Comprehensive History Of Jainism

Author(s): Aseem Kumar Chatterjee
Publisher: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022803/1

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Comprehensive History of Jainism Asim Kumar Chatterjee

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In this book an attempt has been made to write a comprehensive and connected account about Jainism from 800 BC to the time of Mughal Emperor Akbar. Jainism is older than Buddhism and first to protest against Brahmanical Hinduism, though most of the authorities on Jainism were Brahmins by birth and a few Ksatriyas also took part in the propagation. Parsvanatha, who was the real founder and penultimate Tirthamkara of this religious system, lived 250 years before Gautama Buddha. Vardhamana Mahavira, a contemporary of Buddha was the twenty-fourth and the last Tirthamkara of this religious system whereas Rsabhanatha was the first Tirthamkara. Mahavira made Jainism vastly popular with the masses of northern India. Afterwards from first century BC, Jainism became popular in south India. Inspite of systematic vilification by the Buddhist and the Brahmins, Jainism still continues to be a dominant religious system in India, although there is practically no trace of the doctrine of Buddhism, in the country of its birth. Even now in India, some twenty million people are Jainas and they are quite prosperous. Towards the end, this book also carries descriptive account of the wellknown Jaina tirthas (sacred places) and nearly three hundred places have been discussed. Rs 950 (for 2 vols.)

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In this book an attempt has been made to write a comprehensive and connected account about Jainism from 800 BC to the time of Mughal Emperor Akbar. Jainism is older than Buddhism and first to protest against Brahmanical Hinduism, though most of the authorities on Jainism were Brahmins by birth and a few Ksatriyas also took part in the propagation. Parsvanatha, who was the real founder and penultimate Tirthamkara of this religious system, lived 250 years before Gautama Buddha. Vardhamana Mahavira, a contemporary of Buddha was the twenty-fourth and the last Tirthaikara of this religious system whereas Rsabhanatha was the first Tirthamkara. Mahavira made Jainism vastly popular with the masses of northern India. Afterwards from first century BC, Jainism became popular in south India. Inspite of systematic vilification by the Buddhist and the Brahmins, Jainism still continues to be a dominant religious system in India, although there is practically no trace of the doctrine of Buddhism, in the country of its birth. Even now in India, some twenty million people are Jaimas and they are quite prosperous. Towards the end, this book also carries descriptive account of the wellknown Jaina tithas (sacred places) and nearly three hundred places have been discussed. Asim Kumar Chatterjee was Senior Reader in the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University. He also acted as Head of the Department from 1989-91. He has published several books and research articles which are published in learned journals. At present he is writing a book on "Gautama Buddha".

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A Comprehensive History of Jainism Vol. I From the Earliest Beginnings to AD 1000

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By the same Author The Cult of Skanda-Karttikeya in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1970. Ravindranath, Calcutta, 1970. Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, Calcutta, 1974. Political History of Pre-Buddhist India, Calcutta, 1980.

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A Comprehensive History of Jainism Vol. I From the Earliest Beginnings to AD 1000 Asim Kumar Chatterjee Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd

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ISBN 81-215-0930-0 (for the set) ISBN 81-215-0931-9 (for vol. I) Second revised edition 2000 First published in 1978 (c) 2000, Chatterjee, Asim Kumar All rights reserved, including those of translations into other languages. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher. Typeset, printed and published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Post Box 5715, 54 Rani Jhansi Road, New Delhi 110 055.

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Dedicated to the sad memory of my elder brother Dr. Amiya Kumar Chatterjee (1936-74), M.R.C.P. (Edin.), a cancer specialist, who himself became a victim of that deadly disease.

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Contents Preface to the Second Edition Preface to the First Edition Introduction Abbreviations CHAPTER I Tirthamkaras from Rsabha to Aristanemi CHAPTER II Parsvanatha CHAPTER III Life of Mahavira CHAPTER IV Spread of Jainism (The Early Phase) CHAPTER V Jainism in Mathura CHAPTER VI Jainism in Orissa CHAPTER VII Jainism in North India (200 BC-ad 600) CHAPTER VIII Jainism in South India (The Early Phase) ix xi xiii xxi 1 11 17 32 40 69 79 104

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CONTENTS CHAPTER IX Jainism in North India (AD 600-1000) 133 CHAPTER X Jainism in South India (AD 600-1000) 156 CHAPTER XI Svetambara Canonical Literature 200 CHAPTER XII Non-Canonical Svetambara Literature 241 CHAPTER XIII Digambara Literature 259 CHAPTER XIV Jaina Thinkers 282 APPENDIX A Ajivikism and Gosala 297 APPENDIX B Early Jainism and Yaksa-Worship 307 315 Bibliography Index 317

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Preface to the Second Edition This new edition of my work on Jainism is being published after a gap of nearly twenty years. I am happy to note that this work has been generously received by the historians all over the world, although a few readers have criticised me for my boldness. Let me declare candidly that I have the highest respect for both Lords Parsvanatha and Mahavira. In this work, I have tried to show that Lord Parsvanatha was the first prophet of non-violence and the earliest genuine teacher, advocating the equality of men and women. It is of great interest to note that even the great Buddhist Emperor Asoka befriended the Jainas and the Ajivikas, along with the Buddhists and the Brahmins. Unlike the Buddhist canonical authors, he, in his epigraphs, has mentioned the Brahmins before the Sramanas and the classical Greek and Roman authors have done the same. Before the beginning of the Christian era, Jainism became a vastly popular religious system in this subcontinent and even reached Ceylon. In course of time, this system touched Bengal and afterwards became popular in Orissa. From there it travelled towards the southern part of this country. Another group of the Jainas made their faith popular in western India. In the Gupta period, we find even Brahmins of Bengal, embracing this new religious system. Thousands of Jaina icons are preserved in the museums of India and also in other museums, outside this country. Even now there are millions of Jainas, who are quite prosperous, and some of them are also great intellectuals. Buddhism, has vanished from India, but the followers of Mahavira are found in every city of this great subcontinent. Calcutta 21 February 2000 ASIM KUMAR CHATTERJEE

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Preface to the First Edition Jainism, which is certainly older than Buddhism, originated some 800 years before the birth of Christ. Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthamkara, but in reality the founder of this religion, belonged to Varanasi, India's most sacred city. It is extremely significant that the first genuine protest against the Brahmanical religion came from a person who belonged to its strongest citadel. The religious system, established by Parsva, gradually spread towards the east, and by the time Lord Mahavira was born, became one of the dominating forces in the religious life of eastern India. The Acarangasutra, which is one of the oldest Jaina religious texts, informs us that even the parents of Mahavira, who lived near Vaisali in northern Bihar, were followers of Parsva. Lord Mahavira, who was a somewhat junior contemporary of the Buddha (as I have shown in this work), made Jainism one of the most popular religious systems of northern India. For thirty years after his enlightenment, he spared no effort to make the Nirgrantha religion an all-India religious system. If we are to believe the evidence of the Bhagavati, he personally preached even in western India. His rival, the Buddha, never went farther than the Kuru country. However, both these great Masters, it appears, spent the major part of their lives in modern Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, Magadha and Kosala being the janapadas, that received their greatest attention. After Mahavira, his devoted followers made every effort to carry the message of Parsva and Mahavira to millions of Indians living in different parts of this subcontinent. The immediate disciples of Mahavira were all Brahmans but at a later stage some non-Brahmana disciple gradually made the Nirgrantha religion a thoroughly antiBrahmanical religious system. Even the great Bhadrabahu, a native of northern Bengal, was a Brahman and the first genuine Jaina philosopher, namely Umasvati, also belonged to that caste. From the first century BC, however, persons belonging to the business community started patronizing Jainism. I strongly believe that it was this

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xii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION community, which was responsible for moulding it as an antiBrahmanical religious system. In vol. I, I have outlined the history of Jainism from the earliest time to AD 1000. In vol. II, I will endeavour to cover the period between AD 1000 and 1500, and which shall in addition shall also have chapters on Jaina Iconography and Philosophy. My work is principally based on the original sources and the views expressed are entirely mine. This is the first systematic historical study of Jainism, and I hope it will be well received by the academic world. For any misprints and other errors, I can only crave the indulgence of my readers. Calcutta 14 March 1978 A.K. CHATTERJEE

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Introduction Jainism is one of the world's major religious systems; older than both Buddhism and Christianity. Its contribution to the progress of our civilization is immense, and there is no aspect of Indian history which has not been directly enriched by the religion of the Jinas. For the purpose of discussion, let us divide the entire subject into five principal divisions, namely, religious, cultural, social, economic and political. As I have already said, Jainism is older than Buddhism, and in this volume I have shown that the first historical prophet of Jainism was Parsvanatha, who probably lived in the ninth to eighth centuries BC. A few earlier Tirthamkaras like Adinatha and Neminatha, were also probably actual historical figures, but unfortunately we do not have much historical evidences concerning their religious systems. Both Jainism and Buddhism, and also the Lokayatas, were against the Brahmanical religious system which was based on sacrifice or yajna, but these, the three religious systems, being anti-Vedic, were dubbed nastika by the Brahmanical philosophers. The word nastika does not necessarily mean an atheist, but that which is anti-Vedic or, in other words, anti-Brahmanical. The Jaina philosopher Parsvanatha, who probably invented the word nirgrantha was, significantly born at Varanasi, the great citadel of Hinduism and had the courage to challenge the ancient Brahmanical philosophical system, and his teaching based on fourfold truth or vows (caturyama) was quite simple, practical and readily acceptable to the poor and common people. It should also be recalled that the Vedic form of sacrifice was very expensive, and the majority of the common people could not afford the expenses connected with such elaborate undertakings which became the preserve of only the kings and rich householders. Another factor that made this new religious system very popular was its emphasis on non-violence or ahimsa, which was also advocated by the Upanisadic isis whose emphasis was on jnana (knowledge) and not karman.

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xiv INTRODUCTION Another factor that should be considered to be a definite contribution of the Jainas in the progress of civilization in this subcontinent was the significance it gave to the role of women in religious practices. It is however, true that even in the Vedic period women participated in religious ceremonies and in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad we find Maitreyi accompanying her husband, the celebrated Yajnavalkya, to the forest, when the latter sought to renounce worldly life. Lord Parsvanatha was the first nonBrahmanical saint to permit women to renounce the worldly life and thus paved the way for the real emancipation of women. It is of some significance in this context that even Lord Buddha was himself against admitting women into his order; that it was only after he was requested by his favourite disciple Ananda that he relented. We can therefore aver, without hesitation, that Lord Parsvanatha was a truly rational philosopher of his time. Since he had to popularize his teachings in a town that was considered to be the principal seat of orthodox Brahmanism, we can guage the degree of his success. Lord Parsvanatha gave India the doctrine of ahimsa and Lord Mahavira taught his countrymen the doctrine of chastity (brahmacarya). He never cared for royal patronage and lived in absolute penury, and it was his towering personality along that made Jainism an all-India religion even during the pre-Mauryan period. I am of the opinion that the yaksapujakas of eastern India were first to accept the religious system propounded by Parsva and Mahavira, and that these yaksa-worshippers belonged to the lower strata of the society and the deva-pujakas were the upper caste Brahmana and Ksatriyas. It is however true that all the immedia disciples of ganadharas of Lord Mahavira were Brahmins by caste, but most of his followers were common people which is further testified to by early Jaina epigraphs found from Mathura and elsewhere. From the cultural point of view too, Jainism has left its mark on all aspects of Indian civilization. The Jaina Agamic texts often refer to 72 kalas and 64 ganiyagunas and there is no doubt that all types of arts and crafts received generous patronage from devout Jainas. Indeed, Jaina narrative literature contains hundreds of stories about ladies, who were well-versed in all these arts, and that dramatic art was particularly popular amongst the Jainas from the earliest times. Literature is an integral part of any culture and that of the Jainas is extremely rich and extensive. The Agamic texts themselves have great literary value, and works like the Bhagavati, jnatadharmakatha,

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INTRODUCTION XV Vipakasruta, Uttaradhyayanasutra and Dasavaikalika are great and original literary products, and the last cited, composed by Brahmana Sayyambhava at Campa around 400 BC, can be compared with the Bhagavadgita and the Dhammapada. The story literature of the Jainas can be compared with the literature of the Hindus. Even the Agamic texts are extremely attractive story texts and the Jnatadharmakatha, Vipakasruta, Antagadadasa, etc., contain innumerable stories and even an abundance of love stories. The two epics and the missing Byhatkatha have deeply influenced Jaina narrative literature, and hundreds of Svetambara and Digambara works were composed in imitation of the Brahmanical texts cited above. The earliest non-Agamic Jaina literary work is the Paumacariyam of Vimala, composed in all probability, in the first century AD. It is my belief that it is the earliest Prakrta work in India, and probably somewhat earlier than the missing Bihatkatha of Gunadhya. It is the Jaina version of the Ramayana and the poet has shown considerable originality in his treatment of the Rama story. Although Vimala has not cared to mention Valmiki by name, he has scrupulously followed the original work although throughout there is a Jaina bias. Later Jaina Ramayanas, such as those composed by Ravisena, Svayambhu, Hemacandra, etc., are all based on Vimala's admirable work. The Mahabharata saga also influenced the Jainas, and we have in the Vasudevahindi, the Harivamsa (by Jinasena II), and the later Pandavapuranas, stories from the Mahabharata, and even Hemacandra, the great Kalikalasarvajna was influenced by the original Mahabharata in his celebrated Trisastisalakapurusacaritra Brhatkatha literature has left its innprint on works like the Vasudevahindi, the Harivarsa, Brhatkathakosa, etc. However, in all their literary works, the Jaina writers have shown great skill and maturity. The most original among the Jaina writers of the medieval period was however Somadeva, the celebrated author of the Yasastilakacampu, written in the mid-tenth century AD. It is a great novel, composed by a writer who was probably a native of Bengal and could be termed the Banabhatta of the Jaina literature. He has wit, a keen sense of humour, and his knowledge of human character is unsurpassed in Sanskrit literature. His Nitivakyamita demonstrates his knowledge of the science of polity, and is the third great work on political science after the Arthasastra and Kamandakiya Nitisara. We have also Jaina writers who have written on astronomy,

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xvi INTRODUCTION mathematics, and other branches of science, which they have undoubtedly enriched. The Jaina writers have also greatly contributed to our knowledge of Indian society in different periods. One great advantage of Jaina works is that, by and large, they are dated, giving us a clear idea of the state of society in different periods. For example, the Paumacariyam, written 530 years after the nirvana of Lord Mahavira provides invaluable details regarding Indian society, the caste system, family life, etc. of the first century AD. It, for instance, testifies that marriage between cousins was quite popular at the time, particularly marriage with the daughter of a maternal uncle. This particular type of marriage, though censured by the authors of Madhyadesa, was unusually popular in the Deccan, the whole of Gujarat, Maharashtra, and the far south, and even the Hindu Vedanga writers have noted this. The Vasudevahindi, a unique Prakrta work writen in the Gupta period, as Alsdorf has shown, throws welcome light on the society of this enlightened and prosperous Indian history. Again, the Padma Purana of Ravisena, a work dated to the seventh century AD also throws welcome light on the social life of the post-Gupta period. The Varangacarita of almost the same period, the Harivamsa of Jinasena II written in AD 783, the Kuvalayamala of Udyotana, written five years earlier in Rajasthan, the Upamitibhavaprapancakatha of Siddharsi written in Ad 906, the Dharmopadesamala of Jayasimha, written in the third quarter of the ninth century, the tenth century texts like the Tilakamanjari and the Yasastilakacampu all provide invaluable information, regarding Indian society as it existed in the early medieval period. They recorded details regarding social customs, popular festivals, family life and, above all, information regarding the position of women and the high degree of personal liberty they enjoyed. The Jaina authors have, at the same time, supplied us information on the economic life of ancient India. Various aspects of this is also provided in the Angavijja, a third century text, written in Maharastri Prakrta, and it is impossible to overemphasize the great importance of this wonderful Jaina work. A number of ancient names of coins not found elsewhere are to be found in this text and two of particular interest are ksatrapaka and sateraka. The first is the type of coin introduced by the Ksatrapa kings of Ujjayini and the second refers to the Indo-Greek stater type coins. There are very interesting references to the names of ships like Kottima, Tappaka, and

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INTRODUCTION xvii Sanghada, which are first mentioned in the Periplus, a Greek work written by an unknown sailor, in the second half of the first century AD. The Angavijja also provides details regarding the economic activities of that period. Other Jaina works like the Nisithacurni, written in the seventh century, the Harivamsa, of the eighth, and the Yasastilakacampu of the tenth shed much light on the economic activities of the post-Gupta and early medieval periods. An extremely interesting text, the Dravyapariksa, written during the time of Alaud-din Khilji by Thakkura Pheru, is undoubtedly the only Indian work dealing not only with the coins of the Guptas, but also with the various early medieval dynasties like the.Pratiharas, Candellas, virtually all the Calukya kings of Gujarat, and also the coins of the Tomaras of Delhi. The coins of Tomara king like Anangapala, Madanpala, etc., are particularly interesting because not much is known about these, apart from the information in Pheru's work and that in the Kharataragacchabrhadgurvavali, another valuable Jaina work. The most important contribution of the Jainas was however in the field of historical studies, and they produced a number of first-rate historicans like Hemacandra, Merutunga, Rajasekhara, etc. and other writters of prabandhas. Hemacandra's (twelfth century) Dvyasrayakavya is one of the greatest works on Gujarat history, and the earliest. The first twenty chapters, in Sanskrit, are on Kumarapala's predecessors and the last eight chapters, in Prakrta, are on Kumarapala's activities. Welcome light has also been shed on great kings ruling outside Gujarat, like the Malava king Bhoja, the Cedi king Karna, etc. Being a contemporary and guru of Kumarapala, the author has provided us with the minutest details relating to the religious and political activities of that great Jaina emperor. Much more comprehensive in scope is the history of Merutunga, called Prabandhacintamani, written in AD 1305. It is undoubtedly a great historical work, following Kalhana's Rajatarangina, although its worth has often been underestimated. The account of earlier kings like Vikramaditya of tradition, is somewhat fanciful, but from vs 802, the accession date of Vanaraja, his history is authentic and is confirmed by other literary and epigraphic sources. The name of Munja's minister, Rudraditya, given by him, is confirmed by contemporary epigraphs and the details of the struggle between the Malavas and the Calukyas of Kalyana are also fully confirmed by epigraphs. He recorded the tragic end of the great

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xviii INTRODUCTION Munja and provided interesting information regarding the Bengal king Laksmanasena and his poet-minister Umapati, whose name is found in the famous Deopara prasasti of the Senas. He refers to the defeat of Paramardin by Pethviraja which is confirmed by epigraphy. The date of the destruction of Valabhi has however been incorrectly given by him as vs 375; the actual date vs 845, having been supplied by another Jaina work, the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha. His account of the Calukya and Vaghela dynasties is flawless, as also that of the two great ministers Vastupala and Tejahpala. The Prabandhakosa of Rajasekhara, written in AD 1347 is another interesting work of history, although its author does not stand comparison with either Hamacandra or Merutunga, and it contains some fanciful details. Interesting light has however been thrown on the political relationship between Jayacandra of Kanyakubja and Laksamanasena of Bengal, although he incorrectly says that the great Bhadrabahu was the son of a Brahmana of Pratisthana, the correct information being provided in a much earlier work, the Bihatkathakosa, written in AD 931 which represents this savant as the son of a Brahmana of Devakotta in Bengal. A very interesting work, which is actually a geographical treatise, is the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha, written between vs 1364 and 1389. Its great importance has been discussed by me in the second part of this volume. It is of great significance that sinaprabha was even honoured by the Muslim emperor Muhammad bin Tughlag. Some dates given by him are absolutely correct, namely the date of the destruction of Valabhi, of Somnath, and of the date of Pithviraja's defeat and death, and through the information supplied by hiin, we have been able to correctly identify the ancient city of Mithila. Another medieval Jaina work, the Kharataragacchabyhadgurvavali, is of overriding importance both to students of history and geography, and provides details regarding the activities of some little-known kings. It also tells us about the atrocities, committed by the Muslim rulers in northern India, and these details in this and other Jaina texts fully tally with those of the Muslim historians themselves. Those modern historians who have sought to whitewash these Muslim invaders should persue these contemporary Jaina accounts for a true picture. The Jaina epigraphs also contribute substantially to our knowledge of ancient and medieval India. We have Jaina inscriptions from the days of Kharavela (first century BC) to the days of Akbar, and

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INTRODUCTION xix even later. Among the important Jaina inscriptions, I might mention the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the Mathura inscription, the Paharpur Digambara inscription, from Rajshahi district, Bangladesh, the Aihole prasasti of Ravikirti, etc. Over five thousand Jaina epigraphs have so far been discovered and published, and nearly 100,000 remain unpublished. In the field of art too the Jainas have contributed a great deal. The earlier temples have virtually disappeared, but thousands of medieval Jaina temples still survive in all their splendour in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and in parts of other states of northern India. In south India, we still have many standing Jaina temples, especially in Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu. Jaina sculptures from the first century BC up to the present time survive and a few thousand examples of these are preserved in various Indian museums. The present-day Jainas continue to maintain their separate identity and fortunately the two warring sects, the Digambaras and the Svetambaras, have come closer to each other, and their relationship with Hindus too is one of warmth and cordiality.

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Abbreviations AB ABORI ASIAR CHI CII DHNI EC EI GOS HIL IA IC JA JAHRS JAOS JASB JBBRAS JBORS JDL JIH JISOA JOI JRAS JSBI JSLS MAR Mbh. MDJM NIA PHAI PHNI PIHC OSMS Aitareya Brahmana Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, Pune Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report Cambridge History of India. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Dynastic History of Northern India, 2 vols. Epigraphia Carnatica Epigraphia Indica Gaekwad's Oriental Series History of Indian Literature by M. Winternitz Indian Antiquary Indian Culture Journal Asiatique Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society Journal of the Deptt. of Letters, University of Calcutta Journal of Indian History Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 6 vols. Jaina Silalekha Sangraha Mysore Archaeological Report Mahabharata Manikcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala New Indian Autiquary Political History of Ancient India Political History of Northern India by G.C. Chowdhury Proceedings of the Indian History Congress Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society

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xxii ABBREVIATIONS RV SB SBE Sel. Ins. Rgveda Satapatha Brahmana Sacred Books of the East Select Inscriptions by D.C. Sircar South Indian Inscriptions Singhi Jaina Granthamala Zeitschrift Deutschen Morganlandischen Gesellschaft SII SJGM ZDMG

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CHAPTERI Tirthamkaras from Rsabha to Aristanemi RSABHANATHA The canonical texts like the Kalpasutral and Samavayanga' give us some idea about the life of the first Jaina Tirthamkara. He is regarded as the first Tirthamkara of the current osappini and is uniformly described as belonging to Kosala (Kosalie). His father was Kulakara Nabhi of Vinita (Ayodhya) city and his mother was called Marudevi. He belonged, like Mahavira, to the Kasyapa lineage. The canonical texts would have us believe that he was 500 dhanusas (bowlengths) in height. A few vague and indistinct details are given about him in the texts, and it is extremely difficult to reconstruct a coherent account of his life from the early Jaina works. The Avasyakaniryukti," a work written after the first century AD, informs us that Rsabha, in course of his wanderings, visited countries like Jonaga and Suvannabhumi, and also mentions his two wives, Sumangala and Sunanda, and his hundred sons, including Bharata. He lived for 2 m purva years as a prince and 6 m and 3 lakh purva years as a king. During his reign, we are told, he taught for the benefit of his people, 72 kalas, 64 mahila-gunas, 100 arts, and 3 occupa man. Rsabha, after anointing his 100 sons as kings of various kingdoms, renounced the world and attained omniscience outside the town of Purimatala, which was near his home town." According to the Samavayanga," his first disciples were Rsabhasena and Bambhi. The same text tells us the name of the tree associated with him, i.e., nyagrodha.8 Rsabha had under him 84 groups of ganas, 84 ganaharas (group-leaders), 84,000 monks with Rsabhasena as their head, 3 lakh nuns with Bambhi and Sundari as heads. His chief lay disciples were Sejjamsa and Subhaddao and his total lifespan, according to the texts, was 84 lakh years. He died on the summit of Atthavaya which has tentatively been identified with Kailash. According to the seventh century text, the Avasyakacurni, Rsabha's son constructed a shrine on this mountain. I have tried above to give readers some idea about Rsabha's life

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2 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM and activities as given in the early canonical texts. In the well-known Vaisnava work, the Bhagavatapurana," there is a fairly detailed account given about the first Jaina path-finder. We should recall in this connection that this work was familiar to the author of the Nandisutra,12 which was definitely in existence before the Valabhi council (c. AD 525). In that text this work is mentioned along with Bharata, Ramayana, Kautilya, and Patanjali. The Bhagavata account also depicts Rsabha as the son of Nabhi and Marudevi (spelt Merudevi). The most vital piece of information given in the Bhagavata regarding Rsabha is however that he was regarded as an incarnation (avatara) of Visnu.13 Since this work was in existence before the compilation of the Nandisutra, its evidence is of some importance. It shows that the first Jaina Tirthamkara was accepted as an incarnation of Visnu by the Hindus in the early centuries of the Christian era, if not earlier, probably at the time when the founder of Buddhism was accepted as an avatara of the same god. The life and activities of Rsabha, as given in the Bhagavata, tally in all major details with those given in Jaina texts. According to this account too, Rsabha had 100 sons, including Bharata. It has nothing but praise for Rsabha's activities as an able monarch, and also records that after his abdication, he went about naked with dishevelled hair (gaganaparidhanah prakirnakesah, V.5.28). As with Mahavira he too had to suffer a lot in the hands of ignorant people (V.5.30). We are further told that he visited places like Konka, Venka, Kutaka, and South Karnataka (V.6.7). The Bhagavata further refers to his followers in those countries (V.6.9 ff.). The Bhagavata, however, has no word of praise for Rsabha's followers who are emphatically called pakhandas (V.6.8), and criticizes them too for their 'habits'. Most of Rsabha's followers, according to that text, disparaged the Veda, Brahmana, and yajna [Brahma Brahmanayajnapurusaloka-vidusakah prayena bhavisyanti (V.6.10)]. One thing that strikes a scrupulous and careful student of Jaina history in this connection is that the author of the Bhagavata, who has nothing but deference for Rsabha, is extremely critical about his followers, i.e., the Jainas. There is nothing surprising in this. The Jainas, from very early times, were freely and blindly antiBrahmanist. There is the oft-quoted passage in the Kalpasutra,11 according to which no Tirthamkara, Cakravartin, or Baladeva (and Vasudeva) can be born in a Brahmana family. This anti-Brahmanical attitude is found uniformly in the canonical and non-canonical texts

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TIRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI 3 of both the Svetambaras and Digambaras. 15 The Vedic texts 16 know one king Rsabha, who is described as a performer of the Asvamedha sacrifices. Another Rsabha appears in the Aitareya Brahmana (7.17) as a son of Visvamitra. The Mahabharata not only knows one ancient king, Rsabha (VI.9.7) but also an ascetic of that name who is represented in one place!7 as asking king Sumitra of the Haihaya dynasty to give up desire or false hope which, in fact, is one of the fundamental teachings of Jainism. It is very interesting to note that a certain Rsabha-tirtha is mentioned in the Mahabharata (III.85.10-11) as situated in the Ayodhya region, the home country of the first Tirthamkara. This tirtha is apparently mentioned in the Gunji Rock inscription of Kumaraviradatta which has been assigned to the first century AD.18 Although neither of the two epics, nor the Vedic texts, connect Rsabha with a heretical religion, there is little doubt that a king or ascetic called Rsabha was known from very early times. He was, in all probability, a historical personage and the Jainas, a century or two after the demise of Mahavira, conceived the idea of making this ancient isi their earliest path-finder. There is little doubt that the account of Rsabha, given in the Bhagavata, was composed only after Jainism came to be regarded as one of the principal religions of India. I am of the opinion that the Bhagavata account of Rsabha was composed after 100 BC, but probably before the Kusana period. It is of some interesting that even a few mediaeval Jaina commentarors were acquainted with the Hindu Puranic references to Rsabha. Santisuri, in his Uttaradhyayanavitti, 19 tells us that according to the Brahmandapurana Rsabha belonged to the Iksvaku lineage, and was the son of Nabhi and Marudevi. Inscriptions at Mathura definitely show that Rsabha was regularly worshipped as a Tirthamkara in the Mathura region from the first century AD. We have already observed he was made a Tirthamkara, probably a century or two after Mahavira's demise. Since the Kalpasutra, which was in all probability composed before 100 BC, refers to him and describes his life, we will not be far wrong in assuming that he was inducted into the Nirgrantha religion around 300 BC. In the Ramayana (VII.111.10) there is a reference to one king Rsabha of Ayodhya during whose reign the city once more rose to eminence. It is tempting to identify this Rsabha with the first Jaina Tirthamkara since both are connected with Ayodhya, but in the

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM absence of more positive evidence we cannot afford to be dogmatic about this. AJITANATHA Like the first Tirtharkara, the second also according to the Jainas, was a Kosalan. Ajita (Ajiya) was the son of Jitasatru of Ayodhya, and his mother's name was Vijaya. He was 50 dhanusas in height, less than Rsabha who was 450 dhanusas. He lived for 72 lakh years and the sacred tree associated with him was saptaparna. He died on the summit of Pareshnath hill (Sammeya). Sihasena and Phaggu were his first disciples 20 There is nothing to indicate that he was a historical figure. SAMBHAVANATHA The third Tirthamkara Sambhava (Sambhava), like the first two, was a Kosalan. He was the son of king Jitari and Sena of Sravasti. Since he is the third Tirthamkara, he should be of lesser height; and we are told that he was only 400 dhanusas. His lifespan too was limited to only 60 lakh years! His sacred tree was sala. Like the second, he too attained liberation on the summit of Sammeya hill.21 Prominent disciples of his were Caru and Sama. He is mentioned in a Mathura inscription of Huviska22 dated in the Kaniska year 48 corresponding to AD 126. ABHINANDANA The fourth Tirthamkara was also a Kosalan, according to the Jainas, and was born at Vinita. His parents were Samvara and Siddhartha. His height, as expected, was 350 dhanusas, and he lived 10 lakh years less than the third Tirthamkara. Vajranabha and Ajita were his chief disciples. His sacred tree was priyaka 23 SUMATI The fifth Tirtharkara was also born at Vinita in the Kosala country. His parents were king Megha and queen Mangala, his height was 300 dhanusas, and lifespan 40 lakh years. His sacred tree was priyangu and his chief disciples Camara and Kasavi. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya.24 Like Rsabha, this Tirthamkara also finds a place in the Bhagavatapurana (V.15.1), which informs us that Sumati will be worshipped in the Kali Age by irreligious and non-Aryan peoples as their god. It further tells us that Sumati followed the path of Rsabha. There can

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TIRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI 5 be little doubt that the author of the Bhagavata here has the fifth Jaina Tirthamkara in mind, who however, according to him, was the grandson of Rsabha. PADMAPRABHA OR SUPRABHA The sixth Tirthamkara, unlike the first five, was not a Kosalan but was born in the adjoining Vatsa territory in the famous city of Kausambi. His parents were king Dhara and queen Susima. His sacred tree was chatrabha and his disciples were Suvrata and Rati. He lived for 30 lakh years and had a height of 250 dhanusas. He had his nirvana on Sammeya.25 SUPARSVA The seventh Tirthamkara Suparsva was born at Varanasi and his parents were king Pratistha and queen Prthvi. His height, 200 dhanusas, lifespan 20 lakh years, chief disciples, Vidarbha and Soma. Sirisa was his sacred tree. He died on the Sammeya mountain.26 CANDRAPRABHA The eighth Tirthamkara Candraprabha is also known as Sasi and was born at Candrapura. Scholars identify it with Candravati, a modern village near Kasi.27 This Tirthamkara had a height of 150 dhanusas and a lifespan of one million years. He was the son of Mahasena and Laksmana of that town. His sacred tree was nagavrksa, and he died on Sammeya mountain. Dinna and Sumana were his chief disciples.28 PUSPADANTA OR SUVIDHI The ninth Tirthamkara was the son of Sugriva and Rama of Kakandi. It is identified with Kakan in the Monghyr district, Bihar.29 Here are his statistics-height, 100 dhanusas, lifespan, 2 lakh years; sacred tree mali or malli: disciples, Varaha and Varuni; nirvana, Sammeya mountain.30 SITALANATHA The tenth was the son of Drdharatha and Nanda of Bhaddilapura. This place has tentatively been identified with Bhadia, a village in Hazaribagh district, Bihar. His sacred tree was pilanka and chief disciples, Ananda and Sulasa. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya at the age of one lakh years.32

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM SREYAMSA The eleventh Tirthamkara was the son of Visnu and Visna of Simhapura (identified with Simhapuri near Benares).33 His chief disciples were Gothubha and Dharini. He reached liberation on mount Sammeya, 31 having lived for 84 lakh years. VASUPUJYA The twelfth Tirthamkara Vasupujya was the son of Vasupujya and Jaya of Campa. He was 70 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was patala. He had a lifespan of 72 lakh years, and unlike most of his predecessors,, did not die on mount Sammeya. According to the canonical texts, he breathed his last at Campa. Suhamma and Dharani were his chief disciples. 35 VIMALA The thirteenth Tirthamkara, was the son of Kayavamma and Sama of Kampilla-pura, he was 60 dhanusas in height and had a lifespan of six million years. His sacred tree was jambu and chief disciples Mandara and Dharanidhara. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya 36 ANANTA The fourteenth Tirthamkara, was the son of Simhasena and Sujasa of Ayodhya, he was 50 dhanusas in height and had a lifespan of 3 million years. His sacred tree was asvattha. His first disciples were Yasa and Padma. He too died on mount Sammeya.37 DHARMANTHA The fifteenth Tirthamkara was the son of Bhanu and Suvrata of Rayanapura, he was 45 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was dadhiparna. Arista and Siva were his chief disciples. He had a lifespan of one million years and he died on mount Sammeya.38 SANTINATHA The son of Visvasena and Avira of Gajapura (Hastinapura), his chief wife was Vijaya. His sacred tree nundi, and he was 40 dhanusas in height. He attained liberation on Sammeya mountain at the age of one lakh years. His chief disciples were Cakkaha and Sui.39 He is mentioned in a Mathura inscription. 10

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TIRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI 7 KUNTHU The son of Sura and Sri of Hastinapura, he was 35 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was tilaka. His disciples were Svayambhu and Amjuya. He attained liberation on mount Sarnmeya after living for 95,000 years.11 ARANATHA The son of Sudarsana and Devi of Hastinapura, he was 30 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was mango. Kumbha and Rakkhiya were his chief disciples. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya at the age of 84,000 years.42 He is referred to in the well-known Mathura inscription of the year 79 (= AD 157) which mentions the devanirmita Buddhist stupa.13 MALLI This Tirthamkara, unlike the others, was a woman." She was the daughter of Kumbha and Prabhavati of Mithila. A detailed account of her life and activities is preserved in the Nayadhammakahao." She was exceedingly beautiful and was 25 dhanusas in height. The kings of six leading cities of northern India, we are told, demanded her hand in marriage. When refused, they all simultaneously attacked Mithila but before long, were all converted by her and became devout Jainas. Her sacred tree was asoka and she had a lifespan of 45,000 years. Indra and Bandhumati were her chief disciples. This woman Tirthamkara died on mount Sammeya.16 SUVRATA He was the son of Sumitra and Padmavati of Rajagrha. His sacred tree was campaka and he had a lifespan of 30,000 years. He was 20 dhanusas in height and Kumbha and Puspavati were his chief disciples. He died on mount Sammeya.47 NAMINATHA Like Malli, this Tirthamkara also belonged to Mithila. We are told that he was the son of Vijaya and Vappa of that city. He was 15 dhanusas in height and had a lifespan of 10,000 years. Subha and Amala were his chief disciples; bakula was his sacred tree. He died on mount Sammeya. 18 ARISTANEMI (NEMINATHA) The immediate predecessor of Parsva was Tirthamkara Aristanemi,

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM also known as Neminatha. According to the Jainas, he was an exact contemporary of the great Vasudeva-Krsna; he too, we are told, belonged to the Yadava tribe. His parents were Samudravijaya and Siva of Soriyapura. He was only 10 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was vetasa. According to the sacred texts of the Jainas, Aristanemi's marriage was settled with Raimai, a daughter of Uggasena. While on his way to marry, he saw a large number of animals in cages and enclosures, and when he learnt that they were kept there for slaughter at his impending marriage ceremony, he resolved to renounce the world. The name 'Aristanemi' is known to the poet of the Mahabharata, 49 but he cannot be identified with the Jaina Tirthamkara. In the Udyogaparvan of the Mahabharata Krsna is once called by this name. 50 The Vaisnava works do not cite of an Aristanemi belonging to the Hari Vamsa. Although he is referred to in a Mathura inscription,51 we cannot, in the absence of more positive evidence, call him as historical figure. It is also interesting that both Krsna and Neminatha are given a lifespan of 1,000 years in the Jaina canonical texts. Aristanemi's chief disciples were Varadatta and Yakkini, and he died on the summit of mount Ujjamta (Girnar), one of the holiest tirthas of the Jainas.52 The Buddhist texts cite a certain 'Aranemi', 53 but he cannot be identified with the twenty-second Jaina Tirthamkara. I have given above the Jaina account of their first twenty-two Tirthamkaras. With the possible exception of Rsabha, none of them has any claim to historicity. I have already expressed my view regarding Rsabha's, but there is little doubt that he was accepted as a Tirtharnkara of the Jainas, only after the demise of Mahavira. REFERENCES 1. 205 ff. 2. 157. 3. Kalp., 210; Sam., 108; Stha, 435; etc. 4. 336-7. 5. 191, 383, 398. 6. Kalp., 212. 7. 157. 8. Loc. cit. 9. Kalp. 213,1; Sam., 84.

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TIRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI 10. N.L. Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p. 83. 11. V, chs. 3 ff. 12. 42. 13. V.3.18, 20. 14. See Jacobi's translation in Jaina Sutras, vol. 1, SBE, 22, p. 225. 15. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 101, 185-6. 16. See SB, 13.5.4.15; Sankh. Srau. Su., 16.9.8.20. 17. XII, chs. 125 ff.; also XII.128. 24. 18. D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 223. 19. p. 525. 20. See Samavayanga, 71, 90, 157. 21. Ibid., 59, 106, 157. 22. See K.L. Janert, ed., Mathura Inscriptions, p. 45. 23. See Sam., 105, 157; Stha, 730. 24. Sam., 104, 157; Stha, 664; Kalp., 200. 25. Sam., 103, 157; Stha, 411. 26. Kalp., 198; Sam., 95, 101, 157. 27. See J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient Indiu, p. 276. 28. See Kalp., 197; Sam., 93, 101, 157; Stha, 520, 735. 29. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 291. 30. Sam., 75, 86, 100, 157; Stha, 411; Kalp., 196. 31. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 272. 32. Sam., 83, 157; Kalp., 196. 33. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 334. 34. Sam., 66, 80, 157. 35. Sam., 62, 157, Kalp., 193; Stha, 520. 36. Sam., 56, 157; Kalp., 192; Stha, 411. 37. Sam., 50, 54, 157; Sthu, 411. 38. Sam., 45, 48, 157; Kalp., 190; Stha, 735. 39. Sam., 40, 75, 90, 93, 157, 158; Kalp., 157; Stha, 228. 40. See EI, I, no. 43(3). 41. Sam., 32, 35, 37, 81, 91, 95, 157-8; Kalp., 188; Stha, 411, 718. 42. Kalp., 187; Sam, 157. 43. EI, II, no. 14(20). 44. The Digambaras, however regard this Tirthamkara as having been a male; according to them, the highest knowledge is beyond the reach of any woman. 45. See 70 ff. 46. Sam., 25, 55, 39, 157; Stha, 229, 777; Nandisutra, V.19; Kalp., 186. 47. Nandisutra, V.19; Sam., 20, 50, 157; Kalp., 185; Stha, 411; Bhagavati, 576, 617. 48. Nandi, V.19; Stha, 411, 735; Sam., 39, 41, 157; Kalp., 184. 49. See 1.65.40; III. 184.8, 17-22; XII.288.5-86.

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 50. 71.5. 51. See EI, II, no. 14(14). 52. See Kalp., 174-83; Sam., 10, 18, 40, 54, 104, 110, 157; Nandi, V.19; Stha, 381, 626, 641, 735; Uttaradhyayana, ch. XXII; see also Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, pt. 2, SBE, 45, pp. 112 ff.; Nirayavalika, 5.1; Naya, 53, 129; Antagadasao, 8-9. 53. Anguttara, tr. by E.M. Hare, III, p. 264.

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CHAPTER II Parsvanatha The penultimate Jaina Tirthamkara Parsva was, in all probability, the real founder of Jainism. The Kalpasutra (149-69)' provides a brief history of his life, but even this brief account, like all other Jaina writings, is full of stereotyped words and sentences. According to this account, he was the son of Asvasena, king of Varanasi, by his wife Vama. Charpentier writing in the Cambridge History of India? observes that 'no such person as Asvasena is known from Brahmana records to have existed'. We therefore need not accept the Jaina account that Asvasena was really a king of Kasi. He probably belonged to an aristocratic Ksatriya family; let us not forget that the Jainas have uniformly depicted all their Tirthamkaras as kings' sons. The modern historian cannot help condemning this affected attitude of the early Jaina canonical authors. This form of vanity is also discernible in the writings of the Buddhists, who leave no stone unturned to prove that their founder really belonged to the most august and aristocratic family of those times. It is, therefore, quite reasonable to infer that Parsva, like the Buddha or Mahavira, was a scion of a well-to-do Ksatriya family. The most significant fact about Parsva is however that he belonged to Varanasi, the cultural and religious centre of India from time immemorial. As a citizen of this great city, he probably came into contact with some men of vision. That even the Ksatriyas of this city were men of learning and intuition is testified to by the fact that king Ajatasatru, lauded in the Upanisadic texts,' is described as belonging to this city. He (not to be confused with his Buddhist namesake) is delineated as expounding to Dupta Balaki Gargya, a Brahmin acarya, the real nature of atman. His son Bhadrasena Ajatasatrava too, was a man of wisdom and a rival of the great Uddalaka." It is little wonder then that Parsva, as a scion of an aristocatic family of this marvellous metropolis, should have received some serious training in religion and philosophy in early youth. We are told that he led the householder's life up to the age of 30 and then renounced

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12 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM the world. Nothing more is indicated in the canonical texts regarding his early life. Only from some late texts do we learn that he married a woman named Prabhavati. The Kalpasutra then goes on to say that after practising penance for 83 days Parsva obtained omniscience. Thereafter, we are told, he remained a kevalin for 70 years, dying at the age of 100 on the summit of Sammeya mountain. The round figure of 100 is also suspect. We should remember that the Kalpasutra, which contains the earliest biography of this great prophet, was in all probability, written 500 years after his death. Even so one is prepared to believe that Parsva had a fairly long life and died in the fulness of years. The Kalpasutra does not give us any idea of Parsva's doctrine, but we have sufficient information in some other canonical texts about his teachings, and a number of these were composed before the Kalpasutra. The celebrated Uttaradhyayanasutra (ch. 23) records a very moving conversation between Kesin a follower of Parsva's church and Indrabhuti, a disciple of Mahavira. In Kesin's words we learn that Parsva enjoined only four vows and allowed an upper and undergarment. This conversation took place in the city of Sravasti where Kesin arrived, we are told, with a large number of his associates. We further learn from this conversation between the two monks that there was no fundamental difference between the two Teachers, Parsva and Mahavira, the only difference being that the law of Mahavira recognized 5 vows, one more than Parsva's. Also, while Parsva allowed the use of clothing, Mahavira himself went about naked. That Parsva's followers (called Samanas) were almost everywhere during Mahavira's lifetime is testified to by some other references to his followers in the older texts. The Bhagavati more than once' refers to Parsva's followers. In the ninth uddesaka of the first sataka of that work we are confronted with a follower of Parsva called Kalasavesiyaputta who at first expressed grave doubts regarding Mahavira's teachings. The Master, however, soon succeeded in converting him to his religion of fivefold vows. In the fifth uddesaka of the second sataka of the same text we are told that the city of Tungiya was often visited by Parsva's followers. In this connection we came across the names of four monks belonging to Parsva's school. They are Kaliyaputta, Mehila, Kasava, and Anamdarakkhiya. The Bhagavati records another interesting conversation (9.32) between a follower of Parsva called Gamgeya (Gangeya) and Mahavira at Vaniyagama

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PARSVANATHA (near Vaisali). This further testifies that even northern Bihar came under Parsva's influence, and this is further corroborated by the fact that according to the celebrated Acarangasutra even Mahavira's parents, who lived near Vaisali, were themselves Parsva's followers. The importance of this statement of the Acaranga can hardly be overemphasized, for it shows that Mahavira himself grew up under the umbrella of Parsva's religion. The Nayadhammakahao makes mention of one Pumdariya, a prince of Puskalavati, who became a follower of Parsva's religion of four vows, and refers to a number of lay women who followed suit. The Nayadhammakahaoll also tells us the story of one old maiden called Kali who joined Parsva's ascetic order. The Nirayavalika, 12 an Upanga text, relates the story of the conversion of one Bhuya, the daughter of a merchant of Rajagsha called Sudarsana, to Parsva's religion. She was converted by Pupphacula, Parsva's principal ladydisciple. The combined testimony of the two texts, Nayadhammakahao and Nirayavalika, therefore proves that women were freely admitted into Parsva's order. Parsva, who was a great rationalist, naturally bore no prejudice against the weaker sex and, unlike the Buddha, never hesitated in allowing women to embrace the ascetic life. In his boyhood Parsva had probably seen nuns belonging to various Brahmanical schools at Kasi and therefore no Ananda was required to plead before him in favour of admitting women into the new order. One of the earliest canonical texts, the Sutrakstanga,'records a very interesting discussion between Indrabhuti and a follower of Parsva called Udaya Pedhalaputta. Like Kesin and Gangeya, he too, later accepted Mahavira's doctrine. The above discussion clearly shows that Parsva, who preached his new religion around 800 BC (250 years before Mahavira),succeeded to a large extent in popularizing his teachings in different parts of northern India. We have very strong reason to believe that the term "Nirgrantha' was first invented by him and latter came to denote his followers. The evidence of the Buddhist texts too fully supports this contention. The Samannaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya actually shows acquaintance with Parsva's religion of four vows and not with Mahavira's doctrine of five restraints. Elsewhere in the Pali Tripitaka'5 there are references to the Nirgrantha religion of four vows although, to my abiding regret, the Buddhists have not mentioned him by name. It however appears from their writings that Mahavira was an

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14 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM ascetic belonging to the Nirgrantha order and nothing more. Parsva was the first historical prophet of ancient India to clearly understand the real significance of ahimsa. The concept of nonviolence is, no doubt, to be found in the earlier Upanisadic works and also in the Mahabharata, but to Parsva ahimsa meant something more concrete. It was his whole existence. His other teachings (i.e., not to lie, not to steal, and not to own physical possessions) are of course to be found in all schools of thought. I have already referred to Parsva's attitude towards women. He also, unlike some later Jaina thinkers, had no prejudices against Brahmanas. The Nirayavalika (3.3) contains the story of Brahmana Soma's conversion to Parsva's order. This Brahmana was, like Parsva, a citizen of Varanasi. That Parsva's doctrine had great appeal even for kings is testified to by the elaborate story of the conversion of Paesi, king of Seyaviya, by Kesin, the celebrated follower of Parsva, related in the Rayapaseniya,16 an Upanga text. I have very little doubt that the Payasi Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya was composed in imitation of this Upanga text. We must remember that Kesin was also known by the name 'Kumarasamana', and in the above-mentioned Buddhist work a certain Kumarasamana is delineated as engaged in conversation with king Payasi of Setavya, which is evidently the same as Seyaviya. Indeed, there is reason to believe that Parsva's followers were also generally known as Kumarasamanas. P.C. Bagchi" believes that in a particular sutra of Panini (II.1.69) these Kumarasramanas have been referred to. Although we cannot be dogmatic about this, there may be some truth in this. According to the Samavayanga (157), Dinna was Parsva's principal male disciple and Pupphacula the female disciple. Pupphacula, as I have already mentioned is also cited in the Nayadhammakahao. His principal male lay votary was Suvvaya'8 and female lay votary Sunanda." Regarding Parsva's date, it may here be pointed out, that it is only from two late texts that we learn that his liberation took place 250 years before Mahavira's emancipation. In the concluding lines of Mahavira's and Parsva's biography in the Kalpasutra which were obviously added during the council of Valabhi (c. AD 525), and in the Avasyakabhasya (17), another text of practically the same date, we are told about this figure of 250 years. It is quite possible that the time gap separating Mahavira from Parsva was less than 250 years, but since we have not other evidence, we have to provisionally as

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PARSVANATHA sign to Parsva a date around 800 BC. REFERENCES 1. See also Jacobi's translation, in SBE, 22, pp. 271 ff. 2. p. 154. 3. See sepcially in this connection, the Ambattha Sutta included in the Digha Nikaya. 4. The Buddhavamsa actually describes one of the previous Buddhas called Phussa, whom I propose to identify with Parsva of the Jaina canonical texts. The Ardha-Magadhi name for Parsva is Pasa, and Phussa is the Pali form, apparently of the same name. It is significant that both the Jainas and the Buddhists represent him as a resident of Varanasi, while the Jainas call him a Tirthamkara, the Buddhists regard him as one of 24 Buddhas. The Vaisnava conception of avatara has apparently inffuenced the followers of these two heretical sects, and they too have invented the idea of 24 Buddhas and Tirthamkaras in order to glorify their respective doctrines. We should also remember that the avatara idea goes back to the period of the Brahmanas, which were composed long, long before the rise of either Jainism and Buddhism. The earliest of the avataras are associated with Prajapati, the Supreme God of the Brahmanical period; and they are Kurma, Varaha and Matsya (see J.N. Banerjea, Development of Hindu Iconography, third edn., New Delhi, 1986, p. 389). The theory of avatara has been beautifully explained in those famous passages of the Gita, which run as follows: yada yada hi dharmasya glanirbhavati bharata/ abhyutthanamadharmasya tadatmanam sejamyaham// paritranaya sadhunam vinasaya ca duskytam/ dharmasamsthapanartaya sambhavami yuge yuge // [Mbh., critical edn., VI.26.78] The Jainas and Buddhists, who have virtually copied everything from the Brahmanas, have successfully utilised the avatara theory, and have invented the 24 Tirthamkaras and 24 Buddhas theory. The name Buddhavainsa also appears quite suspect, as it reminds us instinctively of the name Harivamsa of the Vaisnavas. The Jainas have virtually two Harivamsas, one by Jinasena II, composed in an 783, and the other by Dhavala, written in Apabhraisa. The Buddhavamsa correctly represents Phussa or Parsva simply as a Ksatriya and not as the son of a raja. The relevant passage runs thus (20.14): kasikam nama nagaram jayasene nama khattiyo sirima nama janika phussassa pi mahesino.

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16 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM In the Jaina account namely the Kalpasutra (149-69) we have, respectively, the names Asasena and Vama as the names of Parsva's parents. The similarity of the names of Parsva's parents in both the accounts are quite significant. For the father, we have sena-ending names, and for the mother ma-ending ones, and can therefore conclude without any hesitation that the Buddhists knew this twenty-third Tirthamkara as a scion of an aristocratic family of the famous city of Varanasi. The Buddhists have Phussa lokanayaka, while the Jainas have the epithet purisadaniya, which is the Prakrta form for purusadaniya, and both the epithets have something in common. 5. See Byhadaranyaka Up., 2.1.1; also Kausitaki Up., 4.1. 6. See Satapatha, 5.5.5.14. 7. See Kalpasutravrtti by Samayasundra, pp. 164-5. 8. 1.9; II.5; IX.32 et seq. 9. See Jacobi's translation in SBE, 22, p. 194. 10. See 141 ff. 11. Tenth chapter of the second part. 12. Para 148 (II.1). 13. See Jacobi's translation, SBE, 45, pp. 420 ff. 14. For a discussion on Parsva's date, see infra. 15. See under 'Nathaputta' and 'Nirgrantha' in Malalasekera's Dictionary of Pali Proper Names. 16. See 157 ff. 17. See Sir Asutosh Mukherjee Silver Jubilee Volume, III, p. 74. 18. See Kalpasutra, 163. 19. Ibid., 164.

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CHAPTER III Life of Mahavira The last or the twenty-fourth Tirthamkara Vardhamana Mahavira was born, according to some late non-canonical texts, 250 years after Parsva's emancipation. The earliest non-canonical text that mentions this figure, is the Avasyakabhasya,' a work probably written after ad 300. The same figure of 250 is obtained from concluding passages of the lives of Parsva and Mahavira given in the Kalpasutra,? which were obviously added to that work during the council of Valabhi held during the reign of Dhruvasena I (c. AD 525), who was a feudatory of an imperial Gupta ruler. From the Pali texts we learn that he died a year or two before the demise of the Buddha, and since he had a total lifespan of 72 years, he was in all probability a somewhat junior contemporary of the Sakyan prophet, who definitely died at the age of 80. Unlike his predecessors, Mahavira's life has received extensive treatment in the early Jaina canonical texts. The earliest work that does so to a considerable degree is the celebrated Acarangasutra, the first Anga and probably the earliest canonical work of the Svetarbara Jainas. There is very little doubt that the Acaranga account of the life of Mahavira was composed a century or two after the demise of the teacher and is therefore tolerably reliable. It should however also be remembered that the Acaranga provides details of Mahavira's life up to his forty-second year (the date of enlightenment) and gives no information about his last thirty years Both the Acaranga and Kalpasutra inform us that when the moon was in conjunction with the Hatthuttara constellation (Uttaraphalguni), Mahavira descended from the Puspottara celestial abode on the expiry of his period of life as a God. He then took the form of an embryo in the womb of the Brahmana lady Devananda of the Jalandhara lineage, wife of the Brahmana Rsabhadatta of the Kodala lineage (Kodalasagottassa) belonging to the Brahmanical part of Kundagrama town (Mahanakumdaggame nayare). According to the Kalpasutra Devananda saw the following fourteen objects in her

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18 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM dream: an elephant, a bull, a lion, an anointment, a garland, the moon, the sun, a flag, a vase, a lotus lake, the ocean, a celestial abode, a heap of jewels and a flame. The following idea then struck Sakra (Indra), the king of gods: It never has happened, nor does it happen, the Arhats, Cakravartins, Baladevas or Vasudevas, in the past, present or future, should be born in low families, mean families, degraded families, poor families, indigent families, beggars' families or Brahmanical families... [they] are born in high families, noble families, royal families, noblemen's families, in families belonging to the race of Iksvaku, or of Hari or in other such families of pure descent on both sides." Then he asked Harinegamesi, commander of the infantry (evidently another name of Skanda, who is also known as Naigameya or Naigamesa) to transfer the embryo from the womb of Devananda to that of Trisala of the Vasistha gotra, wife of Ksatriya Siddhartha of the Kasyapa gotra, belonging to the Ksatriya part of the Kundapura town. This Siddhartha, we are further told, was a scion of the clan of Jnatrs (Prakrta Naya). The order was promptly carried out. This event, according to the above-mentioned texts, took place on the eighty-third day after Mahavira's descent from heaven into the womb of Devananda, when the moon was once more in conjunction with Uttaraphalguni. It was the thirteenth day of the dark half of the month of Asvina. The Kalpasutra further informs that in that night (eighty-third) Devananda dreamt that the fourteen objects of her dream were taken from her by Trisala. At the same time, the Ksatriya lady Trisala saw those fourteen objects entering her own dream. No modern historian can accept the transfer of embryo story, whatever may be its antiquity.10 It is more probable that Devananda was Mahavira's real mother and he was subsequently accepted by Ksatriya Siddhartha as his adopted son. In this connection I should point to the story told in the Bhagavati11 regarding Devananda's meeting with Mahavira. This meeting took place at the Brahmanical part of Kundagrama. We are told that at that time (i.e., when Devananda saw Mahavira when the latter was already a kevalin) milk oozed from the breasts of that Brahmana lady. When Gautama enquired about this, his chief disciple, Mahavira, explained that she was his mother, and it was because of her motherly affection that this had occurred. I quote here Mahavira's original words: Devanamda mahani mamam ammaga, aham nam Devanamdae mahanie attae; taenam sa Devanamda mahani tenam puvvaputtasineharagenam agaya

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA 19 panhaya, java samusa-viyaromakuva mamam animisae ditthie pehamani pehamani citthai. We should particularly note the expression 'puvvaputta-sineharagenam'. This striking incident narrated in such an early text as the Bhagavati abundantly explodes the popular Jaina belief that Mahavira was the son of the Ksatriya lady Trisala. The transfer of embryo story probably originated a century or two after the demise of Mahavira (c. 300 BC), when Jainism was firmly established in India and assumed a thoroughly anti-Brahmanical stance. It must be remembered that in ancient India an adopted son (dattaka) was simply looked upon as 'real son' as was the case with a ksetraja son (cf. the case of the Pandavas). Jacobi's conjecture that Devananda was another of Siddhartha's wives should not be taken seriously.12 I do not however wish to be dogmatic about this but do feel that the mystery surrounding Mahavira's births has not yet been properly investigated. The original Jaina inventor of the embryo story probably had in mind the story of Krsna's birth as related in the Vaisnava devotional literature. Now, Siddhartha's wife Trisala, according to the seventh-century text, the Avasyakacurni1s of Jinadasagani Mahattara, was a sister of the illustrious Cetaka, a Ksatriya chief of Vaisali. In the original canon how even nothing has been said about her relationship with that prince. She, however, gets here the significant name Videhadinna.11 It should be recalled that Kunika-Ajatasatru, who according to the original canon was a son of Cellana, a daughter of Cetaka,15 receives the title Videhaputta in the Bhagavati1 and a similar epithet for him is also found in the Pali canon. It is, therefore, permissible to conjecture that the author of the Avasyakacurni, so famous for his erudition, had definite access to some other source which is not lost. Another daughter of Cetaka, called Mrgavati, according to the Bhagavati," was the mother of the great Udayana of Kausambi. The Jaina works18 unanimously bestow on Cetaka the title 'king' and, according to the Nirayavalika19 an Upanga text, he was as powerful a monarch as Kuniya, the king of Magadha. It is exceedingly strange that this famous personality is entirely ignored in the Pali canonical texts. According to both the Acaranga2o and Kalpasutra," Mahavira was born on the thirteenth day of the bright half of the month of Caitra when the moon was in conjunction with the Uttaraphalguni. A scrupulous reader of the Jaina texts is not expected to take such astro

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20 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM nomical details seriously, which are scattered throughout Jaina literature and specially in connection with the description of the lives of the Tirthamkaras. He was christened Vardhamana, 'the increasing one', because the family treasure went on increasing from the moment of his birth.22 He was also known by two other names: Samana and Mahavira. We are told that the people called him Samana because he was always engaged in penances, and Mahavira because he nurtured no fear and was unafraid of danger.23 The canonical texts also refer to him by such names as Nataputta, 21 Vesalia2 and Videhadinna.26 The first name was evidently the more popular since it is constantly referred to in the Buddhist texts. Mahavira was called 'Vesalia' because he was born in a suburb of that city. As his birthplace lay within the territory of Videha, he was given the name 'Videhadinna'. We have seen, in connection with our discussion of Parsva, that Mahavira's parents themselves were followers of the former. Since this statement is found in the Acaranga, one of the oldest texts of the Jainas, its authenticity cannot be questioned. This implies that Mahavira himself grew up under the shadow of Parsva's religion. There is little doubt that Siddhartha and Trisala scrupulously taught him in his boyhood the Nirgrantha doctrine of four principal restraints as preached by the great thinker from Kasi. As his birthplace was near the great city of Vaisali, it is very probable that Mahavira came into contact not only with Parsva's followers in his early youth, but also with other thinkers of that celebrated city. There is little doubt that this city was founded centuries before the birth of Mahavira and the Buddha. According to the Ramayana, the kings of this city were known for their large-heartedness and religious disposition. The combined testimony of the Jaina and Pali texts indicate that the city had a number of shrines, mostly dedicated to yaksas, in sixth century BC. In the famous28 Mahaparinibbana Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya a number of such shrines are mentioned, namely Sarandada, Capala, Udena, Gotamaka, Bahuputta, and Sattamba. From the Patika Suttanta" of the same work we further learn that Udena was to the east of Vaisali, Gotamaka to the south, Sattamba the west, and Bahuputta to the north. The shrine of Bahuputta, it is useful to note, was once visited by Mahavira, as is vouched for by the evidence of the Bhagavati. 30 Another shrine in this city mentioned in the Bhagavatiwas Komdiyayana, where Gosala performed his sixth pauttabarihara (entering into another's dead body). I will elsewhere

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA 21 in this work discuss the nature of influence exercised by the yaksaworship on early Jainism, but it should be emphasized here that not all the ceiya-cetiyas were dedicated to them. The shrine of Bahuputta, as is evident from the Upanga text the Nirayavalika,was probably dedicated to the goddess Bahuputtiya, who was connected with children's welfare. I am, however, aware that elsewhere32 in the Jaina texts a certain Bahuputtiya is described as a spouse of yaksa Purnabhadra. Regarding the Gotamaka shrine, we can say this much that Sabhaparvanof the Mahabharata speaks of the shrine of Gotamaka at Rajaglha and connects it with rsi Gautama. There is no reason why the shrine of the same name situated in Vaisali should not be connected with the same rsi. Worship of ancient saints, like the worship of devas and yaksas, was an integral part of ancient Indian religion. The worship of ssi Agastya is a well-known instance. What I am trying to drive at is that both Mahavira and the Buddha were considerably influenced by the popular religious systems of their time. In this connection I would point to the words spoken by Mahavira in the eighteenth sataka of the Bhagavattwhere he says that he used to visit places like sabha, pava, arama, ujjana, and devakulas. That both Mahavira and the Buddha used to frequent the popular caityas is clear from Jaina and Buddhist writings. Turning once more to the life of Mahavira, we find him marrying a girl called Yasoda (Jasoya) of the Kaundinya gotra and the couple had a daughter, who was christened Priyadarsana. The Digambaras vehemently deny that Mahavira ever married, but we need not take their objection seriously. It should be recalled that the reference to Mahavira's marriage is found in a work like the Acaranga35 and is supported by the Kalpasutra. 56 We therefore have to accept the fact of Mahavira's marriage, however distasteful it may appear to a Digambara Jaina. Both the above-mentioned works refer to Mahavira's granddaughter Yasovati, Priyadarsana's daughter, but do not mention the name of Mahavira's son-in-law. We however learn from the Acaranga that the son-in-law belonged to the Kausika gotra." From a few late works we learn that Mahavira's son-in-law was Jamali. It is curious that although this individual is prominently mentioned a number of times in the original canon, nothing has been said about his marriage to Priyadarsana. On the other hand, the Bhagavati,39 which gives a detailed account of him and the story of his rebellion, refers to his eight wives. His parents are mentioned but not named. We however learn that he belonged to a highly

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22 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM prosperous family of Ksatriya Kundagrama near Vaisali. The next important event in Mahavira's life was his renunciation that took place on his attaining the age of thirty. 10 Siddhartha and Trisala were no longer then in the land of the living. His elder brother Nandivardhana" and sister Sudarsana^2 were there, but they apparently did not attempt to prevent Mahavira from embracing an entirely new life. It is probable that before his eventual departure, Mahavira gave his daughter in marriage to a person of the Kausika gotra. At the age of thirty, on the tenth day of the month of Margasirsa, when the moon was once more in conjunction with Uttaraphalguni, after taking the permission of the elders, 43 Mahavira left for the park of Nayasamda, 94 which was situated near his home town. There, under an asoka tree,45 he divested himself of all his ornaments and finery, and then plucked out his hair in five handfuls. 26 The Kalpasutra? then informs us that Mahavira retained his cloth covering for thirteen months, and thereafter wandered about naked. The original canon gives us some idea about Mahavira's wanderings in his twelve-year pre-kevalajnana period. The Acaranga mentions a few places he visited after his departure from home, 18 and the Bhagavati, which is also an original canonical text, gives us some important information about this period of Mahavira's life, and this is to be found in the fifteenth Sataka of this work. According to this account, in the second year of his wanderings, Mahavira came into contact with Mankhaliputta Gosala at Nalanda, a famous suburb of Rajagrha.49 The author of this portion of the Bhagavati would have us believe that Gosala became Mahavira's disciple and wandered with him to a number of places for six years. In this connection the Bhagavati mentions three, Kollaga sannivesa (a small town near Nalanda), Siddharthagrama, and Kurmagrama. All these were in all probability situated near Rajaglha. In the later texts they are represented as visiting a number of places together. 50 A few of the places visited by Mahavira during his wanderings are mentioned in the Acaranga. We are told that besides Kummaragama,'' a place he visited in the very beginning of his wanderings, he travelled in the country of the Ladhas, 52 and also went to Vajjabhumi and Subbabhumi. According to the commentaries ** Vajjabhumi and Subbabhumi were divisions of Ladha identifiable with West Bengal. In the commentaries like the niryuklis and curnis a large number

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA 23 of places are described as having been visited by Mahavira,54 but it is extremely doubtful whether all of them were ever visited by the Jaina prophet. Reading between the lines of the relevant passage of the original canon would convince a discerning reader that he only toured in Bihar and Bengal in his twelve-year pre-enlightenment period. Both the works, the Acaranga35 and the Kalpasutra, 56 have described in identical words the story of his final enlightenment. We are told that in the thirteenth year, in the month of Vaisakha, when the moon was in conjunction with Uttaraphalguni, Mahavira attained nirvana (enlightenment) outside the town of Jambhiyagama. The exact place where this occurred was the bank of the river Rjupalika, near the residence of a householder called Samaga and an old temple (ceiya). Next comes the most important period of Mahavira's life, namely that as a teacher and path-finder. We are extremely fortunate to have a passage, included in the Kalpasutra, which gives us a very good idea about his forty-two-year ascetic life, including his twelveyear pre-nirvana period. The passage runs thus: ... the venerable ascetic stayed the first rainy season at Ashikagrama, three rainy seasons in Campa and Prsthicampa, 12 in Vaisali and Vanijyagrama, 14 in Rajaglha and its suburb called Nalanda, 6 in Mithila, 2 at Bhadrika, 1 in Alabhika, 1 in Panitabhumi, 1 in Sravasti, and 1 at the town of Papa in king Hastipala's office of writers (rajjusabha).57 We have already observed that in his twelve-year career as a learner Mahavira probably visited only a few places in Bihar and B The passage, quoted above, does not probably give any chron cal sequence of Mahavira's wanderings as a learner and teacher. We must remember that it was probably composed 200 years after Mahavira's demise, and it was, therefore, virtually impossible for the writer of the Kalpasutra to give a complete chronological account of Mahavira's entire career as an ascetic. There is however no doubt that the passage gives us a broad and general idea about his wanderings from the age of 30, up to his death at the age of 72. A closer analysis of the above-quoted passage of the Kalpasutra would show that barring a year in Sravasti, and a year probably in western Bengal, Mahavira spent his life only in what is now known as the state of Bihar. He, however, occasionally visited other places in India, as is evident from the combined testimony of the passages scattered in the original canon. We have also to consider, in this

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24 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM connection, the extremely valuable information provided by the Pali texts. According to different original texts, the Master visited, during his career as a teacher, the following places. Kampilypura,58 Saketa, 59 Mathura,60 Hastinapura,61 Vardhamanapura, 62 Amalakappa,63 Purimatala, 64 Kakandi,65 Polasapura, 66 Varanasi,67 Kausambi,68 Seyaviya,69 Kajangala,o etc. The later texts and commentaries mention a large number of places Mahavira visited, but it is extremely doubtful whether their evidence is of any real value. The canonical account of Mahavira's visit to Hastinapura is probably based on imagination since this city, according to the Puranas," was destroyed by the Ganges during the reign of Nicaksus, a great-grandson of Janamejaya II. The Jaina and Buddhist writers had some real weakness for cities of epic fame, and that is why cities like Hastinapura and Indraprastha occur so frequently in their writings, although both these disappeared from the map of India long before the birth of the Buddha and Mahavira. Frequent references to the Kauravas and Iksvakus in the Jaina and Buddhist texts are also indirect evidence of the influence of the two epics on these works. The Pali texts also directly confirm the evidence of the Jaina canonical texts regarding the wanderings of Mahavira. The Upalisutta of the Majjhima Nikayarefers to Nathaputta's visit to Naland, with a large company of Jaina monks. Another Pali text the Samyutta,73 connects this place with Mahavira. We have already seen that according to the Kalpasutra the Teacher spent forty rainy seasons at Rajaglha and Nalanda. It was at Nalanda, as we have already noticed, that Mahavira had met Gosala for the first time. Mahavira's intimate association with Rajaglha is proved by repeated references to this city everywhere in the Jaina canon. The Majjhima Nikaya (no 14) also mentions that Rajagrha was a popular centre for Jainas, and that there were numerous Jainas residing on mount Isigili (Rsigiri). The Pali works also confirm the Jaina account of Mahavira's close link with Vaisali, with which both the Majjhima and Anguttara? connect Mahavira. It is extremely interesting to note that even among the Sakyas of Kapilavastu, there was an individual called Vappa who was a disciple of Mahavira. This is testified to by the evidence of the Anguttara.76 A place called Macchikasanda, according to the Samyutta," was visited by Mahavira with a great company of the Jainas. The combined evidence of the Jaina and Buddhist texts leaves

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA 25 no room to doubt the great success of Mahavira's missionary activities. The Nirgrantha religion founded by Parsva around 800 BC, slowly yet surely became a major religion of eastern India during Mahavira's lifetime. The Teacher, as we have already noticed, met with his greatest success in Bihar, although places outside this province like the Sravasti region and western Bengal came increasingly under the influence of the Jaina religion. Let us not briefly turn to Mahavira's relation with contemporary political figures. The Magadhan' king Srenika Bimbisara, who was almost a personal friend of Gautama Buddha, figures in the Jaina texts as an admirer of Mahavira.78 He is chiefly called by the name Senia or Seniya in the Jaina canonical texts, although the name Bimbisara (Bhambhasara) is not entirely unknown.79 Although a few canonical texts depict him as a devotee of Mahavira, he is said to have gone to hell after his death,80 evidence perhaps that he was not really a true Jaina at heart. There is however little doubt that his eldest son Abhaya was a real admirer, if not a devotee of Mahavira.81 That he was essentially a kind-hearted and liberal person is demonstrated not only by the Jaina but also by the Buddhist texts. It was this prince who, through kindness and love, converted an abandoned child of a prostitute into a world-renowned physician. We are referring here to Jivaka Komaravacca, the son of the courtesan Salavati, who was later brought up by Abhaya as his foster-son. The close connection of Abhaya with the Jainas is also shown by the evidence in the Pali Majjhima Nikaya.o? Regarding Bimbisara's better known son Ajatasatru, who succeeded him, it may be pointed out that he was probably more inclined towards Jainism than any other religion. It is, however, also true that the Buddhist texts, sometimes claim him to be their follower. Indeed, the famous Samannaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya was recited to him by the Buddha in the concluding parts of which he expresses repentance for his sin of parricide. There is however great reason to suspect that his passion for the Buddhist religion was never genuine. His earliest guru was probably Devadatta, but at a later period, through his mother's influence he became a friend and patron of Mahavira. He is favourably pictured virtually throughout the Jaina canon and especially in the Aupapatikasutra.83 The Jaina texts like the Bhagavat784 and Nirayavalika85 provide a detailed account of his war with his opponents, the eighteen confederate kings, in which he was eventually victorious.

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26 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Kunika Ajatasatru's mother Cellana, a cousin of Mahavira, and daughter of king Cetaka of Vaisali, was favourably inclined towards the religion of her cousin. Her father Cetaka, a brother of Ksatriyani Trisala, is represented in later texts, as a devotee of Mahavira. But what about the illustrious Prasenajit (Pasenadi of the Pali texts), king of Kosala? This great patron of Gautama Buddha has been almost totally ignored in the Jaina canonical works. 86 The other influential contemporary royal personalities like Udayana and Canda Pradyota had little to do with either of the two great heretical religions. 87 There were two principal objectives before Mahavira when he started his missionary career. The first was to convert the existing Nirgrantha ascetics belonging to Parsva's order to his religion of five vows; and the second was to recruit new monks who would be able to popularize his teachings. We have already referred to such conversion of monks belonging to Parsva's order in ch. II. These instances show that almost all the monks belonging to Parsva's order were slowly converted to the new and more vigorous Nirgrantha religion preached by Mahavira. Mahavira's second objective, namely to recruit new monks also met with success. Like Parsva he too had his Ganadharas (the head of a group of monks), and the Kalpasutra88 refers to his principal disciple Indrabhuti (Imdabhuti), a Brahmana of the Gautama gotra. This highly learned individual figures in the celebrated twenty-third chapter of the Uttaradhyayana. His two brothers Agnibhuti and Vayubhuti were also prominent Ganadharas. 89 Among other prominent disciples (Ganadharas) of Mahavira, mention be made of Sudharman and Moriyaputta, the fifth and seventh Ganadharas, respectively. The Jaina canon is said to have been preached to Jambusvamin by Sudharman. I identify Moriyaputta, the seventh Ganadhara with Tamali Moriyaputta mentioned prominently in the Bhagavati,91 although the Avasyakaniryukti92 would have us believe that they were different persons. Mahavira had a large number of nuns under him headed by Candana.93 There was also no dearth of lay votaries, many of whom were quite prosperous.94 Details about them are given in the Upasakadasa, the seventh Anga of the Jaina canon. In this connection we should at least mention Ananda of Vaniyaggama (a suburb of Vaisali) who was not only a very rich lay votary but also a very pious man. His role is almost identical to that of Anathapindika of the Buddhist texts. The Upasakadasa" contains a story, according to

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA 27 which, even Indrabhuti was defeated in an argument with this lay votary of Mahavira. The teacher's religious career was not however plain sailing. I have already briefly referred to Gosala, who according to the Jaina texts, was originally a disciple of Mahavira. This controversial religious personality appears also in the Buddhist works as one of the six great heretical teachers of the Buddha's time. There is, nothing, however in the Pali works to show that he was a disciple and subordinate of Nirgrantha Nathaputta. There is however little doubt that Mankhaliputta Gosala was a veritable thrown in the flesh of both Mahavira and the Buddha. An analysis of the relevant passages of the Bhagavation and Upasakadasadeg7 show that he was an influential Ajivika leader of Sravasti and had a large number of followers. He was not however, the founder of the Ajivika school; this sect was probably founded at least a century before the birth of Gosala. In this connection I would like to invite attention to the story recorded in such an early Pali text as the Mahavagga" according to which, immediately after his enlightenment (at the age of 35), the Buddha met one Upaka who was a naked Ajivika monk. We have already seen that Mahavira was a somewhat junior contemporary of the Buddha and there is little doubt that he was at that time probably in his late twenties and hence a householder at KsatriyaKundagrama. There was thus no question of his meeting Gosala at that time, and he had became an Ajivika long before Gosala started preaching his doctrine (according to the Bhagavati, Gosalao had left Mahavira when the latter was 36 and founded his Ajivika school in Sravasti). There are also other indications/00 in the Pali texts to show that Ajivikism was founded long before the Buddha and Mahavira. A few scholars believe!) that it was Gosala who persuaded Mahavira to give up the habit of wearing clothes, but there is nothing in the Jaina canon to prove the veracity of this. The Kalpasutra!"2 simply states, as we have already noticed, that Mahavira wore clothes for a year and a month and then went about naked. It is also true that Mahavira had met Gosala in his second year of renunciation. There is however no reason why should we link these two events. Indeed, the Ajivikas were not the only naked ascetics of that time, even in the later Vedic period, monks from various sects wandered about naked. From the relevant passages of the Bhagavati it becomes clear that

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28 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM bitter rivalry continued between Gosala and Mahavira up to the former's demise. Mankhaliputta was probably a victim of epilepsy and his unnatural and premature death probably inspired the writer of the fifteenth Sataka of the Bhagavati to write his account of the death of this bitter rival of Mahavira. Anyone who has taken the trouble of studying this Book of the Bhagavati will, I believe, understand that the account was composed by a diehard Jaina wholly inimical to the Ajivikas. There is little doubt that this religion continued to flourish for a long time after Gosala's death which took place in Sravasti, sixteen years before Mahavira passed away. A disciple of the Master, Jamali, who was a scion of a rich Ksatriya family of Mahavira's home town, 103 and who according to late commentaries, 101 was a son-in-law of Mahavira, publicly announced his difference with his teacher and founded his own school in Sravasti. From the very outset, as it appears from the Bhagavati,105 Jamali began to behave as Mahavira's rival. The Bhagavati also informs us that immediately after embracing the ascetic-life, Jamali started wandering alone with a few of his followers, much against Mahavira's wishes. Subsequently there were further doctrinal difference between the two, and Jamali, like Gosala, declared himself a Jina in Sravasti. Those who had expressed faith in him, remained with him in Sravasti and he, along with his disciples, stayed in the well-known Kosthaka shrine of that town. Those refusing to acknowledge him as their teacher went to Mahavira, who was then staying in the Purnabhadra shrine of Campa and reported the whole matter to him. Afterwards, we are told, Mahavira publicly defeated Jamali in a debate that took place at Campa, 107 but Jamali even after this, continued to defy Mahavira's authority till his death. According to the Jaina texts/08 he was the first Ninhava (propounder of wrong doctrines). There is little doubt that Jamali, like Devadatta, was a born rebel and had a distinct personality of his own. It is a pity that no works composed by their disciples are extant, leaving persons like Gosala, Jamali, or Devadatta in our eyes as mere 'rebels' in the religious history of India. For thirty years Mahavira preached his doctrine and in spite of the opposition, he faced, made his religion the solace for thousands of people of eastern India. The end came quietly at the town of Pava in king Hastipala's office for writers on the fifteenth day of the dark fortnight of Karttika while the moon was in conjunction with Svati.109 That very night, we are told, his chief disciple Indrabhuti

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA obtained kevala-jnana.110 The Kalpasutra111 also informs us that during the night, when the venerable ascetic died, the 18 confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala instituted an illumination saying 'since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter'. Several Pali canonical texts confirm the Jaina account that Mahavira breathed his last at Pava112 and also add that the Buddha died after the demise of the Jaina Tirthamkara. The writer in the Cambridge History of India (vol. 1) 113 believes that the Buddha died before Mahavira, which obviously goes against available evidence. I believe that the Buddhist account of the death of their founder after the demise of Nathaputta is basically accurate. 4. See SBE, 22, p. 189. 5. Ibid., p. 219. 6. Loc. cit. REFERENCES 1. v. 17. 2. See SBE, 22, pp. 270, 275. 3. Let us remember that both Mahavira and the Buddha died after the accession of Kunika-Ajatasatru. The Buddhists hold that the Buddha died in the eighth year of Ajatasatru's reign (see Ray-chaudhuri in Political Hislory of Ancient India, p. 214). Since the Buddha died at the age of 80 and Mahavira at 72, the latter was slightly younger. We should also remember that the rebellion of Devadatta, which coincided with the accession of Ajatasatru, was known to Mahavira (see Majjhima, 58). There is therefore little doubt that Mahavira was the younger teacher. 7. Kalpasutra (SBE, 22), p. 225. 8. Ibid., pp. 189, 229. 9. p. 230. 10. Let us remember that the story is found in such early texts as the Acaranga, and Kalpasulra. An early sculpture from Mathura also supports the tradition of the transfer of embryo. 11. (Sailana edn.), IV, pp. 1690-1704. 12. See SBE, 22, intro., p. xxxi, n. 2. 13. I, p. 245. 29 14. See SBE, 22, p. 193. 15. See Nirayavalika (Rajkot, 1960), pp. 25ff. 19. pp. 44 ff. 20. p. 191. 21. p. 251. 16. III, p. 1199. 17. IV, p. 1986. 18. Loc. cit. See also Nirayavalika, pp. 40 ff.

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30 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 22. Acaranga, p. 192. 23. Kalpasutra, pp. 255-56. 24. See Mehta and Chandra, Dictionary of Prakrit Proper Names, pt. II, p. 576. 25. Loc. cit. 26. Ibid. 27. Gita Press edn., I, 47.18. 28. See Nalanda edn., II, pp. 92 f. 29. Nalanda edn., III, p. 9. 30. VI, p. 2665. 31. See III, fourth adhyayana. 32. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. II, p. 503. 33. Gita Press edn., 21.5-8. 34. See VI, p. 2759. 35. p. 193. 36. This text, however, does not mention her name. 37. Acaranga, p. 194. 38. See Avasyakacurni, I, p. 416; Kalapasutraurtti (of Dharmasagara), p. 92; Ularadhyayanavrtti (Santisuri), p. 154. 39. IV, p. 1723. 40. Acaranga, p. 194; Kalpasutra, p. 256. 41. See Acaranga, p. 193. 42. Loc. cit. 43. Kalpasutra, p. 256. 44. Acaranga, p. 199; Kalpasutra, p. 259. 45. Kalpasutra, p. 259. 46. Acaranga, p. 199; Kalpasutra, p. 259. 47. pp. 259-60. 48. pp. 84 ff. 49. V, pp. 2376 ff. 50. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. II, pp. 577 ff. 51. p. 200. 52. p. 85. 53. See p. 84, n. 1. 54. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. II, p. 580. 55. pp. 201 ff. 56. p. 263. 57. p. 264. 58. See Naya, 157; Upa, 35. 59. Ant., 14. 60. Vipaka, 26. 61. Anul., 6. 62. Vipaka, 32. 63. Raj., 5 ff. 64. Vipaka, 16. 65. Ant., 14; Anut., 3 66. Upa, 39-45; Ant., 15. 67. Upa, 27, 30; Ant., 15.

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LIFE OF MAHAVIRA 68. Bhagavali, IV, p. 1987. 69. See Avasyakaniryukti, v. 469. 70. See Bhagavati, I, p. 391. 71. See Visnu Purana, IV.21.8; see also PHAI, p. 43. 72. See Nalanda edn., II, p. 43. 73. Nalanda edn., III, p. 281. 74. Nalanda edn., I, p. 280. 75. Nalanda edn., III, pp. 293 ff. 76. Nalanda edn., II, pp. 210 f. 77. Nalanda edn., III, p. 265. 78. See Dasa, 10.1; also Naya, 148. 79. Uvavayiya, 9; Dasa, 10.1; Stha, 693. 80. Stha, 693. 81. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, pp. 49 ff. 82. See Nalanda edn., II, pp. 67 ff. 83. See Sailana edn., pp. 56 ff. 84. See III, pp. 1199 ff. 85. See pp. 45 ff, 86. For a somewhat late reference to him, see Ullaradhyayananiryukli, p. 286. 87. The Bhagavati, however, represents Udayana as honouring Mahavira, see IV, p. 1987. 88. pp. 267, 286. 89. Loc. cit. 90. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, p. 270. 91. II, p. 572. 92. See vv. 595, 623, 645, 648. 93. Kalpasutra, p. 267. 94. See especially the various stories about them in the Upasakadasa. 95. Upa., 16 ff. 96. See Sataka 15. 97. See N.A. Gore edn., 1953, pp. 114 ff. 98. Nalanda edn., p. 11. 99. See V, p. 2386. 100. See Nalanda edn., of Majjhima, I, pp. 41 ff. 101. See B.M. Barua, History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 300. 102. pp. 259-60. 103. See Bhagavati, IV, p. 1705. 104. See Avasyakacurni, I, p. 416; Kalpasutravrtli by Dharmasagara, p. 92. 31 105. IV, pp. 1752 ff. 106. Ibid., pp. 1753 ff. 107. Ibid., pp. 1758 ff. 108. See Stha, 587; Avasyakaniryukti, 780. 109. Kalpasutra, p. 269. 110. Ibid., p. 265. 111. Ibid., p. 266. 112. See Digha, III, p. 91; Majjhima, III, p. 37. 113. p. 163.

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CHAPTER IV Spread of Jainism (The Early Phase) It is extremely difficult to correctly gauge the progress of the Jaina religion during the centuries preceding the Christian era in different parts of India. The available inscriptions, it is true, do help us in this with regard to some parts of India. However, with the exception of the Mathura region and Orissa, very few pre-Christian in- . scriptions relating to the Jaina religion have been discovered.' The early canonical texts are of some help in relation to various parts of northern India. In our discussion on the career of Parsva we noticed that he was successful in popularising the Nirgrantha religion in different parts of what is now known as U.P. This religion, as have already pointed out, originated in all probability, at Kasi, and before the demise of that great prophet won a good number of converts in some prominent cities of U.P. He himself personally visited places like Kausambi, Saketa," Kampilyapura,"Amalakappa," Mathura" and a few other cities. We are also told that he carried out missionary activities in Rajagsha.? After Parsva's death, close disciples of his undoubtedly continued his task of popularizing the doctrine of fourfold restraints. In the canonical literature his disciples are frequently mentioned, and the city of Tungiya is specially mentioned in the Bhagavatt as a centre of the disciples of Parsva. We have already noticed that even northern Bihar after Parsva's death fell under the influence of his religion. Not only were the parents of Mahavira followers of Parsva, but a prominent disciple belonging to his school lived at Vaniyaggamao near Vaisali. The Sutrakstangalo refers to another prominent disciple, belonging to Parsva's school, whom Mahavira met and converted at Nalanda. A few other places connected with the missionary activities of monks of Parsva's order (Pasa-vaccijja) have already been noticed. It is extremely probable that before the birth

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SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE) 33 of Mahavira the Nirgrantha religion founded by Parsva was firmly established in U.P. and Bihar. Under Mahavira the Jaina religion became one of the major relious sects of eastern India. We have already noted that Mahavira visited a number of places in eastern India during this missionary career and converted a large number of people of different prominent cities. He, however, achieved his greatest success in Bihar where the Nirgrantha religion became almost as popular as the religion founded by Gautama Buddha. This is indirectly confirmed by Pali canonical texts. Another interesting thing which a zealous student of these two great religions will not fail to notice is that whereas the Buddhist canonical writers take so much trouble to repeatedly mention Nathaputta and his followers, the Jaina counterparts take almost no notice of the Buddha and his monks. The only religious rival of Mahavira, who figure prominently in the Jaina canon, is Gosala. In the commentaries, however, the later Jaina writers do pay some attention to the Buddha and his followers. As a result of Mahavira's religious conquest, western Bengal came under the influence of Jainism. We have already noticed in connection with our discussion of the career of Mahavira that he undertook tours to that part of eastern India. It is also permissible to believe that Bengal accepted Jainism before Buddhism as only a few places of this province figure in Pali canonical texts. Some parts of western U.P. were also visited by Mahavira, and we should particularly note Mahavira's visit to the great city of Mathura" which, as we have already noted, was visited by Parsva. We will later see how this city gradually became one of the largest centres of Jaina religion in northern India. The Bhagavati!? gives us the somewhat intriguing information that Mahavira visited the city of Vitibhaya, the capital of SindhuSauvira. We are told in this connection that the Master travelled all the way from Campa to Vitibhaya in order to meet king Udayana of Sindhu-Sauvira. We are further told that this king later became a Nirgrantha monk. The Bhagavati account of Mahavira's visit to the country of Sindhu-Sauvira cannot be dismissed as a product of imagination since the work itself was probably written a century or two after Mahavira's demise. Besides, once we accept the Bhagavati account of Mahavira's visit to the country of Sindhu-Sauvira, we have to admit that the message of the Nirgrantha religion reached India's western coast during the lifetime of the Teacher himself, and

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34 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM this was indeed no mean achievement. It is not easy to trace the history of the spread of Jainism after the death of Mahavira, but a careful study of the relevant portions of the Theravali, which is a part of the Kalpasutra will give us some definite idea about the history of the gradual spread of Jainism in different parts of India. Among the four sakhas originating from Godasa, a disciple of Bhadrabahu, who flourished in the fourth century BC, we have the following three significant names:13 Tamraliptika sakha, Kotivarsiya sakha, and Pundravardhaniya sakha. All the three sakhas were evidently connected with the three well-known geographical units, all of which were situated in Bengal. The first name does not need any comment. The second, Kotivarsa, according to the Pannapanna," a canonical text, was the capital of Ladha country and the third, present north Bengal. We have already noticed that Mahavira himself visited some places in Bengal during his missionary career, so it is natural that Jainism should flourish after his death in the places where he taught his doctrine. There was however another more important factor behind the popularity of Jainism in Bengal in preChristian times. We have already seen that according to the Theravali all these sakhas originated from Godasa, who was a disciple of the great Bhadrabahu. Now, this saint (i.e., Bhadrabahu), according to the Brhatkathakosa's of Harisena (AD 931), was born at the town of Devakotta situated in the Pundravardhana country. There is no doubt that Harisena was indebted to earlier works for this information about Bhadrabahu's place of birth. It is natural therefore, that the sakhas founded by Godasa, a disciple of Bhadrabahu, should be connected with Bengal. So far as Tamralipta is concerned, it would not be unreasonable to note that at the famous port of Tamralipta lived the merchant Tamali Moriyaputta, who became a Jaina recluse, apparently during Mahavira's lifetime. The story of how he renounced everything is graphically related in the Bhagavati. 16 Regarding northern Bengal, we will later see that this area produced true and devoted Jainas during the Gupta period. From Balisaha, who was a disciple of Arya Mahagiri (c. 300 BC), who himself was a disciple of the well-known Sthulabhadra, a number of sakhas originated, and among them the name Kausambika is conspicuous. This sakha was evidently connected with the famous city of Kausambi, the capital of the Vatsa country and which, according

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SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE) 35 to the Puranas, rose to prominence after the destruction of Hastinapura by the Ganga in c. 1300 BC. During the lifetime of Mahavira and Sakyamuni, Kausambi was a flourishing metr and the capital of the celebrated Udayana, who did not hesitate to pay homage to Mahavira when he visited his city." Jayanti, an aunt of Udayana, became a Jaina nun, according to the Bhagavati. 18 Another Jaina Anga text, the Vipakasruta, 19 tells the story of the love affair of Bshaspatidatta, the priest of Udayana, and Padmavati, a queen of that famous king. Among the sakhas originating from Arya Rohana20 (c. 250 BC), a disciple of Suhastin, we have the very significant name, Udumbarika. This sakha was certainly connected with the Audambara tribe who lived in Punjab and whose coins, dating from pre-Christian times have been discovered in large numbers there. 21 There is no doubt that by the time this sakha originated (c. 250 BC),22 Jainism had been firmly established in Punjab. From another disciple of Suhastin, Bhadrayasas, originated a number of sakhas, apparently in the middle of the third century BC. At least two sakhas originating from him were connected with geographical names, Bhadriyika and Kakandika.29 These two sakhas were apparently connected with the towns of Bhadrika and Kakandi, mentioned prominently in the Jaina texts. From another disciple of Suhastin, Kamardhi, originated a number of sakhas, among which Sravastika sakha.24 deserves special mention. As the name indicates, this saka was connected with the famous city of Sravasti which had been more than once visited by Mahavira. It was in this famous city that persons like Gosala and Jamali preached their doctrines, and it was there that the famous encounter between the two great teachers, Mahavira and Gosala, took place. From yet another disciple of Suhastin, Rsigupta, originated a number of sakhas, among which the most significant name is that of Saurastrika.25 This shows that before the end of the third century BC, Jainism reached Gujarat, and as history testifies, it has maintained its existence there to the present time. Another interesting sakha connected with a definite geographical name is Madhyamika,24 which originated from another disciple of Suhastin. The town of Madhyamika, it is interesting to note, is mentioned in the canonical texts, 27 and the creation of this sakha before the end of the third century BC, proves that the Jaina religion reached Rajasthan before that time. This rapid analysis of the names of the sakhas of the Theravali

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36 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM gives us some idea about the history of the spread of Jainism in different parts of India. A particular passage28 of the Byhatkalpa, a Chedasutra text, attention to which has already been drawn by previous scholars, seems to indicate the extent of the spread of Jainism at the time of its composition (c. 350 BC). We are told in this passage that a Jaina monk must not go beyond Anga-Magadha in the east, Kausambi in the south, Kunala (N. Kosala) in the north and Thuna (Thaneswar) in the west. This passage was in all probability composed before the creation of the sakhas mentioned in the Theravali. The BIhatkalpa may not be a very old text, but the passage in question probably preserves a much older tradition. In 1912 a stone inscription was discovered by Pandit G.H. Ojha from a place called Badali in Ajmer district, Rajasthan,29 which, according to that celebrated palaeographist, contains the words 'eighty-four' and 'Vira'. Pandit Ojha argues that the palaeography of this inscription is older than those of Asoka and that is why he feels that it relates to the year 84 of the Vira Nirvana era. In that case the inscription should be regarded to date 400 BC. Some orthodox Jaina scholars have therefore jumped to the conclusion that Jainism was introduced in Rajasthan before 400 BC. Ojha further remarks30 that his view regarding the inscription has the support of MM. S.C. Vidyabhusana. D.C. Sircar, another noted epigraphist, however, assigns the inscription to the close of the second century BC, although he does not offer any argument in favour of such a late date for this inscription. I have very carefully examined the letters of this inscription and strongly believe that its palaeography cannot be later than that of the inscriptions of Asoka. Sircar's attempt at explaining caturasiti as meaning '84 villages' is, to say the least, ludicrous. But even then we cannot wholly accept Ojha's view regarding the terms 'Vira' and '84', the truth is that there is no pre-Christian record of the Vira Nirvana era. If therefore the tradition recorded in the Theravali is of any value, then we have to accept that Jainism was introduced in Rajasthan only after 250 BC, but this is a view open to revision until more positive evidences become available. We do not know much about the religious leaning of the Nandas, but the Jainas claim that the first Mauryan emperor Chandragupta embraced their religion during the closing years of his life. Chandragupta's name is absent in all early Svetambara canonical and non-canonical texts, and it is only in some bhasya and curni texts, 32 written after the Gupta period that he is mentioned by name.

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SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE) 37 Even in those works, however, he is not termed a Jaina, but the Digambara traditions, both literary and epigraphic, delineate him as a Jaina devotee. 33 Some scholars believe that the earliest Digambara literary tradition regarding Candragupta's conversion is that recorded by Harisena in the Byhatkathakosa (AD 931). However, a much earlier Digambara literary work, the Tiloya-Pannati, written around AD 600, represents Candragupta as a Jaina devotee, 34 but even this work was composed some 900 years after the death of that great emperor. We cannot therefore accept, in the absence of some earlier evidence, the argument of scholars like Smith 35 and aychaudhuri 36 who hold that Candragupta became a Jaina sadhu before his death. The Greek and Roman historians, who definitely knew the Jainas,37 have not said anything regarding Candragupta's conversion to that religion, and indeed there are indications in their writings that Candragupta was an orthodox Hindu believing in sacrificial religion. The famous play of Visakhadatta, written before the Tiloya-Pannati, never connect Candragupta with Jainism. It also appears somewhat bizarre that a stern and ruthless military conqueror like Candragupta Maurya, should suddenly transform himself into a penniless Jaina muni and end his life in such a curious way. We have another very significant passage 38 in the Nisithavisesacurni of Jinadasagani Mahattara (seventh century AD), which also seems to go against the Digambara tradition. The passage compares the Mauryan dynasty with a barley-corn, emphasizing that only its middle portion, represented by the rule of Samprati, was elevated. Had Candragupta been a Jaina, Jinadasagani would never have failed to notice it in this vital passage. This evidence probably goes far to destroy the contention of the Digambaras regarding Candragupta's conversion to Jainism. Regarding Asoka, the third Mauryan king, it can be said with certainty that he was a Buddhist. But as a liberal and magnanimous monarch his respect for non-Buddhists, and the Ajivikas and Jainas have been mentioned in his records.39 The Svetambara commentaries mention him as a king of Pataliputra.40 His son Kunala is also mentioned several times and a tragic story about the loss of his eyes has been related in the commentaries." Kunala's son Samprati (Sampai), according to the Jaina commentaries, 12 was a devout Jaina and did everything in his power to popularize this religion in various parts of India. That Samprati is not a shadowy figure, is proved

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38 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM by the combined evidence of the Jaina, Buddhist, and Puranic texts. 43 Jinadasagani informs44 us that Samprati constructed Jaina shrines in areas like Andhra, Damila, Marahatta, etc. We are further told that he was a votary of Suhastin. We have already noticed that it was during the time of Suhastin that different kulas and sakhas were established in various parts of India so there is little doubt that the uniform Jaina tradition regarding Samprati's leaning toward the Nirgrantha religion is essentially based on fact. REFERENCES 1. The inscription from Badali (Rajasthan), which is definitely a pre Christian record, is, however, a doubtful case. 2. Naya, 158. 3. Ibid., 154, 157. 4. Ibid., 157. 5. Ibid., 148-9. 6. Ibid., 156. 7. Ibid., 158; Nir., 4.1. 8. Sailana edn., p. 468. 9. Bhag., p. 1614. 10. See SBE, 45, p. 420. 11. Vip. 26; see also the edn. from Kota (1936), pp. 204 ff. 12. p. 2234. 13. See SBE, 22, pp. 288. 14. Para. 37. 15. Ed. A.N. Upadhye, 131.1-4. 16. pp. 572 ff. 17. Bhag., p. 1987. 18. Ibid., pp. 1987 ff. 19. Kota, 1935, pp. 200 ff. 20. SBE, 22, p. 290. 21. See The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 162, n. 4. 22. Since Rohana's preceptor Suhastin was a disciple of Sthulabhadra (c. 300 BC), Rohana flourished in the middle of the third century BC. 23. SBE, 22, p. 291. 24. Loc. cit. 25. SBE, 22, p. 292. 26. Loc. cit. 27. See Vipakasruta (Kota, 1935), p. 369; see also Sukhavipaka Sutra (Sailana), p. 26. 28. I, 51-2.

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SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE) 29. See G.H. Ojha, Bharatiya Pracin Lipimala (in Hindi), pp. 2 ff.; for the original inscription see JBORS, XVI, pp. 67-8. 30. Ojha, op. cit., p. 3, fn 1. 31. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 89. 32. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, p. 245. 33. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 294 ff. 34. See Tiloya-Pannati, IV, 1481. 35. See Oxford History of India, p. 76. 36. PHAI, p. 295. 37. See Majumdar, The Classical Accounts of India, pp. 425 ff. 38. See IV, pp. 128-31. 39. See Select Inscriptions, p. 63. 40. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, p. 72. 39 41. Ibid., p. 188. 42. Ibid., pt. II, p. 741. 43. See PHAI, pp. 350 ff. 44. Nis. Cu., IV, pp. 128 ff.

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CHAPTER V Jainism in Mathura According to Jaina canonical accounts both Parsva and Mahavira had visited Mathura in course of their religious wanderings. The story of Parsva's visit to this great city is recorded in the Nayadhammakahao' and that of Mahavira in the Vipakasruta." It is however extremely doubtful that these visits created any substantial enthusiasm among the sophisticated residents of this city. The great city of Mathura was under the occupation of the nonAryan (Asura) chief Lavana during the days of Rama. At a later period of Rama's reign at Ayodhya, his younger brother Satrughna had wrested this city from the above-mentioned barbarian chief." The same text informs us that this city gradually became a celebrated centre of trade and commerce. The king of Mathura, some fifty years before the Bharata war, was Kamsa" who was a friend of the great Jarasandha of Magadha. As it well-known, his nephew Krsna, son of Davaki and Vasudeva, with the assistance of his elder brother Baladeva, killed him in his own court. But the Vrsnis, as we learn from the Sabhaparvan of the Mahabharata, were completely uprooted from Mathura, by Jarasandha. The Vrsnis, who had fled to Dvaraka, once more returned to north India after the death of Vasudeva and Baladeva. The Mahabharata tells us that the Vrsnis, under Krsna's great-grandson Vajra, were rehabilitated by Arjuna in the town of Indraprastha. They also got a foothold in the Punjab (Pancanada country) as we learn from the Visnupurana.? At a later stage, Mathura became a centre of the Bhakti cult, first propagated by Vasudeva-Krsna. Both the Buddhist and Jaina canonical writers show their intimate acquaintance with this place. The story of the Buddha's visit to Mathura is recorded in the Anguttara Nikaya,' but the Buddha himself looked upon this city with disfavour. According to the Pali texts, the city was infested with yaksas." Soon after the demise of the Buddha, however, one of his great disciples Mahakaccana started preaching the doctrine of his guru there. We also learn that the king of Mathura, after the death of the Buddha,

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 41 was Avantiputta,12 who, judging by his name, was probably connected with the ruling house in Avanti. One of the finest sutras of the Pali literature, the Madhurasutra, was recited by the above-mentioned disciple of the Buddha in this city. The meeting of the learned Brahmana Kandarayana with Mahakaccana took place there at a place called Gundavana near Mathura.13 This Gundavana may or may not be identical with Vrndavanal of Sanskrit literature. Regarding the actual introduction of Jainism in the Mathura region, we have a story told in the Paumacariyam of Vimalasuri, a text composed 530 years after the Mahavira's death.15 This date is supplied by the poet in the concluding verses of his poem, and there is nothing in the Paumacariyam itself that contradicts it. We have therefore to accept it as a work of the first century AD. According to this poem, the Svetambara Jaina religion was introduced in Mathura by the following seven Jaina saints: Suramantra, srimantra, Sritilaka, Sarvasundara, Jayamantra, Anilalalita, and Jayamitra."? The Paumacariyam contains a verse, 18 the importance of which can hardly be overestimated for the early history of Jainism, which runs as follows: iha bharahammivase voline nandanaravikale hohi paviralagahano jinadhamme ceva dusamae. According to this verse the Jaina religion had to encounter difficult days after the rule of the Nandas. The poet further informs us that the people of India during this period had become more interested in the religion of the Buddha and Siva (linga).'9 However, as a result of the missionary activities of the above-mentioned Jaina monks, the religion of Parsva and Mahavira once more gained popularity in some parts of India. There is little doubt that the author of the Paumacariyam, writing in the first century AD, faithfully portrays the religious condition of pre-Christian India when Buddhism was completely dominant. Saivism also, if we are to believe the evidence of Patanjali,20 was quite popular in the Maurya period. The seven Jaina saints cited above, we are told, were responsible for the introduction of Jainism not only in Mathura but also Saketa (Ayodhya).21 In this connection we are informed by Vimala that there was a temple dedicated to Muni Suvrata, the twentieth Tirthamkara, at the town of Saketa,22 which apparently, was built a few centuries before Vimala. This was surely one of the earliest Jaina temples of northern India. The Jaina rsis, according to the account of the Paumacariyam,23 went to Mathura from Saketa, and if this account be accepted we must

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42 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM conclude that Jainism travelled to Mathura from eastern India via Ayodhya. Since the earliest Jaina inscription from Mathura is as old as 150 BC, it can easily be conjectured that Jainism got a foothold there by the beginning of the second century BC, if not earlier. The seven Jaina monks, who are mentioned in the Paumacariyam in connection with the introduction of Jainism in Mathura, probably flourished during that period. It is also possible that some of them were the teachers of a few Jaina monks mentioned in the inscriptions. The account of the Paumacariyam induces us to believe that the monks responsible for the introduction of Jainism in Mathura originally came from Kosala, the metropolis of which, as we have already noticed in a previous chapter, was intimately connected with the activities of Mahavira, the last Tirthamkara. Parsva, the real founder of Jainism, according to the Nayadhammakaha0,24 had visited Saketa in course of his religious tour. The Jaina canonical writers believe Kosala to be the homeland of most of their earlier Tirthamkaras. It is also possible that cities like Sravasti received their first dose of Jainism even before the birth of Mahavira. The Sravastika sakha, mentioned in the Theravali, originated in the third century BC, and its very name indicates that it originated in Sravasti, the capital of Kosala. What I am trying to suggest is that the Jaina monks of Kosala had by 200 BC, begun popularising their religion in the celebrated city of Mathura, which was surely a great centre of the Bhagavata cult from a much earlier period. This city, according to both Jaina and Buddhist sources, was also intimately connected with yaksa worship. We have already noted the evidence of the Pali canon regarding yaksa worship in Mathura. According to the Vipakasruta,25 there existed a shrine dedicated to yaksa Sudarsana in Mathura. The Jaina monks had therefore to meet the challenge of both the Vaisnavas and yaksa worshippers, and it is attested to by scores of inscriptions that the Jaina religion received strong support from the ordinary people of Mathura. In this connection I would like to point out that not only Kosala, but the adjoining Vatsa territory too probably sent Jaina missionaries to Mathura. The Bhagavatz26 records that Mahavira was very cordially received along with his disciples by the great king Udayana in his capital Kausambi. The Kausambika sakha, mentioned in the Theravali, as we have already noticed in a previous chapter, origi

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 43 nated by the beginning of the third century BC. Two inscriptions27 from Pabhosa near Kausambi of the second century BC, testify that Jaina monks enjoyed royal patronage during the Sunga period in the Kausambi region. It is therefore possible that like the monks of Kosala, the Jaina sadhus of the Vatsa country took an active interest in the propagation of Jainism in Mathura. An interesting fact related by Vimala in his description of the introduction of Jainism in Mathura is that the images of Tirthamkaras along with the images of the above-mentioned Jaina sadhus gradually came to be installed in different residential buildings of Mathura. Now, image-worship was an integral part of yaksa worship. Every important yaksa shrine in northern India had images of yaksa, to which it was dedicated. In this connection we can refer to the story of yaksa Moggarapani of Rajaglha told in the Antagadadasa028 where there is a definite and clear reference to the image of that yaksa. We further learn from the Vipakasrutathat the images of yaksas were worshipped with leaves, flowers, etc., like the image of gods. The practice of worshipping Deva" and yaksa icons in their respective shrines from later Vedic times, naturally influenced the early Jaina religion. We will later see that the worship of icons of Tirthamkaras was practised even in the fourth century BC. It is also safe to conjecture that the temple of Muni Suvrata at Saketa, built probably in the third century BC, held an image of that Tirthamkara. The earliest Jaina inscription from Mathura has been assigned to the middle of the second century BC by Buhler. I am referring to the stone inscriptionwhich records the dedication of an arch for the temple (pasadotorana) by savaka Utaradasaka (Uttaradasaka), son of Vachi (Vatsi) and disciple (aotevasi) of the ascetic (samana) Maharakhita (Magharaksita). This monk, Magharaksita, undoubtedly lived during the first half of the second century BC, and was one of the successful early Jaina missionaries of Mathura. This inscription further testifies that the earliest Jaina temple in Mathura was already in existence in the present Kankali Tila area before 150 BC, and was probably the devanirmita stupa of a second-century Jaina inscription about which I will have something more to say later. It is also tempting to conjecture that our Magharaksita was a disciple of one of those seven monks mentioned in the Paumacariyam, but in the absence of more positive proof we cannot be positive about this. Chronologically, the next Jaina inscription from Mathura is that which mentions a person called Gotiputra and his wife Simitra who

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44 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM belonged to Kausika gotra." This inscription records, after an invocation of Arhat Vardhamana, the setting up of a tablet of homage (ayagapata) by the above-mentioned lady. The most important expression of this inscription is however the epithet pothayasakakalavala bestowed on her husband Gotipura. Buhler translates it as 'black serpent to the Pothayas and Sakas'. 31 The Pothayas of this inscription, according to Buhler should be identified with the Prosthas mentioned in the Mahabharata.35 Now, that epic mentions this tribe along with a few others, including Trigarta, the well-known Punjab tribe. It therefore testifies that the Prosthas were in all probability their neighbours, and is thus not surprising to find them mentioned in a pre-Christian inscription at Mathura. It is also significant that Pothayas are mentioned along with the Sakas, who had started playing an important part in the politics of northern India from a much earlier period. The Sakas are mentioned immediately after the Gandharas (Gadara) in the Behistun and Persepolis inscriptions of Darius, the great Achaemenian emperor of Persia who flourished in the last quarter of the sixth century BC. They are also mentioned in other inscriptions of the same monarch and the Persepolis inscription of Xerxes.37 It is extremely likely, therefore, that by the closing years of the sixth century BC, when Darius flourished, the Sakas were already in India, although politically they came into prominence only after 100 BC. Mathura, as we will presently see, was under the Sakas from the closing years of the first century Bc. Probably our Gotiputra was one of those Ksatriyas of Mathura who did all in his means to check the Saka advance into the Mathura region. Probably for a few years, as the inscription indicates, he successfully fought off the Saka challenge, but eventually succumbed. Luders rejects Buhler's translation of the expression mentioning Pothayas and Sakas. According to him, Pothayasaka is a proper name. He however obviously fails to interpret the term kalavala. Now, such a proper name as Pothayasaka is exceedingly rare in ancient India and there can be absolutely no basis for such an interpretation. Buhler's translation is eminently reasonable. Also if there is any truth in the later Jaina tradition, another valiant warrior of the Aryavarta successfully fought with the Sakas in the mid-first century Bc. I am referring to king Vikramaditya, who according to the Indian tradition, reigned in mid-first century BC. In any case, our Gotiputra is one of those few Indians, who had sought to withstand the advance of foreign tribes into the heart of India, and deserves

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45 JAINISM IN MATHURA to be remembered for this. His wife, 'Kosiki', also probably belonged to an aristocratic Ksatriya family. Both, as this inscription indicates, were devoted worshippers of Tirthamkara Vardhamana. Another inscription, also written in Prakrta, mentions this individual and gives his real name as Indrapala. 10 This inscription contains the expression arahatapujaye, which once more testifies to Gotiputra's leaning toward the Jaina religion. It is very significant that, unlike most of the early Jaina devotees, mentioned in the Mathura inscriptions, this person was a Ksatriya nobleman. Like Kharavela of Kalinga he was a valiant soldier, but his martial zeal did not prevent him from falling in love with a religious system which was basically based on the concept of non-violence. Non-violence is not cowardice, and the example of Gotiputra shows that a person believing in non-violence could, for the sake of his country, transform himself. Both the inscriptions mentioning Gotiputra are dated to the second half of the first century BC by Buhler and Fleet.11 We will now discuss some other pre-Kusana Jaina inscriptions of Mathura. A majority of such inscriptions are undated, though a few have dates. The most important of the latter, is the inscription which mentions the Saka Mahaksatrapa Sodasa12 and gives us the date 72 which should be referred to the era of 58 BC. It should therefore correspond to AD 14. This Mahaksatrapa was the son of Mahaksatrapa Ranjuvula who had apparently conquered Mathura before the beginning of the Christian era. Gotiputra was probably one of his adversaries. Both Ranjuvula and Sodasa are mentioned in the wellknown Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions13 and also the Mora Well inscription" which refers to the Vrsni heroes. Both father and son probably nurtured equal deference for Brahmanical Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. The inscription under discussion records, after an invocation to the Arhat Vardhamana, the setting up of an Aryavati 15 by Amohini, the Kochi (= Kautsi), a female lay disciple of the ascetics (samanasavika), together with her sons Palaghosa, Pothaghosa, and Dhanaghosa for the worship of Arhats. Another interesting early inscription from Mathura records the setting up of a shrine (devikula) of the Arhat, an ayagasabha, a reservoir (prapa), and stone slabs (silapata) in the Arhat temple (arahatayatana) of the Nigathas (Nirgranthas) by a few courtesans (ganika). Regarding the names of the latter there is some confusion. According to Bhagwanlal Indraji, at least four of them, namely Nada, Vasa, Danda and Lenasobhika are mentioned in this inscrip

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46 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM tion, but Luders? reduces the number to two. The former interpretation seems more reasonable, but what is of much greater interest is that even women leading an immoral life could be converted to the doctrine of dedication and love by a few zealous ascetics. The setting up of so many things is indicative that the courtesans mentioned in this inscription, were quite rich, and it is no surprise to find prostitutes taking an active part in religious affairs. Even a superficial acquaintance with the Buddhist canon would show how prominent courtesans actively helped the Buddha and the Samgha. One of the best lay-disciples of the Buddha was the son of a courtesan. This was Jivaka Komaravaccha, the physician who was a son of a prostitute called Salavati, whose fee per night at Rajaglha was 100 kahapanas. 48 The fee of the courtesan Ambapali was 50 kahapanas per night. 49 The great Vasantasena of Bhasa's Carudatta and Sudraka's Micchakatika was not only an exceedingly rich lady but also one of the most accomplished persons of Ujjayini. It seems that the ganikas, mentioned in the inscription under discussion, were prominent citizens of Mathura. The reference to devikula (devakula) is indicative that this term was used freely to describe any type of shrine. Apparently the devikula built by these courtesans was somewhat smaller because it was built within the enclosure of the Arhat temple (ayatana). Another pre-Kusana inscription 50 found from Kankali Tila records the setting up of a tablet of homage by Sivayasa, who has been described as the wife of a dancer (nartaka) called Phaguyasa. This inscription once more shows that persons engaged in curious professions took an active interest in the welfare of the Jaina church. Another inscription, which has been assigned to the pre-Kusana period by Buhler, is that which refers to Sihanadika, son of the vanika Sihaka and Kosiki. This Sihanadika, according to this inscrip tion, set up tablet of homage (ayagapata) for the worship of Arhats. Buhler observes that the epithet varuka given to the father of Sihanadika proves that he was a representative of the merchant community. His mother, however, belonged to a superior caste which is indicated by the word kosiki. In that case, this should be regarded as an instance of pratiloma marriage which is generally condemned in the Smrti texts. But the epithet vanika given to Sihanadika's father Sihaka does not clearly prove that he belonged to the Vaisya caste. There are many cases of persons of superior caste adopting the pro fession of lower classes. We have the classic example of Carudatta,

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 47 who was a sarthavaha but was at the same time a Brahmana. In the Buddhist canon we have at least fifty cases of a Brahmana adopting the profession of much lower classes. In the Anguttara Nikaya2 there is reference to a Brahmana called Sangavara who was a celebrated mason and built many houses at Vaisali.58 The fragmentary inscription54 recording the dedication by Pusa, the wife of Puphaka Mogaliputta, is also a pre-Kusana record according to Luders,55 but a more important pre-Kusana inscription is that which mentions a Jaina monk called Jayasena5h and his female disciple (amtevasini) Dharmaghosa. It further records the gift of a temple (pasada) by that lady. An inscription57 found from Kankali Tila mentions, according to Buhler, a Sravika called Lahastini. It records the dedication of an arch (torana). Luders,58 is, however, is of the opinion that lahastini here is not a proper name. Another inscription, which appears to be a pre-Kusana record, is that which refers to the setting up of a tablet of homage (ayagapata) by one Acala, the daughter-in-law of Bhadrayasas and wife of Bhadranadi. The gift of another ayagapata is recorded in an inscription So by a woman who is described as the wife of one Mathuraka (inhabitant of Mathura). Before turning our attention to the Jaina inscriptions of the Kusana period, we must take note of the last important pre-Kusana record that mentions Bhagavat Nemesa. There is little doubt, and this is pointed out by Buhler, that the god Nemesa who is sculptured as a goat-headed deity here is Harinegamesi of the Jaina canonical texts. This god, as we learn from the Kalpasutra, transferred the embryo of Mahavira from the womb of Devananda to that of Trisala. The story of the transfer of embryo virtually replicated by the Jaina artist of Mathura.62 The god Harinegamesi is not only mentioned in the Kalpasutra but also in such works as the Antagadadasao,63 Bhagavati,64 etc. This god is surely identical to Karttikeya who is also known by the name Naigameya.65 Buhler points out that four mutilated statues or statuettes of the Mathura museum refer to the same legend as told in the Kalpasutra.66 Two of these figures are goatheaded males and two are females, each holding an infant in a dish.67 This infant is no other than the Lord Mahavira himself. A large number of Jaina inscriptions of the Kusana period found in Mathura are dated. The earliest of these is that dated to the year 4 corresponding to AD 82 which falls within the reign of the great Kusana king Kaniska. It mentions a monk called Pusyamitra, and

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48 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM for the first time in the Jaina records of Mathura, the gana, kula, and sakha of a particular monk are mentioned. We have already noticed that these gana, kula, and sakhas originated after Bhadrabahu, who was in all probability, a contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. Not a single one among the pre-Kusana inscriptions which we have so far noticed contains any reference to them. According to the inscription under discussion, the monk Pusyamitra belonged to the Varana gana, the Arya (Arya)---Halakiya kula and the Vajanagari sakha. It was formerly read as Arya-Hattakiya kula by Buhler, but Luders69 in 1911 suggested that all the letters read as 'tta' should be read as 'la'. Now, according to the Theravali, there is no gana of the name of Varana, but the sakha Vajanagari mentioned here is included in the gana called Carana. There is therefore, little doubt, and as was suggested long ago by Buhler, 'Carana' has evidently been erroneously inscribed instead of 'Varana'. Now, this particular gana, according to the same text, originated from Sirigutta (Srigupta) of the Hariya (Harita) gotra, who was one of the disciples of Suhastin who flourished around 250 BC, since he himself was a disciple of Sthulabhadra, a junior contemporary of Bhadrabahu. This particular gana, therefore, originated in the latter half of the third century BC, and judging by its occurrence in the Mathura inscriptions, it was surely one of the most popular ganas of the Mathur region. The kula Arya-Halakiya should be the correct reading for 'Halijja' which according to the Theravali is a kula under Carana. The name of the sakha, namely Vajanagari is exactly the same here as in the Theravali. According to Buhler, this particular sakha should be connected with the Vriji country, but in the absence of more definite evidence we cannot accept this. It is, however, true that most of the sakhas and kulas of the early Svetambara Jainas had something to do with geographical units. This we have already noticed in the previous chapter. Now, this particular inscription not only mentions the monk Pusyamitra but also his female pupil (sisini) Sathisih, and also her pupil whose name cannot be deciphered. There is however a reference to a monk called Sihamitra whose sadhacari (female companion) was this unnamed female disciple of Sathisiha, at whose request an unnamed lady along with two of her male relatives Grahaceta and Grahadasa made a gift of an image. A number of Jaina inscriptions bearing the date of the year 5 of the reign of Kaniska have been found from the Kankali Tila mound,

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 49 the earliest of which is a fragmentary inscription.72 There is however a reference in it to the gana called Koliya (which Buhler read as Kottiya). It also mentions a preacher (vacaka) whose name cannot be deciphered. The reference to vacaka undoubtedly proves that the Jaina canon was already in existence before this date. It further indirectly testifies that the canon was reduced to writing before the first century AD. We will later see in connection with our discussion of the Jaina canonical literature that the complete canon came into existence at least before 100 BC. The Koliya gana, mentioned in this inscription, was the most popular gana of Mathura. A majority of the inscriptions found from this region mention this particular gana. Now, according to the Theravali this particular guna originated from two monks called Sutthiya (Susthita) and Suppadibuddha (Supratibuddha), who were like Srigupta, disciples of Suhastin. There is therefore little doubt that this particular gana also originated like Varana in the latter half of the third century BC. The second inscription" bearing the date of the year 5 pointedly mentions Devaputra Kaniska. It further records the gift of an image of Vardhamana by a woman whose name cannot be deciphered. Her father's name was Pala, and we are told that she made this gift at the request of Khuda, the female companion (sadhacan) of Sena, the female pupil (sisni) of Sethiniha. This particular monk belonged to Koliya gana Bahmadasika kula and Ucenagari sakha. Bahmadasika is evidently the same as Bambhalijja of the Theravali, mentioned as one of the four kulas under Koliya gana. There is no doubt that 'Bahmadasika' is the correct term. The name of the sakha, Ucenagari, is preserved in the Theravali in exactly the same form. This is one of the four sakhas under Koliya gana; the other sakhas too, as we will see later in this chapter, are mentioned in the epigraphs of Mathura. Buhler74 thinks that Ucenagari sakha was named after the fort of Uncanagar, today known as Bulandshahr. This suggestion may be correct, but it remains only a suggestion. The two other inscriptions of the same date refer to the same gana, kula, and sakha. One of them however discloses the names of two monks, Mihila and his pupil Kseraka. These two monks, we will see later, are also mentioned in a few other Mathura inscriptions. The next inscriptionis dated in the year 7 and mentions maharaja rajatiraja devaputra sahi Kaniska. This interesting image inscription mentions the nun Jaya (Arya Jaya), sister of the vacaka Sandhika, the sisya of the gamin Buddhasri who belonged to the Arya Odehikiya (= Arya Uddehikiya)

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50 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM gana, the Nagabhutikiya kula. Now this particular gana appears in the Theravali in an unchanged form. The name of the kula also appears as Nagabhuya in the Theravali, where it is cited as one of six kulas under Uddeha gana. The same text further informs us that this gana originated from Arya Rohana, one of the disciples of Suhastin. This gana therefore, like Koliya and Varana, originated in the second half of the third century BC. One inscription,78 of the year 9 mentions 'Maharaja Kaniska'. It records the dedication of an image by Vikata, wife of Bhattimita at the request of vacaka Naganandi from the Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, the Vairi sakha. Now, sthaniya is apparently a Sanskrit term. In Praksta it should be thanijja, which actually appears as vanijja in the Theravali under Koliya gana. The name of the kula, Vairi, appears unchanged in the Theravali. There is another inscription of the same date (i.e., the year 9) which was first decoded by R.D. Banerji," and later corrected by Luders.80 This inscription yields the name of the same gana, kula, and sakha that we find in the previous inscription of the same date. It records the gift of Grahapala, daughter of Grahamitra, daughter-in-law of Avasiri, wife of Kalala, at the request of Arya Taraka who belonged to the gana, etc., mentioned above. Another short inscription between the feet of the Jina mentions t female pupil (sisirni) of Arya Aghama. R.D. Banerji also refers to another image inscription of the year 12 which was supposed by him to be an image discovered from Ramnagar, the ancient Ahicchatra. He evidently relied on Fuhrer82 for this report, the person who probably discovered this image. Ludersos is however of the opinion that not a single Jina image was ever discovered from the site mentioned in Fuhrer's 'Reports'. The inscription under discussion mentions the Koliya gana, Bambhadasiya kula and Ucenagari sakha.81 According to R.D. Banerji, a number of carpenters85 jointly made the gift of an image. The person who inspired them to do so, according to Luders, is Deva, the sister of Nandi, the female pupil of Arya Pusila. Chronologically the next Jaina inscription87 is dated in the year 15 and records the dedication of a fourfold (sarvato bhadrika) image of Bhagavat by Kumaramita, wife of sresthin Veni, mother of Bhattisena, at the request of Arya Vasula, the female pupil of Arya Sangamika, who was the female pupil of Arya Jayabhuti of the Mehika kula. It is of very great interest to note that the same nun, Arya Vasula, is mentioned in a Mathura inscription88 dated in the year 86 in which the monk Jayabhuti and the nun Sangamika

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JAINISM IN MATHURA are also mentioned. This lady Vasula had therefore an unusually long life. The kula of the monk Jayabhuti, Mahika, appears as Mehiya in the Theravali as a kula belonging to Vesavadiya gana, which according to it, was founded by Kamiddhi, who also was a disciple of Suhastin. Buhler89 translates the term sresthin as 'alderman', which suggests that Veni, the husband of Kumaramita, was a very respectable resident of Mathura. Luders,90 however takes it to mean a 'banker'. In any case, in ancient India a sresthin" was regarded as an important person and his position was definitely superior to that of an ordinary merchant or sarthavaha. The inscription of year 18 refers to a sarvatobhadrika image and also mentions the Koliya gana and Vacchaliya kula. This particular kula is mentioned in the Theravali under Koliya gana as Vacchalijja. Another inscription" of the same date is more interesting since it yields the name of Aristanemi, the twenty-second Tirthamkara. We have already observed, in connection with our discussion of Tirthamkaras, that the cult of Tirthamkaras originated a century or two after the demise of Mahavira. We will presently see that quite a few other Tirthamkaras appear in the inscriptions of Mathura. The image inscription of year 19 is also important since another Tirthamkara, Santinatha, is mentioned here. The Koliya gana, Thaniya kula and Veri sakha are also mentioned. The 'Veri' here is the same as 'Vairi'. The dedication of this image was made at the request of vacaka Matrdina, who was a pupil (sisya) of vacaka Baladina. The vacaka Matrdina also appears in an inscription of year 22 as we will soon see. We have two inscriptions of year 20, the first of which records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by the sravika Dina, daughter of Datila, wife of Matila, mother of Jagavala, Devadasa, Nagadina, and Nagadina at the request of the vacaka Arya Sanghasiha who belonged to Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, Veri (Vairi) sakha. The second inscription" of the same date records the dedication by Mitra, the first wife of Haggudeva, daughter-in-law of the ironmonger (lohavaniya) Vadhara, daughter of the jeweller (manikara) Khalamitta at the request of the vacaka Arya Siha, the pupil of the vacaka Arya Datta, who was the companion (sraddhacara) of the ganin Arya Pala, who was the sisya (pupil) of Arya Ogha, who was the pupil of the great preacher (brhamtavacaka) whose name begins with ja and ends with mitra out of the Koliya gana Brahmadasiya kula, and Ucenagari sakha. An undated inscription98 contains the names of the monks Siha and the guru Datta mentioned in this inscription. 51

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52 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM There are two inscriptions bearing the date 22, the first of which records" the dedication by Dharmasoma, the wife of a caravan leader (sarttavahini) at the request of the vacaka Arya Matrdina. As we have already noted, this monk is mentioned in an inscription of year 19. A second inscription 100 of the same date records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana. Its primary interest however lies in its reference to the Petavamika kula of the Varana gana. In the list of kulas under Carana (i.e., Varana) in the Theravali we have the kula called Pidhammiya. There is little doubt that this is a corrupt form of 'Petavamika'. The inscription 101 of year 25 records the dedication by Vusu(?), the wife of a dyer (rayagini), daughter of Nadi, daughter-in-law of Jabhaka, wife of Jayabhata. Two monks are also mentioned, namely Sadhi and his preceptor Arya Balatrata who belonged to the Koliya gana, Brahmadasika kula and Ucenagari sakha. The monks Arya Balatrata and his pupil Sadhi are also mentioned in an undated inscription of Mathura.102 The inscription 103 of year 28 is interesting, for it mentions, according to Fleet, 104 Luders,105 and Vogel, 106 the king Vasiska, '07 the successor of Kaniska. There are two inscriptions of year 29. In the first inscription 108 the name of the reigning king is given but it cannot be properly deciphered, but he was surely Huviska,109 the successor of Vasiska. It records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by a married lady (kutumbini) Bodhinadi, daughter of Grahahathi at the request of Gahapravika(?), pupil of Arya Datta, a ganin belonging to the Varana gana and Pusyamitriya kula. The kula mentioned is Pusamitti under Carana (i.e., Varana) in the Theravali. Another inscription of the same date'' refers to maharaja devaputra Huksa, i.e., Huviska. It also yields the name of a monk called Nagadata (Nagadatta). V.S. Agrawala in 1937 drew our attention to a Jaina inscription bearing the date of year 30;" but beyond the date there is nothing more in it. The inscription"2 of year 31 refers to the dedication by Grahasri, daughter of Buddhi and wife of Devila. It refers to a monk called Godasa who belonged to the Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, and Veri sakha. The interest of the inscriptions of year 32 lies in its reference to an unnamed perfumer (gandhika) and monk Nandika of to the Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, and Veri sakha. More interesting is the inscription" of year 35 that records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by the perfumer (gandhika) Kumarabhati, son of Kumaramita, the sisini (female pupil) of Arya Baladina who

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 53 belonged to Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, and Vaira sakha. The name of the nun at whose request the gift was made is given as Kumaramita. It seems that on this day she became a nun after leading married life for several years. The donor mentioned in this inscription was her son who naturally was anxious to help his mother, who became a nun in her old age. It is also tempting to identify this Kumaramita with her namesake of the inscription of year 24, described as the wife of sresthin Veni and mother of Bhattisena. If we accept this identification, we must regard the donor of the year 35 as another son of this lady. A few may suggest that the donor of the inscription was a natural son of the nun Kumaramita. In that case, we are led to believe that laina monks and nuns of Mathura led an immoral life, but cannot accept this without further evidence. The Jaina elephant inscription"15 of year 38 is of great interest. It mentions maharaja devaputra Huviska and also records the setting up of elephant Nandivisala by sresthin Rudradasa, son of the sresthin Sivadasa for the worship of Arhats. The reference to Nandivisala certainly proves that the donor Rudradasa, notwithstanding his deference for Jaina monks, was really a Saiva devotee. His name and the name of his father also suggest this inference. In the Pali canonical texts'16 we find references to 'Nandivisala' which certainly must be Siva's Nandi. Luders!17 does not succeed in his attempt to explain the relation of Nadivisala with Jainism. There is really no need for such an attempt. It is enough that the Jaina monks of Mathura allowed Saiva devotees to build a typically Saiva object of worship within the compound of their own shrine. Some elements of orthodox Hinduism found their way into both Jainism and Buddhism. Every dedicated student of Pali and Jaina literature knows how deeply orthodox Hinduism influenced both these religious systems. It is quite likely that a number of donors, mentioned in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathura had equal respect and love for orthodox Hindu deities. Indeed, most of such donors never felt that they were doing something for a different religious system. They only wanted to perform some pious act and to them there was really not much difference between a Jaina sadhu and a Saiva or Vaisnava ascetic. This question is however beyond the scope of this work. The next Jaina inscription 18 is dated year 40 although Luders!19 feels that year 40 is not clearly decipherable. This inscription records the dedication of an image by a lady, the wife of gramika (village headman or simply a villager) Jayanaga, mother of Sihadata. Two

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54 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM monks are mentioned, Mahanandin and Dantin (Dati) belonging to the Varana gana, Arya-Halakiya kula and Vajanagari sakha. The inscription '20 of year 44 mentions Maharaja Huviska. It records the dedication at the request of Nagasena, the pupil (susya) of Haginandi, vacaka belonging to Varana gana, Aryacetiya kula, and Haritamalakadhi sakha. Both these kulas and sakhas are mentioned in the Theravali under the Carana (i.e., Varana) gana. The Jaina inscription121 of year 45 mentions two persons called Buddhi and Dharmavrddhi. Probably the second person was a monk. The inscription of year 47 (Luders, no. 45) mentions the monk Ohanadi (Oghanandin) and his disciple Sena belonging to the Petivamika kula of the Varana gana. Another undated inscription"22 that mentions a certain maharaja rajatiraja also refers to these two monks. R.D. Banerji edited an important inscription 123 of year 48 of the time of Maharaja Huviska. It records the gift an image of Sambhava, the third Tirthamkara by Yasa, the daughter-in-law of Budhika, granddaughter of Savatrata, at the request of Dhanasiri (Dhanyasri), the female pupil (sisini) of Dhanavala (Dhanyavala) in the Koliya gana Brahmadasika kula, Ucenagari sakha. We have already noticed that a few other Tirtharkaras are also mentioned in the Mathura inscriptions. Another inscription"21 of the same year of Maharaja Huviska mentions the Brahmadasiya kula and Ucenagari sakha. Probably the most important Jaina inscription 125 of Mathura is that of year 49. The figure '49' was formerly read as 79 by Buhler, 126 but later as 49 by Luders. 127 It records the dedication of an image of the Arhat Nandivarta (Nandyavarta) at the 'Vodva' stupa which was built by gods (devanirmute) by sravika Dina at the request of the monk Vrddhahasti who belonged to the Koliya gana and Vaira sakha. This monk, as we shall see later, is mentioned in an inscription of year 60. Now, the Jaina Tirthamkara who has this symbol (Nandyavarta) is Arhanatha, the eighteenth, but the most important expression of this inscription is the epithet devanirmita applied to the 'Vodva' stupa here. According to Buhler the expression means 'the stupa built by gods'. He further takes 'Vodva' to mean 'Buddhist'. That there was a devanirmita stupa in Mathura is attested to by the evidence of Jaina literature. Both the Brhatkalpabhasya and Vyava harabhasya, Sanghadasagani Ksamasramana (eighth century) refer to the devanirmita stupa of Mathura.128 The great Jaina saint Jinabhadragani (sixth century) lived in this stupa and had rescued here a mutilated manuscript of Mahanisithasutra. 129 Buhler argues

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55 JAINISM IN MATHURA on the basis of the testimony of Tibetan historian Taranatha that pre-Mauryan shrines were known by the term devanirmita. The Jaina texts mentioned above record that there was a persistent dispute regarding this particular stupa. The Buddhists, Jainas, and also the Vaisnavas claimed this stupa as their own. It is probable that originally it was either a Brahmanical or a Buddhist shrine, but from the days of the Kusanas it passed into the hands of the Jainas. This ticular stupa is probably represented by the extensive ruins at Kankali Tila and it is also probable that it included Buddhist and Brahmanical objects of worship. par There are a few Jaina inscriptions130 of year 50, but only one of them is important. I refer to the inscription that records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by Vijayasri, daughter of Bubu, wife of Rajyavasu, mother of Devila, grandmother of Visnubhava. It also mentions a nun called Jinadasi and a monk named Samadi (?) who belonged to the Varana gana, Kaniyasata kula, and Samkasiya sakha. Among the kulas mentioned in the Theravali, this particular one is cited as Kanahasaha. The Samkasiya sakha is also mentioned in this text under the same gana. The two other Jaina inscriptions of year 50 are not so important, although one of them mentions Maharaja devaputra Huviska. 131 The inscription 132 of year 52 records the dedication of an image by the worker in metal (lohikakaraka) called Sura, the son of Sramanaka, at the request of Arya Deva, the companion (sadhacara) of the ganin Arya Manguhasti, the pupil of Arya Ghastuhasti of the Koliya gana, Vera sakha, and Stanikiya kula. The great importance of this inscription lies in the fact that it mentions the monk Manguhasti who is prominently mentioned in early Jaina literature. In the Nandisutra (v. 30), a late cononical text of the Jainas, probably composed around AD 350 the name of this monk is conspicuous. In the Avasyakaniryukti, 133 another early Jaina text, this monk is mentioned as a resident of Mathura which is a clinching evidence that the Arya Manguhasti of this inscription is really the monk mentioned as. Arya Mangu in these two texts. Incidentally, Mangu is the only monk in early Jaina literature to be mentioned in an inscription of Mathura. The image inscription of year 54 is also very interesting. It records the dedication of an image of Sarasvati by the worker in metal (lohikakaruka) Gova (Gopa), the son of Siha. The monks mentioned in the inscription of year 52 are also mentioned here with the exception of Manguhasti, who is replaced by Maghahasti.

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM But it is probable that Maghahasti is another name of Mangu. The importance of this inscription however lies in the fact that it once more evidences the close connection of Hindu deities with Jainism. In the chapter on Jaina Iconography I will discuss the importance of this particular icon of Sarasvati. This inscription also has the word ranga, which means an auditorium, is evidence the popularity of drama in Mathura. A much earlier reference to an auditorium will be found in the Bhagavati135 where there is the word pecchaghara, and also rangasthana.136 We will later see that in another inscription in Mathura there is a very clear reference to actors. The next Jaina inscription 137 is dated year 60. This inscription mentions maharaja rajatiraja devaputra Huviska. It records the dedication of an image of Rsabha at the request of Arya Kharanna(?), pupil of Arya Vrddhahasti, who is mentioned in that well-known inscription of year 49. There are two inscriptions138 of year 62 and a monk called Karkuhastha and his disciple Grahabala are mentioned in both of them. One of these 139 contains the significant words catuvani samgha (community of four classes). The next Jaina inscription 110 is dated year 74 and it was decoded by R.D. Banerji. It records the gift of Dharavala at the request of Arhadasi, the female pupil of Grahavi'a, A monk whose name cannot be read but who belonged to the Varana gana and Vajanakari sakha is also mentioned. We have an interesting inscription141 of year 77 which records the dedication by one Devila at the temple of Dadhikarna (Dadhikarmadevakulika). This Dadhikarna is also mentioned in an inscription112 where he is called bhagavat nagendra i.e., the divine lord or serpents. This inscription records the dedication of a stone slab (silapatta) in the temple (stanu) of that god by the sons of actors (sailalakas), the Mathuras, who are praised as the Chadaka brothers, chief of whom was Nandibala. This inscription, according to Fuhrer, was found near the brick stupa adjoining Jaina temples.' As pointed out by Buhler, 144 Dadhikarna is mentioned as a prominent snake in the Harivamsal15 and in the list of nagas in the Abhidhanacintamani116 his name figures. We should remember that the real founder of Jainism, Parsvanatha, had a snake as his emblem. The temple of Dadhikarna, mentioned here, was probably situated within the Jaina temple-complex of Mathura. There is however no necessity to regard these two inscriptions as Jaina records. The reference to actors (sailalakas) proves that drama was quite popular in Mathura in the Kusana period, if not earlier. Panini's 56 143

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 57 sutra 'Parasarya-silalibhyam bhiksunatasutrayoh (4.3.110) is clearly proves that drama in India dates back at least to 500 BC.147 This problem cannot however be discussed here in details. It is sufficient to note that even before Asvaghosa the art of drama was already in a sophisticated stage in Mathura. The next inscription148 is dated to year 80 and mentions Maharaja Vasudeva, beyond which there is nothing of much importance in the inscription. The inscription 149 of year 81 is slightly more interesting since it mentions a woman called Data, the female pupil (amtevasikini) of Arya Jiva. The image inscription 150 of year 83 mentions Maharaja Vasudeva and also a woman called Jinadasi, who is represented as the wife of a perfumer (gandhika). We have two important Jaina inscriptions of year 84, the first decoded by R.D. Banerji and second by D.R. Sahni. The first inscription151 mentions maharaja rajatiraja devaputra sahi vasudeva. It records the setting up of an image of Rsabha by several women at the request Kumaraka, pupil (sisya) of Gamikagutta. We have already noticed that the earliest Tirthamkara Rsabha appears in an inscription of year 60. The second inscription 152 of year 84, decoded by D.R. Sahni, records the gift an image of Vardhamana by Okharika, the daughter of Damitra and Data. Two monks, Satyasena and Dharaveddhi of the Koliya gana, are also mentioned, as is woman called Okharika in an inscription of year 299, as we will see later. For year 86 we have an inscription 153 which records the dedication by some woman, the daughter of Dasa, the wife of Priya, at the request of Arya Vasula, the sisini of Sangamika of the Mehika kula. As we have already noticed nuns Vasula and Sangamika are mentioned in a much earlier inscription dated to the year 15. Of the two inscriptions!51 of year 87, the earlier one refers to Mitra, the pupil of Arya Kumaranandin of the Ucenagara sakha. The second inscription only mentions king Vasudeva with his full titles. The inscription155 of year 90 is interesting since it refers to the Prasnavahanaka kula and Majhama sakha of the Koliya gana. In the Theravali both these kulas and sakhas are mentioned. However, instead of Majhama we get Majhimilla. The epigraph of year 93 records156 the setting up of an image of Vardhamana by the daughter of hairanyaka ("treasurer' according to Buhler) Deva at the request of the ganin Nandi. The inscription of year 98 refers to rajna vasudevasyal57 and two monks Ksema and Devadatta who belonged to Odehikiya gana, the Paridhasika kula, and Petaputrika sakha. A certain perfum

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58 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM (gandhika) called Varuna is also mentioned. The Paridhasika kula is mentioned as Parihasaya in the Theravali. For the sakha called Petaputrika we have a slightly different form in that text which was undoubtedly due to the copyists' error. Another inscription 158 of the same date refers to the Ucenagari sakha of the Koliya gana. The inscription159 of year 299 is certainly puzzling; for it is difficult to think of a maharaja rajatiraja ruling in AD 377 in Mathura other than a Gupta monarch. V.S. Agrawala, 16) in order to solve this riddle, has suggested that the year 299 should be referred to an earlier era. Now even if we refer to this inscription to 58 BC, we have to find out who this great king ruling in the Mathura region in the mid-third century AD was. This particular inscription records the setting up of an image of Mahavira in the temple of Arhats, and a devakula is also mentioned. As we have already noticed, a woman, called Okharika figures, and a woman of this name is mentioned, as already noted, in an inscription of year 84. We have several important undated Kusana inscriptions bearing on the Jaina religion. A few of them mention the ruling king but a majority of them do not. One undated inscription,161 mentions Kaniska, was first decaded by R.L. Mitra, but it does not contain any information. An undated inscription 162 of the time of devaputra Huviska also does not help us much. However the two inscriptions mentioning the monk Jestahasti of the Koliya gana, Brahmadasika kula and Ucenagari sakha are of some value. One of them63 records the dedication on an image of Rsabha by Gulha, the daughter of Varma and wife of Jayadasa, at the request of Arya Sama, the sisini of Arya Gadhaka, who was a pupil of Arya Jestahasti. The second inscription64 records the dedication a fourfold image (savadobhadrika) by Sthira, daughter of Varanahasti and of Devi, daughter-inlaw of Jayadeva and Mosini, wife of Kutha Kasutha, at the request of Arya Kseraka, pupil of Arya Mihila who was a pupil of Jestahasti. Let us not forget that monks Kseraka and Mihila are mentioned in an inscription of year 5, so there is little doubt that the monk Jestahasti, who was the teacher of Kseraka's teacher, lived in early first century AD, if not earlier. An undated Jaina image inscription 165 of the Kusana period mentions an image of Parsva. It also refers to the vacaka Ghosaka, pupil of Uggahini of the Sthanikiya kula. No other inscription of Mathura refers to this great Tirthamnkara and the real founder of Jainism. According to Buhler, 16 Uggahini was probably a female. In that

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 59 case, we will have to accept the fact that in Mathura in those days, males accepted even females as their gurus, but Luders, 167 it appears, takes Uggahini to have been a male. Another undated inscription 168 is of some importance since it mentions Kaniyasika kula of the Varana gana. This particular kula, as we have already noted, is mentioned in an inscription of year 50, although the reading there is not so clear. Another interesting inscription 169 records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by Jaya, daughter of Navahasti, daughter-in-law of Grahasena, mother of the brothers Sivasen Devasena, and Sivadeva. The monk Arya Balatrata and his pupil Arya Sandhi, belonging to the Ucenagari sakha are also mentioned. These two monks, as we have already seen, are mentioned in an inscription of year 25. R.D. Banerji decoded an interesting image inscription 170 which mentions a monk of Adhicchatra (i.e., Ahicchatra) belonging to Petavamika kula and Vajanagari sakha. It was taken by him to be an inscription from Ramnagar, ancient Ahicchatra, but Luders! is not prepared to believe this. In any case, this inscription certainly shows that Ahicchatra was not immune from Jaina influence in the Kusana period. We have a few inscriptions of the post-Kusana period found from the Mathura region, and these are dealt with in a subsequent chapter. Indeed, as V.S. Agrawala has pointed out, 172 hundreds of Jaina sculptures belonging to Gupta and early mediaeval period have been discovered from Mathura, and a number of those will be considered in the chapter on Jaina Iconography. The above analysis of the contents of most of the Mathura inscriptions of the early period provides abundant proof of the tremendous popularity of Jainism from the second century BC onwards. We have already observed, on the basis of the evidence of Vimalasuri's first-century work the Paumacariyam, that Jainism which had suffered a setback after the Nandas, was revived by some Jaina saints, who preached both at Saketa and Mathura. These inscriptions of Mathura show that very few among Jaina devotees came from the so-called aristocratic families. No inscription from Mathura yields the name of any Brahmana patron of Jainism. It is extremely likely that members of this particular caste were much more interested in the sacrificial cult and diverse theistic religions than in either Buddhism or Jainism. Mathura, we must remember, was a stronghold of the Bhagavata cult and even in the second century AD, when Jainism

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60 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM had reached a very high level of popularity, this city was known to a foreigner like Ptolemy as a 'city of gods'.173 There is nothing to show that the Saka or Kusana kings themselves, had any particular weakness for this religion, rather, they manifestly show their bias for Hinduism and Buddhism. A few Ksatriyas did however show some regard for Jainism as did a few ladies of aristocratic families. However, as we have seen in our analysis of the inscriptions, ninety-five per cent of the admirers were common people. Even persons of questionable professions contributed liberally to the welfare of the religion of Parsva and Mahavira. We should also particularly note the interest shown by the business community for Jainism in Mathura, and this is underscored by canonical and non-canonical texts. What now about the monks and nuns mentioned in the Mathura inscriptions? Quite a number of monks belonging to different ganas and kulas are mentioned in these inscriptions. The folllowing ganas are directly mentioned in these inscriptions: Koliya, Varana and Uddehikiya. All the kulas under Koliya, mentioned in the Theravali, appear in these inscriptions. They are: Brahmadasika, Vacchaliya, Thaniya, and Pavahaka; and is also the case with all the sakhas mentioned under this gana in that text. The only sakha under Koliya, not noted by me, namely Vijjahari actually appears in a Gupta inscription 174 of Mathur, which we will discuss elsewhere. Among the kulas under Varana, the following are mentioned in the Mathura inscriptions Petivamika, Pusyamitra, Kaniyasika, and possibly Ayyabhista; and with the exception of Gavedhuy, all the sakhas under this gana are referred to, as are a few of the sakhas and kulas under Uddehikiya. This last named gana was not however as popular as Koliya or Varana. Another kula, namely Mehika, which is a kula under Vesavadiya in the Theravali, as we have already noticed, is mentioned twice. In a previous chapter I had observed that ganas, kulas, etc., appeared only a century or two after Mahavira's demise. In the earlier canonical texts they are very rarely referred to. The three words gana, kula, and samgha (and not sakha) are mentioned together in the Bhagavati.75 In one place the Acaranga 76 they are mentioned. If we are to believe in the evidence of the Theravali, gana, kula, etc. originated after Bhadrabahu, so we would not be incorrect in saying that they became a regular feature of the Jaina religion from the beginning of the third century BC. Again, if we are to believe in the evidence of the Theravali, most of the sakhas had originated

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JAINISM IN MATHURA during the third century BC. For the benefit of students of the Jaina religion we give the list below of Jaina monks and nuns mentioned in the inscriptions of Mathura. Name 1 Maharakhita Jayasena Pusyamitra Sihamitra Sena Sethiniha Buddhasri Sandhika Naganandi Taraka Pusila Jestahasti Mihila Kseraka Jayabhuti Baladina Matrdina Sanghasiha Arya Ogha Arya Pala Arya Datta Arya Siha Balatrata Sadhi Arya Datta Gahaprakika Nagadatta Gana, Kula and Sakha 2 A. MONKS Varana, Arya-Halkiya, Vajanagari Koliya, Brahmadasika, Ucenagari Odehikiya, Nagabhutikiya Koliya, Sthaniya, Vairi Koliya, Bambhadasiya, Ucenagari Mehika kula Koliya, Thaniya, Vairi Koliya, Brahmadasiya, Ucenagari Koliya, Brahmadasiya, Ucenagari Varana, Pusyamitriya 61 Date (approx.) 3 150 BC nnnnnnnn 25 BC AD 25 75 75 MOON NG MOONNNUN NNNNU 100 100 50 75 100 75 100 75 100 100

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 1 2 AD 100 Koliya, Sthaniya, Vairi Varana Sthaniya, Vairi Koliya, Sthaniya, Vairi Varana, Arya-Halakiya, 100 Godasa Nandika Baladina Dati Mahanandin Haginandi 100 75 100 Varana, Aryacetiya, Haritamalakadhi 100 Nagasena Dharmavrddhi Ohanadi Sena Dhanavala Varana, Petavamika 120 100 125 125 Vrddhahasti Samadi Koliya, Brahmadasika, Ucenagari Koliya, Vairi, Sthanikiya Varana, Ayyabhista, Samkasiya Koliya, Sthaniya, Vairi 125 100 75 100 100 125 140 140 Koliya, Sthanikiya, Vairi 125 Hastahasti Manguhasti Maghahasti Deva Arya Kharanni Grahabala Karkuhastha Gamikagutta Kumaraka Satyasena Dharavrddhi Kumaranandin Mitra Nandin Devadata 140 160 Koliya Koliya, Ucenagari 160 160 140 160 170 170 Odehikiya, Paridhasika, Petaputrika Ksema Sivadina Datilacarya Naganandin Gadhaka Koliya, Vidyadhari 170 375 (?) 433 sec. cent. AD 75 Koliya, Brahmadasiya, Ucenagari

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 63 2 Koliya, Sthanikiya Uggahini Ghosaka Gostha sec. cent. sec. cent. AD 75 Odehikiya, Nagabhutikiya B. NUNS Dharmaghosa Sathisiha 25 BC AD 75 Khuda Varana, Arya-Halakiya, Vajanagari Koliya, Brahmadasika, Ucenagari Odehikiya, Nagabhutikiya Koliya, Brahmadasika, Ucenagari Mehika 75 Jaya Deva 75 75 Sangamika Vasula Kumaramitra Dhanasri 100 100 120 Jinadasi Koliya, Sthaniya, Vairi Koliya, Brahmadasika, Ucenagari Varana, Ayyabhista Samkasiya Varana, Arya-Halakiya, Vajanagari 125 Akaka 120 Nanda Arya Jiva Arya Sama 120 150 75 Koliya, Brahmadasika, Ucenagari We have been able to identify at least one monk mentioned in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathura. It is possible that a few other monks and nuns mentioned in the inscriptions appear also in the literary texts. In this connection we should remember that Jaina literary texts also refer to the glorious state of Jainism in Mathura. We have already discussed the evidence of the Paumacariyam of Vimalasuri. According to the Avasyakaniryukti77 (c. AD 350), the Jaina monks had no trouble collecting alms in this city. The eighth-century Svetambara commentator Sanghadasagani, at least twice in his works, refers to the great influence the Jainas exercised in Mathura. As we have already noted, he refers to the great devanirmita stupa of

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64 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Mathura, and also describes the stupamahal78 festival of this place in his Vyavaharabhasya. It was in Mathura that a council to collect and edit the Jaina canon under the presidentship of Skandila 179 was held 827 years after the death of Mahavira. This corresponds roughly to the first half of the fourth century AD. The fourteenth-century Jaina savant Jinaprabha in his monumental work the Vividhatirthakalpa, gives us a vivid idea about the glorious condition of the Jaina religion in Mathura. According to his testimony, the sixth-century Jaina saint Jinabhadragani lived and wrote his commentaries in Mathura. I have already referred to the fact that this great saint had saved the manuscript of the Mahanisithasutra from destruction at the devanirmita stupa of Mathura. I will later examine the evidence of the Digambara literary texts regarding the condition of Jainism in Mathura. Quite a number of Svetambara and Digambara Jaina saints lived and worked in Mathura. Let us remember that even in the days of Harisena (AD 931), the author of the Byhatkathakosa, '80 the city of Mathura was known as a great centre of Jainism. The most popular gana of Mathura, namely Koliya, survived, as Buhler observes, even up to the fourteenth century AD. 181 Even in the days of Jinaprabha (fourteenth century) Mathura was known as a great Jaina tirtha. REFERENCES 1. Para 156. 2. Para 26. 3. Ram., VII.60 ff. 4. Mbh., XII.339.89-90. 5. 14.48 ff. 6. XVII.1.9. 7. V.38.12. 8. See Mbh., XII.339.89-90. 9. 11.57; III. 256. 10. II. 256. 11. See Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, vol. II, pp. 438-99. 12. Loc. cit. 13. Angullara, 1.67 ff. 14. A very early reference to Vrndavana will be found in Bhasa's Bulacarilam, Act III. 15. See Prakta Text Society edn., II.118.103. 16. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 177 ff.

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 17. 89.2 ff. 18. 89.42. 19. 89.43 ff. 20. Mahabhasya on Panini, V.3.99. 21. See 89.20 ff. 22. 89.20. 23. See ch. 89. 24. 154, 157. 25. p. 204. (Kota, 1935). 26. p. 1987 (Sailana edn.). 27. Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, nos. 904-5. 28. Tr. L.D. Barnett, pp. 86 ff. 29. p. 248. 30. The earliest reference to devagrha will be found in the Tailliriya Brahmana, and to devakula in the Sankhayana Grhyasutra, see M. Monier Williams, SED, pp. 492-3. 31. EI, II, p. 195. 32. Ibid., XIV (1); see also Luders, op. cit., no. 93. 33. EI, I, p. 396, no. 33; Luders, no. 94. 34. EI, I, p. 396. 35. VI.9.61. 65 36. See D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 3 ff., 6 ff.; see also S. Sen, Old Persian Inscriptions, pp. 2-6. 37. Sircar, op. cit., pp. 11 ff.; Sen, op. cit., pp. 148 ff. 38. EI, XXIV, pp. 202 ff.; see also his List, p. 169. 39. See the summary of my paper entitled 'Was there a pre-Gupta Vikramaditya?' in Summaries of Papers, 27th All-India Oriental Conference, pp. 199-200. 40. See EI, II, no. 9, p. xiv; see also Luders, no. 96. 41. JRAS, 1905, pp. 635-55. 42. EI, II, no. 2, p. 199; see also Sircar, op. cit., pp. 120-1 and Luders, no. 59. 43. See Sircar, op. cit., pp. 114 ff. 44. Ibid., p. 122; see also EI, no. 24, p. 194. 45. EI, II, no. 2, p. 199. 46. See Actes du sixieme Congres International des Orientalists a Leide, pt. III, pp. 142 ff. 47. IA, 33, no. 30, pp. 152 ff.; see also his List, no. 102. 48. Mahavagga (Horner), p. 380. 49. Ibid., p. 379. 50. EI, II, no. 5, p. 200; Luders, no. 100. 51. EI, II, p. 207, no. 30; Luders, no. 105. 52. Angullara, tr., E.M. Hare, III, p. 171. 53. Loc. cit. 54. IA, 33, no. 28, p. 151.

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66 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 55. Loc. cit. 56. Buhler, EI, II, no. 4, p. 199; Luders, no. 99. 57. EI, I, no. 17, p. 390; Luders, no. 108. 58. IA, 33, pp. 153 ff. 59. EI, II, no. 32, p. 207; Luders, no. 107. 60. EI, II, no. 8, p. 200; Luders, no. 103. 61. EI, II, no. 6, p. 200; Luders, no. 101. 62. See Smith, Mullra Antiquities, pp. 25 ff.; see also Buhler in EI, II, pp. 314 ff. 63. p. 67. 64. p. 803 65. See my The Cult of Skanda-Kartlikeya, pp. 103 ff. 66. EI, II, pp. 314 ff. 67. See Cunningham, Reports, 20, p. 36, pl. IV. 68. EI, II, no. 11, p. 201; Luders, no. 16. 69. JRAS, 1911, p. 1085. 70. See EI, I, pp. 373 ff. 71. See Luders, nos. 17-20. 72. EI, II, no. 12, p. 201; Luders, no. 17. 73. EI, I, no. 1, pp. 381ff.; Luders, no. 18. 74. See EI, I, pp. 378 ff. 75. Luders, nos. 19-20. 76. Cunningham, ASI Report, III, p. 31; see Luders, no. 20. 77. EI, I, no. 19, p. 391; Luders, no. 21. 78. See Buhler, Vienna Oriental Journal, I, no. 2, pp. 1734. Luders, no. 22. 79. EI, X, no. 3, pp. 109 ff.; Luders no. 22a. 80. JRAS, 1912, pp. 157 ff. 81. EI, X, no. 4, pp. 110 ff.; see Luders, no. 23a. 82. See NWP and Oudh Provincial Museum Minutes, V, p. 6. App. 6A; see EI, X, p. 10. 83. See JRAS, 1912, pp. 153 ff. 84. See EI, X, pp. 110 ff. 85. Loc. cit. 86. See no. 23a. 87. EI, I, no. 2, p. 382; Luders, no. 24. 88. EI, I, no. 12, p. 388; Luders, no. 70. 89. EI, I, p. 382. 90. See no. 24. 91. In the Mrcchakatika the sresthin is evidently an important person, in the Pali canon too he holds a very high position. 92. EI, II, no. 13, p. 202; Luders, no. 25. 93. EI, II, no. 14, p. 202; Luders, no. 26. 94. EI, I, no. 3, pp. 382 ff., Luders, no. 27. 95. EI, I, no. 20, p. 391; Luders, no. 31. 96. Luders, nos. 28-9.

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JAINISM IN MATHURA 97. EI, no. 4, pp. 383 ff. 98. Luders, no. 123. 99. EI, I, no. 29, p. 395; Luders, no. 30. 100. EI, I, no. 20, p. 391; Luders, no. 31. 101. EI, I, no. 5, p. 384; Luders, no. 32. 102. Luders, no. 119. 103. Luders, no. 33. 104. JRAS, 1905, p. 358. 105. Luders, p. 164 (no. 33). 106. JRAS, 1910, p. 1314. 107. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, p. 476. 108. EI, I, no. 6, p. 385; Luders, no. 34. 109. See Raychaudhuri, op. cit. pp. 476 ff. 110. EI, II, no. 26, p. 206; Luders, no. 35. 111. JUPHS, vol. 10, pt. 1, pp. 1 ff., no. 2. 112. EI, II, no. 15, pp. 202 ff.; Luders, no. 36. 113. EI, II, no. 6, p. 203; Luders, no. 37. 114. EI, I, no. 7, p. 385; Luders, no. 39. 115. See IA, 33, no. 10, pp. 40 ff., Luders, no. 41. 116. See Samyutta, I, p. 87. 117. IA, 33, pp. 40 ff. 118. EI, I, no. 11, pp. 387 ff.; Luders, no. 48. 119. IA, 33, pp. 103 ff.; See, EI, IX, pp. 244 ff. 120. EI, I, no. 9, p. 387; Luders, no. 42. 121. EI, I, no. 10, p. 387; Luders, no. 44. 122. Luders, no. 81. 123. EI, X, no. 5, p. 112; Luders, no. 45a. 124. IA, 33, no. 14, p. 103; Luders, no. 46. 125. EI, II, no. 20, p. 204; Luders, no. 47. 126. EI, II, p. 204. 127. EI, IV, pp. 244 ff. 128. See Dictionary of Prakrit Proper Names, pt. II, p. 589. 129. See Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 19. 130. Luders, nos. 49-51. 131. See IA, 6, no. 11, p. 219; Luders, no. 51. 132. EI, 2, no. 18, pp. 203 ff.; Luders, no. 53. 133. See J.C. Jain, Praksta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 207. 134. EI, I, no. 21, p. 391; Luders no. 54. 135. p. 1948. 136. p. 1912. 137. EI, I, no. 8, p. 386; Luders, no. 56. 138. Luders, nos. 57-8. 139. See Buhler, Vienna Oriental Journal, I, pp. 172 f.; correction by Luders, 1A, 33, no. 19, pp. 105 ff.; see his List, p. 166 (correction under no. 57). 140. EI, X, no. 9, pp. 115 ff.; Luders, no. 59a.

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68 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 141. IA, 33, no. 13, p. 102; Luders, no. 63. 142. EI, I, no. 18, p. 390; Luders no. 85. 143. See EI, I, p. 381. 144. Loc. cit. 145. II.109.29 (Gita Press edn.) 146. v. 1311. 147. Panini cannot be later than the fifth cent. BC. 148. EI, I, no. 24, p. 392; see Luders, no. 66. 149. EI, II, no. 21, pp. 204 ff.; Luders, no. 67. 150. IA, 3337, no. 21, p. 107; Luders, no. 68. 151. Proc. JASB, N.S., V, pp. 276 ff.; Luders, no. 69a. 152. EI, XIX, no. 4, p. 67. 153. EI, I, no. 12, p. 388; Luders, no. 70. 154. Luders, nos. 71-2. 155. EI, II, no. 22, p. 205; Luders, no. 73. 156. EI, II, no. 23, p. 205; Luders, no. 74. 157. Vienna Oriental Journal, I, no. 8, pp. 177 ff. See also IA, 33, no. 23, p. 108; Luders, no. 76. 158. EI, II, no. 24, p. 205; Luders, no. 77. 159. See Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. 10, pp. 171 ff.; see also IA, 37, pp. 33 ff.; Luders, no. 78. 160. JUPHS, 1950, 10, p. 38. 161. JASB, 39, pt. I, no. 16, p. 129; Luders, no. 79. 162. EI, II, no. 25, p. 206; Luders, no. 80. 163. EI, I, no. 14, p. 389; Luders, no. 121. 164. EI. II, no. 37, pp. 209 ff.; Luders, no. 122. 165. EI, II, no. 29, p. 207; Luders, no. 110. 166. EI, II, p. 207. 167. See his List, no. 110. 168. EI, I, no. 23, p. 392; Luders, no. 113. 169. EI, II, no. 34, p. 208; Luders, no. 119. 170. EI, X, no. 16, p. 120; Luders, no. 107d. 171. See JRAS, 1912, pp. 106 ff. 172. See JUPHS, 1950, 23, pp. 36-71. 173. See McCrindle's Ancient India as Described by Plolemy, ed., S.N. Majumdar, p. 124. 174. EI, II, no. XIV (39). 175. p. 1766. 176. p. 62, Jacobi's translation. 177. See Praksla Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 207. 178. See ibid., p. 219. 179. See Nandicurni, p. 8; see also Haribhadra's com. on Nandi, pp. 17 ff. 180. See 2.1. 181. We will later see that this gana survived up to the end of the eighteenth century,

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CHAPTER VI Jainism in Orissa Mahavira, originally a native of northern Bihar visited, as we have noticed in a previous chapter, a few areas of western Bengal during his missionary career. According to the Kalpasutra,' the Master had spent a year of his missionary career in Paniyabhumi, which was actually included in Ladha or West Bengal. The Acaranga," which is certainly a very ancient text, informs us that Mahavira had visited areas of both western and southern Bengal. It is, therefore, likely that Mahavira visited places which were not far from the borders of Orissa. A somewhat late text, the Avasyakaniryukti, records that Mahavira more than once visited Tosali, a well-known city of Orissa The same text informs us the king of that area bound Mahavira with rope seven times. This particular text was however probably composed after AD 300, and its evidence is thus of little value. It is however likely that within a few years of Mahavira's demise some of his followers, probably from southern Bengal, carried the message of the Nirgrantha religion to Orissa and succeeded in converting some people there. In both the canonical texts of the Jainas' and Buddhists we come across a certain king Karandu (also called Karakanda, Karakandaka) of Dantapura (which was situated in the Kalinga country) who was a very pious man. According to both the Buddhists and Jainas this king later became a Pacceka Buddha. The Jainas too have nothing but deference for this ancient royal sage of Orissa. Since he is mentioned in both the Buddhist and Jaina texts he was probably a historical figure. According to the Jaina commentaries, Karakandu was a son of king Dadhivahana of Campa. This Dadhivahana, according to the same commentaries," was a contemporary of Satanika, the father of the celebrated Udayana. It, therefore, follows that king Karandu-Karakandu was contemporaneous to the Buddha and Mahavira, and was universally admired for his pious nature. It is very significant that this particular king of Orissa, who lived in the sixth century BC, is called a Pacceka Buddha (ArdhaMagadhi: Patteyabuddha) in the texts of both Buddhists and Jainas.

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70 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM It is probable that Kharavela was inspired by the deeds of this great monarch of Orissa and sought to follow in his footsteps. We have already observed that Jainism was probably introduced in Orissa by some zealous monks of Bengal during the closing years of the fifth century BC. According to the Jaina commentaries,10 king Kakavarna of Pataliputra was arrested in the Isitalaga lake of Tosali by the king of that area. The son of Kakavarna, however, avenged his father's humiliation by occupying Tosali and releasing him. It is therefore a historical fact that hostility between Kalinga and Magadha started from about 400 BC," the date of Kakavarna, who is also known as Kalasoka. During the days of the Nandas, if we are to believe the evidence of the famous inscription of Kharavela, there was no love lost between Magadha and Kalinga. It is quite likely that Kalinga was under the Nandas and early Mauryan rulers for a quite long time and probably during the closing years of Bindusara, the son of Candragupta Maurya, Orissa declared independence, and Asoka eight years after his accession, successfully crushed the rebellion in Kalinga and once more annexed the kingdom. The testimony of Asoka's thirteenth Rock Edict shows that only after a fierce and bloody battle, which cost thousands of lives that Kalinga submitted. There is however little doubt that soon after Asoka's death, Orissa declared its independence. The Meghavahana dynasty, to which the great Kharavela belonged, according to the first line of the Hathigumpha inscription, was a branch of the great Cedi family. In this connection we should remember that, according to the Mahabharata,12 the five sons of the great Cedi monarch Uparicara Vasu became kings of five different countries. The name of one of the sons was Manivahana which may be an error for 'Meghavahana'. We have already noticed that one Dadhivahana, was the father of Karakandu, the celebrated king of Orissa, who reigned in the sixth century BC. That kings belonging to the Cedi family reigned in the eastern parts of India is also proved by a sloka of the Mahabharata,13 according to which Paundra Vasudeva, the well-known rival of Vasudeva-Krsna and the king of Vanga, Pundra and Kirata belonged to that celebrated family. It is, therefore, not at all surprising to find a branch of that great family ruling in another kingdom of eastern India. The Hathigumpha Inscription14 opens with an adoration to the Arhats and siddhas, as in any Jaina canonical text. According to this inscription Kharavela was the third king of the Mahameghavahana

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JAINISM IN ORISSA 71 dynasty (tatiye kalingarajavase). Unfortunately, we do not know the names of the first two kings of this dynasty. We are first told that up to his fifteenth year Kharavela played a variety of games, apparently under the loving care of his parents. Later, for nine years as a yuvaraja he received extensive training in the following branches of learning: lekha, rupa, ganana, vyavahara, and vidhi. He became maharaja at the age of 24. In the first year of his reign Kharavela was engaged in repairing the buildings and defensive walls of his capital, which had been damaged by a storm (vatavihita) and made arrangements for the erection of the embankments of a sutala tadaga (lake) which was probably the principal source of water-supply to the city of Kalinganagara. He also restored all the gardens of the city and incurred a total expenditure of 35,00,000 (apparently karsapana) for the entertainment of his subjects. In the second year of his reign, without paying heed to satakarni (acitayata satakamnim), he sent a huge army in the western direction consisting of haya, gaja, nara, and ratha (apparently a caturanga army) which reached the bank of the river Kanhavenna (i.e. Krsna) and plundered the city of Asikanagara, which was apparently situated on the river Krsna. The Satakarni of this inscription has been satisfactorily identified with Satakarni I of the Satavahana dynasty. There is, however, no reason to believe that there was an all out war between the two monarchs. It is probable that Asikanagara was not included in the empire of Satakarni I but was a town belonging to one of his vassal kingdoms. The relevant words also suggest that Kharavela did not himself lead his army in its march towards the western direction. We are also not in a position to know whether he was able to annex any new territory to his empire. In the third year the king engaged himself in cultural activities. We are told that he gladdened his subjects by holding popular festivals (samajas and utsavas). It should be noted here that Kharavela, although a Jaina, was shrewd enough to understand the real feeling of his subjects and did nothing to dampen their enthusiasm regarding festivals. It is apparent from the relevant words of the inscription (in the fifth line) that the king himself was a great lover of music and was probably acquainted with the literature on Kamasastra which specifically speaks of the Arts mentioned in the fifth line of the inscription. It should be noted here that unlike Asoka, he had no affected attitude towards samajas. 15 Jainism, like the religion of the Buddha, did not approve of holding samajas, but this ruler never sought to forcibly impose his faith on his people.

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM In the fourth year, once more, Kharavela was engaged in martial activities; but the real significance of the first few words of the fifth line is not clear, as majority of those words are virtually indecipherable, but it is apparent from the concluding words of this line that Kharavela forced the Rathikas and Bhojakas to pay him some form of tribute.!The Rathikas and Bhojas are respectively mentioned in fifth and thirteenth Rock Edicts of Asoka. According to the Mahabharata,'' Bhojakata was the capital of Vidarbha. This city derived its name from the Bhoja tribe who are even mentioned in the Vedic texts.' The kingdom of Bhojakata is mentioned in a Vakataka inscription20 of AD 500. The inscription of Kharavela does not suggest that the Bhojakas and Rathikas submitted to him after any particular military engagement. It is more likely that Kharavela's military stature was sufficient to extract from such tribes some sort of allegiance. The early Satavahana inscriptions suggest that the Rathikas had friendly relations of some kind with the Andhra monarchs. In connection with the achievements of Kharavela's fourth year we encounter the expression vijadharadhivasam, and Sircar believes that Vijadhara or Vidyadhara may be the name of a local ruler. Anyone who is familiar with the early Jaina literature knows however, that the term vidyadhara is generally used to mean raksasas or non-Aryans. In the Paumacariyam of Vimala, a work of AD 100, the raksasas of Lanka are constantly referred to as vidyadharas. 23 It is therefore, more probable that Kharavela in his fourth year conducted out some successful raids against a few non-Aryan tribes living in the hilly regions of Orissa. In the fifth year, once more, the king was engaged in constructive activities. We are told that he brought into the capital the canal (panadi) excavated 300 years earlier by a Nanda king. The reading Namdaraja is absolutely clear and there is little doubt that the Kalinga country was under the Nandas in 400 BC. This is also suggested by the Puranic evidence according to which Mahapadma Nanda became a samraj after his conqeust of the entire subcontinent. We have already observed that attempts were made by the Magadhan rulers to conquer Orissa even before the rule of the Nandas. This passage of this inscription further testifies that this Cedi king of Orissa was not only a great conqueror but also a magnanimous and able monarch who did everything for the uplift of economic conditions in his empire. We have already noticed that in the first year of his reign he made arrangements for an adequate supply of drinking water to his capital. In the sixth year too he did

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JAINISM IN ORISSA 73 not undertake any fresh military expedition, but we are told that he performed the Rajasuya24 sacrifice and spent a lot of money on this particular occasion. D.C. Sircar25 believes that as a Jaina, Kharavela could not have performed this sacrifice and therefore he suggests a slightly different reading for that word. We should not however forget that the demarcation line between the Hindu and Jaina religions was rather thin in those days and, as suggested by a passage of the Bhagavati,26 even Mahavira did not hesitate to accept non-vegetarian food. The king Kharavela, as we will see elsewhere, is described as having repaired deva temples. There is thus not at all surprising to find an able military conqueror like him performing the Rajasuya sacrifice. 27 It is not possible to say anything regarding his achievements in the seventh year in view of a quite a number of missing or damaged words, but from those that remain it appears that he did not undertake any military expedition that year. In the eighth year however the Orissan monarch resolved to carry out some. ambitious military expeditions into the heart of northern and eastern India. Here too a few words are missing but, fortunately for us, a number of proper nouns are preserved. They are Goradhagiri (probably the Barabar hills), Rajagaha, Mathura, and Yavana (king). It has rightly been conjectured that with a large army (mahata sena) Kharavela himself first attacked Magadha and plundered Rajgir and the Barabar hills. Subsequently, emboldened by his success, he proceeded towards Mathura which was under an Indo-Greek ruler at that time and succeeded in defeating him. The name of this particular Indo-Greek king has been read as 'Dimita' by Jayaswal, but he cannot be the king Demetrios who ruled in the first half of the second century BC, at least one hundred years before Kharavela. The passage of this inscription, however, strongly suggests that in mid-first century BC, Mathura was under a later Indo-Greek ruler. The Jaina commentaries, 28 tell us about a certain Yavana king of Mathura who assassinated the Jaina monk Danda in Jaunavamka park in the city. It is tempting to suggest that Kharavela wanted to punish this particular Greek king of Mathura for his persecution of the Jaina monks. In any case, the expedition of the eighth year was a complete success and evidently enhanced the prestige of this valiant Orissan monarch. We are further told that after this expedition he satisfied the Brahmanas by showering lavish presents on them. In the ninth year this victorious monarch celebrated his military success by building a pasada (palace) called Mahavijaya which

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM involved an expenditure of 38,00,000 karsapanas. The significance of the expression mahavijayapasada has been missed by scholars who have written on this inscription. The word mahavijaya is used in the Acaranga" and Kalpasutra in connection with Mahavira's descent to earth, signifying divine abode in those texts. We are told that Mahavira descended to earth from the Mahavijaya mansion of heaven. I have little doubt that Kharavela, who was a Jaina, was acquainted with the story regarding Mahavira's birth as related in the Acaranga and Kalpasutra. The expression mahavijaya occurs twice in Kharavela's inscription, the first time, as we have noticed, as the name of the palace built by him at a great cost, and the second time in the concluding line of this inscription as an epithet of this king, which has been translated as 'great conqueror' by Jayaswal and Banerji, 32 but which Sircar takes as Kharavela's viruda. 33 It was considered a sacred word by the early Jainas since it was connected with the story of Mahavira's birth. In the tenth year the king undertook some military expeditions towards the north and it in this connection that the word 'Bharadhavasa' (i.e., Bharatavarsa) is used. But because a few other words here are damaged and indecipherable they do not give us a proper idea about his actual military achievements that year. In the eleventh year the king was also in a warlike mood. The proper name Pithumda is used in this connection which according to Barua $4 stands for the famous tirtha of Prthudaka near Kuruksetra and which, according to Rajasekhara, was the northernmost boundary of Madhyadesa. But Jayaswal and Banerjibelieve it to be the Pihunda of Ptolemy. We are further told in connection with Kharavela's military exploits of the eleventh year that he clashed with the Tamil states but the reading even in this case is not perfectly clear. In the twelfth year the monarch was engaged in wars against a few north and east Indian kings. The two words uttarapadharajano are testimony that the rulers of north India came into open conflict with Kharavela. We are also told that king Bahasatimita was obliged to acknowledge Kharavela's military superiority. Formerly, scholars used to identify Bahasatimita with Pusyamitra Sunga; but there is little doubt that the king should be identified with the monarch of the same name mentioned in the Pabhosa cave inscription of the time of Udaka.36 King Kharavela too, we are told, set up in his capital the Jina of Kalinga (Kalinga-jina) which was taken away from Kalinga by king Nanda. The importance of this line of the inscription can hardly

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JAINISM IN ORISSA 75 be overemphasized. It not only shows that the worship of Jaina images was prectised in the fourth century BC, but also demonstrates the weakness of the Nanda kings for this religion. In the last chapter I discussed a particular verse of the Paumacariyam which indirectly testifies to the popularity of the Jaina religion during Nanda rule. We are not in a position to know the exact name of the Nanda king who carried away the Jina of Kalinga, but it is just possible that the celebrated Mahapadma Nanda himself was the culprit. After defeating the contemporary Magadhan king, who was in all probability. Bahasatimita, our king Kharavela returned in triumph to his capital along with the Kalinga-jina. It has been conjectured by Jayaswal and Banerji"7 that this particular Jina was Sitalanatha, but in the absence of any evidence we cannot accept this. We are further told that Kharavela brought treasures from the Pamdaraja (i.e., the Pandyan king). Some other constructive activities were also undertaken that year. It appears that thereafter Kharavela did not undertake any further military expeditions, directing his energy to religious affairs and as a lay devotee (uvasaga) he sought to serve the Jaina monks. The concluding portion of the inscription provides magnificent tribute to this wonderful royal personality who, we are told, was not only a devoted Jaina, but also the worshipper of other religious sects (sava pasandapujaka) and one who also did his utmost to rebuild dilapidated deva temples. The writer of this inscription knows that as a Cedi king, Kharavela is a descendant of the great Uparicara Vasu,38 who in the inscription is called rajasi (rajarsi). In the Mahabharatatoo Uparicara Vasu is called a rajarsi. There is reason to believe that the writer of the Hathigumpha inscription was acquainted with the story of Uparicara Vasu as related in the Mahabharata and the character of Kharavela, described here, is strikingly similar to that of Uparicara. We should also note that elsewhere in the Mahabharata"Uparicara is called a Vaisnava and a devoted worshipper of Narayana, and it is significant that in this inscription" Kharavela is given the epithet 'Cakadhara' (i.e., Cakradhara), a typical Vaisnava expression. The Jainas, from the earliest times, had great deference for Krsna and Narayana; one of their Tirtharkaras, Aristanemi, is represented as a kinsman of Vasudeva. It is significant that Kharavela openly encouraged the holding of utsavas and samajas: in the Mahabharata"? Vasu Uparicara is described as the king who founded the utsava of the god Indra.

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76 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Probably the utsava referred to in the Hathigumpha inscription was the well-known Indrotsava first started by Kharavela's celebrated predecessor. The inscription of Kharavela is the first complete historical record of the achievements of a king of ancient India. We do not get much of an idea about Asoka's real career (beyond his missionary activities) from his inscriptions. Other pre-Christian inscriptions are either too brief or too concerned with some particular religious purpose. This inscription however gives us a very lucid and accurate account of this exceedingly interesting monarch. The most significant thing about him is that in spite of being a Jaina and apparently a believer in the doctrine of ahimsa, he was a very successful military conqueror. There is however no reference to the killing of any opponent. Most of his adversaries were only forced to submit (cf. the words padau vandapayati). We may recall here Asoka's killing of thousands of soldiers of Kalinga on the battlefield; the war between Magadha and Kalinga was resumed in Kharavela's time, but this time the other side was victorious. Though apparently the bhiksuraja Kharavela did not indulge in any senseless killing. He could have paid Magadha back in her own coin, but as a dharmaraja and a worthy descendant of Rajarsi Vasu, he treated his opponents with tolerance and justice. It is a matter of great regret that so far we have not been able to trace any reference to this celebrated Jaina king in any literary text of the Jainas. Not all the Jaina manuscripts have however been pre served in the Bhandaras that have been published. With the discovery of more texts, probably some new light will be thrown on this problem. Another reason why Kharavela was later forgotten is that Jainism steadily lost popularity in Orissa in the post-Christian period. A few other inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves disclose the names of a few Jaina devotees. 43 No. 1346 of Luders' List belonging to the Mancapurigumpha records the establishment of a cave (lena) in honour of Arahamta by Kharavela's chief queen (agamahisi) who was a duaghter of Rajan Lalaka, the great grandson (popota) "1 of Hathisiha. There is little doubt that Lalaka, though the father-in-law of Kharavela, was a subordinate ally of his son-inlaw. It is not clear why instead of mentioning either the father or grandfather of Lalaka, the inscription refers only to his great-grandfather. It is probable that Hastisimha, who probably flourished in

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JAINISM IN ORISSA 77 the mid-second century BC was a petty chieftain of Orissa. He has not been given any royal title in this inscription, but it goes far to prove that Kharavela's chief queen, like her husband, was a devoted worshipper of the Tirthamkaras. The reference to the Jaina monks also testify to the developed stage of the Jaina church in Kalinga. Another inscription discloses 45 the name of either a predecessor or successor of Kharavela, Vakadeva, and like the former he is called the king of Kalinga and is represented as belonging to the Meghavahana family. The inscription shows that he too was a Jaina. A few other inscriptions (Luders' List, nos. 1348-53) disclose the existence of a few Jaina devotees. No. 1348 yields the name of a prince called Vadhuka who too was a Jaina votary. Nos. 1349 and 1350 probably represent the gifts of common people, but no. 1351, according to Luders is the gift to the town judge. Nos. 1352 and 1353 are also probably the gifts of important persons. Another inscription 46 records the donation of a servant (padamulika) called Kusuma. These inscriptions abundantly demonstrate the immense popularity of Jainism in Orissa. The Mathura inscriptions do not disclose the names of any royal devotee of this religion, but in Orissa the kings themselves probably inspired their subjects to befriend Nirgrantha monks. It is also interesting to note that although the Mahameghavahana kings of Orissa claim descent from the celeebrated Cedi family, they bear names that are typically nonSanskritic.47 We have already observed that the message of the Nirgrantha religion was probably carried to Orissa by the Jaina monks of southern Bengal. These monks probably belonged either to Tamraliptika or Kotivarsiya sakhas mentioned in the Theravali, but the popularity of Jainism in Kalinga during the days of the Nandas shows that even before the birth of the sakhas and ganas the Jaina religion won some converts in Orissa, and during the rule of the Mahameghavahana kings, Jainism became the principal religion of Orissa. Some later sculptures of Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves and few inscriptions48 of the tenth or eleventh century are proof that even long after the time of Kharavela the Kumariparvata (i.e., Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills) remained a favourite place of pilgrimage for the Jaina monks. In a later chapter I shall discuss the sculptures of the caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills.

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78 1. p. 264. 2. p. 85. 3. vv. 501 ff. A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 4. See Uttaradhyayana (SBE, 45), pp. 85 ff. 5. See Kumbhakara Jataka. 6. Loc. cit. 7. See Uttaradhyayana, pp. 85 ff. 8. Avacu, II, pp. 204-7; Uttaraci, p. 178. 9. Avacu, I, p. 318; Ava, no. 521. 10. Brhatkalpabhasya, vv. 3149-50. 11. See PHAI, pp. 221 ff. 12. 1.63.29 ff. 13. II.14.18. 14. See EI, XX, pp. 71 ff. 15. See 1st Rock Edict, 1. 4. REFERENCES 16. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, p. 166. 17. For these two tribes see EI, XX, P. 84. 18. II.31.11.12. 19. See Aitareya Brahmana, VIII.12; 14; 17. 20. See Sel. Ins., p. 445. 21. Ibid., pp. 191, 193. 22. Ibid., p. 215, n. 4. 23. See my 'Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam', in JAIH 6, pp. 105 ff. 24. See EI, XX, p. 84. 25. See Sel. Ins., p. 215, n. 8. 26. See p. 2468. 27. The reading rajasuya in the original inscription is perfectly clear. 28. Avacu, II, p. 155. 29. p. 174 (Sailana). 30. p. 4. 31. See Paiasaddamahannavo, PTS, p. 680. 32. EI, XX, p. 89. 33. Sel. Ins., p. 221, n. 2. 34. See IHQ, pp. 261 ff.; see also Sel. Ins., p. 217, n. 1. 35. See XX, 20, pp. 72 ff. 36. Sel. Ins., p. 96. 37. EI, XX, p. 85. 38. The spelling here is Vasu. 39. 1.63.32, 38. 40. XII, ch. 335 ff. 41. See 1. 17. 42. 1.63.17 ff. 43. See Luders' List, nos. 1342-53. 44. See for a different interpretation, ASIAR, 1922-3, pp. 129-30. 45. No. 1347 of Luders' List, p. 222. 46. No. 1344 of Luders' List. 47. For etymological explanation of the name Kharavela, see Sel. Ins., p. 214n. 48. See ASIAR, 1922-3, p. 130.

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CHAPTER VII Jainism in North India (200 BC-AD 600) It is difficult to give an accurate account of the state of the Jaina religion in different parts of north India after the Mauryan period. Epigraphic references are few and far between, and we have to depend primarily on the evidence supplied by literary texts, both Jaina and non-Jaina. Archaeology also helps us a great deal and the discoveries of early Jaina images gives us some idea about the popularity of this religion in particular localities. We have already seen that long before the Kusana period, Jainism became popular in Mathura and Orissa. I have also indicated the route taken by the Jaina monks of earlier days. As I have already said, the Jaina monks of Bengal were largely responsible for the early popularity of Jainism in Orissa. Beyond a few references to kulas and sakhas however we know practically nothing regarding Jainism in Bengal after the demise of Mahavira. We will have to refer later to the Chinese evidence regarding the popularity of Jainism in Bengal. But regarding a few other ancient places of north India we are slightly more fortunate. Archaeological and epigraphic sources give us some idea about the state of Jainism in places like Kausambi, Sravasti, Rajagpha, Ahicchatra, Taksasila, Simhapura, and a few places in western India. Thanks to the iconoclastic zeal of the Muslim invaders, very few among the pre-Gupta or even post-Gupta Hindu temples have survived, and the early Jaina temples have fared no better. The Jaina literary evidences suggest the existence of Jaina temples in almost all the principal cities of north India, but these have simply vanished in the thin air leaving no trace. A recently discovered bowl from Rajasthan (Bharatpur district) contains the word nogata in early Brahmi which may stand for nigatha (Jaina).' Kausambi like Saketa was one of the early centres of Jainism. I have already referred, on the basis of the evidence supplied by the Paumacariyam to the temple of Suvratasvamin at Saketa. That Saketa was connected with Muni Suvrata is also testified to by the evidence

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80 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM of the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha. I also opine that the temple of Suvrata at Saketa was, in all probability, built before 300 Bc. It is quite natural that the Jainas should be eager to build shrines in famous cities connected with Brahmanical culture and religion, I have already said that Jainism itself originated by 800 BC at Varanasi, one of the greatest cities of ancient India, and during the time of Mahavira, became popular at Vaisali, Rajaglha, Sravasti, Kausambi, and a few other towns. An inscription assignable on the palaeographic grounds to the first century BC, found at Pabhosa near Kausambi, is indicative that the Jaina monks living at that famous town enjoyed royal patronage. The two short inscriptions found at Pabhosa refer to the cave (lena) excavated by Asadhasena, the king of Adhicchatra (Ahicchatra), who was the maternal uncle of Bahasatimitra or Brhaspatimitra. This Asadhasena' seems to be a local ruler of the north Pancala region and is generally dated to in the first century BC. According to Fuhrer," the inscriptions refer to the Kasyapiya monks, which may mean monks belonging to the school of Vardhamana Mahavira, who was a Kasyapa Ksatriya. But D.C. Sircar rejects this reading and opines that the inscriptions refer to the monks of Ahicchatra. That Pabhosa cave was sacred to the Jainas from the pre-Christian times is testified to by the discovery of Jaina images and carvings from there, where three standing Jaina images, cut in rocks are also to be found. The Pabhosa cave was visited by Yuan Chwang in the seventh century AD. There is little doubt that a number of Jaina monks lived in this cave in the pre-Christian period and naturally most of them were residents of Kausambi, which is only two miles from there, and has yielded a number of Jaina antiguities of the Kusana period.lo Kausambi, is still looked upon as a holy place by the devout Jainas. It was the birthplace of Padmaprabha, the sixth Tirthamkara. Major R.D. Basu in 1908 discovered an inscription" of the year 12 of king Sivamitra which mentions three monks, Baladasa, Sivamitra, and Sivapalita. R.D. Banerji believes that this inscription is dated in the Kaniska era of ad 78, and therefore its date corresponds to AD 90. As late as 1834, a small Digambara temple was built at Kausambi."2 We have already seen that Lord Mahavira himself was probably responsible for the introduction of the new Nirgrantha religion at Kausambi during the rule of the celebrated king Udayana, probably in early fifth century BC. The reference to the Kausambika sakha,

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 81 which originated in the first half of the third century BC in the Theravali also directly testifies to the early popularity of Jainism that region. Like Kausambi, the great city of Sravasti was associated with Jainism from very early times. It was believed to be the birthplace of the third Tirthamkara, Sambhavanatha. This city was very intimately associated with the life and activities of both Mahavira and the Buddha. It was in this town that the first Ninhava Jamali declared himself a Jina and the city was also a great centre of the Ajivika religion. The Bhagavatil4 gives us the information that it was at this town that Gosala declared himself a kevalin. The death of that famous Ajivika philosopher took place at this town sixteen years before the demise of Mahavira. Lord Buddha spent the major part of his ascetic-life here at the Jetavana vihara which was built by prince Jeta for the Buddhist community at a very high cost. Sravasti was the capital of Pasenadi (Prasenajit) of Kosala, a prominent figure in the Pali texts. The Jainas, however, almost completely ignore this royal personality. The Theravali refers to the Sravastika sakha which originated in the third century BC, and this particular Svetambara branch was obviously associated with the city of Sravasti. We have already seen that this city was looked upon as the birthplace of Sambhava. It is interesting to note that one of the mounds of the ruined city is still known as the mound of Sobhnath, which is a vernacular corruption of the original Sambhavanatha. A detailed description of the ruined temple has been provided by Vogel in his Report." The description leaves little scope to doubt that the original temple of Sambhavanatha was built a few centuries before the birth of Christ. We must remember that Sravasti was in utter ruins when Fa-hien visited this city in about AD 400. The original temple of Sambhavanatha was probably still there when the Chinese pilgrims came to India. The ruined temple has yielded a substantial number of Jaina images including those of Rsabhanatha and Mahavira.16 The icons belong to the Svetambara sect and have stylish affiliation with those found from Mathura.'' The temple of Sambhava at Sravasti was rebuilt several times and finally it was destroyed during the reign of Ala-ud-din as we learn from Jinaprabha. 18 That Sravasti afterwards became a famous centre of the Digambara religion is evident from the Bihatkathakosa'of Harisena, a text composed in AD 931. Adicchatra or Ahicchatra, the ancient capital of North Pancala,

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82 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM was certainly an important seat of early Jainism. The site, represented by modern Ramnagar in Bareilly district, U.P., was excavated first by Fuhrer, who unearthed a number of Jaina images and other antiquities. According to the Svetambara Jaina tradition, Ahicchatra was sacred to Parsvanatha and there was actually a shrine dedicated to this Tirthamkara in this town. Silanka, who flourished in the second half of the ninth century AD, in his Acarangavrtti2deg distinctly refers to it. Jinaprabha in his Vividhatirthakalpagives a graphic and colourful description of the shrine, dedicated to Parsva. Silanka informs us that Parsva was worshipped here as Dharaninda but, according to Jinaprabha22 the shrine of Dharaninda was near the original shrine (mulaceiya) of Parsva. Epigraphic evidence at our disposal fully supports the Jaina tradition regarding the existence of a shrine, dedicated to Parsva at Ahicchatra. A Kusana inscription,29 found engraved in the pedestal of an image of Neminatha bearing the date 50 (i.e., AD 128), refers to the shrine of divine Parsvanatha'. Cunningham also discovered an inscribed pillar of the Gupta period which refers to Acarya Indranandin and also to the temple of Parsva. A number of Jaina inscriptions of the Kusana period have also been discovered here and at least one of them refers to the city of Ahicchatra.24 The Kusana inscriptions in this city contain the following dates: 9, 18, 31, 44 and 74. Most of the and Buddhist sculptures from Ahicchatra belong to the Mathura school of art. The names of gana, kula, and sakha are usually like those of Mathura, the most common gana being Koliya. The images discovered here are generally nude, and this led Fuhrer to suppose that they belonged to the Digambara temple of Ahicchatra. It must however be remembered that even before the emergence of the Digambara sect, some of the Jinas were shown naked. Even on the pedestals of nude Jina figures we have the names of well-known Svetambara sakhas and kulas25 which testifies to their being fashioned before the formal separation of the Digambaras from the original Nirgrantha religion. Several nude Mathura images of Jina refer to some well-known sakhas and kulas mentioned in the Svetambara Theravali. For reasons, best known to him, Luders doubts the discovery of Jaina images from Ahicchatra,26 but Fuhrer's faithful account of the discovery27 leaves no room to doubt the authenticity of the 'Reports'. Also, from the list of drawings in the same report by draftsmen Ghulam Rasul Beg and Sohan Lal, we learn that among the discoveries made, were a four-faced lion pillar

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 83 from the Jaina temple, an ayagapata, a fragment of frieze, illustrating the transfer of embryo and some railing pillars. 28 The Jaina Kusana inscriptions from Ahicchatra disclose the names of the following lay devotees: Gahapala, the wife of Ekralala, the daughter-in-law of Sivasiri, and the daughter of Grahamitra; all these persons are mentioned in the inscription of year 9, corresponding to AD 87;29 in the inscription of the year 12 we have Jinadasi, Rudradeva, Dattagala, Rudra, Grahamitra, Kumarasiri, Vamadasi, Hastisena, Grahasiri, Rudradata, Jayadasi, and Mitrasiri, all of whom were carpenters by caste;30 in the inscription of year 74 we have?! Dharavala and Aryadasi. The names of the following Jaina monks also occur in the inscriptions discovered of Ahicchatra: Tarika32 in the inscription of year 9, who belonged to the Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, and Vaira sakha; Pusila* (Koliya, Bambhadasiya and Ucenagari) and another unnamed monks belonging to the Varana gana and Vajanagari sakha. The most definite proof of the existence of Jaina monks at Ahicchatra is supplied by a Lucknow Museum Jaina image inscription5 that refers to a monk (whose name is indecipherable) belonging to Petivamika kula and Vajanagari sakha, who is called a native of Ahicchatra (Adhicchatraka). All these pieces of evidence go far in testifying to the popularity of Jainism at Ahicchatra in early times. Another old city, Kampilya, was intimately connected with Jainism in pre-Gupta days. This town was correctly identified by Cunningham with Kampil in Farrukhabad district, U.P.36 It was, according to the Mahabharata, 37 the capital of southern Pancala. The city, as we learn from the canonical texts, 38 was visited by both Parsva and Mahavira. It was believed to be the birthplace of the thirteenth Tirthamkara, Vimala, and is also mentioned in the Bhagavatro and Aupapatikasutra 10 The fourth Ninhava Asamitta, who flourished 220 years after Mahavira's death, i.e., third century BC, was associated with this town. The Uttaradhyayana," a very old Jaina canonical text, refers to a certain king Sanjaya, who was a Jaina devotee. This place has yielded a few Jaina inscriptions. 2 Sarkasya, mentioned prominently in the Ramayana," as the capital of Kusadhvaja Janaka, Sita's paternal uncle, was one of the important towns of pre-Buddhist India. It was, according to that epic, situated on the bank of the river Iksumati. It is identified by Cunningham" with Sankissa in Farrukhabad district of U.P. This town, it is interesting to note, is mentioned by Panini, 15 and Patanjali

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84 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM also refers to it. 16 This city was visited by both Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang. The Theravali refers to the Sankasiya sakha under Carana gana, i.e., Varana gana, established in the third century BC. This is definite evidence of Sankasya's early association with the Nirgrantha religion. It appears that the religion of Parsva and Mahavira succeeded in penetrating north-western and western India at a quite early date. I had occasion to refer to the visit of Mahavira in Sindhu-Sauvira, as described in the Bhagavati, in a previous chapter. We now have definite evidence to show that even in pre-Christian times, Jainism became quite popular with the people of western India. A recently discovered inscription" from Pala, Pune district, Maharashtra, discloses the existence of a cave which was excavated by a monk (bhadamta) called Indraraksita. This inscription has been assigned, on palaeographical grounds, to the second century BC. It begins with the typical Jaina expression namo aramhatanam. We further learn from it that Indraraksita also constructed a reservoir (podhi) of water. Let us not forget that, according to the Jainas, the twentysecond Tirtharkara, Neminatha or Arisganemi was born in western India. The earliest source that gives a glimpse of his life is the Nayadhammakahao, which was not improbably composed by 300 BC. I have alredy said that with the exception of Parsva, no other Tirthamkara before Mahavira, can be called historical figures. But the idea of Tirthamkara was, as with the idea of previous Buddhas, developed within a century of the demise of Vardhamana. 18 In making Neminatha their twenty-second Tirthamkara, the Jainas have very ingeniously used the contemporary Vaisnava tradition current in western India, regarding the Yadavas and Vasudeva-Krsna. It is extremely significant that the Theravali refers to a sakha called Saurastriya (Praksta Soratthiya) which originated from Rsigupta, a disciple of Suhastin, who flourished in the third century BC. This definitely proves that Saurastra had received its first dose of Jainism in the Mauryan period. The inscription from Pala, referred to above, shows that Jainism became popular in other centres of western India before the second century BC. It is interesting to note that the inscription, in question, does not give us any idea regarding the gana, kula or sakha of Indraraksita, and in this his position is similar to that of the monk Magharaksita of the Mathura inscription of c. 150 Bc. But unlike the latter, the monk Indraraksita himself takes the initiative for construction of a cave, for which he apparently did

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85 JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) not receive any financial support from his lay disciples. Another small inscription 19 from Girnar, Gujarat, bearing the date 58 refers to Pancanacandamurti. The date has been ascribed to the Vikrama era 58. I have not however been able to examine the palaeography of this inscription, and therefore no conclusion is desirable on the basis of it alone. However, since the Nayadhammakahao and other canonical texts associate Girnar (Ujjimta or Ujjamta) with Aristanemi, we need not be surprised to find a first century inscription on this hill. The Kalpasutra50 also associates Neminatha or Aristanemi with the hill, and these literary references also constitute evidence of the early association of Gujarat with Jainism. No early Jaina inscription has so far been discovered from northwest India, but we have strong reasons to believe that there were quite a few Jaina pockets in that part of India. The ancient city of Kapisi, which was visited by Yuan Chwang in the first half of the seventh century AD, and which has been identified with Opian in Afghanistan by Cunningham,51 had a sizeable Jaina population. It is clear therefore that Jainism penetrated this part of north-west India (the original Indian subcontinent which undoubtedly included the whole of Afghanistan) in the early centuries of the Christian era. Another old city, Taksasila, was associated with Jainism from early days. Sir John Marshall, who first carried out systematic excavations at Taxila, observes: 'Taxila must have been adorned by a vast number of Jaina edifices, some of which were no doubt, of considerable magnificence."52 According to Marshall, the shrines in blocks F and G in the excavated area of Sirkap were probably Jaina. The Jaina literary tradition" associates Taksasila with Bahubali, a son of Rsabha, who was believed to be a Jaina sadhu. We further learn from the Avasyakaniryukt and the Avasyakacurn that Bahubali had installed a jewelled dharma-cakra at Taksasila. The association of Bahubali with Taksasila is also mentioned in the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha. Since Taksasila was one of the greatest cities of ancient India, it is very natural that the Jainas should endeavour to extend the sphere of their influence in that city. Simhapura, was another Jaina centre from early times. This place has been identified by Stein57 and Cunningham58 with modern Ketas in the Salt Range (Punjab, Pakistan). It was visited by Yuan Chwang who saw Svetambara Jainas there. That Chinese pilgrim, however, gives a very distorted account of the religious practices of the Svetambaras. Now, according to the canonical texts, Sihapura (i.e.,

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86 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Simhapura) was the birthplace of Sreyamsa, the eleventh Tirthamkara. A few Jaina scholars identify Sihapura of the Jaina canon with Simhapuri near Banaras. But it is more likely that Simhapura of Punjab is identical with the Sihapura of the Jaina texts. Let us not forget that the Jainas deliberately selected cities at hoary antiquity as the birthplaces of those Tirthamkaras who never existed in reality. Simhapura was a town of great antiquity, for we find it mentioned in connection with Arjuna's digvijaya in the Mahabharatalo where it appears after the Trigartas, a well-known Punjab tribe. That Jainism reached Punjab by the third century BC, is also indirectly testified to by the fact that the Theravali refers to the Audambarika sakha which originated from Rohana in the third century BC. This sakha was evidently linked with the Audambaras, a well-known Punjab tribe. It is therefore, permissible to identify Simhapura of Yuan Chwang and the Mahabharata with Sihapura of the Jaina texts. Stein was successful in discovering a great number of Jaina antiquities from Simhapura. He is of the opinion that the Jaina sculp tures of Simhapura are better executed than those of Ellora and Ankai. He further informs us that even at the time of his visit, this place was regarded as a sacred site by the Jainas. The Varangacarita, 62 a work of the seventh century AD, refers to Simhapura as sacred to Sreyamsa. Let us once more turn our attention to western India. We have already observed that by the third century BC, Jainism became more or less popular in Gujarat. A stone inscriptison6% of the second century AD of one of the grandsons of Jayadaman, the Saka satrap, is definitely a Jaina record for it contains the significant word kevalainana. This inscription was discovered at Junagarh and also refers to the town of Girinagara, i.e., Girnar, which according to the Nayadhammakahao and Kalpasutra was associated with Neminatha. I have already noted that Girnar was regarded as a sacred hill by the Jainas from a much earlier period. It has been suggested that the inscription actually refers to the Samadhimarana of the Digambara Jaina saint Dharasena, the original author of the Digambara canon, who according to the tradition resided at Candragumpha of Girnar whence the inscription was discovered. This is however pure conjecture and can be dismissed outright. In any case, the inscription indicates that Jainism was introduced in this area in the early centuries of the Christian era, if not earlier. The Jaina antiquities discovered from Dhank and Bawa Pyara

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 87 caves in Gujarat indicate that these places were under the influence of Jainism in the early centuries of the Christian era, 65 and the image of Rsabha, santi, and Parsva from Dhank are easily distinguishable. The typical Jaina symbols from Bawa Pyara caves (Junagarh) are generally assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era. 66 Bhrgukaccha, one of the oldest ports of India, which is identified with modern Broach in Gujarat, was a popular Jaina centre in the early centuries of the Christian era. The Avasyakaniryukti,67 which was probably composed around AD 200, refers to the defeat inflicted by a Svetambara Jaina monk Jinadeva on two Buddhist monks Bhadanta Mitra and Kunala at Bhrgukaccha. This is also repeated in the Avasyakacurna.68 It appears that this famous port was a favourite haunt of monks of different schools. At least two Jaina viharas existed at Bhrgukaccha, Sakunikavihara and Mulavasati, about which we will have something more to say later. EMERGENCE OF THE DIGAMBARA SECT Although the Digambaras claim a hoary antiquity for their religion, no Digambara record earlier than AD 300, has so far been discovered. The earliest Svetambara work that refers to the formal separation of the Digambaras from the original samgha is the Avasyakaniryuktz49 (c. AD 200). According to this work a monk called Sivabhuti, who was a disciple of the Svetambara preceptor Kanha, founded the Bodiya (i.e., Digambara) sect at a place called Rahavirapura 609 years after Mahavira's nirvana. The Uttaradhyayananiryukti also refers to this schism. According to these texts Sivabhuti was the last ninhava. It is interesting to note that in the original Svetambara canon" only seven Ninhavas are mentioned, the last one being Gosthamahila, who founded his doctrine called Avaddhiya at the town of Dasapura 584 years offer Mahavira's death. The Sthananga which refers to the seven rebels has no knowledge of the Digambaras and only in the Niryukti texts do we find references to them. I am not aware of any Digambara sacred work that could have been composed before the date suggested in the Niryukti texts regarding the formal separation of the two sects. The town of Rahavirapura, where Sivabhuti lived, cannot be properly identified, although it has been suggested that it was near Mathura." The evidence of the Svetambara canon therefore suggests that the Digambaras formally separated only in the second century AD. It appears that the Digambaras also indirectly support the tradition recorded in the Svetambara com

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88 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM mentaries.72 According to them the original canon was forgotten after Lohacarya, who according to them died 565 years after Mahavira. It is interesting to note that Vimala's Paumacariyam shows no acquaintance with the Digambaras; and this work was written according to its own testimony 530 years after Mahavira's nirvana. However, the detailed and biased account regarding Sivabhuti given in the Svetambara curni texts can be dismissed offhand. Now, the name Sivabhuti is not absent in early Digambara works. The Bhavapahuda,73 ascribed to Kundakunda, a work probably written around AD 300, refers to the monk Sivabhuti who is probably no other than the Sivabhuti of the Svetambara commentaries. He is also mentioned in Devasena's Aradhanasara," written in the tenth century AD. There is a Digambara tradition according to which Aryan Mankhu was one of the original authors of the Digambara canon. He is placed 683 years after Mahavira's death. I have already said that Manguhasti is mentioned in the Mathura inscription of the year 52 corresponding to AD 130, and that this Manguhasti is to be identified with Mangu of the Nandisutra. The Svetambara commentaries,75 it is very significant to note, paint an unfavourable picture of this saint. We are told that he was born as Yakkha after his death at Mathura. The date given in the inscription, mentioned above, and the date given to Arya Mankhu in the Digambara tradition, support one another. It is therefore, permissible to believe that the second-century Jaina saint Mangu was one of the founders of the Digambara sect. This also indirectly confirms the Svetambara evidence regarding the actual time when the Digambara formally separated, which should therefore be placed around AD 150. 76 It should be remembered that Parsva allowed an under and an upper garment, while Mahavira forbade clothing altogether. This information is provided by as early a text as the Uttaradhyayana," which was in all probability composed in the fourth century BC. It appears that from early times the Jaina monks, according to their individual whims, indulged in both kinds of practices, namely wearing cloth or going about naked. These two modes of conduct were known as jinakalpa and sthavirakalpa, respectively. Mahavira himself, as we have already noticed, discarded clothing altogether 13 months after he became an ascetic, but Parsvanatha, whom I consider to be the real founder of Jainism, never went about naked. The Brhatkalpabhasya" further informs us that the doctrine of the

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89 JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) first and last Tirthamkaras was based on nudity (acelakka), while that of the intervening 22 Tirthamkaras permitted both nudity and wearing garments. Most of Mahavira's close followers naturally went about naked; but it seems that Mahavira himself never insisted on the strict observance of nudity. The Avasyakacurni refers to one Municanda who practised jinakalpa and was considered a rebel by Mahavira. Regarding nudity, the Acaranga says that if a naked monk thought that he could bear the pricking of grass, cold and heat, stinging of flies and mosquitoes or any other painful things, he could leave his private parts uncovered; but when the number of articles in a monk's equipment increased and when the monks began living more and more among the people, then he could cover his private parts with katibandha. Later the katibandha was replaced by colapatta.80 The evidence of some Mathura sculptures suggests that even the Svetambaras sometimes represented their Tirthamkaras as nude, so we need not be unduly perturbed if we come across nude Jina figures of pre-Christian times. Indeed, one of the early celebrated Jaina teachers, Mahagiri, according to the Avasyakacurni, was an exponent of jinakalpa, i.e., the doctrine of nudity. Suhastin, another great Svetambara monk practised sthavirakalpa. The evidence of that work also suggests that jinakalpa continued up to Aryaraksita.81 It also appears that the Digambaras, who insisted on absolute nudity, continued the tradition of jinakalpa monks and probably a rebel group under Sivabhuti finally raised the standard of rebellion and formed a new sect in the mid-second century AD. I must however confess that the mystery surrounding the birth of the Digambara sect has yet to be solved. I will have something more to say on this point in connection with the discussion of the canonical literature of the Jainas. I have also no comment to offer on the suggestion that Rathavirapura (Rahavirapura) was near Mathura. JAINISM IN THE GUPTA PERIOD All the available sources indicate that by the beginning of the fourth century AD, Jainism became an all-India religion. Generally, however, in north India the Svetambaras were predominant and in the south the Digambaras. I shall, in this section, endeavour to give readers an idea of the condition of the Jaina religion in north India in the Gupta period, and in doing so will have to turn to available epigraphic and literary sources, for assistance. Probably the earliest Jaina inscriptions of this period come from

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90 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM the celebrated city of Vidisa. We have two Jaina image inscriptions both of which are now preserved in the local museum at Vidisa. 82 These are not only important for the history of Jainism but also in the political history of the Gupta period. Both these inscriptions refer to 'Maharajadhiraja Ramagupta'. As the title indicates, this Ramagupta was a paramount sovereign and not merely a local ruler Coins of Ramagupta are already known.83 In the official Gupta records the name of Ramagupta is understandably absent. The play Devicandragupta of Visakhadatta, which is preserved only in fragments, delineates Ramagupta as the successor of Samudragupta, and a weak monarch who did not hesitate to offer his wife to the Saka king of Ujjayini. His younger brother Candragupta, by a clever stratagem, succeeded in killing the Saka king. 81 Later, we are told, he also killed his brother and married his wife Dhruvadevi. The discovery of the Jaina inscriptions testify that Ramagupta is not a product of the imagination but Samudragupta's actual successor We have already referred to his coins, and now these inscriptions engraved on the pedestals of Puspadanta and Candraprabha show that he was responsible for the construction of those images of the Jaina Tirthamkaras. This he did on the advice of Celuksamana, the son of Golakyanta and pupil of Acarya Sarppasena Ksamana, the grand-pupil of Candra Ksamacarya-ksamana-sramana, who was a panipatrika, i.e., one who used the hollows of his palms as an alms and drinking bowl. The celebrated sivarya, the author of the Bhagavati-aradhana, as we will see later, calls himself panidalabhoi, which probably indicates that like him Candra was a Digambara monk. 85 This inscription, therefore, indicates that Ramagupta had some genuine respect for the Jainas. The characters of the inscriptions agree closely with that of the Allahabad prasasti and I am not aware of the existence of any other Maharajadhiraja Ramagupta of the fourth century AD. Another inscription 6 found from Udaygiri near Vidisa and dated in the year 106 of the Gupta era corresponding to AD 426 of the reign of Kumaragupta refers to the erection of an image of Parsva by Sankara, a disciple of Gosarman, who was a disciple of Bhadracarya of Aryakula. The inscriptions of the time of Ramagupta, Kumaragupta's uncle, as we have already seen testifies to the popularity of Jainism in the Vidisa region. Sankara, we further learn from the same inscription, was formerly a warrior but later accepted the Jaina religion. These inscriptions go far to prove that Vidisa was a

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91 JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) stronghold of Jainism and received royal patronage. Literary evidence also testifies to the popularity of Jainism in the western part of modern Madhya Pradesh. The Vasudevahindi,87 a Jaina text based on the missing Brhatkatha, and probably composed in the fifth century AD, distinctly refers to the temple of Jiyantasvamin Mahavira at Ujjayini. The discovery of a substantial number of Jaina sculptures, belonging to the Gupta period, from different places of Madhya Pradesh also show that Jainism enjoyed some popularity there, and also provide indirect evidence of the existence of Jaina temples in the Gupta period in Madhya Pradesh. We have icons from Sira Pahari (near Nachna, Panna district), and also from Panna proper. 88 I will discuss these icons in greater detail in a separate chapter in vol. II. A temple of Jivantasvamin is also referred to in the Jaina commentaries.89 In another Jaina text of the seventh century we have a reference to an image of Jivan tasvamin at Vidisa. Dasapura (modern Mandsor, M.P.) too was a stronghold of Jainism. This is testified to by the fact that Ninhava Gosthamahila9 established in this town an independent doctrine known as Abaddhiya 584 years after Mahavira's death, i.e., in the first century AD. Quite a number of Svetambara monks of the early first century AD, we are told, were connected with Dasapura.91 Tosaliputta, who is mentioned in the Avasyakaniryukti, we are told, stayed at a park called Ucchughara at Dasapura, and was well-versed with the Ditthivaya, the twelfth Anga text. Rakkhiya, his famous disciple, spent his entire life at Dasapura, and also converted his younger brother Phaggurakkhiya. Both Mahagiri and Suhatthi visited Vidisa in the early third century BC in order to pay homage to the image of Jivantasvamin there. 92 This shows that from early times various places in Madhya Pradesh were connected with Jainism. It appears that the Svetambara monks belonging to Kausambika sakha were responsible for the propagation of Jainism in M.P. We will later see that in the post-Gupta period too, Jainism was quite popular in that state. An inscription from Mathura dated to the Gupta year 113 corresponding to AD 433 of the reign of Paramabhattaraka, Maharajadhiraja Kumaragupta refers to an apparently prominent Jaina monk called Datilacarya, who belonged to the Vidyadhari sakha and Koliya gana. A disciple of this monk, called Samadhya, built an image (pratima) under the command of this guru. The Vidyadhari sakha referred to here is mentioned in the Theravali as Vijjahari, which was apparently founded in the third century BC. This is the only

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92 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM epigraphic reference to this sakha, I am aware of. Another inscription from Mathura and dated 299 of an unknown era refers to the erection of an image of Mahavira and a temple (devakula) by Okha, Sarika, and Sivadina. The inscription is in Sanskrit and bears a date in the Kaniska era, corresponding in to AD 377, in Buhler's view. But the peculiar Kusana title rajatiraja given to the reigning king, whose name is missing, probably indicates that it should be referred to an earlier era. We should take here brief notice of the two Jaina councils held in the fourth century AD at Mathura and Valabhi. The council at Mathura was held under the presidentship of Khandila (Skandila) 827 years (or according to some 840 years) after Mahavira's nirvana. The earliest work that refers to this council is the Nandicurnio composed in the seventh century AD. Another council was held almost simultaneously at Valabhi under the presidentship of Nagarjuna. According to commentators, the canon compiled in the council of Mathura was somewhat different from that compiled at Valabhi. The earliest Jaina council, held at Pacaliputra in the last quarter of the fourth century BC, will be discussed later in this volume. The next important Jaina inscription belongs to the reign of Skandagupta. This inscription has been found from Kahaum in Gorakhpur district, U.P. It bears the year 141 of the Gupta era corresponding to AD 461 of the tranquil (sante) reign of Skandagupta. From this inscription we learn that this place was formerly called Kakubha (1. 5). We are told of the setting up of five images (pancendra) of Tirthamkaras (probably Adinatha, santi, Nemi, Parsva and Mahavira) by a person called Madra, who traced his descent from one Somila, and who had equal respect for dvija, guru, and yati. This inscription appears to be a Digambara record, and there are traces of Jaina shrines near the pillar bearing it.97 A copperplate inscription of the Gupta year 159 from Paharpur, Bangladesh is one of the most interesting Jaina records of the Gupta period. The inscription is incidentally the earliest Jaina record from Bengal. It records an endowment for the worship of Arhats to a vihara in Vatagoalio near Paharpur, presided over by the disciples descended from the Nirgrantha Acarya Guhanandin of Kasi. This Guhanandin is further described as belonging to Pancastupanikaya. The persons who were responsible for the endowment were a Brahmana named Nathasarman and his wife Rami. The language of the inscription indicates that this Brahmana pair were zealous

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 93 devotees of Guhanandin. It is apparent also from the same inscription that this Guhanandin lived at least a century before the date of this inscription. We learn that it was originally founded by sisyas and prasisyas of Guhanandin. Probably this vihara was built some 50 years before the date of this copperplate. Guhanandin himself probably lived in the last quarter of the fourth century AD at Kasi. In no Jaina inscription before this date do we come across a Brahmana Jaina devotee, although the canonical texts, as we have already noticed, mention quite a number of Brahmana converts. The Jaina vihara referred to above, according to the inscription, was situated in the Nagiratta mandala of Pundravardhana bhukti. The expression Pancastupanikaya is to be found in the noncanonical literature of the Digambaras. The great Virasena, the famous author of the Dhavala, and Jinasena, the author of the Adipurana, belonged to the Pancastupanikaya sect. In Harisena's Brhatkathakosal00 we have an account of the founding of five stupas (pancastupa) at Mathura. It is probable that the Digambara monks belonging to the Pancastupa sect of Mathura later sent a few of the members of their sect to different parts of India. It is also not unlikely that Varanasi was the earliest seat of this particular sect. In any case, we have to regard the Pancastupanikaya sect as one of the earliest branches of the Digambara school. In south Indian inscriptions too we come across Pancastupanikaya monks. The Paharpur inscription is therefore, indicative of the early popularity of the Digambara religion in Bengal. We have already noted that Bengal accepted Jainism long before any other state of India, and it appears that in the Gupta period the Digambaras succeeded in extending their sphere of influence in Bengal at the expense of the Svetambaras. The inscription of early Gupta character near Son Bhandara cave at the ancient town of Rajagrha refers to a Jaina muni called Vairadeva who is given the epithet acaryaratna. The lower half of a small naked Jina image can still be seen cut out of a rock close to the inscription. It has been suggested 102 that this Vairadeva is the same as Arya Vajra of the Avasyakaniryukti.103 Sten Konow suggested 104 that the cave referred to in the inscription was sculpted between the second and third centuries Ad. The expressions acarya and muni probably show that it is a Digambara record, and in that case, the suggested identification of Vairadeva with vajra cannot be accepted. Besides, the Digambara invariably preferred Sanskrit to Prakrta in all their early records, and this is the case with both the Paharpur

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94 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM and Rajgir inscriptions. Another small mutilated inscription 105 on a Neminatha figure in early Gupta script has been found from Rajgir. The image is fixed on a small ruined Jaina temple at Vaibhara hill and refers to Maharajadhiraja Candra, who may be either Candragupta I or Candragupta II. This image of Neminatha in black basalt is one of the earliest Jina images of the Gupta period. We have already referred to the Gupta inscription,106 noticed by Cunningham in the ruins of Ahicchatra, which mentions Acarya Indranandin. This place, as we have already seen, was sacred to the Jainas from a much earlier period. The evidence107 of the Kuvalayamala, composed by Udyotanasuri in 700 Saka (AD 778) shows that king Toramana, who ruled at the town of Pawaiya situated on the bank of the Candrabhaga (Chenab) in the Uttarapatha, was a disciple of Harigupta Acarya, born in the Gupta family. We are further told that the city could boast of a great number of scholars, apparently Jaina sadhus. This city cannot be properly identified, but it was certainly in Punjab. Harigupta, it is interesting to note, is described as a scion of the Gupta family. Toramana is known from inscriptions 108 and coins, and definitely ruled around AD 500. His guru Harigupta should be placed, therefore in the second half of the fifth century AD. This Harigupta is further described as the guru of Mahakavi Devagupta who is apparently mentioned also in the Mahanisitha.109 It is interesting to note that quite a number of Svetambara acaryas had names with Gupta endings. The Mahanisitha'' refers to one Ravigupta, who should be placed in the fifth century. The guru of Agastyasimha, the author of the Dasavaikalikacurni, was Rsigupta" who belonged to the Koliya gana and Verasami sakha, and who could not have lived later than AD 400.112 The evidence of the Kuvalayamala, therefore, shows that a stern military conqueror like Toramana had a soft corner for Jainism, and probably like Kharavela embraced the religion in old age. We have already seen that there were a few Jaina pockets in Punjab from early times. The capital of Toramana, Pavvaiya, which was situated on the Candrabhaga, was certainly a Jaina centre like Simhapura in the Gupta period. The inscription of Toramanals from Kura, Salt Range (Punjab, Pakistan) shows that Punjab was part of Toramana's empire. Jainism, as we have already noticed, was firmly established in

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 95 Guiarat even before the Christian era. In the Gupta period, Gujarat was undoubtedly the chief centre of Jainism in India. This is indirectly shown by the fact that the Svetambara canon was finally edited at Valabhi 980 or 993 years after Mahavira's nirvana. Two commentaries!!4 of the Kalpasutra refer to the council at Valabhi, and the Digambara work the Byhatkathakosal!5 (AD 931) also allude to the Valabhi council. The council was held, according to the Jaina commentators, 116 during the rule of Dhruvasena of Anandanagara, which has been identified with Vadanagara in northern Gujarat. We have already seen that an earlier council under Nagarjuna was held at Valabhi in the fourth century AD, which coincided with the Mathura council. Now Dhruvasena of the Jaina commentators should be identified with the first king of that name who, according to the inscrip tions,"7 ruled from a least the year 206 to 226 of the Gupta era. The Jaina commentators further inform us that the Kalpasutra was recited in the court of this king, on the sad occasion of the demise of his son. The Jaina account is confirmed by inscriptions according to which the Maitraka-Valabhi ruler Dhruvasena I, like his elder brothers, was succeeded by his younger brother Dharapatta. This was evidently because Dhruvasena had no son to succeed him. The date given by the Jaina commentators show that this Dhruvasena (AD 52646) should be placed either 980 or 993 years after Mahavira's death which also directly shows that Lord Mahavira died only in the second quarter of the fifth century BC, and not earlier as was supposed by many Jaina writers. I, would, however, like to discuss this in a separate Appendix. There is, however, nothing to show that Dhruvasena himself was inclined towards Jainism. Inscriptions'18 show that he was a devout Vaisnava and not a single king of this illustrious family is known to have befriended the Jainas. A few royal members of this family are known to have patronized the Buddhists, "9 the bitter rivals of the Svetambara Jainas. But Jainism continued to prosper in Gujarat despite the absence of royal patronage. An old manuscript of the Visesavasyakabhasyal20 of Jinabhadragani discovered in the Jaisalmer bhandara informs us that this work was composed at Valabhi in Saka 531 (i.e., AD 609) during the reign of Siladitya. Now, the inscriptions of this king range between ce 286 and 290 (AD 606-10) and therefore, there is no doubt that the date given in the manuscript is quite genuine. It further shows that Valabhi at that time was a strong

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96 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM hold of Jainism and probably the hometown of this famous Jaina scholar. King Siladitya is mentioned by Yuan Chwang!21 as having ruled 60 years before his time. Now, the latest known date of Siladitya's father and predecessor Dharasena II is GE 270 (AD 590) which shows that Yuan Chwang's '60' should be corrected as '50'. There are other pieces of evidence to show that Jainism was in a flourishing state during the rule of the Maitraka-Valabhi kings. The Kuvalayamalal22 (Saka 700 = AD 778) distinctly refers to the fact that the grand-disciple of Devagupta, Yajnadatta, who evidently flourished around AD 600, adorned the Gurjaradesa with Jaina temples. The language of the colophon of this text directly shows the tremendous popularity Jainism enjoyed in both Gujarat and Rajasthan in the sixth and seventh centuries ad. A number of Svetambara images/23 have recently been discovered from the ruins of Valabhi which have been assigned to the sixth century AD. It has also been suggested that Jinabhadra Vacanacarya mentioned in a sixth-century image-inscription from Akota (Gujarat) is to be identified with Jinabhadragani, the famous Jaina scholar, who was probably a native of Valabhi. The Vividhatirthakalpa 25 refers to the fact that there was a shrine dedicated to Candraprabha at Valabhi before its destruction by the Muslims in vs 845 (AD 787).126 The Digambara text, the Jaina Harivamsa, which was completed in ad 783 at Vardhamana (Vadavan, Gujarat) gives us the very interesting piece of information 127 that the work was commenced in the temple of Parsva which was built by king Nanna. There is no doubt that this Nanna is identifiable with the king of the same name mentioned as kataccuri-kulavesma-pradipa in the Mankani Inscription, 128 who definitely ruled in the last quarter of the sixth century ad in this part of Gujarat. The Kataccuris and the Kalacuris were basically Saivas, but the evidence of 'Digambara Jinasena' shows, that at least one of its earlier members, had a catholic outlook, so far as religion was concerned. It is probable that the temple of Parsva built by Nanna was a Digambara shrine and in that case it should be looked upon as the earliest known Digambara temple in Gujarat. It should, however be remembered that, according to the Digambara tradition, the earliest canonical authors of this sect were connected with Girinagara. 129 It should also be pointed out that Digambara Divakara of Karnata country, according to the Svetambaras, 130 was defeated and converted by Veddhavadi at Bhrgukaccha. Jinasena also refers to another Digambara temple dedicated to

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 97 III. santinatha at Dostatika (near Girnar) where he completed his text in Saka 705. This temple, too, was probably built a century or two before this date. Rajasthan, as we have already noticed, was connected with Jainism from a much earlier period. However we have practically no Jaina inscription or any other evidence to prove the connection of this state with the Jaina religion in the Gupta period. However, the evidence of the Kuvalayamala!31 shows that Bhinnamala (Bhinmal) was looked upon as a Jaina place of pilgrimage in the sixth century AD. It refers to the five temples of Agasavana which were also in Rajasthan. The Jaina monks of Mathura, who used to visit Gujarat in the early centuries of the Christian era, had to pass through Rajasthan. In the post-Gupta period, however, as we will see later, Rajasthan was very intimately connected with Jainism. Discovery of Jaina images\32 of the Gupta period from a few pockets of U.P. and Bihar testify its popularity there. I shall discuss these sculptures in a separate chapter in vol. II of this work. However, I must refer to the beautiful Jaina metal images of the Gupta period discovered from Chausa,133 Bhojpur district, Bihar, now preserved in the Patna Museum.134 A number of places in modern Maharashtra state were connected with Jainism from early times. Literary135 and archaeological136 evidences show that Tagara, mentioned in the Periplus 37 was a popular Jaina centre in the early centuries of the Christian era.138 That ancient city is now represented by Ter. A few scholars identify Tagara with Terapura, mentioned in the Byhatkathakosa,139 and assert that even in pre-Christian times the place was connected with Jainism. The Vyavaharabhasya, 110 a text of the eighth century, informs us that the Vyavahara Dharma was established at Tagara by eight monks. Discovery of Jaina images from Ellora, Paturl11 of the Gupta period show that Jainism was slowly emerging as an important religious sect in Maharashtra during the Gupta period. Suraparaka, 142 according to the Jaina literary tradition, was connected with Jainism, Monks like Vajrasena, Samudra, and Mangu visited Surparaka. I should refer, in this connection, to the unique bronze Parsvanatha,143 assigned to the first century BC and now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. This image reminds us of the celebrated Maurya image of Lohanipur (Bihar) 144 which has been accepted as the earliest Indian Jina image. According to U.P. Shah, this image of Bombay Museum bears close affinity in style with a

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98 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM terracotta figurine from Mohenjo-daro.145 Where this image was found is not known; but it was certainly from some site in western India, where Jainism was introduced around 300 BC. In a number of pre-Christian and post-Christian non-Jaina texts there are frequent references to the Jainas. Bhasa, 146 Subandhu, 147 and Bana!48 frequently refer to the Jainas. It appears from Subandhu's Vasavadatta! 49 that the Digambara Jainas were looked upon as the bitterest rivals of Hindu philosophers. This work was in existence in the early Gupta period and is mentioned by Bana. The poet Bana, had some regard for the Jainas as one Jaina Viradeva was a childhood friend of this great writer.150 We can therefore assign Viradeva to the last quarter of the sixth century AD. In the Kadambaril51 Bana openly praises the Jainas for their magnanimity. References to the Jainas in the Bhagavata,152 Brahmanda,153 etc. also provide indirect evidence of its popularity in the early Christian period. Varahamihira (early sixth century) refers to the mode of fashioning a Jina image in his Brhatsamhita. 154 The later Pali works of Sri Lanka also refer to the Jainas. Quite a good of number of Jaina writers flourished during this period. Padalipta, the author of the missing Tarangavati, a Prakrta poem, probably composed in the satavathana period, 155 was one of the earliest Jaina poets. I have already referred to Vimala, who also lived in the first century AD. The Vasudevahindil56 is definitely a product of the Gupta period. Among Jaina philosophers of north India of this period I may mention VIddhavadi, Mallavadi, Jinabhadragani, and will have something more to say about them in a separate chapter. It should here be pointed out that, unlike Buddhism, the Jaina religion did not receive any large scale princely patronage in its early stages. The only exception was Kharavela, who also patronized Brahmanical Hinduism. The Buddhists, on the other hand, did all they could to befriend princes and potentates. Jainism hov ever appealed directly to the masses and gradually became popular in almost every part of India by the beginning of the Christian period.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 99 REFERENCES 1. See Indian Archaeology, 1965-6, p. 67. 2. Ed., Muni Jinavijaya, p. 86. 3. EI, II, pp. 242 ff.; Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 95 ff. 4. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 393 ff. 5. EI, II, pp. 242 ff. 6. Sel. Ins., p. 96, n. 6. 7. See Allahabad Gazetteer, ed., H.R. Neville, p. 263; see also JRAS, 1898, pp. 516 ff. 8. See Cunningham, ASI, 21, pp. 1-3. 9. See Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, I, pp. 371 ff. 10. ASIAR, 1913-14, pp. 262 ff.; also pls. LXX, a, d, e. 11. Loc. cit. 12. See Neville, Allahabad Gazetteer, p. 153. 13. From Kausambi an icon of Padmaprabha from the early Gupta pe riod has been recently unearthed. See Indian Archaeology, 1953-4, p. 9. This must assuredly testifies the association of that Tirthamkara with this ancient city. 14. Sailana edn., p. 2402. 15. ASIAR, 1907-8, pp. 113 ff. 16. See JRAS, 1908, p. 1102, pl. V. 17. See Vogel in ASIAR, 1907-8, pp. 115-16; and also Sir John Marshall in JRAS, 1908, pp. 1085-1120; see in this connection Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent of Archaeological Survey (N. Circle) for the year ending 1908, p. 34. 18. p. 70. 19. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, pp. 8, 348 ff. 20. p. 418 (Agamodaya Samiti). 21. p. 14. 22. Loc. cit. 23. See Fuhrer, Prog. Rep. of the Epigraphical and Archaeological Branch N.W.P. and Oudh for 1891-2, p. 3. 24. See R.D. Banerji, EI, X, p. 120; see also Luders' List, 107d. 25. See EI, X, pp. 109 ff. 26. See JRAS, 1912, pp. 153 ff. 27. See 1891-2 report, pp. 3, 5 ff. 28. Ibid., pp. 13-14; see also Smith in JRAS, 1903, pp. 7-11. 29. EI, X, p. 110. 30. Ibid., p. 111. 31. Ibid., pp. 115 ff. 32. Ibid., p. 110. 33. Ibid., p. 111. 34. Ibid., p. 116. 35. See Luders' List, no. 107d.

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100 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 36. AGI, p. 413. 37. I, 137.73. 38. Naya, 157; Upa, 35. 39. p. 2348. 40. Sailana edn., pp. 278 ff. 41. SBE, 22, p. 80. 42. Annual Report of the Superintendent of Hindu and Buddhist Monuments (N. Circle), 1918-19, p. 4; see also Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, 5, pp. 84 ff. 43. I, 70.3. 44. AGI, pp. 424 ff. 45. IV, 2.80. 46. Com. on 1.3.11. 47. See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, V, p. 3. Bharatiya Jnanapitha edn. 48. Quite a number of the previous Buddhas are mentioned in the ear lier part of the original Pali canon; they were also known during the days of Asoka. 49. See ASI, 16, p. 357. 50. p. 164. 51. AGI, pp. 21 ff.; see also S.N. Majumdar's note in p. 671 of the same work. 52. ASIAR, 1914-15, p. 2. 53. See Sukthankar's note in ASIAR, 1914-15, pp. 39 ff. 54. v. 322. 55. I, p. 180. 56. p. 27. 57. See Vienna Oriental Journal, 1890, IV, pp. 80 ff., 260 f. 58. AGI, pp. 142 ff. for criticism of Watters, see YC, I, pp. 249 ff. 59. YC, I, pp. 248 ff. 60. II, 27.20. 61. Vienna Oriental Journal, pp. 80 ff. 62. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, 27, 82. 63. EI, 16, p. 241; Luders' List, no. 966. 64. See J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 112 13. 65. See H.D. Sankalia, Archaeology of Gujarat, pp. 53, 166 ff.; also JRAS, 1938, pp. 427 ff.; and pls. III and IV; see also NIA, 1939, p. 563. 66. Sankalia, op. cit., pp. 166 ff. 67. v. 1299. 68. II, p. 201. 69. v. 782. 70. Sthananga, 587. 71. See Muni Kalyanavijaya, Sramana Bhagawan Mahavira (Hindi), pp. 292 ff.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 101 72. See Byhatkathakosa, 131, 69; see also Devasena, Darsanasara. 73. v. 53. 74. v. 49. 75. See Nis. Cu., II, pp. 125-6; Ava Cu., II, p. 80; also Nis., Bha., 3200. 76. Sailana edn., 23.13. 77. Ed., Punyavijaya, VI, 6369 (p. 1681) 78. I, pp. 285-6, 291. 79. See SBE, 22, pp. 69-73. 80. See Byhatkalpabhasya, III, v. 6964. 81. pp. 406 ff. 82. See JOI, XVIII, 1969, pp. 247-51; also EI, 38, pp. 46-9. 83. See PHAI, p. 553; also The Classical Age, pp. 17 ff. 84. See also Harsacarita (Chowkhambha edn.), pp. 354-5. 85. See Jaina Art and Architecture, ed., A. Ghosh, I, pp. 127 ff. 86. See IA, XI, p. 310; Kielhorn, List, no. 441. 87. A. Ghosh, op. cit., pp. 129 ff; see also Anekanta (in Hindi), 15, pp. 222-3. 88. Pt. I, p. 61. 89. See Ava. Cu., II, pp. 156-7. 90. Stra., 587. 91. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, pp. 361-2. 92. Ibid., II, p. 660. 93. See EI, II, no. XIV (39). 94. Luders' List, 78; also JRAS, 1896, pp. 578 ff. 95. p. 8. 96. CII, III, p. 67; Sel. Ins., pp. 316 ff.; Bhandarkar, List, no. 1278. 97. See in this connection IHQ, 28, pp. 298-300. 98. EI, 20, pp. 61ff.; Sel. Ins., pp. 359ff.; Bhandarkar, List, no. 2037. 99. See N.R. Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa (in Hindi), pp. 127 ff. 100. 12.132 ff. 101. See Guerinot, List, no. 87; and also ASIAR, 1905-6, p. 98, fn. 1. See in this connection T. Block, ASIAR (Bengal circle), 1902, p. 16. 102. JBORS, 39, 1953, pp. 410-12. 103. v. 769. 104. ASIAR, 1905-6, p. 166. 105. Ibid., 1925-26, pp. 125 ff. 106. ASI, I, pp. 263 ff. 107. See colophon of that text edited by A.N. Upadhye. 108. See Sel. Ins., pp. 420 ff.; see also EI, I, pp. 239 ff. 109. See J.C. Jain, Praksta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 147. 110. Loc. cit. 111. Colophon, v. 2. 112. See Punyavijaya's Introd., Byhatkalpasutra, 6. 113. Sel. Ins., pp. 422 ff.

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102 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 114. Vinayavijaya, Kalpasutravitti, p. 206; also the vstti on the same text by Dharmasagara, pp. 129-30. 115. 131.69. 116. See Vinayavijaya, op. cit., pp. 1,9, 201 and Dharmasagara, op. cit., 9, 130. 117. See Bhandarkar, List, nos. 1293, 1308. 118. Ibid., no. 1293. 119. Lady Dudda, who was Dhruvasena I's sister's daughter was the foundress of a Buddhist convent at Valabhi (see Kielhorn, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, no. 460). She is mentioned in a large number of Valabhi inscriptions. 120. See Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 130 ff.; see also Puratana Jaina Vakya-suci, Introd., p. 145. 121. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 242. 122. Colophon, v. 7-10. 123. See Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, no. 1, p. 36; see also U.P. Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, pl. XII, and Jaina Art and Architecture, I, p. 135. 124. See Lalit Kala, nos. 1-2, p. 59; see also Jaina Art and Architecture, I, p. 138. 125. p. 29. 126. This is probably the exact date of the destruction of Valabhi by the Muslims. The last known date of Siladitya VII, in whose reign the city was destroyed, is the Gupta year 447 (see Bhandarkar, List, no. 1375), corresponding to AD 767. He probably reigned for a few years longer and was eventually overthrown by the Muslims. See also Al-Biruni's India, I, p. 192. The story told by Al-Biruni is similar to that by Jinaprabha. For some other views, see The Classical Age, pp. 150 ff. 127. 66.53. 128. Imp. Ins. Bar., st. I, pp. 4 ff.; see also The Classical Age, p. 197. 129. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, IV, p. 28; see also Introd. to Satkhandagama, I, by H.L. Jain. 130. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 88. 131. Colophon, v. 6. 132. See Jaina Art and Architecture, I, pp. 131 ff; see also p. 121. 133. Ibid., pp. 124 ff. 134. See Patna Museum Catalogue of Antiquities, ed., P.L. Gupta, pp. 116 17. 135. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, p. 332. 136. ASIAR, 1902-3, pp. 188, 195, 199, 204. 137. Edited Schoff, para 51. 138. See, in this connection, ASWI, 3, p. 11, and ABORI, 16, p. 7. 139. Story no. 56. Terapura, here, is however described as situated in the Abhira country, see v. 52.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600) 103 103 140. p. 3. 350. 141. Prog. Rep. of ASI (W. India), 1901-2, p. 3; 1902-3, pp. 4-5. 142. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. 2, pp. 863-73. 143. Jaina Art and Architecture, I, pp. 87 ff. 144. Ibid., p. 71. 145. See Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, 3, pp. 63-5. 146. See Avimarakam, Act 5. 147. See Vasavadatta, L.H. Gray, ed., pp. 157, 174 et seq. 148. Kadambari (Chowkhambha, edn.), p. 160. 149. pp. 157, 174 et seq. 150. See Harsacarita (Chowkhambha, edn.), p. 75. 151. p. 160. 152. V, chs. 4 f. 153. Delhi, 1973, p. 87; see also Bhavisya, 1.43.36. 154. 57.45. 155. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 377. 156. Ibid., p. 381.

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CHAPTER VIII Jainism in South India (The Early Phase) Before discussing the state of Jainism in different parts of South India we must, at the very outset, refer to an interesting passage in the Buddhist Mahavania, according to which the king Pandukabhaya constructed houses and temples for the Nigantha ascetics at Anuradhapura. We are told that this king built, at first, a house for Nigantha Jotiya, which was to the east of the cemetery. In that house there lived another Jaina ascetic whose name is given as Giri. We are further told that the same king built a temple for another Nigantha sadhu called Kumbhanda. From the same chapter of the Mahavamsa we learn that Pandukabhaya also built dwellings for the Ajivikas and other sects. Now, Pandukabhaya is generally placed in the fourth century BC by competent authorities including Geiger, and the evidence of this Pali text testifies to the presence of Jaina ascetics in Sri Lanka as early as the fourth century BC. The Mahavamsa is a work of the fifth century AD,' and its evidence cannot be easily brushed aside. We should also note that in the Dipavamsa, which was composed a century earlier, and which Buddhaghosa frequently quotes in his commentary on the Kathavatthu, there is a reference to the same Nigantha Giri. Thus the combined evidence of these two Pali texts testifies to the presence of the Jainas in Sri Lanka in the pre-Mauryan times. It is natural, therefore, to suppose that these Jainas migrated to Sri Lanka from Tamil-speaking areas of south India. Once we accept this, we have to take it for granted that Jainism was more or less firmly established in the southernmost corners of the peninsula by the fourth century BC. In a previous chapter I endeavoured to show that Jainism spread to Orissa within a few years of Mahavira's death. It appears that wandering Nirgrantha monks carried the message of Mahavira to southern India, especially to the lands adjoining Bay of Bengal within a few decades of the demise of Lord Mahavira. Let us not forget

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 105 that an ordinary Nirgrantha monk, who seldom cared for personal comfort, and who practically wandered about penniless, was not expected to be daunted by the hazards of a foreign land. The evidence of the Pali texts, referred to above, indirectly shows that Jainism reached the land of the Tamils before the end of the fourth century BC. In the earliest extant literature of the Tamils we have enough indications to show that Jainism was popular in quite early times in the regions south of the Kaveri. It should here be emphasized that the faina monks of Bengal and Orissa were responsible for the early propagation of Jainism in Tamil Nadu and not those of Karnataka, as is usually believed. The evidence of the Sri Lankan texts and those of the Tamil Sangam poetry indicate that Jainism definitely reached the southern Dravidian areas in the pre-Mauryan period and certainly before its introduction in what is now the state of modern Karnataka, I have already observed that there is nothing to prove that the first Mauryan emperor became a Jaina sadhu before his death and consequently the tradition regarding the migration of the Jainas under Bhadrabahu and Candragupta, recorded in the Digambara works, connot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge. Even if we accept the veracity of the Digambara tradition, we cannot say that the first group of the Jaina sadhus of Tamil Nadu and Kerala came from Karnataka. It appears exceedingly probable, and as will be shown later, that the Digambara Jainas of second century ad from north India popularized Jainism in Karnataka. The Jaina religion that we find portrayed in Sangam poetry, was the undivided Nirgrantha religion, propounded by Parsva and Mahavira. Regarding the chronology of the works of the Sangam period there is a great deal of controversy. According to a few scholars? these texts were composed after AD 400. It should however be remembered that the original Sangam texts do not apparently show any acquaintance with the Pallavas who dominated the political scene of southern India from the third century AD. The absence of the word dinara in the original Sangam texts is also significant. The historical geography, as gleaned from these texts, show that they refer to a period when southern India had brisk and lively commercial intercourse with the outside world, particularly Rome and Alexandria. Lastly, we should refer to the well-known Gajabahu (Tamil Kayavagu) synchronism. In the Silappadikaram,' the Sangam epic, we are told that king of Lanka Gajabahu was a contemporary of its

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106 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM author, who was Ceral Ilango, the younger brother of the Cera king Senguttuvan. Now, in the Sri Lankan chronicles we have two Gajabahus, the first of whom reigned in the second century AD.' The second Gajabahu ruled only in the twelfth century and there is absolutely no doubt that the Tamil epic refers to the first Gajabahu as a contemporary of the author of the silappadikaram. Further, we are told that the Pattani worship was introduced in Sri Lanka from Tamil country during that king's time, and we have traces of its worship even now in Sri Lanka. It follows therefore that the two epics, Silappadikaram and Manimekalai, written by two friends who were contemporaries of Gajabahu I of Sri Lanka, are the products of the second half of the second century AD, and, therefore, the information contained regarding Jainism in these two works can be referred to that time. But before we discuss the evidence supplied regarding Jainism in these two epics, we must discuss the information contained in the two earlier Sangam texts, the Tolkappiyam and Kural. The Tolkappiyam, 10 a grammatical work of 1612 sutras, according to the Jainism, was written by some Nirgrantha ascetics during the second Sangam. A number of scholars have upheld the Jaina contention that it was written by a member of that sect in the pre-Christian period." It has been pointed out that in the prefatory verse of the text the author calls himself padimayion, i.e. one who observes, according to the commentator, the Jaina vow known as padimai.12 In the section entitled Marabiyal, the Tolkappiyam speaks of jivas with one sense, such as grass and trees, jivas with two senses, such as snails, jivas with three senses, such as ants, with four senses, such as crabs, with five senses, such as higher animals, and with six, such as human beings. This classification of sivas abundantly illustrates that the author was perfectly at home with their traditional Jaina classification. Such classification is also to be found in other Tamil Jaina works like the Nilakesi and Merumandiram.! This grammatical text was written before the epics and should be placed between 100 BC and ad 50. Thus, if we accept this date, we have to assume that Jainism was not only in vogue in the Tamil-speaking areas of south India in the first century BC, but was firmly rooted in that country. We have already observed, on the evidence supplied by the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa that Jainism reached the southern Dravidian states and Sri Lanka by the fourth century BC. We should also refer in this connection to another piece of information supplied by the

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 107 Mahavamsa, 16 according to which, during the reign of the Sri Lankan king Vattagamani (29-17 BC), the Nirgrantha monastery of Anuradhapura was completely destroyed. It shows that Jainism, which was introduced into Sri Lanka in pre-Mauryan times, continued its existence there for roughly 300 years before yielding its ground to Buddhism. The celebrated Kural,17 another Sangam work, is strongly claimed by the Jainas to be a collection of the verses composed by ancient Jaina sages of the Tamil country. That this work was in existence before the Tamil epics is evident from the fact that the Manimekalai, a poem written just before the Silappadikaram, quotes a verse from it. It is a work principally based on the concept of ahimsa.18 We must remember that the Jaina commentator of the Nilakesi, freely quotes from the Kural and whenever he quotes, he introduces his quotation with the words 'as is mentioned in our scripture'. From this, it is clear, that the commentator considered this work to be an important Jaina scripture in Tamil.19 Besides, we have the evidence of the Tamil Prabodhacandrodaya where the Jaina ascetic recites a verse from the Kural which praises ahimsa.20 This shows that even to the nonJaina author of the Tamil Prabodhacandrodaya, the Kural was a Jaina poem. Competent scholars like Kanakasabhai?) and Chakravarti22 also believe this poem to be a product of the Jaina imagination. It should however be remembered that the teaching of the Kural appealed to all sects, as it was based on some fundamental ethical principles. Since the Manimekalai quotes a verse from it, we can tentatively place the Kural in the first century AD, if not earlier. The most important Sangam work from the Jaina point of view is undoubtedly the Silappadikaram, one of the twin Tamil epics. This work, according to its internal testimony, 23 was composed by C Ilango, the younger brother of the king senguttuvan, who as we have already noticed, was a contemporary of the Sri Lankan Gajabahu, who flourished in the second half of the second century AD. From the poet's preface (padikam) of that text we learn that this work was composed at Vanji,24 the capital of the Cera king. We are further told that the poet was then residing in the hermitage of Kanavayil, which the commentators explains is a Jaina temple (palli). From the same work we learn26 that an astrologer had predicted that Ilango would succeed his father to the Cera throne. Naturally, this prediction was not taken kindly to by his elder brother

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108 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Senguttuvan and the younger prince, in order to allay his elder brother's suspicions, went to the temple of Kunavayil, which was situated near the eastern gate of Vanji and, 'standing before eminent saints (patiyor) he renounced all thoughts of the burden of the earth in order to secure the kingship of the vast realms, a far off and eternal bliss, incapable of approach by even the faculty of reason.' It appears, therefore, that the author embraced Jainism in advanced youth and was residing in a Jaina temple near Vanji when he wrote this epic. We further learn that he decided to write a poem based on the life of Kovalan, the father of the heroine of the Manimekalai, the Buddhist epic composed by his friend Sittalai Sattanar. Dikshitar, the English translator of the Silappadikaram, refuses to believe that Ilango was a Jaina. It is true that the poem refers to a number of gods and goddesses like Siva, Visnu, Murugan, Durga, etc.,28 but quite a number of crucial passages of the text harp on the doctrine of ahimsa; and there are lines of the text which could only be written by devout Jaina and none else. The concluding passage of the text abundantly shows that the poet was a dedicated Nirgrantha muni and a believer in the doctrine of karman. The Silappadikaram gives a very beautiful and useful account of the state of Jainism in the three Dravidian states, Cola, Pandya, and Cera. Since this account was written by a poet of the second century AD, its evidence is of tremendous value to students of Tamil Jainism. We learn from this work that there were Jaina shrines in the capitals of all these three kingdoms. At Kaveripattinam, which was the ancient capital of the Colas,29 there was a temple of the Nirgrantha." (niggantakottam). It is most likely that this Kaveripattinam corresponds to the Khaberis Emporium mentioned by Ptolemy. 31 Apparently the same temple of the Nirgranthas is referred to elsewhere in this works as having been built of stone. We are further told that the lay disciples of the city (sravakas) were responsible for the construction of this temple, which was apparently built at a very high cost. The high, shining silatala made of candrakanta (moonstone) of this temple has also been mentioned in this text." In this connection the poet tells us that a class of Jaina ascetics, who were known by the name Caranars, used to visit this temple on certain occasions, which included the car festival.94 Now, we learn from other Jaina texts that the car festival was exceedingly popular among the devout Jainas of north India. The earliest non-canonical north Indian Jaina text refers to this festival is Vimala's Paumacariyam, which

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 109 describes the jina-ratha festival. Decorated Jina images were placed on the chariots, which the devotees used to take out on certain occasions. The car festival was also popular among the Buddhists and the Hindus.34 Among the Jainas, the car festival was associated with the observance of the elaborate Astahnika festival which was celebrated thrice a year (Asadha, Karttika, and Phalguna).37 The reference to the car festival in the Silappadikaram shows the general popularity of Jainism among the masses, and that by the second century an, Jainism had became quite deep-rooted in the Cola country. Regarding the Caranars, who used to visit the Nirgrantha temple of Kaveripattinam, I would like to make a few observations. So far it appears, nobody has been able to explain clearly identity of the Caranars referred to in this Tamil epic. According to the Anga text the Sthananga, 38 the Caranas were one of the nine ganas directly under Mahavira. The Vyavaharasutrarefers to them as monks with fifteen years' standing. The Prakrit Dictionary10 compiled by Pandit Hargovind Das explains carana as a group of Jaina monks. It is tempting to connect these Caranas with the Carana gana, mentioned in the Theravali, which originated in the third century BC. It has however been shown that, carana there, is an error for varana, mentioned in the Mathura inscriptions. The Sthananga reference shows that the Carana monks were in existence even during Mahavira's time. It would not be wrong to suppose that the Caranas were the Jaina counterparts of the Brahmanical parivrajakas, wandering all over the country, carrying with them the message of Parsva and Mahavira. The Vyavaharasutra" refers to a particular power possessed by such monks, which it calls by the name of carana-labdhi. It further appears from another Jaina text^2 that there was a work called Carana-bhavana, which was probably the sacred book of these monks, which is now lost. Elsewhere in the Jaina Agamic literature the Caranas are also mentioned. The Silappadikaramo delineates the Caranars as monks possessing the highest knowledge of the past, present, and future, who had put aside attachment and anger. There is little doubt that these monks were responsible for the popularity of Jainism in south India, and it was because of their activities that even non-Jainas became great admirers of the Jaina religion. Our epic also describes the temples of the Nirgranthas at Uraiyur called by the name Kandarapalli." The temple was situated in an

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110 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM extensive grove adjoining Arangam (Srirangam) and the image of Arivan (probably Adinatha), described as the first god, under the three umbrellas. The connection of the asoka tree with the Jaina temple of this place is also significant, for it was sacred to the Jaina Tirthamkara Mallinatha and there is a graphic description of a grove of asoka trees in the Aupapatikasutra.15 We should also refer to the residence (palli) of the Jaina nun Kavundi, which was not far from Kaveripattinam 46 on the northern bank of the Kaveri. This lady, we are told, was anxious to visit Madura in order to worship 'Arivan by listening to Dharma, preached by the sinless, saints, who have by their purity got rid of all their Adharma.' This temple of Madura was also built of stone." Another Sangan text of great antiquity, the Maduraikkanchi, 18 gives a graphic de scription of the large Nirgranthas temple of Madura. It runs thus: 'Nirgrantha crowd the cloisters of the monks of their saints, the walls of which are exceedingly high, and painted red, and are surrounded by pretty, little flower-gardens.' This shows that this particular Jaina temple of the great city of Madura was built at very high cost and was obviously a remarkable shrine of that ancient city, We have already referred to the Nirgrantha shrine of Vanji, which was near the eastern gate of that city. This shows that Jainism was not only popular in the Cola and Pandya kingdoms, but also Kerala. Vanji has been identified with a place not far from the present Cochin, and like Madura and Kaveripattinam it was a very ancient city. The Silappadikaram also throws welcome light on the Jaina nuns of south India of those days. Among the equipment of Kavundi,19 mention is made of begging bowl and peacock-feathers, which are still used by the Jaina nuns everywhere. This shows that the life led by the nuns was not very different from that of the present day. Kavundi's hunger for knowledge and respect for the Caranars mark her as a remarkably august personality. Her affection for the heroine (Kannaki) makes her a character of flesh and blood. This epic refers to the five types of Jaina monks,"" Arhat, siddha, acarya, upadhyaya, and sadhu. Arivan is described as the 'bestower of Anga',5l which implies that the Jaina literature was perfectly well known at that time in south India. I have attempted to give readers some idea of the condition of the Jaina religion in southern India as revealed in this celebrated Tamil epic. It should not however be supposed that the poet being

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 111 a Jaina, has given only a picture of his religion in this work. He has equal respect for all religious sects, and his descriptions of gods and goddesses, including Visnu,52 and Durga53 are equally attractive. His acquaintance with theistic Hinduism54 and Vedic Brahmanism are also deep and intimate. Let us not forget that he, being a prince, was taught almost every branch of learning in his youth, before he became a Nirgrantha ascetic. That is why he has been able to display such amazing knowledge regarding other sects in this immensely readable epic. He also knows the Ajivikas,55 but, time and again he returns to his favourite theme, namely the glorification of the philosophy of karman56 and non-injury.57 The hero Kovalan,58 it appears, led the life of a pious Jaina sravaka, avoiding meat-eating and partaking of food in the day-time. From the Buddhist epic Manimekalatwritten by Sattanar in the second century AD, we also get some information about the Jainas in south India. Since it is a poem written by an opponent of Jainism, it is but natural that the Jainas will not be favourably painted here. In the first canto we find a drunkard ridiculing a Nirgrantha ascetic with these words welcome, thou reverend sir, I worship thy feet. Pray listen to me. The soul which dwells in thy unclean body pines like a prisoner confined in a close cell. Drink, therefore, of this today, which is drawn by the spathe of the cocoanut palm, and which will give pleasure both in this world and see if my words are true.60 We will later see that in the Mattavilasaprahasana too the Jainas are ridiculed for their uncleanliness. However, elsewhere in the Manimekalai,61 it appears that the poet has sought to give a correct account of the Jaina philosophy. Since the passage is extremely interesting, we quote it in full: He (Nigenta) said that his god is worshipped by Indras: and that the Book revealed by him describes the following: the wheel of Law, the axle of Law, Time, Ether, Eternal atom, good deeds, bad deeds, the bonds created by these deeds and the way to obtain release from these bonds. Things by their own nature or by the nature of other objects to which are they are attached are temporary or ever-lasting. Within the short period of ksana [second] they may pass through the three unavoidable stages, appearance, existence and dissolution. That a margosa tree sprouts and grows is eternal: that it does not possess that property is temporary. Green gram when made into a sweetmeat with other ingredients does not lose its nature, but loses its form. The wheel of Law

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112 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM (dharma] pervades everywhere and moves all things in order and for ever. In the same way the axle of law retains everything (and prevents dissolution).Time may be divided into seconds or extend to Eons. Ether expands and gives room for everything. The soul entering a body will through the five senses, taste, smell, touch, hear and see. An atom may become a body or assume other forms. To stop the origin of good or evil deeds, and to enjoy the effect of past deeds, and to cut off all bonds of release (is salvation). This summary of Jaina philosophy given in this second century Buddhist Tamil poem reminds me of similar accounts in the Digha Nikayak2 and regarding the philosophy of the Ajivikas.63 However, a far more intimate and affectionate picture of the Arhat or Tirthamkara is given in the silappadikaram,64 which is reproduced here in full: The All-knowing, the incarnation of Dharma. He who has transcended all limit of understanding, All-Merciful, victor among victors, the accomplisher, the adorable one, the origin of dharma, the overlord, absolute righteousness, the essence, the holy one, the ancient one, the all-wise, the vanquisher of wrath, the master, the Siva-gati, supreme leader, the exalted one, the possessor of all virtues, the transcendental light, the great truth, the all-god, the supernatural sage (Caranar), the root cause of all, the master of mysterious powers (siddan), the paramount one, the infinitely radiant illumination, the dweller in everything, the guru, the embodiment of nature, our great god, the abode of neverdiminishing eminence, the emperor of virtues, the Sankaran, the Caturmukha, the Isana, the Svayambhu, the bestower of Angas, the Arhat, the ascetic of grace, the one-god, the master of eight attributes, the indivisible eternal substance, the dweller in the heaven, the foremost of the Vedas, and the shining light that dispels ignorance. None can escape the prison of this body unless he obtains the illumination of the revealed Veda, proclaimed by him, who has the various above-mentioned names. I have already pointed out that the poet of the Silappadikaram was a man of wide vision end extensive learning. This is why in the above description of the Tirthamkara he has used epithets that are found in the description of Brahman or Siva in Hindu mythology. Let us turn our attention to some of the places of Tamil Nadu and Kerala connected with Jainism from the earliest time. The above discussion has abundantly shown the popularity of the Jaina religion in the three southern kingdoms of Cola, Pandya, and Cera. A large number of places associated with the Jaina religion and cul ture from different parts of these states have been discovered.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 113 Although the inscriptions discovered from these Jaina holy places are of somewhat later date (mostly post-seventh century AD), there is little doubt that most of these places were associated with Jainism from a much earlier period. We have early Brahmi inscriptions datable from the third century BC and first century AD, discovered from the hills connected with Jainism in Tamil Nadu and Kerala. These Brahmi inscriptions have not yet been properly deciphered and therefore their contents continue to baffle researchers. Quite a few of them possibly contain the earliest specimens of the Tamil language, but most of them are a curious mixture of regional Praksta and Tamil. Besides, all these epigraphs contain only a few words, which is why we have not been able to do full justice to them. Let us first turn our attention to the Jaina sites of Tamil Nadu. The present Madura district, it appears, was the most important stronghold of the Jaina religion in this state. We have already seen that, according to the Sangam literary texts, Madura was noted for its Jaina temples and large number of lay devotees. We must not forget that as a result of religious persecution virtually all the Jaina shrines of Madura city disappeared in the course of time. The exceedingly high red walls of Jaina monasteries, referred to in the Maduraikkanchi, are now things of the past. But elsewhere in the district, an unusally large number of sites (particularly in the hills) are known to contain Jaina relics. Among these, the following may be mentioned here in alphabetical order, Aivarmalai: Alagarmalai Anaimalai, Karungalakkudi, Kiolavu, Kongr-Puliyangulam, Muttupatti, Poygaimalai, Settipodavu, and Utamapalai. This list is by no means, exhaustive, and it also be noted that a majority of these sites are situated on hills. Aivarmalai is nine miles from Palni and is 1402 feet above the seal-level.65 The hill here, according to tradition, was associated with the Pandavas. Such traditions are common everywhere in India. On the north-east side of a natural shelter of the hill, which is 160 feet long and 13 feet high, we have 16 images of Tirthamkaras. A number of inscriptions have been discovered from here and they will be discussed in the chapter X. The range of hills known as Alagarmalait is some 12 miles northwest of Madura. Brahmi inscriptions, assignable to the second century BC have been discovered from the pillow side of the stone beds in a cavern of the hill, which were obviously used by the ascetics who lived there. Since the later inscriptions, found in the same cav

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114 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM ern, associate the place with Jainism, it is permissible to conjecture that the Nirgrantha sadhus used the stone beds in pre-Christian times and the Brahmi inscriptions were caused to be inscribed by them. It has further been surmised that the natural caves formed by the overhanging rocks with plain walls and vaulted roofs were provided with wooden facades in the pre-Christian period. We have already observed that the Jaina ascetics of pre-Christian times led a very simple, almost arduous life, and usually avoided populous towns and villages. It is also reasonable to conjecture that the Caranars, referred to in the Sangam texts, were the monks who inhabited such caverns. Anaimalai or the elephant hill, which is six miles east of Madura, is the most striking mass of perfectly naked solid rock'.8 It is about two miles long, a quarter of a mile wide, and 250 feet high. It bears a fair resemblance to an elephant lying down. On a large boulder of this hill we have a series of sculptures representing the Tirthamkaras. The overhanging portions of the boulder form a sort of natural cave which was probably used by the Jaina monks. There are signs of rude walls. In front of the cave there is a rock platform which commands the most beautiful view across the green fields. The Jaina ascetics, it appears, had an eye for the picturesque. It is reasonable to surmise that the lay devotees of the city of Madura supplied the wherewithal for living to the venerable monks living there. This cavern is still known as Samanar Kovil or temple of the Jaina munis. I shall discuss the inscriptions of this cavern, in a later chapter. Karungalakkudi, another Pancapandava hill is known for its ancient cavern and Brahmi inscriptions. ' In a later period too this hill was inhabited by Jaina ascetics. Kilalavu" is also a hill site situated in the Melur taluk of Madura district. This hill has a very large number of stony beds, carefully sheltered, indicating a large settlement of ascetics in the earlier period. Other details regarding this site will be disucssed later. Kongar-Puliyangulam 72 is another hill site with rock-cut beds in the Tirumangalam taluk of Madura. There is an interesting image here of the great Jaina saint Ajjanandi about whom I will have something more to say later. Muttupatti" is the name of a village in the Nilakkottai taluk where we have a huge overhanging boulder that has a few ancient stone beds and Brahmi inscriptions. A number of later inscriptions, found from this site, will be discussed elsewhere.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 115 Poyagaimalai74 is eleven miles to the west of Tirumangalam in Madura district. In a natural cave of this hill a series of Jina sculptures are carved in relief. The hill is popularly known as Samanar Kovil or Jaina temple. Settipodavu75 (meaning 'the hollow of the eminent merchant) is an extremely interesting cavern near Kilakkudi, a village in Madura taluk. It was undoubtedly a very popular Jaina resort from early times. A large number of interesting inscriptions have been found here. These inscriptions supply us with important information regarding the Jaina religion of later times; all these matters will be discussed in a later chapter. Uttampalai76 is a Jaina site in Periyakulan taluk and has several interesting inscriptions. In the district of Tinnevelly there was an extremely important stronghold of the Jaina faith in a place now called Kalugumalai.77 This hill has treasured natural caverns with beds and inscriptions in Brahmi characters. A very large number of later Jaina inscriptions and sculptures have also been found from this hill. Among other celebrated Jaina sites of Tamil Nadu, the following may be mentioned: Patalipura78 (South Arcot), Colavaindipuram"9 (South Arcot), Pancapandavamalai80 (North Arcot). In the former Pudukkottai state, now part of Tamil Nadu, we have the following interesting Jaina sites: Sittannavasal,81 Narttamala, 82 Aluruttimalai,83 Bommamalai,84 Melamalai,85 Tenimalai,86 Chettipatti,87 and others. A number of sites in modern Kerala connected with Jainism have been discovered. We have already noted that according to the Silappadikaram there was a well-known Jaina monastery near the Cera capital Vanji Tiruccanttumalai, 88 also known as the hill of the Caranars near Chitaral in this state was a famous Jaina centre of pilgrimage in ancient times. The temple is now known as the shrine of Bhagavati, but the icons here abundantly testify that it was a Jaina centre. In the natural cave at the top of the hill there are beautiful Jaina sculptures and inscriptions from the eighth to the tenth centuries AD, which will be discussed later. Jaina sculptures and inscriptions have also been discovered from Nagarkoyil. 89 Let us turn our attention to the state of Jainism during the days of the Pallavas. The Pallavas, as is well-known, were Brahmanical Hindus. There are however indications that during the reign of the Pallavas, Jainism remained one of the dominant religious systems and more than one royal member of the dynasty favoured the monks belonging to this sect.

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116 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM The first notable event in the history of Jainism in the post-Sangam period was the establishment of Dravida Samgha by Vajranandin at Daksina Mathura, 526 years after king Vikrama. This information is supplied by Digambara Devasena in his Darsanasara" composed in 990 vs or AD 933. Therefore, according to Devasena, the Dravida Samgha was founded in ad 464 at Madura, which, as we have already seen, was intimately connected with the Jaina religion. A few years before this date, in the town of Patalika in Panarastra in Saka 380 i.e., AD 458, the Digambara Lokavibhaga was composed by Sarvanandin in the twenty-second year of Simhavarman, the king of Kanci. We have already referred to the place called Patalipura in South Arcot which is generally identified with Pasalika of Sarvanandin. These two important pieces of evidence directly testify that Jainism was flourishing in the fifth century during the Pallava rule in south India. It should be mentioned here that the chronological evidence regarding the beginning of Simhavarman's rule, supplied by the Lokavibhaga, has greatly helped scholars in reconstructing early Pallava history. Turning now to inscriptions before AD 600 we find there are at least two where a royal member of the dynasty of the Pallavas is associated with the Jaina religion. The first inscription" dated in sixth year of Simhavarman II, father of Simhavisnu and grandfather of Mahendravarman, was discovered a few years ago. The great importance of this inscription can hardly be overemphasized. It records the grant of a village to the Jaina sage Vajranandin of Nandi Samgha at Vardhamanesvara tirtha for conducting the worship of Lord Jina. Since this Simhavarman was the grandfather of Mahendravarman, this inscription should be placed around c. AD 550.93 It also refers to his son Simhavisnu, who is described as the conqueror of the Cola country and at whose request the grant was made. The grant is partly in Sanskrit and partly in Tamil. Incidentally, this record contains one of the earliest specimens of epigraphic Tamil.91 From the Tamil portion we learn that the land grant was at a place called Paruttikkanru which is a locality near Kanci. Narabhaya, the minister, figures as the ajnapati of the grant. Narabhaya, the minister, figures as the ajnapati of the grant. The same Simhavisnu, who is here depicted as a patron of Jainism, appears elsewhere as a devotee of Visnu. The reference to Vardhamanesvara tirtha is of great significance, providing evidence of the existence of a sacred Jaina site ncar Kanci,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 117 named after the last Jaina Tirthamkara. It is tempting to identify this tirtha with the celebrated Jina-Kanci, but this must for the time being, remain a hypothesis. Another member of the early Pallava royal family appears in a western Ganga inscription of the twelfth year of the reign of Avinita, discovered from Hoskote (Bangalore district, Karnataka) as a patroness of the Jaina religion. We are told in this inscription that a devayatana, dedicated to arhats, was constructed by the mother (janani) of the Pallava overlord (adhiraja) Simhavisnu at the village of Pulligere in Korikunda division (bhage). We further learn that this temple was meant for the use of of the monks of Yavanika Samgha (i.e., Yapaniya Samgha). The most crucial passage of the inscription is however that which refers to the fact that the lady (i.e., the mother of Simhavisnu) constructed the Jina temple with a view to enhancing the glory of her husband's family (bhartykulakirtijananyartham), namely the Pallavas. Her husband was evidently Simhavarman II of the Pallava inscription, referred to above. It further shows that, not only the royal lady herself (cf. atmanasca dharmapravardhanartham), but also members of husband's family nurtured soft corner for the Jaina religion. This inscription is to be placed in c. AD 560 according to my calculation. The above discussion shows that the Pallavas, in spite of their weakness for traditional Hinduism, had great deference for the Jainas. Let us not forget that, long before the emergence of the Pallavas as a political power, the Jainas had carved for themselves a permanent place in the religious life of south India. JAINISM IN KARNATAKA AND ANDHRA Let us now turn our attention to Karnataka which from a fairly early period produced some remarkable Jaina saints. We have already opined that the tradition regarding the migration of the Jainas under Bhadrabahu and Candragupta cannot be accepted at the present state of our knowledge. Besides, the earliest author that refers to Candragupta's conversion to Jainism is Yativrsabha, the author of the Tiloyapannati (early seventh century), who lived nearly 1000 years after Candragupta Maurya, Sravana Belgo!a, which according to the tradition was the place of Candragupta's death, has not produced any inscription which can be dated before AD 600. The Western Gangas, who ruled in southern Karnataka from the mid-fourth century AD, were great patrons of the Jaina religion and

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM culture from the very beginning of their history. The earlier: specuiations regarding the beginning of the Western Ganga rule have now been proved wrong. The Penukonda plates of Madhava II (sometimes called Madhava III), which were accepted as genuine even by Fleet, and which had been assigned to c. AD 475 by him, refers to a number of his predecessors. The founder Konkanivarman (Madhava I) should be placed in the mid-fourth century AD. This is also confirmed by the fact that the third king Aryavarman or Harivarman was installed in his throne by his Pallava overlord Simhavarman I, who according to the Lokavibhaga ascended the throne in AD 436. 118 According to later records the earliest king Konkanivarman Madhava, who came from the north, was helped by a great Jaina saint called Simhanandi Acarya in his attempt to carve out an independent kingdom in the south. The earliest record that refers to the help rendered by a Jaina to Konkanivarman is a damaged copperplate of the reign of Sivamara I (c. AD 670-713) which clearly states that at a suggestion of a Jaina teacher Konkanivarman had cut down a stone pillar.99 However, in the earlier copperplates of the dynasty no Jaina teacher is connected with this valiant feat of the founder of the dynasty. Another inscription, the Udayendiran grant of Hastimalla dated c. AD 920, tells us that the Ganga family prospered because of Simhanandi's assistance. 100 A third inscription dated Saka 884 of the reign of Marasimha101 also refers to this fact and the valiant feat of cutting asunder a great stone pillar Konkanivarman. A fourth inscription 10% of the eleventh century (dated AD 1077) gives the same information regarding Simhanandi's act and his contribution to the establishment of the Ganga empire. However, the most evocative and detailed account regarding Simhanandi's achievement is given in a long lithic record 103 found from Shimoga district of Karnataka, dated Saka 1043 (AD 1121). From this account we learn that the two sons of one king Padmanabha called Dadiga and Madhava, who came from the north in search of fortune, found a beautiful spot in an extensive place (now located in Cuddapah district, Andhra Pradesh) and there they saw a Jaina temple (caityalaya) and in that shrine they met Simhanandi Acarya, the sun of the Kranura gana, who is directly called in the inscription 'the promoter of the Ganga kingdom' (ganga-rajya-samuddharanam), who accepted them as his disciples. We are further told that the Jaina saint gave the brothers a sword (khadga) and a whole king

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 119 dom. Madhava, one of the brothers, being so honoured, cut down a stone-pillar104 with his sword, which promoted Simhanandi to make a crown from the petals of the karnikara blossom and place it on the heads of the brothers. He in addition gave them his peacock fan as their banner and in due course provided them with an army. This inscription also records the advice which that munipati gave those two brothers: If you fail in what you promise, if you dissent from the Jaina sasana, 15 if you take the wives of others, if you are addicted to spirits or flesh (madhumamsa), if you associate with the base, if you give not to the needy, if you flee in battle, your race will go to ruin. Thus with Nandagiri as their fort (kota), Kuvalala (Kolar) as their city, Gangavadi as their kingdom, and jinamata as their faith, the two brothers Dadiga and Madhava ruled their kingdom. The account related in the above-mentioned stone is more or less legendary, but as we have already noted, the connection of Jaina Simhanandi with the foundation of the Ganga kingdom is known from other sources. Its account regarding the earlier history of the Ganga dynasty can be dismissed offhand. Its attempt to make Padmanabha the father of the two brothers (Dadiga and Madhava) is, to say the least, ridiculous. We know from the early and genuine Ganga copperplates, in including the Penukonda, that Padmanabha is the deity addressed in the first line of those records. Padmanabha is a popular name for Visnu, although according to the Jainas, 106 Padmanabha is the first Arhat of the future age. It is, however, most likely that the term 'Padmanabha' Ganga inscriptions refers to Lord Visnu. Simhanandi's connection with the founder of the Ganga dynasty is also confirmed by an old commentary of the Gommatasara.107 It thus appears to be a historical fact that Madhava I Konkanivarman, who founded the Western Ganga kingdom in the mid-fourth century AD, owes his success to the activities of a Jaina saint. There is however no direct evidence to prove that Madhava I himself became a Jaina convert. Besides, an overwhelming majority of early western Ganga inscriptions are grants made to Brahmanas and other non-Jainas. It appears, however, that the Western Ganga monarchs, beginning from the founder of the dynasty, nurtured a special love for Jainism, although no Jaina record from the reign of first few Ganga kings has yet been discovered.

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120 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM The first king of this dynasty of whose reign we have definite Jaina records is Madhava III (sometimes called Madhava II). One inscription 108 of his reign has been discovered from Nonamangala (Kolar district). This is dated in the thirteenth year of his reign. As is well-known, his undated Penukonda plate inscription109 is assigned to C. AD 475 by Fleet. That inscription further informs us that he was installed on the throne by his Pallava overlord Skandavarman, the son of Simhavarman I, so we have to assign Madhava III to the last quarter of the fifth century AD. This inscription discloses the name of Acarya Viradeva and refers to a Jaina temple erected by the monks of the Mulasamgha at Pebbolala grama of Mudukottura visaya. The temple was apparently situated in Kolar district of Karnataka. The king Madhava, we are told, granted to this temple the village of Kumarapura along with some other land which was apparently situated near the village. It is apparent that the temple mentioned here was built before the fifth century AD, the date of this inscription; but how long before, we cannot guess. The epithets bestowed on the Jaina guru Viradeva reveal that he was held in highest esteem by Madhava III. It is also interesting to note that the grant was made in the bright fortnight of Phalguna, the time for the great Astahnika festival. Madhava III, however, in spite of his fondness for the Jaina religion, was a tolerant king, as is evident from his grants made to other religious sects, including Buddhists.110 The next king, Avinita Konkanivarman, had a long rule and may be assigned to the first half of the sixth century AD. Three inscriptions of his reign are Jaina grants, although the genuineness of one has been questioned. The earliest is a Nonamangala (Kolar district) grant, , dated in the first year of his reign. We are told that the king, on the advice of his preceptor, parama arhat, Vijayakirti whose fame had pervaded all regions granted land to the Uranur Arhat temple which was established by Candranandin and others. The same inscription refers to another Jaina temple called Perur Evani Adigal Arhat temple. Both these temples were apparently situated in the Kolar district. It is interesting to note that the Jaina saint, Vijayakirti in this inscription is represented as the preceptor (upadhyaya) of the king. Acarya Candranandin of Mulasamgha apparently flourished before Acarya Vijayakirti. The second Jaina grant of king Avinita is dated in the twelfth year of his reign,112 an inscription discovered from Hoskote (Bangalore district, Karnataka). It records the grant of land to a

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 121 Jaina temple at Pulliura village of Korikunda-bhaga. We have already noticed this inscription in connection with Pallava Simhavisnu. The reference to the well-known Yapaniya Samgha is quite interesting. This inscription and that referred to above, show Avinita's close and intimate relationship with the Digambara Jainas of various groups. This inscription, as we have already noticed, testifies to the contemporaneity of Pallava Simhavisnu and Ganga Avinita, and is therefore of great historical importance. However, there are reasons to believe, and as will be shown elsewhere, that Avinita was a senior contemporary of Simhavisnu. The third Jaina inscriptions of the reign of Avinita is now the property of the Lutheral Museum, Basel (Switzerland). It refers to Kongunimahadhiraja Avinita and also gives the date Saka 388. It was found in the Mercara treasury (Coorg district, Karnataka) but the inscription is clearly a later forgery as is evident from the details given regarding the date and naksatra, and also the script which is clearly of the eighth or ninth century AD. However, the details regarding Avinita's predecessors in this inscription, are the same as those found in genuine Ganga records. It appears therefore that the inscription was forged at a later date by some intelligent Jaina monks, who had access to official Ganga records. They have even cleverly given some of the names of witnesses found in genuine early records. This forged grant further refers to a minister of Akalavarsa Prthivivallabha' who was probably a Rastrakuta king. But what a minister of a Rastrakuta king had to with a grant of a Ganga ruler is not clear. Probably the forgery was made during the days of the Rastrakutas. Besides, the reference to the anvayq (lineage) of Kundakunda appears highly suspect. This forged inscription gives the following list of the Jaina acaryas of the anvaya of Kundakunda: Gunacandra-bhatara Abhayanandi-bhatara silabhadra-bhatara Jayanandi-bhatara Gunanandi-bhatara Candranandi-bhatara

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122 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Since this inscription is a forged document of eighth or ninth century, we cannot rely on its evidence and accept the list of monks as persons belonging to the days of early Ganga rulers. Other details given in this grant should also be ignored. Avinita's son and successor Durvinita ruled, in all probability, in the second half of the sixth century AD. Like his father, he too had a long reign."14 We must remember that the great-grandson of Durvinita, Bhuvikrama, started ruling from AD 625.115 Durvinita must therefore be placed before AD 600. This is confirmed partly by the discovery of a mutilated manuscript of the Avantisundarikatha 16 which makes Durvinita a contemporary of Simhavisnu. We have already seen that Durvinita's father, Avinita, was a contemporary of Simhavisnu. It would therefore appear that Avinita's son was a junior contemporary of that Pallava monarch.117 No Jaina inscription of the reign of Durvinita has yet been discovered but a later record, dated Saka 977 (AD 1055) of the time of Somesvara I, the Kalyana-Calukya monarch, refers to a temple dedicated to Parsva, which according to it, was built by Durvinita. 118 This definitely proves that Durvinita, like many of his predecessors, patronized the Jainas. A few scholars are of the firm opinion that Durvinita was a disciple of the great Jaina savant Pujyapada. The basis of their surmise is one of his records, dated in his fortieth regnal year.119 According to this inscription he composed a work called the Sabdavatara. 120 Prof. Saletore argues121 that Durvinita merely put into Kannada the original Sabdavatara, a grammatical treatise written by Pujyapada, but this is mere conjecture. We must remember that according to Devasena (ap 933), Vajranandi, the founder of Dravida Samgha, who flourished about AD 468, at Madura was a disciple of Pujyapada. We have however already seen that Durvinita could not have flourished before the second half of the sixth century AD; and Pujyapada must have died at least 50 years before Durvinita's probable date of birth. There is therefore no basis for the view that Durvinita was a disciple of Pujyapada. It is however just possible that sometime after Pujyapada's death, Durvinita, on his own initiative, translated the grammatical treatise of that Jaina savant. In a later chapter I shall continue this discussion on the state of Jainism during the rule of the later western Ganga rulers. Let us now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion in the Kadamba kingdom from the earliest times.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 123 The Kadambas like the western Gangas came into the limelight from the middle of the fourth century AD. Like the latter, they too were great patrons of the Jaina religion and culture. The earliest inscription"22 of the dynasty of the founder Mayurasarman is assigned to the middle of the fourth century ad. The first king of this dynasty, who definitely showed special favour to the Jainas, was Kakutsthavarman whose Halsi grant (Belgaum district, Karnataka) is dated in the eightieth year of the pattabandha of his ancestor Mayurasarman.123 It has been suggested 24 that the year 80 may also be referred to the Gupta era; in that case the inscription should be assigned to c. AD 400, which is also supported by the palaeography of the record. The inscription begins with an adoration of the holy Jinendra who is represented almost as a theistic deity. Some of the grants of Mrgesavarman and Ravivarman begin with the same verse. It was issued from Palasika (Halsi, Belgaum district) by Kakutsthavarman, who is represented as the 'yuvaraja of the Kadambas'. By this grant a field in the village called Khetagrama, which belonged to the holy arhats, was given to the general Srutakirti as a reward for saving the prince. It is said that the confiscators of the field, belonging to the king's own family or any other family, would be guilty of pancamahapataka. According to the Jainas the five sins are destruction of life, lying, unchastity, and immoderate desire. The inscription ends with the words Rsabhaya namah. It is apparent from the inscription that the Jinendra temple of the ancient city of Palasika was built before the date of this inscription and probably sometime in the fourth century AD. Several grants of Mrgesavarman, the grandson of Kakutsthavarman, who ruled in the last quarter of the fifth century AD, 125 are connected with the Jaina religion. The first inscription"26 found at Banavasi is dated in the third regnal year. It records a grant of blacksoil land (krsnabhumiksetra) in the village called Behat-Paralura to the divine, supreme arhat 'whose feet are rubbed by the tiara of the lord of gods' for the purpose of the glory of sweeping out the temple, anointing the idol with ghee, performing worship and repairing anything that may be broken. Another piece of land was also granted for decorating the idol with flowers, for which the term devakula is also used. The pattika is said to have been written by Damakirti Bhojaka. We have another Banavasi grant!27 dated in the fourth year of Mrgesa's reign which was issued on the eighth of the

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124 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM bright fortnight of varsa when the king was residing at Vaijayanti. The dating of the inscription was certainly due to the Jaina influence, 128 as it was the time of the Navdisvara or Astahnika festival. By this grant the dharmamaharaja Sri Vijayasiva Mrgesavarman made a gift of a village of the name of Kalavanga. It was divided in three equal portions: the first was meant for the temple of Jinendra which was situated at a place called Paramapuskala, the second for the samgha of the Svetapata-mahasramana who scrupulously followed the original teaching of the Arhat, and the third for the use of the Nirgrantha-mahasramanas. The reference to the Svetapata sadhus is of great significance. It clearly shows that the Svetambaras were equally popular in Karnataka in the fifth century AD. The statement that they followed the good teaching of the Arhat implies that they were held in special esteem in those days. It is also evident from the inscription that the Jinendra temple mentioned here, was the joint property of the monks of both the sects. Needless to say, these monks belonging to the principal branches of Jainism, lived in perfect harmony in the fifth century AD. The seal of the grant, according to Fleet, bears the device of a Jinendra. The third inscription of Mrgesavarman bearing on Jainism is the Halsi grant129 dated in the eighth year of that king. It begins like the inscription of Kakutsthavarman with an adoration to Jinendra in exactly the same words. The king Msgesa is further described as Tunga-Gangakulotsadi and Pallavapralayanala, which suggest his suc cess over the western Gangas and Pallavas. Then we are told that, while residing at Vaijayanti, through the devotion of his father (Santivarman), he caused to be built a jinalaya at the town of Palasika (Halsi) and gave to the holy arhats thirty-three nivartanas of land between the river Matnsarit and Ingini-samgama for the Yapaniyas, Nirgranthas, and Kurcakas. The executor of the grant was bhojaka Damakirti. Fleet takes the bhojakas to be the official priests in Jaina temples, but who were the kurcakas mentioned in this inscription? It appears that they were bearded ascetics 50 and were distinguished from other Nirgrantha monks who were unbearded. Some other grants of Mrgesavarman are meant for the Brahmanas and other non-Jainas which shows that he was not a converted Jaina.131 The next king, Ravivarman, was not only a very able ruler and a great conqueror but also a sincere patron of the Jaina religion. We must first refer to his Halsi grant'32 dated in the eleventh year of his

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 125 reign which refers to his brother Bhanuvarman, who was probably the governor of Palasika 133 under Ravivarman. We are told that Bhanuvarman and one Pandara Bhojaka granted land to the Jina at Palasika which was situated in a village called Kardamapati. We are further told that the land was given for the purpose of worshipping the Lord Jina on every full moon day. We must then refer to two undated Halsi grants of the time of Ravivarman both of which are of great importance. The first undated Halsi grant134 of Ravivarman records the interesting history of a family that received favour from the days of king Kakutsthavarman. According to it, in former days a Bhoja named Srutakirti, who became a great favourite of Kakutsthavarman, enjoyed the village of Kheta. We have alrealdy noted that king Kakutsthavarman granted a field in that village to sen Srutakirti for serving him. After Srutakirti's death, at the time of Santivarman, his eldest son Mrgesa, after taking his father's permission, granted the village to the Damakirti's mother. It appears that Damakirti was the son of Srutakirti. The eldest son of Damakirti was pratihara Jayakirti, whose family is said have been established in the world by an acarya named Bandhusena. In order to increase his fortune, fame, and to acquire religious merit, Jayakirti, through the favour of king Ravi gave the village of Parukhetaka (probably larger Kheta) to his father's mother. This interesting grant further refers to the eightday festival of Lord Jina at Palasika in which king Ravivarman himself participated. We are further told that the expenses for this Astahnika festival in the month of Karttika was to be met from the revenue of the village. The grant further refers to the Yapaniya monks and their chief Kumaradatta. The last few lines of the inscription conclusively show that king Ravivarman did everything to promote the worship of Jina at Palasika. It also appears that Suri Kumaradatta, mentioned in this inscription, was a celebrated Jaina savant, belonging to the Yapaniya sect and was universally admired for his learning and holiness. We must note carefully the following lines of this inscription 'wheresoever the worship of Jinendra is kept up, there is increase for the country, and the lords of these countries acquire strength [urjas).' The second undated Halsi grant of Ravivarman 135 is historically more important since it refers to the killing of Visnuvarman, his Kadamba kinsman, and his triumph over Candadanda, the lord of Kanci. The actual donor was Srikirti, the younger brother of

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126 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Damakirti, and the object was to enhance their mother's merit. A copperplate inscription, dated in the thirty-fourth year of this king, found from Chitradurga district (Karnataka), records a grant of land to a Jaina temple. It should here be remembered that Ravivarman did not favour the Jainas alone; other religious sects were also well-treated by him. This is testified to by his inscriptions found in various different places. 137 Ravivarman ruled in the closing years of the fifth and the first quarter of the sixth century AD. 138 The Jainas also enjoyed patronage during the rule of Harivarman who, unlike his father Ravivarman, was not a very strong king. We have two dated Halsi grants of his reign. The first is dated in the fourth year of his reign.139 It records that at Uccasongi, the king on the advice of his uncle (pitvya) Sivaratha, gave the grant of a village to an arhat temple of Palasika, which was built by one Mrgesa, the son of senapati Simha. On behalf of the temple, the grant was received by Candraksanta, who is described as the head of a Kurcaka Samgha named after Varisenacarya. It thus appears that a particular member of Kurcaka sect called Varisenacarya established, before this date, a particular samgha, which was named after him. We have already taken note of these Kurcakas, who are mentioned in an inscription of the time of Mrgesavarman. The village Vasuntavataka, which was given as grant, was situated at Kanduravisaya. The inscription ends with a verse addressed to Vardhamana. The second Halsi grant 10 of Harivarman's reign is dated in his fifth regnal year. It is interesting that Palasika is described here as the capital (adhisthana) of this king. We are told that the king, being requested by Sendraka chief Bhanusakti, gave the grant of a village called Marade for a Jaina caityalaya of Palasika which was the property of Sramana Samgha called Aharisti under Acarya Dharmanandin. The Sendrakas were obviously the feudatories of the Kadambas. Harivarman however, before the end of his reign, became a Saiva. 141 Another branch of the Kadamba dynasty, who ruled in the southern part of the original Kadamba dominion, also patronized the Jainas. We have a grant, 112 of the time of Krsnavarman I (475-85), the brother of santivarman, issued from Triparvata (probably Halebid). By this grant a piece of land at a place called Siddhakedara, which was in Triparvata division, was granted to Yapaniya Samgha by Yuvaraja Devavarman for the maintenance, worship, and repair

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 127 of a caityalaya, which was probably near Siddhakedara. The above discussion shows the flourishing condition of Jainism in different parts of the Kadamba dominion. It appears that there were a number of Jaina temples at Palasika, which was a flourishing town in those days. These inscriptions, as noted above, has disclosed the names of a great number of Jaina savants, some of whom had even won the respect of the reigning monarchs. The reference to different Jaina sects like the Nirgranthas, Svetapalas, and Kurcakas prove that all these schools had their followers in the Kadamba dominion. The lay followers used to celebrate, with great pomp, the various Jaina festivals and, needless to say, such festivals made the Jaina religion extremely popular among the masses. The Kadamba kings, it appears, in spite of their religious catholicity, had special affection for the Jaina religion. It was largely as a result of their patronage that Jainism became a dominant religious force in Karnataka. Turning to the western Calukyas, some of whom ruled before AD 600, we find at least one king directly patronizing the Jainas. We must however first refer to a spurious grant of the time of Pulakesin I, known as the Altem grant.143 This inscription gives the date Saka 411 (i.e., AD 489) for Pulakesin I, which is an impossible date for that king, for whom we now have an authentic date, Saka 465,141 supplied by an inscription inscribed on Badami fort. As pointed out by Fleet, the script of the Altem grant belongs to a much later age, and, therefore it is desirable that the details of the inscription be discussed in a later chapter. An undated stone inscription 145 of the time of Kirtivarman I, who ruled in the second half of the sixth century AD, from Adur (Dharwar district, Karnataka) is an important Jaina record. Now we know that Kirtivarman I's rule114 terminated in AD 597, and therefore this inscription should be placed between AD 543 (Saka 465) and AD 597. It begins with an adoration of Vardhamana. Then it records the grant of a field for the danasala of the jinalaya which had been built by one of the Gamundas or village headmen. The inscription refers to Vaijayanti, but because it is damaged nothing definite can be learnt about its connection either with Kirtivarman or Jainism. We are then told that while Kirtivarman was reigning as supreme sovereign, and a certain Sinda king governing the city of Pandipura (the ancient name of Adur), 117 a number of Gamundas gave to the temple of Jinendra some rice-land to the west of the village of Karmagalur.

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128 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM The inscription refers to a line of Jaina monks, the earliest of whom was Vinayanandin, who is here compared with Indrabhuti (the great disciple of Mahavira), and who obviously lived around the last quarter of the fifth century AD. The disciple of this Vinayanandin was Vasudeva, whose disciple's disciple was Sripala, who was responsible for the setting up the stone tablet. The grant was received on behalf of the Jina temple (which was at Adur) by Prabhacandra. It is interesting that this stone inscription has been discovered from a region that was formerly under the Kadambas. It also shows that Jainism received equal patronage even during the days of the Calukyas, and in a later chapter we will see how favourably the Calukyas regarded the Jainas. Practically nothing is known regarding the condition of Jainism in Andhra Pradesh 148 before AD 600. However from a somewhat later eastern Calukya inscription, 149 which will be discussed elsewhere, we learn that a number of Jaina saints flourished in the Dezwada region between AD 450 and 600. The names are as follows: Candraprabhacarya, his pupil's pupil Ravicandracarya and his disciple's Ravinandin. These Jaina teachers, who are mentioned in the Musinikonda grant of Visnuvardhana III, were the spiritual predecessors of Kalibhadracarya, who was a contemporary of Ayyana Mahadevi, the wife of Kubja Visnuvardhana (early seventh century). In a grant of Pallava Simhavarman found from Nellore district of A.P. (fifth century, there is a reference to the Ajivikas, 150 but as far as Jainism is concerned, for a variety of reasons, the early monuments connected with it have simply disappeared. A fair number of Jaina teachers of south India like Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, Divakara, Pujyapada, etc., certainly lived before AD 600. I shall discuss details of their lives and activities in a separate chapter. REFERENCES 1. Geiger, p. 75. 2. X.102. 3. See Geiger, Introd., p. xxxvi. 4. See Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, II, p. 211; see also The Clas sical Age, p. 407. 5. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 210; The Classical Age, pp. 405-7. 6. Ed., H. Oldenberg, 19.14. 7. See the entry on the 'Tamil Literature in Encyclopaedia Britannica;

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 129 see also Vajyapuri, Tamil Language and Literature, p. 151. 8. See Dikshitar, trans., p. 343. 9. The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 239-40. 10. For a list of different Tamil editions of this text see Chakravarti, Jaina Literature in Tamil, p. 19, n. 2. 11. See, for different views on its date, Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 24n. 12. Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 21. 13. See Vaiyapuri, op. cit., pp. 65 ff.; Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 22. 14. Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 22. 15. See T.P. Meenakshisundaram, A History of Tamil Literature, p. 17. 16. 33.78. 17. Trans., G.U. Pope, London, 1886. For the list of Tamil editions of Kural see Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 28n. 18. See Chakravarti, op. cit., pp. 33 ff. 19. Loc. cit. 20. Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 38. 21. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, p. 139. 22. pp. 33 ff. 23. See Dikshitar, trans., pp. 343-4. 24. See Padikam, p. 77. 25. See Dikshitar, p. 77, n. 2. 26. Ibid., pp. 343-4. 27. Ibid., pp. 68 ff. 28. Ibid., pp. 181 ff., 231 et seq. 29. The name of this town was known to the Jataka writers. 30. See Dikshitar, p. 152. 31. See McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 63. 32. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 216. 33. Ibid., p. 157. 34. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, p. 188. 35. See Legge, Record of the Buddhistic Kingdoms, pp. 18 ff.; see also Bihatkathakosa, 12.116. 36. Even today Hindus observe the car festival. 37. See A.K. Chatterjee, op. cit., p. 188. 38. Para 680. 39. 10.29. 40. p. 322. 41. 10.29. 12. See Mehta and Chandra, Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, p. 258. 43. See Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 263. 44. Ibid., p. 171. 45. Sailana edn., pp. 22 ff. 46. Dikshitar, p. 158. 47. Ibid., p. 216.

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130 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 48. 11. 453 ff.; quoted in Kanakasabhai's The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, p. 136. 49. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 158. 50. Ibid., p. 157. 51. Ibid., p. 164. 52. Ibid., pp. 231 ff. 53. Ibid., pp. 181 ff. 54. Ibid., pp. 231 ff. 55. Ibid., p. 308. 56. See Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 52; also Diskhitar, op. cit., p. 227. 57. See Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 220; see also p. 344. 58. Ibid., p. 220. 59. For a summary see Kanakasabhai, op. cit., pp. 162-89; also Vaiyapuri, op. cit., pp. 169-90. 60. See Kanakasabhai, op. cit., p. 165. 61. Ibid., p. 215. 62. See Samannaphalasutta. 63. Kanakasabhai, op. cit., p. 214. 64. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 164. 65. See Madura District Gazetteer, ed., W. Francis, pp. 300-301; see also P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India, pp. 60-1. 66. See Desai, op. cit., p. 57; see also ARE, 1910, p. 69. 67. See JOR, XIII, p. 3. 68. Madura District Gazetteer, p. 254. 69. Ibid., p. 256. 70. See Desai, op. cit., p. 60; see also ARE, 1912, p. 50. 71. Ibid., p. 60; ibid., 1910, pp. 68-9. 72. Ibid., p. 58; ibid., 1910, p. 66. 73. Ibid., p. 58; ibid., 1910, P. 6. 74. Ibid., p. 60; ibid., 1909, P. 70. 75. See Desai, op. cit., p. 58. 76. Madura District Gazetteer, pp. 321 ff.; see also Desai, op. cit., p. 57. 77. Desai, op. cit., p. 64; ARE, 1907, p. 47. 78. Desai, op. cit., pp. 48-9; see also EI, XIV, p. 334. According to the Periya Puranam this place was a seat of a large Jaina monastery in the seventh century AD. See also Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 9. 79. See Desai, op. cit., pp. 49-50. 80. Ibid., pp. 39-41. 81. Ibid., pp. 51 ff.; see also Manual of Pudukkottai State, 1944, II, p. 1092. 82. Desai, op. cit., p. 53; Manual of Pudukkottai State, p. 1968. 83. Desai, op. cit., p. 53. 84. Ibid., pp. 53 ff. 85. Ibid., p. 54.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE) 131 86. Loc. cit. 87. Desai, op. cit., p. 55. 88. Ibid., pp. 68 ff.; see also Travancore Archaeological Series, I, p. 194. 89. See Travancore Archaeological Series, II, pp. 127-9. 90. p. 24 (quoted in J.P. Jain's The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, p. 160, n. 1). 91. See EI, 14, p. 334. 92. See ARE, 1958-9, A 10, also pp. 3-4; for the text see Transactions of the Archaeological Society of South India, 1958-9, pp. 41 ff. 93. See ARE, 1958-9, pp. 3 ff. 94. See Kamil Zvelebil, Tamil in 550 AD, Prague, 1964. 95. See SII, II, pp. 391 ff. 96. See MAR, 1938, pp. 80 ff.; see also Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, IV, no. 20. 97. For a summary of various such speculations, see Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 7 ff. 98. See EI, 14, pp. 334 ff. 99. MAR, 1925, p. 91. 100. SII, II, p. 387. 101. MAR, 1921, p. 19. 102. EC, VII, no. 46, p. 139. 103. See Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, II, no. 277. 104. It has been suggested that Madhava I Konkanivarman probably de stroyed an Asokan pillar with his sword; see Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, Introd., p. xlii; see also Saletore, op. cit., pp. 15 ff. 105. Emphasis mine.. 106. See Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo, p. 496. 107. See MAR, 1921, p. 26. 108. EC, X, Malur, no. 73. 109. EI, 14, pp. 334 ff. 110. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pt. II (1930), p. 621. 111. EC, X, Malur, no. 72. 112. MAR, 1938, pp. 80 ff. 113. EC, I, no. 1. 114. See MAR, 1912, para 67. The Gummareddipura plates show that he ruled at least for 40 years. 115. MAR, 1925, no. 105. 116. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pt. II, 1930, pp. 626 ff.; see also MAR, 1938, pp. 87 ff. 117. It appears that Visnuvardhana mentioned in the Avantisundarikatha, as a contemporary of Durvinita and Simhavisnu, is a different king and not to be identified with Kubja Visnuvardhana, the founder of the Vengi house. 118. See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, IV, no. 141, see also IA, 55, p. 74; and

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132 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Saletore, op. cit., pp. 53 ff. 119. See Saletore, op. cit., pp. 19 ff. 120. MAR, 1912, pp. 31-2. 121. Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 21 ff. 122. MAR, 1929, p. 50; also Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 473 ff. 123. See Sircar, The Successors of the Satavahanas in the Lower Deccan, p. 255; see also IA, VI, p. 23. 124. Ibid., p. 234n. 125. See The Classical Age, p. 272. 126. IA, VII, pp. 35-6. 127. Ibid., PP. 37-8. 128. See Sircar, op. cit., p. 262. 129. IA, VI, pp. 24-5. 130. See M.Monier-Williams, SED, p. 300. 131. See EC, IV, p. 130; VIII, p. 12. 132. IA, VI, p. 28. 133. Sircar, op. cit., p. 269. 134. IA, VI, pp. 25-6. 135. Ibid., pp. 29-30. 136. MAR, 1933, pp. 109 ff. 137. See EI, VIII, pp. 146 ff.; XVI, p. 264. 138. See The Classical Age, p. 273. 139. IA, VI, pp. 30-1. 140. Ibid., pp. 31-2. 141. See EI, 14, p. 165. 142. IA, VII, p. 33. 143. See A.V. Naik, A List of Inscriptions of the Deccan, no. 3. 144. Ibid., no. 1. 145. IA, XI, pp. 68-71. 146. The Classical Age, p. 233. 147. IA, XI, p. 69. 148. See, in this connection, Journal of Andhra Research Society, XIII, pp. 185-96. 149. See Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1916-17, no. A-9. 150. EI, 24, pp. 296ff.

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CHAPTER IX Jainism in North India (AD 600-1000) Despite the paucity of Jaina records in north India in the post-Gupta period, it is possible to write a more or less accurate account of the state of the Jaina religion, not only with the aid of inscriptions, but also literary works. We have already noticed that the religion of the Tirthamkaras was firmly established in virtually every part of India by AD 600. We should remember in this connection that a large number of Jaina commentaries came to be written in the post-Gupta period, which also indirectly testifies to the popularity of this religion. However, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Bengal, and parts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh were especially closely connected with Jainism. In other parts of northern India, it merely continued its existence in the post-Gupta period. I shall endeavour in this chapter to give a historical account of the Jaina religion in different parts of northern India. I should, at the very outset, refer to the extremely valuable account of the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang, who came to India in the second quarter of the seventh century AD. It is apparent from his account that Jainism was quite popular in different parts of India when he visited. He especially refers to the Jainas who lived in his time at Kapisi,' Simhapura,? Rajaglha,' Pundravardhana,' and Samatata." It, however, appears from the account that the Digambara Jainas were more popular in India in his time than the Svetambaras. The only reference to the Svetambaras that we get in his narrative is in connection with the description of Simhapura. I have already referred to the discoveries made by Stein from there. From Murti (ancient Simhapura) in Salt Range and old Jaina temple has been discovered. It appears that during the time of Yuan Chwang's visit a large Jaina temple complex existed there. Rajagpha, which was intimately associated with the activities of Mahavira, was a flourishing Jaina centre during Yuan Chwang's visit. We are told that he saw many Digambaras on the Vipula mountain

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134 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM incessantly practising austerities. 'They turn round with the Sun, watching it from its rising to its setting. We have already referred to the fact that during the Gupta period too, Jainism was quite popular at Rajagrha. Undivided Bengal was one of the greatest centres of Jainism almost from the days of Lord Mahavira. Unfortunately, beyond a few references to various sakhas connected with Bengal, nothing tangible is known regarding the state of Jainism there in pre-Gupta times. The Paharpur inscription, which has already been discussed, cer tainly testifies to the popularity of the Digambara religion in north Bengal in the Gupta period, and Yuan Chwang's account conclusively shows the tremendous popularity of Jainism in Pundravardhana and Samatata, the two provinces of ancient Bengal. In both these states the pilgrim noticed numerous Digambaras'. In spite of such popularity, neither the literary texts nor the available inscriptions throw any light on Jainism in Bengal in the post-Gupta period. Archaeology too, has not so far provided any clues. However, the discovery of a large number of Jaina temples and icons, particularly from Bankurao and Puruliao is evidence of the popularity of Jainism in West Bengal during the Pala period. It also appears that a few Jina images of Bankura and Purulia, which are generally assigned to the Pala period, are actually the products of an earlier age. A detailed and systematic study is necessary to ascertain the actual position. There are only a few known Jaina inscriptions of northern India belonging to the seventh century AD. From Pindwara (Sirohi district, Rajasthan) a brass image of Rsabhanatha was discovered with an inscription of Samvat 744 corresponding to AD 687.10 The image was first noticed by D.R. Bhandarkar" in the fort of Vasantgadh and is now preserved in the Mahavira temple there. Vasantagadh was formerly known as Vasantapura, but its earliest name was Vatapura. 2 The present Jaina temple is, however, not old. I gather from this damaged inscription that one Dronoraka Yasodeva had the Jina image built by the architect Sivanaga. There is little doubt that the temple, where this icon was installed, existed in the seventh century Ad. There is other evidence to show that Jainism was quite popular in Rajasthan in the post-Gupta period. Udyotanasuri, who wrote his Kuvalayamala in Saka 700 during the time of Pratihara Vatsaraja, refers to the fact that Sivacandragani, the disciple of Mahakavi Devagupta and disciple's disciple of Harigupta, the acarya of Huna

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 135 Toramana, visited Bhinnamala on pilgrimage. This certainly testifies that Bhinnamala or Bhinmal (Jalor district) was a great Jaina centre from the seventh century, if not earlier. Jinaprabha'' refers to this place as sacred to Mahavira. It was the capital of the Capa king Vyaghramukha in the AD 628 as we learn from Brahmagupta. 15 From a later inscription we learn that Mahavira himself visited this city.16 The kings of the Capa dynasty, as we will later note, were great patrons of Jainism. It further appears from the Kuvalayamala that some of the spiritual predecessors of Udyotanasuri were specially connected with Rajasthan. We must further remember that Javalipura (modern Jalor) was a very well-known Jaina centre and the native town of Udyotanasuri. That author further informs us that his work was completed in the Rsabhadeva temple of that city which also had a large number of Jaina shrines. The temple of Rsabha, according to Udyotanasuri," was built by one Ravibhadra. A number of Jaina saints, according to the author of the Kuvalayamala, lived in this town. Another place, called Agasavana, which was probably situated not far from Jalor, was also had a large number of Jaina temples. This place was connected, according to the author, with the activities of Vedasara, who lived in the second half of the seventh century AD. That Jainism flourished in Rajasthan during the days of Vatsaraja is further testified by an inscription, 18 discovered from Osia (Jodhpur district) and is dated vs 1013 (AD 956). We learn from this inscription that there was a temple dedicated to Mahavira in the large city of Ukesa, which existed during the days of Vatsaraja. The temple later fell into disrepair and was renovated by a merchant called Jindaka in vs 1013 (ap 956). It is clear from the inscription that the Mahavira temple here existed even before the days of Vatsaraja and was probably built a century or two before his time. It is interesting that Jinaprabha, the famous author of the Vividhatirthakalpa, mentions Upakesa (Ukesa of this inscription) as a place sacred to Lord Mahavira.'' The well-known Upakesa gaccha apparently derived its name from this place. 20 It was during the days of Vatsaraja in Saka 705 that another Jaina poet Jinasena II, the author of the Harivamsapurana,?' produced a work of considerable merit. There is however nothing to show that Vatsaraja himself took active part in the promotion of Jainism. He, however, appears to be a person of religious catholicity. His personal religion was Saivism, as we learn from one of the records of

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136 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM his great-grandson Bhoja 1.22 Chronologically, the next important Jaina record from Rajasthan is the Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkuka, which supplies the date vs 918 (AD 861). Ghatiyala is some 20 miles north of Jodhpur city. We learn from this record that the chief Kakkuka, who is described as belonging to the Pratihara family, founded a Jaina temple in AD 861 and handed it over to a Jaina community of Gaccha Dhanesvara. The same chief also erected two pillars at the village of Rohinikupa (probably situated not far from where inscription was discovered). The Gaccha mentioned here is otherwise unknown. This inscription of Osia proves the immense popularity of Jainism in the Jodhpur area from the days of Vatsaraja, if not earlier. Then we must refer to an extremely important inscription21 now preserved in the Ajmer Museum. It was discovered by Captain Burt, and according to local report it was fixed in the wall of a solitary temple situated two miles from the village of Vijapura in the present Pali district of Rajasthan. There are altogether three dates 973, 996 and 1053, corresponding to AD 915, 938, and 997, respectively. We learn from this inscription that king Vidagdha, who is described as the Rastrakuta-kulakananakalpavrksa, and who was the son of Harivarman, being induced by his spiritual preceptor (acarya) Vasudeva, built a temple for the God Jina (Rsabha) at the town of Hastikunni (modern Hathundi close to the village of Bijapur, 10 miles south of Bali) in the year 973 corresponding to AD 915. The king then weighed himself against gold, of which two-thirds were allotted to the god and the remainder to the Jaina preceptor (i.e., Vasudeva). This inscription further mentions the disciple of Vasudeva, Suri Santibhadra. We are then told that the gosthi of Hastikundi renovated the temple (of Rsabhanatha), originally built by Vidagdha and after its restoration the image was installed by Santibhadra in vs 1053 corresponding to AD 997. We also learn that the original grant of Vidagdha, which was made in vs 973 was renewed in 996, i.e., AD 938 by Mammata, the son of Vidagdha. This Mammata, as we learn from this inscription, played a very prominent part in the political affairs of northern India in his time. The son of Mammata, Dhavala is also mentioned in the inscription as having given the gift of a well called Pippala to the temple. The prasasti of the first part of the inscription, which was actually inscribed later in AD 997, according to the epigraph, was composed by the Jaina saint Suryacarya. We further learn from the first part that

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 137 the original image, before restoration, had been set up by certain members of the gosthi, whose names are enumerated. The second part of this inscription, which is an independent record, was engraved earlier. Here one Balabhadra appears as the guru of Vidagdha. It records that Vidagdha had erected a caityagyha for his guru Balabhadra and gave certain endowments in the year 973. Some interesting details regarding the nature of the grant by Vidagdha are given in this part of the record. These details are extremely important for students of economic history.25 'Two-thirds of these proceeds were to go to the Jina (Arhat) and a third to Balabhadra as vidyadhana, i.e., fees for imparting knowledge. The closing verse of the second half expresses the wish that these en dowments may be enjoyed by the spiritual progeny of Kesavasuri. The inscription discussed above, 26 not only discloses the names of a number of Jaina saints who lived in the tenth century ad in western Rajasthan, but also a number of royal personages of this Rastrakuta branch who actively helped the Jaina religion. The Jaina poet-saint Suryacarya, the author of the first part of the inscription, was certainly a very accomplished man of letters, as is evident from the language of this inscription. These Rastrakuta kings were not only sincere patrons of Jainism but also successful military generals. It is also evident from the inscription that the king Vidagdha, who flourished in the first quarter of the tenth century, had two Jaina preceptors, Balabhadra and Vasudeva, in honour of whoin he built two Jaina temples. His son and successor Mammata also patronized the Jainas, a policy followed by the next king Dhavala, who probably became a Jaina sadhu before his death. The first and the last verse of the first part of the inscription, composed by Suryacarya, are in praise of the Jina. Several other Jaina inscriptions from Rajasthan, belonging to the tenth century AD, have been discovered. I should particularly men tion the recently discovereda7 epigraph from Rajogarh (Alwar district) which gives the date vs 979 (AD 923). It discloses the existence of a temple dedicated to santinatha, which was built by the Jaina architect Sarvadeva, son of Dedullaka and grandson of Arbhata of the Dharkata family of Purnatallaka. The ancient name of Rajorgarh, according to this inscription, was Rajyapura.2% Another recently discovered inscription comes from Bharatpur district. It gives the year vs 1051 corresponding to AD 994. This inscription, incised on the pedestal of a Jina image, 30 refers to a guru called Sri Surasena of

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138 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Vagata Samgha. Mahasena, the author of the Pradyumnacaritakavya" belonged to this samgha. A few other Jaina inscriptions of Rajasthan prior to AD 1000 are also known. G.H. Ojha in his monumental work on the history of Rajputana has referred to a damaged, fragmentary inscription of the time of Guhila king Allata, who reigned in the mid-tenth century AD. This Jaina inscription was discovered from Ahar near Udaipur, a place still known for its Jaina shrines. For the reign of Saktikumara, another Guhila prince, who reigned in the last quarter of the tenth century, we have two undated Jaina inscriptions also from Ahar. Ojha also refers to a number of other Jaina inscriptions found from different old Jaina temples of Rajasthan." The efflorescence of Jainism in Rajasthan is also evident from an intimate study of the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha who refers to a number of Jaina centres of pilgrimage, quite a number of which were situated in Rajasthan. I should particularly mention Satyapura, which according to Jinaprabha, was first attacked by the Muslims under Mahmud of Ghazni in the Vikrama year 1081 corresponding to AD 1024. The temple, according to Jinaprabha, was built even before the destruction of Valabhi in vs 845. Satyapura, which Jinaprabha places in Marumandala is the modern Sanchor in Jalor district and is near the Gujarat border. The temple of Satyapura was dedicated to Mahavira and is also mentioned in a later inscription found from Sanchor.35 few The famous Chitor or Citrakuta, which was the native town of the celebrated Jaina savant Haribhadra, who probably flourished a years before Udyotanasuri,36 in the mid-eighth century AD, was another well-known Jaina centre of pilgrimage. Even today Chitor has remains of old Jaina temples. He belonged to the Vidyadhara kula and was the disciple of Jinadatta. His literary activities will be discussed in a later chapter. Another Jaina savant Elacarya was also probably a native of Citrakuta and was a contemporary of Haribhadra.38 A few years ago a fragmentary Digambara Jaina inscription was discovered from Chitor.39 Let us now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion from AD 600 to 1000 in Gujarat. We have already seen that Gujarat was connected with the activities of Jaina monks from the Mauryan period and by AD 600, it was firmly entrenched in Gujarat and numerous cities and villages of this state could boast of splen

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 139 did Jaina temples. Quite a number of Jaina writers have fortunately mentioned the religious shrines in Gujarat from AD 600 to 1000. We have already taken note of the fact that Jinasena II, the author of the Harivamsapurana, has referred to two Jaina temples of Vardhamana and Dostatika, both situated in Gujarat. The temple of Vardhamana (Vadavan) was dedicated to Parsvanatha and that of Dostatika to Santinatha, both Digambara shrines built probably around AD 600. It was at Vardhamana that another Digambara poet Harisena, composed his Bihatkathakosa in AD 931.90 In the vs 1361, corresponding to an 1302, Merutunga completed his Prabandhacintamani at this town, 41 which was therefore, well-known to both the Digambaras and Svetambaras. The great city of Valabhi, which was an important centre of Jainism in the Gupta period, continued its existence till the last quarter of the eighth century AD. The city was well-known for its celebrated shrine of Candraprabha and was also a famous temple there, dedicated to Mahavira. We are told in several Jaina texts that the famous Jaina icons of Valabhi were taken to various other towns before its destruction by the Muslims in vs 845 (AD 787). Jinaprabha 12 tells us that icon of Candraprabha at Valabhi, which was established by Gautamasvamin, the great disciple of Mahavira, was transferred to Prabhasa also known as Devapattana or Sivapattana before vs 845. The confirmation of this account is found in another Jaina historical text, the Puratanaprabandhasamgraha.13 There is little doubt that the shrine of Candraprabha was established in all probability centuries before it was transferred to Prabhasa. We further learn from the Vividhatirthakalpa" and Puratanaprabandhasamgraha" that the icon of Vira or Mahavira was transferred before the destruction of Valabhi to Srimala or Bhinmal. Some other icons of this town were taken to various other Jaina holy places including Satrunjaya. The great Jaina saint Mallavadi, according to the Jaina tradition, was a resident of Valabhi, and it was because of his influence that Jainism became popular in Gujarat at the cost of the Buddhism. 16 Another town of Gujarat which was associated with Jainism from early days was Bhrgukaccha. The great Sakunikavihara of this town was one of the greatest and most celebrated Jaina shrines of western India. Several Jaina texts"? refer to this vihara which was apparently built during the Gupta period. A number of Jaina works were subsequently written to sing the glory of this vihara.** Later, some of the greatest Jainas of western India, including Hemacandra, visited

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140 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM this vihara and did all they could to beautify it. The eighth-century Jaina commentary, the Vyavaharabhasya, 49 describes Bhrgukaccha as a place sacred to the Jainas. A recently discovered bronze image inscription from there refers to the Mulavasati of Bhrgukaccha. The inscription which is incised on the pedestal of an image of Parsva has the date Saka 908 corresponding to AD 986. It refers to a work called Parsvilla, the disciple of Silabhadragani, who belonged to the anvaya of Laksmanasuri of Nagendrakula. It is apparent from the inscription that the temple called Mulavasati existed at Bhrgukaccha in the early medieval period. I should then refer to the great Jaina centre of Girnar, also called Urjayanta. We have already noted that this hill was associated with the Jaina religion from a very early period. In the tenth century a great Jaina lay devotee called Ratna, hailing from Kashmir,5l donated a golden image of Neminatha to the Jaina samgha here. From very early times it was considered to be the sacred duty for every pious Jaina to undertake a trip to this holy hill, believed to be the site of nirvana of Neminatha. Like Girnar, the hill at Palitana in Gujarat, which is known as Satrunjaya, was considered sacred from a very early period, but became well-known only after the tenth century AD. The Capas of Gujarat, who started their political career even before the downfall of the Valabhi kingdom, were devoted patrons of the Jaina religion. Nothing is known regarding the religious leaning of the earliest Capa king Vyaghramukha, whose name is disclosed by Brahmagupta and who ruled in Saka 550. According to the Jaina writers Vanaraja of Pancasara, who later founded the city of Anahillapura, was the earliest prince of this dynasty, but as we have already noted, one Vyaghramukha was a prince of this dynasty and ruled around aD 628 at Bhinnamala. Several Jaina writers have claimed that Vanaraja, like Madhava of the Ganga dynasty, was helped by a Jaina saint in his attempt to carve out an independent kingdom. The Prabandhacintamani distinctly states that Vanaraja was helped in his childhood by a Jaina monk named Silagunasuri. That Jaina saint was convinced from the very outset that the boy Vanaraja would in future become a jinasasanaprabhavaka, i.e., 'a propagator of the Jaina faith'. We are further told by the learned author of the Prabandhacintamaai that the boy Vanaraja was brought up by ganini (head nun) Viramati The Jaina monk Silagunasuri foresaw from the horoscope of the

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 141 boy that he was to become a great king. Later Vanaraja founded, according to Merutunga, in vs 802 corresponding to AD 744, the city of Anahillapura. Initially he offered his guru Silagunasuri his entire kingdom which the latter naturally declined to accept. Then, at the instance of his Jaina preceptor, Vanaraja built in the capital a temple dedicated to Parsvanatha.53 According to an earlier Jaina text called Neminathacariyu, 54 written in AD 1160, in the capital of Vanaraja, a Jaina merchant of the name of Ninnaya built a temple dedicated to the first Tirthamkara, Adinatha or Rsabha. The combined evidence of the these two texts show therefore, that Vanaraja was definitely a patron of the Jainas and a number of Jaina shrines were founded during his reign in his kingdom. The account regarding silagunasuri's connection with Vanaraja is confirmed by t Puratanaprabandhasargraha.55 It is interesting to note that a Jaina inscription of Vanaraja gives the date vs 802 which is found in the Prabhandhacintamani of Merutunga. It is evident that the Jaina tradition regarding Vanaraja is based on historical facts. The temple of Pancasara Parsvanatha is still to be seen at Pattana, although it is embellished with later additions. The Prabhavakacarita also refers to the concessions given to the caityavase monks by Vanaraja." Practically nothing is known of the Jaina connection of Vanaraja's successors. However, a verse, quoted in the Prabandhacintamani, shows that the Capas were patrons of Jainism. The translation of the verse runs thus: 'This kingdom of Gurjaras, even from the time of king Vanaraja, was established with the Jaina mantras (counsels), its enemies indeed have no cause to rejoice.58 Before a discussion on the condition of the Jaina religion during the successors of the Capas in Gujarat, I must turn my attention to the available epigraphic records, discovered from Gujarat, throwing light on the Jaina religion. The earliest of such records are the well-known Surat plates of Karkaraja Suvarnavarsa dated Saka 743 corresponding to AD 821. This inscription is an extremely important Jaina record. It not only discloses the names of Jaina saints who lived in the eighth century an in Gujarat but also throws welcome light on the exact condition of the Jaina religion at that time. The record opens with a homage to the gospel of Jinendra. It runs thus: "Victorious is the gracious gospel, propounded by the best of the Jinas, which is perpetual abode of prosperity, which is clear in its entirety, which is based on Syadvada and which brings about beatitude to one with a controlled mind. This inscription

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 59 records the grant of a piece of land to a Jaina savant called Aparajita, who is described as the disciple of Sumati, and a grand-disciple of Mallavadi, belonging to the Sena Samgha branch of the Mula Samgha. According to the Digambara Pattavalis, Mula Samgha branched off into three subsections known as Deva Samgha, Nandi Samgha and Sena Samgha. This inscription, therefore, confirms the veracity of the testimony of the Pattavalis. I have already mentioned in connection with my discussion of south Indian Jainism that Nandi Samgha was in existence in the far south even as early as the sixth century AD. It appears that within a few years of the emergence of the Digambara sect it was subdivided into a number of smaller schools, both in the north and the south. The field which was granted to Aparajita in the Saka year 743 is described in the inscription as situated near Nagasarika (modern Navsari, 20 miles south of Surat) which was one of the greatest cities of ancient Gujarat. The grant was made for the purpose of daily worship, cooked rice offerings, and repairs and renovation of the monastery (vasatika) which is described as an ornament of Sambapura and was attached to the temple of Arhat situated within the boundaries of Sri Nagasarika. There is no doubt that the temple of Arhat at Nagasarika, mentioned in his inscription, was built before the eighth century AD. The last two verses of the inscription are in praise of the Jina and the religion preached by him. The donor Karkaraja Suvarnavarsa was a cousin of the Rastrakuta emperor Amoghavarsa I and was a feudatory under him in the Gujarat region. It appears that this branch of the Rastrakuta family, like the main branch, actively patronized the Jainas, but today there is no trace of any Digambara temple at Navsari. There is however a Svetambara shrine which was built in the thirteenth century." 142 Jaina inscriptions before AD 1000 are extremely rare in Gujarat. We have just discussed the Surat plates of Karkaraja. A few epigraphs of Girnar were probably inscribed before AD 1000. The only other significant Jaina inscription is that known as Varunasarmaka grant dated in vs 1033 corresponding to AD 975. It was issued during the reign of Mularaja I by his son yuvaraja Camundaraja. We are told that the latter granted a field for the benefit of a Jaina temple at Varunasarmaka which is identified with Vadasama in Mehsana district of eastern Gujarat. The inscription significantly refers to jinabhavana and jinabimba. This shows that the early kings of the Caulukya dynasty of Gujarat were not against Jainism, but we cannot

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 143 say that all of them were sincere patrons of Jainism, but at least one of the officers of Mularaja was a Jaina.63 There is no doubt however that Jainism was very popular in Gujarat during the reign of the early Caulukya kings. In the second part of this work I shall discuss in greater detail the position of the Jaina religion in Gujarat after AD 1000. Let us now turn our attention to Madhya Pradesh which, as we have already noticed, had several influential Jaina centres from early times. It should however be remembered that the ruling dynasties of this state openly favoured orthodox Hinduism or Brahmanical religion. The Jaina religion was however held in esteem by individual kings of different dynasties ruling in this state in our period, i.e., between AD 600 and 1000. Let us first take note of the available Jaina inscriptions. From the well-known Jaina temple complex at Sonagiri (Datia district, M.P.) an epigraph of the seventh centurym has been discovered which provides direct evidence of the great antiquity of the Jaina centre. It refers to a Jaina devotee called Vadaka, who was the son of Singhadeva. A very large number of Jaina temples of quite an early period have been discovered from different parts of M.P., but not many inscriptions of this period are known. Among the few Jaina inscriptions from M.P. belonging to our period, the most important is, however, the Khajuraho inscription"5 of the reign of Candella Dhanga dated in vs 1011 corresponding to AD 955. It is carved on the left doorjamb of the temple of Jinanatha at Khajuraho. The inscription records a number of gifts in favour of the temple by one Pahilla, and who is described as being held in honour by king Dhanga. He is further described in the earlier part of the inscription as endowed with the qualities of tranquillity and self-control, and as possessing compassion for all beings. A number of gardens are mentioned as gifts to the temple of Jinanatha. The inscriptior further refers to Sri Vasavacandra, who is described as the guru of the Maharaja, who is no other than Dhanga. This inscription, which is the earliest dated Candella record, is conclusive evidence of the tremendous popularity Jainism enjoyed in the Candella dominion, and this is also directly testified to by the beautiful Jaina temples of the Candella territory including Khajuraho. A few other Jaina inscriptions of our period from M.P. are also known. An inscriptions near Mandasor refers to Acaryas Subhakirti and Vimalakirti. The script of this inscription is datable to the tenth

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144 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM century AD. An earlier Jaina inscription from M.P., giving the date AD 875, has also been discovered. From the literary sources we get more meaningful and extensive information regarding the state of Jainism in M.P. before ad 1000. The existence of a temple, dedicated to Parsvanatha at Dhara, the famous capital of the Paramaras, is disclosed by the Darsanasara's of Devasena, which was composed in that shrine in vs 990 corresponding to AD 933. It may be suggested that the ruler of Dhara at that time was Vairisimha, the father of Harsa Siyaka of the Harsola grant." The temple of Parsva, mentioned by Devasena, was evidently a Digambara shrine and probably shows that soon after the foundation of this city, the Digambaras were permitted to build their temples there. Remnants of ruined Jaina temples have been noticed at Dhar,70 the ancient Dhara. The Muslims destroyed both the Hindu and Jaina temples there." During the rule of Harsa Siyaka, the Jainas enjoyed great popularity in the Paramara kingdom. A number of Jaina writers flourished during his rule and during that of his successor Munja. During the closing period of the rule of Harsa Siyaka the celebrated Jaina writer Dhanapala composed his Paiyalacchi in vs 1029 corresponding to AD 1072.72 We are told by the poet that he composed this text for his sister Sundari at Dhara. From the later works like the Prabhavakacarita and Prabandhacintamani we learn that his grandfather, Devarsi, was originally a Brahmana of Sankasya and later migrated to Ujjayini." Dhanapala, we are told, became a Jaina under the influence of his younger brother Sobhana. The year in which Dhanapala prepared his Paiyalacchi, the Rastrakuta capital Manyakheta was ransacked by the army of the Malava king. From the Tilakamanjari, which was composed during the rule of Bhoja, we learn that he was honoured by king Munja who conferred upon him the title of Sarasvati.74 It thus appears that Dhanapala was an honourable member of the Paramara royal court during the reign of the three kings, namely Harsa Siyaka, Vakpati Munja, and Bhoja. Another poet who flourished in the second half of the tenth century during the reign of the Paramara kings was Mahasenasuri, belonging to Latavargata Samgha. His guru was Gunakarasena, who was a disciple of Jayasena. From a short prasasti discovered from Karanja Jaina bhandara, we learn that the poet, who was the author of the Pradyumnacaritakavya, 75 was honoured by no less a person than Munja. Subsequently a high official of Munja's brother,

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 145 Sindhuraja, became his devotee. The name of this high official (mahattama) is given as Parpata. This shows that not only the Paramara kings themselves, but also their officials, were patrons of Jainism. Sindhuraja, it appears ruled for a short time in the closing years of the tenth century.76 Another Jaina who lived during the time of Munja was Acarya Amitagati who wrote his Subhasitaratnasandoha in the vs 1050 when Munja was 'ruling the earth':77 Subsequently the same acarya composed his celebrated Dharmapariksa during the reign of Bhoja in the vs 1070. He belonged to the Kastha Samgha. The names of his spiritual predecessors are: Virasena, Devasena, Amitagati I, Nemisena, and Madhavasena.78 The earliest guru Virasena therefore, lived in the ninth century AD. Incidentally, the date supplied by Amitagati regarding Munja is the last known date of that celebrated king.79 Let us turn our attention to the state of Jainism in Maharashtra after AD 600. We have already seen that Jainism was introduced in this state in the Mauryan period. Not many Jaina inscriptions of this period from Maharashtra are, however, known but we definitely know that during the rule of the western Calukyas and the Rastrakutas, Jainism was extremely popular not only in the Lower Deccan, but also in modern Maharashtra state. According to Jinaprabha, 80 Tirthamkara Candraprabha was worshipped from very early times as Jivantasvamin at Nasik. At Pratisthana, another ancient city of Maharashtra, which is identified with Paithan, there was a famous shrine, dedicated to Muni Suvrata.81 Recently an important Jaina inscription of the early tenth century AD82 was discovered from Nasik district of Maharashtra. The inscription is incised on three plates which were found from a place called Vajirkheda, four miles east of Malegaon in Nasik district. The inscription tells us that at the time of his pattabandha ceremony Rastrakuta Nityavarsadeva (Indra III), who meditated at the feet of his grandfather Krsna II (Akalavarsa), in Saka 836 (AD 915) granted two villages to a Jaina monastery called Amoghavasati, and the site of the monastry itself to the preceptor Vardhamana, who was the disciple of Lokabhadra of the Dravida Samgha. The gana and anvaya of Vardhamana were Vira and Virnnaya, respectively. We are further told that Amoghavasati was situated at Candanapuri, which is the present Candanpuri situated two miles south of Malegaon. It has been suggested that Amoghavasati, referred to in the inscription,

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146 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM was built by the Rastrakuta Amoghavarsa, who was a great Jaina patron, as we will see in the next chapter. It is also quite likely that the emperor Amoghavarsa I himself gave grants to this Jaina temple of Candanapuri. The undated Kalvan plates84 of the time of Paramara Bhoja (early eleventh century) show that the Svetambara Jainas too had their monastery at Muktapali in Nasik district. It is apparent from that inscription that the temple of Suvratasvamin was built there centuries before the time of Bhoja I. The record under discussion further shows that the monks of the Dravida Samgha had later migrated to Nasik district. Such migrations of Jaina monks were quite common in those days, as we will see later. The second part of the same grant registers a gift of six villages to the Jaina monastery of Uriamma in the town of Vadanera and the residential monastery itself to the same preceptor Vardhamana. Uriamma is a Kannada name for Jvalamalini, the yaksini of Candraprabha. The villages which were given away as gift are in the Nasik district, and Vadanera is modern Vadner, 15 miles north-west of Malegaon. Both parts of the grant, we are told, were written by the poet Rajasekhara, who is probably to be identified with the celebrated poet of that name. The decipherers of this inscription believes that Rajasekhara, after Mahendrapala's demise, in AD 910 probably went to the royal court of Indra III. It has further been pointed out that v. 2 of the first part of the record is a mangalasloka in the Pramanasamgraha of Akalanka.85 The inscription, discussed above, not only discloses the existence of two Jaina shrines in Nasik district of Maharashtra in the early mediaeval period, but also bears testimony to the great royal patronage the religion enjoyed during the days of the Rastrakutas. In the next chapter we will have something more to say on this. It also appears that the well-known poet Rajasekhara became a Jaina during the latter part of his life, but in the absence of further evidence, we cannot be categorical about this. The popularity of Jainism in Maharashtra in our period is further proved by the beautiful Jaina caves of Ellora, most of which were excavated by AD 800.86 I shall discuss their artistic value in the vol. II of this work. In the last chapter I had occasion to refer to the spurious Altem copperplates discovered from Kolhapur district of Maharashtra. The inscription testifies to the existence of a great Jaina temple in Kolhapur district in the ancient period. The other details in this inscription cannot be accepted without further verifi

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 147 cation. There is, however, no reason to disbelieve that a feudatory of the western Calukyas did not build a Jaina temple at Alaktakanagara (Altem) sometime around ap 600.87 Several places in modern U.P. were directly connected with the Jaina religion in our period. We should first refer to the celebrated group of Deogarh temples88 in Jhansi district, situated on the river Betwa (Vetravati). Some of the temples here were probably built during the Gupta period but a majority of them came into existence only in our period. The most important inscription of Deogarh is that of the time of Pratihara Bhoja89 which gives the date both in the Vikrama and Saka eras. The date given in the Vikrama era is 919 and in the Saka 784, corresponding to AD 862. The inscription was discovered in the temple of Santinatha, and proves that the shrine existed before ad 826. We further learn that Deogarh was formerly known as Luacchagira. It further mentions Mahasamanta Visnurama who had the title pancamahasabda given to him by paramabhattaraka, maharajadhiraja paramesvara Sri Bhojadeva. The inscription which is incised on a pillar (stambha) of the temple further refers to one Srideva who was the disciple of acarya Kamaladeva. Another inscription,90 dated vs 1016, mentions Tribhuvanakirti, a disciple of Devendrakirti, who was a disciple of Ratnakirti of the Sarasvati gaccha of Sri Mulasamgha. Ratnakirti, therefore, lived around AD 850, if not earlier. A third inscription of the ninth century AD from here refers to a Jaina muni called Nagasenacarya. Another inscription" has the date vs 1051 corresponding to AD 994. A substantial number from Deogarh belong to the period after AD 1000, and will be discussed in vol. II of this work. It should be remembered that Deogarh continues to be a sacred place for the Jainas to this day. The celebrated Visnu temple dating to the Gupta period there is undoubtedly the oldest shrine of Deogarh. It, however, appears that this place was not known to Jinaprabha, the author of the celebrated Vividhatirthakalpa. Let us now turn our attention to Mathura which, as we have already seen, had been a great Jaina centre from the second century BC, if not earlier. In the literary texts, composed in our period, Mathura is repeatedly mentioned as a celebrated Jaina centre. The Byhatkalpabhasya," composed in the eighth century, refers to the Jaina shrines in residential areas of Mathura. The Brhatkathakosao of Harisena, composed in AD 931, describes Mathura as jinayatanamandita, i.e., 'abounding in Jaina temples'. Jinaprabha informs us

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148 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM that in the vs 826 corresponding to AD 768 the great Svetambara savant Bappabhatti established an image of Mahavira (virabimba) at Mathura. This is also confirmed by the evidence of the Prabandhakosa.% According to Devasena, in vs 953 corresponding to AD 895 Ramasena established the Mathura Samgha at Mathura.97 This shows that Mathura continued as a favourite resort for both the Svetambaras and Digambaras. A few Jaina inscriptions of our periods have been discovered from Mathura which also testify that Mathura retained its popularity as a Jaina centre between ad 600 and 1000. It should, however, be remembered that the popularity of Jainism at Mathura gradually diminished in course of time with the migration of the Jaina monks towards Rajasthan, Gujarat and Karnataka. The ruling dynasties of northern India did not patronize Jainism like the ruling dynasties of the three above-mentioned states. This we will discuss later. For the present, let us turn our attention to some other places in U.P. Several ancient cities of U.P. such as Ahicchatra, Kampilya, Kasi, Sankasya, Sravasti, Kausambi, etc. had Jaina centres, and Jina images from these cities of our period have been discovered and they will be discussed in vol. II. A few small Jaina inscriptions and images of our period have also been discovered from various places in U.P.99 In this connection we should take note of the statement of the author of the Prabodhacandrodaya, 100 a play written in the eleventh century, that as a result of persecution by the Brahmanas, the Digambara Jainas and Buddhists fled to Pancala, Malava, Abhira, and Anarta. We should remember that the play was staged in the court of Candella Kirtivarman and therefore, its evidence is of real value. 101 There is very great reason to believe that by AD 1000. Jainism had been almost completely eclipsed from a majority of places in U.P., Bihar, Bengal and Orissa. In the Svetambara Jaina works, we are told about the achievements of a great Jaina saint of the name of Bappabhatti, who is described as a contemporary of king Ama of Kanauj, Dharmapala of Bengal, and Vakpati, the author of the celebrated Praklta poem Gaudavaho. 102 This great Jaina saint was responsible, according to the Svetambara works, for the promotion of Jainism in different places in northern India in the eighth century AD. However, his chief patron king Ama is not known from epigraphic sources. It has been conjectured that he should either be identified with Nagabhata II or Indrayudha-Indraraja. Bappabhatti set up in his lifetime Jaina

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 149 shrines at Mathura, Gopagiri (Gwalior), Anahillapura and other places. 101 Elsewhere, we are told, that it was due to him that the Svetambaras could regain control over the famous Raivataka hill. 105 Turning now to the extreme northern part of India, we find only a few cases of evidence regarding the existence of Jainism in Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and Haryana. There is an important inscription 106 from Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, which discloses the names of two Jaina saints belonging to Rajakula gaccha, which is probably the same as Raja gaccha. A certain Siddharaja is described as a disciple of Suri Amalacandra, a pupil of Suri Abhayacandra. Siddharaja's son was Dhanga and Dhanga's son Castaka. The wife of Castaka was Ralha, and the two sons were born of her and both of them were devoted to the law of Jina (Jainadharmaparayanau). The elder was called Kundalaka and the younger Kumara. We are told that they were responsible for the construction of the image (of Parsvanatha). The date given is Samvat 30, which according to Buhler is equivalent to ad 854.907 The earliest Suri Abhayacandra should be placed around AD 700. We have already noted that one sravaka Ratna (Rayana) from Kashmir founded a manibimba of Neminatha 08 in vs 990 corresponding to AD 932 on the sacred hill of Raivataka. This shows that there were a few Jainas in Kashmir in the tenth century AD. Kalhana, however, in his Rajatarangini has not mentioned the Jainas even once. However, archaeological evidence109 at our disposal testify that Jainism was not entirely unknown in some places in Kashmir, but was regarded only as one of the minor religious sects in Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, and Haryana. Recently a few Svetambara and Digambara Jaina images, belonging to the eighth and ninth centuries Ad have been discovered from Punjab.10 We have later Jaina inscriptions from the Himalayan areas which show that Jainism somehow lingered in those areas till a very late period. In eastern India Jainism maintained its existence till the end of the tenth century AD but no important Jaina inscription has been found either in West Bengal or Bangladesh which can be assigned between AD 600 and 1000. The only Jaina record of the Pala period has been discovered from Bargaon near Nalanda (Bihar). The inscription belongs to the twenty-fourth year of Rajyapala, who ruled in the first half of the tenth century AD.'12 The record is incised on a pillar near a ruined Jaina temple and refers to one Vaidyanatha,

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150 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM son of Manoratha of Vanikakula. There is, however, no dearth of Jaina images of the Pala period, either in Bengal or Bihar. Some of these Jaina icons will be discussed in the vol. II of this work. From Orissa a number of Jaina inscriptions, belonging to the post-Gupta period, have been found. The earliest of such inscriptions is a Sailodbhava grant, of the seventh century ad. This inscription'13 mentions a Jaina muni called Prabuddhacandra and his teacher Arhadacarya Nasicandra, and testifies to the prevalance of Jainism in Orissa in the seventh century AD. We have another seventh-century inscription" found from Ratnagiri hills (Cuttack district) which is a Jaina record of four lines in east Indian script from the seventh century AD. It refers to the installation of Jaina images and points to the existence of an early Jaina establishment on these hills, which are famous for their Buddhist ruins. Two Digambara Jaina inscriptions have been discovered from Udaygiri-Khandagiri caves. They belong to the tenth century AD, and were inscribed during the reign of Udyotakesari of the Kesari dynasty of Orissa. The first inscription "15 discovered in what is called Lalitendu Kesari's cave was incised in the fifth year of the reign of Udyotakesari and refers to the repair of old Jaina temples. It also preserves the name of a Digambara saint called Yasanandi. It is interesting to note that the inscription refers to the Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills as Kumaraparvata, which reminds us of the Kumariparvata of Kharavela's record. I have been able to locate the only literary reference to this hill, in the Byhatkathakosal of Harisena, composed in AD 931, which mentions Kumaragiri of Odravisaya. It is evidently the same as Kumaragiri or Kumarigiri. The second inscription"7 was inscribed in the eighteenth year of Udyotakesari's reign and mentions Subhacandra, the disciple of Kulacandra, belonging to the Desi gana and Aryasamghagraha kula. The Desi gana is also known from inscriptions found from various places of Karnataka and M.P.118 However, the kula mentioned here is not otherwise known. Another inscription found from the same hill refers to the above-mentioned Jaina munis.119 These inscriptions show that Jainism continued to flourish in Orissa as late as the tenth century AD. After aD 1000, Jainism gradually lost popularity, and with the rise of new theistic sects, almost completely disappeared from Orissa. I am strongly of the opinion that the celebrated Somadeva, the author of the Yasastilakacampu, who is also mentioned in an inscrip

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 151 tion 120 dated saka 888, and who is described there as belonging to the Gauda Samgha was originally a Jaina saint from Bengal. There is no reason to suppose the existence of samgha of that name in U.P.121 We must remember that Jainism was very popular in Bengal, and since the latter was connected with the religion from early times it is natural to suppose that the Jaina monks belonging to this state were held in esteem by monks from the other states of India. With the decline of Jainism in Bengal in the tenth century AD, the monks of this state naturally sought asylum in other parts of the country. It is also interesting to note that probably Somadeva in his Yasastilakacampul22 refers to a Jaina shrine of Tamralipta, the ancient port of southern Bengal. To sum up, we must repeat that with the exception of Gujarat and Rajasthan, and a few select pockets elsewhere, Jainism was fighting a losing battle in northern India. In Rajasthan and Gujarat it was because of the enthusiasm of traders that this religion managed to retain its hold. In other parts of India Saivism and Vaisnavism became the dominant religious systems. In eastern India the Palas largely patronized Buddhists. In central India the kings of the Kalacuri, Candella, Cahamana, Guhila, and other dynasties did practically nothing to promote the cause of Jainism. In northernmost parts of India, the ruling dynasties never cared for Jainism. Kashmir was a citadel of the Saivas and Punjab of both the Saivas and Vaisnavas. In south India, however, especially in Karnataka the picture was different, and I shall now turn my attention once more to the south. REFERENCES 1. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, I, p. 123. 2. Ibid., I, p. 251. 3. Ibid., II, p. 154. 4. Ibid., II, p. 184. 5. Ibid., II, p. 187. 6. See Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent, Hindu and Buddhist Monuments, Northern Circle, 1918-19, p. 12. 7. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 154. 8. D. Mitra, 'Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura', JASB, 1958, 24, no. 2. 9. See Jaina Journal, 1969, IV, no. 4; see also R.D. Banerji, Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture, p. 145; see also Jaina Journal, V, no. 1.

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152 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 10. ASIAR (Western Circle), 1905-6, p. 52; see also ASIAR, 1936-37, p. 122. 11. ASIAR (Western Circle), 1905-6, pp. 48 ff. 12. Ibid., p. 50. 13. SJGM, no. 45 (ed., A.N. Upadhye), colophon, vs 6. 14. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 86. 15. Quoted in p. 200, n. 1, Political History of Northern India from Jaina Sources. 16. ASIAR (Western Circle), 1906-7. p. 39. 17. w. 18-20. 18. Bhandarkar, List, no. 72; See also P.C. Nahar, Jaina Lekha Samgraha, I, pp. 192 ff.; also ASIAR, 1908-9, p. 108. 19. p. 86. 20. See IA, 19, pp. 233 ff. 21. See A.K. Chatterjee, Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 89 ff. 22. Bhandarkar, List, no. 25. 23. EI, IX, pp. 280 ff. 24. See JASB, LXII, pt. I, pp. 309 ff.; See also EI, 10. 25. EI, 10, p. 19; this portion of the inscription also contains some inter esting names of coins. 26. See also H.C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, I, pp. 560 ff. 27. See Jaina silalekha Sangraha, V, no. 16; also Indian Epigraphy (Annual Report), 1961-2, B 128. 28. See Indian Archaeology, 1961-2, p. 85. 29. See JASB (Letters), 1953, 19, pp. 109-10. 30. Loc. cit. 31. See Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, vol. 6, p. 476. 32. II, p. 428. 33. Ibid., pp. 434-7. 34. See IV, pt. I, p. 58; V, pt. 1, pp. 63ff. 35. See ASIAR (Western Circle), 1906-7, p. 36. 36. In the colophon of his work the Kuvalayamala Udyotanasuri (vv. 14 15) refers to Haribhadra as one of his teachers. 37. See the colophon of the Avasyakavrtti quoted in The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India by J.P. Jain, p. 190, n. 5. 38. See Jain, op. cit., p. 188, n. 4. 39. See Indian Archaeology, 1955-6, p. 31. 40. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, prasasti, vs 4. 41. Ed., Jinavijaya, prasasti, concluding line. 42. See Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 29. 43. Ed., Jinavijaya, p. 83. 44. p. 29. 45. p. 83. 46. See Prabandhacintamani, p. 107; Puratanaprabandhasangraha, p. 130;

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) Prabandhakosa, pp. 21 ff. 47. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, vol. 6, pp. 131, 363, 438. 48. See especially the Sudamsanacariya by Devendrasuri who composed the text in the twelfth century. See for further details J.C. Jain, Prakrta Sahitya ka Itihasa, pp. 561 ff. According to Muni Punyavijaya this text is based on an earlier work; see Jain, op. cit., p. 561, n. 1. A detailed account regarding it will be found in the Vividhatirthakalpa, pp. 20 ff. 49. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 219. 50. See Lalit Kala, nos. 1-2, 1955-6, pl. XII, fig. 10A. 51. See Puratanaprabandhasamgraha, p. 97. 52. p. 12. 53. Ibid., p. 13. 153 57. p. 136. 58. p. 13. 54. Ed., Jacobi, p. 152. 55. p. 12. 56. Guerinot, List, no. 116; see also Burgess and Cousens, Antiquities of Northern Gujarat (ASI, 32), p. 45. 59. EI, XXI, pp. 133 ff. 60. See ERE, VII, p. 474 and also EI, XXI, pp. 133 ff. 61. See EI, XXI, pp. 133 ff. 62. Bharatiya Vidya, I, p. 73; also HIG, III, no. 136A. 63. See A.K. Majumdar, The Caulukyas of Gujarat, p. 32; also AIOC, 7, p. 1157. 64. Jaina Lekha Samgraha (MDJM), V, no. 5; also Indian Epigraphy (Annual Report), 1962-3, B 381. 65. See EI, I, pp. 135-6. 66. See Jaina Lekha Samgraha, IV, no. 114; also Indian Epigraphy (Annual Report), 1954-5, p. 45. 67. See Jaina Lekha Samgraha, II, no. 129; also Cunningham, ASI, 10, p. 74. 68. vv. 49-50; quoted in N.L. Premi's Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, p. 175, fn. 1. 69. EI, XIX, pp. 236 ff. 70. See Prog. Report of ASI, N. W. Provinces and Oudh Circle, 1892-3, pp. 21-8. 71. Loc. cit. 72. See vs. 276. 73. See Premi, op. cit., p. 409; see also Prabandhacintamani, pp. 36 ff. 74. See G.C. Choudhary, PHNI, p. 88. 75. See Premi, op. cit., p. 411, n. 2. 76. See DHNI, vol. II, pp. 858 ff. 77. See Premi, op. cit., p. 283. 78. Ibid., p. 278. 79. See Buhler in EI, I, p. 228. 80. See pp. 53 ff; also p. 85. 81. Vividhatirthakalpa, pp. 59 f.

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154 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 82. See EI, XXXVIII, pp. 5-22. 83. Ibid., p. 11. 84. EI, XIX, pp. 71 ff. 85. EI, XXXVIII, p. 8; also NIA, 2, pp. 111 ff. 86. See The Classical Age, p. 499. 87. For the text of the inscription, see Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, 2, pp. 85 ff. 88. See Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, 8, pp. 67-73. See also Bharat ke Digambara Jaina Tirtha, I, pp. 179-95. 89. EI, IV, pp. 309-10. 90. Ins. 148 (App. to Jaina Inscriptions from Deogarh). 91. See Jaina Sililekha Samgraha, 5, no. 26. 92. Ibid., no. 20. 93. See J.C. Jain, Pruksta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 223. 94. 2.1; see story no. 12 where we have an account of the founding of 5 stupas at Mathura. 95. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 19. 96. p. 41. 97. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 321. 98. See Antiquities of Mathura, p. 53; see also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, 2, no. 161; 4, no. 112. 99. See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, 4, no. 116; 5, no. 19. 100. See Cunningham, ASI, 20, p. 104. 101. See DHNI, II, p. 695. 102. See Prabandhakosa, pp. 26-46. 103. PHNI, pp. 24 ff. 104. Prabandhakosa, p. 41. 105. See Prabandhacintamani, p. 123; Puratanaprabandhasangraha, pp. 98 ff. 106. See EI, I, p. 120. 107. Loc. cit. 108. See Puratanaprabandhasamgraha, p. 97; see Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 9. 109. See Annual Progress Report of the Archaeological Deptt. Jammu and Kashmir, 1917-18, p. 7; 1918-19, p. 3. 110. All India Radio News Bulletin, 30.6.1975. 111. IA, 47, p. 111; see also JRASB, 1949, 15, pp. 7 ff. and pl. I. 112. See R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, p. 124. 113. See EI, XXIX, pp. 38 ff. 114. See Indian Archaeology, A Review, 1954-5, p. 29. 115. See EI, XIII, pp. 165 ff. 116. 61.67 (ed., A.N. Upadhye). 117. See EI, XIII, pp. 165 ff.; see also Jaina silalekha Sangraha, 4, no. 94. 118. See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, 4, prastavana, pp. 7 ff. 119. Ibid., 4, no., 95. 120. For the text of this inscription, which was originally discovered from Parbhani, Maharashtra, see Premi, op. cit., pp. 193 ff.; see also N.

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JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 155 Venkataramanayya, The Calukyas of Vemulavada, pp. 92 ff. The other details regarding this inscription will be discussed in the next chapter. 121. See Premi, op. cit., p. 184. 122. See in this connection K.K. Handiqui, Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, P. 414.

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CHAPTER X Jainism in South India (AD 600-1000) We have already seen that Jainism was more popular in the southern states than in those of the north. Apart from parts of Gujarat and Rajasthan it was steadily losing ground in other areas of northern India. The picture was somewhat different at least in one south Indian state namely Karnataka, where the ruling dynasties actively befriended it. I propose to discuss first the condition of Jainism under the western Calukyas, who were the masters of large parts of southern and western India for quite a long time. We have already seen that a few of the earlier kings of this dynasty, who ruled before AD 600 were favourably disposed to Jainism. Kirtivarman I, who ruled up to AD 597 was succeeded by his brother Mangalesa. Recently, a new inscription of his reign has been discovered, which testifies the popularity of Jainism during his time. The inscription is in Telugu-Kannada characters and the language is Sanskrit. There are altogether three plates which were found in Huli, district Belgaum of Karnataka. The inscription is undated but refers to Mangalaraja, who is no other than Mangalesa of the Badami house and it should therefore be assigned to C. AD 600. It records a grant of land to a Jaina monastery by the Sendraka chief Ravisakti, son of Kannasakti. Huli continued as a Jaina centre for a long time and we have another Jaina inscription from there dated AD 1043.2 This is the second copperplate record of Mangalesa, the other being, the Nerur grant." The Jaina religion received a new impetus during the reign of Mangalesa's illustrious successor Pulakesin II, the son of Kirtivarman I. The well-known Aihole stone inscription' which is dated in the Saka era 556 and composed by the poet Ravikirti is undoubtedly the most important historical western Calukya record. The inscription was discovered from an old temple at Aihole in Hungund taluk of Bijapur district. It was composed, according to the poet Ravikirti, 3735 years after the Bharata war. The record opens with the follow

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 157 ing words, 'Victorious is the holy Jinendra, he who is exempt from old-age, death and birth-in the sea of whose knowledge, the whole world is comprised like an island.' After describing the exploits of Pulakesin II and his predecessors, the poet Ravikirti informs us in v. 35 that 'this stone mansion of Jinenedra, a mansion of every kind of greatness, has been caused to be built by the wise Ravikirti, who has obtained the highest favour of that Satyasraya, whose rule is bounded by the three oceans.' This Satyasraya is not other than Pulakesin II, the conqueror of Harsa. The concluding verse is also very interesting. It runs thus: 'May that Ravikirti, be victorious who, full of discernment, has used, the abode of the Jina, built of stone, for a new treatment of his theme, and who thus by his poetic power, has attained the fame of Kalidasa and Bharavi.' There is little doubt that the poet Ravikirti was not only a sincere and dedicated Jaina, but also one of the celebrated men of letters of his time. It is evi dent from the inscription that he was well regarded by emperor Pulakesin II, which indirectly indicates that the Calukyan monarch himself had deference and love for the religion of the Jinas. It has been suggested that the poet Ravikirti was a monk of the Yapaniya Samgha. There is however really no evidence to prove this but he must have been a Digambara Jaina. A long stone tablet, discovered from Laksmesvara in Dharwar district, has several inscriptions of different dynasties. The second part of this record mentions king Satyasraya and Calukya Ranaparakramanka and his son Ereya. A contemporary of this Satyasraya was Durgasakti. These kings, who were evidently the feudatories of Satyasraya, are described as Sendra kings, belonging to the line of Bhujagendras, i.e., Naga family. It records a grant of land to the caitya of the god called Sankha Jinendra at Puligere (modern Laksmesvara). According to Fleet, the inscription is of early date, repeated here for the sake of confirmation and preservation. He further believes that "Ranaparakramanka is perhaps intended for Ranaraga', the father of Pulakesin I and son of Jayasimha I." In that case, this inscription is referable to early sixth century AD. So far as the Sendra kings are concerned, we have already noted that, they were from the very outset patrons of the Jaina religion. However, the identity of Satyasraya of this inscription is yet to be unravelled. If this Satyasraya is Pulakesin I, then the inscription should be taken as a record of the mid-sixth century AD, and we actually know that Pulakesin I had the titles Satyasraya and Ranavikrama. That

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158 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Pulakesin I himself was a Jaina patron is known from the spurious Altem record, which has already been discussed. We should further remember that the record under discussion was inscribed in the tenth century AD, and possibly represents a later copy of an original copperplate. '' We have already seen that in a genuine copperplate of about AD 600, a few Sendra kings are mentioned and they bear Sakti-ending names, and this inscription too refers to two Sendra kings who bear similar names. This probably shows that the contents of the present record are accurate. Another long stone tablet from the same site, namely Laksmesvara, has several interesting inscriptions." All the records are later copies of original copperplate or stone inscriptions. The earliest inscriptionrefers to the reign of Vinayaditya's fifth or seventh regnal year corresponding to Saka 608 i.e., AD 686. It records a grant to an acarya of Mulasamgha anvaya and Devagana sect. The king was at that time stationed at Raktapura. Then we must refer to another part of the same stone tablet which is dated in the thirtyfourth year of Vijayaditya,'s corresponding to Saka 651 when he was encamped at Raktapura. The village which was given away as grant was situated near the town Pulikara. The donee was his father's priest Udayadevapandita, also called Niravadyapandita, who was the homepupil of Sri Pujyapada and belonged to the Devagana sect of Mulasamgha. We are further told that the grant was made for the benefit of the temple of Sankha Jinendra at the city of Pulikara, the present Laksmesvara. I have already said that the inscriptions of Laksmesvara are later copies of earlier records, which is why they are regarded as being spurious. There is however no reason why we should disbelieve their contents. The Jaina priest Udayadevapandita was surely looked upon with respect by the Calukyan king Vijayaditya. It is apparent from the inscription that Udayadevapandita was not the immediate pupil of Pujyapada but definitely belonged to his anvaya. It is quite likely that this Pujyapada was the well-known Jaina savant of the same name who lived a few centuries before Vijayaditya's time. Then I must mention yet another inscription from the same place." It belongs to the time of Vikramaditya II and gives the date Saka 656 corresponding to AD 734. We are told that in the second year of king Vikramaditya Sankhatirthavasati of the city of Pulikara (Puligere of other inscriptions) and the temple called White Jinalaya were embellished and repaired and that certain land was given to

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 159 maintain the worship of Jina. It was issued from Raktapura. The donee was Vijayadevapandita who was the disciple of Jayadevapandita and the latter of Ramadeva Acarya belonging to Mulasamgha and Devagana. There were thus two prominent Jaina shrines at this place, one called Sankhatirtha and the other of the name of Dhavala Jinalaya. It further appears that this Dhavala Jinalaya was then in a dilapidated condition and shortly in need of repair. It is interesting to note that in the Vividhatirthakalpa' Sankha Jinalaya is mentioned as one of the holy places, connected with the Jaina religion. This inscription of Vikramaditya II, as Fleet observes," was copied from a previous stone tablet or copperplate for the sake of confirmation and preservation. Three other inscriptions, belonging to the time of western Calukyas, should now be cited. The first from Dharwar district18 and belongs to the eleventh year of Vijayaditya and Saka 630. This copperplate refers to a Jina temple of Puligere, built by queen Kumkumadevi. The second,19 which is more important also comes from Dharwar district and belongs to the sixth year of Kirtivarman II. It therefore corresponds to AD 751. The inscription was discovered from a place called Annigeri situated in Navalgund, taluk of Dharwar district. The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a cediya (Jaina temple) by Kaliyamma, who was holding the office of the headman of Jebulageri and the erection in front of it a sculpture by a certain Kondisularakuppa, whose other name was Kirtivarma-Gosasi. The latter is clearly the name of his master (brabhu), as set out in the last line. The writer was one Disapala. Another inscription 20 of the time of Kirtivarman II comes from Adur situated in the Hangal taluk of Dharwar district. It records some land grants to the temple of Jinendra. Quite a few short label inscriptions have been found from Aihole, 21 and have been assigned to the seventh century AD. They are engraved on a pillar in the Jaina temple close to the Meguti temple at Aihole (the site of Ravikirti's inscription). A few such names are also preserved at Badami and have also been assigned to the seventh century AD.22 Harisena in his Bihatkathakosa? refers to a king Vijayaditya of Daksinapatha, who may correspond to the Calukyan king of the same name. Elsewhere also he refers to the glorious condition of the Jaina religion in south India. As we have already noted, another south Indian Jaina poet Ravisena, who lived in the seventh century

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160 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM AD, has repeatedly mentioned the prosperity of the Jainas in south India. It should not, however, be supposed that the Calukyans themselves were Jainas, majority of their inscriptions indicate that they were devout Hindus, strongly believing in the traditional form of Brahmanical religion. Like their predecessors, the Kadambas, however, right from the very beginning they extended their hand of cooperation to the Jaina religion. It should also be remembered that all the Jaina inscriptions of the western Calukyas of Badami have been found from the state of Karnataka, which was so strongly associated with the Jaina religion from the early centuries of the Christian era. Let us now once more turn our attention to the state of the Jaina religion in the Ganga territory. We have already seen that the western Ganga rulers actively associated themselves with the progress of the Jaina religion from the days of their founder. We will now briefly examine the Jaina inscriptions of this dynasty which were written after AD 600. Durvinita was succeeded by his son Muskara or Mokkara, 24 probably before the end of the sixth century AD. A Jaina temple was erected in his name at Laksmesvara and was called Mokkaravasati.25 The erection of this temple indicates the extension of the Ganga kingdom in that direction.26 Muskara was succeeded by Srivikrama, and it appears that both of them ruled for very short periods. This is evident from the fact that we have a genuine, dated inscription" of Srivikrama's son Bhuvikrama, which indicates that the latter ascended the throne in Saka 531 corresponding to AD 609. No Jaina inscription of either Srivikrama or Bhuvikrama is known, but we have evidence to show that during the reign of Sivamara I (AD 670- 713), the son of Bhuvikrama, the Jainas enjoyed royal patronage. An inscription 28 from Kulagana in Camarajnagar taluk of Mysore district belongs to his reign. The second line of this inscription refers to Madhava I's indebtedness to a sramanacarya. The king Sivamara I is here called Avanimahendra (1. 16) and the lord of whole Panata and Punnata. According to this inscription, several persons granted lands and dwelling sites with the approval of the king, who is also called Kongani Muttarasa. The king himself also made a grant to the Jaina Candrasenacarya, the kartarar (manager) of the temple. The fact that so many persons contributed for the temple shows that it was an important shrine in this part of Karnataka. The in

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 161 scription is undated, but there cannot be any doubt regarding its genuineness. Sivamara I, it appears, like many of his predecessors, openly befriended the Jainas.29 The successor of Sivamara I was Sripurusa, his grandson. He had a very long reign extending from ad 725 to the last quarter of the eighth century AD, 50 and was a great patron of the Jaina religion. The well-known Devarhalli plates," found from Mysore district, is dated in Saka 698 (AD 776) and the fiftieth year of the king's reign. The village of Devarhalli is situated in the Nagamangala taluk of Mysore district. The inscription refers to a line of Jaina gurus belonging to Nandisamgha of Mulagana. The name of the gaccha is given as Pulikal, which is probably connected with Puligere or Pulikara, the ancient name of Laksmesvara, famous for its Jaina temples. The earliest muni was Candranandin, who was succeeded by his disciple Kumaranandin, who in his turn was succeeded by Kirtinandi Acarya and the latter by Acarya Vimalacandra. The earliest guru Candranandin therefore lived in the mid-seventh century AD. We are then introduced to a line of feudatory kings and the names of two members of this line are given, namely Nirgunda alias Paramagula. The wife of the latter, Kundacci, was the daughter of Maruvarman and her mother a daughter of the Pallava overlord (adhiraja). This lady, Kundacci, had built a Jaina temple called Lokatilaka on the northern side of Sripura (near Gudalur which is to the west of the Nilgiris). The inscription refers to the grant of the village of Ponnalli for the repair, maintenance, etc. of this temple. There is a long list of other grants made by several persons. The inscription was written by Visvakarmacarya and the epithet acarya shows that he too was a Jaina ascetic. According to the last two lines of the grant, he too also received some land. There is little doubt that the Jaina temple by Kundacci, who had Pallava blood in her veins, was a celebrated shrine of Sripura. It is quite likely, and as the inscription indicates Sripurusa himself took personal interest in the welfare of this Jaina temple. A stone inscription of AD 801, belonging to his reign, 32 also indirectly shows his love for the Jaina religion. The destruction of basadis is regarded in that inscription as equivalent to the destruction of Varanasi. Another genuine copperplate inscription of Sripurusa" refers to a grant made to a Jaina caityalaya. This inscription also refers to his successor Sivamara II. This particular record was discovered from Narasimharajapura in Belur taluk of Chikmagalur district. It is incised on five

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162 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM copperplates. The inner side of the first plate, the two sides of the second and the inner side of the third contains the inscription of Sripurusa. It opens with an invocation of Jina, 'Victorious is the sole sun of the world, who has witnessed all the worlds and who by the rays of the Syadvada has illuminated the veil of darkness of the other creeds.' This inscription, it is interesting to note, also refers to the feat of cutting down a stone pillar on the part of Madhava I, by order of a Nirgrantha ascetic. The inscription surprisingly refers to Sripurusa as the son of Srivikrama. Then the record goes on to say that the chief of his friends Nagavarma of the Pasindi Ganga family (a new Ganga family), who was anointed as Ganga-raja, and his sister's brother, a son in the Kadamba family named Tulu-adi, united in making a grant, with pouring of water of the village of Mallavalli situated in Tagare country, to the caityalaya in the Tolla village, also situated there. A few gifts are also recorded. The first part of the record ends with an obeisance to the Jina. This record of Sripurusa is undated; the decipherer assigns it to AD 780.34 Tagare country is also referred to in an inscription of Kadamaba Bhogivarman.$5 The outer side of the third plate36 of the inscription from Narasimharajapura contains a Jaina record of Sivamara II. According to it, when the illustrious Sivamarar was ruling the earth, Vittarasa, a Kadamba chief under him was the governor of Sindanadu 8000 and Tagarenadu 70. This Kadamba chief granted a village called Karimani to the cediya of Tollar, apparently the same village, mentioned in the inscription of Sripurusa. The last two plates contain yet another undated inscription" of Sivamara II. It states that while the illustrious Sivamarar was ruling, his maternal uncle Vijayasaktiarasa granted to the cediya of Mulivalli some land, and parts of two villages. The same record, contains an account of few other gifts. It is interesting that a few of the witnesses mentioned in this inscription are also mentioned in the record of Sripurusa contained in the first three plates. This testifies that this inscription of Sivamara II cannot be far removed from that of his father. It is also evident from the second inscription of Sivamara II that there was another Jaina shrine in the same locality. That Sivamara II was a staunch and sincere patron of the Jainas is further shown by two other inscriptions. The first is from Belgaum district,38 which tells us that he had erected a basadi in Kummadavada (modern Kalbhavi). It is a stone inscription. The second is also a stone inscription.39 The epigraph was found on a boulder near

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 163 Candranathasvamin basadi at Sravana Belgola and contains only two words: Sivamarana basadi, in Kannada. It has been suggested that the Candranathasvamin temple was the basadi menat in this inscription. 10 There is an important Jaina inscription" of Yuvaraja Marasimha, the son of Sivamara II dated Saka 719, corresponding to ad 797, which was found from Manne in Bangalore district. His father was still alive at that time, but a prisoner in the Rastrakuta court. Yuvara Marasimha is here described as ruling the entire Ganga-mandala. 'The plates must have been engraved after the father was at liberty and in power for fifteen years or so after the grant was made, and probably at that time Marasimha, the son, was dead.'12 This grant refers to a senadhipati (commander) called Srivijaya, who is described as holding Arhat as supreme' and who built a Jina temple at Manyanagara (Manne). By this grant a village called Kiruvekkura was given as gift by prince Marasimha. It then refers to a line of Jaina teachers, beginning from Toranacarya of Kondakundanvaya. His original home was the village called salmali, and his disciple was Puspanandin and the latter's disciple Prabhacandra. The earliest guru Toranacarya therefore lived around AD 700. The sasana was written by Visvakarmacarya, who too was probably a Jaina ascetic. Another set of copperplates from Manne" gives the date Saka 724 corresponding to AD 802, but this record refers to Prabhutavarsa Govindarajadeva (Govinda III), the Rastrakuta sovereign, as the overlord. This inscription, although a Jaina record, opens with an adoration to Visnu. It further refers to Govinda III's elder brother Ranavaloka, who had accepted his younger brother Govinda III's command and was at that time the supreme governor of the Ganga territory. We are told that on the application of the son of Bappayya, who was a disciple of Prabhacandra (mentioned in the earlier record dated Saka 719) of Udaragana, living in the Salmali village, famous in the Taidat Visaya, the king Prabhutavarsa made a grant for the Jina temple of Manyapura, built by the victorious ruler Srivijayaraja. It appears that this feudatory of the Gangas, after Saka 719 had transferred his allegiance to the Rastrakutas and was apparently a favourite of the Rastrakuta provincial governor. The grant was made to provide for dances, performed by dancing girls, singing, drums, sandal and worship of the god'. A full village and a part of another were given as gift. This inscription therefore testifies that the Rastrakutas continued the religious policy of the Gangas in the

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164 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM conquered provinces. Sivamara II was succeeded in the main line by his nephew Rajamalla I (AD 817-53). His own son Marasimha, mentioned in the Manne grant of Saka 719, founded another Ganga line and probably predeceased his father. 45 The younger brother of this Marasimha was known as Prthivipati and was a staunch Jaina. This is proved by an inscription from Sravana Belgola. We are told that along with his queen, he witnessed the nirvana of the Jaina acarya Aristanemi on the Katvapra hill at Sravana Belgola.16 The king of the principal line, Rajamalla I, was a Jaina patron. He was the founder of a cave, dedicated to the Jainas at Vallimalai in North Arcot district. This is testified to by a short inscription in grantha characters found there.17 Rajamalla I was succeeded by his son Nitimarga I (AD 853-70), who is described in the well-known Kudlur plates of Saka 884 of Marasimha III48 as a 'bee at the lotus feet of adorable Arhat Bhattaraka'. This shows that not only was the king a Jaina patron, but also a converted Jaina. Another well-known name for him was Eregangadeva. We should now refer to an earlier Ganga inscription of prince Duggamara,19 the younger brother of king Sivamara II, discovered from Hebbalaguppe from Heggadade Vankote taluk of Mysore district. According to it Sri Narasingere Appor Duggamara gave arable land to the Jaina temple (koyilvasadi) constructed by the great architect Narayana, and the local inhabitants also donated land to the temple. The approximate date of this inscription, according to decipherer, is AD 825.50 The next king, in the principal line was Rajamalla II, who ascended the throne, according to the Biliur stone inscription31 in AD 870, the Saka 809 being his eighteenth regnal year. Two Jaina inscriptions of his reign are known. The first is the above stone inscription from Biliyur, Virajapet taluk of Coorg district. It is a royal grant of twelve villages, the Biliyur 12, to the Jaina monk Sarvanandideva, disciple of Sivanandisiddhanta Bhatara for the maintenance of the temple called Satyavakya Jinalaya at Pennegadanga. Since Rajamalla II bore the title of Satyavakya, the temple appears to have been named after him. However, we should remember that a few of his predecessors also bore that title, and the Jaina temple referred to in this inscription could have been built by any one of them. The second Jaina inscription of his reign is the Narasapura in

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 165 scription"2 dated saka 824, corresponding to AD 903, discovered from Kolar taluk of Kolar district. One of the plates is missing. The inscription was issued on the bright fortnight of Phalguna, an auspicious day for the Jainas. According to it the king gave a grant for the Jaina basadi at Konnamangala, erected by Megante-Nandaka Gadeya. It also mentions a female disciple called Kamungare Kanti of Uttanandipuri Mandalabhatara. Another Jaina basadi, built by one Srivarmayya, is also mentioned in this inscription and for this, some land was donated by the king The younger brother of Rajamalla II, Butuga I, was also a devout Jaina. This is testified to the Kudlur inscription, which has already been referred to. Here Butuga, who married a daughter of the illustrious Amoghavarsa I, is described as a 'devout Jain'. This is also confirmed by the Gattivadipura plates dated ad 904.53 The next king in the principal line was Nitimarga II (AD 907-35). In the Kudlur plates he is called a Jain. 54 An inscription of his reign35 refers to the setting up a tombstone for a Jaina teacher named Elacarya, who it is said lived on water only for one month and expired after a fast of another eight days. After Nitimarga II, his two sons Narasimha and Rajamalla III ruled successively for very short periods. The youngest son Butuga II, also known as Nanniya Ganga, ascended the throne around AD 937. In the Kudlur plates he is described as a Jaina devotee and we have Jaina inscriptions of his reign. In the Sudi plates dated Saka 860, found from Ron taluk of Dharwar district,56 we are told that the king while he was staying at Purikara during the Nandisvara festival gratified six female mendicants with gifts, and having washed the feet of Nagadevapandita of the holy Vadiyur gana at Sundi gave sixty nivartanas of land to the Jaina caityalaya, built by his wife Divalambika. She is described here as the symbol of manifest goodness through the purity of her accurate perception. The Sudi inscription, however, has been declared spurious by Fleet; Narasimhachar however regards it as genuine.57 A fragmentary stone inscription58 of Nanniya Ganga, i.e., Butuga II from Ichavadi (Shimoga taluk, Shimoga district) is a very important Jaina records, undated. The inscription records the grant of irrigated fields by the king and his queen to a Jaina temple. It then refers to a long line of Jaina teachers, belonging to Kranura gana, beginning from Nandibhattaraka. The other names in chronologi cal order are as follows: Balacandrabhattaraka, Meghacandra,

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166 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Gunanandi (described as expert in logic and literature), Sabdabrahma, Akalanka (who defeated the Buddhists and Sankhyas), Meghanandi, Prabhacandra, Santakirti; then a few names are erased after which there is Municandrasiddhantadeva and then his disciple, whose name is erased. It appears that during the time of this unnamed Jaina saint the king Nanniya Ganga built the Jaina temple. The inscription shows that not only Nanniya Ganga himself, but other kings of his dynasty openly favoured the Jainas. We propose to identify Akalanka of this inscription with the celebrated Jaina philosopher of the name; this will however be discussed in a later chapter. From the Kudlur grant too it appears that Nanniya Ganga was a Jaina scholar and defeated the Buddhists in debate. 59 The elder son of Butuga II, Maruladeva, probably died before his father. This prince too was a devout Jain. 60 He married the daughter of Rastrakuta Krsna III. His younger brother Marsimha III was probably a direct successor of Butuga II. Marasimha III (AD 960-74) was undoubtedly one of the greatest Jainas of the tenth century. Several important Jaina inscriptions of his reign conclusively establish that he was not only a great Jaina himself, but did all in his power to promote Jainism in Karnataka. I must first refer to the two inscriptions found from Kadlur (Mandya taluk, Mysore district), both of which are dated in Saka 884. The earlier one was issued in December ad 962.61 A line of Jaina teachers, beginning from Prabhacandra of Mulasamgha and Surasta gana, has been introduced in this inscription, which consists of three plates. His disciple was Kalaneledeva, and this saint was the guru of Ravicandra. Ravicandra had as his disciple one Elacarya, the donee of this grant. Verse 45 and the lengthy passage in prose refer to the gift of the village Kadlur in Kongal-desa made to Elacarya by Marasimha III to provide worship and offerings to the jinalaya constructed by his mother called Kallabba, who was the daughter of Simhavarman Calukya. It is apparent from this inscription that Marasimha was a loyal feudatory of the Rastrakutas, and was crowned by Krsna III.62 We are further told in this inscription that another purpose of the grant was the worship of sudhacitra (stucco painting) and citra (painting) as well as for the four kinds of danas to the Jaina deities and ascetics. The king Marasimha was at that time stationed at Melpati, a place mentioned in an earlier grant of Rastrakuta Krsna III.63 The second Jaina inscription61 from Kadlur is dated March, AD 963, and is one of the most important Jaina records of the tenth

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 167 century. This inscription not only shows Marasimha III as a sincere and devout Jaina but also gives additional information about a few of his predecessors, which have already been noticed. Marasimha here is described as one 'who washed out all taints with the water of the daily bath of Jina and one who was devoted to the worship gurus'. We are than given a brief life-history of the Jaina saint Vadighanghala, who was originally a Brahmana of Parasara gotra, his first name Munjarya. His ancestors lived in the Viratadesa of the north. This individual, it appears from the inscription, was a Jaina teacher of vast learning and was well versed in Lokayata, Sarkhya, Vedanta, Bauddha and, above all, in Jaina philosophy. Like a sun he destroyed the mass of darkness represented by the misleading teachings of other schools, we are told. His eloquence in the exposition of literature made king Ganga Gangeya Satyavakya, a cuckoo in the grove of delights of all learning his pupil'. Ganga Gangeya was a title of Butuga II. We are further told that he was held in the highest esteem by the Rastrakuta sovereign Krsna III. This great Jaina saint is further described as worshipping the 'lotus feet of Jinesvara'. To this celebrated Brahmana Jaina saint king, Marasimha III in March Ad 963 gave as srutaguru's fee (religious teacher's fee) a village called Bagiyur included in Badagara 300 of the Punatu 6000 in Gangapati. The income of this village was 20 gadyanas. 65 A stone pillar inscription" of extraordinary importance, relating to the achievements of Marasimha III, has been discovered from Sravana Belgola. It refers to several military feats of this great Ganga king. We are however not conerned here with Marasimha's achievements. A crucial passage from our point of view is that which says that 'he maintained the doctrine of Jina and erected Jaina temples (vasati) and manastambhas at various places.' This passage is sufficient to show his tremendous zeal for the Jaina religion. The record closes with the statement that he relinquished sovereignty and keeping the vow of sallekhana for three days in the presence of Ajita senabhattaraka, died at Bankapura in Saka 896 corresponding to AD 974. I cannot resist the temptation of reproducing the last few lines of this inscription. 'O Cola king, calm your failing heart by gentle rubbing; O Pandya, you have escaped slaughter, stay on. O Pallava, run not away in fear from your territory; do not retreat, but remain; the Ganga chieftain Nolambantaka has gone to the abode of gods. I should now take brief cognizance of a very interesting rock

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168 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 69 inscription found from Gopinatha Gutta in Chikballapur taluk of Kolar district. This is a low hill at the north-eastern base of Nandidroog. The inscription, according to Rice, resembles the early inscriptions of the Gangas and should be assigned to the eighth century AD. It opens with a homage to Rsabha. It refers to the Jaina shrine of this hill, which according to it, was formerly built by Rama in Dvapara and later rebuilt by Kunti. This Jinendra caitya had caves for rsis. This description, according to Rice, applies to Nandidroog. At present the shrine at the site where the inscription has been discovered, is dedicated to Gopalasvamin, but the description in the inscription shows that this place had a very important Jaina temple complex from a much earlier period. It can be said with conviction that the Jaina temple here was one of the earliest Karnataka, shrines. Let us return once more to the Gangas. The successor of Marasimha III was Rajamalla IV, who had an able minister in the person of Camundaraya, one of the greatest Jainas Karnataka has ever produced. He is the author of the celebrated Kannada work the Camundarayapurana, written in AD 978. In this text we have an account of the twenty-four Jaina Tirthamkaras, but the greatest achievement of this Ganga minister was the erection of the colossal image of Gommatesvara at Sravana Belgola round about AD 982.70 I will have more to say on Camundaraya in connection with a discussion of the inscriptions of Sravana Belgola. An earlier Ganga Jaina minister ended his life in sallekhana fashion at this town, i.e., Narasinga who died in around AD 950 and was a minister of Ereganga or Nitimara II." A few other persons, connected with the Gangas are also mentioned in some Jaina inscriptions from Sravana Belgola. For the reign of Rajamalla IV we have a Jaina inscription" dated Saka 899 found from Coorg district. The above discussion regarding the state of Jainism during the rule of the Gangas proves that in almost every part of the territory ruled by the western Ganga kings, there were Jaina shrines. Most of these temples gave shelter to eminent Jaina saints who were respected by even non-Jainas for their purity and godliness. It also appears that some other kings from contemporary dynasties were influenced by the religious outlook of the western Ganga kings. Before discussing the state of the Jaina religion during the rule of the Rastrakutas, we must briefly discuss its condition during the rule under a particular line of feudatory kings, namely the Rattas of

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 169 Saundatti (Belgaum district, Karnataka). The ancient name of Saundatti was Sugandhavarti. This place apparently sprang into prominence in the ninth century AD. The earliest inscription" from this place is dated in the Saka 797 corresponding to AD 875. It refers to the Rastrakuta Krsna as the overlord and it appears that this Krsna is no other than Krsna II.74 This stone epigraph is found in the present Ankesvara temple at Saundatti. The founder of the house was one Mecada, who had a son named Psthvirama; this gentleman is described as a mahasamanta under Krsna II. We are further told that he was a lay disciple of Indrakirti. This Indrakirti was a disciple of Gunakirti and the latter of Mulabhattaraka of Kareya gana hailing from Mailapatirtha. It is evident that the earliest preceptor of this line was a resident of Mailapatirtha. In Saka 797 the feudatory king Pethvirama granted some land for a Jinendrabhavana (temple dedicated to Jinendra) which was constructed by him at Sugandhavarti. It further appears that during his time Psthvirama was a very insignificant chieftain as his adhisthana (capital) is described only as a village (grama) in this epigraph. From some other inscriptions we further learn that the Krareya gana, to which Indrakirti and others belonged, was a branch of the well-known Yapaniya Samgha.75 The language of this epigraph clearly indicates that Ratta Psthvirama was a converted Jaina, and his successors too, as we will now see, were also Jainas. Chronologically the next inscription of the Rattas is dated in the Saka 902, corresponding to AD 980. This is another stone epigraph76 from the same temple; it discloses the name of Mahasamanta Santivarman, who was a grandson of Prthvirama. At this time, according to this epigraph, Calukya Tailapadeva, i.e., Taila II, was the overlord of this chieftain. It appears that the Rattas quietly transferred their allegiance, after the fall of the Rastrakutas, to the Calukyas. The Jaina temple complex there, it appears was a family shrine of the Rattas. This why there is the expression 'Rattara-patta Jinalaya' in the introductory part of the epigraph. The mother of Santivarman also made donations to the Jaina temple there. The gift was received by the preceptor Bahubali Bhattaraka. It appears from the epigraph that the earliest preceptor of Bahubali's line was Ravicandra, who was succeeded by the following: Arhanandin, Subhacandra, Maunideva, and Prabhacandra. The earliest sadhu Ravicandra therefore lived during the first half of the ninth century AD. These preceptors belonged to the Kandura gana, which also was

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170 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM a branch of the Yapaniya Samgha.?? A few later inscriptions78 from Saundatti also show that even after an 1000, Jainism continued to flourish in this area and the kings of the Ratta family throughout their history maintained a close relationship with it. From Belgaum district we have another very interesting Jaina inscription, which on palaeographic grounds, can be assigned to the seventh century AD. It is known as Gokak plates79 and discloses the name of a king called Dejja Maharaja, who is described as belonging to the anvaya of the Rastrakutas (1. 5). The inscription records a gift of 50 nivartanas of land in Jalaragrama of Kasmandi visaya for the continuous worship of the divine arhat and for the maintenance of learned Jaina ascetics, devoted to the teaching of this religion. Acarya Aryanandin, belonging to Jambubhandagana, a savant of exceptional learning, received the gift from king Indrananda, son of Vijayananda Madhyamaraja of the Sendraka family. He is described as a feudatory of Dejja Maharaja, whose relationship with any known branch of the Rastrakutas is not yet known. Another intriguing feature of this inscription is its date. It is dated in the year 845 of the Aguptayika kings, the significance of which remains a mystery. If it is equivalent to the era of 58 BC, then the inscription will have to be assigned to the last quarter of the eighth century AD, but it is just possible that some earlier era,80 is referred to in this inscription. The Nolamba Pallavas, 81 who ruled after ad 800 were good patrons of the Jaina religion. We have two inscriptions before AD 1000 which testify that the kings of this dynasty extended patronage to the Jainas. An inscription of Mahendra Nolamba dated Saka 800 corresponding to AD 878 records a grant to a Jaina temple in Dharmapuri district in present Tamil Nadu.82 The inscription is in Kanarese. From the compound of the famous Mallikarjuna temple of Dharmapuri another Jaina inscription83 has been discovered of the reign of the same king. It is dated Saka 815, corresponding to AD 893. This epigraph records a grant to a Jaina vasadi by two per sons called Nidhiyanna and Candiyanna. The former received from the king the village of Mulapalli, which he made over to Kanakasena Siddhanta Bhatara, the pupil of Vinayasena Siddhanta Bhatara. These monks belonged to the Senanvaya of Mulasamgha. The particular gana to which they belonged is given as Pogariya. The revenue of the village was to be utilised for the repair of the temple.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 171 Before turning my attention to the Andhra Pradesh I must refer to two famous places now included in Karnataka, which were associated with Jainism from early times. The first place is Sravana Belgola is Hassan district, which was associated with Jainism from at least AD 600. The earliest inscription, discovered from this celebrated centre of Jainism, is dated in ad 600.84 This inscription mentions ancient Jaina saints like Gautaima Ganadhara, Loharya, Jambu, Visnudeva, Aparajita, Govardhana, Bhadrabahu, Visakha, Prosthila, Krttikarya, Jayanaman, Siddhartha, Dhstisena, Buddhila, and other teachers. It then mentions that Prabhacandra, an eminent Jaina divine, attained samadhi or nirvana at Katavapra or Candragiri hill of Belgola. After him 700 more saints likewise attained nirvana on the same hill. It has been suggested that the inscription on the stone was made long after Pabhacandra's death, and its palaeography suggests that it was inscribed in c. AD 600. Quite a number of inscriptions, discovered from the same hill, belong to the period between AD 650 and 800. They record85 the samadhi of a few prominent Jaina saints including one female ascetic. 8' No. 11 records the samadhi of one Acarya Aristanemi (C. AD 650) and mentions one king Dindika as witness, but he cannot however be correctly identified. No. 21 mentions a monk called Aksayakirti, who is described as a resident of Southern Madhura (Madura), which shows that this old city continued as a leading Jaina centre even after ad 600. We have already discussed a few historical inscriptions of Sravana Belgola in connection with the discussion of the state of Jainism during the rule of the western Gangas. A few others will be discussed in connection with the Rastrakutas. The second Jaina holy place of Karnataka was Kopana or Kopbal in modern Raichur district. This site has yielded a number of Jaina inscriptions which show that from the seventh century onwards, it was known as a celebrated Jaina tirtha. It has been suggested that Kopana should be identified with Kung-kan-na-pu-lo of Yuan Chwang, 87 which according to that pilgrim, was situated some 2000 li north of Dravida country. The earliest epigraphic reference to this town is found in an inscription 88 of the time of the Badami Calukya king Vijayaditya who reigned from AD 696 to 733. There is however nothing in that epigraph to show that it was then considered a Jaina sacred place. The earliest Jaina inscription89 from the ere is dated Saka 803, corresponding to AD 881. It states that the

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172 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Jaina teacher Sarvanandin Bhatara, a disciple of Ekacattugada Bhatara of the Kundakunda lineage, having stayed there and graciously imparted the teachings of the holy doctrine to the residents of the town, and after practising austerities for a considerable time, attained final emancipation the samnyasana or sallekhana. Among other important inscriptions from there dating prior to AD 1000, we should refer to the short epigraph," found near Kopbal mentioning Jatasimhanandin. It has been suggested that this saint should be identified with the Jaina poet of the same name who was the author of the Varangacarita." This sacred place is also mentioned in inscriptions, discovered from other places. In an inscription of about AD 800 of Ganga king Marasimha Ereyappa there is a reference to a witness named Madhava of Kuppal.92 The earliest reference to this Jaina tirtha in the Sravana Belgola inscriptions is assigned to AD 1000.93 A few other inscriptions from there also have references to the Jaina pilgrims hailing from Kopbal.94 We must now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion in A.P. during the days of the Vengi Calukyas. I have already briefly referred to the Musinikonda grant, which was renewed during the reign of Visnuvardhana III95 in Saka 684 corresponding to AD 762. According to this inscription Ayyana Mahadevi, the wife of Kubja Visnuvardhana AD 624-41, gave a grant of the village of Musinikunda in Tonka Natavadi visaya to a Jaina saint called Kalibhadracarya for the benefit of the Jaina temple called Nadumbivasati at Vezwada, which was probably built by that queen herself. This grant was to be utilized for the purpose of performing uninterrupted puja of the venerable Arhats. The saint Kalibhadracarya is spoken of as having made the entire circle of kings obedient to him by the power of his spiritual knowledge, astangadivyajnana. There is little doubt that this great Jaina saint of Andhra was held in special veneration by the queen of Kubja Visnuvardhana, the founder of the Vengi Calukya line. I have already commented on his spiritual predecessors who flourished before AD 600. They belonged to the Kavaruri or Surasta gana and Samgha anvaya. Chronologically, the next Jaina record of the Eastern Calukyas, belongs to the reign of Jayasimha II (AD 696-709). This was found on a broken slab near Macherla in Palnad taluk of Guntur district.% It refers to Sarvalokasraya Jayasimhavallabha and registers a grant of land by Kalyanavasantulu to 'Arahanta Bhattara'. The gift was to be maintained by the family of Rattagudis of Korithuru. This

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 173 inscription therefore testifies to the existence of a Jaina temple in this part of Guntur district in A.P. in the seventh century AD. A Jaina recordo dated in the thirtyseventh year of Visnuvardhana III found from Sattenapalle taluk of Guntur district refers to a temple of Jaina at Munugodu. There is also a reference to a muni called Suvratatirtha. It further mentions that a certain person called Boyugatta, a servant of king Gonka, effected some repairs to this temple, which was built by one Aggoti. Another short epigraph in the same stone slab mentions Mahamandalesvara Gomkaya, evidently the person of the same name of the earlier epigraph. It registers a gift of land to the Sita Jinesvaralaya at Munugodu. Another inscription of the same slab refers to the gift of land to a vasadi called Psthivitilaka, evidently a Jaina temple built by an earlier eastern Calukya king. It also mentions a certain Billama Nayaka. No eastern Calukya Jaina inscription, pertaining to the ninth century ad is known. We have, however, three Jaina inscriptions of the time of Amma II Vijayaditya who ruled in the middle mid-tenth century AD.98 The first is known as the Maliyapundi grant and the other two Kuluchumbarru and Masulipatnam grants. The Maliyapundi grant99 was originally discovered from Madanur, ten miles from Ongole, which is now the headquarters of a district of the same name in A.P. The inscription opens with a beautiful verse addressed to Jinendra. The donee was a jinalaya called Katakabharana, founded by Durgaraja, an officer of Amma II. This temple, according to the inscription was situated to the south of Dharmavuramu (Dharmapuri) in Nellore district. Durgaraja bore the designation Katakaraja, which suggests that he was a superintendent of the royal camp. At the request of this officer, king Vijayaditya, i.e., Amma II, made a gift of the village of Maliyapundi for the benefit of the temple in Saka 867 i.e., AD 945 which was the twelfth year of his reign. This Jaina temple was in charge of Sri Mandiradeva, the disciple of Divakara, and grand-disciple of Jinanandin belonging to the Yapaniya Sangha, Nandigaccha, and Kotimaduvagana. The language of the inscription indicates that king Amma II himself had great reverence both for the Jaina temple there and Mandiradeva, its manager. The preceptor and grand-preceptor of Mandiradeva, who belonged to the famous Yapaniya Samgha, were evidently very learned Jaina ascetics and lived in the ninth century AD. The second Jaina inscription during the reign of Amma II is an

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174 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM undated copperplate record, its place of discovery unknown. The plates are now in the British Museum. It registers the grant of a village named Kuluchumbarru100 in Attilinandu visaya to a Jaina teacher called Arhanandin, belonging to the Valahari gana and Addakali gaccha, for the purpose of providing for repairs to the charitable dining hall of a Jaina temple called Sarvalokasraya Jinabhavana. The very name of the temple suggests that it was built by one of Amma II's predecessors, many of whom bore the title sarvalokasraya. The grant was evidently made by Amma II, but it was caused to be given by a certain lady called Camekamba, who belonged to the Pattavardhika lineage and was a pupil af Arhanandin. The later part of the inscription is in Telugu and records a present made by Arhanandin himself to the writer of the record, whose name was Bhattadeva. Fleet successfully locates the village Kuluchumbarru near the town of Attili in the present West Godavari district of A.P. The lady, Camekamba, belonged to the Calukya lineage and was a favourite mistress of the king.101 She is described as a lay pupil of Arhanandin, who was a disciple of Ayyapoti and the latter of Sakalacandrasiddhanta, who is described as well-versed in the Siddhanta writings. This particular inscription definitely shows that both Amma II and his favourite mistress had a soft corner for the Jaina religion. The third Jaina inscription of the time of Amma II is the undated Masulipatnam grant102 consisting of five plates, first found from the district court of Masulipatnam or Machilipatnam in Krishna district of A.P. The record, it is interesting to note, begins with an invocation to Visnu. The king Amma II, however, was a paramamahesvara.103 The inscription refers to a Jaina pontiff (acarya), the preceptor of two nobles Bhima and Naravahana II. He was the renowned Jayasena, who bore the surname Nathasena and was a disciple of the illustrious Candrasena, who is described as well-versed in the Siddhanta and who attained proficiency in parasamaya, which signifies that his soul became absorbed in the non-self for the liberation of mankind from bondage. He was honoured, according to this inscription, by the sravakas, ksapanakas (Jaina ascetics), ksullakas (sravakas of high order), and ajjakas, probably meaning educated laymen. For the benefit of this celebrated Jaina savant, Bhima and Naravahana II constructed two Jaina temples (jinabhavana) at Vijayavatika (Bezwada or Vijayawada) and for that purpose the king Ammaraja himself granted the village of Pedda-Galidiparru, having

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 175 converted it into a devabhoga and exempted it from all forms of tax and other vexations. The village was situated in the Velanandu visaya in modern Guntur district. The engraver, Jayantacarya, too, was probably a Jaina. The present sites of two Jaina temples, mentioned in this inscription cannot be properly identified. The two chieftains Bhima and Naravahana II, according to the decipherer of the inscription were Sudra chiefs; they are further described as devoted to Jinadharma (Jinadharmaniratacaritrau). The above discussion of the Jaina inscriptions of the Eastern Calukya kings abundantly testify that Jainism was more or less flourishing in the eastern districts of modern A.P. from AD 600 to 1000. Let us now turn our attention to other parts of A.P. I should first refer to the Calukyas of Vemulavada, who were great Jaina patrons and who ruled in the modern Karimnagar district of A.P., roughly coterminous with ancient Sapadalaksa country. The earliest Jaina inscription of the rulers of this feudatory Calukya dynasty is the Kurkyala stone inscription of the time of Arikesari ad 930-58. The importance of this inscription, 104 which is inscribed on a hillock called Bommalagutta at Kurkyala, thirteen miles west of Karimnagar, can hardly be overemphasized. It refers to a Jaina devotee called Jinavallabha, who is described as the brother of the great Jaina poet Pampa, the celebrated author of the Vikramarjunavijaya, also called Pampabharata and the Adipurana. In this inscription the two brothers are described as Brahmanas of Vatsa gotra. This is supported by the evidence of the Pampabharata.105 Jinavallabha himself, according to this inscription, constructed a vasadi called Tribhuvanatilaka, a tank called Kavitagunarnava, and a garden called Madanavilasa. The inscription further records the installation by Jinavallabha of the images of the first and the last Tirthamkara, i.e., Rsabha and Vardhamana, at the vasadi constructed by him. A caityalaya, dedicated to the first Tirthamkara, is also mentioned in this connection. Jinavallabha, we are told, used to celebrate the festival of bathing the lina at Vrsabhadri, the exact location of which has not yet been determined but which is near Dharamvaram. He is further described as the disciple of Jayamgonda Siddhanta Bhatara of the Desiya gana and Kondakunda anvaya. The same inscription tells us that Jinavallabha's caityalaya at Vrsabhadri became as famous as the fame of Pampa. He used to offer food to the Jaina ascetics and during festivals entertained pilgrims visiting the shrine. King Arikesari II of Vemulavada, we are

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176 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM told, in this inscription, gave Pampa as a mark of his appreciation of the Vikramarjunavijaya, the village Dharmavura, described as an abode of the Brahmanas, resembling the famous Kalapagrama, as agrahara. We are then told the incredulous who would ask stupidly again and again whether a copper plate inscription has been written, whether the famous Arikesari had actually granted Dharmavura as agrahara and whether the celebrated Pampa had accepted it, should repair to the Vrsabhadri which proclaims the fame of Pampa as well as the greatness of Jinadharma and see the letters of the inscription carved thereon and satisfy themselves. The details given in this epigraph regarding Pampa, tally generally with those given by that poet in his works.106 In this inscription Jinavallabha is described as a devotee of Adyanta Tirthamkaras, i.e., Rsabha and Mahavira and also Cakresvari. In his Adipurana, his brother too calls himself a devotee of Vardhamana, Rsabha, and Cakresvari. The gift of village granted to Pampa by Arikesari is also mentioned in the Vikramarjunavijaya. 107 We should also remember that Pampa composed his Adipurana in Saka 863 corresponding to AD 931, and his Vikramarjunavijaya was composed afterwards as it mentions the Adipurana. The inscription should therefore be placed around aD 945. Another inscripiton 108 of the time of Arikesari II dated Saka 869, it is interesting to note, contains five verses from the Vikramarjunavijaya or Pampabharata. It has further been pointed out that the site of Pampa's samadhi has actually been referred to in a Sanskrit inscription from Bodhan,109 but this cannot be confirmed at the present state of our knowledge. We have several Jaina inscriptions of the Vemulavala kings, bearing the date Saka 888 corresponding to AD 966. A stone inscription" of that date from Repaka (Karimnagar district) introduces a chief named Vijaya, who bears a string of titles and records his gift of land to a jinalaya built by him. The latter half of this inscription refers to the genealogy of a family of disciples of the Jaina faith who were holding a fief comprising Atukuru 70 and Pammi 12. The members of this family comprised Kama, Rama, Tukkya, Revana, Punyarama, Kommaya, and others. The names of a line of Jaina ascetics are also given. In the end we are told that the jinalaya was built by king Arikesari, who was probably Arikesari II. A brief stone inscription" from Vemulavada states that Baddega, the king of Sapadalaksa, constructed a jinalaya for Somadeva, the chief of Gauda

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 177 Samgha. This Somadeva, as we have already observed, was probably a Jaina monk from Bengal, who migrated to the Sapadalaksa country in the third quarter of the tenth century AD. From the Parbhani plates'12 dated Saka 888 of the time of Arikesari III we learn that a village of the name of Vanikatupula was given to Somadeva Suri, the disciple of Nemideva and grand-disciple of Yasodeva, belonging to Gauda Samgha. It also refers to the fact that a Jaina temple of the name of Subhadhama Jinalaya, built by Arikesari's father Baddega was under the supervision of this Jaina savant, who is further described as the author of the Yasodharacarita, i.e., Yasastilakacampu, and Syadvadopanisad. High praise has been bestowed on him for his encyclopaedic knowledge. We also learn from this inscription that Arikesari was a feudatory of Krsnarajadeva, son of Akalavarsa, Prthvivallabha, Maharajadhiraja, Amoghavarsa. This Krsnaraja is evidently the Rastrakuta overlord Krsna III, the celebrated son and successor of Amoghavarsa III. We should remember that Somadeva had completed his Yasastilakacampu!13 during the reign of the same Rastrakuta emperor Krsna III on the thirteenth day of Caitra, Saka 881 when Krsna III was encamping at Melapati after conquering the kings of Pandya, Simhala, Cola, and Cera countries. He further states in this work that he was at this time a resident of Gangadhara, the capital of Baddiga, the son of Arikesari II. That Somadeva was a disciple of Nemideva is also known from that poet's Nitivakyamita." In the Yasastilakacampu115 Somadeva is described as belonging to the Devasamgha, which is probably another name for the Gaudasamgha. The two inscriptions, mentioned above certainly show that the kings belonging to this feudatory Calukya line, were genuine patrons of Jainism. Two great Jaina poets of the tenth century, namely Pampa and Somadeva, lived in their kingdom and were favoured by them. In a later chapter I shall have something more to say on the achievements of these two literary giants. We should now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion during the days of the Rastrakuta kings. I have already referred to a few Jaina epigraphs where some Rastrakuta monarchs have been mentioned. That the kings of this great dynasty were good patrons of Jainism will not only be evident from some inscriptions but also a very large number of Jaina literary works completed during the Rastrakuta period. No Jaina inscription relating to the earlier members of the

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178 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Rastrakuta family is yet known, but it has been suggested on the basis of a Sravana Belgola inscription dated ad 1129 that Akalanka, the great Jaina philosopher, was patronized by Dantidurga. 116 The earliest Rastrakuta Jaina inscription comes from Sravana Belgola, 117 and refers to the reign of Ranavaloka Kambayya, son of Dhruva and elder brother of Govinda III. This prince was the eldest son of Dhruva and was the governor of Gangavadi under his illustrious father. Dhruva was apparently alive at the time of this inscription. He is described here as the son of Srivallabha Maharajadhiraja Paramesvara Maharaja. The inscription records a grant and testifies to Kambayya's (Stambha) affection for the Jaina religion. Though the inscription is undated, we can assign it to the last quarter of the eighth century AD. I have already discussed the contents of the Manne plates'18 dated Saka 724 which also shows that the prince's partiality for the Jaina religion. Govinda III, the younger brother of Stambha and the successor of Dhruva, who is mentioned as the overlord in Manne plates of his elder brother, was probably an admirer of Jainism. The Kadaba plates!9 dated saka 753 corresponding to AD 814 and found from Tumkur district of Karnataka, refers to the reign of Prabhutavarsa, who is no other than Govinda III. This inscription discloses the existence of a line of Jaina monks of the Nandi Samgha of the Yapaniyas. The name of the gana is given as Punnagavsksamula. The earliest acarya was Srikirti, his disciple was Kuli-Acarya, followed by Vijayakirti and the latter's disciple Arkakirti. The last-named saint, we are told, was successful in eradicating an evil influence of Saturn on Vimaladitya, who was the sister's son of Cakiraja, the ruler of the entire province of the Gangas. It is clear from the inscription that Vimaladitya was a Calukya chief under Cakiraja, the supreme Rastrakuta governor of Gangavadi. The grateful Vimaladitya and his uncle Cakiraja were pleased to grant an entire village called Jalamangala at Silagrama, on the western side of Manyapura, for a Jaina temple. This Manyapura was probably coterminous with the town of the same name mentioned in the Ganga inscriptions. Vimaladitya was the son of Yasovarman and grandson of Balavarman. There is absolutely no valid reason to doubt the authenticity of this record. Recently another Jaina inscription 120 of the time of Govinda III from Dharwar district has been discovered. The successor of Govinda III, Amoghavarsa I, who ascended the throne in AD 814 was one of the greatest patrons of the Jaina reli

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 179 gion in the ninth century. We have already seen that there existed a Jaina shrine in Nasik district, which was named after him. I shall at first discuss the available Jaina inscriptions of his reign and then turn my attention to the evidence supplied by the Jaina literary texts. From a broken slab found from Ranebennur in Dharwar district an important Jaina inscription 21 has been discovered bearing the year Saka 781, corresponding to AD 859. Although the epigraph does not disclose the name of the reigning monarch, it was evidently written during Amoghavarsa's reign and within his empire. The inscription refers to a Jaina shrine constructed by one Nagalura Pollabe and therefore it was known as Nagula vasadi. Lines 12 to the end record the gift of land made as a lifetime donation (jiva-asana) for this temple by several villagers. The gift, we are told, was received on behalf of the temple, by Naganandin Acarya of the Singhavura gana. Much more important than the above-mentioned record is the Konnur stone inscription 122 dated Saka 782 of the reign of the same king. The inscription was discovered from a place called Konnur, which is situated on the south bank of the river Malaprabha in Nawalgund taluk of Dharwar district. At present the inscribed stone is built into a wall of the local paramesvara temple. Above the writing there are a few sculptures of Tirthamkaras. The Saka date corresponds to AD 860. The epigraph has altogether 72 lines, of which 11. 1-59 represent the inscription of the time of Amoghavarsa I. According to this the emperor Amoghavarsa, while residing at Manyakheta, at the request of his subordinate Bankesa (Bankeya) in recognition of the important services, rendered by him, granted the village of Taleyura (1. 38) and some land of other villages for the benefit of a Jaina sanctuary founded by Bankeya at Kolanura to the sage Devendra, who was a disciple of Trikalayogisa, belonging to the Pustaka gaccha, Desiya gana and Mula Samgha. It is interesting to note that the opening verse of the inscription invokes the blessing of both Visnu and Jinendra. There is a magnificent tribute in v. 44 to the doctrine of the Jinas: Ever victorious, like a royal edict be this doctrine of the Jinas, which destroys the false doctrines of peoples, who are filled with an excessive pride, arising from ignorance; which brings about the true happiness of all, who act in obedience to the commands of the wise; which is the place of glory of the excellent Syadvada by which things appear under manifold forms, and grants the quintessence of good conduct.

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180 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM The date, according to Kielhorn, 12is absolutely correct, but it is a later copy of an original copperplate, according to the inscription itself124 and there is no reason to disbelieve this clear statement. The later portion, after 1. 59, refers to the Jaina monks who, lived in the twelfth century. A number of literary works very clearly prove that Amoghavarsa I was a converted Jaina. Gunabhadra, the author of the Uttarapurana and a contemporary of Amoghavarsa I, asserts that his preceptor Jinasena was a guru of that celebrated Rastrakuta monarch.125 Altekar refers to the fact that Jinasena in his Parsvabhyudaya claims himself to be the chief preceptor (paramaguru) of Amoghavarsa. 126 This is however impossible because that poem was written before AD 783 as it is mentioned in Jinasena II's Harivassa composed in Saka 705, and Amoghavarsa ascended the throne only in ad 814 and at that time was a very young. However, another later writer127 asserts that the Parsvabhyudaya was composed in the court of Amoghavarsa. That Amoghavarsa was a believer in the doctrine of Syadvada is also repeated in the Ganitasarasamgrahal28 of Mahaviracarya, who was a contemporary of that monarch. Amoghavarsa himself in his Prasnottararatnamalal29 pays homage to Vardhamana. Now, it is definitely known that this work was written by that king. 130 However, it should not be supposed that because of his Jaina leanings, he was in different to Hindu deities; that he was a devotee of Mahalaksmi is known from one of the inscriptions.181 A few contemporary Jaina writers have clearly shown their bias for this great Rastrakuta king. Sakatayana, a contemporary Jaina grammarian, wrote a commentary on his own grammatical work and named it as Amoghavrtti. This shows his respect for that Rastrakuta monarch. In that vitti there is a reference to Amoghavarsa's burning down his enemies (adahadamoghavarsoratin). 132 Jinasena himself is full of praise for this great Rastrakuta monarch.133 Yet another contemporary Jaina writer, Ugraditya, the author of the medical treatise Kalyanakaraka, 134 which was composed on Mount Ramagiri, situated in the level piains of Vengi in the country of Trikalinga, refers to the fact that he delivered a discourse on the uselessness of meat diet in the court of Sri Nrpatunga Vallabha Maharajadhiraja, who is no other than Amoghavarsa I. I should also mention that a few verses of the Kavirajamarga are in praise of Jina. 135 However, in the very beginning of this work, Amoghavarsa has paid glowing tribute to Visnu, which suggests his equal deference for the

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 181 Brahmanical deities. It should also be pointed out that the two famous Digambara commentaries, Dhavala and Jayadhavala, were named after Amoghavarsa I, who was also known as Dhavala and Atisaya Dhavala. The successor of Amoghavarsa I was Krsna II for whose reign we have the Saundatti inscription dated AD 897 which has already been discussed. Another Jaina inscription"36 of his reign is the Mulgund inscription dated Saka 824, corresponding to AD 902 Mulgund was a renowned Jaina centre and is situated in the Gadag taluk of Dharwar district. We are told in this stone inscription that during the time of Krsna II, his governor Cikarya, son of Candrarya, the governor of Dhavala-visaya and belonging to Varavaisya caste, constructed a lofty temple of Jina at the town of Mulgunda. His younger son Arasarya (the brother of Nagarya), who is described as proficient in the new Agama (nayagamakusalah) and a man of great liberality, made an endowment for the maintenance of the jinalaya, built by his father (pitskaritajinalayaya). The gift was entrusted to his preceptor Kanakasena Suri, who was the disciple of munipati Virasena and who in turn, was the pupil of pujyapada Kumarasena Acarya of Candikavata (Candrikavata), belonging to Senanvaya. Kumarasena, Virasena, etc. are also mentioned in the Camundarayapurana,'37 and it has been suggested 138 that Kumarasena was the fourth predecessor preceptor from Camundaraya. In that case, Kumarasena should be placed in the mid-ninth century AD. Krsna II was probably the patron of Gunabhadra, the author of the Uttarapurana.139 This work was completed in Saka 820 by Gunabhadra's disciple Lokasena in the reign of Akalavarsa or Krsna II. His patron was Lokaditya, who was a governor of Bankapura in Vanavasi under that Rastrakuta king. This Lokaditya was a patron of Jainism, as we learn from the prasasti of the Uttarapurana. 140 Gunabhadra himself claims that Krsna II was his disciple, 141 and there is no reason why we should disbelieve this. An interesting inscription142 from Sravana Belgola which has already been referred to, connects a Jaina saint called Paravadimalla with one Krsnaraja, who has been identified with this Rastrakuta monarch. There is another Jaina inscription!43 which mentions Lokaditya (called Lokateyarasa) and his overlord Krsna II. This inscription is dated AD 902 and was discovered from Bandalike, ancient Bandhavanagara in Shikarpur taluk of Shimoga district. It appears from the inscription that this place was looked upon as a Jaina tirtha (sacred place).

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182 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM The next king Indra III also had some fascination for the Jaina religion. We have a number of Jaina inscriptions of his reign. We must first refer to the well-known Danavulapadu pillar inscription, discovered from Jammalmadugu taluk of Cuddapah 144 district, A.P. The record is not dated and is partly in Sanskrit and partly Kanarese The first part of if refers to the military prowess of Srivijaya, who was a dandanayaka (general) of king Indra III. The second part opens with an invocatory verse which proclaims glory to the prosperous doctrine of the Jina. It appears from the inscription that Srivijaya voluntarily resigned this world and became a Jaina ascetic in order to attain eternal bliss. This general Srivijaya is otherwise unknown. From the same place another Jaina inscription"45 of a single Sanskrit verse mentioning Nityavarsa or Indra III has been discovered. Two other Srivijayas are known to Kanarese literature, both of whom flourished long before this Srivijaya and both were men of letters.'16 This Srivijaya too, it is interesting to note, is described in this epigraph as anupamakavi, meaning an accomplished poet. The astavidha karma, referred to in this inscription, consists of jnanavaraniya, darsanavaraniya, vedaniya, mohaniya, ayusya, nama, gotra, and antaraya. This Srivijaya, it is evident from the inscription, was a very important general of Indra III and was one of the pillars of the Rastrakuta empire. Another Jaina inscription"47 of the reign of Indra III, called Hatti Mattur stone inscription, has been discovered from Karajgi taluk of Dharwar district, Karnataka. This is dated in the Saka 838, corresponding to AD 916. It records the grant of a village called Vutavura by the Mahasamanta Lendeyarasa. Later the Jaina establishment here was converted into a Saiva temple, as is evident from the second part of the record, which was inscribed a few centuries thereafter. In the last chapter I discussed an important Jaina inscription of Indra III found in Nasik district. I should also mention in this connection an inscription from Belgaum district, Karnataka, which states that a Jaina saint called Neminatha, the preceptor of Manicandra, was like a moon in the ocean, which was the dynasty of the Rastrakutas.148 Evidently this Jaina monk was held in the highest esteem by the Rastrakuta kings of his time. The inscription has been assigned to c. AD 900. For the reign of Govinda IV we have two Jaina inscriptions119 dated Saka 847 or ad 925 and Saka 854 or AD 932, both of which were

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183 JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) discovered from modern Karnataka state. The first dated Saka 847, discovered from Gadag taluk of Dharwar district, refers to a jinalaya built by one Nagayya. 150 It also refers to another jinalaya called Dhora Jinalaya at Bankapura with the preceptor Candraprabha Bhatara as its head. It is interesting to note that this Jaina priest is described as administering a village called Pasundi (modern Asundi), which probably shows that the village was an endowment of this Jaina temple. The second inscription dated Saka 854 or AD 932 discovered from Adoni taluk of Bellary district refers to a Jaina temple11 built by the queen Chandiyabbe, wife of Kannara, the governor (mahasamanta) of Sindavadi, 1000. We are told that this queen constructed a Jaina temple at Nandavara and made suitable provision for its maintenance. The inscription also refers to a Jaina teacher called Padmanandin. It has been suggested that this Kannara is prince Krsna III, and at this time he was a governor under his cousin Govinda IV, 152 but it is more appropriate to regard the Kannara of this inscription as a feudatory of Govinda IV. Krsna III was one of the greatest members of the Rastrakuta dynasty. From the holy Kopbal area in Raichur district of Karnataka we have two inscriptions of his reign. The earlier one153 has been assigned to C. AD 940 and refers to Akalavarsa Kannardeva, and he was no other than Krsna III. However excepting a reference to Kopana, there is nothing typically Jaina regarding this inscription. The second inscription, 154 which is fortunately dated Saka 887, corresponding to AD 964 found near Kopbal from a place called Uppina Betgiri is a very important Jaina record. It reveals the existence of a feudatory king of the Rastrakutas called Sankaraganda II who erected a Jaina shrine called Jayadhira Jinalaya which was apparently named after him, 'Jayadhira' being one of his titles. As noted by Desai, this particular feudatory of the Rastrakutas is mentioned in several inscriptions of northern Karnataka.155 That scholar has also drawn our attention to the fact that this chief is mentioned in the Ajitatirthakarapuranatilakam156 of the Kanarese poet Ranna, who wrote this work in AD 993. According to that poet Sankaraganda was a great Jaina patron. It appears therefore from the combined testimony of these two sources (epigraphic and literary) that this Rastrakuta governor was a great promoter of Jainism in Karnataka in the second half of the tenth century AD. It further appears from the title Rattarameru given to him in this inscription that Sankaraganda was of the Rastrakuta extraction. We also learn from

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184 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM this epigraph that another Rastrakuta feudatory, namely Rattayya, who was of Calukya lineage, donated some land, for the temple erected by Sankaraganda II, and Naganandi Panaita Bhatara received the endowment on behalf of the temple. This saint is described here as a disciple of Vinayanandi, who in turn was a pupil of Srinandi of Surastha gana. From other inscriptions we learn that Surastha or Surastha gana was associated with the Sena gana of Mula Samgha.157 A few other Jaina inscriptions of the reign of Krsna III are known. One such inscription158 has been discovered from Tirumalai hill near Polur (North Arcot) in Tamil Nadu, which records the gift of a lamp made to the yaksa on the sacred Tirumalai hill by a servant of the queen of Krsna III. This hill was associated with the Jaina religion from early times. Over a dozen Jaina epigraphs and a number of rock-cut Jaina figures have been discovered from the same hill. The village near this hill, which bears same name, still harbours a few Jaina families. 159 We should also mention another Jaina inscription of the time of Krsna III, found from Naregal in the Ron taluk of Dharwar district. According to this, the wife of Ganga Butuga II, called Padmabbarasi, constructed a Jaina temple at Naregal, and in AD 950 the grant of a tank to the charity house attached to the temple was made by a subordinate chief called Namayara Marasimghayya. The gift was received by Gunacandra, the pupil of Viranandi, who was a pupil of Mahendra Pandita belonging to the Kondakunda anvaya of Desiya gana. The celebrated Jaina poet Somadeva wrote his encyclopaedic work Yasastilakacampu during the reign of this great Rastrakuta monarch in the Saka year 881 when that emperor was stationed at Melapati!61 which has been identified with Melpadi in North Arcot district of Tamil Nadu. The same place is also mentioned in the Karhad plates262 of Krsna III dated Saka 880 and Karjol inscription 163 dated Saka 879. I shall have more to say on Somadeva's literary achievements in a later chapter of this volume. Another Jaina literary figure, namely Indranandi Yogindra, composed his Jvalamalinikalpa 64 at Malkhed in Saka 861 during the reign of Krsna III. We have a few Jaina inscriptions of the reign of Khottiga, the brother and successor of Krsna III. An inscription from Chitaldurg district dated ap 968 mentions the fact that Jakki Sundari, the wife of Pandayya, a Calukyan feudatory of Khottiga built a Jaina temple, for which her husband gave a grant.165 Another inscription, prais

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 185 ing the Jaina religion of his reign, has been discovered from Dharwar district. 166 The last representative of the Rastrakuta dynasty was the valiant Indra IV, who unsuccessfully sought to restore the tottering fortune of the empire with the aid of his maternal uncle Ganga Marasimha. An inscription from Sravana Belgo!a167 dated AD 982 (Saka 904) shows that he died like a true Jaina. The epigraph describes his wonderful skill in playing polo, and also bestows lavish praise on him. We are told that as a believer in the doctrine of Mahavira, he never uttered a falsehood. Let us now turn our attention to the state of Tamil Nadu. We have already seen that Jainism flourished in the southern district of India from quite early times. In the seventh century too it maintained its great popularity in Tamil Nadu. This is directly shown by the testimony of Yuan Chwang. In all the three southern states of India, namely Cola, Dravida and Mo-lo-ku-ta (Malakuta), he noticed numerous Digambaras and their shrines. 168 This testimony from the pen of a person who was a diehard Buddhist, and who had practically no respect for his religious opponents, is extremely valuable. The same pilgrim laments the absence of Buddhists and the ruined condition of viharas particularly in countries of south India. In the Mattavilasaprahasana of Mahendravarman I, who was a senior contemporary of Yuan Chwang, we have a veiled yet strong criticism of the Jains, 169 which indirectly shows that they were present almost everywhere in his kingdom. We have already seen that the Pallavas were not hostile to the Jainas. They themselves were however Brahmanical Hindus and had a special affection for theistic Hindu deities. There is also reason to suspect that during the rule of some of the Pallava kings a few over-zealous Saiva and Vaisnava teachers instigated the nobles and the common people against the Jainas and Buddhists. A few later Vaisnava and Saiva works gleefully narrate the cruel accounts of the persecution of the Jainas.170 There is also reason to believe that Pallava Mahendravarman I was himself a Jaina in his early life.171 Let us not forget that his father Simhavisnu was a patron of the Jainas. It is however evident from the Mattavilasaprahasana that Mahendravarman I became a Saiva later in his life. According to the Saiva literary tradition, current in south India, Mahendravarman I became a Saiva under the influence of Appar, the noted south Indian Saiva philosopher. After his conversion this king became a persecutor of the Jainas. 172 The earliest Pallava in

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186 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM scription, connected with Jainism of our period (AD 600-1000) probably belongs to the reign of Paramesvaravarman I (AD 670-95). This is the Nalajanampadu stone inscription 173 from Nellore district, A.P. The Paramesvara Pallavaditya of this record is identified with Paramesvara I, and he is described here as meditating at the feet on the supreme master, the Lord Arhat. The rest of this Telugu inscription is useless for our purpose. A few Jaina Pallava inscriptions of the reign of Nandivarman II Pallavamalla (AD 730-800) are known. A rock inscription 174 from Kil-Sattamangalam dated in the fourteenth year of that king, in Wandiwash taluk of North Arcot district in Tamil Nadu records an endowment of seven kalanju of gold by Andai Ilaiyar Pavanandi of the village for feeding ascetics, excluding the manager of the monastery. There is an imprecation in the concluding part of the epigraph for incurring the sin of destroying Kamakottam, probably the famous Siva temple of Kanci.175 From the same site two other Jaina inscriptions of the reign of the same king have been discovered. Both the epigraphs are dated in the fifty-sixth year of Nandivarman II. One of them 176 records an endowment of seventeen kalanju of gold to a palli called Pavanandivar (evidently named after the ascetic who is mentioned in the epigraph of the fourteenth year) for the merit of Pundi Muppavai, daughter of Jinadiyar of Vilukkam, which is identified with the village of the same name in Tindivaram taluk in South Arcot district. The Jaina saint Pavanandi may be identified with the person of the same name, the author of the nannul, a Tamil grammatical text. 177 Another Jaina shrine is mentioned in an inscription found from Agalur, Gingee taluk of South Arcot district. This is dated 178 in the fiftieth year of Nandivarman II. An undated inscription 179 which has been assigned to this king was discovered from Kanci in Chingleput district and records the gift to an Arhat temple. This epigraph, it is interesting to note, mentions an acarya of Ajivikadarsana, who probably cured Lokamahadevi, the queen of Narasimha varman II. This proves that the Ajivikas maintained their separate existence in south India as late as the eighth century. The next Jaina Pallava inscription 180 belongs to the reign of Kampavarman, who is identified with Dantivarman, 181 son of Nandivarman II, who ruled in the first half of the ninth century AD. The inscription is dated in the sixth year of Kampavarman's reign and was found from the same site from where three Jaina inscrip

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 187 tions of Nandivarman II were discovered. This is an extremely interesting record as it gives us a very clear idea regarding a Jaina temple complex of the Pallava period. The inscription records the renovation of the temple (i.e. the one established by Pavanandi) and the addition of mukhamandapa to it, the renovation of a pali, the construction of a temple of Yaksi Bhatari (iyakkipalari) and the gift of a big bell to the palli by Madevi, the wife of Kadagadiyariyar. 182 It appears that this entire temple complex was possibly called palli. It had a main shrine dedicated to Jina, with a mandapa in front, a subsidiary shrine of yaksi, and the monastery (pali) where the Jaina monks lived. It is clear from the inscription that in this temple complex the main shrine and the monastery, which were built some fifty years earlier were renovated, while the mukha-mandapa and the shrine for the yaksi were added. The entire establishment called palli in this record is again mentioned in an inscription from the same site belonging to the reign of Rajaraja I, dated in his thirteenth regnal year, which is equivalent to AD 997-8.183 This palli there is called the temple of Tirthamkara Vimala. The epigraph records the sale of land by one Baladevapidaran, a disciple of Sri Nandidevar, for the maintenance of a perpetual lamp in the temple. At present, however there is no trace of this temple, but there is a temple dedicated to Candranatha in another part of the village. The Nolamba Pallavas, who came into prominence during the ninth and tenth centuries AD, ruled in parts of modern Karnataka and were feudatories of the Western Gangas. Three inscriptions of the time of Nolamba Mahendra are connected with the Jaina religion. The earliest epigraph dated Saka 800, corresponding to AD 878 discovered from the fort at Dharmapuri, which is the headquarters of the district of the same name in Tamil Nadu, records a grant 184 to a Jaina temple. The second Jaina inscription 185 of his reign bears the date Saka 815 corresponding to AD 893. It records that two citizens called Candiyanna and Nandiyanna, after receiving the gift of the village of Mullapalli from the king, gave it is a gift to Kanakasena Siddhanta, the pupil of Vinayasena Siddhanta of the Pogariya gana, Senanvaya and Mulasamgha, for the repairs of the basadi at Dharmapuri. Even now this place has a few Jaina antiquities. Dharmapuri was known in ancient times as Tagaduru. 186 The village Mullapalli is now represented by the modern village of Mulakadu, nine miles west of Dharmapuri.187 The inscription further informs us that the basadi was originally built by two above-mentioned citizens,

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188 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM who are described as sons of the setti of srimangala. The third Jaina inscription of Mahendra's reign has been found from Hemavati in Anantapur district of A.P. This damaged stone inscription188 records some donations to a local Jaina temple by Mahendra and his son Ayyapa. Another Jaina inscription189 of this Ayyapa has been found from the same site, which contains the second inscription of his father Mahendra. It records that Ayyapadeva presented the village called Buduguru to Lokayya, who was the younger brother of Dasayya and who is described as the illuminator of the doctrine of the Arhats. Lokayya in turn presented it to the Jaina basadi built by Nidhiyanna, apparently the same temple, mentioned in Mahendra's inscription of Saka 815. This stone epigraphs show that Mahendra and his son were patrons of Jainism. The undated inscription of Ayyapa is assigned190 to the early tenth century Ad. It should also be pointed out that Mahendra's epigraph of Saka 815 begins with an invocation to Jinendra.191 All the above-mentioned inscriptions are in Kanarese. We should also refer to a Bana epigraph 192 found from Vallimalai (North Arcot) which records the setting up of an image of Devasena, the pupil of Bhavanandin and spiritual preceptor to the king. The inscription is in Kanarese grantha characters and may be assigned to the ninth century AD. The Imperial Colas, who started ruling from the last quarter of the ninth century AD, were Brahmanical Hindus and chiefly patronized theistic Hindu deities like Siva and Visnu. We have, however, quite a large number of inscriptions connected with Jainism, belonging to the Cola period, which show that the Jainas were present almost everywhere in the vast Cola empire. The earliest Jaina epigraph of the time of the Imperial Colas belongs to the reign of Aditya I (AD 871-907) and was discovered from Vedal in Arkonam taluk of North Arcot district.193 It is incised on a boulder in front of the natural cave known as Andar-Madam. The epigraph records an undertaking given by the lay disciples at Vidal, alias Madevi-Arandaimangalam in Singapura-nadu, to protect and feed along with her lady pupils, Kanakavira Kurattiyar, a woman ascetic and disciple of the teacher Gunakirtibhattaraka. This epigraph, which is dated in the fourteenth regnal year of Aditya (Rajakesarivarman) further refers to the dispute between 500 male pupils and 400 female ascetics. It was evidently a very large Jaina establishment, and it appears that the female ascetic mentioned in this epigraph, was the daugh

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 189 an il. ter of an influential person. An earlier epigraph from the same site belongs to the reign of Nandivarman II, 194 where the Jaina templecomplex is called Vidarpalli. Madevi-Arandaimangalam, mentioned in the epigraph of the time of Aditya I, was another name for Vidal. An earlier Jaina inscription,195 dated in the second year of Rajakesarivarman's reign probably also belongs to the reign of Aditya I. It was found from Tirunagesvaram on the southern bank of the Kaveri. It registers gifts made by merchants of Kumaramartandapuram to meet the cost of repairs to the enclosure called Maunakumaramartandan and the gopura of Miladiyar-palli. From another epigraph it appears 194 that Kumaramartandan was a surname of the Pallava king Nandivarman II. For the reign of Parantaka I (AD 907-55) we have a number of Jaina inscriptions. The first epigraph 197 is dated in the third regnal year of Parantaka I. It was found from Tondur in Gingee taluk of South Arcot district. It records the endowment of a village with two gardens and wells as palliccandam to the Jaina teacher Vaccirasinga Ilamperumanandigal at Parambur and his disciple by the chief Vannakovaraiyan Vayiri Malaiyan. We have another Jaina epigraph 198 of the same year from Tirakkol in Wandiwash taluk of North Arcot district. It records a gift of 200 sheeps for the Jaina temple called Maisitta Perumballi at Sridandapuram in Ponnur Nalu by one Era Nandi alias Naratonga Pallavariyam of Nelveli, which is probably situated in Tanjore district.199 The same Jaina shrine is also mentioned in another Tamil record of the tenth century.200 For the fourth year of Parantaka we have an epigraph201 from Polur taluk of North Arcot district. It is incised on a rock at Tirumalai, a hill known for its Jaina antiquities. We have already noted an inscription from this hill of the time of Rastrakuta Krsna III. The inscription of Parantaka records a gift to the Jaina temple of this place by two persons recruited from Karnata country. The gift was made for feeding a devotee and for daily offering to Palliyalvar, i.e., Jaina Tirthamkara. The hill was also known at that time as Vaigavur. A somewhat later Cola inscription 202 (dated in the twelfth year of Rajendra I) refers to the fact that in an earlier time a Pallava queen had made provision for the burning of a perpetual lamp in the Jaina shrine on this hill. An inscription 208 of about AD 945 of the reign of Parantaka I found from Vilapakkam in North Arcot district refers to the sinking of a well by a nun called Pattini Kuratti Adigal. As the very name signi

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190 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM fies, she was an eminent lady teacher. According to the same source she was a disciple of a saint called Aristanemi Bhatarar of the Jaina establishment of Tiruppanmalai. We further learn from this inscription that the Jaina residents of the place had organized themselves and constituted a representative council of twenty-four members to look after their interests. A number of Jaina inscriptions belonging to the immediate successors of Parantaka I are known. The most important of these is the copperplate record201 from Pallankovil situated in Tirutturraipundi taluk of Tanjore district. It consists of six plates, but unfortunately the plate which contained the name of the reigning king is lost. The inscription discloses the existence of a Jaina temple (palli) founded by Saletti Kudiyan. The name of the shrine is given as Sundarasolapperumballi, apparently named after Sundara Cola, the grandson of Parantaka I. The gift provided for the maintenance of Candranandi Bhatara alias Maunidevar of Nandisamgha, who most probably presided over the Jaina establishment to which male and female asceties were attached. Since the temple was named after Sundara Cola (AD 956-73), it was built in the third quarter of the tenth century AD. In this connection we should also refer to the Udayendiram plates of Hastimalla205 according to which the Digambara Jainas had an ancient palliccandam comprising two pattis of land which were specially excluded from the gift of the village of Kadaikkottur made in the reign of Parantaka I. At Sirramur in South Arcot district an inscription of the seventeenth year of a Rajakasari (probably Sundara Cola, AD 956-73) records the provision of a lamp in the mandapa of the temple of Parsvanatha in which the scripture was expounded. 206 So far as the reign of Rajaraja I (985-1014) is concerned, we have already referred to a Jaina inscription of his time. We have another Jaina inscription 207 of the eighth year of his reign which mentions one Lataraja Vira Cola, who was a tributary of the Cola king. At the request of his wife he assigned to the god Tiruppanmalai certain income derived from the village Kuraganapadi (probably modern Kurambadi, two miles east from Pancapandavamalai which is four miles to the southwest of Arcot town). This Cola feudatory is described as a worshipper at the holy feet of the god of Tiruppanmalai. The elder sister of Rajaraja I, Kundavai, had strong affection for the Jaina religion. I shall discuss this in vol. II of this work. Now we should turn our attention to the state of Jainism during

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) the rule of the Pandyas. The earliest Jaina inscription 208 of this dynasty comes from Chitaral in the former Travancore state. The record in Tamil language and Vatteluttu characters, belongs to the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Varaguna I (c. AD 765-815),209 alias Nedunjadayan. The epigraph belongs to the last quarter of the eighth century AD. It records a gift of golden ornaments to the Bhatariyar of Tiruccharanattumalai, popularly known as the holy hill of the Caranas, made by the lady teacher Gunandangi Kurattigal, disciple of Aristanemi Bhatara of Perayakkudi. Two other inscriptions of the reign of this king are known and both come from Ramanathapuram district. They make mention210 of Tirukkattampalli, which seems to have been a Jaina temple at Kurandai, an important Jaina centre211 at Venbunadu. We have an important Jaina inscription of the reign of Varaguna II, which is also important from the historical point of view. This is the Aivarmalai stone inscription212 found from Palni taluk of Madurai district. The epigraph is incised above the natural cave on the Aivarmalai hill, so well-known for its Jaina relics. Unlike most of the Pandyan epigraphs, it yields a definite date, Saka 792 corresponding to AD 870 which, according to the epigraph, was the eighth regnal year of Varaguna II. It registers a gift of 500 kanam of gold by Santivirakkuravar of Kalam, the disciple of Gunavirakkuravadigal for offerings to the images of Parsva Bhatara (i.e., Parsvanatha) and of the attendant yaksis, and for feeding one ascetic. The inscription, therefore indirectly testifies that the temple-complex of this hill, dedicated to Parsva existed before the date of this inscription. A few other short epigraphs of this hill will be discussed below. 191 Another important Pandyan Jaina inscription is dated in the twentieth regnal year of Sadayan Maran,2 213 who is identified by some with Rajasimha II (c. AD 900-920), although K.A.N. Sastri, it appears believes that he was a different person. 214 The inscription was discovered from Uttamapaliyam in Periyakulam taluk of Madurai district. The epigraph is much damaged but definitely refers to a Jaina shrine of this hill, which is known for its Jaina antiquities. The Pandyan king Rajasimha II is said to have endowed several Jaina temples,215 showing that he was a Jaina patron. Let us turn our attention to some of the epigraphs of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, etc., which are not connected with any ruling dynasty. We have a very early epigraph which was probably incised even prior to AD 600 and one that is also important from the palaeographical point

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM of view. The epigraph was discovered from Tirunatharkunru216 in Gingee taluk of South Arcot. It records the fast unto death (nisidika) in 57 days by Candranandi Asiriyar. The inscription, according to the decipherer, marks the transition from Brahmi to Vatteluttu, and may be assigned to the sixth century AD, if not earlier. We should now discuss the activities of a great Jaina saint of south India, who did so much to popularize his religion amongst the masses. I am referring to Ajjanandi, who was responsible for fashioning a number of images in different parts of the southern states of India. His name is mentioned in brief epigraphs found from Vallimalai in Chitoor district of A.P., and from Anaimalai, Aivarmalai, Alagarmalai, Karungalakkudi and Uttamapaliyam in Madurai district. His name is also found in the natural cavern at Eruvadi in Tinnevelly district and near Chitaral in Kerala. Therefore the three present states of India, A.P., Tamil Nadu, and Kerala were traversed by this great Jaina, who left no stone unturned to counteract the hostile propaganda of Saiva and Vaisnava fanatics, who were bent upon destroying the religion of Parsva and Mahavira in south India. From palaeographical considerations, Ajjanandi should be placed around AD 800. 192 In an epigraph217 found from Pecchipallam in Madurai taluk of Madurai district, Ajjanandi's mother Gunamatiyar is mentioned. One of the epigraphs of Kongar Puliyagulam is actually engraved under the image of that saint,218 which was probably set up by one of Ajjanandi's disciples, who must have been numerous in the early ninth century. An epigraph found from Vallimalai (Chittoor district) shows that the name of his preceptor was Balacandra.219 It further appears that Ajjanandi was a native of the great city of Madura. It has been pointed that this Ajjanandi is to be identified with his namesake, mentioned in the Jivakacintamani, a Tamil Jaina classic.220 Quite a number of other Jaina saints are also mentioned in the epigraphs found from different Jaina sites of south India. A few, like Indusena, Mallisena, etc., were probably the contemporaries of Ajjanandi.221 Needless to say, these saints did much to popularize the message of the Tirthamkaras in south India. REFERENCES 1. See Indian Archaeology, A Review, 1968-9, p. 47, pl. LIIB. 2. EI, XVIII, pp. 172 ff.; see also P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India,

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 193 pp. 117 ff. 3. IA, 7, pp. 161-2. 4. See Revised List of Antiquarian Remains, Bombay Presidency, p. 183; see also IA, 5, pp. 67 ff., and 8, pp. 239 ff. This important epigraph was later edited by Kielhorn in EI, 6, pp. 1 ff. See also Kielhorn's List, no. 10. 5. See A.N. Upadhye's paper in the Journal of Bombay University, Arts and Law, 1933, May, p. 230. 6. See IA, 7, pp. 101 ff. 7. Ibid., p. 103. 8. Loc. cit. 9. See G.C. Raychaudhuri, History of the Western Calukyas (JAIH, VIII), p. 28. 10. IA, 7, p. 103. 11. Ibid., pp. 111 ff. 12. Ibid., p. 112. 13. Loc. cit., see also Kielhorn, List, no. 37. 14. See Fleet in JA, 30, p. 218. 15. IA, 7, pp. 106 ff. 16. p. 86. 17. See IA, 7, p. 104. 18. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1945-6, A-49. See also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, IV, no. 45. 19. EI, XXI, pp. 204 ff. 20. See Naik, A List of the Inscriptions of the Deccan, 1949, no. 73. 21. See Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, B. 212-18. 22. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1927-8, E. 93-238; 1928-9, E. 101-31. 23. See 123.2; 146.1. 24. See Mysore Gazetteer (new edn.), II (1930), p. 629. 25. Loc. cit. 26. Loc. cit. 27. MAR, 1925, no. 105. 28. Ibid., pp. 90 ff.; see also Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, 4, no. 24. 29. See Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 23 ff. 30. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 634 ff. 31. See EC, IV, Nagamangala, no. 85; see also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, II, no. 121. 32. MAR, 1933, pp. 237-8. 33. Ibid., 1920, pp. 27 ff. 34. Ibid., p. 29. 35. See MAR, 1918, para 71. 36. Pl. XXIA and also p. 29. 37. pp. 29 ff. and pl. XXI B.

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194 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 38. See Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 41; see also Mysore Gazetteer, p. 642; IA, 18, p. 313. 39. EC, II, p. 180 (text); also Introd., p. 43; see MAR, 1911, p. 24. 40. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 642. 41. See EC, IX, no. 60. 42. See ibid., Introd., p. 4. 43. Ibid., no. 61. 44. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 160. 45. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 657. 46. Ibid., p. 650, also MAR, 1909, para 45. 47. See EI, IV, p. 140. 48. See MAR, 1921, pp. 18 ff. 49. See ibid., 1932, pp. 240-1 50. Ibid., p. 241. 51. See EC, I, (rev. edn., 1972), no. 96 and Introd., p. xl. 52. EC, X, pp. 25 ff. (trans.); no. 90 (text). 53. Ibid., XII, p. 135. 54. See MAR, 1921, p. 22. 55. Ibid., 1914, para 63. 56. See EI, III, pp. 158 ff. 57. MAR, 1921, para 55. 58. Ibid., 1923, no. 113. 59. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 675; see also The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 161. 60. Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 676. 61. EI, XXXVI, pp. 97 ff. 62. Ibid., p. 98; see also Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 678 ff. 63. See EI, IV, p. 281. 64. MAR, 1921, pp. 18 ff.; see also pls. X, 1-6. 65. For this term see Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 108. 66. See EC, II (revised), no. 59, pl. LXIII. See also Introduction, pp. 44 ff. 67. See also EC, X, Mulbagal, 84. 68. Ibid., X, CB, 29. 69. Ibid., Introd., pp. ix ff. 70. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 686. 71. See EC, II (revised), no. 150. 72. See EC, I (1972), no. 98. The date corresponds to AD 877; it was is sued on Phalguna Nandisvara day. It registers a grant of two villages to Anantavirya, a disciple of Gunasena-pandita, for the maintenance of a Jaina vasadi at Peggadur. 73. See JBBRAS, 10, pp. 194 ff.; see also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, II, no. 130. 74. See Altekar, The Rastrakutas and Their Times, p. 89, n. 52. Desai fol lowing Fleet, identifies Krsna of this inscription with Krsna III, see Jainism in South India, p. 112. However, the date of the record, which is given in words, definitely goes against the view of Fleet and Desai.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 195 Although, Amoghavarsa, I, the father of Krsna II, was still living, the son was practically the de facto king at that time. 75. See Desai, op. cit., p. 113. 76. See JBBRAS, X, pp. 204 ff. 77. Desai, op. cit., p. 113. 78. See ibid., pp. 113 ff. 79. See EI, XXI, pp. 291 ff. 80. For some further details see Desai, op. cit., p. 111. 81. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 570 ff.; see also The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 162 ff. 82. See V. Rangacharya, A Topographical List of the Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, Salem, no. 81. 83. Ibid., no. 74. 84. See EC, II (revised), no. 1; see also EI, IV, pp. 24 ff. 85. EC, II, nos. 2-9. 86. See no. 7 dated C. AD 700. 87. See Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, II, p. 237. 88. See Inscription no. 47 in P.B. Desai's Jainism in South India, pp. 374 ff. 89. See Kannada Inscriptions of A.P., no. 57; see also Desai, op. cit., pp. 339 ff. 90. See Desai, op. cit., no. 20, pp. 343 ff., 91. Ibid., p. 344; also Varangacarita, Introd., p. 22. 92. See EC, IV, sr. 160, p. 143. We should also mention in this connec tion, the reference to the death of Sukumarasena muni on the hill of Kopana (Kaopanadri) mentioned by Camundaraja in his celebrated Camundarayapurana, see Saletore, op. cit., p. 193, n. 2. 93. See EC, II, p. 88. 94. Ibid., nos., 127, 191, 345, 384. For some further details on this great tirtha see Saletore, op. cit., pp. 187-97; see also Desai, op. cit., pp. 200 ff. 95. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1916-17, copperplate no. 16; see also JAHRS, 13, pp. 185 ff., and The Classical Age, p. 253. 96. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1941-2, no. 18. 97. Ibid., 1929-30, p. 6, nos. 17-19. 98. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 137 ff. 99. See EI, IX, pp. 47 ff., see also Butterworth and Chetti, Nellore Inscrip tions, pp. 164 ff. 100. See EI, VII, pp. 177 ff. 101. Ibid., p. 182; cf. the case of Vinapoti, the mistress of Badami Calukya Vijayaditya (Mahakuta pillar inscription) and Divalamika (Sudi plates of Butuga). 102. See El, vol. XXIV, pp. 268 ff. 103. See JAHRS, 13, p. 195, n. 1. 104. See Epigraphia Andhrica, II, pp. 21 ff.

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196 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 105. Ibid., pp. 22 ff. 106. Loc. cit. 107. Loc. cit. 108. See no. 1 of Epigraphia Andhrica, II. 109. Ibid., pp. 31 ff. 110. See Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh (Karimnagar district) ed., P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, no. 5. 111. Ibid., no. 4. 112. See The Calukyas of Vemulavada, pp. 92 ff.; see also N.L. Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, pp. 190 ff. 113. See Premi, op. cit., p. 179, n. 1. 114. Ibid., pp. 178 ff., 179 n. 115. Ibid., p. 193. 116. EC, II (revised), no. 67. 117. Ibid., no. 35. 118. EC, IX, no. 61. 119. EI, IV, pp. 332 ff.; also IA, 12, pp. 11 ff. 120. See Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1958-9, B-582. 121. See Karnatak Inscriptions (1951), II, pp. 14-16. 122. See EI, VI, pp. 25 ff. 123. Ibid., p. 26. 124. Ibid., p. 25. 125. See Premi, op. cit., p. 150, n. 4 where the original verses from Gunabhadra's prasasti have been reproduced. 126. See The Rastrakutas and Their Times, p. 311. 127. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 134 ff. 128. Ibid., pp. 151 ff. and n. 6 on p. 151. 129. Loc. cit.; see also R.G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, p. 95. 130. See Altekar, op. cit., p. 411; see also JBBRAS, 22, pp. 80 ff. 131. See EI, XVIII, p. 248; also Altekar, op. cit., p. 311. 132. See Premi, op. cit., p. 163. 133. Ibid., p. 153. 134. See J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 204 ff.; see also Prasastisamgraha (pp. 56-7) of that text published from Sholapur. Premi, op. cit., p. 49n, however, doubts the authenticity of this prasasti. 135. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 741 (cf. vv. I.84, 114, and III.5 of that work). 136. See EI, XIII, pp. 190 ff.; see also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, II, no. 137. 137. See Desai, op. cit., pp. 134 ff. 138. Loc. cit. 139. See JBBRAS, 22, p. 85; see also Altekar, op. cit., p. 99. 140. See Saletore, op. cit., p. 89; see also Premi, op. cit., p. 150, n. 3. 141. See JBBRAS, 22, p. 85; and Saletore, op. cit., p. 39. 142. EC, II, no. 67.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 143. MAR, 1911, p. 38; see also Saletore, op. cit., p. 207; see also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, 4, no. 77. 197 144. See EI, X, pp. 147 ff. 145. ASIAR, 1905-6, pp. 121 ff. According to this inscription, king Indra (Nityavarsa) caused the pedestal to be constructed for the Santinatha bathing ceremony. See also V. Rangacharya, A Topographical List of the Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, pp. 589-90; see also C.L. Jain, Jaina Bibliography, p. 199. 146. See EI, X, p. 149. 147. See IA, 12, pp. 224 ff. 148. ASIAR, 1928-9, p. 125. 149. According to some, the earlier inscription dated Saka 847 belongs to the reign of Indra III; see Desai, op. cit., p. 139. But Indra III, it appears, died in AD 922; see The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 13. 150. See Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, I, pt. I, no. 34. 151. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1916, App. B, no. 540. See also Desai, op. cit., p. 149. 152. Desai, op. cit., p. 149. 153. See Jaina Epigraphs, pt. III, no. 48 in Desai's work Jainism in South India, etc. 154. Ibid., no. 46. 155. See ibid., pp. 369 ff. 156. Asvara XII, vs 9; see also Desai, op. cit., p. 370. 157. Desai, op. cit., p. 372. 158. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, App. B, no. 65. 159. Desai, op. cit., p. 42. 160. See Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, I, pt. I, no. 38. 161. For the relevant passage from that text see Premi, op. cit., p. 179, n. 1. 162. See Naik, A List of the Inscriptions of the Deccan, 1949, no. 173. 163. Ibid., no. 172. 164. See Desai, op. cit., p. 48; see also Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 34. 165. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 769-70. 166. See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, 4, no. 87. 167. EC, II, (revised), no. 133. It has been suggested that no. 134 from the same place belongs to time of Indra IV (see EC, II, no. 134). 168. See Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, II, pp. 224, 226, 228. 169. Chowkhambha edn., p. 9. P.B. Desai, therefore, is incorrect when he says that this play does not refer to the Jainas (see op. cit., p. 35). 170. See in this connection IA, 40, p. 215; 42, p. 307. See also Desai, op. cit., pp. 33 ff. See also SII, I, p. 29. 171. See Desai, op. cit., p. 34. 172. The Periyapuranam refers to the destruction of several structural monuments of the Jainas at Cuddalore by Mahendravarman I, see IA, 40, p.

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198 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 215. See also The Classical Age, p. 260. 173. See EI, XXVII, pp. 203 ff.; also Nellore Inscriptions, p. 676. 174. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1968-9, p. 60 and no. B. 219. 175. Loc. cit. 176. Loc. cit. see also B. 220. 177. See ibid., p. 6. 178. Ibid., B. 268. 179. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1954-5, B. 360. 180. Ibid., 1968-9, B. 221. 181. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 165 ff. 182. See Seminar on Inscriptions, Madras, p. 159. 183. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1968-9, B. 223. 184. See Rangacharya, op. cit., Salem, 81. 185. See EI, X, pp. 54 ff. 186. Ibid., p. 64. 187. Loc. cit. 188. SII, IX, pt. 1, no. 19. 189. See E!, X, p. 70. 190. Ibid., p. 65. 191. Ibid., p. 68. 192. See EI, IV, pp. 141 ff. 193. See SII, III, pt. 3, no. 92; XIII, no. 245. 194. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1909, App. B. 82. 195. SII, III, pt. 3, no. 91. 196. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1907, no. 199. 197. See SII, XIX, no. 80. 198. Ibid., no. 51. 199. Ibid., p. 25. 200. Ibid., XIII, no. 297. 201. Ibid., XIX, no. 89; also pt. 3, no. 97 and AR, of 1907, no. 66. 202. See SII, I, no. 68. 203. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1900, App. B. 53. 204. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1961-2, pp. 4-5; see also Transac tions of the Archaeological Society of South India, 1958-9, pp. 84 ff. 205. SII, II (no. 76), p. 387. 206. 201 of 1902 (Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras). 207. EI, 4, p. 137. 208. Travancore Archaeological Series, I, pp. 193 ff.; see also Rangacharya, op. cit., Tiruvankur, 2. 209. Rangacharya has followed the chronology proposed by K.A.N. Sastri in The Pandyan Kingdom, pp. 36 ff. 210. Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras), 1914, 430-31. 211. See Desai, op. cit., p. 62. 212. See SII, XIV, no. 22; see also EI, 32, pp. 337 ff.

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JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000) 199 213. SII, XIV, no. 69. 214. Sastri, op. cit., pp. 74 ff. 215. Ibid., p. 84. 216. SII, XVII, no. 262; see also the plate facing Introd., p. 1. 217. Rangacharya, op. cit., Madura, no. 101. 218. Ibid., Madura, no. 389. 219. See EI, IV, no. 15, D. 220. See SII, XIV, nos. 107 ff.; see also C.L. Jain, Jaina Bibliography, p. 228. 221. SII, XIV, nos. 197-219.

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CHAPTER XI Svetambara Canonical Literature According to the tradition, current among the Svetambara Jainas, the Jaina sacred texts were first collected and edited at Pataliputra over 160 years after the demise of Lord Mahavira. The earliest version of this tradition is to be found in the Avasyakacurni1 of Jinadasagani Mahattara, who lived in the second half of the seventh century AD. The great Svetambara writer Haribhadra, who lived in the mid-eighth century AD, has also referred to this council.3 The following story is told regarding this council. Sthulabhadra was one of the two sons of Sakatala, the minister of king Mahapadma. After living with Kosa, a famous courtesan of the city of Pataliputra for a period of twelve years, he renounced the world under Sambhutavijaya without suffering any transgression. Now it so happened that there was a famine at Pataliputra during the time of the ninth Nanda' and the monks were forced to leave the city. The famine lasted for twelve years, and when the monks returned, they discovered that many portions of the canon were lost. Sthulabhadra then, on his own initiative, convened a council of learned Jaina monks at Pataliputra to collect the entire canon. The monks however discovered that the twelfth Anga, the Drstivada, could not be recollected and the council decided to send 500 monks including Sthulabhadra, to Bhadrabahu, who was then living in Nepal and was engaged in mahapana-mahaprana meditation there. He was the only monk alive at that time who had the complete knowledge of the Drstivada. Within a short time however all but Sthulabhadra left Nepal as they could not face the situation there. Bhadrabahu, we are told, taught Sthulabhadra the fourteen Purvas (an important part of the Drstivada) withholding the meaning of the last four texts because for some reason he was not permitted to teach these to anyone else. Later on, with the death of Sthulabhadra (215 years after the demise of Mahavira), even the verbal embodiment of these four Purvas came to an end. Since then the knowl

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 201 edge of the Purvas went on decreasing and it was completely forgotten by vs 1000.5 It is clear from the above account that at least the eleven Angas were extant during the council which was held some 160 years after Mahavira's nirvana. However, during the course of our discussion of the Anga texts, we will see that portions of those texts were added after the fourth century BC. It should further be remembered that there were three more Jaina councils in which the Agama texts were subjected to further revision and alteration. A few of the later additions to the Agamic texts will be discussed in connection with the scrutiny of the individual texts. Let us now turn our attention to the Anga texts, most of which were composed in pre-Mauryan times. The following eleven Anga texts are known: Acaranga, Sutrakstanga, Sthananga, Samavayanga, Bhagavati or Vyakhyaprajnapti, Jnatrdharmakatha, Upasakadasa, Antakyddasa, Anuttaropapatikadasa, Prasnavyakarana, and Vipakasruta. The Acarangas undoubtedly is one of the oldest and most authoritative Jaina Agamic texts. The language and spirit of this work indicate that a major part of it was composed within 50 years of Mahavira's demise. A few section, especially those dealing with the birth of Mahavira, were added probably a couple of centuries later. The work is divided into two major sections called Srutaskandha and it appears that the earlier Srutaskandha was composed long before the second. This is also vouched for by the evidence of its Niryukti," which suggests that this portion was composed by the theras who were srutakevalins. The style too of the second part is radically different front that of the first. The names of the nine chapters (adhyayana) of the first Srutaskandha are as follows: Sastraparijna, Lokavijaya, Sitosniya, Sanvyaktva, Lokasara, Dhuta, Mahaparijna, Vimoksa, and Upadhana. Of these, the seventh Mahaparijna, is now no longer extant. The second section contains five culas (culika), of which the fifth, called Nisitha, is now a separate Agamic text. The first two culas contain seven chapters each, and the third and the fourth one each. We have a niryuktio on this work by Bhadrabahu, a curnilo by Jinadasagani (seventh century) and also a tika" by Silanka (c. AD 850). Silanka in his commentary has referred to an earlier commentator of the Acaranga called Gandhahastin. In the earlier parts of the Acaranga there is a distinct emphasis on ahimsa. A few sentences from that part are reproduced below:

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202 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Some slay (animals) for sacrificial purposes, some kill (animals) for the sake of their skin, some kill (them) for the sake of their blood, thus for the sake of their heart, their bile, the feathers of their tail, their big or small horns, their teeth, their tusks, their sinews, their bones; with a purpose or without a purpose. Some kill animals because they have been wounded by them, or are wounded or will be wounded. He who injures these (animals) does not comprehend and renounce the sinful acts; he who does not injure these, comprehends and renounces the sinful acts. Knowing them, a wise man should not act sinfully towards animals, nor cause others to act so. He who knows these causes of sin relating to animals, is called a reward-knowing sage." Some of the finest teachings of Jainism are incorporated in this Anga text. 'He who sees by himself, needs no instruction. But the miserable, afflicted fool who delights in pleasures, and whose miseries do not cease, is turned round in the whirl of pains.'l1 The author of this work repeatedly asks the sramanas to be careful regarding women and similar sentiments are expressed almost everywhere in Indian literature. The truly liberated is one who is not attached to the objects of the senses. 15 Similar teachings are however to be found in the Buddhist texts too. We should always remember that both Jainism and Buddhism look upon this world as a place of suffering, and this is why in the religious texts of both the systems we encounter identical metaphysical speculations. The Acarangasutra provides interesting information regarding the religious and social life of pre-Mauryan India. A number of popular festivals in honour of Brahmanical deities like Indra, Skanda, Rudra and Mukunda are mentioned in it. We should remember that the Mahabharata' also refers to the festivals in honour of Pasupati, i.e., Rudra and Brahman. References to the festival in honour of Indra are to be found not only in the later Vedic texts, but also in Asvaghosa and other writers including Varahamihira." The festival of Indra, according to the Mahabharata, was introduced by Vasu Uparicara, the Cedi monarch.19 The Acaranga in the same passage also refers to the festivals of yaksas, snakes, tree, hill, river, sea, etc. These were simply popular assemblies (samaja) which had practically no religious significance. Such samajas were not liked by Asoka as we learn from one of his rock edicts.20 References to various types of cloth, including those made in China, Bengal, and Malaya, are to be found in this text.?! It is interesting to note that cinansuka is also mentioned in the Arthasastra2 of Kautilya which probably suggests that the Chinese

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE cloth was known in India even in pre-Mauryan times. There is no need to suppose that the name 'Cina' is not older than the third century BC, as it could have been the name of a particular province of China, from a much earlier period. References to various types of musical instruments, including mrdanga, nandimrdanga, jhallari, vina, tumbavina, panava, tunaya, etc. are also quite interesting." They probably prove that these instruments were used in Jaina temples in those days. 203 The section on Mahavira's life has already been discussed in an earlier chapter. There is little doubt that this part of the Acaranga was utilized by the author of the Kalpasutra. However, in another part of the Acaranga there is a reference to Mahavira's wanderings in various parts of Bengal. This part is written in verse and it appears to have been composed a few years after Lord Mahavira's demise. We learn from this section that at first the people of Ladha were in no mood to listen to the teachings of Mahavira. The people there made the dogs bite Mahavira and he was subjected to various other humiliations. It appears however that within a few years of Lord Mahavira's death, Jainism was firmly established in Bengal, and as we have already suggested, it was from Bengal that the Jaina religion spread to Orissa. The Sutrakrtanga,25 which is the second Anga text, is undoubtedly another very ancient Jaina Agamic text. We have various commentaries on this text including niryukti,26 curni,27 and a tika.28 Like the Acaranga it has two srutaskandhas. In the first there are sixteen adhyayanas and in the second, seven. The major part of the first srutaskandha is in verse and the greater part of the second Book is in prose. Compared to the Acaranga it is a more readable work and replete with numerous interesting references. In the earlier sections of this text there is a detailed discussion on the metaphysical doctrines of various schools of thought. For a student of preBuddhist Indian philosophy, this part of the Sutrakrtanga is an invaluable source-book. This work, it is interesting to note,29 knows the four ages, Krta, Kali, Treta, and Dvapara. The author of this text shows his close acquaintance with the Second Book of the Mahabharata by referring to the Sisupala episode. I quote the relevant passage from Jacobi's translation:30 'A man believes himself a hero as long as he does not behold the foe, as did Sisupala [before he beheld] the valourously-fighting great warrior.' It is apparent from the passage that the Jaina author had read with enthusiasm

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM and interest the exciting Sisupala story so beautifully told in the Sabhaparvan. Elsewhere our author refers to Dvaipayana and Parasara, which also indirectly shows his acquaintance with the Mahabharata. The Videhan monarch Nami is also mentioned,32 and he is to be identified with the famous Nimi of Brahmanical and Buddhist texts. Reference to the Striveda33 shows that works on the science of erotics existed in India in the fifth century BC. The earliest systematic work on this subject as we learn from Vatsyayana," was written by Babharvya Pancala, who probably lived in pre-Buddhist times. 204 36 It is extremely interesting to note that the author of the sutrakrtanga calls Lord Mahavira a wise Brahmana (mahana) at least in two places.35 The Buddhist canonical authors also make a similar claim on behalf of Gautama Buddha. In the work entitled Itivuttaka the Buddha directly calls himself a Brahmana. In the Anguttara Nikaya the Buddha is called Angiras, who was a great ancient Rgvedic seer. Both Mahavira and the Buddha believed that by deeds one becomes a Brahmana and not by birth. The Sutrakrtanga declares that a Brahmana is one who has ceased from all sinful actions, namely love, hate, quarrel, calumny, backbiting, reviling others, aversion to control and love of pleasures, deceit, untruth, and the sin of wrong belief. He is never proud and angry and always exerts himself. Similar definition of a Brahmana will not be difficult to find in the vast Tripitaka literature. That seeing of a sramana, was considered a bad omen is indirectly confirmed this text.39 In the play Mrcchakatika1 the hero Carudatta himself expressed a similar sentiment when he saw a sramana. In this text people living in Gandhara, Gauda, Kalinga, Dravida are mentioned along with the Savaras and Candalas." Probably even in the days of the Buddha and Mahavira peoples living in the extreme northwest, south, and east were looked upon with contempt by the people of Madhyadesa. This does not necessarily prove that in the sixth century BC eastern or southern India were culturally more backward than the centrally located states. It is merely a question of attitude. Indeed, the metropolis of an eastern state, namely Pataliputra, became from the sixth century BC, the cultural capital of northern India. Several types of coins like masa, ardha-masa, rupaka are mentioned in this text.12 Elsewhere in the Jaina canon,13 karsapana (including false karsapana), suvarna-masa, ruppamasa are referred to. We will

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 205 later notice that in another Jaina text, composed in the early centuries of the Christian era, there is an exhaustive and valuable list of coins current in India in pre-Gupta times. This work also refers to a number of musical instruments.14 It is also of interest to note that, unlike the other Jaina texts, Brahmanas are mentioned first in a list of four castes given in this canonical work. 15 It appears that the earlier Jaina canonical writers had a less affected attitude towards the Brahmanas than the later writers. There is a short description in this text of Nalanda," which as we learn from this work, was a prosperous town, a description confirmed by the account, given in the Buddhist texts.17 It further refers to a householder called Lepa who was in possession of a bathing hall called Sesadravya, which was situated to the north-east of Nalanda. As the name suggests, the hall was built of materials not used for building houses. At this town Gautama Indrabhuti, the famous disciple of Lord Mahavira met Udaka Pedhalaputta of the Medarya gotra, who was a follower of Lord Parsvanatha. The conversation18 that took place between the two can be compared with the dialogue between a follower of Parsva and Gautama Indrabhuti recorded in the twenty-third chapter of the Uttaradhyayana, which will be discussed later. From this conversation we further learn that some of the followers of Gautama Indrabhuti were also known as Kumaraputras, which probably indicates that they belonged to aris tocratic families. The Sutrakrtanga, like the Acaranga, contains beautiful and thought-provoking philosophical expressions that are in no way inferior to those of the Pali Buddhist texts. The doctrines of Gosala and Buddha have been cleverly refuted by Ardraka, a follower of Mahavira in the second half of this text.50 It should however be added that the views of other schools have not been properly presented in this text. Such distortions of the philosophical views of other teachers are common in the religious works of almost all schools of thought in India. The Pali Buddhist texts show that the Buddha had absolutely no deference for other teachers, and he had branded all of them as ignorant and unworthy of serious attention.51 I have already said that with the exception of a few passages, nowhere in the Jaina canon have the Buddhists been attacked directly, but the poor Ajivikas have been mercilessly assailed by both Buddha and Mahavira. The Sthanangasutra,52 which is the third Anga text, unlike the first two, does not say anything about the teaching of Mahavira. On

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206 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM the other hand, this work contains information on various dogmatic topics, which can be grouped in 1-10 categories. He has a slight resemblance to the Anguttara Nikaya of the Buddhists, although there are major differences between the two texts. There are ten adhyayanas and 787 sutras and the only reliable commentary on this text is by Abhayadeva Suri, who wrote it in vs 1120, corresponding to AD 1062. However, as the commentator himself admits, it was not an easy task for him to write an authentic commentary on such a work.54 There are, however, interesting references in this Anga text. Among the holy places, the name of Prabhasa, 55 is conspicuous by its presence, and this shows that even the canonical Jaina writers looked upon this Vaisnava holy place as a tirtha. The name of this place also appears in the Rajaprasniya, 56 the second Upanga text. This is not surprising if we remember that Krsna and Baladeva are included in the list of sixty-three holy men (salakapurusa). The four types of severe austerities engaged in by the Ajivikas are also mentioned.57 The difficult penances, performed by the Ajivikas, are also referred to in the Nanguttha Jataka (no. 144).58 We are further told that a Jaina monk should not cross more than once a month the following five great rivers: Ganga, Yamuna, Eravati (Pali, Aciravati), Sarayu, and Mahi. These five rivers are mentioned together in several Pali canonical texts59 which indirectly show the contemporaneity of the Pali and Jaina canonical works. Then the epics, Mahi and Aciravati are not treated as great rivers. It should further be remembered that this Mahi should be distinguished from the Mahi of western India, which is the 'the great river called Mais' of the Periplus (para 42), Mophis of Ptolemy.to Sarayu is mentioned as Sarabhu6) in the Pali texts, which reminds me of the word 'Sarabos' used by Ptolemy62 for that river. The well-known capital of Kosala in Mahavira's time, Sravasti, was situated on the river Eravati or Aciravati, modern Rapti. Among the Jaina rebels (Ninhavas), the first seven are mentioned: Jamali, Tisyagupta, Asadha, Asvamitra, Ganga, Rohagupta, and Gosthamahila. Since the last one lived 584 years after the nirvana of Mahavira, this section of the Sthananga63 was composed not before the beginning of the second century AD. It is, however, quite possible that the list of these seven rebels were added during the Valabhi council, when the Jaina canonical texts received their final shape. Nine ganas under Mahavira are mentioned by name:64 Godasa, Uttarabalissaha, Uddeha, Carana, Uduvatika (Uduvadiya), Visvavadika, Kamardhika (Kamiddhiya), Manava, and Kodiya. Of these,

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 207 Visvavadika (Vissavaiya), it appears, is an otherwise unknown gana and not mentioned in the Theravali. It should, however, be remembered that these ganas could not have existed in the fifth century BC, as, according to the Theraval, they had originated only after Bhadrabahu. Ten great cities are mentioned in this text65 Campa, Mathura, Varanasi, Sravasti, Saketa, Hastinapura, Kampilya, Mithila, Kausambi, and Rajagrha. Six of these cities, as we have already noticed, are mentioned in the Digha Nikaya in the list of six great cities. Regarding Hastinapura, however, we can say, that it disappeared from the map of northern India long before the sixth century BC. The Jaina canonical author has included the city in his list probably because of its past fame. The fourth Anga text, the Samavayanga, is like Sthananga a descriptive work. There is a commentary on it by Abhayadeva, which was completed at the town of Anahilapataka in vs 1120, corresponding to AD 1062. Almost all the authorities believe it to be one of latest of the canonical texts, for it not only mentions other Anga texts but also the Nandisutra. The subject-matter of the first twothirds of the work is arranged in numerical groups just as in the Sthananga, but in this case the numbers do not stop at ten, but go up to a million. Under no. 18, eighteen scripts are enumerated and they include the Damili and Polindi scripts.68 This list can be compared with the list in the Mahavastu and the more exhaustive list given in the Lalitavistara,70 both being Buddhist Sanskrit texts. The 72 arts are also mentioned by name." Reference to gods like Vijaya, Vaijayanta, Jayanta, and Aparajita remind us of the four gods Aparajita, Apratihata, Jayanta, and Vaijayanta mentioned in the Arthasastra72 of Kautilya. The author of the Samavayanga shows his thorough acquaintance with the devotional Vaisnava literature. In sutra no. 158 there are some typical Vaisnava expressions and the emblems of Baladeva and Krsna are correctly described. The Samavayanga not only betrays knowledge about Krsna's life, but also a thorough acquaintance with the later myths that grew around Vasudeva-Krsna. The fifth Anga text, the Vyakhyaprajnapti or the Bhagavati," is undoubtedly the most important canonical work of the Svetambara Jainas. Abhayadeva wrote a commentary on this work in the vs 1128, corresponding to AD 1070 at Anahilapataka." This voluminous text extends to 41 satakas. Since I consider this work to be very impor

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208 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM tant, I would like to make a detailed analysis of its contents. The work opens with an adoration of Jina and also very significantly of the Brahmi script. In the first sataka several types of asce groups are mentioned, including tapasas, asivikas, and parivrajakas. Lord Mahavira is represented as giving a discourse on various topics to Gautama Indrabhuti in the Gunasila shrine which was situated near Rajaglha. The most important information that we find in the first sataka relates to Kalasavesiyaputta, a follower of Parsva, who was converted by Mahavira. This monk, it appears, first had misgivings regarding Mahavira's religion, based on five restraints. In the second sataka there is a reference to Kayamgala town, which is the same as Kajangala of the Pali canon. The canonical writer is not however correct in saying that it was not far from Sravasti.75 This sataka refers to the conversion of Khamda of the Katyayana gotra who was a disciple of a teacher well-versed in the Brahmanical philosophy. We are further told that Mahavira for sometime lived on the Vipula mountain of Rajagrha.76 In this sataka too, Mahavira is represented as having converted a few of Parsva's followers." It is interesting to note that the hot-spring of Rajaglha is mentioned in this sataka and the name given to it here is Mahatavovati78 which reminds us of Tapoda of the Pali canonical texts.79 It also appears from this sataka that even in the fifth century BC there were shrines, dedicated to the Jina, for we encounter the expression jinaghara." In the third sataka there are several interesting references. The four Lokapalas,8l the god Sulapani or Siva, who is described as Vasahavahana,82 i.e., ursabhavahana, and other gods like Indra, Skanda, Vaisravana, etc. are mentioned. It appears from this sataka that gods like Indra, Skanda, Durga, Rudra and Vaisravana were very popular. This will be confirmed by the evidence of other canonical texts, to be discussed later in this chapter. This sataka also contains an interesting account of Tamali Moriyaputta of Tamralipta city.84 We are told that he was initially a great merchant of that famous city-port and later gave up everything to become a recluse. The expression 'Moriyaputta' does not necessarily mean that he was a scion of the Moriya or Maurya family. It further appears from this sataka5 that the art of drama was fully developed in the sixth century BC, an assumption which is supported by the evidence of Panini. A few malignant spirits like Indragraha, Skandagraha, Kumaragraha, Yuksagraha, and Bhutagraha are also mentioned.86 Needless to say, these grahas were supposed to inflict bodily

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 209 harm both to children and adults. The fourth sataka has little of interest. In the fifth there is a reference to the famous Purnabhadra shrine of Campa,87 which was often visited by Mahavira. A beautiful and detailed description of this yaksa temple is given in the Aupapatikasutra, which will be discussed later in this chapter. We also have an exhaustive list of various types of musical instruments in this sataka.88 The god Harinegamesi, who is generally identified with Karttikeya, and who was responsible, according to the Kalpasutra, for transferring the embryo of Mahavira from the womb of Devananda to Trisala, is conspicuously mentioned.99 Among other interesting references in the fifth sataka we have stupa, devakula,% etc. The devakulas or the Brahmanical shrines are also mentioned elsewhere in the Bhagavati. There is little doubt that the shrines, dedicated to devas, yaksas, etc., existed in pre-Buddhist days,92 but as they were built of wood, no trace of them remains today. This sataka also refers to the disciples of Parsva.93 In the sixth sataka there is nothing particular of interest except a reference to various types of measures.94 The seventh sataka is important for interesting information on the political history of the fifth century Bc. Here we have an elaborate description of the war between Ajatasatru and eighteen confederate kings of Kasi and Kosala.95 It must certainly have been a bloody war which lasted for a considerable length of time and came to be known as the Rathamusala battle. The ethics of war were scrupulously followed,96 and this reminds us of the ethics of war which were agreed upon by both the parties before the Bharata war.97 A person called Varuna, belonging to the Naga lineage took part in this war, according to the Bhagavati.98 The account of the war is however very realistic, unlike those in the two epics, and we are told, that king Ajatasatru, who was helped by the Vaijis, ultimately emerged victorious. A similar account of war is found in the Nirayavalika, an Upanga text, which will be discussed later. The eighth sataka has interesting references to the Ajivikas and also the lay followers of the Ajivika religion.99 There is an elaborate account of various professions and this indirectly shows that the struggle for existence had became quite difficult by the sixth century Bc. False weights and measures are also referred to.''! The ninth sataka also recounts the conversion of the followers of Parsval02 by Mahavira, and this once more underlines the testimony of the Acaranga, according to which Jainism reached north Bihar even

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210 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM before the birth of Mahavira. This particular sataka contains the poignant account103 of Mahavira's meeting with Devananda, his mother, which we have already discussed in the account of Mahavira's life. We are further told that Lord Mahavira converted his mother to the Nirgrantha religion and she became a nun under Arya Candana.104 The most important section of this sataka is however that dealing with Jamali, 105 which has already been briefly discussed in connection with the discussion on the life of Mahavira. There is nothing here to indicate that he was the son-in-law of Mahavira. Like the Master, he too belonged to the KsatriyaKundagrama. In this section 106 some festivals, connected with Indra, Skanda, Mukunda, Naga, etc. are also mentioned. There is a reference to Chinese silk 107 and to the stick of Indra108 which was obviously used in the Indra-festival. The tenth sataka has little of any importance, but the eleventh is full of interesting things. Mahavira's visit to Hastinapura is recorded here, 109 which at that time, was probably a mere village. Here also, there are references to such terms as pecchagharalo (i.e., preksagrha) and rangasthana,' which must indicate that drama, as a form of entertainment, was very popular in those days. There is also the term yavanika, 112 which also occurs elsewhere in the Jaina canon. Let us not forget that even in the Brahmajala Sutta of the Digha Nikaya the term preksagiha is conspicuous by its presence and one of the monks under the Buddha was an actor in his earlier life.113 The town of Alabhiya, which is mentioned more than once in this sataka'14 was often visited by the Buddha."15 Lord Mahavira too, according to this sataka visited this town, and an account of the conversion of Poggala Parivrajaka is also given. The twelfth sataka records the account of Mahavira's visit to Kausambi during the reign of Udayana. This king, according to the Bhagavati, was the daughter's son (dauhitra) of Cetaka of Vaisali.16 This statement gets unexpected confirmation from one of the plays of Bhasa"7 where Udayana is called the son of Vaidehi, and Vaisali was at that time include in Videha janapada. We must also remember that another daughter of Cetaka, Cellana, was the mother of Ajatasatru and this prince is frequently called Vedehiputta in the Pali texts. 118 The sataka further represents Jayanti, a sister of Satanika, as a great devotee of Lord Mahavira. The thirteenth sataka encapsulates the story of Mahavira's visit to Vitibhaya, 119 the capital of Sindhu-Sauvira. We are told that the Master travelled all the way from Campa to Vitibhaya in order to convert the king of Sindhu

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 211 Sauvira. As I have already said, this was surely the longest journey this Nirgrantha prophet undertook, and compared to this 'long march' all the achievements of Buddha pale into insignificance. The fourteenth sataka refers to the worship of the Patali tree at Pataliputra120 and mentions Ambada parivrajaka of Kampilyapura. 121 The famous fifteenth sataka which is entitled Gosalaka gives an elaborate and highly authentic account of the career of Gosala Mankhaliputra, the famous Ajivika philosopher. I have briefly discussed the career of Gosala in a previous chapter and propose to make an elaborate study of Gosala and his religion in a separate Appendix to this volume. According to this account, Gosala died sixteen years before Mahavira and there is little doubt that his untimely death was welcomed by the followers of both Mahavira and Buddha. The Pali canonical texts also show that Gautama Buddha regarded the Ajivikas as the greatest enemies of his religion. This sataka refers to a few pre-Buddhist shrines including Angamandira of Campa122 and Kamamahavana of Varanasi.123 It further refers to sixteen mahajanapadas of those days,124 a list that differs considerably from that in the Pali texts.125 This sataka further provides the very revealing information that Lord Mahavira ate the flesh of a cat (majjarakada) and wild cock (kukkudamamsa) 126 when he was down with fever after a debate with Gosala. The Jainas of modern times find this account quite shocking and hasten to offer various explanations for these terms. Such attempts can be compared with those offered by the devout Buddhists for the term sukaramaddava which Buddha ate in Cunda's mango grove at Pava. Needless to say, the prophets of the sixth century BC, like other people of that time, were addicted to both vegetarian and non-vegetarian food. Eating of fish and flesh did not clash with their ideas of non-violence. There is other evidence to show that the Jainas of earlier times were nonvegetarians like others, although by the Gupta period, they became strictly vegetarians. This sataka also refers to the fact that a king of Pundra country called Devasena later became a devout Ajivika.127 This suggests that after the demise of Gosala, Ajivikism spread to northern Bengal. It also appears that this fifteenth sataka of the Bhagavati was edited more than once during the councils held later. In the sixteenth sataka we find Indra paying homage to Mahavira.128 Indeed, the religious opponents of Brahmanical Hindus always loved to paint the king of gods as a devotee of their prophet. In almost every non-canonical work of the later Jaina writ

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212 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM ers we have a prasasti addressed by Indra to the fina. The Buddhist canonical writers have gone a step further; even the chief disciples like Moggallana and Sariputta are represented as being worshipped by Sakka (Sakra); this section also refers!29 to Vasudeva and Baladeva. The seventeenth sataka has nothing new to tell. The eighteenth is quite interesting. There is a reference to the Bahuputta shrine of Vaisali,'30 and this is the only shrine or temple that is referred to in the canonical texts of both the Jainas or the Buddhists, for a historian the importance of this reference is indeed very great. It fully justifies our assumption that the Bhagavatisutra is a text of great antiquity. This particular temple is mentioned in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya,131 which is regarded as one of oldest canonical Buddhist texts. Mahavira is represented as having stayed in this shrine. It is therefore exciting to discover that both these great prophets stayed for sometime in this famous temple of the celebrated city of Vaisali. Let us remember that Lord Mahavira himself used to pass nights in the deva and yaksa shrines of those days. This is shown by a passage of this sataka.132 It also refers to gold and silver coins (suvannamasa, ruppamasa).133 The lovely story of the conversion of Brahmana (mahana) Somila is told in this section. 134 The remaining satakas of the Bhagavati are largely useless for our purpose. The above analysis of this celebrated Anga text, though brief, amply shows that the Bhagavati is an important source-book of contemporary social and cultural history of Eastern India. It is a matter of regret that we have no early authentic commentary on it and the vitti of Abhayadeva is almost wholly useless, like his other vittis. It was simply impossible for a monk of Gujarat, living in the eleventh century, to write a faithful commentary on a work, composed in the pre-Mauryan period. This remark holds good for other Jaina commentaries too. The sixth Anga text, the Nayadhammakahao (jnatrdharmakatha), 135 is antoher important Jaina canonical work. It contains a number of stories which make it the most readable of all the Jaina canonical works. The work is divided into two srutaskandhas, of which the first, which is divided into nineteen chapters (adhyayana) is important for our purpose. The second srutaskandha is virtually a repetition of the first. The first adhyayana called Utksipta records the story of prince Meghakumara, the son of Bimbisara, by his wife Dharini, the name

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 213 of this prince is, however, absent in the Buddhist texts. This prince, we are told, later embraced the religion of Mahavira and became a Jaina monk. The second adhyayana relates the story of merchant Dhanna (Dhanya) of Rajaglha. Once he was sentenced to imprisonment for committing a crime. He and robber Vijaya (a majority of thieves and robbers in Jaina literature bear this name), the murderer of his son Devadatta, were fettered together. This pious merchant, we are told, shared with that thief in jail a food packet (bhoyana-pidaga) sent to him daily by his wife Bhadra.136 Later the merchant became a sadhu under the Jaina ascetic Dharmaghosa The third adhyayana contains an account of the famous prostitute of Campa called Devadatta, who was loved by the sons of the two merchants Jinadatta and Sagaradatta. This prostitute appears again in a later adhyayana of this canonical text. The fourth adhyayana relates the story of two turtles and a jackal. The first turtle is killed by the jackal as it exposed itself to danger, another, being cautious, remained unhurt in its shell since it waited until that animal had left. The tenth adhyayana is quite interesting as it tells us something about Aristanemi and other Vrsnis of Dvaraka (Baravai). There is also a description of the Surapriya yaksayatana (shrine) which was situated near the city. It is interesting that the five Vrsni heroes led by Baladeva, mentioned in the Vayupurana, as manusyapraksti gods, are also referred to in this section of this text.137 A few other Vrsni heroes are also mentioned in this section. The mountain Raivailka, which is mentioned for the first time, in the Mahabharata, 138 is described here as situated near Dvaraka. It should however be pointed out that this mountain is not near Dvaraka but Girinagara and in the Mahabharata passage Kusasthali is described as situated near this mountain (kusasthalim purii ramyam raivatenopasobhitam). It follows therefore that ancient Kusasthali is not Dvaraka but Girinagara. 139 The Jaina writer of this canonical text, it appears, was not much acquainted with the topography of this area. We have already said that Baladeva, Vasudeva and others had a place in the Jaina mythology, and it is therefore not surprising to find a detailed description of them in this canonical text. However, like other Jaina texts, Aristanemi, who was supposed to be a scion of the Vrsni race, is described as much superior to Krsna and Baladeva in this section of the Nayadhammakahao. This work also refutes the philosophy of the Samkhya teacher.'10 We are told in the fifth adhyayana that the Samkhya teacher Suka

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A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM (Sua) was converted to Jainism by the Nirgrantha saint Thavaccaputta. This particular Samkhya teacher, who was well-versed in the Sastitantra,141 used to move about with a trident. The detailed description of the various implements of this philosopher shows that in spite of his Samkhya leanings, he was a Saiva. In this connection we get the words tridanda, kundika, chatra, karotika, kamandalu, rudraksamala, mrttikabhajana, trikastika, ankusa, etc. Probably the earliest reference to the word yapaniya is to be found in this section of this Anga text. 214 In the seventh adhyayana we have the story of Rohini which has interesting similarity with the parable of talents in Matthew112 and Luke.143 Surprisingly enough, the Jaina writer finds a few words of praise for women. The eighth adhyayana is more interesting as it contains the story of Malli, the nineteenth Tirthamkara. In this adhyayana there is a reference to a Naga temple near Saketa."" There is a description of a sea voyage and we further learn that Indian ships used to voyage to various foreign countries from the river ports of those days, including Campa. Here also we have names of those popular Hindu gods and goddesses, 145 mentioned in the Bhagavati and elsewhere. The ninth adhyayana contains an account of shipwreck and there is an interesting reference to Lavanasamudra and Ratnadvipa. The tenth to twelfth adhyayanas are less interesting, but the thirteenth gives an interesting account of the philanthropic works done by Nanda, a gem merchant (maniyara) of Rajagrha. He built a number of beautiful garden complexes, which included hospitals, painting houses, kitchens with water-tanks, music schools, etc. The fourteenth adhyayana contains the story of the conversion of a lady called Pottila by a Jaina nun called Suvrata. The fifteenth refers to monks belonging to other sects like Raktapata (Buddhist), Pandaranga (Ajivika), Gautama, Caraka, etc. The most important book of this Anga text is the sixteenth adhyayana called Avarakamka which is largely based on the Mahabharata as it relates the story of Draupadi and her five husbands. We are told that in her previous birth Draupadi (Dovai) was the daughter of a merchant of Campa and her name was Sukumarika. One day she saw a prostitute named Devadatta enjoying the company of five young men at a Bohemian club of the city called Lalita. 116 This lady thereupon made a nidana to marry five husbands in her next life and accordingly was born as Draupadi. It is interesting that even some of the minor details of the Mahabharata are repeated in this

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 215 section of the Nayadhammakahao.147 The Pandavas are however represented as inferior heroes and mere subordinates of Krsna. This section further represents Krsna as becoming disgusted with the behaviour of the Pandavas and asking them to leave for the south We are then told the story of the foundation of Madura, called Pamdamahura in their text, by the five Pandavas, a story that has interesting parallels with the story of Pandia or Pandaia, related by Megasthenes, who lived in the last quarter of the fourth century BC. 148 The story told regarding the foundation of Madura in this work was later taken up by the Jaina narrative writers, who did their best to make it as absorbing as possible. 149 The Pandavas died like many other devout Jainas on the summit of Satrunjaya, according to this work. The other three adhyayanas are less interesting. However, the robber Vijaya once more appears in the eighteenth adhyayana. The seventh Anga text, 150 the Upasakadasa, is also an absorbing and readable work. There is a commentary on this work by Abhayadeva,151 which is practically of no help to us. This work contains stories regarding ten lay disciples of Lord Mahavira. The first story concerns Ananda, who was a sramanopasaka of Vaniyagama near Vaisali. There is a reference to the Duipalasa shrine there. This millionaire disciple of Mahavira reminds us of Ananthapindika of the Pali canon. He is even depicted as superior to Indrabhuti. The second story is told regarding one Kamadeva of Campa. It is interesting that in this story there is a reference to Lambodara (Ganesa),152 which shows that this god was worshipped even in the pre-Christian period. A newly discovered coin of Hermaeus (first century AD) has the representation of elephant-headed Ganesa. The Ajivikas are referred in the sixth and seventh adhyayanas, of which the latter is particularly interesting. From this section we learn that at the town of Polasapura there was one Saddalaputta, a famous potter, who had 500 potter shops under him and was a lay Ajivika votary. The potters, who worked under him are described as bhattaveyana,153 which suggests that they received regular wages for their work. Panini's sutra, vetanadibhyo jivati (4.4.12) suggests that even from pre-Buddhist times the system of regular payment in cash to workers and servants was known. The evidence of the Mahabharata 51 also shows that the system of vetana was well-known from quite early times. This follower of the Ajivikas, according to the story, was converted by Mahavira. The eighth adhyayana shows one pious

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216 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM lay worshipper called Mahasataka, whose chief wife Revati, we are told, used to consume cow flesh.155 The last two adhyayanas are of little interest. The eighth Anga text, which is known as the Antagadadasao (Antakstadasa), 156 too is not a barren work, replete as it is with narratives. The accounts of the Vrsnis, led by Vasudeva, occupy much of the text. Some of the details, given here are however also to be found in the sixth Anga text. There is a list of peoples living in different janapadas and this list157 includes such names as the Arabs, Barbaras, Yavanas, Simhala, Parasika, etc. A full list of 72 Arts are also given.158 There is a very interesting reference59 to the Mahakala smasana (cemetery) of Ujjayini. Like many other Jaina texts this work also represents Vasudeva as inferior to Aristanemi;160 that great Indian philosopher and hero is even pictured as a devotee of this Jaina Tirthaikara. 161 Two of Krsna's wives are distinctly mentioned, Rukmini 62 and Jambavati the mother of Samba.163 In another place we have the complete list of Krsna's wives. There is a very interesting story regarding the Moggarapani!64 yaksa shrine of Rajagsha, and it appears from the description of the icon that it was made of wood. The curse of Dvaipayana, mentioned in the Chata Jatakal65 and Kautilyath on the Vrsnis, is also mentioned here.167 The ninth Anga, the Anuttaropapatikadasa, it is practically devoid of any interest. There is a vitti by Abhayadeva.169 There are only two original pieces in this text and they concern legends of persons who were reborn in the uppermost heavens. The tenth Anga text, the Prasnavyakarana,170 is not the same text171 described in the Sthananga and Nandisutra. We have a vitti by Abhayadeva.172 There are two srutaskandhas called asrava and samvara. The work throws considerable light on the social life of those days. There are sections on crimes and punishments.173 Accurate descriptions of Baladeva and Vasudeva!74 show that the images of these hero gods were quite popular, and some of these descriptions were no doubt copied from contemporary Vaisnava literature. There are indirect references to terrible wars described in the two epics, which were fought over women like Sita and Draupadi. 175 There are many other useful details which can only be discussed in a separate volume. It is certainly much more than a mere 'loquacious treatise', 176 and there is nothing in it that can be termed interpolations of the post-Christian period. The eleventh Anga text, the Vipakasruta,177 is once again an

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 217 interesting and readable canonical work. We have a vrtti on it by Abhayadeva. 178 It has two srutaskandhas with ten chapters (adhyayanas) each. The first srutaskandha is entitled Dukhavipaka, which is much longer, and the second Sukhavipaka, which is less interesting. This work contains some references which are otherwise unknown. The most valuable information is supplied regarding Udayana, whose priest was condemned to death for an illicit relationship with the queen Padmavati. 179 It is interesting that in the sixth century BC even a Brahmana could be executed for serious crimes, and it was clearly against the Smoti laws. However, we have in the story of Carudatta in the Mrcchakatika another such example. A licentious person was condemned to death by embracing a red hot image of woman (itthipadimam), 180 a punishment approved for such persons in the Manusmrti.181 There are descriptions of various instruments 182 of torture, and we are further told how prisoners were tortured in jail in those days. 183 The great physician Dhanvantari 181 is condemned in the strongest possible language because he prescribed 'meat diet'. A ludicrous story is told in this connection regarding the fate of this physician. We learn that the yaksas like the devas were worshipped with flowers, leaves, incense, etc. 185 It is possible that the Vardhamanapura, mentioned in this text, is Burdwan in Bengal, which we are told visited by Mahavira himself. 186 Rohida of this text (p. 275) may be identical with Rohitaka of the Mahabharata. 187 These two towns were known for shrines dedicated to the Manibhadra and Dharana yaksas, respectively. There is a story in which a daughter-in-law is shown as killing her mother-in-law. 188 In the Sukhavipala!89 we have a reference to Majjhamiya, which is identical to Madhyamika in Rajasthan. It appears from both the parts of this canonical text that there were yaksa shrines almost throughout northern India. In the earlier srutaskandha there is a valuable description of a village inhabited by robbers (corapalli). 190 Here too the leader of the robbers is a person called Vijaya, 191 who, we are told, had spies (carapurisa) like the king. The king of the country in which this corapalli was situated, by adopting Machiavellian tactics, succeeded in capturing alive the son of this robber chief. The role played by prostitutes is also described in an attractive style. 192 Let us now turn our attention to the Upanga texts which are twelve in number. They are: Aupapatika, Rajaprasniya, Jivajivabhigama, Prajnapana, Suryaprajnapti, Jambudvipaprajnapti, Candraprajnapti, Nirayavalika, Kalpavatansika, Puspika, Puspaculika,

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218 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 193 and Vrsnidasa. The first Upanga text, the Aupapatika (Ovavaiya),' is probably the most important among the Upanga works. We have in the very beginning194 of this text, an elegant and lovely description of the celebrated Purnabhadra yaksa shrine of the city of Campa. This description leaves no room to doubt that it was a great temple complex of the sixth century BC. It was probably built a few centuries earlier, but nothing of it has survived simply because the entire complex was built of wood. At the time when Lord Mahavira visited the city of Campa, Kunika-Ajatasatru was the king of Anga-Magadha with his temporary capital in that city. This text further shows that Kunika held Mahavira in great respect. 195 The name of his queen is given as Dharini, which is however, a stock name for queens in Jaina literature. Let us further remember that the Purnabhadra shrine of Campa was one of Mahavira's favourite resorts. The Buddhist texts describe Yaksa Purnabhadra,196 but do not show any acquaintance with this shrine of Campa. This text also relates the tragic story of the death of the Brahmana, Ambada parivrajaka, with his seven disciples, 197 when he was travelling from Kampilya to Purimatala. It is interesting that, according to the description of the text, the city of Kampilya (Kampillapura) was spread over both the banks of the Ganges. 198 The 72 Arts are enumerated in this text too,199 which also refers to several types of parivrajakas belonging to Brahmana and Ksatriya castes. 200 The following eight types of Brahmana (mahana) parivrajakas are enumerated: Krsna, Karakanda, Ambastha, Parasara, Krsna(2), Krsna-Dvaipayana, Devagupta, and Narada. The eight types of Ksatriya parivrajakas are: Silai, Sasihara, Naggai, Bhaggai, Videha, Rajaraja, Rajarama, and Bala. I am not aware of any other similar list of parivrajakas elsewhere in Indian literature. The text also refers to the Ajivikas 201 and Ninhavas.202 205 The second Upanga work, Rajaprasniya,203 is an equally important Agamic text. There is a commentary on it by Malayagiri, a contemporary of the celebrated Hemacandra,204 who lived in the midtwelfth century AD. The text is divided into two parts. The first contains a few interesting references, as for example, cinapatta, picchaghara (preksagrha), devakula,207 thuva (stupa),208 etc. Some of the descriptions remind us of the Aupapatikasutra. The second part which contains an account of the conversation between king Paesi of Seyaviya and Kumarasramana Kesin, a follower of Parsva, is more important and it reminds us of the 'Payasi Suttanta' of the Digha Nikaya.209 The Kumarasramana monks were known to Panini.210There

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 219 is strong reason to believe that the Buddhist author of the Payasi Suttanta was influenced by this Jaina text. In the Buddhist poem too, the scene of the conversation is said to be Setavya, which is evidently the same as Seyaviya. There is no evidence to connect this king with Prasenajit of Sravasti.2l! It is quite interesting that a few of the conversations212 are similar to those in the Milindapanha. Among the other important references in this part we have horses of Kamboja,213 festivals of popular gods,211 different types of punishments for different castes, etc. 215 The third Upanga text fivajivabhigama 6 has nine sections and altogether 272 sutras. There is a commentary27 on it by Malayagiri, who has referred to the various readings of the text. According to him it is an Upanga belonging to the Sthananga. Although it is not a very extensive text, it contains a large number of useful references, some of which will be noticed below. Almost all the important information is to be found in the third section (pratipatti) of this work. Among the various types of wine mentioned here, we have a wine called Kapisayana which is also mentioned by Panini (IV.1.29) and Kautilya (II.25). This wine was produced in the Kapisi country (Afghanistan). This section also refers to the cloth produced in Sindhu, Dravida, Vanga, and Kalinga countries. Among the ornaments, there is a reference to the necklace made of dinara coins which is also referred to in the Kalpasutra.218 There are also useful lists of ratnas, weapons, metals, bhavanas, natas, utsavas, yanas, diseases, scripts, servants, utensils, etc. The fourth Upanga is called Prajnapana.219 Its author was Arya Syama, who flourished some 376 years after Mahavira. There are commentaries on it by Haribhadra 220 (eighth century) and Malayagiri. It is the largest Upanga text and has altogether 349 sutras. Like the third Upanga it also contains lists of various things. The most significant however is the list of 25% janapadas with their capitals. 221 The list is reproduced with the names of their capitals in parenthesis: Magadha (Rajaglha), Anga (Campa), Vanga (Tamralipti), Kalinga (Kancanapura), Kasi (Varanasi), Kosala (Saketa), Kuru (Gajapura), Kusavarta (Sauripura), Pancala (Kampilya), Jangala (Ahicchatra), Saurastra (Dvaravati), Videha (Mithila), Vatsa (Kausambi), Sandilya (Nandipura), Malaya (Bhadrilapura), Matsya (Vairata), Varana (Accha), Dasarna (Mrttikavati), Cedi (Sukti), Sindhu-Sauvira (Vitibhaya), Surasena (Mathura), Bhamgi (Papa), Vatta (Masapuri), Kunala (Sravasti),

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220 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Ladha (Kotivarsa), Kekaya (Svetika). In the same sutra a number of so-called non-Aryan tribes like Saka, Yavana, Cina, Huna, Romaka, Andhra, Parasa, etc. are mentioned. A large number of professional classes are also referred to. The various scripts, which have already been noticed, are also mentioned in this sutra. The fifth and sixth Upanga texts, Suryaprajnapt7222 and Candraprajnapti, throw a flood of light on ancient Indian knowledge of astronomy. The present Candraprajnapti is not in any way different from the Suryaprajnapti. The seventh Upanga text, the Jambudvipaprajnapti,223 throws some light not only on astronomy but also geography. It has altogether 176 sutras. The most significant is the reference to Alasamda, i.e., Alexandria, in sutra no. 52. The same sutra refers to Arabaka, Romaka, Yavanadvipa, Simhala, Barbara, etc. The god Naigamesi (Karttikeya) is mentioned in sutra no. 115. The last five Upanga texts are actually five vargas (sections) of one Upanga work, the Nirayavalika.224 As I have already said, this particular work throws some welcome light on contemporary history. I have already referred to the fight between Cetaka and Ajatasatru described in this Upanga text. It has a vytt7225 by Candrasuri, who lived in the early twelfth century AD. We are told that one of the sons of Srenika, called Kala (his mother was one Kali,226 described as cullamauya, i.e., stepmother of Kunika) was killed by Cetaka in the Rathamusala war. According to the author227 of the text, Kala went to Naraka because he was killed in a war. Unlike the author of the Gita, the Jaina writer of the Nirayavalika never believes that the death in the battlefield enables the hero to attain svarga. According to this text Srenika-Bimbisara committed suicide, 228 a statement con tradicted by the evidence of the Buddhist canon. We further learn that afterwards the remorse-stricken Kunika-Ajatasatru transferred his capital to Campa.229 However, the description of the war230 appears to be exaggerated. Ten other brothers of Ajatasatru are also named in this text, including Vehalla, son of Cellana.231 Abhaya is described as the eldest son of Srenika by his wife Nanda, but according to the Buddhists his mother was Padmavati, a prostitute of Ujjayini.232 The Buddhist texts, however, confirm the Jaina account that this prince was originally a devotee of Mahavira.233 We are told by the Jaina author of this Upanga text that with the help of this prince Srenika fulfilled the dohada--longing234 stage-of Cellana. The second varga of this text called Kalpavatamsika does not contain much information, but in the third called Puspika, there is a

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 221 good deal of information. The story of the conversion of Brahmana Somilla by Parsva is told in the third chapter. From the fourth adhyayana of this text we learn that cousin-marriage was not unpopular in those days. Here the goddess Bahuputrika is described as the goddess looking after the welfare of children. It therefore appears that the Bahuputta shrine of Vaisali, mentioned in the Bhagavati and the Buddhist canon, was dedicated to this goddess. The fourth varga entitled Puspaculika describes the conversion of an old spinster (buddhakumari) called Bhuta by Parsva's principal lady-disciple Pupphacula. The fifth varga entitled Vrsnidasa, as the name indicates, describes the story of the Vrsnis, but adds nothing new. There is also a reference to the Maaidatta yaksa shrine of Rohitaka. Let us now turn our attention to the Mulasutra texts, which are actually three235 in number. They are: Uttaradhyayana, Avasyaka and ot that all these three are works of hoary antiquity and were probably composed in the pre-Mauryan period. For the historian, however, the most important is the Uttaradhyayanasutra.236 The first commentary on this important work is ascribed to Bhadrabahu and is known as the Uttaradhyayananiryukti. 237 It was followed by the curni written by Jinadasagani Mahattara in the seventh century AD. There are also a number of later commentaries238 which testify that it was always regarded as one of the most important Agamic works. The work is divided into 36 adhyayanas. The first is entitled Vinayasruta. It deals with the everyday conduct of a Jaina ascetic. The very character of this chapter shows, that it incorporates the personal teachings of Mahavira and was probably composed in the fifth century BC. 'Better', says Mahavira 'I should subdue myself by self-control than be subdued by others with fetters and corporal punishment.' Some of the finest teachings of Lord Mahavira are incorporated in this poem, which does not compare unfavourably with the Dhammapada of the Buddhists. A few of the references in it are quite valuable as they throw light on the social, cultural, and political history of the earlier period. It further appears that the author of this sutra was quite at home with Vaisnava literature and had perhaps some reverence for Vasudeva and Visnu. I quote here a passage239 from the eleventh chapter. 'As Vasudeva, the god with conch, discus, who fights with an irresistible strength (has no equal], neither has a very learned monk.' This shows that at the time this

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222 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM poem was composed, the worship of Visnu and Vasudeva was quite popular and their images were also known. A well-known verse regarding the burning of Mithila put in the mouth of one of the Janakas of Mithila occurs both in the Dhammapada and this text.240 Among the interesting geographical names we have Kamboja,241 Hastinapura,242 Kampilya,243 Dasarna,244 Kalanjara,245 Sauvira. 246 The king Karakandu of Kalinga,247 mentioned in this poem was a pious and good-fearing person and is also mentioned in the Buddhist canon, 248 which probably goes to show that he was a historical figure and lived not later than the sixth century BC. Kings like Nagnajit,24 Dvimukha,250 etc. are also mentioned in the earlier Indian literature.251 There are also interesting references to false karsapana (kudakahavana) 252 and kakini,253 which show that different types of coins were quite well-known at the time of its composition. From the mythological point of view, we have references to Kamadhenu,251 Vaisramana,255 and Nalakuvara.256 219 There are at least two chapters of this sutra which deserve our special attention. The first is the twenty-third chapter recording the conversation between Kesin, a follower of Parsva and Gautama Indrabhuti, the famous disciple of Lord Mahavira. Both were men of great learning, both respected one another. However, the disciple of Mahavira, by his superior knowledge, succeeded in allaying Kesin's doubts and converting him to the faith of the last Tirthamkara. The twenty-fifth chapter is another magnificent piece of poetic creation. Here the Brahmanical bloody sacrifice is the subject of criticism. The utter hollowness of such practices is demonstrated by Jayaghosa, who was a Jaina recluse belonging to the Brahmana caste. The definition of a Brahmana is given thus by Jayaghosa: 'He who is not defiled by pleasures as a lotus growing in the water is not wetted by it, him we call a Brahmana.' Then Jayaghosa declares: 'One does not become a sramana by the tonsure, nor a Brahmana by the sacred syllable Om nor a muni by living in the woods, nor a tapasa by wearing clothes of kusa grass and bark.' According to him, one becomes a sramana by equanimity, a Brahmana by chastity, a muni by knowledge, and a tapasa by penance. This great Nirgrantha Brahmana, Jayaghosa, according to this chapter, later succeeded in converting Vijayaghosa, a sacrificing Brahmana of Varanasi. The Avasyaka257 is also considered an extremely important Jaina Agamic poem. It has six adhyayas. There is a niryukti258 on it by

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 223 Bhadrabahu. There is also the magnificent Visesavasyakabhasya259 by Jinabhadragaoi written in Saka 531 and the curn7260 by Jinadasagani Mahattara, a work of the seventh century AD. We have a tika261 by Haribhadra (eighth century) and also quite a number of later commentaries. From the historian's point of view, however, the poem does not seem to be of much importance. However, for a student of Jaina monachism this text is of great significance. The Dasavaikalika,262 according to tradition, was composed by the Brahmana Nirgrantha ascetic Sayyambhava (Sejjambhava) for his son Manaka. This Sayyambhava was a resident of Rajagrha,263 and a disciple of Prabhava, who in turn was a pupil of Jambusvamin. Sayyambhava, therefore, should be assigned to the early fourth century BC, and this poem should be regarded as a product of that date. It has an extremely valuable niryukt1264 by Bhadrabahu, a curn7265 by Jinadasagani, and a tika2hh by Haribhadra. There are altogether twelve adhyayanas including two culikas. Like the Uttaradhyayana, this poem is full of noble sentiments. There are verses which could only be composed by a supreme poet-philosopher. Most of the verses speak of the monastic life to be led by a Jaina monk. However, the teachings of Sayyambhava, I feel, are meant for every right-thinking monk or even worldly people. The poem has a universal appeal. There are altogether six Chedasutras; they are-Nisitha, Mahanisitha, Vyavahara, Dasasrutaskandha, Brhatkalpa, and Pancakalpa. The Chedasutras may be compared with the Buddhists Vinaya texts, although they are somewhat later works. The first Chedasutra is the Nisitha,267 which is the largest text of this group and was originally the fifth section of the second Srutaskandha of the Acaranga. It is also known as the Acaraprakalpa. It has a niryukti, 268 a bhasya269 by Sanghadasagani, and curni by Jinadasa. 270 The text has altogether twenty chapters. Unlike many other Jaina canonical texts, this work throws considerable light on the social, religious, and cultural condition of India at the time of its composition. In a very large number of sutras the monk is asked not to be tempted by women who are always ready to destroy their chastity. Several festivals are mentioned in the eighth chapter, including those mentioned elsewhere in the Jaina canon. The Mahanisitha271 is probably the work of a somewhat later period and is closely linked with the Nisitha. Jinabhadragani Ksamasramana, who lived in the sixth century AD, is said to have rescued this text from complete destruction. 272 Several Jaina savants

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224 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM like Haribhadra, Devagupta, Yasovardhana, Ravigupta, Nemicandra, etc. had honoured this text.273 It has six adhyayanas and two culikas. There are a few interesting stories which make it fairly readable. The Vyavahara274 is also an interesting canonical text dealing with rules of the Jaina church. It is ascribed to Bhadrabahu and has altogether ten chapters. The niryukti on this text is written by Bhadrabahu himself; there is a bhasya on it by an unknown author, and a commentary by, Malayagiri. This text also throws considerable light on the everyday life of the Jaina monks. The fourth Chedasutra text Dasasrutaskandha, 275 is quite well-known because its eighth chapter (adhyayana) is the famous Kalpasutra.276 The work is ascribed to Bhadrabahu, who it appears, should be distinguished from Bhadrabahu the author of several niryuktis. The earlier sections of the Dasasrutaskandha, like other Chedasutra texts, deals with the disciplinary rules of the Jaina monks. The eighth section, i.e., the Kalpasutra gives a very authentic account of Mahavira's life, which we have already discussed. In the ninth chapter of this work Kunika is represented as meeting Lord Mahavira in the Purnabhadra shrine of Campa. This reminds me of the Aupapatikasutra, where the meeting of the two has been elaborately described. The last section refers to Srenika's meeting with Mahavira at Rajagsha. The fifth Chedasutra text is the Kalpa or the Bihatkalpa. 277 There is a niryukti, a bhasya and a vivarana on it. The niryukti and bhasya verses are, however, indistinguishable. The work is divided into six sections. In an important passage in the first section a monk is asked not go beyond Anga-Magadha in the east, Kausambi in the south, Thuna (possibly Sthanesvara) in the west, and Kunalavisaya (North Kosala) in the north. This possibly proves that the text was composed at a time when Jainism had not reached Gujarat, Kalinga, or any other distant part of India. There are interesting details in other sections of this text. The Pancakalpa278 is the same as the present Pancakalpamahabhasya, which was formerly a part of the Brhatkalpabhasya. The bhasya is written by Sanghadasagani. A few regard Titakalpasutra279 written by Jinabhadragani as a Chedasutra text. We should now turn our attention to the two texts, the Nandisutra and the Anuyogadvara, which are not strictly canonical works, but were regarded as sacred texts from very early times. The Nandisutra?80 has a curn7281 by Jinadasagani and a tika282 by Haribhadra. Malayagiri also wrote a commentary on it.28% The original Nandisutra has 90 gathas and 59 sutras. It even refers to teachers who lived in the fif

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 225 century AD, like Skandila, Nagarjuna, etc. The Bharata (or Mahabharata), Ramayana, the Arthasastra of Kautilya, Bhagavata Purana, Patanjala, etc. are mentioned in a passage281 of the text. The reference to the Bhagavata is interesting since it shows that this particular Purana existed at such an early date. The Anuyogadvara285 is ascribed to Aryaraksita. It too has a curni by Jinadasagani and a tika by Haribhadra. The passage that refers to the Bharata, Ramayana, Arthasastra, Bhagavata, etc. also occurs with slight variation in this text. 286 The two works Pinda287 and Oghaniryukt7288 are also sometimes regarded as Agamic texts. They too contain various rules for the monks and are ascribed to Bhadrabahu. There is a quotation from Canakya in the Oghaniryukti.289 Both the texts have commentaries. The Angavija, 290 or the text dealing with the science of prognostication, though not a part of the Jaina canon, is one of the most remarkable Jaina sacred texts. This science was known to the Buddhists291 and Brahmanical Hindus292 from quite early times. The present text of the Angavijja is a product of the early centuries of the Christian era and has altogether sixty chapters. This work has been fittingly described as a treasure-house for the cultural history of India of the early Christian period.293 Like the Arthasastra of Kautilya, it throws light on administration, social and cultural life We have long lists of professions, 294 ornaments,295 food-grains, 296 conveyances, 297 textiles, 298 eatables, 299 deities, 300 and many other important items. The list of coins301 given in this text is extremely interesting and as informative. We not only have the names of wellknown coins like dinara, suvarna, kahapana, purana, nanaka, kakani, etc., but also two new names not found elsewhere in the early Indian literature. They are ksatrapaka02 and sateraka. 503 The first type was obviously the coins issued by Ksatrapa kings of Ujjayini. This type has been identified by scholars with the rudradamaka 04 coins mentioned by Buddhaghosa. The second type of coin, the sateraka, is the Sanskrit or Praksta equivalent of Greek 'stater' which was introduced by Indo-Greek kings. This text also throws welcome light on the different types of boats. Among the more interesting are the Kottimba, Tappaka, and Sanghala. 305 It is of great interest that all these three types of boats are mentioned by the author of the Periplus, 30 a text of the second half of the first century AD. Tappaka of this text is evidently identical with Trappaga of Periplus and Kottimba with Cotymba; Sanghada

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226 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM has been identified with Sangara of Periplus. All these three types of boats are described as middle-sized (majjhimakaya) boats in the Angavijja. In the list of female deities 507 we have a number of foreign names, which are not found elsewhere in the Indian literature. They are: Apala, Anadita, Airani, Salimalini, etc. Apala is the Greek goddess Pallas Athene, Anadita is the Avestan Anahita, Airani is the Roman goddess Irene, and Salimalini is the Moon-goddess Selene. There are interesting references308 to women belonging to Lata (Ladi), Yavana (Jonika), Barbara (Babbari), Pulinda (Pulindi), Andhra (Andhi), Dravida (Babbri), etc. We have an exhaustive list of architectural terms309 in this text; the list of gotras are also equally exhaustive.310 There is also a section on sexual love. Among the male gods, 312 Vaisravana is pictured as the god of merchants and rich people; Siva was the lord of cows, buffaloes, and sheep. Senapati Kartikeya is associated with the cock and peacock, and Visakha with sheep, ram, boy, and sword. Several other gods are mentioned and they are also known from other sources. The Angaviija is undoubtedly one of the most useful works of the early Christian period. Since it refers to Saka and Indo-Greek coins it appears that the work was written by AD 300, although it incorporates materials of a much earlier period. The language is frankly difficult, but it was undoubtedly composed in western India. The absence of any commentary creates great difficulty for modern scholars. The long lists of objects of daily use make it possible for us to understand some of the basic features of early Indian life. Commentaries: The earliest among the canonical conumentaries are the niryuktis (nijjuti), which are written in the Arya metre and are in a mixed Praksta. They are ascribed to Bhadrabahu, who should be distinguished from his namesake, the celebrated author of the Kalpasutra. This is definitely established by the fact that in the Dasasrutaskandhaniryukti there is a verse addressed to Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu.313 Further, quite a number of other Jaina savants of a much later period are referred to in other niryukti works, which also show that these niryuktis could not have been composed before the Gupta period. There are however reasons to believe that some of the niryukti verses go back to an earlier period."14 The niryuktis on following Agamic texts are known: Avasyaka, Dasavaikalika, Uttaradhyayana, Acaranga, Sutrakstanga, Dasasrutaskandha, Brhatkalpa, Vyavahara, Suryaprajnapti, and Rsibhasita. Of these, the last two have

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 227 not yet been discovered. The Avasyakaniryukti5 is undoubtedly the most important niryukti text. A number of commentaries on it are known.316 This work refers to several later Jaina monks, including Arya Mangu of Mathura, who has been identified by me with his namesake, mentioned in a Mathura inscription. Since it refers to salivahana or Satavahana, we have to assume that the work was composed after the Satavahana period. The war between Nahapana and Gautamiputra Satakarni was known to the Jaina commentators, including the author of this niryukti.17 The author of this text refers to the Nandisutra which attests that this particular niryukti text was written after the composition of that text. This work is referred to in the Mulacara (6.193), an early Digambara text. The Dasavaikalikaniryukti is a much shorter work consisting of only 371 gathas,318 and also has a few interesting references. 519 In the Uttaradhyayananiryukt7320 there is a reference to Vasavadatta, the famous queen of Udayana, the king of Kausambi.321 The Acaranganiryukt7322 refers to the Buddhists (Sauddhodani) in one place. This text is otherwise useless for our purpose. The Sutrakrtanganiryukt7323 refers to Nalanda and informs us that it is near Rajagrha. The Dasasrutaskandhaniryukt7324 begins with an invocation to Bhadrabahu, who is obviously Bhadrabahu I. The Brhatkalpaniryuktp25 and Vyavaharaniryuktf326 do not contain much information. We do not obtain much information from the niryukti texts simply because they are written concisely and tersely. The bhasya commentaries, like the niryuktis, are written in verse and closely follow the style of the latter. There are altogether 10 bhasya commentaries on the following texts: Avasyaka, Dasavaikalika, Uttaradhyayana, Bihatkalpa, Vyavahara, Nisitha, Jitakalpa, Oghaniryukti, and Pindaniryukti. In a few cases, it is difficult to separate the bhasya from the niryukti. Among the bhasya writers, only two names are known, i.e., Jinabhadra and Sanghadasagani. As we have already seen, Jinabhadragani, lived in Saka 531 according to a manuscript of the Visesavasyakabhasya. He has further been identified with the monk Jinabhadra Vacanacarya mentioned in an image inscription from Akota (near Baroda). We have further seen that this monk was responsible for rescuing the Mahanisitha manuscript, while living in Mathura. Among his commentaries Visesavasyakabhasya and sitakalpabhasya are known. We further learn from the above-men

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228 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM tioned inscription that be belonged to the Nivrtti kula. The Visesavasyakabhasya 27 is undoubtedly one of the most remarkable creations from the doctrinal point of view. In his other work, the sitakalpabhasya, this great Jaina savant has also demonstrated his great erudition.328 The later writers had great deference for this Jaina philosopher. 329 Sanghadasagani is the reputed author of the Brhatkalpabhasya, Nisithabhasya and Vyavaharabhasya. According to a few, he should be identified with Sanghadasagani Vacaka, the author of the first half of the Vasudevahindi, a Prakrta romance.330 There is no reason331 why this identification should be rejected. If we accept this identification, we have to place Sanghadasa before Jinabhadra, who in his Visesanavat732 has referred to the Vasudevahindi. That author has further shown his intimate acquaintance with the Vyavaharabhasya.333 The Brhatkalpabhasya 34 is a work of considerable length. It has altogether 6490 verses and it is divided into six parts. It refers to preceptor Kalakacarya of Ujjayini who, according to it,935 went to Suvarnabhumi (Burma). This Kalakacarya was a contemporary of Gardhabhila of Ujjayini, and appears to have lived in the first century BC. This text also refers to the thriving state of Jainism in the Mathura region. There are also a few romantic verses in this poem which attest that the Jaina monks perfectly understood sentiments connected with the heart. This text also throws some light on the coinage of those days. According to it, the value of two silver coins of Daksinapatha was equivalent to one nelaka of Kancipura, and that of two silver coins of Kanci was equivalent to one silver coin of Pataliputra city:336 This work also refers to the devanirmita stupa of Mathura, which has already been discussed in a previous chapter. The Nisithabhasya"7 has a very large number of verses that are in common with those in the Vyavahara and Byhatkalpabhasya. In the beginning of this commentary we have the story of the four cunning people (dhurta), which was afterwards used by Haribhadra in his Dhurtakhyana. It also refers to the philosopher Siddhasena and the commentator Govindavacaka, who composed the Govindaniryukti.338 A few poetic and romantic verses are also to be found in this bhasya. It also refers to Talodaka (lake) of Tosali and the hot-spring of Rajagsha. The Vyavaharabhasya?39 is also a work of considerable size. There are many verses against women which remind us of the Smrti writers. We further learn that people

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 229 celebrated with great pomp the stupamaha festival at Mathura. Stories are told regarding Kalaka, satavahana, Murunna, Canakya, and others. 540 The Sakas of Ujjayini are also mentioned. 941 The other bhasyas are not so important and we do not get much information in them.312 Let us now turn our attention to the curni texts which unlike the niryukti and bhasya, are written in prose. The most important curni writer was Jinadasagani Mahattara, for whom we have a definite date. According to his Nandicurn7343 he wrote this work in Saka 598 corresponding to AD 676. The following curnis are generally attributed to him: Nisithavisesacurni, Nandicarna, Anuyogadvaracurna, Avasyakacurni, Dasavaikalikacurni, Uttaradhyayanacurni, and Sutrakstangacurni. The Nisithavisesacurn711 is an important Jaina commentary. It refers to the Mauryan emperor Samprati as a great patron of Jainism.315 He, according to this work, made Jainism popular in Saurastra, Andhra, Damila, Marahatta, etc. The detailed story of Kalakacarya and Gardabhila is told here and in this connection we are told that the Jaina monk Kalakacarya brought the army of Parasa (Persia) to Himdugadesa (Hindusthan) in order to destroy the dynasty of Gardabhila of Ujjayini (3.59). He refers to the philosopher Siddhasena and to the work called Kalannana written by Padalipta. The stories of Naravahanadatta, Tarangavati, Malayavati, Magadhasena, etc. were known to him. He was also at home with texts like the Setubandha, Vasudevacarita, Cetakakatha, etc. Among other curnas, written by Jinadasa, the Avasyakacurn#16 has a prominent place. It gives a detailed account of Lord Mahavira's wanderings, obviously based on the accounts of the Bhagavati and Acaranga. The account of the Jaina monk Vajrasena and his visit to the city Surparaka are related in this commentary. Jinadasa also was an expert story-teller and some of the stories, related by him, were copied by later writers. He further quotes a verse from Bhasa's Pratijnayaugandharayana (3.9). Jinadasa also refers to a terrible flood that visited Sravasti thirteen years after Mahavira's enlightenment. 917 The Nandicurni'18 mentions the council held at Mathura under Skandila. This work, as we have already seen was completed in Saka 598. The Dasavaikalikacurn719 too has a few interesting stories. In one of them 350 the Buddhists are ridiculed for their unmonk-like habits. There is another Dasavaikalikacurni,951 which was written by Agastyasimha, who belonged to the Verasami (Vajrasvami) sakha of the Kodigana (Kodiya of the Theraval). The Verasami sakha is the

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230 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM same as Vairi of that text. Agastyasimha was the disciple of one Rsigupta and it appears that he lived before Jinadasa. The Sutrakrtangacurn752 refers to the mosquito menace in the Tamralipta coun try.353 Haribhadra, who lived in the mid-eighth century AD, and was a senior contemporary of Udyotanasuri, has left a number of Sanskrit commentaries called urttis. He was a disciple of Jinabhata354 and belonged to the Vidyadhara kula. As we have already seen he was a native of Citrakuta (Chitor) and one of most learned men of his time. His commentaries on the following Agamic texts are well known: Avasyaka, Dasavaikalika, fivabhigama, Prajnapana, Nandisutra, Anuyogadvara, and Pindaniryukti. He has expressed his indebtedness to the earlier commentators, including Jinadasa. Silanka, 355 who lived a century later, also wrote several commentaries, of which the Acaranga356 and the Sutrakstangavivaranas357 have survived. Another commentator was Santisuri who lived in the early eleventh century AD, and was a contemporary of Paramara Bhoja, Caulukya Bhima, and the poet Dhanapala. We have his Uttaradhyayanatika.358 In this commentary he has referred to the text, accepted in the council, held under the presidentship of Nagarjuna. Santisuri belonged to the Kotikagana and Vaira-sakha.359 Abhayadeva, who lived in the eleventh century AD, wrote commentaries on all the Anga texts, except the first two, and also one on the Aupapatika. We have two definite dates for him; they are vs 1120 and 1128, corresponding to AD 1062 and 1070.360 It is evident from his works that he spent the major part of his life at Anahilapataka (Patan, Gujarat). His preceptor was Jinesvara of Candrakula.361 He further admits his indebtedness to Dronacarya of Anahilapataka who corrected the texts of his commentaries. It should, however, be pointed out that the commentaries of Abhayadeva do not help us much in understanding the Jaina Agamic texts. The Jaina commentators of the post-Gupta period had practically no idea regarding eastern India where the canonical texts were composed, and also no understanding of the teachings of the contemporaries of Mahavira. Unlike Buddhaghosa, they received no help from their predecessors, and it is also doubtful whether they fully understood the Ardhamagadhi language in which the Jaina canon is written. Lastly I should mention the name of Malayagiri, who was a contemporary of the celebrated Hemacandra. We have at least twenty

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 231 of his vittis and tikas, 362 but like the commentaries of Abhayadeva these voluminous texts are not particularly enlightening. REFERENCES 1. II, p. 187. 2. We have a definite date for him Saka 598; see Nandisutracurni (Prakrta Text Society), p. 83: 'Sakarajno pamcasu varsastesu vyatikramtesu astanavatesu Namdyadhyayanacurni samapta iti.' 3. See J.C. Jain, Prakrta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 37, n. 1. 4. See Uttaradhyayanavytti by Kamalsamyama, p. 23. It should however be remembered that this statement comes from the pen of a later writer. 5. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, pp. 368 ff. 6. Ed., Agamodaya Samiti, Surat, vs 1972-3 (AD 916); see also Jacobi's translation in SBE, 22, pp. 1-213. My personal copy is the edition published from Thangadh (Saurastra), vs 2489 (1963). For a list of various other editions, see Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, Varanasi, 1966, 1, p. 62 fn. 7. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, p. 87. 8. Loc. cit. 9. Ed., Dhanpat Singh, Calcutta, vs 1936; also Agamodaya Samiti, Surat, vs 1972-3. 10. Rsabhadeva Kesarimalji Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1928-9. 11. See Jainananda Pustakalaya, Surat, 1935. 12. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, p. 384. 13. See SBE, 22, pp. 12-13. 14. Ibid., p. 20. 15. Ibid., p. 26. 16. Ibid., p. 92. 17. 1.131.3-4 (cr. ed.); IV.12.12-13. 18. See A.K. Chatterjee, Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, p. 167. 19. 1.63.18-19. 20. First Rock Edict (see Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 15-16). 21. See Jacobi, SBE, 22, p. 158; see also for the original Thangadh edn., p. 139 (XIV.1). 22. II, 11 (the word there is cinapatta). 23. Jacobi, op. cit., p. 183. 24. Ibid., pp. 84-5; (original) IX.3. 25. Ed., Agamodaya Samiti, 1917; for the English translation see SBE, 45, pp. 235-451. Hindi translation by Amolaka Rsi, Hyderabad, vs 2446. For various other editions see Jaina Sihitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 127, n. 1.

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232 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 26. Ed., P.L. Vaidya, Poona, 1928; also included in Agamodaya edition. 27. Rsabhadeva Kesarimala Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1941. 28. Included in the Agamodaya edn., known as the Vivarana of Silanka. 29. SBE, 45, p. 256. 30. Ibid., p. 261. 31. Ibid., pp. 268-9. 32. Ibid., p. 268. 33. Ibid., p. 274. 34. 1.1.10 (Chowkhambha edn.). 35. Jacobi, op. cit., pp. 301, 310. 36. Trans., F.L. Woodward, Minor Anthologies of the Pali Canon, Pt. II, p. 188. 37. III, tr., E.M. Hare, p. 175. 38. Jacobi's trans., p. 333. 39. Ibid., p. 370. 40. Act VII, Chowkhambha edn., p. 371. 41. Jacobi, trans., p. 366. 42. Ibid., p. 374. 43. See Uttaradhyayana, XX.42 (SBE, 45, p. 105); Bhagavati (Sailana edn.), p. 2662. 44. Jacobi, trans., p. 371. 45. Ibid., p. 418. 46. Ibid., pp. 419-20. 47. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, pp. 56-7. 48. Jacobi, op. cit., pp. 420 ff. 49. Ibid., p. 421. 50. Ibid., pp. 409 ff. 51. See especially Samyutta (1, trans., Mrs. R. Davids), pp. 89 ff. 52. Ed. by the Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918-20. For other editions, see Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 1, p. 171, n. 1. 53. The commentary is included in the Agamodaya edition. 54. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 57, n. 1; see also Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, pp. 172 ff. 55. See third adhyayana; see also Jain, op. cit., p. 57. 56. Ed., Bechardas, p. 243. 57. See Jain, op. cit., p. 58 (fourth adhyayana). 58. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 8. 59. See Vin., II.237; Anguttara, IV.101; V.22; Samyutta, 11.135; V.38. 60. McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 38. 61. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 1073. 62. McCrindle, op. cit., p. 97. 63. Sutra no. 587. 64. Sutra no. 680. 65. See Jain, op. cit., p. 61 (tenth adhyayana). 66. Agamodaya edn., Surat, 1929; for other edns. see Jaina Sahitya ki Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 172, n. 2. II.

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 233 67. The commentary is included in the Agamodaya edn.; see also Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 3, pp. 400 ff. 68. Sutra no. 18. 69. Ed., R.G. Basak, I, p. 160. 70. Ed., P.L. Vaidya, p. 125. 71. Sutra no. 72. 72. II.4.17. 73. Ed. with Abhayadeva's vitti by the Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918-21. For some other edns. see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 187, n. 1. My personal copy's edition is published in seven volumes by the Akhila Bharatiya Jaina Samskrti Raksaka Samgha, Sailana. 74. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 402 ff. 75. (Sailana edn.) p. 391. 76. p. 440. 77. pp. 473 ff. 78. p. 496. 79. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 992. 80. p. 509. 1. p. 550; from p. 708 (third sataka) we learn that these four lokapalas were Soma, Yama, Varuna, and Vaisravana. 82. p. 567. 83. p. 578. 84. pp. 572 ff. 85. See pp. 606, 648. 86. p. 716. 87. p. 752. 88. p. 794. 89. p. 803. 90. p. 887. 91. See pp. 1478, 2759. 92. This is also confirmed by the evidence of the Pali Buddhist works and Brahmanical sutra literature. 93. p. 921. 94. p. 1037. 95. pp. 1190 ff. 96. See p. 1206. 97. Gita Press edn., VI, 1.27 ff. 98. p. 1203. 99. pp. 1385 ff. 100. p. 1387. 101. p. 1523. 102. pp. 1614 ff. 103. pp. 1698 ff. 104. p. 1704.

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234 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 105. pp. 1705 ff. 106. p. 1707. 107. p. 1695. 108. p. 1715. 109. p. 1888. 110. p. 1948. 111. p. 1912. 112. p. 1933. 113. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, pp. 1000 ff. 114. pp. 1960, 1966. 115. pp. 1966 ff. 116. p. 1986. 117. Swapnavasavadatta (Chowkhambha edn.), sixth Act. 118. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, pp. 923 ff. 119. pp. 2231 ff. 120. p. 2346. 121. p. 2348. 122. p. 2425. 123. Loc. cit. 124. p. 2443. 125. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 95 ff. 126. p. 2468. 127. p. 2476. 128. p. 2519. 129. p. 2558. 130. p. 2665. 131. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 273. 132. p. 2759. 133. p. 2762. 134. pp. 2554 ff. 135. Agamodaya edition with Abhayadeva's vitti, Bombay, 1916. For other editions see Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 1, p. 217, n. 1. 136. Agamodaya edn., p. 33-42. 137. See also trans., N.V. Vaidya, para 7. 138. Gita Press edn., II, 14.50. 139. This place is mentioned in the second century Junagarh inscription of Rudradaman, see Luders' List, no. 965. 140. See Vaidya's trans., para 60. 141. Loc. cit. 142. Section 25. 143. 10.12 ff. 144. Para 73. 145. Para 74. 146. Vaidya's trans., para 118.

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 235 Fa 147. For further details see my paper in JAIH, VII, pp. 159 ff. 148. See Majumdar, The Classical Accounts of India, pp. 223, 456. 149. Harivamsa of Jinasena, ed., P.L. Jain, ch. 54. 150. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1920; English trans., Hoernle, Calcutta, 1885-8. I have used the text of the work published from Poona, 1953. It includes a translation by N.A. Gore. For other references see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 227, n. 1. 151. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 152. Ed., Gore, text, p. 21. 153. Ibid., p. 40. 154. Gita Press edn., III.15.21. 155. Trans., p. 138. 156. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1920; English trans., L.D. Barnett, 1907. For other edns. see, Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 233, n. 1. 157. Trans., Barnett, p. 29; other references are from Barnett's trans. 158. Ibid., pp. 30-31. 159. Ibid., p. 74. 160. Ibid., pp. 76 ff. 161. Loc. cit. 162. See pp. 77 ff. 163. Loc. cit. 164. p. 86. 165. Jataka no. 454. 166. 1.6. 167. p. 80. 168. Agamodaya edn., Surat, 1920. For other references see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, n. 1. 169. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 170. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1919. I have used the edn. from Sailana, 1975. For other edns., see Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 1, p. 247, n. 1. 171. See Schubring, The Doctrine of the Jainas, trans., W. Beurten, pp. 94 ff. 172. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 173. Sailana edn., pp. 136 ff., 149 ff. 174. pp. 212 ff. 175. p. 235. 176. Cf. Schubring, op. cit., p. 94. 177. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1920. I have used the edition published from Kota in 1935. For other edns. see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 255, n. 1. 178. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 179. Kota edn., 200. The condemned priest was Bshaspatidatta, the son of Somadatta. He was 64 at the time of his execution, according to our text.

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236 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 180. p. 185. 181. VIII.372; see also XI.104. 182. pp. 211 ff. 183. pp. 215 ff. 184. Seventh adhyayana. 185. pp. 244, 248. 186. p. 314. 187. II.32.4. 188. p. 308. 189. p. 369. 190. pp. 118 ff. 191. p. 149. 192. pp. 66, 175. 193. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1916. This edition also contains the vytti of Abhayadeva. My personal copy is the edition published from Sailana (1963). 194. Sailana edn., pp. 10 ff. 195. Ibid., pp. 56 ff. 196. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 225. 197. pp. 278 ff. 198. p. 279: gamgae mahanaie ubhaokulenam kampillapurao. 199. p. 302. 200. p. 270. 201. pp. 212 ff. 202. pp. 215 ff. 203. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1925. I have consulted the edition of Bechardas, Ahmedabad, vs. 1994. This edition has a Gujarati translation. For other edition, see, Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 2, p. 37, n. 1. 204. See Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 3, pp. 415 ff. 205. Ed., Bechardas, p. 88. 206. Ibid., p. 197. 207. p. 63. 208. p. 218. 209. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 188. 210. II.1.70. 211. See Schubring, op. cit., pp. 96 ff. 212. For an analysis of these conversations see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 2, pp. 58 ff. 213. p. 301. 214. p. 284. 215. p. 321. 216. Nirnayasagara edn., Bombay, 1919. 217. Included in the Bombay edn.

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 237 218. Jacobi (SBE, 22), p. 233. 219. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1918-19. 220. Rsabhadeva Kesarimalaji Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1947. 221. Sutra no. 37. 222. Agamodaya edn., with the urtti of Malayagiri, Bombay, 1929. 223. Ed. with the vrtti of santicandra, Bombay, 1920. 224. Agamodaya edn., with the vrtti of Candrasuri, Surat, 1922. I have used the edition published from Rajkot, 1960. 225. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, p. 449. 226. Rajkot edn., p. 11. 227. Ibid., p. 22. 228. Ibid., p. 39. 229. Loc. cit. 230. pp. 44 ff. 231. p. 40. 232. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, pp. 127 ff. 233. Loc. cit. 234. pp. 30-1. 235. According to some of the Pindaniryukti and the Oghaniryukti are also Mulasutra texts. See J.C. Jain, Prakrta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 163n. 236. Ed. by J. Charpentier, Uppasala, 1922. For other edns., see Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 2, p. 144, n. 2. The standard English translation is by Jacobi in SBE, 45, pp. 1-232. 237. Ed. along with Santisuri's commentary, Bombay, 1916-17. 238. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 164. 239. v. 21. 240. p. 37 (Jacobi's translation). 241. Ibid., p. 47. 242. Ibid., p. 56. 243. Ibid., p. 57. 244. Loc. cit. 245. Loc. cit. 246. p. 87. 247. Loc. cit. 248. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 531. The story of the four kings Naggaji, Nimi and Dummukha is told in the Kumbhakara sataka (no. 408). It is therefore, apparent that both the Jaina and Buddhist authors have used the same source. 249. See Mbh., III.254.21 (Gita Press edn.). 250. Aitareya Brahmana, 8.23; the name here is Durmukha Pancala. 251. By earlier Indian literature I mean the Vedic and epic texts. 252. p. 105, Jacobi's trans. 253. p. 28. 254. p. 104.

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238 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 255. p. 117. 256. Loc. cit. 257. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1928 and 1932. For other edns. see, Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 2, p. 173, n. 1. 258. See Agamodaya Samiti edn., Bombay, 1916-17. 259. Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala, vs 2427-41. 260. Rsabhadevji Kesarimalji Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1928. 261. Included in Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1916-17. 262. Ed., Leumann in ZDMG, 46, pp. 581-663. For other edns. see, Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 2, p. 179, n. 1. My personal copy is the edition published at Sailana, rep., 1973. 263. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. II, p. 854. 264. Included in Leumann's edn. 265. Ratlam edn., 1933. There is also the newly discovered curni by Agastyasimha (Kalasabhavamrgendra) which has recently been pub lished from Varanasi. 266. Bhimsi Manek, Bombay, 1900. 267. Sanmati jnanapitha, Agra, 1957-60. 268. Included in the Agra edn. of the Nisitha. 269. Included in the same edn. 270. See the Agra edn. 271. Ed., W. Schubring, Berlin, 1918. 272. See Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 19. 273. See Prakrta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 147; also Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 2, p. 292. 274. Ed., W. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, the text, edited along with the niryukti, bhasya and vivarana of Malayagiri, Ahmedabad, vs 1982-5. 275. Ed., Bhavnagar, vs 2011; this edition contains also the niryukti and the curni. 276. English trans. Jacobi in SBE, 22, pp. 217-311. For different edition of this valuable text see, Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 2, p. 217n. 277. Ed. by Punyavijaya, Bhavnagar, 1933-42; this edition contains the bhasya of Sanghadasa and the tikas of Malayagiri and Ksemakirti. 278. This work has not yet been edited; see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 276 ff. 279. Ed., Jinavijaya along with curni and tika, Ahmedabad, vs 1983. 280. Ed., Punyavijaya in Praksta Text Society Series, Varanasi, 1966. 281. Included in Punyavijaya's edn. 282. Ed., Rsabhadevji Kesarimalji Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1928. 283. Agamodaya Samiti edn., Bombay, 1924. 284. PTS edn., p. 49 and n. 285. Ed., Ratlam, 1928. 286. Para 41 (Agamodaya Samiti). 287. Devachand Lalbhai Series, Surat, 1918.

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SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE 239 288. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1919. 289. p. 152. 290. Edited by Punyavijaya in Praksta Text Society, Varanasi, 1957. 291. See Brahmajala Sutta, tr., Rhys Davids, 16-18. 292. Manusmrti, VI.20. 293. See PTS edn., Introd., p. 55. 294. pp. 159-61. 295. Ibid., pp. 162-3. 296. Ibid., pp. 165-6. 297. Ibid., pp. 164-5. 298. Ibid., pp. 163-4. 299. Ibid., pp. 174-82. 300. Ibid., pp. 204-6; see also p. 69. 301. See in this connection the paper 'Coin Names in the Angavijja' by V.S. Agrawala included in the Introd., pp. 87 ff. of the PTS edn. 302. p. 66. 303. Loc. cit. 304. See Angavijja, Introd., p. 90, n. 1. 305. p. 166. 306. Paras 44 and 60. 307. p. 69. 308. p. 68. 309. pp. 136 ff. 310. p. 150. 311. pp. 182 ff. 312. pp. 204 ff. 313. See Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 120. 314. Ibid., p. 68, n. 1; see also Muni Punyavijaya in Muni Sri Hajarimala Smrtigrantha, pp. 718-19. 315. See Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1928-32; for various other editions see, Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 71, n. 1. 316. Loc. cit. 317. See Prakrit Proper Names, I, p. 315. 318. Ed., Leumann, ZDMG, 46, pp. 581-663. 319. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 97 ff. 320. Ed. (D.L.J.P.), Bombay, 1919-27; see also Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, p. 107. 321. Gatha nos. 146-8. 322. Agamodaya edn., Surat, vs 1972-3; see also J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 201. 323. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1917; see also Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, III, p. 119. 324. See JSBI, III, p. 120. 325. Ibid., pp. 123 ff. 326. Ibid., p. 125. UL. CIC.

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240 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 327. Ed., Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Varanasi, vs 2427-41. 328. For an analysis of this text JSBI, 3, pp. 130-201. 329. See Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 3, pp. 132 ff. 330. Ibid., pp. 135 f. 331. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 211; rejects this identification, but gives no rea son in support of his stand. 332. See Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, 6, p. 143; also J.C. Jain, op.cit., p. 381. 333. See Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 137. 334. Ed., Caturavijaya and Punyavijaya in six vols. Jaina atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, 1933-42). For an analysis of this text, see Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 213-51. 335. See Jain, op. cit., p. 220; see also v. 229. 336. Ibid., p. 227. 337. Ed., Sanmati jnanapitha, Agra, 1957-60. 338. See Jain, op. cit., p. 217. 339. Ed., K.P. Modi and Ugarchand, Ahmedabad, vs 1982-5. 340. See Jain, op. cit., p. 219. 341. JSBI, III, p. 271. 342. The Pindaniryuktibhasya (see Jain, op. cit., p. 231) refers to the fam ine during the days of Candragupta which is also repeatedly men tioned in the Digambara works. 343. See PTS edn., p. 83. 344. Edited in four volumes by Sanmati Jnanapitha, Agra, 1957-60. For a detailed analysis see, JSBI, III, pp. 321 ff. 345. Ibid., 4, pp. 128-31. 346. Ratlam edn., 1928-9. 347. p. 601. 348. PTS edn., p. 9. 349. Ratlam edn., 1933. 350. See Jain, op. cit., pp. 257 ff. 351. See for detailed description of this text JSBI, III, pp. 315 ff. 352. Ratlam, 1941. 353. See Jain, op. cit., p. 237. 354. Cf. The concluding words of the Avasyakalika quoted in JSBI, III, p. 377. 355. See JSBI, III, p. 382. 356. Agamodaya edn., vs 1972-3. 357. Agamodaya edn., Mehsana, 1917. 358. Ed., Bombay, 1916-17. 359. See JSBI, II, p. 393. 360. Ibid., p. 396. 361. Ibid., p. 414. 362. Ibid., p. 417.

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CHAPTER XII Non-Canonical Svetambara Literature The earliest Svetambara non-canonical literary text is the missing Tarangavati, a Praksta poem written by Padaliptasuri who, according to the tradition, was a contemporary of the Satavahana king Hala. There are some details about this poet in the Prabhavakacarita' and Prabandhakosa, according to which he was a resident of Kosala and later visited several places of India. We are further told that he cured king Murunda of Pataliputra of an apparently incurable disease. His work is referred to in the Anuyogadvara (sutra no. 130) and the Visesavasyakabhasya' of Jinabhadra. This shows that it was recognized as a well-known literary text in the early centuries of the Christian era. Later poets and writers like Jinadasagani Ksamasramana, Udyotanasuri, Dhanapala, and other have mentioned Padalipta with deference and affection. An abridged version of this work is the Tarangalolat by Nemicandra written about a 1000 years after the original. It has altogether 1642 verses. It appears from this abridged version that the original author was probably influenced by the Brhatkatha of Gunadhya as it refers to the story of Udayana of Kausambi and his heroine Vasavadatta. However, the earliest extant non-canonical literary Svetambara work appears to be the Paumacariyam of Vimala, the Jaina Ramayana, written, according to the testimony of the poet himself, 530 years after the emancipation (siddhi) of Lord Mahavira. There is absolutely no reason why this date for the composition of this text should not be accepted as genuine. If this date is accepted, then we have to assign this work to the first century AD, and there is nothing in the body of this text that contradicts this date. This celebrated poem of Vimala is also known as Raghavacaritam. From a few verses of the second chapter we can understand his attitude towards the Brahmanical Rama story (obviously that represented by Valmiki). I give below a free translation of those lines: 'When I consider the Padmacarita, I wonder how the petty and in

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242 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM significant monkeys could kill the powerful and aristocratic raksasas who were versed in different sciences and who had complete faith in the jinas." We are further told by the native chronicler (apparently Valmiki) that all the raksasas, including Ravana, used to consume flesh, fat, and blood. Also that Ravana's illustrious and valiant brother Kumbhakarna used to sleep undisturbed for six months at a time. Even when struck by large hills, he could not be awakened; he remained asleep even if his ears were filled with jars of oil. Loud sounds of a drum, which could even pierce thunder, had no effect on him, and when he awake he felt so hungry that he could serenely swallow elephants, buffaloes, and anything that came in his way. After consuming gods, men, elephants, he went to sleep once more for six months. We have further heard that Ravana, after vanquishing Indra on the battlefield brought him in chains to the city of Lanka. But who can conquer the mighty Indra, who is capable of uprooting the whole of Jambudvipa, who has Airavata as his vahana, and the terrible vajra as his weapon? By his very thought the [i.e., Indra) can reduce to ashes any god or man. "The deer killed the lion, and dog, the elephant", such contradictory sentences are found everywhere in the Ramayana. I have deliberately reproduced this long passage in order to show the deep familiarity Vimala had with the original Ramayana ascribed to Valmiki. Not only has he referred to the work of Valmiki by name, but at the same time has mentioned events described in the original version, using almost the same language. What he has said about Kumbhakarna and his undisturbed sleep for six months are actually found in the Ramayana, VI.60.27-63; 61.28. There is absolutely no doubt that Vimala is indebted to the original Ramayana so far as the above-mentioned passages of his work are concerned. As a devout Jaina and a firm believer in the doctrine of ahimsa, he is not prepared to believe that the raksasas of Lanka consumed animal flesh. They are everywhere delineated in his work as vidyadharas, although sometimes he forgetfully calls them also raksasas (cf. 2.105; 7.92 et seq.). These so-called vidyadharas, led by Ravana, are everywhere portrayed as staunch Jainas. Although Vimala is committed to writing the story of Padma (i.e., Rama), his actual hero, at least in the first half at his work, is Ravana, who like Naravahanadatta, appears in this poem as a perfect knight-errant. Indeed, the ghost of Naravahanadatta looms large in all the literary works beginning from

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 243 Vimalasuri down to Hemacandra. We have already seen that Vimala had a thorough knowledge, not only of the events narrated in the original Ramayana, but also with its language. Although he contemptuously bestows on the earlier poets epithets like kukavi, mudhah, etc., he actually follows the path trodden by them. Sometimes he does not hesitate to borrow words and phrases of the original Ramayana. However, while telling the story of Rama and Ravana, he also says something about the different Jaina Tirtharkaras and other interesting details are also found in his work for which he is indebted to none but his own imagination. The principal details of Valmiki's Ramayana, i.e., the birth of the four sons of Dasaratha, Rama's marriage with Sita, the daughter of Janaka, his departure for the forest along with Laksmana and Sita, Ravana's kidnapping of Sita, death of Jatayu at Ravana's hands, Rama's meeting with Sugriva, Hanumat's departure for Lanka, his meeting with Sita, the battle of Lanka, the rescue and ultimate banishment of Sita are all described in Vimiala's poem. Mere similarity of broad facts do not however concern us much here. After a through examination of Vimala's entire Praksta poem I have been able identify a large number of small yet important details which also occur in the original Ramayana. I give those below in parallel for the two volumes: Paumacariyam Ramayana 2 1. Description of Ayodhya (I, ch. 5). 2. VII, ch. 34, VII.16.25 ff. 1. Description of Rajagrha (2.8-14) 2. Ravana's encounter with Balin and lifting of Kailasa (9.24 ff.) 3. Description of the Narmada (10.29 ff.) 3. VII.31.5 ff. 4. Sahasrakirana's play in the water of the Narmada (10.33 ff.) 5. Ravana's worship of the Jina image near the bank of the Narmada (10.45 ff.) 4. VII.32.2 ff. (In this epic he is called Arjuna of sahasra hands.) 5. VII.31.37 ff. (He is shown as worshipping the Sivalinga.)

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244 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 1 6. Nalakubara-UparambhaRavana affair (12.38 ff.) 7. Indra-Ravana encounter (12.73 ff.) 8. Anjana-Pavananjaya love affair and birth of Hanumat (ch. 15-17) 9. Ravana-Varuna encounter (ch. 19). 10. Killing of Sambuka (43.48 ff.) 11. Khara-Dusana and their 14,000 associates (43.17; 44.11) 12. Candranakha's amorous advances (43.37 ff.) 13. Rama's lament (45.51 ff.) 14. Sugriva severely rebuked by Laksmana (48.7 ff.) 15. Dadhimukha affair (ch. 49) 16. Sita gives Hanumat the cudamani (53.72 ff.) 17. Hanumat overpowered by Indrajit (53.118 f.) 18. Hanumat returns to Rama the cudamani given by Sita (54.3 ff.) 19. Indrajit's quarrel with Vibhisana [55.8 ff.] 20. Ravana's quarrel with Vibhisana [55.18 ff.] 21. Doubts raised in Rama's camp about Vibhisana (55.29 ff.) 22. Rama's lament (after Laksmana was hit by Ravana's saktisela 62.4 ff.) 23. Description of Mathura (88.2 ff.) 2 6. VII, ch. 26 (Rambha is the heroine here). 7. VII, ch. 29. 8. VII, ch. 35. 9. VII, ch. 23. 10. VII, ch. 76. 11. III, ch. 19-20. 12. Surpanakha affair (III, ch. 17). 13. III, chs. 62 ff. 14. IV, ch. 34. 15. V, ch. 62. 16. V, ch. 38 ff. 17. V, ch. 48. 18. V, ch. 65. 19. VI, ch. 15. 20. VI, ch. 16. 21. VI, ch. 17. 22. VI, ch. 101. 23. VII.70.9 ff.

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 245 2 24. VII.43.16 ff. 24. Rama becomes a target of hostile criticism at Ayodhya [93.22 ff.] 25. Sita's lament in the forest (94.87 ff.] 25. VII.48 ff. This tabular presentation shows that Vimala has very faithfully followed in his Praksta poem the original Ramayana, including its First and Seventh Books which are considered late additions to the original poem. A very large number of incidents, narrated in the Uttarakanda, have been recorded by the author of the Paumacariyam. We have, for example, in this poem the story of Marutta's yajna, and Vimala mentions even the name Marutta's priest Samvarta (11.71). Vimala, to whom Ravana is a great Jaina and vidyadhara, has cleverly changed the passages of the Uttarakanda which describe Ravana's discomfiture. As for example, in the Uttarakanda story Arjuna, king of Mahismati, is represented as having made Ravana his prisoner; but the PCjust gives the opposite version. In another Uttarakanda story Ravana is shown as having suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of Balin, but in the PC Balin appears as a Jaina ascetic and is further shown as having pressed the mount Kailasa with the toe of his foot when Ravana lifted it, and Dasamukha, in utter distress, cried out and earned the name Ravana. It is not little amusing to see how the Jaina poet has cleverly assigned to Balin the role of Siva of the Uttarakanda (16.25-38). Let no one suppose from this that Vimala has here followed a different tradition, and not that recorded by the author of the Ramayana. The above discussion abundantly testifies that the Jaina auth writing in the first century AD, deliberately followed the original Rama story, although interspersed with Jaina bias. Characters like Dasaratha, Bharata, Kumbhakarna, Indrajit, and others are represented as embracing the ascetic life of Jaina munis. Ravana's killer, however, is not Rama in this poem, but Laksmana, who takes a more important part in the battle of Lanka than Rama. Vimala has however done a grave injustice to this great brother of Rama by representing him as a love-sick, sentimental hero. Vimala according to his own testimony was a disciple of Vijaya

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246 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM and grand-disciple of Rahu, who belonged to the Naila or Nagila kula, which according to the Theravali, originated from the preceptor Arya Vajrasena. Nothing is known about Vimala's home, but from the detailed and eulogistic description of Mathura it appears that he was a monk of that city. Vimala's work is the foundation on which later Jaina writers built lofty edifices. We have the Padmapurana of Digambara Ravisena, which will be discussed in the next chapter. A number of other writers, including Svayambhu, also wrote on the Rama story and his work too will be dealt within the next chapter. I should now turn my attention to the Vasudevahindile written by Sanghadasagani Vacaka and Dharmasenagaai. This work, according to the eminent Praksta scholar Alsdorf," was written in all probability in the Gupta period as its Prakrta shows quite a number archaic forms, and for the students of Prakrta the work offers a fruitful field of study. Only the first part of it has so far been pub. lished, and even that edition, according to Alsdorf, is full of errors. The original work extends to 100 lambakas; the first part extending to 29 lambakas is a continuous prose work of 370 quarto pages. Let us remember that this work was known to both Jinabhadaragarani,13 who lived in the sixth century AD and Jinadasagani Ksamasramana.14 There is therefore little doubt that this work was quite popular from the Gupta period. The Vasudevahindi is probably the earliest imitation of the famous Byhatkatha written in the Satavahana period by Gunadhya in the Paisaci language. It has not yet been discovered, but we have a number of Sanskrit versions. Vasudeva, the father of Krsna, who is the romantic hero of this novel, evidently reminds us of Naravahanadatta, the hero of Gunadhya. Unlike the Bihatkatha, it is written in the Maharastri Prakrta, the language in which the well-known Angavijja was written. Besides the Byhatkatha, materials from the popular Vaisnava Puranas including the Harivarsa and Visnu have been incorporated. The language is heavily influenced by the canonical, and sometimes we have the entire passages from the Samavayanga and Sthananga which attest that the author had little originality. After the Introduction we have the story of Dhammilla, the son of a merchant. A number of his adventures have been recorded, including his passion for prostitutes. Vasantatilaka, the mistress of Dhammilla, reminds us of Vasantasena of the Mrcchakatika of Sudraka

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 247 and Carudatta of Bhasa. It is interesting that there is a direct reference to the Bhagavadgita in this section of the Vasudevahindi.15 This, I believe, to be the earliest reference to that famous poem in a nonBrahmanical text. The author shows his intimate acquaintance with various places of western India. He refers to Kalyana, Bharukaccha," Girinagara, 18 and also Yavana-visaya.' He further mentions the well-known temple of Vasupujya20 of Campa. He quotes also a passage?l from the Arthasastra of Kautilya and mentions a naga temple.22 In the section entitled "Pilhika"23 we have the story of the Vrsnis of Dvaraka, and here he has mainly followed the Vaisnava Puranas. The highly poetic description of Krsna24 has a theistic ring. The author has competently described the rivalry between Rukmini and Satyabhama and the story of Krsna's elopement with Jambavati and his son's love affair with Vaidarbhi are also given. Samba too appears here as a romantic hero as in the Vaisnava works. A number of sections or lambakas of this work were evidently named in imitation of the Brhatkatha. We have, for example Gandharvadatta, Vegavati, and a few other lambakas. The text also refers to dinara25 and karsapana26 coins. There was a brisk commercial intercourse with Cina, Suvarnabhumi, and Yavadvipa. 27 It also refers to the popular Indra festival.28 The picture of the society, painted in this text is no different from that Bhasa and Sudraka. 29 The story of Rama, given in this text,30 is almost entirely lifted from the original Ramayana although, as in the PC, the killer of Ravana here is Laksmana.31 Some of the minor details of Valmiki's Ramayana are also to be found in the text, and there is even a reference to the krodhagara"? of Kaikeyi. Unlike Vimala, the author of this text has not changed the name of Surpanakha. The description of the rivalry between Balin and Sugriva" is evidently based on that of the Fourth Book of the Ramayana. In the present published edition of this text, Books 19-20 and a part of the Book 28 are missing. Book 28, entitled Devaki Lambaka, closely follows the Harivamsa and later Jaina writers, including the author of the Jaina Harivania, have followed the version given in the Vasudevahindi. The text also contains details of the lives of the Tirthamkaras like Kunthu and Arhanatha, and Rsabha too receives very special treatment. 34 The celebrated Haribhadra, who lived in the mid-eighth century, was not only a great philosopher, but also one of the finest literary

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248 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM figures of the early medieval period. Not much is however known about his personal life. We only know that he was a native of Citrakuta (Chitor) and was a Brahmana by caste. He informs us that he obeyed the command of Jinabhata, a Svetambara acarya, and was a pupil of Jinadatta, who belonged to the Vidyadhara kula. We further learn from the colophons of his works that he was a spiritual son of the nun Yakini Mahattara. From Udyotana's Kuvalayamala, 35 which was written in Saka 700, we learn that its author was taught the science of logic by Haribhadra, the author of several treatises. This Haribhadra is no other than our Haribhadra who was also a great logician, as we will see in a later chapter. Jacobi opines36 that Haribhadra in the later part of his life migrated to western Rajasthan and probably founded the clan of Porevals, who according to the Neminathacariyu originated at srimala (Bhinmal). That scholar further believes that Haribhadra, as a yati, probably wandered in various parts of India, including the eastern regions and learnt the logical system of the Buddhists in the Buddhist schools of these regions. According to the Jaina tradition, Haribhadra was the author of some 1440 works, clearly an absurd figure. The earliest writer that refers to this figure is Abhayadeva who finished his tika on Haribhadra's Pancasaka in ad 1068. We have a list of 88 works of Haribhadra given by Muni Kalyanavijaya.37 A sketch of Haribhadra's life has been given in the Prabhavakacarita, which is however not very reliable.38 Rajasekhara in his Prabandhakosa has also given a sketch of his life. Haribhadra's fame as a creative literary writer rests chiefly on his Praksta Samaraiccakaha,40 a work which the author himself describes as dharmakatha and which Winternitzfittingly terms a religious novel. The fortune of the hero Samaraditya is traced through his nine births (bhava). Underlying all the narratives, there is the Jaina doctrine of karman. For the study of the cultural, religious, and economic history of northern India of the eighth century AD, the work offers a unique scope. In the first Book there is a reference to the well-known Madana-festival. The second provides an interesting description of marriage of those days and mentions a naga temple and also refers to the cloth of Cina and Ardha-Cina. The third Book refers to the philosophy of Carvaka and in the fourth we not only have a reference to Tamralipta port but also to Katahadvipa, which is also mentioned in the Cola inscriptions and the

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 249 Kathasaritsagara.43 It appears from this Book of the Samaraiccakaha that there was brisk commerce between eastern India and the islands of East Indies in those days. The fifth Book refers to Suvarnabhumi and Mahakataha. The sixth contains a wealth of information. Here we have the confirmation of the belief that the god Skanda was looked upon as the presiding god of thieves. We are told that Skanda-Rudra was the inventor of a thief's pill called Coraguliya, which was used as paradystimohani (charmer of other's sight). There is also a detailed description of the temple of Katyayani which had a four-armed icon of that goddess with the implements kodanda, ghanta, khadga, and the tail of Mahisasura. It further refers to the town of Devapura, which was situated near China, and also Suvarnadvipa and Ratnadvipa. We come across an interesting character in the figure of Toppa, a merchant of Devapura. The town of Tagara is also mentioned. There are a few interesting geographical names in other Books, including Madanapura of Kamarupa, mentioned in the ninth Book. That Haribhadra was an accomplished storyteller is also attested by his well-known satire Dhurtakhyana44 which is also written in Praksta. That there was an earlier Jaina text of this name is shown by the evidence of the Nisithavisesacurni.45 Haribhadra's only purpose was to ridicule the stories of the Hindu epics and Puranas and, in order to belittle them, he relates the tales of five rogues called Mulasri, Kandarika, Elasadha, Sasa, and Khandapana. Such satire can be expected from the pen of a writer who was a renegade. It does not however merit the lavish praise bestowed on it by Upadhye,14 and the stories related by the rogues are only weak satires. It is a matter of regret that the Jainas, who have written so many works in imitation of the epics, should indulge in senseless condemnation of these two great poems. This once more proves my contention that the Jainas, like the Buddhists, suffered from a form of inferiority-complex from the very outset. The next Svetambara writer is Udyotanasuri, the author of the Kuvalayamala, which was completed according to the colophon of the work in the last month of the Saka year 700, which is equivalent to AD 779 at Javalipura, modern Jalor (Rajasthan), when Vatsaraja was the reigning sovereign."7 The prasasti given at the end of the work, as I have already pointed out, has great historical value. His immediate guru was Tattvacarya and he was taught Siddhanta by Virabhadra and logic by Haribhadra. Vatsaraja, who is mentioned

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250 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM here, is the celebrated Pratihara king, a contemporary of Dharmapala and Rastrakuta Dhruva. The same Pratihara king is also mentioned in the Harivamsa of Jinasena II as we shall see in the next chapter. The Kuvalayamala is probably the most interesting and complex Jaina literary next of the eighth century AD. The poet has shown his great power of observation and learning in this exceedingly readable work written in the Maharastri Prakrta. It has been argued that the author was influenced by Bana and Haribhadra. He has shown this thorough acquaintance with the works of previous writers by referring to them, among whom a few were Brahmanical writers and a few Digambara poets. He has graphically described the corrupt city life. It also appears from his text that Indian cities enjoyed rare prosperity in the eighth century, and in this connection he has referred to the affluence of the inhabitants of Pratisthana. An interesting passage quoted by J.C. Jain in his work18 throws a flood of light on the everyday religious life of those days. This passage alludes to the popularity of the Bhagavadgita among the Vaisnavas and also mentions the temples dedicated to Buddha, Jina, Siva, Sakti (Kottajja), and Karttikeya. The poet has very successfully depicted romantic love-scenes and it is quite certain that he had first-hand experience of love and romance. In their descriptions of romantic episodes, the Jaina writers could even put to shame the author of the Sisupalavadha, and in this respect, as we will see later, the Digambaras did not lag much behind. There is an interesting description of the life led by students in a large educational institution in which pupils from Lata, Kannada, Malava, Kanyakubja, Golla, Marahattha, Takka, Srikantha, and Sindhudesa pursued their study. In this institution they were given lessons by experienced teachers on almost all the sciences and philosophies. 49 Not all the students were equally serious and there is a humorous picture of college life, which was probably not very different from that which we encounter in modern colleges and university hostels. The poet has given us some idea regarding the characteristics of the peoples of different janapadas. The inhabitants of Golla (the country around the Godavari) were dark, rude, licentious and shameless; those of Magadha were ugly, careless, and knew no sexual restraints. The people of Antarvedi (the land between the Ganga and Yamuna) were brown, with reddish-brown eyes and were fond of good food and table-talk. The people of Kira

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 251 (Himalayan regions) were tall, fair, had flat nose and could carry big loads. The inhabitants of Takka (Punjab) were lacking in the finer qualities and were close-fisted. They could not appreciate knowledge and were unchivalrous. The Sindhu people were thoroughly well-bred and soft-spoken, and at the same time had a passion for music. They were proud of their own country. The residents of the Maru country (Rajasthan) were crooked, foolish, and were given to over-eating. The people of Gurjara country were fond of butter and ghee, were religious in temperament, and at the same time, had a partiality to both peace and war. The people of Lata were fond of perfumes and were conscious about their dress. The Malavas were of short in stature and had dark complexions. They were both conceited and wrathful. The Karnataka people were exceedingly proud and, at the same time, addicted to women. They too were violent in temperament. The Tajikas (Muslims) were mainly non-vegetarians and knew only wine and women. The Kosalans possessed all the finer qualities of character and were easily excitable and proud. They were generally strongly built. The people of Maharastra were tolerant and physically quite fit, but were however somewhat conceited and quarrelsome. The Andhras were good fighters and were handsome, but they were fond of women and known for their extravagant food habits. Elsewhere the poet has praised the people of the Lata country. We must remember that the original home of Udyotanasuri was situated not far from Latadesa, and that explains why he had soft corner for that country. Silanka's Caupannamahapurisacariyam is the earliest Svetambara work on the lives of 54 great men. This work is written in Prakrta and, according to the Brhattippanika, was completed in the vs 925 corresponding to AD 867. In his Acarangatika we have three dates for silanka, Saka 772, 784, and 798. The earliest date for this writer is therefore AD 84051 and the latest AD 876. A few scholars52 think that Silanka, the commentator of the Acaranga and Sutrakstanga should be distinguished from Silanka the author of the Caupannamahapurisacariyam. We should however remember that both these Silankas belonged to the Nivrtti kula 3 and lived in the middle of the ninth century AD. There is therefore no valid reason why these two Silankas should not be regarded as identical. The Acarangalika has an additional name for silanka, Tattvaditya, and the Caupannamahapurisacariyamgives another name, Vimalamati. It appears that Vimalamati was his original name and silanka or Silacarya the name given to

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252 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM him after he became a Jaina sadhu. The name Tattvaditya appears to be a title conferred upon him for his vast learning. His guru, according to the prasasti of the Caupannamahapurisacariyam, was Manadeva. The work runs to 10,800 slokas and he has very skilfully utilized the earlier sources including the Agamas and the available Svetambara commentaries and other non-canonical texts including Vimala's Paumacaryam. Among 54 characters, only 19 have received extensive treatment. About 21 characters have been dismissed in only a few pages. Characters like Rsabha, Bharata, Santi, Sumati, Malli, Sagara, Neminatha, Parsva, Baladeva, and Vardhamana have naturally been allotted much greater space. One interesting feature of the work is the drama Vibudhananda 4 which has been inserted in the story of one of the former births of Rsabha. We are told that king Mahabala (fourth bhava of Rsabha) was led to vairagya after this dramatic performance. It appears that Silanka got the idea of writing this play from a statement of Jinadasa Mahattara,55 and it is constructed in all respects on the model of classical drama. However, the tragic end (i.e., the death of the hero) violates the rules of Sanskrit drama. There is quite a lot of valuable cultural material scattered in this vast work. The writer refers to an old Jaina shrine at Anandapura (Vadnagar) of Gujarat, 56 and informs us elsewhere that the court of Satavahana was graced by over a hundred poets.57 That the official religion of Sri Lanka was Buddhism was known to silanka.58 He refers to the great prosperity of the Kasi kingdom.59 On p. 38 he refers to the following texts: Padalipta's Tarangavati, Bharata's Natyasastra, Samudra's Purusalaksanasastra, Citraratha's Sangitasastra, Naggai's Citrakalasastra, Dhanvantari's Ayurvedasastra, Salibhadra's Asvasastra, Vihana's Dyutasastra, Bubbuha's Hastisastra, Angirasa's Yuddhasastra, Sabara's Indrajalasastra, Katyayana's Strilaksanasastra, Senapati's sakunasastra, Gajendra's Svapnalaksanasastra, Nala's Pakasastra, and Vidyadhara's Patrachedyasastra. Silanka further refers to the worship of Kamadeva who was propitiated by women desirous of good husband. Yaksa-worship was also popular and there is a vivid description of a Kapalika.62 It has been argued that even Hemacandra was inspired by silanka's work when he wrote his famous Trisastisalakapurusacaritra. Another well-known Svetambara work of the ninth century is Jayasimha's Dharmopadesamalas written according to the testimony

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 253 of the poet himself in vs 915; and he provides the vital information that at this time king Bhoja was ruling the earth. There is absolutely no doubt that the poet has referred to the Pratihara king Bhoja for whom we have dates ranging from vs 893 to 936,65 vs 915 corresponding to AD 867. The work was composed in the Jaina shrine of Nagapura (i.e., Nagaur) which is in Rajasthan. He also gives some information regarding the activities of his spiritual predecessors. The work has a number of gathas written by Jayasimha, and to illustrate those he has himself composed 156 stories, most of which are based on earlier Jaina literature. The style of Jayasimha is superior to most other Jaina writers. It appears that the original home of this writer was at Vasantapura, which is mentioned over 25 times in the work and which has yielded, as we have already seen, a seventhcentury Jaina inscription and is identified with the present Vasantagadh in Sirohi district of Rajasthan. Jayasmha, interestingly, describes Mathura as adorned with Jaina temples. 66 He further refers to the town of Acalapura and its king Arikesari,67 who is described as a devotee of the Digambaras. It further appears from this work h8 that there was intense rivalry between the Svetambaras and the Digambaras in the ninth century, and this is also confirmed by the statements of the contemporary Digambara writers. Probably the earliest reference to the famous Sakunikavihara of Bhrgukaccha, which was dedicated to Muni Suvrata, is to be found in this work.69 It is apparent from this that the famous temple of Suvrata at this wellknown port was built much earlier. The author describes the popularity of the Jaina religion at Ujjayini." The holy hill of Satrunjaya has also been mentioned. He also shows his acquintance with the philosophy of Siddhasena Divakara,72 and there are also interesting stories about Subandhu, Canakya, Salibhadra, Muladeva, Aryaraksita, and others. Some of these stories are also told in contemporary Digambara works. Let us now turn our attention to one of the most interesting texts written in the beginning of the tenth century AD, the Upamitibhavaprapancakatha." This work was composed by Siddharsi in vs 962 corresponding to AD 906. The prasasti of this work gives some valuable information about the spiritual predecessors of this writer. He at first mentions Suryacarya of Nivrtti kula, who lived in Latadesa. His disciple was Dellamahattara, who was an expert in astronomy and prognostics. His disciple was Durgasvamin, a rich Bralimana, who had become a Jaina monk and died, interestingly, at Brillamala

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254 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM (Bhinmal). Durgasvamin was Siddharsi's teacher, and is praised by him chiefly on account of his exemplary piety. Both teacher and pupil had been ordained by Gargasvamin, about whom we are not told anything more. The highest praise is however reserved for Haribhadra, who as we learn from the prasasti was the source of his inspiration. It must, however, not be supposed that Haribhadra was a contemporary of Siddharsi. The former lived some two centuries earlier, as is indicated in the Kuvalayamala written in Saka 700. In the Prabhavakacarita?4 we have a romantic account of Siddharsi's conversion from Buddhism which has, however, been rightly rejected by Jacobi." That work further represents Siddharsi as a cousin of Magha, the author of the Sisubalavadha, which is surely impossible as Magha lived in the mid-seventh century AD as his grandfather served under king Varmalata, who is definitely known from an inscription to have lived in AD 625. The work of Siddharsi is an elaborate and extensive allegory. Probably the earliest specimen of such an allegory is the unnamed play of Asvaghosa, discovered from Central Asia. This work of Siddharsi is however the first extensive allegory in Indian literature and it was followed two centuries later by Krsna Misra's great allegory Prabodhacandrodaya. Siddharsi's work is a narrative consisting of a series of birth stories, i.e. the hero of all stories is a single person in different births. This is an ancient device known to the earlier Buddhist and Jaina writers, including Haribhadra whose Samaraiccakaha is openly acknowledged by Siddharsi78 as his model. Siddharsi proposes to explain the mundane career of the Soul (jiva) under the name Samsarijiva from the lowest stage of existence to the final liberation, but only six births are narrated a few others sketched, and the rest summarily taken cognizance of. In the lives fully narrated, Samsarijiva is described as being under the influence of four cardinal passions (krodha in the third Prastava, mana in the fourth, maya in the fifth, and lobha in the sixth); and to similarly governed by the five cardinal vices (himsa in the third, anrta in the fourth, steya in the fifth, abrahma in the sixth, parigraha in the seventh). Also in the Prastavas are inserted allegorical stories which illustrate the baleful influence of the five senses, sparsana, rasana, ghrana, drsti and sruti. The chief intention of the author was to illustrate the Jaina religion, not as dogmatist but as a moralist. The order followed by Siddharsi is to be found also in the Tattvarthadhigamasutra,79 and the work has been compared to Pilgrim's Progress. 0 The

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255 NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE author deliberately uses Sanskrit and not Prakrta, because Sanskrit was the language of the educated people. His language is however very easy to understand, and he does not care, like Dhanapala or Somadeva, to imitate the style of Subandhu or Bana. Dhanapala,1 who lived in the last quarter of the tenth century AD, is the author of the Tilakamanjari,82 which was probably composed in the very beginning of the reign of Paramara Bhoja. This author had written his Prakrta Paiyalacchi in the vs 1029 corresponding to AD 972 when Manyakheta was sacked by the Malava army. In the Tilakamanjari,84 some extremely valuable information regarding the early kings of the Paramara dynasty has been given. The author is a conscious imitator of Bana, but he is only a very inferior imitator. The hero Harivahana reminds us of Candrapida of the Kadambari, and his friend Samaraketu is modelled on Vaisampayana of Bana's work. The heroine, Tilakamanjari, instinctively reminds us of Kadambari and Malayavati and is in every respect like Mahasveta, the immortal creation of Bana. In Bana's work the childless king Tarapida worships Siva in the Mahakala temple, and here in the Tilakamanjari, Meghavahana for his son worships Jina in the temple of Sakravatara Siddhayatana of Ayodhya. It appears from Dhanapala's work that this temple of Jina at Ayodhya was established long before its composition. It is extremely interesting that this Jaina shrine of Ayodhya is mentioned in Jinaprabha's Vividhatirthakalpa.85 We should remember that the grandfather of the poet was originally a resident of Sankasya86 and Dhanapala had probably himself personally visited this shrine of Ayodhya. Dhanapala, as we learn from later works like the Prabhavakacarita and Prabandhacintamani,88 received favours from both Munja and Bhoja. This is also confirmed by his own work. A summary of this work, entitled Tilakamanjarikathasara,89 was written by another poet of the same name at Patan in vs 1261. 90 Another work of Dhanapala is the Rsabhapancasika,90 a poem of 50 stanzas. This is written in Prakrta and the first twenty verses contain allusions to the events of the life of the first Tirthamkara; the remaining thirty stanzas are devoted exclusively to praise of Rsabha. This poem contains probably the earliest reference to chess board.91 Quite a number of other works by Svetambara writers were written before AD 1000. I should mention here the Ajitasantistava92 (Ajiyasantithaya) by Nandisena who lived before the ninth century. This poem, written in rare but artificial metres in Prakrta, glorifies

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256 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Ajita, the second and santinatha, the sixteenth Tirtharkara. It is also probable that the original Satrunjayamahatmya" was written, as claimed by the poet, during the reign of one of the Siladityas of Valabhi, and afterwards in the later period interpolations were made in the body of this Jaina Mahatmya. If this is accepted, then we have to assign the original work before the last quarter of the eighth century, which is the date for the last king of Valabhi, bearing that name. REFERENCES 1. SGJM, XII, Calcutta, 1940, p. 29. 2. pp. 11 ff. 3. v. 1508. 4. Ed. in Nemivijnanagranthamala, vs 2000. It was translated into Ger man by Leumann as Die Nonne in 1921 in ZB, III, 193 ff. and 272 ff. A separate offprint was also published. A Gujarati translation was pub lished from Ahmedabad in 1924. 5. See my paper in Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 177 ff. 6. Loc. cit. 7. Emphasis mine. 8. Ed., Jacobi, Bhavnagar, 1914; recently Prakrta Text Society, Varanasi has published the work in two parts. 9. SBE, 22, p. 293. 10. Edited in Atmananda Jaina Granthamala, Bhavnagar, 1930-31. A Gujarati translation of this text was done by Prof. Sandesara in vs 2003. 11. See his paper in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, vol. VIII, 1935-7, pp. 319-33. 12. Ibid., p. 320, n. 1. 13. See Jain, Praksta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 381. The Visesanavati has been published by Rsabhadeva Kesarimala Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1927. 14. See Nis. Cu., IV, p. 26; see also Ava. Cu., I, pp. 164, 460; II, p. 324. 15. p. 50; see also Gujarati trans., p. 60. 16. p. 66. 17. p. 74. 18. p. 50. 19. pp. 38, 62. 20. p. 155. 21. p. 38. 22. p. 65. 23. Trans. (Gujarati), pp. 92-130.

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NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE 257 24. Ibid., pp. 92-3. 25. Ibid., p. 378. 26. Ibid., p. 350. 27. Ibid., p. 189. 28. Ibid., p. 287. 29. See also Introd., Gujarati trans., pp. 33 ff. 30. Trans., pp. 313 ff. 31. Ibid., p. 319. 32. Ibid., p. 314. 33. Ibid., p. 317. 34. Ibid., pp. 202 ff. 35. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, p. 282. 36. See his Introd., Samaraiccakaha, I, p. vi. 37. See his Sanskrit Introduction entitled Granthakaraparicaya in his edn., of Haribhadra's Dharmasangrahini Bombay, 1918. 38. IX, 48-206. 39. pp. 24 ff. 40. Ed., Jacobi, Calcutta, 1926. It was later edited in two parts by Bhagwandas with Sanskrit chaya and published from Ahmedabad (1938, 1942). There is an abstract of this text compiled by Pradyumna in ad 1214 and edited by Jacobi, Ahmedabad, 1905. 41. History of Indian Literature, II, p. 523. 42. See Sastri, The Colas, p. 217. 43. Ed., Durgaprasad and Parab, XIII.74; for some useful information on Kataha, see The Ocean of Story (Tawney & Penzer), I, p. 155, n. 1. In this work Kataha has been mentioned several times. 44. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1944. 45. See Pithika, p. 105. 46. See pp. 20 ff. of his 'Critical Study of the Dhurtakhyana given in his edn. of that text. 47. Edited in two parts by A.N. Upadhye in Singhi Jaina Granthamala, Bombay, 1959 and 1970. There is a valuable introduction in the sec ond part by the same scholar. 48. Jain, op. cit., p. 420. 49. Ibid., p. 423. 50. Prakrta Text Society, Varanasi, 1961. 51. The date 772 is actually given in some manuscripts in the Gupta Samvat, which according to Fleet is an error for the Saka year; see A Hist. of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas by Kapadia, p. 197. 52. See Prastavana in Hindi by A.M. Bhojak in the PTS edn., pp. 54 ff; se also Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 6, p. 70. 53. In the concluding line of his tika on the first Srutaskandha of the Acaranga we have the information that Silacarya belonged to the Nivrtti kula; see Jaina Sahitya ka Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 382, n. 1. 54. pp. 17-27.

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258 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 55. See Introd. by Klaus Bruhn, p. 29. 56. p. 189. 57. p. 138. 58. p. 154. 59. p. 86. 60. p. 110. 61. p. 232. 62. p. 228. 63. Cf. Alsdorf's view quoted in Klaus Bruhn's Introd., p. 9. 64. Ed., L.B. Gandhi, Singhi Jaina Granthamala, Bombay, 1949. 65. See D.R. Bhandarkar, A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, nos. 25, 28, 33, and 36. 66. p. 32. 67. p. 177. 68. pp. 177-9. 69. p. 160. 70. p. 148. 71. p. 220. 72. p. 37. 73. Ed. by P. Peterson and Jacobi in Bibliotheca Indica Series (Calcutta, 1914). For another edn. see, D.L.P. no. 46. 74. V.22 ff. 75. See Preface, pp. xiii ff. 76. D.R. Bhandarkar, List, no. 11. 77. See HIL, Winternitz, III, pt. I, pp. 222. 78. See p. 147. 79. II.20; VII.1; VIII. 10. 80. Jacobi, op. cit., p. xviii. 81. See the paper entitled 'Mahakavi Dhanapala aur Unki Tilakamanjari', in Guru Gopaladas Baraiya Smrtigrantha, pp. 484-91. See Merutunga, Prabandhacintamani, pp. 36 ff. 82. Ed., Kavyamala Series, Bombay, 1938. 83. See G.C. Chowdhary, PHNI, p. 85. 84. Ibid., pp. 85 ff. 85. Ed., Muni Jinavijaya, Santiniketan, 1934, p. 73. 86. See Prabandhacintamani, ed., Muni Jinavijaya, p. 36. 87. See the Prabandha entitled 'Mahendrasuriprabandha'. 88. pp. 36 ff. 89. Ed., Ahmedabad, 1970. 90. Ed. in Kavyamala Series, pt. VII; see also Jinaratnakosa, p. 3. A Ger man trans, along with the original text, ed., Klatt was published in ZDMG, 33, pp. 445 ff. 91. See Klatt, op. cit., pp. 465 ff. 92. Ed., Viravijaya, Ahmedabad, vs 1992. 93. See IA, 30, pp. 239 ff; 288 ff.

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CHAPTER XIII Digambara Literature The Digambaras, who formally separated themselves from the original samgha in the early years of the second century AD, can rightly boast of an exceedingly rich literature. However, the so-called canonical texts of this sect, unlike the Svetambara canon, is devoid of any interest for students of history. The subject treated in these canonical works are technical in nature and of interest only to students of metaphysics. The canonical texts of the Digambaras were discovered from Mudbidri in South Kanara district of Karnataka some fifty years ago. The first part of the canon is known both as the Karmaprabhrta and the Satkhandagama. The earliest available commentary on it is the Dhavala written by Virasena, who describes himself as a disciple of Aryanandin and a grand-disciple of Candrasena of the Pancastupanvaya who had studied the Siddhanta under Elacarya. The commentary was completed in Saka 738 correspond ing to AD 816 when Amoghavarsa I was the reigning king. That commentator gives us some information regarding the original authors of the Karmaprabhita. According to Virasena, after the death of Lohacarya, the twentyeighth guru in succession to Mahavira, the knowledge of ancient scriptures became practically exinct. There was only one saint, Dharasena who had some knowledge of those ancient texts. This saint was originally a resident of Girinagara (Girnar). While he was engaged in penances in the Candragumpha Cave of Girnar hill, he decided to send a letter to the monks of Daksinapatha warning them against the danger of the complete extinction of the knowledge of early scriptures. The monks, on receipt of that letter sent two intelligent monks called Puspadanta and Bhutabali to Dharasena who taught them ancient scriptures. These two monks later composed the Satkhandagama and, according to Virasena, that work was completed 683 years after the nirvana of Mahavira. We further learn that Puspadanta composed the first 20 cardinal sutras and the rest of the work running to 6000 sutras was completed by Bhutabali.

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260 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM The above discussion shows that the earliest Digambara canon, according to their own testimony, is not earlier than the second century AD. This indirectly supports the Svetambara tradition regarding the date of the formal separation of the Digambaras from the original samgha. We have already seen, that according to the Svetambaras, the Digambaras separated 609 years after the nirvana of Mahavira. It is natural that after their separation they should be in search of a separate canon for themselves. The testimony of Virasena shows that the Digambara canon was originally compiled in western India in which the monks of the south also took part. Although the Digambaras reject the authenticity of the Svetambara sacred texts, their early writers do not hesitate to quote from the Svetambara canon, and even Virasena has shown complete acquaintance with a number of these sacred texts. Virasena further informs us that at the time of the compilation of the sacred texts, the Digambara monks of the south were assembled at the town of Mahima which was situated on the bank of the river Venya (modern Bena) in Andhra country, and which is identified with Mahimanagar in the district of Satara in present-day Maharashtra. The commentary written by Virasena runs to 72,000 slokas and was based, according to his own statement, on the earlier commentaries, including that written by the celebrated Kundakunda. A number of earlier commentaries are also mentioned in Indranandi's Srutavatara, but none of these has survived. The Dhavala commentary was written at Vatagramapura, which has not yet been properly identified." The second part of the Digambara canon is known as the Kasayaprabhyta which was written by one Gunadhara Acarya, who was probably a contemporary of Bhutabali and Puspadanta.' The work runs into 233 verses, of which probably the first 180 were written by Gunadhara. The earliest commentary on it is the Curnisutra of Yativrsabha, who as we will see afterwards, probably flourished in the last quarter of the sixth century AD. Yativrsabha, we are told, followed the commentary of Arya Mankhu and Nagahastin. Later, according to Indranandi two other commentators wrote their learned treatises on this work and finally Virasena composed the first 20,000 slokas of his Jayadhavala, which was later completed in 60,000 slokas by his disciple Jinasena. This great commentaryo was completed in Saka 759, when Amoghavarsa I was reigning." We should also refer to the last part of the Satkhandagama called

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 261 Mahabandha written by Bhutabali12 which runs to 40,000 slokas, and on which Virasena has not written any commentary. I have already said that the Digambara Agamic texts are devoid of any interest, at least for the historian. However, students of Jaina philosophy and metaphysics treat them as source-books, and later Jaina philosophers have freely borrowed from these texts. Let us then turn our attention to a few other Digambara Jaina texts, which also deal with abstruse points of Digambara philosophy. I shall not discuss here the works of the celebrated Digambara philosophers, which I propose to do in the next chapter, but only refer to a few classics which deal with doctrinal matters. The Mulacara13 of Vattakera which runs to 1252 verses is one of the earliest non-canonical Digambara works dealing with various practices of Jaina ascetics. The work is divided into 12 parts (adhikara). There are a few interesting stories for which the author is indebted to the earlier Svetambara canon. Like the Nandisutra and Anuyogadvara it condemns works like the Ramayana, Mahabharata, Arthasastra, etc. Some of the rules for the Jaina monks are directly taken from the Svetambara canonical texts, including the Brhatkalpa and a few of the verses remind us of the Dasavaikalika." It has been claimed 15 that the author, Vattakera, should be identified with Kundakunda; but there is no genuine basis for such a suggestion. From the linguistic point of view, the work should be assigned to the fifth century AD. The Bhagavati Aradhana16 appears to be a work of the same pe riod. It has little over 2,100 verses and its Prakrta bears close similarity with the Prakrta of the Mulacara." It was composed, according to the colophon of the work, by Panitalabhoji Sivarya, who studied the Mulasutras at the feet of Arya Jinanandi Gani, Arya Sarvagupta Gani, and Arya Mitranandi Gani. We have already seen in a previous chapter18 that there was a Panitalabhoji Digambara ascetic during the reign of Ramagupta, who lived in the latter half of the fourth century AD. Prabhacandra, who wrote his Kathakosa during the reign of Jayasimha of Dhara (mid-eleventh century AD) claims that this Sivarya (also called Sivakoti) was previously a king and later converted by the celebrated Samantabhadra. 19 We are further told by him that his work was based on the Aradhana of Lohacarya which ran to 84,000 verses. We must however note that Harisena who wrote his Kathakosa much earlier, does not represent Sivarya as a disciple of the great Samantabhadra, although his work too, like that of Prabhacandra,

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262 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM is based on the work written by Sivarya. Sivarya refers to a number of Svetambara texts, including Kalpa, Vyavahara, Acaranga, and Jitakalpa. This work, which deals with the conduct of Jaina ascetics, has verses common with the Mulacara and a few Svetambara canonical texts. Some scholars identify its author sivarya with sivabhuti, which can be rejected outright.20 The probable date of Sivabhuti is the second century AD, while Sivarya lived in the Gupta period. There is a Sanskrit commentary on the Aradhana written by Aparajita called Srivijayodaya. This individual was a disciple of one Baladevasuri and grand-disciple of Candranandi, and tells us too that he was inspired by Naganandi. He also wrote, interestingly, a commentary on the celebrated Svetambara Agamic poem Dasavaikalika. He shows his acquaintance with the philosophy of Pujyapada and the Varangacarita of Jatasimhanandin. In all probability, Aparajita lived in the eighth century AD. A number of later commentaries are also known,21 which shows that Aradhana was looked upon as an extremely valuable work by the Digambara monks of later times. In the early tenth century Harisena composed his Byhatkathakosa, which according to his own testimony was based on the original Aradhana. This work will be discussed later in this chapter. The original Lokavibhaga, 22 now lost, was written according to its translator Simhasuri in Saka 380 corresponding to the twentysecond regnal year of king Simhavarman of Kanci. We are further told that its author was Sarvanandi, who was a resident of the village of Patalika, which was situated in the Pandya kingdom. This shows that there existed a Digambara work on consmography as early as the fifth century AD. Yativrsabha in his Tiloyapannati has repeatedly referred to this work. I have already mentioned that Yativrsabha had written a commentary (curni) on the Kasayaprabhita. The same saint is the author of the famous work on Jaina cosmography called Tiloyapannati. 23 Virasena in his Dhavala frequently invokes him and quotes gathas which are found with minor variations in the current edition of the work.24 That the author lived after the fifth century AD is also testified to by the fact that he mentions the Lokavibhaga several times, and also shows acquaintance with the Mulacara. It has been argued 25 that the Lokavibhaga was known to Jinabhadra Ksamasramana, for whom we have a date Saka 531 corresponding to AD 609. He could not however have flourished much earlier, since he refers to the

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 263 duration of the Gupta rule as either 22126 or 255.2" It appears that the poet probably lived in the last quarter of the sixth century AD. He is the first writer to refer to the duration of the rule of the Imperial Guptas, and his testimony is strikingly confirmed by the evidence of Gupta inscriptions. It further appears that the earlier figure of 221 for the duration of the Gupta rule is more reasonable than the latter figure of 255.28 We are also grateful to Yativrsabha for giving us an idea about post-Candragupta chronology. Incidentally, he is the earliest author to mention that Candragupta Maurya was a Jaina.29 Later writers, including the author of the Jaina Harivamsa, were influenced by Yativrsabha. The Tiloyapannati is divided into nine sections and runs to 8,000 verses. It gives a great deal of information on Jaina doctrine and Puranic tradition about Tirthamkaras. It has been claimed that Yativrsabha was at home with the science of mathematics, 30 and he also describes the five hills of Rajagrha called Pamcaselanayara, i.e., Pancasailanagara. 31 In addition he mentions a number of places which were regarded as sacred to the Jainas. Yativrsabha is mentioned as an enemy of the Buddhists in the Brhatkathakosa of Harisena, which was written in AD 931. The well-known Svamikarttikeyanupreksa" is a very important and popular work among the Digambara Jainas. It explains the 12 anupreksas or meditations and has therefore altogether 12 chapters. These anupreksas are recommended both for monks and laymen. According to J.C. Jain, this work was written in the early centuries of the Christian era;34 and he goes on to suggest that the author Svami Kumara should be identified with Kumaranandin of a Mathura inscription,35 dated Saka 87. There is, however, little doubt that Kumaranandin of that inscription was a Svetambara saint and this work is a typical Digambara product. A.N. Upadhye has shown that in no work before thirteenth century AD, has this text been referred to.36 He further argues that the author was acquainted with the Gommatasara of Nemicandra, written in the tenth century ad. Even if we reject this argument, we cannot suggest a much earlier date for this work. Its author was clearly influenced by the views of Kundakunda and Sivarya. Among other important didactic Digambara works of the tenth century I must mention the Gom matasara and the works of Devasena. The Prakrta Gommatasara was written by Nemicandra, a close friend of the well-known Camundaraya, who lived in the last quarter of the tenth century AD.

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264 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM This work was also named after that great minister, whose original name was 'Gommata'. Nemicandra is heavily indebted to earlier writers like Yativrsabha and Virasena. His work consists of two parts, Jivakanda and Karmakanda. 'It is a kind of natural history of the living beings' and needless to say, is frankly unreadable. Devasena was the author of the works Aradhanasaras and Darsanasara. 39 For tunately for us, in his Darsanasara he has informed us that he was a resident of Dhara and lived around AD 933. We are further told that this work was composed in the temple of Parsvanatha which was situated in that town." Devasena has given us some vital information regarding the origin of sects like Kasthasamgha, Mathurasamgha, Dravidasamgha, and Yapaniyasamgha. Let us now turn our attention to the creative works of literature written by Digambara poets and writers. Before doing so however, we must refer to the Jainendra grammar. This work, 41 which is ascribed to Devanandi Pujyapada, has altogether five chapters and that is why it is also known as the Pancadhyayi. Pujyapada refers to earlier Jaina savants like Sridatta (1.4.34), Yasobhadra (2.1.99), Bhutabali (3.4.83), Prabhacandra (4.3.180), Siddhasena (5.1.7), and lastly Samantabhadra (5.4.140). Now, regarding the dating of Pujyapada there is now no confusion. Devasena in his Darsanasara42 has clearly stated that Vajranandin, the disciple of Pujyapada, founded the Dravidasamgha in southern Mathura (i.e., Madura) in vs 526 which corresponds to AD 468. The preceptor of Vajranandin, Pujyapada, should therefore, be assigned to the first half of the fifth century AD. It is interesting, as pointed out by Premi,43 that Samantabhadra was a contemporary of Pujyapada, as he also was acquainted with Pujyapada's works. There are a number of early commentaries on Pujyapada's Grammar, including one by Abhayanandi and another by Prabhacandra. The latter was a contemporary of Paramara Bhoja." No Digambara literary work, written before the seventh century, is now available. The earliest datable work is the Padmapurana" of Acarya Ravisena which was written, according to the testimony of the poet himself, 1203.5 years after Mahavira's nirvana. This suggests a date around an 678. That poet further informs us that he was a disciple of Laksmanasena and grand-disciple of Arhatmuni.16 The latter, in turn, was a disciple of Divakara; Divakara's preceptor was Indra. We can, therefore, assign the earliest guru Indra to the last quarter of the sixth century AD.

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 265 The Padmapurana or Padmacarita, as I have already pointed out, is a free and direct Sanskrit translation of Vimala's Praksta text. However, nowhere in the text does Ravisena care to acknowledge his debt to the original poet. He simply states that he followed the work of Anuttaravagmin who, according to Svayambhu, was identical with Kirtidhara, yet no work of Kirtidhara is known. I can understand why Ravisena has not mentioned Vimala in his work; the former was a diehard Digambara and the latter a Svetambara poet. It appears that before Ravisena, one Kirtidhara made an attempt to translate Vimala's Prakrta kauya into Sanskrit. However, the popularity of Ravisena's work forced Kirtidhara's poem out of the literary scene. Although Ravisena is a mere translator, we have to concede that he was endowed with a genuine poetical fervour. The Padmapurana is an exceedingly popular work among the Digambara Jainas. That Ravisena was a learned poet is also evident from various chapters of his work. In chap. 24, in connection with enumeration of Kaikeyi's skill, Ravisena has displayed his deep knowledge of various branches of learning. Like Vimala, he too, is thoroughly antiBrahmanical, and he was probably inspired by Bana's style. His descriptions of war-preparation (12.181 ff.) and a love-scene (16.192 ff.) remind us of Bana's style. As Bana lived between AD 560 and 620, and Ravisena in the last quarter of the seventh century, there is nothing inherently improbable in latter following the former. Ravisena's easy, graceful style is also responsible for his extreme popularity. Later poets like Udyotanasuri, the author of the Kuvalayamala (Saka 700) and Jinasena II, the author of the Hari vamsapurana (Saka 705) refer to Ravisena with deference. 48 Since Padmapurana is a mere translation of the Paumacariyam, it is useless to discuss its contents. I have elsewhere9 sought to show that Ravisena had heard about the Muslims. To the seventh century we can assign another poem written by a Digambara poet, the Varangacaritalo of Jatasimhanandi. As late as 1933 it was believed that this work was composed by Ravisena. The two crucial verses referring to this work in the Kuvalayamala and Harivamsapurana were misunderstood by scholars. 5. However, after the discovery of a number of manuscripts of this poem and the references to its author in various later works, all doubts disappeare regarding its actual authorship. As I have just indicated, the earliest reference to the Varangacarita is to be found in the work of Svetambara Udyotanasuri, who wrote in Saka 700. Five years later,

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266 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Jinasena, in his Harivania, praised this work. In the available manuscripts of this work, however, the name of its author has not been disclosed, but Udyotanasuri has referred to Jatila,52 and later writers like Camundaraya and Dhavala, the author of the Apabhramsa Harivamsa,53 have clearly mentioned him. The name Jatasimhanandi is first found in the Camundarayapurana. As A.N. Upadhye rightly conjectures, 54 Camundaraya calls him by that name in order to distinguish him from earlier Simhanandis.55 Still later writers like Nayasena, Parsvapandita, Janna, and others show their acquiantance with the Varangacarita and its author Jatasimhanandi. An epigraph from the holy Kopbal area in Raichur district of Karnataka, as noted in a previous chapter, 56 refers to this poet, who was evidently viewed as a great saint. It was probably inscribed a few centuries after the death of this savant. It, therefore, appears that Jatasimhanandi became a celebrated figure in both north and south India after his demise. The poem Varangacarita runs to 31 chapters and describes the vicissitudes of the life of prince Varanga, the son of Dharmasena of the Bhoja family, who ruled at Uttamapura in the territory of Vinita (Ayodhya). Some of the adventures of this prince remind us of those of Vasudeva, as described in the Svetambara work Vasudevahindi. However, written in easy, graceful Sanskrit, it is a much more readable work. The poet uniformly calls it dharmakatha, which according to Haribhadra's definition is full of religious topics.57 Varanga, the hero, is represented as possessing great religious virtues. The poet, as shown by Upadhye,58 was influenced by the views of Kundakunda, Umasvati, Samantabhadra, Siddhasena, and others. In chapters XXIV-XXV he attacks the views of the different schools in an amateurish way and it appears from this apparent immaturity that he was a comparatively young man when he wrote this poem. It appears from the poem that Jainism enjoyed rare prosperity during Jatila's time.59 There are references to gorgeous Jaina temples with images of precious stones.60 Elsewhere, he has referred to the scenes of the Puranas which were painted or carved on the walls of the temples.61 He also refers to the royal gifts of villages to the Jaina temples.62 A number of janapadas, including Anga, Vanga, Magadha, Kalinga, Suhma, Pundra, Kuru, Asmaka, Abhira, Avanti, Kosala, Matsya, Saurastra, Vindhyapala, Mahendra, Sauvira, Saindhava, Kasmira, Odra, Vaidarbha, Vaidisa, Pancala, etc. are mentioned in one place in the poem.63 Elsewhere, Kamboja, Bahlika,

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 267 Simhala, Barbara, Kirata, Gandhara, Pulinda are mentioned as nonAryan peoples. The poet was equally at home with Hindu Puranic stories.65 The well-known Dhananjaya was the author of the Raghavapandaviya or Dvisandhanao an epic in eighteen cantos. Practically nothing is known about the personal life of the poet except that his father was one Vasudeva, and his mother bore the name Sridevi. Probably his guru was a certain Dasaratha. It has been suggested that he was probably not a monk but a Digambara layman.67 This poem by Dhananjaya has been praised by a number of poets, including the famous Rajasekhara who lived around ad 900. The poem is based on the two Hindu epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata, and unlike most Jaina works, the characters are not represented as embracing the religion of the Jinas. He was inspired, it appears, by the writings of Kalidasa, Bharavi, and Magha. His other works are Namamala, Anekarthanamamala, and Visapaharastotra. Even Virasena in his Dhavala68 has quoted a verse from the Anekarthanamamala. This shows that Dhananjaya probably lived in the eighth century AD, if not earlier. N.L. Premi has shown that Jinasena l in his Adipurana has consciously imitated a particular verse from the Visapaharastotra, and also drawn our attention to the fact that Somadeva (mid-tenth century) in his famous Yasastilakacampu, writes a verse in imitation of that very Dhananjaya poem.This shows that the Jaina poets and philosophers from AD 800, were inspired by the writings of Dhananjaya. To the eighth century we can assign at least two poems, written by the Digambara poets. The first Parsvabhyudaya," was written by Jinasena I. Jinasena II, in his well-known Harivamsa, which was completed in Saka 705, refers to this poem of Jinasena I who, as we have already seen, was the famous disciple of the illustrious Virasena. It follows therefore that Parsvabhyudaya was written before AD 783. The poem runs to four cantos, and comprises altogether 364 stanzas, and was written in imitation of the famous Meghaduta of Kalidasa. Like Meghaduta, it is written in the Mandakranta metre. This is a poetical life-story of Parsvanatha and encapsulates the entire Meghaduta by inserting one or two lines from that poem of Kalidasa, whilst Jinasena I composed the rest. Needless to say, there is little similarity between the love-sick yaksa of Kalidasa and the twentythird Tirthamkara of the Jainas, yet Jinasena I, it appears, has acquitted himself creditably in this difficult and delicate task.

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268 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Probably the most remarkable Digambara poem of the second half of the eighth century is the Harivamsapurana72 of Jinasena II, written according to the colophon of the poem in Saka 705 corresponding to AD 783. In a previous chapter I discussed the information supplied by Jinasena II on the political condition of his time. This poem, unlike many Jaina works, gives very faithful, account of the social, religious, and cultural condition of India of the eighth century.73 There is detailed list of peoples which can be compared with the similar lists in the Puranas and other works. The only reference to the ancient town of Karnasuvarna in Indian literature is to be found in this work.75 As I have already observed, the poet was influenced by Yativrsabha. He was also equally at home with Brahmanical works, including the Vaisnava Puranas. As Premi has pointed out,75 Jinasena II is the only writer to give a continuous list of Jaina teachers from the days of Loharya (same as Lohacarya), who flourished 683 years after Mahavira's demise, to his own time, i.e., AD 783. There are altogether 29 preceptors between Loharya and Jinasena II, and the average amount to a little over 21, which is quite reasonable. It should however, be remembered that the author belonged to the Punnata Samgha, which originated in the ancient Punnata country, which was another name for Karnataka. The composition of the Harivassa was started at the well-known ancient town of Vardhamana in Gujarat and was completed at the town of Dostatika (modern Dottadi).77 Vardhamana is described as a prosperous city, and a similar picture of this town is to be found in Harisena's Brhatkathakosa,78 which was completed in AD 931, some 150 years after the Harivamsa. Among the earlier poets and philosophers, mentioned by Jinasena II, the following deserve notice: Samantabhadra, Siddhasena, Devanandi, Vajrasuri (the same as Vajranandi, the disciple of Devanandi-Pujyapada), Mahasena (the author of the missing Sulocanakatha), Ravisena, Jatasimhanandi, santa (probably the same as santisena, about whom nothing is known), Visesavadi (also mentioned by Vadiraja),79 Kumarasena (whose fame was comparable to that of Prabhacandra),80 Virasena, Jinasena I, and the unknown author of the Vardhamanapurana.81 Several great Digambara poets and writers of the ninth century enriched Indian literature by their solid contributions. We should first discuss the Adipuranas written by Jinasena I, whose Parsvabhyudaya was written before AD 783, and who completed the Jayadhavala of his guru in Saka 759, corresponding to AD 838. There is little doubt

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 269 that Jinasena I had a long life and his earliest poem Parsvabhyudaya was probably written in his early youth. We further learn from his disciple Gunabhadra that Jinesena I could not complete his Adipurana, and Gunabhadra wrote the last 1620 slokas of this poem which runs to 12,000 verses. Jinasena I was the author of the first forty-two chapters and the 3 verses of the chapter forty-three. The remaining portion of the latter and the last four chapters were written by Gunabhadra. The Adipurana is undoubtedly one of the finest poems written in the early medieval period. It was apparently written after the Jayadhavala commentary, and he was naturally a man of advanced years at the time of its composition. The poem deals with the life of Rsabha, also known as Adinatha. The poet calls it both 'Purana' and 'Mahakavya'. It has been called an encyclopaedia of the Digambara religion. He started this poem in order to write the lives of 63 great men, but was able to only complete the lives of the first Tirtharkara and the first Cakravartin, i.e., Bharata. His knowledge of the writings of the Brahmanas and the various arts is yet to be equalled by any Jaina writer. Being himself a Brahmana in his early life, he was acquainted with the Smoti texts. His knowledge regarding the various janapadas is also remarkable. 81 In chapter 16 there is a short account of town-planning. A treatise on the duties of warriors and the art of governance is to be found in the fortysecond chapter. He has also poetically described the six seasons, moonrise, sunrise, etc.85 Even the beauty of the female body has not eluded his attention.86 The various love scenes portrayed by the poet fully justify my contention that the Jaina poets scrupulously followed the footsteps of earlier Hindu poets in their treatment of love, romance, etc. The poet writes in an easy, limpid style and we would be fully justified in calling him the greatest Jaina poet of all times. Gunabhadra, the great disciple of a great preceptor, as I have already said, is the author of the last portion of the Adipurana and the whole of the Uttarapurana.87 The two poems are together known as the Mahapurana. The Uttarapurana runs to 8,000 verses and is therefore a shorter poem than the poem of Jinasena I. He had great respect for his preceptor. 88 It was formerly supposed that the Uttarapurana was completed in Saka 820, corresponding to AD 898, but Premi has shown89 that the prasasti of this poem was written by two poets, Gunabhadra and his disciple Lokasena. The first 27 verses of the prasasti were written by Gunabhadra in which he has expressed

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270 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM the hope that educated readers would pay all respect to this Mahapurana and make arrangements for the availability of a sufficient number of copies. From v. 28 to the end the prasasti was the work of by Lokasena. We are told by him that the work was consecrated at Bankapura in Saka 820 when Akalavarsa, i.e., Rastrakuta Krsna II was on the throne and Samanta Lokaditya was governing the region around that town. Premi suggests that Gunabhadra was probably not alive at that time and the work was completed much earlier. Like his guru, Gunabhadra was also a very accomplished poet. In this work he has written about all the Tirtharkaras except Rsabha and other great men of Jaina mythology. The story of Rama, narrated in chaps. 67-8 of this poem, is a deliberate distortion of the story of Valmiki. Dasaratha here, like the Dasaratha Jataka, is painted as the king of Varanasi. Sita here is the daughter of Mandodari, the wife of Ravana. Rama's mother is one Subala, and Laksmana is the son of Kaikeyi. The story told in the Adbhuta Ramayana is similar to that narrated by Gunabhadra. The author has also made several changes in his treatment of the story of the other Hindu epic, the Mahabharata. Karna is here painted as the real son of Pandu who, we are told, committed intercourse incognito with the virgin Kunti (23.109 ff.). Karna, who was abandoned by his mother, was later rescued by king Aditya (the name is significant) who, afterwards asked his barren wife Radha to bring him up (23.112). He further informs us that the system of prajapatya marriage started in ancient India with the marriage of Pandu and Kunti (23.115). The examples of such distortions can be easily multiplied, but unlike other Jaina poets, Gunabhadra has the frankness to ask his readers to consult the original work for details (25.117). The story of Jivandhara, as told in chap. 75, is quite interesting, and later writers both in Sanskrit and Tamil wrote on it. Svayambhu, like Vimala and Ravisena, wrote on the Rama story. The name of his work is Paumacariyu,92 and is written in the Apabhramsa language. In the very opening stanza of the first Sandhi of his work the poet declares that he has taken on the narration of the Rama story having kept the Arsa in view. The colophons of all the parvans of Ravisena's Padmapurana begin with it: ityarse sri ravisenacaryaprokte padmapurane. This makes it clear that Svayambhu's reference pertains to that work. Elsewhere in Svayambhu's work (1.2.9) we are told that he has embarked upon such a vast theme

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 271 through the favour of Acarya Ravisena. The work is divided into five Books (called kandas), viz., Vijjhara, Ujjha, Sundara, Jujjha, and Uttara. The books are further divided into sandhis. Now, the earliest writer to refer to Svayambhu directly is Puspadanta, who wrote in AD 959. However, as the editor Bhayani has shown,93 Svayambhu could not have written before the second half of the ninth century AD, as he has referred to Seunadesa, which was founded by Seunacandra I in the first half of the ninth century AD. This country, according to the poet, was washed by the river Bhima (Bhimarahi).95 It has been suggested that Svayambhu should be identified with Sripala mentioned by Jinesena I in his Jayadhavala and Adipurana. There is however really no basis for such a surmise since Svayambhu lived after Jinasena I. The poet supplies us with some interesting information about the economic condition of India of his days. He mentions a number of countries with their special products97: betel-leaf of Deulavadaya, i.e., Devakulapataka, betel-nut of Cedi, kancua or kancuka of Citrakuta, jewel of Sri Lanka, musk of Nepal, molasses of Ramapura arrow of Pratisthana, etc. Another list, preserved by Svayambhu,98 mentions various places along with the beautiful parts of the body for which their women were famous. Since the list is very interesting I reproduce it below: Places Parts of the body Places Parts of the body Soles of feet Nails Fingers Ankles Knees Thighs Waist Shoulders Arms Wrists Neck Teeth Paunara Cedi Golla Makandi Sriparvata Nepal Karahataka Kanci Gambhira Singariya Elapura Madhyadesa Pascimadesa Dvaraka Sindhava Kaccha Karnataka Tungavisaya Ujjayini Citrakuta Kanauj Daksinadesa Nose Hips Navel Back Breasts Chest Eyes Forehead Ears Courteous manners Svayambhu, elsewhere in his poem,99 has given a list of peoples,100 which is quite interesting from the point of view of historical geography.

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272 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM There are indications in Svayambhu's text that he was helped by his son called Tribhuvana-Svayambhu, who was also known as Kaviraja Cakravarti.101 It appears that the son had put the finishing touches to his father's works. A second work written by Svayambhu and his son is known, the Ritthanemicariyu or Harivamsapurana. This work02 runs to 18,000 verses and has altogether 112 sandhis and 3 Books (kandas), namely Yadava, Kuru, and Yudha. A third work, written by the father and son called Pancamicariyu remains to be discovered. 103 Among other Digambara writers of the ninth century we can mention the names of Ugraditya, Sakatayana, Mahaviracarya, and Amoghavarsa I. Ugraditya was the author of the Kalyanakaraka,104 a medical treatise written in accordance with the testimony of the poet during the reign of Amoghavarsa I. We are further told that the author belonged to the Desi gana, Pustaka gaccha, Pansogavalli sakha of the Mulasamgha of the line of Kundakunda. One Lalitakirti Acarya was a colleague of his, and his guru was Srinandi in whose establishment at Ramagiri, which was situated in the level plains of Vengi in the country of Trikalinga, Ugraditya wrote his treatise, That monks belonging to the Desi gana resided in this part of India is testified to by a tenth-century inscription found from UdayagiriKhandagiri, which has already been discussed.105 The author further claims that the discourse on the uselessness of a meat diet was delivered in the court of Sri Nrpatunga Vallabha Maharajadhiraja, who was none other than Amoghavarsa 1.106 A few scholars refuse to believe that this work was composed at such an early date;107 but there is no genuine basis for their suspicion. The work, written in Sanskrit, is divided into two parts with 25 chapters. It further appears that the author was acquainted with the earlier medical texts, including those written by Hindu and Jaina authorities. It further appears that the author was deeply indebted to the works of medicine, written by Samantabhadra and Pujyapada. Sakatayana, who was also a contemporary of Amoghavarsa I, was the author of the Sabdanusasana and its commentary Amoghavrtti, os undoubtedly written in the second half of the ninth century. He belonged to the Yapaniya Samgha, as we learn from the commentary on Nandisutra by Malayagiri.109 Mahaviracarya was the celebrated author of the Ganitasarasamgraha,'' which was written, according to the testimony of the writer, during the reign of Amoghavarsa I, who is described by him as the follower of Syadvada." The author was acquainted with

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 273 Brahmasphutasiddhanta of Brahmagupta. It has been claimed that he was much advanced in his field and his treatment of geometrical problems deserves special notice. The work was very much popular in south India and a Telugu translation appeared in the eleventh century.'18 Amoghavarsa I, who had special love for the Jaina religion, is the author of the Prasnottararatnamala,"14 which also exists in Tibetan translation.115 The work begins with an adoration to Vardhamanal16 which shows that it is a Jaina poem. The author displays typical Jaina sentiment in his work, which is natural for a person with Jaina leanings. The most remarkable Digambara Jaina author in the first half of the tenth century was Harisena, the author of the Brhatkathakosa.'17 Fortunately for us, he not only states the year of its composition, but also refers to the king in whose kingdom, his work was composed. In the prasastil18 he gives the date both in the Saka and Vikrama years. It was composed in vs 989 or Saka 853, corresponding to AD 931-2, when Vinayadikapala was the ruling sovereign. The place of its composition is given as Vardhamana, where Jinasena II had began the composition of his Harivamsa. Emperor Vinayadikapala is to be identified with the Pratihara Vinayakapala, who ruled, according to his Asiatic Society plate, in AD 931.119 Several other inscriptions of this sovereign are known.120 His kingdom has been compared with that of Indra (Sakropamanake).121 Harisena's evidence testifies that the Pratihara suzerainty was accepted in Gujarat as late as AD 931. The poet, like the author of the Harivamsa (AD 783), belonged to the Punnata Samgha. In the prasastil22 the poet gives his spiritual ancestry as follows: There was that Maunibhattaraka, the full moon in the firmament of the Punnata Samgha. His disciple was Sriharisena; the disciple of the latter was Bharatasena, a man of encyclopaedic learning. And our author (who describes himself as devoid of learning and intelligence) was the disciple of this great Bharatasena. He further states that he has written his poem on the basis of the Aradhana, 123 which is undoubtedly Sivarya's original work. The Byhatkathakosa is an extremely informative work. The author not only shows his thorough acquaintance with the two epics, 124 but also with the original Brhatkatha.125 It is also apparent that the poet was thoroughly at home with the earlier Digambara literature. There is an extremely interesting reference to the famous Sun-temple

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274 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM (Adityabhavana) of Mulasthana or Multan (98.110), which was destroyed by the Muslims within 60 years of the composition of this poem. The author describes the great Bhadrabahu as a resident of Devakottapura, which was situated in Pundravardhana, which was also known as Varendra (96.1; 131.1). the city of Mathura is described as abounding in Jaina temples (2.1); a similar description of Ujjayini is also to be found (3.2). He has besides shown his acquaintance with the Pancatantra and one story,' ,126 including the verse (apariksitam na kartavyam, etc.), is taken directly from that work. The religious rivalry between the Jainas and Buddhists are described in story no. 12, where we have references to Buddharatha and Jinaratha (12.116). A chariot-procession in honour of the Buddha is referred to even by Fa-hien. 127 The Kayasthas are ridiculed in story nos. 23 and 25. They are denounced in a number of Brahmanical works, including the Yajnavalkyasmrti. 128 Reference to 18 scripts is also found in this poem (22.4), which also has one of the early references to 18 Puranas (126.175). There is an interesting story connected with Karttikeya (no. 136), and like the Mahabharata the town of Rohiteka (Rohitaka) is connected with the worship of that deity (136.23). Worship of Durga was popular at Nasik (71.8 ff.); Ramagiri is described as situated at the junction of Kalingavisaya and Andhravisaya (59.194), and it is apparent that this Ramagiri is to be identified with its namesake, mentioned in the Kalyanakaraka. There was great rivalry between Hinduism and Jainism (no. 33). In this connection there is a reference to Brahmaratha (33.9). We are also told the origin of Vindhyavasini by Harisena (106.248 ff). The Svetambaras are denounced as holding false doctrine (131.69) and also in this connection that the Svetambaras (Ardhaphalakah) originated at Valabhi, which is described as situated in Saurastra. The above discussion abundantly shows that this work of Harisena is one of the representative Digambara Jaina texts of the early mediaeval period, and is certainly one of the more important sourcebooks for the historian of Jainism. Let us now turn our attention to the two great Digambara literary luminaries of the second half of the tenth century AD. The first was the celebrated Puspadanta and the second Somadeva. Puspadanta is the author of the following three works: Tisatthimahapurisagunalankaru (Trisastimahapurusagunalankara), Nayakumaracariyu (Nagakumaracarita), and Jasaharacariyu (Yasodharacarita), all of which were written in Apabhramsa.

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 275 The first work is also known as the Mahapurana. 129 It is divided into two parts, Adipurana and Uttarapurana. The second part also includes the Padmapurana and Harivamsapurana. The entire work runs to some 20,000 verses and has altogether 142 sandhis (chapters). The work, according to the testimony of the poet, was written under the patronage of Bharata, who was the minister of Krsna III, and was completed in Saka 887 corresponding to AD 965. When he was a resident of Manyakheta. Puspadanta was originally a Brahmana Saiva, but later became a Digambara ascetic.130 Puspadanta was undoubtedly the greatest poet of the Apabhramsa language. He carries to perfection the possibilities of Apabhramsa as a vehicle of poetry. The Mahapurana, which delineates the lives of 63 great men, is undoubtedly one of the finest poems of the tenth century. In numerous places in the poem he demonstrates his great poetic power, and some of the verses praising Bharata, his patron, are written in chaste Sanskrit. We further learn from some of the subjective verses of the work that Puspadanta was a man of delicate temperament and health. He had several titles, of which Abhimanameru, Kavyaratnakara, Kavikulatilaka, Sarasvatinilaya, etc. deserve special inention. It has further been conjectured that the poet in his earlier life had some bitter experience and was obliged to leave his original home. 131 He was however, cordially welcomed by the minister Bharata at Manyakheta, where all his creative writ ings were produced. The Nagakumaracarital32 is a short work consisting of nine sandhis. It appears that even at the time of its composition Krsna III was on the throne of Manyakheta and the city still enjoyed great prosperity. It was composed in the palace of Nanna, the son of Bharata, his earlier patron. The Yasodharacarital33 is another lovely work consisting of four sandhis. The story of Yasodhara was a favourite theme with the Jaina poets and celebrated literary luminaries like Somadeva, Vadiraja, and others have written on it. This poem too was written at the residence of Nanna, when Manyakheta was virtually a ruined and deserted city. We must remember that according to Dhanapala's Paiyalacchi, Manyakheta was plundered by the Malava army in vs 1029, corresponding to an 972. Khottiga was probably the reigning king when this calamity befell Manyakheta, Even in the Mahapurana there is a verse!34 which refers to the sack of the city by the king of Dhara. This particular verse was probably composed seven years after the composition of the Mahapurana. We just do not know what

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276 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM happened to the poet or his new patron after the fall of Manyakheta. 135 The exact contemporary of Puspadanta was Somadeva who, as we have already noticed, in a previous chapter, is mentioned in an inscription of Saka 888, when Krsna III was the sovereign king. 136 Three works of Somadeva have already been published. They are Nitivakyamata, Yasastilakacampu, and Adhyatmatarangini. The Nitivakyamyta, 137 according to its commentator,138 was written at the request of Mahendrapala, king of Kanauj. Raghavan proposed his identification with Mahendrapala II, who is known from an inscription of vs 1003, corresponding to AD 946.139 Now we definitely know from the Yasastilakacampu that it was written in Saka 881 corresponding to AD 949. It follows therefore that the Nitivakyamrta was written before the Yasastilakacampu. However, in the prasasti of the Nitivakyamrta, Somadeva is described as the author of the Yasodharacarita. Raghavan and Premil10 have opined that this prasasti was added later. It appears that Somadeva started his career at Kanyakubja and later migrated to the south. I noted in a previous chapter that Somadeva was probably a Jaina monk of Bengal, belonging to the Gaudasamgha who later lived in the Pratihara kingdom from there he migrated to the Sapadalaksa country. The Nitivakyamrta is largely based on the the Arthasastra of Kautilya and is written in prose. It is however, surprising that now here in this work has the author has cared to mention that great authority. Some earlier authorities like Sukra, Bhisma, Visalaksa, etc., who are mentioned by Kautilya, are however referred to by Somadeva in this work. The language is attractive, which is not surprising in the case of a genius like Somadeva. The Yasastilakacampu141 is one of the finest novels in Sanskrit literature and, in some respects, is similar to the Kadambari of Bana, which is a model for Somadeva. The conversion of the cruel king of the Yaudheyas. Maridatta, who is described as a devotee of the goddess Candamari, to Jainism is the theme of the novel. It is basically based on a story of the Uttarapurana. As we have already observed, the story of Yasodhara was extremely popular among the early Jaina writers. The author of the Kuvalayamala 42 is the first writer (Saka 700) to refer to the story of this prince of Ujjayini written by Pravanjana. Later Haribhadra treated it in the fourth Book of his Samaraiccakaha. Harisena and Puspadanta also wrote on Yasodhara's adventures. There is however little doubt that Somadeva is the most

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 277 successful of those who have written on this subject. The work is also rich in cultural details and the students of social and cultural history of India can use it with profit. 143 The third published work of Somadeva, the Adhyatmatarangini,144 is also known as the Yogamarga, and as the name indicates, it deals with spiritual matters. A commentary on it was written in the first half of the twelfth century by Ganadharakirti. Among other important works which were written by the Digambara writers in the tenth century AD, the following may be mentioned: Neminiravanamahakavya115 by Vagbhata, Candraprabhacaritamahakavyal46 by Viranandi, Vardhamanacarita117 by Asaga, Subhasitaratnasandoha148 by Amitagati, a contemporary of Munja, Jambudivapannati119 by Padmanandi, and Pradyumnacaritakavya150 by Mahasena. Several works were also written in our period by the Digambara writers in Tamil, Kannada, and other languages. The Tamil Sivakasindamani,151 written by Tiruttakadeva, is based on the Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra and was written in the tenth century. It is undoubtedly one of the finest poems written in that language. Several Digambara Jaina writers between AD 850 and 1000 are known to have written in Kannada. The earliest of these was Gunavarma I who wrote his Neminathapurana152 in the mid-ninth century AD. The three gems of the Kannada literature of the tenth century were all Digambara Jainas, i.e., Pampa, Ponna, and Ranna. Pampa is the celebrated author of the Adipurana,153 which is on the first Tirthamkara, Ponna wrote the Santipurana154 (story of the sixteenth Tirthamkara) and Ranna's fame rests on his Ajitapurana155 (the life-story of the second Tirthamkara). A patron of Ranna was Camundaraya, the celebrated author of the Camundarayapurana.15 156 REFERENCES 1. See the passage quoted in N.L. Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, p. 147, n. 1. See also prastavana to I of Satkhandagama; for a different view see J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 186 ff. 2. Satkhandagama, ed., H.L. Jain, I, pp. 67-72, published in 16 volumes from Amaravati, 1939-58. 3. See J.C. Jain, Prakrta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 275. 4. See Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, 4, p. 60; see also Prastavana, Satkhandagama, I, pp. 46-53. 5. See in this connection J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 188; see also JBBRAS, XVII,

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278 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM p. 226; see for further details, Premi, op. cit., pp. 143 ff. 6. Ed. with the curni of Yativrsabha by H.L. Jain, Calcutta, 1955. 7. See JSBI, IV, p. 89. 8. Loc. cit. 9. Ibid., pp. 91-100. 10. Ed. in several volumes from Mathura, 1944-63. 11. For the relevant verse see Premi, op. cit., p. 140, n. 2. 12. Ed., Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1947-58. 13. Published in two parts in MDJM from Bombay (vs 1977 and 1980). 14. See Ghatge's paper in IHQ, 1935; see also J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 311. 15. See Jain, op. cit., p. 126; see also Jaina Antiquary, XII, pp. 19-23; see in this connection Winternitz, HIL, II, p. 577, n. 2. 16. Ed. with the commentaries of Aparajita and Asadhara, Sholapur, 1935. An earlier edition was published from Bombay, vs 1989. 17. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 308. 18. See supra, p. 90. 19. Ed., Bharatiya Jnanapitha, 1974, p. 14. 20. See H.L. Jain, Nagpur University Journal, no. 9; see also J.P. Jain, op. cit., pp. 130 ff. 21. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 80 ff. 22. For the original verse see Premi, op. cit., p. 2, n. 4. 23. Ed., H.L. Jain and A.N. Upadhye, 2 vols., Sholapur, 1943, 1951. 24. See Upadhye, Introduction, II, p. 4. 25. Ibid., p. 5. 26. IV, 1508. 27. IV, 1504. 28. See A.K. Chatterjee, Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 100 ff. 29. IV, 1481. 30. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 137. 31. I, 65. 32. Story no. 156. 33. Ed. by A.N. Upadhye, 1960, in Rajacandra Jaina Sastramala. 34. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 127. 35. See Luders, List, no. 71. 36. Introd., p. 69. 37. Ed. with the commentaries of Abhayacandra and Kesavavarnin, in 4 vols., Calcutta, 1921. For other editions see, JSBI, IV, p. 133, n. 4. 38. Ed. in MDJM series, Bombay, vs 1974. 39. Ed. by Premi, Bombay, vs 1974. 40. w. 49-50 which are quoted by Premi in his Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, p. 175n. 41. Ed. and publ. with the commentary of Abhayanandi Muni in N.S. Pandit, 31-4. 42. Quoted by Premi, op. cit., p. 43, n. 1.

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 43. Ibid., pp. 45 ff. 44. See JSBI, V, p. 11. 45. Ed. in MDJM series, 29-31, Bombay, vs 1985. A new edition in 3 vols. was published by Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1958-9. 46. 123.167. 47. 123.166. 48. See Premi's Hindi Preface to Padmacarita, I, pp. 1-3. 49. See AILCT, pp. 99 ff. 50. Ed., A.N. Upadhye in MDJM series 40, Bombay, 1938. 51. See for example Premi's Introduction, Padmacarita, PP. 2 ff. 52. The verse quoted by Upadhye in his Introduction to the Varangacarita, P. 10. 53. Ibid., pp. 10-11. 54. Ibid., p. 12. 279 55. The earliest Simhanandi, as I have already noted in a previous chapter, was connected with the western Gangas. Another monk of that name is mentioned in an inscription from Sravana Belgola dated Saka 622; see EC, II, no. 32. 56. See supra, pp. 171-72. 57. See Samaraiccakaha, p. 2. 58. Introduction, pp. 20 ff. 59. See XII.57ff.; XV.136 ff. 60. XV.139. 61. XXII.61 ff. 62. XXIII.91. 63. XVI.32 f. 64. VIII.3 f. 65. See ch. XXV. 66. Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1970. 67. See Premi, op. cit., p. 109; see also JSBI, VI, p. 526. 68. See JSBI, VI, pp. 527 ff.; see also Premi, op. cit., p. 111. 69. Premi op. cit., p. 112, n. 1. 70. Loc. cit. 71. Ed. with English trans., Bombay, 1965. 72. Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1962. An earlier edition was s published from MDJM, Bombay, 1930. 73. See my 'Jaina Harivamsa' included in AILCT, pp. 89-107. 74. 11.67 ff. 75. 52.90. 76. Premi, op. cit., p. 77. 66.53. 78. Ed. by A.N. Upadhye, prasasti, v. 4. 79. See Premi, op. cit., p. 124. 116. 80. Jinasena I has also mentioned Prabhacandra; for the relevant verse see Premi, op. cit., p. 124, n. 2.

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280 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 81. The relevant verses regarding all these predecessors of Jinasena II are quoted in Premi's work, pp. 124 ff. 82. In 3 vols., Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1951-4. 83. See Winternitz, HIL, II, p. 498; also JSBI, VI, p. 57. 84. The list quoted in my AILCT, p. 106. 85. 9.11; 12.17; 26.148 et seq. 86. See 6.69; 70.75. 87. Ed., Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1954; an earlier edition was pub lished from Indore in vs 1975. 88. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 138-9. 89. Ibid., pp. 141 ff. 90. Loc. cit. 91. For further details, see my paper entitled 'The Bharata Tradition in Jaina Literature, JAJH, VII, pp. 159 ff. 92. Ed., H. Bhayani in 3 vols., Varanasi, 1953-4. 93. See his Introduction to III of this work, p. 41. 94. 69.63. 95. Loc. cit. 96. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., pp. 201 ff. 97. II, p. 192. 98. II, pp. 224-5 99. 82.6.1-6. 100. The list is quoted in the present Author's AILCT, p. 194. 101. See Premi, op. cit., p. 198. 102. Ibid., p. 201. 103. Ibid., p. 203. 104. Published from Sholapur, 1940. 105. See supra, p. 156. 106. The relevant line is quoted in J.P. Jain, p. 206, n: 1. 107. See JSBI, V, p. 231; see also Premi, op. cit., p. 49n. 108. See, for further details, IA, 43, pp. 44, 205-12, 275-9; ABORI, I, pp. 7-12; Premi, op. cit., pp. 155 ff. 109. Quoted in Premi's work, p. 157, n. 1. 110. Published with an English translation by M. Rangacharya, Madras, 1912. 111. See Premi, op. cit., p. 151, n. 6. 112. See /SBI, V, p. 161. 113. Ibid., p. 162. 114. Edited by K.P. Pathak, Bombay. 115. See Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, p. 95; Premi, op. cit., p. 151. 116. The sloka quoted in Premi's work, p. 151, n. l. 117. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1943. 118. Prasasti, vv. 11-12. 119. See 1A, 15, pp. 138-41; see also H.C. Ray, DHNI, I, pp. 584-5. 120. See G.C. Choudhary, PHNI, pp. 43 ff.

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DIGAMBARA LITERATURE 281 PP. 291. 121. Prasasti, v. 13. 122. w. 3-7. 123. v. 8. 124. Cf. the story nos. 43, 58, 83, 84, 89, 96, and 122. 125. Cf. nos. 143 and 153. 126. No. 102.2. 127. Legge's trans., p. 15. 128. 1.336: pidyamanah praja raksel kayasthaisca cisesatah.' 129. Ed. by P.L. Vaidya in 3 vols., Bombay, 1937-41. 130. For further details, see Premi, op. cit., 225 ff. 131. Ibid., pp. 231ff. 132. Critically edited by H.L. Jain, Karanja, 1933. 133. Ed., P.L. Vaidya, Karanja, 1931. 134. See Premi, op. cit., p. 250. 135. The evidence of the recently discovered Dharmapariksa written by Pandit Harisena in AD 987, attests that within a few years of the composition of the Mahapurana he became famous, see Premi, op. cit., p. 247. 136. See supra, p. 177. 137. Ed. in MDJM, vs 1979; an earlier edition was published by Nirnaysagar Press. 138. Quoted in Premi's work, pp. 180 ff. 139. EI, 14, p. 176; see also Raghavan in Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, X, pt. II. 140. See Premi, op. cit., p. 182. 141. Ed. in Mahavira Jaina Granthamala series, in 2 vols., Varanasi; an ear lier edition was published by Nirnaysagar Press, Bombay, 1901-3. 142. SJGM, p. 3. 143. For fuller treatment, see K.K. Handiqui, Yasastilaka and Indian Cul lure, Sholapur, 1945; see also G.C. Jaina, Yasastilaka ka Samskylika Adhyayan, Varanasi, 1967. 144. The text of this work is included in MDJM, XIII, entitled Tallvanu sasanadisangrahah, Bombay, vs 1975. 145. Nirnaysagar Press, Bombay, 1936. 146. Sholapur, 1970 (Jivaraja Granthamala). 147. Ed. in 1931 (Sholapur). 148. Nirnaysagar Press, Bombay, 1909. 149. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 256 ff. 150. MDJM, Bombay, vs 1973. 151. See Sastri, The Colas, pp. 666 ff. 152. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 223 ff. 153. Loc. cit. 154. Loc. cit. 155. Loc. cit. 156. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 266 ff.

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CHAPTER XIV Jaina Thinkers The earliest Jaina philosopher was Umasvati (called Umasvamin by the Digambaras), who was the celebrated author of the Tattvarthadhigamasutra,' one of the most original works of philosophy written by any thinker of ancient India. Much controversy surrounds the years when he lived. Satish Chandra Vidyabhusan assigns him to the first century AD, and, frankly speaking, there is nothing in the body of the text that goes against this date. The author also wrote a commentary, according to the Svetambaras, although the Digambaras deny the authenticity of this bhasya.* There is however irrefutable proof that this commentary was known to the Svetambara monks even in the early seventh century AD, if not earlier.5 Both Siddhasenagani (C. AD 600) and Haribhadra (mid-eighth century) knew this bhasya. According to the prasasti at the end of it Umasvati was a monk belonging to the Uccanagari sakha, which according to the Theravali was a branch of the Kodiya (Koliya) gana and was quite popular in the Mathura region, as we have already noted in a previous chapter. This sakha originated, according to the testimony of the text in the third century BC. The reference to the sakha of Umasvati goes far to destroy the Digambara claim that he was a thinker of that sect. In all probability, he wrote before the birth of the Digambara sect. We further learn from the same bhasya that he was a resident of Kusumapura or Pataliputra at the time of its composition. He was a Brahmana of the Kaubhisani gotra, and his father's name was Svati and mother was called Vatsi. His preceptor in respect of initiation was Ghosanandi Ksamasramana and grand-preceptor Vacakamukhya Sivasri. His teacher in respect of education, according to the prasasti, was Vacakacarya Mula and grand-preceptor Mahavacaka Mundapada. According to the Digambara Pattavatis, Umasvamin was the sixth Digambara monk of the Sarasvati gaccha, according to another Digambara tradition he succeeded Kundakunda in AD 44but there is absolutely no doubt that not a single Digambara work or epigraph

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JAINA THINKERS 283 that makes him a successor of Kundakunda, is earlier than AD 1000.8 Indeed, it can be asserted with confidence that Umasvati was the earlier philosopher and Kundakunda, a southerner, could not have lived before the third century AD. There is however nothing to show that Kundakunda was acquainted with the works of Umasvati. The Tattvarthadhigamasutra has 357 verses and has altogether ten chapters, and this is why it is also known as the Dasadhyayi. Writers belonging to both the Svetambara and Digambara sects have written learned commentaries on this text. It is believed that the earliest commentary on this work of Umasvati was written by Samantabhadra in 84,000 verses, and was known as the Gandhahastimahabhasya; it has further been contended that the earliest section of this work is the well-known btamimamsa or Devagamastotra." But as Jugalkishore Mukhtar" has shown, there is no proof that the Gandhahasti was a commentary on that philosophical treatise of Umasvati, and till now no such work has come to light. We should therefore look upon the Sarvarthasiddhi of Pujyapada as its earliest available commentary, Several other celebrated savants also wrote commentaries of this treatise of Umasvati, which will be discussed later. It is difficult to make a correct assessment of the influence exercised by Umasvati on the Jaina thinkers of later times, but it appears that not a single thinker, with the possible exception of Kundakunda and Samantabhadra, was immune from the all-pervading influence of this Brahmana savant. In the Vividhatirthakalpa' Jinaprabha refers to Umasvati as a writer of 500 texts and a resident of Pataliputra. After Umasvati, the most celebrated Jaina philosopher was Kundakunda, who is probably the most controversial figure among the early Jaina savants. Before we discuss his exact time, we have to refer to the works which are assigned to him, and all these are very significantly written in Prakrta. The Satkhandagamatika is assigned to Kundakunda by Indranandi in his Srutavatara. This commentary was known as the Parikarma and is repeatadly mentioned by Virasena in his Dhavala.' However, according to another authority, this particular commentary was written by Kundakirti, a disciple of Kundakunda. The work is now lost and Upadhye has doubts regarding Kundakunda's authorship of it." The eight pahudas15 which are ascrbied to Kundakunda according to Upadhye16 are quite in tune with the phraseology of the Pravacanasara, one of the representative works of that philosopher. The Damsanapahuda has 36 verses, Caritta 44, Bodha 62, Bhava

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284 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 163, Sutta 27, Mokkha 106, Linga 72 and Sila has 40 verses. In the Bhavapahuda, it is interesting that Sivabhuti is mentioned (v. 53) and this Sivabhuti appears to be identical with the person who is represented in the Svetambara texts as the founder of the Digambara sect. At the end of the Bodhapahuda we are told that it is work of the disciple of Bhadrabahu. We cannot however identify this Bhadrabahu with the celebrated contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. The Rayanasara!is also ascribed to Kundakunda, and has 162 verses. As Prof. Upadhye points out,18 a few of the verses of this work are written in Apabhraisa, which probably shows that it is not a genuine work of Kundakunda. The Barasa-Anuvekkhalo has 91 verses. As the name suggests, it deals with twelve reflections which should be cultivated for the stoppage of karmic influx. It was a fascinating subject with the Jaina authors of both the sects.20 Some of the gathas are common with the eighth chapter of the Mulacara. It has further been pointed outal that Pujyapada in his Sarvarthasiddhi22 quotes five gathas from this text of Kundakunda, which are found in the same order in the present text of that work. The Niyamasaraa appears to be a genuine work of Kundakunda and has altogether 187 verses. It has a commentary by Padmaprabha, who lived around AD 1000. This same commmentator has quoted the verses of Amotacandra, who wrote commentaries on three pahudas of Kundakunda.24 There is a discussion on the three jewels, namely Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct in this work. The Pancastikayasara5 is preserved in two recensions, one by Amrtacandra which has 173 verses, and the other by Jayasena which has 181 verses. As Upadhye26 points out, this work a mere compilation as its original name, Paicatthiyasamgaha, suggests. The finest and most popular work of Kundakunda appears to be the Samayasara, 27 which has 415 verses, according to the earlier com mentator Amrtacandra (c. tenth century), and 439 gathas according to Jayasena, who lived in the second half of the twelfth century AD. The Samkhya doctrine is criticised in gathas 117, 122, and 340; there is also reference to Do-kiriyavada which was first preached by Arya Ganga 228 years after Mahavira. The Pravacanasara, 28 a very important text of the Digambara Jainas, has 275 gathas according to Amstacandra, and 311 according to Jayasena. Kundakunda has almost become a legendary figure, and hundreds of stories are told about him by the Digambara Jains. Various

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285 JAINA THINKERS dates have been suggested for him and Upadhye, a very competent scholar, would place him in the first century AD.29 It however appears that Upadhye has mainly relied on the evidence of the Mercara plates of Saka 388 which are definitely spurious;30 even if we accept it to be a genuine copy of an older record, we cannot assign the earliest of the six monks, mentioned here before AD 325 (taking 25 years for each generation), who is delineated as belonging to the anvaya of Kundakunda. It is significant that in no genuine record of the early Gangas, is Kundakunda mentioned by name. Indeed, the anvaya of Kundakunda appears only in the records of south India, which were inscribed after AD 900. This however does not prove that Kundakunda never existed in reality. As we have already pointed out, Pujyapada definitely quotes a few verses from the Barasa-Anuvekkha; and the date of Pujyapada is fortunately now known. Devasena in his Darsanasara31 informs us that the Dravida Samgha was founded by Vajranandi, the disciple of Pujyapada in vs 526 corresponding to AD 468. We therefore have to assign Pujyapada, the teacher of Vajranandi, in the first half of the fifth century AD. Also, since Pujyapada knows Samantabhadra,32 who probably lived after Kundakunda, we have to assign the latter in the early fourth century AD, which is the date suggested for him even by the writer of the Mercara plates. The present village of Kondakunde, situated in the Anantapur district of A.P., may probably represent the original home of this Digambara savant. Samantabhadra, like Kundakunda, is regarded as a great Digambara savant and one of the most powerful exponents of the doctrine of Syadvada. Like Kundakunda, however, his personal life is shrouded in obscurity. According to the colophons of a few manuscripts, he was the son of the king of Uragapura (Tiruchirapalli), which is said to be included in the Phanimandala.34 A few other manuscripts call him Santivarman,35 and it is tempting to identify him with his namesake of the Kadamba dynasty. Such speculations do not however lead us anywhere, and all we know about his personal achievements are to be found for the first time in the eleventh-century Kathakosa of Prabhacandra, who was a contemporary of Jayasimha of Dhara. In this work Samantabhadra is represented as calling himself the naked ascetic from Kanci. He is further shown as the preceptor of Sivakoti, the author of the Aradhana. That work delineates him as visiting places like Pundravardhana, Dasapura, Varanasi, Pataliputra, Kanci, Malava, Sindhu, Takka (Punjab) and

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286 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM Karnataka. It appears that Samantabhadra was an itinerant sadhu and was universally respected for his vast learning and mesmeric personality. Regarding the date of Samantabhadra, it is at least certain that he flourished before Pujyapada. Formerly scholars like Vidyabhusan or Winternitz were not aware of the evidence supplied by the Darsanasara (AD 933) on Pujyapada's date and their chronology was therefore based on surmise. Now, happily we know the approximate date for Pujyapada who emphatically mentions Samahtabhadra in his Jainendra.38 The traditional Digambara chronology places him two generations before Devanandi Pujyapada," and therefore we will be justified in placing Samantabhadra in the last quarter of the fourth century AD." 40 Among the works of Samantabhadra, the most important and significant is the Aptamimamsa," which as we have already said, is also known as the Devagama. This poem has 114 verses, each of which has a beauty in its own right. The work is replete with discussions on logical principles besides a review of the contemporary schools of philosophy, including the Advaitavada. As noted by Vidyabhusan,12 it has been cited by the Hindu philosopher Vacaspati Misra in explaining Sankara's criticism of the Syadvada. The earliest commentator of this great philosophical poem of Samantabhadra was Akalanka (eighth century), followed by Vidyananda and others. Several commentaries on this work also exist in Kannada, Tamil, and other Indian languages,43 which show that it was looked upon as one of the most precious poems on philosophy by the later Jaina thinkers. The second work of Samantabhadra is Yuktyanusasana,11 a poem of 64 verses which has a Sanskrit commentary by Vidyananda. It appears from the commentary15 that the work was composed after the Aptamimamsa. Like that poem, it too is full of useful discussions. The Svayambhustotra16 is a poem of 143 verses and contains slokas in praise of various Tirthamkaras. The highest number of verses (20) are reserved for Arhanatha and the second highest (10) for Neminatha. Mahavira has 8 and the others 5 each. The only commentary on it is by Prabhacandra. The fourth work of Samantabhadra is Jinastutisataka17 which has 116 verses and has a commentary by Narasimha Bhatta. It is a truly theistic poem and therefore very appealing. Nothing is known regarding the date of the commentator. The Ratnakarandakasravakacara,48 which is also known as the Upasakadhyayana, as the name indicates, is a manual of morals for

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JAINA THINKERS 287 Jaina layman. There is little doubt that it is one of the most popular Jaina texts and a copy or two of the work are to be found virtually in in every Digambara bhandara. The only available Sanskrit commentary on it is by Prabhacandra, about whose exact date there is some doubt as we have a formidable number of Jaina scholars bearing that name. The work has been highly praised by Vadiraja in his Parsvanathacarita, 50 which was completed in Saka 947 corresponding to ap 1025. The commentator Prabhacandra is also full of praise for this work." Authors like Camundaraya and Padmaprabha have also freely used it.52 Samantabhadra was looked upon as a model by later Jaina savants, including the great Jinasena 1.53 That scholar represents him as a supreme poet, capable of destroying the dense darkness of ignorance by the lightning of his wisdom. Thinkers of later times also are full of praise for Samantabhadra and his works, 51 number of which are now unfortunately lost. Siddhasena Divakara is identified by some35 with Ksapanaka, traditionally regarded as one of the nine gems of the court of Vikramaditya. That he flourished in the Gupta period is indirectly shown by the fact that he is mentioned by Pujyapada (early fifth century) in his Jainendra.56 He is claimed by both the Svetambaras and Digambaras. According to a tradition, current with both the sects, Siddhasena Divakara performed a miracle during Vikramaditya's time in the celebrated Mahakala temple of Ujjayini. He is the author of the two well-known books, Nyayavatara and Sammatitarkasutra,58 both of which deal with logic. The Nyayavatara explains the doctrine of pramana (source of valid knowledge) and Naya (the method of comprehending things from particular standpoint).59 Siddhasena also wrote a commentary on the famous work of Umasvati.50 This work has been quoted by Siddhasena II who lived around about AD 600.61 In the seventh century curni text Avasyakacurni of Jinadasa, Siddhasena Divakara is mentioned. 62 Haribhadra eighth century) was also thoroughly acquainted with the philosophy of Siddhasena Divakara. According to the Svetambaras, Siddhasena Divakara was originally a Digambara thinker from Karnataka and was later defeated and converted by the celebrated Vrddhavadin.63 It has also been demonstrated that he lived before Jinabhadragani." Pujyapada, who was also known as Devanandi, as we have already noticed, definitely lived in the first half of the fifth century. I have

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288 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM already referred to his grammar called Jainendra. His Sarvarthasiddh45 is undoubtedly the greatest, and one of the earliest, commentaries on the Tattvarthadhigamasutra. That he was an accomplished logician is evident from this commentary which has been highly praised by later writers. There are a few stories dealing with his wife which are practically of no value to the serious historians. Akalanka is undoubtedly one of the greatest names in the history of Indian logic. However, like majority of ancient authors, lie gives practically no information regarding his personal life. Only in his Tattvartharajavarttika does he inform us that he was the son of the king Laghu Havva. 66 Regarding the identity of this king, nothing is known. However, in the Kathakosa of Prabhacandra we are told that he was the son of the minister of king subhatunga of Manyakheta.67 A number of writers, beginning from Vadiraja and Prabhacandra, refer to Akalanka's debating skill and his victory over the Buddhists. The earliest source that refers to this event is a tenth-century inscription of the reign of Butuga II which has already been mentioned. 68 Later Jaina writers and authors of epigraphs have referred to this feat of Akalanka with evident pride. However, regarding the name of the king, in whose reign this feat was accomplished, there is some confusion. As I have already noted, the patron of Akalanka, according to the Kathakosa of Prabhacandra was Subhatunga, but the Akalankacarita69 mentions one Sahastunga in whose reign Akalanka defeated the Buddhists. Prabhacandra further informs us that the debate took place in the court of Himasitala, who was evidently a contemporary of Subhatunga. The evidence of the Akalankacarita is confirmed by the Sravana Belgola inscription no. 67 which refers to Akalanka's patron as Sahasatunga, who is generally identified with Dantidurga (mid-eighth century).70 This date for Akalanka conflicts with the traditional date, vs 700 given to him by later Jaina writers." It however appears that Akalanka was actually a contemporary of Dantidurga, and lived in the mid-eighth century AD. This should be regarded as the latest date for Akalanka since he was known to both Haribhadra and Jinasena I. The suggestion that he was known also to Jinadasa (seventh century) appears gratuitous.72 It has also been suggested that Himasitala of the Akalanka tradition should be identified with the king of Kalinga who was a contemporary of Yuan Chwang, 73 but this too is a mere surmise. Since Akalanka knew even the Buddhist and Brahmanical scholars who lived even in the seventh century, we will be justified

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JAINA THINKERS 289 in placing him in the eighth century AD. Apart from his Tattvartharajavartika, 74 which is a commentary on the famous book of Umasvati, Akalanka is the reputed author of the Astasata, 25 a valuable work of Jaina philosophy in 800 verses dealing principally with logic, and is a commentary on the Aptamimamsa of Samantabhadra. Another well-known work on logic by him is the Nyayaviniscaya.76 His other works are Laghiyastrayiprakarana and Svarupasambodhana." A treatise on expiatory rites called Prayascittagrantha78 is also ascribed to him, but Akalanka's authorship of this work is extremely doubtful.79 It has 90 slokas and is called Sravakacara.80 The Pramanasangrahal contains 87 karikas and is also a work of logic. Another work called Siddhiviniscaya is also ascribed to Akalanka 82 Haribhadra, the great Svetambara savant, was undoubtedly one of the greatest thinkers of the eighth century. He was not only a successful literary artist, but also, as Udyotana asserts, an authority on logic. Udyotana claims that he was taught logic by Haribhadra, and this information practically settles the date of Haribhadra. The Kuvalayamala, from which this information has been obtained, was completed in Saka 700. The earliest writer who quotes from Haribhadra is the Buddhist Santaraksita, who in his Tattvasangraha (eighth century) ascribes the verse to an Acarya Suri, who is no other than Haribhadra.83 Haribhadra, as we have already said in a previous chapter, wrote in both Sanskrit and Praksta. Being himself a Brahmana by birth, he was very well-acquainted with the Brahmanical works of philosophy. His well-known commentary on Dinnaga's Nyayapravesa4 shows that he was equally at home with Buddhist logic. Indeed, because of Haribhadra's commentary this great work of the celebrated Dinnaga has survived in Sanskrit. His other works are only available in translation. Another well-known work of Haribhadra is the Anekantajayapataka.85 It has altogether four chapters in which he refutes the doctrines of the Buddhist and Brahmanical schools. Since he refers to Mallavadin in this work, it appears that it is one of his latest works. 86 The Saddarsanasamuccaya, 87 a summary of the six philosophical systems in 87 verses, is the first work dealing with the six philosophical systems, Bauddha, Nyaya, Samkhya, Jaina, Vaisesika, and Jaimini, with a brief section on Carvaka's philosophy. Haribhadra emphatically says that Nyaya and Vaisesika cannot be separated from one another, although he treats them separately. There is no dis

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290 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM cussion on the Yoga and Vedanta systems. Haribhadra, unlike many orthodox Jaina philosphers, have discussed other systems with some degree of impartiality. In another work called Lokatattvanirnaya,88 a work written in chaste Sanskrit, he shows his scholarship and depth of feeling. The works like Yogabindu,89 Yoga-dsstisamuccaya,oo and Dharmabindu" are written primarily for the Jainas. The Yogabindu has 526 verses; the Yogadsstisamuccaya shows his depth as philosopher. The Dharmabindu has 8 chapters and has a commentary by Municandra. This work is a manual of morals and asceticism. The author deals with the duties of both the layman and monk. In the last few verses of this work he describes the bliss of the perfect soul in nirvana. As Winternitz remarks, 'the title "Drop of the Religion" is an expression of modesty. As the drop of water is to the ocean, so is this work to the religion of the Jinas'.99 Another text dealing with doctrinal matters is the Sastravartasamuccaya." Here too he was referred to the views of Buddhist logicians. The Lalitavistara,94 is said to have been composed for Siddharsi,95 the author of the Upamitibhavaprapancakatha, which is impossible. Siddharsi, as we have already seen in a previous chapter, lived long after Haribhadra. Another interesting work by Haribhadra is the Upadesapada, which is written in Prakrta and has a commentary by Municandra. Another Jaina logician of the eighth century was Mallavadin who wrote a commentary called Dharmottaratippanaka on the Nyayabindu of Buddhist Dharmakirti. This Mallavadin appears to be identical with his namesake mentioned in the Surat plates of Karka (AD 821), 98 and described as the grand-preceptor of Aparajita, the donee of the grant. If this is accepted, we have to assign Mallavadin to the first half of the eighth century and it is therefore not surprising that he is mentioned by Haribhadra, as noted above. It should also be remembered that the Svetambara tradition makes him a nephew of the last Siladitya of Valabhi (second half of the eighth century). Vidyananda, who lived in the ninth century, was a well-known logician of the early medieval period. According to a later writers9 he was a resident of Pataliputra and was also known as Patrakesari. In the colophons of several of his works a number of western Ganga kings ruling in the latter part of the eighth century and the first half of the ninth are mentioned.100 This shows that he lived around AD 800. Besides, in his Astasahasriol he admits that he was greatly helped by the advice of Kumarasena, who may be identical with the saint of the same name, mentioned in the Harivamsal02 of Jinasena II (AD

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JAINA THINKERS 291 783). We should also remember that Vidyananda-Patrakesari is also mentioned by Jinasena I in his Adipurana.103 The principal work of Vidyananda is the Aptamimamsalamksti,104 also called Astasatibhasya and Astasahasri. It contains an elaborate exposition of various logical principles. In the opening and closing lines of this text he makes an indirect reference to Samantabhadra and Akalanka, respectively. In chapter X he openly says that he followed the Astasati of Akalanka in explaining the Aptamimamsa. Another important work of Vidyananda is the Aptaparikna, 105 which consists of 124 verses and is generally based on the Aptapariksa. The Pramanapariksa 06 is a work in Sanskrit prose and is definitely a contribution to Jaina logic. The slokavarttika_07 is a commentary on Umasvati's famous work. Vidyananda shows his thorough acquaintance with almost all the Buddhist and Brahmanical logicians. His other works include Satyasasanapariksa08 and Vidyanandamahodaya.109 In the former, Vidyananda has undertaken an exami nation of Indian philosophical systems. Manikyanandi is the author of the Pariksamukhasutra 10 which has 207 sutras and is based on Akalanka's Nyayaviniscaya. It has a commentary by Prabhacandra called Prameyakamala-martanda.'11 Vidyananda, Manikyanandi, and Prabhacandra are pronounced by K.B. Pathak 12 to be contemporaries. In the printed edition of the Prameya-kamalamartanda, we are however told that Prabhacandra, the disciple of Padmanandi Siddhanta, composed it during the reign of Bhoja of Dhara.113 But this is quite puzzling as Jinasena I in his dipurana mentions Candrodaya as the work of Prabhacandra and actually in his Nyayakumundacandrodaya Prabhacandra claims that he too is the author of the Prameyakamalamartanda. 114 It therefore appears, and this is suggested by Mukhtar, 115 that the printed edition has referred to a commentator bearing the same name. Let us further remember that in Jaina literature there are no less than 20 Prabhacandras. 116 The Prameyakamalamartanda refers to a number of Buddhist logicians, including Dharmakirti, Dinnaga, and others. Amrtacandra, who lived around AD 900 is the author of the Tattvarthasarall7 and Atmakhyati. 118 The Tattvarthasara has 618 verses and is divided into nine chapters. The seven padarthas are discussed in it. Atmakhyati is the title of the author's commentary on Samayasara of Kundakunda. Two great Svetambara logicians lived in the last quarter of the tenth century. One was Pradyumnasuri of Rajagaccha, who was elev

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292 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM enth in descent from Manikyacandra. As the author of the Parsvanathacaritra (AD 1219), we have to place him in the third quarter of the tenth century. In the Parsvanathacaritra we are told that Pradyumna defeated the Digambaras in debate at Venkapatta.119 His disciple Abhayadeva, who flourished around AD 1000, is the author of the vsttil 20 on Sarmatimahatarka of Siddhasena Divakara. Another work of his is Vadamaharnava, 121 which is not currently available but which is repeatedly mentioned by the writers of the Rajagaccha. 'He is described as the lion that roared at ease in the wild forest of books on logic. That the rivers of various conflicting opinions might not sweep the path of the good, Abhayadeva wrote his Vadamaharnava'.122 The above discussion shows that a great number of Jaina thinkers of both the sects wrote philosophical and logical texts and enriched the ancient Indian philosophical literature by their solid contributions. Even in the later medieval period Jaina metaphysicians and logicians continued to write thought-provoking texts, which will be discussed in the vol. II. REFERENCES 1. Ed., J.L. Jaini, Arrah, 1920; for other edns., see Winternitz, HIL, II, p. 578, n. 3. 2. A History of Indian Logic, Calcutta, p. 168. 3. This Bhasya is included in the edition published by the Asiatic Soci ety, Calcutta, 1903-5. 4. See in this connection J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, p. 135. 5. As noted by Sukhlal Sanghavi (English trans. of his Hindi work on Tattvarthasutra), p. 21; even Jacobi, ZDMG, 60, pp. 287 ff., accepts the authenticity of this bhasya; see also p. 34 of Sukhlal's work. 6. See Hoernle in IA, XX, 1891, p. 391. 7. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 136. 8. As noted by Sukhlal op. cit., p. 114, the earliest epigraph referring to Umasvati as belonging to the anvaya of Kundakunda is no. 47 dated Saka 1047 from Sravana Belgola. Premi also does not believe that Umasvati has anything to do with Kundakunda (see Sukhlal, pp. 111 ff.) Elsewhere Premi has sought to show that Umasvati was probably a monk belonging to the Yapaniya Samgha (see Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, pp. 533 ff., which is clearly untenable). 9. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 182. 10. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 581.

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JAINA THINKERS 293 11. See his "Svami Samantabhadra' in Hindi included in his edition of the Ratnakarandakastavakacara (MDJM, no. 24, pp. 212ff). 12. p. 69. 13. See JSBI, IV, p. 60. 14. See his Introduction to Pravacanasara, Bombay, 1935, p. xviii. 15. These Pahudas were ed. by P.L. Soni in MDJM, no. 17, vs 1977. Of these with the exception of Liniga and Silapahudas, all the others have commentaries by Srutasagara. 16. Upadhye, op. cit., p. xxxvii. 17. This text is included in the MDJM, no. 17, which includes the Pahudas. 18. See his Introduction to Pravacanasara, p. xxxix. 19. Included in the MDJM, no. 17. 20. See Upadhye, op. cit., p. xxxixn. 21. Ibid., p. xxi. 22. Kolhapur edn., pp. 90 f. 23. Ed., Jaina Grantha Ratnakara Karyalaya, Bombay, 1916. 24. See J.C. Jain, Praksta Sahitya ka Itihasa, p. 300. 25. Ed. in SBJ, III by A. Chakravarti, Arrah, 1920; for other editions see Upadhye, op. cit., p. xlii, n. 4. 26. Upadhye, op. cit., p. xliv. 27. Ed., J.L. Jaini in SBJ, VIII, Lucknow, 1930; for other editions see Upadhye, op. cit., p. xlv, n. 1. 28. Ed., A. Upadhye, Bombay, 1935. 29. Ibid., pp. xix, xxii. 30. See Epigraphia Carnatica (rev. edn.), 1972, I, Introd., pp. x ff. 31. p. 24. 32. Cf. Jainendra, V.4.140. 33. For details see Desai, Jainism in South India, pp. 152 ff. 34. See the life of Samantabhadra in Hindi by Jugalkishore Mukhtar in cluded in his edition of the Ratnakarandakasravakacara, p. 4. 35. Ibid., pp. 5 ff. 36. Ed. in Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Varanasi, 1974, p. 13. 37. Ibid., p. 14. 38. V.4.140. 39. See Jain, op. cit., p. 145. 40. On the date of Samantabhadra, see K.B. Pathak in ABORI, XI, 1930, pp. 149 ff.; Pandit Jugalkishore Mukhtar in the same journal, XV, pp. 67 ff. refutes Pathak's view. 41. Jaina Grantha Ratnakara and Sanatana Jaina Granthamala Edn., 1905; for further details see Mukhtar, op. cit., pp. 197 ff. 42. Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 182 ff. 43. See Mukhtar, op. cit., pp. 201 ff. 44. Text edited with Vidyananda's commentary in MDJM, no. 15. 45. See Mukhtar, op. cit., p. 202.

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294 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM 46. Ibid., pp. 203 ff. 47. Ibid., pp. 204 ff. 48. Ed., Jugalkishore Mukhtar, MDJM, no. 24, Bombay, vs 1982. The com mentary by Prabhacandra is also included in this edn. 49. See Mukhtar, op. cit., Prastavana, pp. 53 ff. 50. For the relevant verses from the Parsvanathacarila, see Mukhtar, op. cit., p. 11. 51. See Mukhtar's edn., p. 100; see also his 'Life of Samantabhadra' in the same work, p. 205. 52. Mukhtar, op. cit., Prastavana, pp. 10-11. 53. See Mukhtar, 'Life of Samantabhadra', pp. 19, 21. 54. Ibid., pp. 19 ff. 55. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 173 ff.; see also J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 150. 56. V.1.7. 57. Ed. with English trans. by S.C. Vidyabhusan, Calcutta, 1909. 58. Ed. in Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala, no. 13; another edn., Poona, 1926. 59. For further discussion, Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 174 ff. 60. The commentary Tallvanusarini Tattvarthatika was printed in Ahmedabad. 61. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 182; see also Winternitz, op. cit., p. 580, n. 1. 62. I, p. 380. 63. For details see Prabandhakosa, pp. 15 ff.; see also Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 88. 64. See Mukhtar quoted in Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, p. 42. 65. Ed., Kolhapur, 1904; see also Jacobi, ZDMG, 60, p. 290. 66. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 172, n. 1. 67. See Hiralal, Calalogue, Introd., p. 26. 68. See supra, pp. 165-66. 69. See EC, II, Introd., pp. 48 ff.; see Fleet, Dynasties, pp. 32-3; J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 177-78. 70. See supra, pp. 177-78. 71. See in this connection 'Life of Samantabhadra' by Mukhtar, p. 125. 72. See in this connection, J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 177. 73. See the same scholar in JUPHS, III (N.S.), pt. II, pp. 108-25. 74. Ed. in Sanatana Jaina Granthamala, Varanasi, 1915. 75. This commentary is published with Aplamimamsa in Sanatana Jaina Granthamala, no. 10, Varanasi, 1914. 76. Jinaralnakosa, p. 221. 77. These two works edited in MDJM, no. 1. Laghiyastrayiprakarana is a work containing 78 karikas, divisible into 3 chapters on pramana, naya and agama which give it the name Laghiyastrayi. This work is also edited in Singhi Jaina Series, no. 12, Ahmedabad, 1939. According to

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JAINA THINKERS some others Svarupasambodhana was written by Mahasena, pupil of Nayasena; for details see, Jinaratnakosa, p. 458. 78. Ed. in MDJM, no. 18, Bombay, vs 1978. 79. See Introduction by Hiralal to his Catalogue, p. xxvi. 80. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 279. 81. Singhi Jaina Granthamala, Ahmedabad, 1939. 82. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 441. 83. See GOS, 30, Introd., p. lxxv. 84. Ed. in GOS, by A.B. Dhruva, Baroda, 1930. In this edition of the Nyayapravesa both the commentaries of Haribhadra and Candrasuri have been included. 295 85. Published in Yasovijayaji Jaina Granthamala, no. 40, vs 2436-9. 86. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 191, n. 4. 87. This text has several edns., the earliest published with Gunaratna's commentary in the Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta, 1905; for other edns. see, Jinaratnakosa, p. 402. 88. This text, which has 145 verses was published from Bhavnagar, vs 1958; an Italian translation was published by L. Suali in Florence, 1905. 89. Ed., L. Suali, Bhavnagar, 1911. 90. Ed., L. Suali, Bombay, 1913. 91. Ed., L. Suali, Calcutta, 1912; for other edns., see Jinaratnakosa, p. 191. 92. See HIL, II, p. 584, n. 3. 93. Bombay, 1913. 94. Published with the Caityavandanasutra from Bombay, 1915. 95. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 125. 96. Ed., Palitana, 1909; also Baroda, vs 2449. 97. Ed., Stcherbatsky, St. Petersburg, 1909. For details see, Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 194 ff.; also Vienna Oriental Journal, IV, p. 67. 98. See supra, pp. 141-42. 99. Brahmanemidatta in his Kathakosa quoted by Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 188. 100. See J.P. Jain in Anekanta, X, pp. 274-88; see also The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 199-200. 101. Colophon, v. 3 quoted in J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 199, n. 3. 102. I, 38. 103. Quoted by K.B. Pathak in JBBRAS, 1892, p. 222. 104. Ed. along with the Aptamimamsa by N.R. Gandhi, Bombay, 1915. 105. Ed., Varanasi, 1913. 106. Varanasi, 1914. 107. Ed. along with the original text of Umasvati by M.L. Sastri, 1918. 108. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 412. 109. Ibid., p. 355. 110. Bombay, 1927; see also Jinaratnakosa, pp. 238-9. 111. Published along with the Bombay edn. of the Pariksamukhasutra; an

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296 A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM other edn., Varanasi, 1928. 112. See JBBRAS, 1892, pp. 227, 229. 113. The relevant lines are quoted by Mukhtar in his Hindi Introd. to Samantabhadra's Ratnakarandakasravakacara, p. 59. See also Winternitz, op. cit., II, p. 282 and fn. 6. 114. See Winternitz, loc. cit. 115. Mukhtar, op. cit., p. 60. 116. Ibid., pp. 57 ff. 117. Bombay, 1905. 118. See sinaratnakosa, p. 26. 119. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 196, n. 2. 120. Ahmedabad, vs 1980-4 with the original text of Divakara. 121. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 348. 122. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 196 ff.

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APPENDIX A Ajivikism and Gosala In the third chapter of this work I briefly discussed the career of the Ajivika philosopher Mokkhaliputta Gosala. In this Appendix I will attempt to provide a connected account of the origin of the Ajivika religion and also of the principal events of the life of Gosala who, like Lord Mahavira, was not the founder of his sect. In this connection I shall endeavour to correlate the evidences supplied by the Pali and Jaina texts on Ajivikism and Gosala. It is apparent from the Pali texts that Ajivikism was a living religion during the days of Buddha. The first Ajivika whom the Buddha met in his career was Upaka.' The story of this meeting is told in the Ariyapariyesana Sutta of the Majjhima Nikaya' and appears to be one of the oldest parts of the Pali canon. We are told here that Buddha met this Ajivika teacher immediately after his enlightenment, apparently near Gaya. Buddha was in his thirty-sixth year and, according to our calculations, this event took place in the third quarter (or in the beginning of the fourth) of the sixth century BC. It is interesting that the Ajivika Upaka was in no mood to accept Buddha's claim that he was a Jina and quite coldly left him. This story is also repeated in a few other places in the Pali canon. Later Pali commentators have given the romantic story of his marriage with one Sapa and even affirm that he was converted to Buddhism in the later part of his life. There is little doubt that the later stories were invented in order to show Buddha's greatness; in the original canon there is no indication that Upaka ever changed his faith. I have already said that Buddha was a senior contemporary of Mahavira' and therefore Upaka should also be regarded as a senior contemporary of Gosala, who according to the Bhagavati declared himself a Jina in the sixth year of Lord Mahavira's wanderings, or in other words, in Mahavira's thirty-sixth year. This suggests that the monks belonging to the Ajivika religion wandered in northern India before Gosala, a conclusion which is strongly supported by the facts told about them elsewhere in the Pali and Ardhamagadhi texts.

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298 APPENDIX A The Pali texts repeatedly refer to the Ajivikas, but never represent Gosala as the founder of the sect. Several teachers like Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Panduputta are mentioned in the Pali canon and it appears that at least the first two, namely Nanda Vaccha, and Kisa Sankicca, were looked upon as important personalities in the days of the Buddha. Purana Kassapa, who was one of the six great rivals of the Buddha, had great deference for these two teachers and also Gosala,' as he includes them in the sixth or the purest type (parana-sukhabhijatas) of men. Elsewhere Buddha' declares that although the Ajivikas had existed for a long time," they only produced three distinguished teachers, Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Mokkhali Gosala. This is definite testimony that Ajivikism is older than Buddhism and Gosala was only one of the distinguished teachers' of this religious sect. The Bhagavatisutra, which is universally regarded as one of the oldest Jaina canonical texts, also directly confirm the evidence of the Pali canon regarding the antiquity of the Ajivika religion. When challenged by Mahavira in Sravasti he decalres that he is actually the eighth Ajivika teacher and the first seven were the following: Udai Kundiyayana, Enejja, Mallarama, Mandiya, Roha, Bharadvaja, and lastly Ajjuna Goyamaputta." Basham, who has made a special study of the Ajivika religion, remarksls in this connection that the immediate predecessor of Gosala, Ajjuna Goyamaputta, is distinguished by a gotra name or patronymic as Udai Kundiyayana, in whose body the migrant soul of Gosala was originally born. He further notes that other five names have not been given any patronymics. From this he concludes that the first and the seventh were 'real' persons, and not figures of the imagination. This is indeed very strange logic! There is really no need for the Jaina writer of the Bhagavati to give the gotra names of all the predecessors of Gosala in a passage that was apparently written in haste and with the avowed intention of discrediting the Ajivika religion. The list of the seven predecessors of Gosala should either be accepted in entirety or be summarily dismissed. Since the list occurs in a work written by staunch enemies of the ika religion, we have to accept it as genuine. Besides, the Jaina writer has also given, as noted by B.M. Barua," the geographical centres of activities of all the seven predecessors of Gosala, including the period of their missionary life. The earliest teacher, Udai Kundiyayana, was associated with the city of Rajaglha and had preached for 22 years. This suggests that Udai Kundiyayana

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AJIVIKISM AND GOSALA 299 was probably the founder of Ajivikism and the celebrated Rajaglha, the earlier capital of Magadha, was the first centre of this new religion. Since the Ajivikas went about naked, it is natural for them to have chosen a hilly place like Rajaglha where they could easily get natural shelters. The next teacher was Enejja, who was associated with the town of Uddandapura (identification uncertain, but should be in eastern India) and had preached for 21 years. The third teacher of this sect was one Mallarama, who spent his life at Campa and taught the principles of the Ajivika religion for 20 years. The fourth prophet was Mandiya, who was associated with the famous city of Varanasi in which the celebrated Parsvanatha was born. His missionary life covered a total period of 19 years. The fifth teacher of this sect was Roha who preached at the town of Alabhiya (Alavi of the Pali texts), which was not far from Sravasti,'' and taught for 18 years. Then came one Bharadvaja, who belonged to the city of Sravasti and preached for 17 years. His successor was Ajjuna Goyamaputta, apparently of the same city, whose missionary life covered a period of 16 years. A discerning reader of this passage will not fail to notice two special features regarding the list of the seven predecessors of Gosala. The first, of course, is the progressive diminution by one year of the period of each reanimation and the second, which is more significant, is the gradual westward migration of this religion. In the course of 133 years the Ajivika religion gradually spread from Rajagrha to Sravasti, a distance of nearly 300 miles. The progressive diminut of exactly one year seems somewhat artificial, but this cannot be the basis of the entire rejection of the complete list. The Bhagavati passage indicates that the religion of the Ajivikas was founded in the beginning of the seventh century BC, probably 100 years after Parsvanatha. Thus, from point of chronology, Ajivikism stands midway between Jainism and Buddhism. Barua is of the view that the Ajivikas even existed in the postVedic period, 16 which can, however, be rejected offhand. In no Vedic text is there even the remotest mention of the Ajivika religion. It is also interesting that, like Buddhism and Jainism, the Ajivika religion has been totally ignored in the two Indian epics, even in their latest sections. There is also no basis for V.S. Agrawala's surmise! that Ajivikism was known to Panini. Basham is of the opinion that Purana Kassapa, one of the six great rivals of the Buddha, was an Ajivika teacher. 18 In support of his

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300 APPENDIX A surmise he quotes from the Tamil poem Nilakesi. It is true that according to the malicious account,19 left by Buddhaghosa, Purana went about naked. But in the Samannaphala Sutta20 of the Digha Nikaya, a clear distinction has been made between the doctrine of Gosala and that of Kassapa. that Buddhaghosa was thoroughly biased is proved by the fact that he represents Purana as a slave, which is clearly wrong, as Kassapa is a Brahmana gotra. It is however, quite likely that Gosala and Purana had some respect for one another as the latter is presented in the Anguttara Nikaya as praising the three important Ajivika teachers, a point which has already been noted. Let us now attempt to take a close and hard look at the personality and career of Gosala, probably the most controversial and enigmatic figure in the history of Indian philosophy. We should never forget that the texts, which deal with him, were all written by archenemies of the Ajivikas, namely the Jainas and Buddhists. Yet the life of this Ajivika teacher, as painted in the Bhagavati, the fifth Anga text of the Jainas, is the only available source regarding his career. The references to him and the Ajivikas in the Pali Tripitaka often help us, but they are only incidental notices. The Bhagavati11 represents Gosala as the son of one Mankhali by his spouse Bhadra. This work further tells us that this Mankhali was a mankha which means a royal bard.22 It appears from the Bhagavati that Mankhali, the father of Gosala, was a poor, wandering poet or bard who earned his livelihood by singing old, heroic ballads and exhibiting pictures (cittaphalaga) connected with his songs. The boy Gosala was born in the cowshed (gosala) of a rich Brahmana called Gobahula, who was a resident of a village called Saravana. That Makkhali was born in a cowshed is also attested to by Buddhaghosa23 in his Sumangalavilasini and Papancasudani. The latter also paints him as a servant of a rich man, and tells a ridiculous story to explain his name makkhali; howthe Jainas do not confirm this story and, as I have already pointed out, a similar story is told by Buddhaghosa, that diehard Buddhist, regarding Purana Kassapa. ever, It appears from the Bhagavati that Gosala, after attaining manhood, accepted the professional life of his father. It further appears that from the very beginning of his career he developed some sort of repugnance against worldly life. When he met Mahavira at Nalanda near Rajagrha for the first time, he was already a recluse. According to the writer of the Bhagavati, 24 Mahavira initially turned down Gosala's request to make him his disciple. But later, in the second

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AJIVIKISM AND GOSALA 301 year of his wanderings, accepted his second request at a place called Kollaga near Nalanda. The two naked ascetics spent six years together and a detailed description of their wanderings has been given by Jinadasa Mahattara, 25 who lived in the seventh century and, needless to say, his account is largely based on imagination. The Bhagavati informs us that as a result of doctrinal difference Gosala left Mahavira after six years and declared himself a Jina at Sravasti. Mahavira had however to wait another six years before attaining the stage of perfection. Now, it is known to all students of religious history that no religious leader (ancient or modern) in India has any respect for his opponent. The Buddha looked upon Mahavira with contempt.26 This is attested to by Buddha's utterances regarding Mahavira after his death. We cannot therefore expect the canonical writer of the Bhagavati to accept Gosala's claim of Jina-hood before Mahavira. Had any Ajivika canonical text survived, we would have come across a similar refutation of Mahavira's claim of attaining kevalajnana. In the absence of such a text, the historian has no other alternative but to accept the fact that Gosala became a Jina at a time when Mahavira was a mere learner. Further, nowhere in the Pali canon is Gosala represented as a pupil of Nathaputta. It appears that the two teachers were good friends in their early career and because of serious doctrinal difference they not only parted company, but also developed a mutual deadly hatred. I agree with Bashama when he declares that the Bhagavati account is pervaded by deadly sectarian prejudice. Gosala was apparently in his late thirties when he established his own headquarters in Sravasti at the residence of the wealthy female potter Halahala. He was recognized, as is evident from the Bhagavati,28 as the head of the Ajivika Samgha, which was established, as I have already said, quite a number of years earlier in that city by Bharadvaja, the sixth Ajivika teacher, Gosala, it appears, not only succeeded in enlarging his circle of disciples in that city, but also converted quite a number of important personalities from elsewhere to his doctrine. One such person, according to the Cullavaggawas a highly official (mahamatta). The Vinaya Pitaka%elsewhere refers to a blood relation of king Bimbisara as embracing the Ajivika religion and becoming a recluse of that samgha. These two examples definitely prove the popularity of the Ajivika religion among the aristocracy of those days. Probably such conversions of high officials to the religion of the Ajivikas was not taken kindly by Buddha, and

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302 APPENDIX A this explains his outburts against Gosala and his teachings. One such outburst is recorded in the Anguttara Nikayal where Buddha calls the doctrine of Gosala the 'meanest doctrine' and he is branded as a moghapurisa, which means a 'stupid fellow'. It is interesting that Gosala alone is the recipient of this epithet in the Pali canon, but he not only succeeded in soon popularizing his religion in different parts of Madhyadesa and eastern India but was also able to produce a number of remarkable Ajivika teachers before his death. The account of Gosala's final meeting with Mahavira, as recorded in the Bhagavati, deserves close scrutiny. We are told that this meeting took place in the twenty-fourth year of Gosala's ascetic life, and 16 years before Mahavira's death. The venue of this fateful meeting was the Kosthaka shrine of the city of Sravasti.32 Here we find Mahavira at first ridiculing Gosala's claim that he was in possession of perfect knowledge. Gosala simply denies that he was ever a disciple of Mahavira, and asserts, as we have already noted, that he is the eighth prophet of the Ajivika religion. One of Mahavira's disciples called Sunaksatra, who sought to argue on behalf of his guru was consumed by Gosala's tejolesya (anger). Lord Mahavira too became a victim of Gosala's spiritual power and the meeting ended abruptly We are told that the debate was inconclusive and Mahavira, as is apparent from a passage in the text, did not succeed in his attempt to destroy the Ajivika organization of Sravasti. However, the Bhagavati represents Gosala as dying shortly after the meeting in Sravasti. There is little doubt that the account of Gosala's death is highly exaggerated, and it is probable that his untimely demise promoted the Jaina canonical writer to devise this story. That the account of his death is not based on fact will be clear from the contradictory and historical statements in the account itself. We have already noted that, according to this account, Gosala died 16 years before the nirvana of Mahavira, yet in another passage we are told that the death of Gosala coincided with the Mahasilakantaka war,which, as we know from another passage of the Bhagavati, 44 was fought between Ajatasatru, on the one hand, and nine Mallas and nine Licchavis, on the other. Now, we definitely know that Ajatasatru became king 8 years before the Buddha's death, and less than 8 years before Mahavira's demise. Therefore, Gosala, who according to the Bhagavati died 16 years before Mahavira, was not alive when Kunika Ajatasatru ascended the Magadhan throne, and the passage which affirms that his death coincided with that

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AJIVIKISM AND GOSALA 303 famous war must be dismissed as a piece of poetic fancy. The same remark applies to another list of eight finalities, which coincided with Gosala's death, namely the last sprinkling-scent elephant (gandhahasti) which, according to the Nirayavalika, was the cause of dispute between Cetaka and Ajatasatru. From the Nanguttha Jataka we learn that there was a group of Ajivika ascetics living near Jetavana in Sravasti who were in the habit of performing difficult penances. That the Ajivikas were respected for their austere life is clear from a number of passages in the Pali canon. In an identical passage, preserved in the Majjhimash and Samyutta, Gosala is praised by a deva for his perfect self-control. He is further delineated there as a speaker of truth and doer of no evil. Elsewhere in a Vinaya passage 38 we find the Ajivikas condemning Buddhist monks for carrying parasols. These pieces of evidence strongly suggest that the Ajivikas were respected for their strict and austere living. It is surprising that the Ajivikas, who could lead such an austere life, should hold fatalistic views regarding life and nature. Their teaching, as represented in the Samannaphalasutta, deny action (kiriya), endeavour (viriya), and the result of action (kamma). According to Gosala, all beings attain perfection through samsarasuddhi. We can understand why Buddha could not tolerate the Ajivikas, who were against all his ideas and ideals. 'Like a fish-trap set at river-mouth, Makkhali was born into the world to be a man-trap for the distress and destruction of men',99 Buddha declared. But in spite of such warnings, a number of respectable people of the Buddha's own time chose this religion in preference to the teachings of the Buddha and Mahavira. In several places in the Jaina canon we find references to Ajivika devotees and the Ajivika doctrines. In the Upasakadasa^we have one Saddalaputta, who was a devotee of Gosala. Another lay devotee called Ayampula is mentioned in the Bhagavati.41 References in the later literature and epigraphs fully prove that Ajivikisms survived up to the late mediaeval period. The inscriptions of Asoka and his successor testify that the Ajivikas were held in esteem in the Mauryan period. In the seventh Pillar Edict^2 they are mentioned after the Bauddhas and Brahmanas, but before the Nirgranthas. In the Barabar Hill cave (Gaya district, Bihar) inscriptions have been discovered according to which Asoka made a gift of several caves to the Ajivikas in his twelfth and nineteenth regnal

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304 APPENDIX A years. Asoka's grandson Dasaratha was certainly a patron of the Ajivika religion, for we have three brief inscriptions of this emperor in the Nagarjuni Hill (Gaya district, Bihar) according to which he made gifts of cave-dwellings to t as. In the Arthasastra (III.20) of Kautilya and in the Mahabhasya (III.96) of Patanjali the Ajivikas are mentioned. In the latter work Patanjali, the author, shows his acquaintance with the principal doctrine of the Ajivikas. Patanjali distinctly says that the Ajivikas deny the freedom of the will. The Mahavamsa (X.102) informs us that the Ajivikas could be seen in Sri Lanka during the reign of Pandukabhaya, who ruled in the fourth century BC which proves that after the death of Gosala, Ajivikism penetrated into southern India including Sri Lanka. This is testified to by the references to the Ajivikas in the Tamil Sangam literature. In a fifth-century inscription" found from Nellore district (A.P.) of the reign of Simhavarman Pallava there is a reference to the Ajivikas which shows that monks of this sect flourished in this part of India at that time. Varahamihira (early sixth century) and his commentator Utpala (tenth century) know the Ajivikas. 45 On a basis of a wrong statement by Utpala, D.R. Bhandarkar16 came to the conclusion that, in the later days, the Ajivikas were identical with Vaisnavas. Basham 17 has however shown that this theory is purely speculative. The Aiivikas were also known to Kumaradasa, 48 as is evident from his Janakiharana, which was probably composed during the closing years of the seventh century. 49 There are also references to them in several south Indian inscriptions of a much later period, but by ad 1200, they vanished completely from history.50 REFERENCES 1. For details see Malalasekera, DPPN, I, pp. 385 ff. 2. Majjhima, I, pp. 160-75; see also Malalasekera, op. cit., 1, pp. 179-80. 3. See Jataka, 1.81; Mahavagga, trans., I.B. Horner, p. 11. 4. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 662; the Thericapa is mentioned in the Therigatha (see Nalanda edn., Khuddaka Nikaya, II, pp. 441-3), but there the name of Upaka is conspicuously absent. 5. See supra, p. 29, n. 3. 6. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 14. 7. Ibid., I, p. 609. 8. Ibid., II, p. 123. 9. See Anguttara, III (trans.), p. 273.

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AJIVIKISM AND GOSALA 10. See Majjhima, Sandakasutta (no. 76); see also Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 14; see also Hindi translation published by Mahabodhi Sabha, p. 307. 11. Emphasis mine. 12. Bhagavati (Sailana edn.), V, pp. 2425-6. 13. History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas, London, 1951, p. 32. 14. See JDL, II, p. 5. 15. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 295. 16. See ABORI, 8, pp. 183-4. 17. See the Hindi translation of his work entitled Paninikalina Bharatavarsa, p. 370. 18. Basham, op. cit., pp. 80 ff. 19. See Sumangalavilasini, I, p. 142. 20. Digha, no. 2. 21. V, p. 2373. 22. See M. Monier-Williams, SED, p. 772. 23. See Sumangalavilasini, I, pp. 143 ff.; Pancasudani, I, p. 422; see also Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 400. 24. V, p. 2381. 25. See Avasyakacurni, I, pp. 271, 282-4, 287-99. 26. See Majjhima, II, pp. 243 ff.; Digha, pp. 117, 210. 27. Basham, op. cit., p. 66. 28. V, p. 2369. 29. Nalanda edn., p. 260. 30. See Nalanda edn., Pacittiya, p. 106. 31. See Nalanda edn. of Anguttara, I, p. 267. 32. V, p. 2418. 33. Ibid., p. 2444. 34. Ibid., III, pp. 1190 ff. 35. No. 144. 305 36. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 238, n. 1. 37. Loc. cit. 38. Loc. cit. 39. Nalanda edn., Anguttara, I, p. 267. 40. Ed., N.A. Gore, Poona, 1953, pp. 114 ff. 41. V, p. 2449. 42. See Buhler, EI, II, pp. 245 ff.; see also Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 62 ff. 43. See IA, 20, p. 364; Luders, List, nos. 954-6; see also Sircar, op. cit., pp. 77 ff. 44. EI, XXIV, pp. 296 ff. 45. See Basham, op. cit., pp. 168 ff. 46. See IA, 41, pp. 286-90. 47. Basham, op. cit., pp. 173 ff.

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306 APPENDIX A 48. Ibid., pp. 165 ff. 49. See Winternitz, HIL, III, pt. I, p. 81. 50. Basham believes that the Nagnatakas who defiled Deva-temples dur ing the reign of Harsa of Kashmir (last quarter of the eleventh century), were probably the Ajivikas; see op. cit., pp. 205 ff.; but this sur mise appears to be entirely wrong.

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APPENDIX B Early Jainism and Yaksa-Worship The early Vedic texts show some acquaintance with 'supernatural beings' or 'springs' called yaksas, but in comparison to yaksas they are mentioned less frequently. Unlike yaksas and pisacas, the yaksas are depicted in the early and later Vedic literature as less dangerous and malignant, although they too, sometimes are conceived as pure evil spirits. It is of great interest that Kubera, the leader of the yaksas of later literature, is delineated as the king (rajan) of yaksas and other evil-doers in such an ancient text as the Satapatha Brahmana.' He is further called by his other name Vaisravana in that text. A still earlier reference to him will be found in the Atharvaveda,2 but there he is not connected with either the yaksas or raksasas. There are separate references3 to the yaksas and Kubera in later Vedic literature, but Kubera as the king of the yaksas appears only in the postVedic literature. The term yakssa also appears in the Jaiminiya Brahmana1 as the name of an unexplained being. But eactly at what time Kubera lost his position as the king of yaksas, it is not possible to say in the present state of our knowledge, but there is little doubt that he came to be associated with them long before Mahavira and the Buddha. From the epics we learn a great deal about yaksas and some of their prominent leaders. In both the Ramayana and Mahabharata the yaksas, unlike other supernatural beings, appear as demi-gods. The interesting story told about the struggle of the yaksas led by Kubera, and raksasas led by his younger brother Ravana in the Uttarakanda of the Ramayana shows that by the time that portion of the epic was composed, the yaksas were looked upon as somewhat benevolent beings. We should particularly note the epithet mahatman applied to Manibhadra and Kubera in that Book of the Ramayana." The famous yaksa-Yudhisthira story told in the Mahabharata," also testifies that the poet of that part of the great epic had real deference for yaksas. Another point to be noted in this connection that Kubera or Vaisravana, the lord of the yaksas in the

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308 APPENDIX B epics, is conceived not only as an honourable member of the Brahmanical pantheon but also as one of the four lokapalas. We are told in the Uttarakanda that formerly there were three lokapalas and that Kubera or Vaisravana was installed as the fourth lokapala by Brahman after the former satisfied the latter by his penances. There is no doubt that Kubera was either a raksa or paksa before he was accepted in that Indian pantheon, and his elevation supports my contention that in the period of the composition of the epics, yaksas had their regular devotees among the local population, and this will be confirmed by my discussion. In the literature of both the Jainas and Buddhists the yaksas play a very important role, but the early Jaina canonical writers, even more than their Buddhist counterparts, show a very intimate acquaintance not only with the yaksas, but also disclose the names of innumerable yaksa shrines of the Aryavarta and Uttarapatha. Anyone who is even superficially acquainted with the Angas and Upangas knows that one such yaksa shrine is mentioned almost in every sutra of these texts. There was hardly a city or town which had not a yaksa ayatana or caitya. I list below the names of some important shrines (a majority of which were dedicated to yaksas) in the Jaina texts. Name of the city Name of the Shrine Vardhamanapura Kayamgala Campa Manibhadra Chattapalasa Purnabhadra and Angamandira Suhamma Vaniyagama (a suburb of Vaisali) Vaisali Mithila Alabhiya Varanasi Kausambi Sravasti Mathura Hastinapura Dvaravati Bahuputtiya and Komdiyayana Manibhadra Samkhavana and Pattakalaga Kotthaga and Ambasalavana Camdotarana Kotthaga Sudarsana Sahasambavana Surapriya This list is by no means exhaustive, and it is not difficult to mention at least another hundred such shrines situated in various parts

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EARLY JAINISM AND YAKSA-WORSHIP 309 of northern and eastern India. The Pali Buddhist texts disclose the names of a good number of so-called yakkha-cetiyas, most of which were situated in various parts of Eastern India. In the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya, quite a number of shrines situated in the celebrated city of Vaisali or Vesali are mentioned. They are: Sarandada, (Capala, Udena, Gotamaka, Bahuputta, and Sattamba. From another Book of the Digha Nikaya, Patika Suttanta, we further learn that Udena was situated to the east, Gotamaka to the south, Sattamba to the west and Bahuputta to the north of this city. We have already seen that the shrine of Bahuputta is mentioned in the Bhagavati," the celebrated fifth Anga of the Jainas from which we further learn that it was once visited by Mahavira. Indeed, this is the only shrine that is mentioned both in the Jaina and Buddhist texts. Another Bahuputta shrine was situated on the road between Rajagrha and Nalanda, according to the Samyutta Nikaya.10 In this shrine the Buddha exchanged robes with Mahakassapa. We have also seen that a few yaksa shrines of Alabhiya are mentioned in the Jaina texts. It is just possible that one of these yaksa shrines is repeatedly mentioned in the Pali texts11 as connected with the activities of the Buddha and few of his disciples. The Pali texts also disclose the names of a few other shrines of east ern India, namely Supatittha of Rajagrha,12 Ananda of Bhoganagara (in the Vajji territory),13 Makutabandhana of the Mallas,11 and Ajakalapa of Patali or Pava.15 It is, however, extremely doubtful whether all the ceiyas and cetiyas or ayatanas of the Jaina and Buddhist texts were dedicated to the yaksas. Let us first take up the case of the famous Bahuputta shrine situated in the northern part of Vaisali which, as we have already noted, was the only shrine of ancient India to be mentioned clearly in both the Ardhamagadhi and Pali canons. There is reason to believe that this shrine was named after the goddess Bahuputtiya, whose story is told so evocatively and humourously in the Upanga text entitled Nirayavalika. We learn from the fourth adhyayana of that Jaina text that the goddess (and not a female yaksa) Bahuputtiya was intimately connected with the welfare of children. We cannot, however, be sure on this count since another Bahuputtiya is mentioned in the Bhagavati, Sthananga," and Nayadhammakahao18 as the wife of yaksa Purnabhadra. The well-known Gotamaka shrine of the same city was in all probability not a yaksa temple. I invite, in this connection, attention to a few slokas of the Sabhaparvan of the Mahabharata 16

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310 APPENDIX B where we come across the name of one Gautamauka temple of Rajagrha which, according to these verses, was named after the rsi Gautama. The Sanskrit word gautamauka is exactly the same as the Pali gotamaka. Since the temple of Gautamauka at Rajagrha was dedicated to rsi Gautama, it is reasonable to infer that the shrine of the same name situated at Vaisali was also named after that Vedic rsi. It is also interesting that a sect called Gotama-Goyama is mentioned both in the Anuyogadvara,20 a Jaina canonical text, and the Anguttara," a Pali work. According to Hemacandra,22 the commentator of Anuyogadvara, the mendicants belonging to that school earned their livelihood by exhibiting young bulls, both painted and decorated, and performing tricks. The worship of ancient rsis was not an uncommon thing in ancient India. We have the well-known instance of Agastya worship. A shrine called Kamamahavana is mentioned in several Jaina texts including the Antagadadasao" and Bhagavati, as situated at Varanasi. It can by no stretch of imagination be called a yaksa shrine. It was quite definitely dedicated to the Hindu god of love, Kamadeva, who was one of the most popular gods of ancient India and whose festivals were regularly held in almost all important cities of India in spring, the Angamandira25 shrine of Campa, associated with the activities of the Ajivika philosopher Makkhaliputta Gosala, was also probably a Brahmanical temple. This is the only ceiya of Jaina literature whose name has the significant ending mandira, probably meaning a devakula. We should further note that the deities and even noble persons were often called yaksas in ancient India. In the Majjhima Nikaya26 and the Petavatthu,27 Indra is called a yaksa. The famous city of gods Alakananda is mentioned in the Digha as the city of yaksas. Even the Buddha is called a yaksa in the Majjhima Nikaya.29 That very interesting Buddhist Sanskrit text the Mahamayari, recently edited and translated by D.C. Sircar,30 has a comprehensive list of the so-called yaksa shrines in which virtually all the well-known Hindu gods are called yaksas. For example, Visnu of Dvaraka in v. 19, Siva of Sivapura in v. 47, and Karttikeya of Rohitaka in v. 35. We have already noted that the epics, the Ramayana and Mahabharata, have nothing but deference for the yaksas, who were superior in character and demeanour to the raksasas and pisacas. Even a person like Yudhisthira is delineated in the Mahabharata31 as worshipping Yaksa Manibhadra whose shrine according to the Jaina texts, 32 was situated both at Mithila and Vardhamanapura of Bengal. This particular yaksa is mentioned else

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311 EARLY JAINISM AND YAKSA-WORSHIP where in the Mahabharata as the presiding deity of travellers and traders 33 and a Buddhist canonical text34 alludes to a shrine of the same yaksa at Gaya. Another Buddhist text35 refers to the sects who apparently worshipped Manibhadra and Purnabhadra, both of whom are honourably mentioned in the Jaina texts. The list given above regarding some of the yaksa-cetiyas shows that most of these shrines were situated in eastern India. There is no doubt that yaksa-worship was basically anti-Vedic in character, and it was only when the fusion of Aryans with non-Aryans was complete, that they were looked upon with veneration. It is also true that a few members of the Brahmanical pantheon like Siva, Ganapati, Skanda, and Durga were originally local deities, worshipped by non-Aryans, or to put it more correctly, un-Aryans. Both Jainism and Buddhism, which were basically anti-Vedic, naturally befriended popular and indigenous religious systems, which had a greater appeal for the masses. Parsva, who may be called the real founder of Jainism, probably used to visit the well-known yaksa shrines of Varanasi. His visit to the famous Purnabhadra shrine of Campa is recorded in the Nayadhammakahao,36 the sixth Anga text. Regarding his illustrious successor, Lord Mahavira, we can say with certainty that the yaksa shrines of eastern India were his most favoured resorts. In this connection the following words of the Master found in the Bhagavati may be reproduced here: 'I pass my nights in devakulas, sabhas, pavas, aramas, and ujjanas.' Most of the ceiyas of the Jaina texts were situated in ujjanas, meaning gardens. He also used frequently to visit shrines like Gunasila of Rajagrha Purnabhadra of Campa, Kosthaka of Sravasti, etc. Quite a number of his lectures were delivered, according to the Bhagavati, in the Gunasila shrine of Rajagrha. A very vivid and useful description of the famous yaksa shrine of Purnabhadra, situated to the north-east direction of Campa is given in the well-known Upanga text the Aupapatika.37 The description there leaves no room for doubt that this particular shrine was one of the most prominent cultural and religious centres of that celebrated city, represented as the metropolis of Kunika-Ajatasatru, the son of Srenika-Bimbisara. Although the Bhagavati refers to Mahavira's visit to devakulas, very few devakulas are actually mentioned either in the Jaina or Buddhist canonical texts. I have already referred to the temple of the god of Love situated at Varanasi. There is little doubt that all the three teachers, Parsva, Mahavira and the Buddha, scrupulously and care

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312 APPENDIX B fully avoided temples dedicated to Brahmanical gods. But the cetiyaceiyas, dedicated to yaksas, were favoured by them. In this connection I can recall the following words spoken by the Buddha to his followers in the Anguttara Nikaya,38 'Vajjian shrines should be revered.' By Vajjian he means the famous shrines of Vaisali and possibly also of Bhoganagara which was also situated in the Vajji country. It thus appears that both Mahavira and the Buddha had some genuine deference for yaksa shrines, particularly those of eastern India. Unlike Buddha, who spent the major part of his ascetic life in the luxurious Jetavanavihara of Sravasti and the squirrels' feeding place of Rajagrha, Mahavira, who wandered about absolutely naked, spent the major portion of his life in deserted caves and dilapidated shrines. Here I would like to draw attention to the fact that Mahavira became a kevalin near a dilapidated shrine (ceiya).39 It is clear from the Vipakasruta" and Aupapatika" that yaksas were worshipped like gods, with leaves, flowers, incense and sandal, etc., and as with the gods they were worshipped for progeny, success, etc. 12 These shrines invariably had an image13 of the yaksa to whom it was dedicated. There is also reason to believe that image-worship was originally a non-Aryan custom and probably began with the worship of yaksa images. Image-worship was also an integral part of Jaina religion from the earliest times. Even in the most ancient texts of the Jainas we have references to images and shrines dedicated to various Tirthamkaras. If the evidence of the Hathigumpha inscription is to be believed, a Nanda king of the fourth century BC, took away a Jina image from Kalinga." It is also possible that early Jaina sculptors got inspiration from that yaksa images installed in various shrines. There is even reason to believe that the association of every Tirthamkara with a particular tree was due to the influence of yaksa worship which was often connected with ruksa or tree-worship. We should remember that the original Sanskrit word caitya also meant a sacred tree.15 Further, the commentary of the Dhammapada describes the Udena and Gotamaka shrines as rukkhacetiyas. This is not surprising since most of the yaksa shrines, according to the Jaina canonical texts, were situated amidst large gardens (ujjana).16 The intimate connection of both Jainism and Buddhism with yaksa-worship is also testified to by the fact that Vaisravana Kubera, the lord of yaksas, is probably the most prominent of the Hindu gods to be worshipped by the Jainas and Buddhists alike, shown by the references to him in their canonical texts. He was popular even

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EARLY JAINISM AND YAKSA-WORSHIP 313 outside India. 17 As Jainism found favour with the traders from quite early times, it is natural that the god of wealth, Kubera, who was the supreme lord of the yaksas, should be popular among the devotees of Parsva and Mahavira. It is clear from the above discussion that early Jainism had a close and intimate connection with yaksa-worship and gradually incorporated and absorbed some of its salient features. The Jainas, it should be noted, had a very favourable attitude towards the so-called malignant spirits, this is shown by Vimala's treatment of some raksasa characters of the Ramayana in his celebrated Paumacariyam. Characters like Ravana, Kumbhakarna, and others are represented in this poem as vegetarian vidyadharas believing firmly in non-violence. Vimalasuri, who lived in the first century AD (530 years after the nirvana of Mahavira) even takes the author of the Ramayana to task for delineating the raksasas as cruel beings. 18 As firm believers in non-violence, the early Jaina writers refused to believe that even supernatural beings or spirits could indulge in violence, and it was herefore entirely natural that yaksas should get an honourable place in the early Jaina canonical literature. REFERENCES 1. XIII.4.3.10. 2. VIII.10.28. 3. Manava GS, 11.14; San. GS, 1.1.7; Hiranya GS, II, 1.3.7; see also SBE, 29, p. 219. 4. II, 203, 272. 5. Chs. 14 ff. 6. VII.15.15, 29. 7. III, chs. 312 ff. 8. 3.11 ff. 9. Para 617. 10. II, p. 149. 11. Suttavibhanga, I, p. 246; II, pp. 71, 194; 223; Anguttara, IV, p. 147; Samyutta, I, pp. 234, 275 et seq. 12. Mahivagga, p. 45. 13. Anguttara, II, p. 174. 14. Mahaparinibbana of the Digha. 15. Udana, p. 6. 16. Para 406. 17. Para 273. 18. Para 153.

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314 APPENDIX B 19. 21.5-8. 20. Para 20. 21. III, p. 200. 22. Anuyogadvaravrtti, p. 25. 23. Para 15. 24. Para 550; see also Naya, 151. 25. Bhag, 550. 26. I, p. 252. 27. II, 9.65 ff. 28. II, p. 170. 29. I, p. 386. 30. JAIH, V, pp. 262-328. 31. VIV, 65.7. 32. Jambudvipaprajnapti, 1.178; Suryaprajnapti, 1-2; see also Bhag, 362. 33. III, 64.13; 65.22. 34. Samyutta, I, p. 266. 35. Mahaniddesa, pp. 89, 92; see also Milindapanha, p. 191. 36. Para 152. 37. Para 2. 38. IV, p. 10. 39. See Kalpasutra, 120 (SBE, 22, p. 263); see also Acaranga, 11.15.25. 40. See Vipaka, Kota, 1935, p. 248. 41. Para 2. 42. Vipaka, p. 244. 43. See Ant., p. 86 (ed., L.D. Barnett); vipaka, p. 86. 44. See Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 217. 45. Cf. Mahabharata, I, 150.33: eko vykso hi yo grame bhavet parnaphalanvitah caityo bhavati nirjnatirarcaniyah supujitah. See especially Aupapatika (3) which describes a large garden just out side the Purnabhadra caitya of Campa. 47. See Watters, Yuan Chwang, I, p. 108; See also Mahavania, X, 89. 48. See the paper on Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam included in my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 177-95. 46.

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Bibliography Ayyangar, R., and Seshagiri, B., Studies in South Indian Jainism, Madras, 1922. Barua, B.M., History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, reprinted, Delhi, 1998. -, 'The Ajivikas', JDL, 2, pp. 1-80; see also his paper in ABORI, 8. Basham, A.L., History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas, London, 1951. Bhagavati, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918-21. Bhandarkar, D.R., IA, 41, pp. 286-90. Bloomfield, M., The Life and Stories of the Jain Saviour Parsvanatha, Baltimore, 1919. Chatterjee, A.K., The Cult of Skanda Kartikeya in Ancient India, Cal cutta, 1970. Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Traditions, Calcutta, 1974. Choudhary, G.C., Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources, Amritsar, 1963. Desai, P.B., Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957. Dey, N.L., The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, reprinted, New Delhi, 1983. Doshi, Bechardas, Jaina Sahitya ka Brhad Itihasa, vol. 1, Varanasi, 1989. Fergusson, J., Tree and Serpent Worship, London, 1873. Ghosh, A., ed., Jaina Art and Architecture, 3 vols., New Delhi, 1974. Gopani, A.S., Bharatiya Vidya, 2, pp. 201-10; 3, pp. 47-59. Guernot, A., Repertoire d'Epigraphie Jain, Paris, 1908. Handiqui, K.K., Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1968. Jacobi, Hermann, Jaina Sutras, 2 vols., SBE, 22, 45, reprinted, Delhi, 1997. Jain, Jagdish Chandra, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jain Canons, Bombay, 1947; reprinted, New Delhi, 1984. -, Prakrta Sahitya ka Itihasa, Varanasi, 1961. Jain, J.P., The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, Delhi, 1964. Jaina, C.L., Jaina Bibliography, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1945. At the end some recent Jain inscriptions, discovered from Mathura have been

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316 BIBLIOGRAPHY edited in JUPHS and Epigraphia Indica, they have also been cited in Jaina Silalekha Samgraha. Kalapasutra, ed., H. Jacobi, Leipzig, 1879; trans. by the same scholar, SBE, 22, Oxford, 1898. Majumdar, R.C., The History and Culture of the Indian People, vol. III, The Classical Age, Bombay, 1988; vol. IV, The Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay, 1990. Malalasekera, G.P., Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, 2 vols., New Delhi, 1995. Mehta, Mohanlal, Jaina Sahitya ka Bihad Itihasa, vol. 3, Varanasi, 1989. -, and Chandra, K.R., Dictionary of Prakrit Proper Names, 2 pts., Ahmedabad, 1970-72 Nayadhammakahao, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1919. Ojha, G.H., Bharatiya Pracina Lipimala (The Palaeography of India), reprinted, New Delhi, 1993. Rapson, E.J., The Cambridge History of India, vol. I, Ancient India, Cam bridge, 1935, ch. VI. Raychaudhary, H.C., Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1953. Ray, H.C., Dyanastic History of Northern India, 2 vols., reprinted, New Delhi, 1973. Saletore, B.A., Medieval Jainism, Bombay, 1938. Samavayanga, ed. together with the vytti by Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918. Schubring, W., The Doctrine of the Jains, trans. from German, Delhi, 1962. Shah, C.J., Jainism in North India, Bombay, 1932. Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions bearing on Indian History and Civiliza tion, vol. I, from the sixth century BC to sixth century AD, Calcutta, 1965. Sthananga, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918-20. Suttagame (Collection of eleven Anga texts), ed., Puppha Bhikkhu, Gurgaon Velankar, H.D., sinaratnakosa, Poona, 1944 Watters, Thomas, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 2 vols. (bound in 1), New Delhi, 1996. Winternitz, Maurice, History of Indian Literature, 2 vols., reprinted, New Delhi, 1991.

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Index Abhayadeva 206-7, 212, 215-17, 230-31; Vadamaharnava 292 Abhidhanacintamani 56 Abhinandana, the fourth Tirthamkara 4; Vajranabha and Ajita, chief disciples of 4; priyaka, tree associated with 4 Abhira 148 Acaranganiryukti 227 Acarangasutra 13, 17, 19-23, 60, 69, 74, 89, 201-3, 205, 209, 223 Acarangatika 251 Adbhuta Ramayana 270 Agastya, rsi 21 94 Agnibhuti 26 Agrawala, V.S. 52, 58, 299 Ahicchatra (Adhicchatra), ancient capital of North Pancala 50, 59, 79-83, 94, 148 Aihole stone inscription 156 Aihole 159; Meguti temple at 159 Aitareya Brahmana 3 Aivaramalai stone inscription 191 Ajatasatru 11, 25, 209, 220, 302-3 Ajitanatha, the second Tirthamkara 4; Sihasena and Phaggu, first disciples of 4; saptaparna, tree associated with 4 Ajivika, school 27; religion 81, 209, 297-99, 302, 304 Ajmer Museum 136 Akalanka 146, 166; Pramanasamgraha 146; Tattvartharajavarttika 288-89; Astasati 289, 291; Siddhiviniscaya 289; Nyayaviniscaya 291 Akalankacarita 288 Agastyasimha 94; Dasavaikalikacurni Ambapali 46 Ajivikas 27-28, 111-12, 128, 186, 205, 211, 215, 218, 298-99 Ajivikism 27, 211, 297, 299, 303-4 Ajjanandi 192 Ajjanandi, Jaina saint 114 Akalavarsa Kannardeva. See Krsna III Akota 96 Ala-ud-din 81 Alexandria 105 Allahabad prasasti 90 Alsdorf 246 Altekar 180 Amitagati 145; Subhasitaratnasandoha 145 Amoghavarsa I 142, 146, 178-80, 260, 272; known as Dhavala and Atisaya Dhavala 181; Prasnottararatnamala 180, 273 Amma II (Vijayaditya) 173-74; undated Masulipatnam grant of 174 Amoghavarsa III 177 Amrtacandra 291; Pancastikayasara (173 verses) 284; Tattvarthasara 291; Atmakhyati 291 Anahilapataka 207, 230 Anahillapura 140-41, 149 Ananda (of Vaniggama), a rich and pious Jaina votary 26 Ananta, the fourteenth Tirthamkara 6; Yasa and Padma, disciples of 6; asvattha, tree associated with 6 Anathapindika 26 Anga texts, known eleven 201

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318 INDEX Angavijja 225-26, 246 Anguttara 24, 40, 47, 204, 206, 300, 302, 310, 312 Antagadadasao (Antakrtadasa) 47, 216, 310 Anuradhapura, Nigantha ascetic temples at 104; Nirgrantha monastery of 107 Anuttaropapatikadasa 216 Aparajita 290 Aranatha, Jaina Tirthamkara 7; Kumbha and Rakkhiya, chief disciples of 7 Ardraka 205 Arhadasi 56 Arikesari II 175-77 Arikesari III 177 Aristanemi (Neminatha), the twenty-second Tirthamkara 7, 51, 82, 84-86, 94, 213, 216; Varadatta and Yakkini, chief disciples of 8; vetasa, tree associated with 8; as a kinsman of Vasudeva 75 Arivan (Adinatha) 110 Arthasastra (of Kautilya) 202, 207, 225, 247, 261, 276, 304 Aryanandin 170 Aryaraksita 89 Aryavarman (Harivarman) 118, 126 Aryavarta 44 Asadhasena 80 Asamitta, the fourth Ninhava 83 Asoka 37, 70, 71, 76, 202, 304; incriptions of 36; the thirteenth Rock Edict of 70, 72; the seventh Pillar Edict of 303 Astahnika festival 109, 120, 124-25 Asvaghosa 57, 202, 254 Asvasena 11 Audambara (tribe) 35 Aupapatikasutra 25, 83, 110, 218, 224, 311-12; eight types of Brahmana parivrajakas mentioned in 218; eight types of Ksatriya parivra jakas mentioned in 218 Avantiputta 41 Avantisundarikatha 122 Avarakamka 214 Avasyakabhasya 14, 17 Avasyakaniryukti 1, 26, 55, 63, 69, 85-86, 91, 93, 227 Avinita 117, 120-22 Ayodhya 1, 3-4, 40, 42 Badami (fort) 127 Bagchi, P.C. 14 Bahasatimitra/Brhaspatimitra 80 Bahubali 85, 169 Bahuputta. See Bahuputtiya Bahuputtiya, goddess 21; Bahuputta shrine, dedicated to 21 Baladina, Arya 52 Balatrata, Arya 52, 59 Balin 245, 247 Balisaha, disciple of Mahagiri 34; sakha originated from: Kausambika 34-35 Bana 98, 255, 265; Kadambari 98, 255, 276 Banerji, R.D. 50, 54, 56-57, 74-75, 80 Bankura 134 Barasa-Anuvekkha 284-85 Barua, B.M. 74, 298-99 Basham, A.L. 299, 301, 304 Basu, R.D. 80 Bay of Bengal 104 Beg, Ghulam Rasul 82 Bhadrabahu 34, 48, 60, 117, 200201, 223-24, 226, 274, 284; Uttaradhyayananiryukti 221, 227; Pinda 225; Oghaniryukti 225 Bhadrayasas, disciple of Suhastin 35; sakhas originated from: Bhadriyika and Kakandika 35 Bhagavata, the cult of 42, 59 Bhagavatapurana (Vaisnava work) 25, 74, 98, 225

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INDEX 319 Butuga II/Nanniya Ganga 165-67, 184, 288 Bhagavati (Vyakhyaprajnapti) 12, 18- 22, 25-28, 32-35, 42, 47, 56, 60, 73, 81, 83-84, 209 passim, 298- 301 passim Bhagavati-aradhana 90 Bhandarkar, D.R. 134, 304 'Bharadhavasa' (Bharatavarsa) 74 Bharata (war) 209 Bharata 245 Bharatpur 137 Bharavi 157 Bhasa 46, 247; Carudatta 46, 247; Pratijnayaugandharayana 229 Bhima 175 Bhinnamala (Bhinmal) 97, 135, 139-40 Bhogivarman 162 Bhoja I 136, 146 Bhojakas 72 Bhtgukaccha (Broach) 87, 96, 140; Mulavasati and Sakunika viharas of 87, 139-40, 253 Bhutabali 259-60; Mahabandha 261 Bimbisara (Bhabhasara) 25 Bindusara 70 Bodhapahuda 284 Bombay Museum 97 Brahmagupta 273; Brahmasphuta- siddhanta 273 Brahman 112 Brahmandapurana 3, 98 Brahmi, inscriptions 113-14; char acters 115; script 208 Brhaspatidatta 35 Byhatkalpa 36, 224, 227 Byhattippanika 251 British Museum 174 Buddha (Gautama Buddha) 20-21, 24, 26-27, 33, 41, 69, 71 Buddhaghosa 225, 230; Sumangala- vilasini 300; Pancasudani 300 Buddhi 54 Buhler 43--48, 50-51, 54, 56-58, 64, 92 Cahamana 151 Cakresvari 176 Calukya/s 127-28, 145, 160, 169, 173, 175, 178; Western 156; Badami 171; Vengi 172; Eastern 172, 175; dynasty 174-75, 177, 184 Capa/s (dynasty) 135, 140-41 Cambridge History of India 11, 29 Campa 207, 209-11, 214-15, 218, 220, 299; Devadatta, famous prostitute of 213-14; temple of Vasupujya at 247; Angamandira shrine of 310; Purnabhadra shrine at 218, 224, 311 Camundaraja 142 Camundaraya 168, 181, 263, 287; Camundarayapurana 168, 181, 266 Canda 26 Candana, a Jaina nun 26, 210 Candanapuri (Candanpuri) 145-46; Amoghavasati, Jaina monastery situated at 145-46 Candella 143, 151 Candrabhaga (Chenab) 94 Candragupta 48, 70, 90, 117; as a Jaina devotee 37; as an orthodox Hindu 37 Candragupta I 94 Candragupta II 94 Candranandin, Acarya 120 Candraprabha, the eighth Tir thamkara 5, 90, 96; Dinna and Sumana, chief disciples of 5; nagaurksa, tree associated with 5 Candraprajnapti 220 Carana-bhavana 109 Caranars, a class of Jaina ascetics 108-10, 114-15, 191 Carudatta 204, 217

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320 INDEX Carvaka, philosophy of 248 Caulukya (dynasty) 142 caves of: Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills 76-77, 150; Pabhosa 80; Dank and Bawa Pyara 86-87; Son Bhandara 93; Andar-Madam 188; Aivarmalai hill 191; Candra gumpha (of Girnar hills) 86, 259; Barabar Hill 73, 303; Nagarjuni Hill 304 Cedi, family 70, 77; king 70, 72, 75 Cera 108, 112, 177 Cetaka, Ksatriya chief of Vaisali 19, 220, 303 Cetakakatha 229 Chakravarti 107 Chausa 97 Chedasutras, known six 223 Citrakuta 138, 230, 248 Cola, empire 188; period 188, in- scription 189, 248 Cola/s 108, 110, 112, 116-17, 185 Cuddapah 119 Cullavagga 301 Cunningham 82-83, 85, 94 88, 264 Dhammapada 221-22, 312 Dhananjaya 267; Anekarthanama mala 267; Namamala 267; Raghavapandaviya (Dvisandhana) 267; Visapaharastotra 267 Dhanapala 144; Paiyalacchi 144; Tilakamanjari 255; Rsabhapanca sika 255 Dhanga 143 Dhanna (Dhanya) 213 Dhanvantari 217 Dharasena, Jaina saint 86; Samadhi marana of 86 Dharasena II 96 Dharavala, the gift of 56 Dharmaghosa, Jaina ascetic 213 Dharmaghosa, an amtevasini of Jayasena 47 Dharmanatha, the fifteenth Tir thamkara 6; Arista and Siva, chief disciples of 6; dadhiparna, tree associated with 6 Dharmakirti 291 Dharmapariksa 145 Dharmapuri 170, 187; known Tagaduru in ancient times 187; Mallikarjuna temple at 170 Dharmavrddhi 54 Dharwar 178-79, 182-84 Dhruvasena (of Anandanagara) 95 Dhruvasena I 17, 95 Digambara/s 3, 21, 37, 64, 81-82, 86-88 passim; school 93; important works (of writers) in the tenth century AD 277 Digha Nikaya 13-14, 20, 25, 112, 207, 210, 212, 218, 300, 309 digvijaya (of Arjuna) 86 Dikshitar 108 Dinnaga 289, 291; Nyayapravesa 289 Dipavamsa 104, 106 Dvaraka (Baravai) 40, 213 Divakara 128 Dadhikarna, the temple of 56 Dadhivahana 69-70 Dasapura 87, 91 Dasaratha 243, 245 Dasarna 222 Dasasrutaskandha 224, 226 Dasavaikalika 221, 223, 226-27 Datta, Arya 51-52 Demetrios 73 Deva, Arya 55 Devadatta 25, 28, 57 Devananda, Brahmana lady 17, 47, 209-10; Mahavira's real mother 18 Devagupta, Mahakavi 94, 224 devanirmita stupa 43, 54, 63-64, 228 Devasena 116, 122, 144; Darsanasara 116, 144, 264, 285; Aradhanasara

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INDEX 321 Draupadi (Dovai) 214, 216 Dravida 185, 204 Durga 111, 208, 311 Durvinita 122 Elacarya, Jaina savant 138, 165-66, 259 Ellora 86; Jaina images from 97 Eravati/Aciravati (Rapti) 206 297-98, 300-303, 310 Gosthamahila 87; Avaddhiya doc trine, founded by 87 Gotamaka. See Gautama Gotiputra 43-45 Govinda III 163, 178 Govinda IV 182-83 Govindaniryukti 228 Guhanandin 92-93 Guhila 151 Gunabhadra 180, 270; Uttarapurana 180-81, 269, 276 Gunadhya 241; Brhatkatha 91, 241, 246-47 Gunasila (shrine) 208 Gundavana 41 Gunji Rock inscription (of Kumara viradatta) 3 Guntur 173, 175 Gupta period 82, 89-91, 93, 97-98, 123, 134, 147, 211, 246; Jina images of 94 Gupta inscription 263 Fa-hien 81, 84, 274 Fleet 45, 52, 124, 127, 157, 159, 165, 174 four ages (Keta, Kali, Treta, and Dvapara) 203 Fuhrer 56, 80, 82 C scriptions Hanumat 243 Hargovind Das, Pandit 109; Prakrit Dictionary 109900 219, 223-29 Gajabahu (Kayavagu) 105-6 Gandhahastin, earlier commenta- tor of the Acaranga 201 Gandharas (Gadara) 44 Ganesa 215 Ganga 35, 206, 250 Ganga, family 118-19, 140; empire 118, 160, 163; kingdom 118-19; copperplates 119; inscriptions 119, 164, 168; records 121; ruler 122, 160, 168, 172 Gangas 123-24, 163, 178; Western 117, 119, 187 Gautama, rsi 21. Gotamaka shrine, dedicated to 21 Geiger 104 Ghata Jataka 216 Giri, the Nigantha 104 Girinagara. See Girnar Girnar 85, 86, 140, 142, 259 Gita (Bhagavadgita) 220, 247, 250 Godasa, disciple of Bhadrabahu 34, 52; sakhas originating from: Tamraliptika 34, Kotivarsiya 34, Pundravardhaniya 34 Gosala (Mankhaliputta Gosala) 22, 24, 27-28, 33, 35, 81, 205, 211, Haribhadra 138, 200, 219, 223-24, 230, 247-48, 254, 266, 282, 28889; Dhurtakhyana 228, 249; Pancasaka 248; Samaraiccakaha 248-49, 254, 276; Anekantajayapataka 289; Upadesapada 290 Harigupta 94 Harinegamesi 18, 47; identified with Karttikeya 209 Harisena 34, 37, 64, 81, 139, 150, 159, 276; BIhatkathakosa 34, 37, 64, 81, 93, 95, 97, 139, 147, 150, 159, 262-63, 268, 273 Harivamsapurana 246-47 Harivarman 136 Harsa 157 Harsa Siyaka 144; Harsola grant of

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322 INDEX 144 Jatayu 243 Hastikundi (Hathundi) 136 Jayabhuti 50-51 Hastimalla 118; Udayendiram plates Jayadhavala 260, 268-69, 271 of 190 Jayaghosa 222 Hastinapura 6-7, 24, 35, 207, 210, Jayasena 47; Pancastikayasara (181 222 verses) 284 Hastipala 28 Jayasimha 252-53; DharmopadesaHastisimha 76 mala 252 Hathigumpha inscription 70, 75- Jayasimha II 172 76, 312 Jayaswal 73-75 Hemacandra 218, 243, 252 Jestahasti 58 Huviska 52, 54-56 Jetavana oihara 81 Jhansi 147; Deogarh temples at 147 Ichavadi 165; fragmentary stone in Jinabhadragani 54, 95-96, 246, 287; scription of Butuga II at 165 Visesavasyakabhasya 95, 223, 227Iksumati, the river, identified with 28, 241; sitakalpasutra 224; JitaSankissa 83 kalpabhasya 227 Iksvakus 24 Jinadasagani Mahattara 37, 200-201, Ilango, Ceral 106-8; Silappadikaram, 223-25, 246, 252; Nisithavisesa the Sangam epic 105-10, 112, curni 37, 229, 249; Avasyakacurni 115; Siva, Visnu, Murugan, and 1, 19, 89, 200, 229, 287; NandiDurga referred in 108 curni 229; Anuyogadvaracurni 225, Indo-Greek ruler 73 229, 241, 261, 310; DasavaikalikaIndra III (Nityavarsa) 182; Danavula- curni 229; Uttaradhyayanacurni padu pillar inscription of the 229; Sutrakytangacurni 229-30 reign of 182; Hatti Mattur stone Jina-Kanci 117 inscription of the reign of 182 Jinaprabha 64, 80-82, 85, 135, 138- Indrabhuti (Imdabhuti) 12, 26-28, 39, 147, 255; Vividhatirthakalpa 205, 208, 215, 222 64, 80, 82, 85, 96, 135, 138-39, Indranandi 184; Jualamalinikalpa 147, 159, 255, 283 184; Srutavatara 260, 283 Jinasena 193, 96, 287-88; Adipurana Indranandin, Acarya 82, 94 93, 267-69, 271, 291; ParsvabhyuIndraraksita 84 daya 180, 267-69 Jinasena II 135, 139. HarivansaJacobi 19 purana 56, 96, 135, 180, 250, 265, Jaiminiya Brahmana 307 267-68, 273 Jain, J.C. 250, 263 Jinavallabha 175-76 Jaisalmer bhandara 95 Jivajivabhigama 219 Jamali, Mahavira's son-in-law 21, 28, sivakacintamani 192 35; first Ninhava 28, 81 Jivantasvamin, temple of 91 Jambudvipaprajnapti 220 Jotiya, the Nigantha 104 Jarasandha 40 Junagarh 86 Jatasimhanandin 172, 262; Varanga- Jvalamalini (Uriamma) 146 carita 86, 172, 262, 265-66

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INDEX 323 Kadamba, kingdom 122; dominion Karandu/Karakanda/Karakandaka 127; kings 127; dynasty 285 (Karandu-Karakandu), a Pacceka Kadambas 123, 126, 128, 160-61 Buddha 69-70, 222 Kaikeyi 247 Karata 70 Kakavarna (Kalasoka) 70 Karkuhastha 56 Kakkuka 136; Ghatiyala inscription Karttikeya 47 of 136 Kasi 5, 11, 13, 20, 29, 32, 92-93, 148, Kakubha 92 209 Kakusthavarman 123-25; Halsi grant Kataccuris 96 of 123-24 Kathasaritsagara 249 Kalacuri/s 96, 151 Kathavatthu 104 Kalanjara 222 Kauravas 24 Kalhana 149; Rajatarangini 149 Kausambi 32, 34-36, 42-43, 79-81, Kali Age 4 148, 207, 210, 224 Kalidasa 157; Meghaduta 267 Kaveri 105, 110, 189 Kalinga 45, 69-72, 76-77, 222, 312; Kaveripattinam 108, 110; Nirgrantha Jina of 74-75 temple at 108 Kalpasutra 1-3, 12, 14, 17-19, 21- Kesin 12, 14, 222 23, 27, 29, 34, 47, 69, 85-86, 95, Ketas. See Simhapura 203, 209, 219, 224, 226 kevala-jnana 29, 86 Kamadeva 310 Khajuraho 143; inscription of the Kamardhi, disciples of Suhastin 35; reign of Dhanga 143; Jinanatha sakha originated from: Sravastika temple at 143 35 Kharavela 45, 70-74, 76-77, 94, 98; Kamasastra 71 military stature of 72 Kambayya (Stambha) 178; Manne Kielhorn 180 plates of 178 Kirata 70 Kamboja 222; horses of 219 Kirtivarman I 127, 156 Kamiddhi 51 Kirtivarman II 159 Kampilya/Kampil, the capital of Kolar 120; Nonamangala grant of southern Pancala 83, 148, 207, 120; Perur Evani Adigal Arhat 218, 222 temple of 120 Kamsa 40 Kolhapur 146; Altemi copperplates Kanahasaha 55 (grants) discovered at 127, 146 Kanakasabhai 107 Konkanivarman (Madhava I) 118Kanci 116, 125, 186, 228, 262, 285; Kamakattam Siva temple of 186 Konnur stone inscription 179 Kandarayana, Brahmana 41 Konow 93 Kanhavenna (Krsna) 71 Kopana/Kopbal, second Jaina holy Kaniska 47-49, 58; era of 80, 92 place of Karnataka 171-72, 183, Kankali Tila 43, 46-48, 55, 76 266; identified with Kung-kan-naKapilavastu 24 pu-lo of Yuan Chwang 171 Kapisi, identified with Opian 85, Kosala 29, 42-43, 81, 206, 209 133, 219 Kotivarsa, capital of Ladha 34 19

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324 INDEX 01 Krsna 19, 40, 75, 213, 215, 247; 77, 82 Rukmini and Jambavati, wives of Luke 214 216 Krsna II 169, 181, 270; Saundatti Machilipatnam (Masulipatnam) 174 inscription of the reign of 181; Madhava II (also known as Madhava Mulgund inscription of the reign III) 118, 120; Penukonda plates of 181 of 118-20 Krsna III 166-67, 177, 183-84, 189, Madhurasutra 41 276; Karhad plates of 184; Karjol Madura 110, 113-15, 171, 192; inscription of 184 Nirgrantha temple of 110; Jaina Krsnavarman I 126 relics of 113 Ksema 57 Maduraikkanchi 113 Kumaradasa 304; Janakiharana 304 Magadha 40, 76, 299 Kumaragupta 90-91 Maghahasti. See Mamguhasti Kumaramita 50-53 Mitra, R.L. 58 Kumaraputras. See Indrabhuti Mahabharata 3, 8, 14, 21, 40, 44, 70, Kumariparvata. See caves of 72, 75, 83, 86, 202-3, 213-15, Kumbhakarna 242, 245, 313 217, 261, 267, 270, 274, 307, 309- Kumbhanda, the Nigantha sadhu 11; Nami (Videhan monarch) 104 identified with Nimi (of BrahmaKunala (king) 37 nical and Buddhist) in 204 Kunala (N. Kosala) 36 Mahagiri 89, 91 Kunavayil, the temple of 108 Mahakaccana 41 Kundakunda 88, 128, 260-61, 283, Mahameghavahana 70, 77 285; Bhavapahuda 88; Satkhanda- Mahanisithasutra 54, 64 gamatika 283; Rayanasara 284; Mahapadma Nanda 72, 75 Niyamasara 284; Samayasara 284 Mahapurana. See Gunabhadra Kunthu, Jaina Tirthamkara 7; Sva- Maharakkhita/Magharaksita 43, 84 yambhu and Amjuya, disciples Mahasena 138; Pradyumnacaritaof 7 kavya 138 Kural, a Jaina poem 106-7 Mahavagga 27 Kusana, period 3, 47, 56, 58-59, 79, Mahavamsa 104, 106-7, 304 80, 82; inscription 58, 82-83 Mahavastu 207 Kusanas 55 Mahavijaya 73 Kusadhvaja Janaka 83 Mahavira, the last (twenty-fourth) Tirthamkara 17-29, 32-35, 40Ladha 34, 69 42, 47, 58, 60, 64, 69, 73-74, 79, Laksmana 243, 245, 247, 270 81, 83-84 passim Lalitavistara 207, 290 Mahaviracarya 180; GanitasarasamLanka 242, 245 graha 180, 272 Lala (Latadesa) 251, 253 Mahendravarman I 185; MattavilasaLohacarya 261; Aradhana 261-62 prahasana 185 Lokavibhaga 262 Mahi 206 Luders 44, 46-48, 50-53, 59, 76 Mahmud (of Ghazni) 138

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INDEX Majjhima Nikaya 24-25, 297, 303, 310 Malakuta (Mo-lo-ku-ta) 185 Malaprabha (river) 179 Malava 148, 251 Malayagiri 219, 224, 272 Mallavadin 290; Dharmottaratippanaka 290 Malli, Jaina Tirthamkara 7, 110, 214; Indra and Bandhumati, chief disciples of 7; asoka, tree associated with 7 Mamguhasti (Mangu), Arya 55, 88, 97, 227 Mammata 136-37 Mancapurigumpha records 76 Mandasor 143 Mangalesa (Mangalaraja) 156 Manikyanandi 291; Pariksamukha sutra 291 Mankani inscription 96 Mankhu, Arya 88, 260 Manusmrti 217 Marasimha 118, 163-64, 172, 185 Marasimha III 164, 167-68; Kudlur plates of 164-66 Marshall 85 Mathura 3, 32-33, 40-48, 50, 64, 79, 81, 87, 147, 207, 227-28, 253 passim Mathura inscription 4, 6-8, 45, 50, 88, 109, 227; Mangu mentioned in 55, 84 Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions 45 Mattavilasaprahasana 111 Matthew 214 Mauryan, period 41, 79, 84, 145, 303; rulers 70; dynasty 37 Meghavahana 70, 77 Melapati (Melapadi) 184 Mercara treasury 121 Merumandiram, Tamil Jaina work 106 Merutunga 139, 141; Prabandhacinta 325 mani 139-41, 144 Milindapanha 219 Mithila 7, 207, 222 Moggarapani, yaksa 43 Mohenjo-daro 98 Mora Well inscriptions 45 Moriyaputta 26 Mrgesavarman 123-24, 126, Kala vanga village, a gift of: divided in three equal portions 124 Mulacara 227, 284 Mularaja I 142 Muskara/Mokkara 160 Nagarjuna 92, 95 Nagarkoyil 115 nagas 56 Nagasarika (Nausari) 142 Nagasena 54 Nalanda 22, 24, 32, 149, 205, 301, 309 Naminatha, Jaina Tirthamkara 7, 140; Subha and Amala, chief disciples of 7; bakula, tree associated with 7 Nirayavalika 13-14, 19, 25, 209, 220, 303, 309 Nanda/s 41, 70, 72, 75, 77, 200 Nandibala 56 Nandicurni 92 Nandisena 255; Ajitasantistava 255 Nandisutra 2, 55, 88, 207, 216, 224, 227, 261, 272 Nandisvara, the time of. See Astahnika festival Nandivardhana 22 Nandivarman II tandan) 186-87, 189 Nandivisala 53 Nanguttha Jataka 206, 303 Narasimharajapura 162 Narasimhavarman II 186 Naravahana II 174-75 Nasik 145-46, 179, 182 (Kumaramar

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326 INDEX Nathaputta (Nirgrantha Natha- putta) 24, 27, 33 Nayadhammakahao (jnatrdharma katha) 7, 13-14, 40, 42, 84-86, 212-13, 215, 309, 311 Nemicandra 241; Tarangalola 241; Gommatasara 119, 263 Neminathacariyu 141, 248 Nerur grant 156 Nilakesi, Tamil Jaina work 106-7 Nirgrantha, doctrine 20; religion 25-26, 32-33, 38, 69, 77, 80, 82, 84; ascetics 26, 77, 111, 124, 162, 214; muni 108; temple of 108; sadhus 114 Nisitha, first Chedasutra 223 Nitimarga II 165 Ogha, Arya 51 Ojha, G.H. 36, 138 Okharika 57-58 - Pancatantra 274 Pandavas 214-15 Pandipura (Adur) 127 Pandukabhaya 104 Pandya/s 108, 110, 112, 177, 191 Panini 83, 215, 218 Rapparappa 34 Paramaras 144 Paramesvaravarman I 186; Nala janampadu stone inscription of the reign of 186 Parantaka I 189-90 Paravanatha (Parsva), the penulti mate Jaina Tirthamkara 11, 14, 25-26, 32-33, 40-42, 56, 58, 60, 82-84, 87-88, 90, 96, 105 passim; Pupphacula, principle lady disciple of 13-14; worshipped as Dharaninda 82 Pasupati 202 Patalipura 115-16 Pataliputra (Kusumapura) 92, 200, 204, 211, 241, 282-83, 290 Patanjali 41, 83; Mahabhasya 304 Patna Museum 97 Pattani worship 106 Pava 28-29, 211 Periplus 97, 206, 225 Persepolis inscriptions, of Darius 44; of Xerxes 44 Pothayas/Prosthas 44 Prabandhacintamani 140, 255 Prabandhakosa 241 Prabhacandra 128, 286-87; Katha kosa 261, 285, 288 Prabhani plates 177 Prabhasa 206 Prabhavakacarita 141, 144, 241, 248, 254-55 Prabhutavarsa. See Govind III Prabodhacandrodaya 107, 254 Pradyota 26 Pradyumnacaritakavya 144 Prasenajit (Pasenadi) 26, 81, 219 Padalipta 98; Tarangavati 98, 241 Padmanabha 118-19 Padmaprabha (Suprabha), the sixth Tirthamkara 5, 80; Suvrata and Rati, disciples of 5; chatrabha, tree associated with 5 Paharpur 92; inscription of 93, 134 Pala, Arya 51 Pala period 134, 149 Palasika (Halsi) 125, 127; Jinendra temple of 123, 126 Pallava, inscription 117; period 187 Pallava/s 105, 115-17, 120, 124, 185 Pampa 175, 176; Vikramarjunavijaya (Pampabharata) 175-76; Adi- purana 175-76 Pancakalpamahabhasya 224 Pancala region 80 Pancanacandamurti 85 Pancasaka 248; Samaraiccakaha 248- 49, 254, 276; Anekantajayapataka 289; Upadesapada 290

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INDEX 327 Prasnavyakarana 216 text 206, 218 Pratihara 136, 253 Rajaraja I 187, 190 Pravacanasara 283-84 Rajarsi Vasu 76 pre-Kusana, inscription 46-48; Rajasekhara 74; Prabandhakosa 248 record 47; period 46 Rajasimha II 191 Premi, N.L. 264, 267-68 Rajasuya 73 Prince of Wales Museum 97 Rajgir 73; inscription of 94 Ptolemy 74, 108, 206 raksasas 72, 242, 307, 310, 313 Pudukkottai, Jaina sites of 115 Raktapura 158-59 Pujyapada 122, 128, 158, 264, 272, Rama 242-43, 245, 270 285, 287; Sabdavatara 122; Sarva- Ramayana 2-3, 20, 83, 225, 242-43, rthasiddhi 283-84, 288 245, 247, 261, 267, 307, 310, 313 Pulakesin I 127, 157 Ranna 183; AjitatirihakarapuranaPulakesin II 156-57 tilakam 183 Pundra 70 Rastrakuta/s 121, 137, 142, 144, 146, Pundravardhana 34, 133-34, 274 163, 166, 168-70, 177-78, 180 Purana Kassapa, one of the six great passim rivals of Buddha 298-99, 300 Rathikas 72 Puralanaprabandhasamgraha 139, Ratnakarandakasravakacara (Upa141 sakadhyayana) 286 Purulia 134 Rattas 168-70 Puspadanta 90, 260, 275-76; Tisalthi- Ravana 242-43, 245, 247, 270, 313 mahapurisagunalankaru (Trisasti- Ravigupta 94 mahapurusagunalankara) 274; Ravikirti 156-57 Nayakumaracariyu (Nagaku- Ravisena 159, 270; Padmapuruna maracarita) 274-75; Jasahara- (Padmacarita) 264-65, 270 cariyu (Yesodharacarita) 274-75 Ravivarman 123-26; undated Halsi Puspadanta/Suvidhi, the ninth grant of 125-26 Tirthamkara 5; Varaha and Rayapaseniya 14 Varuni, disciples of 5; mali/ malli, Raychaudhuri 37 tree associated with 5 Rice 168 Pusyamitra (monk) 47-48 Ritthanemicariyu 272 Pusyamitra Sunga 74 Rohana, Arya, disciple of Suhastin 35, 50, 86; sakha originated from: Rahavirapura (Rathavirapura) 87 Audainbarika/ Udumbarika 35, Rajagrha 22, 32, 43, 46, 79-80, 93, 86 133, 207, 213-14, 216, 223, 298- Rohini 214 99, 309, 312; Gautamauka tem Rome 105 ple of 310; Gunasila shrine of 311 Rsabhanatha (Adinatha), regarded Rajamalla I 164 as the first Tirthamkara 1-3,56Rajamalla II 164-65 58, 81, 87, 134, 136, 141, 175Rajamalla III 165 76; Rsabhasena and Bambhi, first Rajamalla IV 168 disciples of 1; regarded as an Rajaprasniya, the second Upanga avatara of Visnu 2; nyagrodha, tree

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328 associated with 1; temple of 135 Rsigupta, disciple of Suhastin 35; sakha originated from: Saurastrika 35, 84 Rudradasa 53 Saddarsanasamuccaya 289 Sahni, D.R. 57 Saiva 53 Sakas 44 INDEX Amoghavrtti 272 Saketa. See Ayodhya Sakyamuni 35 Salt Range 85, 133 Sama, Arya 58 Samana. See Mahavira Samantabhadra 128, 264, 283, 285, 287, 291; Gandhahastimahabhasya 283; Aptamimamsa (Devagama) 286, 289, 291; Yuktyanusasana 286; Svayambhustotra 286; Jinastutisataka 286 Samatata 133 Samavayanga 1, 14, 207, 246 Sambhava 54 Sastri, K.A.N. 191 Sakatayana 272; Sabdanusasana 272; Satakarni 71, 227 Sambhavanatha, the third Tir thamkara 4, 81; Caru and Sama, prominent disciples of 4; temple of 81 Samprati (Sampai) 37-38 Samudragupta 90 Samyutta 24, 303, 309 Sangam, poetry 105; period 105; texts 105-6, 113-14 Sangamika 50 and Sui, chief disciples of 6; nandi, tree associated with 6 Santisuri 3; Uttaradhyayanavrtti 3 Santivarman 125, 285 Sanghadasagani, the Svetambara commentator 63, 246; Brhatkalpabhasya 54, 88, 147, 224, 228; Nisithabhasya 228; Vyavaharabhasya 54, 64, 97, 140, 228 Sankaraganda II 183-84 Santinatha, Jaina Tirthamkara 6, 51, 87, 97, 137, 139, 147; Cakkaha Sarasvati 56 Sarayu 206 Sarvanandin 116; Lokavibhaga 116, 118 Sastitantra 214 Satakarni I (of Satavahana dynasty) 71 Satanika 69 Satapatha Brahmana 307 Satavahana period 98, 246 Satrunjayamahatmya 256 Sattanar, Sittalai 108; Manimekalai, the Sangam epic 106-8, 111 Saundatti 169-70; Ankesvara temple at 169 Sauvira 222 Senguttuvan, the Cera king 106-8 Setubandha 229 Siddharsi 254 Siddhasena 287, 292; Nyayavatara 287; Sammatitarkasutra 287 Siha, Arya 51 Sihanadika 46 Siladitya 95-96 Silanka 82, 201, 252; Acarangavrtti 82; Caupannamahapurisacariyam 251-52; Trisastisalakapurusa caritra 252 Simhala 177 Simhanandi 118-19 Simhapura (Sihapura) 6, 79, 85-86, 133 Simhavarman I 116, 118, 120 Simhavarman II 117 Simhavisnu, a devotee of Visnu 11617, 121-22 Sindhu-Sauvira 84, 210 Sira Pahari 91

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INDEX 329 Sircar, D.C. 36, 73-74, 80; Maha mayuri (ed. and trans.) 310 Sirkap 85 Sisupala 204 sisupalavadha 250, 254 Sitalanatha, the tenth Tirthamkara 5; Ananda and Sulasa, disciples of 5; pilanka, tree associated with Siva 112, 188, 311 Sivabhuti 87-89; Bodiya (Digam bara) sect founded by 87 Sivadeva 59 Sivamara I 118, 160-61 Sivamara II 161-64 Sivarya 262 Sivasena 59 Skanda (also known as Naigameya/ Naigamesa) 18 Skandagupta 92 Skandavarman 120 Smith 37 Somadeva 150-51, 177, 184; Yasastilakacampu 150-51, 177, 184, 267, 276; Yasodharacarita 177; Syadvadopanisad 177; Niti. vakyamata 177, 276; Adhyatma- tarangini 276-77 Sravana Belgola 117, 163-64, 167 68, 171-72, 178, 181, 185, 288; nirvana of acarya Aristanemi on Katvapra hill at 164; image of Gommatesvara at 168 Sravasti 12-13, 23, 25, 27-28, 42, 79-81, 148, 207-8, 219 298-99, 301-2, 311; Jetavanavihara of 312 Sreyamsa, the eleventh Tirthamkara 6, 86; Gothubha and Dharini, chief disciples of 6 Sripurusa 161-62; copperplate in scription of 161 Srivijaya 182 Stein 85 Sthananga 87, 109, 205-7, 216, 219, 246, 309 Sthira 58 Sthulabhadra 34, 200 Subandhu 98; Vasavadatta 98 Sudarsana 22 Sudharman 26 Sudraka 46, 247; Micchakatika 46, 204, 217, 246 Suhastin 35, 38, 48-51, 84, 89. See also Rohana, Bhadrayasas, Kamardhi, and Rsigupta Suhatthi 91 Sukhavipala 217 Sumati, the fifth Tirthamkara 4; Camara and Kasavi, chief disciples of 4; priyangu, tree associ ated with 4 Sunga period 43 Suparsva, the seventh Tirthamkara 5; Vidarbha and Soma, chief disciples of 5; sirisa, tree associated with 5 sura 55 Suraparaka 97 Suryaprajnapti 220 Sutrakrtanga 13, 32, 203-5, 226 Sutrakstangavivaranas 230 Suvarnavarsa, Karkaraja 141-42; Surat plates of 141-42 Suvrata, the twentieth Jaina Tirthamkara 7, 41, 43; Kumbha and Puspavati, chief disciples of 7; campaka, tree associated with 7; temple of 79-80 Svamikarttikeyanupreksa 263 Svayambhu 270-72; Paumacariyu 270 Svetambaras 3, 17, 36, 41, 64, 81 82, 85-86, 88 passim Syama, Arya 219; Prajnapana 219, list of 25/2 janapadas mentioned in 219 Tagara/Ter/Terapura 97 Taksasila 79, 85 Tamil Sangam. See Sangam

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330 INDEX Tamralipta 208 Taranatha 55 Tilakamanjari 144 Tolkappiyam 106 Toramana 94 Trigarta 44 Trigartas, a tribe 86 Tripitaka 13, 300 Trisala 18-20, 209 Udayana 26, 35, 217 Udayana (of Kausambi) 19, 69, 227 Udayana (of Sindhu-Sauvira) 33,80 Uddalaka 11 Udayagiri 90 Udyotanasuri 94, 134-35, 138, 230, 241, 251, 266, 289; Kuvalayamala 94, 96-97, 134-35, 248-50, 254, 265, 276, 289 Ugraditya 180; Kalyanakaraka 180, 272, 274 Ujjayini 46, 90, 216, 220, 228, 253, 274, 276 Ujjimta/Ujjamta. See Girnar Umasvati (Umasvamin) 282-83, 289; Tattvarthadhigamasutra 254, 282-83, 288 Uncanagar, the fort of 49 Upadhye, A.N. 266, 283-85 Upaka, first naked Ajivika monk 27 Upamitabhavaprapancakatha 253 Upanga texts, known twelve 217 Uparicharu Vasu 70, 75; 'Caka- dhara' epithet given to 75 Upasakadasa 26-27, 215, 303 Uppina Betgiri, very important Jaina record of AD 964 183 Uraiyur, Kandarapalli temple of Nirgranthas at 109 Utpala 304 Uttaradhyayananiryukti 87 Uttaradhyayanasutra 12, 26, 83, 88, 205, 221, 223 Uttaradhyayanatika 230 Vadanagara 95 Vadiraja 287-88; Parsvanathacarita 287 Vaibhara hill 94 Vairadeva 93 Vaisali 13, 20-22, 26, 32, 47, 80, 210, 212, 215, 221, 309-10, 312; Bahuputta shrine at 212, 309 Vaisnavas 42, 53, 55, 95, 304; tradi tion of 84; literature 207, 221 Vajranandin 116, 122 Vajrasena 97 Vakataka inscription 72 Valabhi 92, 95-96, 139, 256, 274; council of 17, 95; shrine of Can draprabha at 139 Valmiki 242, 247, 270 Vanaraja 140-41 Vanga 70 Vanji (capital of Cera king) 107-8; Nirgrantha shrine of 110 Varaguna I (Nedunjadayan) 191 Varaguna II 191 Varahamihira 98, 202, 304; Brhat samhita 98 Varanasi 5, 11, 14, 80, 161, 207, 211, 222, 270, 299, 311 Vardhamana. See Mahavira Vardhamanapurana 268 Vasantasena 46, 246 Vasantgadh 134 Vasiska 52 Vasudeva. See Krsna Vasudevacarita 229 Vasudevahindi 91, 98, 228, 246-47, 266 Vasudeva, Maharaja 57 Vasudeva-Krsna 70, 84, 207 Vasula, Arya 57 Vasupujya, the twelfth Tirtharkara 6; Suhamma and Dharani, chief disciples of 6; patala, tree asso ciated with 6 Vatsa 43

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INDEX 331 259-60, 262 Visakhadatta 37,90; Devicandragupta 90 Visnu 111, 119, 179-80, 188, 221 22 Vatsyayana 204 Vattagamani 107 Vattakera 261; Mulacara 261-62 Vayubhuti 26 Vayupurana 213 Vidarbha 72 Vidisa 90; image of Jivantasvamin at 91 Vidudhananda 252 Vidyabhusan, S.C. 282 vidyadharas 72, 242, 245, 313 Vidyananda 291; Aptamimamsa- lamkrti 291 Vijaya (a majority of thieves and robbers) 213; as a person 217 Vijayakirti 120 Vikramaditya 44 Vikramaditya II 158-59 Vimala, the thirteenth Tirthamkara 6, 83, 98, 187; Mandara and Dharanidhara, chief disciples of 6; jambu, tree associated with 6 Vimalasuri 41, 43, 242-43, 245, 247, 265, 270, 313; Paumacariyam 41- 43, 59, 63, 72, 75, 88, 108, 241, 252, 265, 313; also known as Raghavacaritam and Jaina Rama yana 241 Vinayanandin, compared with Indrabhuti 128 Vinaya Pitaka 301 Vipakasruta 35, 40, 42, 216, 312 Viradeva, Acarya 120 Vira Narayana era 36 Virasena 93, 261, 264; Dhavala 93, Visnupurana 246 Visnuvardhana 128, 172; Musini konda grant of 128, 172 Visnuvardhana III 173 Visnuvarman 125 Vogel 52, 81 Vrddhahasti 54 Vriji 48 Vindavana 41 Vrsnis 40, 45, 213, 216 Vyaghramuka, the earliest Capa king 140 Vyavaharaniryukti 227 Vyavaharasutra 109 Winternitz 286, 290 Yadavas 84 Yajnavalkyasmrti 274 yaksas 21, 40, 42, 217, 267, 310, 312; images of 43; Kubera, the king of 307-8, 313 Yamuna 206, 250 Yasa 54 Yativssabha 117, 263-64, 268; Tiloya pannati 117, 261-63; Curnisutra 260 Yuan Chwang 80, 84-86, 96, 133- 34, 185, 288

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Asim Kumar Chatterjee was Senior Reader in the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University. He also acted as Head of the Department from 1989-91. He has published several books and research articles which are published in learned journals. At present he is writing a book on "Gautama Buddha". ISBN 81-215-0930-0 (for the set) Jacket by Rathm Sengupta

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8 phrvk mtlb naakaar sn pr shiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi