Vararuci (the commentator of the famous astrological treatise Pakariwho flourished in a contemporary period.* Nothing more at present can be said about the personal life of Jinadāsa Gani. Date of Jinadāsa Gani
Jina dāsa Gani must have flourished during the last quarter of the 7th century A. D. Several old Mss. of the Nandi Cūrni mention the date of its composition as Saka Samvat 598, i. e. Vikrama Samvat 733, or A. D. 676. The text edited by Anandasāgara Sūri gives the date as Saka Samvat 500. Both these dates have been questioned by the editor in his preface to the Nandi Carn without giving any specific reasons. It appears that the editor observes so, as this date upsets his belief to the effect that Haribhadra Sūri died in Vira Sanvat 1055.6 Evidences prove that Jinadāsa Gani flourished during this period. He must have flourished some time after Ācārya Jinabhadra, the famous author of many Bhasyas, as many of the latter's verses (gahas) have been quoted by Jinadāsa
1. A different version of this verse has been given by Pt. Kalyānavijaya Gani. There appears to be some difference in the original text of
the NC.-Prabandha Pārijāta, p. 30. 2. सविसेसायरजुत्तं, काउ पणामं च अत्थदायिस्स ।
TourCATARUR, FT-OTOT TETET |--NC. 1, p. 1. 3. Malvania, op. cit., p. 47. 4. Kalyānavijaya Gani, op. cit., p. 4. 5. Nandi Cūrni, p. 83; Kapadia, op. cit., p. 191. 9 Kapadia, op. cit, p. 191.

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INTRODUCTORY Gani in his commentaries. On the other hand, he should be anterior to Ācārya Haribhadra who quotes at length from the Cūrnis of Jinadāsa in the Vịtti on Āvzlyaka,' The period assigned to Ācārya Jinabha Ira is somewhere between Vikrama Samvat 600-660,2 while Acārya Haribha ira flourished in Vikrama Samvat 757 to 827.3 Deductions from these lead us to believe that Jinadasa Gani must have flourished sometime between Vikrama Sanvat 650-750. The date prescribed in many of the old Mss. of the Nandi Cūrni, as noted above, is Vikrama Sanyat 733, i.e. Śaka 598, or A. D. 676. The faisalamera Bhan lara Saci mentions the date of the Niśitha Curņi as Vikrama Saṁvat 733. Besides, Jinadāsa in the Nišitha Carni refers to the coins of Varmalata (Vammalata) which were used in Bhillamála (Bhinmal) during his time. An inscription of king Varmalata belonging to the last quarter of the 7th century of the Vikrama era has been recently found near Vasantagadha, 6 Jinadāsa Gani, therefore, should have belonged to a period when the coins issued by king Varmalāta were in circulation. Thus, keeping in view these various evidences it may be safely concluded that Jinadāsa Gaại flourished during the last quarter of the 7th century A. D. Geographical background of the NC.
It is perhaps more difficult to ascertain the place from where Jinadasa Gani hailed. In the context of Kșetrasamstava in the NC. the author has mentioned the name of Kuruksetra? instead of any other region. Pt. Malvania thus in his intro1. विक्रमसंवत् ७३३ वर्ष रचिताया निशीथचूण्ा अवतरणानि हरिभद्रसूरी आवश्यकवृत्तौ
Frid-Jaisalamera Bha.dāra Suci, Baroda; also Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka ( Ahmedabad ), 1.1, p. 50. 2. Gaładharavāda, Pre face pp. 32-33; Mehta, op. cit., p. 291. 3. Jaina Āgama, p. 29; also Mehta, loc. cit. 4. See above note 1. 5. In the present edition of the NC. the text runs as agt MESAS
TFT-NO. 2, p. 95. But according to Pt. Kalyānavijaya, the text found in the other Mss. of the NC. is STET CHEAT FHOTTT which
seems to be more authentic.--Prabandha Pārijāta, pp. 18-19. 6. Ibid. 7. NC. 2, pp. 108, 110.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
duction to Nisitha has deduced Kurukṣetra to be the native place of the author. But seeing the formation of the sentence and the context in which it has been cited, the inference does not seem to be logical. On the other hand, the editor of the NC. feels that the commentator (the author of the NC.) must have belonged to the Lața country. While describing the four Great-festivals of the time the author remarks, "Here in the Lata country the Indra-maha is celebrated on the full moon day of Śravana". Mention of the word 'Here' (iha) shows that the author was writing his commentary in the Lata country." This reference gives a more plausible ground for discerning the place of Jinadasa Gaṇi. The internal. evidence, the cultural background and atmosphere depicted in the NC., seems to be more suitable to this part of the country. In the second uddeśaka of the NC., while explaining the nature of Adattādāna which enjoins upon the monks non-acceptance of even the smallest article which has not been given by others, the author explains ikkaḍā as a type of grass which is common in the Lața country. A few lines later, the author, writing in the same text, allows the monks to take the grasses like ikkaga if confronted by unusual circumstances, viz. while reaching the village at unusual time when there is no one to provide the same." This reference may also be taken as an indication towards the geographical background of the text. The innumerable references to the social customs of Kaccha, Saurastra, Laṭa, Mālavā, Mahārāṣṭra, Dak inapatha, Konkana etc., reveal the author's deep knowledge of these regions. An analysis of the geographical place-names mentioned in the NC, further indicates that while the references from east, north or north-west like Campã, Mathurā, Vārāņasi, Rājag ha, Ujjayinī, Gāndhāra etc. are in the context of
$
1. Malvania, op. cit., p. 48.
2. इह लाडेसु सावणपोणिमाए भवति इंदमहो - NC. 4, p. 226.
3. 'इह' अनेन ज्ञायते लाटदेशीयोऽयं चूर्णिकार इति --NC. 4, p. 226, note 1.
4. वणस्सतिभेदो "इक्कडा" लाडाणं पसिद्धा – NC. 2, p. 81.
5. NC. 2, p. 82.
6. NC. 1, pp. 51-52, 100; NC. 2, pp. 94, 223; NC. 3, p. 39; NC. 4, p. 132.

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11
the ancient stories or legends, the contemporary references are mainly forthcoming from west and south like Anandapura, Bāravai, Bharukaccha, Bhinamāla, Mahissara, Koṁkana, Dakşiņā patha etc. Use of the various words typically belonging to the language of Saurāsțra and Gujarat? indicate towards the same fact. A palm-leaf manuscript of the Nišitha Cūrņi was also written in Bhrgukaccha (Lāta) in V. S. 1157 during the reign of Siddharāja,? Seeing these evidences forthcoming from Lāta or Gujarat it would not be improper to assume that the NC. was written in the Lāla country where it could easily be recognised as a famous work within a short period of its composition. Keeping in view that Gujarat, Saurāsıra and the various parts of Deccan were great strongholds of Jainism during the early medieval period, it may be safely stated that the author belonged to this region or at least the NC. was composed in this part of the country. Analysis and Evaluation of the Contents of the NC.
Though in the Nišitha Cūrni the author has never confined himself to the miotic limits of Religion and Ethics, yet it is beyond doubt that being a commentary on a canonical text, the nucleus of the NC. lies in the exposition of the Jaina Ethics, particularly the rules of monastic life as designed for the Sthavira-kalpí Svetāmbara Jaina monks and nuns. The name Niśīthao (night, dark=mysterious, profound ) itself indicates the nature of its contents, and the later commentaries
1. See Geographical Index. 2. Malvania, op. cit., p. 86. 3. Colophon-Arie uut ATET I HITS Fansf: 1 H. 9940 341HGTE TYH शुकदिने श्रीजयसिंह देवविजयराज्ये श्रीभगुकच्चनिवामिना जिनचरणाराधनतत्परेण
TARA aftrafu get fifeartam-Dalal and Gandhi, A Descrittive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Jaina Bhandaras at Patan, p. 203. 4. Some f the scholars like Weber believe that the interpretation of the
Prakrit word Nisiha as Nišitha is an error and that it should be rendered as Nisedha (See—IA., Vol. 21, p. 97). But seeing the contents of Nisiha and the way the word has been explained in the Nišitha Cūrni it is obvious that the word can be explained as Nišitha only and not as Nisedha..See NC. 1, pp. 8-14; Malvania, op. cit., pp. 8-13.

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added more to its profoundness by their elaborate exposition. The object of the Nisitha Curni is to explain and elucidate the various points mentioned in the Sutra, Niryukti and Bhasya of Niśitha in which the author has undoubtedly succeeded. Each word has been derived and defined--its meaning explained in the context of Dravya, Kṣetra, Kala and Bhava, and further supplemented with the help of the analogies and illustrations. The original contribution of the NC. lies in its exposition of the ethical tenets in which the author gives a legal sanction to the minor changes which had to be introduced in the monastic life considering the changed social and religious circumstances. Such changes were necessarily required to make the Church-life less severe and adaptable to the monks and also to propogate the Religion amongst nobility and the common
masses.
A
The Nisitha Sutra being divided into 20 udde akas the Nisitha Curni is also divided under the same sections. In the beginning there is a lengthy introduction, called Pithika, in which the fundamentals of Jaina Religion and Ethics have been explained. Rest of the text mentions innumerable rules -covering every aspect of the daily life of the monks including their mode of behaviour inside and outside the Church. clear picture of the subject matter of the NC. can be found from the list of contents specifically mentioned in each volume. The aim of the Nisitha Curn is to prescribe atonements and expiations by means of punishment for transgressions against the ethical rules. To reach the goal the author has explicitly explained the innumerable rules concerned with the monastic life, viz. begging, clothes, requisites, food, shelter, study, travelling, water-travel, the mode of behaviour with the monks, nuns, lay-disciples, royalty, noblemen, common masses and heretics etc. He has prescribed punishments for specific faults and also laid down exceptions to the general rules which could be resorted to by the versed monks under unusual circumstances like famine, epidemic, illness, journey The or insecure political circumstances in a particular state. scheme of classification is based upon the specific form of

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INTRODUCTORY
13.
punishment, i.e. the various transgressions leading to a specific punishment have been mentioned together. As such the Nišitha Sutra as well as its Cūrni may be divided under three sections : uddešakas 2-5 and 12-16 deal with Ugghaiya or mitigated punishment, uddeśakas 1 and 6 to 11 with Anugghaiya puni-. shment, udde.'aka 20 deals with Ārovan i punishment and mode of inflicting the various punishments.'
Though the treatment meted out to the subject-matter is exhaustive, yet it lacks a systematic form. The system of punishment being based upon a specific form of punishment led to a lot of repetition, as all the rules regarding one aspect of life could not be mentioned at a single place. The observer thus has to go through the entire encyclopaedic text in order to be acquainted with any particular aspect of life. To illustrate it further, the rules regarding food and clothing are given in almost all the uddeśakas; rules regarding utensils in udde-- śakas 1, 2, 5, 11, 14 and 16; rules which restrict a monk from anointing his body in uddeśakas 2, 3, 6, 7, 11 and 15; rules: regarding sayya and samstæraka in udde/akas 2 and 16 and those regarding maithuna have been described in the Pithika as well as in 1, 6 and 7 uddeśakas of the NC. This system misst have been convenient to those who had to award these punishments. However, to the students of cultural history it appears as a. medley of rules' mentioned in a haphazard way without any inter-connecting links. Quite rightly Prof. Schubring has observed, "in this disorderly contents of Niśitha the author has drawn attention to bring an order by introducing the system of threefold expiations or punishments”.2 However, the author has indeed succeeded in his aim of prescribing punishments for the specific faults and is regarded amongst the most authoritative theologians in the history of Jainism.
Apart from its religious significance, the NC. is invaluable due to its contribution to the field of Indian culture. A study of the following pages will clearly reveal that with a popular royal support the Jaina lawgivers gradually came in 1. NC. 2, pp. 67, 371; NC.3, p. 315. Also see—Kapadia, op. cit., pp. 149-50. 2. Schubring W., Drei Chedasūtras des Jaina-K anons-A yāradasão,
Vavahāra, Nisiha (1960).

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
direct contact with the kings and politicians which made them imbibe a practical knowledge of the science of state-craft. With the passage of time the Jaina monks were allowed to observe local customs (lokovayāra) which resulted in their extensive movement in order to be acquainted with the cultural traditions of the different regions. Jainism being widely popular amongst the mercantile communities of India, the Jaina lawgivers became quite conversant with the professional intricacies of trade and other occupations. Besides, in an atmosphere of conflict and rivalry when the various opposing sects. were struggling hard to acquire supremacy, a fair knowledge of the religious tenets of the rival sects became practically essential in order to be able to defend one's own faith from the active onslaughts of the rivals and prove its supremacy amongst the people at large. A combined effect of these various factors may be seen in the works of Jinadā sa Gani which provide a wealth of information on the various aspects of the cultural life.
The language of the NC. gives the opportunity for an independent field of investigation. We find many words which are now extinct from the popular usage or have changed their meaning. This may help the philologists in tracing the development of the Indian languages. The Carn's, as already referred to, belong to a period of transition when Prakrit was being replaced by the Sanskrit language among the Jaina literati. Hence, even while writing commentaries in the Prakrit language, many of the words have been virtually taken from Sanskrit. Various popular Sanskrit verses have also been quoted in the text.1 Technically, the Prakrit language of the later Jaina Svetambara texts is termed as Jaina Mahārāṣṭri, as it mainly follows the rules of Maharaṣṭrī and yet it has certain peculiarities of its own, i. e. it is influenced by Ardhamagadhi. The language of the NC. also belongs to the same The language of the narratives in the NC. is almost
group.
1. NC. 1, pp. 53, 54, 104, 127; NC. 3, p. 562.
2. Woolner, Introduction to Prūkyta Gramma, p. 6; also Sheth, H. T., Priya Sadda Mahanava, p. 43.
3. According to the author of the Paiya Sadda Mahanava (p. 43), even

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INTRODUCTORY
15
similar to the language as found in the stories of Kālakācārya, Udayana, Domuhal etc., which has been termed as Jaina Mahārāsţsī.2 An influence of the regional dialect can also be seen from the text.
Besides, a great many gems of ancient myths and legends have been skilfully preserved in the NC. The history of the rulers of the Mauryan dynasty from Candragupta to Samprati is revealed by means of popular legends, while a number of stories relating to the life of Ajja Kālaga, Ajja Vairasāmī,6 Samitāyariya,« Ajja Khauça' etc. give a graphic description of the life and activities of various great Jaina monastic personages. The author is adept in telling the folk-tales-historical, semihistorical or sometimes purely imaginative, which reveal the general life of the people and thus prove to be an important source of cultural information. By citing the instances, illustrations and narratives of materialistic nature and giving their moral purport, the author of the NC. justifies the ancient truth that "strict a lherence to the rules is the key to success in material or spiritual field” and that “circumstances dictate the necessity to formulate, change or amend the ethical rules with a view to suit the requirement to achieve the ultimate aim in life, i. e. to be free from the bondage of the karmas and attain the final Liberation."
though composed in the later Middle-Indo-Aryan period (600-1000 A. D.), the language of the Nišitha Curri and.certain other Jaina works like Samaräiccakahā, Dharmasangrahani etc. is in conformity to
the early Middle-Indo-Aryan stage of language (600 B, C.-200 A. D.). 1. See-Jacobi, Selected Stories, No3. V and IX; also Woolner, op. cit.,
pp. 146-151. 2. Ibid. 3. NO. 2, pp. 361, 362; NC. 3, p. 424; NC. 4, pp. 10, 129. 4 NC. 3, pp. 58, 131. 5. NC 1, pp. 21, 163. 6. NC. 3, p. 425. 7. NC. 1, p. 22. 8. NC. 4, pp. 34-35.

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CHAPTER 11
POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION
The NC. is not an administrative manual like the Nitivakyāmsta ( a famous Jaina treatise on Polity written in 10th century A. D. ) of Somadeva, yet it throws a welcome light on the various aspects of Administration and Polity. The 9th uddećaka of the NC. specifically lays down the rules of monks' behaviour with the King and the State. References can also be found in the 2nd, 4th, 8th, 11th, 15th and 16th uddeśakas of the NC. This information, when collated and corroborated with contemporary sources, enables us to visualize the system of administration prevailing at that time. The political concepts of our author are remarkably similar to those of Somadeva. However, certain outstanding differences can be noticed from the Brāhmaṇic theory of Administration. Types of States or Forms of Government
Monarchy has prevailed as a popular form of Government in ancient India, yet other types of States are also referred to in the ancient Sanskrit and Jaina Prakrit texts. In order to restrict the Jaina monks from travelling into anarchical regions the author has explained the following seven types of States in the NC. :
(i) Non-ruler-States (aņardya (anārajya) or arājaka) (ii) Yuvarāja-ruled-States (juvarojja) (iii) Kingless-States (verajja) (iv) States in hostility (virudd na-rajja) (v) Two-ruler States (dorajja).' (vi) Republics (gañarajja)
1. NC. 3, p. 198.

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(vii) Monarchies (rajja) Detailed study of the above mentioned states are as follows:
(i) Non-ruler States--The word an ardya (anardjya) when used as a technical term does not mean anarchy, as for anarchy Hindu Politics use a special term matsya-nyaya.2 Anārajya is defined often by the scholars as a type of government where “law was to be taken as a ruler and that there should be no man-ruler.»3 Mutual agreement or social contract was the basis of such States. * According to the NC. that State is termed as anırāya where coronation of the king and crown-prince had not taken place after the death of the former king."
If this definition is analysed then as per author anarāya was only a state of monarchy, which existed during the period beginning after the death of the former king till the new ruler was coronated. It may thus be termed as a 'Non-ruler State', because in the absence of any coronated king, the people had to abide by the existing law for the proper functioning of the State. Arājaka® is another term used for anarāya in the Jaina and other classical texts. The Mahabharata ridicules the constitution of the arājaka States by saying, "when the law would not rule, the citizens of this form of government took to monarchy". In the NC. also the monks are advised 1. NC. 1, p. 133. 2. AS. 1. 4; Khalimp'ır Copper-plate (EI. IV, 248 ); Manusmrti, VII.
20; also see-Jayaswal, K. P., Hindu Polity p. 86. 3. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 86. 4. Ibid. 5. मो रामाणे जाव मूलराया जुवरापा य एते दो वि अभिसित्ता ताव अणरायं भवति
(NC. 3, p. 198. J. C. Jain's explanation of anarāya on the basis of the Brhatka!pa Bhas ya that "after the death of the king if there were two heirs-apparent and none of them was so far anointed as the king” (LAI., p. 198; appears to be misleading. "Two' here refers to the king and the crown-prince and not to two heirs-apparent.-NC. 3,
p. 198; also Bri-V. 3, p. 780. 6. Bih. Bhā. 1, 2763; Āyārāingasitta (ed. Jacobi ), II, 3.1. 10; Mahābhā
rata, Santi Parva, Ch. LIX. 7. Mahābhārata, śānti Parva, Ch. LXVII; seeJayaswal, op. cit., pp.
87-88.

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18 L A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI to refrain from visiting such States because of the lack of security prevailing there.
(ii) Yuvarāja-ruled. States--yuvarajja or yauvarajya were the types of States where sovereignty of the State was vested in the hands of a crown-prince (juvaraya ). According to the NC. that State was termed as juvarajjal where the crown-prince had not been formally coronated after the death of a king and the former had not selected an heir-apparent. The coronation ceremony formally bestowed upon a king the rights of a full sovereign.2 Legally such a period of rule under a crown-prince would have been considered as interregnum.S Instances can be observed in our history when the princes ruled for years before their formal coronation. Besides, the territory bestowed upon the crown-prince as kumara-bhukti* by the sovereign ruler may also be regarded as YuvarājaState. Instances may be cited of prince Kuņāla and Samprati who were given the charge of the city of Ujjayiní as kumāra-bhukti, while the emperor Asoka ruled from the capital city of Pațaliputra. Government in such cases must have been in the hands of a council of regency, the sovereign being too young.'
(iii) Kingless States--The term verajja or vairajya may be rendered as the 'kingless constitution' denoting a democratic type of government." But, as Jayaswal has pointed out, "Hindu commentators failing to recognise the significance of the word vairajya ( kinglessness ) have fallen into the error of rendering it as shining condition”. 8 Many a 1. पुवराइणो जो जुवराया अभिसित्तो तेण अधिटि ठयं रज्ज' जाव स दोच्च जुवरायाणं
ufaftrafa ara i Jaw' zoufa-NC 3, p. 198; cf. Bph. Vr. 3, p. 780. 2. NC. 2, p. 462. 3. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 82. 4. NO. 2, pp. 361-62. 5. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 88. 6. Ibid., p. 82. 7. Altekar, A. S., State and Government in Ancient India, p. 77. 8. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 83. The word vairājya can be explained as
(i) without a king and (ii) a very distinguished king. In Sayana's explanation of vairajva as इतरेभ्यो भूपतिभ्यः श्रेष्ठं-the latter meaning

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definition to this word has been given in the NC." Verajja is explained as (i) States going on traditional hostility, (ii) or where hostility has started recently, (iii) or the State occupied by an inimical king, where the government was in a state of anarchy due to aggressions of the enemy because of which the cities and villages had been devastated, (iv) or a State where the king is deserted or forsaken by all his īśvaras (savvesara), that is the servants (bhrtyas)", (v) or a State without a ruler to the throne because of the death or abdication of its former king. Here, various explanations given to the same word are itself indicative of the vagueness and uncertainty of the .author's conception of this term. The commentator of the Brhatkal pa Bhasya, in a later period, while explaining these
ese various definitions of vairājya clearly states that this word may be derived in various ways to give a suitable meaning istarī paniş pattiḥ sarvatrā pi niruktivasat).3 The author of the NC. has evidently derived the word on its etymological grounds without considering its political significance.
However, an analysis of the contents reveal that 1, 2, 3 and 5 of the above mentioned definitions explain verajja only as “States in mutual hostility” or “States captured by enemy's or "a kingless State because of the death or abdication of its king”, and bear hardly any constitutional significance. But the 4th definition is significant from the political point of view, since it points towards the constitutional significance of the term. It is worthwhile to note that the word "all the iśvaras' ( savussara ) is specifically explained as “the servants' (bhịtya-ityarthaḥ )* which infers that they must have been
VY
preponderates. Shamasastry takes vairājya to mean 'foreign rule' which comes into existence by seizing the country from its king still alive.--Arthalāstra, Tr. p. 395; see also-Jayaswal, op. cit., pp. 82-83;
Altekar, op. cit., p. 77. 1. NO. 3, pp. 197-98. 2. जस्स राइणो रज्जे सव्वेसरा विरजंति--भृत्या इत्यर्थः, तं रज्ज रज्जेणं विरत्तं भण्णति,
va acovi-NC. 3, p. 197. 3. Brh. V 7. 3, p. 779. 4. Sce above note 2.

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representatives of the people. This definition of verajja mentioned in the NC. virtually corroborates the account of the Aitareya Brahmana where it is stated, "in this type of govern. ment the whole country or nation (jana pada.? ) took to conse-- cration of rulership.”. However, it appears that, because of their democratic set-up, such States often became the centres of struggle, conflict and confusion. Kau'ilya also observes, no body feels in a vairajya government the feeling of mine ( with regard to the State ); the aim of political organism is. rejected; any one can sell away (the country), no one feels responsible, or one becoming indifferent leaves the State."2 In the NC. verajja is counted among the anarchical regions, where a monk is categorically restricted to move without any specific reasons, and if needed it was to be done after taking proper permission or letter of authority ( muddapatta) from the senior administrative authorities. However, as seen above, it can be supposed that the word verajja was originally meant to denote a perfect democratic type of government, but this meaning was distorted in later centuries because of the continuous insecure and anarchical conditions in such States.
(iv) States in Hostility--The term viruddha-rajja has been mentioned in a multifarious way in the NC.-- sometimes with verajja5 and sometimes independently. Jayaswal's interpretation of the term as “States ruled by parties"7 has not been supported by the NC. The NC. explains viruddha-rajja as “States which were hostile with aggresive postures towards each other which resulted in the imposition of restrictions on trades and communication, to conduct which special sanction from proper authorities was required."8 The government was in a state of turmoil and any person of
1. Aitareja Brālmana, VIII. 14; Jayaswal, Hindu Polity', pp. 81-82. 2. Arthašāstra, VIII. 2; Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 83. 3. NC. 3, p. 202. 4. NC. 3, p. 203; also Bịh. Vr. 3, p. 786. 5. Ibid. 6. NC. 3, p. 198. 7. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 88. 8. NC. 3, p. 196.

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doubtful conduct could be easily imprisoned and punished." If the first two definitions of verajja, indicating it as 'States in hostility' are accepted, it is not clear as to what was the difference between a verajja and the virud dharajja. Perhaps, the fundamental difference between the two was that, in spite of the strained relations and hostility, general trade and commerce as well as communication at the social and economic level were permitted to be continued in the verajja, whereas these were strictly restricted in the viruddharajja. 2
(v) Two-ruled States--Dorajja or dvairājya was the type of government where “sovereignty vested in the hands of two rulers, both claiming their rights to the throne, and struggling hard to appropriate the kingdom, violence being the only means to decide the issue”. 3 According to Jayaswal, in this type of government “the legal principle of joint property was transferred to the region of politics and acted upon”. * Mention of the word daiya (dayaka-a claimant)s in the NC. clearly indicates that such kingdoms came into existence when there were two or more claimants to the throne, neither of whom was inclined to leave his right. Very often it would lead to conflict and disharmony. Kautilya characterises dvairājya or 'the rule of two' as "a constitution of rivalry and mutual conflict leading to final destruction.'» The author of the NC. also does not recommend the constitution of dvairājya."
(vi ) Republics---Gañarajja in ancient India denoted a form of government where the power vested not in the
1. Ibid. 2. See p. 20, note 8; also Brh. V. 3, p. 781. 3. OTTICHTET TIZI FUT FTTHÍ TETTE Å TEE HOU-NC. 3,
p. 198; also Brl. V?. 3, p. 780. 4. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 86. 5. See above Note 3. 6. राज्यवैराज्ययोः द्वै राज्यमन्योन्यपक्षद्वषानुरागाभ्यां परस्परसंघर्षेग वा विनश्यति ।
--Arthašāstra, VIII. 1-2. 7. NC. 3, p. 198. The nature of dvairājya mentioned by Kālidāsa is
quite different from that of the NC. The dvairājya mentioned in the Malavikāgnimitra does not refer to a joint rule and responsibility,

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hands of a person, but in 'a gana or a group of people'.' The religious ganas or sanghas of the Jaina and Buddhist Orders were precisely based on this form of government.2 In the NC. references have been made to the gana of the Mallas and the Sarasvatas." Mention has also been made of the Abhira-visaya which was a republic under the Guptas." It is well known that the republics ceased to exist by the end of the 5th century A. D., and we get no information about them from our text.
(vii) Monarchies--Despite the references to the other types of States, monarchy was the usual form of government prevailing during the period. The political theories of our author are explicitly based on the monarchical form of government. The area ruled by a single king was known as rajya where the authority of the king was considered to be indespensable for the welfare of the State. This form of government is known to us as monarchy.'
King and Kingship
King was the sovereign head of the State and was also the nucleus of all the State-activities. In the NC. the remarks of a king are quoted as "although not the Lord of the whole of India, I am the master or Lord in my dominions at least.' Such statements indeed indicate recognition of king's sovereignty over the State. The Ksatriyas alone were regarded as eligible for kingship, but in practice non-Kṣatriyas also some
9
but it seems to have been a kingdom divided into two, each of which was held by a king.-Upadhyaya, B. S., India in Kālidāsa, p. 111.
1. Altekar, op. cit., p. 71.
2. NG. 3, p. 305.
3. NC. 3, p. 195.
4. NC. 3, p. 425.
5. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 166.
6. राज्यं नाम यावत्सु देशेषु एकभूपतेराज्ञा तावद्द देशप्रमाणं | - Brh. Vt. 5, p. 1338. 7. For Monarchies in ancient India see-Shamasastry, "Forms of
Government in Ancient India"-ABORI., Vol. XII (1930-31), pp. 1-24. 8. जइ वि णो भरहाहिवो तहावि अप्पणी रज्जे पभवामि - NC. 2, p. 465.
9. NC. 2, pp. 459, 467. Yuan Chwang also remarks-The sovereignty for many successive g nerations as been exercised only by the Ksatriyas

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23 times assumed the power. The Puranas of this time invariably refer to the Sūdra kings who were ruling over certain parts of the country during this Kali age. 2
To be regarded as the true king by the people it was necessary that the king should have a pure heritage (ubhaya-kulaviếuddha), should belong to high Kșatriya family (uditakulavasasambhūta), and be properly coronated either by the previous king or by the subjects (muddhabhi sitta).8 King Candragupta was thus not respected by the Ksatriyas, because he came from the class of peacock-tamers (mayūra posagavamsa). The coronation ceremony alone invested upon a king the rights of a full sovereign. The coronation of a king or emperor was styled as mahabhişeka, while that of a crown-prince or feudatory as abhi şeka.According to the popular practice the heads of all the eighteen guilds or corporations and the ascetics of all the religious sects called on the king at the time of his coronation. King had the right of keeping certain royal insignia like chatra ( the royal parasol ', câmara ( a pair of Aywhisks ) and simhāsana ( the royal throne ) as indicatives of his royal powers."
Proficiency in the science of state-craft (rajjanīti)' was the prerequisite for a king. The king, who was not versed in state-craft, being incompetent in administering justice, was
rebellion and regicide have occasionally arisen, other castes, assuming the distinction-Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, Vol.
1, p. 170. 1. NC. 3, p. 266; NC. 4, p. 229. 2. Matsya Purūna, CXLIV. 30-47; Kurma Purāņa, Sec. 1, Cantos
XXIX-XXX. Vide-Beni Prasad, States in Ancient India, p. 336. 3. NC. 2, p. 449; also Paumacariya of Vimalasūri, 6. 18; B/h. V!. 6,
p. 1684, 4. NC. 4, p. 10 5. NC. 2, p. 462. 6. NC. 2, p. 463; also cf. Uttarā. Ti., p. 248; Adi Purāna, XVI.
223-30. 7. NC. 3, p. 101; NC. 2, p. 450; also cf. Harsacarita, p. 103; Prabandha
Cintamani, p. 20. 8. NC. 3, pp. 506-7.

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bound to lose his kingdom and was sometimes even dethroned or replaced by another king by his discontented ministers and subjects. The kings were advised not to indulge in the following seven vices (vasana-vyasana)-women, dice, wine, hunting, rude speech, severe punishment and misappropriation of the royal funds. 2 Addiction to these vices was bound to make a king incompetent in managing State-affairs in spite of his sound knowledge of state-craft (rajjaṇiti). To have weakness for women was considered to be the greatest vice which even in the absence of the other vices could make a king neglect the affairs of the State. Somadeva also considers free association with the inmates of harem as an intimate source of danger to the king. He states-"Verily the king who, blind with passion, associates with women in the inner apartments, soon loses his life, like a frog entering a serpant's hole'."
Women, dice, hunting and drink are mentioned in the Bṛhatkal pa Bhasya as "four sins reprehensible in a king with regard to the State-function"." The same view has been upheld by most of the ancient Brāhmaṇical authorities. Rude speech (vayana-pharusa) was another source of danger to the king as it could create dissatisfaction amongst the intellectuals. Somadeva clearly asserts-"Rude speech is even worse than the injury caused by a weapon"." Kings were advised 1. रज्जणीतिअजाणत्तणतो ववहारादि कज्जाणि अप्पणा "ण सीलेति" ण पेक्खतित्ति वृत्तं भवति, अपेक्खंतस्स य रज्जं विणस्रुति, अण्णो वा राया ठविज्जति -- NC 3, p. 507. Vimalasūri also states the knowledge of state-craft to be necessary for a king-Nayavihīnu Niyikusala.-Paumacariya, 8. 142, 612. 2. N. Bha. 15. 4799; see also-NC. 3, p. 507.
3. NC. 3, p. 506.
4. सेसवसणेहिं अवट्टतो वि विसयलोलत्तणतो णिच्चमंतेउरे अच्छति तस्स वि रज्जं विणस्सति -NC. 3, p. 507.
5. Yasastilaka, Book IV, p. 153; Nitivākyāmṛta. 24. 31; vide-Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 104.
6. Brh. Bha. 1. 940.
7. Arthasastra, 8. 3.421; Mahābhārata, III. 13. 7; Manusmrti, VIII. 50; Kamandaka Nitisāra, V. 54; Sikdar, J. C., Studies in the Bhaga vati Sutra, p. 82.
8. "वयणफरुसो" एत्थ वयणदोमेण रज्जं विणस्सति -- NC. 3, p. 507.
9. वाक्पारुष्यं शस्त्रपातादपि विशिष्यते - Nītivā., p. 179.

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to keep the policy of avoiding severe punishment (atiuggadanla), since severe punishment like death or confiscation of property etc. could intimidate the people to leave the country.' Misappropriation of the sources of income (attha-dūsaņa) resulted in empty treasury.? The term is explained by Somadeva as spending money beyond the income of the State or giving money to a person unworthy of the same.: King with an empty treasury (kosavihūno rāya) was bound to ruin himself*, since it was the treasury and not the person of the king which was the real sovereign.Somadeva in the 10th century, while giving a detailed explanation of these vices (vyasanaj, emphatically asserts--"A single vyasana is enough to destroy a powerful king who may be possessing four kinds of armies, needless to say if all of them are combined." Unlike the Brāhmaṇical law-givers who exempt even a wicked king and a Brāhmana from censure and punishment, as these two sustain the visible world, our Jaina author asserts that a king addicted to any of the seven vices or unversed in the science of state-craft (rajjanitiajanaga) should be discarded by his ministers and replaced by an able king. Several instances are to be noted in the Jaina texts when the subjects revolted against a tyrant or vicious king, dethroned and banished him, and appointed his son as the king. In the NC. instances of threat to the life of the king (or virtual killing) by the monks can be observed
1. 34fdstadt az At, 974 TL 4T ES --NC. 3, p. 507. 2. 3rycaf tre catà CHTH 397459 Tit u hafa-Ibid. 3. 37f7T1571257137TFT -Nitivā., p. 178. 4. 3ctura italario tra laureat-NC. 3, p. 507. 5. Nitivā., p. 178. 6. Ibid., pp. 177, 179. 7. Nāradasmrti, XVIII. 31 8. at Taft Ta Ta Huft aufust-NC, 3, p. 507. 9. The Āvašyaka Cūrni states that king Jiyasattu of Vasantapura was
dethroned and banished by his ministers for his neglect of the stateaffairs because of his excessive love for the queen Sukumāliyā, and his son was appointed as the king at his place.-Āva. Cu., p. 534; also Paumacariya, 22. 75; Saccamkira Jataka (1, No. 73), p. 362.

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because of the king's vindictive attitude towards their religion, for asking the Jaina monks to touch the feet of the Brahmaṇas and not permitting them to stay in the kingdom.1
The king was always surrounded with exceptional pomp and decorum (vibhuti),2 yet it would be unwise to assume that his duties were less arduous than his rights. He was prima-. rily the protector of the State and his foremost duty was to protect the people from external aggressions and internal dis-sensions. A king, unable to discharge these functions, was indeed worthy of condemnation (ayasa). Our author quotes the famous dictum-"How can king be a king who does not protect the State (ko rāyā yo na rakkhati)". Somadeva also believes"The king's duty is to punish the wicked and protect the wellbehaved, not just shaving his own head or wearing matted. hair," and also "the king should adopt all possible measures to protect the world, that alone is counted as the basis of kingship."
ه
ه
The king was the sovereign head in performing the mili-tary, judicial, legislative and executive functions of the State.. Though assisted by a senior military official, i. e. mahabaladhikṛta, the king was ultimately the head of the army. He often led his armies to the battle-field in person." His act of lea-ding his troops in person was compared with the aśvamedha. sacrifice by the contemporary authorities. He was the final. authority in the judicial matters of the State, and his judgement could not be overruled. The laws of the country were formulated by the king in accordance with the customs of the land; any person defying the same was liable to severe punish
1. NC. 1, p. 163
2. NC. 1, p. 52; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1200.
3. NC. 2, p. 83,
4. NC. 1, p. 7.
5. राज्ञो हि दुष्टनिग्रहः शिष्टपरिपालनं च धर्मः । न पुनः शिरोमुण्डनं जटाधारणादिकम् । -Nitiva., p. 42.
6. राज्ञः पृथिवीपालनोचितं कर्म राज्यं -- Ibid., p. 43.
7. NC. 3, p. 146.
8. स्वामिनः पुरस्सरणं युद्धेऽश्वमेधसमम् -- Nitivā., p. 369.

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ment.1 Several instances can be traced in the text when the king confiscated the property of the people, banished them or even put them to death being enraged on trifle matters.2 King was the Lord of the royal treasury; treasury of an able king was supposed to be always full. The king was authorised to levy taxes, he could also excuse or allow the same to be paid later." The important officials of the State and members of the personal staff were appointed by the king himself; he fixed their salaries and could also give increment in recognition of their meritorious services. Besides these executive functions, the king was ultimately responsible for the overall social,. cultural and moral well being of his subjects. Very often we find the kings giving donations to the Brahmaṇas, organizing religious debates, administering judgements on religious debates, arranging various festivals and also taking a lively part in the social functions. Another sacred duty of the king was to ensure proper maintenance of the asramas and provide the monks and recluses with their necessary requirements.. The author, re-echoing the sentiments of Kalidasa, asserts, "the hermits are to be protected by the king (raya-rakkhiyāņi ya tavodhanani)", and also believes that any physical injury to the hermits could cause disgrace to the king.
Though not the head of a religion or Church, the king exercised a great influence in the field of religion as well. The heads of the various religious sects always tried to influence the king with their specific tenets with a view to convert him
1. जे पुण अणायारमंता ण परिहरंति ते रण्णा डंडिया --NC. 3, p. 503; also NC. 4. p. 331.
2. रण्णा घोसावियं सोतूण तं अपरिहरंता जहा धणविणासं सरीरविणासं च पत्ता --- NC. 3 p. 503; NC. 1, p. 133.
3. NC. 4, p. 280.
4. NC. 4, p. 350,
5. NC. 3, p. 92.
6. NC. 3, p. 325.
7. NC. 2, p. 444.
8. NC. 2, p. 83; also freen & adìquanfè af-NC. 2, p. 179.
9. NC. 2, p. 83.

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to follow their faith. It was firmly believed that "the subjects follow the king in every matter including religion."2 It may, however, be said that leaving aside a few exceptions the kings of this age were not sectarians or hostile to religions other than their own. The religious debates organized for the various religious sects are a striking testimony to this fact. It can thus be visualized that the duties and functions of the king were as varied as his powers, and that a high moral and spiritual standard must have been expected of him, Occasional references to inimical, unworthy and vicious kings (duttha raya, rayaduṭṭha, vasani-narimda), however, reveal that not all the kings conformed to the desirable standards. Although the author is of the opinion that such a king should be dethroned by the people, yet, such cases of replacement must have been very few. The people thus must have silently suffered during the reign of tyranı and vicious kings.
Viceroyalty and Succession
The State was entrusted to the king as a trust and he had the right to choose his heir. An instance can be quoted from the NC. where we find a king requesting a Jaina monk to accept the crown." Though not much authenticity can be placed on such instances, yet, these definitely reveal a king's right to choose his heir. In normal circumstances the law of primogeniture prevailed, i. e. the eldest son succeeded the throne." He was appointed as a crown-prince during the
1. NC. 3, p. 325.
2. NC. 4, p. 130; Harsacarita, Tr. p. 84.
3. For instance the case of a sectarian Brahmana king asking the Jaina monks to touch the feet of the Brahmaṇas or leave his kingdom.--NC. 1, p. 63.
4. NC. 3, p. 325.
5. NC. 2, p. 117; NC. 3, p. 507.
6. NC. 3, p. 507.
7. NC. 2, p. 232.
8. —NC. 3, p. 48. In the Harsacarita after the death

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29 life time of the king and succeeded him after his death. I Younger princes were normally given small principalities to rule or important jobs in the Central administration. However, instances are not lacking when the princes conspired to seize the kingdom even while the king was alive. An instance can be seen in the NC. when three princes conspired together to kill the king with a view to usurp the kingdom and divide it amongst themselves.2 The king, however, was aware of their conspiracy and severely punished the princes for their act of treachery.
The problem of succession sometimes became quite complicated when the king had no heir to succeed him. The lawgivers of this age contend that in the absence of a son to inherit the throne, the brothers, step-brothers, uncles, members of the royal family and thereafter a qualified outsider was entitled to be consecrated to become the king.3 Very often the heirless kings were advised by their ministers to beget sons through monks.. Instances indicate that physically healthy and morally strong monks were called to the harem under the pretext of imparting religious sermons, and were forced to cohabit with the inmates of the harem. The unwilling monks were threatened to be executed. Such a heir was accepted as a legitimate ones although the public opinion never favoured this practice. Even while resorting
of the Prabhakaravardhana, Prince Räjyavardhana offers to resign the throne in favour of his younger brother and the latter violently protests (Harsacarita, 200 etc. ). It shows the law of primogeniture to have been a common practice although not a universal rule. Vide
Beni Prasad, op. cit, p. 360. 1. NC. 3, p. 198, 2. ATST RF a fa7151-NC. 3, p. 48. 3. Nitivă., p. 249; see also---Basak, R. G., 'Ministers in Ancient India',
IHQ, Vol. I, pp. 523-24. 4. NC. 1, p. 127; NC. 2, p. 381. 5. NC. 1, p. 128. 6. जहा परखेते श्रपणे वीयं वापियं खेत्तिणो आहवं भवति, एवं तुह अंटर खेते अण्णेण
ari filga g 9 gail nafamNG. 1, p. 127; NC. 2, p. 381.

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to this practice under unavoidable circumstances, the kings always concealed the fact so as to avoid general condemnation.'
Still another way of choosing the heir to a vacant throne -was the choice of Divine-will'.2 In this form of succession a royal horse or elephant was invested with all the auspicious articles required for the coronation and was left by the officials to roam about the city to select a suitable heir. An instance can be quoted in case of the robber Müladeva* who was being taken around the city before being executed. At that time a royal horse and an elephant had been released, because the king had died issueless. When this procession of royal horse and elephant reached Mūladeva, the horse neighed and turned its back towards him, the elephant trumpeted, sprinkled sacred water over his body and placed him over its back. He was then publically announced to be their soverign by the royal bards and ministers. Many such instances can be noticed in the faina and other ancient texts. However, once the heir was selected, he was coronated to the throne and was respected by the subjects irrespective of his former background and character. Royal Council and Ministers
In the text of the NC. a cabinet (parisa)' consisting of
1. NC. 2, p. 381. 2. LAI., p. 52. 3. NC. 2. p. 268. 4. NO. 4, p. 342; also Vya. Bha. 4. 169. 5. NC. 4, p. 342. 6. The Avašyaka Cūrni (II, p. 180) refers to Nhāviyadāsa Nanda who was
declared to be the sovereign of Padaliputta when the ceremonial horse turned his back towards him. The Paumacariya of Vimala Sūri mentions that when the king of Mahāpura died issueless, an elephant was released to choose a heir (PCV, 22, 91). See also-Darimukha.Jataka (III, No. 378, p. 239); Devendra Gani's commentary on Uttarādhya yana, 3, p. 63; Karakanducariu, 2. 30; Brh. VI. 4, p.
140 and 2, p. 233. 7. NC. 1, p. 140; NC. 2, pp. 233, 460.

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ministers and a number of State-officials have been mentioned who used to assist the king in matters concerning state-craft and administration. The political lawgivers of the age contended that “even an intelligent king cannot know every thing, the king, therefore, should enlist the help of competent ministers”. 1 A list containing names of the senior most authorities of the State has been frequently mentioned in the NC. It includes the king (raya), the crown-prince (juvarāyā), primeminister (amacca), setthi and purohita.2 These five or rather three members excluding the king and the crown-prince must have formed the royal cabinet. Elsewhere in the NC. two other officers, viz. sena pati (commander-in-chief) and satthavāha ( chief caravan-leader ), are included in the list. It is also stated that the king enjoyed the rights of kingship along with the crown-prince, the commander-in-chief, the primeminister, the purohita, the setthi and the satthavaha. 3
According to Somadeva, the ministry of the king should consist of 3, 5 or 7 members, while Sukra recommends a ministry of 10 members. It is evident that our author sharing his views with Somadeva favours a smaller cabinet of only 3 to 7 members to which the king was bound to consult for all the important matters of the State. This royal council must have exercised immense influence over the king. The Jaina monks were advised to please the members of the royal council (parisa) for the achievement of any objectives. The opposition from the royal council was the greatest misery that could befall the fate of a king and could also result into
1. Sukraniti, Chap. II; also Nititā., p. 114; Manu. VIII. 30. 2. tir Jatir 37571 TEGI yelleat-NC. 4, p. 281; NC. 1, p. 164. 3. तस्स आदिराइणा अभिसित्तो मुद्धो मुद्धाभिसित्तो, सेणावइ अमच्च पुरोहिय सेछि
Hera H i To Jaia-NC. 2, p. 449. 4. Nitiva., p. 128. 5. Sukraniti, II. 10. 6. दुह्र णाम राया पदुट्ठो होज्जा, तंमि पदुठे जा तस्स परिसा सा उवचरियव्वा-NC.
1, p. 140.

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state-dissension (rajjaviggha).1 Somadeva points out towards the importance of the royal council by saying, "every enterprise of the king should be preceded by deliberation with councillors"2 and that “with the help of the council of ministers the king can achieve all the wishful objects”.8 It can be, therefore, surmised that though endowed with sovereign powers, the kings of the age were duty-bound to consult the royal council for the proper administration of the State. An account of the duties and the stai us of these officials are given in the succeeding paragraphs on the basis of the matter available in the NC.
Crown-prince (yuvaraya )—Next to the king was the crownprince, who, as noted above, was the heir to the throne.5 References reveal that the crown-prince held a very responsible position and represented the king during his absence or illness. He was called adhirāyā or subordinate to the king as against the adirāyā? or the supreme king, and may be identified with the pratinidhis af the Sukranili, who was one amongst the 10 important officials of the State. The iśvara
1. u want HA TITH MARIS THAT THNC. 2, p. 233. 2. Haga: Fajare: faldata14--Vitivā., p. 114. 3. Ibid., p. 130. 4. The Jaina texts describe five kinds of royal council, viz. tūranti,
chattainti, buddha, maiti and rāhassiya. The püranti (pūrayanti) council consisted of the Mahājanas of the State, while the members of the chattanti or chatravcati were given the privilege of holding the royal parasol by the king. The members of the buddhi council were well-versed in the local customs (svasamnı yakus ala), while the miamsi council was the council of the ministers well-read in the political science. The rāhassiya or rākasvihi council consisted of the secret emissaries who were adept in appeasing the angry queens and informed the king about the harem affairs.--See Brh. Vr. 1, p. 113. For details of these councils see also--LAI., p. 59; also Sikdar, op. cit.,
pp. 97-98. 5. NC. 2, p. 449. 6. NC. 2, p. 462. 7. NC. 2, p. 449. For adirajā as a title of the sup eme king see also
Cunningham, The Stura of Bharaliut, p. 143. 8. Sukri niti, II. 70-72.

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in the NC. is explained as an officer surrounded with splendid grandeur and also invested with a royal frontlet (patta). He is identified with the crown-prince in the Anuyogadvăra Cūrni.? Thus, his status might have been that of a feudatory king, and he succeeded the king after his demise.
Amacca (amatya) ---The next office in the list is held by amacca (amātya), and it is difficult to state the exact significance of the term. In the Arthasastra the officials of the State are collectively called amătya', while Manu calls the prime-minister simply as amatya.4 Various terms like amacca,' saciva, mamti, mahāmaṁti etc. are mentioned in the text, but the difference between these terms have not been explained. Various inscriptions of the mediaeval periodio show amatya to be distinct from saciva and also as incharge of the revenue and taxation. However, this is not mentioned in the NC. At one place, saciva is explained as mamtili and elsewhere amacca as mant7,12 In a story in the NC. Subuddhi is mentioned as a
1. dato 977: $59T: AT IT faunagreitNC. 2, p. 450. 2. Anu. Cū., p. 11. 3. Arthaśāstra, p. 6. 4. Manusmrti, VII. 65. 5. NC I, p. 164; NC. 4, p. 281. 6. NO. 1, p. 127. 7. Ibid. 8. NC. 3, p. 57. 9. According to Basak both the words amātya and saciva mean 'associ
ates' or 'companions', but the word mantrin means a person who is concerned with mantra or secret counsel or deliberation on political matters. The Amarakosz ( VIII. 8. 4-5 ) shows that an amātya, who is the king's dhi-saciva or mati-saciva, i. e. an associate or
nister for counsel, shall only be called mantrin and that all amātyas other than mantrins are karmas icivas ministers for action or execution. So it is that all amātyas, although they may be called sacivis, were not mantrins.Basak, R. G., Ministers in
Ancient India', IHQ., Vol. 1, pp. 523-24. 10. Altekar, A. S., The Rastr akūtas and Their Times, p. 81. See also
Sukraniti, II. 70-72. 11. Afatidt-NC. 1, p. 127. 12. H a Hat-NC. 2, p. 267.

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saciva of king Jiyasattu and also as amacca and maṁtil which shows that these three terms are somewhat indiscriminately used by our author. Kalidāsa also uses these terms almost as synonyms.2 It seems that during this age the prime-minister was called maha-marti,s while the other terms like amacca, saciva and maṁti simply denoted the other ministers of the State. The mahamamti has also been designated as mahā mātya in the various Caulukyan records. +
Purohita—The purohita or the royal-priest was mainly responsible for the religious, moral and cultural well-being of the State, and was instrumental in warding off natural and supernatural calamities (ašiva) by performing sacrifices and rituals. 5 The Thāņāṁga ( Abhayadeva's commentary, 7-558 ) defines purohita as śāntikarmakārin, i. e. one who performed rituals for the peace of the country. The Vivā gasuya. informs us that a sacrifice was performed by Mahesaradatta, the priest of king Jayaratha, to avert the king's misfortune. With the decline of the Vedic sacrifices by this time, his position, however, must have considerably deteriorated, and, as Altekar has pointed out, “the post-Gupta inscriptions usually distinguish him from ministers showing that he was no longer a member of the ministry.987 The śukraniti, however, places him at the head of the ministry, although it also states that in view of others he had no place in that body.. Here again Altekar has opined that "the śukranīti is probably following the older traditions rather than
1. NC. 3, p. 150. 2. Upadhyaya, op. cit., p. 127. 3. TSITH HEHE-NC. 3, p. 57. 4. Altekar, A.S., State and Government in Ancient India, p. 125. 5. NC. 2, p. 267; cf. Nitivā., p. 160. 6. P. 53. The Dhanasakha Jataka (III, No. 353, p. 159 ) also refers to an
ambitious purohita who helped the king by performing sacrificial rites for acquiring a city which was difficult to conquer. See
LAI., p. 58. 7. Altekar, op. cit., p. 121. 8. Sukraniti, II. 70-72.

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the contemporary practice,»l the same may be evidently stated about the NC. as well. It is, however, clear that even though not as a member of the ministry, the purohita exercised a deep moral influence over the State and the king.
The war-minister must have occupied an important place in the ministry of the king, although he has not been regularly mentioned along with the other members of the royal council in the text. It is interesting to note that Somadeva is also opposed to the inclusion of commander-in-chief in the political council of the king, for he thinks that “war mongering leaders have a natural hankering after war”.3 Various references in the text, however, definitely show him to have been a very influential member who was to be consulted in all the important matters of the State. He has been variously called as senāpati, senādhipa and mahabaladhikyta. The last mentioned term has been more frequently used in the text. The inscriptions of the Guptas' and the Maitrakass also reveal the mahābaladhikyta to have been a common denomination of the commander-in-chief during this period.
The other members of the council were the setthio and the satthaváhalo who acquired a high social and political status because of their economic prosperity and assistance to the State. Setthi was a prominent citizen, the head of a mercantile guild, a merchant or a banker, and he was entrusted
1. Altekar, op. cit., p. 121. 2. NO. 1, p. 164; NC. 4, p. 281. 3. शस्त्राधिकारिणो न मंत्राधिकारिणः स्युः । शस्त्रोपजीविनां कलहमन्तरेण भक्तमपि भुक्त
a zifaNitivā., pp. 136-37. 4. vag Fortrag 31455fT: 7 7 Heathend Tel:-NC. 2, p. 234. 5. NC. 2, p. 179; NC. 3, p. 203; Harşacarita, p. 212; also all. III, pp.
167, 168, 243, 249. 6. NC. 2, pp. 183, 234. 7. EI. X. 71; also CII. III, p. 210, note 2. 8. The Majhagawam Copper-plate Inscription of Mahārāja Hastin
(A. D. 510-11 CII. III, No. 331, p. 109, text p. 108, also p. 129,
text p. 128. 9. NC. 2, p. 449. 10. Ibid.

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with the duty of protecting the people of the town.' He is said to have been the head (mahattara) of the eighteen professional castes or guilds and was invested with a golden patta by the king which was inscribed with the image of the goddess Śr1.8 Satthavaha was the chief caravan-leader, who took caravans abroad with the permission of the king. He has not been mentioned always as a member of the council, and at one place in the NC. he has been mentioned amongst the personal staff of the king. It is, however, clear that the business communities played an important part in the political life and administration of this age.
The above-mentioned officers constituted the council of the king. Besides, there were the heads of various departments who in turn were assisted by a number of sub-officers. An analysis of the nature and duties of a large number of officials mentioned in the NC. enables us to visualize the working of the following departments of the State : Royal House-hold
In the monarchical form of government the department of royal house-hold must have claimed the foremost importance. Rajakula was the centre of State-politics. The royal palace (pasada, bhavana); was provided with every convincible amenities for comforts, was surrounded by walls and moats. (prakāra, parikha) 8 and was guarded day and night by the royal guards (arakkhiya-purisa). It was decorated with gardens and parks, and its floor was studded with precious stones and
1. gert het start 91–NC. 3, p. 57; also Holly37 57 trefa formal
Tree Sit At heet-NC. 2, p. 234. 2. BEGITEUE qaratui ETT HETTI ART-NC. 2, p. 267. 3. जम्मि य पट्टे सिरिया देवी कज्जति तं वैटेणगं, तं जस्स रण्णा अणुन्ना सो सेट्ठी
Huufa–NC. 2, p. 450. 4. RETT TEJ ORTOTT Fou arele ÀI FRUTTET-Ibid. 5. SAAT TRIHEATOT BE il serait à Fra161–NC. 2, p. 469. 6. NC. 2, p. 232. 7. NC. 1, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 397. 8. NC. I, p. 9.

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jewels.1 Efficient architects (vaddhakirayana) were employed to plan the royal palace in a manner so that it remained cool during summer and warm in winter. 2
(i) King's Harem-The harem of the king constituted the most important part of the royal house-hold. The chief queen of the king must have been the cynosure of all eyes of the royal harem's inmates, and she was known as rajamahişi (ranna-mahisi) or mahadevi. She was invested with a royal frontlet which shows that probably she also underwent coronation ceremony at the time of the king's coronation. Prabhāvati, the chief queen of Prabhākaravardhana, can be seen to remark : "This forehead in winning the honorable fillet of chief queen has enjoyed a thing scarcely accessible to desire.'' 4 The royal harem (oroha, amteurajo was divided into three parts-(i) junņa-aṁteura, (ii) nava-aṁteura and (iii) kanna-aṁteura. In the former resided the old ladies unfit for sexual relationship; the second one was inhabited by the young ladies in full-bloom of their youth; and in the third one lived the daughters of the royal family who had yet not attained the prime of their youth. The kings were always desirous of enriching their harem with beautiful women without any consideration of their caste or family background. A story narrates that five hundred girls of a town, who had gone to worship Indra, were kidnapped and taken away to the harem by the orders of prince Hemakumāra. The king on being confronted by the parents of these girls enquired if any one of them had any objection to take his son as their son-in-law. Finally, all the girls were married to the prince."
1. NC. 2, p. 154. 2. NC. 3, p. 44. 3. NC. 3, p. 536. 4. Harsacarita, p. 153. 5. NC. 4, p. 120. 6. NO. 2, p. 452. For king's harem see
Rāmāyana, 11. 10. 7. NO. 3, p. 243; also Byh. Bha. 4. 4153.
also-Arthašāstra, pp. 39-41;

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Sometimes the kings did not hesitate even in kidnapping the married women or the nuns. Example of the nun-sister of Ajja Kalaga, who was taken to the harem by king Gaddabhilla,1 can be cited in this context.
&
(ii) Harem Officers-The harem of the king, being the primary source of royal pomp and prestige, was carefully guarded. Entry to and exit from the harem was strictly restricted.2 Royal harem was guarded by the following five officers: (i) damḍārakkhiya was the guard who took a man or woman into the harem with the permission of the king, and carried a staff in his hands; (ii) dovăriya stood at the entrance of the harem;* (iii) varisadhara was the guard whose testicles were removed by a surgical operation (vaḍḍhiya) or made ineffective by rubbing medicines (cippiya) at the time of his birth; (iv) kañcuki was the chamberlain who had free access to the king as well as to the inmates of the harem; (v) mahattaraga was the officer who took the inmates of the harem to the king or told him about their menstruation bath, pacified the anger of the inmates and reported to the king the cause of their anger. A strict watch was thus kept over the movements of women of the harem. Tho author believes that the women of the palace should be properly guarded and heavily punished for any breach of chastity. However, in spite of these strict precautions there did exist cases of illicit relationships between the inmates of the harem and State-officials. Several stories in the NC. testify to the existence of the same."
8
1. NC. 3, p. 59.
2. aug gч-NC. 2, p. 232; see also-Hursacarita, p. 111. 3. NC. 2, p. 452; see also-Abhidhānarājendrakosa under damḍārakkhiya. 4. NC. 2, p. 452,
5. Ibid.; also Brh. Bha. 4. 5167.
6. NC. 2, p. 452; see also-Paumacariya, 938, 297. According to Vacaspati Kañcukin was old in age, Brahmana by caste, virtuous and clever in every thing (Abhidhānarājendrakośa under kañcuki ).
7. NC. 2, p. 452. Vātsyāyana in his Kāmasūtra (4. 2. 56) refers to mahattarikā as taking message to the king with various presents from the queens. Chakladar, Studies in Kamasutra, p. 109.
8. NC. 3, p. 521. 9. NC. 3, p. 520.

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39 (iii) Other Employees of the Palace Apart from the abovementioned officers who were particularly entrusted with the duty of guarding the royal harem, there were a number of other employees employed to serve the various departments of the royal house-hold. The management of the royal kitchen was under the charge of a particular officer. The royal cooks (sūyāra--süpakāra)1 were proficient in preparing various types of dishes. The royal kitchen was divided into six sub-sections? (i) kotthagara or granary where all the varieties of provisions, e.g. wheat, rice, pulses etc. were stored, (ii) bhän lāgāra or the place for keeping the costly vessels of the royal household, (iii) liquor and other varieties of drink were kept in the pāņlgāra or panasala, (iv) milk products were stored in khiraghara or khirasala, (v) the fuel was stored in the gamjasala, a place for grinding the corn and (vi) mahanasasală was the actual cook-house where the food was prepared for the members of the royal house-hold, Besides the members of the royal house-hold, the guests of the State (rannı-pahun iga) and the employees of the royal house-hold, i.e. the soldiers and guards, the needy persons and the monks were also fed from the royal kitchen. The people were given food at the time of epidemic or famine (dubbhikkha).* The king bad his own doctors and physicians (vejja) who were well versed in the various branches of medicine. Astrology (joisa ) being a popular science of the age, the kings very often consulted the astrologers ( joisiya ) and fortune-tellers ( nemittiya ) for various ceremonies and important matters of the State.
Among the personal attendants of the king, sirorakṣa? or the royal body-guard was the most important. He has been
1. NO. 1, p. 15. 2. NC. 2, pp. 455-56. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 2, p. 455. 5. NO. 3, p. 423; Prabandha Cintāmani, p. 55. 6. NC. 1, p. 22. 7. trivoi si cela pt cariteit-TTTH:-NC. 2, p. 234.

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termed as anga-rakşakal in the various Jaina texts. Rajavallabha2 is another officer frequently mentioned in the text. According to Gulab Chandra Choudhary, his status was equivalent to our modern private secretary. Among the minor attendants, parimadda ( who rubbed and massaged the body of the king ), majjavaga ( who gave bath to the king ), mandavaga ( who adorned the person of the king ), pariyattaga (the carrier of clothes and ornaments), the bow-carriers (ca pa), the sword-carriers ( asi ), the jewellery-box-carriers or betelbox-carriers (hadappa) etc. are mentioned in the text.* There were various employees to entertain the royal house-hold. The king along with the members of his family attended various performances performed by the acrobats ( nada ), dancers ( nattaga ), wrestlers ( malla ), boxers ( mutthiya ), jestors (velambiya ), reciters ( kahaga ), story-tellers ( akkhahaga ), jumpers ( pavaga ), pole-dancers (laṁkha ) etc. The jalla, lasaga and bhanda were the bards and minstrels who proclaimed victory to the king (jayasadda-payotta )e and recited songs in his praise ( stotra-pathaka ).' The department of the royal house-hold thus was an administration by itself and must have exercised immense influence over the internal and external affairs of the State. Military Organisation
Wars and border-conflicts being a regular feature, the kings maintained large standing armies to protect the State. The political atmosphere depicted in the NC. often displays very unsafe and insecure circumstances—the subjects revolting
1. Choudhary, Gulab Chandra, Political History of Northern India from
Jaina Sources, p. 346. 2. NC. 1, p. 86; NC. 2, pp. 121, 181; see also-U Þamitibhava-prapanca
kathā, p. 344. 3. Choudhary, op. cit., p. 346. 4. NO. 2, p. 469. 5. C. 2, p. 468. 6. FerTTATI ATT HET—Ibid. 7. Fa TIST: FETTTIFT:- Ibid.

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against the crown, the State authorities constantly fighting among themselves, the cities being attacked, seized or burnt by the enemies, the villages forming a confederation to fight against a common enemy or uniting under a common fort, 4 the kingdoms being destroyed ( visaya-bhanga ) under the wake of State-dissension. All these circumstances make it apparent to assume that each village, town and kingdom had at least a limited amount of army for the protection of its people.
Four-fold Army-The army (sena or bala) of a king consisted of the traditional four arms ( cauranga )-infantry (paikka ), cavalry ( asa ), elephant-corps (hatthi ) and chariot-corps (raha ). No information regarding the formation of these units is given in the text. However, it appears that chariotcorps had ceased to play any important part in the warfare of this time. In none of the stories the chariot-corps are mentioned, while the others are alluded to." The chariots, however, were used for purposes other than warfare. The elephants and horses were trained thoroughly.9 The trainers of elephants and horses were called damaga, 1° while the mahouts were styled as mentha. 11 All the four departments must have been
1. Haffi TGHETAT-NG. 2, p. 419. 2. HTET HT467 lattal, TIFH T, TETEH TETEH -NG. 2, p. 428. 3. NC. 2, p. 423. 4. NC. 2, p. 419; also NC. 3, p. 163. 5. NC. 2, p. 187. 6. NC. 3, p. 321; also NC. 2, p. 455. 7. Tit TË FIER-NC. 3, p. 298. In the Aihole Jaina inscription Harsa is mentioned as possessing an army of well trained elephants
fajindranika (EI. VI, pp. 1-10). Although the chariot-corps (rahabala) is referred to in the NC. and the other contemporary Jaina texts, yet mention to them appears to be rather conventional. In the Harsacarita also the chariots are hardly ever mentioned (see-Altekar,
op. cit., p. 145; also Choudhary, op. cit., p. 372 ). 8. NC. 3, p. 99. 9. NC. 1, p. 3. 10. NC. 2, p. 469. 11. Ibid.

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under the charge of efficient officers, though no information in this respect is forthcoming from the text.
Army Staff-The conımander-in-chief, known as mahabaladhiksta, senā pati or senadhipa, was the senior-most officer of the army who worked under the direct supervision of the king. The mahābalādhikīta is sometimes mentioned as a protector of a deśa or visaya, which shows that while holding his office of commander-in-chief, he was also entrusted with the charge of administration of a certain province.2 A story in the NC. indicates that three generals were sent by a king to protect the border towns. The status of mahabalādhikrta was higher than kotta pala, nigamārakkhiya or setthi, coroddharanika and damda pasiga, but it appears to have been lower than that of the amatya or the prime-minister to the king. There must have been a number of generals or commanders known as baladhikytas under the mahābaladhikyta. The officers of the army were sometimes simply called as dan dar meaning thereby a dan lanāyaka. Their status was that of the colonels stationed in different districts in charge of local units. Bāna in the 7th century A. D. mentions yet another class of officials styled as kațuka' which is interpreted as a marshal.1' In this context Bāņa continues : "Shrill words of command from the marshals dispelled the slumbers of the blinking riders." In the NC., however, the kaduga is mentioned as one of the five village-officers who was vested with powers to punish a person
1. NO. 2, pp. 183, 234. 2. Same fact can be seen from various Jain. texts.-Choudhary, op. cit.,
p. 365. 3. NC. 4, p. 311. 4. NC. 2, p. 234; also NC. 3, p. 203. 5. NC. 3, p. 203. 6. Harsacarita, p. 199; Kādambari, p. 331; CII. III, pp. 109, 208, 210. 7. NC. 4, p. 311. 8. Altekar, op. cit., p. 145. 9. Hariacarita, p. 199. 10. Saletore, R. N., Life in the Gupta Age, p. 265.

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for his reprehensible behaviour during a gotthi. He appears to be more of a judicial authority rather than an official in
the army.
The important towns and cities of the State were considerably fortified to enable the people of the adjoining towns and villages to take shelter during the hostile period. A king is observed issuing command to his subjects to leave their villages and towns and take shelter inside the adjacent fort (samasanna dugga)2 due to the aggression of a non-Aryan king. The koṭṭapala or kolavala* was responsible for the protection of the fort. He has been called by a similar name in the Jaina literature dur gadhyakşa was his another designation. The frontiers of the State or town were guarded by the officer known as dvarapala", rakṣapala® or sthānapala (thanipala or thaṇailla) who kept a strict watch over the borders of the State. He was called maryadadhuryal under the Pratihāra kings. It appears that each kingdom had a restricted area called janmerall or jaṇusīmā. Beyond this the ordinary citizens were not allowed to travel. The royal guards, however, were allowed to move beyond this area till. the actual borders to defend the frontiers. They were, however, not allowed to cross the border of the State, i. e. rayamera12 or rayasima 13 and enter the territory of the other
4. NC. 3, p. 57.
5. Jaina Pustaka Prasasti Sangraha, p. 10.
6. Altekar, op. cit, p. 146.
7. NC. 4, p. 16.
8. Ibid.
1. दोसावण्णस्स गोट्ठियस्स दंडपरिच्छेयकारी कडुगो भण्णति - NC. 2, p. 144; also Brh. Vr. 2, p. 229.
2. NC. 4, p. 229.
3. नगरं रक्खति जो सो नगररक्खियो कोट्टपाल – NG. 2, p. 234.
also जणरायसीमा -- NC. 3, p. 200.
43.
L
9. NC. 3, pp. 199-200.
10. EI. 1, pp. 154-60.
11. सीमा मेरा मज्जाता, तं जणमेरं रायमेरं च दुविहं पि अतिक्कमति - NC. 3, p. 201;
12. Ibid.
13. रायसी माइक्कमे इमे दोसा – NC. 3, p.202.

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king. Gomiyal (gaulmika) is another officer frequently mentioned in the text. He is sometimes identified with sthanapalaa or raksapala, showing thereby that he was a royal guard for defending the State frontiers. The word is also explained in the sense of a danda pasika or a saulkika. From the references in the text the gomiyas appear to be the royal guards moving in the forests near the State frontiers with a view to keep In the watch over the persons passing through the forests. Vṛtti of the Bṛhatkal pa Bhasya the gaulmika is generally explained as a sthanapala. From the Bana's account and the Mrcchakatika it can be inferred that the gaulmikas were the royal guards who were responsible for defending the State frontiers.
B
The ancient as well as mediaeval texts on polity invariably refer to the six-fold division of the soldiers. This was presumably based on the community or region of their recruitment. These six kinds of soldiers or forces were: hereditary troops (maula ), mercenaries (bhṛta), guild-levies (śreņi), soldiers supplied by feudatory chiefs or allies (suhyd-bala), soldiers captured during war (dviṣad-bala) and forest-tribes (aṭavi-bala). The author, however, has referred to only two No types of soldiers, namely the kṛtavṛtti and the akṛtavṛtti."
1. NC. 2, pp. 97, 231; NC. 3, p. 197.
2. गोमिया ठाणइल्ला - NC. 3, p. 199.
3. गोमिया दंडवासिया – NC. 2, p. 231.
4. गोमिया सुकिया - NC. 2, p. 97; cf. गौल्मिकैः शुल्कपालैः - P1. V. 4, p. 1071. 5. Various explanations of the gaulmika are given in the Brh. Vr.
( 4, p. 1185) ; गौल्मिका नाम ये राज्ञः पुरुषाः स्थानकं बद्धा रक्षयन्ति - ( 3, p. 783); गौल्मिकैः बद्धस्थानकैः रक्षपालैः 3, p. 829) ; गौल्मिका : स्थानपाला : ( 3, p. 860; 6, p. 1686).
6. न दत्तमस्य आटविकस्य गौल्मिकेनेव देवी प्रासादेन गन्तुम् ।
aga fata qefalaffeacggaye: -Agrawala, V. S., Kādmbari : Eka Samskṛtika Adhyayana, pp. 137, 221. The term gaulmika frequetly mentioned in the inscriptions has been interpreted as superintendents of woods and forests (gulma) (CII. III, No. 121, p. 52, note 4). However, no such thing is denoted in our text.
Act 6.
8. Amarakosa, IV. 26; Nitiva., p. 211; Dvyāśrayakāvya, VI. 71. 9. NC. 2, p. 455.

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details regarding these soldiers are found in the text, but it can be presumed that the kstavsiti must have been the soldiers who were paid according to rules formulated and agreed to by the king, while the akstavịtti were the hereditary soldiers who subsisted upon the land-grants or such other trusts issued by the State. In other words, this two-fold division appears to have been a broad division of the soldiers into mercenary and hereditary troops. Yuan Chwang also informs us that “the recruitment ( of the soldiers ) was done by public proclamation, rewards were promised">1 and also that "a select body of guards was recruited from heroes of choice valour, a sort of hereditary military aristocracy."2 Besides, the employees like the bhada3 and cada' are also mentioned along with the sücakas or spies. Both these terms have been interpreted as 'regular' and 'irregular troops' by the scholars. The NC. does not enlighten us about the nature of their work, although they are seen as a class of employees of the State.
Weapons—Various types of offensive and defensive weapons were provided to the army. The various weapons for fighting as mentioned in the NC. were : capa or dhanu (bow ), sara," šalya and kanaka ( different kinds of arrows ), ar dha-candra”
1. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 343; Beal, S., Buddhist Records of the
Western World, Vol. 1, p. 213. 2. Watters, op. cit., p. 171; Beal, op. cit., p. 87. 3. NC. 3, p. 245. 4. 31791 e arcgrefTC-T tuottaa tarvita-NC. 3, p. 42. 5. CII. III, p. 98, note 2. The cata and bhata are frequently mentioned
in the contemporary inscriptions--see Copper-plate Inscription of Mahārāja Hastin (475-76 A.D.) CII. III, No. 21, p. 98, text p. 96; Maliya Copper-plate Inscription of Maharaja Dhārasena II (571-72 A.D.) issued from Valabhi-CII. III, No. 38, p. 170. text p. 166, also
pp. 105, 109, 120. 6. NC. 2, p. 6. 7. NC. 4, pp. 306, 304. 8. NC. 3, p. 298. 9. Ibid.

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(an arrow with crescent-shaped head), asi or khagga1 (sword), churiya or kṣurika ( (dagger), kumta2 (lance), bhallis (spear) and gada (club). The bow and arrow seem to have been the most popular weapons of the time. The science of archery (dhanurveda) was regularly practised and had reached an advanced stage. Mention has been made of the five postures of body which are assumed by the archers at the time of fighting (johatthana). These were aliḍha, paccaliḍha, vesaha, maṁḍala and sama-pada. Chaliya is also mentioned as another posture according to certain authorities." Kalidasa in his Raghuvamia mentions the aliḍha posture of fighting.' Commenting upon the verse Mallinatha quotes from a lexicon according to which there were five postures of fighting, and aliḍha was the one in which right foot was placed forwarded and left bent back." Vallabha also mentions eight such postures of fighting.10 There were proficient archers who could shoot on hearing the sound (saddaveh no-gahiyacă pă).11 Among the defensive equipments the coat of mail (kavaca-sannaha) is mentioned and the soldier clad with the same (vammita-kavaca )12 was supposed to be invincible in the battlefield. These weapons (ayudha-sastra (13 were stored in the ayudhāgar which was under the charge of a responsible State officer.
8
1. NC. I, p. 45.
2. NC. 1, p. 32.
3. NC. 2, p. 28.
4. NC. 3, p. 203.
5. इदाणि जोहट्ठाणं पंचविहं इमं - आलीढ पच्चलीढे, वेसाहे मंडले समपदे य-- NC 4, p. 281.
6. Ibid.
7. Raghuvamia, III. 53.
8. स्थानानि धन्विनां पंच तत्र वैशाखमस्त्रियाम्, त्रिवितस्त्यन्तरौ पादौ मंडलं तोरणाकृति । अन्वर्थं स्यात् समपदमालीढं तु ततोऽग्रतः — Com. on III. 52.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. NC. I, p. 103.
12. NG. 3, p. 298; cf. Brh. Vr., p. 1123, also p. 1122.
13. NC. 4, p. 127.

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Wars-The wars were a common feature of the age in which a large number of people were killed. Although no mention of the righteous war (dharmayuddha )2 is made in the text, yet it seems that a certain moral code was desired to be observed during the war. An enemy who was seeking refuge (saranā gata) was not to be killed in spite of his act of damage to one's own troops. Somadeva believes that the frightened and the unarmed should not be killed in the battle; it is like killing a Brāhmana.
Taking revenge because of a woman was one amongst the many causes of war. This can be seen in case of Ajja Kālaga who waged war against king Gaddabhilla of Ujjayini with the help of 94 kings from Persia for kidnapping his nunsister.5 Sometimes the desire to acquire certain precious or sacred object like the image of a deity or a diadem also resulted in war. Udayana waged war on Pajjoya, because the latter had kidnapped a maid servant and the image of a deity from the farmers of the State. Due to the lack of proper demarcation of State boundaries, border conflicts between the neighbouring States frequently occurred.? Very often the martial spirit and the desire for self-aggrandisement was the main cause of fighting which led the powerful kings to exploit the smaller ones. In such cases usually the victorious kings were satisfied only by a formal acceptance of sovereignty and overlordship by the vanquished. Quite often the kingdom of the defeated king was re-entrusted in the hands of his nearest relative. In the NC. we find a victorious king giving back the kingdon to the crown-prince, i. e. the son of the defeated
1. G o a FUPER Haf-NC. 3, p. 203. 2. For the conception of dharmayuddha in ancient India see-- Altha
sāstra, 10.10.27. 3. TIT o vefsifa, uit FTOITETTH geftonifa--NC. 3, p. 148. 4. Tüy TETTİ CET SEET Hala-Nitivā., p. 364. 5. NO. 3, p 59. 6. NO. 3, p. 196. 7. ZC. 4, p. 311.

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king for being pleased with his services.1 This was a common practice followed in India from the 4th to the 10th century A. D.2 On the basis of the above references, it can be easily stated that in those days of political uncertainty, the kings were always desirous of enhancing the strength of their army, which was a well organized department of the State.
Police and Police Officers
Corelated to the armed forces was the Police Department. The coroddharanikas (the exterminators of thieves) as well as the damḍapasikas (the carriers of nooses to catch the thieves) were the two senior officers of the police. The coroddharan ka was entrusted with the duty of protecting a deśa or visaya (a unit), and was designated as desarakṣika.3 The dam ḍapasika was given the charge of detecting the thieves, especially during night, and his status was that of an arakṣika. These two officers frequently figure in the contemporary Maitraka records, on the basis of which Virji has concluded: "The dan lapāśika was apparently a head police-officer under whom the cauroddharanikas, the vartmapalas, the pratisarakas and other sub-ordinate police-officials exercised their functions". From the NC. the status of the coroddharanika seems to have been much higher than that of dan lapasika. In a list showing the consecutive status ( parampara ) of the State officials, the dan lapātika is mentioned before the setthi and the sena pati," showing his inferior status to these two officials, while at another place the
1. NC. 3, p. 283.
2. Jayaswal, op. cit., p. 357.
3. देसो विसतो, तं जो रक्खति सो देसार क्खिओ, चोरोद्ध रणिकः - NC. 2, p. 234.
4. "आरक्खि " दंडवासिओ भण्णति - NC. 3, p. 113; आरक्षिकः दण्डपाशिकः — Bh.
5
Vr. 5, p. 1441; als Prabandha Cintamani, p. 77.
5. Maliya Copper-plate Inscription of Mahārāja Dharasena II ( 571-72 A. D.)--CII. III, No. 38, p. 170, note 2, text p. 166; also Deo-Baranark (undated) Inscription of Jivitagupta II-CII. III, No. 46, p. 218, note 3, text p. 216.
6. Virii, K. J., Ancient History of Saurashtra, p. 288.
7. NC. 3, p. 203.

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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION coroddharanika is mentioned after the setthi and before the mahabalādhikṣta ( senapati ), 1 denoting his status to have been higher than that of the setthi ( apparently from the dandapaśika also ) and inferior to that of the senāpati. The dan likas2 very frequently mentioned in the text were perhaps the senior police officers in charge of surveillance. The royal guards and policemen, termed as rāya-purisas,' were responsible for proper maintenance of law and order in the State. The political and social conditions being quite unsafe, most of the towns and villages were in a constant danger of an attack from the non-Aryan thieves and bandits ( bodhita ) who kidnapped the people and captured their property. The services of the army must have been requisitioned by police to solve such acute problems. Mention of the arrival of the king's army ( klamdhavāra ) in order to threaten the Mleccha banditse in the text reveals the same fact. Yuan Chwang informs us that “soldiers were requisitioned to perform police functions”.? System of Espionage
A regular system of espionage was organized by the Military as well as the Police Department for the protection and security of the State. The sūcakas or the spies along with the că dagas reported to the king about the general activities of the people and monks. Sücakas were also termed as cara. No details about these spies are given in the text, but from Somadeva we learn that the spies or secret agents could be broadly divided into two groups--one responsible for internal
1. NC. 2, p. 234. 2. NC. 1, pp. 66, 86; NC. 3, p. 262; NC. 4, p. 234. 3. According to Fleet, dandika (Lit. a chastiser, a punisher ) may de
note either a judicial functionary from danda in the sense of a fine, or a police-officer from the same word in the sense of , rod (or punish
ment )--CII. III, p. 218, note 4. 4. NC. 3. pp. 200-1; also Samarāiccakahā, p. 271. 5. NC. 2, p. 419; NC. 3, p. 163. 6. "area" foi, ar fts11 af 1557–“FET ETTI glat” f1_NC. 2, p. 81. 7. Beal, op. cit, 1, p. 87. 8. quire al tro fola-NC. 3, p. 105; also Brh VI. 2, p. 568. 9. NC. 3, p. 113; Nitivā., p. 172.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA QURNI intelligence and surveillance of the State subjects and the other in charge of collating external intelligence and organising espionage activities in the neighbouring States. These spies worked in the guise of travellers, traders etc. The monks were often suspected to be spies (cara) 2 from the neighbouring States. The spies indeed would have found it feasible to disguise themselves as monks to avoid the suspicion of the State-officers. In the raśastilaka we find a spy disguised as a religious mendicant and surrounded by his disciples who proclaim his mystic powers. * With the help of the reports regularly furnished by the spies, the kings were facilitated in the proper administration of the State. External Affairs
The External or Foreign affairs of the State were entrusted in the hands of an officer variously called as rāyadita,+ dūtas or dātapuri sa® in the text. The State envoys were entitled to move even in the hostile kingdoms and no harm was done to their person.? Somadeva also asserts : “An envoy is not to be molested on any account howsoever rudely he may speak, because he speaks the wishes of his master.” In the contemporary inscriptions, dūta is sometimes taken as an occasional substitute for the dutaka who was authorised to issue the copper-plate charters.' Written messages were sent abroad
1. Vide–Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 392. The sūcakas, anu-sūcakas, prati
sūcakas and sarva-sūcakas were four classes of spies who were entrusted with different rights and duties-V yavahāra Bhasy,
1, pp. 129 f. 2. NO. 3, p. 113. 3. Handiqui, K. K., Yašastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 109. 4. trução at af Fafa--NC. 3, p. 203. 5. NC. 3, pp. 204, 262. 6. NC, 3, p. 203. 7. Ibid. 8. Harguitst a part, Halaca: pia tefia-Nitivā., p. 171. 9. CII. III, p. 100, note 3; also p. 217, note 9. In the NC. dūtaga is
meu tioned as distinct from duta and is shown as an employee of the royal court-NC. 3, p. 274.

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and the person in charge of taking a message was known as lehasamdesaga. He has been called lekhavaha in other Jaina texts.' Bāna as well as Yuan Chwang informs us that 'there were numerous couriers to carry messages to and fro'.8 Besides, there was an officer known as mudrika or mudradhyaksa who issued passports (mudda patta)" to travellers and traders for their safe and secure journey in the State. The persons travelling without the royal sanction or the passport ( muddā patta ) were liable to be imprisoned and punished. Treasury or Śrīgpha
The Department of Royal Treasury was the very life to the king and the State. King with an empty treasury (kosavihiņo rāya ), as mentioned before, was bound to be ruined." Misappropriation of the sources of royal treasury was a grave danger to the king. Evidently,the king was the head of the royal treasury and under him must have worked a number of other officials. The treasury of the king consisted of three parts. The first was kośaor the treasure-house where the currency and precious metals like gold and silver were preserved. The twenty-four varieties of pearls and jewels (rayana ) are said to be enriching the royal treasury.? The kotthagara: was the second place where all the twenty-four varieties of corns were stored, and the last one was called saṁtthāna' where the valuable royal clothes and dresses were safely kept. These departments had their respective heads like the kośadhyaksa and koșthāgārādhyaksa. No mention of them, however, is made in the text. The royal treasury was usually called sirighara
1. A JEH O gaara orrei iifa --NC. 3, p. 203; also Bih. V 7. 3, p. 786. 2. Vimalasūri, Paumacari ya, 37. 1. 3. Harsaourità, vv. 59, 160, 169, 179; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 215. 4. NC. 3, p. 203. 5. NC. 3, p. 507. 6. Filt Ffé our com-NC. 1, p. 52. 7. NC. 2, p. 109. 8. TEETTITT TRY FIETATE you-NC. 1, p. 52. 9. "Hit Etui à 2007-0ac4__Ibid.,

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(śrigțha )1 from the fact that treasury was the primary source of prosperity and grandeur ( sri ) to the State. Revenue and Taxation
For the maintenance of the rich royal treasury the State had a regular Department of Revenue and Taxation which worked out all the financial problems of the State. Agriculture being the main occupation of the people, the landrevenue was the main basis of the State's income. The percentage of the land-revenue is not mentioned in the text. However, it would not be incorrect to assume that the State must have followed the ancient practice of charging one-sixth, oneeighth or one-tenth of the produce.2 Next to the land-revenue were the commercial taxes. Every article of trade was taxed by the State. There were regular check-posts or customhouses (sumkathāņa)s situated at the gate of a town or village where all the commodities of trade were checked ( paricchitta ) and taxed by the toll-superintendents or custom-officers designated as sumkiya ( saulkika ).* The percentage of taxation must have differed from State to State. In the NC., we find an example of a merchant, who had twenty carts loaded with vessels as giving away the twentieth part of it (visati-bhaga), i. e. one full cart of vessels to the toll-officers as royal tax.5 The trade-articles were fully checked and reloaded ( aruhana
1. NC. 2, p. 18; Brh. V;. 6, p. 1318. 2. The Vyavahāra Bhasya (1, p. 128 ) mentions one-sixth of the land
produce as the legal land-tax. According to Gautama (x. 24), it could be either one-tenth, onc-eighth or one-sixth of the land-produce. See
also-Manusmyti, VII. 130 ff. 3. ASTU BO377 safegit. Et afe" --NC. 4, p. 344. The custom
houses have also been called sulkamanda pikā in certain Jaina
inscriptions -Jaina Lekha Sangraha, pt. 1, p. 209. 4. NO. 4, p. 344; NC. 2, p. 97. Saulkika or sulka pāla is the common desig
nation of the custom-officers to be seen in the inscriptions as well as literature of the time-see Bth V. 4, p. 1071; CII. III, No. 12, p. 52, note 3; EI. XIX, pp. 69 ff. They are called sulkadhyaksa by
Kautilya-Arthasastra, Bk. II, Chap. 21. 5. NO. 4, p. 344.

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paccăruhana )1 at the check-posts, and the merchants trying to avoid the tolls were severely punished. Judicial fines considerably added to the State resources as most of the crimes committed could be cleared away in terms of fines.2 The State had its full rights over the treasure-troves (ņihi ); a king is mentioned to have confiscated the whole property of a merchant who did not report to the king on finding out a treasuretrove.s A Brāhmaṇa, on the other hand, was permitted to enjoy the whole of it as he reported to the king on the discovery of a similar treasure-trove.* The king also received regular tributes ( davva )* from the feudatory kings. In the Avaíyaka Curni we find a king being attacked by his overlord for his failure to pay taxes ( kappaka ) in due time.
Payment of Taxes--Taxes could be paid in cash or in kind (hiranna or dhanna).' A king, in the text, is mentioned to have punished three of his army-officers, who during the course of their campaign in the border regions happened to utilize thirty pots of corn each from the granaries of the king (ahiva-ranno kotthagara). Evidently, the State granaries in the outlying areas of the State would have been maintained by the landrevenue paid by the people of that area. While it shows that the taxes were first gathered at towns and villages and a portion of it was reserved for the king or State, it also reveals that payment could be made in kind. Payment of one cart loaded with vessels by the merchant as a royal tax is also another example of paying the taxes in kind,o On the other hand, the terms like khoda, ukkoda or akkhoļa are explained as money (hiranņādi davva) that was to be necessarily paid to the
1. Ibid. 2. NO. 1, p. 130; NC. 3, p. 48 3. NC. 4, p. 345. 4. Ibid. 5. NO. 4, p. 131. 6. Ava. Cū. II, p. 190. 7. NC. 4, p. 280. 8. NC. 4, p. 311. 9. NC. 4, p. 344.

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răjakula.1 In a story a king is mentioned to have demanded rūvagakara2 (taxes in the form of money) from the merchants, which shows that cash payment was preferred by the State. The king was solely responsible for the settlement of any dispute of the taxes and he was authorised to postpone payment or even to remit the taxes. The kings were kind enough to give a grace period upto three months for paying the taxes,3 at the end of which non-payers were liable to be punished. An inscription from South India also reveals, "the State did not wait for more than three months; at the end of this period it would sell away the property of the defaulters." Taxation was hereditary in nature, that is it could be levied from the son after the death of his father ( puttāņu puttio karo),3 Sometimes the subjects altogether refused to pay taxes to the king. Five hundred merchants of Soparaya are mentioned to have defied the king to pay the taxes, and consequently they were ordered to be burnt alive by the king."
Forced Labour-Besides these regular taxes, the custom of forced labour (veṭṭhi-karana)" was also prevalent. The poor people unable to pay the taxes in cash or kind were forced to provide physical labour in return of the protection they received from the State. Prevalence of the forced labour (visti) is revealed from the contemporary Maitraka records. Yuan Chwang also found it sparingly exacted in some of the States. With the help of the regular taxes being paid by every capable member of the State and with the additional labour provided by others, the States of the time must have been
1. खोडं णाम जं रायकुलस्स हिरण्णादि दव्वं दायव्वं - NC. 4, p. 280; also Vyavahāra
Tika-see Paiya Sadda Mahanṇava, pp. 15, 280.
•
2. "एते रूवगकरं मग्गिज्जंति” – NC. 4, p. 14.
3. तं (खोड) रायणुग्गहेणं मज्जायाए भंजंतो एक्कं दो तिण्णि वा सेवति - NC. 4, p. 280.
4. Altekar, op. cit., p. 195.
5. पुत्ताणुपुत्तिओ करो भविस्सई, ण देमो - NG. 4, p. 14.
6. Ibid.
7. NC. 4, p. 280
8. CII. III, p. 170; also Virji, op. cit., p. 243.
9. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 167; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 87-88.

B

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55 financially strong to meet out the requirements of the king and the subjects. Judiciary and Courts
Judiciary was of primary importance for the maintenance of law and order in the State. King was evidently the head of the same and his judgement could not be over-ruled.1 The kings were advised to refrain from inflicting severe punishments ( ati-ugga-danda ).2 Just punishment was demanded on the part of the king.3 The monks were not to approach the king directly to settle any grievances. They were required to approach the village-officer or the village-headman (i.e. gramavyā pįtaka, grāmakūta or grāmamahattara ) first, then the bhojika, thereafter the mahābaladhikṣta or amātya and lastly the king. 4 The king was to be approached only as a last resort, as his judgement would be final and the punishment inflicted by him could be the most rigorous. It evidently shows that besides the royal court, there were village-tribunals or citytribuuals, and that the appeal could be filed in the higher courts till it reached the highest, i.e. the royal court. Somadeva also informs that "cases decided in the village-tribunals or city-tribunals could be put before the king for appeal, and there was no higher court to approach to over-rule the judgement of the king.'"?
For the administration of justice the king was assisted by a chief justice at the centre designated as karaña pati.8 Under
1. NC. 4, p. 331. 2. NO. 3, p. 507. 3. See-Kāmandaka Nitisāra, II. 37; Manu. VII. 20. 4. NC. 2, p. 183; cf. Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1249. 5. Qui ( statui) faena, a tis:, AI TETT Halfa-NC. 2, p. 183; cf.
FT T a Gaga, TE: TOTTFT parauf Fit quet Halla-Bịh. VI. 4, p. 1249. 6. भोइकस्स भोइको, तस्स वि जो अण्णो उत्तरोत्तरेण जाणाविज्जति जाव पच्छिमो राय त्ति
-NC. 2, p. 182; cf. Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1249. 7. ग्रामे पुरे वा वृत्तो व्यवहारस्तस्य विवादे तथा राजानमपेयात् । राज्ञा दृष्टे व्यवहारे
alertart:-Vitiva., p. 302. 8. NC. 4, p. 305.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI the karanapati worked a number of officials called karanikas, 1 whose status must have been that of the judges or magistrates. Two different terms, i.e. the rajakarana2 or rājakulakaranas and the karanasala,' are mentioned to denote the courts. It would not be improbable to assume that while the former denoted the royal court, the latter indicated the other courts in general. Karana is the usual term used for the courts in the literature of the time, and the judges were known as käraạikas. The karanikas have also been called pañcakulikas in the contemporary Jaina texts.
Law-suits and Their Procedure—The legal proceedings were usually termed as vavahara." Regarding its procedure we are informed that after filing an appeal in the court, the plaintiff was made to repeat his case thrice by the karana pati to ascertain the correctness of the case, 8 If the words uttered by the plaintiff were repeated thrice without any faltering or change, then the case was considered to be just and worthy of consideration by the court. According to the ancient authorities the judgement could never be given by a single person and the mention of the word kāramika in plurallo shows the same practice to have been observed during this time. The authorities were to take into account all available evidences before giving their judgement. The witnesses (sākşi)11, sureties
1. NC. 2, pp. 18, 83. 2. HET IS THT pooulant TAFITOI Galert--NC. 4, p. 305. 3. 1755 ciput Safe T TOT TY Top agert fastla-NC. 2, p. 18. 4. QUESTO TITUE TENGGAME at–NC. 3, p. 200. 5. er forget alori-Samarāiccakahā, Vol. 1, p. 86. 6. Ibid., pp. 210-13. 7. NC. 2, p. 18; NC. 3, p. 200. 8. कहिए करणपती भणति-पुणो कहेहि, कहिए पुण ततियवारा कहाविज्जइ, जति तिसु वि
सरिसं तो जाणति--सब्भावो कहिओ, अह विसरिसं तो जाणती करणपती, एस पलिउंचियं
E NG. 4, p. 305. 9. Sukraniti, IV. 5. 5-6. 10. NC. 2, pp. 18, 83; Samarāiccakahā, Vol. 1, p. 86. 11. E F 1 an
T N G. 3, p. 105; also NC. 3, p. 106. According to

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(pratibhn) · and the written documents (leha) were considered as prime evidences. In spite of these elaborate rules, it cannot be definitely stated as to how far these rules were put into practice by the State-officers. Very often we find the Statecffiicers being bribed (ukkoda) by the wealthy citizens. The friends and relatives of the king usually took undue advantage of their higher social status.* The false-witnesses ( kūda-sakkhi, alika-sakkhi )4 and the fabrication of forged documents ( kūļaleha ). were common. There were people who readily agreed to give false witnesses in court in order to earn money.
Filing a case in the court was indeed a costly affair. The poor people having no money were unable to lodge a complaint in the court and were “even turned out of the court by the dutagas or the servants or guards of the court”.? A similar statement is found in a contemporary work, the Mattavilasaprahasana, in the remarks of Devasomā when she says: “Why this man has heaps of riches drawn from the revenues of many monasteries and with it he can stuff the mouth of the courtofficials at pleasure. I am the maid of a poor Kápalika whose only wealth is snake's skin and sacred ash, and what riches have I that I should go to the court ?»8. The legal proceedings in the court being a costly affair, people must have tried to settle the disputes with the arbitration of the village-elders or the
Panini, sāksi was the one who was an eye-witness (V. 2.91) and surety was called pratibhu in relation to the loan for which he was bound as surety (II. 3.30)--Vide Agrawala, V. S., India as known to Pāṇini,
p. 417. 1. See above note. 2. NC. 3, p. 274; also 37TT 91364TSIOIT TUOTT Erald-NC. 3, p. 53. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 1, pp. 101-2. 5. NO. 3, p. 361. 6. Falta ja miter f Pati HasHi aafa-NC. 1, p. 101; # Staf ICT
Coupe FTOT seaftati fit-NC. 1, p. 102. 7. अध सो दरिदो रायकुलं गच्छति, दूतगेण कड्ढति, तत्थ घणक्खतो भवति, द्रव्याभावात्तं
op hela peut aftet, Tea Cucafa_NC. 3, p. 274. 8. Mattavilāsa-prahasana, p. 31.

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A CULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI elders of the caste or guild. Indeed, the NC. refers to a meeting of the caste of Brahmapas who assembled to decide punishment for a Brāhmaṇa who had beaten a bullock to death.1 The merchant communities and the other castes must have followed the same practice. As a last resort only people went to the court, though the number of law-suits filed in the court does not appear to be any way small. It is, however, evident that the legal code was elaborate and strong, though the authorities at times did not conform to the rules. · Crimes—The court had to deal with all types of cases including criminal cases. Important amongst them were the cases of theft, robbery, adultery, murder, non-execution of the king's order and treason against the State or king. Theft and robbery were the most frequent crimes of the time. There was a class of people who had no profession other than stealing. 2 The organized bånds of the Mleccha thieves and bandits used to reside on the hill areas surrounding the Malwa region.s They had their own settlements known as corapalli or stenapallia and they attacked the people in groups, drove away their cattle, deprived them of their belongings and burnt the villages. The army help was often resorted to eradicate such disturbances. The general offences of theft, however, were grouped under three categories: theft of the horses, elephants, jewellery and kidnapping king's harem-inmates was regarded to be the worst offence; theft of the cows and buffaloes or theft performed by making breaches in the walls (khattakhana). and kidnapping the maid servants was regarded as the second degree offence; theft performed in the houses of the ordinary citizens ( pahiya-jana-mosaga ) for objects like food or drink was the third type of offence.' This classification of theft is
1. È ÀI PHUT theo la HEUFU fè sahifa yafe NC. 3, p. 150. 2. alatai aiztaila 777727, 7 fra foto for f ast tillatfa_NC. 3, p. 259. 3. aTETI ATECO AE81, à qoyang ftar ATQafo afat-NC. 4, p. 124. 4. NC. 3, p. 217. 5. NC. 2, p. 61. 6. NC. 3, p. 259. 7. Ibid.

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apparently based the nature of the object stolen away by a person, and the punishment differed accordingly. Death. (marana-danda ), either by mutilating the head or impaling, is stated to have been the only punishment for stealing jewels. from the royal treasury.1
was
Next to the theft and robbery was the act of adultery. Sexual relationship with any one except the wife was regarded as the most heinous crime on the part of a person. Adultery with the virgins or the ladies of the respectable families or the inmates of the royal harem2 more condemned than that with the widows or maid servants. Mention has been made of the mythological story of Indra's seduction of Udamka Risi's wife for which he was cursed with the sin of Brahma-hatya, one of the five great crimes", by the sage. The person charged with adultery was taken around the city after being censured and beaten, his head shaven off and his penis mutilated." This was an usual punishment for this sort
of crime.
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POLITY AND ADMINISTRATION
Murder was a serious crime and was severely dealt with.. In the text, an instance can be found where three sons of a king devised to murder the king in order to seize the kingdom. They, however, did not succeed in their plans and were severely punished by the king for their treacherous action."
Non-execution of the king's order was also a grave offence.. King being the absolute ruler of the State, his orders were
1. रण्णा रयणहारि त्ति काउं. तस्स मारणदंडो एक्को आणत्तो - NC. 4, p. 343; also NC. 2, p. 18.
2. NC. 4, p. 19; NC. 2, pp. 379-80.
3. Ibid.; also NC. 2, p. 379.
NC. 3, pp. 581-82.
7. NC. 3, p. 48.
59
4. NC. 3, p. 340; Brh. Vr. 2, pp. 543-44.
5. According to Manu the pañcamahāpātakani or five great crimes are: (i) slaying a Brahmana, (ii) drinking intoxicating liquor, (iii) theft of the gold belonging to a Brāhmaṇa, (iv) adultery with the wife of a spiritual preceptor and (v) associationing with any one guilty of these crimes-Manava-dharmasastra, IX. 235 and XI. 55-59.
6. परदारे बहु दोसा, णरगगमणं डंडणं संडणं तज्जणं ताडणं लिंगच्छेदादिं च पावति

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI supposed to be indisputable by the subjects. We observe a king issuing a command to his subjects to take shelter under the fort during the invasion of a non-Aryan king. Most of the persons disobeying the order were killed by the enemy's forces, while the rest were severely punished by the king himself for not obeying his orders.' Cinakya is also mentioned to have ordered the people of a village to be burnt alive for disobeying the commands of their master-the king Candragupta,2 Persons causing slightest doubt in the mind of the king were immediately imprisoned and even executed. Treason against the king or State (raya pakära)3 was not tolerated. It included the offences like entering the king's harem without his permission, stealing royal property or kidnapping the members of the royal family, working against the interests of the State by acting as a spy courier5 or by writing false documents (kudaleha) or making an effort to create dissensions among the members of the royal council? etc. Among the general crimes against the State, non-payment of taxes to the king, 8 using false weights (kū latūla) and false measures (kūdamana), giving false witness in the court (kūdasakkhi)io and transgression of the moral and legal code were the important ones.
Punishments—The nature and severity of punishment was based upon the gravity of the crime and its nature. Various types of punishments like censure or reproach (durvacanakhiṁsaņā), fines and confiscation of property (bhogaharana),
1. TOT TUUTT TURHYTH HH 317 f eftat-NC. 4, p. 229. 2. NO. 4, pp. 10-11. 3. NC. 3, p. 261, also p. 37. 4. NO. 3, pp. 261-62. 5. ATUUT AI Tettat-NC. 3, p. 262. 6.15 EUT AT trifascii-NC. 3, p. 262. 7. NO. 2, p. 233. 8. NO. 4, p. 14. 9. NO. 1, p. 115. 10. NO. 1, pp. 101-2.

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physical torture or corporal punishment (śārīra-tāḍana), imprisonment (niggahabamdha), banishment from the State or kingdom (nirvasita) and death (maraṇa-dan la) are frequently mentioned in the text.1 Censure or reproach (durvacana2_ khimsant) must have been a mild punishment for ordinary offences. Almost all the crimes could be cleared away in terms of fine and it was a regular source of State income.. Frequent references to fines and confiscation of property* reveal that they were most commonly administered punishment. of the time.
Physical
punishment (sarira )5 was not uncommon. Amongst the various forms of corporal punishment, mutilation of the various limbs of body, i. e. hands, feet, ears, nose, penis etc., blinding the eyes or extracting them out with a hot iron stick (tattasalaga), putting to fetters (nigaḍabandha), torture with an instrument (janta-piḍana)1o and beating with lashes (kasaghata) have been frequently mentioned in the text. From another contemporary Jaina work we learn that the eyes were extracted and the tongue
1
61
1. Eight kinds of punishment
are recorded in the Jaina tradition. These are: Expression of regret, prohibition, reproach, reprimand,. confinement to a certain district, imprisonment, corporal punishment and fine-Samarai ccakahā, p. 358; vide-Choudhary, op. cit., p. 371. For similar references to crime and punishment in certain Jaina texts. see-Prof. Kālīpāda Mitra's article 'Crime and Punishment in Jaina Literature', IHQ., Vol. 15, pp. 75-89; also LAI., pp. 66-74.
2. दुव्वयण - घाय-बंधाइएहिं उत्तावेंति माति वा – NC. 2, p. 233.
3. तस्स भोगहरण - बंधण-ताडण- खिसणा य सव्वे पगारा कता - NC. 3, p. 48.
4. Ibid.; NC. I, p. 130.
5. मम दंडं सारीरं वा णिग्गहं करेहि - NC. 4, p. 362.
6. कण्णच्छि - नास-कर- पादकिरंगिते वा - NC. 3, p. 200; कण्ण - णास - णयणुग्धायणं वा fa-NC. 4, p. 13; also Samaraiccakahā, p. 289, also
ata,
p. 95; Yalastilaracampu, 3. 403.
7. NC. 3, p. 582.
8. अत्रराहियस्स वा उप्पाडियागि, तत्तसलागाए वा अंजियाणि – NC. 3, P. 263.
9. णिगडादितो बंधो - NC. 3, p. 202.
10. जंतेण वा पीलति - NC. 3, p. 56. 11. कसघातादितो वहो - NC. 3, p. 202.

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severed as a punishment for putting a false charge of theft. 1 For criminally assaulting any woman of the royal house-hold the guilty person's hands and feet were amputated, and he was pierced on a pale or killed with one stroke of a sword. 2 Yuan Chwang's statement that "corporal punishment was nonexistent” and that "torture was not used to elicit confession" is contradicted by himself when he states that on violating “the rules of property, justice, fidelity and filial piety, the nose and ears of the person were cut off, his hands or feet amputated, or he was expelled from the country or was driven to the wilderness of the deserts."4
Imprisonment for violating the legal code was a common punishment. Although the imprisonment (bandha)" is frequently mentioned, no details regarding prisons (bandha gāra) are to be found from the text. Prisoners, however, were released ( baṁdhaņā gārasodhana )8 on certain auspicious occasions. Yuan Chwang also informs us that “for certain crimes the offenders were imprisoned"? and that "on auspicious occasions like the birth of a child the king ordered a general release of the prisoners "8
Banishment from the village, town, state or country was another common punishment. Two different forms of this punishment appear to have been in vogue. Usually the respectable citizens and the Brāhmaṇaslo were only expelled from
1. Samarāiccakahā, Vol. I, preface p. XXXIV. 2. Ibid., pp. 165-75. 3. Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 84-85; Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 172. 4. Vide-Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 371. 5. NO. 3, pp. 56, 202. 6. TUTTICHTIU 7701-NC. 3, p. 261. 7. Watters, op. cit., 1, pp. 83, 264. 8. Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 188. 9. FYTITZ TUOTT forfoqanit tat-NC. 2, p. 153; aafa-ford Hot-ITA-OTTT-T
Tulat at foroghf-NC. 3, p. 56. 10. From Yuan Chwang we learn that five hundred Brāh manas were
simply exiled by Harsa for making a conspiracy against him, although his ministers and feudatories demanded an extermination of the whole tribe.-—Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 220-21.

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the State without being subjected to any public humiliation; sometimes they were even allowed to take their property with them. The ordinary citizens or the victims of some serious crime, however, were often taken around the city on an ass or horse, and then subjected to public humiliation. They were then turned out of the city and their property confiscated by the State 1 In the Samaraiccakaha, we find the king banishing Cakkadeva, the son of Apratihatacakra, for stealing gold articles of the merchant Camḍamāna.2
63
Death was the last penalty that could befall the fate of a victim. Various forms of corporal punishment (māraṇadamḍa)3 like mutilation of head or impaling*, poisoning, exposing the body to crows and vultures", or burning a criminal alive in the fire, are mentioned in the text. The legal code for the criminals was thus harsh and rigorous, although the wealthy citizens and the persons of higher social standing can be observed in attempting to escape punishment by bribing the judicial authorities, or by pleasing the king.
the text.
There might have been other departments also, but the above mentioned were the important ones as can be judged from the respective designations of the officers mentioned in This fairly large and comprehensive list of the State-officers presupposes a full-fledged scheme of administration. Assisted by this official hierarchy at the centre, the king must have efficiently ruled from the capital (rayahāņi)." Administrative and Territorial Units
For a proper administration the States were divided into various manageable units. Various units like gama, pura,

1. The commentary on Uttaradhyayana informs us that a person charged with adultery was banished from the town by the king in such a manner (23, pp. 285 f.; also LAI., p. 701).
2. Samaraiccakaha, Vol. 1, preface pp. XXXII-XXXIV.
3. NC. 4, p. 343.
4. NC. 2, p. 18.
5. NC. 3, p. 292.
6. NC. 4, pp. 10-11.
7. रायाधिट्ठिता रायहाणी - NC. 2, p. 328.

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desa and rajjal are regularly mentioned in the text and these units were placed under their respective heads. There being no imperial power, the country was divided into various independent States having a federal character of their own. As natural, our author's conception of a rajya or kingdom does not go far beyond the constitution of such States. The bhukti ruled by a king was called rajya (rajja) and was said to have been divided into the visayas2. Sometimes the bhukti consisted only of one visayas which normally led to a confusion between these two units during this time. The division of the bhukti into the visayas mentioned in the text appears to have been an ancient one which was not in practice during this time. Not a single bhukti is named in the text, although its head, the bhojika“, is regularly mentioned. The status of this officer was a little higher than that of the gramavya prtakas or equal to the village-headman," which shows that this unit, even if in existence during this time, was indeed mush smaller than a vişaya. Inscriptions from proper Gujarat also do not reveal the presence of this unit."
The vişaya, as noted above, was the largest administrative unit of the time, and as many as 16 visayas are mentioned.s Deśa' is another unit frequently mentioned in the text. This term has sometimes been used in a wider sense as in the Himdugadesalo, but usually it is used in a restricted sense.
1. TT-91-4-TSTOT 399t wouifat-NC. 3, p. 57. 2. राणयभोत्ती रज्जं भण्णति । सा पुण भोत्ती एगविसओ अणेगविसओ वा होज्ज ।
--NC. 1, p. 133. 3. Ibid. For controversy over the form of various units like the bhukti,
visaya, deša etc. sce-CII, III, pp. 32-33. 4. NC. 2, pp. 101, 162, 428. 5. 91H1975 Freret i att tatt Hilfa:--NC. 2, p. 183. 6. "fəal" THE HI-NC, 3, p. 579; Bih. Vr. 5, p. 1478. 7. Sankalia, H. D., Archaeology of Gujarat, p. 199. 8. NC. 1, pp. 51-52; NC. 2, p. 362; NC. 3, P, 425; NC. 4, p. 125 9. NC. I, p. 133; NC. 3, p. 37. 10. NC. 3, p. 59.

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65
Deśa is also shown as the next sub-division of the rajjal which itself was equated with bhukti, and as mentioned before, the bhukti is said to have been divided into the visayas, 2 Deśa was a synonym of the vișaya, and Surattha, Sindhu and Mālavā which were sometimes styled as deśass were at other places called visayas.* The term visayārakkhiya is also explained as desārakkhiya" which leaves no doubt in the indentification of these two units.
The janapadas of the ancient times were by now replaced by the vişayas. Thus, in the context of the ancient division of the jana padas Magadha is mentioned as a janapada, while usually it has been called disaya.' The janapada of Kunālas is also at another place called Kunāla-visaya'. Mandalalo is mentioned as another unit and Suraçţha is said to have been divided into 69 mandalas.11 The post-Maitraka inscriptions reveal that Surāșțra comprising the whole of modern Kathiawar was called a mandala which contained smaller mandalas. 12 Under the Gurjara Pratīhāras the terni man lala stood for a province.13
The rattha or raştrait is another unit occasionally referred to in the text, though its head, the raşçramahattara or rașțraklța (rațghauda)16 is frequently mentioned. The
1. NC. 3, p. 57. 2. NC. 1, p. 133. 3. Ibid.; NC. 2, p. 79. 4. NC. 2, pp. 357, 362; NC. 3, p. 193; NC. 4, p. 90. 5. Fraait facere: -NC. 2. p. 183. 6. NC. 3, p. 124. 7. NC. 3, pp. 193, 523; NC. 4, pp. 124, 126, 158. 8. NC. 3, p. 371. 9. NC. 4, p. 126. 10. Hafafa fareteit-NC. 3, p. 508. 11. NC. 3, pp. 59, 508. 12. EI, IX, No. 10. 13. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 201. 14. NC. 2, p. 428. 15. TESETT TTSHETITI-NC. 2. p. 267.

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Bāgumrā Grant of Nīkumbhallašakti of 654-55 A. D. from Southern Gujarat also discloses rașțra as an administrative division under the officer rășțrakūța.1 In spite of this mention of the rastra and its officer, not a single rāştra is named either in our text or in any of the inscriptions forthcoming from Gujarat.: However, this unit, if ever in existence, was smaller than the visaya, as in the context of mentioning the names of the heads of the various administrative units in the text, the grāmamahattara, the rāșgramahattara, the bhojika and the visayarakkhiyas are mentioned in a consecutive order. The same fact is revealed from the Kävi Grant of the Gurjara king Jayabhatta (486 A. D.), which refers to the vişaya pati, the rāştrapati and the grāmamahattara respectively,* and thus indicates their official status in descending order. According to Beni Prasad, the rastra was perhaps a revenue division”, while according to Virji, rașțra was just another name of ahara and that rāştrapati must have been the head of this unit.' The NC. refers to only one ahara, viz. the Kosanbāhāra,& but no details regarding the formation of this unit are to be found in our text.
From the various references in the text it is clear that visaya was the largest and the most common administrative unit during this time, although the units like bhukti, janapada, mandala, deśa and rāşğra are also mentioned in the text. This is also corroborated by the contemporary Maitraka records. Virji has also pointed out : “Even if the designations given to these units are not same, very little
1. Ind. Ant. XVIII (1889), p. 265; Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 382. 2. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 198; Virji, op. cit., p. 231. 3. NC. 2, p. 101. 4. IA. V, p. 114. 5. Virji, op. cit., p. 237. 6. Beni Prasad, op. cit., p. 382. 7. Virji, op. cit., p. 237. 8. NC. 2, p. 361. The unit āhāra was common in Kathiawar, C.I. and
U.P. In the Nausari Plates of Sryāśraya (671 A. D.) āhāra is mentioned as a division of visaya--EI. VIII, No 22.

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difference existed between them."'I It is also noteworthy to remember that “the old designation (like vişaya and deśa) continued to be applied to, albeit the units very much diminished in size.»2
The visayas were further divided in towns and villages. Various terms like pura", puri*, nagara", nagaris, pattaņa?, donamuhas, nigama etc. are mentioned to denote a town according to its geographical, political or economic situation. Though the term pura is itself a suffix, yet a practice of using both the suffixes, the pura and nagara together, can be seen in the text. In the usages like Anandapuranagarao, Andhapuranagara 11, Daśapuranagara 12, Kampillapuranagara 18, Vārattapuranagara14 etc., the pura is being taken as part of the word and the nagara is added as a suffix. Pattanas were the towns having a flourishing trade. Anandapura is mentioned as a famous thalapatļaņa. 15 Donamuhas were the towns where trade by land and waterways were carried out. Besides, there were towns exclusively inhabited by the merchants or trade-guilds, and these were
1. Virji, op. cit., p. 236. 2. Ibid., p. 235. 3. NC. 2, pp. 357, 269, 503. 4. NC. 2, pp. 95; NC. 3, p. 295. 5. NC. 2, p. 382; NC. 3, p. 346; NC, 1, p. 105. 6. NO. 3, p. 419; NC. 2, p. 417. 7. NC. 2, p. 382; NC. 3, p. 346. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid. 10, NO. 3, p. 268. 11. NC. 3, p. 269. 12. NC. 3, p. 441. 13. NC. 2, p. 21. 14. NC. 4, p. 158. 15. FATEO gftant, aqEoj struiageid-NC. 2, p. 328; also NC. 3, p. 346;
Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 342-43. 16. Got out all fã TÉ -NC. 2, p. 328.

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known as the nigamas.1 Sthalia is another unit mentioned in the text. This unit seems to have existed only in Kathiawar under the Maitrakas of Valabhī. It is not clear as to which administrative area did this unit correspond. Perhaps, it was also another designation of a town based upon its natural geographical area. In the text we find that Vārattapura, which is once called pura or nagara, has also been called sthali ( Văratthali ) at another place. These towns consisted of a number of villages (ga ma) which were the smallest administrative units. Palli' is yet another term mentioned in the text. It seems to have been a small village, especially a settlement of the wild tribes, as can be judged from the words like temapalli or corapallzo etc. According to śukra, however, the word palli denoted “the half of the village”. Administration in Sub-divisional Units
The scheme of general administration in the sub-divisional units was quite similar to that of the centre, although naturally on a quite lower grade. These units were presided over by a representative of the king or were ruled by the feudatory kings. The visayarakkhiya and the desärakkhiya. or desakutta were the corresponding heads of the vişaya and deśa. 11 As the designation itself suggests, their main duty was to protect the people of the vişaya or deśa. They did perform judicial functions also, as the citizens and monks
1. aporti fra qat qeifa forta-NC. 2, p. 328; also NC. 3, p. 341; Bịh.
Vr. 2, pp. 342-43. 2. NC. 3, p. 117. 3. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 194, note 6; also Virji, op. cit., p. 239. 4. Ibid. 5. NC. 4, p. 158. 6. NC. 3, p. 442. 7. NC. 3, p. 123. 8. SED., p. 610; also Abhidhänarājendrakoša, p. 729. 9. NC. 3, p. 217. 10. Sukraniti, I. 193. 11. NC. 2, p. 183; also Tht dhe af, higaan–NC.-3, p. 57.

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could be seen taking all their complaints to them. In short, it can be stated that endowed with the authority of the king these governors or representatives of the king performed all the functions of the State with the help of their junior officers. Feudatory Kings and Their Councils
The States had a federal character and the kings usually had a large number of feudatory kings (samaṁtarāyāno): under them who in turn had their own with the permission of their overlord. Though legally ruling under the overlordship of the sovereign, these feudatories were quite autonomous in the internal administration of their State. The feudatory rulers had their own courts and councils. Mention has been made of a meeting of the council (sabha) of the feudatory rulers3 where they asked the members if any one of them could succeed in capturing the mighty horse of their sovereign which had made him invulnerable in battlefield. Sometimes we find the sovereigns marching against the unruly feudatories.* It can thus be judged that the feudal kings were always trying to assert their power even at the expense of their overlord. Town Administration
Kottapala or setthz“ was the highest authority in a town. He is mentioned as a protector of the town,' and was invested with a golden patta® with the permission of the king. The
1. NC. 2, pp. 182-83. 2. NO. 4, p. 304. The Sukraniti defines a feudatory or sämanta as a
ruler whosc revenue ranged from one to three lacs of silver coins or he was the chief who had 100 villages under him (1. 182; 1. 190). In the Harsacarita (p.170) a number of feudatories are seen waiting for an audience of the suzerain. On his death-ted Prabhākaravardhana
charged Harsa inter-alia to make prize of feudatory kings (p. 188). 3. JE FATHERM 3969cquit Auto Hifa-NC. 4, p. 304. 4. Avašyaka Cūrņi, 11, p. 190. 5. NC. 4, p. 304. 6. OCET ZDI 21—-NC. 3, p. 57. 7. NC. 2, pp. 234, 267. 8. NC. 2, p. 450.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Zśvara', talvara2 and madambiyas also appear to have been the leaders of certain groups of villages. Administration in the towns seems to have differed according to the geographical, political or economic situation of a town. In the nigamas or towns exclusively inhabited by the merchants, the administration was solely run by the members of the merchant communities and their Head or President was directly responsible to the king. The setthi and satthavāha have been frequently mentioned as the executive officers in a town. Though the king was ultimately responsible for the over-all administration in the State, it is evident that the popular element also played a great part in the administration of the lower units. Village Administration
Grāma or village was the smallest administrative unit. This was virtually the basis of the whole administration. The village-headman has been variously called mahattara", grāmamahattara®, grāmakūțao, grāmabhojika10 or bhojikal! in the text. In administration he was always assisted by a senior village-officer known as grāmavyä přtaka."2 It seems
1. Ozan : T, ĦT ITTIFAaiche2--Ibid. 2. RA athafect Taal--Ibid. 3. i forca arafa i Arefa311--Ibid. In the Vyavahāra Bhāsya Tikā
(4.52) Madambiya is explained as a leader of Madamba which
consisted of eighteen thousand villages. 4. NC. 4, p. 14. 5. NC. 2, pp. 267, 450; NC. 3, p. 489. 6. NC. 2, p. 183; NC. 3, p. 57. For the constituents of a village see
Brh. Blā. 1096-1100; also LAI., p. 82. 7. NC. 2, pp. 144, 183; Harsacarita, p. 84; various Jaina inscriptions
refer to the mahattar as or mahattumus of a village -see Jaina
Silalekha Sangraha, 1, pp. 248, 249 an 1 266. 8. HETTI OTHO: YTH HET Z: ---NC. 2, p. 183. 9. Ibid. 10. NC. 2, p. 450. 11. NO. 2, p. 81. A Grant of Ranagraha of the year 640 A.D. shows a
bhojika acting as dütaka-EIII, No. 4; EI. V, No. 5. 12. NO. 2, p. 183.

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that the grāmamahattara was merely a village-elder, while gramavya prtaka was the officer actually entrusted with the duty of performing all the executive functions of the village. 1 From the Valabhi inscriptions it appears that the mahattara during this time was regarded no more than a village-elder. Thakkuras is another village-officer mentioned only once in .the text. It appears to have been a later designation of the village-headman, as he is frequently mentioned in the subsequent records from Gujarat. * Village Council (Grāmaparişad)
The villages had their own councils called grāma parişadss which solved all the problems of the villagers. Āgamtā gära was the place where the meetings of the village-council were held. Meetings, however, could take place in a hall (sabha)", in a temple, or even under a tree. The house-holders (gihattha---kudumbiya) frequently took part in the proceedings of the village-council. We, however, get no information from the text to enable us to ascertain if all the house-holders were allowed to attend the meetings of the village-council.
The members of the village-council must have formed a smaller cabinet for the proper administration of the village. In the context of a gothi (goșthi--a social gathering), we are informed that the goșthis were presided over by five villageofficers," who were specially honoured by the villagers. There
1. "pez "? @ The Parenti, 91427198125 r:---Ibid. 2. Sankalia, op. cit., p. 20. 3, NC. 4 p. 312. 4. Thakkura is often mentioned in the Caulukyan inscriptions-Sankalia,
op. cit., p. 203. 5. NC. 2, p. 99. 6. आगंतारो जत्थ आगारी आगंतु चिट्ठति तं आगंतागारं । गामपरिसठाणं ति वुत्तं भवति
NC. 2, p. 199. 7. : FATTİ AH--NC. 3, p. 344. 8. NC. 2, pp. 199, 200. 9. café zié afirfear azt goate atat STIE-NC. 2, p. 144; also Bīh.
Vr. 4, p. 994.

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is every reason to believe that the same practice must have continued even during this time in some form or the other. These five officers were : mahattara, anu-mahattara, lalitasanika, kaduga, dandapati or dan daga.
The mahattara was same as the grāmamahattara or the village-headman. He was consulted for all the activities during a gotthi and was given the highest seat.2 The anumahattara was an assistant officer who performed the village-functions in the absence of the mahattara.: Lalita sanika is another officer mentioned in this list, but his functions as an officer are not very clear. It was the custom to provide him with a high or beautiful seat during the gotthi and double amount of the food offered at the time of the gotthi-bhatta.“ Kaduga was another officer who determined the type of punishments for the gotthiyas for any of their short-comings during a gotthi.5 Dandapati or daņdaga was the officer who administered the punishment decided upon by the former officer.
These five officers must have formed the village cabinet which is now known to us as pañcāyata. Bana in the 7th century A.D. alludes to the pañcakula? which may be taken as a variation of the technical term pañcaman ļali. The office of these officers must have been elective, and the money (dhana) or family (kula) is mentioned as the basis of their selection. From the respective designations of these village
1. Ibid. 2. सव्वेसु उप्पज्जयमाणेसु गोठिकज्जेसु पुच्छणिज्जो, गोटिठभत्त-भोयणकाले जस्स जेठ
ATHU sfasat HT HETTI Hourf-NC. 2, p. 144. 3. TTHET BTHCdifed fi gasfogat i grald E BUJAETTI-NC. 2, p. 144;
Bịh. V. 4, p. 994. 4. ललियासणियस्स आसणं ललियं इ8 कज्जति, परिवेसिया इत्थिया कज्जति, इट्ठभोय
OF JUUT HOT favald-NC. 2, p. 144. 5. Claquien TIETTES Sfiorat histīt stufa-Ibid. 6. CE BITTÄa 5 H2594 oua, 1 ta gesit woul-Ibid. 7. Harracarita, p. 255. 8. Saletore, op. cit., p. 303. 9. NE AT TAGE TOT TETT—NG. 2, p. 101.

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officers, it can be easily judged that most of the social, economic and even judicial functions were locally imparted by the village-officers and that the villagers enjoyed a favourable degree of internal autonomy in spite of the apparently monarchical character of the State.

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CHAPTER III
SOCIAL LIFE
Although composed in the last quarter of the 7th century A.D., the Nišitha Gürni embodies a considerable amount of material depicting ancient customs and traditions which might not belong to the period of its composition. In this chapter it will be our endeavour to evaluate and illustrate the multifarious aspects of social life by analysing the NC. and other contemporary sources with a view to reflect the life of that period. Society
Similar to classical Sanskrit and Jaina Prakrit texts the NC. also marks a distinction between the Aryans and the non-Aryans, the latter being variously called Anariyas, Mecchas or Dasus. People living inside the twenty-five and a half Aryan regions, 3 following Aryan customs and
1. For physical differences between the Āryans and the non-Aryans see
Senart, Caste in India, pp. 122 f. 2. NC. 3, pp. 492, 518; NC.4, p. 124. 3. According to the ancient tradition, the Jaina monks in the ancient
times were allowed to move as far as Magadha in the east, Kośāmbi in the south, Thùnā in the west and Kunālā in the north (N. Bhā. 5733; NC. 4, pp. 125-26). It was from the time of Samprati that Jainism spread in other regions and consequently the twenty-five and a half countries were declared as Aryan. These were : (1) Magadha, (2) Anga, (3) Vanga, (4) Kalinga, (5) Kası, (6) Kośala, (7) Kuru, (8) Kusatta, (9) Pāñcāla, (10) Jāngala, (11) Surattha. (12) Videha, (13) Vaccha, (14) Sandilla, (15) Malaya, (16) Vaccha, (17) Varana, (18) Dasanna, (19) Cedi, (20) Sindhu-Sovira, (21) Sūrasena, (22) Bhamgi, (23)Purivatta, (24) Kunālā, 25) Läda (Ladha) and (26) Kegaiaddha--Brh. V. 3, p. 913; LAI., p. 250.

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speaking Aryan languages, were regarded as Aryans, while the non-Aryans dwelled outside these Āryan regions. They were called paccaṁtiyas (prātyantikas) as they inhabited on the outer fringes of the Aryan society. The non-Aryans are described as wearing quaint dresses, following different customs and speaking various languages, 2 and indulging in indecent and violent activities. Pointing towards the aboriginal habits of these people the author gives an interesting explanation of the word Dasu, that is the people who used to bite with their teeth when enraged. + Caste System
The Aryan society was governed by the traditional order of the four Varnas (câuvoanna) which consisted of the Banbhana, Khattiya, Vaisa and Sudda. Though fundamentally opposed to the Brāhmaṇical caste system, the Jaina lawgivers during these later centuries not only identified themselves with the essentials of the Varna organisation, but also produced a caste-system of their own which was not basically very different from the Brāhmanical caste system.? A rigid demarcation was
1. मगहादियाणं अद्धछन्वीसाए आरियजणवयाणं, तेसिं अण्णतरं ठिया जे अणारिया ते
T--NC. 4, p. 124. 2. HaoferumahATE Recai furat facan—Ibid. 3. FÉH3015614FAFTTTTT surfti-Ibid. In the Vašisthadharmaśāstra
(IV. 24) the Sūdras, who must have initially heen the non-Aryans by caste, are characterised as hostile, violent, boastful, short-tempered, untruthful, extremely greedy, ungrateîul, heterodox, lazy and impure..
See-Sharma, R.S., Sūdras in Ancient India, p. 253. 4. 0762yr Café zifa durch--NC. 4, p. 124. 5. NO. 3, p. 124. For the traditional division of the four Varnas, which can
te traced from the time of Kautilya down to the Smrti literature and also in the contemporary epigraphs, see-Arlhasāstra, Bk. 1, Ch. III, pp. 6-7; Laws of Manu, Ch. 1, 88-90, and 4, 24 (Buhler); Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 168; Beal, op. cit, 1, p. 82; Alina Plates of Silāditya
(A.D. 766-67), CII. III, No. 53, p. 232 and No. 39, p. 185, text p. 177. 6.771 PHUSTA .afauy TTSTI, 312g Tat 45H-TE --NC. 3.p. 413 7. Some of the contemporary Jaina texts provide a Jaina version of the
origin of the Varnas in which the origin of four Varnas has been

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made between the higher (ibbha-jai) and the lower castes (jati-jumgita)2 and we also find people following lower artscrafts (kamma-jumgita, sippa-jumgita) whose entry to the Jaina church was restricted on social grounds. Those belonging to the lower castes or following the lower arts and crafts were characterized as abhojjas" (outcastes interdining with whom was not permissible to the higher Varnas) and the Jaina monks were directed to keep themselves away from them. The Jaina Acaryas during these centuries had become vehemently conscious of their social status; anything which could degrade them in the eyes of society was to be avoided by the Jaina monks. It was firmly believed that no one would like to embrace the monastic order of those who accepted food from the abhojjas (interdining with whom was not permissible), and that even religious-minded monks, who were initiated to the monkhood, would also get disgusted with being thought of as Svapākas
associated with the limbs of the Adi Jina. According to Jinasena, Rṣabhadeva himself took up weapons in his arm and trained people in wielding them, hence they (Ksatriyas) were called as created by hisarms. He taught the people how to travel by thighs for earning livelihood by trade, hence they (Vanijakas) came to be known as created from his thighs. He taught with his own feet how the people should serve others, therefore they (Südras) were said to have been created from his feet. Then the Brahmanas were taught with the mouth of Bharata how to study, teach and perform rituals, hence they were known to be created by his mouth (Adipurāṇa, 16.243; Paumacari ya, 3.115-17; Mahāpurāṇa, 16. 343-46; also Adipurāṇa, 38-46). This account clearly reminds us of the Brahmaṇical theory of the origins of four Varnas (Rgveda, 10.7. 90. 12; Mahabharata, Santiparva, 296. 5-6; Manu., pp. 1, 31; see also-Pt. Phulacanda, Jaina Dharma aura Varna-vyavasthā).
1. मातिपक्खविसुद्धा इब्भजाइ - NG. 3, p. 29.
2. NC. 3, p. 270.
3. NC. 3, p. 271.
4. NC. 3, pp. 270-71, 448.
5. जे ति कुला जत्थ विसते जुंगिता... अभोज्जा - NC. 2, p. 243.

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SOCIAL LIFE
because of their association with the outcaste people.1 The author has a firm conviction that "the religion (i.e. Church) flourishes by leaving aside the outcastes of society".2
77
Besides, like the Buddhist texts, many of the Jaina texts assign a higher status to the Ksatriyas by positioning them first in the order of the four Varnas.3 In the NC., however, the author has described the ladies of the four Aryan Varnas in general conformity to the Brahmaṇical order.*
Brāhmaṇas
(i) Jaina Attitude towards Brahmanas-The Brāhmaṇas werethe highest in order of the four Aryan Varnas. They were respected and even worshipped by the other Varnas. However, being the members of the opponent faith, the Brāhmaṇas were held in contempt by the Jainas," and any contact with them. was barred to a Jaina monk. Very often the Brāhmaṇas were contemptuously called dhijjati, i.e. belonging to a condemned caste, 8 by the Jainas, and rivalry among the two sects. existed to that extent that the Mahanas (Brāhmaṇas) and the Samonas (which also included the Niggaṇṭhas) could never be seen as going out physically together." But like the Brahmapical texts which claim undisputed authority for the Brahmapas, the information provided by the Jaina texts cannot be taken as reliable. However, it indeed shows that at least among a section of society the authority of the Brahmaṇas did.
1. अभोज्जसंपक्कं कश्चित् प्रव्रजतीति एवं परिहाणी, अभोज्जेसु भक्तादिग्गहणं दृष्ट्वा धर्माभिमुखा पूर्वप्रतिपन्नगा वा विपरिणमते, श्वपाकादिसमाना इति जुगुप्सा – NC. 4.
P. 132.

2. लोगे दुगु छिया जे, ते परिहरतेण तित्थस्स वुड्ढी कता भवति - NC. 2, p. 244.
3. Jinasena, Adipurāṇa, 16. 243; Vimalasūri, Paumacariya, 3. 115.7. 4. तत्थ अदुगुंछिता बंभणी खत्तिया वेसि सुद्दी य - NC 4, p. 50.
5. Belonging to a different sect or religion has been considered to be one basis of untouchability in ancient India-Kane, P. V., History of Dharmasastras, Vol. 2, pt. 1, p. 188.
6. NC. 1, pp. 13, 163; NC. 2, p. 208; NC. 3, pp. 223, 418.
7. एते समणमाहणा परोप्परं विरुद्धा एगतो अडत, ण एते जे वा, ते वा, णूणं एते चोरा चारिया वा कामी वा- -NC. 2, p. 119.

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1
not go undisputed. In spite of an underlying effort to tarnish the image of the Brahmanas and the other sects, in order to eulogise the character of the Jainas, the various stories and instances unconsciously referred to by the author bring before us the real picture of the society.
(ii) Divine Origin of the Brahmanas-The period from the end of the 3rd upto the 10th or 11th century A.D., or as it has been called the age of the Dharmasastras, 2 shows a remarkable development in glorification of the theory of imparting gift to the Brāhmaṇas who were regarded as human gods. A similar position can also be judged from the NC. The Brāhmaṇas were popularly regarded to have been gods in heaven who were sent to earth by Prajapati himself. This concept of the Brahmaņas as being veritable gods upon this earth (bhudeva'-pratyakṣadeva), evidently re-echoes the spirit of the various Brahmanical texts where it is stated: "Brahmaņas are the gods that are directly seen' and also that "there are two kinds of gods; for indeed gods are gods but the Brahmanas are the human gods"
4
(iii) Brahmaņas by Caste Alone-Another important feature seen from the text is that the birth alone had now become the only criterion for belonging to a particular caste. The Brahmaņas were called Brahmabandhu because of their caste itself (jatimatra-sam panna-Brahmabandhuşu). According to the ancient injunctions, "a Brāhmaṇa alone could be one with Brahma, for he alone was entitled to enter the fourth stage of life, viz. "asceticism". Bana also enjoins that even to a Brahmana by
9
1. NC. 3, p. 142.
2. Ghurye, G.S., Caste and Class in India, p. 44.
3. Ibid., p. 91.
4. किं च एते दिवि देवा आसी, प्रजापतिना भूमौ सृष्टा देवा – NC. 3, p. 415.
àà:
:-Yasastilaka, 88. 5.
5. Ibid.; also
6. NC. 4, p. 55.
7. Taittariya Samhita, 1. 7. 31.
8. Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, SBE., Vol. 12, p. 309 and Vol. 26, p. 341.
9 एतेषु जातिमात्र संपन्नब्रह्मबंधुष्वपि दत्तं महत् फलं – NC. 3, p. 415.

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birth merely, uninitiated in heart, respect is due.1 Mention has been made of the Brāhmanas who in spite of belonging to chaste Brāhmaṇa family were not versed in Śrutis and Smộtis or in the art of sacrifice.2 Such Brāhmaṇas or the Sottiyaputtas (i.e. the sons of a Srotriya), as they have been called in the NC.", may be compared with the jati-Brahmaņas of Patañjali as according to him, “the person devoid of tapas and Vedic study is a Brāhmaṇa by birth alone.?4
(iv) Duties of the Brāhmaṇas—The Brāhmaṇas formed the intellectual section of society; they were usually called as șațkarmaniratas (engaged in six activities). The six duties of the Brāhmaṇas, enumerated in the NC., are : offering sacrifice (yajana), performing sacrifice for others (yajana), study (adhyayana), teaching ! adhya pana), giving gifts (dana) and receiving gifts (prati graha). These six duties of the Brāhmaṇas have been enumerated by Manu? who adds that receiving gifts was the principal means of their livelihood.
So far as the duties of study and teaching (adhyayana, adhya pana) are concerned, the learned Brāhmaṇas acquired the knowledge of the 14 Vidyās or sciences by staying in the Gurukulas for a number of years. Evidently, there must have been efficient Brāhmaṇa teachers who imparted the sacred lore to the students. A highly appreciative account of the different
1. Harsacarita, p. 7. 2. Filadagat fa g farturafatraforat sitfr*:"--NC. 3, p. 412. 3. Ibid. 4. 91:appi TT ETT ETTET ET UT : -Mahābhāsya, Vol. 1, p. 411 and
Vol. II, p. 363. 5. Bfar afat qeshiferay-NC. 3, p. 415. 6. ATA JE TR 37274 372219 CT af-Ibid.; also Pauma
cariyo, 105. 21; Mahāpurāna, 16. 264. 7. अध्यापनमध्ययनं यजनं याजनं तथा । दानं प्रतिग्रहश्चैव षटकर्माण्यग्रजन्मनः॥ षण्णां
तु कर्मणामस्य त्रीणि कर्माणि जीविका। याजनाध्यापने चैव विशुद्धाच्च प्रतिग्रहः ।।
Mānavadharmaśāstra, 10.75-76. 8. NC. 3, pp. 92, 413; Uttarādhyayana Tikā, 8, p. 123.

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activities of the Brāhmaṇa teachers given by Yuan Chwang also points towards the same.
The knowledge of the science of sacrifice (homa, yajña) was a must for the Brāhmaṇas who not only performed sacrifices for themselves (yajana) but also for others, for the security of the king as well as the subjects (yajana). As priests they were employed by kings, while the Sottiyas (Śrotriya) were a class of the house-holder Brāhmaṇa sacrificers who usually performed sacrifices for the public. The Brāhmapas have been held in contempt for sacrificing goats. This evidently shows that grand sacrifices must have been in vogue in which the animals were sacrificed.
The ideal extolled before the Brāhmaṇas was that of poverty and chastity. The Brāhmanas must have displayed their charity (anugraha) towards the people by helping them in various religious ceremonies held for self-purification, and also during the birth and death ceremonies. Receiving gifts (pratigraha) was a proud privilege of the Brāhmaṇas. Once the theory of the divine origin of the Brāhmaṇas was accepted, imparting gifts to them was considered to bring great spiritual merit to the donor. The king as well as the public was eager to secure their favours. The kings used to feed the Brāhmaṇas before launching a campaign to conquer the enemy (paravijaya) and for acquiring victory and maintaining peace in the State.? A king is shown as giving donations to the Brāh1. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 160. 2. NC. 2, p. 267. 3. NC. 3, p. 343, also p. 413. 4. TO SET TOT Toasta falfament–NG. 3, p. 429.
In the Paumacariya of Vimalasūri also Parvataka is mentioned as preaching that goats should be killed in sacrifices—Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of the Paumacariya (unpublished thesis), p.-598; Manusmrti (3. 268-70) also refers to offering of the meat of goat for
the liberation of the manes on the occasion of monthly Śräddha. 5. grisaat-sahlazurs --ETTHEUTATU, Ayeg e ta EATUI–NC.
3, p. 415. 6. Ibid, 7. FITË T RUE stoot me HIIT Affari faaetuisterdim-NC. 2, p. 461.

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maņas on every full-moon day of Kartika. But, these pious and learned Brahmanas, proud as they were of their knowledge and learning, never cared to bow down even before the kings. A learned Brāhmaṇa, being advised by others to visit the king and ask him for gifts, is seen as bluntly replying, should I accept gifts from a king going there uninvited? If the king desires the welfare of his forefathers and ancestors, he should come here himself to take me with him or send me the gifts here1. This shows the patronizing attitude with which they received gifts from the kings, and ensured that it was not a begging on their part, but a demand which was a mandatory duty on the part of the donor if he desired his own salvation.
Apart from the kings, the people also showed liberal charity towards the Brahmanas by providing them with food and other requirements. Feeding the cows and the Brahmaņas was considerd to be an act of meritorious duty on the part of the donor.2 The Brahmaņas were never refused alms during their begging-round. In the month of Kartika people broke their fast only after offering food to the Brāhmaṇas. The Brāhmaṇas were respectfully called to perform the religious ceremonies on various auspicious and inauspicious occasions. Often they were invited to the Śraddha ceremony when the food was offered to the dead ancestors. The period of ten days impurity because of the birth or death in a particular family also ended after offering food to the Brahmaņas. It is thus evident
6
81
1. NC. 3, p. 92. The Brahmanic authorities lay down various restrictions. upon the Brahmanas and a Snataka for accepting food or gifts from a king. According to Manu, a Brahmana was not to seek gifts from a king who was avaricious and transgressor of the rules of the Sastras. -Manu. VII. 5. 84; also VII. 13. 4.
2. qui magia Alfa (NC. 2, p. 315). According to the Smrtis, feeding the Brahmanas is one of the acknowledged ways of gaining religious merit (Collection of Smṛtis, p. 423; Vayu Purāṇa, 80. 55). 3. किं तुमो बभणों ! ताहे इमस्सागतस्स अवस्सं भिक्खं देज्जह - NG 3, p. 413.
4. NC. 3, p. 418.
5. NC. 3, p. 415; Hariacarita, p. 164, text p. 175.
6. NC. 3, p. 526.

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that 'receiving gifts' (pratigraha) was the principal means of livelihood of the Brahmanas, and the people also voluntarily reciprocated by offering their best possession to please these human gods in order to ensure their own welfare during the life-time and after.
(v) Brāhmaṇas and Other Occupations-Apart from these six duties which were specifically laid down, the Brahmaņas indulged in other activities also. They must have worked as astrologers or fortune-tellers (nemittiya) and mastered the science of medicine (tegicchiya). The Brahmaņas also went abroad with the caravans.1 Besides, in spite of the Brahmanic injunctions to the contrary, some of the poor Brahmaņas did embrace the occupation of agriculture in order to earn their livelihood. 2 They not only supervised the lands but also tilled by themselves. A Brāhmaṇa is mentioned to have gone to the field (kayara) to till the land with only one bullock." It might be said that social and economic conditions, especially after a slow decline in the Vedic rites and rituals, must have forced the Brāhmaṇas to embrace other occupations, though the ideals regarding a true Brāhmaṇa was still the same, i. e. one performing the pious activities assigned to his own Varna.
(vi) Privileges of the Brahmanas-Apart from these duties the Brāhmaṇas enjoyed certain other privileges. Being attacked by
1. Ibid.
2. NC. 3, p. 150. Different rules have been laid down by the Brahmanic authorities for the Brāhmaṇas following the occupation of agriculture. Gautama (Gautama Dharmasūtra, 10.5.6.) allows a Brahmana to maintain himself by agriculture, sale of commodities and moneylending only, if he did not engage in it personally but through the agency of others. Madhava (Parasara, Vol. 1, pt. ii, pp. 3-5, 15-16) allows a Brāhmaṇa to live on agriculture provided he employs Śūdra labourers to do the actual work. According to the Viddha Harita (8. 179), however, agriculture was common to all the Varnas.--Kane, op. cit., p. 126; Ghurye, op. cit., p. 109.
3. NC. 3, p. 150. In the Jātakas we very frequently find the Brahmanas driving the plough with their own hands (Jātaka iii, p. 162 and iv,. p. 276). According to Fick, it must have been a living reality, particularly in western India (The Social Organisation in NE. India, p. 242).

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the Bodhitas, the non-Aryan or Meccha thieves, the Jaina monk in the NC. is directed to save his life by calling himself a Brāhmaṇa. Similarly, in an area occupied by the caste of fishermen (dhiyara) a monk could introduce himself as a Brahmana.2 These references clearly indicate that in those circumstances the Brāhmaṇas were not to be robbed or molested, and that their person and property were absolutely safe even amongst the professional thieves. This reminds us of the two privileges assigned by Vasistha to the Brahmaņas, viz. both the person and property of the Brahmaņas being absolutely inviolate. Yajnavalkya also regards the murder of a Brahmana as one of the five maha patakas.*
1
(vii) Brāhmaṇas and Judicial Matters-It is not clear from the text as to how the various castes settled their legal disputes and other day-to-dayproblems. In case of Brahmanas, however, we get a reference to the meeting of the caste of Brāhmaṇas who assembled to decide punishment for a Brahmaṇa who had killed a bullock by excessive beating." He was, however, spared being considered as a man of too low morale on whom punishment in any form could not be effective. There is no reference that the above matter was reported to the king by the assembly. An epigraphic record from South India shows: "As occasion arose, the Brahmaņas used to call a special meeting of the members of the caste, and the assembly could get its decree executed by the king's officials"." From other sources we learn that the Brahmins in Gujarat also had such assemblies," and the disputes were usually settled amongst themselves.
1. बोहिए वा गहितो. अब्राह्मणोपि ब्राह्मणोऽहंमिति ब्रवीति --NC. I, p. 113. 2. "खेत्ते " धीयार (जाइ) भाविए "बंभणो अहमि " त्ति भासए - NC. 2, p. 81.
3. Vasisthasmrti, p. 5.
4. Yajnavalkyasmrti, III. 227.
5. NC. 3, p. 150.

83
6. Hultzsch, E., South Indian Inscriptions, i, No. 56.
7. Ghurye, op. cit., p. 3.
8. Borrandaile's Gujarat Caste-rules, translated into Gujarati by Manga
Idas Nathoobhoy, vide-Ghurye, op. cit., p. 29.

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As noted before, the two virtually contradictory views regarding the social status of the Brāhmaṇas can be seen from the text : first the Brāhmaṇas belong to a condemned caste (dhijjati) as they were thought by the Jaina lawgivers, and second, they are veritable gods upon this earth as they were considered by the members of the orthodox Brāhmanic society. It is, however, clear from this account that even though severely condemned by the Jainas, the Brāhmaṇas were held in the highest esteem by the general public and society. The con temporary accounts of Yuan Chwangi and I-Tsing2 as well as the inscriptions of the period amply testify to the fact that this was not a mere wish of the Brāhmanas, but a living reality arted upon by the contemporary men and women. Kşatriyas
Ksatriyas were the next in order. They were called Kşatriya, since they protected others from danger (kşata). Their primary duty was to protect the people. Only the king belonging to a high Kşatriya family was respected by the people.5 The Kşatriyas appear to have been particularly aware of the purity of their descent (piya-pakkha-visuddha). Various respe
1. According to Yuan Chwang, India during his time was known to them
as country of the Brāhmanas.-Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 140. 2. I-Tsing clearly states: "The Brāhmanas are regarded throughout the
five parts of India as the most honorable (caste). They do not, when they meet in a place, associate with the other three castes, and the mixed classes of the people have still less intercourse with them",
Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 182. 3. Bhandarkar, R. G., A Peep into the Early History of India, p. 53. 4. gaia alfa rar 3717&TOR *:--NC. 2, p. 467. According to
Mahapurāna (16. 243), the term Ksatriya denotes a Saviour who is entrusted with the duty of protecting the wounded. For similar definition of the word Ksatriya see-Raghuvansa, II. 53; Paumacariya,
3. 115; Manu. 10. 79. 5. NC. 2, p. 449. 6. NC. 3, p. 29. The early Jaina and Buddhist texts also reveal that the
Kşatriyas claimed descent from the leaders of the Aryan tribes. They were most particular as to the purity of their descent.-Law, B.C., India. as Described in the Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, p. 144.

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85
ctable kulas of the Ksatriyas like the Uggakula and Ikkkāgukula have been mentioned.1 The NC. does not say much regarding the caste of the Ksatriyas, but their social status must have remained the same as in the earlier centuries. Vaiśyas or Vaņiks
Next were the Vaisyas (Vaisa)? who have been usually called Vapiks (Vanija, Vaniya) in the NC. Jainism being popular amongst the trading class of the Vaņiks, a graphic account of their activities can be found in the text.* The Vapiks were the skilful traders who embarked on any enterprise only after properly calculating the income and expenditure. They always followed the profitable course. By their experience and pragmatic approach they gained large profits even by investing a very little amount of money. As bankers and money-lenders they controlled the whole economye and also enhanced the material prosperity of the country. Taking into .consideration the multifarious activities of the Vaniks it would not be unjust to remark that although third in the traditional order of the Varnas, the Vaisyas enjoyed the foremost status in day-to-daylife of the period and also raised their social status to a great extent by their religious and philanthropic activities. Sūdras
The lowest strata of society consisted of the Śūdras, ? Cindālas, Śvapākas" and various other despised people. The
1. afTE J
I--NC. 3, p. 413; fotorelage salgai žicom-NC. 3,
p. 29.
2. NO. 3, p. 413; NC. 4, p. 50. 3. See Chapter VI. 4. 311-7-574 TEST AT TEFTITTIETC 572 af 90-NC. 2, p. 341; Brh. Vt.
4, p. 1177. 5. Tur af 1341-3901 afaoi 788 agat apa nugft-NC. 1, p. 153. 6. See Chap. VI. 7. NC 2, p. 119; NC. 3, p. 413. 8. NC. 3, p. 207. 9. NC. 3, p. 132.

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Śūdras, however, were included into the four Aryan Varnasa and as such they were differentiated from the Cāņdalas, śvapākas and other despised people who had no place in the Aryan society. It is not clear as to who constituted this class of the Aryan Śūdras. The dasas, kammakaras, bhayagas and other agriculturist and manual labourers so frequently mentioned in the NC.might be taken as representatives of the Sūdra Varpa. Yuan Chwang informs us that the fourth class is that of the Sūdras or agriculturists who toiled by cultivating the soil and were industrious at sowing and reaping. Like the three higher Varnas the Sūdras also had their own kulas or families and the ladies belonging to the Sūdras were not equated with the untouchables for having belonged to the Aryan Varna. It is evident that although occupying the lowest position in the Āryan society, the status of the Sūdras was much higher than that of the Cāndalas or others who were considered as untouchables. Despised and Untouchables
Besides this Āryan population there was a large number of the tribal population residing on the outer fringes of the Aryan settlements who were despised and segregated by the members of the Aryan society. These people were usually called by a generic term Mecchas or Andriya?, and they roughly corresponded to the untouchable sections of the Brāhmanical society. A difference has been marked by the scholars between impurity and untouchability. According to Ambedkar,
1. See-NC. 4, p. 50. Here the Sūdra ladies are mentioned along with the
other three Āryan Varnas as distinct from the ladies belonging to the
despised castes. 2. NO. 2, p. 263; NC, 3, pp. 272-73, 519. 3. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 168. 4. Tracy T , 341Chetat 9 - --NC. 3, p. 413. 5. तत्थ अदुगुछिता बंभणी खत्तिया वेसि सुद्दी य । दुगु छिता...णडवरुडादियाओ--
NC. 4, p. 50. 6. NO. 3, pp. 429, 518. 7. NO. 4, p. 40. 8. Sharma, op. cit., p. 125.

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even though the notions regarding impurity must have prevailed in India from the earliest times, 1 yet untouchability, in the modern sense of the word, came into existence somewhere between 200 and 600 A. D.2 A complete segregation of the untouchable castes can be seen in the NC. which shows that untouchability had reached an advanced stage during these centuries. It has been clearly stated that there were two forms of the worldly segregation (loiya-parihāra-nijjūdha)-(i) for a definite period (ittarita) and (ii) for the whole life (avakahiya). This might be called the temporary and the permanent segregation. As an example of the former the author has referred to the typical Indian custom of segregating those families for a period of ten days where a death or birth had taken place.. Various despised castes like that of the nada, varuda, chimpaga, cammāra and çumba, on the other hand, have been cited as examples of the latter for being permanently segregated by the civilized sections of society." If we are to believe that the main distinction between the impure and the untouchable lay in the fact that while the touch of the impure caused pollution only at a ceremonial occasion, the touch of the untouchable caused pollution at all times, then the former could be cited as a typical example of impurity, while the latter clearly revealed the existence of untouchability. It can thus be judged that the notions regarding impurity as well as untouchability were largely prevailing during this time.
Furthermore, these despised people, or juṁgitas or duguņchitas, as they have been called in the NC.', have also been termed as abhojjas or asambhojikass, showing thereby that interdining
1. Untouchables, p. 139. 2. Ibid., p. 144. 3. Izsit shiftat 37194fe3ft --NC. 4, p. 280. 4. Fifth H afaqh550—Ibid. 5. 3717 Ter E-755-fĚTNT-FAT-GAI-Ibid. 6. Ambedakar, op. cit., p. 140. 7. NC. 2, p. 243. 8. Ibid.

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with them was not permitted to the higher Varnas of society. Their families were especially known as thavana-kula wherefrom a monk was expressly barred from accepting food. Referring to the grounds on which they were shunned by society, three categories of the despised and untouchables have been mentioned in the NC.2 : (i) jatijuṁgita or people condemned by their caste, (ii) kammajuṁgila or those condemned because of the work they followed and (iii) sippajuṁgita or those following condemned arts and crafts.
Although a distinction has been made between kamma and sippa,: yet for a clear understanding of the problem we may call them by a common term, viz. occupation, and thus broadly divide the untouchables into two groups : (i) untouchables by caste, (ii) untouchables by occupation.
Taking into consideration the untouchables by occupation we find that the peacock-teamers (posaga), barbers (sampara, nhavita), acrobats (nada), pole-dancers (lamkha), hunters (vaha, luddhaga), fowlers (vaguriya), butchers (sogariga, khattiga) and fishermen (macchigga) have been mentioned as following condemned work (kammajuṁgita), while the leather-workers (padakara, cammakāra), barbers (nhavita), washermen (rayaga), dealers in silken clothes (kosejja), colicoprinters (chim paga)) and wine-sellers (kallala) have been mentioned as people following low or condemned crafts (si ppajuṁgita, duttha-si ppa)." Here a comparison with the Buddhist and the Brāhmanical authorities will also reveal that many of these professions have been
1. gear gott squirgit 3TH OH OTU: -Ibid. 2. FFÀM a1 fetchur ar straty ar--NC. 2, p. 243; NC. 3, pp. 270-71; Brh. V!.
2, p. 336. 3. Kamma is explained as work which could be followed without any
previous training or teaching like gathering sticks etc., while sippa required a proper training under the guidance of a teacher.---NC.
4, p. 120. 4. NC. 3, p. 271. 5. NC. 4, p. 280.

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called hinasippas (low professions) by the Buddhists, and the people following these professions were called abhojyas by the Brāhmaṇical law-givers. The terms sippajungita and kammajungita indicate that these people must have been despised by society because of their low and unclean occupations. An analysis of the above-mentioned occupations also supports to quite an extent the Occupational Theory of Rice according to which the "origin of untouchability is to be found in the unclean and filthy occupations of the untouchables.”
Besides, there were no hard and fast rules regarding the basis of untouchability. People following a particular occupation could be considered as despised in certain regions, while they were not despised so in other regions. For instance, the washermen (nillevaga) were despised in Sindhu,+ and the smiths (lohāra) and wine-sellers (kallala) in Dakşiņāpatha,s while they were not despised in the Lāça country where the acrobats (nada), bamboo-workers (varuda) and leather-workers (cammakāra) were held in contempt.
The untouchables by caste were the people who were despised because of their birth in certain families.' They
1. The five low occupations (hinasippani) mentioned in the Vinaya are
that of the na lakāra (bamboo-workers), the kumbhakāra (potter), the kosakāra (weaver), thc cammakāra (leather-worker) and the nhacita
(barber)-Vinaya Pitaka, IV.7. 2. According to Vişnu, a member of the first three castes has to undergo
a penance if he takes food offered by a carpenter, a black-smith, a gold-smith, a dealer in molasses and other liquids, an oil-presser, a weaver, a dyer of clothes, a cane-worker and a washerman. Atri declares a washerman, a leather-worker, a cane-worker, a fisherman
and a Bhil to be antyajas or outcastes-Ghurye, op. cit., p. 101. :3. Rice, Hindu Customs and Their Origins, pp. 113-15.
Although Ambedkar has tried to reject the Occupational Theory of Rice (see-Untouchables, p. 65), yet from the NC., occupation seems
to have been the basis of untouchability. 4. aaa sfouce 34'tral, TET HELE focall_NC. 2, p. 243. 5. Tagg arafagfrat el cfaerie TE ACESTIT-NC. 4, p. 132. 6. JEG TEHETtafittifa—Ibid. 7. arfag'firat fortal godda g'firat ft-NC. 3, p. 270.

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mostly belonged to the aboriginal primitive tribes? who were unaware of the civilizedtways of life. The various untouchable castes and the wild tribes mentioned in the NC. are as follows:
(i) Bhilla--The primitive tribe of the Bhillas or Bhils has been frequently mentioned in the NC. as residing in the forests or hills.' They had their own forts or habitats knows as bhillakotta or bhilla-pall7.3 Because of their uncivilized and barbarious habits, their existence was a grave danger (väghāya) to the caravans passing through the dense forests.* The existence of their caste in the neighbouring regions of Gujarat is evident from the fact that the Bhils or Kolis were supposed to have been the earliest traditional rulers of Gujarat.6.
(ii) Bodhita—Bohiga or Bodhita was a caste of the Mecchas who resided in the hilly areas serrounding the Malwa region. They are mentioned as a class of the professional robbers or thieves who kidnapped and robbed the people of their belongings.?
(iii) Candala-The lowest position in society was assigned to the Cāņdālas. In the feasts organized for all the sections of society, from the highest to the lowest (yāvantiga-samkhaď7), the Candālas can be seen occupying the lowest status. The Cândālas, Mātamgas and śvapākas were condemned and illreputed as they observed no restrictions on matters relating to
1. According to Rhys Davids, the hina jatis of the Buddhists also were
the aboriginal tribes.Buddhist India, p. 54. 2. NC. 3, p. 219; NC. 1, p. 144. 3. NC. 4, p. 151. 4. NC. 1, p. 144. 5. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 35. 6. asett arma#=51, à qatarde fal HTUATU ETA-NC. 4, p. 124; also
Brh. V!. 3, p. 880. 7. a&TAT E T =31, Alucarft ata a alertato afouifà---NC. 1, p. 100. 8. Ca fa grafator at, han afecaferri Tricic fassfa---NC. 2,
p. 207.

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food habits. According to Manu, the Cándalas were the lowest amongst men, and the description of the Caņdāla-hamlet ( Càndala-vasati ) given by Bāņa in the Kādambari also reveals the same fact.
(iv) Cora–The Cors are mentioned as a caste residing in the forests along with the Sabaras and the Pulimdas. They used to steal cattle from the villages and had no other profession apart from stealing. +
(v) Domba or Dumba-The Dombas are mentioned as despised people "living in the open space', as they used to live in the unprotected places. They are also described as "people constantly fighting among themselves and being notorious for their haughty and jealous disposition.' 6 They were usually employed by the kings to drive the elephants (meṁtha).? The ancient authorities compare the Dombas with the Cançālas and Svapakas in social status. 8 This caste is the present scheduled caste in Madras as Dombo and as Doma in Bengal, Bihar and U. P.9
(vi) Harikeśa-The Harikesas ( Harikeśas) were the people despised on the basis of their caste (jatijuṁ gita) along with the Lohakāras, Medas, Pānas, Dombas and Varudas. 10 They have been equated with the Mātamgas. 11 In the Paiya Sadda Mahannava also they are indentified with the Cándalas. 12
1. Soler Feri PT 392 ei saizi ara facturachitay At Arildistatant-NC. 3,
p. 527. 2. Manu. 10. 12. 3. NC. 3, p. 87. 4. TaifaeftoIT FATTI-NC. 3, p. 198. 5. Farfedt biar --NC. 3, p. 270. 6. H TTFT STE) Starfaa Hari Fiat Al, CTET, agroaftar-NC. 2, p. 284. 7. Etat for HD-NC 3, p. 436. 8. Kane, op. cit., p. 82. 9. Ibid. 10. NC. 3, p. 270. 11. NC. 1, p. 10. 12. P. 941.

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(vii) Kolika—The Kolikas were another set of despised people.1 The Yašastilaka mentions them as a class of weavers. 3 Kolika as an Antyaja caste has also been mentioned by Vedavyāsa. Describing the original population of Gujarat, Majumdar informs us that the Kolis stand between the Kaliparāja or the early aboriginal tribes and the Ujali-varņa or the fair complexioned people of Gujarat. They are half Bhil and half Hindu and have in some parts intermingled with the Ujali-varpa. They were supposed to have been the earliest traditional rulers of Gujarat.
(viii) Lohakara --The caste of the Lohakaras was not universally condemned. While they were treated as despised in Southern India,' they were not despised in the Lāța country. Perhaps they might have originally been the members of a primitive tribe and retained their occupation even in the later centuries.
(ix) Matanga-The Matangas were another popular wild tribe. They have been identified with the Panas also.8 The Mātangas were versed in various occult powers, and they maintained their own religious beliefs. The Papas and the Mātarigas worshipped the deities knows as zakkhas. The shrine of the Adambara Jakkha, who was also known as Hirimikkajakkha, was supposed to have been built upon the bones of human beings. 10 This practice was probably the result of
1. Timo Hiftoria HT JERI-NG. 3, p. 270. 2. Jain, G. C., Yašastilaka kā Sanskītika Adhyayana, p. 63. 3. Vedavyāsasmrti, I. 12-13. 4. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 34. 5. Ibid., p. 35. 6. NC. 3, p. 270. 7. NC. 4, p. 132. 8. stop" fêt-ARİT-NC. 4, p. 238.
King Seniya is mentioned to have learnt two supernatural powers called unnāmani and onnamini from a Harikesa or Mātanga-NC. 1,
p. 9. 10. "TI" ---ATTI È Cat 5et fertfaqet fa uufa a TOT
Huvihaaz gifot sfarsikt-NC. 4, p. 238; Avašyaka Cūrni, II, p. 294.

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their association with the cremation-ground. The terms. Mātanga and Candāla have been taken as synonyms by Bāna.2 The present untouchable caste called "Mang' in the cld Bombay Presidency and 'Māng' in Orissa 3 may be the descendants of these Mātangas.
(x) Meda-The Medas or Meyas are mentioned as the untouchables who hunted games with bow and arrow.. According to Manu, the Medas, were employed in hunting wild animals. The Medas as an antyaja caste have also been mentioned by Vedavyāsa.
(xi) Morattiya-Morattiya is mentioned as an untouchable caste with whom the higher Varnas could not interdine.? They have been identified with the Cândālas or Śvapākas.
(xii) Pana-Pápa was another wild tribe. As noted before, they have been identified with the Mātangas. Pāņas were highly despised by the people because of their filthy habits. 10 The Jaina monks were directed not to eat in their company lest they might also be thought as unclean as the Paņas. 11 As mentioned before, the Päņas and the Matangas worshipped the deities called Jakkhas. The status of the Pāņas was. evidently the same as that of the Candalas.
(xiii) Pulinda-Pulinda was a popular non-Aryan tribe. Like the Bhillas, the Pulindas also had their own forts or habitats marked as the Pulinda Kotta12 or Pulinda Palla18 and they 1. Sharma, op. cit., p. 264. 2. Kadambari, para 9. 3. Kanc, op. cit., p. 91. 4. F IERIAI Tata taarianca—NC. 3, p. 198; also Bjh.
V:. 3, p. 781. 5. Manu. 10. 48. 6. Vedavyāsasmrti, 1. 12-13. 7. gate toit, Eta, Athar -NC. 2, p. 243. 8. Paiya Sadda Mahannava, p. 700 9. See Mätangas. 10. NC. 1, p. 16; NC. 3, p. 157.
11. Hem faciüt iga 9108 sa Hea vallat Tua-NC. 1, p. 16 12. NO. 3, p. 496. 13. NC. 3, p. 521.

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robbed the people passing through their habitats. They were totally barbarious people living outside the pale of the Aryan society, and even the sight of an Aryan was a surprise (kotua) to them.2 They are mentioned as ṇillajjas1 or people without any sense of shame, for they openly cohabited with their women. Sometimes, illicit relations seem to have existed between the Aryan male and the non-Aryan female, particularly the Pulinda female." The Pulindas used to eat meat of the dead cows.* It has been clearly indicated that the Pulindas or the non-Aryans as a whole were allowed to eat meat of the dead cows, but they were not allowed to kill a living cow.5 According to Vedavyāsa, all those castes, who indulged in killing animals, were to be termed as antyajas," The status of the Pulindas as outcastes is evident from the text.
(xiv) Śabara-Śabara as a non-Aryan tribe has been mentioned along with the Pulindas and the Coras residing in the dense forests outside the Aryan regions. In the Kadambari as well as in the Harşacarita of Bana the Sabaras are shown as residing in the Vindhya forests. The Sabaras along with the Pulindas, Kirātas and other non-Aryan tribes have been included in the Sudra-varna in the Amarakosa.10
(xv) Varuḍa11--The Varudas earned their livelihood by making ropes and selling the winnowing baskets. 12 Varuda
1. NC. 4, p. 49.
2. ffl-Ibid.; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 680.
3. NC. 4, p. 49.
4. NC. 3, p. 521.
5. सा (जरगवी) पुलिंदेहिं "सयं मय" त्ति खइया -- Ibid.
6. Vedavyāsasmrti, 1. 12-13.
7. NC. 3, p. 87.
8. Agrawala, V.S., Kādaṁbarī: Eka Sāṁskṛtika Adhyayana, p. 42. 9. In the Harsacarita (p. 232 ) Bhukampa is described as a general of Sabaras, the lord of all this Vindhyan range, the leader of all the village chiefs.
10. Amarakosa, II. 10-21.
11. आवकहितो जहा गड वरुड. डुबादि - NC. 4, p. 280.
12. सुप्पादिया रुडं करेत्ता वरुडा – NC. 3, p. 270.

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95 has been mentioned by Atri as an antyaj a caste.: Baruda as a scheduled caste can now be found in Orissa.'
(xvi-xvii) Saka-Yavana--The non-Aryan tribes of the Sakas and the Yavanas are shown as ruling outside the Āryan regions.s They wore quaint dresses and spoke different languages.
An analysis of the various customs and habits of these despised castes in the NC. reveals to us certain outstanding features of this tribal population as a whole. Firstly, they were non-Aryans or Mecchas (Dravidians or non-Dravidians whosoever they might have been)s as against the Āryan people who ruled over the territory. Secondly, they usually resided in forests or hills or at such other quarters outside the village and were thus segregated by the Aryan society. Thirdly, as noted before, in case of the Pulindas, the habit of beafeating may be regarded as a general habit of all the non-Aryan population, and as Ambedkar has remarked: “It is decisive on this point that it is beaf-eating which is the root of untouchability and which also divides the impure and the untouchables."6 Lastly, they maintained different religious beliefs, worshipped different deities like the Jakkhas and believed in various occult powers and practices.
The society revealed from the NC. is thus a mixed assortment of this Aryan and non-Aryan population. The Aryans formed the civilized section of society and ruled over the territory, and their subjects were governed by the order of the four Varnas (caturvarņa), while the Mecchas or the non-Aryans resided at the outer quarters and were least affected by the civilized ways of the Aryans. In the following pages an account shall be given of the various social institutions of the
1. Atrismrti, 199. 2. Kane, op. cit., p. 70. 3. NC. 4, p. 124. 4. Ibid. 5. According to the Racial Theory of Rice, the untouchables were the
non-Dravidian aboriginals.-Hindu Customs and Their Origins, pp. 113-15 6. Ambedkar, op. cit., p. 142.

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Aryans who had developed a high social life from the earliest times. Family
Family (kula) was the nucleus of all social activities of the individual, and society was but an aggregate of such families. 1 Birth in a particular family higher or lower (ibbha’ or jumgiya:) determined the social status of a man, and we find various kulas belonging to all the four Varņas, viz. Bambhaņakula, Khattiya-kula, Vaniya-kula and Sudda-kula.
The pattern of the family was a joint one (samanna.ghara), in which the uncles (pitȚvya), brothers (bhrata), grandfather (pitamaha) and grandsons (pautraka) lived together under the same roof and followed the common customs (ega-savvd-samacari).. Every thing spiritual or material must have been shared by them in common. "Joint in food, worship and estate' has been the ideal of Hindu Joint Family, and Kautilya also lays down that the members of a family must live in the same abode, partake the food cooked in the same kitchen, and enjoy the common property."
The following six relations, i.e. mother, father, brothers, sisters, sons and daughters were the prime members of the family. They have been called 'blood-relations' or members united due to the relationship of a common umbilicalcord (malabaddha). Besides these six family members, the other 1. Agrawala, V. S., India as known to Panini, p. 93. 2. NC. 2, p. 433. 3. NC. 2, p. 243. 4. NC. 3, p. 413. 5. NC 2, p. 140. 6. fazati, TM, Cate:, 07:--104 cm: 37621- toag af
et Hal Alert-NC. 4, p. 86. According to Kautilya also the family includes children, wife, mother, father, minor brothers, sisters or widowed daughters-Arthasāstra,
p. 47. 7. Arthašāstra, p. 190. 8. TEITH_Ara font HT afruft get al-NC. 4, p. 86; BỊh. Vg.
4. p. 1267.

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sixteen nearest relatives are enumerated as four from the mother's side, i.e. mother's mother, father, brother and sister; the same four from the paternal side; brother's sons and daughters, sister's sons and daughters; grandson and granddaughter from the son All and daughter both. these twenty-two relations have been called blood-relations being united by the chain of the same umbilical cord.1 An analysis will make it clear that the list includes three generations from both the sides, maternal and paternal. These blood-relations called nala-baddha in the NC. may correspond to sanabhi of Panini and sanabhya or spinla as explained by Manu."
In this joint-family father was the master (prabhu) of the house and was known as gṛhapati or gharasāmi. He looked after all the affairs of the family and was the master of the family-property during his life-time. The parents were to be respected and obeyed by all the family-members. To repay the debt which one owes to the parents and preceptor was hard indeed." In the absence or on the death of the father, the eldest son (jettha-putta) usually became the master of the house." Sometimes, however, the younger one or all the sons acquired an equal status (savve-pabhu)." After the death of the father the family-property was equally distributed amongst all his sons. An illustration of the same has been mentioned in which the four sons got an equal share of the father's pro
97
1. NC. 4, p. 87.
According to the commentary on the Bṛhatkalpa Bhāṣya, the first six, i. c. mother, father, brother, sister, son and daughter, were the direct blood relatives, while the other sixteen were indirectly united by a common umbilical cord.-Brh. V., p. 1267.
2. Aṣādhyāyi, VI. 3. 85; Agrawala., V. S., op. cit., p. 93.
3. Vide-Agrawala, op. cit.
4. गृहस्य पतिः प्रभुः स्वामी गृहपतीत्यर्थः - NC. 2, p. 118.

5. दुप्पडियरगं जओ तिण्ह मातु पितु धम्मायरिंयस्स य । एते परमोवकारिणो - NC. 3, p. 34. 6. पभू पिता जदि असहीणो...जो जेट्ठी पुत्तो सो अणुण्णविज्जति – NC. 2, p. 140. gazNG. 2, p. 140; Brh. Vr., p. 900.
7. a

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perty (piisaṁtiyan davvan) including produce of the field, irrespective of the fact that three of them were lazy and indulged in vices like drinking and gambling.
The wife of the master was the mistress of the house (gharini2-gļhiņi) and she was responsible for all the internal affairs of the family. The duties of a mistress were quite exacting although in her household duties she was usually helped by the daughters, daughters-in-law and by slaves and servants of the family. The lady was responsible for meeting the requirements of all the family-members; she kept a watch over the servants of the family, provided them with proper food and also looked after the budget of the family,
Polygamy being in vogue, wives thus lived under the same roof.4 In such cases the eldest wife was usually the mistress of the house; but in case she had no son, the younger one having a son could also be given the charge of the family. In case all the wives had sons, then the mother of the eldest son (jettha putta-māyā) usually commanded more respect. * However, no hard and fast rule could be laid down in this regard, and the wife dearest to husband was, in fact, the mistress of the house.? Generally, the co-wives must have lived in the same house. Sometimes, however, they had separate houses and the husband took meals with them in turns (varageņa). The existence of co-wives in a house must have created unpleasantness in the family. However, no such instances have come to light which led to the disintegration of the family..
1. Aron ci fastifade fåtte cop að at geyoui di Hood AHTUT Hafi–NC. 3,
p. 227.
2. NC. 1, p. 15; NC. 3, p. 357. 3. NC. 2, p. 22. 4. ...alarauit-Athou ar-NC. 2, p. 140. 5. quff Tort he Tall 5977 Tagoraft-NC. 2, p. 141; Brh. Vr. 4,
p. 991. 6. har at EST-NC. 2, p. 141; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 991. 7. NC. 2, p. 140. 8. sfofasi aru yafa-NC. 2, p. 142; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 992.

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Marriage
Forms of Marriage—Marriage (vivaha, pariņaya or udvaha)? was a necessary step for the individuals to enter the familylife (gļhibhava). Of the forms of marriage prescribed by the Brāhmaṇic authorities, examples of only three are to be usually found in the Jaina Āgama Texts. These are : (i) marriages arranged by the parents, (ii) marriages by purchase and (iii) marriages by self-choice (svayamvara).8 Instances of all the three are to be found in the NC. Besides, certain unorthodox types of marriage like the sister-marriage, cousin-marriage and marriage in exchange have also been referred to.
Marriage Arranged by the Parents Marriage was usually arranged by the parents in which the daughter was given away to the bridegroom after decorating her person with beautiful clothes and ornaments. This type of marriage corresponds to the Brāhmyat or Prājāpatya form of marriage prescribed by the Brāhmaṇic authorities. Most of the examples of marriages referred to in the text belong to this category. This shows that it was the usual form of marriage practised by the Indians during these centuries.
Marriage by Purchase--Marriage by purchase was also common in which the bridegroom gave a settled amount of money as 'bride-price' to the father or guardian of the bride. This type of marriage corresponds to the Asura form of marri
1. NO. 1, p. 17; NC. 3, pp. 140, 423. 2. Manusmrti, 3. 21; Baudhāyanadharmasūtra, 1.21.1. 3. Jain, K. C., Bauddha aura Jaina Āgamon mem Näri-Jivana. Accord
ing to J.C. Jain, three types of marriage mentioned in the Jaina Sūtras are : marriages arranged by parents, svayamvara aud Gandharva
LAI., p. 155; see also-Sikdar, op. cit., pp. 211-12. 4. # erat faaret 27 atras sit amet rata--Nitivā., p. 374. 5. fafatata traty[TITIETTI: -Ibid. For marriages like Brāhmya or
Prājāpatya sec-Sangave, V. A., Jaina Community, p. 146. See also Chaterjee, H. A., Study of the Prājāpatya Form of Marriage, IHQ,
Vol. 32 (1957), pp. 44-51. 6. NO. 1, p. 17; NC. 3, p. 150.

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agel prescribed by the Brāhmaṇic law-givers. In the NC. Anamgasena, a rich jeweller from Campā, is mentioned to have married a large number of beautiful young women by giving a high price.2 Bhaçţă, the daughter of a setghi, after being forsaken by her husband, was sold to a Vaidya by the Senapati whom she was unwilling to marry.: References in the literature reveal that marriages by purchase were quite in vogue in certain parts of India, particularly in Gujarat where it turned out to be a regular custom among certain castes, In spite of giving it a legal sanction, this type of marriage has been severely condemned by the Brāhmaṇic law-givers. ,
Marriage by Self-choice (Svayamvara)--Marriage by self-choice or svayamvara was a particular custom amongst the Ksatriyas. in which a husband was chosen by a princess or the daughter of a Kşatriya at a public assembly of suitors.' According to certain contemporary Jaina Puranas, the svayamvara mode of marriage was the sanatana-marga and was considered as the best form of marriage. However, the practice of svayamvara amongst the higher castes had gone out of vogue by these centuries. Strangely enough, the author refers to a typical custom of swayamvara existing among the slave boys of the Tosali Visaya where a fire-vessel (agni-kuņda) was constantly kept burning in the spayamvara-hall (vaggharana-sala) for the purpose of
1. quatre fra GTAGTET: --Nitivā., p. 375. 2. HÌ 4 649 hou Traft I ai đâu [IM 4G LT TENC. 3, p. 140, 3. aur fa Ft Feata Sultan fakta-NC. 3, p. 151. 4. Nāyādhammakahā, 1. 17. 101; Vivāgasuya, 1. 9. 177; Uttarā. Ti. 4.97;
Ultarā. Cū., p. 110. 5. Some castes, especially the Pātidāra caste in Ahmedabad and Kaira
districts and the Anavala Desãi caste in Sürat district are said to pay
bride-price'-Majumdar, op. cit., p. 151. 6. Altekar, A. S., Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, pp. 47-50. 7. SED., p. 1278. 8. Manā purāņa, pp. 44 ff.; sce also--Jain, K. P., 'Marriage in Jaina
Literature', IHQ:, Vol. IV, p. 146. 9. A ltckar, op. cit., pp. 78-80.

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marriage. Many slave-boys and a slave-girl entered the svayamvara-hall and the slave-girl used to choose a boy of her own choice. It is clear that svayamvara as a mode of marriage amongst the higher castes was not popular during these centuries. 2
Apart from these, certain traditional examples of abduction and elopement as in the cases of Suvarnagulika's abduction by king Pajjoya and Ajja Kālaga's nun-sister's by king Gaddabhilla have been mentioned which may be taken to correspond the Raksasa form of marriage as practised by the kings and princes, i. e. the Kṣatriya class. These references, however, belong to the earlier centuries and do not reflect the life of the age.
Other Types of Marriage--Besides these traditional forms of marriage, examples of certain untraditional or unorthodox marriages have also been cited in the text. Marriage with one's own mother or daughter has always been condemned and restricted, but the sister-marriage, according to the Jaina mythology, was quite prevalent during the time of Rṣabhadeva who married his own sister. It has been stated in the NC. that the sexual relations with a sister could be tolerated during the mihuna-kala. The author here seems to refer to those days of promiscuity or the age of yugala-dharma when men and women were born in couples as husband and wife."
101
1. वग्धारणसाला तोसलिविसए गाममज्झे साला कीरइ । तत्थ अगणिकुंडं णिच्चमेव अच्छति. सयंवरणिमित्तं । तत्थ य बहवे चेडा एक्का य सयंवरा चेडी पविसिज्जति, जो से चेड़ीए -NC. 4, p. 62.; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 963.
2. According to Saletore, no concrete example is so far forthcoming to prove that it (svayamvara) was actually adopted in practice by (Gupta kings) between the 4th and 7th centuries.--Life in the Gupta Age, p. 201.
3. NC. 3, p. 145.
4. NC. 3, p. 59.
5. माता अप्पणी अगम्मा – NC. 4, p. 16.

6. LAI., p. 160.
7. मिहुणकाले भगिणी गम्मा । सेसकाले भगिणी - NC. 4, p. 17.
8. Jain, K. P., 'Marriage in Jaina Literature', IHQ., Vol. IV, p. 146.

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Cousin-marriage, i. e. marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter or with a girl related from the mother's side, was a regular custom (chamda ayāra) in the Lața country.1 According to the Avasyaka Cūrṇi, marriage with the maternal uncle's daughter was common in Laṭa and Dakṣinapatha; but it was severely condemned in Uttarapatha. Kumārila Bhaṭṭa also refers to this particular custom while stating that a Dakṣiṇātya is overjoyed to get the hand of the daughter of his maternal uncle. The epigraphs of the Rāṣṭrakūṭa monarchs belonging to the 9th and 10th centuries A. D. also approve of the same practice. Although this type of marriage has been forbidden and even condemned by the Brāhmaṇic law-givers, since it falls in the field of the Sapinda Marriage, yet our author consi-ders it as a natural custom. Many of the rules for the Jaina monks were formulated to restrict them from keeping any contact or begging alms etc. from the maternal uncle's daughter. She has been specifically called garugi or mehuṇiya", as a person was generally supposed to marry his maternal uncle's daughter in the Lața country.
6
Marriage in exchange, i. e. marrying by giving one's own sister in return, was also common. In such marriages it was. believed that one's sister would remain happy if he behaved well with the sister of the other. Such types of marriages are still in vogue in certain parts of India.
1. छंदो आयारो गंमा जहा लाडाणं माउलदुहिया, माउसस्स धूया अगंमा - NC. 1, p. 57. 2. Ava. Cu. II, p. 81.
3. स्वमातुलसुतां प्राप्य दक्षिणात्यस्तु तुष्यति — Kumārila Bhatta, quoted by Govinda Svāmī in the commentry on
Baudhayanadharmasutra
(Mysore ed.), p. &..
4. Combay Plates of Govindaraja IV', EI. VII, p. 38.
5. Manusmrti, 11. 172-73.

6. NC. 2, p. 14.
7. मेहुणित्ति माउल पिउस्सियधाता - NC. 4, p. 135.
8. NC. 3, p. 432.
9. NC. 3, p. 432.

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Of all the different types of marriage mentioned in the NC. marriages arranged by the parents were the most common, although the other types were also practised amongst the different sections of society.
Marriageable Age--No restriction to age-limit for marriage in case of men was put, as many of them married several times in their life.2 Instances show that some boys embraced the monkhood on the day of their marriage." The age of the boy therefore must have been at least sixteen at the time of his first marriage. The Jaina Šāstras of this period advocate twelve years as the age for the bride and sixteen years for that of the bridegroom. It is strange enough to see that while the Hindu law-givers of this age enjoy pre-puberty marriages for the girls," no examples of child-marriage are referred to in the text. The references indicate that the girls were quite grown up and had reached the prime of their youth (jauvvaņa-patta) by the time they got married, 6 In the classical Sanskrit litera. ture of the contemporary period the heroines are usually shown as quite grown up which does not easily coincide with the injunctions of the Smộti literature of the time. The various references in the NC. appear to quote the examples only from the Jaina families where the marriage of a girl before attaining puberty was not considered to be a religious binding,
1. LAI., p. 161. 2. NC. 3, p. 53; NC. 1, p. 15. 3. Ta pie frazit fufafaa AT-NC. 2, p. 108. 4. Jain, K. P., 'Marriage in Jaina Literature', IHQ, Vol. IV, p. 151.
According to Somadeva, a girl of twelve years and a boy of sixteen years become competent for selection. द्वादशवर्षा स्त्री षोडशवर्षः पुमान् प्राप्त
agri Haa:--Nitivā., p. 371. “This can be regarded as proper age of marriage recommended for adoption by the Jainas”-Sangave, op
cit., p. 149. 5. Yājilavalkyasmrti, 1. 13; see also--Altekar, op. cit., p. 68. 6. RT I UFATI aqui
T NC. 2, p. 417. 7. Among the Jainas the insitution of marriage is viewed clearly in its
social aspect. There is no religious motive in contracting marriage as

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and therefore the girls could grow up in their paternal house for a longer period.
Marriage Ceremonies and Feasts--Two different phrases, i. e. varita and paripita, have been used. The word varita meant the betrothal ceremony preceding parimita which was the stage after the marriage ceremony was over. Favourable conditions of the stars and planets (nakşatra) were studied in great detail as it was believed that marriage solemnised at an inauspicious hour would not promote matrimonial happiness. It was thus a superstitious belief amongst the unhappy wives who were deprived of the love and affection of their husbands to take it for granted that at the time of their marriage the stars were not in favourable position (vivakkara di dosa).* The Buddhist and Brāhmaṇic authorities also put a great stress on this point." Vātsyāyana quoting the earlier authorities in his text gives it as his decided opinion that a girl should be sought for or given away when the signs, omens, portents and voices were favourable.* Bāna informs that “on a day of good omen Prabhākaravardhana poured the Rajyasri's betrothal water upon the hand of an envoy extraordinary”.2
During marriage a pavilion or canopy (man lapa)* was raised and various types of festoons of flowers and green leaves (vandana-māliya) were suspended at the gates for auspicious
such.-Sangave, op.cit., p. 159; see also_Jain, K.C., op. cit., pp. 45
and 339. 1. Ar qui AYET-YIT AZT afruitat—NG. 1, p. 17. 2. oui faarelau 177TTIG-DIAT OFEETF9--NC. 2, p. 25€; Bih-Vr. 4, p. 1030.
Sumai.gala Vilāsıni, 1. 96; cf. Paumacarija, 6. 27 and 15. 95. 4. kamasutra, p. 185.
See also-Chakaldar, Social Life in Ancient India, p. 129. 5. Harsacarita, p. 123. 6. CAT 34Th Heal, pre À Ft-NC. 2, p. 461. Mention of the words
asthānamand apa and vāsagrha perhaps point towards the ceremonies of Mandapa-vedi-pralis nā and Vāsakse pa which are two rites among the 16 main rites in the marriage ceremony as observed by the Svetâmbara Jainas. For 16 main rites of marriage see-Sangave, op. cit., p. 165.
3

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purposes. I The bride and the bridegro)m after marriage were taken to the va sagrhal or the marriage-chamber the walls of which were sometimes painted with beautiful and auspicious scenes. In the Harşacarita Räjyasri was also taken to vasagļha the doorways of which were adorned by the human representations of love and joy (Rati and Priti).*
Various household ceremonies were held before and after the marriage at bride's or bridegroom's place. Āhena' was a feast given to the guests when the bride entered the bridegroom's house. Pahenagae was a feast given by the bride's parents. Sammela was another type of marriage-feast (vivāhabhatta).' Marriage was thus the most auspicious and sacred occasion which was celebrated with great joy and mirth in the presence of various relations, friends and guests.
Widows and Remarriage-Though men married several times, remarriage of the widows, or of the women forsaken by their husbands, was spurned by the society, especially amongst the higher castes. They (widows) had to keep their chastity and even the unwilling widows were forced to keep the vow of 1. faarea sŪMĪTE BŪTTET 69 Arrasart—NC. 2, p. 396; BỊh. Vg. 3,
p. 654. 2. qfrufttt 7 a Tati-NC. 1, p. 10. The author here seems to have
followed the scheme of marriage ceremonies as observed by Svetāmbaras. According to the Brāhmanical texts, the newly wedded couple must observe strict chastity for three days before the consummation of the marriage. The Digambara Jainas also enjoin celibacy for seven days. But among the Svetāmbaras the newly wedded couple depart for consummation of marriage on the same day on which Asirvāda, i. e. the last marriage ceremony, is performed. --Jaina
Samskāra Vidhi, pp. 110-11; Sangave, op. cit., p. 170. 3. NC. 2, p. 461. 4. Harsacarita, p. 130. 5. Dettet af forsfa Si TUI.aam-NC. 3, p. 223; THATTESTAT
htforsifa 01NC. 3, p. 222; Ācāranga Cū. II, p. 11. 6. statliterat at fosglat di TÊTIST..Fant fossila & TÈ N C. 3,
p. 222. 7. atare ai Ibid.

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106 A CULTRAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI celibacy, 1 Such celibate life has been termed as dravya-Brahma, i. e. material celibacy, 2 as against bhava-Brahma, i. e, celibacy which was practised due to an inner urge. Widows were to wear simple clothes and were not allowed to wear any ornaments. Usually women would have remained in the same house after the death of their husbands, but in many cases they went back to their maternal homes. Many a woman embraced Jaina or Buddhist monastic order being disgusted with the life due to the death of their loving husbandse or because of the quarrelsome atmosphere in the family. The Jaina Acāryas took an active part in preaching such ladies.' It can be thus stated that the Jaina and Buddhist monastic orders provided a great help in alleviating the miseries of women by giving them the status of nuns and thus saving them from the sorrowful life of the ancient Indian widowhood.
Though remarriages were strictly restricted among the higher castes, i. e. the Brāhmaṇas and Ksatriyas, it was tolerated amongst the lower castes. A story is cited in the NC. wherein Bhațţā, the daughter of a Sreşthin, was proposed for marriage by the Senāpati after she had left her former husband.& Instance has been mentioned of a householder who being enraged in a family dispute ordered his four wives to leave the house; out of them one went to another family, i. e. married another man (para-gharammi gatā). This shows that this course of behaviour was also resorted to by some ladies in
1. NO. 1, p. 1; Manusmrti, 9. 65. 5, 158, 160. 2. G1311 376 377311 Testers Huila Hodie Coaxi--NC. 1, p. 1. 3. Faz Tegitemit Sacrorrait Haifa-NC. 2, p. 11. 4. NC. 2, p. 111. 5. Ibid.; also NC. 3, p. 52. 6. HÀ TIT FUIT OTETTI TIFÈT, HUT TOFT--NC 2, p. 258. 7. HEARTTT À UTETET 79 Permai sifat ata a 56-NC. 2, p. 258; Brh.
VT., pp. 1029-30. 8. NC. 3, p. 151. 9. T raffe for TCE TIT I TOT fer op ais. Para feq371370-NC. 3, p.
52; BỊh. Vs. 5, p. 1518.

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certain circumstances. Remarriage was thus prevalent amongst the lower castes where it might have been an economic necessityl and was also not considerd as a factor degrading the family prestige.
Niyoga or Levirate-The practice of Niyoga or Levirate was quite prevalent in ancient India. This practice allowed a childless woman to have a son through any other person in case the husband was dead or was incapable of procreating children. In the NC. we find that an heirless king is advised by his ministers to have a son through monks in order to save the kingdom from destruction. It was believed : “The seed in the field could be sown by any one but its product belonged to the landlord. Similarly, the son born to a wife belonged to her husband alone”. However, even in exceptional circumstances the rulers tried to avoid this practice because of the fear of social repercussions. Levirate as a social practice has been severely condemned as a “beastly practice'' by the contemporary law-givers and was out of vogue soon after the sixth century A.D.
Satī or Self-immolation--The custom of Satī or self-immolation was common during these conturies,5 as it has been referred to by most of the law-givers of the time. Contemporary inscriptions also refer to this practice.' A story in the NC. narrates that 500 merchants of Sopāraya were ordered by the king to be burnt alive due to non-payment of taxes. Their wives also voluntarily entered the burning pyre after their
1. Majumdar, op. cit., p. 156. 2. Höflfé fotef=31 aya hil feces, Qc a TITA JE à --NC. 2, p. 381;
also NC. 1, p. 127. 3. जहा परखेत्ते अण्णेण बीयं वाविय खेत्तिणो आहव्वं भवति, एवं तुह अंतेउरखेत्ते अण्णेण
are POAST TE a g raf-NC. 1, p. 127. 4. Altekar, op. cit, pp. 168-75. 5. For the custom of Satī see-Altekar, op. cit., pp. 143-48. 6. Ibid. 7. See-Eran Posthumous Pillar Inscription of Goparāja” (A. D. 510-14)
--CII. III, No 20, p. 93, also No. 2, p. 92.

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husbands.' In spite of references to self-immolation, the practice of Sati was not universal. A number of widows can be observed as living with the families of their husbands or going back to their paternal house, a practising chastity and renunciation and also sometimes embracing the monastic order.s
Faina Attitude Towards Women-Being the expounder of an ascetic religion the attitude of our author towards women could not be very different from the other advocates of his faith. Women as a social entity were not only neglected but also held in contempt by the Jaina and the Buddhist lawgivers, as their (women) presence was supposed to be an impediment in their spiritual development-"a bolt barring the city of heaven, a path to the dwelling of hell".. Emphasising the agility of the woman-nature, the author in one of his works quotes from other sources in support of his views :8 “They (women) laugh and weep for the purpose of acquiring money (arthahetch), they make others believe but never believe themselves; therefore a man belonging to a high family and possessing virtues should remain away from women like flowers growing up in the grounds of a cemetery", and
unstable by their very nature like the waves of an ocean, unsteady in their affection like the evening clouds, women discard a person after fulfilling their purpose like the lacbranch squeezed out of its sap.96 Similar statements can be found in the NC. It has been stated that women are fickleminded by their very nature and lack the strength of character.' Their affection can be easily won over by showering 1. à får g'a Afcas, arfo fa affer 9iaE G10—NC. 4, p. 14; Brh. V. 3, p.
208 2. NC. 2, p. 111. 3. NC. 2, p. 261. 4. Winternitz, M., History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, pp. 462-63. 5. Uttara. Cü., p. 65. 6. समुद्रवीचीचपलस्वभावाः संध्याभ्ररेखा व मुहूर्तरागाः । स्त्रियः कृतार्थाः पुरुषं निरर्थक
faqifsat isa otsifat 11 --Uttarā. Cī., p. 65. 7. Tore for Fantat i Farat e graft BETHAT Hafd--NC. 3, p. 584.

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them with gifts, and they can easily be urged to do even the undesirable actions.1 Moreover, they are very prone to sexual pleasures and the excitement in the company of men easily overcomes their reasons. Although no evidence of purdah system is recorded in the text, yet it was firmly believed that women should be kept under strict control and could also be beaten for any breach of moral conduct. It was believed that women could accept paramours (jāra) even in the form of a father, brother or son.. Various instances like daughters and daughters-in-law running away with their paramours: or with persons of loose character ( dhārta-vița )", women leaving their illegitimate children in the shelter places of monks,' women enticing the monks for sexual intercourse, the proșita-patikas giving food to the monks on a similar condition have been mentioned to emphasise the unstability of their (women's) character. However, such statements do not command the general acceptance of the age 10 and are not supported by the contemporary writings of the other faiths. J. C. Jain has rightly pointed out that these statements are specifically made with a view to blacken the character of
1. सा य अप्पसत्तत्तणओ जेण वातेण वत्थमादिणा अप्पेणावि लोभिज्जति, दाणलोभिया य
32 our fa fa-Ibid. 2. वि य ताओ बहमोहाओ। तेसिं च पुरिसेहिं सह संलाव करेंतीणं दाणं च गेण्हतीण
gfaacerat het fe4--Ibid. 3: NC. 3, p. 521. 4. जेण बहू महिलियाणं कृतकभावा भवं ति, पुत्त-पति-पित्ति कडगभावेण य जारे गेण्हति
NC. 3, p. 582. 5, NC. 3, p. 267. 6. NC: 2, p. 265. 7. NC. 2, p. 173. 8, NO. 1, p. 129. 9. Ibid. 10. Varahamihira in the contemporary period violently protests against
the various vices attributed to women. According to him, men are cqually guilty of them. Sec-Brhatsanhita, 76. 6. 12, 14, 16, 17, Altekar, op. cit., p. 387.

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women in order to warn the lustful monks to keep aloof from the feminine charms that might overcome their reasons”, 1
In spite of this general attitude towards women, an almost equal status was given to the nuns by the Jaina law-givers in their monastic order. They could lead a pure and chaste life in their respective order and thus strive for their spiritual salvation. Most of the rules were common for monks as well as nuns except a few which were specifically made keeping in view the aspect of social security of nuas. It is worthwhile to note that under no circumstances a nun could be expelled from the order. Even when a nun was forcefully raped and was pregnant, she was to be kept in the house of a layman and properly looked after throughout the period of her confinement. She could rejoin the order after the birth of the child and her child could also be initiated in the monastic life. This rule evidently gave a social security to women who once having embraced the monastic life had been unable to live up to the required standards or were forced to deviate from their chosen path due to circumstances beyond their control.
Position of Women-The ideal of womanhood was that one should entirely devote to her husband. The husband, good or bad, was the only refuge of a wife. A story is narrated of a husband who being displeased with the conduct of his wife asked her to leave the house. But on her lamenting that “where should I go as I have no place to go. Even if you beat me, you are my only refuge»t the husband was so pleased that he handed over the responsibilities of the household back to her. 5
Women enjoyed certain rights in other fields also. Mention has been made of the religious works being recited by the
1. LAI., P: 153. 2. Fr lagtg any osoy Fuchfa—NC. 3, p. 277. 3, NO. 3, p. 234, 4. कतो णं वच्चामि, णात्य मे अण्णो गतिविसओ, जति वि मारहि तहावि तुम चेव
Tatatui --NG3, p. 52. 5. Ibid.

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learned women (vidüşa-stri).1 They were versed in the art of music also. The text does not enlighten us much about the method of imparting education to women. In case of nuns, however, we know that curriculum was common for both the monks and nuns. A few texts of very high order were, however, not to be disclosed to the nuns. 2
Women could freely take part in religious functions. Apart from nuns who led a highly religious life, women are seen attending the sermons delivered by the Acāryas, giving donations to the monks, and performing various secrifices (bali) on auspicious days. Women enjoyed certain economic rights. The wife was regarded as the mistress 6 of house in the absence of the master. It has been stated that “the share (vibhaga) which belongs to the hired labourers or slaves, daughters, daughters-in-law and widows is not to be given to any one else as it may lead to conflict and unpleasantness." The word daughter is perhaps used for the unmarried daughters who had a share in the family-property, while the daughter-in-law or the widow received her husband's property. This statement is practically true in case of Jaina society as "according to Jaina law, on the death of a man his widow takes the · husband's share as an absolute owner even if there be a son”. Herein lies the main difference between the Hindu law and the Jaina law", since the right of the widow to inherit her husband's property is not recognised by the Hindu jurists, 10 1. Faturi taifa, faguetton aftaifa tan-NC. 2, p. 12; Brh: Vč. 3, p.701. 2. See Chapter I. 3. NO. 2, p. 257. 4. NC. 2, p. 102; NC. 3, p. 358. 5. NC. 3, p. 410; NC. 2, pp. 174-75. 6. NC: 2, p. 141. 7. एवं खरगपुत्तधूयसुण्हाए य विहवाए संतियं विभाग अच्छिदिउं देतस्स अचियत्तदोसा
Haifa, fieftai 7 344Fafa-NC, 3, 433. 8. Jain, C. R., Jain Law, pp. 80-81. 9. Sangave, op. cit., p. 191. 10. Altekar, op. cit., p. 300.

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Public Women--The ancient texts clearly differentiate between the ganika and the veśya. Ganika was socially respected by the kings and the nobles because of her accomplishments in various fine arts, while vesya earned her livelihood by selling her body for the physical satisfaction of the people, Both the terms later came to be used almost as synonyms, ' as the chief amongst the veśyās came to be known as ganika. 8 In the NC. the various terms like ganika,* vesya,, vesitthis and veśastri? have been used almost as synonyms.
The Kamasutra defines the gaņikā as a veśya who is accomplished in sixty-four arts.8 In the NC., however, youth, beauty and other coquetish charms are mentioned as the only requirements for a gaạikā.. The gaņikās were supposed to be very beautiful and their company could only be enjoyed by persons capable of paying the suitable price.10 Thus, she could be approached by the rich people, but it was difficult for a man to leave her company as she excited the passions of a man by her youth and beauty.li The residences of the courtisans were known as ganiyathana (ganikā sthāna—a brothel). 11 The persons like Vița and Ceça and even the prostitutes who could not carry on with their professions because of their old age did often indulge in search of beautiful orphan girls to turn them . into prostitutes. The Jaina nuns were restricted from accepting
1. For the Buddhist and Jaina information regarding the origin and
growth of the institution of ganjkās see-JainK.C., Bauddha
aura Jaina Agamom meň Nāri-Jivana, pp. 145-66. 2. arcraft fort arata tal-Amarakoša, 2. 6. 19; Paiya Sadda Mahan.
nava, p. 286. 3. Jain, K. C., op. cit., p. 158. 4. NO. 1, pp. 3, 50; NC. 4, p. 19. 5. NC. 3, p. 399. 6. NC. 2, p. 466; NC. 3, p. 586. 7. NC. 2, p. 31. 8. Kamasutra, 1, p. 20. 9. NC. 4, p. 19. 10. NO. 1, p. 50. 11. NC. 4, p. 19. 12. NO. 3, p. 586.

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clothes even from an old prostitute as she might take the beautiful nuns to the brothel.2 References make it clear that relationship or contact with the ganikas had become an object of social condemnation. Pastimes
Pastimes or amusements, festivals and festivities prevailing in the society show the importance given to the material pursuits and as such indicate a healthy state of society. Various outdoor and indoor pastimes prevailed amongst the people of this age and the form differed in accordance to the material status with the direct bearing on sex and age of the participants. Play-nurses (kilavanı dhati) were usually engaged by the wealthy citizens to teach various games to the children.2 Children played with balls (gemduga)' and its mention in various Jaina works indicates its popularity.
The young ladies loved to sit on a swing (andolaga) with their husbands or lovers and also indulged in wine-drinking (majjapāņa).. Sporting in water (jala-madhye-krida), mentioned as toya-krida in the literature, was another pastime.5 Wine and women were a source of amusement for the kings and the nobles, while dice and gambling have been mentioned as their special vices. Picnics were also arranged, especially during the spring season.
The game af dice (bukkanna) was popular. Bāna also asserts the existence of this game. Gambling was largely prevalent
1. जुण्णा वेसित्थी, अप्पणा असत्ता वि ठवेत्तुं रूववई समणि दट्टु अभियोगेज्जा, गणि
TOM QZO -NC. 3, p.-586. 2. NC. 3, p. 404. 3. NC. 3, p. 349. 4. FTIT THO HF 59T773TİTUTU S TOHET SEANC. 3, pp. 349
50; also NC. 4, p. 25. 5. NO. 3, pp. 349-50. 6. NO. 4, p. 50. 7. FourTT RUUTGUT TH -NC. 1, p. 17; also NC. 3, p. 349. 8. Harsacarita, p. 65, text p. 78, Kādambari, p. 5.

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amongst the lower strata of society. Gamblers were known as dyutakaras, and the devakulas situated outside the villages were their famous resorts. Dandin giving a graphic picture of the game appreciates gambling as "a source for developing unexampled magnanimity, since one drops the pile of money like a straw".' Wrestling (mallajuddha) and boxing (bahujuddha) were popular, and akkhavāḍa (akṣāṭaka) was the gymnasium where the wrestlers (malla) and the boxers (mutthiya) regularly practiced. The bird and animal-fights were also popular. Birds like crows (carata), sparrow (caṭaka), quail (lāvaka) and animals like horses, bulls and elephants were trained for the purpose of fight.* Subduing mad horses and elephants was an act of glory for the kings and the princes. Dandin and various Prakrit Jaina stories of contemporary period give a graphic account of the animal and bird-fights and also indicate heavy betting done by the owners of the animals on the occasion of the fights.
B
The inmates of harem used to teach the birds like parrots and sarikās to imitate the human voice as a pastime. Bāṇa refers to various birds like parrots and mainās being taught to imitate the human voice once heard. In the villages gosthis or village-concerts used to be frequently held to cater for all social and religious ceremonies. People mostly assembled in the devakulas to entertain themselves after the day's work. Here the story-reciters (kahaga-akkhāhaga) used to
1. Zagaty quifq
fazza--NC. 3, pp. 227, 380; NC. 2, p. 262.
2. Dasakumāracarita, pp. 209-10, text p. 135; see also--Kādambarī, P. 81.
3. NC. 1, p. 157; NC. 4, p. 234; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 346.
4. NC. 3, p. 348.
5. Dasakumaracarita, pp. 149-50, text pp. 96-97; Harsacarita, p. 159; Meyer, Hindu Tales, pp. 34-36.
6. सुक - सालहियादि सिक्खावणं - NC. 1, p. 6.
7. Agrawala, Kadambari: Eka Samskṛtika Adhyayani, p. 27.
8. NC. 2, p. 144-45.
6

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115 narrate the stories from the Epics and the Purāṇas. Apart from these, performances performed by the actors ( nada ), singers ( gojja ), acrobats, bamboo-top-dancers ( lamkha ) and rope-walkers attracted large audience.'
Customs and Beliefs
The NC. displays a wide variety of customs, traditional beliefs and superstitions prevailing in the society at that age. Apart from the usual ancient customs like respect towards elders, occupying lower seat in the presence of the elders, proper form of salutation,' hospitality towards the guests, giving of alms to the ascetics and monks by house-holders? etc., the author also refers to various beliefs such as potentiality of omens, charms, augaries and dreams. Also listed with them are various supernatural powers or magical practices to counteract the effects of the same or for the acquisition of anything desirable.
Great faith was displayed towards the science of astrology. Rarely a sacred ceremony or significant activity in the material or spiritual field could commence without finding out a suitable time when the tithi, karaṇa, muhūrta and naksatra were favourable.: The 4th, 6th, 8th, 9th and 12th of the bright as well as dark half of the month were considered inauspicious ( appasattha ). Considerable attention was also paid towards the astronomical position of the stars and planets. The following seven positions of planets were considered inauspicious(i) the planet which rises in the heaven as the sun rises ( samjhāgata ); (ii) the planet in which the sun is existing ( Ravigata ); (iii) when the planet has gone opposite to its 1. HYFTAT... 37TAT HITT szafa--NC. 4, p. 26. 2. NC. 2, p. 468. 3. NC. 3, p. 34. 4. NO. 1, p. 10. 5. NC. 4, p. 88. 6. NC. 3, p. 415. 7. NC. 2, p. 102; NO. 3, p. 358. 8. NO. 4, p. 302.

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usual direction ( viďdara ); (iv) when the planet is attacked by another planet (saggaha) ; (v) the time of solar and lunar eclipses ( Rahuhata ); (vi) when a third planet is in line with the sun and the other planet (vilambi); (vii) a planet which crosses the path followed by another planet (gahabhinna). 1 These situations of the planets were supposed to precipitate dispute ( kalaha ), lack of proper food ( kubhatta ), victory of the enemy ( paravijava ), lack of salvation ( anivvāņa ), fight (viggaha), death ( maraña) and blood-shed ( soniuggala ) respectively.2 The planets like Ravi, Soma, Agara (Mamgala), Buha, Vihassati, Sukka and Sanicchara were supposed to be auspicious for the Zodiacs (rasi) like Mesa, Vasabha, Magara, Kanna, Kakkada, Mina and Tula respectively. Among the planets Buha, Sukka, Vihassati and Sasi were always considered auspicious.
Due cansideration was given to the place ( khetta ) and direction ( disa ) also. The places, which produced lower variety of food-grains, lacked in vegetation and mineral resources, were considered to be inauspicious, while the places where there was abundance of food-grains, mineral resources with plentiful of raw metals and precious stones, were regarded as auspicious. At the time when a pupil was to be initiated, he was required to sit facing the east,' while the preceptor used to sit opposite to the pupil. Similar consideration in respect of direction was also kept in view before the dead bodies of the monks were cremated.
Besides the astronomical conditions, certain natural occurences were also taken to indicate good or evil omens (sauna, Skt. sakuna). Meeting a person clad in dirty or unclean clothes or anointed with oil, a dog, a hunch-back, a dwarf, one wear
1. N. Bhā. 6384; NC. 4, p. 301. 2. N. Bhā. 8385-86; NC. 4, pp. 301-2. 3. NC. 4, p. 302. 4. Ibid. 5. NC. 4, p. 301. 6. NC. 4, p. 302. 7. Ibid.

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ing ochre or coloured clothes, the Kuccandhara or the Sasarkkha ascetics or those besmeared with ashes were regarded to predict the failure of the work in hand. To stumble against a tree branch or striking the head against the same, inquiring a person who is on his way about his destination, sneezing or hearing unpleasant sound when a person is about to leave also indicated impending inauspicious moment. The monks were not to start at such inauspicious moments even if they had to go to a physician.2 Contrary to these, the sound of the twelve musical instruments being beaten simultaneously or that of Nandimukha, Mşdanga, Sankha and Pațaha (drum), the sight of filled vessels, a golden pitcher (bhingara), umbrella (chatta), fly-whisks (camara), the throne (simhasana) and the food like curd (dadhi) were considered auspicious for ensuring success in the work. The sight of an ascetic or a monk was considered inauspicious (amangala) while proceeding on a journey or pilgrimage by some, while it was taken as an auspicious omen by the others. While proceeding on a journey or venturing into a commercial enterprise the merchants as well as the monks always considered the fact that the omens were favourable to them.
The science of prognostication (nimitta) was highly developed and the fortune-tellers (nemittiya) were versed in the eight-fold division of the maha-nimittas. They could foretell profit or loss, happiness or suffering, life or death in the
1. N. Bhā.3019. See also-ga for the fact as a prefa_NC.
3, p. 100. 2. अक्कंचितो कहिं वा वच्चसि त्ति पुच्छिओ छीर्य वा अमणुण्णसहसवणं एवमादिएसु
NC. 3, p. 101. 3. N. Bhā. 3020; NG. 3, p. 101. -4. जत्ता णिग्गतो वा गिहत्थो साहुं दटु 'अमंगलं' त्ति भण्णति । कुतो अम्हाणं सुहं
for ER a Sifher faco-NC. 2, p. 328. 5. FIC TEST Fift Ford Bylarela --NC. 2, p. 328. 6, NC. 3, p. 215. 7. JATI STEBIT-folhei qul-NC. 1, p. 22.

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past, present and future.' At the death-bed of a man various universal phenomena (artitthaga), which could forecast the future, could be of three types—(i) physical ( kayika ) like the throbbing of eyes or arms, (ii) vocal (vācika) like the words unconsciously or accidentally uttered which come out to be true in life (sahasa-bhasita) and (iii) mental like dreams etc.
People firmly believed in the potentiality of dreams (suvina). The dreams seen in the early hours of the morning were taken to forecast the coming events. Dreams and their results could be of five types-(i) dreams that come out to be true in life (ahātacca)—this type of dream could be seen only by holy and pure-minded people, (ii) dreams seen in an unbroken chain (pratata ), (iii) dreams concurring with the thoughts. of a person (cimta-savina), (iv) dreams radically opposite to the actual happenings in life ( vivarita ), and lastly, (v) the dreams which one does not remember properly or the implications of which cannot be understood by the person concerned (avvatļa ).4 The science of dreams thus was well-defined, and there is no doubt that the birth of all the great personalities in Jaina, Buddhist as well as Brāhmanic literature is always linked with various dreams which their mothers are apt to behold at the time of conception.
Like the belief in dreams to be seen by the mothers of the great religious personages, it was also believed that such a child would be invested with certain auspicious distinctive body marks as well as certain moral or spiritual qualities to forecast his future greatness. Such distinctive marks were known as lakṣaṇa and vyañjana. The former could be of two types--the internal marks like the nature, physical strength and other moral virtues etc., and the external marks like speech, complexion and physical marks which could be seen on hands
1. NC. 3, p. 18. 2. NC. 3, pp. 384-85. 3. NC. 3, p. 384. 4. NC. 3, p. 385. 5. N. Bha. 4292-3; NC. 3, pp. 383-84.

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or feet.1
The Lakṣaṇas were the signs or auspicious marks with which a child was invested at the time of his birth, while the Vyañjana type of marks, i. e. the warts, moles or black spots etc., could appear later in life.2 Such marks were supposed to be 32 in number in case of ordinary human beings, while its number was 300 in case of Baladevas and Vasudevas, and 8000 in case of Cakravartins and Tirthankaras.3 The science of detecting the auspicious marks was well developed and one versed in it could predict the future of a person.
4
Disposal of Dead and Funeral Obsequies-Like matrimony and the occasion of birth, death was also accompanied with proper religious rites and ceremonies. Cremation was the usual practice to dispose off the dead bodies. Among the non-Aryans 'burial' seems to have been in vogue. The non-Aryans did not burn their corpses and the place of depositing the corpse was known as maḍagagiha (mṛtaka-gṛha). According to the usual practice of cremation, the corpse was taken to the cremation ground (susana-susāṇakuḍi) and was properly cremated." On the death of Prabhākaravardhana, Bāņa informs us that “a pyre befitting the emperor solemnly consumed all but his glory in the flame"." Yuan Chwang also refers to three customs of funeral'--(i) cremation, (ii) water burial and (iii) interment in the wilds. Of these, cremation was the most popular one.
1. NC. 3, p. 383.
2. NC. 3, p. 384.
3. NC. 3, p. 383.
119
The rites of collecting the charred bones (asthisañcayana )* was also observed and the ashes of the charred bones were called chara.o Proper rules of cleanliness were to be observed after the funeral. After seeing or touching the corpse, a person
4. मडगहिं णाम मेच्छाणं घरब्भतरे मतयं छोढु ं णिज्जति, न डज्झति — NC. 2, p. 255. 5. मतो दिट्ठो भणति - ' किं मज्झ घरं सुसाणकुडी, जेण मतं आणेह'-NC. 3, p. 99.

6. Harsacarita, p. 158.
7. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 174; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 86.
8. For the rite of asthisancayana see-Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 240-42. 9. अभिनव दड्ढं अपु जकयं छारो भण्णति --NC. 2, p. 22.

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was to take a bath with his clothes on.' Yuan Ch wang also records the same practice that "those who attend a funeral are regarded as unclean and they all wash outside the city walls before entering the city'.2 The house of the deceased or the place where the dead body was kept was to be sprinkled with water and smeared with cowdung. The ancient law-givers believed that “a polluted house is to be purified by being swept and cowdunged."4
After death a period of 10 days of impurity was observed during which the near relatives of the deceased were held as impure or uclean. The practice of 10 to 13 days of impurity is enjoyed by almost all the law-givers and is a living practice even now amongst the Jainao and non-Jaina society.' Yuan Chwang also observed that no one goes to take food in a family afflicted by death till the funeral rites are over and normalcy dwells once again. The period of impurity ended after offering oblation to the deceased or by observing such other religious rites. Bāņa after the death of Prabhākaravardhana narrates : “The Brāhmaṇa, who consumes the departed soul's first oblation, has now partaken of his meals. The horror of the days of impurity has passed”. Kalidasa also refers to the same custom when he states that ten days after the death of a father the offering of rice-balls (pin la) by the son to the manes of their departed ancestors were considered meritorious.'Due consideration was also taken to observe the
1. gata sett at vergot-NC. 3, p. 99. 2. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 175; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 86. 3. HafiH OET 09 foizi 55-NG. 3, p. 99. 4. Yājñavaik ya smrti, 1. 187;Visnusmrti, 23. 56; sec also-Kane, op. cit.,
Vol. IV, p. 231. 5. Tift371 AT TIGHT757_NC. 4, p. 280. 6. Sangave, op. cit., p. 361. 7. Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 308. 8. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 175; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 86. 9. Harsacarita, p. 164, text p. 115. 10. Raghuvansa, VII, 73. .

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monthly or yearly $raddhas in which food was offered to the Brahmins in honour of the dead ancestors. Such a feast was known as mayabhatta or kareḍuya-bhatta. Hingola was also another death-feast in which meat was freely offered. A story in the NC. depicts a Jaina monk being unable to get the alms even to break his monthly fast, as all the members of the family were busy in serving food to the Brahmins (dhijjatiya) in such a death-feast (kareḍuyabhatta). The feast was held after a month of the death of the deceased which may indicate the practice of observing the monthly Śrāddhas.
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SOCIAL LIFE
2
The practice of offering pindas or rice-balls to the dead ancestors+ was also obligatory for the family-members. We are informed that proper time for offering pinta (rice-balls) to the pitys (dead ancestors) was during the Magha Śraddha. The Magha Śrāddha mentioned in the NC. is evidently the same as the Maghyavarṣa Śraddha' which has been highly eulogised by most of the ancient authorities. The Ava yakagṛhasutra (II. 59) explains Māghyāvarṣa as a rite performed on the 13th day of the dark half of Bhadrapada when generally the moon is in Magha Nakṣatra." The Visnudharmasūtra (76. 1. 78) states that the 13th of the dark half of Bhadrapada, when the moon is in the Magha asterism, is highly appreciable for offering the

1. H-NC. 3, p. 418. Even now such a feast is known as karaja-bhatta in Gujarat, and is given on the 13th day after the death of a person.
2. जं मतभत्तं करडुगादियं तं हिंगोल - NC. 3, p. 223.
3. NC. 3, p. 418.
4. पिति - पिंडपदाणं वा पिंडणिगरो - NC. 2, p. 444.
5. पितृपिंडप्रदानकालो मघा श्राद्धेषु भवति - Ibid. Here the editor of the
NC. failing to understand the significance of the word magha gives another reading in bracket as yatha.which is not correct. In the press copy of the NC. prepared by Muni Punyavijaya the reading is to be found as 'Maghasräddha' (8, p. 59).
6. For detailed information regarding the 'Maghyāvarṣa' Śrāddha see -Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 360-61.
7. हरदत्तस्तु भाद्रपदकृष्णपक्षे मघायुक्तः त्रयोदश्यां माध्यावर्षाख्यं श्राद्धं Ibid., p. 360.

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Śrāddha. According to Yājñavalkya, whatever food is offered on the 13th day in the rainy season, when the moon is in the Maghā, procures endless satisfaction. Evidently, the Magha Śrāddha must have been observed on the 13th of the dark half of Bhadrapada which, according to P. V. Kane, was perhaps a precursor of Mahālaya Śrāddha. 2
1. aur and FUTAI HATE = fastra:-Yājňavalkyasmrti, 1, p. 261. 5. Kane, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 361.

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CHAPTER IV
MATERIAL CULTURE
“In the life of man the first and foremost are food and clothing. To man these two are the fetter and chain which bind him to the field of rebirth".1 This statement of contemporary Chinese traveller I-Tsing virtually represents the ascetic spirit of our Jaina author as well. However, it is doubtless to assume that the ordinary life of worldly man is usually governed by these two factors, and that man is simply not satisfied to take them as bare necessities of life. The innume. rable varieties of food and drink mentioned in our text and the various efforts at the embellishment of the person—the fine and costly clothes, the ornments decorating the body from hair to toe, the flowers and the garlands, the sweet and agreeable smell of the scents and perfumes purifying the air all around, all claim for a highly aesthetic taste of the people. The author widely refers to the luxuries of the materialistic life2 in orderto show its contrast with the hard and rigorous monastic life, and warn the monks of the untold hardships of the monkhood before venturing to embrace the monastic life. Any attraction or attachment towards the artistic and aesthetic aspects of life was no doubt a disgrace to the monk,3 but a virtually opposite view of the material-minded people who took the monks to be “dead-persons' (msta;. because of their renunciation of the
1. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion, p. 72, 2. NC. 2, p. 12; NC. 4, p. 3. 3. NO. 2, pp. 212, 220. 4. aai wat trang HIV aa-NC. 2, p. 286.

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worldly pleasure and comforts during their life time,' is also to be seen in the text. Both these views must have prevailed in society side by side. Here we propose to survey the materialistic achievements of these worldly people, who no doubt formed a majority in society. Food
Food is the basic necessity of life and our author is well aware of the importance of food in the development of physical body and also its various effects on the mental activities.* Dietary discipline for different people, particularly the avoidance of rich and nourishing food, and the use of dry and coarse food for overcoming the carnal human desires, testifies the same fact. Food-articles, however, have been classified into four categories : (i) asana or soft food such as boiled rice (kūra), (ii) pāņa or beverages like butter-milk, rice-milk, water and wine, (iii) khaima or hard food like roots and fruits, and (iv) sāima or relishable articles like honey, sugar, betelleaves etc. It can be visualized that the food of the people must have been rich and varied. The cereals and pulses, milk and its various products, honey and sweets, spices and condiments, fruits and vegetables, the non-vegetarian dishes, the intoxicating liquors as well as other beverages all formed a part of the manifold dietary of the people during this time.
Cereals and Pulses-Most of the food-grains of today were known to the people of this time. The Nišitha Bhasya refers to
1. Tema Hoteftantia pat yan-Ibid. 2. TotatETTISTATIE HET Hat Hair:-NC. 2, p. 21. 3. folaatfal Threr Bieta - Ibid. 4. 317&TT Rifitat et qefoqet—NC. 3, p. 287.
The Buddhist works also divide food into four categories.Digha, 30 (Lakkhāna Sutta). Susruta also mentions four categories of food : (i) asitam (solid), (ii) pitam (drink), (iii) ridham (that by licking) and (iv) the khäditam (that is chewn).Vide G. P. Majumdar's Article on 'Food', Indian Culture, Vol. 1, p. 413. I-Tsing, however, mentions five solid and five soft varieties of food.-Takakusu, op. cit., p. 43.

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twenty-four varieties of food-grains (dhanya) which are evidently known to our author also. These include--(i) java, (ii) gohuma: (iii) sali, (iv) vihi, (v) satthiya, (vi) koddava, (vii) anda, (viii) kaņgu, (ix) rālaga, (x) tila, (xi) mugga, (xii) masa, (xiii) atasi, (xiv) harimaṁtha, (xv) ti puda, (xvi) nipphava, (xvii) alisaṁda, (xviii) masa (explained as pan lara-cavalaga in the NC.), (xix) ikkhu, (xx) masūra, (xxi) tuvari, (xxii) kulattha, (xxiii) dhānaga and (xxiv) kala. 1
Among these food grains barley (java), wheat (gohuma) and.. rice must have been the staple food of the people. I-Tsing informs us : "In the north (of India) wheat flour is abundant, in the western district backed flour (rice or barley) is used above all, in Magadha (in central India) wheat flour is scarce but rice is plentiful and the southern frontier and eastern border land also have similar products to those of Magadha.”
Rice appears to have been the most popular of all the food. grains, three varieties of rice, viz. (i) sāli ( fine variety), (ii) vihi (common variety) and (iii) satthiya (rice ripening in sixty days),- have been mentioned in the text. According to Cakrapāņi, rice had three main varieties—urīhi ripening in autumn, sali ripening in winter and şaşţika ripening in sixty days in summer. Yuan Chwang also mentions the variety of rice "which was ready in sixty days for cutting.” Of these varieties of rice sali was supposed to be the best.. People highly cherished to eat boiled unbroken sali rice, but its use was restricted to the monks on the ground that they might not get accustomed eating delicious food.: Of the various
1. Nišitha Bhāsya, 1029-30; see also--NC. 2, p. 109. Bịh. Bhā. (Vol. 2,
P. 264) also mentions seventeen varieties of grains, 2. Takakusu, op. cit., pp. 43-44. 3. NC. 2, p. 109; NC. 3, pp. 287, 295, 432. 4. Nišitha Bhāsya, II, 1029-30. See also-NC. 2, p. 109; Bịh. Bhā. 2, p. 264. 5. nfs CAF y feliz #1: DEY: RET:-Cakrapāni on
Carakasaṁhita, 27. 6. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 300; Beal, op. cit., I, p. 179. 7. NC. 2, p. 236.

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sub-varieties of sali rice,1 the kalama variety has been frequently mentioned; it was highly relished and the monks accustomed to delicacies sometimes aspired to eat the boiled kalama śāli rice. Vihi rice was also widely used and layataraṇa is explained as a kind of gruel (peya) prepared from the parched vrihi rice (lāyā). It was usually taken by the monks at the end of a long fasting."
Barley (java) was another important food-grain. Various preparations of barley such as apupas were common. People often took with them the parched barley-meal (saktu) while proceeding on a journey. It was usually mixed with sugar and clarified butter. Wheat (gohuma) was also common, and we find the traders going out for trade with carts loaded with wheat. Various types of cakes (khajjagas) 10 were prepared from the wheat-flour. Mandagal was a type of wheat cake stuffed with molasses and ghee. On certain occasion people in south India used to make a large cake (maṇḍaga) containing a kuḍava of wheat flour; it was stuffed with molasses and ghee and was given to a Brahmana in the early morning.'"
Besides rice, barley and wheat, certain inferior varieties of grains were also used. While the rich people were fond of taking sali-kura (boiled sali rice), the poor people ate koddavakūra (paspalum scorbiculatum, Hindi-kodom), an inferior variety of rice. We find a poor lady exchanging koddava-kura with the
1. Caraka mentions fifteen good and five inferior varieties of sali riceCarakasamhita, 27. 7-8, 11.
2. NC. 2, p. 233; NC. 3, p. 295.
3. अज्जो ! आह में कलमसालीकूर - NC. 3, p. 295.
4. NC. 1, p. 162.
5. कते वा विकितवे पारणए लायतरणादी पिएज्ज-- Ibid.
6. NC. 2, p. 117; NC. 4, p. 130..
7. NC. 3, pp. 117, 295, 436; NC. 4, p. 115.
8. सत्तुआ घयगुलमिस्सा घेप्पंति - NC 4, p. 115. 9. NC. 4, p. 111.
10. NC. 3, p. 295; NC. 4, p. 115.
11. NC. 2, p. 282; NC. 4, p. 115.
12. NC. 3, p. 207; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 808.

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sali-kūra of her sister-in-law in order to serve it to her brother who had come as a guest. I Besides, kangu ( setaria italica, Hindi-kāṁgani) and rālaga (mäla-kangani in Hindi) were also inferior varieties of food-grains widely taken by the poor. The grain of kamgu was a bit larger in size than that of rālaga.2
Pulses were widely used. The following varieties of pulses have been mentioned in the text : (i) mugga (phaseolus mungo), (ii) māşa (phraseolus radiatus), (iii) harimaṁtha (gram), (iv) nį pphava (carnavali ensiformis, Hindi-bhatabānas), (v) alisaída (a variety of chickpea), (vi) masūra (lens esculenta or lentils), (vii) tuvarī (cajanus indicus, Hindi-adhakż or arahara), (viii) kulattha (delichos biflorus, Hindi-kulathi), (ix) kalaya (pisum arvens, Hindi-mațara) and (x) caņaka (cicer arietinum).S
Among these pulses mugga and māsa have been frequently mentioned, but it seems that the māșa pulse was not liked by children. We find a school boy nistaking the soup of the māșa pulse to be that of flies. * Caņaka or grams were also very popular.* Various types of soups were prepared out of these pulses, and the flour of pulses was also used in making certain saline preparations like the thin cakes usually known as par pațas. Evidently, these cereals and pulses formed integral part of the Indian dietary.
Dairy Products--Milk and various milk-products were a part of the daily diet of the Indians. Milk mixed with sugar was supposed to be the most condusive to health.? Apart from the cow-milk, the milk of buffaloes, sheep, goats and camels was also used for the purpose of drinking as well as for making curd. Amongst the various preparations 1. FT GIFTET 35169EITT Tr55-NC. 3, p. 432. 2. TERT IT, TUPITT 130:-NG. 2, p. 109. 3. NC. 2, p. 109. 4. NC. 1, p. 15. 5. NC. 2, p. 237; NC. 3, pp. 327, 462. 6. NO. 2, p. 447. 7. Hafiitui apaTTT-NC. 1, p. 6; ett a Cehi -NC, 3, p. 102. 8. NC. 2, p. 238.

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of milk payasa or milk-rice prepared from the fresh milk was highly relished. It was largely served during the feasts. 1 Curds (dadhi) were extesnively consumed. Milk and curds are mentioned as articles which became stale very soon.2 Buttermilk, variously called as takra,udasīt or chasis in the text, was much liked, and the milk-maids can be seen selling the butter-milk frorn village to village. Fresh butter (navanita)' was taken, but clarified butter (sarpiss or ghsta®), was mostly used in preparing daily food as well as the various fine dishes like apupas, man łagas, khajjagas etc. People liked to mix clarified butter in the parched barley-meal. 10 All the five dairy products, i. e. milk, curd, butter, clarified butter and butter-milk, could be easily procured from the dohana-vādaga or dairy where the cows wure milked."I These products were stored in the khirasala. 12 In certain parts of the country milk and milk-products like the curds and rice-milk were included in the daily diet of the people, and even the Jaina monks, who were usually prohibited from accepting rich and nourishing food, were allowed to accept the same in those regions. 13 Apparently, milk and milk-products were abundantly
1. Quero TT Theat--NC. 3, p. 147. 2. etcafeafai fait to a pear-NC. 2, p. 250. 3. NC. 1, p. 92. According to Mānasollāsa (I11. 1527), takra contained
three parts of curd with one part of water. 4. NC. 1, p. 92. Udasi mentioned as udasvitsa in the Mānasollāsa (III.
1571) was a solution of curd with cqual quantity of water (vide-Om Prakash, Food and Drink in Ancient India, p. 293). Takra and udasi
have been used as synonyms in the NC. 5. NC. 1, p. 92. 6. NC, 1, p. 8. 7. NC. 2, p. 238; NC. 3, p. 135. 8. NC. 2, p. 145. 9. NC. 2, p. 238; NO. 3, p. 135. 10. HTH ETT arroqua-NC. 3, p. 436. 11. NC. 2, p. 145. 12. NC. 2, p. 456. 13. कम्हि य देसे गामे वा सो चेव दहिखीराति आहारो हवेज्ज, तत्थ विणा कारणेण आहारेज्ज
-NC. 2, p. 243.

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MATERIAL CULTURE
129 used. Yuan Chwang1 as well as I-Tsing2 informs us that milk and its products were available everywhere in India.
Sweets-Honey, sugar and various sweet-preparations were necessary items of food. Honey (madhu) was fairly used.: Three varieties of honey have been mentioned :(i) komtiya, (ii) makkhiya and (iii) bhamara.* Komtiya was honey collected from sprouts, of the mango tree, while the latter two were collected from small and big black bees. These three varieties of honey have been mentioned in other Jaina texts also, but the latter has been usually called kuttiya. According to Caraka, honey collected from small bees (maksika) was considered to be the best, while that of big black bees (bhramara) is heavy to digest. In the NC., however, honey is included in the 'contemptible articles' (aprašasta-vikyti;' along with meat and wine, and its use was interdicted to the monks in usual circumstances.
Sugarcane (ikkhu) and its products were widely used as sweetening ingredients. Juice of sugarcane was extracted through juice-extracting machine (ikkhu-janta)' and various products like guda (treacle)o, phanita (inspissated juice of sugarcane)1o, khanla (raw or unrefined sugar), sarkara (granulated or crystal sugar)11 and macchan liya (sugarcandy)1etc. were made out of it. Two varieties of guda have been mentioned : (i) chidaguda and (ii) khadahada. 18 Difference between 1. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 178; Bcal, op. cit., 1, p. 88. 2. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 44. 3. NC. 2, p. 394; NC. 3, p. 135 4. Hefu fafonifati, #frasi, #TH® 7–NC. 2, p. 238. 5. Āv. Cū. II. 39; Acärānga, II, 1. 4; Uttarā., 19. 70.: 6. Afegy garaat fagtate THT T-Carakasamhitā, 27. 342. 7. NC. 2, p. 394; NO. 3, p. 135. 8. NC. 4, p. 127. 9. NO. 2, p. 238; NG. 3, p. 422. 10. NO. 2, p. 238. 11. NC. 3, pp. 102, 295. 12. ait a À fai CSHESY-Haige-NC. 3, p. 295. 13. f1 forsit tett koirat, et grael-PETIT USEST 4—NC.2, p. 238. Cf. Bih
V!. 4, p. 970.

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these two has not been made clear. Macchantiya is also mentioned as a sweetening ingredient.' According to Caraka' and Susrutas , it was a variety of sugarcandy, the crystals of which were globular in shape like the egg of the fish. These varieties of sugar have been mentioned by the earlier authorities also.
The abovementioned varieties of sugar were used in making various fine sweet-preparations. Among the various sweets a pupas or pūvas (cakes made of rice or barley-meal and cooked in clarified butter on slow fire)appear to have been the most popular. The pūvas were sold at the confectioner's shop, which was specially called pūviyaghara. Ghaya punna was another sweet-preparation. It was also called ghaya pūra? (Skt. ghệta pūra) or havi pūya (Skt. havispūpa), because a large quantity of clarified butter was used in it. ' Ghịta pūra has been explained as a cake prepared with fine wheat-flour mixed with milk and fried in ghee. According to Susruta, small pieces of coconut were also added to it. 10
· Itțaga (Skt. işțaka) was another variety of sweet, perhaps prepared from barley-meal by adding ghặta and molasses to it.il Khajjagasis and mandagasls, as mentioned before, were
1. NO. 3, p. 295. See also.-NS. VIII. 18. 2. Carakasanhitā, 27, 339. 3. Sušrutasanhitā, 45. 162. 4. Arthasāstra, 2. 15. 15. 5. Om Prakash, op. cit., p. 284. 6. STIFUUT Yaatrit at gå 57--NC. 2, p. 117. 7. Baitrit at tage Feui-NC. 3, p. 97; also Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1005. 8. हवि घितं, तत्थ जो पूतो पच्चति सो हविपूयो, सो य घयपुण्णो भण्णति संघायं घते
aftET-NC. 2, p. 280. 9. Om Prakash, op. cit., p. 145. 10. Sušrutasaṁhitā, 46. 393. 11. afë (ETÉ) Tagalori u savst-NC. 3, pp. 419-20. 12. NO. 3, p. 205; NC. 4, p. 115. 13. NC. 2, p. 282; NC. 3, pp. 207, 295.

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fine wheat-cakes. These were usually stuffed with molasses and ghee, but sometimes plain cakes were also prepared with which guda was separately taken. Laddugasor modagas were sweet-balls prepared with the flour of rice or some pulse and sugar. Tila-modagas* were evidently the sweet-balls prepared with the sesamum seeds. Pūdalagaso are mentioned along with laddugas; perhaps it might have also been a similar preparation.
Amongst other sweet-preparations, moran laga and pūvaliga or paviga? have also been mentioned. According to Am gadijja, moran laga was a sweet prepared with inspissated milk in the shape of the egg of a peacock.8 Pūvaligās or pūvigas were small cakes of rice or wheat flour. Saşkuli or þarpațio mentioned in the text appears to be a variety of thin cakes prepared from rice-flour. Amongst the milk-products payasa, 1° as noted before, was a favourite sweet-dish of the people and it was largely served in feasts.
Salts and Spices--Salts and spices were used for seasoning food and the word vyañjana denoted seasoned food. 11 It is stated that food (i. e. odana) becomes more relishable by adding spices to it. 12 Different varieties of salt were in common use of which vida was black-saltls, while samudraka (sea-salt) and simdhaval 4 (rock-salt) are mentioned as two sub-varieties of
1. J FETT qraraat 40531 Taifa affeaf-NC. 2, P. 282. 2. NO. 2, p. 55. 3. NC. 1, p. 15. 4. NC. 4, p. 130. 5. NC. 1, p. 15. 6. NC, 4, p. 130. 7. Ibid. 8. Angavijjā, p. 182. 9. NC. 2, p. 447. 10. NO. 3, p. 147. 11. NC. 2, p. 167; NC, 1, p. 12. 12. TETUAT STUHTUTI tal hafa-NC. 1, p. 12. 13. fac susqui—NC. 2, p. 446. 14. NO. 3, p. 287.

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ubbhijja or ubbhetima salt (kitchen-salt). In certain regions where salt was not easily available, it was extracted by boiling the salt earth (ūsa-khara-bhūmi) in the water. This type was called bila-lona or earth-salt.2 People in these regions did not put salt in food at the time of cooking, but took it separately whenever required. These different varieties of salt have been mentioned by the ancient as well as contemporary authorities, and according to Suśruta, saindhava (rocksalt) was the best of all.
The spices were known as vesana or vesavara.? Various spices like jiraga (cummin), hingu (asafoetida), dhanaga or kulhumbhari.' (corriander ), mariya ( black-pepper )11, pippali (long-pepper)12, allaga phalals or simgavera (ginger)16, sumthi (dry-ginger),16 haridda (tumeric),16 haritaki (terminilia chebula)17 and bhūtatana (andropogo martini) 18 etc. have been
1. 3AH U FRIFFET Anuge fara 91-NC. 3, p. 287. 2. 474 farv tuj ofret etter sint eafa, i fammitui ouifa-Ibid. 3. तत्थ पुण दुल्लभलोणे देसे उक्खडिज्जमाणे लोणं ण छुम्भति, उवरि लोणं दिज्जति
NC. 1, p. 67. 4. Kautilya (Arthatāstra, II. 15. 16) mentions six varieties of salt. In
the Carakasanhită (1. 88-89) five varictics of salt are mentioned. 5. Susrutasanhita, 46. 339. 6. NO. 2, p. 251; cf. Bịh. V¢. 2, p. 473. 7. NC. 2, p. 467. Om Prakash interprets the termves avāra as a stuffing
in which spices were added to ( op. cit., p. 113). From the NC.,
however, it appears to have been a common term used for spices. 8. NC. 2, p. 251; NO. 3, p. 288. 9. Ibid. 10. NC. 2, p. 109. 11. NC. 3, p. 287. 12. Ibid. 13. NC. 3, p. 11. 14. NC. 3, p. 287. 15. Ibid. 16. NO. 3, p. 149. 17. NC. 3, p. 516. 18. NC. 3, p. 319.

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frequently mentioned. The process of seasoning food was almost similar to what we find today, i.e. the clarified butter was heated in a large spoon (kaḍacchuya), and then the spices like asafoetida and cummin etc. were fried in it. The spices were freely used in preparing various soups (surpa)2 and sauces. Amongst these temaņas or soup prepared with curd, and a sauce prepared with dry ginger and sugar* have been mentioned.
5
Oil and Oil-seeds-Oil (tella) was used as a substitute for butter or ghee. Various types of oil-seeds like atasi (Linum Usitatissimum, linseed), eranda (Ricinus Communis, castorseed), ingudi (Ximenia Aegyptiaca), sarsapa (Brassica Campesbri, mustard)s, and tila (Sesamum Indicum) are mentioned. Oil must have been extracted out of these seeds. Sesamum oil (kharasanha) was widely used, and pinnaya (Skt. pinyaka) is especially mentioned as a sweet prepared from the viscous sediment of sesamum in which guḍa and sesamum oil was also mixed,10 Mustard oil was fairly used. Yuan Chwang also found that mustard oil was in common use.
MATERIAL CULTURE
Fruits and Vegetables-A large variety of fruits and vegetables were used by the people, some of which have been referred to in our text. The following fruits have been mentioned: (i) amalaka (Emblic Myrobalan)11, (ii) amra, aṁba or rasala
1. खारो लोणं छुब्भर कडच्छुते घयं ताविज्जति, तत्थ जीरगादि छुब्भति, तेण जं धूवियं feaf-NC. 2, p. 251; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 473.
2. NC. 3, p. 159.
3. NC. 2, p. 251.
4. NC. 3, p. 159.
5.
6. NC. 2, p. 109.
7. तेल्लं एरंडादि --NC. 3, p. 159.
-NC. 3, p. 159; also NC. 4, p.115.

8. NC. 4, p. 153.
9. NC. 2, p. 109.
10. असति घस्स खरसण्हगुलमिस्सो पिण्णाओ घेत्तव्वो - NC. 4, p. 115.
11. NC. 1, p. 162.

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134 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI (Mangifera Indica, mango)', (iii) badara (Zizyphus Sp.)', (iv) ciñca (Tamarind), (v) daļima (Punica Grantum, pomegranate), (vi) drākşa, muddita or mặdvika (Vitis Vinifera, grapes), (vii) kadali or kayalaka (Musa Sapientum, plantain, banana), (viii) kapittha (Feronica Limonia), (ix) karamarda (Carissa Carandas Lim), (x) Kartra (Cappris Aphyalla), (xi) kharjūra (Phoenix Sylvestrus, dates), (xii) matulunga (Citrus Medica), (xiii) talaphala ( Barassus Flabelli Formis ) , (xiv) teñduga ( Diospyros Cembryapteres)'° and (xv) udumbara (Ficus Glowmerata).'1
Amongst the fruits, mango appears to have been the favourite one, but it, if taken in a large quantity, could cause the disease cholera (visacika).1: The amalaka fruit was usually taken with granulated sugar, the kharjūra (dates) with guda and ghee, but the kapittha and ciñca (tamarind) were to be taken with salt only.18
Various delicious drinks and beverages were prepared from fruits like mangoes, grapes, tamarind etc. 14 Four different methods for ripening fruits were in vogue. 16 The fruits like mango were ripened by covering them with husk and straw (indhana). The fruits like terduga and others were subjected to a heating process (dhūma) for the purpose of ripening by keeping them in undergound hollows. The fruits
1. NO. 2, p. 237. 2. NC. 1, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 319. 3. NC. 2, p. 213. 4. NC. 4, p. 115. 5. NC. 3, p. 319. 6. NC. 1, p. 66. 7. NC. 4, p. 415. 8. NC. 3, p. 482. 9. NC. 3. p. 489. 10. NC. 3, p. 484. 11. NC. I, p. 60. 12. THIS IT Safaga arke -NC. 2, p. 237. 13. NC. 1, p. 162; NC. 3, pp. 259, 319. 14. NC. 2, p. 123. 15. इंधणपलिआमं धूमपलियामं गंधपलियामं वच्छपलियामं, चउम्विहा पलियामविधी
-NC. 3, p. 484.

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like matulunga and mangoes were also ripened by mixing them with ripe fruits (gandha). Lastly were the fruits ripened on trees (vaccha) in their natural process. The forests yielded a rich crop of fruits (pauraphala), from where the people carried the fruits to villages and towns in carts or wagg India in those days must have been rich in fruits, although the Jaina monks were not allowed to eat many of these fruits on the ground that it amounted to the killing of a number of souls.
Vegetables were also a necessary item of food. It was believed that food (ahara) taken with vegetables was easily digestible. Most of the vegetables would have been consumed by the people during this time, although only a few have been occasionally mentioned in the text. These are : (i) alabu or lâu (Lagenarea Vulgaris), (ii) a suri (a kind of Brassica)?, (iii) kalaya (field-pea) , (iv) kovidāra (Bauhinia Variegata), (v) kusumbha (safflower), (vi) lasuni (garlic root)' , (vii) mūlaga (radish), (viii) nimba (Margosa tree), (ix) ņipphäva (flat beans)?\,(x) palam Ju (Allium Cepa, onion)'2, (xi) saņa (Crotalaria Juncea', (xii) sari sava (Brassica Compestris, mustard) 13, (xiii) niluppala (blue lotus)?+ and (xiv) valuṁka (cucumber: 15
1. Ibid, 2. NC. 3, p. 490. 3. See-Yuan Chwang's description of Indian fruits-Watters, op. cit. 1,
pp. 292-93. 4. NC. 1, pp. 88-90; NC. 3, pp. 516-17. 5. quemfefTTO TUE STETT FOTcfisatfd-NC. 3, p. 517. 6. NC. 1, p. 70. 7. BEHETET FCHETTE IMATI BERETTİ 2–NC. 3, p. 319. 8. NC. 3, p. 327. 9. NC. 3, p. 489. 10. NC. 3, p. 319. 11. NC. 2, p. 109. 12. NC. 3, p. 489. 13. NC. 4, p. 153. 14. NC, 3, p 319. 15. NC. 1, p. 103.

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The leafy vegetables were called by a generic term saka or säga. 1 Certain vegetables were held in contempt by the Jainas because of their very species (jatidugunchita). Onion (palaṁdu) and garlic (laşuna) have been specially cited as examples 2 and their use was severely condemned by the Jaina monks. The avoidance or contempt against the use of onion and garlic may be traced from the earliest times. Both the contemporary Chinese travellers, Yuan Chwange and I-Tsings , noted that the people generally avoided the use of onion and garlic.
Meat Diet-Besides the vegetarian diet the non-vegetarian food was also consumed. Meat-diet was prominent amongst the lower castes, but even the higher castes like the Brāhmaṇas? seem to have had no objections to meat-eating. The animals were sacrificed in the sacrifices (yaj ña );& evidently, the meat of the animal thus sacrificed was partaken by the sacrificers. People usually abstained from meat-eating during the month of Kārtika at the end of which feasts ( samkhadi) were observed in which meat-preparations were first offered to the Brahmaņas and were later partaken by the other members. During the exceptional circumstances the Brāhmaṇas were permitted to take even impure meat like that of dogs. 10 It was 1. NG. 1, p. 51; NO. 2, p. 65. 2. जातिदुगुंछितं जहा लसुणमादी, आदिग्गहणेणं पलंडुण्हेसुरुंडगफलं तालफलं च-NC.
3, p. 489; cf. Brh. V:. 2, p. 277. 3. Sec--Mahābhārata, Anušāsana parva, 91. 38-39; Manusmrti, 10. 126
Fa-Hien also informs us that onion and garlic were taken only by
Candālas-Legge, A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, p. 43. 4. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 178. 5. Takakusu, op. cit., pp. 45, 138. 6. NC. 3, pp. 518, 521. 7. NC. 2, p. 223: NC. 3, pp. 429, 527. 8. fūt aguon to ao fa rifaha NC. 3, p. 429. 9. कत्तियमासादि अमंसभक्खणवते गहिते तम्मि पुण्णे मंसादिपगरणं काउं धिज्जातियाण
art Tool FIATA-NC. 3, p. 223. 10. The Brāhmanas can be seen killing their own dogs in order to take their
mcat to save their life while being lost in a desert ( NC. 3, p. 527; cf. Brh. Bhā. 1, 1013-16). The Vedic authorities also allow mcat-oating

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believed that even the Vedas enjoin meat-diet in order to save one's own life rather than starving unto death.1 The rich, sumptuous feasts of this time were known as saṁkhadı because of the fact that a large number of animals were killed on such occasions.2 People from all strata of the society partook in these feasts;& evidently, they had no objections to meat-eating. There was a section of people who even believed that “there is no fun in taking wine without eating meat, and they propounded the theory that "there is nothing wrong in taking meat of the animals killed by others."4
Meat had three main varieties—meat of the aquatic animals like fish etc., meat of the birds, and that of the beasts.5 Fish was largely taken by the people, and the fishermen used to go out for fishing early in the morning with fishing hooks in their hands.? Fish was even dried and stored at a place called maccha-khala. The hunters were regularly paid by their masters for bringing meat.' It could be easily acquired from the market as well.10 Meat of buffa
in exceptional circumstances. The sages Vāmadeva, Bharadvaja and Visvamitra are mentioned to have saved their life by eating the flesh
of a dog and a cow.-Manusmrti, 10. 106. 1. NC. 3, p. 527. 2. Fafe fr—37TE3TfOT AFFA au pielessità Ft Feet-NC. 2, p. 206. 3. NC. 2, p. 207. 4. eta Hegyi for factTTATET T HÈ aat-NC. 3, p. 521.
The author here seems to refer to the Buddhist theory according to which a Buddhist monk is allowed to take meat which is not purposely killed for him. I-Tsing clearly states that "the three kinds of meat that are pure are ordained as meats that can be eaten without incurring guilt" (Takakusu, op. cit., p. 58). Three kinds of pure meat were the meat which is not seen (drsta), heard (sruta) and suspected (parisankita) to have been expressly killed for him.
(Mahāvagga, VI. 31. 14. 2). 5. NC. 2, p. 238. 6. NC. 3, pp. 222, 271. 7. NC. 2, pp. 9, 281. 8. NC. 3, p. 222. 9. NO. 4, p. 280. 10. NC. 1, p. 55.

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loes', goats, dogs and cows has been specifically mentioned in the text, although meat of other animals might have also been used. Various preparations of boiled (pakkani) as well as fried (taliyāni) meat and meat-soup (timmana) were made." The meat-soup (māṁsa-rasa) was supposed to be highly conducive to health. In some of the feasts meat or fish was offered first (maṁsadi, macchadi), while the other articles like rice (odana) etc. were served later.' Meat was dried at a place called maṁsa-khalas and was stored for the season. The Mlecchas and the other lower castes, however, seem to have been more accustomed to take fish and uncooked meat." Besides, as noted before, the Pulindas and the other untouchable castes were habituated of taking meat of the dead cows.". It can thus be assumed from the above account that meat-eating was largely in vogue.
The non-vegetarian diet was common in society, but it has always been a matter of dispute as to what the Jaina monks did in regard to non-vegetarian food. Various contradictory views have been held by different scholars. 11 In the NC. honey, meat and wine have always been regarded as contemptible articles (garahiya-vigati, appasattha-vigati), 2 the use of which was not allowed to a monk in normal circumstances, 18. We know that the Jaina monks even abstained from
1. Ibid. 2. NC, 3, p. 429. 3. NO. 3, p 527. 4. NC. 3, p. 521. 5. ET for afërzifo e FFHÜTE SOTTET HACYtiti pagara-NC. 1, p. 55. 6. ## afterà fè AFTAAI BERFI-NC. 1, p. 158. 7. fi# queŪT HE Brett fasula real sitauila, at wala hufa--NC. 3, p.
222. 8. Haec Fra AHTO Herita, vai sad fa-Ibid. 9. gal TH EITTH Fitda da TATU
TO--NC. 3, p. 518. 10. NC. 3, p. 521. . 11. For references see--Shah, M.V., Jainism and Meat-eating; also Prof.
Kosambi's article on Meat-eating in Purātaltua (3. 4, p. 323). 12. fez faratsit HFTFATA-NC. 1, p. 141. 13. f3702HISHIFTAIRE-NC. 2, p. 124.

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night-food, lest it might involve killing insects, or they might. unknowingly accept the prohibited articles like the meatpreparations which could be harmful for them.2 Innumerable rules imposed upon the monks while going on their begginground (gocuri)s also reveal that the monks had to exercise utmost care in accepting the alms.
In spite of these various injunctions, it can be seen that the Jaina monks did accept meat-diet during unusual circums-- tances. It is clearly stated in the text that honey, wine and meat may be taken by the monks under the exceptional circumstances (avavada).4 The author even believes that meateating is better than accepting the food especially prepared for the monks (ahakammiya) or the night-food (addhāņakappa). During such circumstances the monks were to exercise their own judgement keeping in view the regional customs. In those regions where people were not aware of the vegetarian habits of the Jaina monks, the monks were expected to prefer meat-diet (pisita) rather than accepting the night-food or food especially prepared for them. But in the regions. where people were aware of the fact that the Jaina monks were not allowed to take meat, the monks were exhorted to take night-food or food especially prepared for them. Sometimes while passing through the robbers' settlements (teņa palli) with large caravans ( sattha) the monks were forced to
1. NO. 1, p. 141. 2. Ibid. 3. NC. 2, pp. 113-17. 4. AY-
HH-HAT 37aare 7599!—NC. 2, p. 394; see also—NC. 3, p. 136. 5. NC. 1, pp. 148-49. 6. जत्थ साहू णज्जति जहा “मंसं ण खायंति" तत्थ वरं अद्धाणकप्पो, ण पिसियं, जत्थ पुणो
ण णज्जति तत्थ वरं पिसितं, ण णिसिभत्तं, मूलगुणोपघातत्वात् गुरुतरप्रायश्चित्तत्वात्
14NC. 1, p. 149. 7. णाए त्ति जत्थ णज्जति जहा—"एते समणा मंसं ण खायंति" तत्थ सलिंगेण पि सते
DETAIÙ GET hafa, stat ai 34E12 fufhzi_NC. 1, p. 148. Also पिसित्ते त्ति जत्थ गिहत्था जाणंति जहा साहूणं ण वट्टति पिसियं घेत.. भुत्तुच तत्थ जइ Afaatus juefa ETTİ-NG. 1, p. 152.

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accept meat-diet.1 In such circumstances, greater punishment was enjoined upon a monk who accepted meat while wearing his monk-robes (salinga).2
Besides, meat was also taken by the Jaina monks for purposes other than eating. It is said to have been used for curing certain diseases like fistula (bhagandara).8 The oil haṁsatella, which was extracted from the body of a swan, was also used 'for medicinal purposes. Keeping in view the various references that are found in the text, we have to accept that the Jainas took a practical view of the question of flesheating, and that the NC. at least allows the monks to save their life even by taking meat, although the monks had to atone for it during their later period of life.
Drink--As in food so in drinks a great variety ranging from fresh water, milk and butter-milk to perfumed water, juices, syrups as well as intoxicating liquors®, can be found. Fresh water was procured from wells, ponds, springs and rivers for drinking. In the Tosali Vişaya water of ponds (tala) was used for drinking which was termed talodaka”, water of springs or streams was called dharodaka", while the water brought from the great rivers like Ganges or Sindhu was termed as maha salilodaka. In Rājagļha hot-water-springs (tavodaga) existed in abundance. 10
1. NO. 3, p. 217. 2. जत्थ सत्थे गामे वा जणो विसेसं जाणति-जहा साहू पिसितं न भुंजंति, तत्थ जति
Afisitor fra EU ila at 306_NC. 3, p. 217. 3. httir HFT, SI TE 510 Tas Talhuifà, fenfifty Tin rifat-NC. 1, p. 100. 4. NC. 1, p. 121. 5. LAI., p. 127. 6. qto e-ett-SGT HIFTTH-NC. 3, p. 287. 7. Jalat PENC. 4, p. 43. 8. ETTESİ FET RICH-NC. 4, p. 38. 9. HETESTETI PTIETY HIGIE-Ibid. 10. aratari tre NC. 4, p. 43; also atcatena TTFLERS_Brh. V. 4,
p. 959,

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Water was usually perfumed with various ingredients like kar para (camphor)1 and pațala (trumpet-flower) for drinking purposes. The water fumigated with four to five fragrant substances (caumala, pañcamula)' was largely served to the guests in feasts and garden-parties. It was considered to be beneficial for the patients as well. Even the expectant mothers sometimes craved to drink such water as their pregnancy-longing (dohada). These fragrant substances have no where been enumerated in the text, but according to the commentary on the Byhat-kal pa-Bhaşya these were ela (Cardamaom), tvak (Cinnomomum zeylonicum), tamalapatra (Jamaica pepper, pimento ) and nagakesara (Calophyllum Inophyllum). The water fumigated with five fragrant substances (pascamula) must have been similar to the pañca-sära-panaka of the Aştanga HỊdaya which was prepared by boiling water with five spices like ginger, asana, nagaramotha etc.? Bāna also frequently refers to perfumed water which was largely taken in summer. It is said that "the fierce heat of the sun made people long not only to drink water perfumed with the strong scent of trumpet-flower (pațala) but even to drink up the very wind."8
A large number of fruit-juices and syrups were prepared from the flowers, fruits and sugarcane products. Khandapāņaka, sarkarā pāņaka and gulapaņaka were the syrups prepared by mixing water with raw-sugar (khanda), refined sugar (sarkara) and molasses (guda). Gulapaniya is explained as water boiled
1. Bịh. V!. 4, p. 957. 2. NC. 4, p. 41. 3. qefe café at sootaðfé ESTE MET HARE-NC. 4, p. 43; also | BỊh. V. 4, P. 959. 4. NC. 4, p. 41. 3. Ibid. 6. अपरं च चतुर्जातकसुकृतसम्भारा एला-त्वक्-तमालपत्र-नागकेसराख्यैश्चतुभिर्गन्धद्रव्य
tifeartaiga ACATABịh. Vt. 4, p. 970. 7. Asanga Hrdaya, III. 31. 8. Harsacarita, p. 31, text p. 52. 9. --TA-HRT-a -great-faarfaita NC. 2, p. 123.

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in guda; it must have been the same as gudodaka' mentioned by other authorities. Then there were syrups prepared from the juices of pomegranate (dalima ), grapes (draksa, muddita, mrdvikā), tamarind (ciñca), and other similar fruits. Among these the syrup prepared from the grape-juice (draksă på naka) was regarded as the best. The water fumigated with the juices of mango-fruit (sahakāra), and flowers of pāçala (trumpetflower) and ut palu (blue lotus)* was also liked; this drink has been termed as pus pa sava in the Manasolla sa. All these drinks had a beautiful colour as also a sweet and agreeable smell. These drinks must have been commonly used by the people. According to I-Tsing, it was a common practice in India to offer one of the eight syrups prescribed by Buddha to distinguished visitors, teachers, pupils, disciples, strangers and friends.' Some of these drinks were allowed to the monks as well. Yuan Chwang informs us that "the Śramanas and Brāhmaṇas drink only syrup prepared with grapes and sugarcane.» 8 Besides, ayama or avasāmaņa (scum of boiled rice) and kañjika, also called aranala in the regional language (a sour-gruel prepared from cereals)10, were largely taken, especially by the monks.
1. NC. 2, p. 253. 2. NC. 2, p. 123. 3. TEEMATE TigrisBT FTTILAI-NC. 3, p. 223; also granata 31419767
gafauft-NC. 2, p. 102. 4. TOTT FETTTT-Teartacusadf HGT 1995–NC. 3, p. 319. 5. Mānasollasa, III. 1621. 6. gou un stagi quriyHafé TaTUTNC. 2, p. 123. 7. The eight pānas ( drinks ) allowed by Buddha were moka, koka,
kolaka, asvattha, ulpala or udumbara, parusaka, mrdhuika and khar gula ( Mahāvagga, VI. 35. 6. ). I-Tsing, however, mentions anba, jambu, koka, kolaka, moka, madhu, saluka and pharusaka (Takakusu,
op. cit., p. 125). 8. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 178. 9. NO. 1, p. 74. 10. "Fiffi' FATC Brard Houfan-NG. 1, p. 74; Fiftraf afheNÇ. 2,
p. 253.

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Wines and other intoxicating liquors were extensively used. Strong liquors were termed as majja or madya and were easily available in the market. The wine-shops or taverns were termed as rasāvana, majjāvana? or påņabhūmi. We are informed that “the flags (jjhaya-dhvaja ) were hoisted over the wineshops, particularly in the Mahārāșțra country, so that the monks could detect the wine-shop from a distance to enable them to refrain from accepting alms from there. Yuan Chwang also observed that, "drinking-booths were disting uished by sign-boards.»st
Wine (majja) was of two varieties : (i) pitthakada and (ii) gulakada.' The former was wine prepared with the powder of rice or barley-meal and has been called paisti sură by other authorities. The latter was evidently a liquor prepared with the fermented juice of sugarcane.? Besides, sura, sidhuo, madhulo and à savalı were the other varieties of
1. NC.1, p. 53. 2. Talauit #14 #FETTU NC. 2, p. 136. 3. NC. 2, p. 136; BỊh. VỊ. 4, p. 985. 4. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 147; Beal, op. cit., I, p. 74' 5. fate Hysi, H 1-fazTFIT TRE N C. 2, p. 238. 6. Ostali atafayetanafrisarai. tui-Brh. Vr. 4, p. 954; aflaterale
for a la faerit Hafa Al TTIbid., p. 953; Manusmrti, 11. 94-95. In the Sanmoha Vinodini (p. 38) also pitthi surā is mentioned as one of the five kinds of surās. For the process of making paisti sură see-R. L.
Mitra, Indo-Aryan, Vol. X. 1, p. 413. 7. Tai yefasuarai–Brh: V1. 4, p. 954. 8. NC. 2, p. 456; NC. 3, p. 518. Surā was generally prepared with barley
or rice-flour.-Carakasanhită, 27. 188. 9, NC. 2, p. 456. Sidhu was prepared with the juice of sugarcane and dhātaki flowers. Caraka mentions two varieties of sidhu--one prepared from boiled juice and the other from unboiled juice ( Carakasanhitā,
27. 182-83.) 10. NC. 2, p. 456. The juice of grapes was termed as madhu-Artha
Šāstra, p. 133; also LAI., p. 126. 11. NC, 1, p. 53. Asuva.was prepared with the extract of kapittha ( Ferr.
onia Elephantidin), inspissated juice of sugarcane and honey with some spices--Arthasāstra, II: 25. 19; Sušrutasamnitā, 45. 195:

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liquors widely used by the people. Liquors were usually stored in jars (sura-kuḍa)1 and the royal kitchen had a special store-house called panagara where various types of intoxicating drinks and other beverages were stored.2
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
reasons.1
In spite of the great variety of liquors, the Jaina monks, as we know, were not allowed to take wine." The author, however, allows the monks to accept wine during serious illness (agaḍha-gelaṇṇa). They could either get it from the market or ask the lay-devotees for the same by giving specific Being a pious Jaina, the attitude of our author towards wine-drinking can be easily comprehended. The author describing the sixteen great evils considers addiction to wine as one of the worst evils which deprive a person of his three-fold aim of life, i.e. Dharma, Artha and Kāma and consequently of Moksa as well.
ing.'
9
Betel-eating-People were quite accustomed to betel-eatBetel-leaves along with the various ingredients were regarded as luxurious or relishable articles (sāima).® Betelleaves were usually taken with five spices like jäi phala (nutmeg), kokkola (cinnamon), kappūra (camphor), lavamga (cloves) and pūgaphala (arecanut). Sometimes samkha-cuņņa and khaira (Acaeia Catechu) were also used in preparing betel.10 Caraka as well as Suśruta mentions that betel-leaf was to be chewn along with spices like cloves, camphor, nutmeg, kokkola, Latakastūrī and similar other objects of flavour.11 Innumerable 1. NC. 3, p. 518.
2. NC. 2, p. 456.
3. NC. 1, p. 141; NC. 2, p. 124; NC. 3, p. 135,
4. महु - मज्ज - मंसा गरहियविगतीणं गहणं आगाढे गिलाणकज्जं “ गरहालाभपमाणे" त्ति गरहंतो गेण्हति-NC. 3, P. 136.
5. वियडं मज्जं तं सड्ढघराओ आवणाओ वा गेण्हइ – NC. 1, p. 53.
6. NC. 1, p. 53; als› Brh. V, 5, p. 1324.
7. पुव्वभावितो कोष पक्कं तंबूलपत्तादि मुहे पक्खिवेज्जा – NC. 1, p. 164.
8. NC. 3, pp. 287, 519.
9. NC. 3, p. 319.
10. Ibid.
11. Carakasamhitā, 75.76; Suśrutasamhita, V. 12, p. 483 (ed. by K. Bhisagratna).

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references to the practice of betel-chewing can be found in the contemporary literaturel which reveal that betel-eating had by then become a common practice amongst the people.
Food-habits and Customs—Some idea regarding the foodhabits and customs of the people can also be had from the text. Moderation in food was always enjoined, and overeating was never appreciated. Thirty-two morsels of food were supposed to be sufficient to keep a person alive.2 An ideal monk was expected to take only this much of food as his diet.
Different food-customs were observed in different regions. In the Kośala country the place of dining (ahara-bhūmi) was besmeared with cow-dung; lotus-leaves and flowers were strewn over the ground, the earthen-pots were properly arranged and only then the people had their meals. S I-Tsing also found the same practice being observed by the people of his time as he wrote: "Ground, before taking food, is strewn with cow-dung, and fresh leaves are scattered over it." In the Koukana country rice-gruel (peya) was offered first at meals, while in Northern India parched barley-meal (saktu) was offered first and other articles of food were served later. The monks from the Korikana country could easily withstand the dry and coarse food (ayambila), but the monks from Sindhu were accustomed to rich and spicy food (vaṁjaṇamisa). They were even allowed to take the same. In certain regions, as in Northern India, people were habituated to night-food.? In these regions the Jaina monks had to be allowed to take food
1. In the Harsacarita (p. 85) of Bana Sudrsti is mentioned as having ps red with betel leaves. In the Kadambari (para 15), Sūdraka is shown as
गृहीतताम्बूल: । 2. NO. 1, p. 144. 3. et Filialaug BERHA Rata taraf-NG. 1, p. 51. 4. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 25. 5. Yra to vodi ET PRO OTT, 57TË TY-NC. 1, p. 52. 6. NC. 1, p. 145. 7. Test Hught Tietty GIF, FET STREE_NO. 1, p. 154.

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at night. It seems that taking food at night was not a regular practice in certain regions where people abstained from nightfood. In certain parts of the country milk and milk-products were found in abundance. Even the Jaina monks, who were usually directed to abstain from taking rich diet, were allowed to take the same in those regions.1 It is evident that due to the social as well as climatic conditions the food-customs of different regions also widely differed. In such differing circumstances the Jaina monks were directed to observe regional or local customs for being successful in their aim, i.e. "to preach their religion without suffering the pangs of hunger."2 Dress
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
The NC. provides us ample information regarding the nature of costume and textile material of the time. Elaborating the various rules that were to be observed by the Jaina monks and nuns with regard to their clothing, the author gives a vivid description of the clothes and costumes worn by men and women in society and also relates various processes involving weaving, washing, stitching, dyeing etc.
The clothes were variously known as vattha3, parihāṇa*, vasa", cīra, cela, civara or nevattha', and were divided into three categories: (i) cotton clothes (kappa siya), (ii) silken clothes (kosejjaka) and (iii) woollen clothes (unniya). The cotton cloth was manufactured from the hair of one-sensed beings (egemdiya-niş panna), the silken cloth from two to foursensed beings (vigaleṁdiya-niş panna) and the woollen cloth was
8
1. कम्हि य देसे गामे वा सो चेव दहिखीराति आहारो हवेज्ज, तत्थ विणा कारणेण TER-NC. 2, p. 243.
2. LAI., p. 128.
3. great få NC. 2, p. 56; NC, 3, p. 560.
4. NC. 1, p. 52.
5. NC. 3, p. 142.
6. NC. 2, p. 322.
7. NC. 1, p. 52.
8. NC. 3, p. 566,

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made from five-sensed beings (pamcendiya-nispanna). These different varieties of clothes may be grouped under two heads : (i) the common clothes and (ii) the costly clothes. The Jaina monks were allowed to wear only the common clothes, while all varieties were worn by the people in society.
Common Clothes-- The Jaina monks were allowed to wear five varieties of coarse clothes which were comparatively cheap. These were : (i) jaṁgiya, (ii) bhaṁgiya, (iii) sāņiya, (iv) pottaga and (v) tiridapațța. 2
(i) yangiya-yangiya is explained as cloth manufactured from the body or hair of the moving beings (jangama-satta, tasa-jiva).. Five varieties of the jamgiya cloth have been mentioned in the text. These were : unniya, utțiya, miyalomiya, kutava and kitta.* Unniya was the cloth manufactured from the sheep's wools, while uttiya was from the camel's hair. Miyalomiya was the cloth made from deer's hair.? Kutava and kitta are also mentioned as two types of hair (romavi sesa) which were common in certain regions but were not available in the region to which the author belonged. Kutava has been explained as varakka, while kitta or kittima is mentioned as -"cloth manufactured from the residue of the same material.'' Perhaps the author means to say that the best part of the hair (varakka) was used for making the kutava cloth and that the kitta was manufactured from the remaining inferior portion of
1. NC. 3, p. 566; also Bịh. V!. 1, p. 174. 2. NC. 2, pp. 56-57; Brh. VI. 4, pp. 1017-18; Ācārānga, II. 5. 1. 364, 368. 3. GAATTO 399afcat foceront Hora1NC. 2, p. 57, also p. 39; Byh. V.
4, p. 1017. 4. NC. 2, p. 57. 5. gout' f STEMT TETT yoifa, deA CAT 439 foisgt CathtopaNC.
2, p. 223. 6. BETHE _NC. 2, p. 57. 7. fizime tha fhihiNC. 2, p. 57. 8. gaffet la CaÈhda a FAT, FE Scaffol—NC. 2, p. 57. 9. 3Toùt stuifaictat acomit at fani fi gaf aa 9181_NC. 2, p. 57; also | NC, 2, p. 400.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
the same. The commentary on the Bșhatkalpa Bhäsya explains kutava as jina and kitta as cloth manufactured from the residue of the hair or wool after the best part of it had been utilized for making better grades of cloth.1 According to a Cūrņi quoted by the editor of the Bịhatkalpa, kutava as well as kitta was the cloth manufactured from different parts of the goat's hair.
Besides, following the definition that "jaṁgiya was the cloth manufactured from the hair of the movable beings”, the andaga and kidaga varieties of cloth have also been included in this group. Andaga was the cloth manufactured from the swan's egg (haṁsa-gabbha). * According to Motichandra, it perhaps refers to the cloth hansa-dukūlas which has been so widely referred to in the classical Sanskrit texts. Kidaga was. evidently the cloth manufactured from the insects and it included the varieties of silken cloth like the patta and kosigāra.6 The monks, however, were to take the patta or kosigāra cloth only when the cotton or hemp-cloth was not available.
(ii) Bhangiya-Bhamgiya was the cloth manufactured from the fibres of the linseed plant.? It must have been a cloth manufactured from the bhāga tree which is still produced in Kumon district in U.P. and is known as bhagela.s
1. Bịh. V r. 4, p. 1018; Motichandra, History of Indian Costumes from
the 3rd Century A. D. to the end of the 7th Century A. D', JISOA.,
Vol. XII, p. 28. 2. Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1018; also Motichandra, op. cit., p. 28. 3. Giftsit SETZTNC. 2 p. 39. 4. NC. 2, p. 38; also commentary on Anu yogadvära, sū. 37. 5. Motichandra, Prācina Bharatiya Vesabhūsā, p. 145. 6. NC. 2, p. 38. In the Anuyogadvāra, Si. 38, the malaya, ansuka,
cināńsuka and kimirāga are mentioned as four varieties of kidaga
cloth. 7. TIHA virulet-NC. 2, p. 57; also NC. 2, p. 37. According to the
commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhāsya, bhuaiigika was either manufactured from linseed plant or from the inner portion of karila-vansa
-Brh. V!. 4, p. 1018. 8. See--Motichandra's article on Dress in Bharatiya Vidyā, Vol. I, Pt.
I, p. 40; also LAI., p. 128.

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:
149
(iii) Saniya-Saniya was hemp cloth prepared from the fibres of hemp.2 Yuan Chwang also refers to sāņaka as a dark red cloth made from the fibres of the saņaka plant (a kind of hemp cannabis sativa or croloraria juncea) used by the bhikkhus.'
(iv) Pottaga-Potta or pottaga was cotton cloth made from the fibres of the cotton flower.s According to the commentary on the BỊhatkal pa Bhasya, pottaga was the cotton cloth. The Ācārānga-výtti explains it as cloth made from the palmleaves. 5
(v) Tirida patta—Tirida patta or patta was cloth manufactured from the bark of the tirida tree ( Symplocos Racemosa ). "The earlier list of textiles mentioned in the Ācāranga, however, allows the monks to wear the tūlakada cloth in place of the tirida patta.?
These five varieties of cloth were allowed to the Jaina monks for their clothing. The monks, however, were advised to prefer the cotton-cloth, although the other types of cloth could be taken as its alternatives when the cotton cloth was not available.
Costly Clothes-Besides these, a large variety of expensive clothes having fine finish with gold embroidery or inlaid with golden thread were the prised possession of the people. Leather skins were also used to devise garments. The Jaina monks, however, were barred from using such costly variety of cloth. The varieties of expensive clothes mentioned in the N.C. are as follows :
1. NC. 2, p. 57, also pp. 39, 223; Bịh. V r. 4, p. 1018. 2. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 120. 3. NO. 2, p. 57; see also—NC. 2, pp. 38, 39, 223. 4. liti effetti 1-Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1018.... .5. 11. 5. 1. 364, 368. 6. NC. 2, p. 399; also Brh. Vr. pp. 1018-19. 7. See-Acūrāiiga, II, 5. 1. 364, 368. 8. NO. 2, pp. 398-99.

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(i) Āīņa—Āīņa was a cloth made from the deer-skin (ajina).1 (ii&iii) Sahina and Sahiṇakallaṇa-Sahina was a type of very thin or fine (sukṣma)* cloth, while the sahinakallāņa was fine as well as soft (snigdha).
(iv) Aya-Aya is explained as cloth prepared from the moss. (sevala) that clung to the goat's hoof in siyatalaya (sita-taḍagaṛṣitaḍaga) in the country of Tosali. This definition of the aya cloth given in the NC. is almost unintelligible and shows that the author himself was not quite clear regarding the origin of this cloth. In the other Jaina texts, however, aya is explained as cloth made from the goat's hair."
(v) Kaya-Kaya is explained as cloth made in the Kaya country (Eastern Malwa ) by dyeing the cloth in a pond in which the seeds of kakajangha (Abrus Procatorius-Hindi gunja) have fallen", or the cloth dyed in the liquid or solution (druti) of kaya (a medicinal plant, perhaps known as cakaseni in Hindi).' Both these definitions are not clear and do not. reveal the nature of this cloth. The commentary on the Acaranga, however, explains kaya as cloth manufactured from blue-cotton.
(vi) Khomma-Khomma has been mentioned as a type of cotton cloth, but it is also stated that in view of others it was a cloth made from the bark of the banyan tree.10 If the
1. अजिणं चम्मं, तम्मि जे कीरति ते आईाणि – NC. 2, p. 359; also Acaraiga, II.
5. 1. 3.
2. सहिणं सूक्ष्मं - NC. 2, p. 399.
3. कल्लाणं स्निग्धं, लक्षणयुक्त वा, किं चि सहिणं कल्लाणं च - Ibid.
4. आय णाम तोसलिविसए सीयतलाए अयाणं खुरेसु सेवालतरिया लग्गंति, तत्थ वत्था कीरंति—NC. 2, p. 399.
5. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 3.
6. कायाणि कयविसए काकजंवस्स जहिं मणी पडितो तलागे तत्थ रत्ताणि जाणि ताणि
कायाणि भण्णंति - NC. 2, p. 399.
7. दुते वा काये रत्ताणि कायाणि - Ibid.
8. Acārānga, II. 5. 1. 3.
9. पोंडमया खोम्मा — NC. 2, p. 399.
10. अण्णे भणति — रुव रोहितो निग्गच्छंति, जहा "बडेहिंतो पादगा साहा " — Ibid.

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former definition is accepted, it is not clear as to what difference there was between the khomma and the pottaga which has also been explained as cotton cloth. The latter definition of khomma appears to be more reliable, and the other Jaina texts also mention it as linen cloth. According to the Amarakośa, kṣauma was a synonym of duküla. Yuan Chwang also mentions Calico-Chiu (or Chu)-ma (kṣauma) as a kind of linen.3
(vii) Dugulla-Dugulla was a cloth manufactured from the bark of the dugulla tree.+ The bark of the dugulla tree was pounded in a mortar by adding water and the cloth was made out of its fibres." Bana also frequently refers to dukula-cloth® which has been explained by scholars as bark-silk." The commentator of the Acaranga, however, explains dugulla as cloth made from cotton grown in the Gauda country.
8
(viii) Tiriḍapatta (see-common-clothes).
9
(ix) Mayala-Mayala or malaya cloth was manufactured in the Malaya country from the saliva of the insects which fell the leaves of the malaya-plants. Apparently, it was a cloth manufactured from the malaya fibres in the country of Malaya. 10
upon
151
(x) Paṭṭunna-Paṭṭunna is also mentioned as a cloth made from the bark-fibres.11
1. Acaranga, II. 5. 1. 1.
2. Amarakosa, II. 6. 112.
3. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148.
4. दुगुल्लो रुक्खो तस्स वागो घेत्तु उदूखले कुट्टिज्जति – NC. 2, p. 399.
5. पाणिएण ताव जाव झूसीभूतो ताहे कज्जति एतेसु दुगुल्लो — Ibid.
6. Hartacarita, p. 125, text p. 143.
7. Saletore, R.N., Life in the Gupta Age, p. 404.
8. Acaränga, II. 5. 1. 3.
9. किरीडयलाला मयलविसए मयलाणि पत्ताणि कोविज्जति - NC. 2, p. 399.
10. मलयोनाम देश: तत्सम्भवं मलयजम् Bh. 1. 4, p. 1018.
11. तेसु वालए पत्तुणा - NC. 2, p. 399.

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(xi) Aṁsuya-Amsuya cloth was manufactured from the inner bark of the dugulla tree.1 Añsuya thus must have been a finer variety of cloth than dugulla. The commentator of the BỊhatkalpa Bhāsya also explains it as a fine, soft and shining cloth.
(xii) Cinar suya-Cinaṁ suya was yet a finer variety of cloth than amsuya.' It has been explained as silk imported from the China country also. The commentator of the BỊhatkal pa Bhāșya explains it as silk manufactured from the koíēka or košikara insects or as soft cloth made in China.' Bāņa also refers to the clothes "white and delicate as China-silk."8
(xiii) Desaraga–Desarāga was the coloured cloth dyed in the regional process of dyeing.'
1. guesta taratie of 3695afa d sini-NC. 2, p. 399.
Explaining the ansu ya cloth Motichandra remarks in his Prācina Bhāratiya Vešabhūsā (p. 148) that we find a very wide explanation of the aṁsuya cloth in the Nišitha, viz. ziatifit, fi Ciri-piriù, furario, FURTTITUT, Ufar Fil meaning thereby that the “amsuya was a cloth interwoven with golden threads and various designs were made on it. Ansuya thus has been a cloth like brocade ( kimaklāba or pāta in Hindi)”. This explanation is evidently based on an incorrect reading. The words like ka agakantāni are not used as adjectives of ańsuya, but as Motichandra has himself shown later in his text, were
independent varieties of cloth interwoven with golden threads. 2. Bịh. V!. 4, p. 1018. 3. Jcha atriuri offNC. 2, p. 399. 4. Ibid. 5. चीनांशुको नाम सोशिकाराख्यः कृभिः तस्माद् जातं चीनांशुकम् , यद्वा चीना नाम
77777: ITT: SEMIT: EFATHIT TITAHBih. Vr. 4, p. 1018. 6. Harsacarita, p. 28. 7. Frit fat trifaut arc, aÀ TOTI ACHI-NC. 2, p. 399.
Here the word jattha viszya meaning "in which region” or "in which particular country', has been rendered by Motichandra as the country of Jātas'', on the basis of which he has conjectured that "it might be taken to indicate towards a particular process of dyeing which must have been in vogue in eastern Punjab and western part of Central Province" (Prācina Bharatiya Vesabhūrā, p. 149 ). The inference evidently is a far-fetched one and it would be more accu

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(xiv) Amila—Amila is explained as a cloth manufactured from hair (roma)i or as a cloth spotlessly clean (nimmala), properly starched and calendered on a rubbing implement (ghattini-ghatita .2 Elsewhere in the NG. amlāta is mentioned as fine cloth which did not absorbe dirt very easily. This must have been a polished cloth having a fine finish.
(xv) Gajjala--Gajjala was a variety of cloth which made rustling noise like a thunderbolt.* It must have been a heavily starched cloth.
(xvi) Phadiya—Phādiya was a cloth fine and transparent like crystal.s
(xvii) Kambala- The word kambala denoted all types of expensive woollen clothes, i. e. the blankets as well as the woollen upper garments. A story in the NC. depicts how a Jaina monk was troubled by thieves for a fine kambala-cloth (kambala-rayana) that was given by a king. Yuan Chwang also refers to 'Han' or ( Kan ) po-lo (kambala ) as a texture of fine wool.?
(xviii) Pavaraga--Pavāragas were the mantles or the housings of the elephants (kharadaga—painted cloth to cover the elephant's back). 8
(xix) Kanaga--Kanaga cloth was made from yarns ( sutta ) dyed in a solution (druti) of gold.
rate to translate desarāga as clothes dyed in the regional process of dyeing. In the Ācārāiga ( II. 5. 1. 31 ) al:o they are mentioned only
as coloured clothes. 1. THE FIL BÀST-NC. 2, p. 399; Ācārāiga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. 2. 31691–fOFFICIT 3 for afguit afar à TYTTATOTIE Fiefd-NC. 2, p. 400. 3. AT 7 Feparat sita ara 37 Taifa Tan -Ibid., p. 109. 4. T ATAMI FE la THORNC. 2, p. 400; Acārānga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. 5. ETTETTHT FIEITT BEST EU:-Ibid. 6. Garchi tar-NC. 2, p. 400. 7. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148. 8. ETETT TERTINC. 2, p. 400 9. Taru ga Tri Tra, auga a 911—Ibid.
Motichandra's explanation of kanaga cloth is based on a different

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(xx) Kanagayaka—Kanagayaka was a cloth having its border woven with golden thread.'
(xxi ) Kanagapatta—Two definitions of this cloth are found in the text. According to one, it was a cloth interwoven with golden threads, while according to the other, it was a cloth made from the hair of a particular species of deer called Kanagapatta.s
(xxii) Kanagakhaciya—Kanagakhaciya was a cloth embroidered with golden threads.It must have been a cloth like brocade.
(xxiii) Kanagaphulliya—Kaņagaphulliya is explained as a cloth on which the designs were made with gold by applying. a type of wax or such other adhesive substance (kaddama).' This process has been rendered by Jaina as the art of 'tinsel
reading of the NC. It reads : qaratie granu à quo, quot ga सुत्त रज्जति तेण जं तं तं कणगम् । On the basis of this he has stated that "two definitions of the karaga cloth are to be found in the NC. According to one, "it was a cloth made from the bark of the banyan tree" and secondly as "clothes dyed in golden solution' (Motichandra, op. cit., p. 149 ). But in the present edition of the NC. we have a different reading, viz. ESTETITE TAICII, yquot gå ati Taid, ito of gri i ri. Evidently, the previous one is a definition of the pāvāraga cloth and the latter, i. e. 'cloth made from yarn dyed in golden solution'', is the only definition of kallaga cloth in the NC. In the commcntary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, however, it is explained as cloth made from the golden coloured yarns of certain insects ( Brh. V:. 4,.
p. 1018 ). 1. at FF Fitur foar FORTY-NC. 2, p. 400. 2. STEH TET fiat a FUTTE Lācarānga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. 3. 34891-FTTTET PAI–NC. 2, p. 400. 4. FUTTETO El JFF GEET i forrela Ibid; Ācārānga, II. 5.1.3-8. 5. TOT GEA yene faunis ñ firmiyafeti i FET TEHy geelsuha
NO. 2, p. 400.

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printing.»1 According to Motichandra also it was a particular art of printing with wax.:
(xxiv) Abharaṇam Abharaṇa was a printed cloth having a single pattern like the pattern of six leaves etc. (chapatrikadi). S
(XXV) Abharana-vicitta-It was a printed cloth having different designs like that of the leaves (patrika), a digit of moon (cand ralekha), fylot (svastika), bell ( ghanţika ), pearl (mottika) etc.*
(xxvi-xxvii) Veggha and Vivaggha-Vegghas and Vivagghae were the clothes made from tiger and panther's skin.
(xxviii) Uttha-Two explanations of the uttha cloth have been given in the text. According to one, it was a cloth made from the skin of an aquatic animal having the appearance of a dog (sunagagiti) and known as uttha.? According to the other, it was made from the skin of the yellow-deer (gora-miga).8 It can be judged that it was a type of skin-cloth. According to the commentary on the Acāranga also, it was made from the skin of an aquatic cat (udabilāva in Hindi) found in the country of Sindhu.
(xxix) Pesa--Pesā in, explained as cloth made from the skin of the pesā animal or from the skin of fish (maccha). 'The
1. LAI., p. 129. "In tinsel printing an adhesive substance is printed over
the texture and subsequently dusted with colouring matter and the designs are printed with blocks,'s—Sir George Watt, Indian Art at
Delhi, p. 267. 2. Motichandra, op. cit., pp. 152-53. 3. Tra gyfetalla THLUTT Sat–NC. 2, p. 400. 4. आभरणत्थपत्रिकं चंदलेहिक-स्वस्तिक-घंटिक-मोत्तिकमादीहिं मंडिता आभरण-विचित्ता--
Ibid. 5. quafi FR –NC. 2, p. 400. 6. PETIT-7faqrail_Ibid. 7. gorifiaft F ITT ATT af arferoit –Ibid. 8. FOù suifa--JET + TRENTO TUTTA 1 —Ibid. 9. Ācārānga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. U drā is mentioned in the Taittiriyasamhita
according to which it was a water-cat (Vedic Index, 1, p. 89; also
LAI., p. 123). 10. der har afa 378U1 I 3Toût Hifa_aar ATT Half40 NC. 2, p. 400.

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commentary on the Acaranga also explains it as a fine leather of an animal of Sindhu. 1
Besides, another cloth casually mentioned in the text is rallaga which was used as a wrapper (pāurana). It has been explained as kambala in the Amar akośa." Yuan Chwang also refers to a cloth po-lo-li which has been rendered as rāla, an equivalent of Sanskrit rallaka. It was made from the wool of a wild animal. This wool being fine and soft could be easily spun and woven. It was a prized material for clothing. * Another cloth mentioned in the text is vadaya which was also called țasara in the regional language. It was same as kosejja or the silk-cloth. I-Tsing informs us that kaušeya is the name of silk-worms, and the silk which is reared from them is also called by the same name. It was a very valuable thing.
Cost of Clothes--The clothes were divided into three categories on the basis of their prices. The clothes costing upto eighteen rūvagas were of the cheapest variety (jahaņņa), while those costing above a million rūvagas were the costliest (ukkosa).? The clothes costing between these two grades belonged to the medium category (majjhima). In the context of the various punishments that were imposed upon the monks for wearing costly clothes, the clothes costing about 18, 20, 50, 100, 1000, 5000 and 10,000 rúvagas have been mentioned. 9
1. Ācārāiga, II. 5. 1. 3-8. In the Vedic texts peśā is mentioned as a gold
embroidered cl th with artistic and intricate designs (Vedic Index,
II, p. 22). 2. TETUT TESTT-NC. 3, p. 102. 3. Amarukoša, 2. 6. 116. 4. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148. 5. hat a53it iuf-(24T HTTF)—NC. 2, p. 68. 6. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 60. 7. NC. 2, p. 95. 8. Ibid. 9. NC. 2, p. 96.

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This cost is given according to the rūvaga of Pāțaliputra", but it has not been made clear as to how much cloth could be bought for this price.
Clothes for Different Occasions—Due consideration was given to the fact that the dress worn by an individual was befitting the occasion. Four types of garments are mentioned in the NC. : (i) niyaṁsaņa, (ii) majjaņiya, (iii) chanīsaviya and (iv) rājaddāriya.” Niyamsaņas were the garments that were worn daily at home during day or night.' The lower as well as upper garment of daily wear was included in this group. The majjaniya. garments were worn at the time or after taking bath and visiting the temple. Prabhāvatī, the queen of king Udayana, is mentioned to have gone to the temple to propitiate the deity in pure white clothes ( suddha-vā sa, sukilla-vāsa) after taking her bath. People clad in different types of fine and. beautiful attires (vividhaveşa) proceeded to attend the garden. parties? or functions; such garments were known as chanīsaviya, i.e. to be worn at the time of feasts and festivals.* Lastly, räjaddariya were the garments that were worn while visiting the king or nobles.
Seasonal Clothes-Proper clothes were selected in order to suit the season. The kāṣāya clothes dyed in red colour (kāṣāya) were appreciated in summer, wrappers (pavāra) were worn in winter, while the clothes dyed with saffron ( kurkuma) were supposed to be fit for the rainy season. 10 Clothes dyed.
1. NC. 2, p. 95. 2. NC. 3, p. 556, also p. 578; Bịh. Bhā., p. 644. 3. forran fagurat Igre1NC. 3, p. 466. 4. "fizigut" HIT HIETTT.....TF5Tui fù a 300—NC. 3, p. 566.... 5. " HE" fervatat or utafa qiyah atat a' Fritz-NC 3, p. 566... 6. Efacec7a-4fTET-NC. 3, p. 142; afteTAT CA NC. 3, p. 143. 7. NC. 4, pp. 24, 40. 8. Evita serait souchat, affa aftiesala a' ghazi-NC. 3, p. 566.: 9. fprei aaaat sige trazi -Ibid. 10. FOTFE GET IT, fafit gratuiflet, atata bigaifa afani-NC. 2, p. 94;
Bih. V. 4, P: 1068; cf. Kālidāsa, Rtusamhāra, VI. 4.

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in red-colour during the summer were thought to be unfit for wearing during the winter. Perhaps they might have been
dyed again in every season.
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Coloured Clothes-White as well as coloured clothes were worn. Five colours for clothes were held in esteem (varnaḍhya): (i) black like the neck of a peacock, (ii) blue like the tail of a parrot, (iii) red like the colour of an Indragopa (an insect of scarlet colour), (iv) golden-yellow and (v) white like the conchshell or moon. 2 Red-clothes dyed in the colour of safflower (kusumbharaga) were thought to be proper for the bride to enter her marriage chamber (vasagṛha), white, on the other hand, was appreciated during the religious ceremonies, i.e. at the time of worship or visiting the temple.* Yuan Chwang also noted that people wore clothes of different colours, but white was held in esteem."
Centres of Cloth Manufacture-The clothes must have been produced in almost every region, yet, some of the places were especially famous as centres of cloth-manufacture. Such regions were usually known as bahu-vattha-desa, i.e. countries rich in cloth. Mahissara is mentioned as one such place and the monks in this city were allowed to wear better types of clothes." Mahissara is obviously same as Mahişă or Mahișmati which has been mentioned by Kautilya as one of the most famous centres for the manufacture of cotton-cloth, the others being Madhura (southern), Aparanta (western parts) of Kalinga, Kāśī, Vanga and Vatsa. Sindhu and Mālavā also must have been famous for their clothes. People in these
1. कासारण रत्तं कासायं. गिम्हे कयं जं हेमंत अजोग्गं परिभोगस्सेति - NC. 3, p. 569. 2. NC. 2, p. 94.
3. NC. 3, p. 143.
4. NC. 3, p. 142.
5. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 75.
6. NC. 3, pp. 568-69.
7. बहुवत्थदेसे जहा महिस्सरे अण्णं चोक्खतरयं परिर्हेति — NC. 3, p. 569.
8. माधुरमापरान्तकं कालिङगकं काशिकं वाङ्गकं वात्सकं माहिषकं च कार्पासिकं श्रेष्ठमिति -Arthasastra, Bk. II, Ch. XI, p. 83.

..

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regions usually wore fine garments (ujjalovadhi) and even the monks were advised to wear better clothes as a person clad in filthy garments (kucela) could not even get alms in these regions."
Pondravardhana was another famous centre where the fine as well as the coarse varieties of cloth (sanha and sthala) were easily available.2 Kauçilya refers to two varieties of the paundraka cloth, one that was black and as soft as the surface of the gem and the other the kşauma' which was a variety of coarse cloth.4 Bāna also considered pale silken Paundra cloth as decorous and respectable. Clothes were also imported from one region to the other. Clothes manufactured in eastern India were rare (dullabha) in the Lāța country and were highly prized (arghita). It is interesting to note that most of these places mentioned in the NC. have been famous centres of cloth-manufacture in India from ancient times.
Spinning and Weaving—Some idea regarding the other subsidiary processes like spinning, weaving, dyeing or washing can also be had from the text. The unrefined or uncarded cotton, i.e. seduga, was carded and the seeds were removed out of it (päñjita). From this clear-cotton (rūya or rūi) spools (pelu) were prepared for spinning the yarn (kac canijja-sutta) from which the cloth was made.' Same process must have been resorted to in case of the silken as well as woollen clothes.
1. दुभिक्खे वा कुचेलस्स ण लब्भति त्ति सिंधुमालवगादिसु तत्थुज्जलोवधिधरणं करेज्ज
NC. 3, p. 594, also p. 566. 2. afereeGET THE qua NC. 4, p. 144. 3. Arthašāstra, Bk. II, Ch. XI, pp. 81-82. 4. Vide-Saletore, op. cit., p. 395. 5. Harsacarita, p. 72, text p. 85. 6. NO. 2, p. 94; alati af stafari TTCT HET=H_Bth V:. 4, p. 1068. 7. NC. 2, p. 224; Bph. V. 3, p. 843. For detailed information regarding
weaving sec-Brh. V, 1, p. 186.

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Washing and Dyeing-Rajaga, vatthasohagal and millevagas were the traditional classes of the washermen who were adept in the art of washing (dhovana). The washermen can be seen washing the clothes with pitchers full of water (jalakuda)' on the banks of rivers and ponds. The clothes must have been usually cleaned with the soap-nut (kataka-phala)', although a solution of soda, called kharajóga, was also applied to clean the dirty clothes (ati-pańka). According to the Nayadhammakaha, the clothes were first put into a solution of soda (vatthaṁ sajjiyakhāreņānulimpai), then boiled and finally washed. For the purpose of giving a fine finish, the clothes were calendered after washing, starched and also perfumed."
The clothes were dyed in different colours. Desarăga, as mentioned before, was a fine variety of cloth dyed in the regional process of dyeing.' Various colours like the hariddaraga (colour of tumeric), kusumbharaga (safflower), kaddamarā ga (mud) and kimiraga (a red dye or lac produced by certain insects) were used for dyeing. 10 Vātsyāyana also informs us that blue, orange ( colour of kusumbha flower ) and yellow dye of tumeric were generally used by the people for dyeing purposes. 11 Among these different colours, kimiraga's was
1. NC. 3, p. 270. 2. NC. 4, p. 357. 3. Ibid. 4. TF-FICO, GET NO Fiyat T io Fast foreta--NC. 1, p. 34, also
p. 33. 5. FET afachirurgTI ERFITTI UFAD O Atefa--NC. 4, p. 341. 6. Nāyādhammakahā, II. 60; vide-Motichandra's article on Dress in
JISOA, XII, p. 10. 7. Brh: Vr. 4, p. 1094. 8. NC. 2, p. 327. 9. NC. 2, p. 399. 10. NC. 3, p. 149. 11. Kamasutra, p. 259 (Sü, 12 ). 12. The dye called ktmirāga ( kiramadana ) was imported from Persia.
The Jaina texts contain absurd stories about the preparation of this dye ( seeA. N. Upadhye's Introduction to Brhatkathā Kosa, p. 88 ),

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11
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161
quite lasting, while the kusumbha ( safflower) colour could easily fade after washing. 1 A more simple and cheap method of dyeing was to dye with the red-mud (kasāya)2 which was usually resorted to by the ascetics of the different sects.
Stitching of the Clothes-Although the unsewn garments like the sadaga and pauranawere worn by the people, yet the stitched garments like the kañcuka', shorts and tunics", which required a proper stitching, were also used. There was a special class of tailors or darners known as tunnagae who were adept in the art of sewing (sivvaņa) and darning (tunnana)."
Various technical terms related to cutting and sewing are to be found in the text. The measurement (pramana) for measuring the cloth was one's own fore-arm (svahasta) 8 and the breadth and the length of the cloth were called vistära and Qyama.' The borders of the cloth were known as patta or dasā.10. Clothes were divided into three categories on the basis of their stitching-(i) bahu parikamma or clothes that required more cutting or sewing for making them fit to wear, (ii) appa parikamma or clothes which required very little stitching and (iii) ahakada or clothes which required no stitching. 11 The Jaina monks, however, were to accept only the ahakada
which were probably told by the Persian traders to keep up the secrets of its manufacture and also to emphasise its rarity and high
cost (Gopal, L., Economic Life in Northern India, p. 152 ). 1. FEHTTATI 3TTATTADT, STUFTITAROT PARTITI-NC. 1, p. 6; Bfh. Vs. 5, p.
1310. 2. NC. 3, p. 569. 3. NO. 3, pp. 568-69. 4. NC. 4, p. 282. 5. NO. 2, p. 191. 6. NO. 2, p. 3. 7. NC. 2, p. 58, also p. 3. 8. NC. 2, p. 190. 9. NC. 2, p. 93. 10. NO. 2, p. 68. 11. NO. 2, p. 58.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
or naturall clothes, although the others could also be taken during the exceptional circumstances.
Various types of stitches (sivvaņa) like the gaggara, damại, jalaga, gomuttiga, dukkhila and egakhila were used for stitching the clothes.: Gaggara type of stitch (sivvana) was used by the nuns for their clothing, while the clothes of the householders were stitched with dańdi type of stitch. Gomuttiga was an uneven form of stitching in which the cloth was left unsewn at various places. The egakhila and dukkhila were perhaps the forms of single and double stitching. These are mentioned as improper forms of stiching and the monks were allowed to wear the clothes sewn in proper manner only (vidhi-sivvana).'
It can be easily judged that the stitched garments were used by the people and we cannot accept the statement of the contemporary Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang that "the Indians of that time did not wear sewn clothes."
Dress of the paina Monks—Leaving aside a few visuddha-zinakalpikaso who practised absolute nudity (acelakatva--pauraņavajjiya), the dress of all the Jaina monks, i.e. the avisuddha-zinakal pikas and the Sthavirakalpikas, was to be conformed to the proper monastic rules. Five varieties of the coarse-clothes, i.e. jamgiya, bhaṁgiya etc., as mentioned before, were allowed to the Jaina monks, although ordinarily they were to accept only the cotton and the woollen clothes. Monks could keep only two cotton-garments and a woollen cloth at a time. In
1. Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA. XII. 2. NC. 2, p. 60. 3. Ibid. 4. Watters, op. cit. I, p. 148. 5. Two types of monks are mentioned among the Jinakalpikas-one who
ate in the hollow of their hands (pānipātrabhoji) and the others who accepted pots for eating food (pratigrahadhāri). Among these two also there were some who accepted clothes (sa paurana) and the others who practised nudity (pāurana-vajjiya). The last one alone was termed as visuddha-Jinakal pikas, while the others who accepted
clothes were called avišuddha-Jinakalpikas.-NC. 2, pp. 188-89. 6. NC. 2, p. 57.

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MATERIAL CULTURE
163 case the cotton-cloth (kappa siya) was not available, the monks were to take the bark-cloth (vā gamaya), then the patta-cloth and lastly the silken cloth (kosiyāra). Similarly, when the woollen cloth was not available, the bark-cloth (vā gamaya), the silken cloth (kosiyara) and finally the patta-cloth could be accepted in its place.1
Of these three clothes, the two cotton-clothes were to be used as under-garments and the woollen cloth was to be used only as outer-covering to protect the body against cold climate or rains. The reverse of it, i.e. wearing the woollen cloth inside and the cotton-cloth outside, was not allowed, since it was believed that the woollen clothes could easily get soiled, attracted the lices and were difficult to wash, while the cotton-clothes on the other hand could absorb the dirt and were easy to wash.'
These three clothes were common to all the Jaina monks following the zinakalpa (avisuddha-zinakal pa) as well as the Sthadirakal pa mode of life, but the latter also accepted as extra colapatta during the rainy season. The colapatta was made with a cloth of two hands, length and one hand's width and was used as a square piece by folding it once. However, if the cloth was not so strong, a length of four hands was taken and it was folded twice before being used. Besides, certain minor items of clothes like the muha pottiya (a cloth for covering the mouth), padala (a piece used to protect the alms vessel) and kappa ( a general term for the various requisites of the Jaina monks) have also been mentioned", which were kept by the monks for maintaining proper discipline in the Church.
1, Ibid. 2. Ibid. 3. NC. 2, p. 58; BỊh. V!. 4, p. 1019. 4. NO. 2, pp. 57, 188; NC. 4, p. 141. 5. NC. 4, p. 141. 6. Ibid. 7. NC. 2, p. 93.
Padala and kappa are technical terms for clothes required by t monks. Motichandra's explanation of pa.a! 'id: as 'pacfined clo

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Besides, certain rules were to be observed by the Jaina monks with regard to their clothing. Four types of kṛtsna or undivided or complete clothes, i.e. dravyakṛtsna (clothes valuable because of their material or more in size than the proper measurement prescribed for the monks), kṣetrakṛtsna (clothes valuable in certain regions because of being rare), kalakṛtsna ( clothes valuable for being much in use during a particular season) and bhavakṛtsna (clothes valuable because of their colour or price), were not allowed to the monks.1 It was believed that kṛtsna clothes being heavy were difficult to carry around and were also difficult to wash. Moreover, these being valuable, monks wearing the kitsna clothes could be easily attacked by the thieves or be suspected by the Stateofficers for having made a theft.2 Some exceptions, however, could be resorted to during the exceptional circumstances. For instance, the monks could wear the krtsna or undivided garments in the regions where all the people were accustomed to wearing the same." They were allowed to wear better grades of clothes in the regions of Sindhu and Malwa where otherwise they could not procure the alms.* Certain latitude was also given to the kings and princes willing to embrace the monkhood; they could wear soft and fine garments till they were habituated to wearing the coarse clothes. However, this being in exceptional circumstances, the Jaina monks, in general, were to wear the garments of proper measurement (yukta―yatha pramāṇa), without borders (adasaga), cheap in price (appamulla) and also without colour (vaṇṇahīņa)."
thes' and kalapakādi as starched clothes (article on Dress in JISOA, XII, p. 30; also Prācina Bhāratiya Vesabhusa, p. 165) does not seem to be correct.
1. NC. 2, pp. 93-95.
2. NC. 2, p. 98.
3. उचितदेसे तस्मि देसे उचित कसिणं, सव्वजणो तारिसं परिभु जति - NC. 2, p. 98.
4. NC. 3, p. 459.
5. NC. 2, p. 98.
6. NC. 2, p. 97.

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MATERIAL CULTURE
Dress of the Jaina Nuns-Dress of the Jaina nuns was quite voluminous, and proper care was taken so that it covered all their limbs. The object of wearing the clothes was not to beautify the person, but to save the nuns from the lustful eyes of the society. In all, eleven clothes were worn by them of which six covered the lower half and five were for the upper half of the body.1
Clothes for the lower-half of the body: (i) Uggahaṇaṁtaga—It was a boat-shaped cloth (nauvat), wide at the centre and thin on the sides. It was meant to cover the privities and was made with soft (masina) and closely woven cloth (ghana).3 Each nun had one cloth of this type and its size varied according to the size of the body. It has also been called avagraha⭑ in other Jaina texts.
165
(ii) Paṭṭa-Paṭṭa was like the strip of a dagger in its shape (ksurika pattikavat), and was tied with fasteners at the ends (biḍagabaddha)." It was four fingers in width, and its length differed according to the size of a nun's waist. It covered both the ends of the uggahanamtaga from the back and front, and looked like the shorts worn by the wrestler (mallakacchavat).®
(iii) Adḍhoruga-Adḍhoruga was worn over the uggahanamtaga and paṭṭa. Covering the waist it reached till half of the thighs." In shape it was like the shorts worn by the
1. NC. 2, pp. 190-91; Brh. Bhā. 4082-83. According to the Vinaya, nuns in the Buddhist order were allowed to wear five garments. These were sanghāti, uttarāsanga, antarvāsa, sankakṣikā and kusūlaka (a type of skirt ).-Takakusu, op. cit., p. 78.
2. उग्गहणंतगं, तच्च तनुपर्यन्ते मध्ये विशालं नौवत् - NC. 2, p. 190.
3. Ibid.
4. Brh. Bha. 4084.
5. क्षुरिकापट्टिकावत् पट्टो दठव्वो, अंते बीडगबद्धो – NC. 2, p. 190.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.

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166 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA GURNI wrestlers (mallacalanakyti), but it was tied on one side of the thigh or between the thighs. 1
(iv) Calaniga-Calaņiga was similar to addhoruga in shape, nevertheless it reached upto the knees and was tied with fasteners at the ends (yotraka-nibaddha). Its shape resembled the cloth worn by the bamboo-top dancers (laṁkhiya-paridha-- navat).2
(v) Antoniyamsaņi-It was worn at the time of dressing up in order to save the nuns from being laughed at by the people for being naked or to save them from being raped. From the waist it reached upto the half of the thighs (addhajamgha).
(vi) Bahiraniyamsank--From the waist it reached upto the ankles (khaluga) and was fastened with strings at the waist.*
These six clothes were used to cover up the lower-half of the body.
Clothes for the upper-half of the body: (i) Kańcuka-Kamcuka of the nuns was a loose (prasidhila)and unstitched (asivvita) garment to be worn over the breasts to hide the distinct features of the body. It had a length of two and a half hands and a width of one hand and was tied with the fasteners (jottaya padibaddha) at the waist. The kañcuka of the nuns. being a loose garment, resembled the kaṁcuka worn by the Kāpalikas (Ka palika-kańcukavat).
(ii) Ukkacchiya–Ukkacchiya was so called because it covered the portion near the armpit. It was a square piece of cloth
1. ET51 49 alla Beci - Hauen Ibid. 2. चलणिगा वि एरिसा चेव, णवरं अहे जाणुप्पमाणा योत्रकनिबद्धा, लंखिया-परिधानवत्
-Ibid. 3. saft 7787877 BRET HET Fra Beat—Ibid. 4. are forcinoit saft #613 GT BET ESTIMIbid. 5. Get stafar af urafiri:-Ibid. 6. NC. 2, p. 190; Bịh. Bha. 4088.

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of two and a half hands covering the breasts, the back and the right shoulder, and was fastened with the fasteners on the left shoulder. 1
(iii) Veyacchiya—Veyacchiya was similar to ukkacchiya except that it was worn over the left side. The veyacchiya patta covered the kañcuka as well as the ukkacchiya.'
(iv) Samghadı--Four saṁghadis of different sizes were used by the nuns for different purposes. These, however, have been counted as one item, as only one samghadi could be worn at a time (yugapat paribhogabhavat ). One having two hands width was worn by the nuns inside the nunnery (uvassaya). The other two of three hands width were used while going out on begging-round (bhikkhattha) or for easing purposes. The fourth one having a four hands width was worn by the nuns while attending the religious sermons ( samosarana ). It covered the body from shoulders to the feet when a nun stood erect.'
(v) Khamdhakaran -It was a square piece of cloth of four hands in length and breadth, and it was to be kept upon the shoulders to protect the nuns against the strong wind. This cloth was also used for the purpose of dwarfing the stature of a beautiful nun (rüvavatiye khujjakaranatthaṁ) by putting it on the back and shoulder, and tying it with ukkacchiya and veyacchiya.
These different clothes were to be worn by the nuns while going anywhere out of the nunnery. Even during the worst circumstances when the clothes were not available or were stolen away or burnt, the nuns were to cover up their limbs with something or the other like grass or leaves. Nudity was never proclaimed for the nuns and clothes were thought to be essential for keeping up proper discipline.
1. Ibid. 2. Taarasgreto ei gefegei a asigāt affreufa_NC. 2, p. 191. 3. Ibid.; Brh. Bha. 4089-90. 4. NO. 2, p. 191; Brn. Bha. 4091.

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Costume of the Common People—A few points can also be inferred regarding the costume of the ordinary men and women in society. The common man in society wore two pieces of cloth, the artarijja and the uttarijja as the lower and upper garment. They were also called as sadaga and paurana.2 Both these clothes have been invariably mentioned in the contemporary literature. Bāņa describes Harsa as "clad in two seemly robes (dukūla) of bark-silk marked with a pair of flamingoes & and at another place as wearingthe lowergarment (dvitiyaṁbara) shot with silk threads."King Sūdraka and Candrapida are also mentioned to have worn two clothes--the uttariya and the ad hovastra.• Bāna's friend Sudrsţi may also be seen wearing a pair of pale Paunqra clothes. Yuan Chwang refers to the lower garment as nivasana.' I-Tsing, describing the costume of the Buddhist monks of the time, refers to uttarasanga or the upper cloth and the nivasana or the lower garment.
Besides, certain garments were particularly worn by some occupational classes to suit the nature of their work. Among these, the shorts and drawers worn by the wrestlers ( mallakaccha, mallacalana ), and the dress of the bamboo-top dancers (lamkhiya-parihana ) may be mentioned.
The female dress of this time must have consisted of the three garments, i.e. the upper garment, the bodice ( kañcuka ) and the lower garment. In the contemporary literature and paintings the women can be seen wearing many clothes worn
1. startesi A forihvi, nisi 97590—NC. 3, p. 569. 2. “fortigui" AT THIETNI, HISTTEUTT 45cvi fq-—NG. 3, p. 368. 3. Harsacarita, p. 197, text p. 202. 4. Ibid., p. 59, text p. 73. 5. Agrawala, Kādambari-Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, pp. 23, 31, 288;
see also-Mochakalika, V. 11 (89); Paumacariya, 25. 18. 6. Harsacarita, p. 12, text p. 85. 7. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 150. 8. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 55. 9. NO. 2, p. 190.

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by the nuns as well, such as the kañcuka, ardhoruka (addhoruga), bahirnivasani and saṁ ghati.1 However, there seems to have been a difference between the kañcuka of the nuns and that of the ordinary women. The kañcuka of the nuns, as mentioned before, was a loose unsewn garment", but another type of kañcuka which was made by stitching the pieces of cloth together has also been mentioned in the text.Evidently, this type of kañcuka must have been well-fitting and well-shaped, and would have been worn by women in society. In the Puumacariya of Vimalasūri, the kañcuka worn by Kalyānamala, who kept herself dressed up in male attire, is explained as a coat like jacket full sleeved and hanging upto the knees." Bana also refers to the kañcuka of a similar type.'
In the 'Scene of Toilet of a Royal Lady' in the Ajanta Cave No. XVII, the mistress is shown as clad in short drawers which are similar to the ardhoruka garment of the Sanskrit lexicons and literature, and was also worn by the Jaina nuns during this time.? Evidently, most of the garments worn by the ordinary women and nuns would have been similar except that the latter wore some additional garments to avoid nakedness of any part of the body, which in case of ordinary women was considered not as a matter of shame but quite in keeping with the fashion of the day,
Besides, girls in Mahārāsıra used to wear a type of underwear known as bhoyada which was worn by them from their childhood till the time they got married and conceived. Then a feast was held, the guests and relatives were invited, a cere
1. Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA. XII. 2. NC. 2, p. 190. 3. 3 UutuuLİSTİ THT PEMUTATOTT FEL Digitato_NC. 4, p. 282. 4. PCV. 34. 15; Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Paumacariyam,
p. 519. 5. Agrawala, Kodambari-Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, p 26 6. Ghurye, G, S., Indian Costume, p. 131. 7. NC. 2, p. 190. 8. Motichandra's article on Dress in JISOA., XII.

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mony was performed and this cloth ( bhoyada ) was replaced by another cloth ( padaya ). This bhoyada of Mahārāştra was known as kaccha in the Lāța country.1 Curiously enough, in his play Viddhašalabhañjika Rajasekhara, describing the dress of the girls of Mahārāştra of his time, states that the dress of the ladies after their marriage was one which appeared charming owing to the arrangement of the knot-nivibhangaviseșa.a On its basis Ghurye has concluded that "the chief distinction between the dress of the unmarried female and married one was that whereas the former wore a skirt (coloka) which did not require the arranging of a knot as her lower garment, the latter put on a garment which was held in its place by a knot which enhanced the charm of their dress.* The above mentioned statement of the NC, also seems to be indicating towards the same difference between the dress of a married and unmarried female of Mahārāşçra. Besides this lower garment, the bodice (coli) and the other upper garment would also have been worn by the ladies of this time.
Miscellaneous Clothes Besides those described above, there were clothes used for purposes other than wearing. The bedsheets were variously known as atthurana, prastarana or pracchada. There were also the mattresses stuffed with cotton, especially with the cotton of swallow-wart-a plant called Aka in Hindi-(tali), the pillows for head ( uvahana ), pillows or cushions to be kept under the cheeks or knees (ganduvadhāniga and alimigini), round cushions made with leather-skin and stuffed with cotton ( masüraga ), the housings for elephants ( palhui ), fluffy blankets ( koyava ), mantles (pavaraka), woollen sheets ( navaya ), sheets as white as the row of teeth (dadhiyali) and also the clothes woven with double yarn ( viralt ). Five
-
1. NC. 1, p. 52. 2. Vide-Ghurye, op. cit., p. 243. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 3, pp. 68-69. 3. NC. 3, p. 321; Bih. Bhã. 3823-24.

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types of cilamil or curtains made from yarn ( sutta) strings (rajju, dora), bark-strips (vaga ), sticks ( ḍaṇḍa ), and bamboo sticks (vamsakaḍa )1 were used by the monks to protect themselves from heat, cold, rains, or the wild beasts when no shelter was available to them. These curtains were five hands in length and three in width.2
Shoes
1. NC. 2, p. 40. 2. Ibid.
MATERIAL CULTURE
Shoes were also a necessary item of the dress of the civilized people in society. The kings and nobles as well as the ordinary people were accustomed to wearing shoes and even the Jaina monks were allowed to wear the same under exceptional circumstances like illness or while passing through dense and dreary forests." Different varieties of shoes like egapuḍa (shoes having a single sole ), dupaḍādiya (having two or more soles ), ardhakhallaka ( shoes covering half the feet), samastakhallaka (shoses covering the entire feet), khapusă (shoes reaching upto the knees)", vaguri (those covering the toes as well as the feet), kosaga (shoes covering only the toes to protect them from getting struck against a stone or thorns) 10, addhajamgha (shoes covering half the thigh )11 and samasta
•
3. NC. 2, p. 87.
4. एगपुडं एगतलं -1bid.
10. Ibid. 11. Ibid.
171
5. NC. 2, p. 87.
6. या पादार्थमाच्छादयति सा अर्धखल्लका - Ibid.
7. या च सम्पूर्णपादमाच्छादयति सा समस्तखल्लका—Ibid.
8. या घुटकं पिदधाति सा खपुसा - Ibid.
According to Motichandra, the khapusa mentioned in the Jaina. texts has its equivalent in kavasi mentioned in the Fan-yu-tsaming, the Sanskrit-Chinese dictionary of Li-yen who died in A.D. 758-794, The khapusă or kavasi was probably the boot of Iranian origin brought to India by the Sakas aud Kuṣāņas whose Iranian affinities are well known.-Article on Dress in JISOA. XII, p. 261. 9. या पुनरंगुलिं च्छादित्वा पादावुपरिच्छादयति सा वागुरा — NC. 2, p. 87.

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jarhgha (those covering the whole thigh)1 have been mentioned in the text. A similar description of the shoes is to be found in the BỊhatkalpa Bhasya as well.2 Ornaments
Ornaments ( alamkāras , abharana* ) were profusely worn. The art of ornamentation ( abharanavidhi )) was considered to be a special art which was carried out by a separate class of workers called man lavagas. Both men and women were equally fond of wearing the ornaments, although a difference must have existed between the ornaments of the two."
Among the ornaments for head, kirlța or mukuta ( mauda ), wulamani and patta are mentioned in the text. Kiriţa or mukuta? was the royal crown inlaid with precious pearls and stones. In the contemporary literature and inscriptions the kings have been invariably shown as wearing the crown.& Yuan Chwang also observed that "garlands and tiaras with precious stones were the head-adornments of the kings". Calamaņilo was another ornament for head. In the Maliya Copper-plate grant of Mahārāja Dhārasena II dated A. D. 571-72, the cūlamani is explained as a jewel in the locks of hair on the top of the head. 11 In the Kadambari of Bāpa kirița and cūdamani can
1. Ibid. 2. TH 375*71, FTITET 3T aftal-Ibid.; Bph. Bhā. 3847, 3852-55. 3. NC. 2, p. 467. 4. NO. 4, pp. 2, 24. 5. R TTTT 3THUTH-NC. 2, p. 467.
73efur far TT-NC. 2, p. 469. Special female nurses called mandāvana-dhāti were also employed in the houses of wealthy citizens to decorate the person of the child,
NC. 3, p. 404. 7. NC. 2, pp. 398, 469. 8. Alina Copper-plate-grant of Siladitya VII ( dated A. D. 566-67 ), CII
III ( 39 ), pp. 156, 176. 9. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 151; Beal, op. cit. 1, p. 75. 10. NC. 1, p. 32. 11. CII. III (38), p. 168, text p. 165.
. 32.

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be seen as two head-ornaments of the kings coming to salute the king Târápida.1 Patļa was a golden frontlet measuring four fingers; the chief queen and the vassal kings ( pattabaddho-rayà no ) were privileged to wear the same. According: to Varāhamihira, patta was made with pure gold (višuddhakañcana-vinirmitaḥ ), and only the king, the crown-prince, thechief queen and the commander-in-chief were entitled to wear the golden frontlet.
The ear-rings (karṇabharana ) were styled as kundalas or kanna päraga. Various varieties of the ear-rings were in vogue. In the Kadambari king Śūdraka is also mentioned as “having his ears adorned with a pair of karnapüra embedded with precious gems.»7
A large variety of the necklaces was to be found. Thenecklace was termed either after its material or according to the style in which it was made. The following varieties of the necklaces have been mentioned-hara was a chain of eighteen strings of pearlse; addhahara was made with nine strings®;
Cūdāmani, also called cūdāratana, is mentioned in the Alina Copperplate-grant of Silāditya VII (CII. III (39), p. 173, also p. 176 ). Cüdāmani has sometimes also been called śikhāmani, because it was. to be fixed on the tuft of the head (see-Vimalasûri's Paumacariya, 3. 98, 7, 106; sec also D. C. Ganguli's article-Jeu ellery in Ancienti
India, JISOA. X, pp. 140-49 ). 1. Agrawala, Kādambari--Eka Sāmskttika Adhyayana, p. 29. 2. qat T0371 TT-NC. 2, p. 398. 3. NC, 3, p. 147. 4. BỊhatsanhita, 4912-15. 5. I FUHRU1_NC. 2, p. 398; NC. 1, p. 130. 6. NC. 2, p. 396. 7. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 31. 8. 377 OTCFORT311--NC. 2, p. 398.
The necklace worn by Mālati in the Hariacarita ( pp. 116-17, text Pp. 21-24) is also termed as hära. See also-CII. III (10), pp.
42, 45. 9. og Eger-NC. 2, p. 398.

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egavali was the necklace having a single chain of multi-coloured pearls1; muktāvalī, kaṇagāvalī and rayaṇāvali were evidently the necklaces of pearls, gold and jewels; tisariya was the necklace having three strings of pearls"; palamba, also called ulamba, was a long chain reaching upto the navel*; galolaiya was a neck-chain usually worn by the married ladies. 5
The armlets (bahurakkhiya) were styled as tuḍiya, while the bracelets were known as kaḍaga" or valaya. Bracelets appear to have been the most popular of all the ornaments, as these have been frequently mentioned in the text. The fingerrings ( mudda ) were known; signet rings ( năma-muddiya ) were also worn and exchanged." The girdles or waistbands (kaḍisutta-guna) and anklets (nu pura-neura)11 were worn by the ladies alone. Women were capable of attracting people by the sweet sound of their bracelets (valaya) and anklets ( nupura).1a
0
Flowers and Garlands
Besides the gold ornaments, the flowers were also fairly used as ornaments (pupphadi-alaṁkāra).18 The profession of the garland-makers was a flourishing one. They used to sell
1. विनित्तेहिं एगसरा एगावली - NC. 2, p. 398.
Compare-Amarakosa, 2. 6. 106. Egavali is to be usually seen in Gupta sculptures and paintings.-Agrawala, Hariacarita-Eka Sāmskṛtika Adhyayana, p. 198.
2. मुत्तिएहिं मुत्तावली, सुवण्णमणिएहि कणगावली, रयणहिं रयणावली - NC. 2, p. 398. 3. तिणि सरातो तिसरियं - NC. 2, p. 398.
4. नाभि जा गच्छइ सा पलंबा सा य उलंवा भण्णति Ibid.
5. अगारीण वा गलोलइया Ibid.
6. gezi agua—Ibid.; also NG. 4, p. 167.
7. आभरणा कडगादी - NC. 4, p. 2.
8. NC. 2, p. 12.
9. NC. 1, p. 17; also Harṣacarita, p. 8.
10. गुणं कडीसुत्तयं - NC. 2, p. 398.
11. NC. 2, p. 12; also Harṣacarita, pp. 116-17.
12. NC. 2, p. 12.
13. NC. 2, p. 467.

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beautiful flowers and garlands at a very high price during the festival days. The flowers of different varieties ( anegajati ) and different colours ( anegavanna ) were used for making garlands.2 The five-coloured garlands ( pańcavanna-maliya) made from the fragrant flowers like pauma ( lotus ), uppala ( blue lotus )' or mayana' etc. were largely appreciated. The fivecoloured garlands of Mathurā were made with grasses like viranao and were very famous. The garlands as well as the flowers were worn on the head. Such decorative flowers were called keśa-puspa. The fower-chaplets ( sekhara ) were also worn. In the Kadambari king Sūdraka is mentioned to have adorned his head with a flower chaplet of the fragrant Malatt flowers after finishing his toilet.? Yuan Chwang obviously refers to the same custom when he says that “garlands were worn on the head">8, and that "garlands and tiaras with precious stones were the head-adornments of the king."
The garlands of different varieties were used for different purposes. The garlands made from the flowers or seeds of guñia (abrus precotorius), rudraksa (eleocarpus ganitrus), putranjiva, the cotton plantio, leaves like that of tagara (taberna emontana)11, bhin Ja (abelmoschus esculantus) and from the peacockfeathers (moramgamayi ) 2 are mentioned in the text. The garlands of different types (a negavidha) were suspended on the gateways of the houses as bentings (vamdana-maliya ) at the
1. NC. 4, p. 306. 2. NC. 4, p. 40. 3. Get YourTETICFAST TECTA TI-NC. 3, p. 280. 4. FU #TO-s critila, 79001_NC. 2, p. 396. 5. attomaat 17quotatie9137 ET HETTT-Ibid. 6. golf 37 IINC. 2, p. 467. 7. Agrawala, op. cit., p. 31. 8. Watters, op. cit. 1, p. 148; Beal, op. cit. 1, p. 75. 9. Watters, op. cit. I, p. 151; Beal, op. cit. 1, p. 75. 10. NC. 2, p. 396. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid.

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time of marriage or other auspicious occasions.' The garlands of muñja grass ( mumjamaliya ) were used for stupifying a person of sound intellect.2 The garlands made from the monkey-bones (makka-hadda) were tied around the neck of the childrens, evidently for protecting the child from evil spirits. In the Paumacariya of Vimalas ūri Sita is mentioned to have put around the neck of her sons the strings of the nails of tiger embedded with gold. The garlands of ivory ( dantamayı ) and cowries (kavadagamayı ) were also used for the same purposes. The Persians, it is said, used to wear the garlands made of the horns of buffaloes ( mahisa-simga ). These garlands were sold for various prices—some were quite cheap (appamolla), while the others were very costly (bahumolla ).' Toilet
In spite of being a monastic text, the NC. provides ample information regarding toilet and its various accessories used by the people during this time. This information usually comes in the way of prohibitive injunctions, as the monks and the nuns were not allowed to use any of these articles in normal circumstances. The kings and the princes have always been shown as having their bodies suffused with fragrant pastes (vilevanovalittagatta), and even the ordinarily well-off householders did make a fair use of them which enriched their beauty a hundred times more. The youngmen (taruna) living in the capital cities were always desirous of enjoying the company
1. fig BOMPET 30-TRET GMA731 atafa-Ibid. 2. This -fawrfagrui helport —Ibid. 3. HEEEECH EGREI FÉHT Tag Ibid. 4. PCV. 97. 10. 5. NC. 2, p. 396. 6. HEART ET TOFU.Ibid. 7. qan ar Arant 3CT HIRAISHT 91, 92931 aght=4391Ibid. 8. NO. 1, p. 52. 9. at gatal ETTÊ 3472 TATT A STATERACT F#tqa: Tagur
NC. 2, p. 12.
98 misita

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1777
of women after finishing their toilet.1 The ladies made liberal use of the toilet-articles which gave an impetus to their sensual feelings. 3
Certain pbrases like "nhāṇavatthabharanagaṁdhamallamu-.. levanadhūvanava satamboladi'3 and "abbhaṁguvațţaņaṇhānavilev-. anapi'setc. mentioned in the text clearly reveal the whole process of toilet and its various accessories. The various items. of toilet have been mentioned here in a consecutive order. It can be easily judged from these phrases that the gentleman of this time had his body anointed with perfumed oils and scented pastes (abhyanga), underwent proper massage and were scrubbed with cleansing substances (uvastana-uvvalana) before he proceeded to take bath. Fine clothes and ornaments (vatthabharana) were worn after taking bath with the garland adjusted around the neck (malla), body besmeared and suffused with various scented unguents, powders and perfumes (anulevana, vilevaņa, alimpaņa). Clothes were perfumed with fragrant smoke of incense (dhūvana-vā saņa) and the betel-leaves were chewn to redden the lips(tāṁbola). This description of the earlier life of the monk, i. e. when he was a house-holder, bears a striking similarity with the account of earlier authorities, i. e. Suśruta and Vatsyayana. Susruta while laying down twenty-four rules regarding the toilet says that a man had to massage his head with oil (širobhayanga), anoint and rub his limbs (udvartana, utsadanaudgharşana), take some exercise, shampoo his body and then go to his bath. After bath the body was to be suffused with fragrant paste (anulepana), his hair combed, nails painted, ornaments
1. Atollerarafarei sfturhufige-NC. 2, p. 466. 2. TEFT T SHTqE9-1610-fam quifaciame ga1_NC. 2, p. 22. 3. NC. 4, p. 3. Similar expression is also found in Pāli phrases. Sce
Girija Prasanna Majumdar's article on "Toilet' in Indian Culture
Vol. I, pp. 651-66. 4. Sce above note 2. 5. "उवभोगो" त्ति पहाणवत्थाभरणगंधमल्लाणुलेवणधूवणवासतंबोलादियाणं पुव्वं आसी
NC. 4, p. 3; also NO. 2, p. 12.

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worn and some scents sprinkled on his limbs.1 Vātsyāyana gives a similar account of the toilot of a Nagaraka2 but he adds betel-chewing the practice of which, as seen before, has been frequently mentioned in the NC. It is evident that the same procedures regarding toilet were observed by people during these centuries also.
Various types of perfumed oils (tella)", fragrant powders (sugamdha cunna)*, pastes and unguents (leva), scents and perfumes (gamdha) were used for beautifying the person. Perfumed oil and pastes were used prior to bath. The oil was sometimes mixed with the powders prepared from the bark or fruits of the plants like punṇaga (white lotus) and munniga (the tree aeschynomena grandi flora), and was anointed over the body. The oiliness and dirt of the skin were removed by applying various cleansing substances (uvvalana) like kakka and loddha. The kakka powder was prepared from the bark or fruit of the plant beleric myrobalan, various other substances were added to it (davva-samjoga). The loddha was prepared from the bark of the lodhra tree (symplocos recemoze)1o and is mentioned as haṭṭa-dravya, perhaps because it could be easily acquired from the market. 11Kalidasa also informs us that "the bride after her bath was smeared with the lodhra to remove the oiliness of skin (lodha-kalkana-hṛtāngatailam) and anointed with kaleyaka unguent.12
1. Suśruta, Cikitsāsthāna, II, Ch. XXIV, 29-33.
2. Kamasutra, pp. 45-46, sūtra 16.
3. NC. 3, p. 465.
4. NC. 2, p. 27.
5. NC. 2, p. 213.
6. NC. 2, p. 467; NC. 4, p. 24.
7. तेल्लमोइतो चुण्णो पुणगंमुण्णिगादिफला चुण्णीकता - NC. 3, p. 465.
8. " कक्कं " उव्वलणयं NC. 2, p. 27, also p. 212.
9.
—NG. 2, p. 27; also NC. 3, p. 465.
10. लोद्धो रुक्खो तस्स छल्ली - NC. 3, p. 465.

11. NC. 2, p. 27.
12. Kalidasa, Kumarasambhava, VII. 17.

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Various types of fragrant powders were prepared by pounding differnt substances. The powders like padma-cürṇa (powder made from lotus-leaves), candana-cūrṇa (sandalwood powder), mășa-curņa (powder from kidney beans), vaddhamāṇacurna (powder from castor-oil plant) and patavāsa (powder used to perfume dress) have been mentioned.' The powder prepared by pounding the dry vegetables (kuṭṭita-vanas pati-curņa) was also used."
3
A large number of scents and perfumes (gandha) were prepared by subjecting the various aromatic substances to a particular fumigating process (gandha-yukti-kṛtā). The perfumes were used as incense and were largely available from the market called gandhiyavana. Various types of perfumes like that of the sandalwood (camdana), musk (migada), camphor (kappura), aleo-wood (agaru), saffron (kumkum), olibanun (turakkha), palavasa, koṭṭhapuḍa or koṭṭhakapuḍa etc. were common. Bāṇa informs us that after taking his bath Candrāpīda was taken to the perfuming room (vile pana-bhūmi) where his limbs were anointed with sandalwood-paste (candanenovalipta sarvango) and also fumigated with the fragrance of saffron, camphor and musk (mṛgamadakar pūrakumkumavāsa su: abhiņā).10
7
MATERIAL CULTURE
The fragrant pastes and unguents (leva-aleva) were prepared by grinding (gharṣaṇa) the various fragrant substances on a grinding stone (gamdha-paṭṭa). 11 Among these pastes sandal
1. NC. 2, p. 27.
2. NG. 2, P. 270.
3. गंधयुक्तिकृता गंधा—NC. 2, p. 109.
6

4. NC. 3, p. 243.
5. NC. 3, pp. 106, 110.
6. गंधेत्ति चंदणादिणा विलित्ते - NC. 4, p. 4.
7. मिगंड- कप्पूरागरु-कुंकुम चंदण तुरुक्खादिए गंधे—NC. 2, p. 467.
8. NC. 2, p. 104.
9. NC. 4, p. 24.
10. Kadambari, p. 14, text pp. 33-34
11. पट्टत्ति गंधपट्टातो तत्थ वरा प्रधाना गंधा पीसिज्जंति - NC. 2, p. 5.
I-Tsing mentions the same method of preparing the scent or paste

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wood paste appears to have been the most popular.1 Sandal was used as powder (camdanacunna) and also as a paste. Bina also describes that "viscious sandal was used to perfume the body", and that “bosoms of the ladies glistened with rich. sandalwood ointment'',8 Yuan Chwang informs that “they (people of India) smear their bodies with scented unguents. such as sandal and saffron."*
The collyrium (añjana) was applied to the eyes. Two varieties of collyrium, i.e. soviraya and rasañjana have been mentioned. Of these the former might have been the same as. srotañjana or antimony mentioned by Susruta which was usually found in the vicinity of river Indus and was considered to be the purest of all the añjanas.'
Teeth were also stained or coloured. People, as noted above, were accustomed to betel-eating which imparted a red colour to the teeth. Yuan Chwang observed that people stained their teeth red or black.
Feet were usually dyed or stained with lack-dye (alaktaka). 10 While applying the dye to the feet it was made to dry up by
when he says that "the scent is prepared as follows-take any per fume tree such as sandalwood or alco-wood and grind it with water on a flat stone until it becomes muddy, then anoint the image with it and
next wash it with water".-Takakusu, op. cit., p. 149. 1. Mettle for siquiat77347 aftalte ze N C. 2, p. 5; also get a
OFTETË SHUİ-NC. 2, p. 6. 2. Harracarita, pp. 260-61. 3. Kādambari, p. 55. 4. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 152; Beal, op. cit., 1, p. 77. 5. NO. 2, p. 220. 6. 37Tufata Aldre ThicTUL an-NC. 2, p. 290. 7. Vide-Motichandra, Cosmetics and Coffieur in Ancient India",
JISOA. VIII, PP. 62-145. 8. ga safar tafà 91NG. 2, p. 220. 9. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 151; Bcal, op. cit, 1, p. 76. 10. 3135grof gray sige near AfT* 390 TRIEUIT T —NC. 1, p. 212.

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breathing over it.' Bana also obviously refers to the custom of applying lac-dye when he remarks that “a fresh lac-branch becomes worthless through the taking of its sap.'>2
Medicine and Health
While the clothes, ornaments and toilet articles aim at enhancing the outer beauty of an individual, the medicine like food aims at the inner perfection of the body. Body free from all the diseases could only be benefitted by the materialistic -achievements of a people. It was firmly believed that a disease must be cured at the earliest, otherwise it would become incuTable like the debt which becomes irrepayable because of its manifold interest or like a plant which is hard to be uprooted after it has grown up to a tree.s
The great sage Dhanvantarit was thought to be the first propounder of the Science of Medicine on earth. He is believed to have composed the first treatise on Medicine, viz. the Vejjasattha, by seeing it through his clairvoyant know
1. 375470Tt glasstat confà-Ibid. cf. aralaTIFIAFTIETOTI gaat
oftar ARCT-Mālavikāgnimitra, Act III, 13. 2. Candi ataka; p. 269; also Kādambari, p. 23. 3. NC. 3, p. 394. 4. NC. 3, p. 512; NC. 4, p. 340; BỊh. Vr. 2, p. 302.
In most of the ancient texts Dhanvantari is cited to have been an authority on Medical Sciences (Harivansa Purana, 3. 303 Mahābhārata, Adiparva, 18. 38; Visnu Purāna, 1.9; Vāyu Purāna, 35. 9; Carakasanhitā, 6. 21), but different views have been held regarding his identity. According to the tradition preserved in the Harivansa Purana ( Parva 1, Chap. 29 ), in the dynasty of Kasa king Dhanva had a son named Dhanvantari who is said to be an incarnation of divine physician of that name on account his knowledge of mcdical lore. In the same line of kings Divodāsa came two generations after, and it is interesting to note that in the beginning of Susrutasanhita Susruta and other sages are described as being instructed in medical lorc by Divodása Dhanvantari, the king of Banaras (vide-Handiqui, Yašastilaka and Indian Cultura, p. 460).

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ledge.' Proper study of this Vejjasattha was enjoined upon every student of Medicine, and one versed in its theoretical knowledge and practical application could alone be styled as Mahavejja.2 The Vejjasattha dealt with three types of diseases, viz. vatita, pittiya and simbhiyas which were caused by the derangement of vāta ( air ), pitta (bile ) and simbha (śleşma--phlegm)-the three fundamental principles of physical economy. A simultaneous derangement of all the three was. termed sanni pata. The sage Dhanvantari had prescribed proper medicines for different types of diseases. In his various theories regarding the diseases and their treatment our author follows the precepts of Dhanvantari and the disciples of his school', i.e. Suśruta and others.
Diseases-- Various terms like rogao, vyadhi”, atanka:o and amayalı were meant to denote a disease. A distinction was marked between yoga and vadhi or atańka. Roga denoted a disease which lasted for a long time and could only be cured. slowly, while vyadhi or atanka were serious diseases affected.
For details on the problem or identity of Dhanvantari see-Sanskrit
Introduction to the Nirnayasāgara edition of Sušrutasanhita. 1. Filoft quoiadt, ato faziaragrūto a Tore SHREY -NC. 3, p. 512;.
Bih. V1, 2, p. 302. 2. Ibid. 3. FF FEET, "falam" fer alfaat itt, fuffet a fafazit a--NC. 3, p. 417. 4. For functions of Vāta, Pitta and Simbha (leşma) sce-Introduction to
Sušrutasanhitā by Bhišagratna ( Vol. 1, p. 111). 5. NC. 4, p. 340. 6. NC. 4, p. 340. 7. Caraka in his discourse upon the development of the foctal body cites
the opinion of Dhanvantari and also refers to the Dhanvantari School of surgeons mcaning thereby Susruta and his School. Susruta.
samnitārcd. by Bhisagratna, Vol. 1, introduction p. XI. 8. NC. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340. 9. NC. 3, p. 258. 10. NO. 3, p. 529. 11. NC. 2, p. 340.

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with which a person could die immediately.' Amaya was another term used for diseases, and patient suffering from any disease was called amat7.2
A long list of diseases has been given in the Niśitha Bhasya. The following eight types of vyâdhis, viz. (i) jara (fever), (ii) sasa (asthama), (iii) kā sa (cough), (iv) daha (inflamation), (v) ati sāra (diarrhoea), (vi) bhagańdara (fistula in ano), (vii) süla (colic), (viii) ajīra (indigestion), and the sixteen rogas, viz. (i) vevā (paralysis agitans, trembling or tremor), (ii) aggi (over-3 appetite), (iii) paṁgu (paraplegia), (iv) vadabha (humpback), (v) mimmani (mental disorder), (vi) alasa (swelling), (vii) sakkara (gravel), (viii) pameha (a disease of urine), (ix) bahih (deafness), (x) andha (blindness), (xi) kumta ( one without hands ), (xii) vadabha (dwarfishness), (xiii) gan 11 (scrofula),(xiv) koti (leprosy), (xv) khata (wound) and (xvi) sūi have been mentioned. A few more diseases to this list have been added by the NC. which provides a useful information on this subject. *
Medical Treatment - The medical treatment prescribed for the cure of diseases has been grouped under two sections-i) samsohanas or cleansing the body through emitics and purgatives, and (ii) samsamaņas or curing the disease with the help
1. B etfarars :, freigt:-NC. 3, p. 258; Brn. Vr. 2, p.
322. In the Vipālasūtra (ed. Jaina Šāstramālā Kāryālaya, Ludhiana, pp. 56-57 ), however, roga and ātaika have been used as a
combined term. 2. NC. 4, p. 340; Kātyāyana (vārtika on V. 2. 122), also notes the word
amayāvi for an ailing patient.--Agrawala, V. S., India as Known
to Panini, p. 123. 3. N. Bhā. 3446; NC. 3, p. 258. For similar lists of sixteen discases
sce--Vipakasūtra, pp. 56-57; Ācāränga, 6. 1. 173; Vivāgasuya, 1,
p. 7. 4. For information regarding various diseases mentioned in the NC.
sec-Appendix A. 5. gate thitu PHTEO a qui fattoi -NC. 3, p. 417. Regarding the theory
of Sansohana and Sansamant see-Bhisagratna's Introduction to Sušrutasamhitā, Vol. 1, p. LXI; also Susruta, Cikitsasthāna,
XXXIII. 2 ( Vol. 2, p. 565 ). 6. NC. 3, p. 417.

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of medicines without resorting to the former process. The act of expelling through the lower channel was called virecana (purgation). 1
Various other processes like medicated baths (snāna) or cleansing a particular portion of the body (uccholaņa), massaging the body with oil (abbhanga), drinking ghee or oil for getting a clear complexion and strength (tappana) 2 etc. were also resorted to. Rasayana (the science of elixirs) was a distinct branch of Medicine which aimed at retaining the perpetual youth by arresting the body of old age and senile decay with the help of proper medicines." Nasal therapy ( nattha ) was administered to cleanse the nasal passages. Caraka also administers nasal therapy (nasta) in diseases of head, as nose was the gateway to the head. An application of anema (vatthi-kamma), especially oil anema (meha-vatthi), was enjoined for cleansing the body of various doșas, especially for the diseases like piles or gastic trouble. A physician had to be very careful in prescribing the quantity of such drugs, as excess of emises or purgation could even result in the death of the patient."
The samsamaņa way of treatment aimed at curing a disease
1. Et Alquilazeit-NC. 3, p. 392; 37:ituri fataCaraka, Kalfasthāna,
1. 4. -2. 2017 TOPATI Palaute TT acqui-NC. 3, p. 392. Sce also-Vipākasūtra,
p. 65. 3. qarTO TTHÙNG OF THPTO-NC. 3, p. 392. For the importance of
Rasāyana and the way of administering drugs for the same see Susruta, Cikitsasthāna, XXVII, 1-4, 1-Tsing also mentions Rasāyana as one of the eight branches of Medical Science.Takakusu, op. cit.,
Pp. 127-28, also pp. 222-23. 4. OPATTATE CTITOITETUIERİ OF TOP opei--NC. 3, p. 392. 5. Caraka, Siddhasthāna, 9. 88 ( Vol. 4, p. 2311 ). 6. कडिवायअरिसविणासणत्थं च अपागद्दारेण वत्थिणा तेल्लादिप्पदाणं वत्थिकम्मं ।
-NC. 3, p. 392; cf. Susruta, Cikitsästhāna, XXXV. 3 (Vol. 2, p. 590). 7. stala CHO TH7, fara total H NC. 3, p. 393.

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with the help of medicines, i.e. by prescribing those which were required for the pacification of the deranged elements and retaining those elements which were already in a state of aggravation.2 Medicine was given in various forms of powders (cunna), pills (gulika), oils (tella), ghệta and confection (like ghaya punna for gastic trouble) etc. The powder or oil of the padma or ut pala,eran da, nimba and matulunga, was prescribed for the diseases of vata, pitta and sanni pata respectively. The powder of ela (cardamom) and of the various substances included in the eladi group (eladigana) was recommended for the various diseases. Trikatu, a mixture of dry ginger, long pepper and black pepper worked as an antidote (agața) against diseases. There was also a type of pill (gulika) which could change the voice and complexion of a person.s
The oils like sata paka and sahasrapaka were highly prised and were beyond the means of ordinary citizens (dullabhad avva). The Jaina monks were allowed even to deviate from
1. "FHUD"_TOTAL FlArsifat 5 afegeTOTES....forrroi” fat sto TT
Fiat Etor at Tecla FT GETU-NG. 3, p. 417; also Sušrutasanhitā
Introduction, pp. L-lxi. 2. NC. 2, p. 316; BỊh. Vt, 2, p. 323. 3. "itu" 5514 20-NC. 1, p. 121. According to Sušruta, the group of
medicinal drugs known as Eladigara consists of the substances like Elā, Tagara, Tvak patra, Naga puspa, Priyangu, Agaru, Usira,
Kumkuma etc.-Susruta, Sūtrasthāna, XXVIII. 2. 4. NO. 1, p. 153. 5. Fl-qrafitoille Tfatte at aequoi ritet 557_NC. 3, p. 194, also
NC. 4, p. 116. 6. greitai par HEFANT-NC. 1, p. 153, also p. 121. According to
the Vitti on Brhatkalpa Bhāsyas the sata pāka and sahasrapäka oils were prepared either with a hundred or thousand medicinal drugs or by boiling one drug a hundred or a thousand times (Brh. V!. 5, p. 1591). Susruta in his Cikitsāsthāna gives an elaborate description of the various drugs required for making the sahasra paka and sata pāka oils, and of the hard and laborious process required for their preparation. For proper details see-Susruta, Cikitsästhāna, IV. 29 (Vol. II, pp. 293-94).

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the general rules for acquiring the satapaka or sahasrapaka oit in case it was required for a patient monk.' Ham satellaa was the oil extracted out of the body of a swan. To prepare this oil a swan was killed and the viscid matter of its body was extracted by piercing it. Its body was then stuffed with various medicinal substances, stitched from outside, and kept on fire till the oil came out of it. The oil prepared in such a manner was termed hamsatella and was considered to be highly beneficial for curing certain diseases.
There was also a variety of fruits or flowers the smell of which was used to induce or obstruct sleep.' These may be compared with the sleeping tablets or anti-sleep drugs of today. Besides, the smell of certain flowers was particularly beneficial for certain diseases. However, these were to be taken only when prescribed by an able physician.o
The plasters or ointments were used for healing the wounds. There were three varieties of ointments6—(i) those for killing the pain, (ii) those helping in ripening the unripe wound and (iii) those used for extracting the pus or such other viscid matter from the wound. The ointments prepared from the skin of the japa-plant ( calm evisera ), vata ( banyan ) and tuvara were used for killing the pain.? The plaster of cowdung ( gomayalepa ) was used for healing the wounds. The fresh cowdung or the cowdung dried under a shade was considered to be more effective and anti-poisonous. 8
1. NO. 1, p. 155, also p. 121. 2. NO. 1, p. 121; also BỊh. V1.5, p. 1591. 3. रातो जग्गियध्वं तत्थ किं चि एरिसं पुप्फफलं जेण जिंघिएण गिद्दा ण एति ।...निद्रालामे
at lagi lahti fraf-NC. 2, p. 33. 4. NC. 2, p. 33. 5. Ibid. 6. Format Gafasit_IT THRt, 94814t, gatuli ecuer?—NC. 2. p.
216; also NA. 3, p. 362. 7. FIFT 453fca27 gadi T ITI-NC. 3, p. 362. 8. NO. 3, pp. 361-62.

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Vişavidya or Toxicology-Vişavidyal or Toxicology was. another branch of Medicine. Two varieties of poison, i.e. visa and gara?, have been mentioned. The former killed a person immediately, while the other caused a death due to slow-poisoning.s Gara was prepared by a combination of various medicinal drugs. Caraka also states that "there is another variety of poison called artificial poison (gara) which is produced by a combination of substances and which gives rise to a diseased condition. Being slow in reaction it does not kill swiftly.”+
Snake-bite and its Remedies-The monks were proficient in detecting the snake-bite and differentiating it from the bite of the other poisonous insects on the basis of the symptoms.5 Various methods were resorted to for eliminating the effects of a snake bite. The person bitten by a snake was treated with the sacred mantras. Amulets charmed with the mantras were also tied around his hand. Sometimes the portion affected with snake bite was incised' or the poison was sucked. after keeping the burnt earth or mud inside the mouth. Sometimes the mud-plaster was also applied to extract the poison or the person was made to eat the earth. According to another method, a piece of gold was rubbed inside the water and then golden water was given to the patient for eliminating the poisonous effects of the snake-bite. 10 The person bitten
1. NC. 2, p 364. 2. NC. 2, pp. 281-82. 3. go feat taste of afar FEATÂT TI, #t fa comprisil taff-NC. 2, p.
282. 4. Caraka, Cikitsas!hāna, 13-14 (Vol. 4, p. 2143). 5. NC. 1, p. 82. 6. telfu ex ufaffronu 215TTT The wife-NC. 1, p. 66. 7. gat ar fotot 75 OHNC 1, p. 82. 8. Hfej ar y gigi dan raha-NC. 1, p. 66.
9. atacafa ar fērarafthofher area at Hereft-Ibid. 10. विसे कणगं ति विषग्रस्तस्य सुवर्ण कनकं तं घेत्तु धसिऊण विसणिग्घायणट्ठा तस्स पार्ण
fass -NC, 1, p. 135.

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by a snake was to be kept awake so that the poison did not spread all over the body. Similar methods have been prescribed by the other medical authorities. According to Suśruta, incision, cauterization and sucking of the poisoned blood from the base of the bite should be highly recommended in all cases of snake-bites.2 Dallan a recommends burnt earth or earth of an ant-hill or ash for the purpose of filling up the mouth before sucking the poisoned blood. As to the efficasy of the mantras, Susruta remarks that "elimination of the poison with the help of the mantras full of the energy of Brahma of truth and austerities is more rapid than under the effects of drugs."
Surgery—The science of surgery had reached an advanced stage. The physicians usually carried with them their bags of surgical instruments (sattha-kosa) which contained the instruments like patthana-sattha, amguli-sattha, siraveha-sattha, kappurasattha, lohakanțiya, sam lasaga, aņuvehasalaga, vihimuha and sūimuha.* The physicians always accompanied the army to the battle-field. The arrows were properly extracted from the body of the wounde soldiers, although it was a very painful process.
Veterinary Sciences-There were also veterinary doctors versed in detecting the diseases of the animals. They could easily judge if the disease of an animal was caused by the derangement of any of the tumours of the body (dhatuvi samvadaroga) or because of some other reason.? A doctor is mentioned
1. Pot fer a Fritilassat, at faci o of Golfer_NC. 1, p. 82. 2. Susruta, Kalpasthāna, V. 3-5. 3. Ibid. 4. Susruta, Kalpasthana, V. 10. 5. NC. 3, p. 214; Brh, V1, 3, p. 818; Vi pākasutra, p. 65. 6. NC. 4, p. 306; NC. 2, p. 214. 7. वेज्जेण दिट्ठो, भणियं च-गत्थि से कोति धाउविसंवादरोगो, अत्थि से कोई
340 T N C. 4, p. 304. For the development of the veterinary science in ancient India, see Jyotirmitra's article «Science of Veter. inary Medicine as Practiesd in Ancient India"--Nagarjuna, July 1967, Vol. X, NO. 11, pp. 582-94.

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to have operated a horse of the king for extracting an invisible arrow or thorn which made the horse lose its strength. The body of the horse was covered with a mud-plaster and the portion containing the thorn could be observed as drying faster because of the excessive heat emanating from the portion of its body. It was then operated and the thorn was successfully extracted which shows the mastery of the doctors in the field of the veterinary sciences.
These medical facilities must have been available to most of the people of the time as there were regular dispensaries and hospitals called aroggasala or anahasala2 run by the state where free medicine and food were provided to the patients by the king.' Yuan Chwang also noticed such institutions which were maintained by the State or by public-munificence for the welfare of the common or poor people. Besides, there were vejjasalass or private dispensaries run by private doctors (vejja) whose services could be requisitioned by the people at any time. Even the Jaina monks during the later centuries were permitted to take help of the doctors during the critical circumstances, but they were to visit the doctor at a proper time and in a proper manner. For them, however, the most common method for curing a disease was to take resort to fasting or starvation." Yuan Chwang also refers to this common practice of fasting when he states that "every one who is attacked by sickness has his food cut off for seven days. In this interval the patient often
1. NC. 4, p. 304. 2. "TUITE ATT" BARTITAMAT-NC. 3, p. 259. 3. Food given by the king particularly for the patients was known as
aroggabhatta.--NC. 2, p. 455. 4. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 286; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 166, 198. 5. NC. 3, p. 173. 6. For rules prescribed for monks for approaching a doctor sce-NC. 3,
pp. 100-17.
7. NC. 3, p. 97.

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recovers, but if he cannot regain his health, he takes medicine. Their medicines are of various kinds, each having a specific name. Their doctors differ in medical skill and in prognostication. The accounts of Bāņa2 and I-Tsing: also reveal a similar progress in the field of the Medical Sciences.
1. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 147; Beal, op. cit., 1. p. 86. 2. Harsacarita, p. 138. 3. Takakusu, op. cit., pp. 130-40.

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CHAPTER V
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
Social stability and political security ensure the economic growth and prosperity of a country. In India, however, the usual economic life in small towns and villages has been least affected by such political vicissitudes, although it must have hampered the economy at large, i.e. in large commercial towns having a rich and flourishing trade. The general picture of society as depicted in the NC. is that of economic prosperity and opulence, although the vast differences or inequalities in the distribution of wealth may not be totally ignored. The wealth and affluence of the kings and nobles, the setthis occupying a high status because of their economic assistance to the State, the rich caravan-leaders (satt havaha) and merchants (vāniya) having a Aourishing trade by land or sea, the peasant population (kari saga) working hard on fields, those following the industrial arts and crafts (sippa), the slaves (dasa) and a large number of servants and hired labourers (bhayagakammakara) earning their livelihood by hard manual work, and a large number of monks and ascetics depending on society for all the essential needs, display the economic life at its various levels. In the following pages an attempt has been made to survey the economic conditions of the age on the basis of the NC. Agriculture (Kisivāvāra, Kisikamma)?
Cultivators and Fields-Agriculture was held in contempt by the Jainas as it involved killing of the innumerable insects. Those following this profession were, however, designated as "Åryans and not as Mlecchas—the two groups in which all
1. NC. 3, pp. 160, 227.

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human beings were classified by the Jaina philosophers”. I From the various references in the text it can be easily judged. that agriculture was the principal occupation of the people especially in the villages. The karisagas2 and the kodunbiyas or Kudumbiss were the peasants and cultivating householders following the occupation of agriculture. The term kuțumbin has been variously explained by different scholars.* In the NC., however, kudumbis are seen as cultivating householders who not only cultivated the fields themselves but were also in a position to employ servants and agricultural labourers (kammakara) for the purpose of cultivation.5 They seem to have belonged to quite well-off families and very often they provided shelter to the Jaina monks. The contemporary inscriptions also show kuțumbins to be agriculturist-labourers, and fields belonging to them are described as kuțumbikşetras.
1. Prajna panosutra. For cultivation see also--Ganguli, "Cultivation in
Ancient India'', IHQ. (1930-31 ), p. 136 and the Bhasya of Tattuārthadhigama-sūtra (published by Sheth D. L. P. Jaina Pustakoddhāra Fund Series, III. 15, p. 265 ). Vide--Hiralal Kapadia's article, “Some Reference Pertaining to Agriculture in Jain Literature”, IHQ,
Vol. X, p. 799 2. NC. 1, p. 115. 3. NC. 2, p. 9; NC. 3, pp. 160, 227, 4. The term kuļuřbin frequently occurring in the contemporary inscrip
tions has been taken in the sense of the cultivators ( CII, III, 314 ) or the housc-slaves (Kielhorn, EI. III, 314). According to D. R, Bhandarkar, they were the heads of the families of the cultivators ( videJinist Studies, pp. 79-82 ). According to another view, kuturbins belonged to professional artisan classes who cultivated land as subsidi. ary means of livelihood ( Pran Nath, Economic Condition in Ancient India, p. 157 ). However, the view that they were agriculturist householders appears to be more reliable.--Gopal, L., Economic Life of
Northern India, p. 24. 5. NC. 3, p. 519. 6. NC. 2, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 519. 7. CII. IV, Nos. 11, 20, 22, 24; EI. XXII, 115-20.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
193
The cultivated land or fields were known as khetta 1 and these were situated not very far (abbhā se-adūre) from the houses.2 Vappa or keyāra was another term which denoted a wetfield' or field having a flourishing field-crop. The peasants always cherished to possess large fields having a flourishing field-crop of the superior variety of food grains (višişțasasya) like sugarcane, barley, rice etc, Proper care was taken to protect the field from itis or the calamities of the season (itivargitatvam).5 According to the ancient authorities ītis or the calamities of the season could be of six types, viz. 'i) excessive rain, (ii) drought, (iii) locusts, (iv) rats, (v) parrots and (vi) foreign invasions.
Agricultural Operations—The twenty-four varieties of foodgrains and the different varieties of fruits, vegetables, spices, oilseeds etc. as mentioned before, formed a part of the Indian dietary during this time. These products were cultivated in the country.
A regular process was to be followed in the field of cultivation. First of all the land was ploughed by means of plough driven by the bullocks and the soil was prepared for sowing. Agricultural labourers (kammakara) were employed for ploughing the land.8 Ploughing and sowing (vapana) was mostly done in the rainy season. The peasants usually stored up all the necessary articles required by them at home before the advent of the rainy season, so that the work of cultivation
1. NO. 2, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 227; Bųh. Vt. 2, p. 263. 2. NC. 2, p. 83. 3. In the Arthaśāstra, kedāra is used in the sense of a wet-field, and a
collection of adjoining wet-fields has been called kaidarya of
kaidāraka.-Agrawala, V.S., India as known to Paņini, p. 195. 4. NC. 4, pp. 409–10. 5. NC. 4, p. 410. 6. Kalidāsa, Raghuvanía, 1. 63. 7. NC. 3, p. 150. 8. NO. 3, pp. 273, 519.

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may not be hampered by going to the market during tłese busy months. 1
After sowing the seed (vavaņa, ropita)2 the field was to be protected from the wild-beasts and thieves by making fences (vati) all around and small ditches (khatiya) were dug for the purpose of holding water.: Ripe grain was then reaped (līta) with a sickle (datra), * thrashed (malita), and winnowed (pata)5 with a winnowing-fan ( suppa ) which had the shape of an elephant's ear. After separating the chaff, the pure (paripūta) grain? was measured (mīyamana) and properly stored in a barn ( khalaga ) or granary (kotthāgāra). Sometimes, however, the barns were put to fire because of the personal enmity amongst the peasants. 8
Agricultural Implements ---Various implements were used for cultivation. Three different varieties of the plough, ie, hala, Kuliya and damtāla' have been mentioned in the text. Kulita is mentioned as a grass-cutting wooden instrument which was particularly used in Surattha. It measured two hands in length and had iron nails ( ayakilaka ) fixed at the end along with an iron plate attached to it.1. Among other agricultural imple
1. NO. 3, p. 160. 2. NO. 1, p. 102. 3. NC. 3, p. 519. 4. GET fucrito arNC. 1, p. 31. 5. atqui gagg Hay qah--NC. 1, p. 102. Compare-tia: q4a:
gia: Tia:-Satapatha Brāhmana, 1. 6. 1. 3. 6. 70 Tarra' fai 7. aftra fHETI HAH(TeftaifatNC. 1, p. 102. 8. NO. 3, p. 139. 9. data Hit oglasatiNC. 1, p. 3; & perat Edarat Ecofa--
NC. 1, p. 31; Brh. Vč. 1, p. 79. Hala, kulisa and dantūlaka have been mentioned as three agricultural implements in Akalanka's commentary on Tattvārthadhigamasutra.--See, Kapadia's article on Agriculturc, IHO., Vol. X, p. 798. In the Avasyaka Cūrni (p. 81), nāngala
is also mentioned as a type of plough along with hala and kuliya. 10. NO. 1, p. 31.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
195 ments, the sickle ( datra )!, axe ( kuha la?, paraşu? ), hatchet or spade ( sattara- phavara in Hindi ), scissors (pippalaga) and knives ( churiya )* have been mentioned.
Irrigation-Since the various activites like ploughing and sowing were done in the rainy season, rains must have been the most substantial source of irrigation.5 Apart from the rainfall, the water from rivers, lakes, ponds and wells were also used for irrigating the fields. In the villages a number of peasants irrigated their fields in their respective turn (vārageņa ) from a common watersourse ( sārani paniya ). An instance can be seen when a peasant secretly broke through the water-course during the turn of the other in order to irrigate his own field.?
Some of the regions were naturally rich in water-resources, and there the fields could be easily irrigated from the water of rivers or ponds even in the absence of rains.8 Tosali is mentioned as such a place where water was found in abundance (anugadesa) and there was never a fear of drought. But frequent references to famine (dubbhikkha) and epidemic
1. Ibid. 2. NC. 3, p. 5. 3. NO. 1, p. 31. 4, NC. 2, p. 5. 5. NC. 3, p. 160. 6. The commentary on Brhat Kalpa Bhās va provides us with interesting
details regarding the irrigation sources, according to which rainfall was the main source of irrigation in the Lãta country, while in Sindhu the fields were irrigated from rivers, in Dravida from ponds and in Uttarāpatha from wells (Bp. VI. 2, p. 336 ). The same text divides the fields into two groups, viz. setu and ketu, the former being irrigated by means of wells and the latter depending on rainfall
(Bih. Bhā. 1. 826). 7. तत्थेगो करिसगो अण्णस्स वारए अगावदेसा पादेग णिक्कं भेत्तुण... अप्पणो खेत्ते
Tifozi -NC. 1, p. 115. 8. आणुगदेसो णतिसलीलादीहिं जलब हुलो...."तम्मि वरिसेण विणा वि सस्सं णिप्फज्जति
NC. 3, p. 538. 9. Ibid.

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(ašiva)i in the text clearly reveal that in certain regions there was always a fear of drought and famine which were usually accompanied with epidemic also. In such circumstances nothing could grow for want of rains, and people, especially the monks, suffered terribly for being unable in procuring alms.
Land-owner ship-Regarding the ownership of the land two different theories have been upheld by the ancient Hindu law-givers-state-ownership of the land or the theory which recognises king as the owner of the land and that of the peasant-proprietorship. In the context of the ownership of a garden in the NC. the author has remarked that the garden (drama) could have been purchased by the kudumbi, the bhojika, the village (gameņa), the vaņik, the gotthi ( corporation), the arakkhiya, or by the king (ranna) by paying the stipulated sum ( mulla )." Here from the mention of the purchase of a garden by the king it may be judged that the theory of the state-ownership of land has not been upheld by our author, although the king like anyone else had the right to purchase the land by giving the proper price. Elsewhere in the NC. a cultivator is mentioned as cultivating on the other's field (parāvatta-khetta) by paying the negotiated amount of money. It points towards the peasant-proprietorship of the land and that the land could be even given on rent or mortgaged by its owner. In some of the contemporary Maitraka records. the fields are mentioned to have been owned by the kuțumbins (kuțuñbi-khetta) and very often the term satka has been used to convey the idea of ownership. It was thus the theory of
1. Dubbhikkh or omakāla ( famine ) and, asiva ( epidemic) have regularly
been mentioned in the NC. as two circumstances in which the excep
tions ( apavāda ) to the rules could be resorted to by the Jaina monks. 2. For the concept of ownership of land in ancient India sce-Kane, P. V.,
History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. III, p. 547; also Gopal, op. cit., pp.
1-31. 3. NC. 3, P. 498; Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 287-88. 4. PEST ariau gri offre à gefa afro arepN C. 3, p. 519. 5. EI. XXII, 115-20; XXI, 183; IV, 76-81.

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the peasant-proprietorship of the land which seems to have been practically carried out during these centuries. Arts and Crafts
Apart from agriculture a number of vocational arts and crafts were practised by the people. Sippa was defined as an art or profession which required proper training under the guidance of an efficient teacher. It included both the fine arts as well as the crafts like chariot-making, weaving, tailoring etc.1 A proper vocational education therefore must have been imparted to the workers in their specific field.
Vocational Education ---The professions during this time were mostly hareditary in nature. Besides, the system of apprenticeshipa was practised in imparting the industrial education. The apprentice, willing to master the art, was to enter into an agreement with the teacher for working under him for a specific period. The duration of this period could be either till the time one fully mastered the art in case one was paying proper fees to the teacher* or it could be more than the actual time required to master the art, since the trained apprentice was expected to work free for his teacher for sometime in lieu of the training imparted. The apprentice thus bound with an agreement was called ubbaddha, and he was not to leave his master during this period of contract. These rules must have been scrupulously practised, since we find that like a slave (dasa) and the hired-labourer (bhayaga) a person under an agreement (ubbaddha) was also excluded
1, erreftalaga at TETITTATIT -NC. 3, p. 272. 2. Altekar, A.S., Education in Ancient India, p. 187. 3. सिक्खंतो सिवखतस्स केवगादि दव्वं देति, सो-य जति तेण एवं उब्बद्धो जाब सिक्खा
JH HATITI-NC. 3, p. 272. 4. अध एव उब्बद्धो सिक्खिए वि उवरि एत्तियं कालं ममायत्तेण भवियव, तम्मि काले
3grat up frafa yorat cufat--Ibid. 5. Compare-agatia hati #dalet HATETETTEL I da ti #P 79r9efciar.
Fiat 11 - Nāradasmrti, Sušrūšābhyupagama prakarana (v. 20 ); Vide--Altekar, op. cit., p. 199.

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CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
from being initiated in the monastic order of the Jainas till which contract period was not over.' The same rules must have been carried out in case of all the important arts and crafts of the time.
Mines and Mineral-products-The mines (agara? or khana) were extensively worked and khitikhanas was a class of labourers especially employed for working in the mines. The following were the seven important ores produced from the mines-iron (aya), copper (lavu), tin (tamba), lead (sisaga), silver (hiranna, tuppa), gold (suvanna) and diamond (vaira).* Besides, vessels made of bronze ( kaṁsa ) were also not unknown.5 The artists were versed even in the art of Dhatuvada, i.e. turning base metals like copper into finer ones like gold.6
Along with these metals, mention may also be made of the different varieties of precious stones (pasaņa) and gems (maņi) which were usually wrought in precious metals for making ornaments. Among these, supphire (indranila), ruby (padmaraga)?, jasper' or sunstone (sürakanta), moon stone (candrakanta)8, quartz (Sphatika, phadiha)', baryl (vaidūrya). have been mentioned. Maniyaras were the dealers in precious stones and gems who gave different shapes to the stones by rubbing them on the touchstone (saņa).10. Mottiyas were the beadsmen who deligently stringed beautiful pearls and beads into different types of necklaces. 11 1. NO. 3, p. 272. 2. NC. 2, p. 329. 3 NC. 3, p. 273. 4. NC, 1, p. 136; NC. 2, p. 329. 5. Í ATU-NC. 2, p. 290; NC. 3, p. 173. 6. Ofera fata aquife maat 17:NC. 3, p. 387. Bāna also mentioned
the old Dravida priest as versed in the a t of Dhāluvada.-Agrawala,
V, S., Kādambari : Eka Sanskrtika Adhyay.in , p. 230. 7. NC. 3, p. 389. 8. NC. 2, p. 109. 9. Ibid., also p.400. 10. NC. 2, p. 5. 11. Ibid.

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Workers in Metal-The rich mineral wealth of the country provided a great industry for workers in metal. Among the metal-workers the goldsmiths (kalada1, suvaṇṇagara)2 and the blacksmiths (lohakara, kammara) were important. The large variety of ornaments worn by men and women provided a great scope to the art of the goldsmiths. Besides, a number of vessels and ornamental vases were cast in different metals Vessels were like gold, silver, copper, bronze and iron.* sometimes inlaid with diamonds (vaira) or other precious jewels (manimaya)5, and were also embedded with pearlstrings (mauktika).6 Yuan Chwang observed that the gold and silver vessels of the period were outstanding for their exquisite workmanship.7 Besides, images were also cast in different metals like gold (kanagapaḍima)8 or bronze. goldsmiths thus had a very rich and flourishing trade. Yet, in spite of their wealth and prosperity, the goldsmiths were considered as unworthy of being trusted. A goldsmith is mentioned to have deceived a herdsman by giving him the copper ornaments in place of the gold given by the herdsman to make the golden earrings. 10 Sometimes, however, people voluntarily gave a copper-polish to the gold ornaments to save them from being molested by the robbers or thieves.11
The
1. NC. 3, p. 269.
2. NC. 1, p. 50; NC. 3, p. 268; NC. 4, p. 12.
3 NC. 1, p 79.
4. NC. 3. pp. 107, 329.
5. मणिमयं वा NC. 3, p. 329.
6. अयमाद्या: पात्रविशेषाः मौक्तिकलताभिरुपशोभिता : – NC. 3, p. 172.
7. Beal, op cit., 1, p. 77.
8. NC. 3, p. 144.
9. One of the goldsmiths called Anangasena is mentioned to have been so rich to enable him to purchase five hundred ladies by giving a proper amount of money. He also announced to pay a million Rupees to a pilot who could lead him to Pa casaila Island (NC. 3, p. 140). Another goldsmith is mentioned to have enjoyed the company of a famous courtesan by paying the high charges (bhādi) ( NC. 1, p. 50 ) which is indicative of the affluence enjoyed by them.
10. NC. 3, p. 269; Brh. Vr. 5, p. 1389.
11. NC. 1, p. 130.

199

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A CULTUAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
The blacksmiths played a useful part in village industries. They made different types of weapons such as swords, daggers, lances etc. and also supplied the peasants with their agriculcural implements. The work of the blacksmiths was specifically styled as aggikamma”, since by heating and melting the various metals he moulded different types of objects.
Pottery---Pottery had reached an advanced stage because of the importance given to this art. There were regular markets or shops for pots known as kuttiyāvanas, padabhūmit or bhanabhimi.' Five apartments were required for the work of a potter ( kumbhakara, kulala )-i) paniyasala was the place where the potters or the vaniks sold the earthenware pottery; (ii) bhan dasala was the store-house for storing the vessels; (iii) in kammasala the pots were moulded; (iv) in payaņisāla pots were baked and (v) in imdhanasala the fuel like grass or dung required for baking the pots was stored. 6
A regular process was followed in making the earthenware pottery. The clay was kneaded with water and by rotating the wet-clay on the potter's wheel (cakka). 7 Vessels of various types like ghata, katthoraga, thala etc. were made. These were dried and baked on fire. A proper polish or coating ( leva ) was given to the pots. Pots were also dyed in different colours.8 The potters either gave their wares to the Vanils on getting a little profit or sold it to the customers direcıly, 10
1. NC. 1, p. 79. 2. JEITILI JOZE 31 He rifat-NC. 2, p. 9. 3. NC. 2, p. 47. 4. THE È TIETOTNC. 2, p. 52. 5. NO. 2, p 100. 6. NC. 4, pp. 61-62; also Brh. VI. 4, p. 963. 7. NC. I, p. 30. 8. TFFHattia pro__NC. 3, p. 446. 9. NC. 4, pp. 61-62. Compare
tarfa fitria, afnt at FITEFTIR HIETATIET mitsat Tarqut faithfa hifaT_Bịh. V!.
4, p. 963. 10. Ibid.; also NC. 3, p. 139.

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201
A regular tax of 1/20, i.e. the twentieth part (viṁsati-bhaga) was charged from the potters on the pots taken to the neighbouring village for sale;1 this shows permanent recognition of the potter's profession by the state.
Other Occupations--Among the other skilled artisans the carpenters (valdhaki)2 and chariot-makers (rahagära), the leather-workers or cobblers (cammakāra, padakāra),* the weavers (tamtugāra), the dyers ( sodhaga ),5 the calicoprinters (chimpaga ), the tailors and darners (tuņņagāra)e may be mentioned. Apart from these skilled artisans there were people following various other vocational trades like that of the washermen (rajaga, millevaga),? barbers (mrvita), 8 rope-makers ( varuda ), garland-makers (malakara),1° peacockteamers ( mayüra posaga ),11 wood-cutters (tanahāraga )12 and herdsmen ( govala )18 etc. It is, however, interesting to note that while the early Jaina or Buddhist texts frequently refer to craft-guilds or sinis (guilds) of the skilled artisans, le in the NC. they have been categorised to belong to the caste of their profession. 15 It might have been the result of the transformation of the guilds which were previously composed of same or different castes following a common occupation 16 into the regular hereditary castes during these centuries. 17 1. NC. 4, p. 344 2. NO. 3, p. 44. 3. NC. 2, pp. 3, 35; NG. 3, p. 169; NC. 4, p 342. 4, NC. 3, p 271; NC. 4, p. 132. 5. NC. 3, p. 271, 6. NC. 3, p. 272. 7. NC. I, p. 104; NC, 2, p. 243. 8. NC. I, p. 12; NC. 2, p. 243; NC. 3, p. 271. 9. NC. 3, p. 270. 10, NC. 2, p. 9; NC. 4, p. 360. 11, NC. 3, p. 271. 12. NO. 4, p. 120. 13. NC. 2, p. 272. 14. LAI., p. 109. 15. The lohakāras and the varudas are specifically mentioned as belonging
to contemptible caste-NC. 3, p. 270. 16. Majumdar, R. C., Corporate Life in Ancient India, p. 280. 17. Gopal, op. cit., pp. 82-83.

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Besides, hunting, rearing, poultry and fishing were carried on by the lowest section of society. The loddhaya, misaluddhaga, và guriya, simhamoraja, si nakäraga and hhattigal were the hunters and butchers who regularly supplied the king and the public with the meat of the animals. 2 The snares and traps (vagura, s kața* ) were regularly used for hunting the animals. The vadhas or sauņakas were adept in the art of birdcatching by casting the nets (paşa, jala ).5 Medas are also mentioned as a class of people who used to hunt with bow and arrow in their hands. 6
Fishing was another important occupation. Early in the morning the fishermen ( machhaga, macchaggahaga )' used to go for fishing with fishing hooks and nets ( macchagabandhagadi ).8 They also trawled the fish with fishing hooks having iron.nails at its end and a long rope ( diharajju ) attached to it. Fish were also dried, stored and sold in the market which shows that it must have been a popular industry of the time.
Labour
From the status point of view after the peasants and skilled artisans (sippi) there was a large population consisting of the
1. NC. 2. p. 9; NC. 3, pp. 198, 271. 2. NC. 4, p. 380. 3. NO. 3, p. 271. 4. NC. 2, p. 281. 5. RH ( TISUT ETTGT farfaecqz_Ibid.
Vāgurā, kūga and pāsa have been mentioned by Bāna also (Harsacarita, p. 228.; Kādambari, anuccheda 338). According to V. S. Agrawala there was difference between the vugurā and the kūa pasa. Vagurā was used for catching the deer, while kū a and pasa for other injurious animals,
Kadambari: Eka Sārskrtika Adhyayana, p. 280. 6. NC. 3, p. 198. 7. He TIET Hoshi, gà 6+HS feat_NG, 3, P. 271, 8. NO. 2, p. 9. 9. NC. 2, p. 281.

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dasas, bhaya gas (bhṛtakas ),2 kammakārass and sevagapurisas1 whose services were regularly requisitioned by the higher section. of society for all sorts of hard manual work. The classification of the different types of dasas and bhayagas given in the NC. clearly reveals a difference between the status of the two and shows that while the former were the domestic servants or slaves in a family, the latter worked as hired labourers.
1. NC. 3, p. 263.
2. NC. 3, p. 273.
3. NC. 3, p. 519.
Slaves and Servants-Slavery was largely in vogue and the slaves (dasa, kharaga, duakkhara)5 were usually employed by the house-holders for their domestic work. Six classes of slaves (dasa) have been mentioned in the NC.-(i) slaves by birth or slaves born in family (gabbha), (ii) slaves by purchase (kita), (iii) those reduced to slavery for non-payment of debts (anaya), (iv) those who accepted slavery during famine (dubbhikkha), (v) those made slaves by the king as a punishment for certain crime (savaraha) and (vi) the slaves formed out of the prisoners of war (ruddha ).6 These different classes. of slaves have also been mentioned by the Brahmanic" as well. as the Buddhists authorities, although with minor variations.
:03
4. NC. 4, p. 350.
5. NC. 2, pp. 263, 265. For the institution of slavery see-"The Ideological Aspect of Slavery in Ancient India', Journal of Oriental Institute, Baroda, Vol. VIII, pp. 389-98; see also- Banerjee, N.C., "Slavery in. Ancient India", Calcutta Review, August 1930, pp. 249-65.
6. NC. 3, p. 263.
7. Seven types of slaves are mentioned by Manu ( Manusmrti, VIII. 415). Eighteen kinds of slaves are mentioned by Narada ( Naradasmṛti, V. 26-28), while Yajnavalkya enumerates fourteen kinds of slaves (Yajnavalkyasmṛti, p. 249 ).

8. The Buddhist account of slaves includes prisoners of war, the voluntary slaves, those born in the family of slaves and those reduced to slavery as a result of the judicial decision.- Law, B. C., India as Described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, p. 192. See also-Basu, S. N., "Slavery in the Jātakas", JBORS., Vol. IX, Pts. 3-4, pp. 249-65.

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The maid-servants and the female-slaves ( dasi, khariga, duakkhariya )? were also employed to do various jobs ( kamma ) at home. Female slaves ( dasi ) could be easily purchased ( mollakāta ) by paying the proper price. Even the women belonging to good families could be reduced to slavery (da sattu) for non-payment of debts. A monk's sister is mentioned to have worked as a slave girl to a grocer on being unable to repay the debt of the oil, as it grew manifold because of the heavy interest. The slaves, thus reduced to slavery, could be manumitted on the payment of the balance or through voluntary manumission by the master. The house-holders embracing the monk-hood normally used to set free all their slaves and servants.5 Mention of the word udagasambhara6 in this context perhaps points towards the ancient custom according to which the slaves were to be made free by their masters by washing their forehead,?
The general treatment meted out to the slaves seems to have been far from satisfactory. Slaves can be seen to run away from the family ( nattha )8 and the slave-girls are mentioned to have been captured by others, 9 Slave-girls formed concubines from the early period, and according to our author the slave-girls could be enjoyed by all. 11 The
1. NC 2, p. 430; NC. 3, p. 434; NC. 4, p. 19. See aiso-Bih. Vr. 2, pp. 470,
714 and NC. 4, p. 1231. 2. I le arat hasitai–NC. 3, p. 434. 3. स्तोकमपि ऋणं शेषं धारयन्ती क्वचिद्द शे काऽपि स्त्री तद् ऋगमददती कालक्रमेग
#nagi T B !h. VI. 6, p. 1663. 4. तं तेल्ल अदलंतीए अपरिमियवढीए वढंतं बहु जायं । असत्ता दाउं तत्थ घरे
THO qat-NC. 3, p 430. Cf. Pinda Niryukti, 319. Vide also LA1., p. 107. 5. Af Higafeuit—"qoqi" fə fanitar-NC. 3, p. 430. 6. Ibid. 7. Vya. Bhā. 6. 208; Näradasmrti, V. 42. 8. Jatetit ar ozo1-NC. 2, p. 265; Brh. V . 4, p. 1038. 9. garefiti art là 51NC. 2, p. 265. 10. Arthašāstra, III, 13. 11. after HoT FOETHUOJ ft-NC. 4, p. 19; Brh. V. 3, p. 714.

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205
slaves were treated not as free individuals but were thought to have been the property of their master along with the quadrupeds ( caupada )1 and other external possessions. 2 The initiation of the slaves in the Jaina Church was also restricted on the same grounds.
Besides the slave-girls, female-nurses (dhati) were appointed for bringing up the children in the houses of the wealthy citizens (iddhighara ).* Five nurses, viz. the wet-nurse (khiradhatī), the bath-nurse (nha nadhāti ), the toilet-nurse ( man 'adhatz ), the play-nurse ( kīlāvanadhati) and the lapnurse ( amkadhali ) have been mentioned who performed their respective functions. Specific qualities were required for these nurses, especially for the wet-nurse. 6 Brāhmaṇic authorities also lay down proper rules for selecting such women.? The occupation of these nurses was usually hereditary in a family ( pitiparam parāgaya ), although their master could relieve them of their duty any time he so desired. 8 There were also the foster-mothers or ammadhātis' whose status must have been higher than that of these ordinary nurses. The foster-mothers (ammadhati ) not only performed all the functions of a mother but also served the purpose of a companion to the girl even when she was grown up.10
Hired Labour—Apart from the dasas there were the bhajagas and kammakaras ( hired labourers or wage-earners ) 1. g4C GHI CA 91 7398 391 oz Efti a1NC. 3, p. 475. 2. Dāsa and dāsi were included among ten kinds of external possessions.
-Brh. Bhā. 1. 825; LAI., p. 107. 3. NC, 3, p. 263. 4. pi atai yrafa mat-NC. 3, p. 403. 5. Elecurat AFF T-FEUI-itque sical-NC. 3, p. 404. 6. NC. 3, pp. 403-407. 7. Chapana, D. R., Slavery in Ancient India, p. 160. 8. A nurse (ahāti) can be seen complaining to a monk about her master
(babhu) who employed another nurse in her place and thus deprived
her of her hereditary occupation-NC. 3, p. 405. 9. NC. 2, p. 22. 10. A young girl is mentiond to have asked her fostermother (ammadha tir
to bring a man for her.--Ibid.

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who eked out their living by working on a contract basis. Four classes of the bhayagas are mentioned in the NC.1-(i) divasabhayagas or labourers employed on daily basis, 2 (ii) jattābhayagas or those employed while undertaking a journey; they assisted their master and did all the work as required during a journey on getting a definite sum, (iii) kavvalabhayagas or labourers employed on a contract; they received their wages after finishing the work; the services of this class of labourers were usually requisitioned for doing hard manual work like digging the earth or clearing the grounds (uvda )* and (iv) uccattabhayagas or those employed for a definite period on a stipulated sum; they were to do all types of works as directed by their master during this period of contract. 5 Närada also mentions four categories of bhịtakas as distinct from the fifth category of slaves ( dasa )', and Bșhaspati also describes three classes of bhịtakas which include (i) those who served in army, (ii) those engaged in agriculture and (iii) those who carried loads from place to place.?
The kammakaras were the agricultural labourers who were employed for cultivating the soil and guarding the fields. 8 The gopas or govālas ( cowherds) are mentioned as servants
1. NC. 3, p. 272; Thānānga, 5. 382. 2. काले छिण्णो सव्वदिणं धणं पच्छिण्णं रूवगेहिं तुमे मम कम्मं कायन्वं। एवं दिणे दिणे
Tita -NC, 3, p. 273. 3. इमो जत्ताभयगो-इसजोयणागि मम सहारण एगागिणा वा गंतव्वं एत्तिएण धणेग, ततो
q à E71 | Trà Hi huifa- Född tiri a 1700-Ibid. 4. कव्वालो, खितिखाणतो, उड्डमादी, तस्स कम्ममप्पिणिज्जति, दो तिण्णि वा हत्था छिन्नं
अछिन्नं वा एत्तियं ते धणं दाहामि त्ति-Ibid. In Saurastra there is even today a caste known as Oda which is usually employed for digging the
carth --Malvania, D.D., Nišitha--Eka Adhyayuna, p. 82. 5. इमो उच्चत्तभयगो-तुमे मम एच्चिरं कालं कम्म कायव्वं जं जं अहं भणामि, एत्तियं
a que acTÀ -NC. 3, p. 273. This class of workers is called Ucaka
in Gujarat-Malvania, loc. cit. 6. Näradasmrti, V. 23. 7. Brhaspatidharmaśāstra, XV. 12-13 8. NO. 3, p. 519.

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engaged for tending the cattle or milking the cows.1 Besides, there were large number of servants and personal attendants or sevaga-purisas2 like the majjavaga, maṇ lāvaga3 etc. who were regularly employed by the kings and wealthy citizens for carrying out their personal work. According to A.N. Bose, there have been five categories of hired-labourers in ancient India, viz. those engaged in agricultural, pastoral, industrial, mercantile and household labour.* The existence of all these types of hired labourers can be seen from the above account of the NC.
207
Wages-An analysis of the above-mentioned classes of the bhayags will reveal that two main principles were followed in deciding the wages of the labourers, i.e. either according to the duration of their work or according to the amount of work done by them. Bhati was a specific term for the wages of the bhayagas and kammakaras, while the wages earned by a physician have been called veyanı or veyaṇaga. Pāņini also informs us that the wages of the unskilled or manual labourers were to be called bhṛti", while those of the skilled artisans (silpis) were known as vetana.8
The labourers could take their wages either in cash or in kind or in both combined. Instances of all the three can be found in the text, although the payment in cash seems to have been more popular. The bhaya gas and kammakaras are invariably mentioned as receiving their wages in the form of
1. गोवालग " भती" वृत्ति:-NC. 2, p. 145; NC 3, p. 433.
2. NC. 4, p. 350.
3. NC. 2, p. 469.
4. Bose, A. N., 'Hired Iabour in Ancient India', Indian Culture, Vol. 4, Pp. 252-57.
5. " भती" णाम भयगाणं कम्मकराणं ति कुत्तं भवति - NC. 3, p. 519.

6. ण वट्टति जतीग हत्थातो वेयणगंवेत्तु --- NC. 3, p. 110.
7.
fat-Astādhyāyi, III. 2, 22.
8. Ibid., III. 1, 14, 26, and II. 36; Agrawala, V. S., India as Known to Panini, p. 236.

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rūvagas? or money ( dhanaa, davvas ). At one place, however, the labourers, especially those employed on daily wages. ( divasabhayaga ), are mentioned as getting the food like ricemilk in lieu of their wages.* The practice of remuneration in kind can be attested from the various Sanskrit and Pali texts.5 A cowherd ( gopa ) employed for milking the cows is mentioned to have received 1/4th of milk daily or the entire milk on every fourth day ( varagiņa ) as his wages. The wages of an attendant are said to have been increased to an extent of one suvai ņamāşaka daily along with a fine pair of clothes ( pahāņaṁ ca vatthajuyalam ) by the king.? Remuneration thus could be in cash as well as in kind, although payment in cash was more appreciated.
Trade
Inland Trade-Jainism being popular amongst the mercantile communities of India, especially those of the coastal regions, a graphic account of their trading activities can be found in the text. Trade was carried by land (thala ) and water ways (jala).' Thalapattanıs were the towns rich in land-trade, while
1. NC, 3, p. 273. 2. Ibid. 3. Bịh. V 1. 2, p. 310. 4. faqaTCITATEA a STTE Rettifasi favola—NC. 3, p. 433. 5. Arthaśāstra, II. 23; Brhaspatidharmaśāstra, XXI. 13; Pata ajali,
Bhāsya, II. 36; Asiādhyāyi, IV. 4. 68. In Takkala Jātaka the labourer is mentioned to have received rice-gruel (yāgubhattādi) as his wages by which he could feed his father suiting his station in life.-Bose, op.
cit., p. 253. 6. सो य खीरियाणं चउत्थं खीरस्स गेण्हति । चउत्थदिणे वा सव्वदोहं गेण्हति
NC. 3, p. 433. According to Nāradasmyti (VI. 10) for tending 100 cows a heifer was to be given to the herdsman every year; for tending 200 cows a milk Cow was to be given annually and the berdsman was allowed to milk
all the cows every eighth day. 7. रण्णा तस्स तु?णं पतिदिवसं सुवण्णमासतो वित्ती कता, पहाणं च से वत्थजुयलं दिणं
NC. 4, p. 350. 8. Gopal, op. cit., p. 130. 9. NC. 2, p. 208.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
jalapattanas were the ports having a flourishing water-trade.1 Anandapura and Dasannapura are cited as examples of thalapattana, while Purima and Diva were the famous jalapattana of the time." Donamuhas were the centres of trade where trade was carried by land as well as by water.* Frequent mentions of the pattana, nigama ( towns exclusively inhabited by the Vaņiks), sannivesa ( halting places for the caravans) and puṭabbhedana ( trade emporiums where the packages of the trade articles were received and sold ) in the text reveal the importance of these trading communities which actually controlled the economic and commercial life during the period.
A regular local trade or trade within the state as well as inter-state trade existed during this time. The trade articles were classified into two groups-those brought from the villages of the same kingdom or state (sadesagāmão) and those brought from the villages of the other states (paradesagamão). The merchants or Vaniks were also divided into two groups, viz. those who lived at a definite place and sold their commodities in the market or shops (vani) and those who were without shop (vivani). The latter must have moved from village to village selling their commodities. The Vaniks usually went to the neighbouring villages or states with their carts loaded with merchandise." Some of the Vaniks even went to the distant regions for trade leaving their everything behind.
8
1. पट्टणं दुविहं - जलपट्टणं थलपट्टणं च — NC. 3, p. 346.
2. 4aqi izgufa-NC. 2, p. 328; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 342.

209
7
3. जलपट्टणं पुरिमाती - NC. 2, p. 328.
4. जलेण थलेण दोसु वि मुहं दोणमुहं — Ibid. The Vrtti on Bhatkalpa mentions Bhrgukaccha and Tamralipta as two droṇamukhas of the time (Brh. Vt. 2, p. 342)
5. वणिया जत्थ केवला वसंति णिगमं - NC. 2, p. 328.
6. भंडगा घणा जत्थ भिज्जंति तं पुडाभेयणं - NC. 3, p. 347.
7. परगामाहडं तं दुविहं-सदेसगामाओ, इयरे त्ति परदेसगामाओ वा — NC. 2, p. 209. 8. वणित्ति - जे णिच्चट्ठिता ववहरंति, "विवणी" त्ति — जे विणा आवणेण · · · वाणिज्जं f-NC. 4, p. 130.
9. NC. 3, p. 139.

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There was also a class of individual traders who carrying the miscellaneous articles of trade by themselves ( lit, under their armpits-kakkha pudiya )1 toured the villages throughout the year except the rainy season, and thus provided the villagers with all their requirements by selling their multifarious commodities.
Besides, collective or joint trade enterprise was also not unknown. Five merchants are mentioned to have embarked on a joint trade by putting an equal share ( samabhāga)." When they desired to get separated the property and profit were equally divided amongst the five. For all practical purposes the traders were united under corporative bodies or trade-guilds headed by the setthi or salthavaha. The corporation of the Bālamjuya Vaniks has been frequently mentioned in the text. These traders usually went to the different villages to sell or purchase the food-grains ( balañja ).5 The contemporary inscriptions from South India also reveal Balamjuya as flourishing corporation of a certain class of traders. 1. tere naa YET SEA # 85311-NC. 2, p. 143. 2. Tagfe4aft III vị gift_NC. 3, p. 160. 3. 12 aforit FHUTTEAEA Teia-NC. 4, p. 309. 4. NC. 2, pp. 118, 163, 164; Brh. VI. 4, p. 1158. 5. 91 910T37 afors acier THqfatti-NC. 2, p. 118; atrof
qigit—NC. 3, p. 163. qoca forum Tagiatoi art teaIbid., p. 164. Also quitoi fè aiföroleh-afsi asist-Brh. V;. 4, p.
1158). 6. Inscriptions from South India frequently refer to a corporation of
merchants variously termed as Valan jiyam, Valan jiyar, Balažji, Bananji etc. The term Valañ jiyam occurs in the Kottiyam Plate of Vira-Raghava Three Kanarese inscriptions from Baliganji (Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, Nos. 38, 55, 56 ) refer to this corporation of merchants who are called protectors of bananji-dharma or vira-balažji-dharma. The last one even gives a list of the various classes of merchants that composed this guild. The words banajiga in Kanarese and balja or balijaga in Telugu even now denote a class of merchants (see--EI. IV, p. 296, n. 2; also Majumdar, R. C., op. cit., pp. 88-91). The term bālamjua vanija as mentioned in the NC. in Prakrit, or Valiñ juka as mentioned in Sanskrit in the commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhāsya, seems to refer to the same corporation of the merchants,

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Caravan Trade-Although mention of the words like rājamagga (royal roads), duga (junction of two roads), tiga (junction of three roads ), caukka (junction of four roads ), caccara (crossroads), singhadagatthaņa ( traingular roads ) etc. will suggest the existence of regular roads, yet the journey through land ( thala ) was fraught with innumerable difficulties (vyāghata).2 Among these the existence of dense forests inhabited by wild tribes and wild animals, the organised bands of robbers and thieves (bodhita, cora), the impassable condition of roads because of heavy rains or floods, and above all the fear of seige (rohaga) or political upheaval (rajjakkhobha) in the state where the traders aspired to reach for trade were the main difficulties faced by the traders. 8 To counteract these difficulties the merchants, while embarking on large enterprises, organised themselves into corporate bodies or caravans ( sattha ) under the guidance of a caravan-leader called satthavaha, satthapati or satthadhiva. Satthavaha is mentioned as a senior stateofficer who led the caravan with the permission of the king or state. It is possible that the state would have made proper arrangements for the safety and security of the caravan.
Sometimes there were two caravan-leaders in one caravan; each of them shared equal responsibility. In such circumstances the travellers and the Jaina monks travelling with the caravan were enjoined to take permission of both the caravan-leaders. Some junior officers (ahappadhana-purisa)e were also appointed 1. NC. 3, pp. 498, 502. 2. NO. 1, p. 111. Taking into consideration these various factors I-Tsing
remarks that it is important to go in a company of several men and
never to proceed alone, 3. NC. 4, p. 111. Medhātithi also speaks of political upheavals and distur
bances (rästropaplava) among other causes which force the merchants from proceeding on journey for trade ( Medhātithi on Manusmrti, VIII. 156). In the Bhavisayattakahā also we find a mother dissuading
her son from going out with a caravan for fear of war. 4. NC. 2, p. 469; Anu. Cu., p. 11; Brh. V;. 5, p. 1040; Amarakosa, 3. 9. 7-8. 5. 5774 at Fateat cu atslā sporujalaNC. 4, p. 114. 6.5 376 41 great à fè spojuuāla-Ibid.

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under the caravan-leader and were given the charge of the particular wings. Apart from the traders, other people as well as the monks and ascetics willing to go to far off regions joined the caravan which provided them a strong protection against all the difficulties. It seems that they had to pay some money (mulla) to the caravan-leader for the protection they received by joining the caravan. Even the monks were sometimes asked to pay these charges. A group of traders (sattha ), the caravan-leader ( satthavaha ) and the travellers (atiyattiya) were thus three essential components of an ideal caravan.2
The caravans (sattha) were classified into five categories :3 (i) those who carried their goods by carts or waggons (bhandi), (ii) those who carried on camels and bullocks (bahilaga), (iii) those who carried loads by themselves (bharavaha), (iv) the wandering people who travelled from place to place and paid for their food or those who carried food with theni (odariya), and (v) the kārpatika ascetics (kappadiya).5 From
J. STE O faut uzgla at ara rajatacaf_NC. 4, p. 111; Brh. V.
3, p. 864. 2. faed-PAEH #Aaleta snazfeat-NC. 3, fi. 215. 3. सो सत्थो पंचविहो-भंडि त्ति गंडी, बहिलगा उट्टबलिदादी, भारवहा पोलिया वाहगा,
उदरिया णाम जहिं गता तहिं चेव रूवगादी छोदु समुदिसंति पच्छा गम्मति, अहवाTITETI Saftat, ftafett fHFCITT-NC. 4, p. 110; Brh. Vr. 3, pp.
862-63. 4. On the basis of Brh. Bhā. (1. 3066 ff.) J. G. Jaia (LAI., p. 117) explains
(odariyasattha) as wandering people who travelled to earn their
livelihood and went from place to place. 5. It is possible that the kappadiya-sattha consisted not only of the
kär patika ascetics but also of the pilgrims who went on a pilgrimage. The Purānas enjoin a person to assume the dress of kārpalika while going on a pilgrimage. According to Vāyu Purāra (110. 2. 3.), the person after deciding to go on a pilgrimage should after worshipping Ganesa, the planets and the deities should put on the dress of a kārpatika which includes a copper-ring, a copper-bracelet and reddish garments. Bhattoji prescribes the apparel of a kārpalika for pilgrimage to Gaya, while the Padma Purana (iv, 19, 22) prescribes the same for the other Tirthas also (vide-Kanc, op. cit., IV, p. 573).

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the religious point of view of the Jainas, the caravan-leaders (satthavaha) and the travellers (atiyattiya) accompanying the caravan were divided into eight classes, such as a Jaina layman (savaga), or one devoted to his religion (ahabhaddaga), or a heretic ( annatitthiya ) and so on. From the economic point of view this reveals that the trade was equally carried by the Jaina and the non-Jaina communities.
The caravans normally ventured on a journey under the auspicious omens ( sakuna ) and after seeing the favourable condition of stars and moon. Even the Jaina monks while travelling with a caravan were enjoined to follow the same regardless of their own particular omens. A feast (samkhadibhatta) was usually given to the Brāhmaṇas and the castepeople before proceeding on a journey. The caravan proceeded halting at proper places where its members took their meals and rest,' Every precaution was taken for safe and secure journey, yet there are many instances of the caravans being robbed, looted and destroyed (nattha), or lost in dreary forests or deserts.5
Articles of Trade—The trade-articles ( sattha-vihana ) were divided into four categories : (i) those which could be counted (ganima ) like the betel-nuts (pūgaphala) and haritaki (terminilia chebula ), (ii) those which could be weighed ( dharima ) such as pepper ( pippali ), dry ginger ( sunthi) and sugar ( khanda, sakkarā ), (iii) those which could be measured (mejja) such as rice and ghsta, and lastly (iv) those which were to be authenticated for genuineness (pāriccha ) such as pearls and jewels. This classification of the goods carried by the merchants for trade incidently reveals to us various articles which must have formed items of export and import. 1. NC. 4, p. 112. 2. suho i ariae POF THITT Toal-NC. 3, p. 215. 3. FET PU qaraar Fre fagor HSOTO Tofa—Ibid.; Bịh. Vr. 3, p. 868. 4. NC. 4, p. 113. 5. NC. 3, p. 527; NC. 4, p. 118. 6. referi go fortfa lu-NC. 4, p. 111; NC. 1, p. 144; Brh. VI.
3, p. 864; Nayadhammakaha, 8, p. 98.

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There were traders who went for trade only with the eatable commodities ( damtikka ) such as sweets, rice, wheat, oil, treacle, clarified butter and the different varieties of the food-grains. The other class of the merchants dealt with the costlier commodities like saffron, musk, asafoetida, tagara and other aromatic substances. 2 Our author, because of practical considerations, suggests the monks to prefer the caravan carrying the eatable articles. In case of unforeseen calamities the members of this class of caravan could at least manage to subsist upon the articles which were being carried for trade. Moreover, the caravans carrying the costlier commodities were more vulnerable to be robbed than those carrying cheaper commodities. *
The merchants went far and wide with their goods of trade including cheap and costly comrnodities. A standardization of the coinage of different regions, i.e. that of the Dakşiņāpatha, Kāñcipuri, Diva, Surat ha and Uttarāpatha”, must have been made for the proper evalution of the tradearticles. The clothes of eastern India ( puvvadesa ) were sold at a high price in the Lāța country. Clothes must have been exported from Mahissara which was a famous centre of spinning.? The articles like long pepper ( pippali ), yellow orpiment ( haritala ), red arsenic ( manosila ), salt ( loņa) etc. are mentioned to have been brought from long distances such as a hundred yojanas or more.8 The contemporary Jaina texts frequently refer to the merchants of different regions of north and south meeting each other with their 1. NC. 4, p. 111; Brh. V1, 3, p. 864. 2. Ibid. 3. NC. 4, p. 111. 4. The Vanik Sāgaradatta who was a dealer in precious pearls and jewels
(ratna-vanik) is mentioned to have acted like a mad person in order to safely cross the dense forests inhabited by the wild tribes.-NC. 3,
p. 87. 5. NC. 2, p. 95; Bth. V g. 4, pp. 10, 64. 6. NC. 2, p. 94. 7. NC. 3, p. 569. 8. NC. 3, p. 516; Bih. Vr. 2, p. 306.

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respective merchandise.' In the Samarāiccakaha the merchant Dharapa of Makamdi is mentioned to have gone to Acalapura for selling his goods. 2
System of Transaction-Buying and selling of the merchandise were usually done in the markets or shops which were known as avanas or hatta*; pattaņas or the towns having a flourishing trade had abundance of such shops which remained open throughout the year except for the rainy season. The articles meant for sale were known as panya. The sale-andpurchase of articles was called kaya-vikkaya,' while the sellers and the buyers were known as kayika or kayaga and vekkayika.
There were separate markets or shops for the different articles of trade. In gamdhiyavana, the incense and other aromatic substances like sandalwood or saffron were sold. There were also specific markets for the precious metals like gold and silver. 1. Ņesatthiya is mentioned as a place where the implements like pestles ( musali ) etc. were sold.11 The kuttiyāvana and pădabhūmi or bhānabhumi were the markets for pots. 2 Potiyals and pūviyaghara! * were the confectioner's
1. तत्र क्षेत्रे नानाप्रकाराभ्यो दक्षिणापथादिरूपाभ्यो दिग्भ्यो वस्त्रादिविक्रयार्थं समागत्य
fofocal:-Af arrostag gezi a Trap at TH B Ịh. V. 3, p. 896; Kuvalayamālākaha-Apabhrana Kāvyatrayi (G.O. S.), introduc
tion, p. 91. 2. Samarāiccakahā, VI, p. 16. 3. NC. 3, pp. 106, 110. 4. NC. 3, p. 160. 5. TEME @ alhaET E o afa-Ibid.; Brh. V!. 4, p. 1153. 6. afforgur afuat-AA vai qoui, o turt—NC. 3, p. 110; Bh. V1. 2, p. 257. 7. g quot I 9371490 Falla parte roz—NG. 3, p. 160. 8. sau Hiec qua giai I GÌ 438Ì qedTqUfe-NC, 3, P. 581;
Bih. V 1. 3, p. 792. 9. riftgraut seuraai-NC. 3, p. 106; Brh. Vt. 2, p. 572. 10. Fytaut gaoof E ar Try Tuefa_NC. 3, p. 106. 11. Jafrua yafetara –Ibid. 12. NC. 2, pp. 47, 52, 100. 13. uue ( ATAITT) OFFTTHAT_NC. 3, p. 106. 14. 341 pongladatait gat eritus31_NC.

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shops, while the wine-shops or taverns were known as majjāvana, rasāvana, or pāṇabhūmi. The prices of the goods in the market were fixed in terms of money as the customers are seen paying the stvagas for buying pots and clothesand for commodities in the gamdhiyāvaņa. 3
Means of Communication—A flourishing trade dernanded rapid means of communication. Different types of conveyances (jana, vahana )* were used for land communication, while the boats and ships served the water-ways. The merchants employed the carts and waggons ( bhandi, sagala, anuram ga and gaddi )5 for carrying their goods, while the chariots (raha ) and litters or palanquins ( siviga ) were used for more sophisticated purposes. The jāņasālās were the coachhouses where the conveyances were kept.
The animals like horses, camels and elephants were employed for carrying the loads as well as for riding purposes. Yuan Chwang also noted that the elephants of Kong-u-to (near about Ganjam ) were used as a means of transportation for undertaking long journeys. The caravans proceeding on long journey had these animals for the purpose of carrying the loads, or to carry children, sick or old people, especially when required to move very fast through insecure places. 10
Water-Trade_Besides the land-trade, a regular water-trade was carried by means of rivers and sea. Gujarat during these
1. Tarqui TTH H531201_NC. 2, p. 136. 2. NC. 2, p. 95; BỊh. VỊ. 4, p. 1064. 3. ho fa sifauor igrao TTTT faral-NC. 3, p. 110; Bịh. Vt. 2, p. 572. 4. NO. 4, p. 111. 5. BTUP-TT OTA Sf31_NC. 4, p. 111; also 3TUENTI TETT-NC. 3, p. 99. 6. TETET Ho truT unfa i fafestiferi Gui-—NC. 3, p. 99. 7. ETTFITT3 fa, fi fafatila 5774 PoftCTI–NC. 3, p. 344. 8. TT&TT FUNC. 3, p. 99; NC. 4, p. 111; NC. 2, p. 9. 9. Beal, op. cit., II, p. 207. 10. NC. 4, p. 111.

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centuries was particularly famous for its sea- ́aring activities.1 Large ships sailed in the sea, while boats of different sizes were used for river-trade. Four varieties of boats have been mentioned in the NC. Of these one type wasse a-faring (samudda )2, while the other three were used in rivers (samuddatirittajala ). The first kind of boats, which must have been large boats or ships, regularly sailed from Teyālagapattana (Veravala ) to Bāravai ( Dvārikā ).*
The great navigable rivers (mahanadi) provided an important means of water-ways. These were five in numberGanges, Yamuna, Sarayu, Eravati and Mahi.5 Besides, the rivers like Sindhu and Venna or Kanhaveņņa (in Abhīra Viṣaya) have also been mentioned. The rivers of Komkaṇa were usually full of stones which caused great difficulty to the
1. Describing the maritime activities of Gujarat Yuan Chwang remarks: As the Saurastra country 'is on the western sea-route, the men all derive their livelihood from the sea and engage in commerce and exchange of the commodities' ( Beal, op. cit., IV, pp. 459 ). According to Mañju-Sri-Mülakalpa (ed. by Jayaswal, p. 25), a contemporary Buddhist work, people of Valabhi reached Sura by crossing the sea. Describing the economic importance of Valabhi Danḍin says that ships were owned there even by private individuals ( Dasakumaracarita, Bombay, 1925, p. 225 ).
2. तारिणी णावातारिमे उदगे चउरो णावाप्पगारा भवंति । तत्थ एगा समुद्दे भवति, जहा तेयालग पट्टणाओ बारवइ गम्मइ | NC. 1, p.69.
217
3. The other three types of boats mentioned in the text are: (i) those sailing according to the current of the water (anusrotagāminī), (ii) those sailing against the current (pratilomagāmini) and (iii) those used for crossing the rivers (tiracch-samtarini )-NC. 1, p. 69. These three appear to be three distinct positions assumed by a boat during the course of its journey. and may not be regarded as three different varieties of boats, yet this four-fold classification of the boats indeed reveals that there existed a difference between the ships sailing in the sea and the boats sailing in rivers, although both have been called by a common term, viz. nava.
4. NC. 1, p. 69.
5. NC. 3, p. 364; Brh. Vr. 5, p. 1487.
6. NC. 4, p. 38.
7. NC. 3, p. 425.

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boats navigating through the rivers,2 These rivers must have served as important trade-routes of the time and were a source of great cultural contact between the different regions of India.
Journey by water was not very safe because of the fear of the large acquatic animals, yet water-route must have been more convenient for the traders than the landroute. Falapattanas, as mentioned before, were the large commercial towns where trade was carried by water-routes.' Very often the Vaniks can be seen going out for trade after loading their boats. Sometimes they boarded a common vessel or exchanged their old boats with the new ones which could sail faster. Travellers could also cross the rivers by paying the proper ferry-charges,5 The monks, however, were considered as undesirable burdens, since they had nothing to pay as ferry charges.
Sea-Voyages-- A few stories mentioned in the text reveal that sea-voyages were frequently undertaken by the merchants. We find a goldsmith anouncing to pay a million rupees to a pilot who could lead him to Pañcaśaila island. The ship (pavahana ) of a merchant (vaniya ) is mentioned to have remained lost at the sea for over six months before it could reach Vítibhayapattana.? Another ship of a merchant, who went out for trade ( vānijja ) along with his wife, was shipwrecked because of the terrible cyclone in the sea. Taking resort to a plank ( phalaga ) the lady reached an island from where she could reach her home-town after a number of years by boarding a vessel which had reached the island in course
1. कोंकणविसए णदीसु अंतो जलस्स कल्लुगा पासाणा भवति ते पादं अचेयणं करेंति
fgf-NC. 3, p. 370. 2. 472973it go O TET-HTC-Hostia -NC. 2, p. 210. 3. TOUTH HEAMEET Å U NC. 3, p. 346; NC. 2, p. 32. 4. NC. 3, p. 206. 5. Tit f-TEQUi quel-NC. 4, p. 206. 6. NC. 3, p. 140. 7. NC. 3, p. 142; Uttarā. T7. 18, p. 252.

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of its journey. Though the historiocity of these voyages may not be proved, yet they reveal a sound practical knowledge of the various technical features of shipping.
Ships and Boats—The sea-going vessel was known as ņāva, potas, pavahana*, vahana5 or jānapatta®, and its pilot was called naviga? or nijjamaga. Definite places were reserved in a ship or boat for different purposes. The front portion (purato ) was assigned to a deity ( devayatthāņa ), the guiding deity of the ship', the middle portion ( majjha ) was reserved for the mast ( kūva, kūvaga or simva ), while the pilot ( nijjāmaga ) sat at the back of the ship ( amta ).10 The ship was fitted with ores (alitta ) which had a blade having the shape of a Pippala-leave attached to one of its ends.11 The ship could be steered towards right or left by means of pushing the rudder (vamsa) by feet. "2 People embarked on journey with adequate provisions for food ( gahiya-sambala )13 as the ship had sometimes to sail in the sea for months together.
Apart from the sea-going vessels, there were different types of small and large boats which sailed in the rivers. The ghațaņāva was a kind of boat prepared by tying the earthen
1. NC. 3, p. 269; Brh. Vr. 5, p. 1388. 2. NG. 1, p. 69. 3. NC. 4, p. 400. 4. NC. 3, p. 142. 5. NO. 2, p. 439. 6. NO. 3, p. 269. 7. NO. 3, p. 140. 8. NO. 3, p. 374. 9. Certain gods and goddesses were thought to have been their guiding
deities by the boatsmen. Onc such Devi was Manimckhalā who was considered to be the goddess of pilots and ships in south.--V.S.
Agrawala's intro. to Sārthavāna, p. 4. 10. NC. 3, p. 374; also NC. 1, p. 74. 11. तणुतरं दीहं अलित्तागिती अलित्तं, आसत्थो पिप्पलो तस्स पत्तस्स सरिसो रुंदो पिहो
Hala–NC. 4, p. 209. 12. aa aa aa 34997 Tôn gratë aftar mar tfa-Ibid. 13. NC. 3, p. 140.

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jars on the four corners of a wooden frame. The tumba boat was made by filling up a net (jala) with a number of dry gourds ( alabu ).2 Udupa was a type of small boat; it was also know as kotthimba. In the paņņi type of boat two baskets of the paņņi leaves were tied together for the purpose of crossing the river ( samtarana ).* Besides, some other primitive devices like a plank (phalaga )', an earthen jar ( kumbha ) 6 and the leather bag filled with air ( dịti or dati)? were also resorted to for the same purposes.
On the basis of the description of ships available in the Jaina text Añgavijja, four varieties of ships are believed to have existed in ancient India. Of these nāva and pota were the largest ships, the koțțhimba, samghada, plava and tappaka were a little smaller; the kattha and vela were next in size, while the tumba, kumbha and dati were the ships of the smallest size.' Out of these different types of ships, the ņāva, pota, kotthimba, tumba, kumbha and dati, as noted above, have been mentioned in the NC. Besides, the NC. also refers to other types of boats like udupa, ghațaņāva and panni. It is doubtful if the kumbha and dati were actually the different types of ships or simply the 1. अहवा चउकटिठ काउं कोणे कोणे घडओ बज्झति, तत्थ अवलंबिउं आरुभिउं वा संतरणं
FiF -NG. 1, p. 70. 2. तुबे त्ति मच्छियजालसरिसं जालं काऊग अलाबुगाण भरिज्जति, तमि आरूढेहिं संतरणं
al-Ibid. 3. 357) Tilltal-NC. 3, p. 364; gì fa qilfitat-NC. 1, p. 70. The word
Kothimba or Koinba occurring in the various Jaina texts has been identified with Cotymta of the Periplus which was a variety of Indian ships sailing near the sca-coast of Bhrgukaccha to help the foreign ships which reached near the port.-Sce, Agrawala's introduc
tion to Motichandra's Sārthavāha, p. 10. 4. पण्णि त्ति पण्णिमया महंता भारगा बज्झंति, ते जमला बंधेउ ते य अवलंबिउं संतरणं
isfa–NC. 1, p. 70; also NC. 3, p. 364. 5. NC. 3, p. 269. 6. NO. 1, pp. 70, 72; NC. 3, p. 364. 7. aos forargruit laat, au ar Facuj-NC. 1, p. 70. 8. Agrawala's introduction to Sarth avāna, p. 10. 9. Ibid.

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earthen jars and the 'leather-bags filled with air' for crossing the rivers. However, it is clear that these different devices were largely in vogue during these centuries for the purpose of the river and sea-trade.
Foreign Sea-Trade-See-trade with foreign countries also existed during this time. Cināṁsuka is explained as cloth brought from China, while the Malaya cloth was from the Malaya country.1 The dye called kimira ga (kiramadāna) has also been mentioned2 which must have been imported from Persia.: Sea-route between India and China was more frequently used during these centuries, as among the sixty Chinese pilgrims mentioned by I-Tsing thirty-seven are found to have gone by sea."
In spite of a regular sea-trade, sea-voyages were not very safe. Apart from the fear of the ship-wrecks or the wild acquatic animals, the fear of the sea-pirates was most important. We are informed that the sea-pirates, who captured men and deprived them of their belongings, constantly kept on moving in the sea on their large boats (nava) or the pirateships." Perhaps the author here makes a reference to the piratical activities of the Gujarat traders or the Arab traders?, which had started on the western coast as early as the middle of the seventh century A.D.
Ports- Among the chief historic ports of Gujarat, Bāravai, Teyālagapatļana, Purima, Diva, Pabhāsā and Bharukaccha have been mentioned. The ships are mentioned to have regularly sailed from Teyālagaparțana to Bāravai. Bāravai seems to be same as Dvārakā on the sea-shore, although it has
-
1. NC. 2, p. 399. 2. NC. 3, p. 149. 3. Gopal, op. cit., p. 152. 4. Ibid., pp. 108-09. 5. Araur gatuan guridar ai torte A EHF
p. 367. 6. Gopal, op. cit., pp. 127-28. 7. Housani, Arab Sea-faring, pp. 53-55. 8. ET SIST.Entit arcas FFK-NC. 1, p. 69.
ular H
N C. 3,

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been identified with mudern Junagadh also. Teyālaga was another name of Verávala which was a famous sea-port of the time. The poet Bilhana during his course of career is mentioned to have sailed from the port of Verāvala for Honā. vara near Gokarna.
Purima or Purí, mentioned as a famous jalapattana of the times, was another sea-port on the western coast. It has been wrongly identified with Puri in Orissa on the eastern coast. The Aihole Prasasti,dated Saka Samvat 556,mentions the Cālukya sovereign Pulakesin II to have beseiged Purī, the Fortune of the western sea, with hundreds of ships in appearance like arrays of rutting elephants. Purī, on the western coast, has been identified with Chandapur or Chandor in the present Goa territory or with Gharapuri or the Elephanta Island across the Bombay harbour.6
Diva is mentioned as an island situated about a yojana away in the south of Saurāșțra.? It is still known by the same name.8 Pabhāsā was a famous place of pilgrimage duriug this time. It has been identified with Somanātha in Kathiawar.10 The existence of Pabhāsā as famous sea-port is confirmed by Merutunga who narrates how Yogarāja, the grandson of Vanarāja, seized the ships at Pabhāsā.11
The most important sea-port was Bharukaccha in Lăța country which played an important part in foreign sea-trade. The foreign merchants (agastuga-vaniya)13 regularly came to
1. Bhattasali, N. K., IHQ., 1934, pp. 541-50. Vide also--LAI., p. 271. 2. Gopal, op. cit., p. 92. 3. NC. 2, p. 328. 4. LAI., P 325. 5. Keilborn, “Aibole Inscription of Pulkeshin II," EI, VI, pp. 9-10. 6. Virji, K.J., Ancient History of Saurashtra, p. 67. 7. NC. 2, p. 95. 8. In the later centuries Diy became a famous port of call for all the
vessels bound to and from Gujarat, the Red sea and the Persian gulf.
Majmudar, M. R., Cultural History of Gujarat, p. 71. 9. NO. 3, P. 195. O. GD., p. 157. 11. Majmudar, M. R., op. cit., p. 317. 12. NO. 2, p. 439; Brh. V1.2, p. 594.

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Bharukaccha for trade, and some of them are even mentioned to have captured the beautiful young Jaina nuns. An instance may be cited of the merchants who after initiating themselves as Jaina laymen and thus gaining the faith of the Church authorities, called the nuns to worship the deity or Caitya established inside the ship, and the moment they entered, the ship was sailed. The importance of Bharukaccha as a seaport has been recorded by all the foreign merchants and travellers. It is well-known that the maritime activities of the port of Broach which had commenced as early as the second millennium B.C. continued unabated until the seventh century A D.
In spite of a regular trade by land and water, a slow decline in the standards of trade can be judged from the text. Apart from other difficulties the fear of seige (rohaga) and political upheaval ( rajjukhobha ) must have considerably effected the land-trade, while the inviolable activities of the sea-pirates proved to be a cause of slow decline in the standards of shipping. Coinage
A flourishing trade afforded great possibilities for a rich coinage. Coins were the regular media of exchange in buying and selling commodities. No examples of barter-system can be observed in the text. The servants, however, could sometime be paid in cash as well as in kind. 4 Coins made of gold, silver and copper5 have been mentioned in the text. The existence of these different coins may be easily proved by the combined testimony of Yuan Chwange and Sulaimanthe Arab traveller who visited Gujarat in 851 A.D.7 1. Ibid. 2. MacCriodle, Ancient India as Described in classical Literature, pp.
98-100. Al-Idrisi also mentionsBaruch (Broach ) as a port of call for ships coming to China and Sind.-Elliot and Dowson, History of
India, Vol. I, p. 87. 3. Majmudar, M. R., op. cit., p. 66. 4. NO. 3, p. 433. 5. NG, 3, p. 111; Brh. VỊ. 2, P. 573. 6. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 178; Bcal, op. cit., 1, pp. 89-90. 7. Räs Mālā, p. 45.

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The term hirannal denoted money in general, and among the gold coins suvanna or dinara2 and suvaņņamāsakahave been mentioned. According to Bhandarkar, suvarna, when associated with hiranya, stood not for gold but for a type of gold coin.4 Dināra is mentioned as a gold coin which was common in eastern India (Puvvadesa).5 A hoard of dindras minted by king Mayurānka and engraved with the peacock-replica (mayūra-anka)" is mentioned to have been discovered by a person who was later punished by the king for making use of these coins without the permission of the state. It is wellknown that the Guptas struck two types of gold coins one of which conformed to the weight of Roman Dinarus standard and the other that of Manu's suvarna.? Vişnugupta as quoted in Hemadri's Vratakhan da equates 7 rūpakas with a suvarna and 28 rūpakas with a dināra.8 Nārada and Katyāyana', however, regard both the terms, i.e. suvarna and dinara, as synonyms. The author of the NC. also shares the same view.
Suvannamā saka is another type of gold coin mentioned in the text. The wages of an attendant are mentioned to have been increased to an extent of one suvannama saka daily by the
1. FETTO F91_NC. 2, p. 109. Vātsyāyana also uses the word hiranya
for money in general whicb, according to H. C. Chakaldar, perhaps
includes gold and silvar coins.--Social Life in Ancient India, p. 150. 2. NC. 3, p. 111; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 574. 3. NC. 4, p. 350. 4. Bhandarkar, D. R., Ancient Indian Numismatics, p. 51. 5."14" f ari, El Tall TOTI ANC, 3, p. 111; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 574. 6. NC. 3, p. 388. The practice of engraving coins with peacock stamp
was quite prevalent in ancient India. The coins of Kumāragupta are mostly engraved with the stamp of peacock-the bird sacred to Kumāra and his name sake. These have been found in large number in peninsula and also in central Gujarat. The Maitrakas of Valabbi also issued coins which bore the goddess Parvati, a peacock
and a trident.--Majmudar, M. R., op. cit., pp. 123-24. 7. Bhandarkar, D. R., Lectures on Indian Numismatics, p. 183; also
Brown, Coins of India, p. 45. 8. Kane, P.V., op. cit., vol. III, p. 122. 9. Ibid.

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king for being pleased with his work.1 The suvarnamaşaka: was a gold coin equal to one mașa in weight according to the standard of gold coinage and weighed five rattīs when issued in gold or copper. It may, however, be noted that while the specimens of the silver and copper maşas are known, the suvarṇamaşaka occurs only in literature.8
Among the silver coins the tūvagas or rūpakaso were the most popular. The word rivaga was sometimes used as a common denomination of money, but it also denoted a spe cific silver coin. The rūvagas of different regions were usually named after their region and their value differed from: region to region. The rūvagas of Diva ( an island situated amidst the sea at the distance of a yojana in the south of Saurāṣtra ) were known as sabharaga? or Diviccaga, while the Uttara pahaga, Padaliputtaga or Kusuma puraga, and Dakkhiņa pahaga were the rūvagas of these specific regions. The rüvaga of Kāñcipuri was called ņelao or nelaka.
Regarding the relative value of the rūvagas of the different regions, we are informed that two sābharaga-rūvagas of Diva were equivalent to one of Uttarāpatha, and two of Uttarāpatha were equivalent to one of Pāšaliputra. 10 According to another scheme, two tūvagas of Dakṣiṇāpatha were equated with one nelaka-rūvaga of Kāñcipurs and two of Kāñcipuri
1. RUNT 15 zgjafafeah yquUtara faz 1-NC. 4, p. 350. 2. Bhandarkar, D. R., Ancient Indian Numismatics, p. 53. 3. Agrawala, V.S, India as Known to Pānini, p. 262. 4. NC. 2, p. 95. 5. NC. 3, p. 576. 6. Gopal, op. cit., p. 205. 7. NC. 2, p. 95. According to Motichandra, sābharagas were the pro-Islam
mic coins known as Sabien coins.-Sce, LAI., p. 120. 8. NO. 2, p. 95. 9, NC, 2, P. 95; Br, VỊ. 4, p. 1069. 10. तेहिं दोहिं दिविच्चगेहिं एक्को उत्तरापहको भवति, तेहिं एक्को पाडलिपुत्तगो
NC. 2, p. 95; Brh. V:. 4, p. 1069.

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were equivalent to one of Pāšaliputra.' This scheme may be cleary understood from the following table : Rüvaga Sábharaga or Diviccaga 2-Rūvaga Uttarā pahaga l. Rüvaga Uttarā pahaga 2=Rūvaga Padaliputtaga 1.
Or Rūvaga Dakkhiņā pahaga 2=Rūvaga Kāñcipuri (Nelaka ) I. Rūvaga Kāñcipuri ( Nelaka) 2=Rūvaga Padaliputtaga I.
The rīvaga of Padaliputta was thus considered to be the standard money of the time. It is significant to note that the prices of all the articles in the NC. are given according to this standard of Padaliputtage money, 2
Among the copper coins (tammamaya) the ņā naka', kahavanat and kägiņi5 have been mentioned. At one place in the NC. kāgini is explained as a silver coin which was popular in South India. In the commentary of the Bịhatakal pa Bhasya n is mentioned as a copper coin common in south. The kugini, mentioned as smallest coin in the context of Samprati's coronation, however, must have been same as kakini which is mentioned by Kautilya as a copper coin equal to 1 of a copper karşapaņa.' Kahāvanas are to be seen as coins of small denomination lo and these must have been same as the copper karşā paņas.11 Besides, mention has been made of a
1. दक्खिणापहगा दो रूपगा कंचिपुरीए एक्को णेलओ भवति, नेलको रूपकः, स नेलओ
TOT E THYTTt Hafal-Ibid. 2. 347777 69774AIÙET STETTAEFAT TETT7–NC. 2, p. 95. 3. ali 1 01101i qae fà—NC. 3, p. 111; Bịh. Vr. 2, p. 573. 4. NC. 3, p. 173. 5. NO. 2, p. 362; NC. 3, p. 111. 6. FEI fua filtruitech-NC. 3, p. 111, 7. I AT 710796 @afegd, 791-zfiqh fillefioit-Brh. Vr. 2, p. 573. 8. 3 fefTot yrit, ut prata Farfetfū—NC. 2, p. 362. 9. Arthaśāstra, p. 95; Uttarā. Ti. 7. 11, p. 118. 10, NO. 3, p. 173. 11. The copper karsā pana was the standard money from slightly before
the rise of the Mauryas to at least the beginning of the Gupta supromacy, i. e. for upward of 600 years.-Bhandarkar, D. R., Lectures on Indian Numismatics, p. 88.

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leather coin ( cammalato ) or to the coins issued by king Vammalāta (Dhanamalāta' according to another reading ) which were used in Bhillamāla. In the commentary on the Bịhtakal pa Bhāşya, however, it's variation is to be found in dramma, which is mentioned as a famous silver coin.2
Besides, cowries (kavad? daga, varādaga ) were also used in buying and selling the commodities.3 Fa-hien* as well as Yuan Chwang5 noted that cowries were used as media of exchange. Sulaiman, the Arab traveller who visited Gujarat in 851 A. D., also observed that 'shells are current in this region and serve for small money, notwithstanding that they have gold and silver.'6 Weights and Measures
The four-fold classification of the trade articles clearly reveals that there was a class of articles which was to be weighed (dharima) by keeping on a weighing balance (tula),? while the others were measured (mejja) by a measure (māņa).8
1. The current reading in the present edition of the NC. is GET THIS
777FATTTT (NC. 3, p. 111), But in one of the Mss. of the NC. the text runs : GET CSATO QFhat, while the press copy of the NC. prepared by Muni Punyavijaya reads as TET PACATS Tharat, which is quite unintelligible. It is difficult to decide any meaning with certainty. However, the first reading will show the existence of a leather coin, which has been mentioned in the Bhavabhāvanā (pt. II, p. 378, Bhavanagar, 1938 ) of Maladhāri Hemcandra also. On the basis of the second reading Muni Kalyanavijaya has suggested that it refers to the coins issued by king Vammalāta during the 7th century whose inscriptions are to be found near Vasantagagh.--Prabandha Pārijāta,
pp. 18-19. 2. The ar florati Hafa, 41—f CSATA: Bih. Vr. 2, p. 573. 3. $TETTI farsifat-NC. 3, p. 111; Bịh. V . 2, p. 573. 4. Record of the Buddhist Kingdoms, p. 43. 5. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 178; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 189–90, also II, p. 43. 6. Rās Mālā, p. 45. 7. TH—TSIT aftesla-NC. 1, p. 144. 8. Hi Hidroj grytarfag Fifa-Ibid.

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Prasthal was a famous measure of the time which was popular as kulava? in the Magadha visaya. The king decided proper weight and measures ( māņa ) for his kingdom and those transgressing the rules were liable to be punished. The Vaniks, however, were clever in cheating the customers by using false weights (kūdatula) and false measures (kūdamana). Banking and Loans
The banking facilities being not available in those days people either hoarded their money, underground (mihi nihāņa)5 or deposited it with the Vaniks. Money thus deposited was called nikkhevaga, and it was to be deposited after counting the money in the presence of a witness (sakkhi).' The system of depositing money with the Vaniks, however, was not very safe. Instances are to be found when the Vaniks appropriated the whole deposit (ņikkhevaga),8 and the poor depositors could not even lodge a complaint against them.
The Vaniks gave money to the people on loan (iņa).• It was given after taking a written letter from the debtor in the presence of a witness or a surity (sakşi, pratibhu).10 A heavy interest was charged from the debtors wbich meant doubling
1. NC. 1, p. 144; NC. 4, p. 331. 2. HIETIGHT Yt fi gianat NC. 4, p. 158. 3. जहा रणो अप्पणो रज्जे जं माणं प्रतिष्ठापितं जो ततो माणातो अतिरेगमूलं वा करेति
ĦT 3777ret fraf-NC. 4, p. 331. 4. जं वाणियगा परस्स चवखुवचेऊण मप्पकं करेंति, कूडतुलकूडमाणेहिं वा अवहरंति
NG. I, p. 115. 5. foajor forat, fo feci Fairtai alangtalaciet:-NC. 3, p. 387. 6. NC. 2, p. 102. 7. NC. 3, p. 274. According to Mitāksarā, mikse pas were the deposits
counted in the presence of the depository, while nyāsas were the deposits handed over in the absence of the head of the house. -Gopal, op. cit., p. 177. 8. fc a a aforament estat fugeasi fuffeti sahabat zaaafd-NC. 1,
P. 102.
9. NC. 3, pp. 263, 394. 10. E Fireft afaz atah-NC.

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ECONOMIC CONDITIONS
the amount (duguna) every day.1 The debtors being unable to repay the debt were severely treated by the Vaņiks, and physical pressure such as beating with whips and lashes was also used to receive the money back. The debtors unable in repaying the debts were usually made to work as slaves." Sometimes, however, the creditors relieved the debtors after receiving only the partial payment of the debt.*

229
1. NC. 3, p. 394, also p. 340.
2. झंझडिया रिणे अदिज्ज॑ते वणिएहिं अगपगारेहिं दुव्त्रयणेहिं झडिया झंझंडिया, लताकfear-NC. 3, p. 270.
antefe a
3. NC. 3, p. 263. See supra-Slaves and Servants.
4. अद्धपदत्ते दाणेण तोसिएण धणिएण विसज्जितो, “पभु" त्ति धणितो, सव्वम्मि अदिन्ने तेण विसज्जितो पव्वाविज्जति - NC. 3, p. 270.

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CHAPTER-VI EDUCATION, LEARNING AND LITERATURE
Life in the monasteries was indicative of the perpetual studenthood and the Jaina monks and nuns residing therein may be compared with the Naisthika Brahmacãrins of the Vedic agel who had taken recourse to education for their spiritual salvation. The system of education thus revealed from the NC. is mainly the one as practised in the Jaina monasteries of the time although the Brāhmanic institutions like the Gurukulas have also been occasionally referred to.2 Mention has also been made of the Lehasalasor schools which mainly flourished as the centres of primary education. The existence of three distinct types of institutions, viz. Monastic schools (Jaina ), Brāhmaṇic schools (Gurukulas ) and the Lekhasalās, is thus to be seen from the text.. Besides, the Buddhist universities like Nalanda and Valabhr of the time must have also been the prominent centres of learning, as can be judged from the contemporary accounts of Yuan Chwang
1. They were the male and female students observing life long celibacy
to devoto their time entirely to religion and education for their spiritual salvation.--Altekar, A. S., Education in Ancient India,
p. 91. 2. NC. 3, pp. 294, 412, 434. 3. NC. 1, p. 15. 4. For details regarding these three types of institutions sce-Dasgupta,
D. C., Jaina System of Education, p. 8. 5. Yuan Chwang, during his visit to Valabhī, noted that it bad about
100 Buddhist monasteries with 6000 Brethern adherents of the Hinayāna Sammatiya school. He also refers to the famous Buddhist Acārya Sthiramati Gunamati who resided outside the town.--Watters, op. cit., II, p. 246; Bcal, op. cit., II, pp. 206, 268.

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and I-Tsing.1 No such Buddhist institutions, however, have been mentioned in the text; those will be thus excluded from the following discussion. Below, an account is given of the salient features of the system of education as practised in the Jaina monasteries and other institutions, i. e. the Brahmanic institutions and the lekhaśālās as reflected in the NC. Jaina System of Education
Preceptor to impart education was thought as necessary entity for the spiritual enlightenment of the individual by the Jaina as well as the Brāhmaṇic authorities. It was believed : “As the existing objects could not be seen in the absence of light, similarly the abstruse meaning of the scriptural texts could not be comprehended unless it was made to discern by an able preceptor."* "As a potter shaped different vessels out of the same clay, the preceptor by the dint of his spiritual insight was capable of imparting varied explanation to the scriptural texts”, . and further the entire study of the sacred lore depended on the preceptor.95 The mere statement that "preceptor and parents are the greatest benefactors (paramovakarin)"6 implies that towards the master the highest reverence was to be displayed by the pupil.
1. I-Tsing observed : "Thus instructed by their teachers and instructing
others they pass two or three years, generally in Nalanda monastery in Central India or in the country of Valabbi in Western India."
Takakusu, op. cit., p. 177. 2. Prasamarati, V. 69; Kathopanišad, II. 9. 3. NC. 4, p. 30. 4. जहा एगातो पिंडाओ कुलालो अणेगे घडादिरूवे घडेति एवं आयरिओ एगाओ सुत्ताओ
3Tota 3774fetto Gafà I-Ibid. 5. Tacial HÖJTAT zaif to uforutla-NC. 4, p. 36.
Cf. Kapadia, H. R., “The Jaina System of Education'', JUB.,
Vol. 8, 1939-40, pp. 193-959. 5. greuthi 47311 fare aig ag qfarIITTEET VNC. 3, p. 34; Bịh. V!.
5, p. 1455. Compare Višņusmrti ( 31. 1-2) where the father, mother and preceptor are collectively styled as atigurus or supreme worthics.

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Teachers and Their Qualifications
Acārya ( ayariya ) was the senior-inost authority in the Church and he was assisted by Upadhyāya ( uvajjhaya ) in his work of education of the monks. He alone had the right to initiate the monks and was ultimately responsible for their maintenance of the code of conduct. Since the Ācārya beld the highest office of the church, it demanded an ideal display of conduct. A standard of progress achieved in the spiritual field was a necessary must and caste or age was of no significance. Contrary to the Brāhmanic injunctions we here find a conglomeration of teachers belonging to the lower catses (jatihina )2 which sometimes resulted in the concealment of the names of such teachers by their ungrateful disciples. 8 Such disciples are mentioned as unworthy of being taught and are supposed to be divested of achieving higher bliss in the present life or the ones to come. Even a king was to offer due regards to a teacher of the low caste if he desired to learn from him. 5
To be fit for the position of an Ācārya, a monk was judged by his spiritual progress or the spiritual age. Physical or material age was insignificant. The old monks (pariņayavaya) are sometimes seen as accepting the discipleship of the young Acāryas (taruņayariya) who might be of the age of their sons or grandsons (putta-nattua-samana). These young Acāryas were
1. 34feitasata gfaET FEAT HTETI -NC. 3, p. 35. 2. rafizi agresit afatit-NC. 3, p. 4.
a haf i sagtuite--NC. 3, p. 2. 3. aut et FRA HTTÈ FACT # 21...
vaig ar ETOATT I zyat an Dougla - NC. 1, p. 12. 4. armurette for at EARSTE at uifTFICATOR_Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Fifa het aftur a31 TF filtà qoftaal 3TOŪur Houfa_-"TETT
एस तव गुरु तुमं च परिणयवओ, णेस आयरिय सीससंजोगो जुज्जति, कहं पुत्त-णत्तुअ. HATUFE E faraf ?-NC. 3, p. 35.

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sometimes sarcastically called ďahara (small child ) by the opponent Acāryas. Describing the various classes of the Buddhist teachers I-Tsing also mentions one as Cha-ga-ra, i. e. dahara, which has been translated as a small teacher.2 Caste or age was thus insignificant factor for holding the office of an Acārya in the Buddhist and Jaina order.
Apart from the spiritual and moral qualifications, the Ācārya was required to be well-versed in scriptures, and a good exponent of the texts of his own sect and those of others. 8 The Sūtras he had learnt by heart and was at a stage where he understood their meaning. Practical knowledge he acquired by extensive visits to the various regions. Instances have been brought to the notice where the. Ācāryas aspiring for higher stages of spiritual plane handed over their disciples to the other Acāryas and themselves took up the discipleship a s students once again.*
Students
Caste or creed was no bar for a student to get admission to Jaina Church. A conglomeration of students from all walks of life was thus to be found. Basically a high moral standard was desired of the students. Only deserving (patta) ones were to be taught and the Acārya teaching an unworthy (apätta ) student was severely condemned for displaying wrong sense of judgement towards the selection of his pupils.6 The following were considered as unworthy students (apătta): "a babbler or one who grumbles over petty things (timtiņiya ), a fickle-minded person ( calacitta ), one who changes his Ācārya or Gana frequently ( gananganiya ), one of low moral
1. Ibid. 2. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 104. 3. 3714fait Falafhen 196901-NC. 1, p. 22. 4. Britaifa utafAT Eqtisfa–NC.4, p. 96. 5. Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 2. 6. NC. 4, p. 261.

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character ( dubbalacaritta ), one who speaks ill of his Ācārya (ayariya-paribhast ), one who goes against the instructions of his Guru or Ācārya (vāmāvatta ), one who is a backbiter ( pisuna ), one who is not devoted, and the one who hides the name of his Ācārya."8
Patra ( worthy ), on the other hand, did not possess the drawbacks mentioned in case of the unworthy student (a patta). * The master was duty-bound to teach the deserving students without any distinction or prejudice. An Acārya was refrained from witholding any knowledge from a patra and was subjected to severe criticism if he did so.6 Code of conduct as prescribed by the teacher was to be strictly followed by the student after being initiated to the Jaina Church. The disciple was always to occupy a seat lower than his Ācārya,? serve him personally, e. g. carrying the Ācārya's broom or stick,6 always addressing him with folded hands and touching his feet. The Ācārya, on the other hand, was required to guide the disciple on the right times regarding his code of conduct and was liable to be punished if he failed in his duty to guide his disciple.10 Routine for Study
Monks were to pursue their studies at proper time. It was believed that studies conducted at an appropriate hour of the day lead to the knowledge required for salvation, 11 otherwise
1. NC 4, pp. 255-61; also N. Bhā. 6198. 2. NO. 4, p. 259. 3. NO. 4, p. 260. 4. ga fafafoniet Til, gaf feeHa! o qraf_NC. 4, p. 261. 5. NC. 4, pp. 263-64. 6. NC. 4, pp. 261-62. 7. NC. 1, p. 9. 8. NC. 1, p. 10.
9. NC. 4, p. 88. 10. 37FR 347112afa TFFH f t-NC. 3, p. 45. 11. Get out fq faro BfFFALO FOIFFUTET Hafd-NC. 1, p. 7.

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it was itself a cause of bondage. Among the Jaina scriptures, the Kālika Śruta ( Kāliya-suya ) was meant to be studied during the first and the last porisi (Skt. prahara—the eighth section of the day) of day and night', while the Ukkālika (Ukkaliya ) could be studied at anytime except the kalavela 2 ( the time when the studies were not to be pursued).' In the study of the Kālika Śruta also the first pori sã was reserved for learning the Sūtras and was known as sutta-porisē, while the meaning of the Sūtras was to be learnt during the attha-porisi.“ The scriptural study of the Jaina monks thus amounted to three hours during day and night, and the monks in normal circumstances had to conduct their studies at the prescribed hours. During the unusual circumstances, however, the studies of the Jaina monks were to be suspended, and those conducting the studies during the time of suspension (asajjhāyaasvadhyāya)5 were subjected to severe punishment. Curriculum and Existing Literature of the Jainas
The curriculum mainly consisted of the Jaina scriptures although the subjects like grammar, mathematics, astrology, astronomy, logic, the science of omens (nimitta-śāstra ) etc. were invariably taught in the Jaina as well as the Brāhmaņic institutions of the time. The Jaina Acāryas, as noted before, were the masters of the scriptural texts of their own religion and also those of the others. Frequent observations are noticeable in which the householders accept to give shelter to the Jaina monks on condition that the subjects like astrology (joisa ), the science of omens ( nimitta ), prosody ( chamda ),
1. NC. 4, p. 228. 2. Jaafadi Hoare data do HI-NC. 1, p. 7. 3. Firmaet-foferte raraata:-Sabda-kalpa-druma, p. 110; Abhidhāna
Rā jendra Koša, Vol. III, p. 493. 4. NC. 1, p. 6; also NC. 1, p. 37. 5. For rules regarding asvādhyāya sec--NC. 4, pp. 224-48: 6, NC. 1, p. 21.

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mathematics ( ganiya ), grammar (vagarana ) and the art of writing would be taught by them. 1 There is an instance when a monk requests his Ācārya to explain him the Chedasūtras, for he had forgotten the portion of the Chedasūtras being involved in the study of grammar ( sadda, vīgaraņa ) and the Hetušāstra of Akşapāda, i. e. the Nyāya system of Indian philosophy.2 The accounts of Yuan Chwang and I-Tsing also reveal that these various sciences were widely mastered by the Jainas, the Brāhmins and the Buddhists of the time. According to Dasgupta, the monastic university of the Jainas had three sections-Jaina scriptures, Vedic study and Arts." It is, however, beyond cognition as to how the latter two were imparted to the students in the Jaina monastic universities.
Curriculum in the Jaina monasteries depended on the specific period of initiation ( dīksā-paryāya ). The NC. does not enlighten us on the curriculum followed at a particular stage. It only mentions that the advanced texts of the canon ( uvarilla ) were to be taught after the monks had mastered the primary texts ( hetthilla ).5 The rules of the monastic life, which comprised the initial part of the canon, was taught first and the texts dealing with the exception to rules (avavāda) were disclosed to a monk only after he had reached a certain stage of development in the spiritual field.
Āyara, the first Anga of the Jaina canon, consisted of the nine ajjhayaņas, each known as Bambhacera and was appended with
1. जति जोइस निमित्तं छंदं गणियं वा अम्हं कहेस्सह अण्णं वा किं चि पावसुत्तं वागरणादि
NC. 4, p. 36. 2. सद्देत्ति व्याकरणं, हेतुसत्थं अक्खपादादि, एवमादि अहिज्जतो छेदसुत्तं णिसीहादि ण
NC. 4, p. 88. 3. According to Yuan Chwang,children at the age of seven were regularly
taught five sciences among the Buddhists, viz. Science of grammar, skilled professions, astrology, medicine and the sicnece of eternal.--
Watters, op. cit., 1, pp. 154-55; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 78-79. 4. Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 15. 5. NC. 4, p. 252. 6. &feat 3Fgar af staten gaffect 3faatagal 1-Ibid.

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five Calas.1 of these the Ayara along with the first four Cūlas could be taught at anytime, but the fifth one, i. e. Ayarakappa or Niśitha, was to be taught only after three years of initiation to the monkhood.' This rule was effective for all the Chedasūtras. It can be thus deduced that the monks have mastered the Ayāra and its first four Cūlās during the first three years of their initiation.
Among the other scriptural texts the Dasaveyaliya was to be taught after the monk had mastered the Avassaga and the Uttarajjhayaņa after learing the Dasaveyaliya. This rule also implied in case of the various sections like anga, suyakhandha, ajjhayana and uddesaga of a particular text, the method of teaching being the one in which the former preceded the latter. * The texts dealing with caranānuyoga (i. e. Kaliya-suya or the eleven Angas ), dharmanuyoga (I sibha siya etc.), ganiyānuyoga ( Sarapannatti etc.) and dravyānuyoga (Ditthivaya ) were also to be taught in the manner stated above. Apparently the Jaina Ācāryas and the monks residing in the monasteries during these centuries were so intimately aware of the curriculum that the author considered it insignificant to give specific details of the texts which were to be studied at a particular stage.
1. NO. 1, p. 2. 2. NC. 1, p. 3. 3. जहा दसवेयालिस्सावस्सगं हेटिठल्लं, उत्तरज्झयणाण दसवेयालियं हेल्लिं , एवं णेयं
NC. 4, p. 252. 4. Ibid. 5. NC. 4, p. 253. 6. Some of the Jaina texts specifically prescribe the curriculum which
was to be followed at a specific stage. In all a period of twenty years was required for becoming a Srutajñāni or Srutakevalin and the scriptural study of the monk was to start after a period of three years of his initiation. According to Vidhimärgaprapa (p. 48) of Acārya Jinaprabha Sūri (1306 A.D.), a monk was to be taught Ayāra pakappa after three years of his initiation, Süyagada was to be taught during the 4th, Dasa, Kabpa and Vavahāra in the 5th, Thāna and Samavaya in the 8th, Bhagavai in the 10th, Khuddiyāvimāna etc. in the 11th,

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Method of Education
Education imparted to the monks was called sikkha and it was to be acquired by a labourious process. Education of the monks was two-fold: (i) gahana-sikkha and (ii) asevana-sikkha.1 In the commentary on the Visesavasyaka Bhasya (p. 9, v. 7) by Maladhāri Hemacandra the gahaṇa-sikkha is explained as the study of the Sutras or committing them to memory ( gahana ).2 This was followed by the study of its artha (meaning) for a period of twelve years." The education was considered complete only when the monk had understood the Sutras thoroughly.
Five-fold Study
For a thorough understanding and retention of the scriptural lore to memory, a five-fold system of study (sajjhaya*svadhyaya) was practised by the Jainas. These were: (i) vayana-teaching of the text by an Acarya or learning one's lesson, (ii) pucchana--questioning the teacher in order to clear one's doubts, (iii) pariyaṭṭaṇā-repetition, (iv) aṇuppehameditation or thinking intently and (v) dhammakaha-religious discourses or imparting religious sermons.5
Arunovavaya etc. in the 12th, Utthanasuya etc. in the 13th, Asīvisabhavana, Diṭṭhivisabhavana, Caraṇabhavana, Mahasumiṇabhāvaṇā and Teyanisagga from 14th to 18th and Ditthivaya in the 19th, and thus the monk mastered the whole canon in a period lasting over twenty years.--Vide, Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, Vol. 1, intro. pp. 38-39.
1. सा सिक्खा दुविहाआसेवणसिक्खा गहणसिक्खा य । - NC 3, p. 251.; Bh. V. 2, P. 257.
2. तत्र द्वादश वर्षाणि यावत सूत्रं त्वयाऽध्येतव्यमित्युपदेशो ग्रहणशिक्षा, आसेवनाशिक्षा तु प्रत्युपेक्षणादिक्रियोपदेशः ।
3. Ibid.
4. NC. 1, p. 18; Tattvarthadhigamasutra, IX. 25, Umäsväti's Bhāṣya 1, p. 259.
5. सज्झाएत्ति वायणा पुच्छणा परियट्टणा अणुप्पेहा धम्मका य - NC. 1, p. 18.

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Method of Oral Transmission
From the above mentioned method of two-fold education ( sikkha) and five-fold study ( sajjhāya ), it may be deduced that the monks after finishing their education must have orally transmitted their sacred lore down the generations. The art of writing ( livi ) was not unknown but it was never allowed or appreciated as far as the religious lore was concerned. The frequent use of the word vāyaṇa ( Skt. vācana-lecture )i and the class of teachers known as vāyana-yariya ( those who give lectures ) 2 also justify to the same fact. The monks are mentioned as becoming learned ( bahussuya ) by listening to the sermons imparted by the Guru.3 The Acāryas can be seen getting tired after giving lectures to their disciples. Various references in the text and the contemporary accounts of Yuan Chwang5 and I-Tsinge confirm to the fact that the method of oral transmission was practised in the Jaina, Brāhmaṇic as well as the Buddhist institutions of the time. Writing and Books
The system of oral transmission prevailed in case of the sacred lore, but the art of writing ( livi ) was freely used for
2. Hel. 1, p. 12
3. TIT TEFT311 FTTTNC. 4, p. 88. 4. 319freit acumftfrial-NC. 1, p. 11. 5. Describing the activities of the great Brāhmana teachers Yuan Chwang
remarks: “when disciples intelligent and accute are addicted to idle shirking the teachers doggedly perserved repeating instruction until their training is finished” (Watters, op. cit., I. p. 160). Stress on repetition of instruction noted by Yuan Chwang suggests that oral system of imparting knowledge was predominant (Saletor, R. N.,
Life in the Gupta Age, p. 100 ). 6. Regarding the Brāhmanic practice of imparting knowledge I-Tsing
remarks: "In India there are two traditional ways in which one can attain great intellectual power. Firstly by repeatedly committing to memory the intellect is developed, secondly the alphabets fixed one's
ideas." --Takakasu, op. cit., pp. 182-83. 7. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 222.

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secular purposes. Frequently we find the royal charters being reduced to writing1 and the young men and women writing love letters to convery their feelings.2 In spite of these injunctions, expansion of the canon and a degeneration in the retentive capacities during the later centuries forced the Jaina Church to allow the monks to keep the manuscripts for the preservation of their sacred lore. The NC. clearly allows the Jaina preceptors and monks to keep any of the five varieties of the books (potthaga panaga ) or manuscripts pertaining to the Kaliya-suya in case they were incapable of remembering (gahaņa) and retaining (dharana) the whole scriptural lore.*
The following five kinds of books have been mentioned in the NC. : (i) ganlipotthaga or books square ( cauraṁsa ) in shape, (ii) kacchavī or those wide at the centre and tapering at the ends, (iii) mutthi or books square ( cauraṁsa ) or circular ( vịtta ) in form and four fingers in length, (iv) sampudapha. laga or books made by stitching the leaves at the centre aod (v) chevadi or those made with thin leaves (tanupatta ) which were longer in length and smaller in breadth.5 A general use of these books was not allowed to the Jaina monks on the ground that they easily gave rise to the killing of small insects and thus went against their vow of non-killing (ahimsa). It is, however,clear that these books were kept by the Jaina Acāryas and monks, especially the higher works of the canon, although their knowledge was orally imparted to the students. Special Facilities for Higher Studies
Due attention was paid by the monasteries to enrich and enhance the knowledge of the students with a view to
1. NO. 4, p. 10. 2. NO. 2, pp. 385-86. 3. See-N. Bhä. 3999 ( NC. 3, p. 320 ). 4. मेहाउ गहणधारणादिपरिहाणि जाणिऊण कालि सुयट्ठा कालियसुयणिज्जुत्तिणिमित्तं वा
Treatqui acara --NC. 3, p. 324. 5. NC. 3, pp. 320-21; NC. 2, p. 193; Byh. V!. 4, p. 1054. 6. "yft" for TIEYTTt u only for this agatataarat facsi-NC. 3,
p. 321.

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preserve the distinguished works from becoming extinct. The author firmly believes that after learning from one's own Acarya, the monk should accept the discipleship of the other Acarya of the same region and ultimately proceed to visit the other regions for the sake of higher learning. Sometimes the Acaryas themselves not being well-versed in a particular branch of knowledge used to send their disciples to another Acarya who was more versed in that particular branch of knowledge.2
Monks aspiring to master the difficult texts like the Hetusattha or Govimdanijjutti are seen accepting the discipleship of the other Acaryas. While engaged in the study of the distinguished works like Sammadi or Siddhvinicchiya,5 which glorified the philosophy of the Jainas (damsaṇa-pabhāvaga-sattha), monks were allowed to deviate in exceptional cases and were not subjected to any expiatory penances for deviating from the general rules. 6 They were even allowed to go to a verajja ( vairājya ) in order to acquire the knowledge of these damsaṇa-pabhavaga-satthas from an Acarya who was well-versed in such distinguished works. It is evident that the monastic authorities were very keen to ensure that all possible facilities were provided to the monks studying the works of high order."
1. मा तं मुत्तत्थं वोच्छिज्जतु त्ति - NC. 3, p. 202.
2. NC. 4, p. 75.
3. हेतु सत्थ- गोविंदणिज्जुत्ता दियठा उवसंपज्जति - NC 4, p. 96.
4. NC. 3, p. 202; NC. 1, p. 162. Sammadi mentioned in the NC. is same as the Sanmatitarka-prakaraṇa,a book on logic written by Siddhasen: Diväkara in the 6th century A. D.-See infra, Jaina Literature.
5. NC. 1, p. 162. Akalaňka (c. 625-75 A.D.) has also written a book named Siddhiviniscaya. But, according to certain scholars, Siddhiviniscaya mentioned in the NC, is different from the Siddhiviniscaya of Aka lanka and was written by Acarya Sivaswami.-See Siddhiviniscaya, introduction, p. 53; Sanmatitarka, introduction, p. 4.
6. दसणपमावगाणि सत्याणि सिद्धिविणिच्छिय- सम्मतिमादिगेण्हंतो असंथरमाणो जं अकप्पिय पडिसेवति - NC. 1, p. 162.
7. अतो तग्गहणट्याए कप्पति वेरज्जविरुद्धं संकमणं काउंNC. 3, p. 202.
8. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 244.

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Vāda or Debates
The ability of a Jaina monk was tested in the active religious disputations or tournaments which were a constant feature of the literary life of the day. The highest aspiration of a monk was to be bestowed with the title of Vadian? which was bestowed on a monk who came out successfully in a literary affray where he was to defend his own religion from the active onslaughts of the rivals.2 1āda or debates were usually conducted before an assembly of the learned scholars ( Vadi-parişad ) and were presided over by the king or the Mahājanas of the state. A story narrated in the NC. mentions a Jaina monk to have defeated his Buddhist opponent in a literary affray held in the king's court.* Very often the contestants to these debates tried to influence the king or the state-authorities to gain their support. The Jaina monks while going for a contest in the Vādi-parişad were allowed to take bath and wear pure white clothes so as to keep up the prestige of their preceptor and faith. The individuals defeated in Vada were usually made to accept the discipleship of the rival victor, while the king mostly patronised the faith of the victor being influenced by his religious tenets.? Sometimes, however, the defeated monks accepted the discipleship of the rival with a view to grasp the inlets of his teachings (siddhanta-harana) and later defeated him in an open contest.8 The tradition of conducting the religious
1. Et rogiquot 3751311_NC. 1, p. 22. 2. Taifaut at af ara fa ŐNC. 3, p. 37. 3. जे तत्थ पंडिया वादिपरिसं च गेण्हति...ते रण्णो महाजणस्स वा पुरतो णिरुत्तरे करेति
NC. 4, p. 88. 4. NO. 3, p. 325. 5. NC. 2, p. 233. 6. वादिनो वादिपर्षदं गच्छतो-आचार्यस्य अतिशयमिति कृत्वा देसस्नानं सर्वस्नानं वा
NC. 2, p. 86. 7. NC. 3, p. 325. 8. In this context example is cited of the Govinda Vācaka or Govinda
Ajja, the famous author of Govindanijjutti, who after being defeated

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disputations is largely supported by the contemporary sources. Yuan Chwang' as well as I-Tsingemphatically" speak of such fiery affrays where the Buddhists, the Brāhmins and the Jainas all tried to prove the superiority of their own faith. King Silăditya of Valabhi is also mentioned to have presided over one such literary affray held between Mallavādin and Buddhananda.s
Keeping in view the above factors it can be concluded that the aim of education in the Jaina monasteries during these centuries were directed to produce scholarly monks with keen forensic power who could expound the tenets of their faith with a view to prove its supremacy before the rulers of the state and the public. Brāhmaṇic Institutions's Education in the Gurukulas
A detailed account of the Brāhmanic institutions is not available from the text, yet a few references in the text reveal them to be the most prominent agencies of learning among the non-Jaina sections of society. Apart from the individual Brāhmaṇa teachers who imparted the sacred lore to the younger generation, there also existed the Brāhmanic institutions known as Gurukulas. Similar to the Jaina monasteries the students of these institutions were to stay with their preceptor ( gurukulavā sa )5 for a number of years for acquiring the sacred lore and an ideal conduct.
eighteen times in a debating contest accepted the discipleship of his
rival for being able to understand his tenets. --NC. 4, pp. 265-66. 1. Yuan Chwang noted that during such debating contests "the tenets
of these schools keep these isolated, and controversy runs high."
Watters, op. cit., I, p. 162. 2. I-Tsing describes the House of debate where the literary tournaments
were held. He further remarks that those who emerge victorious the sound of their fame makes the five mountains of India vibrate and their renown flows, as it were over the four borders.--Takakusu, op.
cit., p. 178. 3. Kapadia, op. cit., p. 246. 4. NC. 3, pp. 294, 412, 434. 5. NC. 3, p. 412; Yašasti laka, p. 26. 6. " fa"--BTCT faharaftada TTT: AFRS 1144 date:--NC. 3, p. 412.

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.: Some of the Gurukulas were renowned for their high standard of learning (visittha-gurukula) and the students trained at such centres were thought to have been the infallible masters in performing the sacrificial rites. 1 Bana also informs us that “besides mastery in the Vedas, the student had to display earnestness in learning the art of sacrifice."2
The Vedic studies during this time must have comprised the fourteen vijjas, as a learned Brāhmaṇa is mentioned to have mastered the fourteen vijjas. The fourteen vidyas have been frequently referred to in the contemporary literature. The Uttaradhyayana Cūrni enumerates them as the four Vedas, six Vedangas, Mimamsa, Nyaya, Purana and Dharmaśāstra.5 The Brāhmaṇic law-givers also describe the same fourteen vidyas.6 Apart from this scriptural lore, the other subjects would also have been taught to the students in the Brāhmanic institutions, The NC., however, does not enlighten us regarding the nature of their studies. Lehasālā ( Lekhaśālā )
Apart from the Jaina and Brāhmaṇic institutions, the existence of the Lehasālās ( lekhaśalas)' is also revealed from the text which must have imparted primary education to the children. The Lehasālās were usually situated in the vicinity of the houses or village from where the students could come home to take their meals during the recess (bhoyaņakala).
1. अवितहं पुण किरियं करेंतो णज्जति जहा-"विसिट्टे गुरुकुले वासिओ वा सिक्खिओ
1-NC. 3, p. 412. 2. Harjacarita, p. 11. 3. Col I HETI TEAKTREMYRTINC. 3, p. 92. 4. Raghuvansa, v. 21. 5. Uttarādhyayana Cūrņi 3, p. 596. 6. See-Upadhyay, B. S., India in Kālidāsa, p. 274. 7. Elfa DHM NO. 1, p. 15. This type of institution has been mentioned as Arts schools or Writing-schools by Dasgupta.-Op.
cit., p. 13. 8. Hueros prato NC. 1, p. 15.

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The commentary on the BỊhatkal pa Bhasya explains the Lekhaśālā as Dārakaśālā or schools where the children (darakah) studied during the day time, 1 The Lekhaśalas or livišalas have been mentioned in the various Jaina and Buddhist texts. The teachers in these schools were known as “Darakācārya or Lehāvariya. 2
Mention of the phrase 'grasping the alphabets like a child's in the text perhaps points towards the ceremony of learning the alphabets ( akşarasvikarana ) which was by now exalted to the status of a ritual and was performed at the age of five or
six. +
It is nowhere specifically stated as to what formed the curriculum in these primary institutions. Elementary knowledge of the subjects, however, must have been imparted to the students. Mention has been made of the seventy-two arts beginning with writing ( leha ) and ending with the 'notes of birds ( saunaruya ), which constituted the field of education. The early Jaina and Buddhist texts specifically describe these 72 Arts to have been mastered by princes and heroes like Mahavira, Buddha, prince Meha, the son of Seniya Bimbisāra, Goyama and the prince of Bäravai, in such
1. aroma:- Fored that tana: 987 AT CIATa der :-Brh. Vt.
3, p. 829. 2. Lalitavistara, Ch. X; Avašyaka Cūrni, p. 199. See also-Altekar, op.
cit, p. 178. 3. fex fe fé ha 37CR STIEFHE_NC. 4, p. 36; Brh. Vt. 4, p. 437. 4. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 265-68. 5. Tell me H307617557TATUT ara el tratait fafar_NC. 3, p. 272; Bịh.
V1.1, p. 79. Two different lists of the 72 arts are found in the Jaina texts, one beginning with writing (leha ) and ending with the Bird's cries ( saunaruya ), as is to be found in the Antagadadasão and Anuttarovavāiyadasão (tr. by L. D. Barnett, pp. 30-31 ) and the other may be seen in the Prabandhakosa of Räjaśckhara which starts with writing and ends with the rule of Kevalins ( Prabandhakosa, vol. 1, p. 28; scc also-Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 75 ). The author of the NC. evidently follows the first tradition which starts from writing and ends with the notes of birds, or bird's crics.

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primary, institutions.1 Mention of these 72 Arts in our text: seems to be traditional, although, most of these arts like writing, arithmatic, dancing, music, instrumental music etc. were regularly practised by men and women in society. Literature
The existing literature as revealed from the NC. may be divided into two groups—(i) religious literature and (ii) secular literature. The former again may be classified under two sections : (i) Jaina literature and (ii) Brāhmaṇic literature which includes the ancient Vedic literature also.
Jaina Literature
It is a well-known fact that the first redaction of the Jaina canon had taken place in the Valabhĩ council held under the presidentship of Devardhi Gani Ksamāśramana in 513 or 526 A. D. (V. E. 980 or 993 ).: The Jaina canon during this time consisted of the twelve Angas, twelve Upangas, ten Prakirņakas, six Chedasūtras, Nandi and Anuyogadvara, and four Mülasutras. The author being a learned Jaina preceptor is well-versed in the canon from where he widely quotes. A detailed discussion on the various passages cited from these works is not possible, and it will suffice to say that among the Angas the Ayara, *. Suyagada, 5 Bhagavai,. Panhava
1. The teachers of Arts trained prince Meha, and taught him 72 Arts.
--Ardhamagadhi Reader. (tr. by Banarasi Das Jaina ), p. 101; Añta. gadadasão and Anuttarovaväiyadasão / tr. by Barnett, pp. 30-31 ). The Jätakas refer to 72 -Arts which were mastered by Lord Buddha.
-Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 4. 2. According to Dasgupta (op. cit., p. 5), "it was cus
princes to receive their education in the arts or secular schools where
the curriculum included 72 Arts." 3. LAI., p. 33. 4. NC. 9, p. 122. 5. NC. 1, p. 35; NC. 4, pp. 252, 264. 6. NC. 1, pp. 33, 79; NC. 2, p. 232.

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garaṇal and Ditthivaya,2 among the Upangas Sūrapannatti, Caṁdapannatti and Jambūdivapannatti," and among the Prakirnakas Tamdulaveyaliya and Caņdavejjhagas have been specifically mentioned in the text.
Apart from Nisīha the other four Chedasūtras, i. e. Dasa, Kappa, Vavahāra and Mahānisiha6 have been mentioned, while no mention is made of the 6th Chedasūtra. The four Mülasūtras, i, e. Uttar ajj hayaņa, Āvassaya,& Dasaveyaliya and Pin lanijjuttilo or Ohanijjutti, 11 and the individual texts like Nandi and Anuyogadvāra12 have been referred to. Mention has also been made of the Mahakappa-sutta as a work of very high order, the monks studying which could resort to exceptions to the rules. 18 "This was probably a Cheya sutta, but on that account it is not possible to identify it with any of the six wellknown Cheyasuttas."14
Besides the canonical literature, the other texts like Jonipahuđa, 15 goņi saṁ gaha, 16 Govindan sjutti17 and Samaiyanijjutti 18 have also been mentioned. The Sammati or Sammadi19 and
1. NC, 3, p. 83. 2. NO. 1, p. 4; NC. 3, p. 63; NC. 4, pp. 226, 253. 3. NC. 1, p. 31; NC. 4, pp. 253, 278. 4. NC. 1, p.31. 5. NC. 4, p. 235. 6. NC. 4, p. 304. 7. NC. 2, p. 238; NC. 4, p. 252. 8. NC. 2, p. 33; NC. 4, pp. 73, 103.
9. NC. 1, p. 218; NC. 2, p. 80; NC. 3, p. 280; NC. 4, pp. 252, 254. 10. NC. 1, pp. 132, 155; NC. 2, p. 249. 11. NC. 2, p. 439; NC. 3, pp. 40, 449, 450, 461. 12. NC. 4, p. 235. 13. NC. 2, p. 238; NC. 4, pp. 96, 224. 14. Kapadia, H. R., History of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas,
P. 102. 15. NC. 2, p. 281; NC. 3, p. 111. 16. NO. 3, p. 266. 17. NC. 3, pp. 212, 260; NC. 4, p. 98. 18. NC. 4, p. 103. 19. NC. 1, p. 162; NC. 3, p. 202.

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Siddhivinicchiyal are mentioned as texts which glorified the religion and philosophy of the Jainas. The Sammati mentioned in the NC. is the same as Sanmati sütra, also known as Sanmatitarka or Sanmatiprakarana composed by Acārya Siddhasena Divākara in circa 550-600 A. D.2 It was a famous philosophical treatise which afforded a comparative study of the different Brāhmanic and Buddhist systems of philosophy and their criticism from the Jaina point of view.s
A controversy exists regarding the authorship of the Siddhivinicchiya. According to certain scholars, it should be identified with Siddhiviniscaya, the famous treatise composed by Akalanka. Its mention in the Nišitha Cūrni (A. D. 676 ) has been taken by these scholars as a deciding factor for determining the date of Akalanka. According to others, Siddhivinicchiya mentioned in the NC. was a composition of Ācārya Śivaswami, and was different from the Siddhiviniscaya of Akalanka. It is, however, difficult to reach at any conclusion in the absence of proper evidences, Brāhmaṇic Literature
Vedas or Śruti—The ancient Vedic literature has been mentioned as Śruti or revealed literature. It must have comprised the four Vedas, the Brahmanas, the Aranyakas and the Upanişads. The learned Brāhmaṇas are described to have been versed in the four Vedas ( câuvejja ), and they had grasped the abstruse meaning of the Vedas ( Vedarahassa ).? Bāņa, 8 Yuan Chwang as well as I-Tsing also say that a regular impartation
1. NC. 1, p. 162. 2. Sec-Sanmati prakarana, Jñānodaya Trust, Ahmedabad. 3. Jain, J. P., Jain Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 164-66. 4. Ibid., p. 177. 5. See-Sanmatiprakarana, prcface p. 4; Siddhiviņicchiya, preface
p. 53. 6. NC. 3, p. 413; NC. 1, P. 103. 7. NC. 3, p. 527. 8. Hariacarita, p. 71. 9. Watters, op. cit, I, p. 159; Bcal, op. cit., 1, p. 79; sce also-Watters'
remark on Yuan Chwang's account, pp. 157-61. Although Yuan

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249 of the Vedic knowledge was made to the Brāhmins. In the contemporary inscriptions of the Maitraka rulers the Brāhmins are mentioned to have been the students of the different Vedas like the Samaveda and the Atharvaveda, 1 King Siladitya VII is also mentioned as añana-trayi, i.e. one who possesses the knowledge of three Vedas. Of the U pavedas, the Dhanurveda ( science of archery )and the Ayurveda (science of medicine ) were prominent.
Vedāngas-Among the Vedangas vāgarana ( grammar ) and joisa ( astrology and astronomy) were the most popular. The science of grammar (vagar ana, saddas ) must have been mastered by all the sects alike. Although it has been mentioned as pavasutta? by our Jaina author, yet the various references in the text reveal a thorough mastery of the Jaina monks over the science of grammar. Differences of opinion regarding the various sūtras or grammatical rules have been cited in the text.Bāņa,. Yuan Chwanglo and ITsingit all put a great stress on the science of grammar without which learning was of no account. A contemporary inscription from Valabhi also speaks of king Dhruvasena II as one versed in the grammar of Panini'. 12
Chwang clearly states that the Brāhmanas learn 4 Veda treatiscs, yet his account of the Vedas and the topics they deal with is quite erroneous and confused. I-Tsing remarks : "Scriptures they rever are the four
Vedas."Takakusu, op. cit., p. 182. 1. EI. XI, p. 112; IA. VII, p. 68. 2. “Alina Copper plate Inscription of Silāditya VII," CII. III, pp.
171. ff. 3. Hazug prie to PATEIKTO-NC. 3, p. 203. 4, NC. 2, p. 272. 5. NO. 4, p. 36. 6. E f i NC. 4, p. 88; NC. I, p. 12. 7. sour arrêts fa qapi aircufa—NC. 4, p. 36. 8. NC. 1, p. 43. 9. Hars acarita, p. 71. 10. Watters, op. cit., 1, pp. 154-55; Bcal, op. cit., 1, pp. 78-79. 11. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 178. 12. CII. III, pp. 171 ff.

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foisa or gotisa ( Astrology and Astronomy ) It was of great practical importance to all the sects alike as the auspicious ceremonies were to be performed only at a time when the omens and portents were auspicious. Vivahapadala2 and Agghakaļas are mentioned as treatises on astrology (joti sagartha ). The former explained proper time for conducting the marriages, while the latter revealed the proper time for entering into enterprises like trade and commerce. Chamda or prosody is specifically mentioned. Besides, a great stress on pada, matta, bindu etc. in the proper recitation of the Vedic as well as Jaina scriptural lores and the innumerable etymological derivations of the words mentioned in the text reveal the popularity of the other Vedangas, i. e. sikşa (pronunciation ) and nirukta ( etymology).
Smyti Literature—The later literature of the Brāhmaṇas has been mentioned as Smstise which was especially mastered by them for learning the proper rules of the science of sacrifice ( homa ). Although none of the Smytis is specifically named in the text, yet some of the statements of the author, especially regarding the six duties of the Brahmanas ( şadkarma-nirata ) etc. are directly based on the Smrti of Manu.
Epics—The great epics like Rāmāyana and Bhāraha ( Mahabharata ) have been referred to as pāvasutt as the study of which was prohibited to a Jaina monk. Validity of the various mythological stories of the Epics and the Puranas has been critically questioned by our Jaina author' which reveals that
1. NC. 4, p. 36; Watters, op. cit, 1, pp. 154-55. 2. faareserie taattle fareas af-NC. 3, p. 400. 3. 372hCaffè TË F# God affe-Ibid. 4. ganeuri TATTİ ETİ tela 91NC. 3, p. 399. 5. NO. 1, p. 12. 6. NO. 3, p. 412. 7. NC. 3, p. 415. 8. TU TEFÀT PRE-TTATTURE Taga-NC. 3, p. 179. 9. NO. 1, pp. 103-4.

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these texts were widely read by the Jainas though with a view to question the validity of the theories prescribed therein. Philosophical Systems
Among the various systems of Indian philosophy, mention has been made of the followers of Kapila, 2 Kanāda or Ulūka? and Akkhapada ( Akşapāda ),s showing thereby the existence of the Samkhya, Vaiseșika and Nyaya systems of Indian philosophy. I-Tsing also refers to the doctrines of the Sankhyas and Vaiseșikas.* Nyāya or Tarka was the most popular subject mastered by all the sects of the time. The Hetuśāstra of Akşapada was studied even by the Jaina monks. The author gives proper explanations of the various technical terms of logic like the vada, jalpa and vitaña;& this shows his deep knowledge of the subject.
It seems that the different sects had their own individual texts for teaching the science of logic. Among the Jainas Govindanijjutti written by the famous dialectician Govinda was one such text.7 Mastery in logic was indeed practically essential for participating in the religious debates. Bāņa informs us that the students of the time had to participate in an old logic society8 where they evidently discussed the problems pertaining to the science of logic (Tarkaśāstra ). Secular Literature
Besides this vast literature on religion (dharma ), there existed the texts dealing with attha ( artha ) and kama which were widely read by the cultured section of society. The
1. NC. 1, p. 15; NC. 3, p. 195. 2. NC. 1, p. 15. 3. NC. 4, p. 88. 4. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 2. 5. AY B UTTE-NC. 4, p. 88; Brh. V . 5, p. 1441. 6. NC. 2, p. 355. 7. NC. 3, pp. 212, 260; NC. 4, p. 96. 8. Harsacarita, p. 71. 9. Saletore, op. cit., p. 98.

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story-literature or kahas were of three types, viz. dhamma, attha, and kama.1 The dhammakahas included the tradition of the carita-kavyas which were usually written to eulogise the lifehistory of some religious hero or saint. The Vasudevacariya and Cedagakaha have been cited as the examples of the dhammakahas.2 Among the literature dealing with attha, Atthasattha has been mentioned, which seems to be the same as the Arthasastra of Kautilya. The works like Arghakadat were of great importance from the materialistic point of view, since they revealed proper time for venturing into trading or commercial enterprises.
The literature on erotics (kama-kaha) was variously known as siṁgarakaha,' simgðrakavva, chaliya-kavva" etc. Setu8 and Itthivannaga' have been cited as examples of such literature. Setu should be the same as Setubandha, 1. the Prakrit poem of Pravarasena, perhaps composed in late 6th century A. D.11
The various forms of classical literature like the kaha ( katha ), akhatiya ( akkhyāyika ) and akkhanaga ( akhyanaka )
1. FACETHE T 3Tourant fa freeri1_NC. 4, p. 26, also pp. 251, 253, 399. 2. a qafuanifest371_NC. 4, p. 26; NC. 3, p. 251; also Bih. V1.3,
p. 722. 3. seria" Per tal –NC. 3, p. 399. 4. NC. 4, p. 400. 5. Hreat TTTTTTTI FENTET op gehNC. 3, p. 253. 6. afin fotos a fiftieho qark-NC. 3, p. 251. 7. fic feft, first foutile 46Fel ?-Ibid., p. 399. 8. afh quot That grattaat-NC. 4, p. 26. 9. glaset ATITET ceftquure-NC. 3, p. 399. 10. Setubandha is attributed to Kalidāsa by certain scholars (sec-ed.
and trans. ty S. Goldschmieth, 1880-4 ), but according to later theory, it is to be excluded from the works of Kālidāsa because of the difference in its style (Kieth, History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 97 ). Bāna in the beginning of Harsacarita refers to the pocm of Pravara
sena, which must be the same as Setubandha (Kieth, op. cit., p. 316 ). 11. Stein, Rajatarangini, 1. 66, 84; also Kieth, op. cit., p. 97.

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have been referred to.1 The Naravahanadattakaha is cited as an example of kaha, while the Tarangavatī, Malayavatîs and Magadhasena have been mentioned as akkhatiya s.* This classification between kaha and akkhatiya shows that the author must have been aware of the existing difference between the two according to which the akhyāyika was necessarily based upon certain historical theme, while the kathā could be purely a fiction.5 Among the akkhānagas the Dhuttakkhānaga has been referred to from where the author largely quotes. The existence of these different forms of classical literature may be easily attested to from the works of the authors like Dandin, Bana and Subandhu who flourished in and around these centuries.
1, NC. 4, p. 26. 2. a E - TE F Y -NC. 2, p. 415; Bịh. Vf. 3, p. 722. Nara
vāhapadatta is the hero of Gunādhya's Brhatkathā (see-Keith, op. cit., pp. 270-71 ). Perhaps it might have been a book written on the
same theme. 3. NC. 4, pp. 26, 415; Bịh. Vr. 3, p. 722. Tarangavati was written by
Pädalipta Sūri in the third century A. D. The book is now lost to us, only its fragments are available.-Sce, Munshi, K.M., Gujarat and It's
Literature. 4. Stupiai atradi, Tamil, T TY-NC. 2, p. 415. 5. For difference between Kathā and Akhyāyikā-sce, Kieth, op. cit., PP.
376, 383. 6. 39@tout YORE NC. 4, p. 26. The Dhuttakkhānaga mentioned in
the NC. may be different from the Dhurtākhyāna of Haribhadra Sūri written in the 8th century A. D.

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CHAPTER VII
FINE ARTS
Apart from being a great Jaina preceptor the author displays his intricate knowledge about the various fine arts of his time. His observations are not only methodical but critical too and his field covers architecture, sculpture, painting, music, dance and drama.
Architecture
Architecture from the dawn of civilization is co-related to human existence and can be attributed directly towards the progressive growth of the material culture of the people. The author of the NC. has elucidated many an architectural term in clear and simple definition. This information may be classified in two main sections–(i) Religious Architecture and (ii) Secular Architecture.
Religious Architecture-Any architectural structure constructed in connection with religion or religious sentiments can be termed as religious architecture. It included various structures like cetiya ( caitya ), thūbha ( stūpa ), leņa, thambha ( stambha ), devakula, devāyatana, pratimā gļha etc.
Cetiya or caitya was a distinctive feature of the Buddhist 1
1. Giving the Buddhist version regarding the origin of tho caityas I
Tsing informs us that when the Great Teacher, the world honoured entered into Nirvāna, and men and gods assembled together to burn his remains in the fire, people brought there all kinds of perfumes until they made a great pile which was called 'kiti' ( citi) meaning piling'. Derivod from this we have afterwards the name Kaitya ( Caitya )".Takakusu, op. cit., p. 121.

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and Jaina architecture. In the NC, we frequently find the monks as well as laymen going to visit the caityas and worshipping the deity there ( caitya-vamdana ).2 Two types of caityas are mentioned-caityas belonging to very ancient period (cirayatana ) and the caityas recently constructed ( abhinavakaya ).3 While various ancient caityas were existing during this time, the tradition of making new ones also continued. Mention has been made of the Bhandira Caitya of Mathurā where the devotees used to visit from far and wide.
Thabha or stūpa was the earliest form of Jaina architecture and it has been defined as "a structure constructed with the heap of bricks”.5 I-Tsing has also stated that "the stūpas or the caityas were made by piling up of the bricks or earth.»6 Mention has been made of the Devanirmita-stupa? (Godmade ) of Mathurā as one of the most sacred places of worship during this time. Various contemporary Jaina authors like Haribhadra Sūri (c. 7th century A.D.). Jinaprabha Süri and Harişena ( 932 A. D.) have also referred to the Devanirmitastūpa of Mathurā with different versions regardng its origin.8 Somadeva also refers to one Devanirmita-stūpa at Mathurā and states that “the shrine is still known by the name of Devanirmita, i. e. built by the gods” This Devanirmita-stūpa appears to have been same as Vodava-stūpa unearthed at Kankāli Tīlā bearing an inscription 'Devanirmita' which has been
1. Scc-Jaina, J. P., Jain Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 234,
also p. 237 2. NC. 2, p. 113. 3. aut ftrant 37goat ar ff01a1NC. 2, P, 134; Brh. V!. 3,
p. 776. 4. NO. 3, p. 366. 5. SETTIERIT for TH 006-NC. 2, p. 225. 6. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 121. 7. ayete aaruit TH-NC. 3, p. 79; Byz. Vr. 5, p. 1536. 8. Shah, U. P., Studies in Jaina Art, p. 4. 9. avatar anita agafaTTE T -Yašastilaka, p. 315; Handiqui,
K. K., Yašastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 43.

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assigned the date A. D. 156. According to Fürher, "the stūpa was so ancient at the time when inscription was incised that its origin had been forgotten"2
Lena was a temple ( devakula ) built upon the relics of the saints. Stambhas (thambhas) were also built to commemorate some sacred event and were constructed out of stone (sela ) or wood ( kattha ).* The free-standing stambhas or pillars near Jaina Vasati or dwelling is supposed to be a peculiar feature of Jaina architectures and the various stambhas belonging to the contemporary centuries also corroborate the same fact.
Deva-temples (devakulas or devakulikas ) were built at the centre or outside the villages or a town where people assmebled for daily prayer. Temples belonging to different sects like the Rudragļhas? or Matīgļhase have also been mentioned. The sacred place of worship whure the image of a deity was installed was known as caitya or pratimägļha.Devāyatanas were same as devakulas. 10
Secular Architecture--Secular architecture includes all the architectural structures apart from those mentioned above. The references to a large variety of palaces and houses, innumerable types of residential and occupational buildings, proper arrangement for ventilation and drainage, regular system of
1. Jain, J. P., op. cit, p. 238. 2. Ibid.; see also-Smith, V. A., Jaina Stupa and Other Antiquities
of Mathurā, p. 3. According to Shah, Devanirmita-stūpa of Mathurā is one of the earliest known stūpas in India and should be assigned to eighth century B. C. especially because the title given to it is in
accordance with the Satapatha Brāhman.-Shah, op. cit., p. 5. 3. FEYFA safe si ai o hufat-NC. 2, p. 225. 4. NC. 3, p. 149. 5. Jaina, J. P., op. cit., p. 232. 6. NO. 3, p. 334. 7. NC. 1, pp. 146-47, 8. NO. 1, p. 147.
9. qftaf afariNO. 3, p. 344. 10. Ibid.

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17 FINE ARTS
257 house-construction and town-planning along with the various public places like the gardens and parks ( ujjama, arama ), rest-houses ( à gamta gära ), wells and lakes ( kūva, vāvi) meant for comfort and enjoyment of the public, give us a fair idea of the secular architecture of the time. Architectural structures were divided into three categories : (i) khata or underground construction like the bhumigļhas ( underground cells ), (ii) usita or construction above the ground as the prasādas or palaces and (iii) khâta-usita or combined construction having underground and overground constructions like the palaces with cellars underground.1
Prā sada or Palace--Palaces were usually known as þrāsādas ( pasāya ) and were of different types like dubhūmiga or bibhūma and hamma ( harmya ) etc. Bibhūmas or dubhūmigas were the palaces having two stories (bhūmi ),2 while the word hamma was used for the uppermost story ( tala ) of the palace.s
A particular area was reserved for the palace in the city. The city including the royal palace was surrounded by ditches ( pariha, khatiya ) and ramparts ( pigāra )* which had only one main entrance. At this entrance were built two large columns which were known as baliņagas and inside it was the gopura or the gate-house which gave entrance to the royal palace. There were also many arched-gateways or the
1. Try age-eri, sfhi, ar-hi i Cri AFTE, EI YHTET, arsit
ZEGT HATE Safi TTH13715311-NC. 1, p. 114; Brh. Vr. 2, pp. 263-64. 2. fietafe HT THAI_NC. 3, p. 379; NC. 4, p. 191. This type of
buildings or palaces have been known as dvi-tala also.-Acharya, P.K.,
Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, p. 282. 3. Halaf #HTC LT AT at EFH -NC. 3, p. 379. The Sama
raigana Sūtradhāra (XIII. 10) also defines harmya as "the uppermost storey of a house” which according to Bhattacharya is not clear at all.
- A Study on Vastu-Vidyā, p. 266. 4. NC. 2, p. 433; NC. 3, p. 344. 5. qapi ate, at a TUTTI CHITTOET&-.NC. 2, p. 433. 6. a stat igi-Ibid. Gopura was a colossal building built over or
near the gate giving entrance to a city.--Acharya, op. cit., p. 74.

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toranas.1 The gates were fastened with strong iron-bolts called aggala2 for safeguarding the palace. On one side of the pagāja ( prākāra ) near the entrance was situated the royal palaces and a passage of eight hands between the prākāra and the prā sada or the palace was left open for the chariots (rahamagga ) which was known as cariya.. The palace was decorated with turrets ( nijjūha ) and latticed windows (gavakkha );: its floors were sometimes studded with precious stones and jewels. Besides the palace of the king, there were palaces of the ministers known as amacca-pasaya."
Wooden palaces as well as palaces made of bricks and stones were quite common. A story narrates that king Seniya of Rāyagiha ordered his architects to make an ega-khambhupisaya (palace based on one pillar ) for him. A large tree having auspicious signs ( salakkhaņa ) was selected by the architect for the purpose of building the palace but a Vanamamtara residing on the tree requested him not to cut the same and himself made a beautiful ega-khaṁbha-bäsāya for the king which was decorated with gardens and surrounded with ditches and ramparts from all the sides. 8 Describing the glory of Rama's palace Vimala Sūri informs us that the whole palace was one-pillared ( egatt hanbha ) and seemed like the Kalpataru.9 Palaces made on one-pillar-base were specifically known as Khamdha.1' Mention has also been made of an ivory
1. Tratgartu atti–NG. 3, p. 344. For construction of the Toranas
see-Acharya, op. cit., p. 246. 2. UTGITT 3771_NC. 3, p. 344. 3. Ta rit refidat qrarat-Ibid. 4. ARTITE 27ET BIETETYT TEHTI --NC. 2, p. 433. 5. fuglena Fetaatfaat ma -NC. 3, p. 379. 6. gfa fa fohla 1-NC. 2, p. 154. 7. NC. 3, p. 81. 8. NC. 1, p. 9. 9. Paumacariya, 80.2-14; Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Pauma.
cariya ( unpublished thesis ), p. 539. 10. See-Motichandra, "Architectural Data in Jaina Canonical Lite
rature,'' JRAS. (Bombay Branch }, Vol. 26 pp. 168-82.

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palace ( sacca-damta-maya-pasaya ) which was asked to be made by king Damtavakka of Dartapura to fulfil the pregnancylonging of the queen.1
Mention of the siyaghara ( śātagrha ) or the cool-house of an emperor built by an efficient architect ( vaddhakirayaņa ) to suit all the seasons has been made. It was cool in summer and warm in winter and was unaffected by the dampness of the rainy season. 2 Such houses were sometimes built by the wealthy citizens also. This sitagļha of the NC. may be compared to the samudragsha or cool-summer-houses mentioned by Vātsyāyana, "which were surrounded by water, washed as it were by the sea and also rooms in the walls of which there were secret passages for water to circulate and take away the heat."'4
Houses and Buildings and Their Layout-Various types of houses and other buildings have been mentioned in the text. Each of these was styled according to its architectural style or nature of its use. The houses were usually called gļha, ghara5 or ägära, since they were made out of trees (agama).6 It shows that perhaps formerly only wooden houses were built, but frequent references to the baked bricks and strong walls7 indicate that other materials were also used. The Caussala ( catuśśala ) houses are frequently mentioned 8 which signifies the usual plan of the house-construction. The style of having apartments or rooms on four sides around the inner
1. NC. 4, p. 361. 2. वढिकीरयण-णिम्मियं चक्किणो सीयघरं भवति,वासातु गिवाय-पवातं, सीयकाले सोम्हं,
FATA FT_NA. 3, p. 44. 3. Ibid. 4. Kāmasūtra ( Sū. 17 ), pp. 283-84; Chakaldar, Social Life in Ancient
India, p. 154. 5. NO. 1, p. 89; NO. 2, pp. 131, 224. 6. "37 TAL" Ter, aiš i "TITI" qi-NG. 2, p. 131; also NC. 4, p. 388. 7. NC. 2, p. 439. 8. TISFETS ET QÈFAT_NA. 2, pp. 266, 333, 422; NC. 1, p. 89; Brh. Vr.
2, p. 403 and 3, p. 742.

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courtyard (maṇḍapa-sthāna or angaṇa) was a very ancient one1 and even Bhāsa designates the antaḥpura of the ladies as "the inner court with apartments on four sides (abhyantaracatuḥśālā )." According to Chakaldar, this plan combined the advantages of seclusion and privacy together with provisions for light and air. Tesala (trisala )* houses have also been mentioned which had apartments on three sides only.
The houses were built in a line (sahi) along the road-side.5 The word giha not only meant the inner-apartment (gihabhamtara) but could also mean the entire house. 6 The houses had two entrances (gihamuha). The inner courtyard around which rooms were built was called mandapaṭṭhāṇa or angaṇas and the passage for entrance in the front was called gihaduvāra. The houses were built with baked bricks, and strong walls were covered with windows and doors opened towards the front.1 The situation of the various architectural features like gihamuha, angaṇa, alinda, koṭṭhaga11 and gihaduvara etc. clearly shows that a regular pattern was followed for the construction of the houses.
1. See-Acharya, op. cit., p. 193; also Rangachari, K., "Town-planning and House-building in Ancient India according to Silpa Sastras," IHQ., Vol. 4, pp. 102-9.
2. Bhāsa, Carudatta (ed. by T. Ganapati Sāstri), Act. I; see also-Catukšāla in Bhasa's Avimāraka ( Trivendram Sanskrit Series), pp. 23, 42, 86, 3. Chakaldar, op. cit., p. 154.
4. NC. 2, p. 333; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 493 and 3, p. 742.
5. घरपंती साही भण्णति – NC. 2, p. 209.
6. घरस्स अंतो गिहब्भंतरं गि
NC. 2, p. 224.
भण्णति । गिहगहणेण वा सव्वं चैव घरं घेप्पति
7. Ibid.
8. गिहस्स अग्गतो अब्भावगासं मंडवधाणं अंगणं भण्णति — Ibid.
9. अग्गदारं पवेसितं तं गिहदुवार भण्णति —— Ibid.
10. पक्कट्टगादि घणकुड्डा सकवाडा महंत पुरोहडा यNC. 2, p. 439. 11. Kotthaga is explained as alinda which was situated at the frontal
entrance.-NC. 2, p. 224; Brh. Vr. 3, p. 742 and 4, p. 975. The word alinda is taken to denote the lattice-covered path beyond the wall of

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Bhavanas and Mahagshas (large houses ) also known as miveșaņaswere also constructed. The bhavanas are explained as stupendous houses surrounded with greenery and vegitation on all the sides. The mahagshas usually belonged to the rich Seççhis and could accommodate a large number of people. In one such house five hundred monks are said to have taken resort during their rain-retreat.: Ujjanagihas were the pleasure-houses constructed amidst beautiful surroundings of gardens. Nijjānagihas were the houses made outside the city and were used as rest-houses for the kings while travelling. * Sunnagihas were the dilapidated houses which were used as rest-houses by the travellers and monks. Rukkhagihas were the houses made of tree or on the tree. There were also bhūmigihas or underground cells used for various purposes. Apart from these the little huts ( tiņakudiya ), thatched with bamboo and reeds, were used by the poor people.'
sala-While the gihas had walls, the salas were devoid of walls.8 It shows that the sala was a hall-like structure without any compartments inside. Various salas, viz. jānasala, gosala, tanasala, tusasala, kammantasala, kumbhakarasala etc. have been mentioned.
Agara-Agāra denoted a house but it has also been used as a name ending with the various types of buildings. The drāmagara and agaṁtā gara were the rest-houses, the former being parti
a hall and facing (or in front of) the courtyard. --Acharya, op. cit.,
p. 54. 1. NC. 2, p. 209, also p. 433. 2. NO. 3, p. 344. 3. NC. 2, p. 138; Brh. V. 4, p. 988, 4. णगरणिग्गमे जं ठियं तं णिज्जाणं एतेसु चेव गिहा कया उज्जाण-णिज्जाणगिहा
NC. 2, p. 433. 5. NC. 3, p. 344. 6. T for fat-Ibid., also NO. 1, p. 114. 7. NO. 1, p. 9. 8. Figge ME, 345551 FS-NC. 3, p. 344; NC. 2, p. 433. 9. Ibid.

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cularly situated inside a garden. Bhinnagaras and suņņā garas were the same as suņnagihas. 2 Kūdagaras were the houses constructed on the top of a hill or houses with a conical shape. Dhanna garas and kottha gāras, as mentioned earlier, were the granaries meant for storing the food-grains.* Besides these buildings, there were sabha and Ayatana which were the assembly halls ( samavayațțhāņa ) for nobles or for public gather
ing.
Essential Features of House-Construction- Elucidating the various rules for the proper vasati ( dwelling ) required by the Jaina monks during their rain-retreat, the author elaborates the various features of house-construction which had great importance from the architectural point of view. These features have been divided into two groups-principal (malaguņa.). and subsidiary ( uttaraguna ). The principal features numbering seven in all were indispensable for an architectural structure. These were four mūlavelis or cross-beams, two dhūraņas or wooden columns or pillars and one patthivaṁsa or the beam which was the base of the whole inner-structure.' On the basis of their importance the subsidiary features. have been subdivided into two groups. Features having more importance were-(i) varsaga, (ii) kadana, (iii) okam paņa, (iv) chāvana, (v) levana, (vi) duvära and (vii) bhumikamma. S
1. NC. 2, p. 199. 2. NO. 2, p. 433. 3. 3 faari 597afe safety FEM NC. 2, p. 433. Yoqtif graftH TË AUTHENTITNG. 3, p. 344. Kūdāgāra or 'gabled mansion
is explained as self-contained separately roofed pavilion on any story of palace. According to Coomaraswamy, Kütāgāra was a chamber with walls analogus to uttamāgära of a dvārakoshaka and having a ridged, barrel-vaulted or doomed roof.- Early Indian Architecture,
p. 143; Motichandra, op. cit., pp. 177-78. 4. NC. 2, P. 433; NC, 3, p. 344. 5. FCHT: TYTT FH- ITAHIRITTOY T N C. 3, p. 344. 6. NC. 2, p. 65. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid.; Bịh. Vr. 1., p. 169.

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An analysis of these features reveals that after the innerstructure of the house was built the open space was filled up with bamboo reeds (vaṁsaga), the walls were built up (kadana), the bamboo reeds were painted (perhaps with a layer of mud) ( okampaņa ), the roof was thatched with darbha or such other coarse grasses (chāvana), the walls were painted probably with chunam ( levana ), doors large or small were made according to the size of the house ( duvara ), and the earth or floor was made even and clean (bhümikamma ).1 This made the construction of a house complete, still some more process was required to make it fit for residence. The forthcoming features were included amongst the less important ones, i. e. after the construction was over the house was dusted and cleaned (pamajjana ), washed with water, plastered with cowdung ( uvalevana ), strewn with flowers ( pupplovayāra padaņa ) and illuminated with lamps kept burning (divaga-pajjalana). Proper care was taken to make the house free from dampness, as it was believed that “dampness of the house leads to indigestion". 8
From the above account it may be seen that most of the portion of the house was built of wood, bamboo and reeds, although bricks and mud must have been used for the walls.* In case of the skandha or prakara which was the surrounding wall of a city, it has been specifically stated that it was constructed with bricks, mud and wood. It is interesting to find a similar account of Indian architecture given by Yuan Chwang when he says : “As to the construction of houses and enclosing walls, the country being low and moist, most of the city-walls are built of bricks, while walls of houses and enclosures are of wattled bamboo or wood. Their halls and terraced
1. NC. 2, p. 377, also p. 333. . 2. NO. 2, p. 334. 3. FranqhES HTTop stofa, atat imuut frafat-NC. 2, p. 37. 4. NC. 2, p. 439. 5. #215para Fhry :-NC. 3, p. 379.

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belvederes bave wooden flat-roofed rooms, and are coated with chunam, and covered with tiles burnt or unburnt.... The (houses ) thatched with coarse or common grass are of bricks or boards; their walls are ornamented with chunam; the floor is purified with cowdung and strewn with flowers of the season."
Staircases, Drains and Bridges Staircases known as sova na or padamagga were an integral part of the buildings. They were of two types--staircases made by digging the earth, as required in case of the underground cells, and staircases built over the ground with bricks and stoness which afforded a way for ascending the upper stories. On the basis of situation these could be again divided into two groups-staircases attached to the inner apartments of a house ( vasahisambaddha ) and staircases away from it ( vasahiasambaddha ), as in case of the staircases of the courtyard (amgaña ) or near the frontal entrance ( aggadāra ).
Proper system of drainage was a necessary must specially because of the damp climate. Drains ( dagavīņiya ) were made to take away the rain-water.5 The drains connected to a house could be built at three particular spots-(i) drains outside the houses, (ii) drains inside the houses and (iii) drains upon the roof or terrace. Drains outside the house were underground ( nicca-parig gala ),6 drains inside the house were constructed by digging the floor,' and drains upon the roof or terrace were made to extract the rain-water from accumu
1. Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 147; Beal, op. cit., 1, pp. 73–74. 2. gefa a afisiu mal-NC. 2, p. 34. -3. START FETITEta ft Fiat-Ibid. 4. Asi que ftat, Tel 37007 377074 HAR AL-NC. 2, p. 34. 5. The trattare ti-NC. 2, p. 36. 6. AT AT THEtiqa alat ar farsaffrat_Ibid. 7. ET H BI TI OTTH Shafa-Ibid.

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lating. Water could come out through passages made inside the walls or through holes made for drains ( panāla-chidda ).
Bridges ( saṁkama ) were required either for spanning the marshy grounds ( visama-kaddama ) or for crossing the rivers. There were two varieties of bridges-bridges built upon earth, and bridges whose spans were based on pillars ( khambha ) or beams (veli ).' These could be made either by a single piece of wood or by joining various pieces together. Wooden bridges seem to have been a familiar feature in Gujarat. The contemporary Valabhi inscriptions mention that the moat around the wall, which surrounded the city of Valabhí, was pierced by a number of gates, and at each of these gates there was a wooden bridge to cross the moat. * Bridges were both movable or permanent fixtures according to their construction. 5
Wells, Ponds and Miscellaneous Architectural Structures-A number of wells, pools, artificial lakes and ponds have been mentioned, which were a source of recreation for the people and also solved their water problem. While kūpa, tada ga and dahal were ordinary wells and ponds, vapi is mentioned as a rectangular construction (samavrta)? and pukkharani as quadrangular in shape ( caturassa ).8 Dihiya was another variety of water-reservoirs and sometimes many such ponds or lakes were built together in a circular form ( mandali-samthiya ).' The Paumacariya of Vimala Sūri informs us that reservoirs of water which were square in shape were known as vāvi, the
1. Ibid. -2. NO. 2, p. 34; Brh. Vf. 5, p. 1492. 3. Ibid. 4. Information as given by Prof. Nadvi of Ahmedabad 10 K. J. Virji,
Ancient History of Saurashtra, p. 220. 5. garantit antifashistat at:-NC. 2, p. 34. 6. NO. 3, p. 346. 7. HHH arg-Ibid. 8. IOTEAT gratuit-NC. 3, p. 346. 9. Ibid.

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long and narrow ones as dihiya and circular as pukkharani.) Vatsyāyana also informs us that the proper house of a Nāgaraka must have wells ( kūpa ) and tanks or lakes (vapi or dirghika ) attached to it.2 Guñjāliya was same as pukkharant but it was circular in shape. There were also small and large pools ( mahā-pramā ņa-sara ) and sometimes many ponds were dug together in a line which was styled as sarapamti.* Waterplaces were known as prapa where water was distributed to the travellers during the summer season. It is evident that architects of this time were aware of constructing all these architectural structures and a regular system of architecture was evolved according to which the constructions were duly made. Sculpture
Images of gods and human beings carved in wood, ivory and stones and cast in clay and plaster reveal the art of sculpture as a well developed one.5 A proper standard was expected from the sculptor. Images were classified according to the expression imparted to them by the sculptor or according to the material used in making the same. In the NC. images have been classified in three groups : (i) images of birds and beasts (tiriya paờima ), (ii) images of human beings (manuya-padima ) and (iii) images of gods and goddesses ( devi-padima ).6 Small clay models of elephants, buffaloes, cows etc.? have been mentioned in the NC. Bana also mentions the group of sculptors making such trivial things as models of fish, tortoise, crocodiles, coconut, plantain and areca-nut trees on the occasion of Rājyasri's marriage. 1. Chandra, K. R., op. cit., p. 541. 2. Y anul afami ar ariaKāmasútra, p. 225; Chakaldar, op.
cit., p. 151. 3. NC. 3, p. 346. 4. NC. 3, p. 346. 5. For sculpture in ancient India sce-Gaogoly, D.C., "Iodian Sculpture",
Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. III, pp. 536-54. 6. NC. 2, p. 30. 7. NO. 1, p. 61. 8. Harsacarita, p. 143.

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According to the popular custom, life-size statues of the enemy was modelled in clay inscribed with his name (vaullaga, puruşaputtalaga minmaya-pratima ). It was then shot down at the centre by an arrow. This act was supposed to bring his down-fall. A life-size statue of Amātya Vāraţțaga, who later embraced monastic life, was built by his devoted son. It was adorned with all the paraphernalia of a Jaina monk, i. e. with broom (rajoharana) and mouth-covering (muha pottiya), and was then installed in the deva-temple. 3
Although the word pratima has been used for all types of images, this word had a sacred connotation. According to the author, pratimas were the images which were to be worshipped by human beings. Sukrācārya (circa 500 A.D.) believes that even a mishapen image of a god is to be prefered to an image of a human being irrespective of the physical charm it may display.* A large number of festivals were held in honour of the various gods and dieties. Their images must have been made by their respective followers. A mention has been made of the golden image of Rşabha6 kept in the cave of Vaitādhya mountain where the disciples went on pilgrimage. Kosala was famous for its Fiyanta-pratima (image of the living god ) which was an object of worship for people from far and wide.'
Mention has been made of a sandal-wood image of Vardhamāna Svāmī which was in possession of the king Udāyana. This was later taken away by king Pajjoya of Ujjayini by replacing a similar plaster cast image in its place. Similar stories of
1. NO. 1, p. 65, also pp. 61, 63. 2. NO. 4, p. 158; Bph. V. 4, p. 1110. 3, 35ayfa afara Broat far-NC. 2, p. 30. 4. Coomarswamy, A. K., Arts and Crafts.of India and Ceylon, p. 16. 5. Sce Chapter VIII. 6. NO. 3, p. 144. 7. Il a feetagsaNC, 3, p. 79. 8. NO. 3, pp. 141-45.

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Jivantasvāms image have been narrated in the various Jaina texts like Avašyaka Carni, Vasudevahindi and Kumarapalacarita.1 The existence of this tradition known only from literature can be supported by the find of bronze image of Jívantasvāmi from Akota, with an inscription on its pedestal in characters of circa 550 A. D. expressly calling it an image af Jívantasvāmi. Another bronze image of the same iconographic type, more beautiful and older, but with its pedestal lost, has also been found in the same hoard. 2
The images of Brahma, Vişnu, Rudra and all other gods or the gaņas of gods ( devagana ) were made and worshipped by their respective devotees.: Reference has also been made of an image of Nārāyaṇa which was installed in the temple.* A beautiful image adorned with flower-garlands was worshipped in Anandapura.5 People physically unclean were not allowed to touch or worship these sacred images. During the Leppagamaha which was a festival observed in ancient times during the early spring season (balavasanta ), the images of gods were taken in a procession accompanied by artisans playing the musical instruments in order to be installed in the temple.?
On the basis of material used, the images of gods were classified in three categories8 : (i) images of gods and goddesses carved in wood ( katha-kamma ) or cast in clay ( pottha ) or plaster ( leppaga ) or paintings (citta-kamma). They belonged to the lowest grade as they were susceptible to getting spoiled
1. Shah, U. P., Studies in Jaina Art, p. 4. 2. Ibid., p. 5, also see figs. 20 and 22. 3. NC. 3, p. 142. 4. gare great ac ornar afha_NC. 4, p. 59. 5. NC. 3, p. 349. 0. Thefarit di afër fəale, 345 aui ar pure a CA-NC. 4, p. 151. 7. NC. 3, p. 145. 8. NO. 4, p. 6; Brh. Vp. 3, p. 708.

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even by touch.1 (ii) Images carved out of ivory (hatthidamta ) were of the medium grade. These also were delicate in nature and appearance and could be easily spoiled. 2 (iii) Images carved out of stones like mani sila (red-stone ) were the best. These were soothing to touch and were not spoiled easily. 8 Evidently different materials were used for making images. This corroborates Smith's observation that "small portable images of the saints are made of crystal, alabaster, soap-stone and various other materials, while the larger ones are carved from whatever kind of stone is locally available»t and that "the Jainas delighted in making their images of all materials and sizes".0 I-Tsing also mentions that various types of materials like gold, silver, copper, iron, clay and stones were used. for making images. Painting
Like sculpture the art of painting was also practised for religious as well as secular purposes. Paintings having sacred objects as well as erotic scenes have been mentioned in the text. The art of painting was known as citta-kamma.? Like the images of gods, the paintings of gods and goddesses were also a favourite theme of the paintess ( citrakaras ).8
The walls of the houses were sometimes painted with erotic scenes ( sacittakammā vasahi ) depicting the vorious objects relating to marriage like vasagrha. This practice of having
1. F oyful ata asta fa al Tits vej tecupA-NC. 4, p. 6. 2. Figu efica witeit FT AFHAT, ET EHITACHI, 34219 THT:--Ibid. 3. #forfitates FT RITE AT 571AT, ATA ATATTUTT 3ettuat 7–Ibid. 4. Smith, V. A., History of Fine Arts in India and Ceylon, PP. 267-68. 5. Walhouse, quoted by Jaina, J. p., Jaina Sources of the History of
Ancient India, p. 230. 6. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 150. 7. NC. 4, p. 6. 8. NC. 2, p. 327. 9. At 1777FATE THETE SpotifHT HET HYcTfA-NC. 2, p. 461.

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“painted walls” in the houses is attested by the contemporary literature, A contemporary Jaina story called “Domuha's tale" describes a guild of craftsman painting a hall in the royal palace with beautiful paintings. They were rewarded with gifts of raiments and other presents after the completion of their work.2 Kalidasa frequently refers to the palaces decorated with paintings ( sacitrah prasadaḥ, sadmasu citravatsu ).' Bāņa also shows a group of painters painting auspicious scenes on the walls of palace on the occasion of Rajyasri's marriage. Mention has also been made of the female figures painted in such paintings. It perhaps indicates towards the practice of carving 'citra-putrikas' in the royal palaces. 6
Paintings were also made on wood, clay, plaster, books and clothes.' Single-coloured paintings as well as multi-coloured paintings having five colours were known.. Bāņa also displays his knowledge of the five elementary colours,' and mentions a specific term varṇasamkara for mixing the various colours... It is evident that the art of painting was well-known to the people, although no further details can be judged from the text.
Music • Music was popular amongst all the sections of society. It formed an integral part of the social and religious functions.
1. Meyer, J. H., Hindu Tales, p. 174. 2. Ibid., p. 139. 3. Malavikāgnimitra, 1. 17; Raghuvanía, XIV. 15, 25; see also-Upadh
yay, B, S., India in Kälidāsa, p. 231. 4. Harsacarita, p. 124. 5. 377 1976ferti FAT 255f05HT—NC. 2, p. 17. 6. Harsacarita, p. 165. 7. Cari ile zaifa, grahy a araty te, fapor aflNC. 3, p.
349. 8. fazlafani taqrufe-NC. 2, p. 327. 9. Kadambari, p. 143. 10. Ibid., p. 10.

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Music in ancient India was associated with semi-gods like the gandharvas, kinnaras and jakkhasl who practised it in assembly of gods in heaven ( deva-sabha ) to please the higher gods. A proper classification of music along with description of the various musical instruments given in the NC. displays the wide knowledge of the author on this subject. Music was divided into two groups--vocal and instrumental-although the former was also invariably accompanied with some type of musical instrument.
Vocal Music Vocal music known as gandharva, gita or geya2 was divided into four categories; (i) tanti sama, (ii) talasama, (iii) gahasama and (iv) layasama.8 Tanti sama was the music accompanied by stringed instruments (tamti) like vīņi or vivañci. Talasama was the music in accordance with rhythm or rhythmic beating of the drums ( tala ).* Gahasama is explained as music in unison with 'voices' or 'notes' ( svara ) and lavasama was music adopted to different 'speeds' or layas ( a kind of measure in music ).6 According to the Rāmāyaṇa, the essential qualities of music were : (i) it should be in accordance to a recognised scale, (ii) it should be composed of seven notes or svaras and (iii) it should be accompanied by one of the stringed instruments like vīņa or vivañci. It should also be adapted to three speeds-(i) druta, (ii) madhya and (iii) vilambita, i. e. fast, slow and medium.?
1. NC. 2, p. 12; NC. 3, p. 141; NC. 4, p. 2. 2. TEITUT AHITI ar Ai-NC. 4, p. 199; NC. 2, p. 12. 3. tej zelor-fagri ISHH TEH TAR F-NC. 4, p. 2; Brh. V. 3,
p. 697. 4. Tāla is a technical term in music used for rhythmic beating. 5. Gaha is explained as instrumental music by J. C. Jain (LAI., p. 183 ).
According to the NC., however, it was music in accordance with the svaras (NC. 4, p. 2). For seven svaras or notes or voices in music
SCC-Amarakosa, 1. 611. 6. According to the Amarakoia, laya is the perfect harmonious combi
tion of nrtya-gana and vādya. 7. Sec-Dharma, P. C., "Musical Culture in the Rāmāyana", Indian
Culture, Vol. IV ( 1937-38 ), p. 447.

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Music was equally practised by both the sexes.1 Women were supposed to be having sweet voice? and men versed in music were given the compliment of gaṁdharva or kinnara." Gamdhavva-natta-sāla was the place where music was regularly practised.
Instrumental Music Instrumental music was played independently or along with the vocal music. Musical instruments were known as aojja5 or turiya. Aujjasāla was the place where the various musical instruments were kept.' These have been divided into four classes : (i) tata, (ii) vitata, (iii) ghana and (iv) jhusira. 8 Tata is explained as stringed instruments ( tant7 ) like viņa, flute etc.9 Vitata refers to percussion instruments. Vitata includes anaddha or avanaddha (stretched or leather-bound ) instruments like the various kinds of drums, tabors etc. 10 Ghana was the concussion instrument like the instruments played upon by sticks. 11 ghusiras were the hollow or wind instruments like vaṁsal2 etc. The Nišitha Sutra refers to the following list of 35 musical instruments which
1. NC, 2, p. 12. 2. (7-AYP-alightAiAE ...... 19-NC. 2, p. 20. 3. NC. 2, p. 12. 4. NC. 3, p. 297. 5. NC. 4, p. 24. 6. ag 3113FALEMI ar që Huulfar—NC. 3, p. 101. 7. NC. 3, p. 297. 8. 311551 zafone-a fastai qui —NC. 4, p. 2; Bịh. V. 3, p. 697;
Amarakoša, 1. 1. 16.; Yašastilaka, p. 384.; Bhagavati Sūtra (Ti,
Abhaya ), 5. 4. 148. 9. feruitrarfe aci...3769-aafé an-NC. 4, p. 201; Brh. VI. 3, p.
697; Harsacarita, Tr. p. 19. 10. agratë faadu Jahatfe faas-NC. 4, p. 201. 11. qui Filodag-Ibid. 12. ghi dhe Ibid. See also-Dharma, P. C., op. cit., p. 450.
For proper explanation of the four types of musical instruments see-Kapadia, H. R., "The Jaina Data about Musical Instruments - JOIB., Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 263-67, also Vol. II, No. 4, pp. 377--87.

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have been classified into the four
categories.1
(i) Vitata or Percussion Instruments-(i) bheri, (ii) paḍaha, (iii) murava, (iv) muiṁga, (v) naṁdi, (vi) jhallari, (vii) vallari, (viii) damaruga, (ix) maḍḍaya, (x) saduva, (xi) paesa, (xii) golui etc., are included in the vitata class of instruments.
273
above-mentioned
(ii) Tata or Stringed Instruments—(i) vīņā, (ii) vivaṁci, (iii) tuna, (iv) bavvisaga, (v) vînāiya, (vi) tumbavīņā, (vii) jhoḍaya, (viii) dhamkuna etc. are included in the tata or stringed class of instruments.
A
(iii) Ghana or Concussion Instruments—(i) tala, (ii) kaṁsatāla, (iii) littiya, (iv) gohiya, (v) makariya, (vi) kacchabhi, (vii) mahai, (viii) saṇaliya, (ix) valya etc. belong to the ghana class of instruments.
(iv) ghusira or Hollow or Wind Instruments—(i) śañkha, (ii) vaṁsa, (iii) veņu, (iv) kharamuhi, (v) parilasa, (vi) vevā etc. are mentioned as jhusira instruments.
1. NS. XVII. 135-38 (NG. 4, pp. 200-201 ).
2. "संखो" जलचर प्राणिविशेष: NC. 1, p. 84; NG. 4, p. 201.
3. सिंगं महिसीसिंगं — Ibid.
4. दीर्घाकृति स्वल्पा च संखिया --NC. 4, p. 201.

The NC. enlightens us about some of the instruments mentioned above and also gives information about few more additional instruments which came into vogue by this time. Sankha was from an aquatic animal, śṛnga was made of the horn of buffalo, saṁkhiya was a similar instrument but it was longer in length and smaller in width. Kharamuhi was same as kāhala; its frontal portion made of wood was shaped like the mouth of an ass.5 Piripirit was an instrument made by joining together two pieces of hollow sticks and its mouthpiece had only one opening. It was blown like a sankha (conch-shell) and produced three different sounds simulta

5. खरमुखी काहला, तस्स मुहत्थाणे खरमुहाकारं कट्ठमयं मुहं कज्जति – Ibid.; Hariacarita, p. 204; for the construction of the Kahala see-Agra ́wala, Kādambari : Eka Sāṁskṛtika Adhyayana, p. 77.

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neously.1 Gumja-panava and bhambha were the musical instruments used by the meņthas ( elephant-drivers ) and the mătangas.2 Dundubhi was similar to bherî but was constricted towards the mouth-piece. Muraja was larger than bheri in size, 8 Nalika was an instrument made from the jointless portion of the bamboo reed ( apavva-vaṁsa ); it was known as murali ( flute ) also.* Other musical instruments like kaṁsiga, kaṁsālaga, bhala, talajala and vădiyat have also been mentionned which are not included in any of the traditional four groups. The large number of instruments mentioned in the NC. indicates the popularity of the musical instruments in the society during this time,
There were also organised bands of singers and musicians who were proficient in playing the various instruments. The head or master of such bands was known as türyapati and the other artists working under him were known as kusila or talacara.? These musicians were usually employed by the king for various purposes, and we find that it was their proud privilege to receive the old garments of the king apart from the wages as a reward of their services to the king.
These musical instruments were played upon on various social and religious occasions. 9 Army always marched in accompaniment to the sound of various musical instruments 10
1. मुहमूले एगमुहा सा संखागारेण वाइज्जमाणी जुगवं तिणि सपिरिपिरिती करेति
NC. 4, p. 201. 2. Tatouat HiJIu Haiti HT ARITM Hafel-Ibid. The term Guñjā
occurring in the Ayāra Nijjuiti (v. 166 ) has been explained by Silanka Sūri as under-T58THI JET TS T ara # T=51917: -
See, Kapadia, JOIB., Vol. II. 3. NC. 4, p. 381. 4. mifce for 3790al vafà, Fr TU MIC "get Hoft-NC. I, p. 84. 5. Fit-EPIETIETET-735-7195-a131NC. 4, p. 201. 6. NO. 3, p. 577; Bịh. Vf. 1, p. 190. 7, Tagfafa: failasta: grifa athaTINC. 3, p. 577. 8. Ibid. 9. Sec-Music. 10. NO. 1, p. 8.

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like sankha, śråga, bher7, dundubhi and pațaha etc. Bāņa writing about the army before its march depicts the scene in a graphic way : "Straight away the drums rattled, the nandis rang out joyously, the trumpets breyed, the kahalas hummed, the horns blared, the noise of the camp gradually increased.»I Various instruments like naṁdimuha, mausda, samkha and padaha when seen or heard in a dream were considered auspicious for acquiring material prosperity.2 Dance and Drama
Related to music were the arts of dance ( nộtya, natta ) and drama ( nadaga, abbiņaya ) and these have been mentioned as components of music. The nadas or națțass have been mentioned along with the talacaras and kusilas. The term gamdhuvvanattasala“ also indicates that music and dancing were practised together. Three different terms, i. e. natta, ņādaga and nịtya have been mentioned in the NC. Natta was without music, while na daga was accompanied by music.5 Nịtya is explained as assuming various postures or forms by the different parts of the body, i. e. feet, thigh, knee, waist, arms, fingers, face, eyes and eyebrows along with their proper expression (vikärakaraña). Expression thus played a great part in dancing and dramatic performances.
A proper training under a competent master was required for natta which must have been given in the natýasala. Ņatta was divided into four classes : (i) anciya, (ii) ribhiya, (iii) arabhada and (iv) bhasola.? These have been mentioned in the Natyašastra of Bharata along with the various types of dances,
1. Harsacarita, Tr. p. 199, also p. 113. 2. atga hELITEETHGEA TEKEE 4 auf T -NG. 3, p. 101. 3. NO. 2, p. 468. 4. NO. 3, p. 297.
. ritate fatigd opez, traui JT 4131_NC. 4, p.-2; Byh. Vq. 3, p. 697. 6. NC. 4, p. 199; scc also-Paumacariya, 37. 50. and 39. 22. 7. Azt golongifi fefite 37TCHE Heta fa-NC. 4, p. 2; Brh. Vr. 3,
p. 697.

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276 but in place of bhasola, bhramara dance is mentioned there." Bapa refers to the actors in the wild miracle play (arabhatz ) with its passionate circular dances." It seems to represent one of the dances mentioned in the NC., viz, arabhada dance.
Drama or the art of acting (nadaga ) was always accompanied with music. * It was also known as ahiņaya the art of which was to be learnt under a competent teacher. The nadas have been frequently mentioned to be performing in front of the public at different places. Pekkhanagas or dramatic performances were enjoyed by the kings along with their queens. Further information on dance and drama is not available from the NC. However, music, dance and drama may be taken as different component parts of a major art. According to Kautilya also, music in wider sense includes all the four subjects—singing, playing on instruments, dancing and dramatic perfurmance."
1. नृत्तमपि चतुर्विधम्, तद्यथा-अञ्चितं रिभितं आरभडं भसोलं, एते चत्वारोऽपि भेदा
ARNEHT: Bịh. V!:!3, p. 696; Bhagavati (Bechardas ed.), p. 43; see also-LAI., p. 185. 2. Hariacarita, p. 28, text' p. 51. 3. NC. 4, p. 2; Bịh. V 5. 3, p.-697. 4. feuizit qe87 frequ-NC. 4, p. 199; Bqh. Vg. 3, p. 696. 5. MEIE Uszat OET–NC. 2, p. 468. -6. NO. 1, p.15. 7. Arth aśāstra, 2. 27.

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CHAPTER VIII
RELIGION
The Nistha Curņi being a treatise on Jaina religion provides ample material on the religious life of the people. Its contribution to Jaina religion and ethics is above par, but its importance may not be minimised in understanding the general religious and moral outlook of the country.
However, our knowledge of the other religious sects is not as exhaustive as of Jainism and there is a definite lack of sufficient data to enable us to know the internal activities of the other religions. Below, an account is given of the various religious sects of the time and a generl picture of the religious activities of the people as disclosed by the Nisitha Curni. Jainism1
Change is the law of nature; everything in this world is changing incessantly. Yet, in the fields of religion and philosophy the changes are perceptible only after centuries. One is astonished to see the divergence of later Jainism from the original teachings of Lord Mahavira. Religion has its moorings in society and the action and reaction between the two are bound to affect some changes. Yet, sometimes the changes are so fundamental that no amount of reconciliation can help in sponsoring a precise explanation. Theoretically,
1. For the religious, philosophical, ethical and monastic aspects of Jainism, readers may consult my thesis "Some Aspects of Religion and Philosophy as Known from the Nisitha Curni" (submitted in lieu of two papers of the Post-graduate Diploma Examination of Indian History and Culture, Banaras Hindu University, 1966). These aspects are being excluded from the present work in order to avoid the unnecessary bulk of the thesis; only a general outline of Jainism as a religion is thought advisable to be given here.

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the teachings remain unchanged but the difference between theory and practice forces its upholders to invent new rules, definitions and elaboration of the religious tenets. Such an attempt of reconciliation, of making the religion more liberal and adaptable so as to suit the changed socio-religious circumstances, can be judged from the Nisitha Curni. The spread of Jainism in different parts of the country, the different social and religious circumstances faced by the monks, the less severe forms of asceticism and discipline due to the laxity of the monks, deterioration among its votaries itself and above all an active effort for the popularity of the faith appear to be the possible causes which led to the transformation of the religion. The spirit of adaptability, so very essential for the propagation of the faith, is bound to affect changes. particularly in case of religions flourishing outside the land of their origin. Buddhism is known to have assumed various forms in the different parts of the world owing to the diverse cultural and social circumstances. Smith has observed: "While the original official Buddhism was a dry and highly moralised philosophy much resembling in its practical operation the Stoic Schools of Greece and Rome, the later emotional Buddhism approached closely to Christian doctrines in substance although not in name. In other direction it became almost indistinguishable from Hinduism."1 This statement seems to be equally true in case of the early medieval Jainism as depicted in the NC. Originated from northern India the religion had by these centuries spread in distant regions like Andhra, Tamil, Mysore and Karnataka in the south, Gujarat in the west, towards Rajasthan and further lands. The various social circumstances pertaining to diverse social practices which confronted the Jaina monks helped a lot in changing and determining the form of the early medieval Jainism.
Jainism was quite flourishing in various parts of the coun
1. Smith, V. A., Oxford History of India, p. 55.

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try, especially in the west and south from the 6th century A. D. It maintained its sway even after, but the 7th and 8th centuries proved to be the most critical epoch in the history of Jainism. With the revival of Brāhmanism (Saivism and Vaišnavism ) under the Nāyānaras and the Alvaras during the later part of the 7th contury and after,1 a very grave situation arose for the followers of the Jaina faith. The tide of revival in favour of the saivite and Vaişņavite faiths began to shake the very foundation of Jainism. Saint Appar in Kāñcí area and Sambandhar in the Madurā region launched their crusades against the supporters of Jaina religion. Many a Jaina king was converted to Brāhmanism, and Jainism lost much of its prestige due to the aggressive spirit of the rivals. With the conversion of the Pallava king Mahendravarman 1. to Brāhmaṇism in the 7th century A. D., Jainism suffered the most severe blow. In this context P.B. Desai has observed : "Jaina law was challenged, Jaina philosophy was quetioned, Jaina religious practices were discredited every where, polemics were raised, disputations were held between the supporters of the rival creeds regarding their superiority, proofs were demanded and sometimes even ordeals and miracles were resorted to. The elated victors backed by the authority of the State indulged into violent activities. The vanquished were pursued and persecuted”.* The above account, even if exaggerated, must have been true in case of the puritanical kings, or at least it shows the disturbed state of affairs during these centuries, when both the religions were struggling hard to acquire supremacy and to propogate their religion amongst the kings and public by all possible means. Writing in such an atmosphere the commentator of the NC., who was commenting upon an early Jaina text so as to provide new rules of conduct for the Jaina monks in order to
1. Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, p. 21. 2. Ibid., p. 81. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid , pp. 81–83.

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suit the changed social circumstances, could not have done away with its impact. Mention of the Brāhmanas as dhijjatil or dugunchiya ( condemned caste ) apparently shows the existing spirit of hatred and rivalry between the two. Besides frequent mentions of the inimical kings ( rayaduttha ), the unsafe political circumstances ( rayabhaya ), the conditions when the Jaina monks had to live in the guise of other sects ( paralimga-karana ),s the inimical regions ( pratyanika-kşetra !, * the kings compelling the Jaina monks to touch the feet of the Brāhmins or leave the country and the various spiritual practices and miracles ( abhicārakavasžkarana )5 resorted to by them to counteract the royal power, the tempered disputations (vivida ) with the heretics ( anyatžrthikas ), the attempts of killing the Jaina acārya, gana and gaccha clearly indicate the disturbed,? unsafe and critical circumstances through which the religion was passing and its votaries were struggling hard to maintain its supremacy over the royalty and the public even at the cost of their original teachings. Jainism gave place to the tenets of the rival sects within its own fold and adopted social manners and customs of the different regions of the country. It is this changed form of Jainism that is disclosed in the Nistha Cūrņi. But in the field of religion, changes take place slowly and gradually and are perceptible only after centuries. The divergence in Jainism that we see during this time must have, therefore, set in quite some time before and took its positive form during this period. With this perspective let us determine the state of Jainism during these centuries, its divergence from the prestine faith of Lord
1. NC. 2, p. 208. 2. NC. 2, p. 117. 3. NC. 2, pp. 325, 424. 4. NC. 2, p. 164. 5. NC. 1, p. 163. 6. NC. 2, p. 86. 7. NC. 1, p. 100.

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Mahavira and the various causes and circumstances that led to this transformation on the basis of the Nišitha Cūrni.
Jainism, in the early centuries of its history, flourished and developed its centres on and around the hills and most of the shrines and monasteries were confined to the hills. The monks rarely came in contact with the public which helped in keeping the purity of the faith intact and unimpaired. But by this time monks had usually started living in monasteries, upaśrayas or devakulas situated in or around the villages or at the houses of the devotees. The innumerable rules regarding proper and improper residence, the exact form of behaviour with the host,the abstinence from taking food of the host ( sayyatara ) and the rules regarding touring within a particular region5 show the fixed dwellings in villages to be the permanent feature of their life and it was only in the absence of residence that they spent the night in the open air.“ Though monk is ever exhorted not to develop intimacy with the laity or the public, yet this constant contact must have brought some changes in the monastic life especially when the tendency to propagate the religion was at its extreme. The sanction given to the monks to move with the caravan while passing through long and dreary regions, to attend the religious feasts arranged by the kings, the frequent references to religious discourses and teachings given by Jaina monks ( dhammakaha )' go to prove that the Jaina monks freely came in contact with the masses and tried their best to mould the spiritual, moral and mental outlook of the public. The monk was ever made conscious of the society so as not to create any doubts that may bring disfavour to the religion.
1. Desai, op. cit., p. 71. 2, NC. 2, p. 16. 3. NC. 2, pp. 130-37. 4. NC. 2, p. 130. 5. NO. 2, p. 139. 6. NC. 2, p. 17. 7, NC. 2, p. 178.

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The author even allows the monks to take resort to falsehood: to avoid contempt ( uḍḍaharakkhana )1 of their religion.
History of the popular religions of India is a story of royal patronage and protection and the Jaina monks too were conscious of this fact. The innumerable epigraphical and literary references speak of the royal patronage offered to the adherents of Jaina faith during different periods. In the earliest times the monks were totally barred from keeping any contact or becoming intimate with the kings or with the persons in authority. The Nisitha Sutra2 forbids a monk to see the king or to have friendship or to show profound respects to him or his. officers or to attend the royal functions and ceremonies like coronation. The rules apparently remained the same even at the time of the Curni, yet there are sufficient grounds to believe that monks always tried to influence the kings and royal. officers for enhancing the prestige of their religion (gaurava,3 prabhavṛddhi, tirthavṛddhi). Monks used to keep friendly relations with the kings,5 State officers, king's relatives and with other influential persons to pacify the angry king, for selfprotection during the time of agitation and tumult, to go out safely during the reign of a prejudiced king or at times of siege, to procure food and shelter, to influence the king at times of religious disputations and for various other needs of the Church. Many of them gave religious discourses in the courts of the kings and even in their harem; anything that could displease the king was to be avoided by them and the persons dear to the king (rajavallabha) were to be initiated. References make it clear that in spite of the inherent denial to the outwardly help, the monks aspired to have good rela-
1. NC. 1, p. 113.
2. NC. 4, pp. 1-18.
3. NC. 2, p. 262.
4. NC. 2, p. 268.
5. NG. 2, pp. 232-33, 267.
6. NC. 2, p. 223.
7. NG. 2, p. 435.
8. NC, 2, p. 181.

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tions with the persons in authority. Thus, during the time of great struggle and chaos the Jaina monks displayed their practical wisdom and sagacity to propagate the religion by trying to win over the royal assistance. The tendency to propagate religion sought its refuge in the royal power. “Casting away all their traditional seclusion from politics, the Jaina sages assumed the role of king-makers as in the case of the Gangas and the Hoysalas'! and also that religious tenets were to be subordinated to the political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake'. 2
This regular contact with the public and the kings and its constant anxiety to popularise the faith especially in the face of the rival religions forced Jainism to imbibe some of the practices then popular amongst the different sections of society. With the spread of Jainism outside the land of its origin (Magadha ) and especially in South India, Jaina monks came in contact with the people following various Aryan and Dravidian practices. Jainism too adopted some of these to make itself more acceptable. The monks were now permitted to observe local customs and practices. This new outlook is clearly visible in the words of Jinadāsa when he writes in the NC.: "Religion cannot flourish among the people who do not even know the social customs and etiquettes (logovayāra )". 8 The observance of local customs and practices was brought under exceptions ( avavada ) and the inonk resorting to it was not liable to be punished. Thus, even though "abstinence from food at night" is counted amongst the six vows of the Jaina monks, the NC. allows the monk to take food at night in the countries where it is a custom as in Northern India. * Monks were permitted to wear the clothes according to the customs of a particular region and also take food accordingly. The monks in
1. Dco, S. B., History of Jaina Monachism, p. 133. 2. Saletore, op. cit., p. 7; vide—Deo, op. cit., p. 133. 3. tiger for og gari fa, storiastrarfeda at gaat FANC. 2, p. 171.. 4. NG. 1, p. 154.

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the Jaina order were recruited from the various parts of the country and from different strata of the society. Thus, even though trying their best, they could not do away completely with the habits or practices to which they were habituated since birth. In such circumstances fair tendency to show considerable latitude is clearly visible in every aspect of life. For instance, during the period of long fasts the Cūrni allows consumption of liquid and dry food ( vamjana-misa and nyambila ) by the monks of Sindhu and Kornkana respectively, as the people in the former country were not accustomed to take dry food due to the eating habits of their region.' This spirit of adaptability and eagerness to change for the welfare of the Church may be summed up in the words of Somadeva :
“It is legitimate for the Jainas to follow any custom or practice sanctioned by popular usage so long it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of the Jaina faith or the moral and disciplinary vows."2
Besides these changes in the general life of the monks, fundamental changes can be seen in the form of Jainism which are in strange contradiction to the original tenets of the religion.
Jainas had questioned the existence of God as the Creator of this world and believed that there was no overlord commanding this universe. According to them, Loka ( world ) was never created, nor it is supported by any being of the name of Hari or Hara? and is in a sense eternal, yet they believed in the eternity of the soul, the state of perfection and the possibility of each soul achieving it by its own efforts. This rationalistic atheism of the Jainas was in direct opposition to the theism and "the priest-ridden ritualism of the Brāh
1. NC. 1, p. 145. 2. सर्व एव हि जैनानां प्रमाणं लौकिको विधिः । यत्र सम्यक्त्वहानिर्न यत्र न व्रतदूषणम्
Yašastilaka, Book VIII, Section 34; Handiqui,op. cit, p. 332. 3. Sharma, S. R., Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 132.

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mapas."1 But when the question of propagation and popularity of faith came forward, Jainism had to accept certain changes. "Jainism was placed in the midst of religious schools whose advocates believed in single sovereign god-heads such as Śiva, Vişnu, Sakti etc. Consequently, in the atmosphere of competition the champions of Jaina religion and philosophy had to make suitable adjustments, without violating the fundamentals, in the minor details of their philosophical concepts and religious terminology with a view to capture the popular mind and maintain the impression among its adherents that their faith was in no way inferior to that of others”. 2 Thus, the founder of the religion and its various preachers became their gods; and the perfected souls called Jinas, who were the ideal beings for the monks, became the active supporters to affect the salvation of their devotees. Mention of Mahāvīra as the 'Lord of Universe' and the worship of the images of Jina (piya-padima ) in the NC. are the testimony to this fact. The images were given ceremonial bath (nhavanapūya), and were decorated with flowers and garlands. Besides the worship of Mahavíra, the worship of Arhats,5 Tirthankaras, Siddhas and Acāryas? ( Parameşthi-pūjana ) became the general feature of their life. As Bühler has observed : "Since the religious doctrine gave no other support, the religious feeling of laity clung to it; Jina and with him, his. mythical predecessors became gods.398 Here it is to be marked that this religious devotion was not confined to the laity but was common amongst the monks as well. In the NC. mention of various Acāryas going in all directions to bow to
1. Ibid. 2. Dosai, op. cit., p. 88 3. NC. 2, p. 362. 4. NC. 2, f. 137. 5. NC. 1, p. 1. 6. NO. 2, p. 137. 7. Ibid. 8. Vide—Sharma, op. cit., p. 142. 9. NC. 2, p. 113.

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the images of Jina (zina-pratima-vandana ) also corroborates the same fact. 1
With the godhood of its founder and preachers, their worship in the temple (ziņaghara )? also came in vogue. The temple-worship was the most common feature of the religious life during this period, and we see innumerable types of early medieval temples belonging to different sects. The Jainas did not lag behind their Brāhmana counterparts in this field and as is evident from the various epigraphs, many of the kings liberally gave grants for erecting Jaina temples during this time. Fergusson has remarked: “Jaina temples were really prayers in stone." In the NC. monks are frequently mentioned as going for the reverence in the temple ( caitya-vandana-nimitta ),5 The temples must have been cleaned (pamajjana ), washed ( Qvari sana ), anointed with clay ( uvalevaņa), decorated with flowers ( þupphovayarappadana ) and lighted with lamps ( divaga-pajjalana ). The princes as well as the public made grants for these provisions. By giving place to such religious rites and ceremonies the adherents of Jainism proved that the popularity of a religion is based on its ceremonial aspect which has a direct appeal to the common man. -
The animistic or the hylozoistic theory of Jainism? is the basis of the entire Jaina philosophical, moral and ethical system. According to Jaina conception, the entire cosmosplants, trees, birds, animals, water, earth etc.-is possessed of life. This animistic theory of the Jainas "was of course
1, NC, 2, p. 362. 2. 97751 FFTUETTICE-NC. 3, p. 65. 3. 97731) pratila baaT HETTTTT TA ETT 7-NC. 4, p. 301; NC: 3,
p. 14. 4. Fergusson, J., History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, Vol. II,
p. 26. 5. NC. 2, p. 113. 6. NO. 2, p. 334. 7. Sharama, op. cit., p. 131.

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quite different from the animistic belief in the existence of spirits in trees, stones, and running brooks" which are to be propitiated by various types of sacrifices. But with the spread of Jainism in Dravidian countries some of its factors were embibed by Jainism and the belief in the spirits, ghosts and evil omens infected even the Jaina followers. In the NC. various types of spirits and ghosts like the bhūtas,2 jakkhas, pisacas,* raksasas, gujjhakas, vāṇamamtaras" and the female hobgoblins like the putana (puyana ) and dakini (dagini) have been frequently mentioned who were largely worshipped and propitiated. Belief in obsession by the jakkhas was widely spread amongst the people and it had deeply affected the monastic life also. Very frequently the Jaina monks and nuns may be observed being obsessed by the jakkhas (jakkhaittha-jakkhaggaha) and later treated with exorcism (bhūyavijja).10 A monk obsessed by the jakkhas was not to be punished even for committing the most heinous crime.11 All the exceptions to the general rules could be resorted to by an obsessed monk. The jakkhas were believed to have two-fold influence-beneficial and evil, and they were propitiated to yield the beneficial aspect. 12
1. Ibid., p. 133.
2. NO. 1, p. 9; NC. 3, p. 186.
RELIGION
With the belief in the existence of ghosts and spirits there arose the desire to master the occult lores-Mantravidyā, Tantravidya-to counteract the effects of the same. knowledge of occult lores became the source of prestige amon
The
3. NC. 1, p. 21; NC. 3, p. 141.
4. NC. 3, pp. 185-86.
5. NC. 3, p. 186.
6. NC. 4, p. 224.
7. NC. 1, pp. 8–9; NC. 4, p. 13.
8. NC. 3, p. 408.
9. NC. 2, p. 81.
10. NG. 1, p. 67; NG. 2, P. 262; NG. 3, p. 102.
11. NC. 2, p. 2.
12. NG. 2, p. 308; NG. 3, p. 416.

287

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gst the monks and many of them took pride in styling themselves as Mantravādins. Though barred from having any contact with the heretics, the Jaina monk is allowed in the NG. to follow a Păsattha or a Parivvāyaga for learning the occult lore.1 The Jaina Acāryas and the monks versed in the art of exorcism have been mentioned as visiting tbe nunnery to treat the nuns obsessed by the jakkhas or spirits. 2 Thus, during this time of rivalry and competition and in consonance with the belief prevailing in the efficacy of incantation amongst the other religious schools in the country, the Jaina preceptors and monks appear to have indulged in claiming proficiency in this craft also.
From the earliest times caste or social status was no bar to a person for entering the Buddhist or Jaina order. Even during these centuries we find the monks being recruited from all the strata of society, i. e. the kings, the businessmen, the agriculturists, the carpenters etc;s yet the influence of their earlier social status had far reaching effects on their monastic life. We find special privileges being given to the kings, caravan-leaders and sons of the State-officers etc., who wanted to embrace the monastic life. The growing tendency for the propagation of the Church restricted the monks from having any contact with the people condemned by the society. In the NC. as seen before, 5 people have been divided into two groups-ajungita and jungita or sambhojika and asambhojika,? the latter being the people condemned by society with whom the Jaina monks were to keep no contact. The whole theory has been summed up by the author when the says : “The prestige
1. NC. 1, p. 141. 2. NO. 2, p. 262. 3. NC. 2, p. 235. 4. NC. 2, p. 90. 5. See-Chapter III. 6. NC. 2, p. 243. 7. NC. 2, p. 324.

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of the Religion, i. e. Church, enhances by avoiding contact with the people condemned by society."
Besides these external relations, divisions arose among the Jaina community itself. The distinction between the Svetambaras and the Digambaras was the most substantial one and between them arose various subsects due to the trivial differences regarding religious practices. The Marāthi piana Koša enumerates not less than eighty-four subsects among the Jainas,2 These facts justify the observation of Smith : "though the teaching theoretically condemns the caste, in practice the modern Jaina is as fast bound as his Hindu brothers in the ironfetters of the caste,"3 and this spirit of exclusiveness must have prevailed during these centuries.
This spirit of exclusiveness seems to be at its extreme in their relation with the heretics. Though fundamentally believing in the universality of the soul, the philosophical tenets were put aside and a devout Jaina was expected to avoid contact with the people following a different faith. Even when emphasizing on the essential moral virtues like affection, charity, donation, humility etc., their feeling seems to have been restricted only to the coreligionists ( sāhammiya ).* Charity towards the people following the non-Jaina faith or the praise of their religious doctrines was a serious mistake on the part of a Jaina monk.5 The monks were directed not to live in the company of heretics or search or eat food in their company and should avoid taking food from the houses where heretics were in majority.? It was believed that the company of the persons not following the Mahāvratas and Apuvratas, i. e. not believing in the Jaina faith, was against
1. n go'feara, a afecta a goat far hafa—NG. 2, p. 244. 2. Marā hi Jñāna kosa, p. 2323. 3. Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 54. 4. NC, 1, p. 19. 5. NO. 1, p. 15. 6. NC. 2, p. 118. 7. NC. 2, p. 253.

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the injunctions of Tírthankaras. The monks of the Jaina order were to keep themselves away from the ascetics of different orders such as the Parivrājakas, Sākyas, Ājivakas and Caragas.1 Perhaps the reason behind tbis exclusiveness was to avoid friction and disputes and keep their followers unimpressed from the religious doctrines of the other faiths, especially at a time when the rival sects were also trying their best to convert others into their respective faiths. Thus, by their conservativeness by keeping themselves away from the social intercourse, the Jaina lawgivers of the time tried to maintain the integrity of the Church. K. K. Handiqui has rightly remarked: "Isolation rather than amity based on free social intercourse was the object aimed at in inter-communal relations.''2
These and various other changes seem to have taken place in the early medieval Jainism, and it would not be unjust to say that by giving place to the tenets of rivals within their own faith and by showing a spirit of adaptability in case of the outer differences, Jainism saved itself from being extinct from the country and is still holding its grounds down to these centuries. Brāhmanic Religion ( Saivism And Vaisnavism)
The ancient Vedic religion had by now rejuvenated in form of new Brāhmaṇic religion or Hinduism comprising in its fold the various sects and subsects, and the ceremonial or ritualistic aspect took the upper hand in religion. Though still holding its central position among the trinity of gods, the worship of Brahmā, however, could not acquire an independent form. In the NC. also no mention is made of the cult of Brahmā or the temples dedicated to him. All other Brāhmaṇic sects worshi. pping the different deities and following diverse practices may be grouped under two main heads, viz. Saivism and Vaişnavism.
1. NC. 2, p. 118. 2. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 331.

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Śaivism
Saivism was the most flourishing religion of the time. Immense contemporary poetic literature and archaeological remains reveal a new activity and vigour under the Saivite pantheon during the 7th and 8th centuries. I Worship of Lord Siva had become a general feature of the life of the Indians (even though not related to any particular sect )2 and Saivism in itself developed various sects and subsects due to the different attributes of Siva. Four main schools of Saivism, viz. Śaiva, Pasupata, Kārukasiddhāntin and Kāpālika, have been mentioned by Vācaspati, the commentator of Sarkara. 8 Rāmānuja in a later period describes the four sects of Saivism, although the Kārukasiddhantin is called by the name of Kālāmuha.* Distinction among these sects was based upon their way of worship or conception of Siva. While the former two may be said to have constituted the Savism proper, the latter two were the extremists who "represented the grosser forms of Saivism or rather Tántricism.»5 Of the various classes of the Saivitic ascetics mentioned in the NC. the Sarakkhas or Bhautas and Pandaramgas must have belonged to the former group, while the Ka palikas and the Haddasarakkhas (Skt. Asthi sarajaskas ) are to be identified with the latter group.
Saivities And Pasupatas-Rudra, the ancient deity of the Rgvedic pantheon, had by now given place to more popular names and conceptions like that of Siva, Pasupati? or Mahadeva.8 Although the Rudragshas or the temples of Rudra have
1. Ghatege, A. M., Classical Age, p. 409. 2. Bhandarkar, R. G., Vaisnavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems,
pp. 168–69. 3. Ibid., p. 172. 4. Ibid. 5. Handiqui, K. K., Yašastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 334. 6. NO. 1, p. 10. 7. NO. 1, p. 105. 8. NO. 1, pp. 146–47.

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been alluded to in the text, yet the synonym Mahadevāyatana1 given for the same proves the accuracy of the above statement. The worship of Śiva with all its ceremonial aspects extracted the utmost devotion of the people from all strata of society. High Brāhmaṇa priests as well as the people belonging to the lower section like the Pulindas were the ardent devotees of Siva. The story is cited of a Brahmaṇa and Pulinda, both worshipping the image of Siva, but the Pulinda is mentioned to have reached an exalted status due to his sincere devotion.2 Bāņa also mentions the evening worship of Śiva as a general feature of the time." In the Malatimadhava of Bhavabhuti Malati can be seen going to the temple of Śiva on the fourteenth day of the dark half of the month.*
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
The worshippers of Siva could be divided into three classes (i) clericals or ascetics, (ii) their lay-followers, and (iii) the ordinary people who had no connection with any particular sect. The Sarakkhas, the Bhautas and the Pandaramga ascetics of the NC. may be included into the first group of the Saivite ascetics. Describing the chief Pasupata practices Somadeva records their particular habit of besmearing the body with ashes in the morning, noon and evening. The Sarakkha ascetics mentioned in the NC. may be identified with the Pasupatas on similar grounds. I-Tsing also refers to a class of ascetics who anointed their body with ashes and tied up their locks of hair." The Sarakkhas used to store the ashes for the rainy season as a part of their ritualistic parapher
1. रुद्दघरं महादेवायतनमित्यर्थः NC. 1, p. 146.
2. NC. 1, p. 10.
3. Like the sweat of Sandhya in her delight at Śiva' worship-Harṣacrita,
Tr. pp. 10.
4. Malatimadhava, Act III.
5. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 169.
6. NC. 3, pp. 101, 160, 532, 584.
7. NC. 2, p. 119; NC. 3, pp. 123, 414.
8. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 199.
9. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 2.

8

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nalia. They were also called as Bhoya or Bhauta ( besmeared with ashes ) because of the same reason. In the commentary on the Bihatkal pa Bhüşya they are mentioned as a class of the Ta pasasa, while the Anuyogadvara Cūrni identifies them with the Pandaraṁga ascetics.3
Pan laraṁgas, as the name itself suggests, were a class of the Saivite ascetics. 4 Their sect appears to have been a popular one irrespective of the fact that they were highly despised and 'even compared with the Sūdras by the Jaina monks. Pandaraga ascetics can be seen assembling at a place during the festival of Indra ( Imdamaha ).6 Although held in contempt by the Jainas because of their personal rivalry," they must have been held in respect by the public who easily provided them with food and shelter.8 Pandaraṁgas, as noted above, have been identified with the Sarakkha ascetics in the Anuyogadvāra Carni. Difference between these two sects is not clear, although both were undoubtedly the Saivite ascetics.
-
1, EI HIFCEH GUTTTTTTHETIS–NG. 3, p. 160. The text at this place
in the present edition of the NC. appears to be corrupt. In the press copy of the NĞ. prepared by Muni Punya Vijaya the text runs as:
TET HEET TIEFE H rifa TETTAETIT TIET (1, p. 271 ), which is more reliable and correct; also sec-Brh. Vị. 4, p. 1153. 2. TITAT: HT55-: _Bih. Vr. 2, p. 456. 3. A11, Củ, p. 12. 4, Describing the Panduranga or Pandaranga ascetics J. C. Jains
remarks: “According to the Nišitha Cūrni, however, the disciples of Gosāla were called Pandarabhikkhu" (LAI., p. 207). Here it is to be noted that the Pandaramgas and the Pandarabhikkhus are mentioned as two different classes of ascetics in the NC.; whereas the latter are called the disciples of Gosāla, i, e, the Ajivakas, the former may be identified with the Saivite ascetics.-NC. 3, pp. 123, 414;
NC. 2, p. 119. 5. ET E QETESTETHITTA asft-NC. 2, p. 119. 6. NO. 3, p. 123. 7. CETTE af féTTIA TUTTAFETT wafa_NC. 2, p. 119, 8. NC. 3, p. 123.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Apart from the ascetics there were the householder-devo-- tees of Siva. Mention has also been made of 'food' or 'offerings brought to the Siva temple by the householders; and the Jaina monks could accept the same in times of dire necessity. These devotees have been specifically called as householders ( gihattha ),2 and may be regarded to have been the laydevotees of this faith. Yuan Chwang in his account mentions at several places the temples of Maheśvara at which the Pāśupatas worshipped, while at one or two places they are mentioned as residing in the temple. As conjectured by R. G. Bhandarkar, “those residing in the temple must have been the ascetics, while the others were the householder disciples of the Pasupata faith."*
Probably outside this sectarian circle the worship of Siva formed a part of the religious life in general. Sivagphas or the temples of Siva, though primarily built for the Šaivite ascetics, were sometimes resorted to even by the heretics. In an ancient story cited in the text, Ajja Suhatthi, the famous Jaina Ācārya, is alluded to have resided in a Sivaghara in the country of Saurāṣtra.5 Various terms like Ruddaghara, Ruddanikeyaņa, Mahadevayatana, sivaghara? etc. used in the text indicate the richness of the Saivite temples during this time. The fact is further supported by the archaeological remains. Many a temple of Siva constructed by the early Calukyas and the Rāşğrakațas, the Kailāśa and the cave temples of Ellora, may be taken to show the worship of Śiva in Mahārāşțra from the 7th century A. D., & while it flourished as a State-religion.. under the Maitrakas of Valabhi who style themselves as 'in.
1. FEIĄTTE faqafoaferi TETT TRACT:NC. 1, p. 146. 2. Ibid. 3. Vide_Bhandarkar, op. cit., pp. 167–68. 4, Ibid. 5. NC. 2, p. 362. 6. NC, I., pp. 146-47. 7. NC. 2, p. 362, 8. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 169.

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unbroken descent from the most devout worshipper of the god,' viz. Maheśvara or Parama-Maheśvaral during the same centuries.
Ka palikas and Haddasarakkhas ( Asthi sarajaskas )-The sect of the Kāpālikas has been frequently nentioned in the NC., and it was bighly despised by the Jaina monks and society.The Kāpālikas (literally, furnished with a human skull) are described as besmeared with ashes and residing at despised or impure places, and their presence was disgusting because of their extreme uncleanliness. They were also regarded as untouchables ( asprśya ) because of the same reason.“ In his work Yašastilaka Somadeva prescribes a bath for the Jaina monks when they happen to come in contact with a Kápālika.* The Kápālikas are shown as keeping ashes (bhoya ) and other fragrant substances like guggula ( most probably for worship ) in a particular object called sikkaga-nantaga (a type of covering used to cover something ) as a part of their ritualistic paraphernalia.?
Another similar sect mentioned in the NC. is that of the Haddasarakk has.8 They have been identified with the Kāpālikas in the commentary of the BỊhatkal pa Bhasya.9 They were akin to the Kāpālikas on the basis of the similar practices
1. Alina Copper-plate Inscription of Sitāditya VII (A, D, 766–67 A. D.);
also grants of Dhruvasena II and Kharagraha 11-CII, III, pp. 180,
182, 185. 2. NC. 2, pp. 38, 227, 244; NC, 3, p. 252. 3. NO. 2, p. 244. 4. Astay for gama faca... teadmatatit ca 19rfesor TTNA: 2,
p. 227. 5. fafarat ca u gu feat Haifa, 37FTFIT T:—NC. 2, p. 244. 6. Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 356-57. 7. fhF 31 3 Anaht 9691Eu...FTTH Fraiseu thuy-NC. 2, p.
38. In the pross.copy of NC, prepared ły Muni Punya Vijaya the text runs as fraiftea Tufeni ( 1, p. 64 ) which appears to be more
correct, 8. NC. 2, pp. 207, 227; NO. 3, pp. 81, 585. 9. Brh, V7. 3, P. 788.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
attributed to them or could have been an independent sect like the Kálāmuhas who shared almost similar practices. Both the Kāpā likas and the Haddasarakkhas were characterised alike with uncleanliness and impurity. The Jaina monks were directed to remain pure and clean in the presence of others lest they might be thought even worse than the Haddasarakkhas. 2
The Kāpālikas and the Haddasarakkhas were supposed to be versed in various supernatural powers and inagical practices. In the Samarāiccakaha of Haribhadra also, the gambler Maheśvaradatta, who later became a Kápā lika, is mentioned as an expert in garuda-mantra--the mystic formula for curing the snake-bites.* These sects were versed in the art of divining the treasure-troves ( nihi) by practising certain mystic formulas like the Maha kala-mama.In the Yaśastilaka also the śaiva Haraprabodha is shown to have been an expert in divining the underground treasures. 6 Certain heinous practices have always prevailed amongst the Kāpālikas, but the references in the text make it clear that their sect was a popular one during this time.
These accounts of the NC. are firmly supported by the literary as well as archaeological sources. In the
1. Kālāmuhas were also a sect akin to the Kāpālikas. Their six distinc
tive marks were : cating food in skull, besmearing body with ashes of a dead-body, eating the ashes, holding a club, keeping a pot of wine and worshipping the god seated therein (Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 181). According to Dakshina Ranjana Shã'tri, the Kāpālikas in a later period gave up bearing the Kipāla skull ), although they were still Styled as Kāpālikas. But the other section of the Kāpālikas, wbich did not approve of this retrograde step, kept on bearing Kāpāla and were called Kalamuha or Kālāvadana.--"The Lokyatikas and the
Kapalikas', IHQ., Vol. 7 ( 1931 ), pp. 125-37. 2. Baca ar ESHTE te sfatuladt HUFFT-NC. 3, p. 81. 3. "37665" ff Satar à fagutta fiat ar fh11571_NC. 3, p. 585; Brh.
Vr. 3, p. 789. 4. Samarāiccakaha, Book IV. 5. NC. 3, p. 387. 6. Yašastilaka, Bk. IV; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 89.

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Malatīmādhava ( Act 5 ) of Bhavabhūti, the Kāpālika Aghoraghanța is shown as attempting to sacrifice Málati before the goddess Karala or Camunda. It can also be judged from the Bhavabhūti's statement in Act I of the same text that Śríparvata, a holy mountain in Kurnol district (Madras Presidency) on the Krşnā river, was a famous centre of the Kāpālika cult. The existence of the Kāpālika cult can also be judged from the Mattavila sa-prahasana of the Pallava king Mahendravarman I (7th century A. D.) and the Prabodhacandrodaya of Kşemakírti.. Yuan Chwang also refers to the Kāpālikas as one of the important sects of the time.2 In the copper-plate inscription of Nāgavardhan (7th century A. D. ), the nephew of Pulakesin II, a grant is recorded for the worship of god Kāpāleśvara and the maintenance of the Mahāvratins residing in the temple,* which also proves the existence of the sect of the Kāpālikas during the 7th century A. D.
All the four main sects of Saivism have thus been alluded to in the NC., and frequent references to these sects reveal them to have been the greatest and the most hostile rivals of Jainism during this time.
Vaişnavism
Though less popular than saivism, Vaişpavism was quite flourishing in Northern as well as Southern India. Vaişņavism in the form of Bhāgavatism received a philip under the Gupta rulers during the 3rd and 4th centuries A. D.,* and
1. Vide--Hindiqui, op. cit., pp. 356-57. 2. Watters, op. cit., I, p. 148. 3. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 168. The Käpälikas and the other similar
sects like the Kālāmuhas were styled as Mahāvratin ( observers of the great vow), as the greatness of their vow lay in their extraordinary character, Sec--Jagadhara's commentary on Malatimādhava sect, 1); Kathāsaritasāgara, 2. 81; Yašastilaka, 1. 115; Handiqui, op. cit., p.
358. -4. Sircar, D. C., Classical Age, p. 414.

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even after their decline it remained popular amongst the masses. In South, the worship of the various forms of Vişnu became popular due to the extreme devotion of the Alvara saints during these centuries." Visnu, the sun-deity of Rgveda, was reborn in the Purānic pantheon with exuberant power, and the cults of Vişnu, Nārāyana, Vasudeva, Kșspa etc. represented its various streams. From the Nišitha Cūrni, we do not get a fair picture of Vaişņavism. While the hostile attacks of the author are usually directed against the Saivites and the Buddhists', the author is remarkably silent about the Vaişņava faith.
At one place, however, mention is made of the image of Nārāyaṇa (Narayaņādi padima)* which shows that images of Nārāyana must have been made and worshipped by its devotees. At several places in his works Bāņa refers to the images of Nārāyaṇa. From the inscriptions also we learn that in the Vaisnava cave at Badami excavated under the Cālukya king Kirtivarman I in 578 A. D. an image of Vişnu was installed and provision was made for the Narayana-bali or offering to Nārāyana.6 The Sirigharas or the temples dedicated to the goddess Śrī have been alluded to in the text?, which shows that the worship of Vişnu with his consort Srí or Lakşmi must have been in vogue and that temples were also erected for their worship.
Amongst the various forms of Vişnu mention is made of Vasudeva who fled from the prison of Kam sa even in the presence of its guards. The story of the origin of the Bhalli
1. Ghatege, A. M., op. cit., p. 409 2. Sce—Saivism. 3. Sce-Buddhism. 4. ay giet café feitung Neufaha -NC. 4, p. 59. 5. Agrawala, V. S., Kādambari: Eka Sanskrtika Adnyayaha, pp. 1-8g
34, 118. 6. Bhandarkar, op. cit., p. 61; also Handiqui, op. cit., p. 365. 7. NC. 2, pp. 360, 362. 8. NO. 2, PP. 415-16.

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Tirtha, the place where Krşpa was killed, has also been narrated in the text.1 The cult of Vasudeva Krşņa, which existed in India at least from the 2nd century B. C., must have existed down to these centuries as can be judged from certain inscriptions belonging to the 5th century A. D. The stories. mentioned in the text, however, do not describe Vasudeva as a central figure of any religion, although they clearly reveal the prevalence of various stories and fables regarding the wonderful feats of Krşņa. Among the associates of Vasudeva mention is made of Baladeva, also known as Mukunda, and the festival in honour of Mukunda, i. e. Mukundamaha, has also been referred to. It can be thus safely concluded that the worship of Vişnu in various forms and in its ritualistic or ceremonial aspects was quite popular, although Vaişpavism. as such did hold subsidiary position to Saivism.' Buddhism
Buddhism having touched its peak during the early centuries of the Christian era was now on its way to decline, although it had not actually faded particularly in western India. In Valabhi, as noted by Yuan Chwang, Buddhism had considerable influence at the court and had a good adherence in Saurāșțra.I-Tsing also observed a large number of Buddhist monks residing in the monasteries near Valabhi, while Valabhí itself was a famous Buddhist centre of learning during these centuries.5
The most hostile attacks of our Jaina author are directed against the Buddhists who appear to have been their active rivals on account of their ideological differences with the Jainas. The Buddhist monks are virtually mentioned as enemies.
1. NC, 2, p. 416. 2. NO. 2, p. 444. 3. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 371. 4. Watters, op. cit., II, pp. 109, 246. 5. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 177.
ddhist monks see also-Sakka-classes of Ascotics.

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CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
(paccatthiya, pratyanika ) or thorns ( Buddha-kantaka ) towards whom no charity was to be displayed by the householders. The doctrine of Buddha is mentioned as a false belief born out of ignorance (mithya-drșți ), 2 and his followers were ignorant people who believed in false principles mistaking them to be the ultimate knowledge or truth.s
The Buddhist monks were considered to be unaware of the true religion even after shaving their head and renouncing their home. According to the author, the Buddhists could not be regarded as bhikkhu (lit, one who lives on begging ) because they did not observe proper rules in regard to their begging or in accepting the alms. This laxity regarding the matters of food on the part of the Buddhists has been hinted at by various Jaina scholars. Hemacandra in the 12th century goes even to the extent of saying that the religion of Buddha is excellent indeed, its essentials being a soft bed, rice-gruel in the morning, boiled rice at noon, drinking bouts in the evening and sugarcandy at night.
The Buddhists were highly criticised by the Jainas for their laxity in the matters of meat-eating. Buddha had allowed three kinds of meat as pure which could be taken by the Buddhist monks without incurring any guilt.?
1. TÀ GozfTT SCHAFT TE FIT ht quh yuzifa, egoi qaft-NC 3,
p. 415. 2. FIREHAŤ Affort fortale: -NC. 3, p. 101; fhearrta: 91777
EDHET:-Brh. Vr. 2, p. 561. 3. F FFFfa hal Pratcom ungata itd-NC. 3, p. 269. १. मुंडा कुडुबवासे ण वासंति रत्तपडा एते धम्म सयं ण याणंति, कहमन्नस्स कहिस्संति
NC. 3, p. 429. 5. (AFCIENTI AT Prepele "garet TFTE FUST-Wat Hafia" *7 à f a:
THITgtdf4c44[ ( 14t –NG. 4, p. 272. 6. Hemacandra's commentary on Yogašāstra, 4.102. 9-10; also Devasena's
Bhavasangraha, 68-69; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 373. 7. For three kinds of pure meat see-Chap. IV-Meat-diet. It is, however,
to be noted that only the Hinayānist Buddhists accepted the three kinds of pure meat, while the Mahāyānists totally abstained from mcat-diet,

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The author fiercely attacks the Buddhist practice of meateating by giving the logic that those who are in the habit of taking meat are to be called meat-eaters even when they take the vegetarian food; as such the Buddhists are the confirmed meat-takers.1 He further ironically remarks: "To say that a person is vegetarian in the absence of the meat-diet is quite similer to the belief that a person is not addicted to killing so long there is nothing to kill, or one is a celibate in the absence of the campany of women, or one abstains from meat and wine in the absence of the two, or that one is not a thief so long there is nothing to steal".2 The same spirit of contempt and hatred regarding the Buddhist practice of meat-eating can be judged from the works of the other Jaina authors. Somadeva in his rasastilaka contemptuously remarks: "Buddhists are the first among the communities which prescribe eating of flesh," "'s and also "How can a wise man respect the Buddhist who is addicted to flesh and wine ? It can be thus deduced that there must have been some laxity in matters of food and drink on the part of the Buddhists for which they were severely criticized by the contemporary Jaina authorities.
However, in spite of these unfavourable remarks from the pen of our Jaina authors regarding the Buddhists and their faith, it can be judged that the Buddhists commanded certain respect amongst the nobility and the public. Many of the Brāhmaṇical kings, though hostile towards the Jainas, were tolerant towards the Buddhists. The sanction given to the
and some of them even abstained from milk and milk products (Watters, op. cit., I, p. 57; Watters, op. cit., II, p. 191; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 373). The author of the NC., however, makes no such difference and meateating is described as a habit of the Buddhist monks in general. 1. णिप्पिसा वयं जाव पिसियस्स अलाभो त्ति - NC. 4, p. 273.
2. NC. 4, pp. 272-73.
3. Yasastilaka, VI. 2, p. 267; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 371. 4. Yalastilaka, VII. 24; Handiqui, op. cit., p. 372.

301

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Jaina monks to wear Buddhist apparel in order to save themselves where the king is in the latter's influence also testifies the same fact.1 The same rule was to be implemented in the region where the Buddhists were held in esteem.2 Although charity shown towards the non-Jaina monks, i. e. the Buddhists, was thought to be futile in its results by the Jainas, yet the Jaina monks in the NC. are directed not to speak to where the public is in the influence of the Buddhists." Animate disputations took place between the two in which the Jainas are always shown as coming out victorious. However, in spite of these various references to the Buddhist monks, no mention is made of the Buddhist Sangha or the monasteries inhabited by the Buddhist monks. From other sources we learn that "the integrated strength of the Buddhists had tumbled down by now, and Buddhism in India was carrying a life and death struggle with Jainism and newly revived Brahmaņism or the
Hinduism."
Classes of Ascetics
In India no higher achievement was thought to be possible without the renunciation of the worldly life. A conglomeration of the different sects of ascetics was thus to be found, the presence of which may be easily attested to from the contemporary accounts of Yuan Chwang, I-Tsing and Baņa.6 In
1. बौद्धादिना राज्ञोऽनुमतेन परलिङगेन स्थिता वृषभा युक्तियुत्तैर्वचोभिस्तं राजानं -Brh. Vr. 3, p. 879.
2. सव्वा असति उवकरणस्स सक्काति परलिंगकरणं कज्जति – NC. 2, p. 325. 3. NC. 1, p. 113.
4. Describing the various types of ascetics Yuan Chwang remarks: "The Bhutas, the Nirgranthas, the Käpälikas and Jūlikas or Chundikas (ascetics with matted hair) are all differently arrayed". Some wear peacock's tails, some adorn themselves with a necklace of skulls, some are quite naked, some cover the body with grass or blades, some put out their hair and clip their moustaches, some mat their side hair and make a top knot coil. Their clothing is not fixed and their colour varies."-Watters, op. cit., 1, p. 148.
5. Takakusu, op. cit., p. 2.
6. See the description of the hermitage of the sage Diväkaramitra where

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the NC. these various types of ascetics have been grouped into two main groups, viz. the Brāhmaṇas ( Mahana ) and the Sramaņas ( Samana ).1 The first group must have consisted of the Saivite and the Vaişņavite ascetics ( see-Brāhmaṇic Religion ), while the latter consisted of the five classes of the Samaņas, viz. (i) Ņiggartha, Sāhu or Khamana, (ii) Sakka, (iii) Távasa, (iv) Geruā or Parivāyaga and (v) Ājīvaga. (i) Niggamtha-Nigga mtha Samaņas were she Jaina monks who followed the path or order of the Jainas ( Jaina-śāsana,: painatantra ). Various sects and subsects existed among the Jainas during this time The seven schisms ( ņihmava ) led by Jamāli, Tissagutta, Āsādha, Assamitta, Gañga, Rohagutta and Gotthāmāhila have been referred to in the Nisītha Bhāșya. Schism between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambarase was the most substantial one which was finally recognised by this time. Digambaras ( sky-clad or naked ) have been usually called as Bodiya,' while the Svetā mbaras were known as Seyavaças 8 (Sveta pața ) or Seya-bhikkhus. Among the Śvetāmbaras also there were the monks following the Jinakalpa or the Sthavirakalpa mode of life 10 and also the ascetics of the lower grade known as Pāsattha, Kusila, Osanna, Samatta and Nitiya because of their respective mental attitude or spiritual status. Pāsatthas were originally the followers of Pārsva, but the term Pāsattha later came to be used in the sense of
ascetics of all the sects lived and studied together.-Bana, Harsa
carita, Tr. p. 236, text pp. 265-66. 1. NC. 1, p. 13. 2. समणसद्दो इमेसु ठितो-णिग्गंथा साधू खमणा वा, सक्का रत्तपडा, तावसा वणवासिणो,
TESTT TARTIT, 3715ftanti–NC. 3, p. 414, 3, NO. 1, p. 17. 4. NO. 3, p. 390. 5. N. Bha. 5596 -5624 ( NC. 4, pp. 101-3). 6. Ibid. 7, NC. 4, p. 102. 8. NC. 1, p. 78. 9. NO. 3, p. 422; NC. 4, p. 87. 10. NO. 1, p. 131.

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the ascetics of loose moral conduct.1 However, in spite of the internal differences, they were known to the public by a common name, i. e. Niggaņķha. There was a well developed fraternity consisting of the monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen. Bound by innumerable rules they strived for the good of humanity and for their own salvation ( see also--Jainism ).
(ii) Sakka-Sakkas or sākyas were the Buddhist monks who were known as Bhikku,2 Taccaniya' and Rattapada (Raktapața )also. Raktapata was a common appellation of the Buddhist monks of the time. Bāpa also frequently mentions the Buddhist monks as clad in red attire. Divākaramitra, the Buddhist sage, is shown as clad in a very soft red attire as if he were the eastern quarter of the sky bathed in the morning sun-shine, teaching the other quarters to assume the red Buddhist attire. Harşa also tells the sage Divākaramitra that "at the end when I have accomplished the design, she (Rājyasri) and I will assume the red garments (kāṣāyāni) together."6 In the Kadambarī also the Buddhist nuns are described as wearing clothes, red like the skin of the ripe Tāla tree.' The Buddhist monks and nuns utilized the bark of the Arjuna ( teak ) and Kandala (plantain ) tree for dying their clothes in red colour. 9 As noted before, though the large Buddhist monasteries were mostly desroyed by now, ihe Buddhist monks could be found everywhere in the country. The references make it clear that they were respected by the kings as well as by the public.
1. NC. 2, p. 286. 2. NO. 1, p. 113. 3. NC. 3, pp. 246, 253, 325. 4. AFFIT TE YER_NC. 3, pp. 414, 429; NC. 1, p. 17, 113, 121; NC. 2, p.
116. 5. Hariacarita, Tr. p. 237. 6. Ibid., p. 258. 7. परिणततालफलवल्कललोहितवस्त्राभिश्च रक्तपटव्रतवाहिनीभिः...तापसीभिः
Kādambari, p. 208. 8. JoafoutaiuttOTATI 245Gui pacaAfati afectautuiNC. 3, p.. 160.

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(iii) Tavasa-Tāvasa Samanas were the hermits or forestrecluses who lived in the forests (vaņavā si şo)? practising meditation and various other spiritual austerities. They were people following the third stage of life, i. e. Vanaprastba. The Tavasas lived in the Aśramas situated amidst the forests and their head was called Kulapati.2 Various classes of the Tāvasas have been mentioned in the Jainas and the Brāhmaṇic texts of which the following have been referred to in the NC.: (i) Govvaiya — They were the worshippers of cow who had
taken the vrata of gocarya. According to the ancient texts,
this vrata consisted of imitating the ways of a cow.5 (ii) Disa pokkhi®—They were a class of the Vānaprasthi
Tāvasas who sanctified all the sides by sprinkling water before gathering flowers and fruits. A graphic description of this class of the Tavasas is to be found in the description of Siva, the royal sage of Hastinapura who retired from life by joining the order of the Disā pokkhiya
Távasas.? (iii) Pańcaggitāvaya8_They were the worshippers of the five
fold fire who practised pamcaggi penance by burning fire on the four sides and facing the sun above their head. Bāna describes the sage Harita as having faced (lit. drunk ) the scorching rays of the sun' during his course
1.719 qualfeit-NC. 3, p. 414. 2. NC. 3, p. 425; NC. 2, p. 328. 3. Ovāiya Sūtra, 38, p. 170; Bhagavati Sūtra, 11. 9. 417. 4. गोव्वयादिया दिसापोक्खया पंचग्गितावया पंचगव्वासणिया एवमादिया सव्वे कुचया
NC. 3, p. 195. 5. Papañca Südani, 3. 1000; sec-Agrawala, V. S., Prācina Bharatiya
Lokadharma, p. 102. 6. NC. 3, p. 195. 7. Bhagavati Sutra, 11. 9. 417; see also-Sikdar, J. C., Studies in the
Bhagavati sütra, p. 176. 8. NC. 3, p. 195, also p. 179. 9. Agrawala, V. S.; Kadambari : Eka Sanskrtika Adhyayana, p. 48.

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of the pamcaggi penance. Pārvatí also practised severe penances like the parcaggi penance in order to please Śiva.
(iv) Pańcagavvā saniya? — They were the Tavasas who lived upon the five products of cow, viz. milk, curd, clarified butter, urine and cowdung.: According to the ancient Brāhmanic texts, the pañcagavya prepared from the five products of cow and mixed with water in which the kuća blades have been placed, was taken for the purification of many lapses.* In the commentary of the BỊhatkal pa Bhāşya we find a Brăhmana being given the pascagavya prāyaścitta for atoning the sin of eating the flesh of dog to keep himself alive in a desert.
These penances undertaken by the Tăvasas being that of an opponent faith have been termed by our author as 'false penances. ( kutava ) or ‘false vows' ( kuvvaya ).• Yet their popularity among the Tāvasa Samaņas may be fairly attested to from the contemporary Brāhmaṇical sources.
(v) Parivvāyaga"-Parivvāyagas or Parivrājakas or the wandering ascetics were to be found in a large number. They were the masters of the sacred Brāhmaṇic lore. They were also called 'Geruā-ascetics' since they wore the clothes dyed with red-clay (dhatumattiya-ratta ). Bāna also describes the Parivrājakas of the Pāśupata sect as clad in red clothing,
1. शुचौ चतुर्णा ज्वलतां हविर्भुजां शुचिस्मिता मध्यगता सुमध्यमा। विजित्य नेत्रप्रति
graait a ralafe: Afer 11-Kumārasambhava, 5. 20. 2. NO. 3, p. 195. 3. qai eft af at 91FZİ FER THAT 7-SED., p. 308. 4. गोमूत्रं गोमयं क्षीरं दधि सर्पि: कुशोदकम् । निर्दिष्टं पंचगव्यं तु पवित्रं पापनाशनम् ।।
----Pārāśara Samhitā, X. 1. 28–33. See also---Yājūavalkyasintti, III.
314; Kane, op. cit., Vol. II, Pt. III, p. 773. 5. Brh. Vr. 2, p. 319. 6. NC. 3, pp. 179, 195. 7. NC. 2, P, 207, 332; NC. 3, pp. 414, 420. 8. According to the Ovõiya Sūtra ( 38, p. 172 ), the Parivváyagas were
usually versed in the four Vedasa, Itihās, Nighamtu, six Vedāngas and six Upāngas,

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i.e. clothes dyed with red-clay.1 Various articles like the matta or dagavāraga, gaduka, dyamani, lottiya, ullamkaya, vāraga, caddaga, kavvaya etc. were kept by the Parivrājakas.? Of these the first two were the earthen-ware pots, while the rest of them appear to have been wooden pots mant for keeping water. Sikkaga,' or a net-work of strings for hanging anything in, is mentioned as a necessary object of their ritualistic paraphernalia. 4 These wandering monks were usually held in respect by the public as can be judged from the fact that the Jaina monks were directed to keep the paraphernalia of the Parivrājakas in order to save themselves during the unusual social or political circumstances.
(vi) Ājivaga—The sect of the Ajīvagas ( Ājīvakas ) was an ancient one and Gośāla, the third leader of the sect, was a contemporary of Lord Mahāvīra. They were naked ascetics and because of their nakedness, they have usually been confounded with the Digambaras by the modern scholars. Even I-Tsing during the 7th century A. D. makes the same mistake. They undoubtedly belonged to an independent sect and were usually versed in the eight-fold mahānimittas which they acquired through rigorous penances. Doctrines of the Ājí vagas have nowhere been explained in the NC. Yet, constant references to this sect reveal them to have been a popular sect of the time. In his two astrological works, the
1. Kādambari, p. 108. 2. मत्तो दगवारगो गडुअओ आयमणी लोटिया कट्ठमओ, उल्लंकओ कमओ, वारओ
yazifoqi si tu oft TH-NC. 3, p. 343. 3. futai , td AT aftal -NC. 2, p. 38. 4. Sikkaga, and sikkaganamtaga are mentioned in the NC, as two diffe
rent objects which were kept by the Parivrājakas and the Kāpālikas
respectively.-NC. 2, p. 38. 5. afragraf Tretti FATUITI FIT are
f
i -Bhagavati Tikā, 1.2, p. 87. 6. Kalyānavijaya, Sramaya Bhagavāna Mahāvira, p. 281. 7. NC. 2, pp. 118, 200, 332; NC. 3, p. 414.

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Bṛhajjataka1 and the Laghujātaka, Varāhamihira mentions them as one of the seven important sects during this time. Their existence in the subsequent centuries is also proved by Silanka3 (circa 876 A. D.), Halayudha* (950 A. D. ) and Somadeva (959 A. D. ). According to the NC., the disciples of Gośāla were known as Pāṇḍurabhikkhus,7 while they have been identified with the Digambaras by Sīlānka.8
The word 'Ajíviya' (Skt. Ajivika) originally denoted a class of mendicants who followed special rules with regard to their livelihood." We are told that Gośāla and his father followed the profession of a mamkha, i. e. earning the liveli hood by exhibiting pictures. In the NC. we find a mamkha earning his livelihood by exhibiting pictures depicted on a canvas or wooden-board (mamkha-phalaga) and telling their religious significance to the people, i. e. the causes of happiness and suffering. 10 Being satisfied by his explanations people provided him with different varieties of food and other requisites. According to the commentary of the Brhat Kalpa Bhasya, a mamkha, who keeps a clean wooden-board (phalaka)
1. Bṛhajjataka, XX.
2. Laghujataka, IX. 12.
3. Suyagada Tikā, 1. 3. 38.
4. Abhidhana Ratnamala, II. 189-90.
5. Yasastilaka, VII. 43, p. 406; see also-Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 284, 373. 6. Three leaders of the Ajivaka school, viz. Nanda Vacca, Kesa Sanikicca and Makkhali Gosāla are known to us, of which nothing except the names of the first two are known. According to A. S. Gopani, the Buddhist references to the Ajivaka school point only to the Ajīvaka school headed and led by Gosala and not the first two.-"Ajīvaka School-A New Interpretation", Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. III, pt. 1 (1941), p. 55.
7. आजीवगा गोसालसिस्सा पंडरभिक्खुआ वि भण्णंति - NC. 3, p. 414.
8. Sūyagaḍa Tikā, 1. 338.
9. Sikdar, op. cit., p. 425.
10. ताहे सो मखो तं दिसिं गंतु वड्याए मंखत्तणेण संखफलकहत्थो गओ । सुहं दुक्खं afa-NC. 3, p. 428; Brh. Vr. 1, p. 65,

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having beautiful pictures depicted on it and is proficient in explaining their religious connotations, is respected by all the people.1 Ajivakas were thus one of the important sects of the time and they earned their livelihood by following the profession of exbibiting pictures.
Besides these five classes of the Samaņas, there were a number of other ascetics who may be classified here as under:
(i) Caraga-Caragas were the wandering monks who moved about in groups even when begging the alms and taking their food. They are described as ascetics practising severe penances like the pañcaggi penance. The austerities undertaken by the Caragas are mentioned as false-practices or material practices ( davva-caranı )4 which afforded no help in elevating the soul. The male and female ascetics of this sect were condemned by the Jainas for their loose moral character and the Jaina monks were directed to keep themselves away from them. In the Acaranga Cūrņi they are mentioned as direct disciples of Kapilamuni ( Kapilasīnu), while according to the commentary on the Brhatkalpa Bhasya, they were the followers of Kaņāda,' the founder of the Vaiseșika system of Indian philosophy.
1. मंखो नाम चित्रकलकव्यग्रहस्तः, तस्य च यदि फलक मुज्जवलं भवति ततो लोकः
aisia aipat--Bch. V!. 2, p. 532; also No. 1, p. 165. 2. आवरणाचरणं णाम चरगादी गं, अहवा तेसि पि जो आहारादिगिभितं तवं चरति तं ET-NG. 1, p. 2. Caraka mentioned in the Brhadāra yaka
Upanišad also denotes a wandering mendicant-Vedic Index, p. 250. 3. TTTTTTTTUU Taftaaria --NC. 3, p. 179. 4. Soc-above note 2. 5. ते तु अगभिगयधम्ना तत्थ चरगादिरहिं वुग्गाहिज्जति... "चरियादियाहिं अगाहिं
ar kaufen CNC -NC. 2, p. 207; aff-T7377 371C347 al 1707317
afcTÀ A F#5:1– NO. 2, p. 203; BiH. V!. 3, p. 893. 6. Izārāngt Cirqi, p. 2w5; Pannava la Tikā, 20, p. 405. 7. aC for For TITT Etretatur af-Brh. Vt. 2, p. 456.

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(ii) Dagasoyariya—Dagasoyariyas (Skt. Dagašaukarikas) were a class of the Parivrājakas.1 They were called Sui, Sut72 or Sucivādi, since they emphasised upon the cleanliness and purity of the body and mind. An instance of their extremist views has been recorded in the Ācāranga Cūrņi which describes a Dagasoyariya mendicant as taking bath sixty-four times being touched by others. According to Malayagiri, they were the followers of the Sārkhya system of philosophy.*
(iii) Isaramata --The followers of this sect believed in the existence of God. They may be identified with the Naiyāyikas according to whom God was Creator of the Universe. They have been called Aiśvarakāraņikas by Bāņa.'
(iv) Kavila®— They were the followers of Kapila, the founder of the Sámkhya philosophy.
(v) Ulūkao — They were the followers of Ulūka, i. e. Kaņāda, the founder of the Vaiseșika philosophy. They must have adhered to the doctrines of their Master.
(vi) Kucciyalo- Kucciyas were the ascetics who grew beard and moustaches. They cannot be definitely identified with [ any particular sect. According to Pt. Nathuram Premi, however, Kürcaka monks belonged to the Digambara sect. 11
(vii-viii) Atma stitvavadi and Vetuliya or Nastitvavā dz—Another classification of the ascetics has been made in terms of those who believed in the existence of soul and others who denied
1. foli TITATI-NC. 3, p. 429; BỊh. V!. 3, p. 798. 2. gat Gu N C. 3, p. 585; Bih. VI. 3, p. 788. 3. Acārānga Cūrni, p. 21. 4. Pinda Niryukti Tikā, 314. 5. NC. 3, p. 195. 6. Upadhyāya, B. D., Bhāratiya Darsana, p. 274. 7. Harsacarita, Tr. p. 236, text pp. 265-66. 8. NO. 1, p. 15; NO. 3, p. 195. 9. NC. 1, p. 15. 10. google gio711-—NC. 3, p. 585; Brh. V . 1, 2822. 11. Anekānta, August-Sept., 1944.

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the same. Ātmāstitvavādins were those who believed in the existence of souls and as such they are to be identified with the Jainas. In the early Jaina texts they have been mentioned as Kriyāvādins, as Kriyā denoted the existence of soul. Contrary to these were the Năstitvavādins who denied the existence of soul. They were called Vetuliya, as according to them, every object was of the momentary existence, hence it was not the same at the next moment (vigata-tulla-bhāva ).3 They are to be identified with the Buddhists who uphold the doctrine of Kșanika-vāda.*
(ix-x) Soyavādi and Asoyavādı--Another classification divides the ascetics into two main groups : those who strived for cleanliness (sui-suci)s and those who stressed upon the uncleanliness of the body (asui—aśuci). This classification seems to have been based upon the general attitude of a particular sect towards cleanliness or physical purity. As such the Parivrājakas like the Dagaśaukarikas may by included in the former group, while the ascetics like the Kāpālikas and the Haddasarakkhas constituted the latter group. Supernatural Powers and Magical Practices
Belief in various supernatural powers and magical practices was potent in India fron the ancient times. Through austerity and continence the sages could acquire various supernatural powers, the application of which for any worldly or material gain was deemed to be the greatest impediment in the way of salvation. According to the NC., the penance practised only for salvation is a fruitful one? and that the austerities get crippled by the frequent use of supernatural
1. HT THAT Tat aatat, Caffargaratz:-NC. 3, p. 196, 2. LAI., p. 212. 3. Sen, A. C., Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature, p. 29. 4. fair cha aarest-Affaqaf TUI:—NG. 3, p. 196. 5. He after I HIHLBỊh. VỊ. 1, p. 60. 6. NC. 3, p. 494. 7. NC, 1, p. 2.

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powers. 1 In spite of these injunctions, a study of the text clearly reveals as to how deeply such practices had affected the general life of the monks who aspired to acquire these powers not only for salvation but even for petty and trifle objects like procuring food, a healing diseases, to overpower the enemy,s to ward off evil spirits, and for innumerable other purposes which could be somehow or other helpful for the upkeep, integrity and stability of the Church. The examples of certain great Ācāryas like Ajja Vairasāmi,5 Ajja Khauda, 6 Siddhasenāyariya,” Kālagajja,Palittāyariya' and Sa aitāyariya lo cited in the NC. are memorable in this context.
Various terms like rddhi, laddhi, vijja, mamta, cunna and joya mentioned in the text denote these superhuman qualities. 11 The monk versed in the same was styled as ati saya-sahu, i. e. possessing superhuman qualities or powers. 12 Rddhi (iddhi) was a potentiality of the spiritually advanced souls which they acquired either by knowledge or by penance. The person possessing this power could assume any form of the body
1. facrisftaucitata ant for dent_NC. 3, p. 192. 2. NC. 1, p. 121. 3. NC. I, p. 65. 4. NC, 1, p. 163. 5. Ajja Vairasāmi is mentioned to have protected the Church by means
of Padavijjā during the great famine in Uttaräpatha.-NC. 1, p. 21. 6. las FEI 375TTICI_NC. 1, p. 22; NC. 3, p. 58. 7. Siddhascnāyariya is stated to have created magical horses by following
the instructions laid down in the Joni pāhuda, an important work on
magic-NC. 2, p. 281; Bih. Vr. 2, 2681. 8, NO. 3, P. 59. Kālagajja is mentioned to have been versed in Jotisa and
Nimitta ( astrology and science of prognostication ). 9. Pālittāyariya is described to have cured Murunda of his severe
headache with the power of manta-vijja--NC. 3, p. 423. 10. NO. 3, p. 425. 11. cat fasalu quotié ar att fara, fortid an-NC 2, p. 83; also NC. 2,
p. 183,
12. NO. 1, p. 163.

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at will (viuvvaņa ), could fly high in the sky (akā sagamana ) or acquire vibhaṁga-miņa (a type of clairvoyant knowledge in which knowledge was not totally free from false perception ).1
The term vijja is frequently used to denote various spiri. tual powers (i. e. charms and magics ) and a person possessed of the same was called vijja siddha.2 Vijja could be accomplished by performing certain mystic rites incurring severe penances ( sasāhan2 ). It was presided over by a female deity. The mamta (mystic formula ) on the other hand could be accomplished by reciting (padhana-siddha ) and had a male deity to preside over it.3 A story narrated in the text alludes Pālittāyariya to have cured king Murunda of his severe headache by chanting certain mystic formulae ( mamta ).* Mahākāla is mentioned as another mystic formula by reciting which the underground treasures (nihi) could be detected.
Cunna and joga are also other practices frequently mentioned in the text. Cunni was the consecrated powder used for fascination or conjuration ( vašikaraña). Foga could be applied in various forms, sometimes body was rubbed with substances like sandalwood powder and paste, or the clothes were perfumed with fragrant substances, or the consecrated paste was applied to the feet ( padalevajoga ) which enabled a person to walk on the surface of water. 6 With the help of joga the inauspicious things ( dūbhaga ) could be made auspicious ( subhaga ) or vice-versa.? It could be accomplished
1. इढित्ति इस्सरियं, तं पुण विज्जामतं तवोमतं वा, विउव्वगागासगमणविभंगणाणादि
594-NC. 1, p. 17. 2. NC. 1, p. 22; NC. 3, p. 58. 3. FAHAETT À FAI, y TAETT #S129871-T TART faszt, af&4.
het HÀNC. 3, p. 385. -4, NC. 3, p. 423. 5, NC. 3. p. 387. 6. NC. 3, p. 425. 7. CHT gHit posla, Hit a CERTIFACT gitaui._—Ibid. Bana also
mentions siddhajoga which was an infallible charm.-Harsacarita, Tr. p. 267.

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by means of a power ( vijja ) or by other means and was practised for the purpose of fascination or cunjuration ( vašīkarana ), to end or generate enmity (viddesana ), to cause annihilation or destruction (ucchādana ), to walk over the surface of water by applying it to the feet ( padaleva ), to make a person invisible ( antaddhana ) by applying the collyrium to the eyes ( amjanajoga ) and for various other purposes. The Kulapati of Bambhadiva is mentioned to have walked on the surface of water by applying padaleva to the feet, while two Khuddagas or Jaina monks are described to have eaten the food of king Candragupta Maurya by making themselves invisible (antaddhana ) with the help of the anjanajoga during the great famine which broke during his reign.:
Severe penances were required for acquiring these powers or vijjas. Some of the vijjas could be acquired only in a desert or dreary place like the burial ground or a cemetery and on a prescribed day like cautthi ( 4th day ), atthami ( 8th day ) or cauddasī ( 14th day) of the month. These powers could be lost on uttering a falsehood. The trident (tidan la) of a Parivrājaka, which was hanging up in the sky without any support, is mentioned to have fallen down the moment he uttered a lie regarding his preceptor from whom he had acquired this spell.6 The monk is exhorted to use vijja, mamta or cuņņa only as last resorts for warding off evil, and is advised to settle any dispute by means of anusatthi ( lecture ), dhammakaha (religious teaching ) or bheşana (threat )." However, constant references to these spells and powers in the text clearly reveal that the last and ultimate resort for acquiring
1. qattilag Foldura TaeTT ETT a gastar--NC. 3, p. 385. 2. NC. 3, pp. 425–26. 3. NC. 3, pp. 423–24. 4. 5TEETÍÐ ATE HAD_NC. 1, p. 16. 5. NC. 1, p. 16. 6. NC. 1, p. 12. 7. NC. 2, p. 181.

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anything difficult was the application of these supernatural powers.
Various types of powers or vijjās have been alluded to in the text. Onimani and uņņāmaņi or the powers which made a thing fall down and rise upwards or assume the same posi - tion, are mentioned as two vijjas by means of which Harikesa could steal the mangoes from the well guarded orchard of the king Seniya.! King Seņiya is also described to have learnt these two powers from Harikesa by occupying a seat lower to him.? A śravaka is mentioned to have gone to the burial ground on the night of kala-caturdaśī to acquire the power by means of which one could rise high in the sky (akāśa-gata )."
During the famine, epidemic or such other emergencies when the monks could not procure food, they acquired it by means of abhicaraga (conjuration )', abhiyoga and vasskaraña ( fascination and subjugation )5 or in the absence of these powers through talugghadini-vijja ( the power which unlocks the locks )' or through usoviņi-vijjā (the power which induces sleep)? or through antaddhāna-vijjā by concealing themselves with the help of this power. 8 The practices of abhicăraga caused by the chanting of the mystic formulae ( mamta ) was allowed for the safety of the kula, gara, saṁgha or gaccha.
Among other vijjas mention is made of the abhogiņi-vijjalo by means of which one could know the mind of others.
1.759 at faldt af I BIHUT, 500|1401–NC. 1, p. 9. 2. NO. 1, p. 10. 3. NC. 1, p. 16. 4. 31atcai Oith a fleitoi 527 91NC. 1, p. 163. 5. 37ftitit akiteacui, go fa galau Harete –NC. 1, p. 121. 6. Jie atsasoftg facity afastifo fa&i.3707—Ibid. 7. Fratarfaustig 31 atas tue Ibid. 8. stupanja valla 37fEFH Hafat a ziagnf-Ibid. 9. gfe-tro-elaste hucqua ali pa–NG. 1, p. 163. 10, NC. 2, p. 463; Brh. V r. 4, p. 1252.

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Through mānasi-vijjal one could acquire any object as desired by him. Păsatthas were usually supposed to have been versed in this charm. Thambhini-vijja: was another power which could stupify the mind of a person and also caused the magical arresting of any feeling or force. This power was used by the Jaina monks to suppress the forces of water, fire or air or in order to protect themselves from thieves or wild beasts.* A Jaina monk is described to have acquired sweet meats from a layman by stupifying his mind by this power." The monk possessed of the uvasämana-laddhi was supposed to be capable of pacifying an angry king. 6
Gaddabhi-vijjā is mentioned as another spell which was accomplished by king Gaddabhilla of Ujjayinî.' In this spell a vāṇamamtari assumed the form of a female donkey and by listening her braying the forces of the enemy were overpowered with grief, vomitted blood, lost their senses and fell on the ground.
Padavijjā8 was another power by dint of which Ajja Vairasāmi is mentioned to have protected the samgha during the severe famine which broke in Uttarāpatha in his time. Gori, gāṁdharīlo and mātanga-vijja were the other powers which were highly despised by the people because of the filthy process which underlied their acquisition. But once acquired
1. Amacht OTTH #otal faasiu G Fatifa H NG. 1, p. 139. 2. Ibid. 3. vtafor face fait 551_NC. 1, p. 164. 4. NO. 1, p. 164. 5. NC. 3, p. 422. 6. CHTAUDIT HYUuit at HG a ana trui 5aatfa_NC. 1, p. 140. 7. NC. 3, p. 59. 8. NO. 1, p. 21. 9. NC. 4, p. 15. Gori and Gandhari are mentioned as two of the four
important spells in the Avasyaka Cūrni (p. 161) and Brh. Vr. (1, 2502); Gori and Gandhari vijja have been mentioned in the Mahābhārata
also (Aranyaka Parva, 221, verses 1-77). 10. Gandhāri is mentioned as a charm possessed by the Gandharvas.
Süyagadāinga ( Trans. by Jacobi, SBE., Vol. XLV, p. 367 ).

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these powers were capable of fulfilling all the desires of an individual. There were also counter-spells known as padivijja2 which were used to counteract the effect of a certain power or charm. The Jainas, the Buddhists, the Păsatthas,* the Saivite ascetics5 etc. are all mentioned to have been versed in these practices at various places in the text, which shows the practice of these supernatural powers to be a common feature of all the religious sects of the time.
Besides these superhuman powers, certain magical practices like koua, bhūi, pasiņa, pasiņa-pasiņa, nimitta etc. were also in vogue. Various magical or mystic rites like the custom of taking bath at cemetery or cross-roads by the childless woman or those giving birth to still-born children for the purpose of acquiring a son were termed as koua-kamma.? Bhūi-kamma consisted of the rites like besmearing the body with consecrated ashes as a protective charm. 8
In pasina the question was asked from a deity, and suviņapasina and aṁguttha-pasiņa are mentioned as two varities of the same in which the deity either appeared in dream or ascended on the nail of the thumb.9 Panhavā garaṇa is mentioned as a treatise on this subject. 10 In pasina-pasiņa the question was answered by the deity who appeared in dream.11
1. गोरि-गंधारीओ मातंगविज्जाओ साहणकाले लोगगरहियत्तणतो दुहविण्णवणाओ,
FIESTATAHTMITTUTTI I JETE—NC. 4, p. 15; CAT Arlifte 279&C facute AENATI cùfà-Cauvvana-mahāpurusa-cariyan (Prakrim
Grantha Parishad, Varanasi ), p. 228. 2. NO. 3, p. 422. 3. Ibid. 4. NO. 1, p. 139. 5. NC. 3, p. 585; NC. 3, p. 584; BỊh. V!. 3, p. 796. 6. NC. 3, p. 383. 7. fóg HiTT FAMT57an Eaui fosfa—Ibid. 8. The Tita, fararladt tat-Ibid. 9. siya gafont favolat, afegim ar-NC. 2, p. 184. 10. GET va queathtub gorrat-NC. 3, p. 383. 11. gfquufaust afturi anfernth aftrafaui atafa-Ibid.

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According to another practice, the consecrated tiny bells were rung around the ear of a person and the deity ascended there whispered the answer in his ear. This practice was also called as imkhiņ7.1 Nimitta is mentioned as another practice by which the person could acquire the knowledge of the past, present and future.2
There were also the aimdrajālikas (conjurers and jugglers ) and the vuitalikas ( those worshipping vetala ) who were versed in various feats. The inanimate objects could be displayed as animate with the power of indajala, while the vaitalikas are described as propitiating the ghost occupying the dead body ( vetāla ) by performing sacrifices and other mystic rites. These practices were fraught up with danger as the slightest mistake on the part of the performer could bring his complete disaster.5
Besides, according to the popular practice, the person desiring to bring the downfall of his enemy or king was asked to make the image of that person (võullagakaraṇa ). It was then shot down at the centre by chanting certain mystic formulae. 6 This rite was believed to cause the destruction of the person concerned. Kadagabaṁdhas ( amulets) and vašīkarana-suttas ( threads for conjuration ) were tied around the neck or hand of the person to be conjured or secured."
1. विज्जाभिमंतिया घंटिया कण्णमूले चालिज्जति तत्थ देवता कीधति... ...स एव
sooit zoufaIbid. 2. NO. 3, p. 383. 3. Ti ar HEALTH A aclà, à GGMME-NC. 3, p. 193. 4. HITTT Casar dari hartfarfa for re NC. 3, p. 526. 5. Ibid. 6. जो साहु-संघ-चेतित-पडिणीतो तस्स पडिमा मिम्मया णामंकिता कज्जति, सा मतेगाभि
Hanu Haaa sala--NG. 1, p. 65. 7. ETTEI TÈ Elifa Fui TEIPITUISTE (NC. 2, p. 223). In the Kādambari
of Bāna Vilasavati is also shown as wearing the charmed amulets ( mantrakarandaka ).-See Agrawala, Kadambari : Eka Samskrtika Adhyayana, p. 71; also Kālidāsa, Abhijñāna Sākuiltalam, Act. 7.

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The popular practice of tying the horns of buffalo around the neck of the children by the Persians has also been referred to. 1 Festivals
In India most of the festivals and festivities are some way or other related to religion. A great many festivals were observed by the Jaina and the non-Jaina society, some of which were common to both, while the others like pajjusana, 2 atthahiyas etc. were observed by the Jainas alone.
Festivals were celebrated in honour of the deities, due to the changing seasons, and towards innumerable other sacred objects. The Nišitha Sutra mentions various festivals held in honour of Imda, Khamda, Rudda, Mugumda, bhūta, jakkha, ņāga, thubha, ceiya, rukkha, giri, dari, agada, tadaga, daha, ņidi, sara, sāgara etc. A festival was usually observed on the erection of a temple, on the installation of an image in a temple or when a well was dug.5 Every new enterprise was thus accompanied with proper religious ceremonies.
Great Festivals ( Mahāmaha )–Of these various festivals ( maha ), four festivals were of greater importance and were styled as mahimaha or great festivals. These were : (i) Imdamaha, (ii) Khandamaha, (iii) 7akkhamaha and (iv) Bhūyamaha. These four great festivals were successively celebrated on the four full-moon days ( punnima ) of Asādha, Asoya, Kattiya ( Kārtika )
1. NO. 2, p. 396. 2. NC. 3, p. 131. 3. NC. 3, pp. 81, 141. 4. NS. 8.14; NC. 2, p. 443. Similar lists of festivals are found in the
various Jaina and Buddhist texts.- Nayādhammakahā, 1. 25 ( ed. by Vaidya, ); Mahānid desa, 1, p. 89, also p. 310; Milinda paino ( ed. by
Vadekara ), p. 190. 5. 934 FUOLIT JANITOUT Trys ar 2557–NC. 2, p. 143; Brh. Vī. 5, p.
1539. 6. NS. 19. 11; NC. 4, p. 226,

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and Cetta (Caitra ).1 People utilized their time in preparing delicious food or arranging different sorts of conserts; even the Jaina monks were directed to suspend their studies during these festival days.2 These festivals lasted for a number of days and ended on the full-moon day of their respective months. Along with the full-moon days the four palivaya days (i. e. the first full-moon day or the next day after the full-moon ) of the above mentioned months were also included in the festival days, as people could receive or visit their friends and relatives who could not be visited on the previous day of the full-moon festival.: Of these four great festivals we get some more details regarding the Indamaba.
Imdamaha-Imdamaha, or the festival held in honour of the deity Indra, was usually celebrated on the full-moon day of Āşādha.. In the Lăța country, however, it was celebrated on the full-moon day of Śrāvana. According to another tradition, during the reign of king Sālivāhapa of Paithāņa Imdamaha was celebrated on the 5th day of the bright half of Bhadrapada, because of which the date of the Jaina festival Pajjusana was changed by Ajja Kālaga from the 5th to the 4th.6
1. NC. 4, p. 226. According to the Avasyaka Cūrni (p. 315) also the
Skandamaha was observed on the full-moon day of Asoja. 2. 140-42U-Erot-CPO-09-12-712 7 HEM FETHET NE GT ASER FIT JEH.
acas-NC. 4, p. 226. 3. Struj 7 hefūg algavata affeina a Hiffarà qisqui—Ibid. 4. B]TATETTARTN. Bbā. 19. 6065; also NC. 4, p. 226. Among the
Rajapūtas even now the festival of Indra is observed in the month of
Āsādha.–Agrawala, V. S., Prācina Bhāratiya Lokadharma, p. 38. 5. E TIÊU arauatfogjang Hafa CAETNC. 4, p. 226. A festival must
have been observed on the full-moon day of Srāvana, as according to Alberupi the full-moon day of Srāvana;.was observed as a holiday held in bonour of Somanātha and the people used to feed Brāhmanas on that occasion. (Al-Beruni's India, Eng. Tr. by G. Sachau, Turtnir Oriental Series, London, 1914, II. 176, 179). Its relation with
Indamaha, however, is not clear. 6. NC. 3, p. 131.

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According to Abhayatilaka Gani, the commentator of Hemacandra's Doyasraya, the festival of Indrapūja lasted from the 8th day of the bright half to the full-moon day of Aśvina.1 The date of the Indramaha thus seems to have differed in different regions from Aṣādha to Śrāvaṇa, Bhādrapada, or Aśvina, although the festival was evidently observed in honour of the rain-god.
21
RELIGION
3
During the Imdamaha, the image of the deity was installed at a place called Imdatthana, around which the people assembled for worship. Young girls on this particular day used to pray Indra to grant them the boon of leading a happy married life (sobhagga). The king as well as the subjects from different towns and villages brought their offerings (bali, uvahara) to the god and the ascetics were given a sumptuous feast.* Even the Jaina monks were allowed to partake the food given in such feasts in case it was arranged by public munificence." The ascetics of the different Brāhmaṇic sects like the Pan laramgas and Sarakkhas can be seen assembling at a place during the Indra festival. This made it difficult for the Jaina monks to acquire a proper shelter during the festival days. Their studies, as noted before, were to remain suspended during the festival days to keep them in harmony with the local sentiment.8
1. Dvjasraya, III. 8. In the Rāmāyaṇa (Kişkindhā-kāṇḍa, 16-37 ) also the festival of Indradhvaja is mentioned to have been celebrated on the full-moon day of Avina.
2.
NC. 3, p. 243. Indian terminology, the word thana assigned to a deity.-Agrawala, V. S., op. cit., p. 97.
3. इंद मग्गति वरं, सोभग्गं च अभिलसं ति - NC. 3, p. 243.
4. इंदादीण महेसु जे उवहार णिज्जंति बलिमादिया जणेण पुरेण वा — NC. 2, p. 444.
5. NC. 2, p. 239; also NG. 2, p. 444.
6. NC. 3, p. 123.
7. इंदमहादिसु समागतेसु बहुसु परतित्थिसु, सखेत्ते पडिवसभेसु जतंति अंतरपल्लीसु य, तेसु वि असंथरंता गच्छति - NG 3, p. 124.
8. NC. 4, pp. 226-27.

According to the ancient denotes the sacred place

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Sugimhaga (Sugrīşmaka )—While some of the festivals were observed only in certain regions, the Sugimhaga is mentioned as a festival which was observed in all the regions. This festival seems to have been observed on the full-moon day of Caitra.2 It has been mentioned in the Hemacandra's Deśīnāmamala, but according to him,a the festival of Sugrísmaka was celebrated on the full-moon day of Phālguna.* Abhayatilaka Gani commenting upon the Duyāśraya quotes from the Bhavisyat purāna according to which this festival originated during the reign of Raghu to drive away the demoness Dhundbā who was creating havoc ( upadrava ) amongst the children. 5
Vasaṁtūsava ( Vasantot sava )-Vasaṁtū sava or spring-festival as the name itself suggests was celebrated during the advent of the spring season. During this festival the kings and nobles amused themselves with wine and women, and special journeys were arranged to the rivers where they played pranks in the water. Worship of Kāmadeva, so frequently mentioned in the text,? must have been performed during this festival. Vasantot sava has been equated with Phiggu or Dola parva which was observed in the month of Caitra. The Dhāraprasasti of Arjunavarman also mentions the Vasantotsava as Caitra parva9 because of the fact that this festival was celebrated in the month of Caitra.
Besides, Komulī or Komuticara, lo also called as Komudimahof
1 EfTENT YOU Haaret for at H75--NC. 4, p. 233. 2. gritain daytouHTG–NC. 4, p. 226. 3. Dešināmamala, VIII. 39. 4. Dvyāšraya, V. 141; see also-Majumdar, A. K., Chaulukyas of
Gujarat, pp. 306-8. 5. Ibid. 6. qfarsa source Frana faza gl Feater FHFHO_NC. 4, p. 50. 7. NC. 1, p. 9; NO. 3, p. 144. 8. Dešināmamālā, VI. 82; also Majumdar, op. cit., p. 305. 9. EI. VIII, p. 96. 10. NO. 1, p. 17; NC. 4, p. 306.

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sava in various classical Sanskrit texts, was the festival held in honour of the full-moon.1 The young girls accompanied by their friends or mothers participated in the festival. The garland-makers brought beautiful flowers and garlands for the festival, which were sold at a high price."
2
Some of the festivals were observed by a certain section of society or in a particular village or town." Mallajuddhamaha5 was evidently a festival of the wrestlers when the wrestling-contests were arranged. Bahuraya is mentioned as a festival celebrated by the Sarakkha ascetics, while the Bahu-milakkhu-maha is explained as a festival in which a large number of non-Aryan population like the Dravidians participated. Mention has also been made of the Iṭṭaga-chaṇa which has been explained as the feast of noodles. 9 According to J. C. Jain, it might correspond to the feast of Rakṣābandhana or Saluno held in North India.10
Jaina Festivals and Fasts
RELIGION
Pajjusana-Jainism being an ascetic religion, most of the Jaina festivals were accompanied with fasts. Pajjusana was the most important of the Jaina festivals. According to the ancient tradition, the festival of Pajjusana could be held on punnima (full-moon day ), pañcami ( fifth day ), daśami (tenth
1. Saletore, Life in the Gupta Age, p. 161. 2. कोमुतिचारं माताए समं आगता - NC. 1, p. 17.
3. NC. 4, p. 306.
4. NO. 2, p. 242; NC. 4, p. 233.
5. ताहे...मल्लजुद्धमहे वट्टमाणो – NC. 3, p. 139.
6. जत्थ महे बहू बहुरया मिलंति जहा सरक्खा सो बहुरयो भण्णति - NC. 3, p. 350 .
7. अव्वत्तभासिणो बहुगा जत्थ महे मिलंति सो बहुमिलक्खू महो, ते य मिलक्खू -NC, 3, p. 350. In the press-copy of the NC. prepared by
Muni Punyavijayaji the text is. ते य मिलक्खू दमिडादि ।
8. NC. 2, p. 419. 9. LAI., p. 239. 10. Ibid.

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day ) or such other pavva days, but it was from the time of Ajja Kālaga that the date of the Pajjusana was changed from the 5th to the 4th of the bright half of Bhaddavaya (Bhadrapada ) at the request of the king Salivahana of Paithana (Mahārāşçra ), as it coincided with the date of the Indrafestival in his region. From this time this festival came to be known as Samanapūya among the people of Marahatçha. 3 Even today the Paryūṣaṇa among the Jainas begins with the twelfth of the dark half of Bhadrapada and ends with the fifth of the bright half of it.
The object of this festival was to make the person free from sins committed by him during the year; hence an atthama fast5 was necessarily enjoined upon a monk, while the laymen could take recourse to fasting according to their individual capacities. An.yearly confession of sins was made on this occasion and old enmities were given up. Example is cited of king Udāyana, a devoted Jaina layman, who made king Pajjoya free from his captivity and restored his kingdom back to him on this day on learning that he also believed in the
1. NC, 3, p. 131. 2. Ibid. 3. dat grafa Tetraggi " V " fə gult Tat—Ibid. 4. Sangave, V. A., Jaina Community, p. 247. According to the Digam
baras, however, Paryusana lasts every year for ten days from the fifth to the fourteenth day (both days inclusive ) of the bright half
of the month of Bhadrapada-Ibid., p. 246. 5. Toith1—3T BYTH got - NC. 3, p. 157. The Jaina
monks were enjoined to do atthama, chattha and cauttha fasts during the Pajjusána, Caummāsiya and Pakkhiya fasts respectively (Ibid). The Cauttha meant one fast during which the person took bis mcals on the fourth turn ; the Chattha thus meant two such fasts and the
atthama, three fasts. 6. qilgang af faar 31131011-NC. 3, P. 157. 7. Foi qotaquin
NC. 3, p. 139. Sco also--Stevenson, S., 'Festivals and Fasts (Jaina ),'Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 5, pp. 875-79,

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faith of Jinas.1 It was from the time of Pajjusaņa that the monsoon retreat started for the monks.
During the Pajjusana days the Pajjosavaņ2-kappa was studied by the monks but its reciting aloud during the day time was not allowed to the monks. We are, however, told that in the central Caityagrha of Anandapura the Pajjosavaņdkappa was read out before all the people; it was, however, recited by a Pasattha, as the monks were usually not allowed to recite the same,s It can be thus deduced that the monks as well as laymen would bave tried to spend a greater portion of their time in the temples or Caityas during the days of the Pajjusana festival.
Atthahiya ( Aşxanhika )-Next in importance was Atthahiya, a festival so named because of the fact that it lasted for a period of eight days. This festival was believed to have been observed even by the gods in their heavenly abode.5 In the Paumacariya of Vimala Sūri the Aşçãnhika-parva (eight days festivity ) has been called as Nandiśvaramahotsavas and the celestial beings can be seen going to Nandīývaradvípa to celebrate the Aştanhika-parva.' The importance of this festival during these centuries is proved by an inscription of Caulukya ministers Tejapāla and Vastupāla, which gives a detailed information regarding the Aşçãnhika festival. In this particular case the festival was to start on the third day of the dark half of Caitra and to last for eight days. This festival is
1. NO. 3, p. 147. 2. NC. 3, p. 157. 3. जहा दिवसतो आणंदपुरे मूले चेतियघरे (पज्जोसवणाकप्पो ) सव्वजणसमक्खं
afferatlā, Jau la Argu ela, recent pieza–NC. 3, p. 158. 4. NO. 3, p. 81; Bih. V . 5, p. 1539. 5, 34001 ar valutarala 31Z GICHEAPOCA P. iar fifa—NC. 3, p. 141. 6. Paumacariya, 66. 14. 7. Ibid., 15. 30. See also-Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Pauma
cariya ( unpublished thesis ), p. 594. 8. EI. VIII, F. 200 ( Ins. No, 2).

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observed thrice a year during the week beginning from the lunar eighth in the month of Kārtika, Pbālguna and Aşădha."
Ņhavaņa pūya and Rahajatta (Snänapūja and Rathayatra)-The ceremony of giving bath to the images of the holy Tírthankaras ( nhavana )2 and taking them out in procession in cars (rahajatta ) was observed with great pomp and show. The custom of giving ceremonial bath to the images must have existed among all the sects alike. 1-Tsing also believed that "the washing of the holy image is a meritorious deed which leads a meeting with Buddha in every birih.'
Rahajattās were also carried out in which the monks as well as the laymen accompanied the procession. In certain places rahajatta or "the ceromony of taking out the images of the Arhats in cars' is said to have been performed in the month of Vaisakha.3 From the Mahāvīracarita of Hemacandra we learn that "Kumārapāla caused the statues of the Arhatsto be borne in the procession in cars in every village and town". On its basis Bühler has concluded that “there is no doubt that during the time of orthodox kings the Svetāmbaras of Gujarat were not permitted to exhibit their divine images in public and that Kumārapāla was the first king to grant this privilege to them". But Majumdar has observed : “Seeing the close ties of amity between the two communities from the time of Mūlarä ja I, it is difficult to believe that the privilege of taking out a procession was withheld by his predecessors. What is more likely is that Rathayātrā festival was being observed by the Jainas for a long time, but it was Hemacandra and Kumārapāla who understood its efficacy as
1. Sangave, op. cit., p. 249; Kailashchandra, Jainadharia, p. 312. 2. तित्थगरपडिमाणं ण्हवणपूया रहजत्ताइसु कुलाइकज्जेसु वा दूरं पि गओ पुणो ते कुले.
gfa afe3-NC. 2, p. 137; Brh. Vr. 2, PP. 488, 494, 522. 3. 74 ugqui a aT Q HICHTÈ natafa_NC. 2, p. 334; also Bih. l', 2,
p. 494. 4. Mahnviracarita, verse 76. 5. Bubler, G., Life of Hemacandrācārya, p. 45.

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a means of popularising Jainism and organised it on a national scale".1 The evidence provided in the NC. supports the same fact and it is clear that the custom of taking out the images of Arhats was practically carried out during these centuries.
The custom of rahajatta, also known as aṇujāņa ( anuyāna ),2 prevailed among the Jainas even in the time of the Mauryan king Samprati." It is stated that very enthusiastically he (Samprati) participated in this festival, roamed about the whole city with procession along with his servants and officials and also asked the vassal kings to observe the ceremony of rahajatta in their respective kingdoms as a sign of his tutelage.* It was from the time of Samprati that this custom was made popular in various regions like Andhra, Tamila, Kuduk ka and Mahārāṣṭra, and carried down to the later centuries.
Pilgrimage
The ideal of pilgrimage was common to all the religions, although unlike the Brahmanic version of the word, the Jaina philosophers define tirtha as a place which shows the way to cross the ocean of Samsara.5
327
Visit to the various places related to the life history of the Tirthankaras was considered to be the means of purifying the vision and acquiring Right Faith in religion (damsaṇa-suddhi)." As such all the places where Tirthankaras were born (jammana), where they renounced the world and got initiated into the ascetic life (nikkhamana), where they roamed abou
1. Majumdar, A. K., Chaulukyas of Gujarat, p. 321.
2. अणुजाणं रहजत्ता -- NC 4, p. 131; Brh Vr. 2, p. 522.
3. NC. 4, p. 131.
4. Ibid.

5. Sangave, op. cit., p. 270. The Brahmana practice of taking bath in the tirthas for the purification of sins has been highly criticised by the Jaina philosophers. See-Viseṣāvasyaka Bhāṣya, 1026-27; also Paumacariya, 22. 85. 6. NC. 3, p. 24.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
practising great austerities during the days of their spiritual struggle (vihāra), where they achieved omniscience (kevaloppada) and the places where they achieved salvation ( nivvāna ), were the sacred places of pilgrimage.1 A similar sentiment is shared by the Buddhists who have the following four places for their pilgrimage the place of the Buddha's birth (Lumbini), the place where he attained perfect enlightenment ( Bodhgaya ), the place where he set in motion the wheel of Dharma by delivering his first sermon (Sarnath near Varanasi ) and the place where he passed away into the state of Nirvāņa ( Kushinara ).3
Besides, journey to certain places famous for some religious objects like the temple or image was considered to be meritorious. Among such places the dhamma-cakka in Uttaravaha, the god-made thūbha ( stūpa ) at Mathura and the image of Jiyam tasāmi at Kosala3 were regarded as places where the Jainas aspired to go to pay their homage to the deity and purify their mind and intellect ( Bohilabha ).*
The famous Brāhmanic tīrthas or the places of pilgrimage like Ganges, Payāga, Pahāsa etc. have been mentioned as kutittha (kutīrtha) in the NC., which only shows the sectarian spirit of the Jaina author. These tirthas have been highly eulogised by the ancient as well as the medieval Brāhmaṇic authorities and pilgrimage to these places is held in regard even to the present centuries. Among these Brāhmaṇic tirthas ( kutitthas in the NC. ) the following have been mentioned :
1. तित्थकराण य तिलोगपूइयाण जम्मण-णिक्खमण-विहार-केवलुप्पाद-निव्वाणभूमीओ य
iFjā augš. STEAIbid. 2. Mahāparinibbānasutta, SBE., Vol. X, p. 90; Kane, P. V., History
of Dharmaśāstras, Vol. IV, p. 552. 3. उत्तरावहे धम्मचक्कं, मधुराए देवणिम्मियथूभी, कोसलाए व जियंतपडिमा तित्थकराण
ar Jifit-NC. 3, p. 79. 4. Fəalgo q au dat aan fa fertile_NC. 3, p. 24. 5. NC. 3, p. 195.

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RELIGION
Ganges, Pahasa, Payāga, Avakhaṁda, Sirimāya and Keyāra.1
Of the above mentioned titthas, Ganges, as we know, was held to be the most sacred from ancient times. Here mention of the river Ganges as a tittha and not of the specific titthas situated on its bank is perhaps due to the fact that the Ganges was considered to be pure at all places. The Vayu Purana and the Kurma Purana clearly state that all parts of the Himalayas are holy and the Ganges is holy everywhere;2 Prabhasa or Pahasa, as it has been called in the text (modern Somnath in Junagarh dist., Gujarat), was another famous ancient tirtha which was regarded as deva-tirtha along with Kast and Puşkara.
329
Prayaga mentioned as a kutittha in the NC. is evidently the same as the Tirtharaja Prayaga of the Brahmins situated at the confluence of the three rivers at Allahabad. Yuan Chwang, who visited India during these centuries, also narrates the religious significance of this place. 5
Avakhamda is mentioned as another tirtha. This place, however, remains unidentified; the text seems to be corrupt at this place. Sirimaya as mentioned in the text is same as Śrīmāla, also known as Bhinmal or Bhillamāla, the famous capital of the Gurjaras; its religious significance as a tirtha, however, is not known. Keyara is another tirtha mentioned in the text; it might have been same as Kedara, a sub-tirtha in Varanasi or Kedaranatha in Tehri Garhwal.
Mention has also been made of the ancient Pukkhara
1. गंगा आदिग्गहणातो पहास - पयाग अवखंड - सिरिमाय (ल) केयारादिया एते सव्वे कुतित्था — NC. 2, p. 195.
2. Kane, P. V., loc. cit.
3. GD., p. 157.
4. Jain, op. cit., p. 322.
5. Beal, op. cit., pp. 232-34.
6. Jain, op. cit., p. 269. In the press copy of the Nisitha Curni prepared by Muni Punyavijayaji the text is to be found as Avarakanda.
7. GD., p. 192.
8. Kane, op. cit., p. 768.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
tittha ( Puşkara-tīrtha )1 and Bhamdíra-tittha of Mathura. The author gives a Jaina version of the origin of these tirthas. It was believed that while marching against king Udayana from Vitibhaya to Ujjayinī, king Pajjoya had to pass through desert ( marubhūmi) where he and his ten vassal kings suffered terribly for three days due to lack of water. At last with the grace of a certain deva ( Prabhāvati-deva ) it rained heavily, and the rain-water was stored in a pukkharani ( lake or well) made by the god bimself (devayakaya). From the word pukkharaại the place later came to be known as Pukkharatittha.& According to the Brāhmanic version, however, this. place was called Puşkara from the lotus (puşkara) that Brahma cast here. The Vanaparva states Puşkara as the best tirtha in the areal region;s it has also been called as deva-tīrtha. According to the NC., this tirtha was situated in the Marubhūmi? (marujana pada ); this place which is six miles away from Ajmer has always been famous for pilgrimage.8
Pilgrimage to the Bhandíra-caitya, the abode of the Bhamdīra-jakkha at Mathura, was also considered meritorious.* According to the Ävaśyaka Cūrni, Mathura was a famous centre of heretics and was also known for pilgrimage to the temple of Bhaṁdira-jak kha.lo Bhaṁdira is mentioned as one amongst the twelve important forests or gardens near Mathura." According to the Mahabharata, however, the famous Nyagrodha tree of Vịndāvana was known as Bhandira. 1 2
1. NC. 3, p. 146. 2. NO. 3, p. 366. 3. तं च जलं देवता-कय-पुक्खरणीतिए संठियं, देवयकयपुक्खरणि त्ति अबुहजणेणं "ति
get"fa farvi gara-NC. 3. p. 146. 4. Kanc, op. cit., p. 794. 5. Vanaparva quoted by Tirtha Prakāśa, p. 19. 6. Tirtha Prakāša, p. 18. 7. NC. 3, p. 147. 8. Kane, op. cit., p. 793. 9. TET AYTIT HET Gag. Jaffnete e farei qua7_NC. 3, p. 366: 10. Āvašyaka Cürni, p. 281. 11. Kanc, op. cit., pp. 690-91. 12. Mahābhāratı, 11. 53. 8.

Page #351

APPENDIX A
DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NC.
From the text
valuable information about various
diseases can be found which is in corroboration with the ancient medical texts. An alphabetical list of the various diseases along with their description as found in the NC. is appended below:
(i) Ajira (Indigestion): Ajira, also known as aratita, was same as indigestion. The person suffering from it was unable to digest any food.2
(ii) Ameha Eating impure food or food that has been touched by ants was the cause of the disease amehā which led to the 'loss of wisdom'."
(iii) Arisila, Arisa or Ast, (Piles-Haemorrhoids) : Arisila,* also known as arisă or asi, was same as piles or haemorrhoids and it affected the rectum.5 Oil-anema (nehavasti) was especially prescribed for the patients suffering from this disease.
(iv) Bhagamdara (Fistula in Ano): Bhagamdara or the disease 'Fistula in Ano' affected the rectum of the body and the pustules attracted small worms or
1. NC. 3, p. 258.
2. अरतितो जं ण पच्चति — NC. 2, p. 215.
3. मूइंगसंसत्ते अमेहा भवति, मेहोवघातो भवतीत्यर्थः -NC. 1, p. 92.
4. NC. 2, p. 90.
5. असी अरिसा ता य अहिठाणे णासाते वणेसु वा भवंति – NC. 2, p. 215.
6. NC. 3, p. 392.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
insects.1 Flesh (mamsa) or rice-floor mixed with ghṛta and honey was commonly used for extracting the small insects which clung to the affected portion.2 According to Suśruta, bhagandara was so named as it burst the lower rectum, the perineum, the bladder and the place adjoining them (thus setting up a mutual communication between them ).*
(v) Daddu ( Ringworm): Daddu was a common skindisease.* It is same as dadru or ringworms which usually appear on the skin.
(vi) Dagodara ( Dakodara-Ascites ) : Dagodara, also known as jaloyara (jalodara), was considered as one of the eight types of vyadhis5 and is same as ascites. Eating impure food touched by lice or other insects, or wearing wet-clothes," is mentioned as the cause of this disease. According to Suśruta, the person suffering from the disease inordinately enlarges the abdomen which becomes glossy and full of water like a fullbloated water-drums.
(vii) Daha or Dahajara (Inflamation or Typhoid fever): Daha was caused by the derangement of the pitta element (bile ).9 Daha and jara are mentioned as two
1. भगंदर अप्पण्णतो अधिट्ठाणे क्षतं किमियजालसंपण्णं - NC. 2, p. 215; भगंदर: पुतसंधौ व्रण विशेषो — Bh. V. 4, p. 1118
******
2. पोग्गलं मंसं, तं गहेऊण भगंदले पवेसिज्जति, ' ...असती पोग्गलस्स समिया घेप्पर, " सा मद्दुघएहिं तुप्पेउं मद्दिजं च भगदले च्छुभति, ते किमिया तत्थ लग्गंति—NG. 1, p. 100.
3. ते तु, भगगुदबस्तिप्रदेशदारणाच्च भगन्दरा इत्युच्यन्ते — Susrutasamhitā, Nidānas
thāna, 4. 3.
4. NC. 2, pp. 62, 214.
5. N. Bhā. 3647; NC. 3, p. 258.
6. छप्पदादिसु यन्नादिपडियखद्धासु दगोदरं भवति - जलोदरमित्यर्थ: - NG 3, p. 161; also NC. 1, p. 93.
7. NC. 3, p. 161.
8. यथा दृति: क्षुभ्यति कम्पते च शब्दायते चापि दकोदरं तत् |- -Suśrutasaṁhitā,
Nidānasthāna, 7. 23.
9. f -NC. 2, p. 267; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1039.

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DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NC.
333
different diseases but sometimes these are used as a combined term ďahajara' meaning thereby inflama
tion accompanied with fever, i. e. typhoid fever. (viii) Ganda : Ganda2 was a common term for boils or
pustules during their unsuppurated stage. The ganda appearing on feet were known as mahula. 4 Massaging with oil particularly with the mŢgadantika oil ( lawsonice inermis ) was thought to be beneficial in such
cases, 5 (ix) Gan lamala or gan ļi ( Scrofula ): Gan lamāla or gandi
was same as scrofula or the disease of tubercle glands. It was called so as it spread around the neck of the
patient.? (x) Gila siņi: Gila siņi is mentioned as a toga along with the
ganlamala, slīpada and sūnija. It may be same as.
over-appetite. (xi) zaloyara ( See Dagodara ). (xii) Kasa ( Cough ): Kasa is mentioned as a vyādhi or
atanka which seriously affected the victim.. According to Caraka, ka sa is derived from the root kas meaning
1. Ibid. 2. NO. 2, pp. 90, 214, 215. 3. Ganda is called as a type of pidaka in the NC. According to Suśruta.
(Nidānasthāna, 4.3), a pustulo was called as pidaka in its unsuppu--
rated stage. 4. qi jË AGMT Huua—NC. 2, p. 90. 5. NO. 2, p. 213. 6. JITĦRTIFACT THEM TISASİY—NC. 3, p. 529. 7. Toget fa te, N = TEATING. 2, p. 215. 8. NO. 3, p. 529; Bịh. V. 2, p. 322. 9. LAI., p. 180. The word grāsnu used by Panini (111. 2. 139 ) is explai
ned by Agrawala as one suffering from the debiliating effects of a discase, the convalescent ( India as known to Panini, p. 123 ) from
which also the word gilasini may be derived. 10. NO. 3, p. 529.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
to move.' It caused the movement of phlegm from
the respiratory passages. 1 (xiii) Kidima (Keloid Tumerous ) : Kidima was a type of
skin disease (kāyavrana) caused by the internal disorder in skin.2 Secretion of a type of black viscid matter from the affected portion like the thighs etc. was a normal feature of this disease. Susruta also describes kitima as a kind of kşudra-kuştha ( minor leprosy ) in which the eruptions exclude a kind of slimy secretion and are circular, thick, excessively itching, glossy and
black in colour. (xiv) Kuttha ( skin-diseases ): Kuttha was a general term for
all the skin-diseases. Daddu, kiţima, pama and vikiccika have been mentioned as various sub-varieties of kuttha. Bhinna-kuttha was also another type of
leprosy. 6 (xv) Mandaggi ( Dyspepsia ): Mandaggi was the disease
of dyspepsia. A person suffering from this disease was advised to take salt in order to strengthen the
power of the digestive organs.? (xvi) Padala : Padala was a kind of eye-disease caused by
the derangement of the simbha (sleşma--cough) element in the body.' It covered the layer of the eyes and the person affected by the same was unable to see anything.
1. Carakasamhita, Gikitsästhāna, 18. 8. 2. # south metal (arroquil) sed, flèH, , fafef71, 4tht, utellaan
1-NC. 2, p. 214. 3. Hi fare for thD aed-NC. 2, p. 62. 4. Sušrutasanhitā, Nidānasthäda, v. 9–10. 5. NO. 2, p. 213–14; Bih. Vļ. 2, p. 322. Eighteen kinds of kustha arc men
tioned in the Susrutasamnitā (Nidānasthāna, 5. 4-5) and Caraka
samhita, Ch. 7, pp. 2069–73. 6. NC. 2, p. 90. 7. ETT HETT FETT Tecyf-NC. 1, p. 67. 8. feryculare i contifelariatui qed Hot-NC. 3, pp-55–56.

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DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NC.
335
(xvii) Pāmā ( Eczema ): Pama is mentioned as a type of
skin-disease. 1 According to Suśruta, it is a kind of minor leprosy in which small pustules or pimples characterised by itching and burning secretion appear
on the surface of the body. 2 (xviii) Pittiya ( Paittika): Pittiya diseases were caused by the
derangement of the pitta element ( bile ) in the body.s Among the various pittiya diseases, timira* ( a type of eye-disease), mūrcha 5 (fainting) and dahajaras (typhoid fever ) have been mentioned in the text. For the elimination of this type of diseases use of substances like padma and utpala (nilumbuim specioscum ) was
prescribed by the physicians.? (xix) Sanni pata : Sanni pita or sannivíta was the disease
caused by a simultaneous derangement of the vāta ( air ), pitta ( bile ) and simbha (cough ).8 Use of the fruits like matulunga or bijapūraka ( citrus, medica-var
typica ) was recommended for this type of disease. (xx) Silippa ( Elephantiases ): Silippa is mentioned as one
of the sixteen rogasló or diseases which last for a long 1. NC. 2, p. 214. 2. Sušrutasainitā, Nidānastbāna, V. 9-10. 3. NC. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340. 4. NC. 3, p. 55. 5. T OT 231_NC. 2, p. 267. 6. Ibid. 7. faze y T CTOR-NC. 2, p. 316; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 323. The sub
stances belonging to the class of padma and ut pala have the quality of pacifying the deranged phlegm and bile.-Sharma, Priyavrata,
Dravya Gula Vijñāna, p. 447. 8. faldet i alat for FH 37t ar are ar fara afuarlaat hat-NC. 4,
P. 310. 9. afogaty haft-NC. 2, p. 316; Brh. Vr. 2, p. 323. According to
Briyavrata Sharma, two varieties of the fruit mātulunga are available, one sweet and the other sour. The former is used for the pacification of pitta and vāta, while the latter for Simbha and vāta.--Op. cit.,
pp. 276-77. 10. NO. 3, p. 529; M14Gift clau per gratuit-TO125 HETTAME**
paritalà: setust-Brh. Vr. 2, p. 358.
10.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
time. It was same as slīpada which is known
to us as Elephantiases. (xxi) Simbhiya—Simbhiya (ślaişmika ) was the disease
caused by the derangement of the simbha (phlegm ) element. Kasa ( asthma) and padala (a type of eye-disease ) are mentioned as diseases caused by the same factor.2 Use of the leaves of the nimba tree ( melia azadirachta ) was recommended for the cure
of the deranged phlegm. 3 (xxii) Sūla-Sula was a type of colic pain. It is mentioned
as an atamka. The person affected with this disease
could die immediately. (xxiii) Sūniya--Sūniya was one of the sixteen rogas. It is
sarne as swelling. (xxiv) Timira-In this disease deranged vayu ( air ) covered
the layers of the eyes which resulted into the loss of vision.6 Suśruta also states that in vataja type of timira all external objects are viewed as cloudy, moving,
crooked and red-coloured.? (XXV) Vamana ( Vomitting )-Over-eating or eating impure
food, in which the flies had fallen,' caused the disease
vamana. (xxvi) Vatita—Vatita or vataja diseases were caused by the
derangement of the vata ( air ) element. The person 1. NC. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340. 2. NO. 3, p. 55. 3. få fūa901-NC. 2, p. 316; Brh. V. 2, p. 323. According to Priya--
vrata Sharma, the nimba pacifies cough and bile (op. cit., pp. 122-23);
hence it must have been used in such diseases. 4. NO. 3, p. 529; Bịh. Vr. 2, p. 322. 5. NC. 3, p. 529. 6. fazafant a coqaleefayah 791Fitui fafhx soufd-NC. 3, p. 55..
Bâna also mentions the persons suffering from this disease as taimirika who were unable in seeing anything--Agrawala, Kadambari: Eka
Sanskrtika Adhya yana, p. 120. 7. Susrutasanhitā, Uttaratantra, VII. 6-7. 8. HfEgil HATIH SEů afa, qaafhete:-NC. 1, p. 92. 9. NO. 3, p. 417; NC. 4, p. 340.

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DISEASES MENTIONED IN THE NO.
337
suffering from the dataroga (wind-trouble) was advised to drink clarified butter 1 or take food or sweets like ghaya punna2 in which the clarified butter was poured in abundance. Use of the products of eranda (ricinus communis ) was also prescribed for the
elimination of this class of diseases.' (xxvii) Vikiccika ( Propriasis )–Vikiccika was a kind of skin
disease. * Susruta explains vicarcika as a kind of minor leprosy characterised by excessive pain and itching and giving rise to extremely dry crack like marks on
the body. 5 (xxviii) Višūcika ( Cholera )-Over-eating is mentioned as the
possible cause of this disease.
1. si Pathet afat et anataractant I feelà-NC. 4, p. 340;
qadficut miferi-Brh. V. 2, p. 557. 2. qitet at Threvi_NC. 3, p. 97; Brh. Vr. 4, p. 1005. 3. NC. 2, p. 316; also-BỊh. Vị. 2, p. 323. Eranda was meant to pacify
the deranged wind and thus helped the limbs in the swift motion.
Sharma, Priyavrata, op. cit., pp. 51–53. 4. NO. 2, p. 214. 5. Susrutasainitā, Nidānasthāna, v. 9-10. 6. yü ar faqat_N 5. 2, p. 267; Bih. Vr. 4, p. 1039.

Page #358

Page #359

APPENDIX B
GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED
IN THE NC.
Abhira (NC. 3, p. 425): Abhira was situated in Dakşinapatha. Kanha and Veņņā were the two rivers of this vişaya between which was situated the island Bambhaddiva.
Akkatthali (NC. 3, p. 192): It is identified with Akkatthala, one of the five places mentioned in Mathura, others being Virathala, Paumatthala Kusatthala and Mahathala (vide-LAI., p. 265).
Amdha (NC. 2, p. 362; NC. 4, pp. 125, 131): It is identified with the country between the rivers Godavari and Krishna including the districts of Krishna (GEB., p. 62). Situated 150 miles to the south of Kośala the province of Andhra was 500 miles in circuit (CAGI., pp. 444-16). It was a non-Aryan country. Samprati made Amdha, Damila, Kudukka and ( mentioned Maharaṭṭha in Nisitha Bhasya, see-NC. 4, approachable to the Jaina p. 101) It is Allakappa of monks for their wanderings. the Buddhist literature (GEB., pp. 24 f.)
Amalakappa
Amdhapura (NC. 3, p. 269): It is identified with the Amdhapura of the Buddhist Jatakas. Situated on the river Telavaha it was the capital of Andhra (GEB., p. 24; also LAI., p. 266).
Anandapura (NC. 2, pp. 528, 357; NC. 3, pp. 158, 192, 349) It is identified with modern Vadnagar in Northern Gujarat. According to Yuan Chwang, it is situated 117 miles to the north-west of Valabhi (see-CAGI., p. 416).
It was trade.

a famous centre of
Aojjha or Aujjha, also known as Saeta (NC. 2, p. 466; NC. 3, p. 193): It is

Page #360

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
era
identified with modern Oudh p. 275 ). It was a centre of situated about four miles away trade and commerce and was from Faizabad ( GEB., pp. a big port. 523 f.; also CAGI., p. 341 ). Bhillamala (NC. 3, p. 111):
Avakkhanļa (NC. 3, p. 195): It is identified with modern It cannot be identified as the | Bhinmal, a town in the Jodhtext appears to be corrupt. pur division. The text being It is mentioned as an unholy corrupt at this place, the inplace in the NC. along with terpretation of the coinage of Gaṁgā, Pahāsa, Payāga, this region differs. Sirimāya and Keyāra.
Campa (NC. 1, p. 20; NC. Avamii (NC. 1, pp. 13, 2, p. 466; NC. 3, p. 140; NC. 102 ): It is identified roughly 4, pp. 127, 373 ): Its actual with modern Malwa, Nimar site is probably two villages and adjoining parts of Central Campanagara and Campāpura. Provinces (LAI., p. 269 ). | near Bhagalpur in Bihar In the NC. it is mentioned as (GEB.,p. 6; also LAL., p. 275). a Janapada with its capital It is mentioned in the N. at Ujjeni.
Bha. as one of the ten capitals. Baṁbhaddiva : See under
of ancient India. Ābhira.
Cina (NC. 2, p. 399): It Baravai or Daravati (NC.
is said to have comprised the I, p. 69 ) : It is identified
country of Tibet along with
the whole range of Himalayan with modern Junagadh situa
mountains (vide-LAI., p. 360). ted very near the Raivataka
It was famous for the produchills ( LAI., p. 271 ) or with
tion of the China-silk. Dwarka on the sea-shore. According to the NC., it was
Dakkhini paha or Dakkhinaa great port.
daha (NC. 2, pp. 95, 415; NC. Bhansurulaya (NC. 3, p.
3, pp. 39, 111, 207, 574; NG.
| 4, p. 132): It is identified with 350 ): It cannot be identified
the country lying between as the text seems to be corrupt.
Narbada in the north and Bharukaccha (NC. 2, pp. Krishna in the south exclusive 415, 439): It is identified of the provinces lying to the with modern Broach (CAGI., east. It is thus almost identi

Page #361

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NO.
341
cal with the country called | History of the Arabs, 1931, p. Maharashtra. It was a great | 8; see also--LAI., p. : 81 ). centre of the Jainas Juring Gaṁdhara (NC. 3, p. 144) : this time.
It is identified with the disDamila (NC. 2, pp. 362, tricts of Peshawar and Rawal381; NC. 3, p. 191; NC. 4, pp. pindi in the northern Punjab 125, 131 ): It is identified (GD., pp. 60 f.). It is mentio. with Tamil ( GEB., p. 63). ned as a Janapada in the NC. It is mentioned in the NC. as Giriphulliga (NC. 3, p. a non-Aryan country made | 419): The place remains approachable to the Jaina | unidentified. monks by king Samprati.
Gollaya (NC. 3, p. 191): It People of this region followed is identified with Goli, situaDamila livi for writing pur- ted on the Gallaru, a tribuposes.
tary of the river Kistna in Damtapura (NC. 3, p. 166; Guntur district (LAI., p. NC. 4, p. 361): It is identified 286 ). It is mentioned along with Dartapura of the with the countries of MarahaBuddhist chronicles, which, as ttha, Damila, Kudukka, Kirathe capital of Kalinga, may duga and Simdhu in the NC. with much probability be
Hatthiņa pura (NC. 2, p. identified with Raja Mahen
466 ): It is indentified with dri, which is 30 miles to the
an old town in Mawana north-east of Coringa (CAGI.,
Tahsil in Meerut (vide-LAI., p. 436).
p. 288 ). It is mentioned in Dasapura ( NC. 3, pp. 147, the N. Bhaşya as one of the 441 ): It is identified with
ten metropolises of ancient modern Mandsor, a place to India. the west of Ujjain.
Hemapuri sanagara (NG. 3, Diva ( NC. 2, p. 95): An | p. 243): The place remains island situated to the south unidentified. According to of Saurāşçra. It is identified the NC. the festival of Indra with the island of the Arabs, i was widely celebrated by the which is surrounded by water | people of this place. on three sides and by sand on Himdugadesa (NC. 3, p. the fourth. (Fillip Hitti, 59 ): It is identified with

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342
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
India which was called Hin- Keyara (NC. 3, p. 195):. dugadesa by the Persians. It is identified with modern Favana (NC. 4, p. 125 ):
Kedarnath in the district of It is identified with Alexan- ! Garhwal ( GD., pp. 975 f. ), dria near Kabul (GEB., p. or with a sub-tírtha called 54 ). It is mentioned as a Keyāra near Varanasi. It is non-Aryan country in the mentioned as an unholy place NC. along with the Saka- | in the NC. visaya.
Khitipatiţthiya (NC. 3, p. Kaccha (NC. 1, p, 133 ):
150; NC. 4, p. 229): Its. It is identified with modern
exact situation is not known. Kutch (GD., p. 82 ).
The place is mentioned to Kampillapura (NC. 2, pp.
have been raided by a Mlec21, 466 ): It is identified cha king during the reign of with modern Kampil in the
Jiyasattu. Farrukhabad district. It was
Kiraduka (NG. 3, p. 191): one of the ten ancient capitals
It might have been the same of India. Kamcanapura (NC. 3, pp.
as Kíra which has been iden295, 302). It is identified
tified with the Kangra district with modern Bhuvaneshwar
in the Punjab ( see-LAI., p.
297). According to the Paiya(vide-LAI., p. 293 ).
Sadda-Mahannava, Kīra was Kańci puri (NC. 2, p. 95) :
the common name given to It is identified with Canjee
Kashmir. varam on the Palar river, which is the capital of
Kollaira (NC. 3, p. 403 ): Dravida (CAGI.,p. 462 ).
It is identified with KullapaThe rūvaga of this place was
kapura or Kulpāka near Seknown as nelaka or nelaa.
cunderabad in the Nizam Kaya ( NC. 2, p. 399 ): It State (LAI., p. 28). is identified with Kāka'pura Komkana (NC. 1, pp. 52, near Bithur or with Kākanada 100, 101, 145; NC. 3, p. 296): near Sāñcí (Law, B. C., Komkaņa denotes the whole Tribes in Ancient India, p. 256; strip of land between the WesLAI., p. 295 ). It is famous tern Ghat and the Arabian for production of a fine va- Sea ( see-CAGI., p. 466 ). riety of cloth.
| Komkana seems to have been

Page #363

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE 'NG.
343
much under the influence of 1 is mentioned to have been the Jainas.
situated in the Uttarā patha.' Kosala (NC. 1, pp. 51-52, Kunala (NC. 3, p. 368; 74; NC. 3, pp. 79, 430 ): NC. 4, p. 126 ) : The JanaKosala roughly corresponds pada or vişaya of Kunālā to modern Oudh. According has been identified with to Yuan Chwang, its frontiers Uttara Kosala with its were bound by Ujjain on the
capital as Kuņālānayarī or nortb, Mahārāșțra on the west, Săvatthí (see--LAI., pp. Orissa on the east and Andhra 303 and 332 ). Kunālā was and Kalinga on the south
| included among the twenty( CAGI., p. 444 ). It was
five and a half Äryan regions famous for its Jiyamta Sámi and the Jaina monks were image.
allowed to move upto the Kosambahāra (NG. 2, p. Kunālā viņaya in the north. 361 ): The place remains Eravati or Erāvati was the unidentified.
main river of this region Kosabz ( NC. 2. p. 466, which can be identified with 125, 128 ): It is identified
Acirāvatí, the river Tapti in with the old village of Kosam
Oudh on which the town of on the Jumna about 30 miles
Sāvatthi or Kunālānayari south-west of Allababad (see
was situated (see-GEB., pp. CAGI., pp. 330-34).
35 f.). Kudukka (NC. 3, p. 191;
Kurukhetta or Kuruksetra NC. 4, p. 131 ): It is identified | (NC. 2, p. 198; NC. 3, pp. with Coorg (Kodagu ), a
340, 341 ): It is identified territory in South India (LAI.,
with the country immep. 301; see also-Imperial diately around Thānesara, Gazetteer, Vol. III, p. 28). between the rivers Sarasvati It was a non-Aryan country
and Dșsadvatí. (CAGI., p. made approachable to the 279 ). Jaina monks by king Sam- Kusumabura (NC. 2, p. 95):
See under Padaliputta. Kumbha karakada (NC. 4, Lanka (NC. 2, pp. 104, p. 127 ) : Kumbhakärakada | 105 ): It is identified with
prati.

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344
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Ceylon (GD., p. 113). Hanu- / among twenty-five and a half māna is described to have | Aryan countries. The Jaina reached Lamkāpuri by cros- monks were allowed to move sing the sea with his hands. upto Magadha in the east.
Lata or Lada (NC. 1, p. Mahaņakun laggama ( NC. 57; NC. 2, pp. 81, 82, 94, 223; | 3, p. 239 ) : Kunçlaggāma NC. 3, pp. 39, 59, 596; NC. has been identified with mo. 4, pp. 132, 26): It is identi- dern Basukund, a suburb of fied with southern Gujarat ancient Vaiśāli (GD., p. 107). including Khānadeša situated | It had two divisions : Khattbetween the river Mahi and | iya Kundaggāma and Māhathe lower Tapti (Bhandarkar, |ņa Kundaggama, which were R. G., Early History of the ruled by the Khattiyas and Dekkan, p. 42). Läta compri- Mahanas respectively (seesed the collectorates of Surat,
LAI., pp. 299-97, also p. 307). Broach, Kheda and parts Mahissara (NC. 3, p. 569): of Baroda districts. A regular It is identified with Māhişcommercial contact existed matī or Mahesa situated on between Lăța and Pūrvadesa. the banks of Narbada, forty The clothes produced in miles to the south of Indore Pūrvadeśa were available in (GD., pp. 119, 120 ). It is Lāta at a high cost.
a famous centre of clothThe Indramaha was cele
manufacture. brated in the Läța country on Mahura or Mathura (NC. 1, the fullmoon-day of Śrāvana. p. 8; NC. 2, pp. 125, 357, 466; Marriage with maternal
NC. 3, pp. 79, 152, 366): It is
identified with Mohali, five uncle's daughter was allowed
miles to the south of the prein the Lāța country.
sent town of Mathurā or MuMagadha or Magaha (NC. ttră (CAGI., pp. 314-15;LAI., 3, pp. 193, 523; NC. 4, pp. p. 309 ). It is one of the ten 124, 126, 158 ) : Magadha capitals of ancient India, and roughly corresponds to mo- is famous for its Devanirmita dern Patna and Gaya districts Siūpa. in Bihar (see-CAGI., pp. Pilgrimage to the Bhan281-83). It is included díra-tittha of Mathură was

Page #365

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NC.
345
also considered auspicious. | the Malabar country incluA regular contact existed bet- ding Cochin and Travancore ween Mathurā and Apanda-|(GD., p. 122 ). It is famous pura.
for producing a fine variety Malava (NC. 2, pp. 79,
of cloth. 109, 175 ; NC. 3, pp. 193,
Mihila (NC. 2, p. 466 ) : 594 ) : It is identified with
It is identified with modern modern Malwa situated on
Janakpur. It is one of the the south-east of the river
ancient capitals of India. Mahi (CAGI., p. 413; GD., p. 122 ). People of Takka, Pahasa (NC. 3, p. 195 ) : Mālava and Simdhu were It is identified with Somnath known for the harshness of in the Junagadh district, Gujtheir speech.
arat (GD., p. 157 ). It is Marahatta (NC. 1, p. 52; mentioned as an unholy place NC. 2, pp. 11, 136, 371; NC. in the NC. 3, pp. 131, 191; NC. 4, pp. 115, Patitthāņa (NG. 3, p. 131): 195 ): It is identified with It is identified with modern the Maratha country, the Paithan on the southern bank country watered by the upper of Godavari in south of Godavari and lying between
Aurangabad (GD., p. 159 ). that river and the Krishna. At one time it was ruled by At one time it was synony- king Sayavāhana. mous with the Deccan (GD., p. 118 ). It is a non-Aryan
Parasa (NC. 2, p. 396; country made suitable to the
NO. 3, p. 59): It is identiJaina monks by king Samp
fied with modern Persia. The
Persians were known for rati. Maru ( NC. 3, p. 146; NC.
wearing the garlands made
from the horns of buffaloes. 4, p. 109): Maru-janapada or Maru-visaya, also known Padali putta (NC. 2, p. as Marusthalí, denotes the 95): It is identified with whole of Rajputana (GD., modern Patna. Padaliputp. 127 ).
taga rūvaga was regarded as Mayala or Malaya ( NC. 3, standard money in commerp. 399 ). It is identified with | cial dealings.

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A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Payaga (NC. 3, p. 195 ): , and Ganjam (CAGI., p. 421). It is identified with modern Díņāra was the famous goldAllahabad at the confluence coin of Puvvadesa. of Ganga and Yamuna
Rayagiha (NC. 1, pp. 9, (CAGI., pp. 327-29). It is
17, 20; NC. 4, pp. 101, 109, an unholy place according to
126): It is identified with the NC.
modern Rajgir (CAGI., p. Pukkhara (NC. 3, p. 145) : | 394). One of the ten anciIt is identified with modern ent capitals of India it is Puşkara, six miles away from famous for its hot-water Ajmer ( GD., p. 163 ). springs.
Paundravardhana : NC. 4, Roma ( NC. 2, p. 399): It p. 144 ): It might be same as ) is perhaps same as Ruma Pandya, a country between which has been identified by Jhelam and Ravi (vide-LAI., H. E. Wilson with Sambhar p. 323 ).
(vide-LAI., p. 365 ). It is Purima or Puri (NC. 2, | famous for a fine variety of 328 ): Purt on the western cloth. coast is to be identified with
Saga (NG. 4, p. 125 ): It Chandapur or Chandor in
is identified with the country the present Goa territory or
of the Sakas in central Asia. with Gharapuri, the Elephanta island across the Sapatthi (NC. 2, p. 466; Bombay harbour (Virji, K.J., | NC. 4, p. 103): Savatthí, also Ancient History of Saurashtra, known as Kunālānayarí, is p. 67). It was a famous identified with Sahet-Mahet Jalapatjana where the goods on the bank of the Rapti were carried by water ways. (CAGI., p. 345 ).
Puvvadesa (NC. 2, p. 94; Simdhu (NC. 1, p. 133; NC. 3, p. 111): It is identi- NC. 2, pp. 79, 150; NC. 3, fied with the eastern division pp. 566, 594; NC. 4, p. 90): of India which comprised According to Yuan Chwang, Assam, Bengal proper, toge- Simdhu comprised the whole ther with the Delta of the valley of the Indus from the Ganges, Sambhalpur, Orissa | Punjab to the sea, including

Page #367

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES MENTIONED IN THE NC.
125-26). Mālava.
the Delta and the island of Kutch (CAGI., p. 209).
Sirimaya or Sirimala ( NC. 3, p. 195) It is identified with modern Bhinmal or Bhillamal, fifty miles west of Abu mountain. (GD., p. 192). It is an unholy place according to the NC.
Soparaya (NC. 4, p. 14): It is identified with modern Sopara in the Thana district.
Surattha (NC. 1, p. 133; NC. 2, pp. 146, 210, 357, 362; NC. 3, pp. 39, 59, 508): It is identified with the country stretching from Sindh or Indus to Broach, that is Gujarat, Kutch and Kathiawar (GD., p. 183, also pp. 273-74). It is a non-Aryan country made approachable to the Jaina monks by king Samprati. Suraṭṭha at one time was divided into 69 Mandalas.
Takka (NC. 2, p. 79): It is identified with Taki of Yuan Chwang, which comprised the whole of the Punjab. Sakala was the old capital of the powerful tribe of the Takkas, whose country was named after themselves Takkadesa (CAGI., pp.
as

347
See also under
Teyalagapattana (NC. I, p. 69) It is identified with modern Veraval. It was a big port.
Thūņā (NC. 4, p. 126 ) : It is identified with modern Thanesar (CAGI., p. 276). The Jaina monks in ancient times were allowed to move upto Thuna in the west.
Tosali (NC. 2, p. 399; NC. 4, pp. 43, 62): It is identified with the village Dhauli or the near-by place in the district of Cuttack in Orissa (vide-LAI., p. 344). Tosali was known for the production of the Aya cloth. The region was rich in water resources. A typical custom of Svayamvara among the slaves of Tosali viṣaya has been referred to.
Turumini (NC. 2, p. 41): The place is unidentified.
Ujjeni (NC. 1, p. 102; NC. 2, p. 261; NC. 3, pp. 59, 131, 145, 146; NC. 4, p. 200): It is identified with modern Ujjain on the bank of river Śiprā (CAGI., p. 412 ). It was situated eighty Yojanas

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348
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
away from the Vitibhaya- | rainfalls. Uttarā patha was pasiana.
also known for its Dhamma
cakka. Uttara-Mahura (NC. 2, pp. 131, 2.9): Same as Mahurā.
Vaccha (NC. 4, p. 46): It
is identified with modern Uttarā patha or Uttaravaha territory of Alwar. (NC. 1, pp. 20, 52, 67, 87, 154; NC. 2, pp. 62,95; NC. 3,
· Vanarasi (NC. 2, pp. 417 p. 79; NC. 4,p. 27): It is iden
466): It is identified with tified with the districts of
modern Varanasi. It is one Kaṁsa and Uttara-Madhurā
of the ten ancient capitals of
India. which lay on the northern high-road (GEB., pp. 48 ff.). Varatta pura (NC. 3, p. 442; Uttarā patha had either extre- NC. 4, p. 158 ): The place mely cold or extremely hot remains unidentified. climate, and it had constant |

Page #369

BIBLIOGRAPHY ORIGINAL WORKS (Sanskrit and Prakrit ) Abhidhāna Rajendra-Koša, Ratlanı, 1913–34. Abhidhana Ratnamala-Halāyudha. Abhijñana Śakuntala–Kalidasa. Acaranga Sūtra, Eng. trans. by H. Jacobi, SBE., vol. XXII,
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„ Vstti—Śílánka, Surat, 1935. Adi purana-Jinasena, Varanasi, 1951. Aitareya Brahmana. Amarakośam-Amara Singh, Bombay, 1915. Angavijja, Varanasi, 1957. Antaga ļa-dasão and Anuttarovavaiya-dasão, Eng. trans. by L. D.
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Mysore, 1908. Aştanga HỊdaya-Vágbbațţa II, Trans. by Atrideva Gupta,
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bad. „ Vrtti—Abhayadeva, Bombay, 1921. Bhavisayattakaha-Dhanapāla, Ed. by H. Jacobi, Munchen, 1918. Bịhajjataka—Varähamihira. BỊhaspati Dharma śastra, Ed. by M. N. Dutt, Calcutta, 1908;
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Byhatkalpa Satra Bhaşya--Sanghadāsa Gani, Vrtti, by Malaya
giri and Ksemakirti, Bhavnagar, 1933-38. Bịhatkathakosa - Harişena, Ed. by A. N. Upadhye, Bombay,
1943. Bịhat saṁhita – Varābamihira, Ed. by Sudhakar Dvivedi,
Banaras, V. S. 1987. Candīšataka - Bāņa, Ed. and Eng. trans. by G. M. Quaekenbos,
New York, 1917. Carakasaṁhita, 6 Vols., Jamnagar, 1949. Cărudatta - Bhāsa, Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri. Cauppannamaha purisacaria - Śīlänka, Ed. by A. M. Bhojak,
Varanasi, 1961. Dašakumaracarita - Dandin, Ed. by M.R. Kale, Bombay, 1925. Daśavaikalika Curņi - Jinadása Gani, Ratlam, 1933. Dešināmamala - Hemacandra. Digha Nikiya, Ed. by Rhys Davids and J. E. Carpenter,
PTS., London, 1889–1911. Dvyasrayakavya – Hemacandra, Vịtti by Abhayatilaka Gani,
2 vols., Bombay, 1915. Gautama Dharma Satra, Ed. by H. N. Apte, Poona, 1910. Harivamsa Purana --Jinasena, Bombay, 1930. Harşacarita – Bāņa, Eng. trans. by E. B. Cowel and F. W.
Thomas, London, 1897. gataka, 2 Vols., Prayag, V. N. 2485. 7atakas--Fousboil, London, 1877-97. Kadambari - Bāņa, Ed. by K. P. Parab, Bombay, 1896; Eng.
trans. by C, M. Ridding, London, 1896. Kamandaka-niti sāra, Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri, Trivendrum,
1912. Kamasūtra–Vātsyāyana, Ed. by Damodar Gosvami, Varanasi. Karakanducariu - Ed. by H. L. Jain. Kathopanişad. Kumarasambhava,-Kalidāsa, Ed. by K, P. Parab, 1897. Kūrma Purana, Ed. by P. Tarkaratna, Calcutta, B. S. 1332. Kuvalayamalakaha--Uddyotana Sūri. Laghujataka (1X)--Varāhamibira. Mahabharata, Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay.

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Mahabhasya—Patañjali. Maha parinibbanasutta, SBE., vol. X, 1906-9. Maha purana, Bharatiya Jnanpith, Varanasi. Mahāvagga. Mahaviracarita (Trișașțišalakā puruşacaritra)--Hemacandra. Malatīmadhava--Bhavabhūti. Malavika gnimitra--Kalidāsa, Ed. by S. P. Pandit, Bombay,
1889. Manasollasa - Someśvara, GOS., No. XXVIII, Baroda, 1925. Mañjuśrīmulakal pa, Ed. by K. P. Jayswal, Patna, 1934. Manusmịti or Manavadharmaśāstra, Ed. by V. N. Mandalik,
1886; Eng. trans. by G. Bühler, SBE.,
vol. XXV, Oxford, 1886. Mattavilasa prahasana-Mahendravikrama, Varanasi, 1666. Meghadūta--Kálidasa, Bombay, 1929. Milinda pañho, Ed. by V. Trenckner, London, 1880. Mịcchakațika--Śūdraka, Ed. by R. D. Karmarkar, Poona, 1937. Namamala--Dhanañjaya, Bombay, 1940. Nandi Cūrņim.Jinadása Gani, Ratlam, 1928. Naradasmști, Ed. by J. Jolly, Calcutta, 1885; Eng. trans. by
J. Jolly, SBE., vol. XXXIII. Vayadhammakahao, Ed. by N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940;
.., Vytti--Abhayadeva, Bombay, 1919. Nisitha Satra Bhaşya Cūrņi-Jinadāsa Gani, Agra, 1957-60. Nitivakyamsta, MDJG. Series No. 22, Bombay, 1979. Ovaiya Sutta, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Surat, V. S. 1914. Paņņavana Sutta, Comm. by Malayagiri, Bombay, 1918-19. Paumacariya--Vimala:ūri, Bhavnagar, 1914. Pinļa Niryukti, Comm. by Malayagiri, Surat, 1918. Prabandha Cintamani-Merutunga, SJGM., Calcutta, 1956. Prasamarati. Raghuvamsa—Kālidāsa, Bombay, 1882. Rāmāyama--Valmiki, Ed. by. T. R. Krishnacharya and T. R.
Vyasacharya, Bombay, 1911. Raya paseniya Sutta, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1938. Rgveda--Sāyaṇa Bhāşya.

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Samaraiccakahǎ--Haribhadra Sūri, Ahmedabad. Sanmati prakaraṇa, Jñanodaya Trust, Ahmedabad. Satapatha Brahmaṇa, Ed. by E. Weber, 1924; Eng. trans. by J. Eggeling, SBE., vols. XII, XXVI, XLI.
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Sthananga Sutra, Comm. by Abhayadeva, Ahmedabad, 1937. Sukraniti--Sukrācārya, Ed. by B. Miśra, Varanasi, 1968. Sumangala Vilasini, 3 vols., PTS., London, 1886-1932. Suśrutasamhita, Ed. by K. K. Bhisagaratna, 3 vols., Varanasi, 1946.
Sujagada, Comm. by Silanka, Bombay, 1917; Eng. trans. by H. Jacobi, SBE., vol. XLV, Oxford, 1895.
Taittariya Samhita-Sāyaṇa Bhāṣya. Tattvarthadhigama Sutra-Umāsvāti Bhāṣya, Jaina Pustakoddhāra Series.
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Vayu Purana, Anandāśrama, Poona, S. S. 1827.
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Vinaya Pitaka, 5 vols., Ed. by Oldenberg, London, 1879-1883. Vipaka Sutra, Jaina Sastramālā Kāryālaya, Ludhiana.
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2 vols., London, 1906. Legge, J. H., Record of the Buddhistic Kingdoms, being an acco
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in India and the Malay Archi pelago, by I-tsing,
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Patna, 1953. India as Known to Paņini, Varanasi, 1953, 2nd edition, 1963. Kadambar?—Eka Sańskītika Adhyayana, Varanasi, 1958. Pracina Bharatiya Lokadharma, Abmedabad,
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State and Government in Ancient India, Banaras,
1949. Ambedkar, B. R., The Untouchables, Delhi, 1948. Belani, F. C., faina Grantha aura Granthakāra, Banaras, 1950. Beni Prasad, States in Ancient India, Allahabad, 1928. Bhandarkar, D. R., Ancient Indian Numismatics, Calcutta, 1921.
Lectures on Indian Numismatics. Bhandarkar, R. G., A Peep into the Early History of India,
Bombay, 1920. Early History of the Dekkan. Vaişņavism, Saivism and Other Minor Religious
Systems, Strassburg, 1913. Bhattacharya, T., A study on Vastuvidya, Patna, 1947. Brown, C. J., The Coins of India, Calcutta, 1922. Bühler, G., Indian Sect of the gainas, London, 1903.
Life of Hemacandracarya, Calcutta, 1936. Burgess, J., The Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, reprint,
Varanasi, 1971. Chakaldar, K. A., Social Life in Ancient India-Studies in Vatsya
yana's Kamasútra, Calcutta, 1929. Chanana, D. R., Slavery in Ancient India, Delhi, 1960. Chandra, K. R., A Critical Study of Paumavariya of Vimalasūri
(unpublished thesis ). Choudhary, G. C., Political History of Northern India from
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Early Indian Architecture. Cunningham, A., Ancient Geography of India, reprint, Varanasi.
The Stupa of Bharhut, London, 1897. Dalal, C. D. and Gandhi, L. B., A Descriptive Catalogue of
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Baroda, 1937. Dasgupta, D. C., Faina System of Education, Calcutta, 1944. Desai, P. B., Jainism in South India and Some paina Epigraphs,
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1949. Housani, Arab Seafaring. Jain, C. R., faina Law, Bijnaur, 1928. Jain, G. C., rašastilaka ka Samskỹtika Adhyayana, Amritsar,
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Page #380

Page #381

INDEX
Abharga 184 Abharana 155 Åbharang-vicitta 155 Abharanavidhi 172 Abhayadeva 8, 34 Abhayatilaka Gapi 321, 322 Abhicaraga 315 Abhicarakavasikarana 280 Abhinavakaya 255 Abhinaya 275 Abhīra 339, 340 Abhīra-Vişaya 22, 217 Abhişeka 23 Abhiyoga 315 Abhogini-vijja 315. Abhojja 76, 87 Abhojya 89 Abhyanga 177 Abhyantara-catuḥsaia 260 Abu 347 Acalapura 215 Acara 2, 6 Acaranga 1, 5, 6, 149-51, 153, : 155, 156 Acaranga Cūrni 5, 6, 309, 310 Åcaränga Niryukti 1, 3 Acaranga-uqtti 149 Acaraprakalpa 2 Acarya 232, 280, 285 Acirāvati 343 Adattādana 10
Add hahāra 173 Addhāņakappa 139 Add horuga 165, 169 Adhakt 127 Ādhara-bhumi 145 Adhiraya 32 Ad hovastra 168 Adhyapana 79 Adhyayana 79 Adi Jina 76 Adiraya 32 Agada 319 Agadha-gelanna 144 Agama 259 Agartă gara 71, 257, 261 Agaṁtuga-vaniya 222 Agara 116 Āgāra 198, 259, 261 Agaru 179, 185 Agata 185 Aggadara 264 Aggala 258 Agghakada 250 Aggi 183 Aggikamma 200 Aghoraghasta 297 Agrawala 333 Agriculture 191 Ahabhaddaga 213 Ahakada 161 Ahakammiya 139 Ahappadhana-purisa 211

Page #382

362
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Ahara 66
Ahatacca 118
Ähena 105 Ahinaya 276
Ahmedabad 100
Aihole-Prasasti 222
Aimdrajalika 318 Aina 150
Aisvarakaranika 310
Aitareya Brahmaṇa 20 Ajira 183, 331 Ajīvaga 303, 307
Ajīvaka 290, 293, 307, 308 Ajīviya 308
Ajja Suhatthi 294 Ajmer 330, 346 Ajumgita 288 Aka 170
Akalanka 241, Akasagamana 313 Akasa-gata 315
Akhatiga 252
Akhyanaka 252
Akhyāyikā 253
Akkatthala 339
Akkatthali 339
Akkhahaga 40
Akkhanaga 252, 253
Akkhapada 251
Akkhatiya 253
Akkhavāḍa 114 Akkhoḍa 53
Akota 268
248
Akṛtavṛtti 44, 45 Akṣapāda 236, 251. Akṣāṭaka 114

Alabu 135, 220
Alaktaka 180
Alamkara 172
Alasa 183 Alberuni 320
Alexandria 342
Al-Idrisi 223
Alimpana 177 Älinda 260
Alisamda 125, 127
Alitta 219
Allagaphala 132
Allahabad 329, 343, 346
Allakappā 339
Altekar 34
Alvara 279, 298 Alwar 348
Amacca 31, 33, 34
Amacca-pasaya 258 Amalaka 133, 134 Amali 183
Amalakappa 339
Amangala 117
Amarakosa 33, 94, 151, 156, 271
Amatya 33, 42, 55
Amaya 182, 183
Amayavi 183
Amba 133
Ambedkar 86, 89, 95
Amciya 275
Amdha 183
Amdha 339
Amdhapura 339 Amdolaga 113
Ameha 331
Amgana 264

Page #383

INDEX -
363
Añgavijjā 131, 220 Anguli-sattha 188 Añguttha-pasiņa 317 Amila 153 Amjanajoga 314 Ařkadhati 205 Amlata 153 Ammadhati 205 Amra 133 Asuka 148 Amsuya 152 Artagadadasav 245, 246 Amtarijja 168 Anteura 37 Añtoniyan saņi 166 Anaddha 272 Anahasāla 189 Anandapura 339, 345 Anaṁgasena 100 Anandapura 11, 67, 209, 268,
325 Anandapuranagara 67 Ānandasagara Sūri! Anangasena 199 Anārājya 16, 17 Añarāya 16, 17 Aạūriya 74, 86 Anavala Desãī 100 Anaya 203 Andaga 148 Andhapuranagara 67 Andhra 278 Andhra 327, 339, 343 Anga 1, 246 Aniga 74 Angana 260
Anga-rakşaka 40 Añjana 180 Annatitthiya 213 Antaddhāņa 314 Antaddhāņa-vijja 315 Antahpura 260 Antarvasa 165 Antyaja 89, 92-95 Anulevaņa 177 Anugghàiya 13 Anujāņa 327 Anu-mahattara 72 Anuppehā 238 Anuraga 216 Anusatthi 314 Anusrotagāmint 217 Anu-sūcaka 50 Anuttarovavaiyad asão 245, 246 Anuvrata 289 Anuyāna 327 Anuyoga 6 Anuyogadvāra 5, 148, 246, 247 Anuyogadvāra Cūrni 5, 33, 293 Anva 125 Anyatirthika 280 Rojja 272 Aojjhā 339 Aparānta 158 Apātia 233, 234 Apavva-vassa 274 Appaparikamma 161 Appar 279 Appasattha 115 Appasattha-vigati 138 Apratihatacakra 63 Apūpa 126, 128, 130

Page #384

364 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Arab 221, 341 Arabhaḍa 275, 276
Arabhatt 276
Arabian Sea 342
Arahara 127
Arājaka 16, 17 Arakkhiya 196 Arakkhiya-purisa 36 Arakṣika 48
Arama 257
Ārāmā gāra 261 Aranyaka 248
Aranala 142
Aratita 331
Architecture 254
Ardhakhallaka 171
Ardhoruka 169
Arghakada 252
Arhat 285, 326, 327
Arisa 331
Arisila 331 Arjuna 304
Arjunavarman 322 Aroggabhatta 189
Aroggasālā 189 Ärovana 13
Art 197
Artha 251
Arthasastra 33, 193, 252
Artiṭṭhaga 118
Arunovavaya 238
Āryan 191
Arya Rakṣita 1, 3 Asa 41
Asaḍha 303, 319-321, 326 Asajjhaya 235

Asambhojika 87, 288 Asana 124, 141 Asava 143
Ascetic 302
Asevana-sikkha 238
Asi 40
Asia 346
Aśīrväda 105
Asiva 196
Äsivisabhavana 238 Asoja 320
Aśoka 18
Asoyavadi 311
Asprsya 295
Asrama 27
Assam 346
Assamitta 303
Astanga Hrdaya 141
Aşṭanhika 325
Aşṭanhika-parva 325 Asthanamanḍapa 104
Asthisañcayana 119 Asthisarajaska 291, 295
Astrology 250
Astronomy 250 Asuci 311
Asui 311
Asura 99
Äsuri 135
Asvadhyaya 235
Asvamedha 26
Asvattha 142
Aśvina 321
Atamka 336
Atanka 182, 183, 333 Atast 125, 133

Page #385

INDEX
365
Ayamaņi 307 Ayambila 145, 284 Āyāra 1, 2, 237, 246 Āyarakappa 237 Ayaränga Sutta 1 Āvāra Ņijjutti 274 Ayarapakappa 2 Āyariya 232 Ayariya-paribhasi 234 Ayasa 26 Ayatana 262 Ayudhāgāra 46 Ayudha-śāstra 46 Ayurveda 249
Atavi-bala 44 Atharvaveda 249 Atiug gadanda 25 Atisāra 183 Atisaya-sahu 312 Atiyattiya 212, 213 Atmāstitvavadīj310 Ātmāstitvavadin 311 Atri 89, 95 Attha 251, 252 Attha-dūsana 25 Atthahiya 319, 325 Atthami 314 Attha-porisi 235 Atthasattha 252 Atthurana 170 Aujjasala 272 Aujjha 339 Avagraha 165 Avakharda 329 Avakhamda 329 Avakkhanda 340 Avamti 340 Avara 215 Avanaddha 272 Avarisana 286 Avasāmaņa 142 Avassaya 247 Avašyaka 5, 6,9 Avašyaka Cūrņi 5, 25, 30, 53,
102, 268, 330 Avašyakagrhasūtra 121 Avvatta 118 Aya 198 Aya 150 Ayāma 142
Badami 298 Badara 134 Bahiḥ 183 Bahilaga 212 Bahiraniyamsanī 166 Bahujuddha 114 Bahu-milakkhu-maha 323 Bahuparikamma 161 Bahuraya 323 Bahussuya 239 Bala 41 Baladeva 119, 299 Balādhiksta 42 Balañja 210 Balañji 210 Bālamjuya 210 Balāņaga 257 Balavasanta 268 Bali 111, 321 Baliganji 210

Page #386

366
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Balijaga 210 Balja 210 Bambhacera 1, 236 Bambhaddīva 339, 340 Bambhadīva 314 Bambhana 75 Bambhaņa-kula 96 Bána 42, 44, 51, 72, 78, 91,
93, 94, 104, 113, 114, 119, 120, 145, 151, 152, 159, 168, 169, 172, 179-181, 198, 202, 244, 248, 249, 251, 252, 266, 270, 275, 276, 292, 298, 302, 304.
306, 310, 313, 318, 336 Banajiga 210 Bananji 210 Banaras 181 Band ha 62 Bandhagāra 62 Banking 228 Baravaī 11, 217, 221, 245, 340 Baroda 344 Baruch 223 Baruda 95 Basak 33 Basukund 344 Bavvisaga 273 Bengal 91, 346 Beni Prasad 66 Betel 144 Bhada 45 Bhaddavaya 324 Bhadrabahu 3 Bhādrapada 320, 321, 324 Bhāga 148
Bhagalpur 340 Bhagaṁdara 183, 331 Bhagandara 140, 332 Bhagavai 246 Bhagavati 5, 237 Bhagavatism 297 Bhagela 148 Bhala 274 Bhallī-Tīrtha 298 Bhamara 129 Bhambha 274 Bhanda 40 Bhandīra 330 Bhamdīra-tittha 330 Bhamgi 74 Bhaṁgiya 147, 148, 162 Bhamsurulaya 340 Bhāṇabhūmi 200, 215 Bhandāgāra 39 Bhandarkar 224, 294 Bhandasala 200 Bhandi 212, 216 Bhandīra 330 Bhandīra-tittha 344 Bhandira Caitya 255, 330 Bhangika 148 Bharadvāja 137 Bhāraha 250 Bharata 275 Bhāravaha 212 Bharukaccha 11, 221-23, 340 Bhasa 3 Bhāsa 260 Bhasola 275, 276 Bhasya 3 Bhatabāna 127

Page #387

INDEX
367
Bhatı 207 Bhattā 100, 106 Bhastojí 212 Bhauta 291-293 Bhava 12 Bhavabhavana 227 Bhavabhūti 292, 297 Bhava-Brahma 106 Bhavakstsna 164 Bhavana 36, 261 Bhavana 1 Bhavisayattakaha 211 Bhavis yatpurana 322 Bhayaga 86, 197, 203, 205-207 Bhayagakammakara 191 Bheri 275-75 Bhesana 314 Bhikkhu 300, 304 Bhil 89, 90, 92 Bhilla 90, 93 Bhilla-kotta 90 Bhillamal 347 Bhillamåla 9, 227, 329, 340 Bhilla-pallı 90 Bhinamala 11 Bhinda 175 Bhingåra 117 Bhinmal 9, 329, 340, 347 Bhinnagāra 262 Bhinna-kutta 334 Bhogaharana 60 Bhohiga 90 Bhojaka 64 Bhojika 55, 66, 70, 196 Bhoya 293, 295 Bhoyada 169, 170
Bhoyanakala 244 Bhramara 276 Bhțgukaccha 11, 209, 220 Bhịta 44 Bhytaka 203, 206 Bhịti 207 Bhrtya 19 Bhūdeva 78 Bhūi 317 Bhui-kamma 317 Bhūkampa 94 Bhukti 64-66 Bhūmigiha 261 Bhūmigrha 257 Bhumikamma 262, 263 Bhūta 287, 319 Bhūta 302 Bhutatana 132 Bhuvaneshwar 342 Bhūyamaha 319 Bhūyavijjă 287 Bijapuraka 335 Bibhuma 257 Bihar 91, 340, 344 Bila-lona 132 Bilhana 222 Bithur 342 Boat 219 Bodhgaya 328 Bodhita 83, 90 Bodhita 211 Bodiya 303 Bohilabha 328 Bombay 222, 346 Bose 207 Brahma 78

Page #388

368
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Brahmā 268, 290, 330 Brahmabandhu 78 Brahma-hatya 59 Brāhmaṇa 25-28, 47, 53, 58, 59, 62, 76-84, 106, 120, 126,
00, 120, 126, 136, 142, 292, 306 Brahmana 248 Brāhmanic Literature 248 Brahmin 121 Brahmya 99 Brhadāranyaka Upanişad 309 Bịhajjataka 308 Bșhaspati 206 Brhatkalpa 5 Brhatkalpa Bhāş ya 17, 19, 24,
44, 97, 141, 148, 149, 154, 172, 185, 195, 210, 226, 227, 245, 293, 295, 306,
308, 309 Bohatkathā 253 Bridge 264 Broach 223, 340, 344, 347 Buddha 32 Buddha 142, 245, 246, 300,
326 Buddha-kantaka 300 Buddhananda 243 Buddhism 299 Buha 116 Bühler 285, 326
Caitra 320, 322, 325 Caitra-Parva 322 Caitya 254-56, 325 Caitya-vamdana 255 Caiiva-vandana-nimitta 286 Crkaseni 150 Cakkadeva 63 Cakrapani 125 Cakravartin 119 Calacitta 233 Calaniga 166 Calukya 222, 294, 298 Camara 23, 117 Candamana 63 Cardana 179 Cardanacunna 180 Candavejjhaga 247 Cammakara 88, 89, 201 Cammalata 227 Cammara 87 Campa 10, 100, 340 Campanagara 340 Campapura 340 Cámunda 297 Canaka 127 Canakya 60 Caņdala 85, 86, 90, 91, 93,
136 Candala-vasati 91 Candana-curna 179 Candra 7 Candragupta 15, 23, 60, 314 Candrakanta 198 Candrāpīda 168, 179 Canjeevaram 342 Capa 40
с
Caccara 211 Cada 45 Cadaga 49 Caddaga 307

Page #389

INDEX
369
Cara 49, 50 Caraga 290, 309 Caraka 126, 129, 130, 143, 144,
182, 184, 187, 309 Carakasamhita 132 Caranabhāvana 238 Caranānuyoga 237 Carata 114 Carita-kavya 252 Cariya 258 Cațaka 114 Catuśśala 259 Cauddasi 314 Caukka 211 Caulukya 34, 325 Caummasiya 324 Caumüla 141 Caupada 205 Cauroddharanika 48 Caussāla 259 Cauttha 324 Cautthi 314 Cauvejja 248 Cedagakahā 252 Cedi 74 Ceiya 319 Cela 146 Ceța 112 Cetiya 254 Cetta 320 Ceylon 344 Cha-ga-ra 233 Chakaldar, H.C. 224, 260 Chaliya-kavva 252 Chamda 235, 250 Chandapur 222, 346 Chandor 222, 346
Chanūsaviya 157 Chara 119 Chası 128 Chatra 23 Chatravatı 32 Chatta 117 Chattarti 32 Chattha 324 Chavana 262, 263 Cheda Sūtra 1-3, 236, 237, 246,
247 Chedasuya 2 Chevādi 240 Cheyasutta 247 Chid aguda 129 Chimpaga 87, 88, 201 China 152, 221, 223 China-silk 152, 340 Chundika 302 Churiyā 195 Cikitsasthāna 185 Cilamili 171 Cinta-suvina 118 Cina 340 Cināmśuka 148, 221 Cīņāṁsuya 152 Ciñca 134, 142 Cippiya 38 Cira 146 Civara 146 Cirāyatana 255 Citi 254 Citrakara 269 Citra-putrika 270 Citta-kamma 268, 269 Cochin 345 Coinage 223

Page #390

370
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Colapatta 163 Coli 170 Coomarswamy 262 Coorg 343 Cora 91, 94, 211 Corapalli 58, 68 Coringa 341 Coroddharanika 42, 48 Cotyamba 220 Court 55 Craft 197 Crime 58 Crown-prince 32 Cūdamaņi 173 Cudaratna 173 Cülā 1, 6, 237 Cūlamani 172 Cunna 185, 312-314 Cūrni 4, 6, 9 Cuttack 347
Dahara 233 Daiya 21 Dakint 287 Dakkhiņā paha 340 Dakkhiņā pahaga 225 Dakkhiņāvaha 340 Dakodara 332 Dakşiņāpatha 10, 11, 89, 102,
214, 225, 339 Dakşiņātya 102 Dalima 142 Damaga 41 Damaruga 273 Dandapasiga 42 Damdapa sika 48 Dandārakkhiya 38 Damdi 162 Damila 339, 341 Damila-livi 341 Damsana-suddhi 327 Dantāla 194 Daṁtalaka 194 Daṁtapura 259, 341 Daṁtavakka 259 Damtikka 214 Dana 79 Dance 275 Danda 42 Dandaga 72 Dandanayaka 42 Dandapašika 44, 48, 49 Dandapati 72 Dandin 114, 217 Dantamayi 176 Darakācārya 245 Dárakaśālā 245
D Daddu 332, 334 Dadhi 117, 128 Dadhiyali 170 Dadima 134 Dadru 332 Dagaś aukarika 310, 311 Dagasoyariya 310 Dagavāraga 307 Dagaviņiya 264 Dagiņı 287 Dagodara 332, 333 Daha 265, 319 Daha 183, 332 Dahajara 332, 333, 335

Page #391

INDEX
371
Däravatī 340 Darbha 263 Dari 319 Daša 3 Dasa 161, 237, 247 Dasa 86, 191, 197, 203, 205,
206 Daśami 323 Dasaņpa 74 Dasaņpapura 209 Dasapura 341 Daśapuranagara 67 Daśāśrutaskandha 2,5 Dasatta 204 Daśavaikälika 5,6 Daśavaikalika Cūrņi 5 Dasaveyaliya 237, 247 Dasgupta 236, 246 Dasi 204 Dasu 74, 75 Datī 220 Datra 194, 195 Davva 53, 208 Davva-carana 309 Dayaka 21 Debate 242 Deccan 11, 345 Desa 42, 48, 64-68 Desai, P. B. 279 Desakutta 68 Desarāga 152, 153, 160 Desārakkhiya 65, 68 Detarakṣika 48 Dešinamamāla 322 Deva 330 Devagaņa 268
Devakula 114, 254, 256, 281 Devakulikā 256 Devanirmita-stapa 255, 344 Devardhi Gani Kșamāśramaņa
246 Deva-sabha 271 Devasoma 57 Deva-tīrtha 329, 330 Devayakaya 330 Devāyatana 254, 256 Devayatthāna 219 Devi-padima 266 Dhamkuna 273 Dhamma 252 Dhamma-cakka 328, 348 Dhamma-kaha 238, 252, 281, 314 Dhammalāta 227 Dhana 208 Dhana 72 Dhanaga 125, 132 Dhanasakha Jataka 34 Dharna 53 Dhannagāra 262 Dhanurveda 46, 249 Dhanva 181 Dhanvantari 181, 182 Dhanya 125 Dharana 215 Dhārana 262 Dhāraņā 240 Dharaprasasti 322 Dharasena 48, 172 Dharima 213, 227 Dharma 251 Dharmānuyoga 237 Dharmasangrahani 15

Page #392

372
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Dharmasastra 244
Dharmayuddha 47 Dharodaka 140
Dhatakt 143
Dhati 205
Dhatumattiyaratta 306 Dhatuvada 198
Dhauli 347
Dhijjati 77, 84, 280
Dhijjatiya 121
Dhi-saciva 33
Dhiyara 83
Dhruvasena 249
Dhuṇḍhā 322
Dhurtakhyana 253
Dhurta-vița 109
Dhuttakkhanaga 253
Dhüvana-va sana 177
Digha 124
Dihiya 265, 266 Diksa-paryaya 236 Dīņāra 346
Dināra 224
Dinarus 224
Dirgkika 266
Disapokkhi 305
Disease 182, 331
Ditthivaya 237, 238, 247 Ditthivisabhavana 238
Diva 209
Dīva 214, 221, 222, 225, 341 Divaga pajjalaṇa 263, 286 Diväkaramitra 304
Divasabhayaga 206
Dīviccaga 225, 226 Divine-will 30

Divodāsa 181
Dohada 141
Dohana-vadaga 128 Dolaparva 322
Doma 91
Domba 91
Dombo 91
Domuha 15
Domuha's tale 270
Donamuha 67, 209
Dorajja 16, 21
Doşa 184 Dovariya 38
Drain 264
Draksa 134, 142 Drakṣāpāṇaka 142
Drama 275
Dramma 227
Dravida 195, 198, 342
Dravya 12
Dravya-Brahma 106
Dravyaktsna 164 Dravyanuyoga 237
Dress 162
Drink 140
Drsadvatī 343
Drti 220
Druta 271
Duakkhara 203
Duakkhariya 204 Dubbalacaritta 234
Dubbhikkha 39, 195, 197, 203
Dubhaga 313
Dubhumiga 257 Duga 211 Dugulla 151, 152

Page #393

Dugumchita 87 Dugumchiya 280
Dukkanna 113
Dukkhila 162
Duküla 151, 168 Duküla-cloth 151
Dumba 87, 91
Dumdubhi 275
Dundubhi 274
Dupaḍadiya 171 Durgadhyakşa 43 Durvacanakhimsaṇā 60, 61
Duta 50
Dūtaga 50, 57
Dutaka 50, 70
Dūtapurisa 50 Duttha-sippa 88 Duvara 262, 263
Dvairajya 21
Dvārakā 221 Dvarakoṣṭhaka 262
Dvarapala 43
Dvārikā 217
Dviṣad-bala 44
Dvittyambara 168 Duyasraya 321, 322
Dwarka 340
Dyeing 160
Dyutakara 114
Ega-khambha-pasaya 258 Egakhila 162
Egapuḍa 171
Egavali 174
Ela 141, 185
E

INDEX
Elephanta Island 222, 346
Ellora 294
Epic 115, 250
Eranda 133, 185, 337
Erāvatī 217, 343
F
Fa-Hien 136, 227 Faizabad 340
Family 96 Fan-yu-tsaming 171 Farrukhabad 342 Fast 323
Fergusson 286
Festival 319, 323
Fick 82
Fleet 49
Flower 174
Fruit 133
Furher 256
Gahabhinna 116
Gahana 240
G
Gabbha 203
Gachha 280, 315
Gaddabhilla 38, 47, 101, 316
Gaddabhi-vijja 316
Gaddi 216
Gaḍuka 307
Gaggara 162
Gaha 271
Gahana-sikkha 238
Gahasama 271
Gahiya-sambala 219 Gajjala 153

373

Page #394

374
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Gallaru 341 Galolaiya 174 Gäma 63 Gamdapannatti 247 Gandha 178 Gandhāra 341 Gamdhari 316 Gamdhavva-nattasa la 272, 275 Gandha-patta 179 Gandharua 271, 272 Gandhiyavana 215, 216 Gameņa 196 Gaṁga 303 Gariga 340 Gamjasālā 39 Gana 22, 233, 268, 280, 315 Ganadhara 1 Gaņarajja 16, 21 Ganda 333 Ganda 183 Gandamālā 333 Gándhāra 10 Gandharva 99 Gandi 333 Gandi potthaga 240 Ganduvad hāṁga 170 Ganesa 212 Ganga 283, 346 Ganges 140, 217, 328, 329, 346 Ganikā 112 Gaạikasthāna 112 Ganima 213 Ganiya 237 Ganiyānuyoga 237 Ganiyathāna 112 Ganjam 216, 346
Gara 187 Garahiya-vigati 138 Garhwal 342 Garland 174 Garuda-mantra 296 Garugī 102 Gauda 151 Gaurava 282 Gautama 52, 82 Gavakkha 258 Gaya 212, 344 Gerua 303 Gerua-ascetic 306 Geya 271 Ghana 272, 273 Ghara 259 Gharapuri 222, 346 Gharasami 97 Ghariņi 98 Ghata 200 Ghatanīva 219, 220 Ghayapunna 130, 185, 337 Ghayapūra 130 Ghee 133, 134, 184 Ghyta 128, 185, 332 Ghịtapūra 130 Ghurye 170 Giha 260, 261 Gihabhaṁtara 260 Gihaduvāra 260 Gihamuha 260 Gihattha 71 Gilāsiņi 333 Giri 319 Giriphulliga 341 Gita 271

Page #395

INDEX
375
Glasnu 333 Goa 222, 346 Gocarya 305 Godavari 339, 345 Gohiya 273 Gohuma 125, 126 Gojja 115 Gokarna 222 Gollaya 341 Golui 273 Gomayalepa 186 Gomiya 44 Gomuttigă 162 Gopa 206, 208 Gopal Gani Mahattara 7 Gopani, A. S. 308 Gopura 257 Gori 316 Gošala 307, 308 Gosāla 293 Gosala 261 Goșthi 71, 114 Gotthāmāhila 303 Gottht 43, 71, 72, 196 Gotthi-bhatta 72 Gotthiya 72 Govāla 201, 206 Govaliya Mahattara 7 Goviỉdanijjutti 241, 242, 247,
251 Govinda 251 Govinda-Ajja 242 Govinda Vacaka 242 Govvaiya 305 Goyama 245 Gramabhojika 70
Grāmakūta 55, 70 Grāmamahattara 55, 66, 70-72 Grāmaparişad 71 Grāmavyāprtaka 55, 64, 70, 71 Greece 278 GȚha 259 Gșhapati 97 Gshiņi 98 Guda 129, 133, 134, 141, 142 Guļodaka 142 Guggula 295 Gujarat 11, 64, 66, 71, 83, 90,
92, 100, 121, 206, 216, 217, 221-224, 227, 265, 278, 326,
329, 339, 344, 345, 347 Gujjhaka 287 Gulab Chandra Choudhary 40 Gulakada 143 Gulapāņaka 141 Gulapāniya 141 Gulika 185 Gumja-panava 274 Gunadhya 253 Guñjā 150, 175, 274 Guñjaliya 266 Guntur 341 Gupta 22, 35, 224, 226, 297 Gurjara 329 Gurjara Pratīhara 65 Gurukula 230, 243, 244 Gurukulavasa 243 Guru Pradyumna 8
H
Hadappa 40 Haddasarakkha 291, 295, 296, 311

Page #396

376
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Hetthilla 236 Hetuś astra 236, 251 Hetusattha 241 Himalaya 329, 340 Hirdugadesa 64, 341, 342 Hiỉgola 121 Himgu 132 Hīnajāti 90 Hinasippa 89 Hīnayāna 230 Hiranna 53, 198, 224 Hiranya 224 Hirimikkajakkha 92 Homa 80 Honavara.222 Hoysala 283
Hala 194 Halāyudha 308 Hamma 257 Hamsa-duküla 148 Hamsatella 140, 186 Handiqui, K. K. 290 Han-po-lo 153 Hanurnāna 344 Hara 284 Haraprabodha 296 Harem 37 Hari 284 Haribhadra 9, 296 Haribhadra Sūri 8, 253, 255 Haridda 132 Harikeśa 91, 92, 315 Harimartha 125, 127 Harişeņa 255 Harsta 305 Haritaki 132, 213 Haritala 214 Harmya 257 Harsa 41, 62, 69, 168, 304 Harşacarita 28, 41, 69, 94, 105,
145, 173, 252 Hastinapura 305 Hatta 215 Hatthi 41 Hatthidaṁta 269 Hatthiņāpura 341 Havipūya 130 Havispapa 130 Hemacandra 300, 321, 322, 326 Hemadri 224 Hemakumāra 37 Hemapurisanagara 341
Ibbha 96 Ibbha-jai 76 Iddhi 312 Iddhighara 205 Ikkada 10 Ikkhāgukula 85 Ikkhu 125, 129 Ikkhu-jamta 129 Imda 319 Indajala 318 Imdamaha 293, 319, 320, 321 Indarthana 321 Imdhanasala 200 Inkhini 318 India 221, 224, 299, 311, 342 Indore 344 Indra 37,59, 293, 320,321, 341 Indramaha 10, 321, 344

Page #397

INDEX
377 Indranila 198
Falapattana 209, 218, 222, Indrapaja 321
346 Indus 180, 346, 347
Falla 40 Ingudi 133
Jalodara 332 Instrumental Music 272 Jaloyara 332, 333 Irrigation 195
Jalpa 251 Isaramata 310
Jamali 303 Isibhasiya 237
Jambu 142 Istaka 130
Jambudīvapannatti 247 I'śvara 19, 32, 70
Jambūdvīpaprajñapti 5 Itihasa 306
Jangiya 147, 148, 162 I-Tsing 84, 123-125, 129, 136, Jammana 327
137, 142, 145, 156, 168, Jana 216 179, 190, 211, 221, 231, Janakpur 345 233, 236, 239, 243, 248, Janamera 43 249, 251, 254, 255, 269, Janapada 20, 65, 66
292, 299, 302, 307, 326 Janapatta 219 Ittaga 130
Jaņasalā 216, 261 Ittaga-chana 323
Jaņasīma 43 Itthivannaga 252
Jañgala 74 Janta-pidana 61
Japa-plant 186 Jaina 317
Jara 183, 332 Jaina Literature 246
Jara 109 Jaina-Śāsana 303
Jāța 152 Jaina-tantra 303
Jataka 246, 339 Jainism 277
I tiduguņchita 136 Jain, J. G. 109, 293, 323
Jatihina 232 Jaiphala 144
33:i-jurgita 76, 88 Jakkaittha-jakkhaggaha 287 Jattābhayaga 206 Jakkha 92, 93, 95, 271, 287, 9 sttha-visaya 152 288
3 đua 125, 126 Jakkhamaha 319
Javaņa 342 ala 208
Jayabhațţa 66 Jala 202, 220
Jayaratha 34 Jalaga 162
Jayaswal 18, 20, 21

Page #398

378
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Fotisagatha 250 Joya 312 Judiciary 55 Julika 302 Jurgita 87, 288 Jurgiya 96 Jumna 343 Junagadh 222, 340, 345 Junagarh 329 Junna-aṁteura 37 Juvarajja 16, 18 Juvarāya 18 Juvaraya 31, 32
Jhallari 273 Jhelam 346 Jhodaya 273 Jhusira 272, 273 Jina 148 Jina 285 Jinabhadra 8,9 Jinabhadra Kşamāśramaņa 3 Jinadasa 4, 7, 9, 283 Jinadasa Gani 5, 6, 8-10, 14 Jinadasa Gani Mahattara 4 Jinakalpa 163, 303 Jinakalpika 162 Jinaprabha 237 Jinaprabha Súri 255 Jina-pratima-vandana 286 Jinasena 76 Finaghara 286 Jiraga 132 Jitakalpa 2,5 Jitakalpa Cūrņi 3, 4 Jivabhigama 5 Jívantasvāmī 268 Jivitagupta 48 Jiyantasāmi 328, 343 Jiyanta-pratima 267 Jiya-padimā 285 Jiyasattu 25, 34, 342 Jñana-trayī 249 Jodhpur 340 Joga 313 Joisa 39, 249, 250, 235 Joisiya 39 Foņipahuda 247, 312 Joạisamgaha 247 Jotisa 250, 312
Kabul 342 Kaccha 10, 342 Kaccha 170 Kacchabhi 273 Kacchavi 240 Kadaga 174 Kadagabaṁdha 318 Kadalt 134 Kādambarī 91, 94, 145, 172,
173, 175, 318 Kadana 262, 263 Kadisutta 174 Kaduga 42, 72 Kagiņi 226 Kaha 252, 253 Kahaga 40 Kahaga-akkhahaga 114 Kahala 273, 275 Kāhāvana 226 Kaidaraka 193 Kaidarya 193

Page #399

INDEX
379
Kailasa 294 Kaira 18 Kaitya 254 Kakajangha 150 Kākanada 342 Kakapura 342 Kakini 226 Kakka 178 Kakkada 116 Kala 125 Kāla 12 Kala-caturdaśī 315 Kalada 199 Kalaga 15, 38, 47, 101, 320,
324 Kalagajja 312 Kalaky tsna 164 Kalama 126 Kalamasali 126 Kalāmuha 291, 296 Kalavadana 296 Kālāvanadhatī 205 Kalaya 127, 135 Kali 23 Kālidasa 21, 27, 34, 46, 120,
178, 252, 270 Kālika Śruta 235 Kalinga 71, 158, 341, 343 Kaliparāja 92 Kaliya-suya 235, 237, 240 Kallala 88, 89 Kalpa 2-4 Kalpataru 258 Kalyapavijaya 3, 227 Kalyāņavijaya Gani 1, 7, 8 Kama 251, 252
Kama-kaha 252 Kāmadeva 322 Kamasūtra 38, 112 Kambala 153, 156 Kamcanapura 342 Kāmcipurī 342 Kamcuka 166, 167 Kangasi 127 Kangu 125, 127 Kamma 88 Kammajuṁgita 88, 89 Kammakara 86, 205, 206, 207 Kanmakāra 86, 192, 193, 203 Kammāra 199 Kammaṁtasala 261 Kammasala 200 Kampillapura 342 Kampillapuranagara 67 Kansa 198 Kaisa 298, 348 Kansalaga 274 Kaṁsatala 273 Karsiga 274 Kaņāda 251, 309, 310 Kanaga 153, 154 Kanagakhaciya 154 Kanagapad ima 199 Kanagapatta 154 Kanagaphulliya 154 Kanagāvalī 174 Kanagayaka 154 Kandala 304 Kāñcī 279 Káñcipurī 214, 225 Kañcuka 168, 169 K añcukī 38

Page #400

360
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNÍ
Kane, P.V. 122
Karnapara 173 Kangra 342
Karņasāla 56 Kapha 339
Karnataka 278 Kaphaveppa 217
Karpaţika 212 Kanjika 142
Karpūra 141 Karkali-[īla 255
Karş@pana 226 Kappa 116
Kartika 81, 319, 326 Kanna-anteura 37
Karukasiddhantin 291 Kannapuraga 173
Kasa 181 Kan-po-lo 153
Kāsa 183, 333, 336 Kapadia 2
Kaśaghata 61 Kapaleśvara 297
Kaşaya 157 Kapalika 311
Kashmir 342 Kapalika 57, 166, 291, 295-297,
Kašī 74, 151, 329 302, 307
Katha 252, 253 Kapila 251, 310
Kathiawar 65, 68, 222, 347 Kapilamuni 309
Kattha 256 Kapilasūnu 309
Kattha-kamma 268 Kapittha 134, 143
Katthoraga 200 Kappa 163, 237, 247
Kattiya 319 Kappadiya 212
Katuka 42 Kappana-sattha 188
Kātyāyana 224 Kappäsiya 146
Kautilya 20, 21, 52, 75, 96, Kappūra 144, 179
158, 159, 226, 252, 276 Karaja-bhatta 121 Karāla 297
Kavadagamayı 176
Kavaddaga 227 Karana 56, 115
Kavasi 171 Karanapati 55, 56
Kavila 310 Karanika 56 Kareduyabhatta 121
Kavvalabhayaga 206 Karīla-vaṁsa 148
Kavvaya 307 Karira 134
Kãya 150, 342 Karisaga 191, 192
K ayaga 215 Karmasaciva 33
Kayalaka 134 Karnabharana 173
Kaya-vikkaya 215

Page #401

INDEX
381,
Kayavrana 334 Kayika 215 Kāyika 118 Kedar 329 Kedara 193 Kedaranātha 329 Kedarnath 342 Kegaiaddha 74 Kesa 308 Kesa-puspa 175 Ketu 195 Kevalin 245 Kevaloppāda 328 Keyara 193 Keyāra 229, 340, 342 Khadahada 129 Khāima 124 Khaira 144 Khajjaga 128, 130 Khalaga 194 Khamapa 303 Khanbha 265 Khanda 319 Khandamaha 319 Khamdha 258 K handhakarani 167 Khana 198 Khanadesa 344 Khanda 129, 141, 213 Khandapāņaka 141 Khapusa 171 Khara-bhūmi 132 Kharadhātī 205 Kharaga 203 Kharamuhi 273
Kharasanha 133 K har gula 142 Khariga 204 Kharjara 134 K hata 183 Khata 257 Khăta-usita 257 Khatiya 194, 257 Khattakhana 58 Khattiga 88, 202 Khattiya 75 Khattiya-kula 96 Khattiya Kundaggā ma 344 Khauda 15, 312 Kheda 344 Khetta 198 Khiraghara 39 Khiraśála 39, 123 Khitikhana 198 Khitipatitthiya 342 Khoda 53 Khomma 150, 151 Khuddaga 314 Khuddiyāvimaņa 237 Kidaga 148 Kidima 334 Kilāvana dhātī 113 Kimakhaba 152 Kimirāga 148, 221 King 22 Kingless State 18 Kingship 22 Kinnara 271, 272 Kira 342 Kīraduga 342 Kīraduka 341

Page #402

382
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Kiramadana 221 Kirata 94 Kirita 172 Kirtivarman 298 Kisikamma 191 Kisivá vára 191 Kistna 341 Kita 203 Kiti 254 Kitima 334 Kitta 147, 148 Kittima 147 Kodagu 343 Koddava 125 Koddavakūra 126 Kodiya Gani 7 Kodom 126 Kodumbiya 192 Koka 142 Kokkola 144 Kolaka 142 Koli 90 Kolika 91 Kollaira 342 Komkapa 11, 217, 284, 342 Komtiya 129 Komudīmahotsava 322 Komuti 322 Komuticăra 322 Kong-u-to 216 Konkaņa 10, 145 Kośa 51 Kośādhyaksa 51 Kosaga 171 Kosakara 89
Košala 74, 145, 339 Kosala 267, 328, 343 Kosam 343 Kosambahāra 66, 343 Kosambi 343 Kośā mbi 74 Kosavihūna raya 25 Kosejja 88 Kosejjaka 146 Kosigara 148 Kośika 152 Koś ikāra 152 Koşthagaradhyaksa 51 Kotavāla 43 Koti 183 Kotimba 220 Kottapala 42, 43, 69 Kotthaga 260 Kotthagara 51, 194, 262 Kotthapu,la 179 Kotthimba 220 Koua 317 Koua-kamma 317 Kovidara 135 Koyava 170 Krishna 339, 340, 345 Kriya 311 Kriyā vādin 311 Krşņa 298, 299 Krşņā 297 Kytavrtti 44, 45 Krisna 164 Kșanikavada 311 Kșatriya 22, 23, 76, 77, 84, 85,
100, 101, 106 K șauma 151, 159

Page #403

INDEX
383
Kşemaksrti 297 Kşetra 12 K setrakrtsna 164 Kșetrasamstava 9 Kșudra-kuştha 334 Kuccandhara 117 Kucciya 310 Kūda gara 262 Kādamāņa 60, 228 Kudasakkhi 60 Kudatula 60, 228 Kudukka 341, 343 Kudukka 327, 339 Kudumbi 192 Kudumbi 196 Kudumbiya 71 Kuhada 195 Kula 72, 86, 96, 315 Kulala 200 Kulapati 305, 314 Kulathi 127 Kulattha 125, 127 Kulava 228, 306 Kulisa 194 Kulita 194 Kuliya 194 Kullapākapura 342 Kulpāka 342 Kumāra 224 Kumāra-bhukti 18 Kumaragupta 224 Kumārapă la 326 Kumarapalacarita 268 Kumărila Bhațța 102 Kumbha 220 Kumbhakara 89, 200,
Kumbhakarakada 341 Kumbhakarasāla 261 Kunkuma 179, 185 Kusta 183 Kuņāla 18, 65, 74 Kuņāla 74, 343 Kupala nayarı 343, 346 Kun lä-vişaya 650 Kundaggama 344 Kundala 173 Kūpa 265, 266 Kūrcaka 310 Kūrma Purāna 329 Kurnol 297 Kuru 74 Kuruksetra 9, 10, 343 Kuša 306 Kuşāna 171 Kusatta 74 Kusattha 339 Kushinara 328 Kusi la 274, 275, 303 Kusülaka 165 Kusumapura 343 Kusumapuraga 225 Kusumbha 135 . Kūta 202 Kūtā gāra 262 Kutava 147, 148 Kutch 342, 346, 347 Kuthumbhari 132 Kutīrtha 328 Kntittha 328, 329 Kuttha 334 Kuttita-vanaspati-corņa 179 Kuttiya 129

Page #404

384
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Kuţtiyavana 200, 215 Kutumbiksetra 192 Kutumbin 192 Kava 219, 297 Kavaga 219 Kuvvaya 306
Labour 202 Lada 74, 344 Laddhi 312 Ladduga 131 Lādha 74 Laghujātaka 308 Lakşana 118 Lakşmi 298 Lalitasanika 72 Larkā 343 Larkāpuri 343 Lankha 40, 88, 115 Lankhiya-paridhanavat 165 Lankhiya-parihāņa 168 Land-ownership 196 Lasaga 40 Lasuna 135, 136 Lāța 10, 11, 89, 92, 102, 159,
170, 195, 214, 222, 320, 344 Latakastūrı 144 Lau 135 Lavaka 114 Lavaga 144 Laya 272 Laya 126 Layasama 271 Layataraņa 126 Leha 57, 245
L:hasala 230, 244 Lehasamdesaga 51 Lehavariya 245 Lekhašala 230, 231, 244, 245 Lekhavaha 51 Lena 254, 256 Leppaga 268 Leppagamaha 268 Leva 178 Levana 262, 263 Levirate 107 Literature 246 Littiya 273 Livi 239 Livišala 245 Loan 228 Loddha 178 Loddhaya 202 Lodhra 178 Logovayāra 283 Lohakaṁtiya 188 Lohakára 91, 92, 199, 201 Lohara 89 Lona 214 Lottiya 307 Luddhaga 88 Lumbini 328 Lūta 194
M
Macchagabaṁdhagadi 202 Macchaggahaga 202 Maccha-khala 137 Macchandiya 129, 130 Macchigga 88 Madagagiha 119

Page #405

INDEX
385
Madamba 70 Madambiya 70 Maddaya 273 Madhava 82 Madhu 129, 142, 143 Madhurā 158 Madhya 271 Madra 91 Madura 279 Madya 143 Magadha 65, 74, 125, 228, 283,
344 Magad hasena 253 Magara 116 Magha 121 Maghā Nakşatra 121 Maghā Śráddha 121, 122 Māghyā varşa Śrāddha 121 Maha 319 Mahabalādhikrta 26, 35, 42,
49, 55 Mahabharata 17, 250, 330 Mahabhişeka 23 Mahā deva 291 Mahadevayatana 292, 294 Mahadevī 37 Mahagyha 261 Mahai 273 Mahājana 32 Mahā kā la 313 Mahakala-manta 296 Mahakappa-sutta 247 Mahā laya Śraddha 122 Mahamaha 319 Mahamanti 33, 34 Mahamatya 34 .
.
Mahana 77, 303 Ma hapakundaggā ma 344 Mahānasasala 39 Maha-nimitta 117 Mahaņisiha 247 Mahāniśitha 2, 5 Mahapataka 83 Maha-pramana-sara 266 Mahapura 30 Mahapurā ņa 84 Maharashtra 341 Mahārā stra 10, 143, 169, 170,
294, 324, 327, 343 Maharațţha 334 Mahā salilodaka 140 Mahasuminabhavana 238 Mahā thala 339 Mahattama 70 Mahattara 36, 70-72 Mahattaraga 38 Mahattarika 38 Mahā vīra 2
307 Mahaviracarita 326 Mahā vrata 289 Mahāvratin 297 Mahendravarman 279, 297 Mahesa 344 Mahesaradatta 34 Maheśvara 294, 295 Maheśvaradatta 296 Mahī 217, 344, 345 Mahişă 158 Mahisa-simga 176 Mahişmatı 158 Ma hişmatı 344

Page #406

5386
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Mahissara 11, 158, 214, 344 Mallacarana 168 Mahula 333
Mallajuddha 114 Mahurā 344
Mallajuddhamaha 323 Maina 114
Mallakaccha 168 Maithuna 13
Mallakacchavat 165 Maitraka 35, 48, 54, 65, 66, Mallavādin 243
68, 196, 224, 249, 294 Mallinātha 46 Majja 143
Malvania 3,8 Majjaniya 157
Malwa 58, 90, 164, 340, 345 Majjapāņa 113
Mańdaggi 334 Majjavaga 40, 207
Mandavaga 40 Majjavana 143, 216
Mangala 116 Majumdar 92, 326
Mańkha 308 Makamdi 215
Mańkha-phalaga 308 Makariya 273
Maṁsa 332 Makka-hadda 176
Maṁsa-khala 138 Makkhali Gosă la 308
Maṁsa-tasa 138 Makkhiya 129
- Mamta 312-315 Malabar 345
Manta-vijja 312 Maladhari Hemacandra 227
Mantī 33, 37
Mana 227, 228 Mala-kāṁgant 127
Manasi-vijja 316 Malakara 201 Mālatī 173, 175, 292, 297
Manasollasa 128, 142
Mandadhatı 205 Malatimadhava 292, 296 Málava 345, 347
Mandaga 126, 128, 130 Malava 10, 158
Mandala 65, 66
Mandapa 104 Malavika gnimitra 21 Malaya 74, 151, 221, 345 Mandapasthana 260 Malaya 148, 151
Mandapatthana 260 Malayagiri 310
Mandavaga 172, 207 Malayavatı 253
Mandāvana-dhatı 172 Malita 194
Mandsor 341 Malla 22
Mang 93 Malla 40, 114
Mang 93 Malla 177
Mani 198 Mallacalanakyti 166.
Maạimaya 199

Page #407

Manimekhala 219
Manisila 269
Maniyara 198 Mañju-Sri-mülakalpa 217
Manosila 214
Mantrakarandaka 318
Mantravă din 288
Mantravidyă 287
Mantrin 33
Manu 33, 59, 79, 81, 91, 93, 97, 224, 250
Manuya-padima 266
Marahattha 324, 341, 345
Maraṇadamda 63
Maranadanḍa 59, 61
Maraṭhā 345
Marathi Jnana Kosa 289 Mariya 132
Maru 345
Marubhumi 7, 330
Marujanapada 330, 345
Marusthalı 345
Maru-visaya 345 Maryadadhurya 43
Maşa 127, 225
Masa 125
Masura 125, 127 Masuraga 170
Mataṁga 90, 91
Matamgavijja 316
Matanga 92, 93, 274
INDEX
Mațara 127
Mathura 10, 175, 255, 328,
330, 344, 345 Mati-saciva 33 Matrgrha 256

Matta 307 Mattavilasa-prahasana 57, 297 Matulunga 134, 135, 185, 335 Mauḍa 172
Mauktika 199
Maula 44
Maumda 275
Maurya 15, 226
Mawana 341
Mayabhatta 121 Mayala 151
Mayala 345
Mayana 175
Mayura-anka 224 Mayūranka 224 Mayuraposaga 201 Measure 227
Meat 136
Meccha 74, 83, 86, 90, 95
Meda 91, 93, 202
Medhätithi 211
Medicine 181
Meerut 341
Meha 245, 246
Mehuniya 102
Mejja 213, 227
Mentha 41
Mentha 274
Merutunga 222
Mesa 116
Meya 93
Migaḍa 179
Mihila 345
Mihuna-kala 101 Mimamsa 244 Mipa 116
387

Page #408

388: A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Mine 198 Minister 30 Mitakṣarā 228 Mithya-dsști 300 Miyalomiya 147 Miyaluddhaga 202 Mleccha. 49, 58, 138, 191 Modaga 131 Mohali 344 Moka 142 Monarchy 17, 22 Moraṁgamaył 175 Morandaga 131 Motichandra 148, 152, 153,
155, 171 Mottiya 198 Mịcchakatika 44 Mşdanga 117 Mydhvika 142 Mydvika 134 Mydvika 142 Mrgadantika 333 Mytaka-gļha 119 Muddā 174 Muddāpatta 20, 51 Muddita 134, 142 Mudradhyaksa 51 Mudrika 51 Mugga 125, 127 Mugumda 319 Muhapottiya 163, 267 Muhurta 115 Muktavali 174 Mukunda 299 Mukundamaha 299 Mukuta 172
Maladeva 30 Mülaga 135 Mülaguna 262 Malasūtra 246, 247 Malaveli 262 Mulla 212 Muga 273 Mumjamaliya 176 Muñja 176 Munniga 178 Muraja 274 Muralı 274 Murava 273 Mūrcha 335 Murunda 372, 313 Musali 215 Music 270 Mutthi 241 Mutthiya 40, 114 Muttră 344 Mysore 278
N
Nada 40, 87-89, 115, 275, 276 Ņadaga 275, 276 Nadi 319 Naga 319 Nagakesara 141 Nagapuşpa 185 Nagara 67, 68 Nāgaraka 178, 266 Nāgaramotha 141 Nagarī 67 Nāgavardhana 297 Naisthika Brahmacárin 230 Naiyayika 310

Page #409

Nakşatra 104, 115 Nalabaddha 96, 97
Nalakara 89
Nālandā 230, 231 Nalika 274
Nama-muddiya 174
Namdi 273
Namdimuha 275 Namgala 194
Nanaka 226
Nanda 308
Nandi 5, 6, 246, 247
Nandi 275
Nandi Curni 5, 7-9 Nandimukha 117 Nandtsvaradvipa 325 Nandisvaramahotsava 325
Narada 206, 224 Naradasmrti 208 Naravahanadatta 253 Naravahanadattakahā 253
Narayana 268, 298 Narayana-bali 298 Narayanadipaḍima 298
Narbada 340, 344 Nasta 184
Nástitvava di 310
Nastitvavā din 311
Nathuram Premi 310
Nattı 275
Naṭṭa 275
Nattaga 40
Nattha 204
Nattha 184
Natyasastra 275 Nauvat 165

INDEX
Nava 217, 219-221 Nava-amteura 37 Navaya 170
Naviga 219 Nayadhammakaha 160 Nāyānara 279
Nehavasti 331
Nehavatthi 184
Nelaka 342
Nelaka 225
Nelaka 226
Nelao 225, 342
Nemittiya 39, 82, 117
Nesatthiya 215 Neura 174
Nevattha 146 Nhanadhati 205 Nhavana 326
Nhavaṇapuya 285, 326 Nhavita 88, 89, 201 Nhaviyadasa Nanda 30 Nicca-pariggala 264 Nigaḍabamdha 61
Nigama 68
Nigama 67, 70
Nigamarakkhiya 42 Niggahabaṁdha 61
Niggan tha 303
Niggantha 304
Niggantha 77
Nighamtu 306
Nihi 52, 313
Nihi 296
Nihi Nihana 228 Nihnava 303 Nijjāmaga 219

389

Page #410

390
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Nitivakydmyta 16 Nitiya 303 Nivasana 168 Niveşaņa 261 Nivrana 328 Niyaṁsana 157 Niyoga 107 Non-ruler State 16, 17 Nrtya 275 Nytya-gaña 271 Napura 174 Nyagrodha 330 Nyaya 236 Nyaya 244, 251
Nijjaragiha 261 Nijjūha 258 Nijjutti 3 Nijjuttiga ha 3 Nikkhamaņa 327 Nikkhevaga 228 Nikşepa 228 Nīkumbhallaśakti 66 Nillajja 94 Villevaga 89, 166, 201 Niluppala 135 Nimar 340 Nimba 135, 185, 336 Nimitta 117, 235, 312, 317,
318 Nimitta-śāstra 235 Nimmaņi 183 Nipphava 125, 127, 135 Nirgrantha 302 Nirvāņa 254, 328 Nirvasita 61 Niryukti 3 Niryuktigâtha 3 Nişedha 11 Ņisiha 1, 11, 247 Nisīha Cūlā 2 Nisiha Sutta 1 Niśītha 2, 5, 10, 11, 237 Niśītha Bhaşya 3, 4, 124, 183,
303 Nisītha Cala 2 Niśītha Cūrni 3-6, 9, 11, 12, 74,
248 Ništtha Satra 1-3, 6, 12-13,
272, 282, 319 Wiśitha Višeşa Curri 5, 6
Oda 206 Odana 131 Odariya 212 Oghaniryukti 5 Oil 133 Oil-seed 133 Okampaņa 262, 263 Omakāla 196 Om Prakash 132 Oņāmani 315 Onnamiņi 92 Onuvehasalaga 188 Orissa 93, 95, 222, 343, 346,
347 Ornament 172 Oroha 37 Osappa 303 Oudh 340, 343 Ovaiya Satra 306

Page #411

P
Pabhasa 221, 222 Paccamtiya 75 Paccatthiya 300 Padabhumi 200, 215 Padaha 273, 275
Padakara 88, 201 Padala 163, 334, 336
Paḍalakādi 163
Padaleva 314
Padalevajoga 313 Padalipta Suri 253
Padaliputta 30, 226, 345
Paḍaliputtaga 225
Padamagga 264
Paḍavasa 179
Padavijja 312, 316
Palivijja 317 Padaya 170
Padhana-siddha 313
Padivaya 320
Padma 185, 335
Padma-curņa 179
Padma Purana 212 Padmaraga 198
Paesa 273
Pagara 257, 258
Pahasa 329, 340
Pahasa 328, 345
Pahenaga 105
Paikka 41
Painting 269
Paişti sura 143
Paithan 345
Paithana 324 Paithana 320

INDEX
Paittika 335
Paiya Sadda Mahannava 91
Pajjosavana-kappa 325
Pajjoya 47, 101, 267, 324, 330 Pajjusana 319, 320, 323-325. Pakasri 8
Pakkāni 138
Pakkhiya 324
Palace 257
Palamba 174
Palamḍu 135, 136
Palar 342
Palhvi 170
Palitta yariya 312, 313 Pallava 279, 297 Palli 68
Pama 334, 335
Pamajjana 263, 286 Pamcagavva saniya 306 Pamcaggitavaya 305
Pameha 183
Paṁgu 183
Pāna 91-93
Pāņa 124, 142 Pānabhumi 143, 216
Panagara 39, 144
Panala-chiḍda 265
Paṇasala 39
Pañcagavya 306
Pañcaggi 309
Pañcakalpa 2, 5
Pañcakalpa Bhāṣya Cūrṇi 1
Pañcakula 72
Pañcakulika 56
Pañcala 74
Pañcamahapataka 59
391

Page #412

392
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Pancamandali 72 Pañcamī 323 Pañcamala 141 Pancaśaila 199, 218 Panca-sära-panaka 141 Pañcayata 72 Pandarabhikkhu 293 Pandara-cavalaga 125 Pandaraṁga 221-293, 321 Pandurabhikkhu 308 Panduranga 293 Pandya 346 Paņhavagarana 246, 317 Pāṇini 57, 97, 207, 249, 333 Panipatrabhoji 162 Paniyasala 200 Panni 220 Panya 215 Paralimga-karana 280 Parama-Maheśvara 295 Parameşthi-pajana 285 Parasa 345 Paraşu 195 Pariccha 213 Pariha 257 Parihana 146 Parikha 36 Parilasa 273 Parimadda 40 Parinayauzya 232 Parinita 104 Parisa 30, 31 Parivāyaga 303 Parivrăjaka 290, 306, 307, 310,
311, 314 Parivvāyaga 288, 306
Pariyattaga 40 Pariyattaņā 238 Parpața 127 Parpaţi 131 Parśva 303 Parusaka 142 Parvataka 80 Pārvatī 224, 306 Paryūşaņa 324 Paşa 202 Pasada 36 Paşaņa 198 Pá sattha 288, 303, 316, 317,
325 Pasāya 257 Pasiņa 317 Pasiņapasiņa 317 Pāśupata 291, 292, 294 Pasupati 291 Pata 152 Pataha 117, 275 Patala 141, 142 Pitaliputra 18, 225 Patañjali 79 Patavasa 179 Patiţthapa 345 Patna 344, 345 Patra 234 Patta 33, 36, 69, 148, 161, 165,
172, 173 Patta 233 Pattana 67, 209, 215 Patthana-sattha 188 Patthivaṁsa 262 Pattunna 151

Page #413

INDEX
393
Pauma 175 Paumacariya 30, 80, 169, 176,
265, 325 Paumatthala 339 Paundravardhana 346 Paundra 168 Paundraka 159 Paurana 161, 168 Paurana-vajjiya 162 Pavaga 40 Pavahaņa 218, 219 Pavāraga 153, 154 Pavāraka 170 Pavasutta 249 Pavva 324 Payāga 328, 329, 340, 346 Payaņasāla 200 Payasa 128, 131 Pekkhanaga 276 Periplus 220 Persia 47, 160, 221, 345 Persian 319, 342 Persian Gulf 222 Pesa 155, 156 Peshawar 341 Peya 126, 145 Phadiha 198 Phadiya 153 Phaggu 322 Phalaga 218, 220 Phalaka 308 Phalguna 322, 326 Phānita 129 Pharusaka 142 Phavara 195 Pidaka 333
Pilgrimage 327 Pimdesaņa 1 Pinda 120, 121 Pinnāya 133 Pinyaka 133 Pipalaga 195 Pippala 219 Pippalī 132, 213, 214 Piripiriti 273 Piśāca 287 Pisita 139 Pisuna 234 Pithika 12, 13 Pitt 12! Pitta 182, 185, 332, 335 Pitthakada 143 Pitthi sura 143 Pitiya 335 Plava 220 Police 48 Pond 265 Pondravardhana 159 Porasi 235 Port 221 Posaga 88 Pota 219, 220 Potiya 215 Potta 149 Pottaga 147, 149, 150 Pottery 200 Pottha 268 Potthagapanaga 240 Prabandhakośa 245 Prabhakaravardhana 29, 37
69, 119, 120 Prabhāsa 329

Page #414

394
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Prabhāvati 37, 157 Prabhāvati-deva 330 Prabhavrddhi 282 Prabhu 97 Prabodhacandrodaya 297 Pracchada 170 Pradyumna Kşamaśramaņa 8 Pradyumna Säri 8 Prahara 235 Prajapati 78 Prajā patya 99 Prakāra 36, 258, 263 Prakīrņaka 246, 247, Prapa 266 Prasada 257, 258 Prastarana 170 Prastha 228 Pratata 118 Pratibha 57, 228 Pratigraha 79 Pratigrahadhārı 162 Pratihara 43 Pratilomagồmini 217 Pratima 267 Pratimagļha 254, 256 Pratinidhi 32 Pratisaraka 48 Prati-sūcaka 50 Pratya khyāna Parva 3 Pratyakşadeva 78 Pratyanika 301 Pratyanīka-kşetra 280 Pratyantika 75 Pravarasena 252 Prayaga 329 Priti 105
Priyangu 185 Proșita-patika 109 Pucchana 238 Pudalaga 131 Pügaphala 144, 213 Pukkhara 346 Pukkharani 265, 266, 330 Pukkhara-tittha 329, 330 Pulakesin II 222, 297 Pulimda 91 Pulinda 93-95, 138, 292 Pulinda Kotta 93 Pulinda Palit 93 Punishment 60 Punjab 152, 341, 342, 346, 347 Punnaga 178 Punnima 319, 323 Punyavijaya 4, 121, 227 Pupphovayārapadana 263 Pupphovayarappadāņa 286 Pura 63, 67, 68 Paraṁti 32 Purana 23, 115, 212, 244, 250 Pūrayantı 32 Puri 67 Puri 222, 346 Purima 209, 221, 222, 346 Purivaţța 74 Purohita 31, 34, 35 Pūrvadeśa 344 Puşkara 330 Puskara-tīrtha 330 Puspasava 142 Pūta 194 Putabbhedana 209 Putana 287

Page #415

Putranjiva 175
Pava 130
Puvaliga 131 Puviga 131
Püviyaghara 130, 215
Puvvadesa 214, 224, 346 Puyană 287
Raghu 322 Raghuvamsa 46 Raha 216
R
Rahagara 201
Rahajatta 326, 327
Rahamagga 258 Rahassiya 32 Rahassiya-council 32 Rahasyiki-council 32
Rahuhata 116
Raivataka 340
Rajaddariya 157
Rajaga 160, 201 Rajagṛha 10, 140
Rajakarana 56
Rajakula 36, 54 Rajakulakarana 56
Rajamagga 211
Raja Mahendri 341
Rajam thişt 37 Rajaputa 320
Rajasekhara 170, 245
Rajasthan 278
Rajavallabha 40, 282 Rajgir 346
Rajja 17, 64, 65 Rajjakkhobha 211

INDEX
Rajjanīti 23, 24 Rajjanītiajanaga 25 Rajjaviggha 32
Rajoharana 267 Rajputana 345
Rajya 22, 64
Rajyaśri 104, 105, 266, 270,
304
Rajyavardhana 29 Rakṣabandhana 323 Rakṣapala 43 Raksasa 287 Raktapata 304
Rala 156
Ralaga 125, 127
Rallaga 156
Rallaka 156
Rāma 258
Rāmānuja 291
Ramayana 250, 271, 321
Ranna 196
Ranno-mahisi 37
Ranno-pahunaga 39 Rapti 346
Rasala 133
Rasavana 143, 216
Rasayana 184
Rasi 116
Răşṭra 65, 66
Raṣṭrakūta 102, 294
Raṣṭrakūta 65, 66
Rastramahattara 65, 66
Răṣṭrapali 66
Rastropaplava 211 Rathayatra 326 Rati 105
395

Page #416

396
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNİ
Ruddanikeyana 294 Ruddha 203 Rudra 268, 291 Rudragļha 256, 291 Rudrākşa 175 Rukkha 319 Rukkhagiha 261 Ruma 346 Rūpaka 224, 225 Ruppa 178 Rūvaga 208, 225, 341 Rūvaga Dakkhiņāpahaga 226 Ruvagakara 54 Rūvaga Padaliputtaga 226 Růvaga Sábharaga 226 Ravaga Uttara pahaga 226
Raina-vanik 214 Rattapada 304 Rattha 65 Ratthauda 65 Ravi 116, 346 Ravigata 115 Rawalpindi 341 Rāyabhaya 280 Rāyadūta 50 Riyaduttha 280 Rayaga 88 Rāyagiha 258, 346 Rzyahāni 63 Rāyamera 43 Rayanavali 174 Rayapakara 60 Raya-burisa 49 Rāyasîma 43 Rddhi 312 Red Sea 222 Republic 16, 21 Revenue 52 Rgveda 298 Rhys Davids 90 Ribhiya 275 Řna 228 Roga 182, 183, 333, 335, 336 Rohaga 271 Rohagutta 303 Rome 278, 346 Ropita 194 Royal Council 30 Rşabha 267 Rşabhadeva 76, 101 Rudda 319 Ruddaghara 294
Śabara 91, 94 Sabha 69, 71, 262 Sabharaga 225 Sabien Coin 225 Sacca-dantumaya-pasaya 259 Sacittakammavasahi 269 Saciva 33, 34 Sadaga 161, 168 Sadda 236, 249 Saduva 273 Sãeta 339 Saga 346 Saga 136 Sagada 216 Sagara 319 Sagaradatta 214 Saggaha 116 Sahakara 142

Page #417

INDEX
397
Sähammiya 289 Sahasa-bhanita 118 Sahasrapaka 185, 186 Sahet-Mahet 346 Sahi 260 Sahiņa 150 Sahinakallāņa 150 Sahu 303 Sāima 124, 144 Saindhava 132 Śaiva 291, 317 Saivism 290, 291 Sajjhāya 238, 239 Saka 95, 171, 346 Saka 136 Sakala 347 Saka-visaya 342 Sakka 303, 304 Sakkara 183 Sakkara 213 Sakkhi 228 Sakşi 56, 57, 228 Sakti 285 Sakiu 126, 145 Sakuna 116, 213 Śakya 290, 304 Śala 261 Salakkhana 258 Saletore 101 Sali 125 Sali 126 Sali-kura 126, 127 Salimga 140 Salivāhana 320 Salivāhana 324 Salt 131
Saluka 142, Salūno 323 Samaiyanijjutti 247 Samantarāya 69 Samana 77, 303, 309 Samana-pāyā 324 Samanta 69 Samanya Cūrni 4 Samarā iccakaha 15, 63, 215,
296 Samarāngana Sūtradhāra 257 Samasta-jangha 171 Samasta-khallaka 171 Samatta 303 Samavāya 237 Samaveda 249 Sambandhara 279 Sambhalpur 346 Samuhojika 288 Suindāsaga 188 Sangha 315, 316 Sanghada 220 Samghadi 167 Saniitāyariya 15, 312 Sanjha gata 115 Samkıma 265 Sankha 275 Saikha-cunsa 144 Samkhadi 136, 137 Samkhadibhatta 213 Samkhiya 273 Samkhya 251, 310 Sammadi 241, 247 Sammati 247, 248 Sammatiprakarana 248 Sammatisütra 248

Page #418

398
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNÍ
Sammatitarka 248 Sammatitarkaprakarana 243 Sammatiya 230 Sammela 105 Samosarana 167 Sampara 88 Samprati 15, 18, 74, 226, 327,
339, 341, 343, 345, 347 Sampudaphallaga 240 Saṁsamaņa 184 Sarnsāra 327 Sansohana 183 Saṁstāraka 13 Samtarana 220 Samtthana 51 Samudda 217 Samuddatirittajala 217 Sumudragyha 259 Samudraka 131 Sana 135 Sāna 198 Sanābhi 97 Sanābhya 97 Saņaka 149 Saņāliya 273 Sanātana-mārga 100 Sāñcī 342 Sandilla 74 Sangha 22 Sanghadā sa Gani 4 Sanghatz 165 Sanicchara 116 Sanikicca 308 Sāņiya 147, 149 Sankakșikā 165 Śankara 291
Sankha 117 Śankha 273, 275 Sanmati T arka 3 Sanmoha Vinodini 143 Sannipāta 182, 185, 335 Sannivāta 335 Sannivesa 209 Śäntikarmakarin 34 Sapāurana 162 Sapiņda Marriage 102 Sara 319 Sarakkha 117, 291-93, 321 Śaraṇāgata 47 Säranipaniya 195 Sarapamti 266 Sārasvata 22 Sarasvati 343 Sarayü 217 Sarikā 114 Sarira 61 Sarira-tādana 61 Sarisava 135 Sarkarā 129, 141 Sarkarā pānaka 141 Sarnath 328 Sarpisa 128 Sarşapa 133 Sarva-sūcaka 50 Sasa 183 Sasāhana 313 Sasarakkha 117 Sasi 116 Saskuli 131 Şaștika 125 Śatapaka 185, 186 Satapatha Brahmana 256

Page #419

Satt 107, 108 Satisaya 2 Satkarmanirata 79 Saṭṭara 195
Sattha 139, 211, 212
Satthadhiva 211
Sattha-kosa 188
Satthapati 211
Satthavaha 31, 35, 36, 70, 191,
210-213
Sattha-vihana 213 Satthiya 125
Sattikkagă 1 Saulkika 44, 52
Sauna 116
Saunaka 202
Saunaruya 245
Sauraṣṭra 10, 11, 206, 217, 222,
225, 294, 299, 341
Savaga 213
Săvaraha 203
Savatthì 343, 346
Savvesara 19
Sāyana 18
Sayavahana 345
Śayya 13 Sayyatara 281
Schubring 13
Sculpture 266
Sea-voyage 218
Secunderabad 342
INDEX
Seduga 159
Sekhara 175
Sela 256
Self-immolation 107

Sena 41
Senadhipa 35, 42
Senapati 31, 35, 42, 48, 49,
106
Seni 201
Seniya 92, 258, 315 Seniya Bimbisāra 245
Servant 203
Seṭṭhi 35, 42, 48, 49, 191, 210,
261
Seṭṭhi 31, 69, 70
Setu 195, 252
Setubandha 252
Sevagapurisa 203 Seya-bhikkhu 303
Seyavada 303
Shamasastry 19
Sharma, Priyavrata 335, 336
Shastri, D.R. 296
Ship 219
Shoe 171
Siddha 285
Siddhajoga 313
Siddhanta-haraṇa 242
Siddharaja 11
Siddhasena 3, 4
399
Siddhasenācārya 3
Siddhasena Divakara 3, 241, 248
Siddhasena Kṣamā śramaņa 3 Siddhasenayariya 312 Siddhivinicchiya 241, 248
Siddhiviniscaya 241, 248 Sidhu 143 Śikhamani 173 Sikkaga 307

Page #420

400
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Śivaghara 294 Śivagṛha 294 Śivasvami 241, 248
Sikkaga-nantaga 295 Sikkaganimtaga 307
Sikkha 239
Śiladitya 173, 243, 249
Silanka 1, 274, 308 Silippa 335 Śilpi 207
Simbha 182, 334-336 Simbhiya 336
Simdhava 131
Simdhu 341, 345, 346 Simgarakaha 252 Simgarakavva 252 Simgavera 132
Simhamaraga 202
Simhasana 23, 117 Simva 219
Sind 223
Sindhu 89, 140, 155, 156, 158,
164, 217, 284, 346
Sindhu-Sovīra 74
Singhaḍagatthaṇa 211 Sippa 83, 191, 197 Sippa-jumgita 76, 88, 89 Sippi 202
Śiprā 347
Siraveha-sattha 188
Sirighara 31, 298
Sirimaya 329, 340, 347
$irorakṣa 39
Sisaga 198
Sitä 176
Śitagṛha 259
Śiva 285, 291, 292, 294, 305,
306

Siviga 216
Sirimala 347
Siyaghara 259
Siyatalaya 150
Skandamaha 320
Skandha 263 Ślaişmaka 336 Slave 203
Ślesma 182, 334 Slipada 333
Smith 269, 289
Smrti 103, 250 Snake-bite 187
Snāna 184
Snānapuya 326 Snataka 81
Sobhagga 321 Society 74
Sogariga 88 Soma 116 Somadeva 16, 24-26, 31, 32, 35, 49, 50, 55, 103, 255, 284, 292, 295, 301, 308
Somanatha 222, 320 Somnath 329, 345
Sopara 347
Soparaya 54, 107, 347
Sottiya 80
Sottiyaputta 79
Soyavadi 311
Sphatika 198 Spice 131 Spinda 97

Page #421

INDEX
401
Spinning 159 Srāddha 121, 122 Śramana 142 Śravaņa 320, 321, 324, 344 Sreni 44 Śrt 36, 298 Śrīgpha 52 śrīma la 329 Śrīparvata 297 Śrnga 273, 275 Śrotriya 79, 80 Śrutadhara 1,3 Śrutajñanī 237 Śrutakevalin 237 Śruti 248 Śryāśraya 66 Staircase 264 Stambha 254, 256 Stenapalli 58 Sthalt 68 Sthanapala 43, 44 Sthavira i Sthavirakalpa, 163, 303 Sthavirakalpika 162 Sthiramati Guņamati 230 Student 233 Siapa 254-56, 328 Subhaga 313 Subuddhi 33 Sücaka 45, 49, 50 Succession 28 Suci 311 Sucivadı 310 Sudda 75 Sudda-kula 96 Sadra 23, 76, 82, 85, 86, 94,
293
Śadraka 145, 168, 173, 175 Sudssţi 145, 168 Sugaṁdha-cunna 178 Sugimhaga 322 Sugrişmaka 322 Suhțda-bala 44 Sui 310, 311 Sūi 183 Suimuha 188 Sukka 116 Sukra 31, 68 Sukrā cārya 267 Sukraniti 32, 34, 69 Sukumaliyā 25 Sula 183, 336 Sulaiman 223, 227 Śulkadhyaksa 52 Sulkamaņdapika 52 Sulkapala 52 Suṁkathāņa 52 Sumkiya 52 Sumthi 132 Sūnakaraga 202 Sūņiya 333, 336 Sunnā gåra 262 Sunnagiha 261, 262 Suntht 213 Süpakara 39 Suppa 194 Sura 217 Sura 143 Sūrakanta 198 Sura-kuda 144 Surapannatti 237, 247 Sarasena 74 Surā ştra 65 Surat 100, 344

Page #422

402 A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Surattha 65, 74, 194, 214, 347 Surgery 188 Surpa 133
Takkadesa 347 Takkala Jataka 208
Takra 128
Tala 271, 273
Susāṇa-susāṇakuḍi 119 Suśruta
Talacara 274, 275
177, 180-82, 332-37
Talajala 274
Talaphala 134
Talasama 271
Tala-tree 304
124, 130, 132,
185,
Suśrutasamhita 181
Suti 310
Sūtrakrtanga 5 Sütrakɣtanga Curṇi 5 Sutta-porisi 235
Suvanna 198, 224
Suvannagara 199
Suvannama saka 224 Suvarna 224
Suvarnagulika 101
Suvarnamāṣaka 208, 225 Suvina 118
Suvina-pasina 317
Suyagaḍa 237, 246
Suyarağ39
Svadhyaya 238
Śvapaka 76, 85, 86, 90, 91
Svara 27!
Svayamvara 100, 101 Svetapata 303
Sweet 129
T
Taccaniya 304 Tadaga 265, 319
Tagara 175, 185
Taimirika 336
Taittiriyasamhita 155 Takka 345, 347

144,
188,
Taliyaṇi 138
Talodaka 140
Talugghaḍini-vijjā 315
Talavara 70
Tamalapatra 141 Tamba 198
Tambola 177
Tamdulaveyaliya 247 Tamil 278, 327, 341 Tammamaya 226
Tamralipta 209 Tamti 271, 272
Tamtisama 271
Tanaharaga 201 Taṇasala 261
Tantravidya 287 Tantricism 291
Tanupatta 240 Tapasa 293 Tappaka 220 Tappana 184
Tapti 343, 344 Tarangavati 253
Tarapiḍa 173
Tarkasastra 251
Tarunayariya 232 Tasara 156

Page #423

INDEX
403
Tata 272, 273 Tattasalaga 61 Távasa 303, 305, 306 T avodaga 140 Tavu 198 Taxation 52 Tegicchiya 82 Tehri Garhwal 329 Tejapă la 325 Telavāha 339 Tella 133, 178, 185 Temana 133 Tenduga 134 Tenapalli 68, 139 Tesala 260 Teyá laga 222 Teyā lagapattana 217, 221, 347 Teyanisagga 238 Thakkura 71 Thala 208, 211 Thala 200 Thalapattana 67, 208, 209 Thambha 254, 256 Thambhiņi-vijja 316 Thana 347 Thaņa 237, 321 Thānailla 43 Thāņāmga 34 Įranapala 43 Thā nesara 343, 347 Thavaņā-kula 88 Thūbha 255, 259, 319, 328 Thüpā 347 Thūnā 74 Tibet 340 Tidanda 314
Tiga 211 Tila 125, 133 Tila-modaka 131 Timira 335, 336 Timmana 138 Timtiniya 233 Tiņakudiyā 261 Tipuda 125 Tiraccha-samtāriņā 217 Tiridapatta 147, 149, 151 Tiriyapadima 266 Tirtha 327-30 Tirtharkara 119, 285, 290,
326, 327 Tirthavrddhi 282 Tisariya 174 Tissagutta 303 Tithi 115 Tittha 329 Toilet 176 Torana 258 Tosali 150, 195, 347 Tosali Visaya 100, 140 Toxicology 187 Toya-krīda 113 Travancore 345 Trikatu 185 Trišala 260 Tudiya 174 Tula 116, 227 Tūlakada 149 Tüli 170 Tumba 220 Tumbavīnā 273 Tuna 273

Page #424

404
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Tunnaga 161 Tunnagara 201 Turakkha 179 Turiya 272 Turumini 347 Türyapati 274 Tusasala 261 Tuvara 186 Tuvarı 125, 127 Tvak 141 Tvakpatra 185
Ubhetima 132 Ubhijja 132 Ucaka 206 Uccattabhayaga 206 Ucchadana 314 Uccholana 184 Udagasambhara 204 Udamka Risi 59 Udast 128 Udasvitsa 128 Udayana 15, 47, 157, 267, 324,
330 Uddaharakkhana 282 Udumbara 134, 142 Udupa 220 Uggahanamtaga 165 Uggakula 85 Ugghaiya 13 Ujalı-varna 92 Ujjain 341, 343, 347 Ujjana 257 Ujjanagiha 261 Ujjayin: 10, 18, 47, 267, 316,
330
Ujjení 340, 347 Ukkacchiya 166, 167 Ukkaliya 235 Ukkoda 53 Ullamkaya 307 Ulaka 251, 310 Unnamani 92, 315 Unniya 146, 147 Untouchable 86 Upadhyāya 232 Upanga 246, 247, 306 Upanişad 248 Upaśraya 281 Upaved a 249 Uppala 175 Usa 132 Uśira 185 Usita 257 Usoviņi-viija 315 Utpala 142, 185, 335 Uttamā gāra 262 Uttamasutta 2 Uttaradhyayana 5, 6, 63 Uttaradhyayana Cūrņi 5, 7, 244 Uttaraguna 262 Uttarajjhayana 237, 247 Uttara Kosala 343 Uttara Madhura 348 Uttara Mahurā 348 Uttarapahaga 225 Uttarā patha 102, 195, 214, 225,
312, 316, 343, 348 Uttarāsanga 165, 168 Uttaravaha 328, 348

Page #425

Uttarijja 168 Uttariya 168 Uttha 155
Uṭṭhānasuya 238 Uṭṭiya 147 Uvahana 170
Uvahara 321
Uvajjhaya 232
Uvalevaṇa 263, 286 Uvarilla 236
Uvasamaṇa-laddhi 316 Uvaṭṭana 177 Uvvalana 177
Vacană 239
Vacaspati 38, 291
Vacca 308
Vaccha 74, 348
Vācika 118
Vāda 242, 251
Vaḍabha 183
Vadḍhaki 201
V
Vaddhakirayana 37
Vaddhakirayana 259 Vaddhamana-curņa 179
Vadḍhiya 38
Vadha 202
Vadi-parişad 242 Vadiya 274
Vadnagar 339 Vadya 158, 271
Vagarana 236, 249
Vaggharana-sala 100 Vagura 202
Vaguri 171
Vāguriya 88, 202

INDEX
Vaha 88 Vahana 216
Vahana 219
Vaidurya 198
Vaira 198, 199
Vairajya 18, 241
Vairasāmī 15, 312, 316
Vaisa 75, 85
Vaisakha 326
Vaisālī 344
Vaiśesika 251, 309, 310
Vaisnavism 290, 297
Vaisya 85
Vaitāḍhya 267 Vaitalika 318
Valabhi 68, 71, 217, 224, 230,
231, 243, 246, 249, 265,
294, 299, 339
Valanjiyam 210 Valanjiyar 210 Valaya 174
Valiñjuka 210
Vallabha 46
Vallari 273
Valumka 135
Valya 273
Vamadeva 137
Vamana 336 Vāmavaṭṭa 234
Vamdaṇa-maliyā 104, 175 Vamjaṇamisa 145, 284
Vammalata 9, 227
Vamsa 219, 272, 273
Vamsaga 262, 263 Vanamamtara 258, 287 Vanamamtari 316
405

Page #426

406
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNÍ
Vanaprastha 305 Vanarāja 222 Vápārasī 348 Vaņavāsiņo 305 Vanga 74, 158 Vani 209 Vaņija 85, 210 Vanijaka 76 Vápija Kula 7 Vanijja 218 Vanik 85, 196 Vaņiya 85, 218 Vaniya 191 Vaniya-kula 96 Vapaņa 193 Vapi 265, 266 Vappa 193 Varādaga 227 Väraga 307 Varāhamihira 173, 308 Varakka 147 Varana 74 Várānasi 10 Varanasi 328, 329, 342 Vararuci 8 Varațțaga 267 Vāraţtapura 348 Várattapura 68 Vārattapuranagara 67 Varatthali 68 Vardhamana Svāmī 267 Varisadhara 38 Varita 104 Varmalāta 9 Varna 75, 88 Varnasamkara 270
Vartmapala 48 Varuda 87, 89, 91, 94, 201 Vāsa 146 Vasabha 116 Vasagyha 104, 105, 269 Vasahisanbaddha 264 Vasamtūsava 322 Vasana 24 Vasantagadh 227 Vasantapura 25 Vasantotsava 322 Vasati 256, 262 Vaśıkarana 313-15 Vašīkarana-sutta 318 Vaśiştha 83 Vašişthadharmasastra 75 Vastupāla 325 Vasudeva 119, 298, 299 Vasudevacariya 252 Vasudevahindı 268 Vasudeva Krşņa 299 Vata 186 Vata 182, 185, 335, 336 Vataja 336 Vati 194 Vatita 336 Vatsa 158 Vātsyāyana 38, 104, 160, 177,
178, 224, 229, 266 Vattha 146 Vatthasohaga 160 Vatthi-kamma 184 Vāullagakarana 318 Vavahara 56, 237, 247 Vavana 194 Văvi 257, 265

Page #427

Vayana 239 Vayana-pharusa 24 Vayanayariya 239 Vayara Sakha 7 Vayu 336
Vayu Purana 212, 329
Veda 136, 244, 248
Vedanga 244, 249, 250, 306
Vedarahassa 248
Vedasa 306 Vedavyasa 92-94 Vegetable 133
Veggha 155
Vejja 39, 189
Vejjasala 189
Vejjasattha 181, 182
Vekkayika 215 Velambiya 40 Veli 265
Venna 217
Venna 339
Venu 273
Verajja 18, 20, 21, 241
Veraval 346
Veravala 217, 222
Vesana 132
Vesastri 112
Vesavara 132
Vesitthi 112
Vesya 112
Vetala 318
Vetana 207
Veterinary Science 188 Veṭṭhi-karana 54 Vetuliya 310, 311 Veva 183, 273

INDEX
Veyacchiya 167 Veyacchiyapaṭṭa 167
Veyana 207 Veyanaga 207 Vibhamga-nana 313
Vibhuti 26
Vicarcika 337 Viceroyalty 28 Viddara 116
Viddesana 314
Viddhasulabhanjikā 170
Videha 74
Vidhimargaprapă 237 Vidușa-stri 111 Vigata-tulla-bhava 311
Vihara 328
Vihassati 116
Vihi 125, 126
Vihimuha 188
Vijja 312-15
Vijjasiddha 313
Vikarakarana 275 Vikiccika 334, 337
Vilambi 116
Vilambita 271
Vilasavatı 318
Vilepana-bhūmi 179 Vilevana 177
Vilevanovalittagätta 176
Village-Council 71
Vimalasūri 24, 30, 80, 169,
176, 258, 265, 325
Vimutti 1
Vimutti Cula 2 Vina 271-273
407

Page #428

408
A CULTURAL STUDY OF THE NISITHA CURNI
Vinaya 89 Vindhya 94 Vipakasūtra 183 Viradhava 7 Virali 170 Virana 175 Vira-Raghava 210 Virathala 339 Virecan, 184 Virji 48, 66 Viruddha-rajja 16, 20 Visa 187 Visaha Gani 1 Visakhacārya 1 Visama-kadda ma 265 Vişavidya 187 Vişaya 42, 48, 64-68 Vişaya-bhanga 41 Vişayapati 66 Visayarakkhiya 65-68 Višeşa Cūrni 4,6 Višeşāvašyaka Bhasya 238 Vişnu 89, 268, 285, 298 Vişnudharmasūtra 121 Vişnugupta 224 Viști 54 Visūcika 134, 337 Visvá mitra 137 Vița 112 Vitaṁda 251 Vitata 272, 273 Vstibhaya 330 Vītibhayapattapa 218, 348 Viuvvana 313 Vivada 280 Vivagasuya 34
Vivaggha 155 Vivahapadala 250 Vivarci 273 Vivanci 271 Vivarita 118 Vocal Music 271 Vodava-stūpa 255 Vratakhanda 224 Vyddha Harita 82 Vrihi 125, 126 Vrndāvana 330 Vștti 9 Vyadhi 182, 332, 333 Vyakhya Prajñapti 5 Vyakhya Prajñapti Cūrni 5 Vyañjana 118, 131 Vyasana 24, 25 Vyavahara 2, 3,5 Vyavahara Bhasya 4, 52; Vyavahara Bhas ya Tika 70
. W Wages 207 War 47 Washing 160 Water Trade 216 Weapon 45 Weaving 159 Weber 11 Weight 227 Well 265 Western Ghat 342 Widow 105 Wilson, H. E. 346 Winternitz 3

Page #429

INDEX
409
Y
Yagubhattādi 208 Yajana 79, 80 Yajana 79, 80 Yajña 80, 136 Yājñavalkya 83, 122 Yamuna 217, 245 Yašastilaka 50, 92, 295, 296,
301 Yaśodeva Sori 8 Yawarajya 18 Yavana 95
Yogaraja 222 Yuan Chwang 22, 45, 49, 51,
54, 62, 80, 84, 86, 119, 120, 125, 129, 133, 136, 142, 143, 149, 151, 153, 156, 158, 162, 168, 172, 175, 180, 189, 199, 216, 217, 223, 227, 230, 236, 239, 243, 248, 249, 263, 294, 299, 302, 329, 339,
343, 346, 347 Yugala-dharma 101 Yuvaraja 16, 18

Page #430

Page #431

P.V. Research Institute
The Parshvanath Vidyashram Research Institute, Jain Research Centre recognised by the Banaras Hindu University, is the first and the only Jain Institute of its kind. It has been continuously rendering valuable services to Jainological Studies for the last thirtyeight years. Under its patronage, many scholars have worked for the Ph. D. and D. Litt. degrees. The Institute has brought out twenty-one books by now. It has undertaken the publication of a 'Comprehensive History of Jain Literature' in ten volumes covering 5000 pages. A monthly journal of Jainology entitled 'Shramana' is being regularly published by it for the last twenty-seven years. The Institute owns a magnificent building which houses its Library, Office, Director's Chamber, Assistants' Rooms and Research Scholars' Cubicles. The Director and the Staff of the Institute are provided with suitable residential accommodation. There is a modern Hostel for Research Scholars equipped with all
amenities,

a

Page #432
P.V. Research Institute, Varanasi-5 OUR OTHER PUBLICATIONS 1. Jaina Psychology - Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta Rs. 8-00 2. Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources-Dr. G. C. Choudhary 24-00 3. Studies in Hemacandra's Desinamamala -Dr. H. C. Bhayani 3-00 4. Jaina Culture --Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta 10-00 5. Jaina Philosophy-Dr. Mohan Lal Mehta 10-00 6. प्राकृत भाषा-डॉ० प्रबोध बेचरदास पंडित रु०१-५० 7. जैन आचार-डॉ० मोहनलाल मेहता 8. जैन साहित्य का बृहद् इतिहास, भाग 1-60 बेचरदास दोशी 15-00 9. जैन साहित्य का बृहद् इतिहास, भाग 2 -डॉ० जगदीशचन्द्र जैन व डॉ० मोहनलाल मेहता 15-00 10. जैन साहित्य का बृहद् इतिहास, भाग ३-डॉ० मोहनलाल मेहता 15-00 (उत्तर-प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा 1500 रु० के पुरस्कार से पुरस्कृत) 11. जैन साहित्य का बृहद् इतिहास, भाग 4 -डॉ० मोहनलाल मेहता व प्रो० हीरालाल कापड़िया 15-00 12. जैन साहित्य का बृहद् इतिहास, भाग 5-60 अंबालाल शाह 15-00 13. जैन साहित्य का बृहद् इतिहास, भाग ६-डॉ० गुलाबचन्द्र चौधरी 25-00 (उत्तर-प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा 1000 रु० के पुरस्कार से पुरस्कृत) 14. बौद्ध और जैन आगमों में नारी-जीवन-डॉ० कोमलचन्द्र जैन 15-00 15. जीवन-दर्शन-श्री गोपीचन्द धाड़ीवाल 3.00 16. यशस्तिलक का सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन-डॉ० गोकुलचन्द्र जैन 2000 (उत्तर-प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा 500 रु० के पुरस्कार से पुरस्कृत ) 17. उत्तराध्ययन-सूत्र : एक परिशीलन-डॉ० सुदर्शनलाल जैन 25-00 (उत्तर-प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा 500 रु० के पुरस्कार से पुरस्कृत) 18. जैन-धर्म में अहिंसा-डॉ० बशिष्ठनारायण सिन्हा 20.00 19. अपभ्रंश कथाकाव्य एवं हिन्दी प्रेमाख्यानक-डॉ० प्रेमचन्द्र जैन 20-00 (उत्तर-प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा 1000 रु० के पुरस्कार से पुरस्कृत) 20. जैन धर्म-दर्शन-डॉ. मोहनलाल मेहता 10-00 (उत्तर-प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा 1000 रु० के पुरस्कार से पुरस्कृत) ale Education personal For Private & Personal use only