Comprehensive History Of Jainism

Author(s): Aseem Kumar Chatterjee
Publisher: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022803/1

Page #1

Comprehensive
History of Jainism
Asim Kumar Chatterjee

Page #2

In this book an attempt has been made to write a comprehensive and connected account about Jainism from 800 BC to the time of Mughal Emperor Akbar. Jainism is older than Buddhism and first to protest against Brahmanical Hinduism, though most of the authorities on Jainism were Brahmins by birth and a few Kșatriyas also took part in the propagation.
Pārsvanātha, who was the real founder and penultimate Tīrthamkara of this religious system, lived 250 years before Gautama Buddha. Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, a contemporary of Buddha was the twenty-fourth and the last Tīrthamkara of this religious system whereas Rşabhanātha was the first Tīrthamkara. Mahāvīra made Jainism vastly popular with the masses of northern India. Afterwards from first century BC, Jainism became popular in south India. Inspite of systematic vilification by the Buddhist and the Brahmins, Jainism still continues to be a dominant religious system in India, although there is practically no trace of the doctrine of Buddhism, in the country of its birth. Even now in India, some twenty million people are Jainas and they are quite prosperous.
Towards the end, this book also carries descriptive account of the wellknown Jaina tīrthas (sacred places) and nearly three hundred places have been discussed.
Rs 950 (for 2 vols.)

Page #3

In this book an attempt has been made to write a comprehensive and connected account about Jainism from 800 BC to the time of Mughal Emperor Akbar. Jainism is older than Buddhism and first to protest against Brahmanical Hinduism, though most of the authorities on Jainism were Brahmins by birth and a few Ksatriyas also took part in the propagation.
Pārsvanátha, who was the real founder and penultimate Tirthamkara of this religious system, lived 250 years before Gautama Buddha. Vardhamana Mahavira, a contemporary of Buddha was the twenty-fourth and the last Tirthaikara of this religious system whereas Rşabhanātha was the first Tirthamkara. Mahavira made Jainism vastly popular with the masses of northern India. Afterwards from first century BC, Jainism became popular in south India. Inspite of systematic vilification by the Buddhist and the Brahmins, Jainism still continues to be a dominant religious system in India, although there is practically no trace of the doctrine of Buddhism, in the country of its birth. Even now in India, some twenty million people are Jaimas and they are quite prosperous.
Towards the end, this book also carries descriptive account of the wellknown Jaina tithas (sacred places) and nearly three hundred places have been discussed.
Asim Kumar Chatterjee was Senior Reader in the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University. He also acted as Head of the Department from 1989-91. He has published several books and research articles which are published in learned journals. At present he is writing a book on "Gautama Buddha".

Page #4


Page #5

A Comprehensive History of Jainism
Vol. I From the Earliest Beginnings to AD 1000

Page #6

By the same Author
The Cult of Skanda-Kärttikeya in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1970. Ravindranath, Calcutta, 1970.
Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, Calcutta, 1974. Political History of Pre-Buddhist India, Calcutta, 1980.

Page #7

A Comprehensive History of Jainism
Vol. I From the Earliest Beginnings to AD 1000
Asim Kumar Chatterjee
Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt Ltd

Page #8

ISBN 81-215-0930–0 (for the set) ISBN 81-215-0931–9 (for vol. I) Second revised edition 2000
First published in 1978
© 2000, Chatterjee, Asim Kumar All rights reserved, including those of translations into other languages. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form, or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the written permission of the publisher.
Typeset, printed and published by Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Post Box 5715, 54 Rani Jhansi Road, New Delhi 110 055.

Page #9

Dedicated to
the sad memory of my elder brother Dr. Amiya Kumar Chatterjee (1936-74), M.R.C.P. (Edin.), a cancer specialist, who himself became a victim of that deadly disease.

Page #10


Page #11

Contents
Preface to the Second Edition Preface to the First Edition
Introduction
Abbreviations
CHAPTER I
Tīrthamkaras from Rṣabha to Ariṣṭanemi
CHAPTER II
Pārsvanatha
CHAPTER III
Life of Mahāvīra
CHAPTER IV
Spread of Jainism (The Early Phase)
CHAPTER V
Jainism in Mathura
CHAPTER VI
Jainism in Orissa
CHAPTER VII
Jainism in North India (200 BC-ad 600)
CHAPTER VIII
Jainism in South India (The Early Phase)
ix
xi
xiii
xxi
1
11
17
32
40
69
79
104

Page #12

CONTENTS
CHAPTER IX Jainism in North India (AD 600-1000)
133
CHAPTER X
Jainism in South India (AD 600-1000)
156
CHAPTER XI
Svetambara Canonical Literature
200
CHAPTER XII
Non-Canonical Svetāmbara Literature
241
CHAPTER XIII
Digambara Literature
259
CHAPTER XIV
Jaina Thinkers
282
APPENDIX A
Ajīvikism and Gośāla
297
APPENDIX B
Early Jainism and Yaksa-Worship
307
315
Bibliography
Index
317

Page #13

Preface to the Second Edition
This new edition of my work on Jainism is being published after a gap of nearly twenty years. I am happy to note that this work has been generously received by the historians all over the world, although a few readers have criticised me for my boldness. Let me declare candidly that I have the highest respect for both Lords Pārsvanatha and Mahāvīra. In this work, I have tried to show that Lord Parsvanatha was the first prophet of non-violence and the earliest genuine teacher, advocating the equality of men and women.
It is of great interest to note that even the great Buddhist Emperor Aśoka befriended the Jainas and the Ājīvikas, along with the Buddhists and the Brahmins. Unlike the Buddhist canonical authors, he, in his epigraphs, has mentioned the Brahmins before the Śramanas and the classical Greek and Roman authors have done the
same.
Before the beginning of the Christian era, Jainism became a vastly popular religious system in this subcontinent and even reached Ceylon.
In course of time, this system touched Bengal and afterwards became popular in Orissa. From there it travelled towards the southern part of this country. Another group of the Jainas made their faith popular in western India. In the Gupta period, we find even Brahmins of Bengal, embracing this new religious system.
Thousands of Jaina icons are preserved in the museums of India and also in other museums, outside this country. Even now there are millions of Jainas, who are quite prosperous, and some of them are also great intellectuals. Buddhism, has vanished from India, but the followers of Mahāvīra are found in every city of this great subcontinent.
Calcutta 21 February 2000
ASIM KUMAR CHATTERJEE

Page #14


Page #15

Preface to the First Edition
Jainism, which is certainly older than Buddhism, originated some 800 years before the birth of Christ. Pārsvanātha, the twenty-third Tīrthamkara, but in reality the founder of this religion, belonged to Vārāṇasī, India's most sacred city. It is extremely significant that the first genuine protest against the Brahmanical religion came from a person who belonged to its strongest citadel. The religious system, established by Pārśva, gradually spread towards the east, and by the time Lord Mahāvīra was born, became one of the dominating forces in the religious life of eastern India. The Acārāngasūtra, which is one of the oldest Jaina religious texts, informs us that even the parents of Mahāvīra, who lived near Vaiśālī in northern Bihar, were followers of Pārsva.
Lord Mahāvīra, who was a somewhat junior contemporary of the Buddha (as I have shown in this work), made Jainism one of the most popular religious systems of northern India. For thirty years after his enlightenment, he spared no effort to make the Nirgrantha religion an all-India religious system. If we are to believe the evidence of the Bhagavatī, he personally preached even in western India. His rival, the Buddha, never went farther than the Kuru country. However, both these great Masters, it appears, spent the major part of their lives in modern Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, Magadha and Kosala being the janapadas, that received their greatest attention.
After Mahāvīra, his devoted followers made every effort to carry the message of Pārsva and Mahāvīra to millions of Indians living in different parts of this subcontinent. The immediate disciples of Mahāvīra were all Brahmans but at a later stage some non-Brāhmaṇa disciple gradually made the Nirgrantha religion a thoroughly antiBrahmanical religious system. Even the great Bhadrabāhu, a native of northern Bengal, was a Brahman and the first genuine Jaina philosopher, namely Umāsvāti, also belonged to that caste. From the first century BC, however, persons belonging to the business community started patronizing Jainism. I strongly believe that it was this

Page #16

xii
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
community, which was responsible for moulding it as an antiBrahmanical religious system.
In vol. I, I have outlined the history of Jainism from the earliest time to AD 1000. In vol. II, I will endeavour to cover the period between AD 1000 and 1500, and which shall in addition shall also have chapters on Jaina Iconography and Philosophy.
My work is principally based on the original sources and the views expressed are entirely mine. This is the first systematic historical study of Jainism, and I hope it will be well received by the academic world. For any misprints and other errors, I can only crave the indulgence of my readers.
Calcutta
14 March 1978
A.K. CHATTERJEE

Page #17

Introduction
Jainism is one of the world's major religious systems; older than both Buddhism and Christianity. Its contribution to the progress of our civilization is immense, and there is no aspect of Indian history which has not been directly enriched by the religion of the Jinas. For the purpose of discussion, let us divide the entire subject into five principal divisions, namely, religious, cultural, social, economic and political.
As I have already said, Jainism is older than Buddhism, and in this volume I have shown that the first historical prophet of Jainism was Pārsvanātha, who probably lived in the ninth to eighth centuries BC. A few earlier Tirthamkaras like Adinātha and Neminātha, were also probably actual historical figures, but unfortunately we do not have much historical evidences concerning their religious systems.
Both Jainism and Buddhism, and also the Lokāyatas, were against the Brahmanical religious system which was based on sacrifice or yajña, but these, the three religious systems, being anti-Vedic, were dubbed nästika by the Brahmanical philosophers. The word năstika does not necessarily mean an atheist, but that which is anti-Vedic or, in other words, anti-Brahmanical. The Jaina philosopher Pārsvanātha, who probably invented the word nirgrantha was, significantly born at Varanasi, the great citadel of Hinduism and had the courage to challenge the ancient Brahmanical philosophical system, and his teaching based on fourfold truth or vows (cāturyāma) was quite simple, practical and readily acceptable to the poor and common people. It should also be recalled that the Vedic form of sacrifice was very expensive, and the majority of the common people could not afford the expenses connected with such elaborate undertakings which became the preserve of only the kings and rich householders. Another factor that made this new religious system very popular was its emphasis on non-violence or ahimsā, which was also advocated by the Upanișadic îșis whose emphasis was on jñāna (knowledge) and not karman.

Page #18

xiv
INTRODUCTION
Another factor that should be considered to be a definite contribution of the Jainas in the progress of civilization in this subcontinent was the significance it gave to the role of women in religious practices. It is however, true that even in the Vedic period women participated in religious ceremonies and in the Brhadāranyaka Upanisad we find Maitreyi accompanying her husband, the celebrated Yājñavalkya, to the forest, when the latter sought to renounce worldly life. Lord Pārsvanātha was the first nonBrāhmanical saint to permit women to renounce the worldly life and thus paved the way for the real emancipation of women. It is of some significance in this context that even Lord Buddha was himself against admitting women into his order; that it was only after he was requested by his favourite disciple Ananda that he relented. We can therefore aver, without hesitation, that Lord Pärśvanātha was a truly rational philosopher of his time. Since he had to popularize his teachings in a town that was considered to be the principal seat of orthodox Brahmanism, we can guage the degree of his success.
Lord Pārsvanātha gave India the doctrine of ahimsā and Lord Mahāvīra taught his countrymen the doctrine of chastity (brahmacarya). He never cared for royal patronage and lived in absolute penury, and it was his towering personality along that made Jainism an all-India religion even during the pre-Mauryan period.
I am of the opinion that the yaksapūjakas of eastern India were first to accept the religious system propounded by Pārśva and Mahāvīra, and that these yakşa-worshippers belonged to the lower strata of the society and the deva-pujakas were the upper caste Brāhmana and Ksatriyas. It is however true that all the immedia disciples of ganadharas of Lord Mahāvīra were Brahmins by caste, but most of his followers were common people which is further testified to by early Jaina epigraphs found from Mathura and elsewhere.
From the cultural point of view too, Jainism has left its mark on all aspects of Indian civilization. The Jaina Agamic texts often refer to 72 kalās and 64 ganiyāgunas and there is no doubt that all types of arts and crafts received generous patronage from devout Jainas. Indeed, Jaina narrative literature contains hundreds of stories about ladies, who were well-versed in all these arts, and that dramatic art was particularly popular amongst the Jainas from the earliest times.
Literature is an integral part of any culture and that of the Jainas is extremely rich and extensive. The Agamic texts themselves have great literary value, and works like the Bhagavatī, jñātādharmakathā,

Page #19

INTRODUCTION
XV
Vipākaśruta, Uttarādhyayanasūtra and Daśavaikālika are great and original literary products, and the last cited, composed by Brāhmaṇa Sayyambhava at Campā around 400 BC, can be compared with the Bhagavadgītā and the Dhammapada.
The story literature of the Jainas can be compared with the literature of the Hindus. Even the Agamic texts are extremely attractive story texts and the Jñātādharmakathā, Vipākaśruta, Antagadadasā, etc., contain innumerable stories and even an abundance of love stories. The two epics and the missing Byhatkathā have deeply influenced Jaina narrative literature, and hundreds of Svetāmbara and Digambara works were composed in imitation of the Brahmanical texts cited above.
The earliest non-Agamic Jaina literary work is the Paumacariyam of Vimala, composed in all probability, in the first century AD. It is my belief that it is the earliest Prākrta work in India, and probably somewhat earlier than the missing Bịhatkathā of Guņādhya. It is the Jaina version of the Rāmāyaṇa and the poet has shown considerable originality in his treatment of the Rāma story. Although Vimala has not cared to mention Vālmīki by name, he has scrupulously followed the original work although throughout there is a Jaina bias. Later Jaina Rāmāyanas, such as those composed by Ravisena, Svayambhū, Hemacandra, etc., are all based on Vimala's admirable work.
The Mahābhārata saga also influenced the Jainas, and we have in the Vasudevahiņdī, the Harivamsa (by Jinasena II), and the later Pāņdavapurāņas, stories from the Mahābhārata, and even Hemacandra, the great Kalikālasarvajña was influenced by the original Mahābhārata in his celebrated Trisastiśalākāpurusacaritra Brhatkathā literature has left its innprint on works like the Vasudevahindi, the Harivarśa, Brhatkathākośa, etc. However, in all their literary works, the Jaina writers have shown great skill and maturity.
The most original among the Jaina writers of the medieval period was however Somadeva, the celebrated author of the Yaśastilakacampū, written in the mid-tenth century AD. It is a great novel, composed by a writer who was probably a native of Bengal and could be termed the Bānabhatta of the Jaina literature. He has wit, a keen sense of humour, and his knowledge of human character is unsurpassed in Sanskrit literature. His Nītivākyāmịta demonstrates his knowledge of the science of polity, and is the third great work on political science after the Arthaśāstra and Kāmandakiya Nitisāra. We have also Jaina writers who have written on astronomy,

Page #20

xvi
INTRODUCTION
mathematics, and other branches of science, which they have undoubtedly enriched.
The Jaina writers have also greatly contributed to our knowledge of Indian society in different periods. One great advantage of Jaina works is that, by and large, they are dated, giving us a clear idea of the state of society in different periods. For example, the Paumacariyam, written 530 years after the nirvana of Lord Mahāvīra provides invaluable details regarding Indian society, the caste system, family life, etc. of the first century AD. It, for instance, testifies that marriage between cousins was quite popular at the time, particularly marriage with the daughter of a maternal uncle. This particular type of marriage, though censured by the authors of Madhyadeśa, was unusually popular in the Deccan, the whole of Gujarat, Maharashtra, and the far south, and even the Hindu Vedānga writers have noted this. The Vasudevahindi, a unique Prākrta work writen in the Gupta period, as Alsdorf has shown, throws welcome light on the society of this enlightened and prosperous Indian history. Again, the Padma Purāņa of Ravişeņa, a work dated to the seventh century AD also throws welcome light on the social life of the post-Gupta period. The Varāngacarita of almost the same period, the Harivamśa of Jinasena II written in AD 783, the Kuvalayamālā of Udyotana, written five years earlier in Rajasthan, the Upamitibhavaprapañcakathā of Siddharși written in Ad 906, the Dharmopadeśamālā of Jayasimha, written in the third quarter of the ninth century, the tenth century texts like the Tilakamañjarī and the Yaśastilakacampū all provide invaluable information, regarding Indian society as it existed in the early medieval period. They recorded details regarding social customs, popular festivals, family life and, above all, information regarding the position of women and the high degree of personal liberty they enjoyed.
The Jaina authors have, at the same time, supplied us information on the economic life of ancient India. Various aspects of this is also provided in the Angavijjā, a third century text, written in Mahārāstrī Prākrta, and it is impossible to overemphasize the great importance of this wonderful Jaina work. A number of ancient names of coins not found elsewhere are to be found in this text and two of particular interest are kșatrapaka and sateraka. The first is the type of coin introduced by the Kșatrapa kings of Ujjayini and the second refers to the Indo-Greek stater type coins. There are very interesting references to the names of ships like Kottima, Tappaka, and

Page #21

INTRODUCTION
xvii
Sanghada, which are first mentioned in the Periplus, a Greek work written by an unknown sailor, in the second half of the first century AD. The Angavijjā also provides details regarding the economic activities of that period. Other Jaina works like the Niśīthacūrņi, written in the seventh century, the Harivamsa, of the eighth, and the Yaśastilakacampū of the tenth shed much light on the economic activities of the post-Gupta and early medieval periods. An extremely interesting text, the Dravyaparīkṣā, written during the time of Alaud-din Khilji by Thakkura Pheru, is undoubtedly the only Indian work dealing not only with the coins of the Guptas, but also with the various early medieval dynasties like the.Pratīhāras, Candellas, virtually all the Cālukya kings of Gujarat, and also the coins of the Tomaras of Delhi. The coins of Tomara king like Anangapāla, Madanpāla, etc., are particularly interesting because not much is known about these, apart from the information in Pheru's work and that in the Kharataragacchabrhadgurvāvali, another valuable Jaina work.
The most important contribution of the Jainas was however in the field of historical studies, and they produced a number of first-rate historicans like Hemacandra, Merutunga, Rājasekhara, etc. and other writters of prabandhas. Hemacandra's (twelfth century) Dvyāśrayakāvya is one of the greatest works on Gujarat history, and the earliest. The first twenty chapters, in Sanskrit, are on Kumārapāla's predecessors and the last eight chapters, in Prākrta, are on Kumārapāla's activities. Welcome light has also been shed on great kings ruling outside Gujarat, like the Mālava king Bhoja, the Cedi king Karņa, etc. Being a contemporary and guru of Kumārapāla, the author has provided us with the minutest details relating to the religious and political activities of that great Jaina emperor. Much more comprehensive in scope is the history of Merutunga, called Prabandhacintamani, written in AD 1305. It is undoubtedly a great historical work, following Kalhana's Rājatarangiņā, although its worth has often been underestimated. The account of earlier kings like Vikramāditya of tradition, is somewhat fanciful, but from vs 802, the accession date of Vanarāja, his history is authentic and is confirmed by other literary and epigraphic sources. The name of Muñja's minister, Rudrāditya, given by him, is confirmed by contemporary epigraphs and the details of the struggle between the Mālavas and the Cālukyas of Kalyāna are also fully confirmed by epigraphs. He recorded the tragic end of the great

Page #22

xviii
INTRODUCTION
Muñja and provided interesting information regarding the Bengal king Lakṣmaṇasena and his poet-minister Umāpati, whose name is found in the famous Deopara prasasti of the Senas. He refers to the defeat of Paramardin by Pệthvīrāja which is confirmed by epigraphy. The date of the destruction of Valabhi has however been incorrectly given by him as vs 375; the actual date vs 845, having been supplied by another Jaina work, the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha. His account of the Cālukya and Vāghela dynasties is flawless, as also that of the two great ministers Vastupāla and Tejaḥpāla. The Prabandhakośa of Rājasekhara, written in AD 1347 is another interesting work of history, although its author does not stand comparison with either Hamacandra or Merutunga, and it contains some fanciful details. Interesting light has however been thrown on the political relationship between Jayacandra of Kanyakubja and Laksamanasena of Bengal, although he incorrectly says that the great Bhadrabāhu was the son of a Brāhmaṇa of Pratișthāna, the correct information being provided in a much earlier work, the Bịhatkathākośa, written in AD 931 which represents this savant as the son of a Brāhmaṇa of Devakoțţa in Bengal.
A very interesting work, which is actually a geographical treatise, is the Vividhatīrthakalpa of Jinaprabha, written between vs 1364 and 1389. Its great importance has been discussed by me in the second part of this volume. It is of great significance that sinaprabha was even honoured by the Muslim emperor Muhammad bin Tughlag. Some dates given by him are absolutely correct, namely the date of the destruction of Valabhi, of Somnāth, and of the date of Pịthvīrāja's defeat and death, and through the information supplied by hiin, we have been able to correctly identify the ancient city of Mithilā.
Another medieval Jaina work, the Kharataragacchabyhadgurvāvalī, is of overriding importance both to students of history and geography, and provides details regarding the activities of some little-known kings. It also tells us about the atrocities, committed by the Muslim rulers in northern India, and these details in this and other Jaina texts fully tally with those of the Muslim historians themselves. Those modern historians who have sought to whitewash these Muslim invaders should persue these contemporary Jaina accounts for a true picture.
The Jaina epigraphs also contribute substantially to our knowledge of ancient and medieval India. We have Jaina inscriptions from the days of Khāravela (first century BC) to the days of Akbar, and

Page #23

INTRODUCTION
xix
even later. Among the important Jaina inscriptions, I might mention the Hāthīgumphā inscription of Khāravela, the Mathurā inscription, the Pahārpur Digambara inscription, from Rajshahi district, Bangladesh, the Aihole praśasti of Ravikirti, etc. Over five thousand Jaina epigraphs have so far been discovered and published, and nearly 100,000 remain unpublished.
In the field of art too the Jainas have contributed a great deal. The earlier temples have virtually disappeared, but thousands of medieval Jaina temples still survive in all their splendour in Gujarat, Rajasthan, and in parts of other states of northern India. In south India, we still have many standing Jaina temples, especially in Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu. Jaina sculptures from the first century BC up to the present time survive and a few thousand examples of these are preserved in various Indian museums.
The present-day Jainas continue to maintain their separate identity and fortunately the two warring sects, the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras, have come closer to each other, and their relationship with Hindus too is one of warmth and cordiality.

Page #24


Page #25

Abbreviations
AB
ABORI ASIAR CHI CII DHNI
EC
ΕΙ
GOS HIL
ΙΑ
IC
JA JAHRS JAOS JASB JBBRAS JBORS JDL JIH JISOA JOI JRAS JSBI JSLS MAR Mbh. MDJM NIA PHAI PHNI PIHC OSMS
Aitareya Brāhmaņa Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute, Pune Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report Cambridge History of India. Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Dynastic History of Northern India, 2 vols. Epigraphia Carnatica Epigraphia Indica Gaekwad's Oriental Series History of Indian Literature by M. Winternitz Indian Antiquary Indian Culture Journal Asiatique Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society Journal of the Deptt. of Letters, University of Calcutta Journal of Indian History Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 6 vols. Jaina Silālekha Sangraha Mysore Archaeological Report Mahābhārata Maņikcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamālā New Indian Autiquary Political History of Ancient India Political History of Northern India by G.C. Chowdhury Proceedings of the Indian History Congress Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society

Page #26

xxii
ABBREVIATIONS
RV
ŚB
SBE
Sel. Ins.
Rgveda Satapatha Brāhmaṇa Sacred Books of the East Select Inscriptions by D.C. Sircar South Indian Inscriptions Singhi Jaina Granthamālā Zeitschrift Deutschen Morganlāndischen Gesellschaft
SII
SJGM ZDMG

Page #27

CHAPTERI
Tirthamkaras from Rsabha to Aristanemi
RŞABHANĀTHA The canonical texts like the Kalpasūtral and Samavāyānga' give us some idea about the life of the first Jaina Tirthamkara. He is regarded as the first Tirthamkara of the current osappini and is uniformly described as belonging to Kosala (Kosalie). His father was Kulakara Nābhi of Vinītā (Ayodhyā) city and his mother was called Marudevī. He belonged, like Mahāvīra, to the Kāśyapa lineage. The canonical texts would have us believe that he was 500 dhanusas (bowlengths) in height. A few vague and indistinct details are given about him in the texts, and it is extremely difficult to reconstruct a coherent account of his life from the early Jaina works. The Avasyakaniryukti," a work written after the first century AD, informs us that Rsabha, in course of his wanderings, visited countries like Jonaga and Suvannabhūmi, and also mentions his two wives, Sumangalā and Sunanda, and his hundred sons, including Bharata. He lived for 2 m pūrva years as a prince and 6 m and 3 lakh pūrva years as a king. During his reign, we are told, he taught for the benefit of his people, 72 kalās, 64 mahila-gunas, 100 arts, and 3 occupa man. Rşabha, after anointing his 100 sons as kings of various kingdoms, renounced the world and attained omniscience outside the town of Purimatāla, which was near his home town.“ According to the Samavāyānga,” his first disciples were Rşabhasena and Bambhī. The same text tells us the name of the tree associated with him, i.e., nyagrodha.8 Rsabha had under him 84 groups of ganas, 84 ganaharas (group-leaders), 84,000 monks with Rşabhasena as their head, 3 lakh nuns with Bambhi and Sundari as heads. His chief lay disciples were Sejjamsa and Subhaddāo and his total lifespan, according to the texts, was 84 lakh years. He died on the summit of Atthavāya which has tentatively been identified with Kailash. According to the seventh century text, the Avasyakacūrni, Rsabha's son constructed a shrine on this mountain.
I have tried above to give readers some idea about Rşabha's life

Page #28

2
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
and activities as given in the early canonical texts. In the well-known Vaiṣṇava work, the Bhagavatapurana," there is a fairly detailed account given about the first Jaina path-finder. We should recall in this connection that this work was familiar to the author of the Nandisutra,12 which was definitely in existence before the Valabhi council (c. AD 525). In that text this work is mentioned along with Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa, Kautilya, and Patanjali. The Bhāgavata account also depicts Rṣabha as the son of Nabhi and Marudevi (spelt Merudevi). The most vital piece of information given in the Bhāgavata regarding Rṣabha is however that he was regarded as an incarnation (avatāra) of Viṣṇu.13 Since this work was in existence before the compilation of the Nandīsūtra, its evidence is of some importance. It shows that the first Jaina Tīrthamkara was accepted as an incarnation of Visnu by the Hindus in the early centuries of the Christian era, if not earlier, probably at the time when the founder of Buddhism was accepted as an avatāra of the same god.
The life and activities of Rṣabha, as given in the Bhāgavata, tally in all major details with those given in Jaina texts. According to this account too, Rṣabha had 100 sons, including Bharata. It has nothing but praise for Rṣabha's activities as an able monarch, and also records that after his abdication, he went about naked with dishevelled hair (gaganaparidhanaḥ prakirnakeśaḥ, V.5.28). As with Mahāvīra he too had to suffer a lot in the hands of ignorant people (V.5.30). We are further told that he visited places like Konka, Venka, Kuṭaka, and South Karnataka (V.6.7). The Bhagavata further refers to his followers in those countries (V.6.9 ff.).
The Bhāgavata, however, has no word of praise for Rṣabha's followers who are emphatically called pākhaṇḍas (V.6.8), and criticizes them too for their 'habits'. Most of Rṣabha's followers, according to that text, disparaged the Veda, Brāhmaṇa, and yajña [Brahma Brāhmaṇayajñapuruṣaloka-viduṣakāḥ prayeṇa bhaviṣyanti (V.6.10)]. One thing that strikes a scrupulous and careful student of Jaina history in this connection is that the author of the Bhāgavata, who has nothing but deference for Rṣabha, is extremely critical about his followers, i.e., the Jainas. There is nothing surprising in this. The Jainas, from very early times, were freely and blindly antiBrahmanist. There is the oft-quoted passage in the Kalpasūtra,11 according to which no Tīrthamkara, Cakravartin, or Baladeva (and Vasudeva) can be born in a Brāhmaṇa family. This anti-Brahmanical attitude is found uniformly in the canonical and non-canonical texts

Page #29

TĪRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI
3
of both the Svetāmbaras and Digambaras. 15
The Vedic texts 16 know one king Rşabha, who is described as a performer of the Aśvamedha sacrifices. Another Rşabha appears in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (7.17) as a son of Viśvāmitra. The Mahābhārata not only knows one ancient king, Rşabha (VI.9.7) but also an ascetic of that name who is represented in one place!7 as asking king Sumitra of the Haihaya dynasty to give up desire or false hope which, in fact, is one of the fundamental teachings of Jainism. It is very interesting to note that a certain Rsabha-tīrtha is mentioned in the Mahābhārata (III.85.10-11) as situated in the Ayodhyā region, the home country of the first Tīrthamkara. This tirtha is apparently mentioned in the Gunji Rock inscription of Kumāravīradatta which has been assigned to the first century AD.18
Although neither of the two epics, nor the Vedic texts, connect Rsabha with a heretical religion, there is little doubt that a king or ascetic called Rşabha was known from very early times. He was, in all probability, a historical personage and the Jainas, a century or two after the demise of Mahāvīra, conceived the idea of making this ancient își their earliest path-finder. There is little doubt that the account of Rşabha, given in the Bhagavata, was composed only after Jainism came to be regarded as one of the principal religions of India. I am of the opinion that the Bhāgavata account of Rşabha was composed after 100 BC, but probably before the Kuşāņa period.
It is of some interesting that even a few mediaeval Jaina commentarors were acquainted with the Hindu Purāņic references to Rsabha. Sāntisūri, in his Uttarādhyayanavịtti, 19 tells us that according to the Brahmāndapurāņa Rşabha belonged to the Ikṣvāku lineage, and was the son of Nābhi and Marudevī.
Inscriptions at Mathurā definitely show that Rsabha was regularly worshipped as a Tīrthamkara in the Mathurā region from the first century AD. We have already observed he was made a Tirthamkara, probably a century or two after Mahāvīra's demise. Since the Kalpasūtra, which was in all probability composed before 100 BC, refers to him and describes his life, we will not be far wrong in assuming that he was inducted into the Nirgrantha religion around 300 BC.
In the Rāmāyaṇa (VII.111.10) there is a reference to one king Rşabha of Ayodhyā during whose reign the city once more rose to eminence. It is tempting to identify this Rşabha with the first Jaina Tīrthamkara since both are connected with Ayodhyā, but in the

Page #30

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
absence of more positive evidence we cannot afford to be dogmatic about this.
AJITANĀTHA Like the first Tīrthařkara, the second also according to the Jainas, was a Kosalan. Ajita (Ajiya) was the son of Jitaśatru of Ayodhyā, and his mother's name was Vijayā. He was 50 dhanusas in height, less than Rşabha who was 450 dhanusas. He lived for 72 lakh years and the sacred tree associated with him was saptaparna. He died on the summit of Pareshnath hill (Sammeya). Sihasena and Phaggu were his first disciples 20 There is nothing to indicate that he was a historical figure.
SAMBHAVANATHA The third Tīrthamkara Sambhava (Sambhava), like the first two, was a Kosalan. He was the son of king Jitāri and Senā of Srāvastī. Since he is the third Tīrthamkara, he should be of lesser height; and we are told that he was only 400 dhanusas. His lifespan too was limited to only 60 lakh years! His sacred tree was sāla. Like the second, he too attained liberation on the summit of Sammeya hill.21 Prominent disciples of his were Cāru and Sāmā. He is mentioned in a Mathură inscription of Huviska22 dated in the Kaniska year 48 corresponding to AD 126.
ABHINANDANA The fourth Tirthamkara was also a Kosalan, according to the Jainas, and was born at Vinitā. His parents were Samvara and Siddhārthā. His height, as expected, was 350 dhanusas, and he lived 10 lakh years less than the third Tirthamkara. Vajranābha and Ajitā were his chief disciples. His sacred tree was priyaka 23
SUMATI The fifth Tīrthařkara was also born at Vinītā in the Kosala country. His parents were king Megha and queen Mangalā, his height was 300 dhanusas, and lifespan 40 lakh years. His sacred tree was priyangu and his chief disciples Camara and Kāsavī. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya.24
Like Rşabha, this Tīrthamkara also finds a place in the Bhagavatapurāņa (V.15.1), which informs us that Sumati will be worshipped in the Kali Age by irreligious and non-Aryan peoples as their god. It further tells us that Sumati followed the path of Rsabha. There can

Page #31

TIRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI
5
be little doubt that the author of the Bhagavata here has the fifth Jaina Tīrthamkara in mind, who however, according to him, was the grandson of Rṣabha.
PADMAPRABHA OR SUPRABHA
The sixth Tirthamkara, unlike the first five, was not a Kosalan but was born in the adjoining Vatsa territory in the famous city of Kauśāmbī. His parents were king Dhara and queen Susīmā. His sacred tree was chatrābha and his disciples were Suvrata and Rati. He lived for 30 lakh years and had a height of 250 dhanusas. He had his nirvāņa on Sammeya.25
SUPĀRSVA
The seventh Tīrthamkara Supārśva was born at Vārāṇasī and his parents were king Pratistha and queen Pṛthvi. His height, 200 dhanusas, lifespan 20 lakh years, chief disciples, Vidarbha and Somā. Širişa was his sacred tree. He died on the Sammeya mountain.26
CANDRAPRABHA
The eighth Tirthamkara Candraprabha is also known as Śasi and was born at Candrapura. Scholars identify it with Candrāvatī, a modern village near Kāśī.27 This Tīrthamkara had a height of 150 dhanusas and a lifespan of one million years. He was the son of Mahasena and Lakṣmaṇā of that town. His sacred tree was nāgavṛkṣa, and he died on Sammeya mountain. Diņņa and Sumanā were his chief disciples.28
PUSPADANTA OR SUVIDHI
The ninth Tirthaṁkara was the son of Sugrīva and Rāmā of Kākandi. It is identified with Kakan in the Monghyr district, Bihar.29 Here are his statistics-height, 100 dhanusas, lifespan, 2 lakh years; sacred tree māli or malli: disciples, Varāha and Vāruṇī; nirvāṇa, Sammeya mountain.30
SĪTALANĀTHA
The tenth was the son of Drdharatha and Nanda of Bhaddilapura. This place has tentatively been identified with Bhadia, a village in Hazaribagh district, Bihar. His sacred tree was pilanka and chief disciples, Ananda and Sulasă. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya at the age of one lakh years.32

Page #32

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
ŚREYAMSA The eleventh Tirthamkara was the son of Vişnu and Vişnā of Simhapura (identified with Simhapurī near Benares).33 His chief disciples were Gothubha and Dhāriņi. He reached liberation on mount Sammeya, 31 having lived for 84 lakh years.
VĀSUPŪJYA The twelfth Tirthamkara Vasupujya was the son of Vasupujya and Jayā of Campā. He was 70 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was pātala. He had a lifespan of 72 lakh years, and unlike most of his predecessors,, did not die on mount Sammeya. According to the canonical texts, he breathed his last at Campā. Suhamma and Dharani were his chief disciples. 35
VIMALA The thirteenth Tirthamkara, was the son of Kayavamma and Sāmā of Kampilla-pura, he was 60 dhanusas in height and had a lifespan of six million years. His sacred tree was jambu and chief disciples Mandara and Dharanidharā. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya 36
ANANTA The fourteenth Tīrthamkara, was the son of Simhasena and Sujasā of Ayodhyā, he was 50 dhanusas in height and had a lifespan of 3 million years. His sacred tree was aśvattha. His first disciples were Yaśa and Padmā. He too died on mount Sammeya.37
DHARMANTHA The fifteenth Tīrthamkara was the son of Bhānu and Suvratā of Rayanapura, he was 45 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was dadhiparna. Arista and Sivā were his chief disciples. He had a lifespan of one million years and he died on mount Sammeya.38
SĀNTINATHA The son of Visvasena and Avirā of Gajapura (Hastināpura), his chief wife was Vijayā. His sacred tree nundī, and he was 40 dhanușas in height. He attained liberation on Sammeya mountain at the age of one lakh years. His chief disciples were Cakkāha and Suī.39 He is mentioned in a Mathurā inscription. 10

Page #33

TIRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI
7
KUNTHU
The son of Śūra and Śrī of Hastinapura, he was 35 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was tilaka. His disciples were Svayambhu and Amjuya. He attained liberation on mount Sarnmeya after living for 95,000 years.11
ARANATHA
The son of Sudarśana and Devi of Hastinapura, he was 30 dhanuṣas in height and his sacred tree was mango. Kumbha and Rakkhiyā were his chief disciples. He attained liberation on mount Sammeya at the age of 84,000 years.42 He is referred to in the well-known Mathura inscription of the year 79 (= AD 157) which mentions the devanirmita Buddhist stupa.13
MALLI
This Tīrthamkara, unlike the others, was a woman." She was the daughter of Kumbha and Prabhāvatī of Mithila. A detailed account of her life and activities is preserved in the Nāyādhammakahão." She was exceedingly beautiful and was 25 dhanusas in height. The kings of six leading cities of northern India, we are told, demanded her hand in marriage. When refused, they all simultaneously attacked Mithila but before long, were all converted by her and became devout Jainas. Her sacred tree was aśoka and she had a lifespan of 45,000 years. Indra and Bandhumati were her chief disciples. This woman Tīrthamkara died on mount Sammeya.16
SUVRATA
He was the son of Sumitra and Padmavatī of Rājagṛha. His sacred tree was campaka and he had a lifespan of 30,000 years. He was 20 dhanusas in height and Kumbha and Puspavati were his chief disciples. He died on mount Sammeya.47
NAMINATHA
Like Malli, this Tīrthamkara also belonged to Mithila. We are told that he was the son of Vijaya and Vappa of that city. He was 15 dhanusas in height and had a lifespan of 10,000 years. Subha and Amalā were his chief disciples; bakula was his sacred tree. He died on mount Sammeya. 18
ARISTANEMI (NEMINĀTHA)
The immediate predecessor of Pārśva was Tīrthaṁkara Ariṣṭanemi,

Page #34

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
also known as Neminātha. According to the Jainas, he was an exact contemporary of the great Vasudeva-Krsna; he too, we are told, belonged to the Yādava tribe. His parents were Samudravijaya and Sivā of Soriyapura. He was only 10 dhanusas in height and his sacred tree was vetasa.
According to the sacred texts of the Jainas, Aristanemi's marriage was settled with Rāimai, a daughter of Uggasena. While on his way to marry, he saw a large number of animals in cages and enclosures, and when he learnt that they were kept there for slaughter at his impending marriage ceremony, he resolved to renounce the world.
The name 'Aristanemi' is known to the poet of the Mahābhārata, 49 but he cannot be identified with the Jaina Tirthamkara. In the Udyogaparvan of the Mahābhārata Krsna is once called by this name. 50 The Vaisnava works do not cite of an Aristanemi belonging to the Hari Vamsa. Although he is referred to in a Mathurā inscription,51 we cannot, in the absence of more positive evidence, call him as historical figure. It is also interesting that both Krsna and Neminātha are given a lifespan of 1,000 years in the Jaina canonical texts.
Arișțanemi's chief disciples were Varadatta and Yakkiņi, and he died on the summit of mount Ujjamta (Girnar), one of the holiest tīrthas of the Jainas.52 The Buddhist texts cite a certain 'Aranemi', 53 but he cannot be identified with the twenty-second Jaina Tirthamkara.
I have given above the Jaina account of their first twenty-two Tirthamkaras. With the possible exception of Rsabha, none of them has any claim to historicity. I have already expressed my view regarding Rşabha's, but there is little doubt that he was accepted as a Tirtharnkara of the Jainas, only after the demise of Mahāvīra.
REFERENCES
1. 205 ff. 2. 157. 3. Kalp., 210; Sam., 108; Sthā, 435; etc. 4. 336-7. 5. 191, 383, 398. 6. Kalp., 212. 7. 157. 8. Loc. cit. 9. Kalp. 213,1; Sam., 84.

Page #35

TĪRTHAMKARAS FROM RSABHA TO ARISTANEMI
10. N.L. Dey, The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Mediaeval India, p.
83. 11. V, chs. 3 ff. 12. 42. 13. V.3.18, 20. 14. See Jacobi's translation in Jaina Sutras, vol. 1, SBE, 22, p. 225. 15. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 101, 185-6. 16. See ŚB, 13.5.4.15; Sāňkh. Srau. Su., 16.9.8.20. 17. XII, chs. 125 ff.; also XII.128. 24. 18. D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 223. 19. p. 525. 20. See Samavāyānga, 71, 90, 157. 21. Ibid., 59, 106, 157. 22. See K.L. Janert, ed., Mathurā Inscriptions, p. 45. 23. See Sam., 105, 157; Sthā, 730. 24. Sam., 104, 157; Sthā, 664; Kalp., 200. 25. Sam., 103, 157; Sthā, 411. 26. Kalp., 198; Sam., 95, 101, 157. 27. See J.C. Jain, Life in Ancient Indiu, p. 276. 28. See Kalp., 197; Sam., 93, 101, 157; Sthā, 520, 735. 29. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 291. 30. Sam., 75, 86, 100, 157; Sthā, 411; Kalp., 196. 31. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 272. 32. Sam., 83, 157; Kalp., 196. 33. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 334. 34. Sam., 66, 80, 157. 35. Sam., 62, 157, Kalp., 193; Sthā, 520. 36. Sam., 56, 157; Kalp., 192; Sthā, 411. 37. Sam., 50, 54, 157; Sthū, 411. 38. Sam., 45, 48, 157; Kalp., 190; Sthā, 735. 39. Sam., 40, 75, 90, 93, 157, 158; Kalp., 157; Sthā, 228. 40. See EI, I, no. 43(3). 41. Sam., 32, 35, 37, 81, 91, 95, 157-8; Kalp., 188; Sthā, 411, 718. 42. Kalp., 187; Sam, 157. 43. EI, II, no. 14(20). 44. The Digambaras, however regard this Tīrthamkara as having been a
male; according to them, the highest knowledge is beyond the reach
of any woman. 45. See 70 ff. 46. Sam., 25, 55, 39, 157; Sthā, 229, 777; Nandīsūtra, V.19; Kalp., 186. 47. Nandisutra, V.19; Sam., 20, 50, 157; Kalp., 185; Sthā, 411; Bhagavatī,
576, 617. 48. Nandi, V.19; Stha, 411, 735; Sam., 39, 41, 157; Kalp., 184. 49. See 1.65.40; III. 184.8, 17-22; XII.288.5-86.

Page #36

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
50. 71.5. 51. See EI, II, no. 14(14). 52. See Kalp., 174–83; Sam., 10, 18, 40, 54, 104, 110, 157; Nandi, V.19;
Stha, 381, 626, 641, 735; Uttarādhyayana, ch. XXII; see also Jacobi, Jaina Sutras, pt. 2, SBE, 45, pp. 112 ff.; Nirayavalikā, 5.1; Nāyā, 53, 129;
Antagadasão, 8-9. 53. Anguttara, tr. by E.M. Hare, III, p. 264.

Page #37

CHAPTER II
Pārsvanātha
The penultimate Jaina Tīrthaṁkara Pārśva was, in all probability, the real founder of Jainism. The Kalpasūtra (149–69)' provides a brief history of his life, but even this brief account, like all other Jaina writings, is full of stereotyped words and sentences. According to this account, he was the son of Aśvasena, king of Vārāṇasī, by his wife Vāmā. Charpentier writing in the Cambridge History of India? observes that ‘no such person as Aśvasena is known from Brāhmaṇa records to have existed'. We therefore need not accept the Jaina account that Aśvasena was really a king of Kāśi. He probably belonged to an aristocratic Ksatriya family; let us not forget that the Jainas have uniformly depicted all their Tīrthamkaras as kings' sons. The modern historian cannot help condemning this affected attitude of the early Jaina canonical authors. This form of vanity is also discernible in the writings of the Buddhists, who leave no stone unturned to prove that their founder really belonged to the most august and aristocratic family of those times. It is, therefore, quite reasonable to infer that Pārsva, like the Buddha or Mahāvīra, was a scion of a well-to-do Kșatriya family.
The most significant fact about Pārsva is however that he belonged to Vārāṇasī, the cultural and religious centre of India from time immemorial. As a citizen of this great city, he probably came into contact with some men of vision. That even the Ksatriyas of this city were men of learning and intuition is testified to by the fact that king Ajātaśatru, lauded in the Upanișadic texts,' is described as belonging to this city. He (not to be confused with his Buddhist namesake) is delineated as expounding to Dụpta Bālāki Gārgya, a Brahmin ācārya, the real nature of ātman. His son Bhadrasena Ajātasatrava too, was a man of wisdom and a rival of the great Uddālaka.” It is little wonder then that Pārśva, as a scion of an aristocatic family of this marvellous metropolis, should have received some serious training in religion and philosophy in early youth. We are told that he led the householder's life up to the age of 30 and then renounced

Page #38

12
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
the world. Nothing more is indicated in the canonical texts regarding his early life. Only from some late texts do we learn that he married a woman named Prabhāvati.
The Kalpasūtra then goes on to say that after practising penance for 83 days Pārsva obtained omniscience. Thereafter, we are told, he remained a kevalin for 70 years, dying at the age of 100 on the summit of Sammeya mountain. The round figure of 100 is also suspect. We should remember that the Kalpasūtra, which contains the earliest biography of this great prophet, was in all probability, written 500 years after his death. Even so one is prepared to believe that Pārsva had a fairly long life and died in the fulness of years.
The Kalpasūtra does not give us any idea of Pārsva's doctrine, but we have sufficient information in some other canonical texts about his teachings, and a number of these were composed before the Kalpasūtra.
The celebrated Uttarādhyayanasūtra (ch. 23) records a very moving conversation between Keśin a follower of Pārsva's church and Indrabhūti, a disciple of Mahāvīra. In Kesin's words we learn that Pārśva enjoined only four vows and allowed an upper and undergarment. This conversation took place in the city of Śrāvasti where Kesin arrived, we are told, with a large number of his associates. We further learn from this conversation between the two monks that there was no fundamental difference between the two Teachers, Pārśva and Mahāvīra, the only difference being that the law of Mahāvīra recognized 5 vows, one more than Pārsva's. Also, while Pārsva allowed the use of clothing, Mahavira himself went about naked. That Pārsva's followers (called Samanas) were almost everywhere during Mahāvīra's lifetime is testified to by some other references to his followers in the older texts. The Bhagavati more than once' refers to Pārsva's followers. In the ninth uddeśaka of the first śataka of that work we are confronted with a follower of Pārśva called Kālasavesiyaputta who at first expressed grave doubts regarding Mahāvīra's teachings. The Master, however, soon succeeded in converting him to his religion of fivefold vows. In the fifth uddeśaka of the second sataka of the same text we are told that the city of Tungiyā was often visited by Parsva's followers. In this connection we came across the names of four monks belonging to Pārsva's school. They are Kāliyaputta, Mehila, Kāsava, and Anamdarakkhiya. The Bhagavati records another interesting conversation (9.32) between a follower of Pārśva called Gamgeya (Gāngeya) and Mahāvīra at Vāņiyagāma

Page #39

PĀRSVANATHA
(near Vaiśāli). This further testifies that even northern Bihar came under Pārsva's influence, and this is further corroborated by the fact that according to the celebrated Ācārāngasūtra even Mahāvīra's parents, who lived near Vaiśāli, were themselves Pārsva's followers. The importance of this statement of the Ācārānga can hardly be overemphasized, for it shows that Mahāvīra himself grew up under the umbrella of Pārsva's religion.
The Ņāyādhammakahāo makes mention of one Pumdarīya, a prince of Puşkalāvati, who became a follower of Pārsva's religion of four vows, and refers to a number of lay women who followed suit. The Nāyādhammakahāoll also tells us the story of one old maiden called Kāli who joined Pārsva's ascetic order. The Nirayavalikā, 12 an Upanga text, relates the story of the conversion of one Bhūyā, the daughter of a merchant of Rājagsha called Sudarśana, to Pārsva's religion. She was converted by Pupphacūlā, Pārsva's principal ladydisciple. The combined testimony of the two texts, Ņāyādhammakahāo and Nirayavalikā, therefore proves that women were freely admitted into Pārsva's order. Pārsva, who was a great rationalist, naturally bore no prejudice against the weaker sex and, unlike the Buddha, never hesitated in allowing women to embrace the ascetic life. In his boyhood Pārsva had probably seen nuns belonging to various Brahmanical schools at Kasi and therefore no Ananda was required to plead before him in favour of admitting women into the new order.
One of the earliest canonical texts, the Sūtrakstānga,'records a very interesting discussion between Indrabhūti and a follower of Pārśva called Udaya Pedhālaputta. Like Keśin and Gāngeya, he too, later accepted Mahāvīra's doctrine.
The above discussion clearly shows that Pārsva, who preached his new religion around 800 BC (250 years before Mahāvīra),succeeded to a large extent in popularizing his teachings in different parts of northern India. We have very strong reason to believe that the term "Nirgrantha' was first invented by him and latter came to denote his followers. The evidence of the Buddhist texts too fully supports this contention. The Samaññaphala Sutta of the Digha Nikāya actually shows acquaintance with Pārsva's religion of four vows and not with Mahāvīra's doctrine of five restraints. Elsewhere in the Pāli Tripitaka'5 there are references to the Nirgrantha religion of four vows although, to my abiding regret, the Buddhists have not mentioned him by name. It however appears from their writings that Mahavira was an

Page #40

14
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
ascetic belonging to the Nirgrantha order and nothing more.
Pārsva was the first historical prophet of ancient India to clearly understand the real significance of ahimsā. The concept of nonviolence is, no doubt, to be found in the earlier Upanisadic works and also in the Mahābhārata, but to Pārsva ahimsā meant something more concrete. It was his whole existence. His other teachings (i.e., not to lie, not to steal, and not to own physical possessions) are of course to be found in all schools of thought.
I have already referred to Pārsva's attitude towards women. He also, unlike some later Jaina thinkers, had no prejudices against Brāhmaṇas. The Nirayavalikā (3.3) contains the story of Brāhmaṇa Soma's conversion to Pārsva's order. This Brāhmana was, like Pārsva, a citizen of Vārāṇasī. That Pārsva's doctrine had great appeal even for kings is testified to by the elaborate story of the conversion of Paesi, king of Seyaviyā, by Kesin, the celebrated follower of Pārsva, related in the Rāyapaseniya,16 an Upānga text. I have very little doubt that the Pāyāsi Suttanta of the Dīgha Nikāya was composed in imitation of this Upānga text. We must remember that Kesin was also known by the name ‘Kumārasamana', and in the above-mentioned Buddhist work a certain Kumārasamaņa is delineated as engaged in conversation with king Pāyāsi of Setavyā, which is evidently the same as Seyaviyā. Indeed, there is reason to believe that Pärśva's followers were also generally known as Kumārasamanas. P.C. Bagchi" believes that in a particular sūtra of Pāṇini (II.1.69) these Kumāraśramaņas have been referred to. Although we cannot be dogmatic about this, there may be some truth in this.
According to the Samavāyānga (157), Diņņa was Pārsva's principal male disciple and Pupphacūlā the female disciple. Pupphacūlā, as I have already mentioned is also cited in the Nāyādhammakahāo. His principal male lay votary was Suvvaya'8 and female lay votary Sunandā."
Regarding Pārsva's date, it may here be pointed out, that it is only from two late texts that we learn that his liberation took place 250 years before Mahāvīra's emancipation. In the concluding lines of Mahavira's and Parsva's biography in the Kalpasūtra which were obviously added during the council of Valabhi (c. AD 525), and in the Āvasyakabhāsya (17), another text of practically the same date, we are told about this figure of 250 years. It is quite possible that the time gap separating Mahāvīra from Pārsva was less than 250 years, but since we have not other evidence, we have to provisionally as

Page #41

PĀRSVANATHA
sign to Pārsva a date around 800 BC.
REFERENCES 1. See also Jacobi’s translation, in SBE, 22, pp. 271 ff. 2. p. 154. 3. See sepcially in this connection, the Ambattha Sutta included in the
Digha Nikaya. 4. The Buddhavamsa actually describes one of the previous Buddhas
called Phussa, whom I propose to identify with Pārsva of the Jaina canonical texts. The Ardha-Māgadhi name for Pārsva is Pāsa, and Phussa is the Pāli form, apparently of the same name. It is significant that both the Jainas and the Buddhists represent him as a resident of Vārāṇasī, while the Jainas call him a Tirthamkara, the Buddhists regard him as one of 24 Buddhas. The Vaisnava conception of avatāra has apparently inffuenced the followers of these two heretical sects, and they too have invented the idea of 24 Buddhas and Tirthamkaras in order to glorify their respective doctrines. We should also remember that the avatāra idea goes back to the period of the Brāhmaṇas, which were composed long, long before the rise of either Jainism and Buddhism. The earliest of the avatāras are associated with Prajāpati, the Supreme God of the Brahmanical period; and they are Kurma, Varāha and Matsya (see J.N. Banerjea, Development of Hindu Iconography, third edn., New Delhi, 1986, p. 389). The theory of avatāra has been beautifully explained in those famous passages of the Gitā, which run as follows: yada yadā hi dharmasya glānirbhavati bhārata/ abhyutthānamadharmasya tadātmānam sejāmyaham// paritrānāya sādhūnām vināśāya ca duskytām/ dharmasamsthāpanārtāya sambhavāmi yuge yuge // [Mbh., critical edn., VI.26.78] The Jainas and Buddhists, who have virtually copied everything from the Brāhmaṇas, have successfully utilised the avatāra theory, and have invented the 24 Tirthamkaras and 24 Buddhas theory. The name Buddhavainsa also appears quite suspect, as it reminds us instinctively of the name Harivamśa of the Vaisnavas. The Jainas have virtually two Harivamsas, one by Jinasena II, composed in an 783, and the other by Dhavala, written in Apabhraíśa.
The Buddhavamsa correctly represents Phussa or Pārsva simply as a Ksatriya and not as the son of a rājā. The relevant passage runs thus (20.14): kāsikam nāma nagaram jayasene nāma khattiyo sirimā nāma janikā phussassā pi mahesino.

Page #42

16
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
In the Jaina account namely the Kalpasūtra (149-69) we have, respectively, the names Asasena and Vāmā as the names of Pārsva's parents. The similarity of the names of Pārsva's parents in both the accounts are quite significant. For the father, we have sena-ending names, and for the mother ma-ending ones, and can therefore conclude without any hesitation that the Buddhists knew this twenty-third Tirthamkara as a scion of an aristocratic family of the famous city of Vārānasi. The Buddhists have Phussa lokanāyaka, while the Jainas have the epithet purisādaniya, which is the Prakrta form for puruṣādaniya, and both
the epithets have something in common. 5. See Byhadāranyaka Up., 2.1.1; also Kaușitaki Up., 4.1. 6. See Satapatha, 5.5.5.14. 7. See Kalpasūtravrtti by Samayasundra, pp. 164–5. 8. 1.9; II.5; IX.32 et seq.
9. See Jacobi's translation in SBE, 22, p. 194. 10. See 141 ff. 11. Tenth chapter of the second part. 12. Para 148 (II.1). 13. See Jacobi's translation, SBE, 45, pp. 420 ff. 14. For a discussion on Pārsva's date, see infra. 15. See under 'Nāthaputta' and 'Nirgrantha' in Malalasekera's Dictionary
of Pāli Proper Names. 16. See 157 ff. 17. See Sir Asutosh Mukherjee Silver Jubilee Volume, III, p. 74. 18. See Kalpasutra, 163. 19. Ibid., 164.

Page #43

CHAPTER III
Life of Mahāvīra
The last or the twenty-fourth Tīrthamkara Vardhamana Mahāvīra was born, according to some late non-canonical texts, 250 years after Pārsva's emancipation. The earliest non-canonical text that mentions this figure, is the Āvasyakabhāsya,' a work probably written after ad 300. The same figure of 250 is obtained from concluding passages of the lives of Pārsva and Mahāvīra given in the Kalpasūtra,? which were obviously added to that work during the council of Valabhi held during the reign of Dhruvasena I (c. AD 525), who was a feudatory of an imperial Gupta ruler. From the Pāli texts we learn that he died a year or two before the demise of the Buddha, and since he had a total lifespan of 72 years, he was in all probability a somewhat junior contemporary of the Sākyan prophet, who definitely died at the age of 80.
Unlike his predecessors, Mahāvira's life has received extensive treatment in the early Jaina canonical texts. The earliest work that does so to a considerable degree is the celebrated Ācārāngasūtra, the first Anga and probably the earliest canonical work of the Svetārbara Jainas. There is very little doubt that the Ācāranga account of the life of Mahāvira was composed a century or two after the demise of the teacher and is therefore tolerably reliable. It should however also be remembered that the Ācārānga provides details of Mahāvīra's life up to his forty-second year (the date of enlightenment) and gives no information about his last thirty years
Both the Acārānga and Kalpasūtra inform us that when the moon was in conjunction with the Hatthuttară constellation (Uttaraphālguni), Mahāvīra descended from the Puspottara celestial abode on the expiry of his period of life as a God. He then took the form of an embryo in the womb of the Brāhmana lady Devānandā of the Jālandhara lineage, wife of the Brāhmana Rsabhadatta of the Kodāla lineage (Kodālasagottassa) belonging to the Brahmanical part of Kundagrāma town (Māhanakumdaggāme nayare). According to the Kalpasūtra Devānandā saw the following fourteen objects in her

Page #44

18
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
dream: an elephant, a bull, a lion, an anointment, a garland, the moon, the sun, a flag, a vase, a lotus lake, the ocean, a celestial abode, a heap of jewels and a flame.
The following idea then struck Śakra (Indra), the king of gods:
It never has happened, nor does it happen, the Arhats, Cakravartins, Baladevas or Vasudevas, in the past, present or future, should be born in low families, mean families, degraded families, poor families, indigent families, beggars' families or Brahmanical families... [they] are born in high families, noble families, royal families, noblemen's families, in families belonging to the race of Ikṣvāku, or of Hari or in other such families of pure descent on both sides."
Then he asked Harinegamesi, commander of the infantry (evidently another name of Skanda, who is also known as Naigameya or Naigameśa) to transfer the embryo from the womb of Devānandā to that of Trisala of the Vasistha gotra, wife of Ksatriya Siddhartha of the Kasyapa gotra, belonging to the Ksatriya part of the Kundapura town. This Siddhartha, we are further told, was a scion of the clan of Jñātṛs (Prākṛta Naya). The order was promptly carried out. This event, according to the above-mentioned texts, took place on the eighty-third day after Mahāvīra's descent from heaven into the womb of Devanandā, when the moon was once more in conjunction with Uttaraphalguni. It was the thirteenth day of the dark half of the month of Aśvina. The Kalpasūtra further informs that in that night (eighty-third) Devanandā dreamt that the fourteen objects of her dream were taken from her by Triśalā. At the same time, the Ksatriya lady Triśalā saw those fourteen objects entering her own dream.
No modern historian can accept the transfer of embryo story, whatever may be its antiquity.10 It is more probable that Devanandă was Mahāvīra's real mother and he was subsequently accepted by Kṣatriya Siddhartha as his adopted son. In this connection I should point to the story told in the Bhagavati11 regarding Devananda's meeting with Mahāvīra. This meeting took place at the Brahmanical part of Kuṇḍagrāma. We are told that at that time (i.e., when Devananda saw Mahāvīra when the latter was already a kevalin) milk oozed from the breasts of that Brāhmaṇa lady. When Gautama enquired about this, his chief disciple, Mahāvīra, explained that she was his mother, and it was because of her motherly affection that this had occurred. I quote here Mahāvīra's original words:
Devāṇamdā māhani mamaṁ ammagā, ahaṁ nam Devāṇaṁdāe māhaṇīe attae; taenam sa Devāṇamdā māhani tenam puvvaputtasineharāgenam agaya

Page #45

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
19
panhayā, jāva samūsa-viyaromakuvā mamaṁ animisae diṭṭhie pehamānī pehamāņi citthai.
We should particularly note the expression 'puvvaputta-sineharăgenam'. This striking incident narrated in such an early text as the Bhagavati abundantly explodes the popular Jaina belief that Mahāvīra was the son of the Kṣatriya lady Triśalā. The transfer of embryo story probably originated a century or two after the demise of Mahāvīra (c. 300 BC), when Jainism was firmly established in India and assumed a thoroughly anti-Brahmanical stance. It must be remembered that in ancient India an adopted son (dattaka) was simply looked upon as 'real son' as was the case with a kṣetraja son (cf. the case of the Pandavas). Jacobi's conjecture that Devānandā was another of Siddhartha's wives should not be taken seriously.12 I do not however wish to be dogmatic about this but do feel that the mystery surrounding Mahāvīra's births has not yet been properly investigated. The original Jaina inventor of the embryo story probably had in mind the story of Kṛṣna's birth as related in the Vaiṣṇava devotional literature.
Now, Siddhartha's wife Trisala, according to the seventh-century text, the Avaśyakacurṇī1s of Jinadāsagaṇi Mahattara, was a sister of the illustrious Ceṭaka, a Kṣatriya chief of Vaiśālī. In the original canon how even nothing has been said about her relationship with that prince. She, however, gets here the significant name Videhadiņņā.11 It should be recalled that Kūņika-Ajātaśatru, who according to the original canon was a son of Cellaṇā, a daughter of Cetaka,15 receives the title Videhaputta in the Bhagavati1 and a similar epithet for him is also found in the Pali canon. It is, therefore, permissible to conjecture that the author of the Avaśyakacūrṇī, so famous for his erudition, had definite access to some other source which is not lost. Another daughter of Ceṭaka, called Mrgavati, according to the Bhagavati," was the mother of the great Udayana of Kausāmbi. The Jaina works18 unanimously bestow on Ceṭaka the title 'king' and, according to the Nirayavalika19 an Upanga text, he was as powerful a monarch as Kūniya, the king of Magadha. It is exceedingly strange that this famous personality is entirely ignored in the Pāli canonical
texts.
According to both the Acārānga2o and Kalpasūtra," Mahāvīra was born on the thirteenth day of the bright half of the month of Caitra when the moon was in conjunction with the Uttaraphalguni. A scrupulous reader of the Jaina texts is not expected to take such astro

Page #46

20
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
nomical details seriously, which are scattered throughout Jaina literature and specially in connection with the description of the lives of the Tīrthamkaras. He was christened Vardhamāna, 'the increasing one', because the family treasure went on increasing from the moment of his birth.22 He was also known by two other names: Samaņa and Mahāvīra. We are told that the people called him Samana because he was always engaged in penances, and Mahāvīra because he nurtured no fear and was unafraid of danger.23 The canonical texts also refer to him by such names as Nātaputta, 21 Vesālia2 and Videhadiņņa.26 The first name was evidently the more popular since it is constantly referred to in the Buddhist texts. Mahāvīra was called 'Vesālia' because he was born in a suburb of that city. As his birthplace lay within the territory of Videha, he was given the name 'Videhadinna'.
We have seen, in connection with our discussion of Pārsva, that Mahāvīra's parents themselves were followers of the former. Since this statement is found in the Ācārānga, one of the oldest texts of the Jainas, its authenticity cannot be questioned. This implies that Mahāvīra himself grew up under the shadow of Pārsva's religion. There is little doubt that Siddhartha and Trisalā scrupulously taught him in his boyhood the Nirgrantha doctrine of four principal restraints as preached by the great thinker from Kāśi. As his birthplace was near the great city of Vaiśālī, it is very probable that Mahāvīra came into contact not only with Pārsva's followers in his early youth, but also with other thinkers of that celebrated city. There is little doubt that this city was founded centuries before the birth of Mahāvira and the Buddha. According to the Rāmāyana, the kings of this city were known for their large-heartedness and religious disposition. The combined testimony of the Jaina and Pāli texts indicate that the city had a number of shrines, mostly dedicated to yaksas, in sixth century BC. In the famous28 Mahāparinibbāna Suttanta of the Dīgha Nikāya a number of such shrines are mentioned, namely Sārandada, Cäpāla, Udena, Gotamaka, Bahuputta, and Sattamba. From the Pātika Suttanta” of the same work we further learn that Udena was to the east of Vaiśālī, Gotamaka to the south, Sattamba the west, and Bahuputta to the north. The shrine of Bahuputta, it is useful to note, was once visited by Mahāvīra, as is vouched for by the evidence of the Bhagavati. 30 Another shrine in this city mentioned in the Bhagavatīwas Komdiyāyaṇa, where Gośāla performed his sixth pauttabarihāra (entering into another's dead body). I will elsewhere

Page #47

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
21
in this work discuss the nature of influence exercised by the yakşaworship on early Jainism, but it should be emphasized here that not all the ceiya-cetiyas were dedicated to them. The shrine of Bahuputta, as is evident from the Upānga text the Nirayavalikā,was probably dedicated to the goddess Bahuputtiyā, who was connected with children's welfare. I am, however, aware that elsewhere32 in the Jaina texts a certain Bahuputtiyā is described as a spouse of yakşa Pūrnabhadra. Regarding the Gotamaka shrine, we can say this much that Sabhāparvanof the Mahābhārata speaks of the shrine of Gotamaka at Rājagļha and connects it with rși Gautama. There is no reason why the shrine of the same name situated in Vaiśālī should not be connected with the same rsi. Worship of ancient saints, like the worship of devas and yaksas, was an integral part of ancient Indian religion. The worship of sși Agastya is a well-known instance. What I am trying to drive at is that both Mahāvīra and the Buddha were considerably influenced by the popular religious systems of their time. In this connection I would point to the words spoken by Mahāvīra in the eighteenth śataka of the Bhagavattwhere he says that he used to visit places like sabhā, pavā, ārāma, ujjāņa, and devakulas. That both Mahāvīra and the Buddha used to frequent the popular caityas is clear from Jaina and Buddhist writings.
Turning once more to the life of Mahāvīra, we find him marrying a girl called Yasodā (Jasoyā) of the Kauņdinya gotra and the couple had a daughter, who was christened Priyadarśanā. The Digambaras vehemently deny that Mahāvīra ever married, but we need not take their objection seriously. It should be recalled that the reference to Mahāvīra's marriage is found in a work like the Ācārānga35 and is supported by the Kalpasūtra. 56 We therefore have to accept the fact of Mahāvīra's marriage, however distasteful it may appear to a Digambara Jaina. Both the above-mentioned works refer to Mahāvīra's granddaughter Yaśovati, Priyadarśanā's daughter, but do not mention the name of Mahāvīra's son-in-law. We however learn from the Acāränga that the son-in-law belonged to the Kausika gotra." From a few late works we learn that Mahāvīra's son-in-law was Jamāli. It is curious that although this individual is prominently mentioned a number of times in the original canon, nothing has been said about his marriage to Priyadarśanā. On the other hand, the Bhagavatī,39 which gives a detailed account of him and the story of his rebellion, refers to his eight wives. His parents are mentioned but not named. We however learn that he belonged to a highly

Page #48

22
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
prosperous family of Kşatriya Kundagrāma near Vaiśālī.
The next important event in Mahāvīra's life was his renunciation that took place on his attaining the age of thirty. 10 Siddhārtha and Trisalā were no longer then in the land of the living. His elder brother Nandivardhana" and sister Sudarsanā^2 were there, but they apparently did not attempt to prevent Mahāvīra from embracing an entirely new life. It is probable that before his eventual departure, Mahāvīra gave his daughter in marriage to a person of the Kausika gotra.
At the age of thirty, on the tenth day of the month of Mārgasīrșa, when the moon was once more in conjunction with Uttaraphālguni, after taking the permission of the elders, 43 Mahāvīra left for the park of Ņāyasamda, 94 which was situated near his home town. There, under an aśoka tree,45 he divested himself of all his ornaments and finery, and then plucked out his hair in five handfuls. 26 The Kalpasūtra? then informs us that Mahāvīra retained his cloth covering for thirteen months, and thereafter wandered about naked.
The original canon gives us some idea about Mahāvīra's wanderings in his twelve-year pre-kevalajñāna period. The Acārānga mentions a few places he visited after his departure from home, 18 and the Bhagavatī, which is also an original canonical text, gives us some important information about this period of Mahāvīra's life, and this is to be found in the fifteenth Sataka of this work.
According to this account, in the second year of his wanderings, Mahāvīra came into contact with Mankhaliputta Gośāla at Nālandā, a famous suburb of Rājagrha.49 The author of this portion of the Bhagavatī would have us believe that Gośāla became Mahāvīra's disciple and wandered with him to a number of places for six years. In this connection the Bhagavati mentions three, Kollāga sanniveśa (a small town near Nālandā), Siddhārthagrāma, and Kūrmagrāma. All these were in all probability situated near Rājagļha. In the later texts they are represented as visiting a number of places together. 50
A few of the places visited by Mahāvīra during his wanderings are mentioned in the Acārānga. We are told that besides Kummāragāma,'' a place he visited in the very beginning of his wanderings, he travelled in the country of the Lādhas, 52 and also went to Vajjabhumi and Subbabhūmi. According to the commentaries ** Vajjabhūmi and Subbabhumi were divisions of Lādha identifiable with West Bengal.
In the commentaries like the niryuklis and cūrnis a large number

Page #49

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
23
of places are described as having been visited by Mahāvīra,54 but it is extremely doubtful whether all of them were ever visited by the Jaina prophet. Reading between the lines of the relevant passage of the original canon would convince a discerning reader that he only toured in Bihar and Bengal in his twelve-year pre-enlightenment period.
Both the works, the Ācārānga35 and the Kalpasūtra, 56 have described in identical words the story of his final enlightenment. We are told that in the thirteenth year, in the month of Vaišākha, when the moon was in conjunction with Uttaraphālgunī, Mahāvīra attained nirvāṇa (enlightenment) outside the town of Jambhiyagāma. The exact place where this occurred was the bank of the river Rjupālikā, near the residence of a householder called Sāmāga and an old temple (ceiya).
Next comes the most important period of Mahāvīra's life, namely that as a teacher and path-finder. We are extremely fortunate to have a passage, included in the Kalpasūtra, which gives us a very good idea about his forty-two-year ascetic life, including his twelveyear pre-nirvana period. The passage runs thus:
... the venerable ascetic stayed the first rainy season at Ashikagrāma, three rainy seasons in Campā and Prsthicampă, 12 in Vaiśāli and Vānijyagrāma, 14 in Rājagļha and its suburb called Nālandā, 6 in Mithila, 2 at Bhadrikā, 1 in Alabhika, 1 in Panitabhūmi, 1 in Srāvasti, and 1 at
the town of Pāpā in king Hastipāla's office of writers (rajjusabhā).57 We have already observed that in his twelve-year career as a learner Mahāvīra probably visited only a few places in Bihar and B The passage, quoted above, does not probably give any chron cal sequence of Mahāvīra's wanderings as a learner and teacher. We must remember that it was probably composed 200 years after Mahāvira's demise, and it was, therefore, virtually impossible for the writer of the Kalpasūtra to give a complete chronological account of Mahāvira's entire career as an ascetic. There is however no doubt that the passage gives us a broad and general idea about his wanderings from the age of 30, up to his death at the age of 72.
A closer analysis of the above-quoted passage of the Kalpasūtra would show that barring a year in Srāvastī, and a year probably in western Bengal, Mahāvīra spent his life only in what is now known as the state of Bihar. He, however, occasionally visited other places in India, as is evident from the combined testimony of the passages scattered in the original canon. We have also to consider, in this

Page #50

24
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
connection, the extremely valuable information provided by the Pāli texts.
According to different original texts, the Master visited, during his career as a teacher, the following places. Kāmpilypura,58 Sāketa, 59 Mathurā,60 Hastinapura,61 Vardhamanapura, 62 Amalakappā,63 Purimatāla, 64 Kākandī,65 Polāsapura, 66 Vārāṇasī,67 Kauśāmbī,68 Seyaviyā,69 Kajangalā,o etc. The later texts and commentaries mention a large number of places Mahāvīra visited, but it is extremely doubtful whether their evidence is of any real value. The canonical account of Mahāvīra's visit to Hastināpura is probably based on imagination since this city, according to the Purāņas," was destroyed by the Ganges during the reign of Nicakṣus, a great-grandson of Janamejaya II. The Jaina and Buddhist writers had some real weakness for cities of epic fame, and that is why cities like Hastināpura and Indraprastha occur so frequently in their writings, although both these disappeared from the map of India long before the birth of the Buddha and Mahāvīra. Frequent references to the Kauravas and Ikşvākus in the Jaina and Buddhist texts are also indirect evidence of the influence of the two epics on these works.
The Pāli texts also directly confirm the evidence of the Jaina canonical texts regarding the wanderings of Mahāvīra. The Upālisutta of the Majjhima Nikāyarefers to Nāthaputta's visit to Nāland, with a large company of Jaina monks. Another Pāli text the Samyutta,73 connects this place with Mahāvīra. We have already seen that according to the Kalpasūtra the Teacher spent forty rainy seasons at Rājagļha and Nālandā. It was at Nālandā, as we have already noticed, that Mahāvīra had met Gośāla for the first time. Mahāvīra's intimate association with Rājagļha is proved by repeated references to this city everywhere in the Jaina canon. The Majjhima Nikāya (no 14) also mentions that Rājagrha was a popular centre for Jainas, and that there were numerous Jainas residing on mount Isigili (Rsigiri). The Pāli works also confirm the Jaina account of Mahāvīra's close link with Vaiśālī, with which both the Majjhima and Anguttara? connect Mahāvīra. It is extremely interesting to note that even among the Säkyas of Kapilavastu, there was an individual called Vappa who was a disciple of Mahāvīra. This is testified to by the evidence of the Anguttara.76 A place called Macchikāsaņda, according to the Samyutta," was visited by Mahāvīra with a great company of the Jainas.
The combined evidence of the Jaina and Buddhist texts leaves

Page #51

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
25
no room to doubt the great success of Mahāvīra's missionary activities. The Nirgrantha religion founded by Pārśva around 800 BC, slowly yet surely became a major religion of eastern India during Mahāvīra's lifetime. The Teacher, as we have already noticed, met with his greatest success in Bihar, although places outside this province like the Śrāvasti region and western Bengal came increasingly under the influence of the Jaina religion.
Let us not briefly turn to Mahāvīra's relation with contemporary political figures. The Magadhan' king Śreņika Bimbisāra, who was almost a personal friend of Gautama Buddha, figures in the Jaina texts as an admirer of Mahāvīra.78 He is chiefly called by the name Senia or Seņiya in the Jaina canonical texts, although the name Bimbisāra (Bhambhasāra) is not entirely unknown.79 Although a few canonical texts depict him as a devotee of Mahāvīra, he is said to have gone to hell after his death,80 evidence perhaps that he was not really a true Jaina at heart. There is however little doubt that his eldest son Abhaya was a real admirer, if not a devotee of Mahāvīra.81 That he was essentially a kind-hearted and liberal person is demonstrated not only by the Jaina but also by the Buddhist texts. It was this prince who, through kindness and love, converted an abandoned child of a prostitute into a world-renowned physician. We are referring here to Jivaka Komāravacca, the son of the courtesan Sālāvatī, who was later brought up by Abhaya as his foster-son. The close connection of Abhaya with the Jainas is also shown by the evidence in the Pali Majjhima Nikāya.o? Regarding Bimbisara's better known son Ajātaśatru, who succeeded him, it may be pointed out that he was probably more inclined towards Jainism than any other religion. It is, however, also true that the Buddhist texts, sometimes claim him to be their follower. Indeed, the famous Sāmaññaphala Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya was recited to him by the Buddha in the concluding parts of which he expresses repentance for his sin of parricide. There is however great reason to suspect that his passion for the Buddhist religion was never genuine. His earliest guru was probably Devadatta, but at a later period, through his mother's influence he became a friend and patron of Mahāvīra. He is favourably pictured virtually throughout the Jaina canon and especially in the Aupapātikasūtra.83 The Jaina texts like the Bhagavat784 and Nirayavalikā85 provide a detailed account of his war with his opponents, the eighteen confederate kings, in which he was eventually victorious.

Page #52

26
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Kūņika Ajātaśatru's mother Cellaņā, a cousin of Mahāvīra, and daughter of king Cetaka of Vaiśālī, was favourably inclined towards the religion of her cousin. Her father Cetaka, a brother of Ksatriyani Trisalā, is represented in later texts, as a devotee of Mahāvīra. But what about the illustrious Prasenajit (Pasenadi of the Pāli texts), king of Kosala? This great patron of Gautama Buddha has been almost totally ignored in the Jaina canonical works. 86 The other influential contemporary royal personalities like Udayana and Caņda Pradyota had little to do with either of the two great heretical religions. 87
There were two principal objectives before Mahāvīra when he started his missionary career. The first was to convert the existing Nirgrantha ascetics belonging to Pārsva's order to his religion of five vows; and the second was to recruit new monks who would be able to popularize his teachings. We have already referred to such conversion of monks belonging to Pārsva's order in ch. II. These instances show that almost all the monks belonging to Pārsva's order were slowly converted to the new and more vigorous Nirgrantha religion preached by Mahāvīra. Mahāvīra's second objective, namely to recruit new monks also met with success. Like Pārsva he too had his Ganadharas (the head of a group of monks), and the Kalpasūtra88 refers to his principal disciple Indrabhūti (Imdabhūti), a Brāhmaṇa of the Gautama gotra. This highly learned individual figures in the celebrated twenty-third chapter of the Uttarādhyayana. His two brothers Agnibhūti and Vāyubhūti were also prominent Gañadharas. 89 Among other prominent disciples (Ganadharas) of Mahāvīra, mention be made of Sudharman and Moriyaputta, the fifth and seventh Ganadharas, respectively. The Jaina canon is said to have been preached to Jambusvāmin by Sudharman. I identify Moriyaputta, the seventh Ganadhara with Tāmali Moriyaputta mentioned prominently in the Bhagavatī,91 although the Avašyakaniryukti92 would have us believe that they were different persons.
Mahāvīra had a large number of nuns under him headed by Candanā.93 There was also no dearth of lay votaries, many of whom were quite prosperous.94 Details about them are given in the Upāsakadaśā, the seventh Anga of the Jaina canon. In this connection we should at least mention Ananda of Vāņiyaggāma (a suburb of Vaisali) who was not only a very rich lay votary but also a very pious man. His role is almost identical to that of Anāthapiņdika of the Buddhist texts. The Upāsakadasa” contains a story, according to

Page #53

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
27
which, even Indrabhūti was defeated in an argument with this lay votary of Mahāvīra.
The teacher's religious career was not however plain sailing. I have already briefly referred to Gośāla, who according to the Jaina texts, was originally a disciple of Mahāvīra. This controversial religious personality appears also in the Buddhist works as one of the six great heretical teachers of the Buddha's time. There is, nothing, however in the Pāli works to show that he was a disciple and subordinate of Nirgrantha Nāthaputta. There is however little doubt that Mankhaliputta Gośāla was a veritable thrown in the flesh of both Mahāvīra and the Buddha. An analysis of the relevant passages of the Bhagavation and Upāsakadasā°7 show that he was an influential Ajīvika leader of Srāvasti and had a large number of followers. He was not however, the founder of the Ajīvika school; this sect was probably founded at least a century before the birth of Gośāla. In this connection I would like to invite attention to the story recorded in such an early Pāli text as the Mahāvagga” according to which, immediately after his enlightenment (at the age of 35), the Buddha met one Upaka who was a naked Ajīvika monk. We have already seen that Mahāvīra was a somewhat junior contemporary of the Buddha and there is little doubt that he was at that time probably in his late twenties and hence a householder at KsatriyaKundagrāma. There was thus no question of his meeting Gośāla at that time, and he had became an Ajīvika long before Gośāla started preaching his doctrine (according to the Bhagavatī, Gośālao had left Mahāvīra when the latter was 36 and founded his Ajivika school in Srāvasti). There are also other indications/00 in the Pāli texts to show that Ajīvikism was founded long before the Buddha and Mahāvīra.
A few scholars believe!) that it was Gośāla who persuaded Mahāvīra to give up the habit of wearing clothes, but there is nothing in the Jaina canon to prove the veracity of this. The Kalpasūtra!"2 simply states, as we have already noticed, that Mahāvīra wore clothes for a year and a month and then went about naked. It is also true that Mahāvīra had met Gośāla in his second year of renunciation. There is however no reason why should we link these two events. Indeed, the Ajīvikas were not the only naked ascetics of that time, even in the later Vedic period, monks from various sects wandered about naked.
From the relevant passages of the Bhagavatī it becomes clear that

Page #54

28
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
bitter rivalry continued between Gośāla and Mahāvīra up to the former's demise. Mankhaliputta was probably a victim of epilepsy and his unnatural and premature death probably inspired the writer of the fifteenth Sataka of the Bhagavati to write his account of the death of this bitter rival of Mahāvīra. Anyone who has taken the trouble of studying this Book of the Bhagavatī will, I believe, understand that the account was composed by a diehard Jaina wholly inimical to the Ājivikas. There is little doubt that this religion continued to flourish for a long time after Gośāla’s death which took place in Śrāvasti, sixteen years before Mahāvīra passed away.
A disciple of the Master, Jamāli, who was a scion of a rich Ksatriya family of Mahāvīra's home town, 103 and who according to late commentaries, 101 was a son-in-law of Mahāvīra, publicly announced his difference with his teacher and founded his own school in Srāvasti. From the very outset, as it appears from the Bhagavatī,105 Jamāli began to behave as Mahāvīra's rival. The Bhagavatī also informs us that immediately after embracing the ascetic-life, Jamāli started wandering alone with a few of his followers, much against Mahāvīra's wishes. Subsequently there were further doctrinal difference between the two, and Jamāli, like Gośāla, declared himself a Jina in Srāvasti. Those who had expressed faith in him, remained with him in Srāvasti and he, along with his disciples, stayed in the well-known Kosthaka shrine of that town. Those refusing to acknowledge him as their teacher went to Mahāvīra, who was then staying in the Purnabhadra shrine of Campā and reported the whole matter to him. Afterwards, we are told, Mahāvīra publicly defeated Jamāli in a debate that took place at Campā, 107 but Jamāli even after this, continued to defy Mahāvīra's authority till his death. According to the Jaina texts/08 he was the first Ninhava (propounder of wrong doctrines).
There is little doubt that Jamāli, like Devadatta, was a born rebel and had a distinct personality of his own. It is a pity that no works composed by their disciples are extant, leaving persons like Gośāla, Jamāli, or Devadatta in our eyes as mere 'rebels' in the religious history of India.
For thirty years Mahāvīra preached his doctrine and in spite of the opposition, he faced, made his religion the solace for thousands of people of eastern India. The end came quietly at the town of Pāvā in king Hastipāla's office for writers on the fifteenth day of the dark fortnight of Kārttika while the moon was in conjunction with Svāti.109 That very night, we are told, his chief disciple Indrabhūti

Page #55

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
obtained kevala-jñāna.110 The Kalpasūtra111 also informs us that during the night, when the venerable ascetic died, the 18 confederate kings of Kāśī and Kosala instituted an illumination saying 'since the light of intelligence is gone, let us make an illumination of material matter'. Several Pāli canonical texts confirm the Jaina account that Mahāvīra breathed his last at Pāvā112 and also add that the Buddha died after the demise of the Jaina Tīrthaṁkara. The writer in the Cambridge History of India (vol. 1) 113 believes that the Buddha died before Mahāvīra, which obviously goes against available evidence. I believe that the Buddhist account of the death of their founder after the demise of Nathaputta is basically accurate.
4. See SBE, 22, p. 189.
5. Ibid., p. 219.
6. Loc. cit.
REFERENCES
1. v. 17.
2. See SBE, 22, pp. 270, 275.
3. Let us remember that both Mahavira and the Buddha died after the accession of Kūņika-Ajātaśatru. The Buddhists hold that the Buddha died in the eighth year of Ajātaśatru's reign (see Ray-chaudhuri in Political Hislory of Ancient India, p. 214). Since the Buddha died at the age of 80 and Mahavira at 72, the latter was slightly younger. We should also remember that the rebellion of Devadatta, which coincided with the accession of Ajātaśatru, was known to Mahāvīra (see Majjhima, 58). There is therefore little doubt that Mahāvīra was the younger teacher.
7. Kalpasūtra (SBE, 22), p. 225.
8. Ibid., pp. 189, 229.
9. p. 230.
10. Let us remember that the story is found in such early texts as the Acārānga, and Kalpasulra. An early sculpture from Mathura also supports the tradition of the transfer of embryo.
11. (Sailana edn.), IV, pp. 1690-1704.
12. See SBE, 22, intro., p. xxxi, n. 2.
13. I, p. 245.
29
14. See SBE, 22, p. 193.
15. See Nirayavalikā (Rajkot, 1960), pp. 25ff.
19. pp. 44 ff.
20. p. 191.
21. p. 251.
16. III, p. 1199.
17. IV, p. 1986.
18. Loc. cit. See also Nirayavalikā, pp. 40 ff.

Page #56

30
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
22. Ācārānga, p. 192. 23. Kalpasūtra, pp. 255-56. 24. See Mehta and Chandra, Dictionary of Prakrit Proper Names, pt. II, p. 576. 25. Loc. cit. 26. Ibid. 27. Gita Press edn., I, 47.18. 28. See Nālandă edn., II, pp. 92 f. 29. Nalandā edn., III, p. 9. 30. VI, p. 2665. 31. See III, fourth adhyayana. 32. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. II, p. 503. 33. Gita Press edn., 21.5-8. 34. See VI, p. 2759. 35. p. 193. 36. This text, however, does not mention her name. 37. Ācāranga, p. 194. 38. See Avaśyakacūrņi, I, p. 416; Kalapasūtraurtti (of Dharmasāgara), p. 92;
Ularādhyayanavrtti (Säntisüri), p. 154. 39. IV, p. 1723. 40. Acaranga, p. 194; Kalpasutra, p. 256. 41. See Acārānga, p. 193. 42. Loc. cit. 43. Kalpasūtra, p. 256. 44. Acārānga, p. 199; Kalpasūtra, p. 259. 45. Kalpasūtra, p. 259. 46. Acāranga, p. 199; Kalpasūtra, p. 259. 47. pp. 259-60. 48. pp. 84 ff. 49. V, pp. 2376 ff. 50. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. II, pp. 577 ff. 51. p. 200. 52. p. 85. 53. See p. 84, n. 1. 54. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. II, p. 580. 55. pp. 201 ff. 56. p. 263. 57. p. 264. 58. See Nāyā, 157; Upā, 35. 59. Ant., 14. 60. Vipāka, 26. 61. Anul., 6. 62. Vipāka, 32. 63. Raj., 5 ff. 64. Vipāka, 16. 65. Ant., 14; Anut., 3 66. Upā, 39-45; Ant., 15. 67. Upā, 27, 30; Ant., 15.

Page #57

LIFE OF MAHĀVĪRA
68. Bhagavali, IV, p. 1987. 69. See Avasyakaniryukti, v. 469.
70. See Bhagavatī, I, p. 391.
71. See Visnu Purana, IV.21.8; see also PHAI, p. 43.
72. See Nālandā edn., II, p. 43.
73. Nālandā edn., III, p. 281.
74. Nālandā edn., I, p. 280. 75. Nālandā edn., III, pp. 293 ff. 76. Nālandā edn., II, pp. 210 f. 77. Nālandā edn., III, p. 265.
78. See Dasa, 10.1; also Nāyā, 148.
79. Uvavayiya, 9; Dasa, 10.1; Sthā, 693.
80. Sthā, 693.
81. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, pp. 49 ff.
82. See Nalanda edn., II, pp.
67 ff.
83. See Sailana edn., pp. 56 ff.
84. See III, pp. 1199 ff.
85. See pp. 45 ff,
86. For a somewhat late reference to him, see Ullaradhyayananiryukli, p. 286. 87. The Bhagavati, however, represents Udayana as honouring Mahāvīra, see IV, p. 1987.
88. pp. 267, 286.
89. Loc. cit.
90. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, p. 270.
91. II, p.
572.
92. See vv. 595, 623, 645, 648.
93. Kalpasūtra, p. 267.
94. See especially the various stories about them in the Upāsakadaśā.
95. Upā., 16 ff.
96. See Śataka 15.
97. See N.A. Gore edn., 1953, pp. 114 ff.
98. Nālandā edn., p. 11.
99. See V, p. 2386.
100. See Nālandā edn., of Majjhima, I, pp. 41 ff.
101. See B.M. Barua, History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 300.
102. pp. 259-60.
103. See Bhagavati, IV, p. 1705.
104. See Avasyakacurṇī, I, p. 416; Kalpasūtravṛtli by Dharmasagara, p. 92.
31
105. IV, pp. 1752 ff.
106. Ibid., pp. 1753 ff.
107. Ibid., pp. 1758 ff.
108. See Stha, 587; Avasyakaniryukti, 780.
109. Kalpasūtra, p. 269.
110. Ibid., p. 265.
111. Ibid., p. 266.
112. See Digha, III, p. 91; Majjhima, III, p. 37. 113. p. 163.

Page #58

CHAPTER IV
Spread of Jainism (The Early Phase)
It is extremely difficult to correctly gauge the progress of the Jaina religion during the centuries preceding the Christian era in different parts of India. The available inscriptions, it is true, do help us in this with regard to some parts of India. However, with the exception of the Mathurā region and Orissa, very few pre-Christian in- . scriptions relating to the Jaina religion have been discovered.' The early canonical texts are of some help in relation to various parts of northern India.
In our discussion on the career of Pārsva we noticed that he was successful in popularising the Nirgrantha religion in different parts of what is now known as U.P. This religion, as have already pointed out, originated in all probability, at Kāśī, and before the demise of that great prophet won a good number of converts in some prominent cities of U.P. He himself personally visited places like Kaušāmbi, Sāketa," Kāmpilyapura,"Āmalakappa," Mathurā" and a few other cities. We are also told that he carried out missionary activities in Rājagsha.?
After Pārsva's death, close disciples of his undoubtedly continued his task of popularizing the doctrine of fourfold restraints. In the canonical literature his disciples are frequently mentioned, and the city of Tungiyā is specially mentioned in the Bhagavatt as a centre of the disciples of Pārsva. We have already noticed that even northern Bihar after Pārsva's death fell under the influence of his religion. Not only were the parents of Mahāvīra followers of Pārsva, but a prominent disciple belonging to his school lived at Vāņiyaggāmao near Vaiśālī. The Sūtrakstāngalo refers to another prominent disciple, belonging to Pārsva's school, whom Mahāvīra met and converted at Nalandă. A few other places connected with the missionary activities of monks of Pārsva's order (Pasā-vaccijja) have already been noticed. It is extremely probable that before the birth

Page #59

SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE)
33
of Mahāvīra the Nirgrantha religion founded by Pārśva was firmly established in U.P. and Bihar.
Under Mahāvīra the Jaina religion became one of the major relious sects of eastern India. We have already noted that Mahāvira visited a number of places in eastern India during this missionary career and converted a large number of people of different prominent cities. He, however, achieved his greatest success in Bihar where the Nirgrantha religion became almost as popular as the religion founded by Gautama Buddha. This is indirectly confirmed by Pāli canonical texts. Another interesting thing which a zealous student of these two great religions will not fail to notice is that whereas the Buddhist canonical writers take so much trouble to repeatedly mention Nāthaputta and his followers, the Jaina counterparts take almost no notice of the Buddha and his monks. The only religious rival of Mahāvīra, who figure prominently in the Jaina canon, is Gośāla. In the commentaries, however, the later Jaina writers do pay some attention to the Buddha and his followers.
As a result of Mahāvīra's religious conquest, western Bengal came under the influence of Jainism. We have already noticed in connection with our discussion of the career of Mahāvīra that he undertook tours to that part of eastern India. It is also permissible to believe that Bengal accepted Jainism before Buddhism as only a few places of this province figure in Pāli canonical texts. Some parts of western U.P. were also visited by Mahāvīra, and we should particularly note Mahāvīra's visit to the great city of Mathurā" which, as we have already noted, was visited by Pārsva. We will later see how this city gradually became one of the largest centres of Jaina religion in northern India.
The Bhagavati!? gives us the somewhat intriguing information that Mahāvīra visited the city of Vītībhaya, the capital of SindhuSauvīra. We are told in this connection that the Master travelled all the way from Campā to Vītībhaya in order to meet king Udayana of Sindhu-Sauvīra. We are further told that this king later became a Nirgrantha monk. The Bhagavati account of Mahāvīra's visit to the country of Sindhu-Sauvīra cannot be dismissed as a product of imagination since the work itself was probably written a century or two after Mahāvīra's demise. Besides, once we accept the Bhagavati account of Mahāvīra's visit to the country of Sindhu-Sauvīra, we have to admit that the message of the Nirgrantha religion reached India's western coast during the lifetime of the Teacher himself, and

Page #60

34
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
this was indeed no mean achievement.
It is not easy to trace the history of the spread of Jainism after the death of Mahāvīra, but a careful study of the relevant portions of the Therāvalī, which is a part of the Kalpasūtra will give us some definite idea about the history of the gradual spread of Jainism in different parts of India.
Among the four sākhās originating from Godāsa, a disciple of Bhadrabāhu, who flourished in the fourth century BC, we have the following three significant names:13 Tāmraliptikā sākhā, Koțivarșiyā sākhā, and Pundravardhaniyā sākhā. All the three śākhās were evidently connected with the three well-known geographical units, all of which were situated in Bengal. The first name does not need any comment. The second, Koțivarsa, according to the Pannāpaņņā," a canonical text, was the capital of Lādha country and the third, present north Bengal. We have already noticed that Mahāvīra himself visited some places in Bengal during his missionary career, so it is natural that Jainism should flourish after his death in the places where he taught his doctrine. There was however another more important factor behind the popularity of Jainism in Bengal in preChristian times. We have already seen that according to the Therāvali all these sākhās originated from Godāsa, who was a disciple of the great Bhadrabāhu. Now, this saint (i.e., Bhadrabāhu), according to the Brhatkathākośa's of Harisena (AD 931), was born at the town of Devakotta situated in the Pundravardhana country. There is no doubt that Harişeņa was indebted to earlier works for this information about Bhadrabāhu's place of birth. It is natural therefore, that the sākhās founded by Godāsa, a disciple of Bhadrabāhu, should be connected with Bengal.
So far as Tāmralipta is concerned, it would not be unreasonable to note that at the famous port of Tamralipta lived the merchant Tāmali Moriyaputta, who became a Jaina recluse, apparently during Mahāvīra's lifetime. The story of how he renounced everything is graphically related in the Bhagavatī. 16 Regarding northern Bengal, we will later see that this area produced true and devoted Jainas during the Gupta period.
From Balisaha, who was a disciple of Arya Mahāgiri (c. 300 BC), who himself was a disciple of the well-known Sthūlabhadra, a number of śākhās originated, and among them the name Kaušāmbikā is conspicuous. This sākhā was evidently connected with the famous city of Kaušāmbi, the capital of the Vatsa country and which, according

Page #61

SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE)
35
to the Purāņas, rose to prominence after the destruction of Hastināpura by the Gangā in c. 1300 BC. During the lifetime of Mahāvīra and Sakyamuni, Kausāmbi was a flourishing metr and the capital of the celebrated Udayana, who did not hesitate to pay homage to Mahāvīra when he visited his city." Jayantī, an aunt of Udayana, became a Jaina nun, according to the Bhagavatī. 18 Another Jaina Anga text, the Vipākaśruta, 19 tells the story of the love affair of Bșhaspatidatta, the priest of Udayana, and Padmăvati, a queen of that famous king.
Among the sākhās originating from Ārya Rohaņa20 (c. 250 BC), a disciple of Suhastin, we have the very significant name, Udumbarikā. This sākhā was certainly connected with the Audambara tribe who lived in Punjab and whose coins, dating from pre-Christian times have been discovered in large numbers there. 21 There is no doubt that by the time this sākhā originated (c. 250 BC),22 Jainism had been firmly established in Punjab. From another disciple of Suhastin, Bhadrayaśas, originated a number of sākhās, apparently in the middle of the third century BC. At least two sākhās originating from him were connected with geographical names, Bhadrīyikā and Kākandikā.29 These two sākhās were apparently connected with the towns of Bhadrikā and Kākandi, mentioned prominently in the Jaina texts. From another disciple of Suhastin, Kämardhi, originated a number of śākhās, among which Śrāvastikā sākhā.24 deserves special mention. As the name indicates, this sākā was connected with the famous city of Srāvasti which had been more than once visited by Mahāvīra. It was in this famous city that persons like Gośāla and Jamāli preached their doctrines, and it was there that the famous encounter between the two great teachers, Mahāvīra and Gośāla, took place. From yet another disciple of Suhastin, Rsigupta, originated a number of śākhās, among which the most significant name is that of Saurāstrika.25 This shows that before the end of the third century BC, Jainism reached Gujarat, and as history testifies, it has maintained its existence there to the present time. Another interesting śākhā connected with a definite geographical name is Madhyamikā,24 which originated from another disciple of Suhastin. The town of Madhyamikā, it is interesting to note, is mentioned in the canonical texts, 27 and the creation of this sākhā before the end of the third century BC, proves that the Jaina religion reached Rajasthan before that time.
This rapid analysis of the names of the sākhās of the Therāvali

Page #62

36
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
gives us some idea about the history of the spread of Jainism in different parts of India. A particular passage28 of the Byhatkalpa, a Chedasūtra text, attention to which has already been drawn by previous scholars, seems to indicate the extent of the spread of Jainism at the time of its composition (c. 350 BC). We are told in this passage that a Jaina monk must not go beyond Anga-Magadha in the east, Kaušāmbi in the south, Kuņāla (N. Kosala) in the north and Thuņā (Thaneswar) in the west. This passage was in all probability composed before the creation of the sākhās mentioned in the Theravali. The BỊhatkalpa may not be a very old text, but the passage in question probably preserves a much older tradition.
In 1912 a stone inscription was discovered by Pandit G.H. Ojha from a place called Badali in Ajmer district, Rajasthan,29 which, according to that celebrated palaeographist, contains the words 'eighty-four' and 'Vīra'. Pandit Ojha argues that the palaeography of this inscription is older than those of Asoka and that is why he feels that it relates to the year 84 of the Vira Nirvana era. In that case the inscription should be regarded to date 400 BC. Some orthodox Jaina scholars have therefore jumped to the conclusion that Jainism was introduced in Rajasthan before 400 BC. Ojha further remarks30 that his view regarding the inscription has the support of MM. S.C. Vidyabhusana. D.C. Sircar, another noted epigraphist, however, assigns the inscription to the close of the second century BC, although he does not offer any argument in favour of such a late date for this inscription. I have very carefully examined the letters of this inscription and strongly believe that its palaeography cannot be later than that of the inscriptions of Asoka. Sircar's attempt at explaining caturasiti as meaning '84 villages' is, to say the least, ludicrous. But even then we cannot wholly accept Ojha's view regarding the terms 'Vira' and '84', the truth is that there is no pre-Christian record of the Vīra Nirvana era. If therefore the tradition recorded in the Therāvalī is of any value, then we have to accept that Jainism was introduced in Rajasthan only after 250 BC, but this is a view open to revision until more positive evidences become available.
We do not know much about the religious leaning of the Nandas, but the Jainas claim that the first Mauryan emperor Chandragupta embraced their religion during the closing years of his life. Chandragupta's name is absent in all early Svetāmbara canonical and non-canonical texts, and it is only in some bhāsya and cūrņi texts, 32 written after the Gupta period that he is mentioned by name.

Page #63

SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE)
37
Even in those works, however, he is not termed a Jaina, but the Digambara traditions, both literary and epigraphic, delineate him as a Jaina devotee. 33 Some scholars believe that the earliest Digambara literary tradition regarding Candragupta's conversion is that recorded by Harişeņa in the Byhatkathākośa (AD 931). However, a much earlier Digambara literary work, the Tiloya-Pannatī, written around AD 600, represents Candragupta as a Jaina devotee, 34 but even this work was composed some 900 years after the death of that great emperor. We cannot therefore accept, in the absence of some earlier evidence, the argument of scholars like Smith 35 and
aychaudhuri 36 who hold that Candragupta became a Jaina sādhu before his death. The Greek and Roman historians, who definitely knew the Jainas,37 have not said anything regarding Candragupta's conversion to that religion, and indeed there are indications in their writings that Candragupta was an orthodox Hindu believing in sacrificial religion. The famous play of Viśākhadatta, written before the Tiloya-Pannatī, never connect Candragupta with Jainism. It also appears somewhat bizarre that a stern and ruthless military conqueror like Candragupta Maurya, should suddenly transform himself into a penniless Jaina muni and end his life in such a curious way.
We have another very significant passage 38 in the Nisīthaviseșacūrņi of Jinadāsagani Mahattara (seventh century AD), which also seems to go against the Digambara tradition. The passage compares the Mauryan dynasty with a barley-corn, emphasizing that only its middle portion, represented by the rule of Samprati, was elevated. Had Candragupta been a Jaina, Jinadāsagani would never have failed to notice it in this vital passage. This evidence probably goes far to destroy the contention of the Digambaras regarding Candragupta's conversion to Jainism.
Regarding Asoka, the third Mauryan king, it can be said with certainty that he was a Buddhist. But as a liberal and magnanimous monarch his respect for non-Buddhists, and the Ājīvikas and Jainas have been mentioned in his records.39 The Svetāmbara commentaries mention him as a king of Pāțaliputra.40 His son Kuņāla is also mentioned several times and a tragic story about the loss of his eyes has been related in the commentaries." Kuņāla's son Samprati (Sampai), according to the Jaina commentaries, 12 was a devout Jaina and did everything in his power to popularize this religion in various parts of India. That Samprati is not a shadowy figure, is proved

Page #64

38
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
by the combined evidence of the Jaina, Buddhist, and Purāņic texts. 43 Jinadāsagani informs44 us that Samprati constructed Jaina shrines in areas like Andhra, Damila, Marahațţa, etc. We are further told that he was a votary of Suhastin. We have already noticed that it was during the time of Suhastin that different kulas and śākhās were established in various parts of India so there is little doubt that the uniform Jaina tradition regarding Samprati's leaning toward the Nirgrantha religion is essentially based on fact.
REFERENCES
1. The inscription from Badali (Rajasthan), which is definitely a pre
Christian record, is, however, a doubtful case. 2. Ņāyā, 158. 3. Ibid., 154, 157. 4. Ibid., 157. 5. Ibid., 148–9. 6. Ibid., 156. 7. Ibid., 158; Nir., 4.1. 8. Sailana edn., p. 468. 9. Bhag., p. 1614. 10. See SBE, 45, p. 420. 11. Vip. 26; see also the edn. from Kota (1936), pp. 204 ff. 12. p. 2234. 13. See SBE, 22, pp. 288. 14. Para. 37. 15. Ed. A.N. Upadhye, 131.1-4. 16. pp. 572 ff. 17. Bhag., p. 1987. 18. Ibid., pp. 1987 ff. 19. Kota, 1935, pp. 200 ff. 20. SBE, 22, p. 290. 21. See The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 162, n. 4. 22. Since Rohana's preceptor Suhastin was a disciple of Sthūlabhadra (c.
300 BC), Rohana flourished in the middle of the third century BC. 23. SBE, 22, p. 291. 24. Loc. cit. 25. SBE, 22, p. 292. 26. Loc. cit. 27. See Vipākaśruta (Kota, 1935), p. 369; see also Sukhavipāka Sūtra
(Sailana), p. 26. 28. I, 51-2.

Page #65

SPREAD OF JAINISM (THE EARLY PHASE)
29. See G.H. Ojha, Bhāratīya Prācīn Lipimālā (in Hindi), pp. 2 ff.; for the original inscription see JBORS, XVI, pp. 67-8.
30. Ojha, op. cit., p. 3, fn 1.
31. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 89.
32. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, p. 245.
33. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 294 ff.
34. See Tiloya-Panṇatī, IV, 1481.
35. See Oxford History of India, p. 76.
36. PHAI, p. 295.
37. See Majumdar, The Classical Accounts of India, pp. 425 ff.
38. See IV, pp. 128-31.
39. See Select Inscriptions, p. 63.
40. See Mehta and Chandra, op. cit., pt. I, p. 72.
39
41. Ibid., p. 188.
42. Ibid., pt. II, p. 741.
43. See PHAI, pp. 350 ff. 44. Nis. Cu., IV, pp. 128 ff.

Page #66

CHAPTER V
Jainism in Mathurā
According to Jaina canonical accounts both Pārśva and Mahāvīra had visited Mathurā in course of their religious wanderings. The story of Pārsva's visit to this great city is recorded in the Nāyādhammakahão' and that of Mahāvīra in the Vipākaśruta.” It is however extremely doubtful that these visits created any substantial enthusiasm among the sophisticated residents of this city.
The great city of Mathurā was under the occupation of the nonAryan (Asura) chief Lavaņa during the days of Rāma. At a later period of Rāma's reign at Ayodhyā, his younger brother Satrughna had wrested this city from the above-mentioned barbarian chief." The same text informs us that this city gradually became a celebrated centre of trade and commerce. The king of Mathurā, some fifty years before the Bhārata war, was Kamsa" who was a friend of the great Jarāsandha of Magadha. As it well-known, his nephew Krsna, son of Davaki and Vasudeva, with the assistance of his elder brother Baladeva, killed him in his own court. But the Vrsņis, as we learn from the Sabhāparvan of the Mahābhārata, were completely uprooted from Mathurā, by Jarāsandha. The Vrsnis, who had fled to Dvārakā, once more returned to north India after the death of Vāsudeva and Baladeva. The Mahābharata tells us that the Vrsnis, under Krşņa's great-grandson Vajra, were rehabilitated by Arjuna in the town of Indraprastha. They also got a foothold in the Punjab (Pañcanada country) as we learn from the Vişnupurāna.? At a later stage, Mathurā became a centre of the Bhakti cult, first propagated by Vasudeva-Krsna. Both the Buddhist and Jaina canonical writers show their intimate acquaintance with this place. The story of the Buddha's visit to Mathurā is recorded in the Anguttara Nikāya,' but the Buddha himself looked upon this city with disfavour. According to the Pāli texts, the city was infested with yakşas." Soon after the demise of the Buddha, however, one of his great disciples Mahākaccāna started preaching the doctrine of his guru there. We also learn that the king of Mathura, after the death of the Buddha,

Page #67

JAINISM IN MATHURĂ
41
was Avantiputta,12 who, judging by his name, was probably connected with the ruling house in Avanti. One of the finest sūtras of the Pāli literature, the Madhurasūtra, was recited by the above-mentioned disciple of the Buddha in this city. The meeting of the learned Brāhmana Kandarāyana with Mahākaccāna took place there at a place called Gundāvana near Mathurā.13 This Gundāvana may or may not be identical with Vrndāvanal of Sanskrit literature.
Regarding the actual introduction of Jainism in the Mathurā region, we have a story told in the Paumacariyam of Vimalasūri, a text composed 530 years after the Mahāvīra's death.15 This date is supplied by the poet in the concluding verses of his poem, and there is nothing in the Paumacariyam itself that contradicts it. We have therefore to accept it as a work of the first century AD. According to this poem, the Svetāmbara Jaina religion was introduced in Mathurā by the following seven Jaina saints: Suramantra, śrīmantra, Śrītilaka, Sarvasundara, Jayamantra, Anilalalita, and Jayamitra."? The Paumacariyaṁ contains a verse, 18 the importance of which can hardly be overestimated for the early history of Jainism, which runs as follows:
iha bhārahammivāse voline nandanaravīkāle
hohi paviralagahano jinadhamme ceva dusamāe. According to this verse the Jaina religion had to encounter difficult days after the rule of the Nandas. The poet further informs us that the people of India during this period had become more interested in the religion of the Buddha and Siva (linga).'9 However, as a result of the missionary activities of the above-mentioned Jaina monks, the religion of Pārśva and Mahāvīra once more gained popularity in some parts of India. There is little doubt that the author of the Paumacariyam, writing in the first century AD, faithfully portrays the religious condition of pre-Christian India when Buddhism was completely dominant. Saivism also, if we are to believe the evidence of Patañjali,20 was quite popular in the Maurya period. The seven Jaina saints cited above, we are told, were responsible for the introduction of Jainism not only in Mathurā but also Säketa (Ayodhyā).21 In this connection we are informed by Vimala that there was a temple dedicated to Muni Suvrata, the twentieth Tīrthamkara, at the town of Säketa,22 which apparently, was built a few centuries before Vimala. This was surely one of the earliest Jaina temples of northern India. The Jaina rsis, according to the account of the Paumacariyam,23 went to Mathura from Säketa, and if this account be accepted we must

Page #68

42
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
conclude that Jainism travelled to Mathurā from eastern India via Ayodhyā.
Since the earliest Jaina inscription from Mathurā is as old as 150 BC, it can easily be conjectured that Jainism got a foothold there by the beginning of the second century BC, if not earlier. The seven Jaina monks, who are mentioned in the Paumacariyam in connection with the introduction of Jainism in Mathură, probably flourished during that period. It is also possible that some of them were the teachers of a few Jaina monks mentioned in the inscriptions. The account of the Paumacariyam induces us to believe that the monks responsible for the introduction of Jainism in Mathurā originally came from Kosala, the metropolis of which, as we have already noticed in a previous chapter, was intimately connected with the activities of Mahāvira, the last Tirthamkara. Pārsva, the real founder of Jainism, according to the Ņāyādhammakahā0,24 had visited Sāketa in course of his religious tour. The Jaina canonical writers believe Kosala to be the homeland of most of their earlier Tirthamkaras. It is also possible that cities like Srāvasti received their first dose of Jainism even before the birth of Mahāvīra. The Srāvastikā sākhā, mentioned in the Therävali, originated in the third century BC, and its very name indicates that it originated in Srāvasti, the capital of Kosala.
What I am trying to suggest is that the Jaina monks of Kosala had by 200 BC, begun popularising their religion in the celebrated city of Mathurā, which was surely a great centre of the Bhagavata cult from a much earlier period. This city, according to both Jaina and Buddhist sources, was also intimately connected with yakșa worship. We have already noted the evidence of the Pāli canon regarding yakșa worship in Mathurā. According to the Vipākaśruta,25 there existed a shrine dedicated to yaksa Sudarsana in Mathurā. The Jaina monks had therefore to meet the challenge of both the Vaisnavas and yakșa worshippers, and it is attested to by scores of inscriptions that the Jaina religion received strong support from the ordinary people of Mathurā.
In this connection I would like to point out that not only Kosala, but the adjoining Vatsa territory too probably sent Jaina missionaries to Mathurā. The Bhagavatz26 records that Mahāvīra was very cordially received along with his disciples by the great king Udayana in his capital Kaušāmbi. The Kausambikā sākhā, mentioned in the Therāvali, as we have already noticed in a previous chapter, origi

Page #69

JAINISM IN MATHURĀ
43
nated by the beginning of the third century BC. Two inscriptions27 from Pabhosa near Kaušāmbi of the second century BC, testify that Jaina monks enjoyed royal patronage during the Sunga period in the Kauśämbi region. It is therefore possible that like the monks of Kosala, the Jaina sädhus of the Vatsa country took an active interest in the propagation of Jainism in Mathurā.
An interesting fact related by Vimala in his description of the introduction of Jainism in Mathurā is that the images of Tirthamkaras along with the images of the above-mentioned Jaina sādhus gradually came to be installed in different residential buildings of Mathurā. Now, image-worship was an integral part of yakṣa worship. Every important yakşa shrine in northern India had images of yakșa, to which it was dedicated. In this connection we can refer to the story of yakşa Moggarapāņi of Rājagļha told in the Antagadadasā028 where there is a definite and clear reference to the image of that yakșa. We further learn from the Vipākaśrutathat the images of yakșas were worshipped with leaves, flowers, etc., like the image of gods. The practice of worshipping Deva" and yakşa icons in their respective shrines from later Vedic times, naturally influenced the early Jaina religion. We will later see that the worship of icons of Tirthamkaras was practised even in the fourth century BC. It is also safe to conjecture that the temple of Muni Suvrata at Sāketa, built probably in the third century BC, held an image of that Tirthamkara.
The earliest Jaina inscription from Mathurā has been assigned to the middle of the second century BC by Bühler. I am referring to the stone inscriptionwhich records the dedication of an arch for the temple (pāsādotorana) by sāvaka Utaradāsaka (Uttaradāsaka), son of Vachi (Vātsi) and disciple (aộtevāsī) of the ascetic (samana) Māharakhita (Māgharakṣita). This monk, Māgharakṣita, undoubtedly lived during the first half of the second century BC, and was one of the successful early Jaina missionaries of Mathurā. This inscription further testifies that the earliest Jaina temple in Mathurā was already in existence in the present Kankāli Țīlă area before 150 BC, and was probably the devanirmita stūpa of a second-century Jaina inscription about which I will have something more to say later. It is also tempting to conjecture that our Māgharakṣita was a disciple of one of those seven monks mentioned in the Paumacariyam, but in the absence of more positive proof we cannot be positive about this.
Chronologically, the next Jaina inscription from Mathurā is that which mentions a person called Gotiputra and his wife Simitrā who

Page #70

44
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
belonged to Kausika gotra." This inscription records, after an invocation of Arhat Vardhamana, the setting up of a tablet of homage (āyāgapata) by the above-mentioned lady. The most important expression of this inscription is however the epithet poțhayaśakakālavala bestowed on her husband Gotipura. Bühler translates it as 'black serpent to the Poțhayas and Sakas'. 31 The Poțhayas of this inscription, according to Bühler should be identified with the Prosthas mentioned in the Mahābhārata.35 Now, that epic mentions this tribe along with a few others, including Trigarta, the well-known Punjab tribe. It therefore testifies that the Proșthas were in all probability their neighbours, and is thus not surprising to find them mentioned in a pre-Christian inscription at Mathurā. It is also significant that Poțhayas are mentioned along with the Sakas, who had started playing an important part in the politics of northern India from a much earlier period. The Sakas are mentioned immediately after the Gandhāras (Gadara) in the Behistun and Persepolis inscriptions of Darius, the great Achaemenian emperor of Persia who flourished in the last quarter of the sixth century BC. They are also mentioned in other inscriptions of the same monarch and the Persepolis inscription of Xerxes.37 It is extremely likely, therefore, that by the closing years of the sixth century BC, when Darius flourished, the Sakas were already in India, although politically they came into prominence only after 100 BC. Mathurā, as we will presently see, was under the Sakas from the closing years of the first century Bc. Probably our Gotiputra was one of those Ksatriyas of Mathurā who did all in his means to check the Saka advance into the Mathurā region. Probably for a few years, as the inscription indicates, he successfully fought off the Saka challenge, but eventually succumbed. Lüders rejects Bühler's translation of the expression mentioning Pothayas and Sakas. According to him, Pothayaśaka is a proper name. He however obviously fails to interpret the term kālavāla. Now, such a proper name as Pothayaśaka is exceedingly rare in ancient India and there can be absolutely no basis for such an interpretation. Bühler's translation is eminently reasonable. Also if there is any truth in the later Jaina tradition, another valiant warrior of the Aryāvarta successfully fought with the Sakas in the mid-first century Bc. I am referring to king Vikramaditya, who according to the Indian tradition, reigned in mid-first century BC. In any case, our Gotiputra is one of those few Indians, who had sought to withstand the advance of foreign tribes into the heart of India, and deserves

Page #71

45
JAINISM IN MATHURA
to be remembered for this. His wife, 'Kośiki', also probably belonged to an aristocratic Kṣatriya family. Both, as this inscription indicates, were devoted worshippers of Tīrthamkara Vardhamana. Another inscription, also written in Prākṛta, mentions this individual and gives his real name as Indrapala. 10 This inscription contains the expression arahatapujaye, which once more testifies to Gotiputra's leaning toward the Jaina religion. It is very significant that, unlike most of the early Jaina devotees, mentioned in the Mathură inscriptions, this person was a Kṣatriya nobleman. Like Khāravela of Kalinga he was a valiant soldier, but his martial zeal did not prevent him from falling in love with a religious system which was basically based on the concept of non-violence. Non-violence is not cowardice, and the example of Gotiputra shows that a person believing in non-violence could, for the sake of his country, transform himself. Both the inscriptions mentioning Gotiputra are dated to the second half of the first century BC by Bühler and Fleet.11
We will now discuss some other pre-Kuṣāņa Jaina inscriptions of Mathura. A majority of such inscriptions are undated, though a few have dates. The most important of the latter, is the inscription which mentions the Śaka Mahākṣatrapa Śoḍāsa12 and gives us the date 72 which should be referred to the era of 58 BC. It should therefore correspond to AD 14. This Mahākṣatrapa was the son of Mahākṣatrapa Rañjuvula who had apparently conquered Mathura before the beginning of the Christian era. Gotiputra was probably one of his adversaries. Both Rañjuvula and Soḍāsa are mentioned in the wellknown Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions13 and also the Mora Well inscription" which refers to the Vṛṣṇi heroes. Both father and son probably nurtured equal deference for Brahmanical Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism. The inscription under discussion records, after an invocation to the Arhat Vardhamana, the setting up of an Aryavati 15 by Amohini, the Kochi (= Kautsī), a female lay disciple of the ascetics (samanasāvikā), together with her sons Pālaghoṣa, Pothaghosa, and Dhanaghosa for the worship of Arhats.
Another interesting early inscription from Mathura records the setting up of a shrine (devikula) of the Arhat, an āyāgasabhā, a reservoir (prapa), and stone slabs (silapaṭa) in the Arhat temple (arahatayatana) of the Nigathas (Nirgranthas) by a few courtesans (ganikā). Regarding the names of the latter there is some confusion. According to Bhagwanlal Indraji, at least four of them, namely Nādā, Vāsā, Dandā and Leṇaśobhikā are mentioned in this inscrip

Page #72

46
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
tion, but Lüders? reduces the number to two. The former interpretation seems more reasonable, but what is of much greater interest is that even women leading an immoral life could be converted to the doctrine of dedication and love by a few zealous ascetics. The setting up of so many things is indicative that the courtesans mentioned in this inscription, were quite rich, and it is no surprise to find prostitutes taking an active part in religious affairs. Even a superficial acquaintance with the Buddhist canon would show how prominent courtesans actively helped the Buddha and the Samgha. One of the best lay-disciples of the Buddha was the son of a courtesan. This was Jivaka Komāravaccha, the physician who was a son of a prostitute called Sālāvati, whose fee per night at Rājagļha was 100 kahäpaņas. 48 The fee of the courtesan Ambapāli was 50 kahāpaņas per night. 49 The great Vasantasenā of Bhāsa's Cārudatta and Sūdraka's Mịcchakațika was not only an exceedingly rich lady but also one of the most accomplished persons of Ujjayini. It seems that the gaņikās, mentioned in the inscription under discussion, were prominent citizens of Mathura. The reference to devikula (devakula) is indicative that this term was used freely to describe any type of shrine. Apparently the devikula built by these courtesans was somewhat smaller because it was built within the enclosure of the Arhat temple (ayatana).
Another pre-Kuşāņa inscription 50 found from Kankāli Țīlā records the setting up of a tablet of homage by Sivayaśā, who has been described as the wife of a dancer (nartaka) called Phaguyasa. This inscription once more shows that persons engaged in curious professions took an active interest in the welfare of the Jaina church. Another inscription, which has been assigned to the pre-Kuşāņa period by Bühler, is that which refers to Sihanädika, son of the vānika Sihaka and Kośiki. This Sihanādika, according to this inscrip tion, set up tablet of homage (āyāgapața) for the worship of Arhats. Bühler observes that the epithet vāruka given to the father of Sihanādika proves that he was a representative of the merchant community. His mother, however, belonged to a superior caste which is indicated by the word kośikī. In that case, this should be regarded as an instance of pratiloma marriage which is generally condemned in the Smrti texts. But the epithet vānika given to Sihanādika's father Sihaka does not clearly prove that he belonged to the Vaiśya caste. There are many cases of persons of superior caste adopting the pro fession of lower classes. We have the classic example of Cārudatta,

Page #73

JAINISM IN MATHURĀ
47
who was a sārthavāha but was at the same time a Brāhmaṇa. In the Buddhist canon we have at least fifty cases of a Brāhmaṇa adopting the profession of much lower classes. In the Anguttara Nikāya2 there is reference to a Brāhmana called Sangåvara who was a celebrated mason and built many houses at Vaiśālī.58
The fragmentary inscription54 recording the dedication by Pūsā, the wife of Puphaka Mogaliputta, is also a pre-Kuşāņa record according to Lüders,55 but a more important pre-Kuşāņa inscription is that which mentions a Jaina monk called Jayasena5h and his female disciple (āṁtevāsinī) Dharmaghoṣā. It further records the gift of a temple (pāsāda) by that lady. An inscription57 found from Kankāli Tila mentions, according to Bühler, a Sravikā called Lahastini. It records the dedication of an arch (torana). Lüders,58 is, however, is of the opinion that lahastini here is not a proper name. Another inscription, which appears to be a pre-Kuşāņa record, is that which refers to the setting up of a tablet of homage (āyāgapata) by one Acalā, the daughter-in-law of Bhadrayaśas and wife of Bhadranadi. The gift of another āyāgapata is recorded in an inscription So by a woman who is described as the wife of one Māthuraka (inhabitant of Mathurā).
Before turning our attention to the Jaina inscriptions of the Kuşāņa period, we must take note of the last important pre-Kuşāņa record that mentions Bhagavat Nemesa. There is little doubt, and this is pointed out by Bühler, that the god Nemesa who is sculptured as a goat-headed deity here is Hariņegamesī of the Jaina canonical texts. This god, as we learn from the Kalpasūtra, transferred the embryo of Mahāvīra from the womb of Devānandā to that of Trišala. The story of the transfer of embryo virtually replicated by the Jaina artist of Mathurā.62 The god Hariņegamesī is not only mentioned in the Kalpasūtra but also in such works as the Antagadadasão,63 Bhagavatī,64 etc. This god is surely identical to Kārttikeya who is also known by the name Naigameya.65 Bühler points out that four mutilated statues or statuettes of the Mathurā museum refer to the same legend as told in the Kalpasūtra.66 Two of these figures are goatheaded males and two are females, each holding an infant in a dish.67 This infant is no other than the Lord Mahāvīra himself.
A large number of Jaina inscriptions of the Kuşāna period found in Mathurā are dated. The earliest of these is that dated to the year 4 corresponding to AD 82 which falls within the reign of the great Kuşāna king Kaniska. It mentions a monk called Pusyamitra, and

Page #74

48
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
for the first time in the Jaina records of Mathurā, the gaña, kula, and sākhā of a particular monk are mentioned. We have already noticed that these gana, kula, and sākhās originated after Bhadrabāhu, who was in all probability, a contemporary of Candragupta Maurya. Not a single one among the pre-Kuşāņa inscriptions which we have so far noticed contains any reference to them. According to the inscription under discussion, the monk Puşyamitra belonged to the Vāraņa gaña, the Arya (Arya)---Hāļakiya kula and the Vajanagari sākhā. It was formerly read as Arya-Hattakiya kula by Bühler, but Lüders69 in 1911 suggested that all the letters read as 'țța' should be read as 'la'. Now, according to the Therāvalī, there is no gaña of the name of Vāraṇa, but the sākhā Vajanagari mentioned here is included in the gana called Cărana. There is therefore, little doubt, and as was suggested long ago by Bühler, 'Cāraṇa' has evidently been erroneously inscribed instead of 'Vāraṇa'. Now, this particular gaņa, according to the same text, originated from Sirigutta (Srīgupta) of the Hāriya (Hārita) gotra, who was one of the disciples of Suhastin who flourished around 250 BC, since he himself was a disciple of Sthulabhadra, a junior contemporary of Bhadrabāhu. This particular gana, therefore, originated in the latter half of the third century BC, and judging by its occurrence in the Mathurā inscriptions, it was surely one of the most popular ganas of the Mathur region. The kula Arya-Hälakiya should be the correct reading for 'Hālijja' which according to the Therāvalī is a kula under Cărana. The name of the sākhā, namely Vajanagari is exactly the same here as in the Therāvali. According to Bühler, this particular sākhā should be connected with the Vriji country, but in the absence of more definite evidence we cannot accept this. It is, however, true that most of the sākhās and kulas of the early Svetāmbara Jainas had something to do with geographical units. This we have already noticed in the previous chapter.
Now, this particular inscription not only mentions the monk Puşyamitra but also his female pupil (sišini) Sathisih, and also her pupil whose name cannot be deciphered. There is however a reference to a monk called Sihamitra whose sadhacari (female companion) was this unnamed female disciple of Sathisihā, at whose request an unnamed lady along with two of her male relatives Grahaceta and Grahadāsa made a gift of an image.
A number of Jaina inscriptions bearing the date of the year 5 of the reign of Kaniska have been found from the Kankāli Tilā mound,

Page #75

JAINISM IN MATHURA
49
the earliest of which is a fragmentary inscription.72 There is however a reference in it to the gana called Koliya (which Bühler read as Kottiya). It also mentions a preacher (vācaka) whose name cannot be deciphered. The reference to vācaka undoubtedly proves that the Jaina canon was already in existence before this date. It further indirectly testifies that the canon was reduced to writing before the first century AD. We will later see in connection with our discussion of the Jaina canonical literature that the complete canon came into existence at least before 100 BC. The Koliya gana, mentioned in this inscription, was the most popular gaña of Mathurā. A majority of the inscriptions found from this region mention this particular gana. Now, according to the Therāvalī this particular guņa originated from two monks called Sutthiya (Susthita) and Suppadibuddha (Supratibuddha), who were like Śrīgupta, disciples of Suhastin. There is therefore little doubt that this particular gana also originated like Vārana in the latter half of the third century BC.
The second inscription" bearing the date of the year 5 pointedly mentions Devaputra Kaniska. It further records the gift of an image of Vardhamana by a woman whose name cannot be deciphered. Her father's name was Pāla, and we are told that she made this gift at the request of Khudā, the female companion (sadhacan) of Sena, the female pupil (śiśnī) of Sethiniha. This particular monk belonged to Koliya gana Bahmadāsika kula and Ucenāgarī sākha. Bahmadāsika is evidently the same as Bambhalijja of the Therāvalī, mentioned as one of the four kulas under Koliya gana. There is no doubt that 'Bahmadāsika' is the correct term. The name of the sākhā, Ucenāgarī, is preserved in the Therāvali in exactly the same form. This is one of the four sākhas under Koliya gana; the other sākhās too, as we will see later in this chapter, are mentioned in the epigraphs of Mathura. Bühler74 thinks that Ucenāgari sākhā was named after the fort of Uncanagar, today known as Bulandshahr. This suggestion may be correct, but it remains only a suggestion. The two other inscriptions of the same date refer to the same gana, kula, and sākhā. One of them however discloses the names of two monks, Mihila and his pupil Kșeraka. These two monks, we will see later, are also mentioned in a few other Mathurā inscriptions. The next inscriptionis dated in the year 7 and mentions mahārāja rājātirāja devaputra şahi Kaniska. This interesting image inscription mentions the nun Jayā (Aryā Jayā), sister of the vācaka Sandhika, the sisya of the gamin Buddhaśrī who belonged to the Arya Odehikiya (= Arya Uddehikiya)

Page #76

50
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
gana, the Nāgabhūtikiya kula. Now this particular gaña appears in the Therävali in an unchanged form. The name of the kula also appears as Nāgabhūya in the Therāvali, where it is cited as one of six kulas under Uddeha gana. The same text further informs us that this gaña originated from Arya Rohana, one of the disciples of Suhastin. This gana therefore, like Koliya and Vāraṇa, originated in the second half of the third century BC.
One inscription,78 of the year 9 mentions ‘Mahārāja Kaniska'. It records the dedication of an image by Vikață, wife of Bhațțimita at the request of vācaka Nāganandi from the Koliya gana, Sthāniya kula, the Vairi sākhā. Now, sthāniya is apparently a Sanskrit term. In Prāksta it should be thānijja, which actually appears as vāņijja in the Therāvalī under Koliya gaņa. The name of the kula, Vairī, appears unchanged in the Therāvali. There is another inscription of the same date (i.e., the year 9) which was first decoded by R.D. Banerji," and later corrected by Lüders.80 This inscription yields the name of the same gaņa, kula, and sākhā that we find in the previous inscription of the same date. It records the gift of Grahapalā, daughter of Grahamitra, daughter-in-law of Avasiri, wife of Kaļala, at the request of Arya Taraka who belonged to the gaña, etc., mentioned above. Another short inscription between the feet of the Jina mentions t female pupil (śiśirnī) of Arya Aghama. R.D. Banerji also refers to another image inscription of the year 12 which was supposed by him to be an image discovered from Ramnagar, the ancient Ahicchatra. He evidently relied on Führer82 for this report, the person who probably discovered this image. Lüdersøs is however of the opinion that not a single Jina image was ever discovered from the site mentioned in Führer's 'Reports'. The inscription under discussion mentions the Koliya gana, Bambhadāsiya kula and Ucenāgari śākhā.81 According to R.D. Banerji, a number of carpenters85 jointly made the gift of an image. The person who inspired them to do so, according to Lüders, is Deva, the sister of Nandi, the female pupil of Arya Pusila. Chronologically the next Jaina inscription87 is dated in the year 15 and records the dedication of a fourfold (sarvato bhadrikā) image of Bhagavat by Kumāramitā, wife of śreşthin Veņi, mother of Bhațțisena, at the request of Arya Vasulā, the female pupil of Arya Sangamikā, who was the female pupil of Ārya Jayabhūti of the Mehika kula. It is of very great interest to note that the same nun, Arya Vasulā, is mentioned in a Mathurā inscription88 dated in the year 86 in which the monk Jayabhūti and the nun Sangamikā

Page #77

JAINISM IN MATHURA
are also mentioned. This lady Vasula had therefore an unusually long life. The kula of the monk Jayabhūti, Mahika, appears as Mehiya in the Theravali as a kula belonging to Vesavāḍiya gana, which according to it, was founded by Kāmiddhī, who also was a disciple of Suhastin. Bühler89 translates the term śreṣthin as 'alderman', which suggests that Veņi, the husband of Kumāramitā, was a very respectable resident of Mathura. Lüders,90 however takes it to mean a 'banker'. In any case, in ancient India a śreṣṭhin" was regarded as an important person and his position was definitely superior to that of an ordinary merchant or sārthavaha. The inscription of year 18 refers to a sarvatobhadrikā image and also mentions the Koliya gana and Vacchaliya kula. This particular kula is mentioned in the Theravali under Koliya gana as Vacchalijja. Another inscription" of the same date is more interesting since it yields the name of Ariṣṭanemi, the twenty-second Tīrthamkara. We have already observed, in connection with our discussion of Tīrthamkaras, that the cult of Tīrthamkaras originated a century or two after the demise of Mahāvīra. We will presently see that quite a few other Tīrthamkaras appear in the inscriptions of Mathura. The image inscription of year 19 is also important since another Tīrthamkara, Śāntinātha, is mentioned here. The Koliya gaṇa, Thāniya kula and Verī sākhā are also mentioned. The 'Veri' here is the same as 'Vairi'. The dedication of this image was made at the request of vācaka Mātṛdina, who was a pupil (sisya) of vacaka Baladina. The vacaka Mātṛdina also appears in an inscription of year 22 as we will soon see.
We have two inscriptions of year 20, the first of which records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by the śravikā Dinā, daughter of Datila, wife of Matila, mother of Jagavala, Devadāsa, Nāgadina, and Nāgadina at the request of the vacaka Ārya Sanghasiha who belonged to Koliya gana, Sthāniya kula, Veri (Vairi) śākhā. The second inscription" of the same date records the dedication by Mitrā, the first wife of Haggudeva, daughter-in-law of the ironmonger (lohavaniya) Vādhara, daughter of the jeweller (mānikara) Khalamitta at the request of the vācaka Arya Siha, the pupil of the vacaka Arya Datta, who was the companion (śraddhacara) of the ganin Arya Pāla, who was the sisya (pupil) of Arya Ogha, who was the pupil of the great preacher (bṛhamtavācaka) whose name begins with ja and ends with mitra out of the Koliya gana Brahmadāsiya kula, and Ucenāgarī sākhā. An undated inscription98 contains the names of the monks Siha and the guru Datta mentioned in this inscription.
51

Page #78

52
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
There are two inscriptions bearing the date 22, the first of which records” the dedication by Dharmasomā, the wife of a caravan leader (sarttavāhini) at the request of the vācaka Arya Mātrdina. As we have already noted, this monk is mentioned in an inscription of year 19. A second inscription 100 of the same date records the dedication of an image of Vardhamāna. Its primary interest however lies in its reference to the Petavāmika kula of the Vārana gana. In the list of kulas under Cārana (i.e., Varana) in the Theravali we have the kula called Pīdhammiya. There is little doubt that this is a corrupt form of 'Petavāmika'. The inscription 101 of year 25 records the dedication by Vusu(?), the wife of a dyer (rayaginī), daughter of Nādi, daughter-in-law of Jabhaka, wife of Jayabhata. Two monks are also mentioned, namely Sadhi and his preceptor Arya Balatrata who belonged to the Koliya gaña, Brahmadāsika kula and Ucenāgarī sākhā. The monks Arya Balatrata and his pupil Sadhi are also mentioned in an undated inscription of Mathurā.102
The inscription 103 of year 28 is interesting, for it mentions, according to Fleet, 104 Lüders,105 and Vogel, 106 the king Vāsiska, '07 the successor of Kaņişka. There are two inscriptions of year 29. In the first inscription 108 the name of the reigning king is given but it cannot be properly deciphered, but he was surely Huviška,109 the successor of Vāsiska. It records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by a married lady (kutumbini) Bodhinadi, daughter of Grahahathi at the request of Gahapravika(?), pupil of Arya Datta, a ganin belonging to the Vāraņa gaña and Pușyamitriya kula. The kula mentioned is Pūsamitti under Cārana (i.e., Vārana) in the Theravali. Another inscription of the same date'' refers to mahārāja devaputra Huksa, i.e., Huviska. It also yields the name of a monk called Nagadata (Nāgadatta).
V.S. Agrawala in 1937 drew our attention to a Jaina inscription bearing the date of year 30;" but beyond the date there is nothing more in it. The inscription"2 of year 31 refers to the dedication by Grahaśrī, daughter of Buddhi and wife of Devila. It refers to a monk called Godāsa who belonged to the Koliya gana, Sthāniya kula, and Veri sākhā. The interest of the inscriptions of year 32 lies in its reference to an unnamed perfumer (gandhika) and monk Nandika of to the Koliya gaña, Sthāniya kula, and Veri sākhā. More interesting is the inscription" of year 35 that records the dedication of an image of Vardhamāna by the perfumer (gandhika) Kumārabhati, son of Kumāramitā, the sišini (female pupil) of Arya Baladina who

Page #79

JAINISM IN MATHURĂ
53
belonged to Koliya gana, Sthāniya kula, and Vairā sākhā. The name of the nun at whose request the gift was made is given as Kumāramitā. It seems that on this day she became a nun after leading married life for several years. The donor mentioned in this inscription was her son who naturally was anxious to help his mother, who became a nun in her old age. It is also tempting to identify this Kumāramitā with her namesake of the inscription of year 24, described as the wife of śreșthin Veņi and mother of Bhațțisena. If we accept this identification, we must regard the donor of the year 35 as another son of this lady. A few may suggest that the donor of the inscription was a natural son of the nun Kumāramitā. In that case, we are led to believe that laina monks and nuns of Mathurā led an immoral life, but cannot accept this without further evidence.
The Jaina elephant inscription"15 of year 38 is of great interest. It mentions mahārāja devaputra Huviska and also records the setting up of elephant Nandiviśāla by śreşthin Rudradāsa, son of the śreșthin Śivadāsa for the worship of Arhats. The reference to Nandiviśāla certainly proves that the donor Rudradāsa, notwithstanding his deference for Jaina monks, was really a Saiva devotee. His name and the name of his father also suggest this inference. In the Pāli canonical texts'16 we find references to ‘Nandivisāla' which certainly must be Siva's Nandi. Lüders!17 does not succeed in his attempt to explain the relation of Nadiviśāla with Jainism. There is really no need for such an attempt. It is enough that the Jaina monks of Mathurā allowed Saiva devotees to build a typically Saiva object of worship within the compound of their own shrine. Some elements of orthodox Hinduism found their way into both Jainism and Buddhism. Every dedicated student of Pāli and Jaina literature knows how deeply orthodox Hinduism influenced both these religious systems. It is quite likely that a number of donors, mentioned in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā had equal respect and love for orthodox Hindu deities. Indeed, most of such donors never felt that they were doing something for a different religious system. They only wanted to perform some pious act and to them there was really not much difference between a Jaina sādhu and a Saiva or Vaisnava ascetic. This question is however beyond the scope of this work.
The next Jaina inscription 18 is dated year 40 although Lüders!19 feels that year 40 is not clearly decipherable. This inscription records the dedication of an image by a lady, the wife of grāmika (village headman or simply a villager) Jayanāga, mother of Sihadata. Two

Page #80

54
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
monks are mentioned, Mahānandin and Dantin (Dati) belonging to the Vāraņa gaña, Arya-Hāļakiya kula and Vajanagarī šākhā. The inscription '20 of year 44 mentions Mahārāja Huviska. It records the dedication at the request of Nāgasena, the pupil (śüsya) of Haginandi, vācaka belonging to Vāraņa gaña, Aryacetiya kula, and Hāritamālakadhi śākhā. Both these kulas and sākhas are mentioned in the Therāvalī under the Cāraṇa (i.e., Vāraṇa) gaña. The Jaina inscription121 of year 45 mentions two persons called Buddhi and Dharmavrddhi. Probably the second person was a monk. The inscription of year 47 (Lüders, no. 45) mentions the monk Ohanadi (Oghanandin) and his disciple Sena belonging to the Petivāmika kula of the Vāraṇa gana. Another undated inscription"22 that mentions a certain mahārāja rājātirāja also refers to these two monks. R.D. Banerji edited an important inscription 123 of year 48 of the time of Mahārāja Huviska. It records the gift an image of Sambhava, the third Tirthamkara by Yaśā, the daughter-in-law of Budhika, granddaughter of Savatrata, at the request of Dhanasiri (Dhanyāśri), the female pupil (śišinī) of Dhañavala (Dhanyavala) in the Koliya gana Brahmadāsika kula, Ucenāgarī sākha. We have already noticed that a few other Tīrthařkaras are also mentioned in the Mathurā inscriptions. Another inscription"21 of the same year of Mahārāja Huviska mentions the Brahmadāsiya kula and Ucenāgarī sākhā.
Probably the most important Jaina inscription 125 of Mathurā is that of year 49. The figure '49' was formerly read as 79 by Bühler, 126 but later as 49 by Lüders. 127 It records the dedication of an image of the Arhat Nandivarta (Nandyāvarta) at the 'Vodva' stupa which was built by gods (devanirmute) by śrāvikā Dinā at the request of the monk Vrddhahasti who belonged to the Koliya gana and Vairā sākhā. This monk, as we shall see later, is mentioned in an inscription of year 60. Now, the Jaina Tīrthamkara who has this symbol (Nandyavarta) is Arhanātha, the eighteenth, but the most important expression of this inscription is the epithet devanirmita applied to the 'Vodva' stūpa here. According to Bühler the expression means 'the stūpa built by gods'. He further takes 'Vodva' to mean 'Buddhist'. That there was a devanirmita stūpa in Mathurā is attested to by the evidence of Jaina literature. Both the Brhatkalpabhāsya and Vyava hārabhāsya, Sanghadāsagani Ksamāśramaņa (eighth century) refer to the devanirmita stūpa of Mathurā.128 The great Jaina saint Jinabhadragani (sixth century) lived in this stūpa and had rescued here a mutilated manuscript of Mahānisīthasūtra. 129 Bühler argues

Page #81

55
JAINISM IN MATHURA
on the basis of the testimony of Tibetan historian Taranatha that pre-Mauryan shrines were known by the term devanirmita. The Jaina texts mentioned above record that there was a persistent dispute regarding this particular stupa. The Buddhists, Jainas, and also the Vaiṣṇavas claimed this stupa as their own. It is probable that originally it was either a Brahmanical or a Buddhist shrine, but from the days of the Kuṣāņas it passed into the hands of the Jainas. This ticular stupa is probably represented by the extensive ruins at Kankālī Tīlā and it is also probable that it included Buddhist and Brahmanical objects of worship.
par
There are a few Jaina inscriptions130 of year 50, but only one of them is important. I refer to the inscription that records the dedication of an image of Vardhamana by Vijayaśrī, daughter of Bubu, wife of Rajyavasu, mother of Devila, grandmother of Viṣṇubhava. It also mentions a nun called Jinadāsi and a monk named Samadi (?) who belonged to the Vāraṇa gana, Kaniyasata kula, and Samkasiyā śākhā. Among the kulas mentioned in the Theravali, this particular one is cited as Kanahasaha. The Samkasiyā sākhā is also mentioned in this text under the same gana. The two other Jaina inscriptions of year 50 are not so important, although one of them mentions Mahārāja devaputra Huviska. 131
The inscription 132 of year 52 records the dedication of an image by the worker in metal (lohikākāraka) called Śūra, the son of Śramanaka, at the request of Arya Deva, the companion (saḍhacara) of the ganin Arya Manguhasti, the pupil of Arya Ghastuhasti of the Koliya gana, Verā śākhā, and Sṭānikiya kula. The great importance of this inscription lies in the fact that it mentions the monk Manguhasti who is prominently mentioned in early Jaina literature. In the Nandisutra (v. 30), a late cononical text of the Jainas, probably composed around AD 350 the name of this monk is conspicuous. In the Avasyakaniryukti, 133 another early Jaina text, this monk is mentioned as a resident of Mathura which is a clinching evidence that the Arya Manguhasti of this inscription is really the monk mentioned as. Ārya Mangu in these two texts. Incidentally, Mangu is the only monk in early Jaina literature to be mentioned in an inscription of Mathura. The image inscription of year 54 is also very interesting. It records the dedication of an image of Sarasvati by the worker in metal (lohikakāruka) Gova (Gopa), the son of Siha. The monks mentioned in the inscription of year 52 are also mentioned here with the exception of Manguhasti, who is replaced by Maghahasti.

Page #82

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
But it is probable that Maghahasti is another name of Mangu. The importance of this inscription however lies in the fact that it once more evidences the close connection of Hindu deities with Jainism. In the chapter on Jaina Iconography I will discuss the importance of this particular icon of Sarasvati. This inscription also has the word ranga, which means an auditorium, is evidence the popularity of drama in Mathura. A much earlier reference to an auditorium will be found in the Bhagavati135 where there is the word pecchaghara, and also rangasthana.136 We will later see that in another inscription in Mathura there is a very clear reference to actors.
The next Jaina inscription 137 is dated year 60. This inscription mentions mahārāja rājātirāja devaputra Huviska. It records the dedication of an image of Rsabha at the request of Arya Kharaṇṇa(?), pupil of Arya Vṛddhahasti, who is mentioned in that well-known inscription of year 49. There are two inscriptions138 of year 62 and a monk called Karkuhastha and his disciple Grahabala are mentioned in both of them. One of these 139 contains the significant words catuvani samgha (community of four classes). The next Jaina inscription 110 is dated year 74 and it was decoded by R.D. Banerji. It records the gift of Dharavala at the request of Arhadāsī, the female pupil of Grahavi'ā, A monk whose name cannot be read but who belonged to the Varana gana and Vajanakāri śākhā is also mentioned.
We have an interesting inscription141 of year 77 which records the dedication by one Devila at the temple of Dadhikarņa (Dadhikarmadevakulika). This Dadhikarṇa is also mentioned in an inscription112 where he is called bhagavat nagendra i.e., the divine lord or serpents. This inscription records the dedication of a stone slab (silapaṭṭa) in the temple (stānu) of that god by the sons of actors (sailalakas), the Mathuras, who are praised as the Chadaka brothers, chief of whom was Nandibala. This inscription, according to Führer, was found near the brick stupa adjoining Jaina temples.' As pointed out by Bühler, 144 Dadhikarṇa is mentioned as a prominent snake in the Harivamsal15 and in the list of nagas in the Abhidhānacintamani116 his name figures. We should remember that the real founder of Jainism, Pārśvanatha, had a snake as his emblem. The temple of Dadhikarṇa, mentioned here, was probably situated within the Jaina temple-complex of Mathura. There is however no necessity to regard these two inscriptions as Jaina records. The reference to actors (sailalakas) proves that drama was quite popular in Mathura in the Kuṣāņa period, if not earlier. Panini's
56
143

Page #83

JAINISM IN MATHURĀ
57
sūtra 'Pārāśarya-silālibhyāṁ bhikṣunațasūtrayoḥ (4.3.110) is clearly proves that drama in India dates back at least to 500 BC.147 This problem cannot however be discussed here in details. It is sufficient to note that even before Aśvaghoṣa the art of drama was already in a sophisticated stage in Mathurā.
The next inscription148 is dated to year 80 and mentions Mahārāja Vāsudeva, beyond which there is nothing of much importance in the inscription. The inscription 149 of year 81 is slightly more interesting since it mentions a woman called Datā, the female pupil (āṁtevāsikinī) of Aryā Jivā. The image inscription 150 of year 83 mentions Mahārāja Vāsudeva and also a woman called Jinadāsī, who is represented as the wife of a perfumer (gandhika). We have two important Jaina inscriptions of year 84, the first decoded by R.D. Banerji and second by D.R. Sahni. The first inscription151 mentions mahārāja rājātirāja devaputra śāhi vāsudeva. It records the setting up of an image of Rşabha by several women at the request Kumāraka, pupil (sisya) of Gamikagutta. We have already noticed that the earliest Tirthamkara Rsabha appears in an inscription of year 60. The second inscription 152 of year 84, decoded by D.R. Sahni, records the gift an image of Vardhamana by Okhārikā, the daughter of Damitra and Datā. Two monks, Satyasena and Dharavệddhi of the Koliya gaņa, are also mentioned, as is woman called Okharikā in an inscription of year 299, as we will see later. For year 86 we have an inscription 153 which records the dedication by some woman, the daughter of Dasa, the wife of Priya, at the request of Arya Vasulā, the sišini of Sangamikā of the Mehika kula. As we have already noticed nuns Vasula and Sangamikā are mentioned in a much earlier inscription dated to the year 15. Of the two inscriptions!51 of year 87, the earlier one refers to Mitra, the pupil of Arya Kumāranandin of the Ucenāgara sākhā. The second inscription only mentions king Vāsudeva with his full titles. The inscription155 of year 90 is interesting since it refers to the Praśnavāhanaka kula and Majhamā sākhā of the Koliya gaña. In the Therāvali both these kulas and sākhās are mentioned. However, instead of Majhamā we get Majhimillā. The epigraph of year 93 records156 the setting up of an image of Vardhamana by the daughter of hairanyaka ("treasurer' according to Bühler) Deva at the request of the ganin Nandi.
The inscription of year 98 refers to rājña vāsudevasyal57 and two monks Kșema and Devadatta who belonged to Odehikiya gaña, the Paridhāsika kula, and Petaputrikā śākhā. A certain perfum

Page #84

58
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
(gandhika) called Varuna is also mentioned. The Paridhäsika kula is mentioned as Parihāsaya in the Theravali. For the sakhā called Petaputrikā we have a slightly different form in that text which was undoubtedly due to the copyists' error. Another inscription 158 of the same date refers to the Ucenāgarī šākhā of the Koliya gaña.
The inscription159 of year 299 is certainly puzzling; for it is difficult to think of a mahārāja rājātirāja ruling in AD 377 in Mathurā other than a Gupta monarch. V.S. Agrawala, 16) in order to solve this riddle, has suggested that the year 299 should be referred to an earlier era. Now even if we refer to this inscription to 58 BC, we have to find out who this great king ruling in the Mathurā region in the mid-third century AD was. This particular inscription records the setting up of an image of Mahāvīra in the temple of Arhats, and a devakula is also mentioned. As we have already noticed, a woman, called Okhārikā figures, and a woman of this name is mentioned, as already noted, in an inscription of year 84.
We have several important undated Kuşāņa inscriptions bearing on the Jaina religion. A few of them mention the ruling king but a majority of them do not. One undated inscription,161 mentions Kaniska, was first decaded by R.L. Mitra, but it does not contain any information. An undated inscription 162 of the time of devaputra Huviska also does not help us much. However the two inscriptions mentioning the monk Jeştahasti of the Koliya gana, Brahmadāsika kula and Ucenāgarī sākhā are of some value. One of them63 records the dedication on an image of Rşabha by Gulhā, the daughter of Varmā and wife of Jayadāsa, at the request of Aryā Sāmā, the sišini of Arya Gādhaka, who was a pupil of Arya Jeșțahasti. The second inscription64 records the dedication a fourfold image (savadobhadrikā) by Sthirā, daughter of Varanahasti and of Devi, daughter-inlaw of Jayadeva and Moşiņi, wife of Kutha Kasutha, at the request of Arya Kșeraka, pupil of Arya Mihila who was a pupil of Jestahasti. Let us not forget that monks Kșeraka and Mihila are mentioned in an inscription of year 5, so there is little doubt that the monk Jestahasti, who was the teacher of Kșeraka's teacher, lived in early first century AD, if not earlier.
An undated Jaina image inscription 165 of the Kuşāņa period mentions an image of Pārsva. It also refers to the vācaka Ghosaka, pupil of Uggahini of the Sthānikiya kula. No other inscription of Mathurā refers to this great Tirthamnkara and the real founder of Jainism. According to Bühler, 16 Uggahini was probably a female. In that

Page #85

JAINISM IN MATHURĀ
59
case, we will have to accept the fact that in Mathurā in those days, males accepted even females as their gurus, but Lüders, 167 it appears, takes Uggahini to have been a male. Another undated inscription 168 is of some importance since it mentions Kaniyasika kula of the Vāraņa gaņa. This particular kula, as we have already noted, is mentioned in an inscription of year 50, although the reading there is not so clear. Another interesting inscription 169 records the dedication of an image of Vardhamāna by Jayā, daughter of Navahasti, daughter-in-law of Grahasena, mother of the brothers Sivasen Devasena, and Sivadeva. The monk Arya Balatrata and his pupil Arya Sandhi, belonging to the Ucenāgarī sākhā are also mentioned. These two monks, as we have already seen, are mentioned in an inscription of year 25.
R.D. Banerji decoded an interesting image inscription 170 which mentions a monk of Adhicchatra (i.e., Ahicchatra) belonging to Petavāmika kula and Vajanagarī sākhā. It was taken by him to be an inscription from Ramnagar, ancient Ahicchatra, but Lüders! is not prepared to believe this. In any case, this inscription certainly shows that Ahicchatra was not immune from Jaina influence in the Kuşāna period.
We have a few inscriptions of the post-Kuşāņa period found from the Mathurā region, and these are dealt with in a subsequent chapter. Indeed, as V.S. Agrawala has pointed out, 172 hundreds of Jaina sculptures belonging to Gupta and early mediaeval period have been discovered from Mathurā, and a number of those will be considered in the chapter on Jaina Iconography.
The above analysis of the contents of most of the Mathurā inscriptions of the early period provides abundant proof of the tremendous popularity of Jainism from the second century BC onwards. We have already observed, on the basis of the evidence of Vimalasūri's first-century work the Paumacariyam, that Jainism which had suffered a setback after the Nandas, was revived by some Jaina saints, who preached both at Säketa and Mathurā. These inscriptions of Mathurā show that very few among Jaina devotees came from the so-called aristocratic families. No inscription from Mathurā yields the name of any Brāhmaṇa patron of Jainism. It is extremely likely that members of this particular caste were much more interested in the sacrificial cult and diverse theistic religions than in either Buddhism or Jainism. Mathura, we must remember, was a stronghold of the Bhāgavata cult and even in the second century AD, when Jainism

Page #86

60
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
had reached a very high level of popularity, this city was known to a foreigner like Ptolemy as a 'city of gods'.173 There is nothing to show that the Saka or Kuşāņa kings themselves, had any particular weakness for this religion, rather, they manifestly show their bias for Hinduism and Buddhism. A few Ksatriyas did however show some regard for Jainism as did a few ladies of aristocratic families. However, as we have seen in our analysis of the inscriptions, ninety-five per cent of the admirers were common people. Even persons of questionable professions contributed liberally to the welfare of the religion of Pārśva and Mahāvīra. We should also particularly note the interest shown by the business community for Jainism in Mathurā, and this is underscored by canonical and non-canonical texts.
What now about the monks and nuns mentioned in the Mathurā inscriptions? Quite a number of monks belonging to different ganas and kulas are mentioned in these inscriptions. The folllowing gaņas are directly mentioned in these inscriptions: Koliya, Vāraṇa and Uddehikiya. All the kulas under Koliya, mentioned in the Therāvali, appear in these inscriptions. They are: Brahmadāsika, Vacchaliya, Thāniya, and Pavahaka; and is also the case with all the sākhās mentioned under this gana in that text. The only sākhā under Koliya, not noted by me, namely Vijjahari actually appears in a Gupta inscription 174 of Mathur, which we will discuss elsewhere. Among the kulas under Vārana, the following are mentioned in the Mathurā inscriptions Petivāmika, Puşyamitra, Kaniyasika, and possibly Ayyabhista; and with the exception of Gavedhūy, all the sākhās under this gana are referred to, as are a few of the sākhās and kulas under Uddehikiya. This last named gana was not however as popular as Koliya or Vāraṇa. Another kula, namely Mehika, which is a kula under Vesavādiya in the Therāvali, as we have already noticed, is mentioned twice.
In a previous chapter I had observed that gaņas, kulas, etc., appeared only a century or two after Mahāvīra's demise. In the earlier canonical texts they are very rarely referred to. The three words gana, kula, and samgha (and not sākhā) are mentioned together in the Bhagavatī.75 In one place the Acārānga 76 they are mentioned. If we are to believe in the evidence of the Therāvali, gana, kula, etc. originated after Bhadrabāhu, so we would not be incorrect in saying that they became a regular feature of the Jaina religion from the beginning of the third century BC. Again, if we are to believe in the evidence of the Therävalī, most of the sākhās had originated

Page #87

JAINISM IN MATHURA
during the third century BC. For the benefit of students of the Jaina religion we give the list below of Jaina monks and nuns mentioned in the inscriptions of Mathurā.
Name
1
Mäharakhita
Jayasena
Puşyamitra
Sihamitra
Sena
Sethiniha
Buddhaśrī
Sandhika
Nāganandi
Taraka
Pušila
Jeṣṭahasti Mihila
Kṣeraka
Jayabhūti
Baladina
Mātṛdina
Sanghasiha Arya Ogha
Ārya Pāla Arya Datta
Ārya Siha
Balatrata
Sadhi
Ärya Datta Gahaprakika
Nāgadatta
Gana, Kula and Sākhā
2
A. MONKS
Vāraṇa, Ārya-Hāļkiya, Vajanagari
Koliya, Brahmadāsika, Ucenāgari
Odehikiya, Nagabhūtikiya
Koliya, Sthāniya, Vairi
Koliya, Bambhadāsiya, Ucenāgarī
Mehika kula
Koliya, Thāniya, Vairī
Koliya, Brahmadāsiya, Ucenāgari
Koliya, Brahmadāsiya, Ucenāgari
Vāraṇa, Puṣyamitriya
61
Date (approx.)
3
150 BC
ཎྞཎྞ
25 BC
AD 25
75
75
MOON NG MOONNNUN NNNNU
100
100
50
75
100
75
100
75
100
100

Page #88

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
1
2
AD 100
Koliya, Sthāniya, Vairī Vārana Sthaniya, Vairi Koliya, Sthāniya, Vairī Vāraņa, Ārya-Hāļakiya,
100
Godāsa Nandika Baladina Dati Mahānandin Haginandi
100
75
100
Vāraṇa, Aryacețiya, Haritamālakadhi
100
Nāgasena Dharmavrddhi Ohanadi Sena Dhanavala
Vāraṇa, Petavāmika
120 100 125 125
Vrddhahasti Samadi
Koliya, Brahmadāsika, Ucenāgarī Koliya, Vairī, Sthānikiya Vāraṇa, Ayyabhista, Samkasiyā Koļiya, Sthāniya, Vairī
125 100
75
100 100 125 140 140
Koliya, Sthānikīya, Vairi
125
Hastahasti Manguhasti Mághahasti Deva Arya Kharaņņi Grahabala Karkuhastha Gamikagutta Kumāraka Satyasena Dharavrddhi Kumāranandin Mitra Nandin Devadata
140
160
Koļiya
Koliya, Ucenāgarī
160 160 140 160 170 170
Odehikiya, Päridhäsika, Petaputrika
Kșema Sivadiņa Datilācārya Nāganandin Gadhaka
Koliya, Vidyādhari
170 375 (?)
433 sec. cent.
AD 75
Koliya, Brahmadāsiya, Ucenāgari

Page #89

JAINISM IN MATHURĀ
63
2
Koliya, Sthānikīya
Uggahini Ghosaka Gostha
sec. cent. sec. cent.
AD 75
Odehikiya, Nāgabhūtikiya
B. NUNS
Dharmaghosa Sathisiha
25 BC AD 75
Khuda
Vāraņa, Ārya-Hāļakiya, Vajanagari Koliya, Brahmadásika, Ucenāgari Odehikiya, Nāgabhūtikīya Koliya, Brahmadāsika, Ucenāgarī Mehika
75
Jayā Devā
75
75
Sangamikā Vasula Kumāramitrā Dhānasri
100 100 120
Jinadāsi
Koliya, Sthāniya, Vairī Koliya, Brahmadāsika, Ucenāgarī Vārana, Ayyabhista Samkasiya Vāraņa, Arya-Hāļakiya, Vajanagari
125
Akakā
120
Nanda Aryā Jivā Āryā Sāmā
120 150 75
Koliya, Brahmadāsika, Ucenāgari
We have been able to identify at least one monk mentioned in the Jaina inscriptions of Mathurā. It is possible that a few other monks and nuns mentioned in the inscriptions appear also in the literary texts. In this connection we should remember that Jaina literary texts also refer to the glorious state of Jainism in Mathurā. We have already discussed the evidence of the Paumacariyam of Vimalasuri. According to the Avasyakaniryukti77 (c. AD 350), the Jaina monks had no trouble collecting alms in this city. The eighth-century Svetāmbara commentator Sanghadāsagani, at least twice in his works, refers to the great influence the Jainas exercised in Mathurā. As we have already noted, he refers to the great devanirmita stūpa of

Page #90

64
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Mathurā, and also describes the stūpamahal78 festival of this place in his Vyavahārabhāsya. It was in Mathurā that a council to collect and edit the Jaina canon under the presidentship of Skandila 179 was held 827 years after the death of Mahāvīra. This corresponds roughly to the first half of the fourth century AD. The fourteenth-century Jaina savant Jinaprabha in his monumental work the Vividhatīrthakalpa, gives us a vivid idea about the glorious condition of the Jaina religion in Mathurā. According to his testimony, the sixth-century Jaina saint Jinabhadragani lived and wrote his commentaries in Mathurā. I have already referred to the fact that this great saint had saved the manuscript of the Mahānisithasūtra from destruction at the devanirmita stūpa of Mathurā. I will later examine the evidence of the Digambara literary texts regarding the condition of Jainism in Mathurā. Quite a number of Svetāmbara and Digambara Jaina saints lived and worked in Mathură. Let us remember that even in the days of Harișeņa (AD 931), the author of the Byhatkathākoša, '80 the city of Mathurā was known as a great centre of Jainism. The most popular gaņa of Mathurā, namely Koliya, survived, as Bühler observes, even up to the fourteenth century AD. 181 Even in the days of Jinaprabha (fourteenth century) Mathurā was known as a great Jaina tirtha.
REFERENCES
1. Para 156. 2. Para 26. 3. Rām., VII.60 ff. 4. Mbh., XII.339.89-90. 5. 14.48 ff. 6. XVII.1.9. 7. V.38.12. 8. See Mbh., XII.339.89-90. 9. 11.57; III. 256. 10. II. 256. 11. See Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, vol. II, pp. 438-99. 12. Loc. cit. 13. Angullara, 1.67 ff. 14. A very early reference to Vrndāvana will be found in Bhäsa's Būlacarilam,
Act III. 15. See Prākta Text Society edn., II.118.103. 16. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 177 ff.

Page #91

JAINISM IN MATHURA
17. 89.2 ff.
18. 89.42.
19. 89.43 ff.
20. Mahābhāṣya on Panini, V.3.99.
21. See 89.20 ff.
22. 89.20.
23. See ch. 89.
24. 154, 157.
25. p. 204. (Kota, 1935).
26. p. 1987 (Sailana edn.).
27. Lüders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, nos. 904-5.
28. Tr. L.D. Barnett, pp. 86 ff.
29. p. 248.
30. The earliest reference to devagṛha will be found in the Tailliriya Brāhmaṇa, and to devakula in the Sankhayana Grhyasutra, see M. Monier
Williams, SED, pp. 492-3.
31. EI, II, p. 195.
32. Ibid., XIV (1); see also Lüders, op. cit., no. 93.
33. EI, I, p. 396, no. 33; Lüders, no. 94.
34. EI, I, p. 396.
35. VI.9.61.
65
36. See D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 3 ff., 6 ff.; see also S. Sen, Old Persian Inscriptions, pp. 2-6.
37. Sircar, op. cit., pp. 11 ff.; Sen, op. cit., pp. 148 ff.
38. EI, XXIV, pp. 202 ff.; see also his List, p. 169.
39. See the summary of my paper entitled 'Was there a pre-Gupta Vikramaditya?' in Summaries of Papers, 27th All-India Oriental Conference, pp. 199-200.
40. See EI, II, no. 9, p. xiv; see also Lüders, no. 96.
41. JRAS, 1905, pp. 635-55.
42. EI, II, no. 2, p. 199; see also Sircar, op. cit., pp. 120-1 and Lüders, no.
59.
43. See Sircar, op. cit., pp. 114 ff.
44. Ibid., p. 122; see also EI, no. 24, p. 194.
45. EI, II, no. 2, p. 199.
46. See Actes du sixième Congrès International des Orientalists à Leide, pt. III, pp. 142 ff.
47. IA, 33, no. 30, pp. 152 ff.; see also his List, no. 102.
48. Mahāvagga (Horner), p. 380.
49. Ibid., p. 379.
50. EI, II, no. 5, p. 200; Lüders, no. 100.
51. EI, II, p. 207, no. 30; Lüders, no. 105. 52. Angullara, tr., E.M. Hare, III, p. 171. 53. Loc. cit.
54. IA, 33, no. 28, p. 151.

Page #92

66
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
55. Loc. cit. 56. Bühler, EI, II, no. 4, p. 199; Lüders, no. 99. 57. EI, I, no. 17, p. 390; Lüders, no. 108. 58. IA, 33, pp. 153 ff. 59. EI, II, no. 32, p. 207; Lüders, no. 107. 60. EI, II, no. 8, p. 200; Lüders, no. 103. 61. EI, II, no. 6, p. 200; Lüders, no. 101. 62. See Smith, Mullra Antiquities, pp. 25 ff.; see also Bühler in EI, II, pp. 314
ff. 63. p. 67. 64. p. 803 65. See my The Cult of Skanda-Kärtlikeya, pp. 103 ff. 66. EI, II, pp. 314 ff. 67. See Cunningham, Reports, 20, p. 36, pl. IV. 68. EI, II, no. 11, p. 201; Lüders, no. 16. 69. JRAS, 1911, p. 1085. 70. See EI, I, pp. 373 ff. 71. See Lüders, nos. 17-20. 72. EI, II, no. 12, p. 201; Lüders, no. 17. 73. EI, I, no. 1, pp. 381ff.; Lüders, no. 18. 74. See EI, I, pp. 378 ff. 75. Lüders, nos. 19-20. 76. Cunningham, ASI Report, III, p. 31; see Lüders, no. 20. 77. EI, I, no. 19, p. 391; Lüders, no. 21. 78. See Bühler, Vienna Oriental Journal, I, no. 2, pp. 1734. Lüders, no. 22. 79. EI, X, no. 3, pp. 109 ff.; Lüders no. 22a. 80. JRAS, 1912, pp. 157 ff. 81. EI, X, no. 4, pp. 110 ff.; see Lüders, no. 23a. 82. See NWP and Oudh Provincial Museum Minutes, V, p. 6. App. 6A; see EI,
X, p. 10. 83. See JRAS, 1912, pp. 153 ff. 84. See EI, X, pp. 110 ff. 85. Loc. cit. 86. See no. 23a. 87. EI, I, no. 2, p. 382; Lüders, no. 24. 88. EI, I, no. 12, p. 388; Lüders, no. 70. 89. EI, I, p. 382. 90. See no. 24. 91. In the Mrcchakatika the śreşthin is evidently an important person, in the
Pāli canon too he holds a very high position. 92. EI, II, no. 13, p. 202; Lüders, no. 25. 93. EI, II, no. 14, p. 202; Lüders, no. 26. 94. EI, I, no. 3, pp. 382 ff., Lüders, no. 27. 95. EI, I, no. 20, p. 391; Lüders, no. 31. 96. Lüders, nos. 28–9.

Page #93

JAINISM IN MATHURĀ
97. EI, no. 4, pp. 383 ff. 98. Lüders, no. 123. 99. EI, I, no. 29, p. 395; Lüders, no. 30. 100. EI, I, no. 20, p. 391; Lüders, no. 31. 101. EI, I, no. 5, p. 384; Lüders, no. 32. 102. Lüders, no. 119. 103. Lüders, no. 33. 104. JRAS, 1905, p. 358. 105. Lüders, p. 164 (no. 33). 106. JRAS, 1910, p. 1314. 107. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, p. 476. 108. EI, I, no. 6, p. 385; Lüders, no. 34. 109. See Raychaudhuri, op. cit. pp. 476 ff. 110. EI, II, no. 26, p. 206; Lüders, no. 35. 111. JUPHS, vol. 10, pt. 1, pp. 1 ff., no. 2. 112. EI, II, no. 15, pp. 202 ff.; Lüders, no. 36. 113. EI, II, no. 6, p. 203; Lüders, no. 37. 114. EI, I, no. 7, p. 385; Lüders, no. 39. 115. See IA, 33, no. 10, pp. 40 ff., Lüders, no. 41. 116. See Samyutta, I, p. 87. 117. IA, 33, pp. 40 ff. 118. EI, I, no. 11, pp. 387 ff.; Lüders, no. 48. 119. IA, 33, pp. 103 ff.; See, EI, IX, pp. 244 ff. 120. EI, I, no. 9, p. 387; Lüders, no. 42. 121. EI, I, no. 10, p. 387; Lüders, no. 44. 122. Lüders, no. 81. 123. EI, X, no. 5, p. 112; Lüders, no. 45a. 124. IA, 33, no. 14, p. 103; Lüders, no. 46. 125. EI, II, no. 20, p. 204; Lüders, no. 47. 126. EI, II, p. 204. 127. EI, IV, pp. 244 ff. 128. See Dictionary of Prakrit Proper Names, pt. II, p. 589. 129. See Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 19. 130. Lüders, nos. 49–51. 131. See IA, 6, no. 11, p. 219; Lüders, no. 51. 132. EI, 2, no. 18, pp. 203 ff.; Lüders, no. 53. 133. See J.C. Jain, Prāksta Sāhitya kā Itihasa, p. 207. 134. EI, I, no. 21, p. 391; Lüders no. 54. 135. p. 1948. 136. p. 1912. 137. EI, I, no. 8, p. 386; Lüders, no. 56. 138. Lüders, nos. 57-8. 139. See Bühler, Vienna Oriental Journal, I, pp. 172 f.; correction by Lüders,
1A, 33, no. 19, pp. 105 ff.; see his List, p. 166 (correction under no. 57). 140. EI, X, no. 9, pp. 115 ff.; Lüders, no. 59a.

Page #94

68
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
141. IA, 33, no. 13, p. 102; Lüders, no. 63. 142. EI, I, no. 18, p. 390; Lüders no. 85. 143. See EI, I, p. 381. 144. Loc. cit. 145. II.109.29 (Gita Press edn.) 146. v. 1311. 147. Pāņini cannot be later than the fifth cent. BC. 148. EI, I, no. 24, p. 392; see Lüders, no. 66. 149. EI, II, no. 21, pp. 204 ff.; Lüders, no. 67. 150. IA, 3337, no. 21, p. 107; Lüders, no. 68. 151. Proc. JASB, N.S., V, pp. 276 ff.; Lüders, no. 69a. 152. EI, XIX, no. 4, p. 67. 153. EI, I, no. 12, p. 388; Lüders, no. 70. 154. Lüders, nos. 71-2. 155. EI, II, no. 22, p. 205; Lüders, no. 73. 156. EI, II, no. 23, p. 205; Lüders, no. 74. 157. Vienna Oriental Journal, I, no. 8, pp. 177 ff. See also IA, 33, no. 23, p. 108;
Lüders, no. 76. 158. EI, II, no. 24, p. 205; Lüders, no. 77. 159. See Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. 10, pp. 171 ff.; see also IA, 37, pp. 33 ff.;
Lüders, no. 78. 160. JUPHS, 1950, 10, p. 38. 161. JASB, 39, pt. I, no. 16, p. 129; Lüders, no. 79. 162. EI, II, no. 25, p. 206; Lüders, no. 80. 163. EI, I, no. 14, p. 389; Lüders, no. 121. 164. EI. II, no. 37, pp. 209 ff.; Lüders, no. 122. 165. EI, II, no. 29, p. 207; Lüders, no. 110. 166. EI, II, p. 207. 167. See his List, no. 110. 168. EI, I, no. 23, p. 392; Lüders, no. 113. 169. EI, II, no. 34, p. 208; Lüders, no. 119. 170. EI, X, no. 16, p. 120; Lüders, no. 107d. 171. See JRAS, 1912, pp. 106 ff. 172. See JUPHS, 1950, 23, pp. 36–71. 173. See McCrindle's Ancient India as Described by Plolemy, ed., S.N. Majumdar,
p. 124. 174. EI, II, no. XIV (39). 175. p. 1766. 176. p. 62, Jacobi's translation. 177. See Prāksla Sāhitya kā Itihāsa, p. 207. 178. See ibid., p. 219. 179. See Nandicūrni, p. 8; see also Haribhadra's com. on Nandi, pp. 17 ff. 180. See 2.1. 181. We will later see that this gana survived up to the end of the
eighteenth century,

Page #95

CHAPTER VI
Jainism in Orissa
Mahāvīra, originally a native of northern Bihar visited, as we have noticed in a previous chapter, a few areas of western Bengal during his missionary career. According to the Kalpasūtra,' the Master had spent a year of his missionary career in Paniyabhumi, which was actually included in Ladha or West Bengal. The Acārānga,” which is certainly a very ancient text, informs us that Mahāvīra had visited areas of both western and southern Bengal. It is, therefore, likely that Mahāvīra visited places which were not far from the borders of Orissa. A somewhat late text, the Avašyakaniryukti, records that Mahāvīra more than once visited Tosali, a well-known city of Orissa The same text informs us the king of that area bound Mahāvīra with rope seven times. This particular text was however probably composed after AD 300, and its evidence is thus of little value. It is however likely that within a few years of Mahāvīra's demise some of his followers, probably from southern Bengal, carried the message of the Nirgrantha religion to Orissa and succeeded in converting some people there. In both the canonical texts of the Jainas' and Buddhists we come across a certain king Karandu (also called Karakanda, Karakandaka) of Dantapura (which was situated in the Kalinga country) who was a very pious man. According to both the Buddhists and Jainas this king later became a Pacceka Buddha. The Jainas too have nothing but deference for this ancient royal sage of Orissa. Since he is mentioned in both the Buddhist and Jaina texts he was probably a historical figure. According to the Jaina commentaries, Karakaņdu was a son of king Dadhivāhana of Campā. This Dadhivāhana, according to the same commentaries," was a contemporary of Satānīka, the father of the celebrated Udayana. It, therefore, follows that king Karandu-Karakandu was contemporaneous to the Buddha and Mahāvīra, and was universally admired for his pious nature. It is very significant that this particular king of Orissa, who lived in the sixth century BC, is called a Pacceka Buddha (ArdhaMāgadhi: Patteyabuddha) in the texts of both Buddhists and Jainas.

Page #96

70
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
It is probable that Khāravela was inspired by the deeds of this great monarch of Orissa and sought to follow in his footsteps.
We have already observed that Jainism was probably introduced in Orissa by some zealous monks of Bengal during the closing years of the fifth century BC. According to the Jaina commentaries,10 king Kākavarṇa of Pāțaliputra was arrested in the Isitalaga lake of Tosali by the king of that area. The son of Kakavarṇa, however, avenged his father's humiliation by occupying Tosali and releasing him. It is therefore a historical fact that hostility between Kalinga and Magadha started from about 400 BC," the date of Kākavarṇa, who is also known as Kālāśoka. During the days of the Nandas, if we are to believe the evidence of the famous inscription of Kharavela, there was no love lost between Magadha and Kalinga. It is quite likely that Kalinga was under the Nandas and early Mauryan rulers for a quite long time and probably during the closing years of Bindusara, the son of Candragupta Maurya, Orissa declared independence, and Aśoka eight years after his accession, successfully crushed the rebellion in Kalinga and once more annexed the kingdom. The testimony of Aśoka's thirteenth Rock Edict shows that only after a fierce and bloody battle, which cost thousands of lives that Kalinga submitted. There is however little doubt that soon after Aśoka's death, Orissa declared its independence.
The Meghavahana dynasty, to which the great Khāravela belonged, according to the first line of the Häthigumpha inscription, was a branch of the great Cedi family. In this connection we should remember that, according to the Mahabharata,12 the five sons of the great Cedi monarch Uparicara Vasu became kings of five different countries. The name of one of the sons was Manivahana which may be an error for 'Meghavahana'. We have already noticed that one Dadhivahana, was the father of Karakaṇḍu, the celebrated king of Orissa, who reigned in the sixth century BC. That kings belonging to the Cedi family reigned in the eastern parts of India is also proved by a sloka of the Mahabharata,13 according to which Paundra Vasudeva, the well-known rival of Vasudeva-Kṛṣṇa and the king of Vanga, Pundra and Kirāta belonged to that celebrated family. It is, therefore, not at all surprising to find a branch of that great family ruling in another kingdom of eastern India.
The Häthigumpha Inscription14 opens with an adoration to the Arhats and siddhas, as in any Jaina canonical text. According to this inscription Khāravela was the third king of the Mahāmeghavāhana

Page #97

JAINISM IN ORISSA
71
dynasty (tatiye kalingarājavase). Unfortunately, we do not know the names of the first two kings of this dynasty. We are first told that up to his fifteenth year Khāravela played a variety of games, apparently under the loving care of his parents. Later, for nine years as a yuvarāja he received extensive training in the following branches of learning: lekha, rūpa, gananā, vyavahāra, and vidhi. He became mahārāja at the age of 24. In the first year of his reign Khāravela was engaged in repairing the buildings and defensive walls of his capital, which had been damaged by a storm (vātavihita) and made arrangements for the erection of the embankments of a sūtala tadāga (lake) which was probably the principal source of water-supply to the city of Kalinganagara. He also restored all the gardens of the city and incurred a total expenditure of 35,00,000 (apparently kārşāpaņa) for the entertainment of his subjects. In the second year of his reign, without paying heed to śātakarņi (acitayatā sātakamnim), he sent a huge army in the western direction consisting of haya, gaja, nara, and ratha (apparently a caturanga army) which reached the bank of the river Kanhaveņņā (i.e. Krşņā) and plundered the city of Asikanagara, which was apparently situated on the river Krşņā. The Śātakarni of this inscription has been satisfactorily identified with Sātakarni I of the Sātavāhana dynasty. There is, however, no reason to believe that there was an all out war between the two monarchs. It is probable that Asikanagara was not included in the empire of Sätakarņi I but was a town belonging to one of his vassal kingdoms. The relevant words also suggest that Khāravela did not himself lead his army in its march towards the western direction. We are also not in a position to know whether he was able to annex any new territory to his empire. In the third year the king engaged himself in cultural activities. We are told that he gladdened his subjects by holding popular festivals (samājas and utsavas). It should be noted here that Khāravela, although a Jaina, was shrewd enough to understand the real feeling of his subjects and did nothing to dampen their enthusiasm regarding festivals. It is apparent from the relevant words of the inscription (in the fifth line) that the king himself was a great lover of music and was probably acquainted with the literature on Kāmaśāstra which specifically speaks of the Arts mentioned in the fifth line of the inscription. It should be noted here that unlike Asoka, he had no affected attitude towards samājas. 15 Jainism, like the religion of the Buddha, did not approve of holding samājas, but this ruler never sought to forcibly impose his faith on his people.

Page #98

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
In the fourth year, once more, Khāravela was engaged in martial activities; but the real significance of the first few words of the fifth line is not clear, as majority of those words are virtually indecipherable, but it is apparent from the concluding words of this line that Khāravela forced the Rathikas and Bhojakas to pay him some form of tribute.!The Rathikas and Bhojas are respectively mentioned in fifth and thirteenth Rock Edicts of Asoka. According to the Mahābhārata,'' Bhojakața was the capital of Vidarbha. This city derived its name from the Bhoja tribe who are even mentioned in the Vedic texts.' The kingdom of Bhojakața is mentioned in a Vākāțaka inscription20 of AD 500. The inscription of Khāravela does not suggest that the Bhojakas and Rathikas submitted to him after any particular military engagement. It is more likely that Khāravela's military stature was sufficient to extract from such tribes some sort of allegiance. The early Sātavāhana inscriptions suggest that the Rathikas had friendly relations of some kind with the Andhra monarchs. In connection with the achievements of Khāravela's fourth year we encounter the expression vijādharādhivāsam, and Sircar believes that Vijādhara or Vidyādhara may be the name of a local ruler. Anyone who is familiar with the early Jaina literature knows however, that the term vidyādhara is generally used to mean rākṣasas or non-Aryans. In the Paumacariyam of Vimala, a work of AD 100, the rāksasas of Lankā are constantly referred to as vidyādharas. 23 It is therefore, more probable that Khāravela in his fourth year conducted out some successful raids against a few non-Aryan tribes living in the hilly regions of Orissa. In the fifth year, once more, the king was engaged in constructive activities. We are told that he brought into the capital the canal (paņādi) excavated 300 years earlier by a Nanda king. The reading Namdarāja is absolutely clear and there is little doubt that the Kalinga country was under the Nandas in 400 BC. This is also suggested by the Purāņic evidence according to which Mahāpadma Nanda became a samraj after his conqeust of the entire subcontinent. We have already observed that attempts were made by the Magadhan rulers to conquer Orissa even before the rule of the Nandas. This passage of this inscription further testifies that this Cedi king of Orissa was not only a great conqueror but also a magnanimous and able monarch who did everything for the uplift of economic conditions in his empire. We have already noticed that in the first year of his reign he made arrangements for an adequate supply of drinking water to his capital. In the sixth year too he did

Page #99

JAINISM IN ORISSA
73
not undertake any fresh military expedition, but we are told that he performed the Rājasūya24 sacrifice and spent a lot of money on this particular occasion. D.C. Sircar25 believes that as a Jaina, Khāravela could not have performed this sacrifice and therefore he suggests a slightly different reading for that word. We should not however forget that the demarcation line between the Hindu and Jaina religions was rather thin in those days and, as suggested by a passage of the Bhagavatī,26 even Mahāvīra did not hesitate to accept non-vegetarian food. The king Khāravela, as we will see elsewhere, is described as having repaired deva temples. There is thus not at all surprising to find an able military conqueror like him performing the Rājasūya sacrifice. 27 It is not possible to say anything regarding his achievements in the seventh year in view of a quite a number of missing or damaged words, but from those that remain it appears that he did not undertake any military expedition that year. In the eighth year however the Orissan monarch resolved to carry out some. ambitious military expeditions into the heart of northern and eastern India. Here too a few words are missing but, fortunately for us, a number of proper nouns are preserved. They are Goradhagiri (probably the Barabar hills), Rājagaha, Mathurā, and Yavana (king). It has rightly been conjectured that with a large army (mahatā senā) Khāravela himself first attacked Magadha and plundered Rajgir and the Barabar hills. Subsequently, emboldened by his success, he proceeded towards Mathurā which was under an Indo-Greek ruler at that time and succeeded in defeating him. The name of this particular Indo-Greek king has been read as 'Dimita' by Jayaswal, but he cannot be the king Demetrios who ruled in the first half of the second century BC, at least one hundred years before Khāravela. The passage of this inscription, however, strongly suggests that in mid-first century BC, Mathurā was under a later Indo-Greek ruler.
The Jaina commentaries, 28 tell us about a certain Yavana king of Mathurā who assassinated the Jaina monk Danda in Jauņāvamka park in the city. It is tempting to suggest that Khāravela wanted to punish this particular Greek king of Mathurā for his persecution of the Jaina monks. In any case, the expedition of the eighth year was a complete success and evidently enhanced the prestige of this valiant Orissan monarch. We are further told that after this expedition he satisfied the Brāhmaṇas by showering lavish presents on them. In the ninth year this victorious monarch celebrated his military success by building a pāsāda (palace) called Mahāvijaya which

Page #100

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
involved an expenditure of 38,00,000 kārşāpaņas. The significance of the expression mahāvijayapāsāda has been missed by scholars who have written on this inscription. The word mahāvijaya is used in the Ācārānga” and Kalpasūtra in connection with Mahāvīra's descent to earth, signifying divine abode in those texts. We are told that Mahāvīra descended to earth from the Mahāvijaya mansion of heaven. I have little doubt that Khāravela, who was a Jaina, was acquainted with the story regarding Mahāvīra's birth as related in the Ācārānga and Kalpasūtra. The expression mahāvijaya occurs twice in Khāravela's inscription, the first time, as we have noticed, as the name of the palace built by him at a great cost, and the second time in the concluding line of this inscription as an epithet of this king, which has been translated as 'great conqueror' by Jayaswal and Banerji, 32 but which Sircar takes as Khāravela's viruda. 33 It was considered a sacred word by the early Jainas since it was connected with the story of Mahāvira's birth.
In the tenth year the king undertook some military expeditions towards the north and it in this connection that the word 'Bharadhavasa' (i.e., Bhāratavarşa) is used. But because a few other words here are damaged and indecipherable they do not give us a proper idea about his actual military achievements that year. In the eleventh year the king was also in a warlike mood. The proper name Pīthumda is used in this connection which according to Barua $4 stands for the famous tīrtha of Prthūdaka near Kuruksetra and which, according to Rājasekhara, was the northernmost boundary of Madhyadeśa. But Jayaswal and Banerjibelieve it to be the Pihunda of Ptolemy. We are further told in connection with Khāravela's military exploits of the eleventh year that he clashed with the Tamil states but the reading even in this case is not perfectly clear. In the twelfth year the monarch was engaged in wars against a few north and east Indian kings. The two words uttarāpadharājāno are testimony that the rulers of north India came into open conflict with Khāravela. We are also told that king Bahasatimita was obliged to acknowledge Khāravela's military superiority. Formerly, scholars used to identify Bahasatimita with Pusyamitra Sunga; but there is little doubt that the king should be identified with the monarch of the same name mentioned in the Pabhosa cave inscription of the time of Udāka.36 King Khāravela too, we are told, set up in his capital the Jina of Kalinga (Kalinga-jina) which was taken away from Kalinga by king Nanda. The importance of this line of the inscription can hardly

Page #101

JAINISM IN ORISSA
75
be overemphasized. It not only shows that the worship of Jaina images was prectised in the fourth century BC, but also demonstrates the weakness of the Nanda kings for this religion. In the last chapter I discussed a particular verse of the Paumacariyam which indirectly testifies to the popularity of the Jaina religion during Nanda rule. We are not in a position to know the exact name of the Nanda king who carried away the Jina of Kalinga, but it is just possible that the celebrated Mahāpadma Nanda himself was the culprit. After defeating the contemporary Magadhan king, who was in all probability. Bahasatimita, our king Khāravela returned in triumph to his capital along with the Kalinga-jina. It has been conjectured by Jayaswal and Banerji”7 that this particular Jina was Šītalanātha, but in the absence of any evidence we cannot accept this. We are further told that Khāravela brought treasures from the Pamdarāja (i.e., the Pandyan king). Some other constructive activities were also undertaken that year.
It appears that thereafter Khāravela did not undertake any further military expeditions, directing his energy to religious affairs and as a lay devotee (uvāsaga) he sought to serve the Jaina monks. The concluding portion of the inscription provides magnificent tribute to this wonderful royal personality who, we are told, was not only a devoted Jaina, but also the worshipper of other religious sects (sava pāsaņdapūjaka) and one who also did his utmost to rebuild dilapidated deva temples. The writer of this inscription knows that as a Cedi king, Khāravela is a descendant of the great Uparicara Vasu,38 who in the inscription is called rājasi (rājarși). In the Mahābhāratatoo Uparicara Vasu is called a rājarși. There is reason to believe that the writer of the Häthigumphā inscription was acquainted with the story of Uparicara Vasu as related in the Mahābhārata and the character of Khāravela, described here, is strikingly similar to that of Uparicara. We should also note that elsewhere in the Mahābhārata“Uparicara is called a Vaisnava and a devoted worshipper of Nārāyaṇa, and it is significant that in this inscription" Khāravela is given the epithet 'Cakadhara' (i.e., Cakradhara), a typical Vaişņava expression. The Jainas, from the earliest times, had great deference for Krşņa and Nārāyaṇa; one of their Tirthařkaras, Aristanemi, is represented as a kinsman of Vasudeva. It is significant that Khāravela openly encouraged the holding of utsavas and samājas: in the Mahābhārata"? Vasu Uparicara is described as the king who founded the utsava of the god Indra.

Page #102

76
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Probably the utsava referred to in the Hāthigumphā inscription was the well-known Indrotsava first started by Khāravela's celebrated predecessor.
The inscription of Khāravela is the first complete historical record of the achievements of a king of ancient India. We do not get much of an idea about Aśoka's real career (beyond his missionary activities) from his inscriptions. Other pre-Christian inscriptions are either too brief or too concerned with some particular religious purpose. This inscription however gives us a very lucid and accurate account of this exceedingly interesting monarch. The most significant thing about him is that in spite of being a Jaina and apparently a believer in the doctrine of ahimsā, he was a very successful military conqueror. There is however no reference to the killing of any opponent. Most of his adversaries were only forced to submit (cf. the words pādau vandāpayati). We may recall here Aśoka's killing of thousands of soldiers of Kalinga on the battlefield; the war between Magadha and Kalinga was resumed in Khāravela's time, but this time the other side was victorious. Though apparently the bhikṣurājā Khāravela did not indulge in any senseless killing. He could have paid Magadha back in her own coin, but as a dharmarājā and a worthy descendant of Rājarşi Vasu, he treated his opponents with tolerance and justice.
It is a matter of great regret that so far we have not been able to trace any reference to this celebrated Jaina king in any literary text of the Jainas. Not all the Jaina manuscripts have however been pre served in the Bhāņdāras that have been published. With the discovery of more texts, probably some new light will be thrown on this problem. Another reason why Khāravela was later forgotten is that Jainism steadily lost popularity in Orissa in the post-Christian period.
A few other inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves disclose the names of a few Jaina devotees. 43 No. 1346 of Lüders' List belonging to the Mañcapurigumphā records the establishment of a cave (lena) in honour of Arahamta by Khāravela's chief queen (agamahisi) who was a duaghter of Rajan Lālaka, the great grandson (popota) "1 of Hathisiha. There is little doubt that Lālaka, though the father-in-law of Khāravela, was a subordinate ally of his son-inlaw. It is not clear why instead of mentioning either the father or grandfather of Lālaka, the inscription refers only to his great-grandfather. It is probable that Hastisiṁha, who probably flourished in

Page #103

JAINISM IN ORISSA
77
the mid-second century BC was a petty chieftain of Orissa. He has not been given any royal title in this inscription, but it goes far to prove that Khāravela's chief queen, like her husband, was a devoted worshipper of the Tīrthamkaras. The reference to the Jaina monks also testify to the developed stage of the Jaina church in Kalinga. Another inscription discloses 45 the name of either a predecessor or successor of Khāravela, Vakadeva, and like the former he is called the king of Kalinga and is represented as belonging to the Meghavāhana family. The inscription shows that he too was a Jaina.
A few other inscriptions (Lüders' List, nos. 1348–53) disclose the existence of a few Jaina devotees. No. 1348 yields the name of a prince called Vadhuka who too was a Jaina votary. Nos. 1349 and 1350 probably represent the gifts of common people, but no. 1351, according to Lüders is the gift to the town judge. Nos. 1352 and 1353 are also probably the gifts of important persons. Another inscription 46 records the donation of a servant (pādamūlika) called Kusuma.
These inscriptions abundantly demonstrate the immense popularity of Jainism in Orissa. The Mathurā inscriptions do not disclose the names of any royal devotee of this religion, but in Orissa the kings themselves probably inspired their subjects to befriend Nirgrantha monks. It is also interesting to note that although the Mahāmeghavāhana kings of Orissa claim descent from the celeebrated Cedi family, they bear names that are typically nonSanskritic.47
We have already observed that the message of the Nirgrantha religion was probably carried to Orissa by the Jaina monks of southern Bengal. These monks probably belonged either to Tāmraliptikā or Koțivarșiyā śākhās mentioned in the Therāvalī, but the popularity of Jainism in Kalinga during the days of the Nandas shows that even before the birth of the sākhās and gaņas the Jaina religion won some converts in Orissa, and during the rule of the Mahāmeghavāhana kings, Jainism became the principal religion of Orissa.
Some later sculptures of Udayagiri and Khandagiri caves and few inscriptions48 of the tenth or eleventh century are proof that even long after the time of Khāravela the Kumāriparvata (i.e., Udayagiri and Khaņdagiri hills) remained a favourite place of pilgrimage for the Jaina monks. In a later chapter I shall discuss the sculptures of the caves of Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills.

Page #104

78
1. p. 264.
2. p. 85.
3. vv. 501 ff.
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
4. See Uttaradhyayana (SBE, 45), pp. 85 ff.
5. See Kumbhakāra Jataka.
6. Loc. cit.
7. See Uttaradhyayana, pp. 85 ff.
8. Avacu, II, pp. 204-7; Uttaraci, p. 178.
9. Avacu, I, p. 318; Ava, no. 521.
10. Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya, vv. 3149-50.
11. See PHAI, pp. 221 ff.
12. 1.63.29 ff.
13. II.14.18.
14. See EI, XX, pp. 71 ff.
15. See 1st Rock Edict, 1. 4.
REFERENCES
16. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, p. 166.
17. For these two tribes see EI, XX, P. 84.
18. II.31.11.12.
19. See Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, VIII.12; 14; 17.
20. See Sel. Ins., p. 445.
21. Ibid., pp. 191, 193.
22. Ibid., p. 215, n. 4.
23. See my 'Vimalasuri's Paumacariyam', in JAIH 6, pp. 105 ff.
24. See EI, XX, p. 84.
25. See Sel. Ins., p. 215, n. 8.
26. See p. 2468.
27. The reading rajasuya in the original inscription is perfectly clear.
28. Avacu, II, p. 155.
29. p. 174 (Sailana).
30. p. 4.
31. See Paiasaddamahannavo, PTS, p. 680.
32. EI, XX, p. 89.
33. Sel. Ins., p. 221, n. 2.
34. See IHQ, pp. 261 ff.; see also Sel. Ins., p. 217, n. 1.
35. See XX, 20, pp. 72 ff.
36. Sel. Ins., p. 96.
37. EI, XX, p. 85.
38. The spelling here is Vasu.
39. 1.63.32, 38.
40. XII, ch. 335 ff.
41. See 1. 17.
42. 1.63.17 ff.
43. See Lüders' List, nos. 1342-53.
44. See for a different interpretation, ASIAR, 1922-3, pp. 129-30.
45. No. 1347 of Lüders' List, p. 222.
46. No. 1344 of Lüders' List.
47. For etymological explanation of the name Khāravela, see Sel. Ins., p. 214n. 48. See ASIAR, 1922-3, p. 130.

Page #105

CHAPTER VII
Jainism in North India
(200 BC-AD 600)
It is difficult to give an accurate account of the state of the Jaina religion in different parts of north India after the Mauryan period. Epigraphic references are few and far between, and we have to depend primarily on the evidence supplied by literary texts, both Jaina and non-Jaina. Archaeology also helps us a great deal and the discoveries of early Jaina images gives us some idea about the popularity of this religion in particular localities.
We have already seen that long before the Kuşāna period, Jainism became popular in Mathura and Orissa. I have also indicated the route taken by the Jaina monks of earlier days. As I have already said, the Jaina monks of Bengal were largely responsible for the early popularity of Jainism in Orissa. Beyond a few references to kulas and sākhās however we know practically nothing regarding Jainism in Bengal after the demise of Mahāvīra. We will have to refer later to the Chinese evidence regarding the popularity of Jainism in Bengal. But regarding a few other ancient places of north India we are slightly more fortunate. Archaeological and epigraphic sources give us some idea about the state of Jainism in places like Kaušāmbi, Śrāvastī, Rājagpha, Ahicchatra, Takșasilā, Simhapura, and a few places in western India. Thanks to the iconoclastic zeal of the Muslim invaders, very few among the pre-Gupta or even post-Gupta Hindu temples have survived, and the early Jaina temples have fared no better. The Jaina literary evidences suggest the existence of Jaina temples in almost all the principal cities of north India, but these have simply vanished in the thin air leaving no trace. A recently discovered bowl from Rajasthan (Bharatpur district) contains the word nogata in early Brāhmi which may stand for nigatha (Jaina).'
Kaušāmbi like Sāketa was one of the early centres of Jainism. I have already referred, on the basis of the evidence supplied by the Paumacariyam to the temple of Suvratasvāmin at Säketa. That Sāketa was connected with Muni Suvrata is also testified to by the evidence

Page #106

80
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
of the Vividhatīrthakalpa of Jinaprabha. I also opine that the temple of Suvrata at Säketa was, in all probability, built before 300 Bc. It is quite natural that the Jainas should be eager to build shrines in famous cities connected with Brahmanical culture and religion, I have already said that Jainism itself originated by 800 BC at Vārāṇasī, one of the greatest cities of ancient India, and during the time of Mahāvīra, became popular at Vaiśālī, Rājagļha, Srāvastī, Kaušāmbi, and a few other towns.
An inscription assignable on the palaeographic grounds to the first century BC, found at Pabhosa near Kaušāmbi, is indicative that the Jaina monks living at that famous town enjoyed royal patronage. The two short inscriptions found at Pabhosa refer to the cave (lena) excavated by Aşādhasena, the king of Adhicchatra (Ahicchatra), who was the maternal uncle of Bahasatimitra or Brhaspatimitra. This Asādhasena' seems to be a local ruler of the north Pancāla region and is generally dated to in the first century BC. According to Führer," the inscriptions refer to the Kāśyapiya monks, which may mean monks belonging to the school of Vardhamāna Mahāvīra, who was a Kāśyapa Ksatriya. But D.C. Sircar rejects this reading and opines that the inscriptions refer to the monks of Ahicchatra. That Pabhosa cave was sacred to the Jainas from the pre-Christian times is testified to by the discovery of Jaina images and carvings from there, where three standing Jaina images, cut in rocks are also to be found. The Pabhosa cave was visited by Yuan Chwang in the seventh century AD. There is little doubt that a number of Jaina monks lived in this cave in the pre-Christian period and naturally most of them were residents of Kaušāmbi, which is only two miles from there, and has yielded a number of Jaina antiguities of the Kusāna period.lo Kausāmbi, is still looked upon as a holy place by the devout Jainas. It was the birthplace of Padmaprabha, the sixth Tīrthamkara. Major R.D. Basu in 1908 discovered an inscription" of the year 12 of king Sivamitra which mentions three monks, Baladása, Sivamitra, and Sivapālita. R.D. Banerji believes that this inscription is dated in the Kaniska era of ad 78, and therefore its date corresponds to AD 90. As late as 1834, a small Digambara temple was built at Kaušāmbi."2
We have already seen that Lord Mahāvīra himself was probably responsible for the introduction of the new Nirgrantha religion at Kaušāmbi during the rule of the celebrated king Udayana, probably in early fifth century BC. The reference to the Kaušāmbikā sākhā,

Page #107

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
81
which originated in the first half of the third century BC in the Therāvalī also directly testifies to the early popularity of Jainism that region.
Like Kaušāmbi, the great city of Srāvastī was associated with Jainism from very early times. It was believed to be the birthplace of the third Tirthamkara, Sambhavanātha. This city was very intimately associated with the life and activities of both Mahāvīra and the Buddha. It was in this town that the first Ninhava Jamāli declared himself a Jina and the city was also a great centre of the Ajīvika religion. The Bhagavatil4 gives us the information that it was at this town that Gośāla declared himself a kevalin. The death of that famous Ājivika philosopher took place at this town sixteen years before the demise of Mahāvīra. Lord Buddha spent the major part of his ascetic-life here at the Jetavana vihāra which was built by prince Jeta for the Buddhist community at a very high cost. Srāvasti was the capital of Pasenadi (Prasenajit) of Kosala, a prominent figure in the Pāli texts. The Jainas, however, almost completely ignore this royal personality.
The Therāvali refers to the Srāvastikā śākhā which originated in the third century BC, and this particular Svetāmbara branch was obviously associated with the city of Srāvasti. We have already seen that this city was looked upon as the birthplace of Sambhava. It is interesting to note that one of the mounds of the ruined city is still known as the mound of Sobhnath, which is a vernacular corruption of the original Sambhavanātha. A detailed description of the ruined temple has been provided by Vogel in his Report." The description leaves little scope to doubt that the original temple of Sambhavanātha was built a few centuries before the birth of Christ. We must remember that Srāvasti was in utter ruins when Fa-hien visited this city in about AD 400. The original temple of Sambhavanātha was probably still there when the Chinese pilgrims came to India. The ruined temple has yielded a substantial number of Jaina images including those of Rsabhanātha and Mahāvīra.16 The icons belong to the Svetambara sect and have stylish affiliation with those found from Mathurā.'' The temple of Sambhava at Srāvasti was rebuilt several times and finally it was destroyed during the reign of Ala-ud-din as we learn from Jinaprabha. 18 That Srāvasti afterwards became a famous centre of the Digambara religion is evident from the Bịhatkathākośa'of Harișeņa, a text composed in AD 931.
Adicchatra or Ahicchatra, the ancient capital of North Pancala,

Page #108

82
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
was certainly an important seat of early Jainism. The site, represented by modern Ramnagar in Bareilly district, U.P., was excavated first by Führer, who unearthed a number of Jaina images and other antiquities. According to the Svetāmbara Jaina tradition, Ahicchatra was sacred to Pārsvanātha and there was actually a shrine dedicated to this Tīrthaṁkara in this town. Sīlānka, who flourished in the second half of the ninth century AD, in his Acārāngavrtti2° distinctly refers to it. Jinaprabha in his Vividhatīrthakalpagives a graphic and colourful description of the shrine, dedicated to Pārsva. Šīlānka informs us that Pārsva was worshipped here as Dharaṇinda but, according to Jinaprabha22 the shrine of Dharaṇīnda was near the original shrine (mūlaceiya) of Pārsva. Epigraphic evidence at our disposal fully supports the Jaina tradition regarding the existence of a shrine, dedicated to Pārsva at Ahicchatra. A Kuşāņa inscription,29 found engraved in the pedestal of an image of Neminātha bearing the date 50 (i.e., AD 128), refers to the shrine of divine Pārsvanātha'. Cunningham also discovered an inscribed pillar of the Gupta period which refers to Acārya Indranandin and also to the temple of Pārsva. A number of Jaina inscriptions of the Kuşāņa period have also been discovered here and at least one of them refers to the city of Ahicchatra.24 The Kuşāņa inscriptions in this city contain the following dates: 9, 18, 31, 44 and 74. Most of the
and Buddhist sculptures from Ahicchatra belong to the Mathurā school of art. The names of gana, kula, and sākhă are usually like those of Mathurā, the most common gaņa being Koliya. The images discovered here are generally nude, and this led Führer to suppose that they belonged to the Digambara temple of Ahicchatra. It must however be remembered that even before the emergence of the Digambara sect, some of the Jinas were shown naked. Even on the pedestals of nude Jina figures we have the names of well-known Svetāmbara säkhās and kulas25 which testifies to their being fashioned before the formal separation of the Digambaras from the original Nirgrantha religion. Several nude Mathurā images of Jina refer to some well-known sākhās and kulas mentioned in the Svetāmbara Therāvalī. For reasons, best known to him, Lüders doubts the discovery of Jaina images from Ahicchatra,26 but Führer's faithful account of the discovery27 leaves no room to doubt the authenticity of the 'Reports'. Also, from the list of drawings in the same report by draftsmen Ghulam Rasul Beg and Sohan Lal, we learn that among the discoveries made, were a four-faced lion pillar

Page #109

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
83
from the Jaina temple, an āyāgapața, a fragment of frieze, illustrating the transfer of embryo and some railing pillars. 28
The Jaina Kuşāņa inscriptions from Ahicchatra disclose the names of the following lay devotees: Gahapalā, the wife of Ekraļala, the daughter-in-law of Sivasiri, and the daughter of Grahamitra; all these persons are mentioned in the inscription of year 9, corresponding to AD 87;29 in the inscription of the year 12 we have Jinadāsi, Rudradeva, Dāttāgālā, Rudra, Grahamitra, Kumāraśirī, Vāmadāsī, Hastisenā, Grahasirī, Rudradatā, Jayadāsī, and Mitrasirī, all of whom were carpenters by caste;30 in the inscription of year 74 we have?! Dharavala and Aryadāsi. The names of the following Jaina monks also occur in the inscriptions discovered of Ahicchatra: Tarika32 in the inscription of year 9, who belonged to the Koliya gana, Sthaniya kula, and Vairā sākhā; Pusila* (Koliya, Bambhadāsiya and Ucenagari) and another unnamed monks belonging to the Vāraṇa gaña and Vajanagarī sākhā. The most definite proof of the existence of Jaina monks at Ahicchatra is supplied by a Lucknow Museum Jaina image inscription5 that refers to a monk (whose name is indecipherable) belonging to Petivāmika kula and Vajanagarī sākhā, who is called a native of Ahicchatra (Adhicchatrakā). All these pieces of evidence go far in testifying to the popularity of Jainism at Ahicchatra in early times.
Another old city, Kāmpilya, was intimately connected with Jainism in pre-Gupta days. This town was correctly identified by Cunningham with Kampil in Farrukhabad district, U.P.36 It was, according to the Mahābhārata, 37 the capital of southern Pancāla. The city, as we learn from the canonical texts, 38 was visited by both Pārsva and Mahāvīra. It was believed to be the birthplace of the thirteenth Tirthamkara, Vimala, and is also mentioned in the Bhagavatro and Aupapātikasūtra 10 The fourth Ninhava Asamitta, who flourished 220 years after Mahāvīra's death, i.e., third century BC, was associated with this town. The Uttarādhyayana," a very old Jaina canonical text, refers to a certain king Sanjaya, who was a Jaina devotee. This place has yielded a few Jaina inscriptions. 2
Sārkāśya, mentioned prominently in the Rāmāyaṇa," as the capital of Kusadhvaja Janaka, Sītā's paternal uncle, was one of the important towns of pre-Buddhist India. It was, according to that epic, situated on the bank of the river Ikṣumati. It is identified by Cunningham“ with Sankissa in Farrukhabad district of U.P. This town, it is interesting to note, is mentioned by Pāņini, 15 and Patanjali

Page #110

84
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
also refers to it. 16 This city was visited by both Fa-hien and Yuan Chwang. The Therāvalı refers to the Sankāśiyā sākhā under Cārana gana, i.e., Vāraņa gaña, established in the third century BC. This is definite evidence of Sankāsya's early association with the Nirgrantha religion.
It appears that the religion of Pārśva and Mahāvīra succeeded in penetrating north-western and western India at a quite early date. I had occasion to refer to the visit of Mahāvīra in Sindhu-Sauvīra, as described in the Bhagavatī, in a previous chapter. We now have definite evidence to show that even in pre-Christian times, Jainism became quite popular with the people of western India. A recently discovered inscription" from Pala, Pune district, Maharashtra, discloses the existence of a cave which was excavated by a monk (bhadamta) called Indrarakṣita. This inscription has been assigned, on palaeographical grounds, to the second century BC. It begins with the typical Jaina expression namo aramhātānam. We further learn from it that Indrarakṣita also constructed a reservoir (podhi) of water. Let us not forget that, according to the Jainas, the twentysecond Tīrthařkara, Neminātha or Arișganemi was born in western India. The earliest source that gives a glimpse of his life is the Ņāyādhammakahāo, which was not improbably composed by 300 BC. I have alredy said that with the exception of Pārsva, no other Tīrthamkara before Mahāvīra, can be called historical figures. But the idea of Tirthamkara was, as with the idea of previous Buddhas, developed within a century of the demise of Vardhamāna. 18 In making Neminātha their twenty-second Tirthamkara, the Jainas have very ingeniously used the contemporary Vaisnava tradition current in western India, regarding the Yādavas and Väsudeva-Krsna.
It is extremely significant that the Theravali refers to a sākhā called Saurāștriyā (Prāksta Sorațțhiya) which originated from Rsigupta, a disciple of Suhastin, who flourished in the third century BC. This definitely proves that Saurāstra had received its first dose of Jainism in the Mauryan period. The inscription from Pāla, referred to above, shows that Jainism became popular in other centres of western India before the second century BC. It is interesting to note that the inscription, in question, does not give us any idea regarding the gana, kula or sākhā of Indraraksita, and in this his position is similar to that of the monk Māgharakṣita of the Mathurā inscription of c. 150 Bc. But unlike the latter, the monk Indrarakṣita himself takes the initiative for construction of a cave, for which he apparently did

Page #111

85
JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
not receive any financial support from his lay disciples.
Another small inscription 19 from Girnar, Gujarat, bearing the date 58 refers to Pañcanacandamurti. The date has been ascribed to the Vikrama era 58. I have not however been able to examine the palaeography of this inscription, and therefore no conclusion is desirable on the basis of it alone. However, since the Nāyādhammakahāo and other canonical texts associate Girnar (Ujjimta or Ujjamta) with Arişṭanemi, we need not be surprised to find a first century inscription on this hill. The Kalpasūtra50 also associates Neminatha or Ariṣṭanemi with the hill, and these literary references also constitute evidence of the early association of Gujarat with Jainism.
No early Jaina inscription has so far been discovered from northwest India, but we have strong reasons to believe that there were quite a few Jaina pockets in that part of India. The ancient city of Kāpiśī, which was visited by Yuan Chwang in the first half of the seventh century AD, and which has been identified with Opian in Afghanistan by Cunningham,51 had a sizeable Jaina population. It is clear therefore that Jainism penetrated this part of north-west India (the original Indian subcontinent which undoubtedly included the whole of Afghanistan) in the early centuries of the Christian era.
Another old city, Takṣaśilā, was associated with Jainism from early days. Sir John Marshall, who first carried out systematic excavations at Taxila, observes: 'Taxila must have been adorned by a vast number of Jaina edifices, some of which were no doubt, of considerable magnificence."52 According to Marshall, the shrines in blocks F and G in the excavated area of Sirkap were probably Jaina. The Jaina literary tradition" associates Takṣaśilā with Bahubali, a son of Rṣabha, who was believed to be a Jaina sadhu. We further learn from the Avasyakaniryukt and the Avasyakacurn that Bahubali had installed a jewelled dharma-cakra at Takṣaśila. The association of Bahubali with Takṣaśila is also mentioned in the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha. Since Takṣaśilā was one of the greatest cities of ancient India, it is very natural that the Jainas should endeavour to extend the sphere of their influence in that city.
Simhapura, was another Jaina centre from early times. This place has been identified by Stein57 and Cunningham58 with modern Ketas in the Salt Range (Punjab, Pakistan). It was visited by Yuan Chwang who saw Śvetambara Jainas there. That Chinese pilgrim, however, gives a very distorted account of the religious practices of the Śvetämbaras. Now, according to the canonical texts, Sihapura (i.e.,

Page #112

86
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Simhapura) was the birthplace of Śreyāmsa, the eleventh Tīrthamkara. A few Jaina scholars identify Sīhapura of the Jaina canon with Simhapuri near Banāras. But it is more likely that Simhapura of Punjab is identical with the Sīhapura of the Jaina texts. Let us not forget that the Jainas deliberately selected cities at hoary antiquity as the birthplaces of those Tīrthamkaras who never existed in reality. Simhapura was a town of great antiquity, for we find it mentioned in connection with Arjuna's digvijaya in the Mahābhāratalo where it appears after the Trigartas, a well-known Punjab tribe. That Jainism reached Punjab by the third century BC, is also indirectly testified to by the fact that the Therāvalī refers to the Audambarikā śäkhā which originated from Rohana in the third century BC. This sākhā was evidently linked with the Audambaras, a well-known Punjab tribe. It is therefore, permissible to identify Simhapura of Yuan Chwang and the Mahābhārata with Sihapura of the Jaina texts.
Stein was successful in discovering a great number of Jaina antiquities from Simhapura. He is of the opinion that the Jaina sculp tures of Simhapura are better executed than those of Ellora and Ankai. He further informs us that even at the time of his visit, this place was regarded as a sacred site by the Jainas. The Varāngacarita, 62 a work of the seventh century AD, refers to Simhapura as sacred to Sreyāṁsa.
Let us once more turn our attention to western India. We have already observed that by the third century BC, Jainism became more or less popular in Gujarat. A stone inscriptison6% of the second century AD of one of the grandsons of Jayadāman, the Saka satrap, is definitely a Jaina record for it contains the significant word kevalainana. This inscription was discovered at Junagarh and also refers to the town of Girinagara, i.e., Girnar, which according to the Nāyādhammakahāo and Kalpasūtra was associated with Neminātha. I have already noted that Girnar was regarded as a sacred hill by the Jainas from a much earlier period. It has been suggested that the inscription actually refers to the Samadhimarana of the Digambara Jaina saint Dharasena, the original author of the Digambara canon, who according to the tradition resided at Candragumphā of Girnar whence the inscription was discovered. This is however pure conjecture and can be dismissed outright. In any case, the inscription indicates that Jainism was introduced in this area in the early centuries of the Christian era, if not earlier.
The Jaina antiquities discovered from Dhank and Bawa Pyara

Page #113

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
87
caves in Gujarat indicate that these places were under the influence of Jainism in the early centuries of the Christian era, 65 and the image of Rșabha, śānti, and Pārśva from Dhank are easily distinguishable. The typical Jaina symbols from Bawa Pyara caves (Junagarh) are generally assigned to the early centuries of the Christian era. 66
Bhrgukaccha, one of the oldest ports of India, which is identified with modern Broach in Gujarat, was a popular Jaina centre in the early centuries of the Christian era. The Avaśyakaniryukti,67 which was probably composed around AD 200, refers to the defeat inflicted by a Svetāmbara Jaina monk Jinadeva on two Buddhist monks Bhadanta Mitra and Kuņāla at Bhrgukaccha. This is also repeated in the Āvašyakacūrņā.68 It appears that this famous port was a favourite haunt of monks of different schools. At least two Jaina vihāras existed at Bhrgukaccha, Sakunikāvihāra and Mülavasati, about which we will have something more to say later.
EMERGENCE OF THE DIGAMBARA SECT Although the Digambaras claim a hoary antiquity for their religion, no Digambara record earlier than AD 300, has so far been discovered. The earliest Svetāmbara work that refers to the formal separation of the Digambaras from the original samgha is the Avasyakaniryuktz49 (c. AD 200). According to this work a monk called Sivabhūti, who was a disciple of the Svetāmbara preceptor Kanha, founded the Bodiya (i.e., Digambara) sect at a place called Rahavīrapura 609 years after Mahāvīra's nirvana. The Uttarādhyayananiryukti also refers to this schism. According to these texts Sivabhūti was the last niņhava. It is interesting to note that in the original Svetāmbara canon" only seven Ninhavas are mentioned, the last one being Gosthamāhila, who founded his doctrine called Avaddhiya at the town of Daśapura 584 years offer Mahāvīra's death. The Sthānānga which refers to the seven rebels has no knowledge of the Digambaras and only in the Niryukti texts do we find references to them. I am not aware of any Digambara sacred work that could have been composed before the date suggested in the Niryukti texts regarding the formal separation of the two sects. The town of Rahavirapura, where Sivabhūti lived, cannot be properly identified, although it has been suggested that it was near Mathurā.” The evidence of the Svetāmbara canon therefore suggests that the Digambaras formally separated only in the second century AD. It appears that the Digambaras also indirectly support the tradition recorded in the Svetāmbara com

Page #114

88
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
mentaries.72 According to them the original canon was forgotten after Lohācārya, who according to them died 565 years after Mahāvīra. It is interesting to note that Vimala's Paumacariyam shows no acquaintance with the Digambaras; and this work was written according to its own testimony 530 years after Mahāvīra's nirvāṇa.
However, the detailed and biased account regarding Śivabhūti given in the Śvetambara cūrṇī texts can be dismissed offhand.
Now, the name Śivabhūti is not absent in early Digambara works. The Bhāvapāhuda,73 ascribed to Kundakunda, a work probably written around AD 300, refers to the monk Śivabhuti who is probably no other than the Śivabhuti of the Svetambara commentaries. He is also mentioned in Devasena's Ārādhanāsāra," written in the tenth century AD.
There is a Digambara tradition according to which Aryan Mankhu was one of the original authors of the Digambara canon. He is placed 683 years after Mahāvīra's death. I have already said that Manguhasti is mentioned in the Mathura inscription of the year 52 corresponding to AD 130, and that this Manguhasti is to be identified with Mangu of the Nandisutra. The Svetambara commentaries,75 it is very significant to note, paint an unfavourable picture of this saint. We are told that he was born as Yakkha after his death at Mathura. The date given in the inscription, mentioned above, and the date given to Arya Mankhu in the Digambara tradition, support one another. It is therefore, permissible to believe that the second-century Jaina saint Mangu was one of the founders of the Digambara sect. This also indirectly confirms the Svetambara evidence regarding the actual time when the Digambara formally separated, which should therefore be placed around AD 150.
76
It should be remembered that Pārśva allowed an under and an upper garment, while Mahāvīra forbade clothing altogether. This information is provided by as early a text as the Uttaradhyayana," which was in all probability composed in the fourth century BC. It appears that from early times the Jaina monks, according to their individual whims, indulged in both kinds of practices, namely wearing cloth or going about naked. These two modes of conduct were known as jinakalpa and sthavirakalpa, respectively. Mahāvīra himself, as we have already noticed, discarded clothing altogether 13 months after he became an ascetic, but Pärśvanatha, whom I consider to be the real founder of Jainism, never went about naked. The Bṛhatkalpabhāṣya” further informs us that the doctrine of the

Page #115

89
JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
first and last Tīrthamkaras was based on nudity (acelakka), while that of the intervening 22 Tīrthamkaras permitted both nudity and wearing garments. Most of Mahāvīra's close followers naturally went about naked; but it seems that Mahāvīra himself never insisted on the strict observance of nudity. The Avasyakacurṇi refers to one Municanda who practised jinakalpa and was considered a rebel by Mahāvīra. Regarding nudity, the Acaranga says that if a naked monk thought that he could bear the pricking of grass, cold and heat, stinging of flies and mosquitoes or any other painful things, he could leave his private parts uncovered; but when the number of articles in a monk's equipment increased and when the monks began living more and more among the people, then he could cover his private parts with katibandha. Later the kațibandha was replaced by colapaṭṭa.80
The evidence of some Mathura sculptures suggests that even the Śvetāmbaras sometimes represented their Tīrthamkaras as nude, so we need not be unduly perturbed if we come across nude Jina figures of pre-Christian times. Indeed, one of the early celebrated Jaina teachers, Mahāgiri, according to the Avasyakacūrṇī, was an exponent of jinakalpa, i.e., the doctrine of nudity. Suhastin, another great Śvetambara monk practised sthavirakalpa. The evidence of that work also suggests that jinakalpa continued up to Aryarakṣita.81 It also appears that the Digambaras, who insisted on absolute nudity, continued the tradition of jinakalpa monks and probably a rebel group under Śivabhuti finally raised the standard of rebellion and formed a new sect in the mid-second century AD. I must however confess that the mystery surrounding the birth of the Digambara sect has yet to be solved. I will have something more to say on this point in connection with the discussion of the canonical literature of the Jainas. I have also no comment to offer on the suggestion that Rathavīrapura (Rahavīrapura) was near Mathură.
JAINISM IN THE GUPTA PERIOD
All the available sources indicate that by the beginning of the fourth century AD, Jainism became an all-India religion. Generally, however, in north India the Śvetāmbaras were predominant and in the south the Digambaras. I shall, in this section, endeavour to give readers an idea of the condition of the Jaina religion in north India in the Gupta period, and in doing so will have to turn to available epigraphic and literary sources, for assistance.
Probably the earliest Jaina inscriptions of this period come from

Page #116

90
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
the celebrated city of Vidiśā. We have two Jaina image inscriptions both of which are now preserved in the local museum at Vidiśā. 82 These are not only important for the history of Jainism but also in the political history of the Gupta period. Both these inscriptions refer to 'Mahārājādhirāja Rāmagupta'. As the title indicates, this Rāmagupta was a paramount sovereign and not merely a local ruler Coins of Rāmagupta are already known.83 In the official Gupta records the name of Rāmagupta is understandably absent. The play Devicandragupta of Visakhadatta, which is preserved only in fragments, delineates Rāmagupta as the successor of Samudragupta, and a weak monarch who did not hesitate to offer his wife to the Saka king of Ujjayini. His younger brother Candragupta, by a clever stratagem, succeeded in killing the Saka king. 81 Later, we are told, he also killed his brother and married his wife Dhruvadevi. The discovery of the Jaina inscriptions testify that Rāmagupta is not a product of the imagination but Samudragupta's actual successor We have already referred to his coins, and now these inscriptions engraved on the pedestals of Puspadanta and Candraprabha show that he was responsible for the construction of those images of the Jaina Tīrthamkaras. This he did on the advice of Celukșamaņa, the son of Golakyāntā and pupil of Acārya Sarppasena Ksamana, the grand-pupil of Candra Kşamācārya-kşamaņa-śramana, who was a pānipātrika, i.e., one who used the hollows of his palms as an alms and drinking bowl. The celebrated śivārya, the author of the Bhagavatī-ārādhanā, as we will see later, calls himself pāņidalabhoi, which probably indicates that like him Candra was a Digambara monk. 85 This inscription, therefore, indicates that Rāmagupta had some genuine respect for the Jainas. The characters of the inscriptions agree closely with that of the Allahabad prasasti and I am not aware of the existence of any other Mahārajādhiraja Rāmagupta of the fourth century AD.
Another inscription 6 found from Udaygiri near Vidiśā and dated in the year 106 of the Gupta era corresponding to AD 426 of the reign of Kumāragupta refers to the erection of an image of Pārsva by Sankara, a disciple of Gośarman, who was a disciple of Bhadrācārya of Aryakula. The inscriptions of the time of Rāmagupta, Kumāragupta's uncle, as we have already seen testifies to the popularity of Jainism in the Vidišā region. Sankara, we further learn from the same inscription, was formerly a warrior but later accepted the Jaina religion. These inscriptions go far to prove that Vidiśā was a

Page #117

91
JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
stronghold of Jainism and received royal patronage.
Literary evidence also testifies to the popularity of Jainism in the western part of modern Madhya Pradesh. The Vasudevahindi,87 a Jaina text based on the missing Bṛhatkathā, and probably composed in the fifth century AD, distinctly refers to the temple of Jiyantasvamin Mahāvīra at Ujjayini. The discovery of a substantial number of Jaina sculptures, belonging to the Gupta period, from different places of Madhya Pradesh also show that Jainism enjoyed some popularity there, and also provide indirect evidence of the existence of Jaina temples in the Gupta period in Madhya Pradesh. We have icons from Sira Pahari (near Nachna, Panna district), and also from Panna proper. 88 I will discuss these icons in greater detail in a separate chapter in vol. II. A temple of Jivantasvāmin is also referred to in the Jaina commentaries.89 In another Jaina text of the seventh century we have a reference to an image of Jivan tasvamin at Vidiśā. Dasapura (modern Mandsor, M.P.) too was a stronghold of Jainism. This is testified to by the fact that Ninhava Goṣṭhāmahila9 established in this town an independent doctrine known as Abaddhiya 584 years after Mahāvīra's death, i.e., in the first century AD. Quite a number of Śvetāmbara monks of the early first century AD, we are told, were connected with Dasapura.91 Tosaliputta, who is mentioned in the Avasyakaniryukti, we are told, stayed at a park called Ucchughara at Daśapura, and was well-versed with the Diṭṭhivaya, the twelfth Anga text. Rakkhiya, his famous disciple, spent his entire life at Dasapura, and also converted his younger brother Phaggurakkhiya. Both Mahagiri and Suhatthi visited Vidiśă in the early third century BC in order to pay homage to the image of Jivantasvāmin there. 92 This shows that from early times various places in Madhya Pradesh were connected with Jainism. It appears that the Svetambara monks belonging to Kausāmbika śākhā were responsible for the propagation of Jainism in M.P. We will later see that in the post-Gupta period too, Jainism was quite popular in that state.
An inscription from Mathură dated to the Gupta year 113 corresponding to AD 433 of the reign of Paramabhaṭṭāraka, Mahārājādhirāja Kumāragupta refers to an apparently prominent Jaina monk called Datilācārya, who belonged to the Vidyadharī śākhā and Koliya gana. A disciple of this monk, called Sāmādhya, built an image (pratima) under the command of this guru. The Vidyadharī sākhā referred to here is mentioned in the Theravali as Vijjāharī, which was apparently founded in the third century BC. This is the only

Page #118

92
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
epigraphic reference to this sākhā, I am aware of.
Another inscription from Mathurā and dated 299 of an unknown era refers to the erection of an image of Mahāvīra and a temple (devakula) by Okhā, Sarika, and Sivadinā. The inscription is in Sanskrit and bears a date in the Kaniska era, corresponding in to AD 377, in Bühler's view. But the peculiar Kuşāņa title rājātirāja given to the reigning king, whose name is missing, probably indicates that it should be referred to an earlier era.
We should take here brief notice of the two Jaina councils held in the fourth century AD at Mathurā and Valabhi. The council at Mathurā was held under the presidentship of Khandila (Skandila) 827 years (or according to some 840 years) after Mahāvīra's nirvāņa. The earliest work that refers to this council is the Nandīcūrnio composed in the seventh century AD. Another council was held almost simultaneously at Valabhi under the presidentship of Nāgārjuna. According to commentators, the canon compiled in the council of Mathurā was somewhat different from that compiled at Valabhi. The earliest Jaina council, held at Pāçaliputra in the last quarter of the fourth century BC, will be discussed later in this volume.
The next important Jaina inscription belongs to the reign of Skandagupta. This inscription has been found from Kahaum in Gorakhpur district, U.P. It bears the year 141 of the Gupta era corresponding to AD 461 of the tranquil (śānte) reign of Skandagupta. From this inscription we learn that this place was formerly called Kakubha (1. 5). We are told of the setting up of five images (pañcendra) of Tirthamkaras (probably Adinātha, śānti, Nemi, Pārsva and Mahāvīra) by a person called Madra, who traced his descent from one Somila, and who had equal respect for dvija, guru, and yati. This inscription appears to be a Digambara record, and there are traces of Jaina shrines near the pillar bearing it.97
A copperplate inscription of the Gupta year 159 from Paharpur, Bangladesh is one of the most interesting Jaina records of the Gupta period. The inscription is incidentally the earliest Jaina record from Bengal. It records an endowment for the worship of Arhats to a vihāra in Vațagoālio near Paharpur, presided over by the disciples descended from the Nirgrantha Acārya Guhanandin of Kāśī. This Guhanandin is further described as belonging to Pancastüpanikāya. The persons who were responsible for the endowment were a Brāhmana named Näthaśarman and his wife Rami. The language of the inscription indicates that this Brāhmaṇa pair were zealous

Page #119

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
93
devotees of Guhanandin. It is apparent also from the same inscription that this Guhanandin lived at least a century before the date of this inscription. We learn that it was originally founded by šisyas and prašisyas of Guhanandin. Probably this vihāra was built some 50 years before the date of this copperplate. Guhanandin himself probably lived in the last quarter of the fourth century AD at Kāśī. In no Jaina inscription before this date do we come across a Brāhmaṇa Jaina devotee, although the canonical texts, as we have already noticed, mention quite a number of Brāhmaṇa converts. The Jaina vihāra referred to above, according to the inscription, was situated in the Nāgiratta mandala of Pundravardhana bhukti.
The expression Pañcastūpanikāya is to be found in the noncanonical literature of the Digambaras. The great Virasena, the famous author of the Dhavalā, and Jinasena, the author of the Adipurāņa, belonged to the Pancastūpanikāya sect. In Harișeņa's Brhatkathākośał00 we have an account of the founding of five stūpas (pañcastūpa) at Mathura. It is probable that the Digambara monks belonging to the Pancastūpa sect of Mathurā later sent a few of the members of their sect to different parts of India. It is also not unlikely that Vārāṇasi was the earliest seat of this particular sect. In any case, we have to regard the Pañcastūpanikāya sect as one of the earliest branches of the Digambara school. In south Indian inscriptions too we come across Pancastūpanikāya monks. The Paharpur inscription is therefore, indicative of the early popularity of the Digambara religion in Bengal. We have already noted that Bengal accepted Jainism long before any other state of India, and it appears that in the Gupta period the Digambaras succeeded in extending their sphere of influence in Bengal at the expense of the Svetāmbaras.
The inscription of early Gupta character near Son Bhandara cave at the ancient town of Rājagrha refers to a Jaina muni called Vairadeva who is given the epithet ācāryaratna. The lower half of a small naked Jina image can still be seen cut out of a rock close to the inscription. It has been suggested 102 that this Vairadeva is the same as Arya Vajra of the Avasyakaniryukti.103 Sten Konow suggested 104 that the cave referred to in the inscription was sculpted between the second and third centuries Ad. The expressions ācārya and muni probably show that it is a Digambara record, and in that case, the suggested identification of Vairadeva with vajra cannot be accepted. Besides, the Digambara invariably preferred Sanskrit to Prākrta in all their early records, and this is the case with both the Paharpur

Page #120

94
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
and Rajgir inscriptions.
Another small mutilated inscription 105 on a Neminātha figure in early Gupta script has been found from Rajgir. The image is fixed on a small ruined Jaina temple at Vaibhāra hill and refers to Mahārājādhirāja Candra, who may be either Candragupta I or Candragupta II. This image of Neminātha in black basalt is one of the earliest Jina images of the Gupta period.
We have already referred to the Gupta inscription,106 noticed by Cunningham in the ruins of Ahicchatra, which mentions Acārya Indranandin. This place, as we have already seen, was sacred to the Jainas from a much earlier period.
The evidence107 of the Kuvalayamālā, composed by Udyotanasūri in 700 Saka (AD 778) shows that king Toramāņa, who ruled at the town of Pawaiyā situated on the bank of the Candrabhāgā (Chenab) in the Uttarāpatha, was a disciple of Harigupta Acārya, born in the Gupta family. We are further told that the city could boast of a great number of scholars, apparently Jaina sādhus. This city cannot be properly identified, but it was certainly in Punjab. Harigupta, it is interesting to note, is described as a scion of the Gupta family. Toramāna is known from inscriptions 108 and coins, and definitely ruled around AD 500. His guru Harigupta should be placed, therefore in the second half of the fifth century AD. This Harigupta is further described as the guru of Mahākavi Devagupta who is apparently mentioned also in the Mahānisītha.109 It is interesting to note that quite a number of Svetāmbara ācāryas had names with Gupta endings. The Mahānisītha'' refers to one Ravigupta, who should be placed in the fifth century. The guru of Agastyasimha, the author of the Daśavaikälikacūrni, was Rsigupta" who belonged to the Koliya gana and Verasāmi sākhā, and who could not have lived later than AD 400.112
The evidence of the Kuvalayamālā, therefore, shows that a stern military conqueror like Toramāņa had a soft corner for Jainism, and probably like Khāravela embraced the religion in old age. We have already seen that there were a few Jaina pockets in Punjab from early times. The capital of Toramāņa, Pavvaiya, which was situated on the Candrabhāgā, was certainly a Jaina centre like Simhapura in the Gupta period. The inscription of Toramānals from Kurā, Salt Range (Punjab, Pakistan) shows that Punjab was part of Toramāņa's empire.
Jainism, as we have already noticed, was firmly established in

Page #121

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
95
Guiarat even before the Christian era. In the Gupta period, Gujarat was undoubtedly the chief centre of Jainism in India. This is indirectly shown by the fact that the Svetāmbara canon was finally edited at Valabhi 980 or 993 years after Mahāvīra's nirvāņa. Two commentaries!!4 of the Kalpasūtra refer to the council at Valabhi, and the Digambara work the Byhatkathākośal!5 (AD 931) also allude to the Valabhi council. The council was held, according to the Jaina commentators, 116 during the rule of Dhruvasena of Anandanagara, which has been identified with Vadanagara in northern Gujarat. We have already seen that an earlier council under Nāgārjuna was held at Valabhi in the fourth century AD, which coincided with the Mathurā council.
Now Dhruvasena of the Jaina commentators should be identified with the first king of that name who, according to the inscrip tions,"7 ruled from a least the year 206 to 226 of the Gupta era. The Jaina commentators further inform us that the Kalpasūtra was recited in the court of this king, on the sad occasion of the demise of his son. The Jaina account is confirmed by inscriptions according to which the Maitraka-Valabhi ruler Dhruvasena I, like his elder brothers, was succeeded by his younger brother Dharapațța. This was evidently because Dhruvasena had no son to succeed him. The date given by the Jaina commentators show that this Dhruvasena (AD 52646) should be placed either 980 or 993 years after Mahāvīra's death which also directly shows that Lord Mahāvīra died only in the second quarter of the fifth century BC, and not earlier as was supposed by many Jaina writers. I, would, however, like to discuss this in a separate Appendix.
There is, however, nothing to show that Dhruvasena himself was inclined towards Jainism. Inscriptions'18 show that he was a devout Vaisnava and not a single king of this illustrious family is known to have befriended the Jainas. A few royal members of this family are known to have patronized the Buddhists, "9 the bitter rivals of the Śvetāmbara Jainas. But Jainism continued to prosper in Gujarat despite the absence of royal patronage. An old manuscript of the Viseșāvasyakabhāsyal20 of Jinabhadragani discovered in the Jaisalmer bhāņdāra informs us that this work was composed at Valabhi in Saka 531 (i.e., AD 609) during the reign of Silāditya. Now, the inscriptions of this king range between ce 286 and 290 (AD 606-10) and therefore, there is no doubt that the date given in the manuscript is quite genuine. It further shows that Valabhi at that time was a strong

Page #122

96
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
hold of Jainism and probably the hometown of this famous Jaina scholar. King Silāditya is mentioned by Yuan Chwang!21 as having ruled 60 years before his time. Now, the latest known date of Śilāditya's father and predecessor Dharasena II is GE 270 (AD 590) which shows that Yuan Chwang's '60' should be corrected as '50'.
There are other pieces of evidence to show that Jainism was in a flourishing state during the rule of the Maitraka-Valabhi kings. The Kuvalayamālāļ22 (Saka 700 = AD 778) distinctly refers to the fact that the grand-disciple of Devagupta, Yajñadatta, who evidently flourished around AD 600, adorned the Gurjaradeśa with Jaina temples. The language of the colophon of this text directly shows the tremendous popularity Jainism enjoyed in both Gujarat and Rajasthan in the sixth and seventh centuries ad. A number of Svetāmbara images/23 have recently been discovered from the ruins of Valabhi which have been assigned to the sixth century AD. It has also been suggested that Jinabhadra Vācanācārya mentioned in a sixth-century image-inscription from Akota (Gujarat) is to be identified with Jinabhadragani, the famous Jaina scholar, who was probably a native of Valabhi. The Vividhatirthakalpa 25 refers to the fact that there was a shrine dedicated to Candraprabha at Valabhi before its destruction by the Muslims in vs 845 (AD 787).126
The Digambara text, the Jaina Harivamsa, which was completed in ad 783 at Vardhamāna (Vadavan, Gujarat) gives us the very interesting piece of information 127 that the work was commenced in the temple of Pārsva which was built by king Nanna. There is no doubt that this Nanna is identifiable with the king of the same name mentioned as kațaccuri-kulaveśma-pradīpa in the Mankani Inscription, 128 who definitely ruled in the last quarter of the sixth century ad in this part of Gujarat. The Kațaccuris and the Kalacuris were basically Saivas, but the evidence of 'Digambara Jinasena' shows, that at least one of its earlier members, had a catholic outlook, so far as religion was concerned. It is probable that the temple of Pārsva built by Nanna was a Digambara shrine and in that case it should be looked upon as the earliest known Digambara temple in Gujarat. It should, however be remembered that, according to the Digambara tradition, the earliest canonical authors of this sect were connected with Girinagara. 129 It should also be pointed out that Digambara Divākara of Karņāța country, according to the Svetāmbaras, 130 was defeated and converted by Vệddhavādi at Bhrgukaccha.
Jinasena also refers to another Digambara temple dedicated to

Page #123

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
97
III.
śāntinātha at Doștaţikā (near Girnar) where he completed his text in Saka 705. This temple, too, was probably built a century or two before this date.
Rajasthan, as we have already noticed, was connected with Jainism from a much earlier period. However we have practically no Jaina inscription or any other evidence to prove the connection of this state with the Jaina religion in the Gupta period. However, the evidence of the Kuvalayamālā!31 shows that Bhinnamāla (Bhinmāl) was looked upon as a Jaina place of pilgrimage in the sixth century AD. It refers to the five temples of Agāsavaņā which were also in Rajasthan. The Jaina monks of Mathurā, who used to visit Gujarat in the early centuries of the Christian era, had to pass through Rajasthan. In the post-Gupta period, however, as we will see later, Rajasthan was very intimately connected with Jainism.
Discovery of Jaina images\32 of the Gupta period from a few pockets of U.P. and Bihar testify its popularity there. I shall discuss these sculptures in a separate chapter in vol. II of this work. However, I must refer to the beautiful Jaina metal images of the Gupta period discovered from Chausa,133 Bhojpur district, Bihar, now preserved in the Patna Museum.134
A number of places in modern Maharashtra state were connected with Jainism from early times. Literary135 and archaeological136 evidences show that Tagara, mentioned in the Periplus 37 was a popular Jaina centre in the early centuries of the Christian era.138 That ancient city is now represented by Ter. A few scholars identify Tagara with Terāpura, mentioned in the Byhatkathākośa,139 and assert that even in pre-Christian times the place was connected with Jainism. The Vyavahārabhāsya, 110 a text of the eighth century, informs us that the Vyavahāra Dharma was established at Tagara by eight monks.
Discovery of Jaina images from Ellora, Paturl11 of the Gupta period show that Jainism was slowly emerging as an important religious sect in Maharashtra during the Gupta period. Sūrapāraka, 142 according to the Jaina literary tradition, was connected with Jainism, Monks like Vajrasena, Samudra, and Mangu visited Sūrpāraka.
I should refer, in this connection, to the unique bronze Pārsvanátha,143 assigned to the first century BC and now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. This image reminds us of the celebrated Maurya image of Lohanipur (Bihar) 144 which has been accepted as the earliest Indian Jina image. According to U.P. Shah, this image of Bombay Museum bears close affinity in style with a

Page #124

98
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
terracotta figurine from Mohenjo-daro.145 Where this image was found is not known; but it was certainly from some site in western India, where Jainism was introduced around 300 BC.
In a number of pre-Christian and post-Christian non-Jaina texts there are frequent references to the Jainas. Bhāsa, 146 Subandhu, 147 and Bāņa!48 frequently refer to the Jainas. It appears from Subandhu's Vāsavadatta! 49 that the Digambara Jainas were looked upon as the bitterest rivals of Hindu philosophers. This work was in existence in the early Gupta period and is mentioned by Bāņa. The poet Bāna, had some regard for the Jainas as one Jaina Viradeva was a childhood friend of this great writer.150 We can therefore assign Vīradeva to the last quarter of the sixth century AD. In the Kādambarīl51 Bāņa openly praises the Jainas for their magnanimity. References to the Jainas in the Bhāgavata,152 Brahmānda,153 etc. also provide indirect evidence of its popularity in the early Christian period.
Varāhamihira (early sixth century) refers to the mode of fashioning a Jina image in his Brhatsamhitā. 154 The later Pāli works of Sri Lanka also refer to the Jainas.
Quite a good of number of Jaina writers flourished during this period. Padalipta, the author of the missing Tarangavatī, a Prākrta poem, probably composed in the śātavāthana period, 155 was one of the earliest Jaina poets. I have already referred to Vimala, who also lived in the first century AD. The Vasudevahindīl56 is definitely a product of the Gupta period. Among Jaina philosophers of north India of this period I may mention VỊddhavādī, Mallavādi, Jinabhadragani, and will have something more to say about them in a separate chapter.
It should here be pointed out that, unlike Buddhism, the Jaina religion did not receive any large scale princely patronage in its early stages. The only exception was Khāravela, who also patronized Brahmanical Hinduism. The Buddhists, on the other hand, did all they could to befriend princes and potentates. Jainism hov ever appealed directly to the masses and gradually became popular in almost every part of India by the beginning of the Christian period.

Page #125

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
99
REFERENCES
1. See Indian Archaeology, 1965–6, p. 67. 2. Ed., Muni Jinavijaya, p. 86. 3. EI, II, pp. 242 ff.; Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 95 ff. 4. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 393 ff. 5. EI, II, pp. 242 ff. 6. Sel. Ins., p. 96, n. 6. 7. See Allahabad Gazetteer, ed., H.R. Neville, p. 263; see also JRAS, 1898,
pp. 516 ff. 8. See Cunningham, ASI, 21, pp. 1-3.
9. See Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, I, pp. 371 ff. 10. ASIAR, 1913-14, pp. 262 ff.; also pls. LXX, a, d, e. 11. Loc. cit. 12. See Neville, Allahabad Gazetteer, p. 153. 13. From Kausāmbi an icon of Padmaprabha from the early Gupta pe
riod has been recently unearthed. See Indian Archaeology, 1953–4, p. 9. This must assuredly testifies the association of that Tirthaṁkara
with this ancient city. 14. Sailana edn., p. 2402. 15. ASIAR, 1907–8, pp. 113 ff. 16. See JRAS, 1908, p. 1102, pl. V. 17. See Vogel in ASIAR, 1907-8, pp. 115–16; and also Sir John Marshall
in JRAS, 1908, pp. 1085–1120; see in this connection Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent of Archaeological Survey (N. Circle) for the year
ending 1908, p. 34. 18. p. 70. 19. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, pp. 8, 348 ff. 20. p. 418 (Agamodaya Samiti). 21. p. 14. 22. Loc. cit. 23. See Führer, Prog. Rep. of the Epigraphical and Archaeological Branch N.W.P.
and Oudh for 1891-2, p. 3. 24. See R.D. Banerji, EI, X, p. 120; see also Lüders' List, 107d. 25. See EI, X, pp. 109 ff. 26. See JRAS, 1912, pp. 153 ff. 27. See 1891-2 report, pp. 3, 5 ff. 28. Ibid., pp. 13-14; see also Smith in JRAS, 1903, pp. 7-11. 29. EI, X, p. 110. 30. Ibid., p. 111. 31. Ibid., pp. 115 ff. 32. Ibid., p. 110. 33. Ibid., p. 111. 34. Ibid., p. 116. 35. See Lüders' List, no. 107d.

Page #126

100
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
36. AGI, p. 413. 37. I, 137.73. 38. Nāyā, 157; Upā, 35. 39. p. 2348. 40. Sailana edn., pp. 278 ff. 41. SBE, 22, p. 80. 42. Annual Report of the Superintendent of Hindu and Buddhist Monuments
(N. Circle), 1918-19, p. 4; see also Jaina Siddhanta Bhāskara, 5, pp.
84 ff. 43. I, 70.3. 44. AGI, pp. 424 ff. 45. IV, 2.80. 46. Com. on 1.3.11. 47. See Jaina Šilalekha Samgraha, V, p. 3. Bhāratiya Jñānapitha edn. 48. Quite a number of the previous Buddhas are mentioned in the ear
lier part of the original Pāli canon; they were also known during the
days of Aśoka. 49. See ASI, 16, p. 357. 50. p. 164. 51. AGI, pp. 21 ff.; see also S.N. Majumdar's note in p. 671 of the same
work. 52. ASIAR, 1914–15, p. 2. 53. See Sukthankar's note in ASIAR, 1914–15, pp. 39 ff. 54. v. 322. 55. I, p. 180. 56. p. 27. 57. See Vienna Oriental Journal, 1890, IV, pp. 80 ff., 260 f. 58. AGI, pp. 142 ff. for criticism of Watters, see YC, I, pp. 249 ff. 59. YC, I, pp. 248 ff. 60. II, 27.20. 61. Vienna Oriental Journal, pp. 80 ff. 62. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, 27, 82. 63. EI, 16, p. 241; Lüders' List, no. 966. 64. See J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 112
13.
65. See H.D. Sankalia, Archaeology of Gujarat, pp. 53, 166 ff.; also JRAS,
1938, pp. 427 ff.; and pls. III and IV; see also NIA, 1939, p. 563. 66. Sankalia, op. cit., pp. 166 ff. 67. v. 1299. 68. II, p. 201. 69. v. 782. 70. Sthānanga, 587. 71. See Muni Kalyāņavijaya, Šramaņa Bhagawān Mahāvīra (Hindi), pp.
292 ff.

Page #127

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
101
72. See Byhatkathākośa, 131, 69; see also Devasena, Darśanasāra. 73. v. 53. 74. v. 49. 75. See Niś. Cū., II, pp. 125-6; Āva Cū., II, p. 80; also Niś., Bhā., 3200. 76. Sailana edn., 23.13. 77. Ed., Punyavijaya, VI, 6369 (p. 1681) 78. I, pp. 285-6, 291. 79. See SBE, 22, pp. 69-73. 80. See Byhatkalpabhāşya, III, v. 6964. 81. pp. 406 ff. 82. See JOI, XVIII, 1969, pp. 247-51; also EI, 38, pp. 46–9. 83. See PHAI, p. 553; also The Classical Age, pp. 17 ff. 84. See also Harşacarita (Chowkhambha edn.), pp. 354-5. 85. See Jaina Art and Architecture, ed., A. Ghosh, I, pp. 127 ff. 86. See IA, XI, p. 310; Kielhorn, List, no. 441. 87. A. Ghosh, op. cit., pp. 129 ff; see also Anekānta (in Hindi), 15, pp.
222-3. 88. Pt. I, p. 61. 89. See Āva. Cū., II, pp. 156–7. 90. Strā., 587. 91. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, pp. 361-2. 92. Ibid., II, p. 660. 93. See EI, II, no. XIV (39). 94. Lüders' List, 78; also JRAS, 1896, pp. 578 ff. 95. p. 8. 96. CII, III, p. 67; Sel. Ins., pp. 316 ff.; Bhandarkar, List, no. 1278. 97. See in this connection IHQ, 28, pp. 298-300. 98. EI, 20, pp. 61ff.; Sel. Ins., pp. 359ff.; Bhandarkar, List, no. 2037. 99. See N.R. Premi, Jaina Sāhitya aur Itihāsa (in Hindi), pp. 127 ff. 100. 12.132 ff. 101. See Guérinot, List, no. 87; and also ASIAR, 1905-6, p. 98, fn. 1. See in
this connection T. Block, ASIAR (Bengal circle), 1902, p. 16. 102. JBORS, 39, 1953, pp. 410-12. 103. v. 769. 104. ASIAR, 1905-6, p. 166. 105. Ibid., 1925–26, pp. 125 ff. 106. ASI, I, pp. 263 ff. 107. See colophon of that text edited by A.N. Upadhye. 108. See Sel. Ins., pp. 420 ff.; see also EI, I, pp. 239 ff. 109. See J.C. Jain, Prāksta Sähitya kā Itihāsa, p. 147. 110. Loc. cit. 111. Colophon, v. 2. 112. See Punyavijaya's Introd., Byhatkalpasūtra, 6. 113. Sel. Ins., pp. 422 ff.

Page #128

102
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
114. Vinayavijaya, Kalpasūtravịtti, p. 206; also the vștti on the same text by
Dharmasāgara, pp. 129–30. 115. 131.69. 116. See Vinayavijaya, op. cit., pp. 1,9, 201 and Dharmasāgara, op. cit., 9,
130. 117. See Bhandarkar, List, nos. 1293, 1308. 118. Ibid., no. 1293. 119. Lady Dudda, who was Dhruvasena I's sister's daughter was the
foundress of a Buddhist convent at Valabhi (see Kielhorn, List of Inscriptions of Northern India, no. 460). She is mentioned in a large
number of Valabhi inscriptions. 120. See Jaina Sāhitya kā Byhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 130 ff.; see also Purātana
Jaina Väkya-sūci, Introd., p. 145. 121. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 242. 122. Colophon, v. 7-10. 123. See Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, no. 1, p. 36; see also U.P.
Shah, Studies in Jaina Art, pl. XII, and Jaina Art and Architecture, I, p.
135. 124. See Lalit Kalā, nos. 1-2, p. 59; see also Jaina Art and Architecture, I, p.
138. 125. p. 29. 126. This is probably the exact date of the destruction of Valabhi by the
Muslims. The last known date of Silāditya VII, in whose reign the city was destroyed, is the Gupta year 447 (see Bhandarkar, List, no. 1375), corresponding to AD 767. He probably reigned for a few years longer and was eventually overthrown by the Muslims. See also Al-Biruni's India, I, p. 192. The story told by Al-Biruni is similar to that by
Jinaprabha. For some other views, see The Classical Age, pp. 150 ff. 127. 66.53. 128. Imp. Ins. Bar., st. I, pp. 4 ff.; see also The Classical Age, p. 197. 129. See Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, IV, p. 28; see also Introd. to
Şațkhandāgama, I, by H.L. Jain. 130. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 88. 131. Colophon, v. 6. 132. See Jaina Art and Architecture, I, pp. 131 ff; see also p. 121. 133. Ibid., pp. 124 ff. 134. See Patna Museum Catalogue of Antiquities, ed., P.L. Gupta, pp. 116
17. 135. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, p. 332. 136. ASIAR, 1902–3, pp. 188, 195, 199, 204. 137. Edited Schoff, para 51. 138. See, in this connection, ASWI, 3, p. 11, and ABORI, 16, p. 7. 139. Story no. 56. Teräpura, here, is however described as situated in the
Abhira country, see v. 52.

Page #129

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (200 BC-AD 600)
103
103
140. p. 3. 350. 141. Prog. Rep. of ASI (W. India), 1901–2, p. 3; 1902-3, pp. 4-5. 142. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. 2, pp. 863–73. 143. Jaina Art and Architecture, I, pp. 87 ff. 144. Ibid., p. 71. 145. See Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, 3, pp. 63-5. 146. See Avimārakam, Act 5. 147. See Vasavadattā, L.H. Gray, ed., pp. 157, 174 et seq. 148. Kadambari (Chowkhambha, edn.), p. 160. 149. pp. 157, 174 et seq. 150. See Harsacarita (Chowkhambha, edn.), p. 75. 151. p. 160. 152. V, chs. 4 f. 153. Delhi, 1973, p. 87; see also Bhavisya, 1.43.36. 154. 57.45. 155. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 377. 156. Ibid., p. 381.

Page #130

CHAPTER VIII
Jainism in South India
(The Early Phase)
Before discussing the state of Jainism in different parts of South India we must, at the very outset, refer to an interesting passage in the Buddhist Mahāvañía, according to which the king Pāņdukābhaya constructed houses and temples for the Nigantha ascetics at Anurādhapura. We are told that this king built, at first, a house for Nigantha Jotiya, which was to the east of the cemetery. In that house there lived another Jaina ascetic whose name is given as Giri. We are further told that the same king built a temple for another Nigantha sādhu called Kumbhanda. From the same chapter of the Mahāvamśa we learn that Pandukābhaya also built dwellings for the Ajīvikas and other sects.
Now, Pāņdukābhaya is generally placed in the fourth century BC by competent authorities including Geiger, and the evidence of this Pāli text testifies to the presence of Jaina ascetics in Sri Lanka as early as the fourth century BC. The Mahävamsa is a work of the fifth century AD,' and its evidence cannot be easily brushed aside. We should also note that in the Dīpavamsa, which was composed a century earlier, and which Buddhaghoșa frequently quotes in his commentary on the Kathāvatthu, there is a reference to the same Nigantha Giri. Thus the combined evidence of these two Pāli texts testifies to the presence of the Jainas in Sri Lanka in the pre-Mauryan times. It is natural, therefore, to suppose that these Jainas migrated to Sri Lanka from Tamil-speaking areas of south India. Once we accept this, we have to take it for granted that Jainism was more or less firmly established in the southernmost corners of the peninsula by the fourth century BC.
In a previous chapter I endeavoured to show that Jainism spread to Orissa within a few years of Mahāvira's death. It appears that wandering Nirgrantha monks carried the message of Mahāvīra to southern India, especially to the lands adjoining Bay of Bengal within a few decades of the demise of Lord Mahāvira. Let us not forget

Page #131

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
105
that an ordinary Nirgrantha monk, who seldom cared for personal comfort, and who practically wandered about penniless, was not expected to be daunted by the hazards of a foreign land. The evidence of the Pāli texts, referred to above, indirectly shows that Jainism reached the land of the Tamils before the end of the fourth century BC. In the earliest extant literature of the Tamils we have enough indications to show that Jainism was popular in quite early times in the regions south of the Kaveri. It should here be emphasized that the faina monks of Bengal and Orissa were responsible for the early propagation of Jainism in Tamil Nadu and not those of Karnataka, as is usually believed. The evidence of the Sri Lankan texts and those of the Tamil Sangam poetry indicate that Jainism definitely reached the southern Dravidian areas in the pre-Mauryan period and certainly before its introduction in what is now the state of modern Karnataka, I have already observed that there is nothing to prove that the first Mauryan emperor became a Jaina sādhu before his death and consequently the tradition regarding the migration of the Jainas under Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta, recorded in the Digambara works, connot be accepted in the present state of our knowledge. Even if we accept the veracity of the Digambara tradition, we cannot say that the first group of the Jaina sādhus of Tamil Nadu and Kerala came from Karnataka. It appears exceedingly probable, and as will be shown later, that the Digambara Jainas of second century ad from north India popularized Jainism in Karnataka. The Jaina religion that we find portrayed in Sangam poetry, was the undivided Nirgrantha religion, propounded by Pārsva and Mahāvīra.
Regarding the chronology of the works of the Sangam period there is a great deal of controversy. According to a few scholars? these texts were composed after AD 400. It should however be remembered that the original Sangam texts do not apparently show any acquaintance with the Pallavas who dominated the political scene of southern India from the third century AD. The absence of the word dīnāra in the original Sangam texts is also significant. The historical geography, as gleaned from these texts, show that they refer to a period when southern India had brisk and lively commercial intercourse with the outside world, particularly Rome and Alexandria. Lastly, we should refer to the well-known Gajabāhu (Tamil Kayavāgu) synchronism. In the Silappadikāram,' the Sangam epic, we are told that king of Lankā Gajabāhu was a contemporary of its

Page #132

106
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
author, who was Ceral Ilango, the younger brother of the Cera king Senguttuvan. Now, in the Sri Lankan chronicles we have two Gajabāhus, the first of whom reigned in the second century AD.' The second Gajabāhu ruled only in the twelfth century and there is absolutely no doubt that the Tamil epic refers to the first Gajabāhu as a contemporary of the author of the silappadikāram. Further, we are told that the Pattani worship was introduced in Sri Lanka from Tamil country during that king's time, and we have traces of its worship even now in Sri Lanka. It follows therefore that the two epics, Silappadikāram and Manimekalai, written by two friends who were contemporaries of Gajabāhu I of Sri Lanka, are the products of the second half of the second century AD, and, therefore, the information contained regarding Jainism in these two works can be referred to that time.
But before we discuss the evidence supplied regarding Jainism in these two epics, we must discuss the information contained in the two earlier Sangam texts, the Tolkāppiyam and Kural.
The Tolkāppiyam, 10 a grammatical work of 1612 sūtras, according to the Jainism, was written by some Nirgrantha ascetics during the second Sangam. A number of scholars have upheld the Jaina contention that it was written by a member of that sect in the pre-Christian period." It has been pointed out that in the prefatory verse of the text the author calls himself padimayion, i.e. one who observes, according to the commentator, the Jaina vow known as padimai.12 In the section entitled Marabiyal, the Tolkāppiyam speaks of jīvas with one sense, such as grass and trees, jīvas with two senses, such as snails, jīvas with three senses, such as ants, with four senses, such as crabs, with five senses, such as higher animals, and with six, such as human beings. This classification of sīvas abundantly illustrates that the author was perfectly at home with their traditional Jaina classification. Such classification is also to be found in other Tamil Jaina works like the Nilakeši and Merumandiram.! This grammatical text was written before the epics and should be placed between 100 BC and ad 50. Thus, if we accept this date, we have to assume that Jainism was not only in vogue in the Tamil-speaking areas of south India in the first century BC, but was firmly rooted in that country. We have already observed, on the evidence supplied by the Dīpavamsa and Mahāvamśa that Jainism reached the southern Dravidian states and Sri Lanka by the fourth century BC. We should also refer in this connection to another piece of information supplied by the

Page #133

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
107
Mahāvamsa, 16 according to which, during the reign of the Sri Lankan king Vattagāmaņi (29–17 BC), the Nirgrantha monastery of Anurādhapura was completely destroyed. It shows that Jainism, which was introduced into Sri Lanka in pre-Mauryan times, continued its existence there for roughly 300 years before yielding its ground to Buddhism.
The celebrated Kural,17 another Sangam work, is strongly claimed by the Jainas to be a collection of the verses composed by ancient Jaina sages of the Tamil country. That this work was in existence before the Tamil epics is evident from the fact that the Manimekalai, a poem written just before the Silappadikāram, quotes a verse from it. It is a work principally based on the concept of ahimsā.18 We must remember that the Jaina commentator of the Nīlakesi, freely quotes from the Kural and whenever he quotes, he introduces his quotation with the words 'as is mentioned in our scripture'. From this, it is clear, that the commentator considered this work to be an important Jaina scripture in Tamil.19 Besides, we have the evidence of the Tamil Prabodhacandrodaya where the Jaina ascetic recites a verse from the Kural which praises ahimsā.20 This shows that even to the nonJaina author of the Tamil Prabodhacandrodaya, the Kural was a Jaina poem. Competent scholars like Kanakasabhai?) and Chakravarti22 also believe this poem to be a product of the Jaina imagination. It should however be remembered that the teaching of the Kural appealed to all sects, as it was based on some fundamental ethical principles. Since the Manimekalai quotes a verse from it, we can tentatively place the Kural in the first century AD, if not earlier.
The most important Sangam work from the Jaina point of view is undoubtedly the Silappadikāram, one of the twin Tamil epics. This work, according to its internal testimony, 23 was composed by C Ilango, the younger brother of the king senguttuvan, who as we have already noticed, was a contemporary of the Sri Lankan Gajabāhu, who flourished in the second half of the second century AD.
From the poet's preface (padikam) of that text we learn that this work was composed at Vañji,24 the capital of the Cera king. We are further told that the poet was then residing in the hermitage of Kaņavāyil, which the commentators explains is a Jaina temple (palli). From the same work we learn26 that an astrologer had predicted that Ilango would succeed his father to the Cera throne. Naturally, this prediction was not taken kindly to by his elder brother

Page #134

108
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Senguțțuvan and the younger prince, in order to allay his elder brother's suspicions, went to the temple of Kuņavāyil, which was situated near the eastern gate of Vanji and, 'standing before eminent saints (pātiyor) he renounced all thoughts of the burden of the earth in order to secure the kingship of the vast realms, a far off and eternal bliss, incapable of approach by even the faculty of reason.' It appears, therefore, that the author embraced Jainism in advanced youth and was residing in a Jaina temple near Vañji when he wrote this epic. We further learn that he decided to write a poem based on the life of Kovalan, the father of the heroine of the Manimekalai, the Buddhist epic composed by his friend Sittalai Sáttanār.
Dikshitar, the English translator of the Silappadikāram, refuses to believe that Ilango was a Jaina. It is true that the poem refers to a number of gods and goddesses like Śiva, Visņu, Murugan, Durgā, etc.,28 but quite a number of crucial passages of the text harp on the doctrine of ahimsā; and there are lines of the text which could only be written by devout Jaina and none else. The concluding passage of the text abundantly shows that the poet was a dedicated Nirgrantha muni and a believer in the doctrine of karman.
The Silappadikāram gives a very beautiful and useful account of the state of Jainism in the three Dravidian states, Cola, Pāņdya, and Cera. Since this account was written by a poet of the second century AD, its evidence is of tremendous value to students of Tamil Jainism. We learn from this work that there were Jaina shrines in the capitals of all these three kingdoms. At Kaveripattinam, which was the ancient capital of the Colas,29 there was a temple of the Nirgrantha." (niggantakottam). It is most likely that this Kāveripattinam corresponds to the Khaberis Emporium mentioned by Ptolemy. 31 Apparently the same temple of the Nirgranthas is referred to elsewhere in this works as having been built of stone. We are further told that the lay disciples of the city (śrāvakas) were responsible for the construction of this temple, which was apparently built at a very high cost. The high, shining silätala made of candrakanta (moonstone) of this temple has also been mentioned in this text.” In this connection the poet tells us that a class of Jaina ascetics, who were known by the name Cāraṇārs, used to visit this temple on certain occasions, which included the car festival.94 Now, we learn from other Jaina texts that the car festival was exceedingly popular among the devout Jainas of north India. The earliest non-canonical north Indian Jaina text refers to this festival is Vimala's Paumacariyam, which

Page #135

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
109
describes the jina-ratha festival. Decorated Jina images were placed on the chariots, which the devotees used to take out on certain occasions. The car festival was also popular among the Buddhists and the Hindus.34 Among the Jainas, the car festival was associated with the observance of the elaborate Astāhnikā festival which was celebrated thrice a year (Aşadha, Kärttika, and Phālguna).37 The reference to the car festival in the Silappadikāram shows the general popularity of Jainism among the masses, and that by the second century an, Jainism had became quite deep-rooted in the Cola country.
Regarding the Cāraṇārs, who used to visit the Nirgrantha temple of Kāveripattinam, I would like to make a few observations. So far it appears, nobody has been able to explain clearly identity of the Cāranārs referred to in this Tamil epic. According to the Anga text the Sthānānga, 38 the Cāraṇas were one of the nine ganas directly under Mahāvīra. The Vyavahārasūtrarefers to them as monks with fifteen years' standing. The Prakrit Dictionary10 compiled by Pandit Hargovind Das explains cāraña as a group of Jaina monks. It is tempting to connect these Cāraṇas with the Cāraņa gaña, mentioned in the Therāvali, which originated in the third century BC. It has however been shown that, carana there, is an error for vārana, mentioned in the Mathurā inscriptions. The Sthānānga reference shows that the Cāraṇa monks were in existence even during Mahāvīra's time. It would not be wrong to suppose that the Cāraṇas were the Jaina counterparts of the Brahmanical parivrājakas, wandering all over the country, carrying with them the message of Pārsva and Mahāvīra. The Vyavahārasūtra" refers to a particular power possessed by such monks, which it calls by the name of carana-labdhi. It further appears from another Jaina text^2 that there was a work called Cāraṇa-bhāvanā, which was probably the sacred book of these monks, which is now lost. Elsewhere in the Jaina Agamic literature the Cāraņas are also mentioned.
The Silappadikāramo delineates the Cāraṇārs as monks possessing the highest knowledge of the past, present, and future, who had put aside attachment and anger. There is little doubt that these monks were responsible for the popularity of Jainism in south India, and it was because of their activities that even non-Jainas became great admirers of the Jaina religion.
Our epic also describes the temples of the Nirgranthas at Uraiyur called by the name Kandarapalli.“ The temple was situated in an

Page #136

110
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
extensive grove adjoining Arangam (Śrīrangam) and the image of Arivan (probably Ādinātha), described as the first god, under the three umbrellas. The connection of the aśoka tree with the Jaina temple of this place is also significant, for it was sacred to the Jaina Tīrthamkara Mallinātha and there is a graphic description of a grove of aśoka trees in the Aupapātikasūtra.15
We should also refer to the residence (palli) of the Jaina nun Kavundi, which was not far from Kaveripattinam 46 on the northern bank of the Kāverī. This lady, we are told, was anxious to visit Madura in order to worship ‘Arivan by listening to Dharma, preached by the sinless, saints, who have by their purity got rid of all their Adharma.' This temple of Madura was also built of stone." Another Sangan text of great antiquity, the Maduraikkanchi, 18 gives a graphic de scription of the large Nirgranthas temple of Madura. It runs thus: 'Nirgrantha crowd the cloisters of the monks of their saints, the walls of which are exceedingly high, and painted red, and are surrounded by pretty, little flower-gardens.' This shows that this particular Jaina temple of the great city of Madura was built at very high cost and was obviously a remarkable shrine of that ancient city,
We have already referred to the Nirgrantha shrine of Vanji, which was near the eastern gate of that city. This shows that Jainism was not only popular in the Cola and Pāņdya kingdoms, but also Kerala. Vañji has been identified with a place not far from the present Cochin, and like Madura and Kāveripattinam it was a very ancient city.
The Silappadikāram also throws welcome light on the Jaina nuns of south India of those days. Among the equipment of Kavundi,19 mention is made of begging bowl and peacock-feathers, which are still used by the Jaina nuns everywhere. This shows that the life led by the nuns was not very different from that of the present day. Kavundi's hunger for knowledge and respect for the Cāraṇārs mark her as a remarkably august personality. Her affection for the heroine (Kannaki) makes her a character of flesh and blood.
This epic refers to the five types of Jaina monks,"" Arhat, siddha, ācārya, upadhyāya, and sādhu. Arivan is described as the 'bestower of Anga’,5l which implies that the Jaina literature was perfectly well known at that time in south India.
I have attempted to give readers some idea of the condition of the Jaina religion in southern India as revealed in this celebrated Tamil epic. It should not however be supposed that the poet being

Page #137

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
111
a Jaina, has given only a picture of his religion in this work. He has equal respect for all religious sects, and his descriptions of gods and goddesses, including Vişnu,52 and Durgā53 are equally attractive. His acquaintance with theistic Hinduism54 and Vedic Brahmanism are also deep and intimate. Let us not forget that he, being a prince, was taught almost every branch of learning in his youth, before he became a Nirgrantha ascetic. That is why he has been able to display such amazing knowledge regarding other sects in this immensely readable epic. He also knows the Ajīvikas,55 but, time and again he returns to his favourite theme, namely the glorification of the philosophy of karman56 and non-injury.57 The hero Kovalan,58 it appears, led the life of a pious Jaina śrāvaka, avoiding meat-eating and partaking of food in the day-time.
From the Buddhist epic Manimekalatwritten by Sattanar in the second century AD, we also get some information about the Jainas in south India. Since it is a poem written by an opponent of Jainism, it is but natural that the Jainas will not be favourably painted here. In the first canto we find a drunkard ridiculing a Nirgrantha ascetic with these words
welcome, thou reverend sir, I worship thy feet. Pray listen to me. The soul which dwells in thy unclean body pines like a prisoner confined in a close cell. Drink, therefore, of this today, which is drawn by the spathe of the cocoanut palm, and which will give pleasure both in this world and see if my words are true.60
We will later see that in the Mattavilāsaprahasana too the Jainas are ridiculed for their uncleanliness. However, elsewhere in the Manimekalai,61 it appears that the poet has sought to give a correct account of the Jaina philosophy. Since the passage is extremely interesting, we quote it in full:
He (Nigenta) said that his god is worshipped by Indras: and that the Book revealed by him describes the following: the wheel of Law, the axle of Law, Time, Ether, Eternal atom, good deeds, bad deeds, the bonds created by these deeds and the way to obtain release from these bonds. Things by their own nature or by the nature of other objects to which are they are attached are temporary or ever-lasting. Within the short period of ksana [second] they may pass through the three unavoidable stages, appearance, existence and dissolution. That a margosa tree sprouts and grows is eternal: that it does not possess that property is temporary. Green gram when made into a sweetmeat with other ingredients does not lose its nature, but loses its form. The wheel of Law

Page #138

112
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
(dharma] pervades everywhere and moves all things in order and for ever. In the same way the axle of law retains everything (and prevents dissolution).Time may be divided into seconds or extend to Eons. Ether expands and gives room for everything. The soul entering a body will through the five senses, taste, smell, touch, hear and see. An atom may become a body or assume other forms. To stop the origin of good or evil deeds, and to enjoy the effect of past deeds, and to cut off all bonds of release (is salvation).
This summary of Jaina philosophy given in this second century Buddhist Tamil poem reminds me of similar accounts in the Dīgha Nikāyak2 and regarding the philosophy of the Ajīvikas.63 However, a far more intimate and affectionate picture of the Arhat or Tīrthamkara is given in the silappadikāram,64 which is reproduced here in full:
The All-knowing, the incarnation of Dharma. He who has transcended all limit of understanding, All-Merciful, victor among victors, the accomplisher, the adorable one, the origin of dharma, the overlord, absolute righteousness, the essence, the holy one, the ancient one, the all-wise, the vanquisher of wrath, the master, the Siva-gati, supreme leader, the exalted one, the possessor of all virtues, the transcendental light, the great truth, the all-god, the supernatural sage (Cāraṇar), the root cause of all, the master of mysterious powers (siddan), the paramount one, the infinitely radiant illumination, the dweller in everything, the guru, the embodiment of nature, our great god, the abode of neverdiminishing eminence, the emperor of virtues, the Sankaran, the Caturmukha, the Iśāna, the Svayambhū, the bestower of Angas, the Arhat, the ascetic of grace, the one-god, the master of eight attributes, the indivisible eternal substance, the dweller in the heaven, the foremost of the Vedas, and the shining light that dispels ignorance. None can escape the prison of this body unless he obtains the illumination of the revealed Veda, proclaimed by him, who has the various above-mentioned names.
I have already pointed out that the poet of the Silappadikāram was a man of wide vision end extensive learning. This is why in the above description of the Tīrthamkara he has used epithets that are found in the description of Brahman or Siva in Hindu mythology.
Let us turn our attention to some of the places of Tamil Nadu and Kerala connected with Jainism from the earliest time. The above discussion has abundantly shown the popularity of the Jaina religion in the three southern kingdoms of Cola, Pāņdya, and Cera. A large number of places associated with the Jaina religion and cul ture from different parts of these states have been discovered.

Page #139

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
113
Although the inscriptions discovered from these Jaina holy places are of somewhat later date (mostly post-seventh century AD), there is little doubt that most of these places were associated with Jainism from a much earlier period. We have early Brāhmi inscriptions datable from the third century BC and first century AD, discovered from the hills connected with Jainism in Tamil Nadu and Kerala. These Brähmi inscriptions have not yet been properly deciphered and therefore their contents continue to baffle researchers. Quite a few of them possibly contain the earliest specimens of the Tamil language, but most of them are a curious mixture of regional Prāksta and Tamil. Besides, all these epigraphs contain only a few words, which is why we have not been able to do full justice to them.
Let us first turn our attention to the Jaina sites of Tamil Nadu. The present Madura district, it appears, was the most important stronghold of the Jaina religion in this state. We have already seen that, according to the Sangam literary texts, Madura was noted for its Jaina temples and large number of lay devotees. We must not forget that as a result of religious persecution virtually all the Jaina shrines of Madura city disappeared in the course of time. The exceedingly high red walls of Jaina monasteries, referred to in the Maduraikkanchi, are now things of the past. But elsewhere in the district, an unusally large number of sites (particularly in the hills) are known to contain Jaina relics. Among these, the following may be mentioned here in alphabetical order, Aivarmalai: Alagarmalai Anaimalai, Karungālakkudi, Kiolavu, Kongr-Puliyangulam, Muttupatti, Poygaimalai, Seţtipodavu, and Utamapalai. This list is by no means, exhaustive, and it also be noted that a majority of these sites are situated on hills.
Aivarmalai is nine miles from Palni and is 1402 feet above the seal-level.65 The hill here, according to tradition, was associated with the Pandavas. Such traditions are common everywhere in India. On the north-east side of a natural shelter of the hill, which is 160 feet long and 13 feet high, we have 16 images of Tirthamkaras. A number of inscriptions have been discovered from here and they will be discussed in the chapter X.
The range of hills known as Alagarmalait is some 12 miles northwest of Madura. Brāhmi inscriptions, assignable to the second century BC have been discovered from the pillow side of the stone beds in a cavern of the hill, which were obviously used by the ascetics who lived there. Since the later inscriptions, found in the same cav

Page #140

114
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
ern, associate the place with Jainism, it is permissible to conjecture that the Nirgrantha sādhus used the stone beds in pre-Christian times and the Brāhmi inscriptions were caused to be inscribed by them. It has further been surmised that the natural caves formed by the overhanging rocks with plain walls and vaulted roofs were provided with wooden facades in the pre-Christian period. We have already observed that the Jaina ascetics of pre-Christian times led a very simple, almost arduous life, and usually avoided populous towns and villages. It is also reasonable to conjecture that the Cāraṇārs, referred to in the Sangam texts, were the monks who inhabited such caverns.
Anaimalai or the elephant hill, which is six miles east of Madura, is the most striking mass of perfectly naked solid rock'.8 It is about two miles long, a quarter of a mile wide, and 250 feet high. It bears a fair resemblance to an elephant lying down. On a large boulder of this hill we have a series of sculptures representing the Tīrthamkaras. The overhanging portions of the boulder form a sort of natural cave which was probably used by the Jaina monks. There are signs of rude walls. In front of the cave there is a rock platform which commands the most beautiful view across the green fields. The Jaina ascetics, it appears, had an eye for the picturesque. It is reasonable to surmise that the lay devotees of the city of Madura supplied the wherewithal for living to the venerable monks living there. This cavern is still known as Samanar Kovil or temple of the Jaina munis. I shall discuss the inscriptions of this cavern, in a later chapter.
Karungālakkudi, another Pañcapāņdava hill is known for its ancient cavern and Brāhmi inscriptions. ' In a later period too this hill was inhabited by Jaina ascetics. Kilalavu" is also a hill site situated in the Melur tāluk of Madura district. This hill has a very large number of stony beds, carefully sheltered, indicating a large settlement of ascetics in the earlier period. Other details regarding this site will be disucssed later.
Kongar-Puliyangulam 72 is another hill site with rock-cut beds in the Tirumangalam tāluk of Madura. There is an interesting image here of the great Jaina saint Ajjanandi about whom I will have something more to say later.
Muttupatti" is the name of a village in the Nilakkottai tāluk where we have a huge overhanging boulder that has a few ancient stone beds and Brāhmi inscriptions. A number of later inscriptions, found from this site, will be discussed elsewhere.

Page #141

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
115
Poyagaimalai74 is eleven miles to the west of Tirumangalam in Madura district. In a natural cave of this hill a series of Jina sculptures are carved in relief. The hill is popularly known as Samanar Kovil or Jaina temple.
Settipodavu75 (meaning 'the hollow of the eminent merchant) is an extremely interesting cavern near Kilakkudi, a village in Madura tāluk. It was undoubtedly a very popular Jaina resort from early times. A large number of interesting inscriptions have been found here. These inscriptions supply us with important information regarding the Jaina religion of later times; all these matters will be discussed in a later chapter. Uttampalai76 is a Jaina site in Periyakulan tāluk and has several interesting inscriptions.
In the district of Tinnevelly there was an extremely important stronghold of the Jaina faith in a place now called Kalugumalai.77 This hill has treasured natural caverns with beds and inscriptions in Brāhmi characters. A very large number of later Jaina inscriptions and sculptures have also been found from this hill.
Among other celebrated Jaina sites of Tamil Nadu, the following may be mentioned: Pāțalipura78 (South Arcot), Colavaiņdipuram"9 (South Arcot), Pancapāņdavamalai80 (North Arcot). In the former Pudukkottai state, now part of Tamil Nadu, we have the following interesting Jaina sites: Sittannavašal,81 Nārttāmala, 82 Aluruttimalai,83 Bommamalai,84 Melamalai,85 Tenimalai,86 Chettipatti,87 and others.
A number of sites in modern Kerala connected with Jainism have been discovered. We have already noted that according to the Silappadikāram there was a well-known Jaina monastery near the Cera capital Vanji Tiruccanttumalai, 88 also known as the hill of the Caranārs near Chitaral in this state was a famous Jaina centre of pilgrimage in ancient times. The temple is now known as the shrine of Bhagavatī, but the icons here abundantly testify that it was a Jaina centre. In the natural cave at the top of the hill there are beautiful Jaina sculptures and inscriptions from the eighth to the tenth centuries AD, which will be discussed later. Jaina sculptures and inscriptions have also been discovered from Nagarkoyil. 89
Let us turn our attention to the state of Jainism during the days of the Pallavas. The Pallavas, as is well-known, were Brahmanical Hindus. There are however indications that during the reign of the Pallavas, Jainism remained one of the dominant religious systems and more than one royal member of the dynasty favoured the monks belonging to this sect.

Page #142

116
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
The first notable event in the history of Jainism in the post-Sangam period was the establishment of Drāvida Samgha by Vajranandin at Dakṣiṇa Mathurā, 526 years after king Vikrama. This information is supplied by Digambara Devasena in his Darśanasāra” composed in 990 vs or AD 933. Therefore, according to Devasena, the Drāvida Samgha was founded in ad 464 at Madura, which, as we have already seen, was intimately connected with the Jaina religion. A few years before this date, in the town of Patalika in Panarastra in Saka 380 i.e., AD 458, the Digambara Lokavibhāga was composed by Sarvanandin in the twenty-second year of Simhavarman, the king of Kāñci. We have already referred to the place called Patalipura in South Arcot which is generally identified with Pāšalikā of Sarvanandin. These two important pieces of evidence directly testify that Jainism was flourishing in the fifth century during the Pallava rule in south India. It should be mentioned here that the chronological evidence regarding the beginning of Simhavarman's rule, supplied by the Lokavibhāga, has greatly helped scholars in reconstructing early Pallava history.
Turning now to inscriptions before AD 600 we find there are at least two where a royal member of the dynasty of the Pallavas is associated with the Jaina religion. The first inscription" dated in sixth year of Simhavarman II, father of Simhavişņu and grandfather of Mahendravarman, was discovered a few years ago. The great importance of this inscription can hardly be overemphasized. It records the grant of a village to the Jaina sage Vajranandin of Nandi Samgha at Vardhamảneśvara tīrtha for conducting the worship of Lord Jina. Since this Simhavarman was the grandfather of Mahendravarman, this inscription should be placed around c. AD 550.93 It also refers to his son Simhavisnu, who is described as the conqueror of the Cola country and at whose request the grant was made. The grant is partly in Sanskrit and partly in Tamil. Incidentally, this record contains one of the earliest specimens of epigraphic Tamil.91 From the Tamil portion we learn that the land grant was at a place called Paruttikkanru which is a locality near Kanci. Narabhaya, the minister, figures as the ajñāpati of the grant. Narabhaya, the minister, figures as the ājñāpati of the grant. The same Simhavisņu, who is here depicted as a patron of Jainism, appears elsewhere as a devotee of Vişnu.
The reference to Vardhamanesvara tirtha is of great significance, providing evidence of the existence of a sacred Jaina site ncar Kanci,

Page #143

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
117
named after the last Jaina Tirthamkara. It is tempting to identify this tīrtha with the celebrated Jina-Kāñci, but this must for the time being, remain a hypothesis.
Another member of the early Pallava royal family appears in a western Ganga inscription of the twelfth year of the reign of Avinīta, discovered from Hoskote (Bangalore district, Karnataka) as a patroness of the Jaina religion. We are told in this inscription that a devāyatana, dedicated to arhats, was constructed by the mother (janani) of the Pallava overlord (adhirāja) Simhavişnu at the village of Pulligere in Korikunda division (bhāge). We further learn that this temple was meant for the use of of the monks of Yāvanika Samgha (i.e., Yapanīya Samgha). The most crucial passage of the inscription is however that which refers to the fact that the lady (i.e., the mother of Simhavişnu) constructed the Jina temple with a view to enhancing the glory of her husband's family (bhartykulakirtijananyārtham), namely the Pallavas. Her husband was evidently Simhavarman II of the Pallava inscription, referred to above. It further shows that, not only the royal lady herself (cf. ātmanaśca dharmapravardhanārtham), but also members of husband's family nurtured soft corner for the Jaina religion. This inscription is to be placed in c. AD 560 according to my calculation.
The above discussion shows that the Pallavas, in spite of their weakness for traditional Hinduism, had great deference for the Jainas. Let us not forget that, long before the emergence of the Pallavas as a political power, the Jainas had carved for themselves a permanent place in the religious life of south India.
JAINISM IN KARNATAKA AND ANDHRA
Let us now turn our attention to Karnataka which from a fairly early period produced some remarkable Jaina saints. We have already opined that the tradition regarding the migration of the Jainas under Bhadrabahu and Candragupta cannot be accepted at the present state of our knowledge. Besides, the earliest author that refers to Candragupta's conversion to Jainism is Yativrsabha, the author of the Tiloyapannati (early seventh century), who lived nearly 1000 years after Candragupta Maurya, Sravana Belgo!a, which according to the tradition was the place of Candragupta's death, has not produced any inscription which can be dated before AD 600.
The Western Gangas, who ruled in southern Karnataka from the mid-fourth century AD, were great patrons of the Jaina religion and

Page #144

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
culture from the very beginning of their history. The earlier: specuiations regarding the beginning of the Western Ganga rule have now been proved wrong. The Penukonda plates of Madhava II (sometimes called Madhava III), which were accepted as genuine even by Fleet, and which had been assigned to c. AD 475 by him, refers to a number of his predecessors. The founder Konkanivarman (Madhava I) should be placed in the mid-fourth century AD. This is also confirmed by the fact that the third king Aryavarman or Harivarman was installed in his throne by his Pallava overlord Simhavarman I, who according to the Lokavibhāga ascended the throne in AD 436.
118
According to later records the earliest king Konkanivarman Madhava, who came from the north, was helped by a great Jaina saint called Simhanandi Acārya in his attempt to carve out an independent kingdom in the south. The earliest record that refers to the help rendered by a Jaina to Konkanivarman is a damaged copperplate of the reign of Śivamāra I (c. AD 670-713) which clearly states that at a suggestion of a Jaina teacher Konkanivarman had cut down a stone pillar.99 However, in the earlier copperplates of the dynasty no Jaina teacher is connected with this valiant feat of the founder of the dynasty. Another inscription, the Udayendiran grant of Hastimalla dated c. AD 920, tells us that the Ganga family prospered because of Simhanandi's assistance. 100 A third inscription dated Śaka 884 of the reign of Marasimha101 also refers to this fact and the valiant feat of cutting asunder a great stone pillar Konkanivarman. A fourth inscription 10% of the eleventh century (dated AD 1077) gives the same information regarding Simhanandi's act and his contribution to the establishment of the Ganga empire. However, the most evocative and detailed account regarding Simhanandi's achievement is given in a long lithic record 103 found from Shimoga district of Karnataka, dated Śaka 1043 (AD 1121). From this account we learn that the two sons of one king Padmanabha called Dadiga and Madhava, who came from the north in search of fortune, found a beautiful spot in an extensive place (now located in Cuddapah district, Andhra Pradesh) and there they saw a Jaina temple (caityalaya) and in that shrine they met Simhanandi Acārya, the sun of the Krāṇura gaṇa, who is directly called in the inscription 'the promoter of the Ganga kingdom' (ganga-rajya-samuddharaṇam), who accepted them as his disciples. We are further told that the Jaina saint gave the brothers a sword (khadga) and a whole king

Page #145

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
119
dom. Madhava, one of the brothers, being so honoured, cut down a stone-pillar104 with his sword, which promoted Simhanandi to make a crown from the petals of the karnikāra blossom and place it on the heads of the brothers. He in addition gave them his peacock fan as their banner and in due course provided them with an army. This inscription also records the advice which that munipati gave those two brothers:
If you fail in what you promise, if you dissent from the Jaina śāsana, 15 if you take the wives of others, if you are addicted to spirits or flesh (madhumāmsa), if you associate with the base, if you give not to the needy, if you flee in battle, your race will go to ruin.
Thus with Nandagiri as their fort (kota), Kuvalāla (Kolar) as their city, Gangavādi as their kingdom, and jinamata as their faith, the two brothers Dadiga and Mādhava ruled their kingdom.
The account related in the above-mentioned stone is more or less legendary, but as we have already noted, the connection of Jaina Simhanandi with the foundation of the Ganga kingdom is known from other sources. Its account regarding the earlier history of the Ganga dynasty can be dismissed offhand. Its attempt to make Padmanabha the father of the two brothers (Dadiga and Madhava) is, to say the least, ridiculous. We know from the early and genuine Ganga copperplates, in including the Penukonda, that Padmanabha is the deity addressed in the first line of those records. Padmanābha is a popular name for Visnu, although according to the Jainas, 106 Padmanābha is the first Arhat of the future age. It is, however, most likely that the term 'Padmanabha' Ganga inscriptions refers to Lord Vişnu.
Simhanandi's connection with the founder of the Ganga dynasty is also confirmed by an old commentary of the Gommatasara.107 It thus appears to be a historical fact that Madhava I Konkanivarman, who founded the Western Ganga kingdom in the mid-fourth century AD, owes his success to the activities of a Jaina saint. There is however no direct evidence to prove that Mādhava I himself became a Jaina convert. Besides, an overwhelming majority of early western Ganga inscriptions are grants made to Brāhmanas and other non-Jainas. It appears, however, that the Western Ganga monarchs, beginning from the founder of the dynasty, nurtured a special love for Jainism, although no Jaina record from the reign of first few Ganga kings has yet been discovered.

Page #146

120
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
The first king of this dynasty of whose reign we have definite Jaina records is Madhava III (sometimes called Madhava II). One inscription 108 of his reign has been discovered from Nonamangala (Kolar district). This is dated in the thirteenth year of his reign. As is well-known, his undated Penukonda plate inscription109 is assigned to C. AD 475 by Fleet. That inscription further informs us that he was installed on the throne by his Pallava overlord Skandavarman, the son of Simhavarman I, so we have to assign Madhava III to the last quarter of the fifth century AD. This inscription discloses the name of Acarya Viradeva and refers to a Jaina temple erected by the monks of the Mulasamgha at Pebbolala grāma of Mudukottūra visaya. The temple was apparently situated in Kolar district of Karnataka. The king Madhava, we are told, granted to this temple the village of Kumarapura along with some other land which was apparently situated near the village. It is apparent that the temple mentioned here was built before the fifth century AD, the date of this inscription; but how long before, we cannot guess. The epithets bestowed on the Jaina guru Viradeva reveal that he was held in highest esteem by Madhava III. It is also interesting to note that the grant was made in the bright fortnight of Phalguna, the time for the great Aṣṭähnikā festival. Madhava III, however, in spite of his fondness for the Jaina religion, was a tolerant king, as is evident from his grants made to other religious sects, including Buddhists.110
The next king, Avinīta Konkanivarman, had a long rule and may be assigned to the first half of the sixth century AD. Three inscriptions of his reign are Jaina grants, although the genuineness of one has been questioned. The earliest is a Nonamangala (Kolar district) grant, , dated in the first year of his reign. We are told that the king, on the advice of his preceptor, parama arhat, Vijayakirti whose fame had pervaded all regions granted land to the Uranur Arhat temple which was established by Candranandin and others. The same inscription refers to another Jaina temple called Perur Eväni Adigal Arhat temple. Both these temples were apparently situated in the Kolar district. It is interesting to note that the Jaina saint, Vijayakirti in this inscription is represented as the preceptor (upadhyaya) of the king. Acarya Candranandin of Mulasamgha apparently flourished before Acārya Vijayakirti.
The second Jaina grant of king Avinīta is dated in the twelfth year of his reign,112 an inscription discovered from Hoskote (Bangalore district, Karnataka). It records the grant of land to a

Page #147

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
121
Jaina temple at Pulliura village of Korikunda-bhāga. We have already noticed this inscription in connection with Pallava Simhavişnu. The reference to the well-known Yapanīya Samgha is quite interesting. This inscription and that referred to above, show Avinita's close and intimate relationship with the Digambara Jainas of various groups. This inscription, as we have already noticed, testifies to the contemporaneity of Pallava Simhavişņu and Ganga Avinīta, and is therefore of great historical importance. However, there are reasons to believe, and as will be shown elsewhere, that Avinīta was a senior contemporary of Simhavişnu.
The third Jaina inscriptions of the reign of Avinīta is now the property of the Lutheral Museum, Basel (Switzerland). It refers to Kongunimahādhiraja Avinīta and also gives the date Saka 388. It was found in the Mercara treasury (Coorg district, Karnataka) but the inscription is clearly a later forgery as is evident from the details given regarding the date and nakṣatra, and also the script which is clearly of the eighth or ninth century AD. However, the details regarding Avinīta's predecessors in this inscription, are the same as those found in genuine Ganga records. It appears therefore that the inscription was forged at a later date by some intelligent Jaina monks, who had access to official Ganga records. They have even cleverly given some of the names of witnesses found in genuine early records.
This forged grant further refers to a minister of Akalavarsa Prthivivallabha' who was probably a Rāştrakūta king. But what a minister of a Rāstrakūta king had to with a grant of a Ganga ruler is not clear. Probably the forgery was made during the days of the Rāştrakūtas. Besides, the reference to the anvayq (lineage) of Kundakunda appears highly suspect.
This forged inscription gives the following list of the Jaina ācāryas of the anvaya of Kundakunda:
Gunacandra-bhatāra
Abhayanandi-bhatāra
śīlabhadra-bhatāra
Jayanandi-bhatāra
Gunanandi-bhatāra
Candranandi-bhatāra

Page #148

122
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Since this inscription is a forged document of eighth or ninth century, we cannot rely on its evidence and accept the list of monks as persons belonging to the days of early Ganga rulers. Other details given in this grant should also be ignored.
Avinīta's son and successor Durvinīta ruled, in all probability, in the second half of the sixth century AD. Like his father, he too had a long reign."14 We must remember that the great-grandson of Durvinita, Bhūvikrama, started ruling from AD 625.115 Durvinita must therefore be placed before AD 600. This is confirmed partly by the discovery of a mutilated manuscript of the Avantīsundarikathā 16 which makes Durvinīta a contemporary of Simhavişnu. We have already seen that Durvinita's father, Avinīta, was a contemporary of Simhavisnu. It would therefore appear that Avinīta's son was a junior contemporary of that Pallava monarch.117
No Jaina inscription of the reign of Durvinita has yet been discovered but a later record, dated Saka 977 (AD 1055) of the time of Someśvara I, the Kalyāņa-Cālukya monarch, refers to a temple dedicated to Pārsva, which according to it, was built by Durvinīta. 118 This definitely proves that Durvinīta, like many of his predecessors, patronized the Jainas.
A few scholars are of the firm opinion that Durvinita was a disciple of the great Jaina savant Pujyapāda. The basis of their surmise is one of his records, dated in his fortieth regnal year.119 According to this inscription he composed a work called the Sabdāvatāra. 120 Prof. Saletore argues121 that Durvinīta merely put into Kannada the original Sabdāvatāra, a grammatical treatise written by Pujyapāda, but this is mere conjecture. We must remember that according to Devasena (ap 933), Vajranandi, the founder of Drāvida Samgha, who flourished about AD 468, at Madura was a disciple of Pūjyapāda. We have however already seen that Durvinīta could not have flourished before the second half of the sixth century AD; and Pūjyapāda must have died at least 50 years before Durvinīta's probable date of birth. There is therefore no basis for the view that Durvinita was a disciple of Pujyapāda. It is however just possible that sometime after Pujyapäda's death, Durvinita, on his own initiative, translated the grammatical treatise of that Jaina savant.
In a later chapter I shall continue this discussion on the state of Jainism during the rule of the later western Ganga rulers. Let us now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion in the Kadamba kingdom from the earliest times.

Page #149

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
123
The Kadambas like the western Gangas came into the limelight from the middle of the fourth century AD. Like the latter, they too were great patrons of the Jaina religion and culture. The earliest inscription"22 of the dynasty of the founder Mayūraśarman is assigned to the middle of the fourth century ad. The first king of this dynasty, who definitely showed special favour to the Jainas, was Kākutsthavarman whose Halsi grant (Belgaum district, Karnataka) is dated in the eightieth year of the pattabandha of his ancestor Mayūraśarman.123 It has been suggested 24 that the year 80 may also be referred to the Gupta era; in that case the inscription should be assigned to c. AD 400, which is also supported by the palaeography of the record.
The inscription begins with an adoration of the holy Jinendra who is represented almost as a theistic deity. Some of the grants of Mrgeśavarman and Ravivarman begin with the same verse. It was issued from Palāśikā (Halsi, Belgaum district) by Kākutsthavarman, who is represented as the 'yuvarāja of the Kadambas'. By this grant a field in the village called Khețagrāma, which belonged to the holy arhats, was given to the general Śrutakirti as a reward for saving the prince. It is said that the confiscators of the field, belonging to the king's own family or any other family, would be guilty of pañcamahāpātaka. According to the Jainas the five sins are destruction of life, lying, unchastity, and immoderate desire. The inscription ends with the words Rşabhāya namaḥ.
It is apparent from the inscription that the Jinendra temple of the ancient city of Palāśikā was built before the date of this inscription and probably sometime in the fourth century AD.
Several grants of Mrgesavarman, the grandson of Kākutsthavarman, who ruled in the last quarter of the fifth century AD, 125 are connected with the Jaina religion. The first inscription"26 found at Banavāsi is dated in the third regnal year. It records a grant of blacksoil land (krsnabhūmiksetra) in the village called Bệhat-Parālūra to the divine, supreme arhat 'whose feet are rubbed by the tiara of the lord of gods' for the purpose of the glory of sweeping out the temple, anointing the idol with ghee, performing worship and repairing anything that may be broken. Another piece of land was also granted for decorating the idol with flowers, for which the term devakula is also used. The pattikā is said to have been written by Dāmakirti Bhojaka. We have another Banavāsī grant!27 dated in the fourth year of Mrgeśa's reign which was issued on the eighth of the

Page #150

124
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
bright fortnight of varşā when the king was residing at Vaijayanti. The dating of the inscription was certainly due to the Jaina influence, 128 as it was the time of the Navdīśvara or Astāhnikā festival. By this grant the dharmamahārāja Sri Vijayaśiva Mrgeśavarman made a gift of a village of the name of Kālavanga. It was divided in three equal portions: the first was meant for the temple of Jinendra which was situated at a place called Paramapușkala, the second for the samgha of the Svetapata-mahāśramana who scrupulously followed the original teaching of the Arhat, and the third for the use of the Nirgrantha-mahāśramaņas.
The reference to the Svetapata sädhus is of great significance. It clearly shows that the Svetāmbaras were equally popular in Karnataka in the fifth century AD. The statement that they followed the good teaching of the Arhat implies that they were held in special esteem in those days. It is also evident from the inscription that the Jinendra temple mentioned here, was the joint property of the monks of both the sects. Needless to say, these monks belonging to the principal branches of Jainism, lived in perfect harmony in the fifth century AD. The seal of the grant, according to Fleet, bears the device of a Jinendra.
The third inscription of Mrgeśavarman bearing on Jainism is the Halsi grant129 dated in the eighth year of that king. It begins like the inscription of Kākutsthavarman with an adoration to Jinendra in exactly the same words. The king Msgeśa is further described as Tunga-Gangakulotsādi and Pallavapralayānala, which suggest his suc cess over the western Gangas and Pallavas. Then we are told that, while residing at Vaijayanti, through the devotion of his father (Sāntivarman), he caused to be built a jinālaya at the town of Palāśikā (Halsi) and gave to the holy arhats thirty-three nivartanas of land between the river Mātņsarit and Ingiņi-samgama for the Yāpaniyas, Nirgranthas, and Kurcakas. The executor of the grant was bhojaka Dāmakirti. Fleet takes the bhojakas to be the official priests in Jaina temples, but who were the kurcakas mentioned in this inscription? It appears that they were bearded ascetics 50 and were distinguished from other Nirgrantha monks who were unbearded. Some other grants of Mrgeśavarman are meant for the Brāhmanas and other non-Jainas which shows that he was not a converted Jaina.131
The next king, Ravivarman, was not only a very able ruler and a great conqueror but also a sincere patron of the Jaina religion. We must first refer to his Halsi grant'32 dated in the eleventh year of his

Page #151

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
125
reign which refers to his brother Bhānuvarman, who was probably the governor of Paläsikā 133 under Ravivarman. We are told that Bhānuvarman and one Pandara Bhojaka granted land to the Jina at Palāśikā which was situated in a village called Kardamapați. We are further told that the land was given for the purpose of worshipping the Lord Jina on every full moon day. We must then refer to two undated Halsi grants of the time of Ravivarman both of which are of great importance.
The first undated Halsi grant134 of Ravivarman records the interesting history of a family that received favour from the days of king Kākutsthavarman. According to it, in former days a Bhoja named Srutakirti, who became a great favourite of Kākutsthavarman, enjoyed the village of Kheța. We have alrealdy noted that king Kakutsthavarman granted a field in that village to sen Śrutakirti for serving him. After Srutakīrti's death, at the time of Sāntivarman, his eldest son Mrgesa, after taking his father's permission, granted the village to the Dāmakīrti's mother. It appears that Dāmakīrti was the son of Srutakīrti. The eldest son of Dāmakīrti was pratīhāra Jayakīrti, whose family is said have been established in the world by an ācārya named Bandhuşeņa. In order to increase his fortune, fame, and to acquire religious merit, Jayakirti, through the favour of king Ravi gave the village of Parukhețaka (probably larger Kheta) to his father's mother. This interesting grant further refers to the eightday festival of Lord Jina at Palāśikā in which king Ravivarman himself participated. We are further told that the expenses for this Astāhnikā festival in the month of Kārttika was to be met from the revenue of the village. The grant further refers to the Yāpaniya monks and their chief Kumāradatta. The last few lines of the inscription conclusively show that king Ravivarman did everything to promote the worship of Jina at Palāśikā. It also appears that Süri Kumāradatta, mentioned in this inscription, was a celebrated Jaina savant, belonging to the Yāpaniya sect and was universally admired for his learning and holiness. We must note carefully the following lines of this inscription 'wheresoever the worship of Jinendra is kept up, there is increase for the country, and the lords of these countries acquire strength [urjas).'
The second undated Halsi grant of Ravivarman 135 is historically more important since it refers to the killing of Vişnuvarman, his Kadamba kinsman, and his triumph over Candadaņda, the lord of Kāñci. The actual donor was Śrīkīrti, the younger brother of

Page #152

126
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Dāmakirti, and the object was to enhance their mother's merit. A copperplate inscription, dated in the thirty-fourth year of this king, found from Chitradurga district (Karnataka), records a grant of land to a Jaina temple.
It should here be remembered that Ravivarman did not favour the Jainas alone; other religious sects were also well-treated by him. This is testified to by his inscriptions found in various different places. 137 Ravivarman ruled in the closing years of the fifth and the first quarter of the sixth century AD. 138
The Jainas also enjoyed patronage during the rule of Harivarman who, unlike his father Ravivarman, was not a very strong king. We have two dated Halsi grants of his reign. The first is dated in the fourth year of his reign.139 It records that at Uccaśộngi, the king on the advice of his uncle (pitvya) Sivaratha, gave the grant of a village to an arhat temple of Palāśikā, which was built by one Mrgesa, the son of senāpati Simha. On behalf of the temple, the grant was received by Candrakṣānta, who is described as the head of a Kūrcaka Samgha named after Vārișeņācārya. It thus appears that a particular member of Kūrcaka sect called Vārişeņācārya established, before this date, a particular samgha, which was named after him. We have already taken note of these Kūrcakas, who are mentioned in an inscription of the time of Mrgesavarman. The village Vasuntavātaka, which was given as grant, was situated at Kanduravisaya. The inscription ends with a verse addressed to Vardhamāna.
The second Halsi grant 10 of Harivarman's reign is dated in his fifth regnal year. It is interesting that Palāśikā is described here as the capital (adhisthāna) of this king. We are told that the king, being requested by Sendraka chief Bhānusakti, gave the grant of a village called Marade for a Jaina caityālaya of Palāśikā which was the property of Šramana Samgha called Aharisţi under Acārya Dharmanandin. The Sendrakas were obviously the feudatories of the Kadambas. Harivarman however, before the end of his reign, became a Saiva. 141
Another branch of the Kadamba dynasty, who ruled in the southern part of the original Kadamba dominion, also patronized the Jainas. We have a grant, 112 of the time of Krsnavarman I (475–85), the brother of śāntivarman, issued from Triparvata (probably Halebid). By this grant a piece of land at a place called Siddhakedāra, which was in Triparvata division, was granted to Yāpaniya Samgha by Yuvarāja Devavarman for the maintenance, worship, and repair

Page #153

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
127
of a caityālaya, which was probably near Siddhakedāra.
The above discussion shows the flourishing condition of Jainism in different parts of the Kadamba dominion. It appears that there were a number of Jaina temples at Palāśikā, which was a flourishing town in those days. These inscriptions, as noted above, has disclosed the names of a great number of Jaina savants, some of whom had even won the respect of the reigning monarchs. The reference to different Jaina sects like the Nirgranthas, Svetapaļas, and Kūrcakas prove that all these schools had their followers in the Kadamba dominion. The lay followers used to celebrate, with great pomp, the various Jaina festivals and, needless to say, such festivals made the Jaina religion extremely popular among the masses. The Kadamba kings, it appears, in spite of their religious catholicity, had special affection for the Jaina religion. It was largely as a result of their patronage that Jainism became a dominant religious force in Karnataka.
Turning to the western Cālukyas, some of whom ruled before AD 600, we find at least one king directly patronizing the Jainas. We must however first refer to a spurious grant of the time of Pulakesin I, known as the Altem grant.143 This inscription gives the date Saka 411 (i.e., AD 489) for Pulakesin I, which is an impossible date for that king, for whom we now have an authentic date, Saka 465,141 supplied by an inscription inscribed on Bādāmi fort. As pointed out by Fleet, the script of the Altem grant belongs to a much later age, and, therefore it is desirable that the details of the inscription be discussed in a later chapter.
An undated stone inscription 145 of the time of Kirtivarman I, who ruled in the second half of the sixth century AD, from Adūr (Dharwar district, Karnataka) is an important Jaina record. Now we know that Kirtivarman I's rule114 terminated in AD 597, and therefore this inscription should be placed between AD 543 (Saka 465) and AD 597. It begins with an adoration of Vardhamāna. Then it records the grant of a field for the dānaśālā of the jinālaya which had been built by one of the Gāmundas or village headmen. The inscription refers to Vaijayanti, but because it is damaged nothing definite can be learnt about its connection either with Kirtivarman or Jainism. We are then told that while Kirtivarman was reigning as supreme sovereign, and a certain Sinda king governing the city of Pandipura (the ancient name of Adūr), 117 a number of Gāmundas gave to the temple of Jinendra some rice-land to the west of the village of Karmagālur.

Page #154

128
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
The inscription refers to a line of Jaina monks, the earliest of whom was Vinayanandin, who is here compared with Indrabhūti (the great disciple of Mahāvīra), and who obviously lived around the last quarter of the fifth century AD. The disciple of this Vinayanandin was Vāsudeva, whose disciple's disciple was Śrīpāla, who was responsible for the setting up the stone tablet. The grant was received on behalf of the Jina temple (which was at Adūr) by Prabhācandra. It is interesting that this stone inscription has been discovered from a region that was formerly under the Kadambas. It also shows that Jainism received equal patronage even during the days of the Cālukyas, and in a later chapter we will see how favourably the Cālukyas regarded the Jainas.
Practically nothing is known regarding the condition of Jainism in Andhra Pradesh 148 before AD 600. However from a somewhat later eastern Cālukya inscription, 149 which will be discussed elsewhere, we learn that a number of Jaina saints flourished in the Dezwada region between AD 450 and 600. The names are as follows: Candraprabhācārya, his pupil's pupil Ravicandrācārya and his disciple's Ravinandin. These Jaina teachers, who are mentioned in the Musinikonda grant of Vişnuvardhana III, were the spiritual predecessors of Kālibhadrācārya, who was a contemporary of Ayyaņa Mahādevī, the wife of Kubja Vişnuvardhana (early seventh century).
In a grant of Pallava Simhavarman found from Nellore district of A.P. (fifth century, there is a reference to the Ajīvikas, 150 but as far as Jainism is concerned, for a variety of reasons, the early monuments connected with it have simply disappeared.
A fair number of Jaina teachers of south India like Kundakunda, Samantabhadra, Divākara, Pujyapāda, etc., certainly lived before AD 600. I shall discuss details of their lives and activities in a separate chapter.
REFERENCES
1. Geiger, p. 75. 2. X.102. 3. See Geiger, Introd., p. xxxvi. 4. See Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, II, p. 211; see also The Clas
sical Age, p. 407. 5. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 210; The Classical Age, pp. 405-7. 6. Ed., H. Oldenberg, 19.14. 7. See the entry on the 'Tamil Literature in Encyclopaedia Britannica;

Page #155

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
129
see also Vajyapuri, Tamil Language and Literature, p. 151. 8. See Dikshitar, trans., p. 343. 9. The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 239-40. 10. For a list of different Tamil editions of this text see Chakravarti, Jaina
Literature in Tamil, p. 19, n. 2. 11. See, for different views on its date, Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 24n. 12. Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 21. 13. See Vaiyapuri, op. cit., pp. 65 ff.; Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 22. 14. Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 22. 15. See T.P. Meenakshisundaram, A History of Tamil Literature, p. 17. 16. 33.78. 17. Trans., G.U. Pope, London, 1886. For the list of Tamil editions of
Kural see Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 28n. 18. See Chakravarti, op. cit., pp. 33 ff. 19. Loc. cit. 20. Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 38. 21. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, p. 139. 22. pp. 33 ff. 23. See Dikshitar, trans., pp. 343–4. 24. See Padikam, p. 77. 25. See Dikshitar, p. 77, n. 2. 26. Ibid., pp. 343-4. 27. Ibid., pp. 68 ff. 28. Ibid., pp. 181 ff., 231 et seq. 29. The name of this town was known to the Jätaka writers. 30. See Dikshitar, p. 152. 31. See McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 63. 32. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 216. 33. Ibid., p. 157. 34. See my Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, p. 188. 35. See Legge, Record of the Buddhistic Kingdoms, pp. 18 ff.; see also
Bịhatkathākośa, 12.116. 36. Even today Hindus observe the car festival. 37. See A.K. Chatterjee, op. cit., p. 188. 38. Para 680. 39. 10.29. 40. p. 322. 41. 10.29. 12. See Mehta and Chandra, Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, p. 258. 43. See Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 263. 44. Ibid., p. 171. 45. Sailana edn., pp. 22 ff. 46. Dikshitar, p. 158. 47. Ibid., p. 216.

Page #156

130
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
48. 11. 453 ff.; quoted in Kanakasabhai's The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, p. 136.
49. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 158.
50. Ibid., p. 157.
51. Ibid., p. 164.
52. Ibid., pp. 231 ff.
53. Ibid., pp. 181 ff.
54. Ibid., pp. 231 ff.
55. Ibid., p. 308.
56. See Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 52; also Diskhitar, op. cit., p. 227.
57. See Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 220; see also p. 344.
58. Ibid., p. 220.
59. For a summary see Kanakasabhai, op. cit., pp. 162-89; also Vaiyapuri, op. cit., pp. 169-90.
60. See Kanakasabhai, op. cit., p. 165.
61. Ibid., p. 215.
62. See Samaññaphalasutta.
63. Kanakasabhai, op. cit., p. 214.
64. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 164.
65. See Madura District Gazetteer, ed., W. Francis, pp. 300-301; see also P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India, pp. 60-1.
66. See Desai, op. cit., p. 57; see also ARE, 1910, p. 69.
67. See JOR, XIII, p. 3.
68. Madura District Gazetteer, p. 254.
69. Ibid., p. 256.
70. See Desai, op. cit., p. 60; see also ARE, 1912, p. 50.
71. Ibid., p. 60; ibid., 1910, pp. 68-9.
72. Ibid., p. 58; ibid., 1910, p. 66.
73. Ibid., p. 58; ibid., 1910, P. 6.
74. Ibid., p. 60; ibid., 1909, P. 70.
75. See Desai, op. cit., p. 58.
76. Madura District Gazetteer, pp. 321 ff.; see also Desai, op. cit., p. 57. 77. Desai, op. cit., p. 64; ARE, 1907, p. 47.
78. Desai, op. cit., pp. 48-9; see also EI, XIV, p. 334.
According to the Periya Puranam this place was a seat of a large Jaina monastery in the seventh century AD. See also Chakravarti, op. cit., p. 9.
79. See Desai, op. cit., pp. 49-50.
80. Ibid., pp. 39-41.
81. Ibid., pp. 51 ff.; see also Manual of Pudukkottai State, 1944, II, p. 1092.
82. Desai, op. cit., p. 53; Manual of Pudukkottai State, p. 1968.
83. Desai, op. cit., p. 53.
84. Ibid., pp. 53 ff.
85. Ibid., p. 54.

Page #157

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (THE EARLY PHASE)
131
86. Loc. cit. 87. Desai, op. cit., p. 55. 88. Ibid., pp. 68 ff.; see also Travancore Archaeological Series, I, p. 194. 89. See Travancore Archaeological Series, II, pp. 127-9. 90. p. 24 (quoted in J.P. Jain's The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient
India, p. 160, n. 1). 91. See EI, 14, p. 334. 92. See ARE, 1958-9, A 10, also pp. 3-4; for the text see Transactions of the
Archaeological Society of South India, 1958-9, pp. 41 ff. 93. See ARE, 1958-9, pp. 3 ff. 94. See Kamil Zvelebil, Tamil in 550 AD, Prague, 1964. 95. See SII, II, pp. 391 ff. 96. See MAR, 1938, pp. 80 ff.; see also Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, IV, no.
20.
97. For a summary of various such speculations, see Saletore, Mediaeval
Jainism, pp. 7 ff. 98. See EI, 14, pp. 334 ff. 99. MAR, 1925, p. 91. 100. SII, II, p. 387. 101. MAR, 1921, p. 19. 102. EC, VII, no. 46, p. 139. 103. See Jaina Silālekha Sangraha, II, no. 277. 104. It has been suggested that Madhava I Konkanivarman probably de
stroyed an Aśokan pillar with his sword; see Rice, Mysore Inscriptions,
Introd., p. xlii; see also Saletore, op. cit., pp. 15 ff. 105. Emphasis mine.. 106. See Pāia-Sadda-Mahannavo, p. 496. 107. See MAR, 1921, p. 26. 108. EC, X, Malur, no. 73. 109. EI, 14, pp. 334 ff. 110. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pt. II (1930), p. 621. 111. EC, X, Malur, no. 72. 112. MAR, 1938, pp. 80 ff. 113. EC, I, no. 1. 114. See MAR, 1912, para 67. The Gummareddipura plates show that he
ruled at least for 40 years. 115. MAR, 1925, no. 105. 116. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pt. II, 1930, pp. 626 ff.; see also MAR, 1938,
pp. 87 ff. 117. It appears that Vişnuvardhana mentioned in the Avantisundarikathā,
as a contemporary of Durvinita and Simhavişnu, is a different king and not to be identified with Kubja Visnuvardhana, the founder of
the Vengi house. 118. See Jaina Šilālekha Saṁgraha, IV, no. 141, see also IA, 55, p. 74; and

Page #158

132
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Saletore, op. cit., pp. 53 ff.
119. See Saletore, op. cit., pp. 19 ff.
120. MAR, 1912, pp. 31-2.
121. Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 21 ff.
122. MAR, 1929, p. 50; also Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 473 ff. 123. See Sircar, The Successors of the Satavahanas in the Lower Deccan, p. 255;
see also IA, VI, p. 23.
124. Ibid., p. 234n.
125. See The Classical Age, p. 272.
126. IA, VII, pp. 35-6.
127. Ibid., PP. 37-8.
128. See Sircar, op. cit., p. 262.
129. IA, VI, pp. 24-5.
130. See M.Monier-Williams, SED, p. 300.
131. See EC, IV, p. 130; VIII, p. 12.
132. IA, VI, p. 28.
133. Sircar, op. cit., p. 269.
134. IA, VI, pp. 25-6.
135. Ibid., pp. 29–30.
136. MAR, 1933, pp. 109 ff.
137. See EI, VIII, pp. 146 ff.; XVI, p. 264.
138. See The Classical Age, p. 273.
139. IA, VI, pp. 30-1.
140. Ibid., pp. 31-2.
141. See EI, 14, p. 165.
142. IA, VII, p. 33.
143. See A.V. Naik, A List of Inscriptions of the Deccan, no. 3.
144. Ibid., no. 1.
145. IA, XI, pp. 68-71.
146. The Classical Age, p. 233.
147. IA, XI, p. 69.
148. See, in this connection, Journal of Andhra Research Society, XIII, pp.
185-96.
149. See Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1916-17, no. A-9. 150. EI, 24, pp. 296ff.

Page #159

CHAPTER IX Jainism in North India
(AD 600-1000)
Despite the paucity of Jaina records in north India in the post-Gupta period, it is possible to write a more or less accurate account of the state of the Jaina religion, not only with the aid of inscriptions, but also literary works. We have already noticed that the religion of the Tirthamkaras was firmly established in virtually every part of India by AD 600. We should remember in this connection that a large number of Jaina commentaries came to be written in the post-Gupta period, which also indirectly testifies to the popularity of this religion. However, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Bengal, and parts of Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh were especially closely connected with Jainism. In other parts of northern India, it merely continued its existence in the post-Gupta period. I shall endeavour in this chapter to give a historical account of the Jaina religion in different parts of northern India.
I should, at the very outset, refer to the extremely valuable account of the Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang, who came to India in the second quarter of the seventh century AD. It is apparent from his account that Jainism was quite popular in different parts of India when he visited. He especially refers to the Jainas who lived in his time at Kāpiśī,' Simhapura,? Rājagļha,' Pundravardhana,' and Samatata.” It, however, appears from the account that the Digambara Jainas were more popular in India in his time than the Svetāmbaras. The only reference to the Svetāmbaras that we get in his narrative is in connection with the description of Simhapura. I have already referred to the discoveries made by Stein from there. From Murti (ancient Simhapura) in Salt Range and old Jaina temple has been discovered. It appears that during the time of Yuan Chwang's visit a large Jaina temple complex existed there.
Rājagpha, which was intimately associated with the activities of Mahāvīra, was a flourishing Jaina centre during Yuan Chwang's visit. We are told that he saw many Digambaras on the Vipula mountain

Page #160

134
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
incessantly practising austerities. 'They turn round with the Sun, watching it from its rising to its setting. We have already referred to the fact that during the Gupta period too, Jainism was quite popular at Rajagrha.
Undivided Bengal was one of the greatest centres of Jainism almost from the days of Lord Mahāvira. Unfortunately, beyond a few references to various sākhās connected with Bengal, nothing tangible is known regarding the state of Jainism there in pre-Gupta times. The Paharpur inscription, which has already been discussed, cer tainly testifies to the popularity of the Digambara religion in north Bengal in the Gupta period, and Yuan Chwang's account conclusively shows the tremendous popularity of Jainism in Pundravardhana and Samataţa, the two provinces of ancient Bengal. In both these states the pilgrim noticed numerous Digambaras'. In spite of such popularity, neither the literary texts nor the available inscriptions throw any light on Jainism in Bengal in the post-Gupta period. Archaeology too, has not so far provided any clues. However, the discovery of a large number of Jaina temples and icons, particularly from Bankuraộ and Puruliao is evidence of the popularity of Jainism in West Bengal during the Pāla period. It also appears that a few Jina images of Bankura and Purulia, which are generally assigned to the Pāla period, are actually the products of an earlier age. A detailed and systematic study is necessary to ascertain the actual position.
There are only a few known Jaina inscriptions of northern India belonging to the seventh century AD. From Pindwara (Sirohi district, Rajasthan) a brass image of Rşabhanātha was discovered with an inscription of Samvat 744 corresponding to AD 687.10 The image was first noticed by D.R. Bhandarkar" in the fort of Vasantgadh and is now preserved in the Mahāvīra temple there. Vasantagadh was formerly known as Vasantapura, but its earliest name was Vațapura. 2 The present Jaina temple is, however, not old. I gather from this damaged inscription that one Dronoraka Yaśodeva had the Jina image built by the architect Sivanāga. There is little doubt that the temple, where this icon was installed, existed in the seventh century Ad. There is other evidence to show that Jainism was quite popular in Rajasthan in the post-Gupta period. Udyotanasūri, who wrote his Kuvalayamālā in Saka 700 during the time of Pratihāra Vatsarāja, refers to the fact that Sivacandragani, the disciple of Mahākavi Devagupta and disciple's disciple of Harigupta, the ācārya of Hūņa

Page #161

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600–1000)
135
Toramāņa, visited Bhinnamāla on pilgrimage. This certainly testifies that Bhinnamāla or Bhinmāl (Jalor district) was a great Jaina centre from the seventh century, if not earlier. Jinaprabha'' refers to this place as sacred to Mahāvīra. It was the capital of the Capa king Vyāghramukha in the AD 628 as we learn from Brahmagupta. 15 From a later inscription we learn that Mahāvīra himself visited this city.16 The kings of the Căpa dynasty, as we will later note, were great patrons of Jainism. It further appears from the Kuvalayamālā that some of the spiritual predecessors of Udyotanasūri were specially connected with Rajasthan. We must further remember that Jāvālipura (modern Jalor) was a very well-known Jaina centre and the native town of Udyotanasūri. That author further informs us that his work was completed in the Rsabhadeva temple of that city which also had a large number of Jaina shrines. The temple of Rşabha, according to Udyotanasūri," was built by one Ravibhadra. A number of Jaina saints, according to the author of the Kuvalayamālā, lived in this town. Another place, called Agāsavaņā, which was probably situated not far from Jalor, was also had a large number of Jaina temples. This place was connected, according to the author, with the activities of Vedasāra, who lived in the second half of the seventh century AD.
That Jainism flourished in Rajasthan during the days of Vatsarāja is further testified by an inscription, 18 discovered from Osia (Jodhpur district) and is dated vs 1013 (AD 956). We learn from this inscription that there was a temple dedicated to Mahāvira in the large city of Ukeśa, which existed during the days of Vatsarāja. The temple later fell into disrepair and was renovated by a merchant called Jindaka in vs 1013 (ap 956). It is clear from the inscription that the Mahāvīra temple here existed even before the days of Vatsarāja and was probably built a century or two before his time. It is interesting that Jinaprabha, the famous author of the Vividhatirthakalpa, mentions Upakeśa (Ukeśa of this inscription) as a place sacred to Lord Mahāvira.'' The well-known Upakeśa gaccha apparently derived its name from this place. 20
It was during the days of Vatsarāja in Saka 705 that another Jaina poet Jinasena II, the author of the Harivamsapurāņa,?' produced a work of considerable merit. There is however nothing to show that Vatsarāja himself took active part in the promotion of Jainism. He, however, appears to be a person of religious catholicity. His personal religion was Saivism, as we learn from one of the records of

Page #162

136
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
his great-grandson Bhoja 1.22
Chronologically, the next important Jaina record from Rajasthan is the Ghațiyālā inscription of Kakkuka, which supplies the date vs 918 (AD 861). Ghatiyālā is some 20 miles north of Jodhpur city. We learn from this record that the chief Kakkuka, who is described as belonging to the Pratīhāra family, founded a Jaina temple in AD 861 and handed it over to a Jaina community of Gaccha Dhaneśvara. The same chief also erected two pillars at the village of Rohiņīkúpa (probably situated not far from where inscription was discovered). The Gaccha mentioned here is otherwise unknown. This inscription of Osia proves the immense popularity of Jainism in the Jodhpur area from the days of Vatsarāja, if not earlier.
Then we must refer to an extremely important inscription21 now preserved in the Ajmer Museum. It was discovered by Captain Burt, and according to local report it was fixed in the wall of a solitary temple situated two miles from the village of Vījāpura in the present Pāli district of Rajasthan. There are altogether three dates 973, 996 and 1053, corresponding to AD 915, 938, and 997, respectively.
We learn from this inscription that king Vidagdha, who is described as the Rästrakūta-kulakānanakalpavrksa, and who was the son of Harivarman, being induced by his spiritual preceptor (ācārya) Vāsudeva, built a temple for the God Jina (Rşabha) at the town of Hastikuņņi (modern Hathundi close to the village of Bijapur, 10 miles south of Bali) in the year 973 corresponding to AD 915. The king then weighed himself against gold, of which two-thirds were allotted to the god and the remainder to the Jaina preceptor (i.e., Vasudeva). This inscription further mentions the disciple of Vasudeva, Süri Säntibhadra. We are then told that the gosthi of Hastikundi renovated the temple (of Rşabhanātha), originally built by Vidagdha and after its restoration the image was installed by Säntibhadra in vs 1053 corresponding to AD 997. We also learn that the original grant of Vidagdha, which was made in vs 973 was renewed in 996, i.e., AD 938 by Mammața, the son of Vidagdha. This Mammaţa, as we learn from this inscription, played a very prominent part in the political affairs of northern India in his time. The son of Mammața, Dhavala is also mentioned in the inscription as having given the gift of a well called Pippala to the temple. The praśasti of the first part of the inscription, which was actually inscribed later in AD 997, according to the epigraph, was composed by the Jaina saint Suryācārya. We further learn from the first part that

Page #163

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
137
the original image, before restoration, had been set up by certain members of the gosthi, whose names are enumerated.
The second part of this inscription, which is an independent record, was engraved earlier. Here one Balabhadra appears as the guru of Vidagdha. It records that Vidagdha had erected a caityagyha for his guru Balabhadra and gave certain endowments in the year 973. Some interesting details regarding the nature of the grant by Vidagdha are given in this part of the record. These details are extremely important for students of economic history.25 'Two-thirds of these proceeds were to go to the Jina (Arhat) and a third to Balabhadra as vidyādhana, i.e., fees for imparting knowledge. The closing verse of the second half expresses the wish that these en dowments may be enjoyed by the spiritual progeny of Keśavasūri.
The inscription discussed above, 26 not only discloses the names of a number of Jaina saints who lived in the tenth century ad in western Rajasthan, but also a number of royal personages of this Rāșțrakūta branch who actively helped the Jaina religion. The Jaina poet-saint Suryācārya, the author of the first part of the inscription, was certainly a very accomplished man of letters, as is evident from the language of this inscription. These Rāstraküța kings were not only sincere patrons of Jainism but also successful military generals. It is also evident from the inscription that the king Vidagdha, who flourished in the first quarter of the tenth century, had two Jaina preceptors, Balabhadra and Vasudeva, in honour of whoin he built two Jaina temples. His son and successor Mammața also patronized the Jainas, a policy followed by the next king Dhavala, who probably became a Jaina sādhu before his death. The first and the last verse of the first part of the inscription, composed by Sūryācārya, are in praise of the Jina.
Several other Jaina inscriptions from Rajasthan, belonging to the tenth century AD, have been discovered. I should particularly men tion the recently discovereda7 epigraph from Rajogarh (Alwar district) which gives the date vs 979 (AD 923). It discloses the existence of a temple dedicated to śāntinātha, which was built by the Jaina architect Sarvadeva, son of Dedullaka and grandson of Arbhata of the Dharkata family of Purnatallaka. The ancient name of Rajorgarh, according to this inscription, was Rājyapura.2% Another recently discovered inscription comes from Bharatpur district. It gives the year vs 1051 corresponding to AD 994. This inscription, incised on the pedestal of a Jina image, 30 refers to a guru called Śri Sūrasena of

Page #164

138
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Vāgata Samgha. Mahāsena, the author of the Pradyumnacaritakavya" belonged to this samgha.
A few other Jaina inscriptions of Rajasthan prior to AD 1000 are also known. G.H. Ojha in his monumental work on the history of Rajputana has referred to a damaged, fragmentary inscription of the time of Guhila king Allața, who reigned in the mid-tenth century AD. This Jaina inscription was discovered from Ahar near Udaipur, a place still known for its Jaina shrines. For the reign of Śaktikumāra, another Guhila prince, who reigned in the last quarter of the tenth century, we have two undated Jaina inscriptions also from Ahar.
Ojha also refers to a number of other Jaina inscriptions found from different old Jaina temples of Rajasthan." The efflorescence of Jainism in Rajasthan is also evident from an intimate study of the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabha who refers to a number of Jaina centres of pilgrimage, quite a number of which were situated in Rajasthan. I should particularly mention Satyapura, which according to Jinaprabha, was first attacked by the Muslims under Mahmūd of Ghazni in the Vikrama year 1081 corresponding to AD 1024. The temple, according to Jinaprabha, was built even before the destruction of Valabhi in vs 845. Satyapura, which Jinaprabha places in Marumandala is the modern Sanchor in Jalor district and is near the Gujarat border. The temple of Satyapura was dedicated to Mahāvīra and is also mentioned in a later inscription found from Sanchor.35
few
The famous Chitor or Citrakūta, which was the native town of the celebrated Jaina savant Haribhadra, who probably flourished a years before Udyotanasūri,36 in the mid-eighth century AD, was another well-known Jaina centre of pilgrimage. Even today Chitor has remains of old Jaina temples. He belonged to the Vidyadhara kūla and was the disciple of Jinadatta. His literary activities will be discussed in a later chapter. Another Jaina savant Elācārya was also probably a native of Citrakūța and was a contemporary of Haribhadra.38 A few years ago a fragmentary Digambara Jaina inscription was discovered from Chitor.39
Let us now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion from AD 600 to 1000 in Gujarat. We have already seen that Gujarat was connected with the activities of Jaina monks from the Mauryan period and by AD 600, it was firmly entrenched in Gujarat and numerous cities and villages of this state could boast of splen

Page #165

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
139
did Jaina temples. Quite a number of Jaina writers have fortunately mentioned the religious shrines in Gujarat from AD 600 to 1000. We have already taken note of the fact that Jinasena II, the author of the Harivamśapurāņa, has referred to two Jaina temples of Vardhamāna and Dostaţikā, both situated in Gujarat. The temple of Vardhamāna (Vadavān) was dedicated to Pārsvanātha and that of Dostatikā to Santinātha, both Digambara shrines built probably around AD 600. It was at Vardhamāna that another Digambara poet Harişeņa, composed his Bịhatkathākośa in AD 931.90 In the vs 1361, corresponding to an 1302, Merutunga completed his Prabandhacintāmani at this town, 41 which was therefore, well-known to both the Digambaras and Svetāmbaras.
The great city of Valabhi, which was an important centre of Jainism in the Gupta period, continued its existence till the last quarter of the eighth century AD. The city was well-known for its celebrated shrine of Candraprabha and was also a famous temple there, dedicated to Mahāvīra. We are told in several Jaina texts that the famous Jaina icons of Valabhi were taken to various other towns before its destruction by the Muslims in vs 845 (AD 787). Jinaprabha 12 tells us that icon of Candraprabha at Valabhi, which was established by Gautamasvāmin, the great disciple of Mahāvīra, was transferred to Prabhāsa also known as Devapattana or Sivapattana before vs 845. The confirmation of this account is found in another Jaina historical text, the Purātanaprabandhasamgraha.13 There is little doubt that the shrine of Candraprabha was established in all probability centuries before it was transferred to Prabhāsa. We further learn from the Vividhatirthakalpa" and Purātanaprabandhasamgraha" that the icon of Vira or Mahāvīra was transferred before the destruction of Valabhi to Srimāla or Bhinmal. Some other icons of this town were taken to various other Jaina holy places including Satrunjaya.
The great Jaina saint Mallavādi, according to the Jaina tradition, was a resident of Valabhi, and it was because of his influence that Jainism became popular in Gujarat at the cost of the Buddhism. 16 Another town of Gujarat which was associated with Jainism from early days was Bhrgukaccha. The great Sakunikāvihāra of this town was one of the greatest and most celebrated Jaina shrines of western India. Several Jaina texts"? refer to this vihāra which was apparently built during the Gupta period. A number of Jaina works were subsequently written to sing the glory of this vihāra.** Later, some of the greatest Jainas of western India, including Hemacandra, visited

Page #166

140
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
this vihāra and did all they could to beautify it. The eighth-century Jaina commentary, the Vyavahārabhāsya, 49 describes Bhrgukaccha as a place sacred to the Jainas. A recently discovered bronze image inscription from there refers to the Mülavasati of Bhrgukaccha. The inscription which is incised on the pedestal of an image of Pārśva has the date Saka 908 corresponding to AD 986. It refers to a work called Pārsvilla, the disciple of Sīlabhadragani, who belonged to the anvaya of Laksmanasūri of Nāgendrakula. It is apparent from the inscription that the temple called Mülavasati existed at Bhrgukaccha in the early medieval period.
I should then refer to the great Jaina centre of Girnar, also called Urjayanta. We have already noted that this hill was associated with the Jaina religion from a very early period. In the tenth century a great Jaina lay devotee called Ratna, hailing from Kashmir,5l donated a golden image of Neminātha to the Jaina samgha here. From very early times it was considered to be the sacred duty for every pious Jaina to undertake a trip to this holy hill, believed to be the site of nirvana of Neminātha. Like Girnar, the hill at Palitana in Gujarat, which is known as Satruñjaya, was considered sacred from a very early period, but became well-known only after the tenth century AD.
The Capas of Gujarat, who started their political career even before the downfall of the Valabhi kingdom, were devoted patrons of the Jaina religion. Nothing is known regarding the religious leaning of the earliest Cāpa king Vyāghramukha, whose name is disclosed by Brahmagupta and who ruled in Saka 550. According to the Jaina writers Vanarāja of Pañcāsara, who later founded the city of Anahillapura, was the earliest prince of this dynasty, but as we have already noted, one Vyāghramukha was a prince of this dynasty and ruled around aD 628 at Bhinnamāla.
Several Jaina writers have claimed that Vanarāja, like Mādhava of the Ganga dynasty, was helped by a Jaina saint in his attempt to carve out an independent kingdom. The Prabandhacintāmanı distinctly states that Vanarāja was helped in his childhood by a Jaina monk named Silaguņasūri. That Jaina saint was convinced from the very outset that the boy Vanarāja would in future become a jinaśāsanaprabhāvaka, i.e., ‘a propagator of the Jaina faith'. We are further told by the learned author of the Prabandhacintāmaại that the boy Vanarāja was brought up by ganini (head nun) Viramati The Jaina monk Sīlaguņasūri foresaw from the horoscope of the

Page #167

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
141
boy that he was to become a great king. Later Vanarāja founded, according to Merutunga, in vs 802 corresponding to AD 744, the city of Anahillapura. Initially he offered his guru Sīlagunasūri his entire kingdom which the latter naturally declined to accept. Then, at the instance of his Jaina preceptor, Vanarāja built in the capital a temple dedicated to Pārsvanātha.53 According to an earlier Jaina text called Nemināthacariyu, 54 written in AD 1160, in the capital of Vanarāja, a Jaina merchant of the name of Ninnaya built a temple dedicated to the first Tirthamkara, Adinātha or Rsabha. The combined evidence of the these two texts show therefore, that Vanarāja was definitely a patron of the Jainas and a number of Jaina shrines were founded during his reign in his kingdom. The account regarding silagunasūri's connection with Vanarāja is confirmed by t Purātanaprabandhasargraha.55 It is interesting to note that a Jaina inscription of Vanarāja gives the date vs 802 which is found in the Prabhandhacintāmaņi of Merutunga. It is evident that the Jaina tradition regarding Vanarāja is based on historical facts. The temple of Pancāsara Pārsvanātha is still to be seen at Pattana, although it is embellished with later additions. The Prabhāvakacarita also refers to the concessions given to the caityavāsë monks by Vanarāja.” Practically nothing is known of the Jaina connection of Vanarāja's successors. However, a verse, quoted in the Prabandhacintāmani, shows that the Cāpas were patrons of Jainism. The translation of the verse runs thus: 'This kingdom of Gurjaras, even from the time of king Vanarāja, was established with the Jaina mantras (counsels), its enemies indeed have no cause to rejoice.58
Before a discussion on the condition of the Jaina religion during the successors of the Cāpas in Gujarat, I must turn my attention to the available epigraphic records, discovered from Gujarat, throwing light on the Jaina religion. The earliest of such records are the well-known Surat plates of Karkarāja Suvarņavarşa dated Saka 743 corresponding to AD 821. This inscription is an extremely important Jaina record. It not only discloses the names of Jaina saints who lived in the eighth century an in Gujarat but also throws welcome light on the exact condition of the Jaina religion at that time.
The record opens with a homage to the gospel of Jinendra. It runs thus: “Victorious is the gracious gospel, propounded by the best of the Jinas, which is perpetual abode of prosperity, which is clear in its entirety, which is based on Syādvāda and which brings about beatitude to one with a controlled mind. This inscription

Page #168

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
59
records the grant of a piece of land to a Jaina savant called Aparajita, who is described as the disciple of Sumati, and a grand-disciple of Mallavādi, belonging to the Sena Samgha branch of the Müla Samgha. According to the Digambara Paṭṭāvalis, Müla Samgha branched off into three subsections known as Deva Samgha, Nandi Samgha and Sena Samgha. This inscription, therefore, confirms the veracity of the testimony of the Paṭṭāvalis. I have already mentioned in connection with my discussion of south Indian Jainism that Nandi Samgha was in existence in the far south even as early as the sixth century AD. It appears that within a few years of the emergence of the Digambara sect it was subdivided into a number of smaller schools, both in the north and the south.
The field which was granted to Aparajita in the Śaka year 743 is described in the inscription as situated near Nāgasārikā (modern Navsari, 20 miles south of Surat) which was one of the greatest cities of ancient Gujarat. The grant was made for the purpose of daily worship, cooked rice offerings, and repairs and renovation of the monastery (vasatikā) which is described as an ornament of Sambapura and was attached to the temple of Arhat situated within the boundaries of Śrī Nāgasārikā. There is no doubt that the temple of Arhat at Nāgasārikā, mentioned in his inscription, was built before the eighth century AD. The last two verses of the inscription are in praise of the Jina and the religion preached by him. The donor Karkarāja Suvarnavarṣa was a cousin of the Raṣṭrakūta emperor Amoghavarṣa I and was a feudatory under him in the Gujarat region. It appears that this branch of the Raṣṭrakūta family, like the main branch, actively patronized the Jainas, but today there is no trace of any Digambara temple at Navsari. There is however a Śvetämbara shrine which was built in the thirteenth century."
142
Jaina inscriptions before AD 1000 are extremely rare in Gujarat. We have just discussed the Surat plates of Karkarāja. A few epigraphs of Girnar were probably inscribed before AD 1000. The only other significant Jaina inscription is that known as Varuṇāśarmaka grant dated in vs 1033 corresponding to AD 975. It was issued during the reign of Mūlarāja I by his son yuvaraja Camuṇḍarāja. We are told that the latter granted a field for the benefit of a Jaina temple at Varuṇāśarmaka which is identified with Vadasama in Mehsana district of eastern Gujarat. The inscription significantly refers to jinabhavana and jinabimba. This shows that the early kings of the Caulukya dynasty of Gujarat were not against Jainism, but we cannot

Page #169

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
143
say that all of them were sincere patrons of Jainism, but at least one of the officers of Mūlarāja was a Jaina.63 There is no doubt however that Jainism was very popular in Gujarat during the reign of the early Caulukya kings. In the second part of this work I shall discuss in greater detail the position of the Jaina religion in Gujarat after AD 1000.
Let us now turn our attention to Madhya Pradesh which, as we have already noticed, had several influential Jaina centres from early times. It should however be remembered that the ruling dynasties of this state openly favoured orthodox Hinduism or Brahmanical religion. The Jaina religion was however held in esteem by individual kings of different dynasties ruling in this state in our period, i.e., between AD 600 and 1000. Let us first take note of the available Jaina inscriptions.
From the well-known Jaina temple complex at Sonagiri (Datia district, M.P.) an epigraph of the seventh centurym has been discovered which provides direct evidence of the great antiquity of the Jaina centre. It refers to a Jaina devotee called Vadāka, who was the son of Singhadeva. A very large number of Jaina temples of quite an early period have been discovered from different parts of M.P., but not many inscriptions of this period are known. Among the few Jaina inscriptions from M.P. belonging to our period, the most important is, however, the Khajuraho inscription"5 of the reign of Candella Dhanga dated in vs 1011 corresponding to AD 955. It is carved on the left doorjamb of the temple of Jinanātha at Khajuraho. The inscription records a number of gifts in favour of the temple by one Pāhilla, and who is described as being held in honour by king Dhanga. He is further described in the earlier part of the inscription as endowed with the qualities of tranquillity and self-control, and as possessing compassion for all beings. A number of gardens are mentioned as gifts to the temple of Jinanātha. The inscriptior further refers to Sri Väsavacandra, who is described as the guru of the Mahārāja, who is no other than Dhanga. This inscription, which is the earliest dated Candella record, is conclusive evidence of the tremendous popularity Jainism enjoyed in the Candella dominion, and this is also directly testified to by the beautiful Jaina temples of the Candella territory including Khajuraho.
A few other Jaina inscriptions of our period from M.P. are also known. An inscriptions near Mandasor refers to Acāryas Subhakirti and Vimalakīrti. The script of this inscription is datable to the tenth

Page #170

144
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
century AD. An earlier Jaina inscription from M.P., giving the date AD 875, has also been discovered.
From the literary sources we get more meaningful and extensive information regarding the state of Jainism in M.P. before ad 1000. The existence of a temple, dedicated to Pārsvanātha at Dhārā, the famous capital of the Paramāras, is disclosed by the Darsanasāra's of Devasena, which was composed in that shrine in vs 990 corresponding to AD 933. It may be suggested that the ruler of Dhārā at that time was Vairisimha, the father of Harsa Siyaka of the Harsola grant.“ The temple of Pārsva, mentioned by Devasena, was evidently a Digambara shrine and probably shows that soon after the foundation of this city, the Digambaras were permitted to build their temples there. Remnants of ruined Jaina temples have been noticed at Dhar,70 the ancient Dhārā. The Muslims destroyed both the Hindu and Jaina temples there."
During the rule of Harșa Sīyaka, the Jainas enjoyed great popularity in the Paramāra kingdom. A number of Jaina writers flourished during his rule and during that of his successor Muñja. During the closing period of the rule of Harsa Siyaka the celebrated Jaina writer Dhanapāla composed his Päiyalacchi in vs 1029 corresponding to AD 1072.72 We are told by the poet that he composed this text for his sister Sundari at Dhārā. From the later works like the Prabhāvakacarita and Prabandhacintāmaņi we learn that his grandfather, Devarși, was originally a Brāhmaṇa of Sānkāśya and later migrated to Ujjayini." Dhanapāla, we are told, became a Jaina under the influence of his younger brother Sobhana. The year in which Dhanapāla prepared his Pāiyalacchi, the Rāstrakūţa capital Mānyakheța was ransacked by the army of the Mālava king. From the Tilakamañjarī, which was composed during the rule of Bhoja, we learn that he was honoured by king Muñja who conferred upon him the title of Sarasvati.74 It thus appears that Dhanapāla was an honourable member of the Paramāra royal court during the reign of the three kings, namely Harșa Sīyaka, Vākpati Muñja, and Bhoja.
Another poet who flourished in the second half of the tenth century during the reign of the Paramāra kings was Mahāsenasūri, belonging to Lāțavargata Samgha. His guru was Guņākarasena, who was a disciple of Jayasena. From a short prasasti discovered from Kārañjā Jaina bhāndāra, we learn that the poet, who was the author of the Pradyumnacaritakāvya, 75 was honoured by no less a person than Muñja. Subsequently a high official of Muñja's brother,

Page #171

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
145
Sindhurāja, became his devotee. The name of this high official (mahattama) is given as Parpața. This shows that not only the Paramāra kings themselves, but also their officials, were patrons of Jainism. Sindhurāja, it appears ruled for a short time in the closing years of the tenth century.76
Another Jaina who lived during the time of Muñja was Acārya Amitagati who wrote his Subhāsitaratnasandoha in the vs 1050 when Munja was 'ruling the earth':77 Subsequently the same ācārya composed his celebrated Dharmaparīksā during the reign of Bhoja in the vs 1070. He belonged to the Kasthā Samgha. The names of his spiritual predecessors are: Vīrasena, Devasena, Amitagati I, Nemişeņa, and Madhavasena.78 The earliest guru Virasena therefore, lived in the ninth century AD. Incidentally, the date supplied by Amitagati regarding Muñja is the last known date of that celebrated king.79
Let us turn our attention to the state of Jainism in Maharashtra after AD 600. We have already seen that Jainism was introduced in this state in the Mauryan period. Not many Jaina inscriptions of this period from Maharashtra are, however, known but we definitely know that during the rule of the western Cālukyas and the Rāstrakūtas, Jainism was extremely popular not only in the Lower Deccan, but also in modern Maharashtra state. According to Jinaprabha, 80 Tīrthamkara Candraprabha was worshipped from very early times as Jivantasvāmin at Nāsik. At Pratisthāna, another ancient city of Maharashtra, which is identified with Paithan, there was a famous shrine, dedicated to Muni Suvrata.81 Recently an important Jaina inscription of the early tenth century AD82 was discovered from Nāsik district of Maharashtra. The inscription is incised on three plates which were found from a place called Vajirkheda, four miles east of Malegaon in Nāsik district. The inscription tells us that at the time of his pattabandha ceremony Rāstrakūta Nityavarsadeva (Indra III), who meditated at the feet of his grandfather Krşņa II (Akālavarșa), in Saka 836 (AD 915) granted two villages to a Jaina monastery called Amoghavasati, and the site of the monastry itself to the preceptor Vardhamāna, who was the disciple of Lokabhadra of the Dravida Samgha. The gaña and anvaya of Vardhamana were Vira and Virnnāya, respectively. We are further told that Amoghavasati was situated at Candanāpuri, which is the present Candanpuri situated two miles south of Malegaon. It has been suggested that Amoghavasati, referred to in the inscription,

Page #172

146
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
was built by the Rāṣṭrakūṭa Amoghavarṣa, who was a great Jaina patron, as we will see in the next chapter. It is also quite likely that the emperor Amoghavarṣa I himself gave grants to this Jaina temple of Candanāpuri. The undated Kalvan plates84 of the time of Paramāra Bhoja (early eleventh century) show that the Svetambara Jainas too had their monastery at Muktāpalī in Näsik district. It is apparent from that inscription that the temple of Suvratasvamin was built there centuries before the time of Bhoja I. The record under discussion further shows that the monks of the Dravida Samgha had later migrated to Nasik district. Such migrations of Jaina monks were quite common in those days, as we will see later.
The second part of the same grant registers a gift of six villages to the Jaina monastery of Uriamma in the town of Vaḍanera and the residential monastery itself to the same preceptor Vardhamana. Uriamma is a Kannada name for Jvālāmālinī, the yakṣini of Candraprabha. The villages which were given away as gift are in the Nasik district, and Vaḍanera is modern Vadner, 15 miles north-west of Malegaon. Both parts of the grant, we are told, were written by the poet Rajasekhara, who is probably to be identified with the celebrated poet of that name. The decipherers of this inscription believes that Rājasekhara, after Mahendrapala's demise, in AD 910 probably went to the royal court of Indra III. It has further been pointed out that v. 2 of the first part of the record is a mangalasloka in the Pramanasamgraha of Akalanka.85
The inscription, discussed above, not only discloses the existence of two Jaina shrines in Näsik district of Maharashtra in the early mediaeval period, but also bears testimony to the great royal patronage the religion enjoyed during the days of the Raṣṭrakūtas. In the next chapter we will have something more to say on this. It also appears that the well-known poet Rajasekhara became a Jaina during the latter part of his life, but in the absence of further evidence, we cannot be categorical about this.
The popularity of Jainism in Maharashtra in our period is further proved by the beautiful Jaina caves of Ellora, most of which were excavated by AD 800.86 I shall discuss their artistic value in the vol. II of this work. In the last chapter I had occasion to refer to the spurious Altem copperplates discovered from Kolhapur district of Maharashtra. The inscription testifies to the existence of a great Jaina temple in Kolhapur district in the ancient period. The other details in this inscription cannot be accepted without further verifi

Page #173

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
147
cation. There is, however, no reason to disbelieve that a feudatory of the western Cālukyas did not build a Jaina temple at Alaktakanagara (Altem) sometime around ap 600.87
Several places in modern U.P. were directly connected with the Jaina religion in our period. We should first refer to the celebrated group of Deogarh temples88 in Jhansi district, situated on the river Betwa (Vetravati). Some of the temples here were probably built during the Gupta period but a majority of them came into existence only in our period. The most important inscription of Deogarh is that of the time of Pratīhāra Bhoja89 which gives the date both in the Vikrama and Saka eras. The date given in the Vikrama era is 919 and in the Saka 784, corresponding to AD 862. The inscription was discovered in the temple of Sāntinātha, and proves that the shrine existed before ad 826. We further learn that Deogarh was formerly known as Luacchāgira. It further mentions Mahāsāmanta Vişnurāma who had the title pañcamahāśabda given to him by paramabhattāraka, mahārājādhiraja parameśvara Sri Bhojadeva. The inscription which is incised on a pillar (stambha) of the temple further refers to one Srideva who was the disciple of ācārya Kamaladeva. Another inscription,90 dated vs 1016, mentions Tribhuvanakirti, a disciple of Devendrakirti, who was a disciple of Ratnakīrti of the Sarasvati gaccha of Sri Mülasamgha. Ratnakirti, therefore, lived around AD 850, if not earlier. A third inscription of the ninth century AD from here refers to a Jaina muni called Nāgasenācārya. Another inscription" has the date vs 1051 corresponding to AD 994. A substantial number
from Deogarh belong to the period after AD 1000, and will be discussed in vol. II of this work.
It should be remembered that Deogarh continues to be a sacred place for the Jainas to this day. The celebrated Vişņu temple dating to the Gupta period there is undoubtedly the oldest shrine of Deogarh. It, however, appears that this place was not known to Jinaprabha, the author of the celebrated Vividhatīrthakalpa.
Let us now turn our attention to Mathurā which, as we have already seen, had been a great Jaina centre from the second century BC, if not earlier. In the literary texts, composed in our period, Mathura is repeatedly mentioned as a celebrated Jaina centre. The Byhatkalpabhāsya,” composed in the eighth century, refers to the Jaina shrines in residential areas of Mathurā. The Brhatkathākošao of Harisena, composed in AD 931, describes Mathurā as jināyatanamandită, i.e., 'abounding in Jaina temples'. Jinaprabha informs us

Page #174

148
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
that in the vs 826 corresponding to AD 768 the great Svetāmbara savant Bappabhatti established an image of Mahāvīra (vīrabimba) at Mathurā. This is also confirmed by the evidence of the Prabandhakośa.% According to Devasena, in vs 953 corresponding to AD 895 Rāmasena established the Māthura Samgha at Mathurā.97 This shows that Mathurā continued as a favourite resort for both the Svetāmbaras and Digambaras.
A few Jaina inscriptions of our periods have been discovered from Mathurā which also testify that Mathurā retained its popularity as a Jaina centre between ad 600 and 1000. It should, however, be remembered that the popularity of Jainism at Mathurā gradually diminished in course of time with the migration of the Jaina monks towards Rajasthan, Gujarat and Karnataka. The ruling dynasties of northern India did not patronize Jainism like the ruling dynasties of the three above-mentioned states. This we will discuss later. For the present, let us turn our attention to some other places in U.P.
Several ancient cities of U.P. such as Ahicchatra, Kāmpilya, Kāśī, Sānkāsya, Śrāvastī, Kaušāmbī, etc. had Jaina centres, and Jina images from these cities of our period have been discovered and they will be discussed in vol. II. A few small Jaina inscriptions and images of our period have also been discovered from various places in U.P.99 In this connection we should take note of the statement of the author of the Prabodhacandrodaya, 100 a play written in the eleventh century, that as a result of persecution by the Brāhmaṇas, the Digambara Jainas and Buddhists fled to Pancāla, Mālava, Abhira, and Anarta. We should remember that the play was staged in the court of Candella Kirtivarman and therefore, its evidence is of real value. 101 There is very great reason to believe that by AD 1000. Jainism had been almost completely eclipsed from a majority of places in U.P., Bihar, Bengal and Orissa.
In the Svetāmbara Jaina works, we are told about the achievements of a great Jaina saint of the name of Bappabhatti, who is described as a contemporary of king Ama of Kanauj, Dharmapāla of Bengal, and Vākpati, the author of the celebrated Prākļta poem Gaudavaho. 102 This great Jaina saint was responsible, according to the Svetambara works, for the promotion of Jainism in different places in northern India in the eighth century AD. However, his chief patron king Ama is not known from epigraphic sources. It has been conjectured that he should either be identified with Nāgabhata II or Indrāyudha-Indrarāja. Bappabhatti set up in his lifetime Jaina

Page #175

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
149
shrines at Mathurā, Gopagiri (Gwalior), Anahillapura and other places. 101 Elsewhere, we are told, that it was due to him that the Svetāmbaras could regain control over the famous Raivataka hill. 105
Turning now to the extreme northern part of India, we find only a few cases of evidence regarding the existence of Jainism in Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and Haryana. There is an important inscription 106 from Kangra, Himachal Pradesh, which discloses the names of two Jaina saints belonging to Rājakula gaccha, which is probably the same as Rāja gaccha. A certain Siddharāja is described as a disciple of Suri Amalacandra, a pupil of Sūri Abhayacandra. Siddharāja's son was Dhanga and Dhanga's son Caştaka. The wife of Caştaka was Ralhā, and the two sons were born of her and both of them were devoted to the law of Jina (Jainadharmaparāyanau). The elder was called Kundalaka and the younger Kumāra. We are told that they were responsible for the construction of the image (of Pārsvanātha). The date given is Samvat 30, which according to Bühler is equivalent to ad 854.907 The earliest Sūri Abhayacandra should be placed around AD 700.
We have already noted that one śrāvaka Ratna (Rayana) from Kashmir founded a manibimba of Neminātha 08 in vs 990 corresponding to AD 932 on the sacred hill of Raivataka. This shows that there were a few Jainas in Kashmir in the tenth century AD. Kalhaņa, however, in his Rājatarangini has not mentioned the Jainas even once. However, archaeological evidence109 at our disposal testify that Jainism was not entirely unknown in some places in Kashmir, but was regarded only as one of the minor religious sects in Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, and Haryana.
Recently a few Svetāmbara and Digambara Jaina images, belonging to the eighth and ninth centuries Ad have been discovered from Punjab.10 We have later Jaina inscriptions from the Himalayan areas which show that Jainism somehow lingered in those areas till a very late period.
In eastern India Jainism maintained its existence till the end of the tenth century AD but no important Jaina inscription has been found either in West Bengal or Bangladesh which can be assigned between AD 600 and 1000. The only Jaina record of the Pāla period has been discovered from Bargaon near Nālandā (Bihar). The inscription belongs to the twenty-fourth year of Rajyapāla, who ruled in the first half of the tenth century AD.'12 The record is incised on a pillar near a ruined Jaina temple and refers to one Vaidyanātha,

Page #176

150
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
son of Manoratha of Vanikakula. There is, however, no dearth of Jaina images of the Pāla period, either in Bengal or Bihar. Some of these Jaina icons will be discussed in the vol. II of this work.
From Orissa a number of Jaina inscriptions, belonging to the post-Gupta period, have been found. The earliest of such inscriptions is a Sailodbhava grant, of the seventh century ad. This inscription'13 mentions a Jaina muni called Prabuddhacandra and his teacher Arhadācārya Nāsicandra, and testifies to the prevalance of Jainism in Orissa in the seventh century AD. We have another seventh-century inscription" found from Ratnagiri hills (Cuttack district) which is a Jaina record of four lines in east Indian script from the seventh century AD. It refers to the installation of Jaina images and points to the existence of an early Jaina establishment on these hills, which are famous for their Buddhist ruins.
Two Digambara Jaina inscriptions have been discovered from Udaygiri-Khandagiri caves. They belong to the tenth century AD, and were inscribed during the reign of Udyotakeśarī of the Kesari dynasty of Orissa. The first inscription "15 discovered in what is called Lalitendu Kesarī's cave was incised in the fifth year of the reign of Udyotakesari and refers to the repair of old Jaina temples. It also preserves the name of a Digambara saint called Yaśanandi. It is interesting to note that the inscription refers to the Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills as Kumāraparvata, which reminds us of the Kumāriparvata of Khāravela's record. I have been able to locate the only literary reference to this hill, in the Byhatkathākośal of Harișeņa, composed in AD 931, which mentions Kumāragiri of Odravişaya. It is evidently the same as Kumāragiri or Kumārigiri.
The second inscription"7 was inscribed in the eighteenth year of Udyotakesarī's reign and mentions Subhacandra, the disciple of Kulacandra, belonging to the Desi gana and Aryasamghagraha kula. The Deśī gaña is also known from inscriptions found from various places of Karnataka and M.P.118 However, the kula mentioned here is not otherwise known. Another inscription found from the same hill refers to the above-mentioned Jaina munis.119
These inscriptions show that Jainism continued to flourish in Orissa as late as the tenth century AD. After aD 1000, Jainism gradually lost popularity, and with the rise of new theistic sects, almost completely disappeared from Orissa.
I am strongly of the opinion that the celebrated Somadeva, the author of the Yaśastilakacampū, who is also mentioned in an inscrip

Page #177

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
151
tion 120 dated saka 888, and who is described there as belonging to the Gauda Samgha was originally a Jaina saint from Bengal. There is no reason to suppose the existence of samgha of that name in U.P.121 We must remember that Jainism was very popular in Bengal, and since the latter was connected with the religion from early times it is natural to suppose that the Jaina monks belonging to this state were held in esteem by monks from the other states of India. With the decline of Jainism in Bengal in the tenth century AD, the monks of this state naturally sought asylum in other parts of the country. It is also interesting to note that probably Somadeva in his Yaśastilakacampūl22 refers to a Jaina shrine of Tāmralipta, the ancient port of southern Bengal.
To sum up, we must repeat that with the exception of Gujarat and Rajasthan, and a few select pockets elsewhere, Jainism was fighting a losing battle in northern India. In Rajasthan and Gujarat it was because of the enthusiasm of traders that this religion managed to retain its hold. In other parts of India Saivism and Vaisnavism became the dominant religious systems. In eastern India the Pālas largely patronized Buddhists. In central India the kings of the Kalacuri, Candella, Cāhamāna, Guhila, and other dynasties did practically nothing to promote the cause of Jainism. In northernmost parts of India, the ruling dynasties never cared for Jainism. Kashmir was a citadel of the Saivas and Punjab of both the Saivas and Vaisnavas. In south India, however, especially in Karnataka the picture was different, and I shall now turn my attention once more to the south.
REFERENCES
1. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, I, p. 123. 2. Ibid., I, p. 251. 3. Ibid., II, p. 154. 4. Ibid., II, p. 184. 5. Ibid., II, p. 187. 6. See Annual Progress Report of the Superintendent, Hindu and Buddhist
Monuments, Northern Circle, 1918–19, p. 12. 7. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 154. 8. D. Mitra, 'Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura', JASB, 1958, 24, no.
2. 9. See Jaina Journal, 1969, IV, no. 4; see also R.D. Banerji, Eastern Indian
School of Mediaeval Sculpture, p. 145; see also Jaina Journal, V, no. 1.

Page #178

152
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
10. ASIAR (Western Circle), 1905-6, p. 52; see also ASIAR, 1936-37, p. 122. 11. ASIAR (Western Circle), 1905-6, pp. 48 ff. 12. Ibid., p. 50. 13. SJGM, no. 45 (ed., A.N. Upadhye), colophon, vs 6. 14. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 86. 15. Quoted in p. 200, n. 1, Political History of Northern India from Jaina
Sources. 16. ASIAR (Western Circle), 1906–7. p. 39. 17. w. 18-20. 18. Bhandarkar, List, no. 72; See also P.C. Nahar, Jaina Lekha Samgraha, I,
pp. 192 ff.; also ASIAR, 1908-9, p. 108. 19. p. 86. 20. See IA, 19, pp. 233 ff. 21. See A.K. Chatterjee, Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition,
pp. 89 ff. 22. Bhandarkar, List, no. 25. 23. EI, IX, pp. 280 ff. 24. See JASB, LXII, pt. I, pp. 309 ff.; See also EI, 10. 25. EI, 10, p. 19; this portion of the inscription also contains some inter
esting names of coins. 26. See also H.C. Ray, Dynastic History of Northern India, I, pp. 560 ff. 27. See Jaina silālekha Sangraha, V, no. 16; also Indian Epigraphy (Annual
Report), 1961-2, B 128. 28. See Indian Archaeology, 1961-2, p. 85. 29. See JASB (Letters), 1953, 19, pp. 109-10. 30. Loc. cit. 31. See Jaina Sāhitya kā Byhad Itihāsa, vol. 6, p. 476. 32. II, p. 428. 33. Ibid., pp. 434-7. 34. See IV, pt. I, p. 58; V, pt. 1, pp. 63ff. 35. See ASIAR (Western Circle), 1906-7, p. 36. 36. In the colophon of his work the Kuvalayamālā Udyotanasūri (vv. 14
15) refers to Haribhadra as one of his teachers. 37. See the colophon of the Avaśyakavrtti quoted in The Jaina Sources of
the History of Ancient India by J.P. Jain, p. 190, n. 5. 38. See Jain, op. cit., p. 188, n. 4. 39. See Indian Archaeology, 1955-6, p. 31. 40. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, praśasti, vs 4. 41. Ed., Jinavijaya, prasasti, concluding line. 42. See Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 29. 43. Ed., Jinavijaya, p. 83. 44. p. 29. 45. p. 83. 46. See Prabandhacintamani, p. 107; Purātanaprabandhasangraha, p. 130;

Page #179

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
Prabandhakosa, pp. 21 ff.
47. See Jaina Sahitya kā Bṛhad Itihasa, vol. 6, pp. 131, 363, 438. 48. See especially the Sudamsanācariya by Devendrasuri who composed the text in the twelfth century. See for further details J.C. Jain, Prākṛta Sahitya kā Itihasa, pp. 561 ff. According to Muni Punyavijaya this text is based on an earlier work; see Jain, op. cit., p. 561, n. 1. A detailed account regarding it will be found in the Vividhatirthakalpa, pp. 20 ff. 49. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 219.
50. See Lalit Kalā, nos. 1-2, 1955-6, pl. XII, fig. 10A.
51. See Puratanaprabandhasaṁgraha, p. 97.
52. p. 12.
53. Ibid., p. 13.
153
57. p. 136.
58. p. 13.
54. Ed., Jacobi, p. 152.
55. p. 12.
56. Guérinot, List, no. 116; see also Burgess and Cousens, Antiquities of Northern Gujarat (ASI, 32), p. 45.
59. EI, XXI, pp. 133 ff.
60. See ERE, VII, p. 474 and also EI, XXI, pp. 133 ff.
61. See EI, XXI, pp. 133 ff.
62. Bharatiya Vidya, I, p. 73; also HIG, III, no. 136A.
63. See A.K. Majumdar, The Caulukyas of Gujarat, p. 32; also AIOC, 7, p. 1157. 64. Jaina Lekha Samgraha (MDJM), V, no. 5; also Indian Epigraphy (Annual Report), 1962-3, B 381.
65. See EI, I, pp. 135-6.
66. See Jaina Lekha Samgraha, IV, no. 114; also Indian Epigraphy (Annual Report), 1954-5, p. 45.
67. See Jaina Lekha Samgraha, II, no. 129; also Cunningham, ASI, 10, p. 74. 68. vv. 49-50; quoted in N.L. Premi's Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, p. 175, fn. 1.
69. EI, XIX, pp. 236 ff.
70. See Prog. Report of ASI, N. W. Provinces and Oudh Circle, 1892-3, pp. 21-8. 71. Loc. cit.
72. See vs. 276.
73. See Premi, op. cit., p. 409; see also Prabandhacintamani, pp. 36 ff.
74. See G.C. Choudhary, PHNI, p. 88.
75. See Premi, op. cit., p. 411, n. 2.
76. See DHNI, vol. II, pp. 858 ff.
77. See Premi, op. cit., p. 283. 78. Ibid., p. 278.
79. See Bühler in EI, I, p. 228. 80. See pp. 53 ff; also p. 85. 81. Vividhatirthakalpa, pp. 59 f.

Page #180

154
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
82. See EI, XXXVIII, pp. 5–22. 83. Ibid., p. 11. 84. EI, XIX, pp. 71 ff. 85. EI, XXXVIII, p. 8; also NIA, 2, pp. 111 ff. 86. See The Classical Age, p. 499. 87. For the text of the inscription, see Jaina Silälekha Sangraha, 2, pp. 85 ff. 88. See Jaina Siddhānta Bhāskara, 8, pp. 67-73. See also Bhārat ke Digambara
Jaina Tirtha, I, pp. 179-95. 89. EI, IV, pp. 309-10. 90. Ins. 148 (App. to Jaina Inscriptions from Deogarh). 91. See Jaina Sililekha Samgraha, 5, no. 26. 92. Ibid., no. 20. 93. See J.C. Jain, Prūksta Sahitya kā Itihasa, p. 223. 94. 2.1; see story no. 12 where we have an account of the founding of 5
stūpas at Mathura. 95. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 19. 96. p. 41. 97. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 321. 98. See Antiquities of Mathurā, p. 53; see also Jaina Silālekha Samgraha, 2,
no. 161; 4, no. 112. 99. See Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, 4, no. 116; 5, no. 19. 100. See Cunningham, ASI, 20, p. 104. 101. See DHNI, II, p. 695. 102. See Prabandhakośa, pp. 26–46. 103. PHNI, pp. 24 ff. 104. Prabandhakośa, p. 41. 105. See Prabandhacintamani, p. 123; Purātanaprabandhasangraha, pp. 98 ff. 106. See EI, I, p. 120. 107. Loc. cit. 108. See Purātanaprabandhasamgraha, p. 97; see Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 9. 109. See Annual Progress Report of the Archaeological Deptt. Jammu and Kashmir,
1917-18, p. 7; 1918-19, p. 3. 110. All India Radio News Bulletin, 30.6.1975. 111. IA, 47, p. 111; see also JRASB, 1949, 15, pp. 7 ff. and pl. I. 112. See R.C. Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, p. 124. 113. See EI, XXIX, pp. 38 ff. 114. See Indian Archaeology, A Review, 1954–5, p. 29. 115. See EI, XIII, pp. 165 ff. 116. 61.67 (ed., A.N. Upadhye). 117. See EI, XIII, pp. 165 ff.; see also Jaina silälekha Sangraha, 4, no. 94. 118. See Jaina Silälekha Samgraha, 4, prastāvanā, pp. 7 ff. 119. Ibid., 4, no., 95. 120. For the text of this inscription, which was originally discovered from
Parbhani, Maharashtra, see Premi, op. cit., pp. 193 ff.; see also N.

Page #181

JAINISM IN NORTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
155
Venkataramanayya, The Cālukyas of Vemulavāda, pp. 92 ff. The other
details regarding this inscription will be discussed in the next chapter. 121. See Premi, op. cit., p. 184. 122. See in this connection K.K. Handiqui, Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture,
P. 414.

Page #182

CHAPTER X
Jainism in South India (AD 600-1000)
We have already seen that Jainism was more popular in the southern states than in those of the north. Apart from parts of Gujarat and Rajasthan it was steadily losing ground in other areas of northern India. The picture was somewhat different at least in one south Indian state namely Karnataka, where the ruling dynasties actively befriended it. I propose to discuss first the condition of Jainism under the western Călukyas, who were the masters of large parts of southern and western India for quite a long time.
We have already seen that a few of the earlier kings of this dynasty, who ruled before AD 600 were favourably disposed to Jainism. Kirtivarman I, who ruled up to AD 597 was succeeded by his brother Mangalesa. Recently, a new inscription of his reign has been discovered, which testifies the popularity of Jainism during his time. The inscription is in Telugu-Kannada characters and the language is Sanskrit. There are altogether three plates which were found in Hüli, district Belgaum of Karnataka. The inscription is undated but refers to Mangalaraja, who is no other than Mangaleśa of the Badami house and it should therefore be assigned to C. AD 600. It records a grant of land to a Jaina monastery by the Sendraka chief Raviśakti, son of Kannasakti. Huli continued as a Jaina centre for a long time and we have another Jaina inscription from there dated AD 1043.2 This is the second copperplate record of Mangalesa, the other being, the Nerur grant."
The Jaina religion received a new impetus during the reign of Mangalesa's illustrious successor Pulakesin II, the son of Kirtivarman I. The well-known Aihole stone inscription' which is dated in the Śaka era 556 and composed by the poet Ravikīrti is undoubtedly the most important historical western Cālukya record. The inscription was discovered from an old temple at Aihole in Hungund tāluk of Bijapur district. It was composed, according to the poet Ravikīrti, 3735 years after the Bharata war. The record opens with the follow

Page #183

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
157
ing words, 'Victorious is the holy Jinendra, he who is exempt from old-age, death and birth-in the sea of whose knowledge, the whole world is comprised like an island.' After describing the exploits of Pulakesin II and his predecessors, the poet Ravikīrti informs us in v. 35 that 'this stone mansion of Jinenedra, a mansion of every kind of greatness, has been caused to be built by the wise Ravikīrti, who has obtained the highest favour of that Satyāśraya, whose rule is bounded by the three oceans.' This Satyāśraya is not other than Pulakesin II, the conqueror of Harsa. The concluding verse is also very interesting. It runs thus: 'May that Ravikirti, be victorious who, full of discernment, has used, the abode of the Jina, built of stone, for a new treatment of his theme, and who thus by his poetic power, has attained the fame of Kālidāsa and Bhāravī.' There is little doubt that the poet Ravikīrti was not only a sincere and dedicated Jaina, but also one of the celebrated men of letters of his time. It is evi dent from the inscription that he was well regarded by emperor Pulakesin II, which indirectly indicates that the Cālukyan monarch himself had deference and love for the religion of the Jinas. It has been suggested that the poet Ravikirti was a monk of the Yāpaniya Samgha. There is however really no evidence to prove this but he must have been a Digambara Jaina.
A long stone tablet, discovered from Lakşmeśvara in Dharwar district, has several inscriptions of different dynasties. The second part of this record mentions king Satyāśraya and Cālukya Raņaparakramānka and his son Ereya. A contemporary of this Satyāśraya was Durgăsakti. These kings, who were evidently the feudatories of Satyāśraya, are described as Sendra kings, belonging to the line of Bhujagendras, i.e., Nāga family. It records a grant of land to the caitya of the god called Sankha Jinendra at Puligere (modern Lakşmeśvara). According to Fleet, the inscription is of early date, repeated here for the sake of confirmation and preservation. He further believes that “Raņaparākramānka is perhaps intended for Ranarāga', the father of Pulakesin I and son of Jayasimha I." In that case, this inscription is referable to early sixth century AD. So far as the Sendra kings are concerned, we have already noted that, they were from the very outset patrons of the Jaina religion. However, the identity of Satyāśraya of this inscription is yet to be unravelled. If this Satyāśraya is Pulakesin I, then the inscription should be taken as a record of the mid-sixth century AD, and we actually know that Pulakesin I had the titles Satyāśraya and Ranavikrama. That

Page #184

158
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Pulakesin I himself was a Jaina patron is known from the spurious Altem record, which has already been discussed. We should further remember that the record under discussion was inscribed in the tenth century AD, and possibly represents a later copy of an original copperplate. '' We have already seen that in a genuine copperplate of about AD 600, a few Sendra kings are mentioned and they bear Sakti-ending names, and this inscription too refers to two Sendra kings who bear similar names. This probably shows that the contents of the present record are accurate.
Another long stone tablet from the same site, namely Laksmeśvara, has several interesting inscriptions." All the records are later copies of original copperplate or stone inscriptions. The earliest inscriptionrefers to the reign of Vinayāditya's fifth or seventh regnal year corresponding to Saka 608 i.e., AD 686. It records a grant to an ācārya of Mūlasamgha anvaya and Devagaṇa sect. The king was at that time stationed at Raktapura. Then we must refer to another part of the same stone tablet which is dated in the thirtyfourth year of Vijayāditya,'s corresponding to Saka 651 when he was encamped at Raktapura. The village which was given away as grant was situated near the town Pulikara. The donee was his father's priest Udayadevapandita, also called Niravadyapandita, who was the homepupil of Śri Pūjyapāda and belonged to the Devagaņa sect of Mūlasamgha. We are further told that the grant was made for the benefit of the temple of Sankha Jinendra at the city of Pulikara, the present Lakşmeśvara. I have already said that the inscriptions of Lakşmesvara are later copies of earlier records, which is why they are regarded as being spurious. There is however no reason why we should disbelieve their contents. The Jaina priest Udayadevapaņdita was surely looked upon with respect by the Cālukyan king Vijayāditya. It is apparent from the inscription that Udayadevapaņdita was not the immediate pupil of Pūjyapāda but definitely belonged to his anvaya. It is quite likely that this Pūjyapada was the well-known Jaina savant of the same name who lived a few centuries before Vijayāditya's time.
Then I must mention yet another inscription from the same place." It belongs to the time of Vikramāditya II and gives the date Śaka 656 corresponding to AD 734. We are told that in the second year of king Vikramāditya Sankhatirthavasati of the city of Pulikara (Puligere of other inscriptions) and the temple called White Jinālaya were embellished and repaired and that certain land was given to

Page #185

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
159
maintain the worship of Jina. It was issued from Raktapura. The donee was Vijayadevapandita who was the disciple of Jayadevapandita and the latter of Rāmadeva Ācārya belonging to Mülasamgha and Devagaņa. There were thus two prominent Jaina shrines at this place, one called Sankhatīrtha and the other of the name of Dhavala Jinālaya. It further appears that this Dhavala Jinālaya was then in a dilapidated condition and shortly in need of repair. It is interesting to note that in the Vividhatirthakalpa' Sankha Jinālaya is mentioned as one of the holy places, connected with the Jaina religion. This inscription of Vikramāditya II, as Fleet observes," was copied from a previous stone tablet or copperplate for the sake of confirmation and preservation.
Three other inscriptions, belonging to the time of western Cālukyas, should now be cited. The first from Dharwar district18 and belongs to the eleventh year of Vijayāditya and Saka 630. This copperplate refers to a Jina temple of Puligere, built by queen Kumkumadevi. The second,19 which is more important also comes from Dharwar district and belongs to the sixth year of Kirtivarman II. It therefore corresponds to AD 751. The inscription was discovered from a place called Annigeri situated in Navalgund, täluk of Dharwar district. The object of the inscription is to record the construction of a cediya (Jaina temple) by Kaliyamma, who was holding the office of the headman of Jebulageri and the erection in front of it a sculpture by a certain Kondiśularakuppa, whose other name was Kirtivarma-Gosāsi. The latter is clearly the name of his master (brabhu), as set out in the last line. The writer was one Disapāla. Another inscription 20 of the time of Kirtivarman II comes from Adur situated in the Hangal tāluk of Dharwar district. It records some land grants to the temple of Jinendra.
Quite a few short label inscriptions have been found from Aihole, 21 and have been assigned to the seventh century AD. They are engraved on a pillar in the Jaina temple close to the Meguti temple at Aihole (the site of Ravikirti's inscription). A few such names are also preserved at Badami and have also been assigned to the seventh century AD.22
Harișeņa in his Bịhatkathākośa? refers to a king Vijayāditya of Dakşiņāpatha, who may correspond to the Cālukyan king of the same name. Elsewhere also he refers to the glorious condition of the Jaina religion in south India. As we have already noted, another south Indian Jaina poet Ravişeņa, who lived in the seventh century

Page #186

160
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
AD, has repeatedly mentioned the prosperity of the Jainas in south India.
It should not, however, be supposed that the Cālukyans themselves were Jainas, majority of their inscriptions indicate that they were devout Hindus, strongly believing in the traditional form of Brahmanical religion. Like their predecessors, the Kadambas, however, right from the very beginning they extended their hand of cooperation to the Jaina religion. It should also be remembered that all the Jaina inscriptions of the western Călukyas of Badami have been found from the state of Karnataka, which was so strongly associated with the Jaina religion from the early centuries of the Christian era.
Let us now once more turn our attention to the state of the Jaina religion in the Ganga territory. We have already seen that the western Ganga rulers actively associated themselves with the progress of the Jaina religion from the days of their founder. We will now briefly examine the Jaina inscriptions of this dynasty which were written after AD 600.
Durvinita was succeeded by his son Muskara or Mokkara, 24 probably before the end of the sixth century AD. A Jaina temple was erected in his name at Lakşmeśvara and was called Mokkaravasati.25 The erection of this temple indicates the extension of the Ganga kingdom in that direction.26 Muşkara was succeeded by Srivikrama, and it appears that both of them ruled for very short periods. This is evident from the fact that we have a genuine, dated inscription" of Srivikrama's son Bhūvikrama, which indicates that the latter ascended the throne in Saka 531 corresponding to AD 609. No Jaina inscription of either Srivikrama or Bhūvikrama is known, but we have evidence to show that during the reign of Sivamāra I (AD 670– 713), the son of Bhūvikrama, the Jainas enjoyed royal patronage. An inscription 28 from Kulagāna in Camarājnagar tāluk of Mysore district belongs to his reign. The second line of this inscription refers to Madhava I's indebtedness to a śramaņācārya. The king Sivamāra I is here called Avanimahendra (1. 16) and the lord of whole Pāņāța and Puņņāța. According to this inscription, several persons granted lands and dwelling sites with the approval of the king, who is also called Kongani Muttarasa. The king himself also made a grant to the Jaina Candrasenācārya, the kartārar (manager) of the temple. The fact that so many persons contributed for the temple shows that it was an important shrine in this part of Karnataka. The in

Page #187

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
161
scription is undated, but there cannot be any doubt regarding its genuineness. Sivamāra I, it appears, like many of his predecessors, openly befriended the Jainas.29
The successor of Sivamāra I was Śrīpuruṣa, his grandson. He had a very long reign extending from ad 725 to the last quarter of the eighth century AD, 50 and was a great patron of the Jaina religion. The well-known Devarhalli plates," found from Mysore district, is dated in Saka 698 (AD 776) and the fiftieth year of the king's reign.
The village of Devarhalli is situated in the Nāgamangala tāluk of Mysore district. The inscription refers to a line of Jaina gurus belonging to Nandisamgha of Mūlagaņa. The name of the gaccha is given as Pulikal, which is probably connected with Puligere or Pulikara, the ancient name of Lakşmeśvara, famous for its Jaina temples. The earliest muni was Candranandin, who was succeeded by his disciple Kumāranandin, who in his turn was succeeded by Kirtinandi Ācārya and the latter by Acārya Vimalacandra. The earliest guru Candranandin therefore lived in the mid-seventh century AD. We are then introduced to a line of feudatory kings and the names of two members of this line are given, namely Nirgunda alias Paramagūļa. The wife of the latter, Kundācci, was the daughter of Maruvarman and her mother a daughter of the Pallava overlord (adhiraja). This lady, Kundācci, had built a Jaina temple called Lokatilaka on the northern side of Śrīpura (near Gudalur which is to the west of the Nilgiris). The inscription refers to the grant of the village of Ponnalli for the repair, maintenance, etc. of this temple. There is a long list of other grants made by several persons. The inscription was written by Viśvakarmācārya and the epithet ācārya shows that he too was a Jaina ascetic. According to the last two lines of the grant, he too also received some land.
There is little doubt that the Jaina temple by Kundācci, who had Pallava blood in her veins, was a celebrated shrine of Sripura. It is quite likely, and as the inscription indicates Srīpuruşa himself took personal interest in the welfare of this Jaina temple. A stone inscription of AD 801, belonging to his reign, 32 also indirectly shows his love for the Jaina religion. The destruction of basadis is regarded in that inscription as equivalent to the destruction of Vārāṇasī. Another genuine copperplate inscription of Śrīpurușa” refers to a grant made to a Jaina caityālaya. This inscription also refers to his successor Sivamāra II. This particular record was discovered from Narasimharājapura in Belur tāluk of Chikmagalur district. It is incised on five

Page #188

162
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
copperplates. The inner side of the first plate, the two sides of the second and the inner side of the third contains the inscription of Śrīpurușa. It opens with an invocation of Jina, 'Victorious is the sole sun of the world, who has witnessed all the worlds and who by the rays of the Syādvāda has illuminated the veil of darkness of the other creeds.' This inscription, it is interesting to note, also refers to the feat of cutting down a stone pillar on the part of Madhava I, by order of a Nirgrantha ascetic. The inscription surprisingly refers to Śrīpuruşa as the son of Śrivikrama. Then the record goes on to say that the chief of his friends Nagavarma of the Pasindi Ganga family (a new Ganga family), who was anointed as Ganga-raja, and his sister's brother, a son in the Kadamba family named Tulu-ādi, united in making a grant, with pouring of water of the village of Mallavalli situated in Tagare country, to the caityalaya in the Tolla village, also situated there. A few gifts are also recorded. The first part of the record ends with an obeisance to the Jina. This record of Śrīpuruşa is undated; the decipherer assigns it to AD 780.34 Tagare country is also referred to in an inscription of Kadamaba Bhogivarman.$5
The outer side of the third plate36 of the inscription from Narasimharajapura contains a Jaina record of Śivamāra II. According to it, when the illustrious Śivamarar was ruling the earth, Viṭṭarasa, a Kadamba chief under him was the governor of Sindanāḍu 8000 and Tagarenādu 70. This Kadamba chief granted a village called Karimani to the cediya of Tollar, apparently the same village, mentioned in the inscription of Sripurusa. The last two plates contain yet another undated inscription" of Sivamāra II. It states that while the illustrious Śivamarar was ruling, his maternal uncle Vijayaśaktiarasa granted to the cediya of Mulivalli some land, and parts of two villages. The same record, contains an account of few other gifts. It is interesting that a few of the witnesses mentioned in this inscription are also mentioned in the record of Śrīpurușa contained in the first three plates. This testifies that this inscription of Śivamāra II
cannot be far removed from that of his father. It is also evident
from the second inscription of Śivamāra II that there was another Jaina shrine in the same locality.
That Śivamāra II was a staunch and sincere patron of the Jainas is further shown by two other inscriptions. The first is from Belgaum district,38 which tells us that he had erected a basadi in Kummadavāḍa (modern Kalbhāvi). It is a stone inscription. The second is also a stone inscription.39 The epigraph was found on a boulder near

Page #189

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
163
Candranāthasvāmin basadi at Śravaņa Belgoļa and contains only two words: Šivamārana basadi, in Kannada. It has been suggested that the Candranāthasvāmin temple was the basadi menat in this inscription. 10
There is an important Jaina inscription" of Yuvarāja Mārasimha, the son of Sivamāra II dated Saka 719, corresponding to ad 797, which was found from Manne in Bangalore district. His father was still alive at that time, but a prisoner in the Răstrakūta court. Yuvarā Mārasimha is here described as ruling the entire Ganga-mandala. 'The plates must have been engraved after the father was at liberty and in power for fifteen years or so after the grant was made, and probably at that time Mārasimha, the son, was dead.'12 This grant refers to a senādhipati (commander) called Śrīvijaya, who is described as holding Arhat as supreme' and who built a Jina temple at Mānyanagara (Manne). By this grant a village called Kiruvekkura was given as gift by prince Mārasimha. It then refers to a line of Jaina teachers, beginning from Toraņācārya of Kondakundānvaya. His original home was the village called śālmali, and his disciple was Puspanandin and the latter's disciple Prabhācandra. The earliest guru Toranācārya therefore lived around AD 700. The śäsana was written by Viśvakarmācārya, who too was probably a Jaina ascetic. Another set of copperplates from Manne" gives the date Śaka 724 corresponding to AD 802, but this record refers to Prabhutavarșa Govindarājadeva (Govinda III), the Rästrakūta sovereign, as the overlord. This inscription, although a Jaina record, opens with an adoration to Vişnu. It further refers to Govinda III's elder brother Raņāvaloka, who had accepted his younger brother Govinda III's command and was at that time the supreme governor of the Ganga territory. We are told that on the application of the son of Bappayya, who was a disciple of Prabhācandra (mentioned in the earlier record dated Saka 719) of Udāragana, living in the Sālmali village, famous in the Taidat Visaya, the king Prabhutavarşa made a grant for the Jina temple of Mānyapura, built by the victorious ruler Srivijayarāja. It appears that this feudatory of the Gangas, after Saka 719 had transferred his allegiance to the Rāstrakūțas and was apparently a favourite of the Rāșțrakūta provincial governor. The grant was made to provide for dances, performed by dancing girls, singing, drums, sandal and worship of the god'. A full village and a part of another were given as gift. This inscription therefore testifies that the Rāșțrakūtas continued the religious policy of the Gangas in the

Page #190

164
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
conquered provinces.
Śivamāra II was succeeded in the main line by his nephew Rājamalla I (AD 817-53). His own son Marasimha, mentioned in the Manne grant of Saka 719, founded another Ganga line and probably predeceased his father. 45 The younger brother of this Mārasimha was known as Prthivīpati and was a staunch Jaina. This is proved by an inscription from Sravana Belgola. We are told that along with his queen, he witnessed the nirvana of the Jaina ācārya Ariṣṭanemi on the Katvapra hill at Śravana Belgola.16 The king of the principal line, Rājamalla I, was a Jaina patron. He was the founder of a cave, dedicated to the Jainas at Vallimalai in North Arcot district. This is testified to by a short inscription in grantha characters found there.17 Rājamalla I was succeeded by his son Nitimärga I (AD 853-70), who is described in the well-known Kudlur plates of Śaka 884 of Mārasimha III48 as a 'bee at the lotus feet of adorable Arhat Bhaṭṭāraka'. This shows that not only was the king a Jaina patron, but also a converted Jaina. Another well-known name for him was Eregangadeva.
We should now refer to an earlier Ganga inscription of prince Duggamāra,19 the younger brother of king Śivamāra II, discovered from Hebbalaguppe from Heggadade Vankote taluk of Mysore district. According to it Śrī Narasingere Appor Duggamāra gave arable land to the Jaina temple (koyilvasadi) constructed by the great architect Nārāyaṇa, and the local inhabitants also donated land to the temple. The approximate date of this inscription, according to decipherer, is AD 825.50
The next king, in the principal line was Rājamalla II, who ascended the throne, according to the Biliur stone inscription31 in AD 870, the Saka 809 being his eighteenth regnal year. Two Jaina inscriptions of his reign are known. The first is the above stone inscription from Biliyur, Virajapet taluk of Coorg district. It is a royal grant of twelve villages, the Biliyur 12, to the Jaina monk Sarvanandideva, disciple of Śivanandisiddhanta Bhaṭāra for the maintenance of the temple called Satyavākya Jinālaya at Pennegaḍanga. Since Rājamalla II bore the title of Satyavākya, the temple appears to have been named after him. However, we should remember that a few of his predecessors also bore that title, and the Jaina temple referred to in this inscription could have been built by any one of them.
The second Jaina inscription of his reign is the Narasapura in

Page #191

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
165
scription"2 dated saka 824, corresponding to AD 903, discovered from Kolar tāluk of Kolar district. One of the plates is missing. The inscription was issued on the bright fortnight of Phālguna, an auspicious day for the Jainas. According to it the king gave a grant for the Jaina basadi at Konnamangala, erected by Megante-Nandāka Gädeya. It also mentions a female disciple called Kamungare Kanti of Uttanandipuri Mandalabhațāra. Another Jaina basadi, built by one Srivarmayya, is also mentioned in this inscription and for this, some land was donated by the king
The younger brother of Rājamalla II, Būtuga I, was also a devout Jaina. This is testified to the Kudlur inscription, which has already been referred to. Here Būtuga, who married a daughter of the illustrious Amoghavarsa I, is described as a 'devout Jain'. This is also confirmed by the Gațțivādipura plates dated ad 904.53
The next king in the principal line was Nītimārga II (AD 907–35). In the Kudlur plates he is called a Jain. 54 An inscription of his reign35 refers to the setting up a tombstone for a Jaina teacher named Elācārya, who it is said lived on water only for one month and expired after a fast of another eight days.
After Nītimārga II, his two sons Narasimha and Rājamalla III ruled successively for very short periods. The youngest son Būtuga II, also known as Nanniya Ganga, ascended the throne around AD 937. In the Kudlur plates he is described as a Jaina devotee and we have Jaina inscriptions of his reign. In the Sudi plates dated Saka 860, found from Ron tāluk of Dharwar district,56 we are told that the king while he was staying at Purikara during the Nandiśvara festival gratified six female mendicants with gifts, and having washed the feet of Nāgadevapandita of the holy Vadiyūr gana at Sundi gave sixty nivartanas of land to the Jaina caityālaya, built by his wife Divalāmbikā. She is described here as the symbol of manifest goodness through the purity of her accurate perception. The Sudi inscription, however, has been declared spurious by Fleet; Narasimhachar however regards it as genuine.57
A fragmentary stone inscription58 of Nanniya Ganga, i.e., Būtuga II from Ichāvādi (Shimoga tāluk, Shimoga district) is a very important Jaina records, undated. The inscription records the grant of irrigated fields by the king and his queen to a Jaina temple. It then refers to a long line of Jaina teachers, belonging to Krāņura gana, beginning from Nandibhattāraka. The other names in chronologi cal order are as follows: Bālacandrabhattāraka, Meghacandra,

Page #192

166
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Guņanandi (described as expert in logic and literature), Sabdabrahma, Akalanka (who defeated the Buddhists and Sänkhyas), Meghanandi, Prabhācandra, Santakirti; then a few names are erased after which there is Municandrasiddhantadeva and then his disciple, whose name is erased. It appears that during the time of this unnamed Jaina saint the king Nanniya Ganga built the Jaina temple. The inscription shows that not only Nanniya Ganga himself, but other kings of his dynasty openly favoured the Jainas. We propose to identify Akalanka of this inscription with the celebrated Jaina philosopher of the name; this will however be discussed in a later chapter. From the Kudlur grant too it appears that Nanniya Ganga was a Jaina scholar and defeated the Buddhists in debate. 59
The elder son of Būtuga II, Maruladeva, probably died before his father. This prince too was a devout Jain. 60 He married the daughter of Rāstrakūta Krsna III. His younger brother Mārsimha III was probably a direct successor of Būtuga II.
Mārasimha III (AD 960–74) was undoubtedly one of the greatest Jainas of the tenth century. Several important Jaina inscriptions of his reign conclusively establish that he was not only a great Jaina himself, but did all in his power to promote Jainism in Karnataka. I must first refer to the two inscriptions found from Kadlur (Mandya tāluk, Mysore district), both of which are dated in Saka 884. The earlier one was issued in December ad 962.61 A line of Jaina teachers, beginning from Prabhācandra of Mūlasamgha and Sūrasta gana, has been introduced in this inscription, which consists of three plates. His disciple was Kalaneledeva, and this saint was the guru of Ravicandra. Ravicandra had as his disciple one Elācārya, the donee of this grant. Verse 45 and the lengthy passage in prose refer to the gift of the village Kadlur in Kongal-deśa made to Elācārya by Mārasimha III to provide worship and offerings to the jinālaya constructed by his mother called Kallabba, who was the daughter of Simhavarman Cālukya. It is apparent from this inscription that Mārasimha was a loyal feudatory of the Răstrakūtas, and was crowned by Krşņa III.62 We are further told in this inscription that another purpose of the grant was the worship of sudhācitra (stucco painting) and citra (painting) as well as for the four kinds of dānas to the Jaina deities and ascetics. The king Mārasimha was at that time stationed at Melpāti, a place mentioned in an earlier grant of Rāstrakūta Krsna III.63 The second Jaina inscription61 from Kadlur is dated March, AD 963, and is one of the most important Jaina records of the tenth

Page #193

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
167
century. This inscription not only shows Mārasimha III as a sincere and devout Jaina but also gives additional information about a few of his predecessors, which have already been noticed. Mārasimha here is described as one 'who washed out all taints with the water of the daily bath of Jina and one who was devoted to the worship gurus'. We are than given a brief life-history of the Jaina saint Vādighanghala, who was originally a Brāhmaṇa of Parāśara gotra, his first name Muñjārya. His ancestors lived in the Virātadesa of the north. This individual, it appears from the inscription, was a Jaina teacher of vast learning and was well versed in Lokāyata, Sārkhya, Vedānta, Bauddha and, above all, in Jaina philosophy. Like a sun he destroyed the mass of darkness represented by the misleading teachings of other schools, we are told. His eloquence in the exposition of literature made king Ganga Gāngeya Satyavākya, a cuckoo in the grove of delights of all learning his pupil'. Ganga Gāngeya was a title of Būtuga II. We are further told that he was held in the highest esteem by the Rāştrakūta sovereign Krsna III. This great Jaina saint is further described as worshipping the 'lotus feet of Jineśvara'. To this celebrated Brāhmaṇa Jaina saint king, Mārasimha III in March Ad 963 gave as śrutaguru's fee (religious teacher's fee) a village called Bagiyur included in Badagara 300 of the Punātu 6000 in Gangapāți. The income of this village was 20 gadyānas. 65
A stone pillar inscription" of extraordinary importance, relating to the achievements of Mārasimha III, has been discovered from Sravana Belgola. It refers to several military feats of this great Ganga king. We are however not conerned here with Mārasimha's achievements. A crucial passage from our point of view is that which says that ‘he maintained the doctrine of Jina and erected Jaina temples (vasati) and mānastambhas at various places.' This passage is sufficient to show his tremendous zeal for the Jaina religion. The record closes with the statement that he relinquished sovereignty and keeping the vow of sallekhanā for three days in the presence of Ajita senabhattāraka, died at Bankāpura in Saka 896 corresponding to AD 974. I cannot resist the temptation of reproducing the last few lines of this inscription. 'O Cola king, calm your failing heart by gentle rubbing; O Pāņdya, you have escaped slaughter, stay on. O Pallava, run not away in fear from your territory; do not retreat, but remain; the Ganga chieftain Nolambántaka has gone to the abode of gods.
I should now take brief cognizance of a very interesting rock

Page #194

168
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
69
inscription found from Gopinatha Guṭṭa in Chikballapur taluk of Kolar district. This is a low hill at the north-eastern base of Nandidroog. The inscription, according to Rice, resembles the early inscriptions of the Gangas and should be assigned to the eighth century AD. It opens with a homage to Rṣabha. It refers to the Jaina shrine of this hill, which according to it, was formerly built by Rāma in Dvăpara and later rebuilt by Kunti. This Jinendra caitya had caves for rsis. This description, according to Rice, applies to Nandidroog. At present the shrine at the site where the inscription has been discovered, is dedicated to Gopalasvāmin, but the description in the inscription shows that this place had a very important Jaina temple complex from a much earlier period. It can be said with conviction that the Jaina temple here was one of the earliest Karnataka, shrines.
Let us return once more to the Gangas. The successor of Mārasimha III was Rājamalla IV, who had an able minister in the person of Camuṇḍaraya, one of the greatest Jainas Karnataka has ever produced. He is the author of the celebrated Kannada work the Camuṇḍarayapurana, written in AD 978. In this text we have an account of the twenty-four Jaina Tīrthamkaras, but the greatest achievement of this Ganga minister was the erection of the colossal image of Gommatesvara at Śravana Belgola round about AD 982.70 I will have more to say on Camuṇḍarāya in connection with a discussion of the inscriptions of Śravana Belgola. An earlier Ganga Jaina minister ended his life in sallekhana fashion at this town, i.e., Narasinga who died in around AD 950 and was a minister of Ereganga or Nitimāra II." A few other persons, connected with the Gangas are also mentioned in some Jaina inscriptions from Śravaṇa Belgola. For the reign of Rājamalla IV we have a Jaina inscription" dated Śaka 899 found from Coorg district.
The above discussion regarding the state of Jainism during the rule of the Gangas proves that in almost every part of the territory ruled by the western Ganga kings, there were Jaina shrines. Most of these temples gave shelter to eminent Jaina saints who were respected by even non-Jainas for their purity and godliness. It also appears that some other kings from contemporary dynasties were influenced by the religious outlook of the western Ganga kings.
Before discussing the state of the Jaina religion during the rule of the Rāṣṭrakūtas, we must briefly discuss its condition during the rule under a particular line of feudatory kings, namely the Raṭṭas of

Page #195

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
169
Saundatti (Belgaum district, Karnataka). The ancient name of Saundatti was Sugandhavarti. This place apparently sprang into prominence in the ninth century AD. The earliest inscription" from this place is dated in the Saka 797 corresponding to AD 875. It refers to the Rāstrakūta Krşņa as the overlord and it appears that this Krşņa is no other than Krsna II.74 This stone epigraph is found in the present Ankeśvara temple at Saundatti. The founder of the house was one Mecada, who had a son named Pșthvīrāma; this gentleman is described as a mahāsāmanta under Krsna II. We are further told that he was a lay disciple of Indrakirti. This Indrakīrti was a disciple of Guņakīrti and the latter of Mūļabhattāraka of Kāreya gana hailing from Mailāpatirtha. It is evident that the earliest preceptor of this line was a resident of Mailāpatirtha. In Saka 797 the feudatory king Pệthvīrāma granted some land for a Jinendrabhavana (temple dedicated to Jinendra) which was constructed by him at Sugandhavarti. It further appears that during his time Pșthvīrāma was a very insignificant chieftain as his adhisthāna (capital) is described only as a village (grāma) in this epigraph. From some other inscriptions we further learn that the Krāreya gana, to which Indrakirti and others belonged, was a branch of the well-known Yāpaniya Saṁgha.75 The language of this epigraph clearly indicates that Ratta Pșthvirāma was a converted Jaina, and his successors too, as we will now see, were also Jainas.
Chronologically the next inscription of the Rattas is dated in the Śaka 902, corresponding to AD 980. This is another stone epigraph76 from the same temple; it discloses the name of Mahasamanta Santivarman, who was a grandson of Prthvirāma. At this time, according to this epigraph, Cālukya Tailapadeva, i.e., Taila II, was the overlord of this chieftain. It appears that the Rattas quietly transferred their allegiance, after the fall of the Rāştrakūțas, to the Cālukyas. The Jaina temple complex there, it appears was a family shrine of the Rațțas. This why there is the expression 'Rattara-patta Jinālaya' in the introductory part of the epigraph. The mother of Sāntivarman also made donations to the Jaina temple there. The gift was received by the preceptor Bahubali Bhattāraka. It appears from the epigraph that the earliest preceptor of Bahubali's line was Ravicandra, who was succeeded by the following: Arhanandin, Subhacandra, Maunideva, and Prabhācandra. The earliest sādhu Ravicandra therefore lived during the first half of the ninth century AD. These preceptors belonged to the Kandūra gana, which also was

Page #196

170
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
a branch of the Yāpaniya Saṁgha.??
A few later inscriptions78 from Saundatti also show that even after an 1000, Jainism continued to flourish in this area and the kings of the Ratta family throughout their history maintained a close relationship with it.
From Belgaum district we have another very interesting Jaina inscription, which on palaeographic grounds, can be assigned to the seventh century AD. It is known as Gokak plates79 and discloses the name of a king called Dejja Mahārāja, who is described as belonging to the anvaya of the Rāstrakūtas (1. 5). The inscription records a gift of 50 nivartanas of land in Jalāragrāma of Kasmāņdi vişaya for the continuous worship of the divine arhat and for the maintenance of learned Jaina ascetics, devoted to the teaching of this religion. Acārya Aryanandin, belonging to Jambūbhandagaña, a savant of exceptional learning, received the gift from king Indrananda, son of Vijayānanda Madhyamarāja of the Sendraka family. He is described as a feudatory of Dejja Mahārāja, whose relationship with any known branch of the Rāstrakūtas is not yet known. Another intriguing feature of this inscription is its date. It is dated in the year 845 of the Āguptāyika kings, the significance of which remains a mystery. If it is equivalent to the era of 58 BC, then the inscription will have to be assigned to the last quarter of the eighth century AD, but it is just possible that some earlier era,80 is referred to in this inscription.
The Nolamba Pallavas, 81 who ruled after ad 800 were good patrons of the Jaina religion. We have two inscriptions before AD 1000 which testify that the kings of this dynasty extended patronage to the Jainas. An inscription of Mahendra Nolamba dated Saka 800 corresponding to AD 878 records a grant to a Jaina temple in Dharmapuri district in present Tamil Nadu.82 The inscription is in Kanarese. From the compound of the famous Mallikārjuna temple of Dharmapuri another Jaina inscription83 has been discovered of the reign of the same king. It is dated Saka 815, corresponding to AD 893. This epigraph records a grant to a Jaina vasadi by two per sons called Nidhiyaņņa and Candiyaņņa. The former received from the king the village of Mūlapalli, which he made over to Kanakasena Siddhānta Bhatāra, the pupil of Vinayasena Siddhānta Bhatāra. These monks belonged to the Senānvaya of Mūlasamgha. The particular gaņa to which they belonged is given as Pogariya. The revenue of the village was to be utilised for the repair of the temple.

Page #197

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
171
Before turning my attention to the Andhra Pradesh I must refer to two famous places now included in Karnataka, which were associated with Jainism from early times. The first place is Sravana Belgola is Hassan district, which was associated with Jainism from at least AD 600. The earliest inscription, discovered from this celebrated centre of Jainism, is dated in ad 600.84 This inscription mentions ancient Jaina saints like Gautaima Ganadhara, Lohārya, Jambu, Vişnudeva, Aparājita, Govardhana, Bhadrabāhu, Viśākha, Prosthila, Krttikārya, Jayanāman, Siddhārtha, Dhștişeņa, Buddhila, and other teachers. It then mentions that Prabhācandra, an eminent Jaina divine, attained samadhi or nirvāņa at Kațavapra or Candragiri hill of Belgola. After him 700 more saints likewise attained nirvana on the same hill. It has been suggested that the inscription on the stone was made long after Pabhācandra's death, and its palaeography suggests that it was inscribed in c. AD 600.
Quite a number of inscriptions, discovered from the same hill, belong to the period between AD 650 and 800. They record85 the samadhi of a few prominent Jaina saints including one female ascetic. 8' No. 11 records the samadhi of one Acārya Aristanemi (C. AD 650) and mentions one king Dindika as witness, but he cannot however be correctly identified. No. 21 mentions a monk called Aksayakirti, who is described as a resident of Southern Madhura (Madura), which shows that this old city continued as a leading Jaina centre even after ad 600. We have already discussed a few historical inscriptions of Sravana Belgola in connection with the discussion of the state of Jainism during the rule of the western Gangas. A few others will be discussed in connection with the Rāstrakūtas.
The second Jaina holy place of Karnataka was Kopaņa or Kopbal in modern Raichur district. This site has yielded a number of Jaina inscriptions which show that from the seventh century onwards, it was known as a celebrated Jaina tirtha. It has been suggested that Kopana should be identified with Kung-kan-na-pu-lo of Yuan Chwang, 87 which according to that pilgrim, was situated some 2000 li north of Dravida country. The earliest epigraphic reference to this town is found in an inscription 88 of the time of the Bādāmi Calukya king Vijayaditya who reigned from AD 696 to 733. There is however nothing in that epigraph to show that it was then considered a Jaina sacred place. The earliest Jaina inscription89 from the ere is dated Saka 803, corresponding to AD 881. It states that the

Page #198

172
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Jaina teacher Sarvanandin Bhatāra, a disciple of Ekācattugada Bhaṭāra of the Kundakunda lineage, having stayed there and graciously imparted the teachings of the holy doctrine to the residents of the town, and after practising austerities for a considerable time, attained final emancipation the samnyasana or sallekhaņā.
Among other important inscriptions from there dating prior to AD 1000, we should refer to the short epigraph," found near Kopbal mentioning Jațāsimhanandin. It has been suggested that this saint should be identified with the Jaina poet of the same name who was the author of the Varāngacarita.” This sacred place is also mentioned in inscriptions, discovered from other places. In an inscription of about AD 800 of Ganga king Mārasimha Ereyappa there is a reference to a witness named Madhava of Kuppāl.92 The earliest reference to this Jaina tirtha in the Sravana Belgola inscriptions is assigned to AD 1000.93 A few other inscriptions from there also have references to the Jaina pilgrims hailing from Kopbal.94
We must now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion in A.P. during the days of the Vengi Cälukyas. I have already briefly referred to the Musinikonda grant, which was renewed during the reign of Visnuvardhana III95 in Saka 684 corresponding to AD 762. According to this inscription Ayyaņa Mahādevī, the wife of Kubja Visnuvardhana AD 624-41, gave a grant of the village of Musinikunda in Tonka Natavādi visaya to a Jaina saint called Kalibhadrācārya for the benefit of the Jaina temple called Nadumbivasati at Vezwada, which was probably built by that queen herself. This grant was to be utilized for the purpose of performing uninterrupted pūjā of the venerable Arhats. The saint Kālibhadrācārya is spoken of as having made the entire circle of kings obedient to him by the power of his spiritual knowledge, aștāngadivyajñāna. There is little doubt that this great Jaina saint of Andhra was held in special veneration by the queen of Kubja Vişnuvardhana, the founder of the Vengi Cālukya line. I have already commented on his spiritual predecessors who flourished before AD 600. They belonged to the Kavaruri or Surasta gana and Samgha anvaya.
Chronologically, the next Jaina record of the Eastern Cālukyas, belongs to the reign of Jayasimha II (AD 696–709). This was found on a broken slab near Macherla in Palnad tāluk of Guntur district.% It refers to Sarvalokāśraya Jayasimhavallabha and registers a grant of land by Kalyāṇavasantulu to ‘Arahanta Bhattāra'. The gift was to be maintained by the family of Rattagudis of Korithuru. This

Page #199

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
173
inscription therefore testifies to the existence of a Jaina temple in this part of Guntur district in A.P. in the seventh century AD.
A Jaina recordo dated in the thirtyseventh year of Visnuvardhana III found from Sattenapalle taluk of Guntur district refers to a temple of Jaina at Munugodu. There is also a reference to a muni called Suvratatirtha. It further mentions that a certain person called Boyugaţta, a servant of king Gonka, effected some repairs to this temple, which was built by one Aggoti. Another short epigraph in the same stone slab mentions Mahāmandalesvara Gomkaya, evidently the person of the same name of the earlier epigraph. It registers a gift of land to the Sita Jinesvarālaya at Munugodu. Another inscription of the same slab refers to the gift of land to a vasadi called Pșthivītilaka, evidently a Jaina temple built by an earlier eastern Cālukya king. It also mentions a certain Billama Nayaka.
No eastern Cālukya Jaina inscription, pertaining to the ninth century ad is known. We have, however, three Jaina inscriptions of the time of Amma II Vijayāditya who ruled in the middle mid-tenth century AD.98 The first is known as the Maliyapundi grant and the other two Kuluchumbarru and Masulipatnam grants. The Maliyapundi grant99 was originally discovered from Madanur, ten miles from Ongole, which is now the headquarters of a district of the same name in A.P. The inscription opens with a beautiful verse addressed to Jinendra. The donee was a jinālaya called Katakābharaṇa, founded by Durgarāja, an officer of Amma II. This temple, according to the inscription was situated to the south of Dharmavuramu (Dharmapurī) in Nellore district. Durgarāja bore the designation Katakarāja, which suggests that he was a superintendent of the royal camp. At the request of this officer, king Vijayāditya, i.e., Amma II, made a gift of the village of Maliyapūņdi for the benefit of the temple in Saka 867 i.e., AD 945 which was the twelfth year of his reign. This Jaina temple was in charge of Śrī Mandiradeva, the disciple of Divākara, and grand-disciple of Jinanandin belonging to the Yāpaniya Sangha, Nandigaccha, and Kotimaduvagana. The language of the inscription indicates that king Amma II himself had great reverence both for the Jaina temple there and Māndiradeva, its manager. The preceptor and grand-preceptor of Māndiradeva, who belonged to the famous Yapanīya Samgha, were evidently very learned Jaina ascetics and lived in the ninth century AD.
The second Jaina inscription during the reign of Amma II is an

Page #200

174
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
undated copperplate record, its place of discovery unknown. The plates are now in the British Museum. It registers the grant of a village named Kuluchumbarru100 in Attilināṇḍu visaya to a Jaina teacher called Arhanandin, belonging to the Valahari gana and Adḍakali gaccha, for the purpose of providing for repairs to the charitable dining hall of a Jaina temple called Sarvalokāśraya Jinabhavana. The very name of the temple suggests that it was built by one of Amma II's predecessors, many of whom bore the title sarvalokāśraya. The grant was evidently made by Amma II, but it was caused to be given by a certain lady called Cāmekāmbā, who belonged to the Paṭṭavardhika lineage and was a pupil af Arhanandin. The later part of the inscription is in Telugu and records a present made by Arhanandin himself to the writer of the record, whose name was Bhaṭṭadeva. Fleet successfully locates the village Kuluchumbarru near the town of Attili in the present West Godavari district of A.P. The lady, Camekamba, belonged to the Calukya lineage and was a favourite mistress of the king.101 She is described as a lay pupil of Arhanandin, who was a disciple of Ayyapoți and the latter of Sakalacandrasiddhanta, who is described as well-versed in the Siddhanta writings. This particular inscription definitely shows that both Amma II and his favourite mistress had a soft corner for the Jaina religion.
The third Jaina inscription of the time of Amma II is the undated Masulipatnam grant102 consisting of five plates, first found from the district court of Masulipatnam or Machilipatnam in Krishna district of A.P. The record, it is interesting to note, begins with an invocation to Visņu. The king Amma II, however, was a paramamaheśvara.103 The inscription refers to a Jaina pontiff (ācārya), the preceptor of two nobles Bhima and Naravāhana II. He was the renowned Jayasena, who bore the surname Nathasena and was a disciple of the illustrious Candrasena, who is described as well-versed in the Siddhanta and who attained proficiency in parasamaya, which signifies that his soul became absorbed in the non-self for the liberation of mankind from bondage. He was honoured, according to this inscription, by the śravakas, kṣapanakas (Jaina ascetics), kṣullakas (śrāvakas of high order), and ajjakas, probably meaning educated laymen. For the benefit of this celebrated Jaina savant, Bhima and Naravahana II constructed two Jaina temples (jinabhavana) at Vijayavāțikā (Bezwada or Vijayawada) and for that purpose the king Ammaraja himself granted the village of Pedda-Galiḍiparru, having

Page #201

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600–1000)
175
converted it into a devabhoga and exempted it from all forms of tax and other vexations. The village was situated in the Velaņāņdu visaya in modern Guntur district. The engraver, Jayantācārya, too, was probably a Jaina. The present sites of two Jaina temples, mentioned in this inscription cannot be properly identified. The two chieftains Bhima and Naravāhana II, according to the decipherer of the inscription were Sūdra chiefs; they are further described as devoted to Jinadharma (Jinadharmaniratacaritrau).
The above discussion of the Jaina inscriptions of the Eastern Cālukya kings abundantly testify that Jainism was more or less flourishing in the eastern districts of modern A.P. from AD 600 to 1000. Let us now turn our attention to other parts of A.P. I should first refer to the Cālukyas of Vemulavāda, who were great Jaina patrons and who ruled in the modern Karimnagar district of A.P., roughly coterminous with ancient Sapädalakṣa country. The earliest Jaina inscription of the rulers of this feudatory Cālukya dynasty is the Kurkyala stone inscription of the time of Arikeśari ad 930–58. The importance of this inscription, 104 which is inscribed on a hillock called Bommalaguțța at Kurkyala, thirteen miles west of Karimnagar, can hardly be overemphasized. It refers to a Jaina devotee called Jinavallabha, who is described as the brother of the great Jaina poet Pampa, the celebrated author of the Vikramārjunavijaya, also called Pampabhārata and the Adipurāņa. In this inscription the two brothers are described as Brāhmaṇas of Vatsa gotra. This is supported by the evidence of the Pampabhārata.105
Jinavallabha himself, according to this inscription, constructed a vasadi called Tribhuvanatilaka, a tank called Kavitāguņārņava, and a garden called Madanavilāsa. The inscription further records the installation by Jinavallabha of the images of the first and the last Tīrthamkara, i.e., Rşabha and Vardhamāna, at the vasadi constructed by him. A caityālaya, dedicated to the first Tirthamkara, is also mentioned in this connection. Jinavallabha, we are told, used to celebrate the festival of bathing the lina at Vrsabhādri, the exact location of which has not yet been determined but which is near Dharamvaram. He is further described as the disciple of Jayamgonda Siddhānta Bhatāra of the Desiya gana and Kondakunda anvaya.
The same inscription tells us that Jinavallabha's caityālaya at Vrṣabhādri became as famous as the fame of Pampa. He used to offer food to the Jaina ascetics and during festivals entertained pilgrims visiting the shrine. King Arikeśarī II of Vemulavāda, we are

Page #202

176
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
told, in this inscription, gave Pampa as a mark of his appreciation of the Vikramärjunavijaya, the village Dharmavura, described as an abode of the Brāhmanas, resembling the famous Kalāpagrāma, as agrahāra. We are then told
the incredulous who would ask stupidly again and again whether a copper plate inscription has been written, whether the famous Arikeśari had actually granted Dharmavura as agrahāra and whether the celebrated Pampa had accepted it, should repair to the Vrṣabhādri which proclaims the fame of Pampa as well as the greatness of Jinadharma and see the letters of the inscription carved thereon and satisfy themselves.
The details given in this epigraph regarding Pampa, tally generally with those given by that poet in his works.106 In this inscription Jinavallabha is described as a devotee of Ādyanta Tīrthamkaras, i.e., Rşabha and Mahāvīra and also Cakreśvari. In his Adipurāņa, his brother too calls himself a devotee of Vardhamana, Rsabha, and Cakreśvarī. The gift of village granted to Pampa by Arikeśarī is also mentioned in the Vikramārjunavijaya. 107 We should also remember that Pampa composed his Adipurāna in Saka 863 corresponding to AD 931, and his Vikramārjunavijaya was composed afterwards as it mentions the Adipurāņa. The inscription should therefore be placed around aD 945.
Another inscripiton 108 of the time of Arikeśarī II dated Śaka 869, it is interesting to note, contains five verses from the Vikramärjunavijaya or Pampabhārata. It has further been pointed out that the site of Pampa's samādhi has actually been referred to in a Sanskrit inscription from Bodhan,109 but this cannot be confirmed at the present state of our knowledge.
We have several Jaina inscriptions of the Vemulavāļa kings, bearing the date Saka 888 corresponding to AD 966. A stone inscription" of that date from Repaka (Karimnagar district) introduces a chief named Vijaya, who bears a string of titles and records his gift of land to a jinālaya built by him. The latter half of this inscription refers to the genealogy of a family of disciples of the Jaina faith who were holding a fief comprising Atukuru 70 and Pammi 12. The members of this family comprised Käma, Rāma, Tukkya, Revaņa, Punyarāma, Kommaya, and others. The names of a line of Jaina ascetics are also given. In the end we are told that the jinālaya was built by king Arikeśarī, who was probably Arikeśarī II. A brief stone inscription" from Vemulavāda states that Baddega, the king of Sapädalaksa, constructed a jinälaya for Somadeva, the chief of Gauda

Page #203

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
177
Samgha. This Somadeva, as we have already observed, was probably a Jaina monk from Bengal, who migrated to the Sapädalaksa country in the third quarter of the tenth century AD. From the Parbhani plates'12 dated Saka 888 of the time of Arikeśarī III we learn that a village of the name of Vanikațupula was given to Somadeva Sūri, the disciple of Nemideva and grand-disciple of Yaśodeva, belonging to Gauda Samgha. It also refers to the fact that a Jaina temple of the name of Subhadhāma Jinālaya, built by Arikeśari's father Baddega was under the supervision of this Jaina savant, who is further described as the author of the Yasodharacarita, i.e., Yaśastilakacampū, and Syādvādopanișad. High praise has been bestowed on him for his encyclopaedic knowledge. We also learn from this inscription that Arikeśarī was a feudatory of Krşņarājadeva, son of Akālavarșa, Prthvivallabha, Mahārājādhirāja, Amoghavarşa. This Krsnarāja is evidently the Rāșțrakūța overlord Krsna III, the celebrated son and successor of Amoghavarșa III. We should remember that Somadeva had completed his Yaśastilakacampū!13 during the reign of the same Rāstrakūța emperor Krsņa III on the thirteenth day of Caitra, Saka 881 when Krsna III was encamping at Melapāți after conquering the kings of Pāņdya, Simhala, Cola, and Cera countries. He further states in this work that he was at this time a resident of Gangadhārā, the capital of Baddiga, the son of Arikeśari II. That Somadeva was a disciple of Nemideva is also known from that poet's Nītivākyāmita." In the Yaśastilakacampū115 Somadeva is described as belonging to the Devasamgha, which is probably another name for the Gaudasamgha.
The two inscriptions, mentioned above certainly show that the kings belonging to this feudatory Cālukya line, were genuine patrons of Jainism. Two great Jaina poets of the tenth century, namely Pampa and Somadeva, lived in their kingdom and were favoured by them. In a later chapter I shall have something more to say on the achievements of these two literary giants.
We should now turn our attention to the condition of the Jaina religion during the days of the Rāșțrakūța kings. I have already referred to a few Jaina epigraphs where some Rāstrakūta monarchs have been mentioned. That the kings of this great dynasty were good patrons of Jainism will not only be evident from some inscriptions but also a very large number of Jaina literary works completed during the Rāșțrakūta period.
No Jaina inscription relating to the earlier members of the

Page #204

178
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Rāstrakūta family is yet known, but it has been suggested on the basis of a Śravana Belgoļa inscription dated ad 1129 that Akalanka, the great Jaina philosopher, was patronized by Dantidurga. 116 The earliest Rāştrakūta Jaina inscription comes from Śravaņa Belgola, 117 and refers to the reign of Ranāvaloka Kambayya, son of Dhruva and elder brother of Govinda III. This prince was the eldest son of Dhruva and was the governor of Gangavādi under his illustrious father. Dhruva was apparently alive at the time of this inscription. He is described here as the son of Srīvallabha Mahārājādhirāja Parameśvara Mahārāja. The inscription records a grant and testifies to Kambayya's (Stambha) affection for the Jaina religion. Though the inscription is undated, we can assign it to the last quarter of the eighth century AD. I have already discussed the contents of the Manne plates'18 dated Saka 724 which also shows that the prince's partiality for the Jaina religion.
Govinda III, the younger brother of Stambha and the successor of Dhruva, who is mentioned as the overlord in Manne plates of his elder brother, was probably an admirer of Jainism. The Kadaba plates!9 dated saka 753 corresponding to AD 814 and found from Tumkur district of Karnataka, refers to the reign of Prabhūtavarsa, who is no other than Govinda III. This inscription discloses the existence of a line of Jaina monks of the Nandi Samgha of the Yapanīyas. The name of the gana is given as Punnāgavşkşamūla. The earliest ācārya was Śrīkīrti, his disciple was Kuli-Ācārya, followed by Vijayakīrti and the latter's disciple Arkakirti. The last-named saint, we are told, was successful in eradicating an evil influence of Saturn on Vimaladitya, who was the sister's son of Cākirāja, the ruler of the entire province of the Gangas. It is clear from the inscription that Vimalāditya was a Cālukya chief under Cākirāja, the supreme Rāstrakūta governor of Gangavādi. The grateful Vimalāditya and his uncle Cäkirāja were pleased to grant an entire village called Jālamangala at Silāgrāma, on the western side of Mänyapura, for a Jaina temple. This Mānyapura was probably coterminous with the town of the same name mentioned in the Ganga inscriptions. Vimalāditya was the son of Yaśovarman and grandson of Balavarman. There is absolutely no valid reason to doubt the authenticity of this record. Recently another Jaina inscription 120 of the time of Govinda III from Dharwar district has been discovered.
The successor of Govinda III, Amoghavarsa I, who ascended the throne in AD 814 was one of the greatest patrons of the Jaina reli

Page #205

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
179
gion in the ninth century. We have already seen that there existed a Jaina shrine in Nāsik district, which was named after him. I shall at first discuss the available Jaina inscriptions of his reign and then turn my attention to the evidence supplied by the Jaina literary texts.
From a broken slab found from Ranebennur in Dharwar district an important Jaina inscription 21 has been discovered bearing the year Saka 781, corresponding to AD 859. Although the epigraph does not disclose the name of the reigning monarch, it was evidently written during Amoghavarşa's reign and within his empire. The inscription refers to a Jaina shrine constructed by one Nāgalūra Pollabe and therefore it was known as Nāgula vasadi. Lines 12 to the end record the gift of land made as a lifetime donation (jīva-âsana) for this temple by several villagers. The gift, we are told, was received on behalf of the temple, by Nāganandin Acārya of the Singhavura gana.
Much more important than the above-mentioned record is the Konnur stone inscription 122 dated Saka 782 of the reign of the same king. The inscription was discovered from a place called Konnur, which is situated on the south bank of the river Malaprabhā in Nawalgund tāluk of Dharwar district. At present the inscribed stone is built into a wall of the local parameśvara temple. Above the writing there are a few sculptures of Tīrthamkaras. The Saka date corresponds to AD 860. The epigraph has altogether 72 lines, of which 11. 1-59 represent the inscription of the time of Amoghavarsa I. According to this the emperor Amoghavarşa, while residing at Mānyakheța, at the request of his subordinate Bankeśa (Bankeya) in recognition of the important services, rendered by him, granted the village of Taleyura (1. 38) and some land of other villages for the benefit of a Jaina sanctuary founded by Bankeya at Kolanura to the sage Devendra, who was a disciple of Trikālayogisa, belonging to the Pustaka gaccha, Desiya gana and Mula Samgha. It is interesting to note that the opening verse of the inscription invokes the blessing of both Visņu and Jinendra. There is a magnificent tribute in v. 44 to the doctrine of the Jinas:
Ever victorious, like a royal edict be this doctrine of the Jinas, which destroys the false doctrines of peoples, who are filled with an excessive pride, arising from ignorance; which brings about the true happiness of all, who act in obedience to the commands of the wise; which is the place of glory of the excellent Syadváda by which things appear under manifold forms, and grants the quintessence of good conduct.

Page #206

180
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
The date, according to Kielhorn, 12is absolutely correct, but it is a later copy of an original copperplate, according to the inscription itself124 and there is no reason to disbelieve this clear statement. The later portion, after 1. 59, refers to the Jaina monks who, lived in the twelfth century.
A number of literary works very clearly prove that Amoghavarșa I was a converted Jaina. Guṇabhadra, the author of the Uttarapurāņa and a contemporary of Amoghavarşa I, asserts that his preceptor Jinasena was a guru of that celebrated Rāștrakūta monarch.125 Altekar refers to the fact that Jinasena in his Pārsvābhyudaya claims himself to be the chief preceptor (paramaguru) of Amoghavarșa. 126 This is however impossible because that poem was written before AD 783 as it is mentioned in Jinasena II's Harivassa composed in Saka 705, and Amoghavarşa ascended the throne only in ad 814 and at that time was a very young. However, another later writer127 asserts that the Pārśvābhyudaya was composed in the court of Amoghavarșa. That Amoghavarsa was a believer in the doctrine of Syādvāda is also repeated in the Gañitasārasaṁgrahal28 of Mahāvīrācārya, who was a contemporary of that monarch. Amoghavarsa himself in his Praśnottararatnamālāl29 pays homage to Vardhamāna. Now, it is definitely known that this work was written by that king. 130 However, it should not be supposed that because of his Jaina leanings, he was in different to Hindu deities; that he was a devotee of Mahālaksmi is known from one of the inscriptions.181
A few contemporary Jaina writers have clearly shown their bias for this great Răstrakūta king. Sākatāyana, a contemporary Jaina grammarian, wrote a commentary on his own grammatical work and named it as Amoghavrtti. This shows his respect for that Rāstrakūta monarch. In that vịtti there is a reference to Amoghavarşa's burning down his enemies (adahadamoghavarsorātīn). 132 Jinasena himself is full of praise for this great Rāșțrakūta monarch.133 Yet another contemporary Jaina writer, Ugrāditya, the author of the medical treatise Kalyanakāraka, 134 which was composed on Mount Rāmagiri, situated in the level piains of Vengi in the country of Trikalinga, refers to the fact that he delivered a discourse on the uselessness of meat diet in the court of Sri Nrpatunga Vallabha Mahārājādhirāja, who is no other than Amoghavarșa I. I should also mention that a few verses of the Kavirājamārga are in praise of Jina. 135 However, in the very beginning of this work, Amoghavarşa has paid glowing tribute to Vişnu, which suggests his equal deference for the

Page #207

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
181
Brahmanical deities. It should also be pointed out that the two famous Digambara commentaries, Dhavalā and Jayadhavalā, were named after Amoghavarsa I, who was also known as Dhavala and Atiśaya Dhavala.
The successor of Amoghavarșa I was Krsna II for whose reign we have the Saundatti inscription dated AD 897 which has already been discussed. Another Jaina inscription"36 of his reign is the Mulgund inscription dated Saka 824, corresponding to AD 902 Mulgund was a renowned Jaina centre and is situated in the Gadag tāluk of Dharwar district. We are told in this stone inscription that during the time of Krşņa II, his governor Cikārya, son of Candrārya, the governor of Dhavala-visaya and belonging to Varavaiśya caste, constructed a lofty temple of Jina at the town of Mulgunda. His younger son Arasārya (the brother of Nāgārya), who is described as proficient in the new Agama (nayāgamakusalaḥ) and a man of great liberality, made an endowment for the maintenance of the jinālaya, built by his father (pitskāritajinālayāya). The gift was entrusted to his preceptor Kanakasena Sūri, who was the disciple of munipati Vīrasena and who in turn, was the pupil of pujyapāda Kumārasena Acārya of Candikavāța (Candrikāvāța), belonging to Senänvaya. Kumārasena, Vīrasena, etc. are also mentioned in the Camundarāyapurāna,'37 and it has been suggested 138 that Kumārasena was the fourth predecessor preceptor from Cämundarāya. In that case, Kumārasena should be placed in the mid-ninth century AD.
Krşņa II was probably the patron of Guņabhadra, the author of the Uttarapurāņa.139 This work was completed in Saka 820 by Guṇabhadra's disciple Lokasena in the reign of Akālavarsa or Krsna II. His patron was Lokāditya, who was a governor of Bankāpura in Vanavāsī under that Rästrakūta king. This Lokāditya was a patron of Jainism, as we learn from the praśasti of the Uttarapurāņa. 140 Guņabhadra himself claims that Krsna II was his disciple, 141 and there is no reason why we should disbelieve this. An interesting inscription142 from Sravana Belgola which has already been referred to, connects a Jaina saint called Paravādimalla with one Krsnarājā, who has been identified with this Rāştrakūta monarch. There is another Jaina inscription!43 which mentions Lokāditya (called Lokateyarasa) and his overlord Krsņa II. This inscription is dated AD 902 and was discovered from Bandalike, ancient Bāndhavanagara in Shikarpur tāluk of Shimoga district. It appears from the inscription that this place was looked upon as a Jaina tīrtha (sacred place).

Page #208

182
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
The next king Indra III also had some fascination for the Jaina religion. We have a number of Jaina inscriptions of his reign. We must first refer to the well-known Dänavulapadu pillar inscription, discovered from Jammalmadugu tāluk of Cuddapah 144 district, A.P. The record is not dated and is partly in Sanskrit and partly Kanarese The first part of if refers to the military prowess of Śrīvijaya, who was a dandanāyaka (general) of king Indra III. The second part opens with an invocatory verse which proclaims glory to the prosperous doctrine of the Jina. It appears from the inscription that Srivijaya voluntarily resigned this world and became a Jaina ascetic in order to attain eternal bliss. This general Srivijaya is otherwise unknown. From the same place another Jaina inscription"45 of a single Sanskrit verse mentioning Nityavarsa or Indra III has been discovered. Two other Srivijayas are known to Kanarese literature, both of whom flourished long before this Śrīvijaya and both were men of letters.'16 This Śrīvijaya too, it is interesting to note, is described in this epigraph as anupamakavi, meaning an accomplished poet. The astavidha karma, referred to in this inscription, consists of jñānāvaraṇīya, darśanāvaraṇīya, vedanīya, mohanīya, āyusya, nāma, gotra, and antarāya. This Śrīvijaya, it is evident from the inscription, was a very important general of Indra III and was one of the pillars of the Rāstrakūta empire.
Another Jaina inscription"47 of the reign of Indra III, called Hatti Mattur stone inscription, has been discovered from Karajgi tāluk of Dharwar district, Karnataka. This is dated in the Saka 838, corresponding to AD 916. It records the grant of a village called Vutavura by the Mahāsāmanta Leņdeyarasa. Later the Jaina establishment here was converted into a Saiva temple, as is evident from the second part of the record, which was inscribed a few centuries thereafter.
In the last chapter I discussed an important Jaina inscription of Indra III found in Nāsik district. I should also mention in this connection an inscription from Belgaum district, Karnataka, which states that a Jaina saint called Neminātha, the preceptor of Manicandra, was like a moon in the ocean, which was the dynasty of the Rāstrakūtas.148 Evidently this Jaina monk was held in the highest esteem by the Rāstrakūța kings of his time. The inscription has been assigned to c. AD 900.
For the reign of Govinda IV we have two Jaina inscriptions119 dated Śaka 847 or ad 925 and Śaka 854 or AD 932, both of which were

Page #209

183
JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
discovered from modern Karnataka state. The first dated Śaka 847, discovered from Gadag taluk of Dharwar district, refers to a jinālaya built by one Nāgayya. 150 It also refers to another jinālaya called Dhora Jinālaya at Bankapura with the preceptor Candraprabha Bhaṭāra as its head. It is interesting to note that this Jaina priest is described as administering a village called Pasundi (modern Asundi), which probably shows that the village was an endowment of this Jaina temple. The second inscription dated Śaka 854 or AD 932 discovered from Adoni taluk of Bellary district refers to a Jaina temple11 built by the queen Chandiyabbe, wife of Kannara, the governor (mahāsāmanta) of Sindavadi, 1000. We are told that this queen constructed a Jaina temple at Nandavara and made suitable provisión for its maintenance. The inscription also refers to a Jaina teacher called Padmanandin. It has been suggested that this Kannara is prince Kṛṣṇa III, and at this time he was a governor under his cousin Govinda IV, 152 but it is more appropriate to regard the Kannara of this inscription as a feudatory of Govinda IV.
Kṛṣṇa III was one of the greatest members of the Raṣṭrakūta dynasty. From the holy Kopbal area in Raichur district of Karnataka we have two inscriptions of his reign. The earlier one153 has been assigned to C. AD 940 and refers to Akālavarṣa Kannardeva, and he was no other than Kṛṣṇa III. However excepting a reference to Kopana, there is nothing typically Jaina regarding this inscription. The second inscription, 154 which is fortunately dated Śaka 887, corresponding to AD 964 found near Kopbal from a place called Uppina Betgiri is a very important Jaina record. It reveals the existence of a feudatory king of the Rastrakutas called Sankaragaṇḍa II who erected a Jaina shrine called Jayadhīra Jinālaya which was apparently named after him, 'Jayadhira' being one of his titles. As noted by Desai, this particular feudatory of the Raṣṭrakūtas is mentioned in several inscriptions of northern Karnataka.155 That scholar has also drawn our attention to the fact that this chief is mentioned in the Ajitatirthakarapuraṇatilakam156 of the Kanarese poet Ranna, who wrote this work in AD 993. According to that poet Sankaraganda was a great Jaina patron. It appears therefore from the combined testimony of these two sources (epigraphic and literary) that this Rāṣṭrakūta governor was a great promoter of Jainism in Karnataka in the second half of the tenth century AD. It further appears from the title Rattarameru given to him in this inscription that Sankaraganda was of the Rāṣṭrakūta extraction. We also learn from

Page #210

184
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
this epigraph that another Rāstrakūta feudatory, namely Rāttayya, who was of Cälukya lineage, donated some land, for the temple erected by Sankaraganda II, and Nāganandi Paņạita Bhatāra received the endowment on behalf of the temple. This saint is described here as a disciple of Vinayanandi, who in turn was a pupil of Srinandi of Surastha gana. From other inscriptions we learn that Sūrastha or Surastha gana was associated with the Sena gana of Mula Samgha.157
A few other Jaina inscriptions of the reign of Krşņa III are known. One such inscription158 has been discovered from Tirumalai hill near Polür (North Arcot) in Tamil Nadu, which records the gift of a lamp made to the yaksa on the sacred Tirumalai hill by a servant of the queen of Krsna III. This hill was associated with the Jaina religion from early times. Over a dozen Jaina epigraphs and a number of rock-cut Jaina figures have been discovered from the same hill. The village near this hill, which bears same name, still harbours a few Jaina families. 159 We should also mention another Jaina inscription of the time of Krsna III, found from Naregal in the Ron tāluk of Dharwar district. According to this, the wife of Ganga Bütuga II, called Padmabbarasi, constructed a Jaina temple at Naregal, and in AD 950 the grant of a tank to the charity house attached to the temple was made by a subordinate chief called Namayara Mārasimghayya. The gift was received by Gunacandra, the pupil of Viranandi, who was a pupil of Mahendra Pandita belonging to the Kondakunda anvaya of Desiya gaña.
The celebrated Jaina poet Somadeva wrote his encyclopaedic work Yaśastilakacampū during the reign of this great Rāstrakūta monarch in the Saka year 881 when that emperor was stationed at Melapāți!61 which has been identified with Melpadi in North Arcot district of Tamil Nadu. The same place is also mentioned in the Karhad plates262 of Krsna III dated Saka 880 and Karjol inscription 163 dated Saka 879. I shall have more to say on Somadeva's literary achievements in a later chapter of this volume. Another Jaina literary figure, namely Indranandi Yogindra, composed his Jvālāmālinikalpa 64 at Malkhed in Saka 861 during the reign of Krsna III.
We have a few Jaina inscriptions of the reign of Khottiga, the brother and successor of Krsna III. An inscription from Chitaldurg district dated ap 968 mentions the fact that Jakki Sundarī, the wife of Pandayya, a Cālukyan feudatory of Khottiga built a Jaina temple, for which her husband gave a grant.165 Another inscription, prais

Page #211

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
185
ing the Jaina religion of his reign, has been discovered from Dharwar district. 166
The last representative of the Rāşțrakūta dynasty was the valiant Indra IV, who unsuccessfully sought to restore the tottering fortune of the empire with the aid of his maternal uncle Ganga Mārasimha. An inscription from Sravana Belgo!a167 dated AD 982 (Saka 904) shows that he died like a true Jaina. The epigraph describes his wonderful skill in playing polo, and also bestows lavish praise on him. We are told that as a believer in the doctrine of Mahavira, he never uttered a falsehood.
Let us now turn our attention to the state of Tamil Nadu. We have already seen that Jainism flourished in the southern district of India from quite early times. In the seventh century too it maintained its great popularity in Tamil Nadu. This is directly shown by the testimony of Yuan Chwang. In all the three southern states of India, namely Cola, Dravida and Mo-lo-ku-ta (Malakuta), he noticed numerous Digambaras and their shrines. 168 This testimony from the pen of a person who was a diehard Buddhist, and who had practically no respect for his religious opponents, is extremely valuable. The same pilgrim laments the absence of Buddhists and the ruined condition of vihāras particularly in countries of south India. In the Mattavilāsaprahasana of Mahendravarman I, who was a senior contemporary of Yuan Chwang, we have a veiled yet strong criticism of the Jains, 169 which indirectly shows that they were present almost everywhere in his kingdom. We have already seen that the Pallavas were not hostile to the Jainas. They themselves were however Brahmanical Hindus and had a special affection for theistic Hindu deities. There is also reason to suspect that during the rule of some of the Pallava kings a few over-zealous Saiva and Vaişņava teachers instigated the nobles and the common people against the Jainas and Buddhists. A few later Vaişņava and Saiva works gleefully narrate the cruel accounts of the persecution of the Jainas.170 There is also reason to believe that Pallava Mahendravarman I was himself a Jaina in his early life.171 Let us not forget that his father Simhavisnu was a patron of the Jainas. It is however evident from the Mattavilāsaprahasana that Mahendravarman I became a Saiva later in his life. According to the Saiva literary tradition, current in south India, Mahendravarman I became a Saiva under the influence of Appar, the noted south Indian Saiva philosopher. After his conversion this king became a persecutor of the Jainas. 172 The earliest Pallava in

Page #212

186
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
scription, connected with Jainism of our period (AD 600–1000) probably belongs to the reign of Parameśvaravarman I (AD 670–95). This is the Nalajanampadu stone inscription 173 from Nellore district, A.P. The Parameśvara Pallavāditya of this record is identified with Parameśvara I, and he is described here as meditating at the feet on the supreme master, the Lord Arhat. The rest of this Telugu inscription is useless for our purpose.
A few Jaina Pallava inscriptions of the reign of Nandivarman II Pallavamalla (AD 730–800) are known. A rock inscription 174 from Kil-Sattamangalam dated in the fourteenth year of that king, in Wandiwash taluk of North Arcot district in Tamil Nadu records an endowment of seven kalanju of gold by Andai Ilaiyar Pavanandi of the village for feeding ascetics, excluding the manager of the monastery. There is an imprecation in the concluding part of the epigraph for incurring the sin of destroying Kāmakottam, probably the famous Siva temple of Kancī.175 From the same site two other Jaina inscriptions of the reign of the same king have been discovered. Both the epigraphs are dated in the fifty-sixth year of Nandivarman II. One of them 176 records an endowment of seventeen kalañju of gold to a palli called Pavanandivar (evidently named after the ascetic who is mentioned in the epigraph of the fourteenth year) for the merit of Pundi Muppavai, daughter of Jinadiyār of Vilukkam, which is identified with the village of the same name in Tindivaram täluk in South Arcot district. The Jaina saint Pavanandi may be identified with the person of the same name, the author of the nannul, a Tamil grammatical text. 177
Another Jaina shrine is mentioned in an inscription found from Agalur, Gingee tāluk of South Arcot district. This is dated 178 in the fiftieth year of Nandivarman II. An undated inscription 179 which has been assigned to this king was discovered from Kāñci in Chingleput district and records the gift to an Arhat temple. This epigraph, it is interesting to note, mentions an ācārya of Ajīvikadarsana, who probably cured Lokamahādevī, the queen of Narasimha varman II. This proves that the Ajīvikas maintained their separate existence in south India as late as the eighth century.
The next Jaina Pallava inscription 180 belongs to the reign of Kampavarman, who is identified with Dantivarman, 181 son of Nandivarman II, who ruled in the first half of the ninth century AD. The inscription is dated in the sixth year of Kampavarman's reign and was found from the same site from where three Jaina inscrip

Page #213

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
187
tions of Nandivarman II were discovered. This is an extremely interesting record as it gives us a very clear idea regarding a Jaina temple complex of the Pallava period. The inscription records the renovation of the temple (i.e. the one established by Pavanandi) and the addition of mukhamandapa to it, the renovation of a pāļi, the construction of a temple of Yakși Bhațārī (iyakkipaļāri) and the gift of a big bell to the palli by Mādevi, the wife of Kādagadiyariyar. 182 It appears that this entire temple complex was possibly called paļļi. It had a main shrine dedicated to Jina, with a maņdapa in front, a subsidiary shrine of yakṣī, and the monastery (pāļi) where the Jaina monks lived. It is clear from the inscription that in this temple complex the main shrine and the monastery, which were built some fifty years earlier were renovated, while the mukha-maņdapa and the shrine for the yakṣī were added. The entire establishment called palli in this record is again mentioned in an inscription from the same site belonging to the reign of Rājarāja I, dated in his thirteenth regnal year, which is equivalent to AD 997–8.183 This palli there is called the temple of Tīrthamkara Vimala. The epigraph records the sale of land by one Baladevapidāran, a disciple of Sri Nandidevar, for the maintenance of a perpetual lamp in the temple. At present, however there is no trace of this temple, but there is a temple dedicated to Candranātha in another part of the village.
The Nolamba Pallavas, who came into prominence during the ninth and tenth centuries AD, ruled in parts of modern Karnataka and were feudatories of the Western Gangas. Three inscriptions of the time of Nolamba Mahendra are connected with the Jaina religion. The earliest epigraph dated Saka 800, corresponding to AD 878 discovered from the fort at Dharmapuri, which is the headquarters of the district of the same name in Tamil Nadu, records a grant 184 to a Jaina temple. The second Jaina inscription 185 of his reign bears the date Saka 815 corresponding to AD 893. It records that two citizens called Candiyaņņa and Nandiyaņņa, after receiving the gift of the village of Mullapalli from the king, gave it is a gift to Kanakasena Siddhānta, the pupil of Vinayasena Siddhānta of the Pogariya gaña, Senānvaya and Mūlasamgha, for the repairs of the basadi at Dharmapuri. Even now this place has a few Jaina antiquities. Dharmapuri was known in ancient times as Tagadūru. 186 The village Mūllapalli is now represented by the modern village of Mülakādu, nine miles west of Dharmapuri.187 The inscription further informs us that the basadi was originally built by two above-mentioned citizens,

Page #214

188
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
who are described as sons of the setți of śrīmangala.
The third Jaina inscription of Mahendra's reign has been found from Hemăvati in Anantapur district of A.P. This damaged stone inscription188 records some donations to a local Jaina temple by Mahendra and his son Ayyapa. Another Jaina inscription189 of this Ayyapa has been found from the same site, which contains the second inscription of his father Mahendra. It records that Ayyapadeva presented the village called Budugūru to Lokāyya, who was the younger brother of Dasayya and who is described as the illuminator of the doctrine of the Arhats. Lokāyya in turn presented it to the Jaina basadi built by Nidhiyaņņa, apparently the same temple, mentioned in Mahendra's inscription of Saka 815. This stone epigraphs show that Mahendra and his son were patrons of Jainism. The undated inscription of Ayyapa is assigned190 to the early tenth century Ad. It should also be pointed out that Mahendra's epigraph of Saka 815 begins with an invocation to Jinendra.191 All the above-mentioned inscriptions are in Kanarese.
We should also refer to a Bāņa epigraph 192 found from Vallimalai (North Arcot) which records the setting up of an image of Devasena, the pupil of Bhavanandin and spiritual preceptor to the king. The inscription is in Kanarese grantha characters and may be assigned to the ninth century AD.
The Imperial Colas, who started ruling from the last quarter of the ninth century AD, were Brahmanical Hindus and chiefly patronized theistic Hindu deities like Śiva and Vişnu. We have, however, quite a large number of inscriptions connected with Jainism, belonging to the Cola period, which show that the Jainas were present almost everywhere in the vast Cola empire. The earliest Jaina epigraph of the time of the Imperial Colas belongs to the reign of Aditya I (AD 871-907) and was discovered from Vedal in Arkonam tāluk of North Arcot district.193 It is incised on a boulder in front of the natural cave known as Andar-Madam. The epigraph records an undertaking given by the lay disciples at Vidal, alias Mādevi-Arandaimangalam in Singapura-nādu, to protect and feed along with her lady pupils, Kanakavīra Kurattiyār, a woman ascetic and disciple of the teacher Guņakirtibhațțāraka. This epigraph, which is dated in the fourteenth regnal year of Aditya (Rājakeśarivarman) further refers to the dispute between 500 male pupils and 400 female ascetics. It was evidently a very large Jaina establishment, and it appears that the female ascetic mentioned in this epigraph, was the daugh

Page #215

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
189
an il.
ter of an influential person. An earlier epigraph from the same site belongs to the reign of Nandivarman II, 194 where the Jaina templecomplex is called Vidārpaļļi. Mādevi-Arandaimangalam, mentioned in the epigraph of the time of Aditya I, was another name for Vidāl. An earlier Jaina inscription,195 dated in the second year of Rājakeśarivarman's reign probably also belongs to the reign of Aditya I. It was found from Tirunāgeśvaram on the southern bank of the Kāverī. It registers gifts made by merchants of Kumāramārtandapuram to meet the cost of repairs to the enclosure called Maunakumāramārtandan and the gopura of Milādiyar-palli. From another epigraph it appears 194 that Kumāramārtaņdan was a surname of the Pallava king Nandivarman II.
For the reign of Parantaka I (AD 907-55) we have a number of Jaina inscriptions. The first epigraph 197 is dated in the third regnal year of Parāntaka I. It was found from Toņdur in Gingee tāluk of South Arcot district. It records the endowment of a village with two gardens and wells as paļļiccandam to the Jaina teacher Vaccirasinga Ilamperumānandigal at Parambūr and his disciple by the chief Vannakovaraiyan Vayiri Malaiyan. We have another Jaina epigraph 198 of the same year from Tirakkol in Wandiwash taluk of North Arcot district. It records a gift of 200 sheeps for the Jaina temple called Maisitta Perumballi at Sridandapuram in Ponnur Nāļu by one Era Nandi alias Naratonga Pallavariyam of Nelveli, which is probably situated in Tanjore district.199 The same Jaina shrine is also mentioned in another Tamil record of the tenth century.200
For the fourth year of Parāntaka we have an epigraph201 from Polur tāluk of North Arcot district. It is incised on a rock at Tirumalai, a hill known for its Jaina antiquities. We have already noted an inscription from this hill of the time of Rășțrakūta Krsna III. The inscription of Parāntaka records a gift to the Jaina temple of this place by two persons recruited from Karņāța country. The gift was made for feeding a devotee and for daily offering to Palliyāļvār, i.e., Jaina Tīrthamkara. The hill was also known at that time as Vaigavūr. A somewhat later Cola inscription 202 (dated in the twelfth year of Rajendra I) refers to the fact that in an earlier time a Pallava queen had made provision for the burning of a perpetual lamp in the Jaina shrine on this hill.
An inscription 208 of about AD 945 of the reign of Parāntaka I found from Viläpakkam in North Arcot district refers to the sinking of a well by a nun called Pattini Kuratti Adigal. As the very name signi

Page #216

190
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
fies, she was an eminent lady teacher. According to the same source she was a disciple of a saint called Aristanemi Bhatarar of the Jaina establishment of Tiruppanmalai. We further learn from this inscription that the Jaina residents of the place had organized themselves and constituted a representative council of twenty-four members to look after their interests.
A number of Jaina inscriptions belonging to the immediate successors of Parāntaka I are known. The most important of these is the copperplate record201 from Pallankovil situated in Tirutturraipundi tāluk of Tanjore district. It consists of six plates, but unfortunately the plate which contained the name of the reigning king is lost. The inscription discloses the existence of a Jaina temple (palli) founded by Saletti Kudiyan. The name of the shrine is given as Sundarasolapperumballi, apparently named after Sundara Cola, the grandson of Parāntaka I. The gift provided for the maintenance of Candranandi Bhațāra alias Maunidevar of Nandisamgha, who most probably presided over the Jaina establishment to which male and female asceties were attached. Since the temple was named after Sundara Cola (AD 956-73), it was built in the third quarter of the tenth century AD. In this connection we should also refer to the Udayendiram plates of Hastimalla205 according to which the Digambara Jainas had an ancient palliccandam comprising two pattis of land which were specially excluded from the gift of the village of Kadaikkottur made in the reign of Parāntaka I.
At Sirrāmur in South Arcot district an inscription of the seventeenth year of a Rājakaśari (probably Sundara Cola, AD 956–73) records the provision of a lamp in the mandapa of the temple of Pārsvanātha in which the scripture was expounded. 206 So far as the reign of Rājarāja I (985-1014) is concerned, we have already referred to a Jaina inscription of his time. We have another Jaina inscription 207 of the eighth year of his reign which mentions one Lățarāja Vīra Cola, who was a tributary of the Cola king. At the request of his wife he assigned to the god Tiruppanmalai certain income derived from the village Kuraganapadi (probably modern Kurambadi, two miles east from Pañcapāņdavamalai which is four miles to the southwest of Arcot town). This Cola feudatory is described as a worshipper at the holy feet of the god of Tiruppanmalai. The elder sister of Rājarāja I, Kundavai, had strong affection for the Jaina religion. I shall discuss this in vol. II of this work.
Now we should turn our attention to the state of Jainism during

Page #217

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
the rule of the Pandyas. The earliest Jaina inscription 208 of this dynasty comes from Chitaral in the former Travancore state. The record in Tamil language and Vaṭṭeluttu characters, belongs to the twenty-eighth year of the reign of Varaguna I (c. AD 765-815),209 alias Neduñjadayan. The epigraph belongs to the last quarter of the eighth century AD. It records a gift of golden ornaments to the Bhatariyar of Tirucchāranattumalai, popularly known as the holy hill of the Caranas, made by the lady teacher Gunandāngi Kurattigal, disciple of Ariṣṭanemi Bhaṭāra of Perayakkuḍi. Two other inscriptions of the reign of this king are known and both come from Ramanathapuram district. They make mention210 of Tirukkāṭṭāmpalli, which seems to have been a Jaina temple at Kurandai, an important Jaina centre211 at Venbunāḍu.
We have an important Jaina inscription of the reign of Varaguṇa II, which is also important from the historical point of view. This is the Aivarmalai stone inscription212 found from Palni tāluk of Madurai district. The epigraph is incised above the natural cave on the Aivarmalai hill, so well-known for its Jaina relics. Unlike most of the Pandyan epigraphs, it yields a definite date, Śaka 792 corresponding to AD 870 which, according to the epigraph, was the eighth regnal year of Varaguna II. It registers a gift of 500 kāṇam of gold by Sāntivīrakkuravar of Kalam, the disciple of Gunavīrakkuravaḍigal for offerings to the images of Parsva Bhaṭāra (i.e., Pārśvanatha) and of the attendant yakṣis, and for feeding one ascetic. The inscription, therefore indirectly testifies that the temple-complex of this hill, dedicated to Parsva existed before the date of this inscription. A few other short epigraphs of this hill will be discussed below.
191
Another important Pāṇḍyan Jaina inscription is dated in the twentieth regnal year of Saḍayan Māran,2 213 who is identified by some with Rajasimha II (c. AD 900-920), although K.A.N. Sastri, it appears believes that he was a different person. 214 The inscription was discovered from Uttamapaliyam in Periyakulam taluk of Madurai district. The epigraph is much damaged but definitely refers to a Jaina shrine of this hill, which is known for its Jaina antiquities. The Pandyan king Rājasimha II is said to have endowed several Jaina temples,215 showing that he was a Jaina patron.
Let us turn our attention to some of the epigraphs of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, etc., which are not connected with any ruling dynasty. We have a very early epigraph which was probably incised even prior to AD 600 and one that is also important from the palaeographical point

Page #218

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
of view. The epigraph was discovered from Tirunatharkunru216 in Gingee taluk of South Arcot. It records the fast unto death (nisidikā) in 57 days by Candranandi Asiriyar. The inscription, according to the decipherer, marks the transition from Brahmi to Vaṭṭeluṭṭu, and may be assigned to the sixth century AD, if not earlier.
We should now discuss the activities of a great Jaina saint of south India, who did so much to popularize his religion amongst the masses. I am referring to Ajjanandi, who was responsible for fashioning a number of images in different parts of the southern states of India. His name is mentioned in brief epigraphs found from Vallimalai in Chitoor district of A.P., and from Anaimalai, Aivarmalai, Alagarmalai, Karungālakkuḍi and Uttamapaliyam in Madurai district. His name is also found in the natural cavern at Eruvāḍi in Tinnevelly district and near Chitaral in Kerala. Therefore the three present states of India, A.P., Tamil Nadu, and Kerala were traversed by this great Jaina, who left no stone unturned to counteract the hostile propaganda of Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava fanatics, who were bent upon destroying the religion of Pārśva and Mahāvīra in south India. From palaeographical considerations, Ajjanandi should be placed around AD 800.
192
In an epigraph217 found from Pecchipallam in Madurai tāluk of Madurai district, Ajjanandi's mother Guṇamatiyar is mentioned. One of the epigraphs of Kongar Puliyagulam is actually engraved under the image of that saint,218 which was probably set up by one of Ajjanandi's disciples, who must have been numerous in the early ninth century. An epigraph found from Vallimalai (Chittoor district) shows that the name of his preceptor was Bālacandra.219 It further appears that Ajjanandi was a native of the great city of Madura. It has been pointed that this Ajjanandi is to be identified with his namesake, mentioned in the Jivakacintamani, a Tamil Jaina classic.220 Quite a number of other Jaina saints are also mentioned in the epigraphs found from different Jaina sites of south India. A few, like Indusena, Mallisena, etc., were probably the contemporaries of Ajjanandi.221 Needless to say, these saints did much to popularize the message of the Tīrthamkaras in south India.
REFERENCES
1. See Indian Archaeology, A Review, 1968-9, p. 47, pl. LIIB.
2. EI, XVIII, pp. 172 ff.; see also P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India,

Page #219

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
193
pp. 117 ff. 3. IA, 7, pp. 161-2. 4. See Revised List of Antiquarian Remains, Bombay Presidency, p. 183; see
also IA, 5, pp. 67 ff., and 8, pp. 239 ff. This important epigraph was later edited by Kielhorn in EI, 6, pp. 1 ff. See also Kielhorn's List,
no. 10. 5. See A.N. Upadhye's paper in the Journal of Bombay University, Arts and
Law, 1933, May, p. 230. 6. See IA, 7, pp. 101 ff. 7. Ibid., p. 103. 8. Loc. cit. 9. See G.C. Raychaudhuri, History of the Western Calukyas (JAIH, VIII),
p. 28. 10. IA, 7, p. 103. 11. Ibid., pp. 111 ff. 12. Ibid., p. 112. 13. Loc. cit., see also Kielhorn, List, no. 37. 14. See Fleet in JA, 30, p. 218. 15. IA, 7, pp. 106 ff. 16. p. 86. 17. See IA, 7, p. 104. 18. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1945-6, A-49. See also Jaina Silälekha
Samgraha, IV, no. 45. 19. EI, XXI, pp. 204 ff. 20. See Naik, A List of the Inscriptions of the Deccan, 1949, no. 73. 21. See Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, B. 212–18. 22. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1927–8, E. 93–238; 1928–9,
E. 101-31. 23. See 123.2; 146.1. 24. See Mysore Gazetteer (new edn.), II (1930), p. 629. 25. Loc. cit. 26. Loc. cit. 27. MAR, 1925, no. 105. 28. Ibid., pp. 90 ff.; see also Jaina Silalekha Sangraha, 4, no. 24. 29. See Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism, pp. 23 ff. 30. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 634 ff. 31. See EC, IV, Nāgamangala, no. 85; see also Jaina Silalekha Samgraha, II,
no. 121. 32. MAR, 1933, pp. 237–8. 33. Ibid., 1920, pp. 27 ff. 34. Ibid., p. 29. 35. See MAR, 1918, para 71. 36. Pl. XXIA and also p. 29. 37. pp. 29 ff. and pl. XXI B.

Page #220

194
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
38. See Rice, Mysore and Coorg, p. 41; see also Mysore Gazetteer, p. 642; IA,
18, p. 313. 39. EC, II, p. 180 (text); also Introd., p. 43; see MAR, 1911, p. 24. 40. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 642. 41. See EC, IX, no. 60. 42. See ibid., Introd., p. 4. 43. Ibid., no. 61. 44. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 160. 45. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 657. 46. Ibid., p. 650, also MAR, 1909, para 45. 47. See EI, IV, p. 140. 48. See MAR, 1921, pp. 18 ff. 49. See ibid., 1932, pp. 240-1 50. Ibid., p. 241. 51. See EC, I, (rev. edn., 1972), no. 96 and Introd., p. xl. 52. EC, X, pp. 25 ff. (trans.); no. 90 (text). 53. Ibid., XII, p. 135. 54. See MAR, 1921, p. 22. 55. Ibid., 1914, para 63. 56. See EI, III, pp. 158 ff. 57. MAR, 1921, para 55. 58. Ibid., 1923, no. 113. 59. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 675; see also The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 161. 60. Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 676. 61. EI, XXXVI, pp. 97 ff. 62. Ibid., p. 98; see also Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 678 ff. 63. See EI, IV, p. 281. 64. MAR, 1921, pp. 18 ff.; see also pls. X, 1-6. 65. For this term see Sircar, Indian Epigraphical Glossary, p. 108. 66. See EC, II (revised), no. 59, pl. LXIII. See also Introduction, pp. 44 ff. 67. See also EC, X, Mülbāgal, 84. 68. Ibid., X, CB, 29. 69. Ibid., Introd., pp. ix ff. 70. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 686. 71. See EC, II (revised), no. 150. 72. See EC, I (1972), no. 98. The date corresponds to AD 877; it was is
sued on Phalguna Nandīśvara day. It registers a grant of two villages to Anantavīrya, a disciple of Gunasena-paņdita, for the maintenance
of a Jaina vasadi at Peggadūr. 73. See JBBRAS, 10, pp. 194 ff.; see also Jaina Silālekha Samgraha, II, no. 130. 74. See Altekar, The Rästrakūtas and Their Times, p. 89, n. 52. Desai fol
lowing Fleet, identifies Krsna of this inscription with Krsna III, see Jainism in South India, p. 112. However, the date of the record, which is given in words, definitely goes against the view of Fleet and Desai.

Page #221

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
195
Although, Amoghavarsa, I, the father of Krsna II, was still living, the
son was practically the de facto king at that time. 75. See Desai, op. cit., p. 113. 76. See JBBRAS, X, pp. 204 ff. 77. Desai, op. cit., p. 113. 78. See ibid., pp. 113 ff. 79. See EI, XXI, pp. 291 ff. 80. For some further details see Desai, op. cit., p. 111. 81. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 570 ff.; see also The Age of Imperial Kanauj,
pp. 162 ff. 82. See V. Rangacharya, A Topographical List of the Inscriptions of Madras
Presidency, Salem, no. 81. 83. Ibid., no. 74. 84. See EC, II (revised), no. 1; see also EI, IV, pp. 24 ff. 85. EC, II, nos. 2-9. 86. See no. 7 dated C. AD 700. 87. See Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, II, p. 237. 88. See Inscription no. 47 in P.B. Desai's Jainism in South India, pp. 374 ff. 89. See Kannada Inscriptions of A.P., no. 57; see also Desai, op. cit., pp.
339 ff. 90. See Desai, op. cit., no. 20, pp. 343 ff., 91. Ibid., p. 344; also Varāngacarita, Introd., p. 22. 92. See EC, IV, sr. 160, p. 143. We should also mention in this connec
tion, the reference to the death of Sukumārasena muni on the hill of Kopana (Kaopaņādri) mentioned by Cámundarāja in his celebrated
Cāmundarāyapurāna, see Saletore, op. cit., p. 193, n. 2. 93. See EC, II, p. 88. 94. Ibid., nos., 127, 191, 345, 384. For some further details on this great
tirtha see Saletore, op. cit., pp. 187-97; see also Desai, op. cit., pp.
200 ff. 95. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1916–17, copperplate no.
16; see also JAHRS, 13, pp. 185 ff., and The Classical Age, p. 253. 96. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1941-2, no. 18. 97. Ibid., 1929-30, p. 6, nos. 17-19. 98. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 137 ff. 99. See EI, IX, pp. 47 ff., see also Butterworth and Chetti, Nellore Inscrip
tions, pp. 164 ff. 100. See EI, VII, pp. 177 ff. 101. Ibid., p. 182; cf. the case of Vināpoti, the mistress of Badami Cālukya
Vijayāditya (Mahākūta pillar inscription) and Divalāmikā (Sudi plates
of Būtuga). 102. See El, vol. XXIV, pp. 268 ff. 103. See JAHRS, 13, p. 195, n. 1. 104. See Epigraphia Andhrica, II, pp. 21 ff.

Page #222

196
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
105. Ibid., pp. 22 ff.
106. Loc. cit.
107. Loc. cit.
108. See no. 1 of Epigraphia Andhrica, II.
109. Ibid., pp. 31 ff.
110. See Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh (Karimnagar district) ed., P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, no. 5.
111. Ibid., no. 4.
112. See The Calukyas of Vemulavāḍa, pp. 92 ff.; see also N.L. Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihasa, pp. 190 ff.
113. See Premi, op. cit., p. 179, n. 1.
114. Ibid., pp. 178 ff., 179 n.
115. Ibid., p. 193.
116. EC, II (revised), no. 67.
117. Ibid., no. 35.
118. EC, IX, no. 61.
119. EI, IV, pp. 332 ff.; also IA, 12, pp. 11 ff.
120. See Annual Report of Indian Epigraphy, 1958-9, B-582.
121. See Karnatak Inscriptions (1951), II, pp. 14-16.
122. See EI, VI, pp. 25 ff.
123. Ibid., p. 26.
124. Ibid., p. 25.
125. See Premi, op. cit., p. 150, n. 4 where the original verses from Gunabhadra's prasasti have been reproduced.
126. See The Raṣṭrakuṭas and Their Times, p. 311.
127. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 134 ff.
128. Ibid., pp. 151 ff. and n. 6 on p. 151.
129. Loc. cit.; see also R.G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, p. 95. 130. See Altekar, op. cit., p. 411; see also JBBRAS, 22, pp. 80 ff.
131. See EI, XVIII, p. 248; also Altekar, op. cit., p. 311.
132. See Premi, op. cit., p. 163.
133. Ibid., p. 153.
134. See J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 204 ff.; see also Prasastisaṁgraha (pp. 56-7) of that text published from Sholapur. Premi, op. cit., p. 49n, however, doubts the authenticity of this prasasti.
135. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, p. 741 (cf. vv. I.84, 114, and III.5 of that work). 136. See EI, XIII, pp. 190 ff.; see also Jaina Šilalekha Samgraha, II, no. 137. 137. See Desai, op. cit., pp. 134 ff.
138. Loc. cit.
139. See JBBRAS, 22, p. 85; see also Altekar, op. cit., p. 99.
140. See Saletore, op. cit., p. 89; see also Premi, op. cit., p. 150, n. 3.
141. See JBBRAS, 22, p. 85; and Saletore, op. cit., p. 39.
142. EC, II, no. 67.

Page #223

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
143. MAR, 1911, p. 38; see also Saletore, op. cit., p. 207; see also Jaina Silälekha Samgraha, 4, no. 77.
197
144. See EI, X, pp. 147 ff.
145. ASIAR, 1905-6, pp. 121 ff. According to this inscription, king Indra (Nityavarsa) caused the pedestal to be constructed for the Santinātha bathing ceremony. See also V. Rangacharya, A Topographical List of the Inscriptions of Madras Presidency, pp. 589-90; see also C.L. Jain, Jaina Bibliography, p. 199.
146. See EI, X, p. 149.
147. See IA, 12, pp. 224 ff.
148. ASIAR, 1928-9, p. 125.
149. According to some, the earlier inscription dated Śaka 847 belongs to the reign of Indra III; see Desai, op. cit., p. 139. But Indra III, it appears, died in AD 922; see The Age of Imperial Kanauj, p. 13. 150. See Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, I, pt. I, no. 34.
151. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, 1916, App. B, no. 540. See also Desai, op. cit., p. 149.
152. Desai, op. cit., p. 149.
153. See Jaina Epigraphs, pt. III, no. 48 in Desai's work Jainism in South India, etc.
154. Ibid., no. 46.
155. See ibid., pp. 369 ff.
156. Aśvāra XII, vs 9; see also Desai, op. cit., p. 370.
157. Desai, op. cit., p. 372.
158. Annual Report of South Indian Epigraphy, App. B, no. 65.
159. Desai, op. cit., p. 42.
160. See Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, I, pt. I, no. 38.
161. For the relevant passage from that text see Premi, op. cit., p. 179,
n. 1.
162. See Naik, A List of the Inscriptions of the Deccan, 1949, no. 173.
163. Ibid., no. 172.
164. See Desai, op. cit., p. 48; see also Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 34. 165. See Mysore Gazetteer, II, pp. 769-70.
166. See Jaina Šilalekha Samgraha, 4, no. 87.
167. EC, II, (revised), no. 133. It has been suggested that no. 134 from the same place belongs to time of Indra IV (see EC, II, no. 134).
168. See Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, II, pp. 224, 226, 228. 169. Chowkhambha edn., p. 9. P.B. Desai, therefore, is incorrect when he says that this play does not refer to the Jainas (see op. cit., p. 35). 170. See in this connection IA, 40, p. 215; 42, p. 307. See also Desai, op. cit., pp. 33 ff. See also SII, I, p. 29.
171. See Desai, op. cit., p. 34.
172. The Periyapurānam refers to the destruction of several structural monuments of the Jainas at Cuddalore by Mahendravarman I, see IA, 40, p.

Page #224

198
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
215. See also The Classical Age, p. 260. 173. See EI, XXVII, pp. 203 ff.; also Nellore Inscriptions, p. 676. 174. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1968–9, p. 60 and no. B. 219. 175. Loc. cit. 176. Loc. cit. see also B. 220. 177. See ibid., p. 6. 178. Ibid., B. 268. 179. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1954–5, B. 360. 180. Ibid., 1968–9, B. 221. 181. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 165 ff. 182. See Seminar on Inscriptions, Madras, p. 159. 183. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1968–9, B. 223. 184. See Rangacharya, op. cit., Salem, 81. 185. See EI, X, pp. 54 ff. 186. Ibid., p. 64. 187. Loc. cit. 188. SII, IX, pt. 1, no. 19. 189. See E!, X, p. 70. 190. Ibid., p. 65. 191. Ibid., p. 68. 192. See EI, IV, pp. 141 ff. 193. See SII, III, pt. 3, no. 92; XIII, no. 245. 194. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1909, App. B. 82. 195. SII, III, pt. 3, no. 91. 196. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1907, no. 199. 197. See SII, XIX, no. 80. 198. Ibid., no. 51. 199. Ibid., p. 25. 200. Ibid., XIII, no. 297. 201. Ibid., XIX, no. 89; also pt. 3, no. 97 and AR, of 1907, no. 66. 202. See SII, I, no. 68. 203. Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy, 1900, App. B. 53. 204. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy, 1961-2, pp. 4–5; see also Transac
tions of the Archaeological Society of South India, 1958–9, pp. 84 ff. 205. SII, II (no. 76), p. 387. 206. 201 of 1902 (Annual Report on Epigraphy, Madras). 207. EI, 4, p. 137. 208. Travancore Archaeological Series, I, pp. 193 ff.; see also Rangacharya,
op. cit., Tiruvankur, 2. 209. Rangacharya has followed the chronology proposed by K.A.N. Sastri
in The Pandyan Kingdom, pp. 36 ff. 210. Annual Report on Epigraphy (Madras), 1914, 430–31. 211. See Desai, op. cit., p. 62. 212. See SII, XIV, no. 22; see also EI, 32, pp. 337 ff.

Page #225

JAINISM IN SOUTH INDIA (AD 600-1000)
199
213. SII, XIV, no. 69. 214. Sastri, op. cit., pp. 74 ff. 215. Ibid., p. 84. 216. SII, XVII, no. 262; see also the plate facing Introd., p. 1. 217. Rangacharya, op. cit., Madura, no. 101. 218. Ibid., Madura, no. 389. 219. See EI, IV, no. 15, D. 220. See SII, XIV, nos. 107 ff.; see also C.L. Jain, Jaina Bibliography, p. 228. 221. SII, XIV, nos. 197-219.

Page #226

CHAPTER XI
Śvetāmbara Canonical Literature
According to the tradition, current among the Śvetāmbara Jainas, the Jaina sacred texts were first collected and edited at Pățaliputra over 160 years after the demise of Lord Mahāvīra. The earliest version of this tradition is to be found in the Avasyakacurni1 of Jinadāsagani Mahattara, who lived in the second half of the seventh century AD. The great Śvetambara writer Haribhadra, who lived in the mid-eighth century AD, has also referred to this council.3 The following story is told regarding this council.
Sthulabhadra was one of the two sons of Śakaṭāla, the minister of king Mahāpadma. After living with Kośā, a famous courtesan of the city of Pataliputra for a period of twelve years, he renounced the world under Sambhūtavijaya without suffering any transgression. Now it so happened that there was a famine at Pāțaliputra during the time of the ninth Nanda' and the monks were forced to leave the city. The famine lasted for twelve years, and when the monks returned, they discovered that many portions of the canon were lost. Sthulabhadra then, on his own initiative, convened a council of learned Jaina monks at Pāṭaliputra to collect the entire canon. The monks however discovered that the twelfth Anga, the Dṛṣṭivāda, could not be recollected and the council decided to send 500 monks including Sthulabhadra, to Bhadrabahu, who was then living in Nepal and was engaged in mahāpāṇa-mahāprāṇa meditation there. He was the only monk alive at that time who had the complete knowledge of the Dṛṣṭivada. Within a short time however all but Sthulabhadra left Nepal as they could not face the situation there. Bhadrabahu, we are told, taught Sthulabhadra the fourteen Purvas (an important part of the Dṛṣṭivāda) withholding the meaning of the last four texts because for some reason he was not permitted to teach these to anyone else. Later on, with the death of Sthulabhadra (215 years after the demise of Mahāvīra), even the verbal embodiment of these four Purvas came to an end. Since then the knowl

Page #227

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
201
edge of the Pūrvas went on decreasing and it was completely forgotten by vs 1000.5
It is clear from the above account that at least the eleven Angas were extant during the council which was held some 160 years after Mahāvīra's nirvāṇa. However, during the course of our discussion of the Anga texts, we will see that portions of those texts were added after the fourth century BC. It should further be remembered that there were three more Jaina councils in which the Āgama texts were subjected to further revision and alteration. A few of the later additions to the Agamic texts will be discussed in connection with the scrutiny of the individual texts. Let us now turn our attention to the Anga texts, most of which were composed in pre-Mauryan times. The following eleven Anga texts are known: Ācārānga, Sūtrakstānga, Sthānānga, Samavāyānga, Bhagavatī or Vyākhyāprajñapti, Jñātrdharmakathā, Upāsakadaśā, Antakyddaśā, Anuttaropapātikadašā, Praśnavyākaraṇa, and Vipākaśruta.
The Ācārāngas undoubtedly is one of the oldest and most authoritative Jaina Āgamic texts. The language and spirit of this work indicate that a major part of it was composed within 50 years of Mahāvīra's demise. A few section, especially those dealing with the birth of Mahāvīra, were added probably a couple of centuries later. The work is divided into two major sections called Srutaskandha and it appears that the earlier Srutaskandha was composed long before the second. This is also vouched for by the evidence of its Niryukti," which suggests that this portion was composed by the theras who were śrutakevalins. The style too of the second part is radically different front that of the first.
The names of the nine chapters (adhyayana) of the first Śrutaskandha are as follows: Sastraparijñā, Lokavijaya, Sītoşniya, Sanvyaktva, Lokasāra, Dhūta, Mahāparijñā, Vimokșa, and Upadhāna. Of these, the seventh Mahāparijñā, is now no longer extant. The second section contains five cūlās (cūlikā), of which the fifth, called Nisītha, is now a separate Āgamic text. The first two cūlās contain seven chapters each, and the third and the fourth one each. We have a niryuktio on this work by Bhadrabāhu, a cūrņilo by Jinadāsagani (seventh century) and also a ţikā" by Šīlānka (c. AD 850). Šīlānka in his commentary has referred to an earlier commentator of the Acārānga called Gandhahastin.
In the earlier parts of the Acārānga there is a distinct emphasis on ahimsā. A few sentences from that part are reproduced below:

Page #228

202
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Some slay (animals) for sacrificial purposes, some kill (animals) for the sake of their skin, some kill (them) for the sake of their blood, thus for the sake of their heart, their bile, the feathers of their tail, their big or small horns, their teeth, their tusks, their sinews, their bones; with a purpose or without a purpose. Some kill animals because they have been wounded by them, or are wounded or will be wounded.
He who injures these (animals) does not comprehend and renounce the sinful acts; he who does not injure these, comprehends and renounces the sinful acts. Knowing them, a wise man should not act sinfully towards animals, nor cause others to act so. He who knows these causes of sin relating to animals, is called a reward-knowing sage."
Some of the finest teachings of Jainism are incorporated in this Anga text. 'He who sees by himself, needs no instruction. But the miserable, afflicted fool who delights in pleasures, and whose miseries do not cease, is turned round in the whirl of pains.'l1 The author of this work repeatedly asks the śramanas to be careful regarding women and similar sentiments are expressed almost everywhere in Indian literature. The truly liberated is one who is not attached to the objects of the senses. 15 Similar teachings are however to be found in the Buddhist texts too. We should always remember that both Jainism and Buddhism look upon this world as a place of suffering, and this is why in the religious texts of both the systems we encounter identical metaphysical speculations.
The Ācārāngasūtra provides interesting information regarding the religious and social life of pre-Mauryan India. A number of popular festivals in honour of Brahmanical deities like Indra, Skanda, Rudra and Mukunda are mentioned in it. We should remember that the Mahābhārata' also refers to the festivals in honour of Pasupati, i.e., Rudra and Brahman. References to the festival in honour of Indra are to be found not only in the later Vedic texts, but also in Asvaghosa and other writers including Varāhamihira." The festival of Indra, according to the Mahābhārata, was introduced by Vasu Uparicara, the Cedi monarch.19
The Acārānga in the same passage also refers to the festivals of yakşas, snakes, tree, hill, river, sea, etc. These were simply popular assemblies (samāja) which had practically no religious significance. Such samājas were not liked by Aśoka as we learn from one of his rock edicts.20 References to various types of cloth, including those made in China, Bengal, and Malaya, are to be found in this text.?! It is interesting to note that cināńsuka is also mentioned in the Arthasāstra2 of Kautilya which probably suggests that the Chinese

Page #229

SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
cloth was known in India even in pre-Mauryan times. There is no need to suppose that the name 'Cina' is not older than the third century BC, as it could have been the name of a particular province of China, from a much earlier period. References to various types of musical instruments, including mṛdanga, nandimṛdanga, jhallari, vīņā, tumbavīņā, paṇava, tunaya, etc. are also quite interesting." They probably prove that these instruments were used in Jaina temples in those days.
203
The section on Mahāvīra's life has already been discussed in an earlier chapter. There is little doubt that this part of the Acārānga was utilized by the author of the Kalpasūtra. However, in another part of the Acaränga there is a reference to Mahāvīra's wanderings in various parts of Bengal. This part is written in verse and it appears to have been composed a few years after Lord Mahāvīra's demise. We learn from this section that at first the people of Läḍha were in no mood to listen to the teachings of Mahāvīra. The people there made the dogs bite Mahāvīra and he was subjected to various other humiliations. It appears however that within a few years of Lord Mahāvīra's death, Jainism was firmly established in Bengal, and as we have already suggested, it was from Bengal that the Jaina religion spread to Orissa.
The Sutrakṛtānga,25 which is the second Anga text, is undoubtedly another very ancient Jaina Agamic text. We have various commentaries on this text including niryukti,26 curṇī,27 and a ṭīkā.28 Like the Acaranga it has two śrutaskandhas. In the first there are sixteen adhyayanas and in the second, seven. The major part of the first śrutaskandha is in verse and the greater part of the second Book is in prose. Compared to the Acārānga it is a more readable work and replete with numerous interesting references. In the earlier sections of this text there is a detailed discussion on the metaphysical doctrines of various schools of thought. For a student of preBuddhist Indian philosophy, this part of the Sutrakṛtānga is an invaluable source-book. This work, it is interesting to note,29 knows the four ages, Krta, Kali, Treta, and Dvapara. The author of this text shows his close acquaintance with the Second Book of the Mahabharata by referring to the Siśupāla episode. I quote the relevant passage from Jacobi's translation:30 'A man believes himself a hero as long as he does not behold the foe, as did Śiśupāla [before he beheld] the valourously-fighting great warrior.' It is apparent from the passage that the Jaina author had read with enthusiasm

Page #230

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
and interest the exciting Śiśupāla story so beautifully told in the Sabhāparvan. Elsewhere our author refers to Dvaipayana and Parāśara, which also indirectly shows his acquaintance with the Mahabharata. The Videhan monarch Nami is also mentioned,32 and he is to be identified with the famous Nimi of Brahmanical and Buddhist texts. Reference to the Striveda33 shows that works on the science of erotics existed in India in the fifth century BC. The earliest systematic work on this subject as we learn from Vātsyāyana," was written by Bābharvya Pāñcāla, who probably lived in pre-Buddhist times.
204
36
It is extremely interesting to note that the author of the sutrakṛtānga calls Lord Mahāvīra a wise Brāhmaṇa (māhaṇa) at least in two places.35 The Buddhist canonical authors also make a similar claim on behalf of Gautama Buddha. In the work entitled Itivuttaka the Buddha directly calls himself a Brāhmaṇa. In the Anguttara Nikaya the Buddha is called Angīras, who was a great ancient Rgvedic seer. Both Mahāvīra and the Buddha believed that by deeds one becomes a Brāhmaṇa and not by birth. The Sutrakṛtānga declares that a Brāhmaṇa is one who has ceased from all sinful actions, namely love, hate, quarrel, calumny, backbiting, reviling others, aversion to control and love of pleasures, deceit, untruth, and the sin of wrong belief. He is never proud and angry and always exerts himself. Similar definition of a Brāhmaṇa will not be difficult to find in the vast Tripitaka literature. That seeing of a śramana, was considered a bad omen is indirectly confirmed this text.39 In the play Mṛcchakatika1 the hero Carudatta himself expressed a similar sentiment when he saw a śramana.
In this text people living in Gandhāra, Gauḍa, Kalinga, Draviḍa are mentioned along with the Śavaras and Caṇḍālas." Probably even in the days of the Buddha and Mahāvīra peoples living in the extreme northwest, south, and east were looked upon with contempt by the people of Madhyadeśa. This does not necessarily prove that in the sixth century BC eastern or southern India were culturally more backward than the centrally located states. It is merely a question of attitude. Indeed, the metropolis of an eastern state, namely Pataliputra, became from the sixth century BC, the cultural capital of northern India.
Several types of coins like mășa, ardha-māṣa, rūpaka are mentioned in this text.12 Elsewhere in the Jaina canon,13 kārṣāpaṇa (including false kārṣāpaṇa), suvarṇa-māṣa, rūppamāṣa are referred to. We will

Page #231

SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
205
later notice that in another Jaina text, composed in the early centuries of the Christian era, there is an exhaustive and valuable list of coins current in India in pre-Gupta times. This work also refers to a number of musical instruments.14 It is also of interest to note that, unlike the other Jaina texts, Brāhmaṇas are mentioned first in a list of four castes given in this canonical work. 15 It appears that the earlier Jaina canonical writers had a less affected attitude towards the Brāhmaṇas than the later writers.
There is a short description in this text of Nālandā," which as we learn from this work, was a prosperous town, a description confirmed by the account, given in the Buddhist texts.17 It further refers to a householder called Lepa who was in possession of a bathing hall called Seṣadravya, which was situated to the north-east of Nālandā. As the name suggests, the hall was built of materials not used for building houses. At this town Gautama Indrabhūti, the famous disciple of Lord Mahāvīra met Udaka Peḍhälaputta of the Medārya gotra, who was a follower of Lord Parsvanatha. The conversation18 that took place between the two can be compared with the dialogue between a follower of Pärśva and Gautama Indrabhuti recorded in the twenty-third chapter of the Uttaradhyayana, which will be discussed later. From this conversation we further learn that some of the followers of Gautama Indrabhuti were also known as Kumaraputras, which probably indicates that they belonged to aris
tocratic families.
The Sutrakṛtānga, like the Acārānga, contains beautiful and thought-provoking philosophical expressions that are in no way inferior to those of the Pali Buddhist texts. The doctrines of Gośāla and Buddha have been cleverly refuted by Ardraka, a follower of Mahavira in the second half of this text.50 It should however be added that the views of other schools have not been properly presented in this text. Such distortions of the philosophical views of other teachers are common in the religious works of almost all schools of thought in India. The Pali Buddhist texts show that the Buddha had absolutely no deference for other teachers, and he had branded all of them as ignorant and unworthy of serious attention.51 I have already said that with the exception of a few passages, nowhere in the Jaina canon have the Buddhists been attacked directly, but the poor Ajivikas have been mercilessly assailed by both Buddha and Mahāvīra.
The Sthānāngasutra,52 which is the third Anga text, unlike the first two, does not say anything about the teaching of Mahavira. On

Page #232

206
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
the other hand, this work contains information on various dogmatic topics, which can be grouped in 1-10 categories. He has a slight resemblance to the Anguttara Nikāya of the Buddhists, although there are major differences between the two texts. There are ten adhyayanas and 787 sūtras and the only reliable commentary on this text is by Abhayadeva Sūri, who wrote it in vs 1120, corresponding to AD 1062. However, as the commentator himself admits, it was not an easy task for him to write an authentic commentary on such a work.54 There are, however, interesting references in this Anga text. Among the holy places, the name of Prabhāsa, 55 is conspicuous by its presence, and this shows that even the canonical Jaina writers looked upon this Vaisnava holy place as a tirtha. The name of this place also appears in the Rajapraśniya, 56 the second Upānga text. This is not surprising if we remember that Krsna and Baladeva are included in the list of sixty-three holy men (salākāpuruṣa). The four types of severe austerities engaged in by the Ajīvikas are also mentioned.57 The difficult penances, performed by the Ajīvikas, are also referred to in the Nanguttha Jātaka (no. 144).58 We are further told that a Jaina monk should not cross more than once a month the following five great rivers: Gangā, Yamunā, Erāvati (Pāli, Acirāvati), Sarayū, and Mahi. These five rivers are mentioned together in several Pāli canonical texts59 which indirectly show the contemporaneity of the Pāli and Jaina canonical works. Then the epics, Mahi and Acirāvati are not treated as great rivers. It should further be remembered that this Mahi should be distinguished from the Mahī of western India, which is the 'the great river called Mais' of the Periplus (para 42), Mophis of Ptolemy.to Sarayū is mentioned as Sarabhū6) in the Pāli texts, which reminds me of the word 'Sarabos' used by Ptolemy62 for that river. The well-known capital of Kosala in Mahāvira's time, Srāvastī, was situated on the river Erāvati or Acirāvati, modern Rapti.
Among the Jaina rebels (Niñhavas), the first seven are mentioned: Jamāli, Tișyagupta, Āsādha, Aśvamitra, Ganga, Rohagupta, and Goșthamāhila. Since the last one lived 584 years after the nirvāņa of Mahāvīra, this section of the Sthānānga63 was composed not before the beginning of the second century AD. It is, however, quite possible that the list of these seven rebels were added during the Valabhi council, when the Jaina canonical texts received their final shape. Nine gaņas under Mahāvīra are mentioned by name:64 Godāsa, Uttarabalissaha, Uddeha, Cäraņa, Uduvaţika (Uduvādiya), Viśvavādika, Kamardhika (Kāmiddhiya), Māņava, and Kodiya. Of these,

Page #233

SVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
207
Viśvavādika (Vissavāiya), it appears, is an otherwise unknown gana and not mentioned in the Theravali. It should, however, be remembered that these ganas could not have existed in the fifth century BC, as, according to the Theraval, they had originated only after Bhadrabahu.
Ten great cities are mentioned in this text65 Campā, Mathurā, Vārāṇasī, Śrāvastī, Sāketa, Hastinapura, Kāmpilya, Mithilā, Kauśāmbī, and Rājagṛha. Six of these cities, as we have already noticed, are mentioned in the Digha Nikaya in the list of six great cities. Regarding Hastinapura, however, we can say, that it disappeared from the map of northern India long before the sixth century BC. The Jaina canonical author has included the city in his list probably because of its past fame.
The fourth Anga text, the Samavāyānga, is like Sthānānga a descriptive work. There is a commentary on it by Abhayadeva, which was completed at the town of Aṇahilapāṭaka in vs 1120, corresponding to AD 1062. Almost all the authorities believe it to be one of latest of the canonical texts, for it not only mentions other Anga texts but also the Nandisutra. The subject-matter of the first twothirds of the work is arranged in numerical groups just as in the Sthānanga, but in this case the numbers do not stop at ten, but go up to a million. Under no. 18, eighteen scripts are enumerated and they include the Dāmilī and Polindi scripts.68 This list can be compared with the list in the Mahavastu and the more exhaustive list given in the Lalitavistara,70 both being Buddhist Sanskrit texts. The 72 arts are also mentioned by name." Reference to gods like Vijaya, Vaijayanta, Jayanta, and Aparajita remind us of the four gods Aparajita, Apratihata, Jayanta, and Vaijayanta mentioned in the Arthasästra72 of Kautilya.
The author of the Samavāyānga shows his thorough acquaintance with the devotional Vaiṣṇava literature. In sutra no. 158 there are some typical Vaiṣṇava expressions and the emblems of Baladeva and Kṛṣṇa are correctly described. The Samavāyānga not only betrays knowledge about Kṛṣṇa's life, but also a thorough acquaintance with the later myths that grew around Vasudeva-Kṛṣṇa.
The fifth Anga text, the Vyakhyāprajñapti or the Bhagavati," is undoubtedly the most important canonical work of the Śvetambara Jainas. Abhayadeva wrote a commentary on this work in the vs 1128, corresponding to AD 1070 at Anahilapāṭaka." This voluminous text extends to 41 satakas. Since I consider this work to be very impor

Page #234

208
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
tant, I would like to make a detailed analysis of its contents.
The work opens with an adoration of Jina and also very significantly of the Brāhmi script. In the first śataka several types of asce groups are mentioned, including tāpasas, āsīvikas, and parivrājakas. Lord Mahāvīra is represented as giving a discourse on various topics to Gautama Indrabhūti in the Guņaśila shrine which was situated near Rājagļha. The most important information that we find in the first śataka relates to Kālāsavesiyaputta, a follower of Pārsva, who was converted by Mahāvīra. This monk, it appears, first had misgivings regarding Mahāvīra's religion, based on five restraints. In the second sataka there is a reference to Kayamgalā town, which is the same as Kajangalā of the Pāli canon. The canonical writer is not however correct in saying that it was not far from Srāvasti.75 This śataka refers to the conversion of Khamda of the Kātyāyana gotra who was a disciple of a teacher well-versed in the Brahmanical philosophy. We are further told that Mahāvīra for sometime lived on the Vipula mountain of Rājagrha.76 In this śataka too, Mahāvīra is represented as having converted a few of Pārsva's followers." It is interesting to note that the hot-spring of Rājagļha is mentioned in this sataka and the name given to it here is Mahātavovatī78 which reminds us of Tapodā of the Pāli canonical texts.79 It also appears from this śataka that even in the fifth century BC there were shrines, dedicated to the Jina, for we encounter the expression jinaghara.” In the third sataka there are several interesting references. The four Lokapālas,8l the god Sūlapāņi or Siva, who is described as Vasahavāhana,82 i.e., ursabhavāhana, and other gods like Indra, Skanda, Vaiśravaňa, etc. are mentioned. It appears from this śataka that gods like Indra, Skanda, Durgā, Rudra and Vaiśravaṇa were very popular. This will be confirmed by the evidence of other canonical texts, to be discussed later in this chapter. This śataka also contains an interesting account of Tāmali Moriyaputta of Tāmralipta city.84 We are told that he was initially a great merchant of that famous city-port and later gave up everything to become a recluse. The expression 'Moriyaputta' does not necessarily mean that he was a scion of the Moriya or Maurya family. It further appears from this śataka5 that the art of drama was fully developed in the sixth century BC, an assumption which is supported by the evidence of Pāṇini. A few malignant spirits like Indragraha, Skandagraha, Kumāragraha, Yukșagraha, and Bhūtagraha are also mentioned.86 Needless to say, these grahas were supposed to inflict bodily

Page #235

ŚVETĂMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
209
harm both to children and adults. The fourth śataka has little of interest. In the fifth there is a reference to the famous Purnabhadra shrine of Campā,87 which was often visited by Mahāvīra. A beautiful and detailed description of this yaksa temple is given in the Aupapātikasūtra, which will be discussed later in this chapter. We also have an exhaustive list of various types of musical instruments in this śataka.88 The god Hariņegameșī, who is generally identified with Kārttikeya, and who was responsible, according to the Kalpasūtra, for transferring the embryo of Mahāvīra from the womb of Devānandā to Trišalā, is conspicuously mentioned.99 Among other interesting references in the fifth śataka we have stūpa, devakula,% etc. The devakulas or the Brahmanical shrines are also mentioned elsewhere in the Bhagavati. There is little doubt that the shrines, dedicated to devas, yaksas, etc., existed in pre-Buddhist days,92 but as they were built of wood, no trace of them remains today. This sataka also refers to the disciples of Pārsva.93 In the sixth śataka there is nothing particular of interest except a reference to various types of measures.94
The seventh śataka is important for interesting information on the political history of the fifth century Bc. Here we have an elaborate description of the war between Ajātaśatru and eighteen confederate kings of Kāśi and Kosala.95 It must certainly have been a bloody war which lasted for a considerable length of time and came to be known as the Rathamusala battle. The ethics of war were scrupulously followed,96 and this reminds us of the ethics of war which were agreed upon by both the parties before the Bhārata war.97 A person called Varuņa, belonging to the Nāga lineage took part in this war, according to the Bhagavatī.98 The account of the war is however very realistic, unlike those in the two epics, and we are told, that king Ajātaśatru, who was helped by the Vaijis, ultimately emerged victorious. A similar account of war is found in the Nirayavalikā, an Upānga text, which will be discussed later.
The eighth śataka has interesting references to the Ajivikas and also the lay followers of the Ajivika religion.99 There is an elaborate account of various professions and this indirectly shows that the struggle for existence had became quite difficult by the sixth century Bc. False weights and measures are also referred to.''! The ninth śataka also recounts the conversion of the followers of Pārsval02 by Mahāvīra, and this once more underlines the testimony of the Acārānga, according to which Jainism reached north Bihar even

Page #236

210
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
before the birth of Mahāvīra. This particular śataka contains the poignant account103 of Mahāvīra's meeting with Devānandā, his mother, which we have already discussed in the account of Mahāvīra's life. We are further told that Lord Mahāvira converted his mother to the Nirgrantha religion and she became a nun under Aryā Candanā.104 The most important section of this śataka is however that dealing with Jamāli, 105 which has already been briefly discussed in connection with the discussion on the life of Mahāvīra. There is nothing here to indicate that he was the son-in-law of Mahāvīra. Like the Master, he too belonged to the KșatriyaKundagrāma. In this section 106 some festivals, connected with Indra, Skanda, Mukunda, Näga, etc. are also mentioned. There is a reference to Chinese silk 107 and to the stick of Indra108 which was obviously used in the Indra-festival. The tenth śataka has little of any importance, but the eleventh is full of interesting things. Mahāvīra's visit to Hastināpura is recorded here, 109 which at that time, was probably a mere village. Here also, there are references to such terms as pecchāgharalo (i.e., prekṣāgrha) and rangasthāna,' which must indicate that drama, as a form of entertainment, was very popular in those days. There is also the term yavanikā, 112 which also occurs elsewhere in the Jaina canon. Let us not forget that even in the Brahmajāla Sutta of the Dīgha Nikāya the term prekṣāgîha is conspicuous by its presence and one of the monks under the Buddha was an actor in his earlier life.113 The town of Alabhiyā, which is mentioned more than once in this sataka'14 was often visited by the Buddha."15 Lord Mahāvīra too, according to this sataka visited this town, and an account of the conversion of Poggala Parivrājaka is also given. The twelfth śataka records the account of Mahāvīra's visit to Kaušāmbi during the reign of Udayana. This king, according to the Bhagavatī, was the daughter's son (dauhitra) of Cetaka of Vaisāli.16 This statement gets unexpected confirmation from one of the plays of Bhāsa"7 where Udayana is called the son of Vaidehi, and Vaiśāli was at that time include in Videha janapada. We must also remember that another daughter of Cetaka, Cellaņā, was the mother of Ajātaśatru and this prince is frequently called Vedehiputta in the Pāli texts. 118 The sataka further represents Jayanti, a sister of Satānika, as a great devotee of Lord Mahāvīra. The thirteenth śataka encapsulates the story of Mahāvīra's visit to Vītībhaya, 119 the capital of Sindhu-Sauvīra. We are told that the Master travelled all the way from Campā to Vītībhaya in order to convert the king of Sindhu

Page #237

SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
211
Sauvira. As I have already said, this was surely the longest journey this Nirgrantha prophet undertook, and compared to this 'long march' all the achievements of Buddha pale into insignificance. The fourteenth sataka refers to the worship of the Pațali tree at Pataliputra120 and mentions Ambaḍa parivrājaka of Kampilyapura. 121
The famous fifteenth sataka which is entitled Gośālaka gives an elaborate and highly authentic account of the career of Gośāla Mankhaliputra, the famous Ājīvika philosopher. I have briefly discussed the career of Gośāla in a previous chapter and propose to make an elaborate study of Gośāla and his religion in a separate Appendix to this volume. According to this account, Gośāla died sixteen years before Mahāvīra and there is little doubt that his untimely death was welcomed by the followers of both Mahāvīra and Buddha. The Păli canonical texts also show that Gautama Buddha regarded the Ajivikas as the greatest enemies of his religion. This śataka refers to a few pre-Buddhist shrines including Angamandira of Campa122 and Kāmamahāvana of Vārāṇasī.123 It further refers to sixteen mahajanapadas of those days,124 a list that differs considerably from that in the Pāli texts.125 This sataka further provides the very revealing information that Lord Mahāvīra ate the flesh of a cat (majjārakaḍa) and wild cock (kukkuḍamaṁsa) 126 when he was down with fever after a debate with Gośāla. The Jainas of modern times find this account quite shocking and hasten to offer various explanations for these terms. Such attempts can be compared with those offered by the devout Buddhists for the term sūkaramaddava which Buddha ate in Cunda's mango grove at Pāvā. Needless to say, the prophets of the sixth century BC, like other people of that time, were addicted to both vegetarian and non-vegetarian food. Eating of fish and flesh did not clash with their ideas of non-violence. There is other evidence to show that the Jainas of earlier times were nonvegetarians like others, although by the Gupta period, they became strictly vegetarians. This sataka also refers to the fact that a king of Pundra country called Devasena later became a devout Ājīvika.127 This suggests that after the demise of Gośāla, Ājīvikism spread to northern Bengal. It also appears that this fifteenth sataka of the Bhagavati was edited more than once during the councils held later.
In the sixteenth sataka we find Indra paying homage to Mahāvīra.128 Indeed, the religious opponents of Brahmanical Hindus always loved to paint the king of gods as a devotee of their prophet. In almost every non-canonical work of the later Jaina writ

Page #238

212
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
ers we have a prasasti addressed by Indra to the fina. The Buddhist canonical writers have gone a step further; even the chief disciples like Moggallāna and Sāriputta are represented as being worshipped by Sakka (Sakra); this section also refers!29 to Vāsudeva and Baladeva. The seventeenth śataka has nothing new to tell. The eighteenth is quite interesting. There is a reference to the Bahuputta shrine of Vaiśālī,'30 and this is the only shrine or temple that is referred to in the canonical texts of both the Jainas or the Buddhists, for a historian the importance of this reference is indeed very great. It fully justifies our assumption that the Bhagavatīsūtra is a text of great antiquity. This particular temple is mentioned in the Mahaparinibbāna Suttanta of the Dīgha Nikāya,131 which is regarded as one of oldest canonical Buddhist texts. Mahāvīra is represented as having stayed in this shrine. It is therefore exciting to discover that both these great prophets stayed for sometime in this famous temple of the celebrated city of Vaiśāli. Let us remember that Lord Mahāvīra himself used to pass nights in the deva and yakṣa shrines of those days. This is shown by a passage of this sataka.132 It also refers to gold and silver coins (suvannamāsā, rūppamāsā).133 The lovely story of the conversion of Brāhmaṇa (māhaņa) Somila is told in this section. 134 The remaining satakas of the Bhagavati are largely useless for our purpose.
The above analysis of this celebrated Anga text, though brief, amply shows that the Bhagavatī is an important source-book of contemporary social and cultural history of Eastern India. It is a matter of regret that we have no early authentic commentary on it and the vịtti of Abhayadeva is almost wholly useless, like his other vịttis. It was simply impossible for a monk of Gujarat, living in the eleventh century, to write a faithful commentary on a work, composed in the pre-Mauryan period. This remark holds good for other Jaina commentaries too.
The sixth Anga text, the Nāyādhammakahão (jñātrdharmakathā), 135 is antoher important Jaina canonical work. It contains a number of stories which make it the most readable of all the Jaina canonical works. The work is divided into two śrutaskandhas, of which the first, which is divided into nineteen chapters (adhyayana) is important for our purpose. The second śrutaskandha is virtually a repetition of the first.
The first adhyayana called Utkṣipta records the story of prince Meghakumāra, the son of Bimbisāra, by his wife Dhārini, the name

Page #239

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
213
of this prince is, however, absent in the Buddhist texts. This prince, we are told, later embraced the religion of Mahāvīra and became a Jaina monk. The second adhyayana relates the story of merchant Dhanna (Dhanya) of Rājagļha. Once he was sentenced to imprisonment for committing a crime. He and robber Vijaya (a majority of thieves and robbers in Jaina literature bear this name), the murderer of his son Devadatta, were fettered together. This pious merchant, we are told, shared with that thief in jail a food packet (bhoyaņa-pidaga) sent to him daily by his wife Bhadrā.136 Later the merchant became a sādhu under the Jaina ascetic Dharmaghosa The third adhyayana contains an account of the famous prostitute of Campā called Devadattā, who was loved by the sons of the two merchants Jinadatta and Sāgaradatta. This prostitute appears again in a later adhyayana of this canonical text. The fourth adhyayana relates the story of two turtles and a jackal. The first turtle is killed by the jackal as it exposed itself to danger, another, being cautious, remained unhurt in its shell since it waited until that animal had left. The tenth adhyayana is quite interesting as it tells us something about Aristanemi and other Vrsņis of Dvārakā (Bāravai). There is also a description of the Surapriya yakṣāyatana (shrine) which was situated near the city. It is interesting that the five Vrsni heroes led by Baladeva, mentioned in the Vāyupurāņa, as manusyapraksti gods, are also referred to in this section of this text.137 A few other Vrsņi heroes are also mentioned in this section. The mountain Raivailka, which is mentioned for the first time, in the Mahābhārata, 138 is described here as situated near Dvārakā. It should however be pointed out that this mountain is not near Dvărakā but Girinagara and in the Mahābhārata passage Kuśasthali is described as situated near this mountain (kuśasthalım purīí ramyāṁ raivatenopaśobhitām). It follows therefore that ancient Kuśasthali is not Dvārakā but Girinagara. 139 The Jaina writer of this canonical text, it appears, was not much acquainted with the topography of this area. We have already said that Baladeva, Vāsudeva and others had a place in the Jaina mythology, and it is therefore not surprising to find a detailed description of them in this canonical text. However, like other Jaina texts, Aristanemi, who was supposed to be a scion of the Vrsni race, is described as much superior to Krsna and Baladeva in this section of the Nāyādhammakahāo.
This work also refutes the philosophy of the Samkhya teacher.'10 We are told in the fifth adhyayana that the Sāmkhya teacher Suka

Page #240

A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
(Sua) was converted to Jainism by the Nirgrantha saint Thāvaccaputta. This particular Samkhya teacher, who was well-versed in the Sastitantra,141 used to move about with a trident. The detailed description of the various implements of this philosopher shows that in spite of his Sāṁkhya leanings, he was a Śaiva. In this connection we get the words tridanda, kunḍikā, chatra, karoṭikā, kamaṇḍalu, rudrākṣamālā, mṛttikābhajana, trikāṣṭikā, ankusa, etc. Probably the earliest reference to the word yapaniya is to be found in this section of this Anga text.
214
In the seventh adhyayana we have the story of Rohini which has interesting similarity with the parable of talents in Matthew112 and Luke.143 Surprisingly enough, the Jaina writer finds a few words of praise for women. The eighth adhyayana is more interesting as it contains the story of Malli, the nineteenth Tirthamkara. In this adhyayana there is a reference to a Naga temple near Saketa."" There is a description of a sea voyage and we further learn that Indian ships used to voyage to various foreign countries from the river ports of those days, including Campã. Here also we have names of those popular Hindu gods and goddesses, 145 mentioned in the Bhagavati and elsewhere. The ninth adhyayana contains an account of shipwreck and there is an interesting reference to Lavaṇasamudra and Ratnadvipa. The tenth to twelfth adhyayanas are less interesting, but the thirteenth gives an interesting account of the philanthropic works done by Nanda, a gem merchant (maniyāra) of Rajagṛha. He built a number of beautiful garden complexes, which included hospitals, painting houses, kitchens with water-tanks, music schools, etc. The fourteenth adhyayana contains the story of the conversion of a lady called Poṭṭilā by a Jaina nun called Suvrata. The fifteenth refers to monks belonging to other sects like Raktapata (Buddhist), Pandaranga (Ajivika), Gautama, Caraka, etc.
The most important book of this Anga text is the sixteenth adhyayana called Avarakaṁkā which is largely based on the Mahabharata as it relates the story of Draupadi and her five husbands. We are told that in her previous birth Draupadi (Dovai) was the daughter of a merchant of Campa and her name was Sukumārikā. One day she saw a prostitute named Devadatta enjoying the company of five young men at a Bohemian club of the city called Lalita. 116 This lady thereupon made a nidāna to marry five husbands in her next life and accordingly was born as Draupadi. It is interesting that even some of the minor details of the Mahabharata are repeated in this

Page #241

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
215
section of the Nāyādhammakahão.147 The Pandavas are however represented as inferior heroes and mere subordinates of Krsna. This section further represents Kṛṣṇa as becoming disgusted with the behaviour of the Pandavas and asking them to leave for the south We are then told the story of the foundation of Madura, called Pamdamahurā in their text, by the five Pāņdavas, a story that has interesting parallels with the story of Pandia or Pandaia, related by Megasthenes, who lived in the last quarter of the fourth century BC. 148 The story told regarding the foundation of Madura in this work was later taken up by the Jaina narrative writers, who did their best to make it as absorbing as possible. 149 The Pāndavas died like many other devout Jainas on the summit of Satrunjaya, according to this work. The other three adhyayanas are less interesting. However, the robber Vijaya once more appears in the eighteenth adhyayana.
The seventh Anga text, 150 the Upāsakadaśā, is also an absorbing and readable work. There is a commentary on this work by Abhayadeva,151 which is practically of no help to us. This work contains stories regarding ten lay disciples of Lord Mahāvīra. The first story concerns Ananda, who was a śramanopāsaka of Vāņiyagāma near Vaiśālī. There is a reference to the Dūipalāsa shrine there. This millionaire disciple of Mahāvīra reminds us of Ananthapindika of the Pāli canon. He is even depicted as superior to Indrabhūti. The second story is told regarding one Kāmadeva of Campā. It is interesting that in this story there is a reference to Lambodara (Ganesa),152 which shows that this god was worshipped even in the pre-Christian period. A newly discovered coin of Hermaeus (first century AD) has the representation of elephant-headed Gaņeśa. The Ājīvikas are referred in the sixth and seventh adhyayanas, of which the latter is particularly interesting. From this section we learn that at the town of Polāsapura there was one Saddālaputta, a famous potter, who had 500 potter shops under him and was a lay Ajīvika votary. The potters, who worked under him are described as bhattaveyaņā,153 which suggests that they received regular wages for their work. Pāṇini's sutra, vetanădibhyo jīvati (4.4.12) suggests that even from pre-Buddhist times the system of regular payment in cash to workers and servants was known. The evidence of the Mahābhārata 51 also shows that the system of vetana was well-known from quite early times. This follower of the Ajīvikas, according to the story, was converted by Mahāvīra. The eighth adhyayana shows one pious

Page #242

216
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
lay worshipper called Mahāśataka, whose chief wife Revatī, we are told, used to consume cow flesh.155 The last two adhyayanas are of little interest.
The eighth Anga text, which is known as the Antagaďadasāo (Antakstadašā), 156 too is not a barren work, replete as it is with narratives. The accounts of the Vrsnis, led by Vāsudeva, occupy much of the text. Some of the details, given here are however also to be found in the sixth Anga text. There is a list of peoples living in different janapadas and this list157 includes such names as the Arabs, Barbaras, Yavanas, Simhala, Pārasika, etc. A full list of 72 Arts are also given.158 There is a very interesting reference59 to the Mahākāla śmaśāna (cemetery) of Ujjayinī. Like many other Jaina texts this work also represents Vasudeva as inferior to Aristanemi;160 that great Indian philosopher and hero is even pictured as a devotee of this Jaina Tirthaikara. 161 Two of Krsna's wives are distinctly mentioned, Rukmini 62 and Jāmbavati the mother of Samba.163 In another place we have the complete list of Krsna's wives. There is a very interesting story regarding the Moggarapāņi!64 yakșa shrine of Rājagsha, and it appears from the description of the icon that it was made of wood. The curse of Dvaipāyana, mentioned in the Chata Jätakal65 and Kautilyath on the Vrsnis, is also mentioned here.167
The ninth Anga, the Anuttaropapātikadašā, it is practically devoid of any interest. There is a vịtti by Abhayadeva.169 There are only two original pieces in this text and they concern legends of persons who were reborn in the uppermost heavens.
The tenth Anga text, the Praśnavyākarana,170 is not the same text171 described in the Sthānānga and Nandisutra. We have a vịtti by Abhayadeva.172 There are two śrutaskandhas called asrava and samvara. The work throws considerable light on the social life of those days. There are sections on crimes and punishments.173 Accurate descriptions of Baladeva and Väsudeva!74 show that the images of these hero gods were quite popular, and some of these descriptions were no doubt copied from contemporary Vaisnava literature. There are indirect references to terrible wars described in the two epics, which were fought over women like Sītā and Draupadi. 175 There are many other useful details which can only be discussed in a separate volume. It is certainly much more than a mere 'loquacious treatise', 176 and there is nothing in it that can be termed interpolations of the post-Christian period.
The eleventh Anga text, the Vipākaśruta,177 is once again an

Page #243

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
217
interesting and readable canonical work. We have a vrtti on it by Abhayadeva. 178 It has two śrutaskandhas with ten chapters (adhyayanas) each. The first śrutaskandha is entitled Dukhavipaka, which is much longer, and the second Sukhavipāka, which is less interesting.
This work contains some references which are otherwise unknown. The most valuable information is supplied regarding Udayana, whose priest was condemned to death for an illicit relationship with the queen Padmavati. 179 It is interesting that in the sixth century BC even a Brāhmaṇa could be executed for serious crimes, and it was clearly against the Smộti laws. However, we have in the story of Cārudatta in the Mrcchakațika another such example. A licentious person was condemned to death by embracing a red hot image of woman (itthipadimam), 180 a punishment approved for such persons in the Manusmrti.181 There are descriptions of various instruments 182 of torture, and we are further told how prisoners were tortured in jail in those days. 183 The great physician Dhanvantari 181 is condemned in the strongest possible language because he prescribed ‘meat diet'. A ludicrous story is told in this connection regarding the fate of this physician. We learn that the yakşas like the devas were worshipped with flowers, leaves, incense, etc. 185 It is possible that the Vardhamānapura, mentioned in this text, is Burdwan in Bengal, which we are told visited by Mahāvīra himself. 186 Rohida of this text (p. 275) may be identical with Rohitaka of the Mahābhārata. 187 These two towns were known for shrines dedicated to the Maņibhadra and Dharana yakşas, respectively. There is a story in which a daughter-in-law is shown as killing her mother-in-law. 188
In the Sukhavipāla!89 we have a reference to Majjhamiyā, which is identical to Madhyamika in Rajasthan. It appears from both the parts of this canonical text that there were yakşa shrines almost throughout northern India. In the earlier śrutaskandha there is a valuable description of a village inhabited by robbers (corapallī). 190 Here too the leader of the robbers is a person called Vijaya, 191 who, we are told, had spies (cārapurisā) like the king. The king of the country in which this corapallī was situated, by adopting Machiavellian tactics, succeeded in capturing alive the son of this robber chief. The role played by prostitutes is also described in an attractive style. 192
Let us now turn our attention to the Upānga texts which are twelve in number. They are: Aupapātika, Rājapraśnīya, Jivajīvābhigama, Prajñāpanā, Suryaprajñapti, Jambūdvīpaprajñapti, Candraprajñapti, Nirayavalikā, Kalpāvataņšikā, Puspikā, Puspacūlikā,

Page #244

218
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
193
and Vṛṣṇidasă. The first Upanga text, the Aupapātika (Ovavāiya),' is probably the most important among the Upanga works. We have in the very beginning194 of this text, an elegant and lovely description of the celebrated Pūrṇabhadra yakṣa shrine of the city of Campā. This description leaves no room to doubt that it was a great temple complex of the sixth century BC. It was probably built a few centuries earlier, but nothing of it has survived simply because the entire complex was built of wood. At the time when Lord Mahāvīra visited the city of Campā, Kūņika-Ajātaśatru was the king of Anga-Magadha with his temporary capital in that city. This text further shows that Kūņika held Mahāvīra in great respect. 195 The name of his queen is given as Dhāriņi, which is however, a stock name for queens in Jaina literature. Let us further remember that the Pūrṇabhadra shrine of Campa was one of Mahāvīra's favourite resorts. The Buddhist texts describe Yakṣa Pūrṇabhadra,196 but do not show any acquaintance with this shrine of Campã. This text also relates the tragic story of the death of the Brāhmaṇa, Ambada parivrājaka, with his seven disciples, 197 when he was travelling from Kampilya to Purimatala. It is interesting that, according to the description of the text, the city of Kampilya (Kampillapura) was spread over both the banks of the Ganges. 198 The 72 Arts are enumerated in this text too,199 which also refers to several types of parivrajakas belonging to Brahmana and Kṣatriya castes. 200 The following eight types of Brāhmaṇa (māhaṇa) parivrājakas are enumerated: Kṛṣṇa, Karakanda, Ambaṣṭha, Parāśara, Kṛṣṇa(2), Kṛṣṇa-Dvaipayana, Devagupta, and Nārada. The eight types of Ksatriya parivrājakas are: Silai, Sasihāra, Naggai, Bhaggai, Videha, Rājarāja, Rājārāma, and Bala. I am not aware of any other similar list of parivrăjakas elsewhere in Indian literature. The text also refers to the Ajivikas 201 and Niņhavas.202
205
The second Upanga work, Rājapraśniya,203 is an equally important Agamic text. There is a commentary on it by Malayagiri, a contemporary of the celebrated Hemacandra,204 who lived in the midtwelfth century AD. The text is divided into two parts. The first contains a few interesting references, as for example, cinapaṭṭa, picchaghara (prekṣāgṛha), devakula,207 thūva (stūpa),208 etc. Some of the descriptions remind us of the Aupapātikasutra. The second part which contains an account of the conversation between king Paesi of Seyaviya and Kumāraśramaṇa Kesin, a follower of Parśva, is more important and it reminds us of the 'Payasi Suttanta' of the Digha Nikaya.209 The Kumāraśramaṇa monks were known to Panini.210There

Page #245

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
219
is strong reason to believe that the Buddhist author of the Pāyāsi Suttanta was influenced by this Jaina text. In the Buddhist poem too, the scene of the conversation is said to be Setavyā, which is evidently the same as Seyaviyā. There is no evidence to connect this king with Prasenajit of Srāvasti.2l! It is quite interesting that a few of the conversations212 are similar to those in the Milindapañha. Among the other important references in this part we have horses of Kāmboja,213 festivals of popular gods,211 different types of punishments for different castes, etc. 215
The third Upanga text fivājivābhigama 6 has nine sections and altogether 272 sūtras. There is a commentary27 on it by Malayagiri, who has referred to the various readings of the text. According to him it is an Upanga belonging to the Sthānănga. Although it is not a very extensive text, it contains a large number of useful references, some of which will be noticed below. Almost all the important information is to be found in the third section (pratipatti) of this work. Among the various types of wine mentioned here, we have a wine called Kāpiśāyana which is also mentioned by Pāņini (IV.1.29) and Kautilya (II.25). This wine was produced in the Kāpisi country (Afghanistan). This section also refers to the cloth produced in Sindhu, Dravida, Vanga, and Kalinga countries. Among the ornaments, there is a reference to the necklace made of dīnāra coins which is also referred to in the Kalpasūtra.218 There are also useful lists of ratnas, weapons, metals, bhavanas, națas, utsavas, yānas, diseases, scripts, servants, utensils, etc.
The fourth Upānga is called Prajñāpanā.219 Its author was Ārya Syāma, who flourished some 376 years after Mahāvīra. There are commentaries on it by Haribhadra 220 (eighth century) and Malayagiri. It is the largest Upānga text and has altogether 349 sūtras. Like the third Upānga it also contains lists of various things. The most significant however is the list of 25% janapadas with their capitals. 221 The list is reproduced with the names of their capitals in parenthesis: Magadha (Rājagļha), Anga (Campā), Vanga (Tāmralipti), Kalinga (Kāñcanapura), Kāśi (Vārāṇasi), Kośala (Säketa), Kuru (Gajapura), Kuśāvarta (Sauripura), Pancāla (Kāmpilya), Jāngala (Ahicchatra), Saurāșțra (Dvārāvati), Videha (Mithilā), Vatsa (Kausāmbī), Sāņdilya (Nandipura), Malaya (Bhadrilapura), Matsya (Vairāța), Varaņā (Acchā), Daśārņa (Mrttikāvati), Cedi (Sukti), Sindhu-Sauvīra (Vitibhaya), Sürasena (Mathurā), Bhamgi (Pāpā), Vațțā (Māsapuri), Kuņāla (Srāvasti),

Page #246

220
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Lādha (Koțivarsa), Kekaya (Svetikā). In the same sūtra a number of so-called non-Aryan tribes like Saka, Yavana, Cina, Hūņa, Romaka, Andhra, Pārasa, etc. are mentioned. A large number of professional classes are also referred to. The various scripts, which have already been noticed, are also mentioned in this sūtra.
The fifth and sixth Upānga texts, Suryaprajñapt7222 and Candraprajñapti, throw a flood of light on ancient Indian knowledge of astronomy. The present Candraprajñapti is not in any way different from the Suryaprajñapti. The seventh Upānga text, the Jambudvīpaprajñapti,223 throws some light not only on astronomy but also geography. It has altogether 176 sūtras. The most significant is the reference to Alasamda, i.e., Alexandria, in sūtra no. 52. The same sutra refers to Arabaka, Romaka, Yavanadvipa, Simhala, Barbara, etc. The god Naigamesī (Kārttikeya) is mentioned in sūtra no. 115.
The last five Upānga texts are actually five vargas (sections) of one Upānga work, the Nirayavalikā.224 As I have already said, this particular work throws some welcome light on contemporary history. I have already referred to the fight between Cetaka and Ajātaśatru described in this Upānga text. It has a vytt7225 by Candrasūri, who lived in the early twelfth century AD. We are told that one of the sons of Sreņika, called Kāla (his mother was one Kālī,226 described as cullamāuyā, i.e., stepmother of Kūņika) was killed by Cetaka in the Rathamusala war. According to the author227 of the text, Kāla went to Naraka because he was killed in a war. Unlike the author of the Gītā, the Jaina writer of the Nirayavalikā never believes that the death in the battlefield enables the hero to attain svarga. According to this text Srenika-Bimbisāra committed suicide, 228 a statement con tradicted by the evidence of the Buddhist canon. We further learn that afterwards the remorse-stricken Künika-Ajātaśatru transferred his capital to Campā.229 However, the description of the war230 appears to be exaggerated. Ten other brothers of Ajātaśatru are also named in this text, including Vehalla, son of Cellanä.231 Abhaya is described as the eldest son of Sreņika by his wife Nandā, but according to the Buddhists his mother was Padmavati, a prostitute of Ujjayini.232 The Buddhist texts, however, confirm the Jaina account that this prince was originally a devotee of Mahāvīra.233 We are told by the Jaina author of this Upānga text that with the help of this prince Śreņika fulfilled the dohada—longing234 stage-of Cellaņā.
The second varga of this text called Kalpāvatamśikā does not contain much information, but in the third called Puspikā, there is a

Page #247

SVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
221
good deal of information. The story of the conversion of Brāhmana Somilla by Pārsva is told in the third chapter. From the fourth adhyayana of this text we learn that cousin-marriage was not unpopular in those days. Here the goddess Bahuputrikā is described as the goddess looking after the welfare of children. It therefore appears that the Bahuputta shrine of Vaiśālī, mentioned in the Bhagavatī and the Buddhist canon, was dedicated to this goddess. The fourth varga entitled Puspacūlikā describes the conversion of an old spinster (buddhakumārī) called Bhūtā by Pārsva's principal lady-disciple Pupphacúlā. The fifth varga entitled Vrşņidaśā, as the name indicates, describes the story of the Vrsnis, but adds nothing new. There is also a reference to the Maạidatta yakşa shrine of Rohitaka.
Let us now turn our attention to the Mülasútra texts, which are actually three235 in number. They are: Uttarādhyayana, Āvašyaka and
ot that all these three are works of hoary antiquity and were probably composed in the pre-Mauryan period. For the historian, however, the most important is the Uttarādhyayanasūtra.236 The first commentary on this important work is ascribed to Bhadrabāhu and is known as the Uttarādhyayananiryukti. 237 It was followed by the curni written by Jinadāsagani Mahattara in the seventh century AD. There are also a number of later commentaries238 which testify that it was always regarded as one of the most important Agamic works.
The work is divided into 36 adhyayanas. The first is entitled Vinayaśruta. It deals with the everyday conduct of a Jaina ascetic. The very character of this chapter shows, that it incorporates the personal teachings of Mahāvīra and was probably composed in the fifth century BC. 'Better', says Mahāvīra 'I should subdue myself by self-control than be subdued by others with fetters and corporal punishment.' Some of the finest teachings of Lord Mahāvīra are incorporated in this poem, which does not compare unfavourably with the Dhammapada of the Buddhists. A few of the references in it are quite valuable as they throw light on the social, cultural, and political history of the earlier period. It further appears that the author of this sūtra was quite at home with Vaisnava literature and had perhaps some reverence for Vāsudeva and Visņu. I quote here a passage239 from the eleventh chapter. 'As Vasudeva, the god with conch, discus, who fights with an irresistible strength (has no equal], neither has a very learned monk.' This shows that at the time this

Page #248

222
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
poem was composed, the worship of Viṣnu and Vasudeva was quite popular and their images were also known. A well-known verse regarding the burning of Mithila put in the mouth of one of the Janakas of Mithila occurs both in the Dhammapada and this text.240 Among the interesting geographical names we have Kamboja,241 Hastinapura,242 Kampilya,243 Daśārņa,244 Kālañjara,245 Sauvīra. 246 The king Karakaṇḍu of Kalinga,247 mentioned in this poem was a pious and good-fearing person and is also mentioned in the Buddhist canon, 248 which probably goes to show that he was a historical figure and lived not later than the sixth century BC. Kings like Nagnajit,24 Dvimukha,250 etc. are also mentioned in the earlier Indian literature.251 There are also interesting references to false kārṣāpaṇa (kūḍakahāvana) 252 and kākini,253 which show that different types of coins were quite well-known at the time of its composition. From the mythological point of view, we have references to Kamadhenu,251 Vaiśramana,255 and Nalakuvara.256
219
There are at least two chapters of this sutra which deserve our special attention. The first is the twenty-third chapter recording the conversation between Kesin, a follower of Pārśva and Gautama Indrabhūti, the famous disciple of Lord Mahāvīra. Both were men of great learning, both respected one another. However, the disciple of Mahāvīra, by his superior knowledge, succeeded in allaying Kesin's doubts and converting him to the faith of the last Tirthamkara. The twenty-fifth chapter is another magnificent piece of poetic creation. Here the Brahmanical bloody sacrifice is the subject of criticism. The utter hollowness of such practices is demonstrated by Jayaghosa, who was a Jaina recluse belonging to the Brāhmaṇa caste. The definition of a Brāhmaṇa is given thus by Jayaghosa: 'He who is not defiled by pleasures as a lotus growing in the water is not wetted by it, him we call a Brahmana.' Then Jayaghoṣa declares: 'One does not become a śramana by the tonsure, nor a Brāhmaṇa by the sacred syllable Om nor a muni by living in the woods, nor a tāpasa by wearing clothes of kusa grass and bark.' According to him, one becomes a śramana by equanimity, a Brāhmaṇa by chastity, a muni by knowledge, and a tapasa by penance. This great Nirgrantha Brāhmaṇa, Jayaghoșa, according to this chapter, later succeeded in converting Vijayaghosa, a sacrificing Brāhmaṇa of Vārāṇasī.
The Avasyaka257 is also considered an extremely important Jaina Agamic poem. It has six adhyayas. There is a niryukti258 on it by

Page #249

ŚVETAMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
223
Bhadrabāhu. There is also the magnificent Viseșāvaśyakabhāsya259 by Jinabhadragaội written in Saka 531 and the cūrņ7260 by Jinadāsagani Mahattara, a work of the seventh century AD. We have a tīkā261 by Haribhadra (eighth century) and also quite a number of later commentaries. From the historian's point of view, however, the poem does not seem to be of much importance. However, for a student of Jaina monachism this text is of great significance. The Dasavaikālika,262 according to tradition, was composed by the Brāhmaṇa Nirgrantha ascetic Sayyambhava (Sejjambhava) for his son Manaka. This Sayyambhava was a resident of Rājagrha,263 and a disciple of Prabhava, who in turn was a pupil of Jambūsvāmin. Sayyambhava, therefore, should be assigned to the early fourth century BC, and this poem should be regarded as a product of that date. It has an extremely valuable niryukt1264 by Bhadrabāhu, a curņ7265 by Jinadāsagani, and a tīka2hh by Haribhadra. There are altogether twelve adhyayanas including two cūlikās. Like the Uttarādhyayana, this poem is full of noble sentiments. There are verses which could only be composed by a supreme poet-philosopher. Most of the verses speak of the monastic life to be led by a Jaina monk. However, the teachings of Sayyambhava, I feel, are meant for every right-thinking monk or even worldly people. The poem has a universal appeal.
There are altogether six Chedasūtras; they are-Nisītha, Mahāniśītha, Vyavahāra, Dāśāśrutaskandha, Brhatkalpa, and Pancakalpa. The Chedasūtras may be compared with the Buddhists Vinaya texts, although they are somewhat later works.
The first Chedasūtra is the Nišitha,267 which is the largest text of this group and was originally the fifth section of the second Śrutaskandha of the Ācārānga. It is also known as the Acāraprakalpa. It has a niryukti, 268 a bhāsya269 by Sanghadāsagani, and cūrni by Jinadāsa. 270 The text has altogether twenty chapters. Unlike many other Jaina canonical texts, this work throws considerable light on the social, religious, and cultural condition of India at the time of its composition. In a very large number of sūtras the monk is asked not to be tempted by women who are always ready to destroy their chastity. Several festivals are mentioned in the eighth chapter, including those mentioned elsewhere in the Jaina canon.
The Mahānisitha271 is probably the work of a somewhat later period and is closely linked with the Nisītha. Jinabhadragani Ksamāśramana, who lived in the sixth century AD, is said to have rescued this text from complete destruction. 272 Several Jaina savants

Page #250

224
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
like Haribhadra, Devagupta, Yasovardhana, Ravigupta, Nemicandra, etc. had honoured this text.273 It has six adhyayanas and two cūlikās. There are a few interesting stories which make it fairly readable. The Vyavahāra274 is also an interesting canonical text dealing with rules of the Jaina church. It is ascribed to Bhadrabāhu and has altogether ten chapters. The niryukti on this text is written by Bhadrabāhu himself; there is a bhāsya on it by an unknown author, and a commentary by, Malayagiri. This text also throws considerable light on the everyday life of the Jaina monks. The fourth Chedasūtra text Daśāśrutaskandha, 275 is quite well-known because its eighth chapter (adhyayana) is the famous Kalpasūtra.276 The work is ascribed to Bhadrabāhu, who it appears, should be distinguished from Bhadrabāhu the author of several niryuktis. The earlier sections of the Daśāśrutaskandha, like other Chedasūtra texts, deals with the disciplinary rules of the Jaina monks. The eighth section, i.e., the Kalpasūtra gives a very authentic account of Mahāvīra's life, which we have already discussed. In the ninth chapter of this work Kūņika is represented as meeting Lord Mahāvīra in the Pūrņabhadra shrine of Campā. This reminds me of the Aupapātikasutra, where the meeting of the two has been elaborately described. The last section refers to Srenika's meeting with Mahāvīra at Rājagsha.
The fifth Chedasūtra text is the Kalpa or the Bịhatkalpa. 277 There is a niryukti, a bhāsya and a vivaraña on it. The niryukti and bhāsya verses are, however, indistinguishable. The work is divided into six sections. In an important passage in the first section a monk is asked not go beyond Anga-Magadha in the east, Kausāmbi in the south, Thūņā (possibly Sthāneśvara) in the west, and Kuņālavișaya (North Kośala) in the north. This possibly proves that the text was composed at a time when Jainism had not reached Gujarat, Kalinga, or any other distant part of India. There are interesting details in other sections of this text. The Pañcakalpa278 is the same as the present Pancakalpamahābhāsya, which was formerly a part of the Brhatkalpabhāșya. The bhāsya is written by Sanghadāsagani. A few regard Titakalpasūtra279 written by Jinabhadragani as a Chedasūtra text.
We should now turn our attention to the two texts, the Nandisutra and the Anuyogadvāra, which are not strictly canonical works, but were regarded as sacred texts from very early times. The Nandisutra?80 has a cūrņ7281 by Jinadāsagani and a tīkā282 by Haribhadra. Malayagiri also wrote a commentary on it.28% The original Nandīsūtra has 90 gāthās and 59 sutras. It even refers to teachers who lived in the fif

Page #251

ŚVETÄMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
225
century AD, like Skandila, Nāgārjuna, etc. The Bhārata (or Mahābhārata), Rāmāyaṇa, the Arthaśāstra of Kauțilya, Bhāgavata Purāņa, Pātañjala, etc. are mentioned in a passage281 of the text. The reference to the Bhāgavata is interesting since it shows that this particular Purāna existed at such an early date. The Anuyogadvāra285 is ascribed to Aryarakṣita. It too has a cūrņi by Jinadāsagani and a ţikā by Haribhadra. The passage that refers to the Bhārata, Rāmāyaṇa, Arthaśāstra, Bhagavata, etc. also occurs with slight variation in this text. 286
The two works Pinda287 and Oghaniryukt7288 are also sometimes regarded as Agamic texts. They too contain various rules for the monks and are ascribed to Bhadrabāhu. There is a quotation from Cāņakya in the Oghaniryukti.289 Both the texts have commentaries.
The Angavijā, 290 or the text dealing with the science of prognostication, though not a part of the Jaina canon, is one of the most remarkable Jaina sacred texts. This science was known to the Buddhists291 and Brahmanical Hindus292 from quite early times. The present text of the Angavijjā is a product of the early centuries of the Christian era and has altogether sixty chapters. This work has been fittingly described as a treasure-house for the cultural history of India of the early Christian period.293 Like the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya, it throws light on administration, social and cultural life We have long lists of professions, 294 ornaments,295 food-grains, 296 conveyances, 297 textiles, 298 eatables, 299 deities, 300 and many other important items. The list of coins301 given in this text is extremely interesting and as informative. We not only have the names of wellknown coins like dināra, suvarna, kāhāpaņa, purāņa, nāņaka, kākani, etc., but also two new names not found elsewhere in the early Indian literature. They are ksatrapaka02 and sateraka. 503 The first type was obviously the coins issued by Kșatrapa kings of Ujjayini. This type has been identified by scholars with the rudradāmaka 04 coins mentioned by Buddhaghoșa. The second type of coin, the sateraka, is the Sanskrit or Prāksta equivalent of Greek 'stater' which was introduced by Indo-Greek kings.
This text also throws welcome light on the different types of boats. Among the more interesting are the Koțțimba, Tappaka, and Sanghāļa. 305 It is of great interest that all these three types of boats are mentioned by the author of the Periplus, 30 a text of the second half of the first century AD. Tappaka of this text is evidently identical with Trappaga of Periplus and Kottimba with Cotymba; Sanghāda

Page #252

226
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
has been identified with Sangara of Periplus. All these three types of boats are described as middle-sized (majjhimakāya) boats in the Angavijjā.
In the list of female deities 507 we have a number of foreign names, which are not found elsewhere in the Indian literature. They are: Apalā, Aņāditā, Airāņi, Sālimālini, etc. Apalā is the Greek goddess Pallas Athene, Anădită is the Avestan Anahita, Airāņi is the Roman goddess Irene, and Sälimālini is the Moon-goddess Selene. There are interesting references308 to women belonging to Lāța (Lādi), Yavana (Jonikā), Barbara (Babbari), Pulinda (Pulindi), Andhra (Andhi), Dravida (Babbri), etc. We have an exhaustive list of architectural terms309 in this text; the list of gotras are also equally exhaustive.310 There is also a section on sexual love. Among the male gods, 312 Vaiśravaņa is pictured as the god of merchants and rich people; Śiva was the lord of cows, buffaloes, and sheep. Senāpati Kārtikeya is associated with the cock and peacock, and Viśākha with sheep, ram, boy, and sword. Several other gods are mentioned and they are also known from other sources.
The Angaviijā is undoubtedly one of the most useful works of the early Christian period. Since it refers to Saka and Indo-Greek coins it appears that the work was written by AD 300, although it incorporates materials of a much earlier period. The language is frankly difficult, but it was undoubtedly composed in western India. The absence of any commentary creates great difficulty for modern scholars. The long lists of objects of daily use make it possible for us to understand some of the basic features of early Indian life.
Commentaries: The earliest among the canonical conumentaries are the niryuktis (nijjuti), which are written in the Aryā metre and are in a mixed Prāksta. They are ascribed to Bhadrabāhu, who should be distinguished from his namesake, the celebrated author of the Kalpasūtra. This is definitely established by the fact that in the Daśāśrutaskandhaniryukti there is a verse addressed to Srutakevalin Bhadrabāhu.313 Further, quite a number of other Jaina savants of a much later period are referred to in other niryukti works, which also show that these niryuktis could not have been composed before the Gupta period. There are however reasons to believe that some of the niryukti verses go back to an earlier period."14 The niryuktis on following Agamic texts are known: Āvasyaka, Daśavaikālika, Uttarādhyayana, Ācārānga, Sūtrakstānga, Daśāśrutaskandha, Brhatkalpa, Vyavahāra, Suryaprajñapti, and Rşibhāșita. Of these, the last two have

Page #253

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
227
not yet been discovered.
The Avašyakaniryukti5 is undoubtedly the most important niryukti text. A number of commentaries on it are known.316 This work refers to several later Jaina monks, including Arya Mangu of Mathurā, who has been identified by me with his namesake, mentioned in a Mathurā inscription. Since it refers to sālivāhana or Šātavāhana, we have to assume that the work was composed after the Sātavāhana period. The war between Nahapāna and Gautamiputra Sātakarņi was known to the Jaina commentators, including the author of this niryukti.17 The author of this text refers to the Nandīsūtra which attests that this particular niryukti text was written after the composition of that text. This work is referred to in the Mülācāra (6.193), an early Digambara text.
The Daśavaikälikaniryukti is a much shorter work consisting of only 371 gāthās,318 and also has a few interesting references. 519 In the Uttarādhyayananiryukt7320 there is a reference to Vāsavadattā, the famous queen of Udayana, the king of Kaušāmbi.321 The Acārānganiryukt7322 refers to the Buddhists (Sauddhodani) in one place. This text is otherwise useless for our purpose. The Sūtrakrtānganiryukt7323 refers to Nālandā and informs us that it is near Rājagrha. The Daśaśrutaskandhaniryukt7324 begins with an invocation to Bhadrabāhu, who is obviously Bhadrabāhu I. The Brhatkalpaniryuktp25 and Vyavahāraniryuktf326 do not contain much information.
We do not obtain much information from the niryukti texts simply because they are written concisely and tersely. The bhāsya commentaries, like the niryuktis, are written in verse and closely follow the style of the latter. There are altogether 10 bhāșya commentaries on the following texts: Āvašyaka, Daśavaikālika, Uttarādhyayana, Bịhatkalpa, Vyavahāra, Niśitha, Jitakalpa, Oghaniryukti, and Pindaniryukti. In a few cases, it is difficult to separate the bhāsya from the niryukti. Among the bhāsya writers, only two names are known, i.e., Jinabhadra and Sanghadāsagani. As we have already seen, Jinabhadragani, lived in Saka 531 according to a manuscript of the Višeșāvasyakabhāsya. He has further been identified with the monk Jinabhadra Vācanācārya mentioned in an image inscription from Akota (near Baroda). We have further seen that this monk was responsible for rescuing the Mahānisītha manuscript, while living in Mathurā. Among his commentaries Viseșāvaśyakabhāsya and sitakalpabhāsya are known. We further learn from the above-men

Page #254

228
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
tioned inscription that be belonged to the Nivrtti kula.
The Viśeșāvasyakabhāsya 27 is undoubtedly one of the most remarkable creations from the doctrinal point of view. In his other work, the sitakalpabhāsya, this great Jaina savant has also demonstrated his great erudition.328 The later writers had great deference for this Jaina philosopher. 329
Sanghadāsagani is the reputed author of the Brhatkalpabhāsya, Niśīthabhāsya and Vyavahārabhāşya. According to a few, he should be identified with Sanghadāsagani Vācaka, the author of the first half of the Vasudevahindī, a Prākrta romance.330 There is no reason331 why this identification should be rejected. If we accept this identification, we have to place Sanghadāsa before Jinabhadra, who in his Visesanavat732 has referred to the Vasudevahindi. That author has further shown his intimate acquaintance with the Vyavahārabhāsya.333
The Brhatkalpabhāsya 34 is a work of considerable length. It has altogether 6490 verses and it is divided into six parts. It refers to preceptor Kālakācārya of Ujjayini who, according to it,935 went to Suvarnabhūmi (Burma). This Kālakācārya was a contemporary of Gardhabhila of Ujjayini, and appears to have lived in the first century BC. This text also refers to the thriving state of Jainism in the Mathurā region. There are also a few romantic verses in this poem which attest that the Jaina monks perfectly understood sentiments connected with the heart. This text also throws some light on the coinage of those days. According to it, the value of two silver coins of Dakṣiṇāpatha was equivalent to one nelaka of Kāñcipura, and that of two silver coins of Kanci was equivalent to one silver coin of Pataliputra city:336 This work also refers to the devanirmita stupa of Mathurā, which has already been discussed in a previous chapter.
The Niśithabhāşya"7 has a very large number of verses that are in common with those in the Vyavahāra and Byhatkalpabhāsya. In the beginning of this commentary we have the story of the four cunning people (dhūrta), which was afterwards used by Haribhadra in his Dhurtākhyāna. It also refers to the philosopher Siddhasena and the commentator Govindavācaka, who composed the Govindaniryukti.338 A few poetic and romantic verses are also to be found in this bhāsya. It also refers to Tālodaka (lake) of Tosali and the hot-spring of Rājagsha. The Vyavahārabhāsya?39 is also a work of considerable size. There are many verses against women which remind us of the Smrti writers. We further learn that people

Page #255

ŚVETÄMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
229
celebrated with great pomp the stūpamaha festival at Mathurā. Stories are told regarding Kälaka, śātavāhana, Muruņņa, Cāņakya, and others. 540 The Sakas of Ujjayini are also mentioned. 941 The other bhāşyas are not so important and we do not get much information in them.312
Let us now turn our attention to the curni texts which unlike the niryukti and bhāsya, are written in prose. The most important cūrni writer was Jinadāsagani Mahattara, for whom we have a definite date. According to his Nandicūrņ7343 he wrote this work in Saka 598 corresponding to AD 676. The following cūrņīs are generally attributed to him: Nisīthavišeşacūrņi, Nandīcārņā, Anuyogadvāracūrņā, Āvasyakacūrņi, Daśavaikālikacūrni, Uttaradhyayanacūrņi, and Sūtrakstāngacūrni.
The Niśithavišeşacūrņ711 is an important Jaina commentary. It refers to the Mauryan emperor Samprati as a great patron of Jainism.315 He, according to this work, made Jainism popular in Saurāșțra, Andhra, Damila, Marahațţa, etc. The detailed story of Kālakācārya and Gardabhila is told here and in this connection we are told that the Jaina monk Kälakācārya brought the army of Pärasa (Persia) to Himdugadeśa (Hindusthan) in order to destroy the dynasty of Gardabhila of Ujjayini (3.59). He refers to the philosopher Siddhasena and to the work called Kālaņņāņa written by Pädalipta. The stories of Naravāhanadatta, Tarangavati, Malayavati, Magadhasenā, etc. were known to him. He was also at home with texts like the Setubandha, Vasudevacarita, Cețakakathā, etc. Among other cūrņās, written by Jinadāsa, the Avasyakacūrņ#16 has a prominent place. It gives a detailed account of Lord Mahāvīra's wanderings, obviously based on the accounts of the Bhagavati and Acārānga. The account of the Jaina monk Vajrasena and his visit to the city Sürpāraka are related in this commentary. Jinadāsa also was an expert story-teller and some of the stories, related by him, were copied by later writers. He further quotes a verse from Bhāsa's Pratijñāyaugandharāyaṇa (3.9). Jinadāsa also refers to a terrible flood that visited Śrāvasti thirteen years after Mahāvīra's enlightenment. 917 The Nandicūrni'18 mentions the council held at Mathură under Skandila. This work, as we have already seen was completed in Saka 598. The Daśavaikālikacūrn719 too has a few interesting stories. In one of them 350 the Buddhists are ridiculed for their unmonk-like habits. There is another Daśavaikälikacūrnī,951 which was written by Agastyasimha, who belonged to the Verasāmi (Vajrasvāmi) śākhā of the Kodigana (Kodiya of the Theraval). The Verasāmi šākhā is the

Page #256

230
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
same as Vairi of that text. Agastyasimha was the disciple of one Rsigupta and it appears that he lived before Jinadāsa. The Sutrakrtāngacūrņ752 refers to the mosquito menace in the Tāmralipta coun
try.353
Haribhadra, who lived in the mid-eighth century AD, and was a senior contemporary of Udyotanasūri, has left a number of Sanskrit commentaries called urttis. He was a disciple of Jinabhata354 and belonged to the Vidyādhara kula. As we have already seen he was a native of Citrakūta (Chitor) and one of most learned men of his time. His commentaries on the following Agamic texts are well known: Āvaśyaka, Daśavaikālika, fivābhigama, Prajñāpanā, Nandīsūtra, Anuyogadvāra, and Pindaniryukti. He has expressed his indebtedness to the earlier commentators, including Jinadāsa. Šīlānka, 355 who lived a century later, also wrote several commentaries, of which the Acārānga356 and the Sūtrakstāngavivaranas357 have survived. Another commentator was Santisūri who lived in the early eleventh century AD, and was a contemporary of Paramāra Bhoja, Caulukya Bhima, and the poet Dhanapāla. We have his Uttarādhyayanatīkā.358 In this commentary he has referred to the text, accepted in the council, held under the presidentship of Nāgārjuna. Sāntisūri belonged to the Kotikagana and Vaira-śākhā.359
Abhayadeva, who lived in the eleventh century AD, wrote commentaries on all the Anga texts, except the first two, and also one on the Aupapātika. We have two definite dates for him; they are vs 1120 and 1128, corresponding to AD 1062 and 1070.360 It is evident from his works that he spent the major part of his life at Anahilapāțaka (Patan, Gujarat). His preceptor was Jineśvara of Candrakula.361 He further admits his indebtedness to Dronācārya of Anahilapāțaka who corrected the texts of his commentaries. It should, however, be pointed out that the commentaries of Abhayadeva do not help us much in understanding the Jaina Agamic texts. The Jaina commentators of the post-Gupta period had practically no idea regarding eastern India where the canonical texts were composed, and also no understanding of the teachings of the contemporaries of Mahāvīra. Unlike Buddhaghoșa, they received no help from their predecessors, and it is also doubtful whether they fully understood the Ardhamāgadhi language in which the Jaina canon is written.
Lastly I should mention the name of Malayagiri, who was a contemporary of the celebrated Hemacandra. We have at least twenty

Page #257

SVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
231
of his vịttis and tīkās, 362 but like the commentaries of Abhayadeva these voluminous texts are not particularly enlightening.
REFERENCES 1. II, p. 187. 2. We have a definite date for him Saka 598; see Nandisutracūrni (Prākrta
Text Society), p. 83: 'Sakarājño pamcasu varşasteșu vyatikrāmteșu
astanavateșu Namdyadhyayanacūrnī samāptā iti.' 3. See J.C. Jain, Prākrta Sahitya kā Itihāsa, p. 37, n. 1. 4. See Uttarādhyayanavytti by Kamalsamyama, p. 23. It should however
be remembered that this statement comes from the pen of a later
writer. 5. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, pp. 368 ff. 6. Ed., Agamodaya Samiti, Surat, vs 1972–3 (AD 916); see also Jacobi's
translation in SBE, 22, pp. 1-213. My personal copy is the edition published from Thăngadh (Saurāṣtra), vs 2489 (1963). For a list of various other editions, see Jaina Sāhitya kā Byhad Itihāsa, Varanasi,
1966, 1, p. 62 fn. 7. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. I, p. 87. 8. Loc. cit. 9. Ed., Dhanpat Singh, Calcutta, vs 1936; also Agamodaya Samiti, Surat,
vs 1972-3. 10. Rşabhadeva Kesarimalji Svetambara Samsthā, Ratlam, 1928-9. 11. See Jainananda Pustakalaya, Surat, 1935. 12. See Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihasa, 3, p. 384. 13. See SBE, 22, pp. 12-13. 14. Ibid., p. 20. 15. Ibid., p. 26. 16. Ibid., p. 92. 17. 1.131.3-4 (cr. ed.); IV.12.12-13. 18. See A.K. Chatterjee, Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, p.
167. 19. 1.63.18-19. 20. First Rock Edict (see Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 15-16). 21. See Jacobi, SBE, 22, p. 158; see also for the original Thangadh edn.,
p. 139 (XIV.1). 22. II, 11 (the word there is cinapatta). 23. Jacobi, op. cit., p. 183. 24. Ibid., pp. 84–5; (original) IX.3. 25. Ed., Agamodaya Samiti, 1917; for the English translation see SBE, 45,
pp. 235–451. Hindi translation by Amolaka Rsi, Hyderabad, vs 2446. For various other editions see Jaina Sihitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 1, p. 127, n. 1.

Page #258

232
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
26. Ed., P.L. Vaidya, Poona, 1928; also included in Agamodaya edition. 27. Rşabhadeva Kesarimala Svetämbara Samsthā, Ratlam, 1941. 28. Included in the Agamodaya edn., known as the Vivaraņa of Silanka. 29. SBE, 45, p. 256. 30. Ibid., p. 261. 31. Ibid., pp. 268-9. 32. Ibid., p. 268. 33. Ibid., p. 274. 34. 1.1.10 (Chowkhambha edn.). 35. Jacobi, op. cit., pp. 301, 310. 36. Trans., F.L. Woodward, Minor Anthologies of the Pāli Canon, Pt. II, p. 188. 37. III, tr., E.M. Hare, p. 175. 38. Jacobi's trans., p. 333. 39. Ibid., p. 370. 40. Act VII, Chowkhambha edn., p. 371. 41. Jacobi, trans., p. 366. 42. Ibid., p. 374. 43. See Uttarādhyayana, XX.42 (SBE, 45, p. 105); Bhagavati (Sailana edn.),
p. 2662. 44. Jacobi, trans., p. 371. 45. Ibid., p. 418. 46. Ibid., pp. 419-20. 47. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, pp. 56-7. 48. Jacobi, op. cit., pp. 420 ff. 49. Ibid., p. 421. 50. Ibid., pp. 409 ff. 51. See especially Samyutta (1, trans., Mrs. R. Davids), pp. 89 ff. 52. Ed. by the Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918-20. For other editions,
see Jaina Sähitya kā Bịhad Itihasa, 1, p. 171, n. 1. 53. The commentary is included in the Agamodaya edition. 54. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 57, n. 1; see also Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihasa,
1, pp. 172 ff. 55. See third adhyayana; see also Jain, op. cit., p. 57. 56. Ed., Bechardas, p. 243. 57. See Jain, op. cit., p. 58 (fourth adhyayana). 58. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 8. 59. See Vin., II.237; Anguttara, IV.101; V.22; Samyutta, 11.135; V.38. 60. McCrindle, Ancient India, p. 38. 61. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 1073. 62. McCrindle, op. cit., p. 97. 63. Sūtra no. 587. 64. Sūtra no. 680. 65. See Jain, op. cit., p. 61 (tenth adhyayana). 66. Agamodaya edn., Surat, 1929; for other edns. see Jaina Sahitya ki
Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 172, n. 2.
II.

Page #259

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
233
67. The commentary is included in the Agamodaya edn.; see also Jaina
Sāhitya kā Bịhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 400 ff. 68. Sūtra no. 18. 69. Ed., R.G. Basak, I, p. 160. 70. Ed., P.L. Vaidya, p. 125. 71. Sūtra no. 72. 72. II.4.17. 73. Ed. with Abhayadeva's vịtti by the Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay,
1918-21. For some other edns. see Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 1, p. 187, n. 1. My personal copy's edition is published in seven volumes
by the Akhila Bhāratīya Jaina Samskrti Rakşaka Samgha, Sailana. 74. See Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 3, pp. 402 ff. 75. (Sailana edn.) p. 391. 76. p. 440. 77. pp. 473 ff. 78. p. 496. 79. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 992. 80. p. 509. 1. p. 550; from p. 708 (third śataka) we learn that these four lokapālas
were Soma, Yama, Varuņa, and Vaisravana. 82. p. 567. 83. p. 578. 84. pp. 572 ff. 85. See pp. 606, 648. 86. p. 716. 87. p. 752. 88. p. 794. 89. p. 803. 90. p. 887. 91. See pp. 1478, 2759. 92. This is also confirmed by the evidence of the Pāli Buddhist works and
Brahmanical sūtra literature. 93. p. 921. 94. p. 1037. 95. pp. 1190 ff. 96. See p. 1206. 97. Gita Press edn., VI, 1.27 ff. 98. p. 1203. 99. pp. 1385 ff. 100. p. 1387. 101. p. 1523. 102. pp. 1614 ff. 103. pp. 1698 ff. 104. p. 1704.

Page #260

234
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
105. pp. 1705 ff. 106. p. 1707. 107. p. 1695. 108. p. 1715. 109. p. 1888. 110. p. 1948. 111. p. 1912. 112. p. 1933. 113. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, pp. 1000 ff. 114. pp. 1960, 1966. 115. pp. 1966 ff. 116. p. 1986. 117. Swapnavāsavadattă (Chowkhambha edn.), sixth Act. 118. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, pp. 923 ff. 119. pp. 2231 ff. 120. p. 2346. 121. p. 2348. 122. p. 2425. 123. Loc. cit. 124. p. 2443. 125. See Raychaudhuri, PHAI, pp. 95 ff. 126. p. 2468. 127. p. 2476. 128. p. 2519. 129. p. 2558. 130. p. 2665. 131. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 273. 132. p. 2759. 133. p. 2762. 134. pp. 2554 ff. 135. Agamodaya edition with Abhayadeva's vịtti, Bombay, 1916. For other
editions see Jaina Sahitya kā Bịhad Itihāsa, 1, p. 217, n. 1. 136. Ägamodaya edn., p. 33–42. 137. See also trans., N.V. Vaidya, para 7. 138. Gita Press edn., II, 14.50. 139. This place is mentioned in the second century Junagarh inscription
of Rudradaman, see Lüders' List, no. 965. 140. See Vaidya's trans., para 60. 141. Loc. cit. 142. Section 25. 143. 10.12 ff. 144. Para 73. 145. Para 74. 146. Vaidya's trans., para 118.

Page #261

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
235
Fa
147. For further details see my paper in JAIH, VII, pp. 159 ff. 148. See Majumdar, The Classical Accounts of India, pp. 223, 456. 149. Harivamsa of Jinasena, ed., P.L. Jain, ch. 54. 150. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1920; English trans., Hoernle, Calcutta,
1885-8. I have used the text of the work published from Poona, 1953. It includes a translation by N.A. Gore. For other references see Jaina
Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 227, n. 1. 151. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 152. Ed., Gore, text, p. 21. 153. Ibid., p. 40. 154. Gitā Press edn., III.15.21. 155. Trans., p. 138. 156. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1920; English trans., L.D. Barnett, 1907.
For other edns. see, Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihasa, 1, p. 233, n. 1. 157. Trans., Barnett, p. 29; other references are from Barnett's trans. 158. Ibid., pp. 30-31. 159. Ibid., p. 74. 160. Ibid., pp. 76 ff. 161. Loc. cit. 162. See pp. 77 ff. 163. Loc. cit. 164. p. 86. 165. Jataka no. 454. 166. 1.6. 167. p. 80. 168. Āgamodaya edn., Surat, 1920. For other references see Jaina Sahitya
kā Brhad Itihāsa, 1, n. 1. 169. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 170. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1919. I have used the edn. from Sailana,
1975. For other edns., see Jaina Sahitya kā Bịhad Itihasa, 1, p. 247,
n. 1. 171. See Schubring, The Doctrine of the Jainas, trans., W. Beurten, pp. 94 ff. 172. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 173. Sailana edn., pp. 136 ff., 149 ff. 174. pp. 212 ff. 175. p. 235. 176. Cf. Schubring, op. cit., p. 94. 177. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1920. I have used the edition published
from Kota in 1935. For other edns. see Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihāsa,
1, p. 255, n. 1. 178. Included in the Agamodaya edn. 179. Kota edn., 200. The condemned priest was Bșhaspatidatta, the son of
Somadatta. He was 64 at the time of his execution, according to our text.

Page #262

236
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
180. p. 185. 181. VIII.372; see also XI.104. 182. pp. 211 ff. 183. pp. 215 ff. 184. Seventh adhyayana. 185. pp. 244, 248. 186. p. 314. 187. II.32.4. 188. p. 308. 189. p. 369. 190. pp. 118 ff. 191. p. 149. 192. pp. 66, 175. 193. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1916. This edition also contains the vytti
of Abhayadeva. My personal copy is the edition published from Sailana
(1963). 194. Sailana edn., pp. 10 ff. 195. Ibid., pp. 56 ff. 196. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 225. 197. pp. 278 ff. 198. p. 279: gamgāe mahānaie ubhaokūlenam kampillapurão. 199. p. 302. 200. p. 270. 201. pp. 212 ff. 202. pp. 215 ff. 203. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1925. I have consulted the edition of
Bechardas, Ahmedabad, vs. 1994. This edition has a Gujarati translation. For other edition, see, Jaina Sāhitya kā Bịhad Itihāsa, 2, p. 37, n.
1.
204. See Jaina Sahitya kā Bịhad Itihāsa, 3, pp. 415 ff. 205. Ed., Bechardas, p. 88. 206. Ibid., p. 197. 207. p. 63. 208. p. 218. 209. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 188. 210. II.1.70. 211. See Schubring, op. cit., pp. 96 ff. 212. For an analysis of these conversations see Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihasa,
2, pp. 58 ff. 213. p. 301. 214. p. 284. 215. p. 321. 216. Nirnayasagara edn., Bombay, 1919. 217. Included in the Bombay edn.

Page #263

SVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
237
218. Jacobi (SBE, 22), p. 233. 219. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1918–19. 220. Rşabhadeva Keśarimalaji Svetambara Samstha, Ratlam, 1947. 221. Sūtra no. 37. 222. Agamodaya edn., with the urtti of Malayagiri, Bombay, 1929. 223. Ed. with the vṛtti of śānticandra, Bombay, 1920. 224. Agamodaya edn., with the vrtti of Candrasūri, Surat, 1922. I have used
the edition published from Rajkot, 1960. 225. See Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihasa, 3, p. 449. 226. Rajkot edn., p. 11. 227. Ibid., p. 22. 228. Ibid., p. 39. 229. Loc. cit. 230. pp. 44 ff. 231. p. 40. 232. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, pp. 127 ff. 233. Loc. cit. 234. pp. 30-1. 235. According to some of the Pindaniryukti and the Oghaniryukti are also
Mülasūtra texts. See J.C. Jain, Prākrta Sāhitya kā Itihasa, p. 163n. 236. Ed. by J. Charpentier, Uppasala, 1922. For other edns., see Jaina Sāhitya
kā Bịhad Itihāsa, 2, p. 144, n. 2. The standard English translation is by
Jacobi in SBE, 45, pp. 1-232. 237. Ed. along with Säntisūri's commentary, Bombay, 1916–17. 238. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 164. 239. v. 21. 240. p. 37 (Jacobi's translation). 241. Ibid., p. 47. 242. Ibid., p. 56. 243. Ibid., p. 57. 244. Loc. cit. 245. Loc. cit. 246. p. 87. 247. Loc. cit. 248. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 531. The story of the four kings Naggaji,
Nimi and Dummukha is told in the Kumbhakāra sātaka (no. 408). It is therefore, apparent that both the Jaina and Buddhist authors have
used the same source. 249. See Mbh., III.254.21 (Gītā Press edn.). 250. Aitareya Brāhmana, 8.23; the name here is Durmukha Pāñcāla. 251. By earlier Indian literature I mean the Vedic and epic texts. 252. p. 105, Jacobi's trans. 253. p. 28. 254. p. 104.

Page #264

238
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
255. p. 117. 256. Loc. cit. 257. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1928 and 1932. For other edns. see, Jaina
Sahitya kā Byhad Itihāsa, 2, p. 173, n. 1. 258. See Agamodaya Samiti edn., Bombay, 1916–17. 259. Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamälä, vs 2427-41. 260. Rşabhadevji Kesarimalji Svetambara Samsthā, Ratlam, 1928. 261. Included in Āgamodaya edn., Bombay, 1916–17. 262. Ed., Leumann in ZDMG, 46, pp. 581-663. For other edns. see, Jaina
Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 2, p. 179, n. 1. My personal copy is the edition
published at Sailana, rep., 1973. 263. See Prakrit Proper Names, pt. II, p. 854. 264. Included in Leumann's edn. 265. Ratlam edn., 1933. There is also the newly discovered cūrni by
Agastyasimha (Kalasabhavamrgendra) which has recently been pub
lished from Varanasi. 266. Bhimsi Mānek, Bombay, 1900. 267. Sanmati jñānapitha, Agra, 1957-60. 268. Included in the Agra edn. of the Niśītha. 269. Included in the same edn. 270. See the Agra edn. 271. Ed., W. Schubring, Berlin, 1918. 272. See Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 19. 273. See Präkrta Sähitya kā Itihäsa, p. 147; also Jaina Sāhitya kā Byhad Itihasa,
2, p. 292. 274. Ed., W. Schubring, Leipzig, 1918, the text, edited along with the
niryukti, bhāsya and vivarana of Malayagiri, Ahmedabad, vs 1982-5. 275. Ed., Bhavnagar, vs 2011; this edition contains also the niryukti and
the cūrņi. 276. English trans. Jacobi in SBE, 22, pp. 217–311. For different edition of
this valuable text see, Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 2, p. 217n. 277. Ed. by Punyavijaya, Bhavnagar, 1933–42; this edition contains the
bhāsya of Sanghadāsa and the țīkās of Malayagiri and Kșemakirti. 278. This work has not yet been edited; see Jaina Sahitya kā Brhad Itihasa,
3, pp. 276 ff. 279. Ed., Jinavijaya along with curņi and ţikā, Ahmedabad, vs 1983. 280. Ed., Punyavijaya in Prākṣta Text Society Series, Varanasi, 1966. 281. Included in Punyavijaya's edn. 282. Ed., Rşabhadevji Kesarimalji Svetāmbara Samsthā, Ratlam, 1928. 283. Agamodaya Samiti edn., Bombay, 1924. 284. PTS edn., p. 49 and n. 285. Ed., Ratlam, 1928. 286. Para 41 (Agamodaya Samiti). 287. Devachand Lalbhai Series, Surat, 1918.

Page #265

ŚVETĀMBARA CANONICAL LITERATURE
239
288. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1919. 289. p. 152. 290. Edited by Punyavijaya in Praksta Text Society, Varanasi, 1957. 291. See Brahmajäla Sutta, tr., Rhys Davids, 16-18. 292. Manusmrti, VI.20. 293. See PTS edn., Introd., p. 55. 294. pp. 159–61. 295. Ibid., pp. 162–3. 296. Ibid., pp. 165–6. 297. Ibid., pp. 164–5. 298. Ibid., pp. 163–4. 299. Ibid., pp. 174–82. 300. Ibid., pp. 204-6; see also p. 69. 301. See in this connection the paper 'Coin Names in the Angavijja' by
V.S. Agrawala included in the Introd., pp. 87 ff. of the PTS edn. 302. p. 66. 303. Loc. cit. 304. See Angavijjā, Introd., p. 90, n. 1. 305. p. 166. 306. Paras 44 and 60. 307. p. 69. 308. p. 68. 309. pp. 136 ff. 310. p. 150. 311. pp. 182 ff. 312. pp. 204 ff. 313. See Jaina Sahitya kā Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 120. 314. Ibid., p. 68, n. 1; see also Muni Punyavijaya in Muni Sri Hajarimala
Smrtigrantha, pp. 718–19. 315. See Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1928–32; for various other editions
see, Jaina Sahitya kā Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 71, n. 1. 316. Loc. cit. 317. See Prakrit Proper Names, I, p. 315. 318. Ed., Leumann, ZDMG, 46, pp. 581-663. 319. See Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, 3, pp. 97 ff. 320. Ed. (D.L.J.P.), Bombay, 1919–27; see also Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihāsa,
3, p. 107. 321. Gātha nos. 146-8. 322. Agamodaya edn., Surat, vs 1972–3; see also J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 201. 323. Agamodaya edn., Bombay, 1917; see also Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihasa,
III, p. 119. 324. See JSBI, III, p. 120. 325. Ibid., pp. 123 ff. 326. Ibid., p. 125.
UL. CIC.

Page #266

240
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
327. Ed., Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamalā, Varanasi, vs 2427-41. 328. For an analysis of this text JSBI, 3, pp. 130–201. 329. See Jaina Sāhitya kā Bịhad Itihasa, 3, pp. 132 ff. 330. Ibid., pp. 135 f. 331. J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 211; rejects this identification, but gives no rea
son in support of his stand. 332. See Jaina Sāhitya kā Bịhad Itihāsa, 6, p. 143; also J.C. Jain, op.cit., p. 381. 333. See Jaina Sahitya kā Byhad Itihāsa, 3, p. 137. 334. Ed., Caturavijaya and Punyavijaya in six vols. Jaina ātmānanda Sabhā,
Bhavnagar, 1933–42). For an analysis of this text, see Jaina Sahitya kā
Brhad Itihäsa, 3, pp. 213-51. 335. See Jain, op. cit., p. 220; see also v. 229. 336. Ibid., p. 227. 337. Ed., Sanmati jñānapitha, Agra, 1957-60. 338. See Jain, op. cit., p. 217. 339. Ed., K.P. Modi and Ugarchand, Ahmedabad, vs 1982–5. 340. See Jain, op. cit., p. 219. 341. JSBI, III, p. 271. 342. The Pindaniryuktibhāsya (see Jain, op. cit., p. 231) refers to the fam
ine during the days of Candragupta which is also repeatedly men
tioned in the Digambara works. 343. See PTS edn., p. 83. 344. Edited in four volumes by Sanmati Jnānapitha, Agra, 1957-60. For a
detailed analysis see, JSBI, III, pp. 321 ff. 345. Ibid., 4, pp. 128–31. 346. Ratlam edn., 1928–9. 347. p. 601. 348. PTS edn., p. 9. 349. Ratlam edn., 1933. 350. See Jain, op. cit., pp. 257 ff. 351. See for detailed description of this text JSBI, III, pp. 315 ff. 352. Ratlam, 1941. 353. See Jain, op. cit., p. 237. 354. Cf. The concluding words of the Avaśyakaļīkā quoted in JSBI, III,
p. 377. 355. See JSBI, III, p. 382. 356. Āgamodaya edn., vs 1972-3. 357. Agamodaya edn., Mehsana, 1917. 358. Ed., Bombay, 1916–17. 359. See JSBI, II, p. 393. 360. Ibid., p. 396. 361. Ibid., p. 414. 362. Ibid., p. 417.

Page #267

CHAPTER XII
Non-Canonical Svetāmbara Literature
The earliest Śvetāmbara non-canonical literary text is the missing Tarangavatī, a Prāksta poem written by Pādaliptasūri who, according to the tradition, was a contemporary of the Sātavāhana king Hāla. There are some details about this poet in the Prabhāvakacarita' and Prabandhakośa, according to which he was a resident of Kosala and later visited several places of India. We are further told that he cured king Murunda of Pāțaliputra of an apparently incurable disease. His work is referred to in the Anuyogadvāra (sūtra no. 130) and the Viseșāvasyakabhāsya' of Jinabhadra. This shows that it was recognized as a well-known literary text in the early centuries of the Christian era. Later poets and writers like Jinadāsagani Kşamāśramana, Udyotanasuri, Dhanapala, and other have mentioned Pädalipta with deference and affection.
An abridged version of this work is the Tarangalolat by Nemicandra written about a 1000 years after the original. It has altogether 1642 verses. It appears from this abridged version that the original author was probably influenced by the Brhatkathā of Guņādhya as it refers to the story of Udayana of Kausāmbi and his heroine Vāsavadattā.
However, the earliest extant non-canonical literary Svetāmbara work appears to be the Paumacariyam of Vimala, the Jaina Rāmāyaṇa, written, according to the testimony of the poet himself, 530 years after the emancipation (siddhi) of Lord Mahāvīra. There is absolutely no reason why this date for the composition of this text should not be accepted as genuine. If this date is accepted, then we have to assign this work to the first century AD, and there is nothing in the body of this text that contradicts this date.
This celebrated poem of Vimala is also known as Rāghavacaritam. From a few verses of the second chapter we can understand his attitude towards the Brahmanical Rāma story (obviously that represented by Vālmīki). I give below a free translation of those lines: 'When I consider the Padmacarita, I wonder how the petty and in

Page #268

242
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
significant monkeys could kill the powerful and aristocratic rākşasas who were versed in different sciences and who had complete faith in the jinas." We are further told by the native chronicler (apparently Vālmīki) that all the rākṣasas, including Rāvana, used to consume flesh, fat, and blood. Also that Rāvana's illustrious and valiant brother Kumbhakarna used to sleep undisturbed for six months at a time. Even when struck by large hills, he could not be awakened; he remained asleep even if his ears were filled with jars of oil. Loud sounds of a drum, which could even pierce thunder, had no effect on him, and when he awake he felt so hungry that he could serenely swallow elephants, buffaloes, and anything that came in his way. After consuming gods, men, elephants, he went to sleep once more for six months. We have further heard that Rāvana, after vanquishing Indra on the battlefield brought him in chains to the city of Lankā. But who can conquer the mighty Indra, who is capable of uprooting the whole of Jambudvipa, who has Airāvata as his vāhana, and the terrible vajra as his weapon? By his very thought the [i.e., Indra) can reduce to ashes any god or man. "The deer killed the lion, and dog, the elephant”, such contradictory sentences are found everywhere in the Rāmāyana.
I have deliberately reproduced this long passage in order to show the deep familiarity Vimala had with the original Rāmāyana ascribed to Vālmīki. Not only has he referred to the work of Vālmīki by name, but at the same time has mentioned events described in the original version, using almost the same language. What he has said about Kumbhakarņa and his undisturbed sleep for six months are actually found in the Rāmāyana, VI.60.27-63; 61.28. There is absolutely no doubt that Vimala is indebted to the original Rāmāyaṇa so far as the above-mentioned passages of his work are concerned. As a devout Jaina and a firm believer in the doctrine of ahimsā, he is not prepared to believe that the rākşasas of Lankā consumed animal flesh. They are everywhere delineated in his work as vidyadharas, although sometimes he forgetfully calls them also rākşasas (cf. 2.105; 7.92 et seq.).
These so-called vidyādharas, led by Rāvana, are everywhere portrayed as staunch Jainas. Although Vimala is committed to writing the story of Padma (i.e., Rāma), his actual hero, at least in the first half at his work, is Rāvana, who like Naravāhanadatta, appears in this poem as a perfect knight-errant. Indeed, the ghost of Naravāhanadatta looms large in all the literary works beginning from

Page #269

NON-CANONICAL SVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
243
Vimalasuri down to Hemacandra.
We have already seen that Vimala had a thorough knowledge, not only of the events narrated in the original Rāmāyana, but also with its language. Although he contemptuously bestows on the earlier poets epithets like kukavi, mūdhāḥ, etc., he actually follows the path trodden by them. Sometimes he does not hesitate to borrow words and phrases of the original Rāmāyana. However, while telling the story of Rāma and Rāvana, he also says something about the different Jaina Tirthařkaras and other interesting details are also found in his work for which he is indebted to none but his own imagination.
The principal details of Vālmīki's Rāmāyana, i.e., the birth of the four sons of Daśaratha, Rāma's marriage with Sītā, the daughter of Janaka, his departure for the forest along with Lakṣmaṇa and Sītā, Rāvana's kidnapping of Sītā, death of Jațāyu at Rāvana's hands, Rāma's meeting with Sugrīva, Hanumat's departure for Lankā, his meeting with Sītā, the battle of Lankā, the rescue and ultimate banishment of Sitā are all described in Vimiala's poem. Mere similarity of broad facts do not however concern us much here. After a through examination of Vimala's entire Prāksta poem I have been able identify a large number of small yet important details which also occur in the original Rāmāyana. I give those below in parallel for the two volumes:
Paumacariyam
Rāmāyaņa
2
1. Description of Ayodhyā (I,
ch. 5). 2. VII, ch. 34, VII.16.25 ff.
1. Description of Rājagrha
(2.8-14) 2. Rāvana's encounter with
Bālin and lifting of Kailāsa
(9.24 ff.) 3. Description of the Narmadā
(10.29 ff.)
3. VII.31.5 ff.
4. Sahasrakirana's play in the
water of the Narmadā
(10.33 ff.) 5. Rāvana's worship of the Jina
image near the bank of the Narmadā (10.45 ff.)
4. VII.32.2 ff. (In this epic he
is called Arjuna of sahasra
hands.) 5. VII.31.37 ff. (He is shown as
worshipping the Sivalinga.)

Page #270

244
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
1
6. Nalakübara-UparambhaRāvana affair (12.38 ff.) 7. Indra-Ravaṇa encounter (12.73 ff.)
8. Añjana-Pavananjaya love affair and birth of Hanumat (ch. 15-17)
9. Rāvaṇa-Varuņa encounter (ch. 19).
10. Killing of Śambuka (43.48 ff.) 11. Khara-Duṣaṇa and their 14,000 associates (43.17; 44.11)
12. Candranakha's amorous advances (43.37 ff.)
13. Rama's lament (45.51 ff.) 14. Sugrīva severely rebuked by Lakṣmaṇa (48.7 ff.)
15. Dadhimukha affair (ch. 49) 16. Sītā gives Hanumat the cuḍāmaņi (53.72 ff.) 17. Hanumat overpowered by Indrajit (53.118 f.)
18. Hanumat returns to Rāma the cuḍāmani given by Sītā (54.3 ff.)
19. Indrajit's quarrel with Vibhiṣaṇa [55.8 ff.]
20. Rāvana's quarrel with Vibhiṣaṇa [55.18 ff.]
21. Doubts raised in Rama's camp about Vibhīṣaṇa (55.29 ff.)
22. Rāma's lament (after
Lakṣmaṇa was hit by Rāvana's saktiśela 62.4 ff.) 23. Description of Mathurā (88.2 ff.)
2
6. VII, ch. 26 (Rambha is the heroine here).
7. VII, ch. 29.
8. VII, ch. 35.
9. VII, ch. 23.
10. VII, ch. 76. 11. III, ch. 19-20.
12. Surpanakha affair (III, ch.
17).
13. III, chs. 62 ff.
14. IV, ch. 34.
15. V, ch. 62. 16. V, ch. 38 ff.
17. V, ch. 48.
18. V, ch. 65.
19. VI, ch. 15.
20. VI, ch. 16.
21. VI, ch. 17.
22. VI, ch. 101.
23. VII.70.9 ff.

Page #271

NON-CANONICAL SVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
245
2
24. VII.43.16 ff.
24. Rāma becomes a target of
hostile criticism at Ayodhyā
[93.22 ff.] 25. Sītā's lament in the forest
(94.87 ff.]
25. VII.48 ff.
This tabular presentation shows that Vimala has very faithfully followed in his Prākṣta poem the original Rāmāyaṇa, including its First and Seventh Books which are considered late additions to the original poem. A very large number of incidents, narrated in the Uttarakānda, have been recorded by the author of the Paumacariyam. We have, for example, in this poem the story of Marutta's yajña, and Vimala mentions even the name Marutta's priest Samvarta (11.71). Vimala, to whom Rāvana is a great Jaina and vidyādhara, has cleverly changed the passages of the Uttarakānda which describe Rāvana's discomfiture. As for example, in the Uttarakānda story Arjuna, king of Mahismati, is represented as having made Rāvana his prisoner; but the PCjust gives the opposite version. In another Uttarakānda story Rāvana is shown as having suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of Bālin, but in the PC Bālin appears as a Jaina ascetic and is further shown as having pressed the mount Kailāsa with the toe of his foot when Rāvana lifted it, and Dasamukha, in utter distress, cried out and earned the name Rāvaņa. It is not little amusing to see how the Jaina poet has cleverly assigned to Bālin the role of Siva of the Uttarakānda (16.25-38). Let no one suppose from this that Vimala has here followed a different tradition, and not that recorded by the author of the Rāmāyaṇa.
The above discussion abundantly testifies that the Jaina auth writing in the first century AD, deliberately followed the original Rama story, although interspersed with Jaina bias. Characters like Dasaratha, Bharata, Kumbhakarna, Indrajit, and others are represented as embracing the ascetic life of Jaina munis. Rāvana's killer, however, is not Rāma in this poem, but Lakşmaņa, who takes a more important part in the battle of Lankā than Rāma. Vimala has however done a grave injustice to this great brother of Rāma by representing him as a love-sick, sentimental hero.
Vimala according to his own testimony was a disciple of Vijaya

Page #272

246
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
and grand-disciple of Rāhu, who belonged to the Naila or Nāgila kula, which according to the Theravali, originated from the preceptor Arya Vajrasena. Nothing is known about Vimala's home, but from the detailed and eulogistic description of Mathurā it appears that he was a monk of that city.
Vimala's work is the foundation on which later Jaina writers built lofty edifices. We have the Padmapurana of Digambara Ravisena, which will be discussed in the next chapter. A number of other writers, including Svayambhū, also wrote on the Rāma story and his work too will be dealt within the next chapter.
I should now turn my attention to the Vasudevahindīle written by Sanghadāsagani Vācaka and Dharmasenagaại. This work, according to the eminent Prāksta scholar Alsdorf," was written in all probability in the Gupta period as its Prākrta shows quite a number archaic forms, and for the students of Prākrta the work offers a fruitful field of study. Only the first part of it has so far been pub. lished, and even that edition, according to Alsdorf, is full of errors. The original work extends to 100 lambakas; the first part extending to 29 lambakas is a continuous prose work of 370 quarto pages. Let us remember that this work was known to both Jinabhadaragarani,13 who lived in the sixth century AD and Jinadāsagani Kșamāśramaņa.14 There is therefore little doubt that this work was quite popular from the Gupta period.
The Vasudevahindī is probably the earliest imitation of the famous Byhatkathā written in the Sātavāhana period by Guņādhya in the Paiśācī language. It has not yet been discovered, but we have a number of Sanskrit versions. Vasudeva, the father of Krsna, who is the romantic hero of this novel, evidently reminds us of Naravāhanadatta, the hero of Guņādhya. Unlike the Bịhatkathā, it is written in the Mahārāstri Prakrta, the language in which the well-known Angavijjā was written. Besides the Byhatkathā, materials from the popular Vaisnava Purānas including the Harivarśa and Vişnu have been incorporated. The language is heavily influenced by the canonical, and sometimes we have the entire passages from the Samavāyānga and Sthānanga which attest that the author had little originality.
After the Introduction we have the story of Dhammilla, the son of a merchant. A number of his adventures have been recorded, including his passion for prostitutes. Vasantatilakā, the mistress of Dhammilla, reminds us of Vasantasena of the Mrcchakatika of Südraka

Page #273

NON-CANONICAL SVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
247
and Cārudatta of Bhāsa. It is interesting that there is a direct reference to the Bhagavadgitā in this section of the Vasudevahiņdī.15 This, I believe, to be the earliest reference to that famous poem in a nonBrahmanical text. The author shows his intimate acquaintance with various places of western India. He refers to Kalyāna, Bharukaccha," Girinagara, 18 and also Yavana-visaya.' He further mentions the well-known temple of Vāsupūjya20 of Campā. He quotes also a passage?l from the Arthaśāstra of Kautilya and mentions a nāga temple.22
In the section entitled “Pīļhikā”23 we have the story of the Vrsnis of Dvārakā, and here he has mainly followed the Vaisnava Purānas. The highly poetic description of Krsna24 has a theistic ring. The author has competently described the rivalry between Rukmini and Satyabhāmā and the story of Krşna's elopement with Jāmbavati and his son's love affair with Vaidarbhi are also given. Sämba too appears here as a romantic hero as in the Vaisnava works.
A number of sections or lambakas of this work were evidently named in imitation of the Brhatkathā. We have, for example Gandharvadattā, Vegavati, and a few other lambakas. The text also refers to dināra25 and kārsāpaņa26 coins. There was a brisk commercial intercourse with Cina, Suvarnabhūmi, and Yavadvīpa. 27 It also refers to the popular Indra festival.28 The picture of the society, painted in this text is no different from that Bhāsa and Sūdraka. 29
The story of Rāma, given in this text,30 is almost entirely lifted from the original Rāmāyana although, as in the PC, the killer of Rāvana here is Lakşmaņa.31 Some of the minor details of Vālmīki's Rāmāyaṇa are also to be found in the text, and there is even a reference to the krodhāgāra”? of Kaikeyi. Unlike Vimala, the author of this text has not changed the name of Sūrpanakhā. The description of the rivalry between Bälin and Sugrīva” is evidently based on that of the Fourth Book of the Rāmāyaṇa.
In the present published edition of this text, Books 19-20 and a part of the Book 28 are missing. Book 28, entitled Devakī Lambaka, closely follows the Harivamsa and later Jaina writers, including the author of the Jaina Harivañía, have followed the version given in the Vasudevahindī. The text also contains details of the lives of the Tirthamkaras like Kunthu and Arhanātha, and Rsabha too receives very special treatment. 34
The celebrated Haribhadra, who lived in the mid-eighth century, was not only a great philosopher, but also one of the finest literary

Page #274

248
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
figures of the early medieval period. Not much is however known about his personal life. We only know that he was a native of Citrakūta (Chitor) and was a Brāhmaṇa by caste. He informs us that he obeyed the command of Jinabhata, a Svetāmbara ācārya, and was a pupil of Jinadatta, who belonged to the Vidyadhara kula. We further learn from the colophons of his works that he was a spiritual son of the nun Yakini Mahattarā. From Udyotana's Kuvalayamālā, 35 which was written in Saka 700, we learn that its author was taught the science of logic by Haribhadra, the author of several treatises. This Haribhadra is no other than our Haribhadra who was also a great logician, as we will see in a later chapter. Jacobi opines36 that Haribhadra in the later part of his life migrated to western Rajasthan and probably founded the clan of Porevals, who according to the Nemināthacariyu originated at śrīmāla (Bhinmal). That scholar further believes that Haribhadra, as a yati, probably wandered in various parts of India, including the eastern regions and learnt the logical system of the Buddhists in the Buddhist schools of these regions.
According to the Jaina tradition, Haribhadra was the author of some 1440 works, clearly an absurd figure. The earliest writer that refers to this figure is Abhayadeva who finished his tīkā on Haribhadra's Pañcāśaka in ad 1068. We have a list of 88 works of Haribhadra given by Muni Kalyānavijaya.37 A sketch of Haribhadra's life has been given in the Prabhāvakacarita, which is however not very reliable.38 Rājasekhara in his Prabandhakośa has also given a sketch of his life.
Haribhadra's fame as a creative literary writer rests chiefly on his Prāksta Samarāiccakahā,40 a work which the author himself describes as dharmakathā and which Winternitzfittingly terms a religious novel. The fortune of the hero Samarāditya is traced through his nine births (bhava). Underlying all the narratives, there is the Jaina doctrine of karman. For the study of the cultural, religious, and economic history of northern India of the eighth century AD, the work offers a unique scope. In the first Book there is a reference to the well-known Madana-festival. The second provides an interesting description of marriage of those days and mentions a nāga temple and also refers to the cloth of Cīna and Ardha-Cīna. The third Book refers to the philosophy of Cārvāka and in the fourth we not only have a reference to Tāmralipta port but also to Kațāhadvipa, which is also mentioned in the Cola inscriptions and the

Page #275

NON-CANONICAL ŚVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
249
Kathāsaritsāgara.43 It appears from this Book of the Samarāiccakahā that there was brisk commerce between eastern India and the islands of East Indies in those days. The fifth Book refers to Suvarnabhumi and Mahākatāha. The sixth contains a wealth of information. Here we have the confirmation of the belief that the god Skanda was looked upon as the presiding god of thieves. We are told that Skanda-Rudra was the inventor of a thief's pill called Coraguliyā, which was used as paradysțimohani (charmer of other's sight). There is also a detailed description of the temple of Kātyāyani which had a four-armed icon of that goddess with the implements kodanda, ghantā, khadga, and the tail of Mahişāsura. It further refers to the town of Devapura, which was situated near China, and also Suvarṇadvīpa and Ratnadvīpa. We come across an interesting character in the figure of Toppa, a merchant of Devapura. The town of Tagara is also mentioned. There are a few interesting geographical names in other Books, including Madanapura of Kāmarūpa, mentioned in the ninth Book.
That Haribhadra was an accomplished storyteller is also attested by his well-known satire Dhurtākhyāna44 which is also written in Prākṣta. That there was an earlier Jaina text of this name is shown by the evidence of the Nisithaviśesacurni.45 Haribhadra's only purpose was to ridicule the stories of the Hindu epics and Purānas and, in order to belittle them, he relates the tales of five rogues called Mülaśrī, Kandarīka, Elāsādha, Sasa, and Khandapāņā. Such satire can be expected from the pen of a writer who was a renegade. It does not however merit the lavish praise bestowed on it by Upadhye,14 and the stories related by the rogues are only weak satires. It is a matter of regret that the Jainas, who have written so many works in imitation of the epics, should indulge in senseless condemnation of these two great poems. This once more proves my contention that the Jainas, like the Buddhists, suffered from a form of inferiority-complex from the very outset.
The next Svetāmbara writer is Udyotanasūri, the author of the Kuvalayamālā, which was completed according to the colophon of the work in the last month of the Saka year 700, which is equivalent to AD 779 at Jāvālipura, modern Jalor (Rajasthan), when Vatsarāja was the reigning sovereign."7 The praśasti given at the end of the work, as I have already pointed out, has great historical value. His immediate guru was Tattvācārya and he was taught Siddhānta by Virabhadra and logic by Haribhadra. Vatsarāja, who is mentioned

Page #276

250
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
here, is the celebrated Pratīhāra king, a contemporary of Dharmapāla and Rastrakūta Dhruva. The same Pratihāra king is also mentioned in the Harivamsa of Jinasena II as we shall see in the next chapter.
The Kuvalayamālā is probably the most interesting and complex Jaina literary next of the eighth century AD. The poet has shown his great power of observation and learning in this exceedingly readable work written in the Mahārāștri Prākrta. It has been argued that the author was influenced by Bāņa and Haribhadra. He has shown this thorough acquaintance with the works of previous writers by referring to them, among whom a few were Brahmanical writers and a few Digambara poets. He has graphically described the corrupt city life. It also appears from his text that Indian cities enjoyed rare prosperity in the eighth century, and in this connection he has referred to the affluence of the inhabitants of Pratisthāna. An interesting passage quoted by J.C. Jain in his work18 throws a flood of light on the everyday religious life of those days. This passage alludes to the popularity of the Bhagavadgitā among the Vaisnavas and also mentions the temples dedicated to Buddha, Jina, Śiva, Śakti (Kottajjā), and Kārttikeya.
The poet has very successfully depicted romantic love-scenes and it is quite certain that he had first-hand experience of love and romance. In their descriptions of romantic episodes, the Jaina writers could even put to shame the author of the Sišupālavadha, and in this respect, as we will see later, the Digambaras did not lag much behind. There is an interesting description of the life led by students in a large educational institution in which pupils from Lāța, Kannada, Mälava, Kanyakubja, Golla, Marahattha, Takka, Srikantha, and Sindhudeśa pursued their study. In this institution they were given lessons by experienced teachers on almost all the sciences and philosophies. 49 Not all the students were equally serious and there is a humorous picture of college life, which was probably not very different from that which we encounter in modern colleges and university hostels. The poet has given us some idea regarding the characteristics of the peoples of different janapadas. The inhabitants of Golla (the country around the Godāvari) were dark, rude, licentious and shameless; those of Magadha were ugly, careless, and knew no sexual restraints. The people of Antarvedi (the land between the Gangā and Yamunā) were brown, with reddish-brown eyes and were fond of good food and table-talk. The people of Kira

Page #277

NON-CANONICAL ŚVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
251
(Himalayan regions) were tall, fair, had flat nose and could carry big loads. The inhabitants of Țakka (Punjab) were lacking in the finer qualities and were close-fisted. They could not appreciate knowledge and were unchivalrous. The Sindhu people were thoroughly well-bred and soft-spoken, and at the same time had a passion for music. They were proud of their own country. The residents of the Maru country (Rajasthan) were crooked, foolish, and were given to over-eating. The people of Gurjara country were fond of butter and ghee, were religious in temperament, and at the same time, had a partiality to both peace and war. The people of Lāța were fond of perfumes and were conscious about their dress. The Mālavas were of short in stature and had dark complexions. They were both conceited and wrathful. The Karnataka people were exceedingly proud and, at the same time, addicted to women. They too were violent in temperament. The Tājikas (Muslims) were mainly non-vegetarians and knew only wine and women. The Kosalans possessed all the finer qualities of character and were easily excitable and proud. They were generally strongly built. The people of Mahārāsțra were tolerant and physically quite fit, but were however somewhat conceited and quarrelsome. The Andhras were good fighters and were handsome, but they were fond of women and known for their extravagant food habits. Elsewhere the poet has praised the people of the Lāța country. We must remember that the original home of Udyotanasūri was situated not far from Lātadeśa, and that explains why he had soft corner for that country.
Šīlānka's Caupannamahāpurīşacariyam is the earliest Svetămbara work on the lives of 54 great men. This work is written in Prākrta and, according to the Brhattippanikā, was completed in the vs 925 corresponding to AD 867. In his Acārāngațīkā we have three dates for śīlānka, Śaka 772, 784, and 798. The earliest date for this writer is therefore AD 84051 and the latest AD 876. A few scholars52 think that Sīlānka, the commentator of the Acārānga and Sūtrakstānga should be distinguished from Sīlānka the author of the Caupannamahapurīşacariyam. We should however remember that both these Silānkas belonged to the Nivrtti kula 3 and lived in the middle of the ninth century AD. There is therefore no valid reason why these two Sīlānkas should not be regarded as identical. The Acārāngaļīkā has an additional name for śīlānka, Tattvāditya, and the Caupaņņamahāpurīşacariyamgives another name, Vimalamati. It appears that Vimalamati was his original name and śīlānka or Šīlācārya the name given to

Page #278

252
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
him after he became a Jaina sādhu. The name Tattvāditya appears to be a title conferred upon him for his vast learning. His guru, according to the praśasti of the Caupannamahāpurīşacariyam, was Mánadeva.
The work runs to 10,800 ślokas and he has very skilfully utilized the earlier sources including the Agamas and the available Svetāmbara commentaries and other non-canonical texts including Vimala's Paumacaryam. Among 54 characters, only 19 have received extensive treatment. About 21 characters have been dismissed in only a few pages. Characters like Rsabha, Bharata, Santi, Sumati, Malli, Sagara, Neminātha, Pārsva, Baladeva, and Vardhamana have naturally been allotted much greater space. One interesting feature of the work is the drama Vibudhānanda 4 which has been inserted in the story of one of the former births of Rsabha. We are told that king Mahābala (fourth bhava of Rşabha) was led to vairāgya after this dramatic performance. It appears that Sīlānka got the idea of writing this play from a statement of Jinadāsa Mahattara,55 and it is constructed in all respects on the model of classical drama. However, the tragic end (i.e., the death of the hero) violates the rules of Sanskrit drama.
There is quite a lot of valuable cultural material scattered in this vast work. The writer refers to an old Jaina shrine at Anandapura (Vadnagar) of Gujarat, 56 and informs us elsewhere that the court of Sātavāhana was graced by over a hundred poets.57 That the official religion of Sri Lanka was Buddhism was known to śīlanka.58 He refers to the great prosperity of the Kāśī kingdom.59 On p. 38 he refers to the following texts: Padalipta's Tarangavatī, Bharata's Nātyaśāstra, Samudra's Puruşalakṣaṇaśāstra, Citraratha's Sangītaśāstra, Naggai's Citrakalāśāstra, Dhanvantari's Āyurvedaśāstra, Sālibhadra's Ašvaśāstra, Vihäna's Dyūtaśāstra, Bubbuha's Hastiśāstra, Angirasa's Yuddhaśāstra, Sabara's Indrajālaśāstra, Kātyāyana's Strīlaksanaśāstra, Senāpati's sakunaśāstra, Gajendra's Svapnalakṣaṇaśāstra, Nala's Pākaśāstra, and Vidyādhara's Patrachedyaśāstra. Šīlānka further refers to the worship of Kāmadeva who was propitiated by women desirous of good husband. Yakşa-worship was also popular and there is a vivid description of a Kāpālika.62 It has been argued that even Hemacandra was inspired by śīlanka's work when he wrote his famous Trişastišalākāpuruşacaritra.
Another well-known Svetāmbara work of the ninth century is Jayasimha's Dharmopadeśamālas written according to the testimony

Page #279

NON-CANONICAL SVETAMBARA LITERATURE
253
of the poet himself in vs 915; and he provides the vital information that at this time king Bhoja was ruling the earth. There is absolutely no doubt that the poet has referred to the Pratīhāra king Bhoja for whom we have dates ranging from vs 893 to 936,65 vs 915 corresponding to AD 867. The work was composed in the Jaina shrine of Nāgapura (i.e., Nagaur) which is in Rajasthan. He also gives some information regarding the activities of his spiritual predecessors.
The work has a number of gāthās written by Jayasimha, and to illustrate those he has himself composed 156 stories, most of which are based on earlier Jaina literature. The style of Jayasimha is superior to most other Jaina writers. It appears that the original home of this writer was at Vasantapura, which is mentioned over 25 times in the work and which has yielded, as we have already seen, a seventhcentury Jaina inscription and is identified with the present Vasantagadh in Sirohi district of Rajasthan. Jayasṁha, interestingly, describes Mathurā as adorned with Jaina temples. 66 He further refers to the town of Acalapura and its king Arikeśarī,67 who is described as a devotee of the Digambaras. It further appears from this work h8 that there was intense rivalry between the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras in the ninth century, and this is also confirmed by the statements of the contemporary Digambara writers. Probably the earliest reference to the famous Sakunikāvihāra of Bhrgukaccha, which was dedicated to Muni Suvrata, is to be found in this work.69 It is apparent from this that the famous temple of Suvrata at this wellknown port was built much earlier. The author describes the popularity of the Jaina religion at Ujjayini." The holy hill of Satruñjaya has also been mentioned. He also shows his acquintance with the philosophy of Siddhasena Divākara,72 and there are also interesting stories about Subandhu, Cāņakya, Sālibhadra, Müladeva, Aryarakṣita, and others. Some of these stories are also told in contemporary Digambara works.
Let us now turn our attention to one of the most interesting texts written in the beginning of the tenth century AD, the Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā." This work was composed by Siddharși in vs 962 corresponding to AD 906. The praśasti of this work gives some valuable information about the spiritual predecessors of this writer. He at first mentions Sūryācārya of Nivrtti kula, who lived in Lätadeśa. His disciple was Dellamahattara, who was an expert in astronomy and prognostics. His disciple was Durgasvāmin, a rich Brālimana, who had become a Jaina monk and died, interestingly, at Brillamāla

Page #280

254
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
(Bhinmal). Durgasvāmin was Siddharși's teacher, and is praised by him chiefly on account of his exemplary piety. Both teacher and pupil had been ordained by Gargasvāmin, about whom we are not told anything more. The highest praise is however reserved for Haribhadra, who as we learn from the praśasti was the source of his inspiration. It must, however, not be supposed that Haribhadra was a contemporary of Siddharși. The former lived some two centuries earlier, as is indicated in the Kuvalayamālā written in Saka 700.
In the Prabhāvakacarita?4 we have a romantic account of Siddharși's conversion from Buddhism which has, however, been rightly rejected by Jacobi." That work further represents Siddharși as a cousin of Māgha, the author of the Siśubālavadha, which is surely impossible as Māgha lived in the mid-seventh century AD as his grandfather served under king Varmalāta, who is definitely known from an inscription to have lived in AD 625.
The work of Siddharși is an elaborate and extensive allegory. Probably the earliest specimen of such an allegory is the unnamed play of Asvaghoșa, discovered from Central Asia. This work of Siddharsi is however the first extensive allegory in Indian literature and it was followed two centuries later by Krsna Miśra's great allegory Prabodhacandrodaya. Siddharși's work is a narrative consisting of a series of birth stories, i.e. the hero of all stories is a single person in different births. This is an ancient device known to the earlier Buddhist and Jaina writers, including Haribhadra whose Samarāiccakahā is openly acknowledged by Siddharși78 as his model.
Siddharşi proposes to explain the mundane career of the Soul (jiva) under the name Samsārijiva from the lowest stage of existence to the final liberation, but only six births are narrated a few others sketched, and the rest summarily taken cognizance of. In the lives fully narrated, Samsārijiva is described as being under the influence of four cardinal passions (krodha in the third Prastāva, māna in the fourth, māyā in the fifth, and lobha in the sixth); and to similarly governed by the five cardinal vices (himsă in the third, anrta in the fourth, steya in the fifth, abrahma in the sixth, parigraha in the seventh). Also in the Prastāvas are inserted allegorical stories which illustrate the baleful influence of the five senses, sparśana, rasana, ghrāņa, drsţi and śruti. The chief intention of the author was to illustrate the Jaina religion, not as dogmatist but as a moralist. The order followed by Siddharşi is to be found also in the Tattvārthādhigamasūtra,79 and the work has been compared to Pilgrim's Progress. 0 The

Page #281

255
NON-CANONICAL SVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
author deliberately uses Sanskrit and not Prākṛta, because Sanskrit was the language of the educated people. His language is however very easy to understand, and he does not care, like Dhanapala or Somadeva, to imitate the style of Subandhu or Bāṇa.
Dhanapala,1 who lived in the last quarter of the tenth century AD, is the author of the Tilakamañjarī,82 which was probably composed in the very beginning of the reign of Paramāra Bhoja. This author had written his Prākṛta Paiyalacchi in the vs 1029 corresponding to AD 972 when Manyakheța was sacked by the Malava army. In the Tilakamañjarī,84 some extremely valuable information regarding the early kings of the Paramāra dynasty has been given. The author is a conscious imitator of Bāņa, but he is only a very inferior imitator. The hero Harivāhana reminds us of Candrāpīḍa of the Kadambari, and his friend Samaraketu is modelled on Vaisampayana of Bāņa's work. The heroine, Tilakamañjarī, instinctively reminds us of Kādambarī and Malayavatī and is in every respect like Mahāśveta, the immortal creation of Bāṇa. In Bāṇa's work the childless king Tārāpīḍa worships Śiva in the Mahākāla temple, and here in the Tilakamañjarī, Meghavahana for his son worships Jina in the temple of Śakrāvatāra Siddhāyatana of Ayodhyā. It appears from Dhanapala's work that this temple of Jina at Ayodhyā was established long before its composition. It is extremely interesting that this Jaina shrine of Ayodhya is mentioned in Jinaprabha's Vividhatirthakalpa.85 We should remember that the grandfather of the poet was originally a resident of Sankasya86 and Dhanapala had probably himself personally visited this shrine of Ayodhya.
Dhanapala, as we learn from later works like the Prabhavakacarita and Prabandhacintamani,88 received favours from both Munja and Bhoja. This is also confirmed by his own work. A summary of this work, entitled Tilakamañjarīkathāsāra,89 was written by another poet of the same name at Patan in vs 1261.
90
Another work of Dhanapala is the Ṛṣabhapañcāsikā,90 a poem of 50 stanzas. This is written in Prākṛta and the first twenty verses contain allusions to the events of the life of the first Tīrthamkara; the remaining thirty stanzas are devoted exclusively to praise of Rṣabha. This poem contains probably the earliest reference to chess board.91
Quite a number of other works by Svetambara writers were written before AD 1000. I should mention here the Ajitaśāntistava92 (Ajiyasantithaya) by Nandiṣena who lived before the ninth century. This poem, written in rare but artificial metres in Prākṛta, glorifies

Page #282

256
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Ajita, the second and śāntinātha, the sixteenth Tīrthařkara. It is also probable that the original Satruñjayamāhātmya" was written, as claimed by the poet, during the reign of one of the Sīlādityas of Valabhī, and afterwards in the later period interpolations were made in the body of this Jaina Māhātmya. If this is accepted, then we have to assign the original work before the last quarter of the eighth century, which is the date for the last king of Valabhi, bearing that name.
REFERENCES
1. SGJM, XII, Calcutta, 1940, p. 29. 2. pp. 11 ff. 3. v. 1508. 4. Ed. in Nemivijñānagranthamālā, vs 2000. It was translated into Ger
man by Leumann as Die Nonne in 1921 in ZB, III, 193 ff. and 272 ff. A separate offprint was also published. A Gujarati translation was pub
lished from Ahmedabad in 1924. 5. See my paper in Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 177 ff. 6. Loc. cit. 7. Emphasis mine. 8. Ed., Jacobi, Bhavnagar, 1914; recently Prakrta Text Society, Varanasi
has published the work in two parts. 9. SBE, 22, p. 293. 10. Edited in Atmānanda Jaina Granthamālā, Bhavnagar, 1930–31. A
Gujarati translation of this text was done by Prof. Sandesara in vs
2003. 11. See his paper in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
London, vol. VIII, 1935-7, pp. 319-33. 12. Ibid., p. 320, n. 1. 13. See Jain, Prāksta Sahitya kā Itihāsa, p. 381. The Visesaņavati has been
published by Rşabhadeva Kesarimala Svetāmbara Saṁsthā, Ratlam,
1927. 14. See Niś. Cù., IV, p. 26; see also Āva. Cū., I, pp. 164, 460; II, p. 324. 15. p. 50; see also Gujarati trans., p. 60. 16. p. 66. 17. p. 74. 18. p. 50. 19. pp. 38, 62. 20. p. 155. 21. p. 38. 22. p. 65. 23. Trans. (Gujarati), pp. 92–130.

Page #283

NON-CANONICAL ŚVETĀMBARA LITERATURE
257
24. Ibid., pp. 92–3. 25. Ibid., p. 378. 26. Ibid., p. 350. 27. Ibid., p. 189. 28. Ibid., p. 287. 29. See also Introd., Gujarati trans., pp. 33 ff. 30. Trans., pp. 313 ff. 31. Ibid., p. 319. 32. Ibid., p. 314. 33. Ibid., p. 317. 34. Ibid., pp. 202 ff. 35. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, p. 282. 36. See his Introd., Samarāiccakahā, I, p. vi. 37. See his Sanskrit Introduction entitled Granthakāraparicaya in his edn.,
of Haribhadra's Dharmasangrahini Bombay, 1918. 38. IX, 48–206. 39. pp. 24 ff. 40. Ed., Jacobi, Calcutta, 1926. It was later edited in two parts by
Bhagwandas with Sanskrit chāyā and published from Ahmedabad (1938, 1942). There is an abstract of this text compiled by Pradyumna
in ad 1214 and edited by Jacobi, Ahmedabad, 1905. 41. History of Indian Literature, II, p. 523. 42. See Sastri, The Coļas, p. 217. 43. Ed., Durgaprasad and Parab, XIII.74; for some useful information
on Kataha, see The Ocean of Story (Tawney & Penzer), I, p. 155, n. 1. In
this work Kaţāha has been mentioned several times. 44. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1944. 45. See Pīthikā, p. 105. 46. See pp. 20 ff. of his 'Critical Study of the Dhūrtākhyāna given in his
edn. of that text. 47. Edited in two parts by A.N. Upadhye in Singhi Jaina Granthamālā,
Bombay, 1959 and 1970. There is a valuable introduction in the sec
ond part by the same scholar. 48. Jain, op. cit., p. 420. 49. Ibid., p. 423. 50. Prakrta Text Society, Varanasi, 1961. 51. The date 772 is actually given in some manuscripts in the Gupta
Samvat, which according to Fleet is an error for the Šaka year; see A
Hist. of the Canonical Literature of the Jainas by Kapadia, p. 197. 52. See Prastāvanā in Hindi by A.M. Bhojak in the PTS edn., pp. 54 ff; se
also Jaina Sahitya kā Byhad Itihasa, 6, p. 70. 53. In the concluding line of his tīkā on the first Śrutaskandha of the
Acāranga we have the information that Šīlācārya belonged to the Nivrtti
kula; see Jaina Sāhitya kā Byhad Itihasa, 3, p. 382, n. 1. 54. pp. 17-27.

Page #284

258
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
55. See Introd. by Klaus Bruhn, p. 29. 56. p. 189. 57. p. 138. 58. p. 154. 59. p. 86. 60. p. 110. 61. p. 232. 62. p. 228. 63. Cf. Alsdorf's view quoted in Klaus Bruhn's Introd., p. 9. 64. Ed., L.B. Gandhi, Singhi Jaina Granthamála, Bombay, 1949. 65. See D.R. Bhandarkar, A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, nos.
25, 28, 33, and 36. 66. p. 32. 67. p. 177. 68. pp. 177-9. 69. p. 160. 70. p. 148. 71. p. 220. 72. p. 37. 73. Ed. by P. Peterson and Jacobi in Bibliotheca Indica Series (Calcutta,
1914). For another edn. see, D.L.P. no. 46. 74. V.22 ff. 75. See Preface, pp. xiii ff. 76. D.R. Bhandarkar, List, no. 11. 77. See HIL, Winternitz, III, pt. I, pp. 222. 78. See p. 147. 79. II.20; VII.1; VIII. 10. 80. Jacobi, op. cit., p. xviii. 81. See the paper entitled 'Mahakavi Dhanapala aur Unki Tilakamañjari',
in Guru Gopaladas Baraiya Smrtigrantha, pp. 484–91. See Merutunga,
Prabandhacintamani, pp. 36 ff. 82. Ed., Kavyamala Series, Bombay, 1938. 83. See G.C. Chowdhary, PHNI, p. 85. 84. Ibid., pp. 85 ff. 85. Ed., Muni Jinavijaya, Santiniketan, 1934, p. 73. 86. See Prabandhacintāmani, ed., Muni Jinavijaya, p. 36. 87. See the Prabandha entitled 'Mahendrasūriprabandha'. 88. pp. 36 ff. 89. Ed., Ahmedabad, 1970. 90. Ed. in Kävyamālā Series, pt. VII; see also Jinaratnakośa, p. 3. A Ger
man trans, along with the original text, ed., Klatt was published in
ZDMG, 33, pp. 445 ff. 91. See Klatt, op. cit., pp. 465 ff. 92. Ed., Viravijaya, Ahmedabad, vs 1992. 93. See IA, 30, pp. 239 ff; 288 ff.

Page #285

CHAPTER XIII
Digambara Literature
The Digambaras, who formally separated themselves from the original samgha in the early years of the second century AD, can rightly boast of an exceedingly rich literature. However, the so-called canonical texts of this sect, unlike the Svetāmbara canon, is devoid of any interest for students of history. The subject treated in these canonical works are technical in nature and of interest only to students of metaphysics. The canonical texts of the Digambaras were discovered from Mudbidri in South Kanara district of Karnataka some fifty years ago. The first part of the canon is known both as the Karmaprābhrta and the Satkhandāgama. The earliest available commentary on it is the Dhavalā written by Vīrasena, who describes himself as a disciple of Aryanandin and a grand-disciple of Candrasena of the Pancastūpānvaya who had studied the Siddhānta under Elācārya. The commentary was completed in Saka 738 correspond ing to AD 816 when Amoghavarsa I was the reigning king. That commentator gives us some information regarding the original authors of the Karmaprābhịta.
According to Virasena, after the death of Lohācārya, the twentyeighth guru in succession to Mahāvīra, the knowledge of ancient scriptures became practically exinct. There was only one saint, Dharasena who had some knowledge of those ancient texts. This saint was originally a resident of Girinagara (Girnar). While he was engaged in penances in the Candragumphā Cave of Girnar hill, he decided to send a letter to the monks of Dakṣiṇāpatha warning them against the danger of the complete extinction of the knowledge of early scriptures. The monks, on receipt of that letter sent two intelligent monks called Puspadanta and Bhūtabali to Dharasena who taught them ancient scriptures. These two monks later composed the Șatkhandāgama and, according to Vīrasena, that work was completed 683 years after the nirvana of Mahāvīra. We further learn that Puşpadanta composed the first 20 cardinal sūtras and the rest of the work running to 6000 sūtras was completed by Bhūtabali.

Page #286

260
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
The above discussion shows that the earliest Digambara canon, according to their own testimony, is not earlier than the second century AD. This indirectly supports the Svetāmbara tradition regarding the date of the formal separation of the Digambaras from the original samgha. We have already seen, that according to the Svetāmbaras, the Digambaras separated 609 years after the nirvana of Mahāvīra. It is natural that after their separation they should be in search of a separate canon for themselves. The testimony of Virasena shows that the Digambara canon was originally compiled in western India in which the monks of the south also took part. Although the Digambaras reject the authenticity of the Svetāmbara sacred texts, their early writers do not hesitate to quote from the Svetāmbara canon, and even Virasena has shown complete acquaintance with a number of these sacred texts.
Vīrasena further informs us that at the time of the compilation of the sacred texts, the Digambara monks of the south were assembled at the town of Mahimā which was situated on the bank of the river Venyā (modern Bena) in Andhra country, and which is identified with Mahimānagar in the district of Satārā in present-day Maharashtra. The commentary written by Virasena runs to 72,000 ślokas and was based, according to his own statement, on the earlier commentaries, including that written by the celebrated Kundakunda. A number of earlier commentaries are also mentioned in Indranandi's Srutāvatāra, but none of these has survived. The Dhavala commentary was written at Vāțagrāmapura, which has not yet been properly identified."
The second part of the Digambara canon is known as the Kaşāyaprābhyta which was written by one Gunadhara Acārya, who was probably a contemporary of Bhūtabali and Puspadanta.' The work runs into 233 verses, of which probably the first 180 were written by Gunadhara. The earliest commentary on it is the Cūrņīsūtra of Yativrşabha, who as we will see afterwards, probably flourished in the last quarter of the sixth century AD. Yativrşabha, we are told, followed the commentary of Arya Mankhu and Nāgahastin. Later, according to Indranandi two other commentators wrote their learned treatises on this work and finally Vīrasena composed the first 20,000 ślokas of his Jayadhavalā, which was later completed in 60,000 ślokas by his disciple Jinasena. This great commentaryo was completed in Śaka 759, when Amoghavarşa I was reigning." We should also refer to the last part of the Satkhandāgama called

Page #287

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
261
Mahabandha written by Bhutabali12 which runs to 40,000 slokas, and on which Virasena has not written any commentary.
I have already said that the Digambara Āgamic texts are devoid of any interest, at least for the historian. However, students of Jaina philosophy and metaphysics treat them as source-books, and later Jaina philosophers have freely borrowed from these texts. Let us then turn our attention to a few other Digambara Jaina texts, which also deal with abstruse points of Digambara philosophy. I shall not discuss here the works of the celebrated Digambara philosophers, which I propose to do in the next chapter, but only refer to a few classics which deal with doctrinal matters.
The Mulācāra13 of Vaṭṭakera which runs to 1252 verses is one of the earliest non-canonical Digambara works dealing with various practices of Jaina ascetics. The work is divided into 12 parts (adhikāra). There are a few interesting stories for which the author is indebted to the earlier Svetambara canon. Like the Nandisutra and Anuyogadvāra it condemns works like the Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābharata, Arthaśāstra, etc. Some of the rules for the Jaina monks are directly taken from the Svetambara canonical texts, including the Bṛhatkalpa and a few of the verses remind us of the Daśavaikālika." It has been claimed 15 that the author, Vaṭṭakera, should be identified with Kundakunda; but there is no genuine basis for such a suggestion. From the linguistic point of view, the work should be assigned to the fifth century AD.
The Bhagavati Ārādhanā16 appears to be a work of the same pe
riod. It has little over 2,100 verses and its Prākṛta bears close similarity with the Prakṛta of the Mulācāra." It was composed, according to the colophon of the work, by Pāṇitalabhoji Śivārya, who studied the Mülasūtras at the feet of Arya Jinanandi Gaṇī, Arya Śarvagupta Gaṇī, and Arya Mitranandi Gani. We have already seen in a previous chapter18 that there was a Pāņitalabhoji Digambara ascetic during the reign of Rāmagupta, who lived in the latter half of the fourth century AD. Prabhācandra, who wrote his Kathakośa during the reign of Jayasimha of Dhārā (mid-eleventh century AD) claims that this Śivarya (also called Śivakoți) was previously a king and later converted by the celebrated Samantabhadra. 19 We are further told by him that his work was based on the Aradhana of Lohācārya which ran to 84,000 verses. We must however note that Hariṣena who wrote his Kathakosa much earlier, does not represent Śivärya as a disciple of the great Samantabhadra, although his work too, like that of Prabhācandra,

Page #288

262
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
is based on the work written by Sivārya.
Śivārya refers to a number of Svetāmbara texts, including Kalpa, Vyavahāra, Ācārānga, and Jitakalpa. This work, which deals with the conduct of Jaina ascetics, has verses common with the Mülācāra and a few Svetāmbara canonical texts. Some scholars identify its author śivārya with śivabhūti, which can be rejected outright.20 The probable date of Sivabhūti is the second century AD, while Śivārya lived in the Gupta period. There is a Sanskrit commentary on the Ārādhanā written by Aparājita called Śrīvijayodayā. This individual was a disciple of one Baladevasūrī and grand-disciple of Candranandi, and tells us too that he was inspired by Nāganandi. He also wrote, interestingly, a commentary on the celebrated Svetāmbara Agamic poem Daśavaikālika. He shows his acquaintance with the philosophy of Pūjyapāda and the Varāngacarita of Jațāsimhanandin. In all probability, Aparājita lived in the eighth century AD. A number of later commentaries are also known,21 which shows that Ārādhanā was looked upon as an extremely valuable work by the Digambara monks of later times. In the early tenth century Harișeņa composed his Byhatkathākośa, which according to his own testimony was based on the original Arādhanā. This work will be discussed later in this chapter.
The original Lokavibhāga, 22 now lost, was written according to its translator Simhasūrī in Śaka 380 corresponding to the twentysecond regnal year of king Simhavarman of Kāñci. We are further told that its author was Sarvanandi, who was a resident of the village of Pāțalika, which was situated in the Pāņdya kingdom. This shows that there existed a Digambara work on consmography as early as the fifth century AD. Yativrsabha in his Tiloyapannati has repeatedly referred to this work.
I have already mentioned that Yativrşabha had written a commentary (cūrņi) on the Kāṣāyaprābhịta. The same saint is the author of the famous work on Jaina cosmography called Tiloyapannati. 23 Virasena in his Dhavalā frequently invokes him and quotes gathās which are found with minor variations in the current edition of the work.24 That the author lived after the fifth century AD is also testified to by the fact that he mentions the Lokavibhāga several times, and also shows acquaintance with the Mūlācāra. It has been argued 25 that the Lokavibhāga was known to Jinabhadra Kșamāśramaņa, for whom we have a date Śaka 531 corresponding to AD 609. He could not however have flourished much earlier, since he refers to the

Page #289

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
263
duration of the Gupta rule as either 22126 or 255.2" It appears that the poet probably lived in the last quarter of the sixth century AD. He is the first writer to refer to the duration of the rule of the Imperial Guptas, and his testimony is strikingly confirmed by the evidence of Gupta inscriptions. It further appears that the earlier figure of 221 for the duration of the Gupta rule is more reasonable than the latter figure of 255.28 We are also grateful to Yativrşabha for giving us an idea about post-Candragupta chronology. Incidentally, he is the earliest author to mention that Candragupta Maurya was a Jaina.29 Later writers, including the author of the Jaina Harivamsa, were influenced by Yativrsabha. The Tiloyapannatī is divided into nine sections and runs to 8,000 verses. It gives a great deal of information on Jaina doctrine and Puranic tradition about Tirthamkaras. It has been claimed that Yativrsabha was at home with the science of mathematics, 30 and he also describes the five hills of Rājagrha called Pamcaselanayara, i.e., Pañcaśailanagara. 31 In addition he mentions a number of places which were regarded as sacred to the Jainas. Yativrşabha is mentioned as an enemy of the Buddhists in the Brhatkathākośa of Harisena, which was written in AD 931.
The well-known Svāmikārttikeyanuprekṣā” is a very important and popular work among the Digambara Jainas. It explains the 12 anuprekṣās or meditations and has therefore altogether 12 chapters. These anupreksās are recommended both for monks and laymen. According to J.C. Jain, this work was written in the early centuries of the Christian era;34 and he goes on to suggest that the author Svāmi Kumāra should be identified with Kumāranandin of a Mathurā inscription,35 dated Saka 87. There is, however, little doubt that Kumāranandin of that inscription was a Svetambara saint and this work is a typical Digambara product. A.N. Upadhye has shown that in no work before thirteenth century AD, has this text been referred to.36 He further argues that the author was acquainted with the Gommatasāra of Nemicandra, written in the tenth century ad. Even if we reject this argument, we cannot suggest a much earlier date for this work. Its author was clearly influenced by the views of Kundakunda and Sivārya. Among other important didactic Digambara works of the tenth century I must mention the Gom matasāra and the works of Devasena. The Prākrta Gommațasāra was written by Nemicandra, a close friend of the well-known Camundarāya, who lived in the last quarter of the tenth century AD.

Page #290

264
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
This work was also named after that great minister, whose original name was 'Gommata'. Nemicandra is heavily indebted to earlier writers like Yativrsabha and Virasena. His work consists of two parts, Jivakāņda and Karmakāņda. 'It is a kind of natural history of the living beings' and needless to say, is frankly unreadable. Devasena was the author of the works Ārādhanāsāras and Darśanasāra. 39 For tunately for us, in his Darśanasāra he has informed us that he was a resident of Dhārā and lived around AD 933. We are further told that this work was composed in the temple of Pārsvanātha which was situated in that town." Devasena has given us some vital information regarding the origin of sects like Kasthāsamgha, Māthurasamgha, Drāvidasamgha, and Yapaniyasamgha.
Let us now turn our attention to the creative works of literature written by Digambara poets and writers. Before doing so however, we must refer to the Jainendra grammar. This work, 41 which is ascribed to Devanandi Pūjyapāda, has altogether five chapters and that is why it is also known as the Pañcădhyāyī. Pujyapada refers to earlier Jaina savants like Śridatta (1.4.34), Yaśobhadra (2.1.99), Bhūtabali (3.4.83), Prabhācandra (4.3.180), Siddhasena (5.1.7), and lastly Samantabhadra (5.4.140). Now, regarding the dating of Pujyapāda there is now no confusion. Devasena in his Darśanasāra42 has clearly stated that Vajranandin, the disciple of Pujyapāda, founded the Drāvidasamgha in southern Mathurā (i.e., Madura) in vs 526 which corresponds to AD 468. The preceptor of Vajranandin, Pūjyapāda, should therefore, be assigned to the first half of the fifth century AD. It is interesting, as pointed out by Premi,43 that Samantabhadra was a contemporary of Pujyapada, as he also was acquainted with Pujyapāda's works. There are a number of early commentaries on Pūjyapāda's Grammar, including one by Abhayanandi and another by Prabhācandra. The latter was a contemporary of Paramāra Bhoja."
No Digambara literary work, written before the seventh century, is now available. The earliest datable work is the Padmapurāņa” of Ācārya Ravişeņa which was written, according to the testimony of the poet himself, 1203.5 years after Mahāvīra's nirvana. This suggests a date around an 678. That poet further informs us that he was a disciple of Lakṣmaṇasena and grand-disciple of Arhatmuni.16 The latter, in turn, was a disciple of Divākara; Divākara's preceptor was Indra. We can, therefore, assign the earliest guru Indra to the last quarter of the sixth century AD.

Page #291

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
265
The Padmapurāna or Padmacarita, as I have already pointed out, is a free and direct Sanskrit translation of Vimala's Prāksta text. However, nowhere in the text does Ravişeņa care to acknowledge his debt to the original poet. He simply states that he followed the work of Anuttaravāgmin who, according to Svayambhū, was identical with Kirtidhara, yet no work of Kirtidhara is known. I can understand why Ravisena has not mentioned Vimala in his work; the former was a diehard Digambara and the latter a Svetāmbara poet. It appears that before Ravisena, one Kirtidhara made an attempt to translate Vimala's Prākrta kāuya into Sanskrit. However, the popularity of Ravişeņa's work forced Kīrtidhara's poem out of the literary scene. Although Ravişeņa is a mere translator, we have to concede that he was endowed with a genuine poetical fervour. The Padmapurāna is an exceedingly popular work among the Digambara Jainas. That Ravişeņa was a learned poet is also evident from various chapters of his work. In chap. 24, in connection with enumeration of Kaikeyi's skill, Ravişeņa has displayed his deep knowledge of various branches of learning. Like Vimala, he too, is thoroughly antiBrahmanical, and he was probably inspired by Bāņa's style. His descriptions of war-preparation (12.181 ff.) and a love-scene (16.192 ff.) remind us of Bāna's style. As Bāna lived between AD 560 and 620, and Ravisena in the last quarter of the seventh century, there is nothing inherently improbable in latter following the former. Ravişeņa's easy, graceful style is also responsible for his extreme popularity. Later poets like Udyotanasūri, the author of the Kuvalayamālā (Saka 700) and Jinasena II, the author of the Hari vamśapurāna (Saka 705) refer to Ravisena with deference. 48 Since Padmapurāna is a mere translation of the Paumacariyam, it is useless to discuss its contents. I have elsewhere9 sought to show that Ravişeņa had heard about the Muslims.
To the seventh century we can assign another poem written by a Digambara poet, the Varāngacaritało of Jațāsimhanandi. As late as 1933 it was believed that this work was composed by Ravişeņa. The two crucial verses referring to this work in the Kuvalayamālā and Harivamsapurāņa were misunderstood by scholars. 5. However, after the discovery of a number of manuscripts of this poem and the references to its author in various later works, all doubts disappeare regarding its actual authorship. As I have just indicated, the earliest reference to the Varāngacarita is to be found in the work of Svetāmbara Udyotanasūri, who wrote in Saka 700. Five years later,

Page #292

266
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Jinasena, in his Harivañía, praised this work. In the available manuscripts of this work, however, the name of its author has not been disclosed, but Udyotanasūri has referred to Jatila,52 and later writers like Cámundarāya and Dhavala, the author of the Apabhramsa Harivamsa,53 have clearly mentioned him. The name Jatāsimhanandi is first found in the Cāmundarāyapurāņa. As A.N. Upadhye rightly conjectures, 54 Cāmuṇdarāya calls him by that name in order to distinguish him from earlier Simhanandis.55 Still later writers like Nayasena, Pārsvapandita, Janna, and others show their acquiantance with the Varāngacarita and its author Jaţāsimhanandi.
An epigraph from the holy Kopbal area in Raichur district of Karnataka, as noted in a previous chapter, 56 refers to this poet, who was evidently viewed as a great saint. It was probably inscribed a few centuries after the death of this savant. It, therefore, appears that Jatāsimhanandi became a celebrated figure in both north and south India after his demise.
The poem Varāngacarita runs to 31 chapters and describes the vicissitudes of the life of prince Varānga, the son of Dharmasena of the Bhoja family, who ruled at Uttamapura in the territory of Vinita (Ayodhyā). Some of the adventures of this prince remind us of those of Vasudeva, as described in the Svetāmbara work Vasudevahiņdī. However, written in easy, graceful Sanskrit, it is a much more readable work. The poet uniformly calls it dharmakatha, which according to Haribhadra's definition is full of religious topics.57 Varānga, the hero, is represented as possessing great religious virtues. The poet, as shown by Upadhye,58 was influenced by the views of Kundakunda, Umāsvāti, Samantabhadra, Siddhasena, and others. In chapters XXIV-XXV he attacks the views of the different schools in an amateurish way and it appears from this apparent immaturity that he was a comparatively young man when he wrote this poem.
It appears from the poem that Jainism enjoyed rare prosperity during Jațila's time.59 There are references to gorgeous Jaina temples with images of precious stones.60 Elsewhere, he has referred to the scenes of the Purāņas which were painted or carved on the walls of the temples.61 He also refers to the royal gifts of villages to the Jaina temples.62 A number of janapadas, including Anga, Vanga, Magadha, Kalinga, Suhma, Pundra, Kuru, Asmaka, Abhira, Avanti, Kosala, Matsya, Saurāṣtra, Vindhyapăla, Mahendra, Sauvīra, Saindhava, Kāśmira, Odra, Vaidarbha, Vaidiśā, Pañcāla, etc. are mentioned in one place in the poem.63 Elsewhere, Kāmboja, Bāhlika,

Page #293

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
267
Simhala, Barbara, Kirāta, Gāndhāra, Pulinda are mentioned as nonAryan peoples. The poet was equally at home with Hindu Purāņic stories.65
The well-known Dhananjaya was the author of the Rāghavapāndavīya or Dvisandhānao an epic in eighteen cantos. Practically nothing is known about the personal life of the poet except that his father was one Vasudeva, and his mother bore the name Sridevi. Probably his guru was a certain Dasaratha. It has been suggested that he was probably not a monk but a Digambara layman.67 This poem by Dhananjaya has been praised by a number of poets, including the famous Rājasekhara who lived around ad 900. The poem is based on the two Hindu epics, the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata, and unlike most Jaina works, the characters are not represented as embracing the religion of the Jinas. He was inspired, it appears, by the writings of Kālidāsa, Bhāravi, and Māgha. His other works are Nāmamālā, Anekārthanāmamālā, and Visāpahārastotra. Even Vīrasena in his Dhavala68 has quoted a verse from the Anekārthanamamālā. This shows that Dhananjaya probably lived in the eighth century AD, if not earlier. N.L. Premi has shown that Jinasena l in his Ādipurāņa has consciously imitated a particular verse from the Vişāpahārastotra, and also drawn our attention to the fact that Somadeva (mid-tenth century) in his famous Yaśastilakacampū, writes a verse in imitation of that very Dhananjaya poem.This shows that the Jaina poets and philosophers from AD 800, were inspired by the writings of Dhananjaya.
To the eighth century we can assign at least two poems, written by the Digambara poets. The first Pārsvābhyudaya," was written by Jinasena I. Jinasena II, in his well-known Harivamśa, which was completed in Saka 705, refers to this poem of Jinasena I who, as we have already seen, was the famous disciple of the illustrious Vīrasena. It follows therefore that Pārsvābhyudaya was written before AD 783.
The poem runs to four cantos, and comprises altogether 364 stanzas, and was written in imitation of the famous Meghaduta of Kālidāsa. Like Meghadūta, it is written in the Mandākrāntā metre. This is a poetical life-story of Pārsvanātha and encapsulates the entire Meghadūta by inserting one or two lines from that poem of Kālidāsa, whilst Jinasena I composed the rest. Needless to say, there is little similarity between the love-sick yakṣa of Kālidāsa and the twentythird Tīrthamkara of the Jainas, yet Jinasena I, it appears, has acquitted himself creditably in this difficult and delicate task.

Page #294

268
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Probably the most remarkable Digambara poem of the second half of the eighth century is the Harivamsapurāna72 of Jinasena II, written according to the colophon of the poem in Saka 705 corresponding to AD 783. In a previous chapter I discussed the information supplied by Jinasena II on the political condition of his time. This poem, unlike many Jaina works, gives very faithful, account of the social, religious, and cultural condition of India of the eighth century.73 There is detailed list of peoples which can be compared with the similar lists in the Purāṇas and other works. The only reference to the ancient town of Karnasuvarna in Indian literature is to be found in this work.75 As I have already observed, the poet was influenced by Yativrṣabha. He was also equally at home with Brahmanical works, including the Vaisnava Purānas. As Premi has pointed out,75 Jinasena II is the only writer to give a continuous list of Jaina teachers from the days of Lohārya (same as Lohācārya), who flourished 683 years after Mahāvīra's demise, to his own time, i.e., AD 783. There are altogether 29 preceptors between Lohārya and Jinasena II, and the average amount to a little over 21, which is quite reasonable. It should however, be remembered that the author belonged to the Punnāta Samgha, which originated in the ancient Punnāta country, which was another name for Karnataka.
The composition of the Harivassa was started at the well-known ancient town of Vardhamāna in Gujarat and was completed at the town of Dostaţikā (modern Dottādi).77 Vardhamāna is described as a prosperous city, and a similar picture of this town is to be found in Harisena's Brhatkathākośa,78 which was completed in AD 931, some 150 years after the Harivamśa. Among the earlier poets and philosophers, mentioned by Jinasena II, the following deserve notice: Samantabhadra, Siddhasena, Devanandi, Vajrasūri (the same as Vajranandi, the disciple of Devanandi-Pujyapada), Mahasena (the author of the missing Sulocanākathā), Ravisena, Jatāsimhanandi, śānta (probably the same as sāntișeņa, about whom nothing is known), Visesavādi (also mentioned by Vădirāja),79 Kumārasena (whose fame was comparable to that of Prabhācandra),80 Virasena, Jinasena I, and the unknown author of the Vardhamānapurāņa.81
Several great Digambara poets and writers of the ninth century enriched Indian literature by their solid contributions. We should first discuss the Adipurāņas written by Jinasena I, whose Pārsvābhyudaya was written before AD 783, and who completed the Jayadhavalā of his guru in Saka 759, corresponding to AD 838. There is little doubt

Page #295

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
269
that Jinasena I had a long life and his earliest poem Pārsvābhyudaya was probably written in his early youth. We further learn from his disciple Guņabhadra that Jinesena I could not complete his Adipurāņa, and Guņabhadra wrote the last 1620 ślokas of this poem which runs to 12,000 verses. Jinasena I was the author of the first forty-two chapters and the 3 verses of the chapter forty-three. The remaining portion of the latter and the last four chapters were written by Guņabhadra.
The Adipurāņa is undoubtedly one of the finest poems written in the early medieval period. It was apparently written after the Jayadhavalā commentary, and he was naturally a man of advanced years at the time of its composition. The poem deals with the life of Rsabha, also known as Adinātha. The poet calls it both 'Purāna' and ‘Mahākāvya'. It has been called an encyclopaedia of the Digambara religion. He started this poem in order to write the lives of 63 great men, but was able to only complete the lives of the first Tirtharkara and the first Cakravartin, i.e., Bharata. His knowledge of the writings of the Brāhmaṇas and the various arts is yet to be equalled by any Jaina writer. Being himself a Brāhmaṇa in his early life, he was acquainted with the Smộti texts. His knowledge regarding the various janapadas is also remarkable. 81 In chapter 16 there is a short account of town-planning. A treatise on the duties of warriors and the art of governance is to be found in the fortysecond chapter. He has also poetically described the six seasons, moonrise, sunrise, etc.85 Even the beauty of the female body has not eluded his attention.86 The various love scenes portrayed by the poet fully justify my contention that the Jaina poets scrupulously followed the footsteps of earlier Hindu poets in their treatment of love, romance, etc. The poet writes in an easy, limpid style and we would be fully justified in calling him the greatest Jaina poet of all times.
Guņabhadra, the great disciple of a great preceptor, as I have already said, is the author of the last portion of the Adipurāņa and the whole of the Uttarapurāņa.87 The two poems are together known as the Mahāpurāna. The Uttarapurāna runs to 8,000 verses and is therefore a shorter poem than the poem of Jinasena I. He had great respect for his preceptor. 88 It was formerly supposed that the Uttarapurāņa was completed in Saka 820, corresponding to AD 898, but Premi has shown89 that the praśasti of this poem was written by two poets, Guṇabhadra and his disciple Lokasena. The first 27 verses of the praśasti were written by Guņabhadra in which he has expressed

Page #296

270
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
the hope that educated readers would pay all respect to this Mahāpurāna and make arrangements for the availability of a sufficient number of copies. From v. 28 to the end the prasasti was the work of by Lokasena. We are told by him that the work was consecrated at Bankāpura in Saka 820 when Akālavarșa, i.e., Rāstrakūta Krsna II was on the throne and Samanta Lokāditya was governing the region around that town. Premi suggests that Guņabhadra was probably not alive at that time and the work was completed much earlier.
Like his guru, Guņabhadra was also a very accomplished poet. In this work he has written about all the Tīrtharkaras except Rsabha and other great men of Jaina mythology. The story of Rāma, narrated in chaps. 67-8 of this poem, is a deliberate distortion of the story of Vālmīki. Dasaratha here, like the Dasaratha Jātaka, is painted as the king of Vārāṇasī. Sītā here is the daughter of Mandodarī, the wife of Rāvana. Rāma's mother is one Subālā, and Laksmana is the son of Kaikeyi. The story told in the Adbhuta Rāmāyana is similar to that narrated by Guņabhadra. The author has also made several changes in his treatment of the story of the other Hindu epic, the Mahābhārata. Karna is here painted as the real son of Pāņdu who, we are told, committed intercourse incognito with the virgin Kunti (23.109 ff.). Karna, who was abandoned by his mother, was later rescued by king Aditya (the name is significant) who, afterwards asked his barren wife Rādhā to bring him up (23.112). He further informs us that the system of prājāpatya marriage started in ancient India with the marriage of Pāņdu and Kunti (23.115). The examples of such distortions can be easily multiplied, but unlike other Jaina poets, Gunabhadra has the frankness to ask his readers to consult the original work for details (25.117). The story of Jivandhara, as told in chap. 75, is quite interesting, and later writers both in Sanskrit and Tamil wrote on it.
Svayambhū, like Vimala and Ravisena, wrote on the Rāma story. The name of his work is Paumacariyu,92 and is written in the Apabhramśa language. In the very opening stanza of the first Sandhi of his work the poet declares that he has taken on the narration of the Rāma story having kept the Arșa in view. The colophons of all the parvans of Ravişeņa's Padmapurāņa begin with it: ityārșe śrī ravişenācāryaprokte padmapurāņe. This makes it clear that Svayambhū's reference pertains to that work. Elsewhere in Svayambhu's work (1.2.9) we are told that he has embarked upon such a vast theme

Page #297

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
271
through the favour of Ācārya Ravişeņa.
The work is divided into five Books (called kāņdas), viz., Vijjhārā, Ujjhā, Sundara, Jujjha, and Uttara. The books are further divided into sandhis. Now, the earliest writer to refer to Svayambhū directly is Puspadanta, who wrote in AD 959. However, as the editor Bhayani has shown,93 Svayambhū could not have written before the second half of the ninth century AD, as he has referred to Seunadeśa, which was founded by Seuņacandra I in the first half of the ninth century AD. This country, according to the poet, was washed by the river Bhimā (Bhimarahī).95 It has been suggested that Svayambhū should be identified with Srīpāla mentioned by Jinesena I in his Jayadhavala and Ādipurāņa. There is however really no basis for such a surmise since Svayambhú lived after Jinasena I.
The poet supplies us with some interesting information about the economic condition of India of his days. He mentions a number of countries with their special products97: betel-leaf of Deulavadaya, i.e., Devakulapāțaka, betel-nut of Cedi, kañcuă or kañcuka of Citrakūta, jewel of Sri Lanka, musk of Nepal, molasses of Rāmapura arrow of Pratisthāna, etc. Another list, preserved by Svayambhū,98 mentions various places along with the beautiful parts of the body for which their women were famous. Since the list is very interesting I reproduce it below:
Places
Parts of the body
Places
Parts of the body
Soles of feet Nails Fingers Ankles Knees Thighs Waist
Shoulders Arms Wrists Neck Teeth
Paunāra Cedi Golla Mākandi Śrīparvata Nepal Karahātaka Kāñci Gambhīrā Singāriya Elāpura Madhyadeśa
Pascimadesa Dvāraka Sindhava Kaccha Karnataka Tungavişaya Ujjayini Citrakūta Kanauj Daksinadesa
Nose
Hips
Navel Back Breasts Chest
Eyes Forehead Ears Courteous
manners
Svayambhū, elsewhere in his poem,99 has given a list of peoples,100 which is quite interesting from the point of view of historical geography.

Page #298

272
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
There are indications in Svayambhu's text that he was helped by his son called Tribhuvana-Svayambhū, who was also known as Kaviraja Cakravarti.101 It appears that the son had put the finishing touches to his father's works. A second work written by Svayambhu and his son is known, the Ritthanemicariyu or Harivamsapurāna. This work02 runs to 18,000 verses and has altogether 112 sandhis and 3 Books (kāndas), namely Yädava, Kuru, and Yudha. A third work, written by the father and son called Pañcamicariyu remains to be discovered. 103
Among other Digambara writers of the ninth century we can mention the names of Ugrāditya, Sākațāyana, Mahāvīrācārya, and Amoghavarșa I. Ugrāditya was the author of the Kalyāņakāraka,104 a medical treatise written in accordance with the testimony of the poet during the reign of Amoghavarșa I. We are further told that the author belonged to the Deśī gana, Pustaka gaccha, Pansogavalli sākhā of the Mūlasamgha of the line of Kundakunda. One Lalitakirti Acārya was a colleague of his, and his guru was Srīnandi in whose establishment at Rāmagiri, which was situated in the level plains of Vengi in the country of Trikalinga, Ugrāditya wrote his treatise, That monks belonging to the Deśī gana resided in this part of India is testified to by a tenth-century inscription found from UdayagiriKhaņdagiri, which has already been discussed.105 The author further claims that the discourse on the uselessness of a meat diet was delivered in the court of Sri Nrpatunga Vallabha Mahārājādhirāja, who was none other than Amoghavarsa 1.106 A few scholars refuse to believe that this work was composed at such an early date;107 but there is no genuine basis for their suspicion.
The work, written in Sanskrit, is divided into two parts with 25 chapters. It further appears that the author was acquainted with the earlier medical texts, including those written by Hindu and Jaina authorities. It further appears that the author was deeply indebted to the works of medicine, written by Samantabhadra and Pujyapäda.
Sākațāyana, who was also a contemporary of Amoghavarșa I, was the author of the Sabdānusāsana and its commentary Amoghavrtti, os undoubtedly written in the second half of the ninth century. He belonged to the Yāpaniya Samgha, as we learn from the commentary on Nandīsūtra by Malayagiri.109
Mahāvīrācārya was the celebrated author of the Ganitasarasamgraha,'' which was written, according to the testimony of the writer, during the reign of Amoghavarsa I, who is described by him as the follower of Syädväda." The author was acquainted with

Page #299

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
273
Brāhmasphutasiddhānta of Brahmagupta. It has been claimed that he was much advanced in his field and his treatment of geometrical problems deserves special notice. The work was very much popular in south India and a Telugu translation appeared in the eleventh century.'18
Amoghavarşa I, who had special love for the Jaina religion, is the author of the Praśnottararatnamālā,"14 which also exists in Tibetan translation.115 The work begins with an adoration to Vardhamanal16 which shows that it is a Jaina poem. The author displays typical Jaina sentiment in his work, which is natural for a person with Jaina leanings.
The most remarkable Digambara Jaina author in the first half of the tenth century was Harișena, the author of the Brhatkathākośa.'17 Fortunately for us, he not only states the year of its composition, but also refers to the king in whose kingdom, his work was composed. In the praśastil18 he gives the date both in the Saka and Vikrama years. It was composed in vs 989 or Śaka 853, corresponding to AD 931-2, when Vinayādikapāla was the ruling sovereign. The place of its composition is given as Vardhamāna, where Jinasena II had began the composition of his Harivamsa. Emperor Vinayādikapāla is to be identified with the Pratīhāra Vinayakapāla, who ruled, according to his Asiatic Society plate, in AD 931.119 Several other inscriptions of this sovereign are known.120 His kingdom has been compared with that of Indra (Sakropamānake).121 Harisena's evidence testifies that the Pratīhāra suzerainty was accepted in Gujarat as late as AD 931. The poet, like the author of the Harivamsa (AD 783), belonged to the Punnāta Samgha.
In the praśastil22 the poet gives his spiritual ancestry as follows: There was that Maunibhattāraka, the full moon in the firmament of the Punnāta Samgha. His disciple was Śrīharișeņa; the disciple of the latter was Bharatasena, a man of encyclopaedic learning. And our author (who describes himself as devoid of learning and intelligence) was the disciple of this great Bharatasena. He further states that he has written his poem on the basis of the Arādhanā, 123 which is undoubtedly Sivārya's original work.
The Byhatkathākośa is an extremely informative work. The author not only shows his thorough acquaintance with the two epics, 124 but also with the original Brhatkathā.125 It is also apparent that the poet was thoroughly at home with the earlier Digambara literature. There is an extremely interesting reference to the famous Sun-temple

Page #300

274
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
(Adityabhavana) of Mūlasthāna or Multan (98.110), which was destroyed by the Muslims within 60 years of the composition of this poem. The author describes the great Bhadrabahu as a resident of Devakoṭṭapura, which was situated in Puṇḍravardhana, which was also known as Varendra (96.1; 131.1). the city of Mathura is described as abounding in Jaina temples (2.1); a similar description of Ujjayini is also to be found (3.2). He has besides shown his acquaintance with the Pañcatantra and one story,' ,126 including the verse (aparikṣitam na kartavyaṁ, etc.), is taken directly from that work. The religious rivalry between the Jainas and Buddhists are described in story no. 12, where we have references to Buddharatha and Jinaratha (12.116). A chariot-procession in honour of the Buddha is referred to even by Fa-hien. 127 The Kayasthas are ridiculed in story nos. 23 and 25. They are denounced in a number of Brahmanical works, including the Yajnavalkyasmṛti. 128 Reference to 18 scripts is also found in this poem (22.4), which also has one of the early references to 18 Purāņas (126.175). There is an interesting story connected with Kärttikeya (no. 136), and like the Mahabharata the town of Rohiteka (Rohitaka) is connected with the worship of that deity (136.23). Worship of Durgā was popular at Nasik (71.8 ff.); Rāmagiri is described as situated at the junction of Kalingavişaya and Andhraviṣaya (59.194), and it is apparent that this Rāmagiri is to be identified with its namesake, mentioned in the Kalyāṇakāraka. There was great rivalry between Hinduism and Jainism (no. 33). In this connection there is a reference to Brahmaratha (33.9). We are also told the origin of Vindhyavāsini by Hariṣeņa (106.248 ff). The Śvetämbaras are denounced as holding false doctrine (131.69) and also in this connection that the Śvetämbaras (Ardhaphālakāḥ) originated at Valabhi, which is described as situated in Saurāṣṭra.
The above discussion abundantly shows that this work of Harisena is one of the representative Digambara Jaina texts of the early mediaeval period, and is certainly one of the more important sourcebooks for the historian of Jainism.
Let us now turn our attention to the two great Digambara literary luminaries of the second half of the tenth century AD. The first was the celebrated Puspadanta and the second Somadeva. Puspadanta is the author of the following three works: Tisatthimahāpurīṣaguṇālankāru (Triṣaṣṭimahāpuruṣaguṇālankāra), Nāyakumāracariyu (Nāgakumāracarita), and Jasaharacariyu (Yasodharacarita), all of which were written in Apabhraṁśa.

Page #301

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
275
The first work is also known as the Mahāpurāna. 129 It is divided into two parts, Adipurāna and Uttarapurāņa. The second part also includes the Padmapurāņa and Harivamśapurāņa. The entire work runs to some 20,000 verses and has altogether 142 sandhis (chapters). The work, according to the testimony of the poet, was written under the patronage of Bharata, who was the minister of Krşņa III, and was completed in Saka 887 corresponding to AD 965. When he was a resident of Manyakheta. Puspadanta was originally a Brāhmana Saiva, but later became a Digambara ascetic.130
Puşpadanta was undoubtedly the greatest poet of the Apabhramsa language. He carries to perfection the possibilities of Apabhramsa as a vehicle of poetry. The Mahāpurāņa, which delineates the lives of 63 great men, is undoubtedly one of the finest poems of the tenth century. In numerous places in the poem he demonstrates his great poetic power, and some of the verses praising Bharata, his patron, are written in chaste Sanskrit. We further learn from some of the subjective verses of the work that Puşpadanta was a man of delicate temperament and health. He had several titles, of which Abhimanameru, Kavyaratnākara, Kavikulatilaka, Sarasvatīnilaya, etc. deserve special inention. It has further been conjectured that the poet in his earlier life had some bitter experience and was obliged to leave his original home. 131 He was however, cordially welcomed by the minister Bharata at Mänyakheta, where all his creative writ ings were produced.
The Nāgakumāracarital32 is a short work consisting of nine sandhis. It appears that even at the time of its composition Krsna III was on the throne of Mānyakheta and the city still enjoyed great prosperity. It was composed in the palace of Nanna, the son of Bharata, his earlier patron. The Yasodharacarital33 is another lovely work consisting of four sandhis. The story of Yaśodhara was a favourite theme with the Jaina poets and celebrated literary luminaries like Somadeva, Vādirāja, and others have written on it. This poem too was written at the residence of Nanna, when Mänyakheta was virtually a ruined and deserted city. We must remember that according to Dhanapāla's Päiyalacchi, Mānyakheța was plundered by the Mālava army in vs 1029, corresponding to an 972. Khoțtiga was probably the reigning king when this calamity befell Mānyakheta, Even in the Mahāpurāņa there is a verse!34 which refers to the sack of the city by the king of Dhārā. This particular verse was probably composed seven years after the composition of the Mahāpurāņa. We just do not know what

Page #302

276
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
happened to the poet or his new patron after the fall of Mānyakheta. 135
The exact contemporary of Puspadanta was Somadeva who, as we have already noticed, in a previous chapter, is mentioned in an inscription of Saka 888, when Krsna III was the sovereign king. 136
Three works of Somadeva have already been published. They are Nītivākyāmặta, Yaśastilakacampū, and Adhyātmatarangiņi. The Nītivākyāmyta, 137 according to its commentator,138 was written at the request of Mahendrapāla, king of Kanauj. Raghavan proposed his identification with Mahendrapāla II, who is known from an inscription of vs 1003, corresponding to AD 946.139 Now we definitely know from the Yaśastilakacampū that it was written in Saka 881 corresponding to AD 949. It follows therefore that the Nītivākyāmrta was written before the Yaśastilakacampū. However, in the praśasti of the Nītivakyāmrta, Somadeva is described as the author of the Yasodharacarita. Raghavan and Premil10 have opined that this prasasti was added later. It appears that Somadeva started his career at Känyakubja and later migrated to the south. I noted in a previous chapter that Somadeva was probably a Jaina monk of Bengal, belonging to the Gaudasamgha who later lived in the Pratīhāra kingdom from there he migrated to the Sapädalakṣa country.
The Nītivākyāmrta is largely based on the the Arthasāstra of Kautilya and is written in prose. It is however, surprising that now here in this work has the author has cared to mention that great authority. Some earlier authorities like Sukra, Bhisma, Viśālāksa, etc., who are mentioned by Kautilya, are however referred to by Somadeva in this work. The language is attractive, which is not surprising in the case of a genius like Somadeva.
The Yaśastilakacampū141 is one of the finest novels in Sanskrit literature and, in some respects, is similar to the Kādambarī of Bana, which is a model for Somadeva. The conversion of the cruel king of the Yaudheyas. Māridatta, who is described as a devotee of the goddess Candamāri, to Jainism is the theme of the novel. It is basically based on a story of the Uttarapurāņa. As we have already observed, the story of Yaśodhara was extremely popular among the early Jaina writers. The author of the Kuvalayamālā 42 is the first writer (Saka 700) to refer to the story of this prince of Ujjayini written by Pravañjana. Later Haribhadra treated it in the fourth Book of his Samarāiccakahā. Harisena and Puşpadanta also wrote on Yaśodhara's adventures. There is however little doubt that Somadeva is the most

Page #303

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
277
successful of those who have written on this subject. The work is also rich in cultural details and the students of social and cultural history of India can use it with profit. 143 The third published work of Somadeva, the Adhyātmatarangiṇī,144 is also known as the Yogamarga, and as the name indicates, it deals with spiritual matters. A commentary on it was written in the first half of the twelfth century by Gaṇadharakirti.
Among other important works which were written by the Digambara writers in the tenth century AD, the following may be mentioned: Neminiravāṇamahākāvya115 by Vāgbhața, Candraprabhacaritamahākavyal46 by Viranandi, Vardhamānacarita117 by Asaga, Subhāṣitaratnasandoha148 by Amitagati, a contemporary of Muñja, Jambudivapannati119 by Padmanandi, and Pradyumnacaritakavya150 by Mahāsena.
Several works were also written in our period by the Digambara writers in Tamil, Kannada, and other languages. The Tamil Sivakasindāmani,151 written by Tiruttakadeva, is based on the Uttarapurāṇa of Gunabhadra and was written in the tenth century. It is undoubtedly one of the finest poems written in that language. Several Digambara Jaina writers between AD 850 and 1000 are known to have written in Kannada. The earliest of these was Gunavarma I who wrote his Neminathapuraṇa152 in the mid-ninth century AD. The three gems of the Kannada literature of the tenth century were all Digambara Jainas, i.e., Pampa, Ponna, and Ranna. Pampa is the celebrated author of the Adipurāna,153 which is on the first Tīrthamkara, Ponna wrote the Santipurāṇa154 (story of the sixteenth Tirthamkara) and Ranna's fame rests on his Ajitapurāṇa155 (the life-story of the second Tirthamkara). A patron of Ranna was Camuṇḍaraya, the celebrated author of the Camuṇḍarāyapurāṇa.15
156
REFERENCES
1. See the passage quoted in N.L. Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihāsa, p. 147, n. 1. See also prastāvanā to I of Satkhanḍagama; for a different view see J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 186 ff.
2. Satkhaṇḍāgama, ed., H.L. Jain, I, pp. 67-72, published in 16 volumes from Amaravati, 1939-58.
3. See J.C. Jain, Prākṛta Sahitya kā Itihasa, p. 275.
4. See Jaina Sahitya kā Bṛhad Itihasa, 4, p. 60; see also Prastāvanā, Satkhanḍāgama, I, pp. 46–53.
5. See in this connection J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 188; see also JBBRAS, XVII,

Page #304

278
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
p. 226; see for further details, Premi, op. cit., pp. 143 ff. 6. Ed. with the cūrni of Yativrşabha by H.L. Jain, Calcutta, 1955. 7. See JSBI, IV, p. 89. 8. Loc. cit. 9. Ibid., pp. 91-100. 10. Ed. in several volumes from Mathurā, 1944–63. 11. For the relevant verse see Premi, op. cit., p. 140, n. 2. 12. Ed., Bhāratiya Jñānapitha, Varanasi, 1947–58. 13. Published in two parts in MDJM from Bombay (vs 1977 and 1980). 14. See Ghatge's paper in IHQ, 1935; see also J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 311. 15. See Jain, op. cit., p. 126; see also Jaina Antiquary, XII, pp. 19-23; see
in this connection Winternitz, HIL, II, p. 577, n. 2. 16. Ed. with the commentaries of Aparājita and Asadhara, Sholapur, 1935.
An earlier edition was published from Bombay, vs 1989. 17. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 308. 18. See supra, p. 90. 19. Ed., Bharatiya Jñanapitha, 1974, p. 14. 20. See H.L. Jain, Nagpur University Journal, no. 9; see also J.P. Jain, op.
cit., pp. 130 ff. 21. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 80 ff. 22. For the original verse see Premi, op. cit., p. 2, n. 4. 23. Ed., H.L. Jain and A.N. Upadhye, 2 vols., Sholapur, 1943, 1951. 24. See Upadhye, Introduction, II, p. 4. 25. Ibid., p. 5. 26. IV, 1508. 27. IV, 1504. 28. See A.K. Chatterjee, Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp.
100 ff. 29. IV, 1481. 30. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 137. 31. I, 65. 32. Story no. 156. 33. Ed. by A.N. Upadhye, 1960, in Rājacandra Jaina Šāstramālā. 34. See J.C. Jain, op. cit., p. 127. 35. See Lüders, List, no. 71. 36. Introd., p. 69. 37. Ed. with the commentaries of Abhayacandra and Keśavavarnin, in 4
vols., Calcutta, 1921. For other editions see, JSBI, IV, p. 133, n. 4. 38. Ed. in MDJM series, Bombay, vs 1974. 39. Ed. by Premi, Bombay, vs 1974. 40. w. 49–50 which are quoted by Premi in his Jaina Sāhitya aur Itihāsa,
p. 175n. 41. Ed. and publ. with the commentary of Abhayanandi Muni in N.S.
Pandit, 31-4. 42. Quoted by Premi, op. cit., p. 43, n. 1.

Page #305

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
43. Ibid., pp. 45 ff.
44. See JSBI, V, p. 11.
45. Ed. in MDJM series, 29-31, Bombay, vs 1985. A new edition in 3 vols. was published by Bharatiya Jñanapitha, Varanasi, 1958-9. 46. 123.167.
47.
123.166.
48. See Premi's Hindi Preface to Padmacarita, I, pp. 1-3. 49. See AILCT, pp. 99 ff.
50. Ed., A.N. Upadhye in MDJM series 40, Bombay, 1938.
51. See for example Premi's Introduction, Padmacarita, PP. 2 ff.
52. The verse quoted by Upadhye in his Introduction to the Varangacarita,
P. 10.
53. Ibid., pp. 10-11.
54. Ibid., p. 12.
279
55. The earliest Simhanandi, as I have already noted in a previous chapter, was connected with the western Gangas. Another monk of that name is mentioned in an inscription from Śravana Belgola dated Śaka 622; see EC, II, no. 32.
56. See supra, pp. 171-72.
57. See Samaraiccakahā, p. 2. 58. Introduction, pp. 20 ff. 59. See XII.57ff.; XV.136 ff.
60. XV.139.
61. XXII.61 ff.
62. XXIII.91.
63. XVI.32 f.
64. VIII.3 f.
65. See ch. XXV.
66. Bharatiya Jñānapīṭha, Varanasi, 1970.
67. See Premi, op. cit., p. 109; see also JSBI, VI, p. 526.
68. See JSBI, VI, pp. 527 ff.; see also Premi, op. cit., p. 111.
69. Premi op. cit., p. 112, n. 1.
70. Loc. cit.
71. Ed. with English trans., Bombay, 1965.
72. Bharatiya Jñānapīṭha, Varanasi, 1962. An earlier edition was s published
from MDJM, Bombay, 1930.
73. See my 'Jaina Harivamśa' included in AILCT, pp. 89-107.
74. 11.67 ff.
75. 52.90.
76. Premi, op. cit., p.
77. 66.53.
78. Ed. by A.N. Upadhye, prasasti, v. 4.
79. See Premi, op. cit., p. 124.
116.
80. Jinasena I has also mentioned Prabhācandra; for the relevant verse
see Premi, op. cit., p. 124, n. 2.

Page #306

280
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
81. The relevant verses regarding all these predecessors of Jinasena II
are quoted in Premi's work, pp. 124 ff. 82. In 3 vols., Bharatiya Jñānapītha, Varanasi, 1951-4. 83. See Winternitz, HIL, II, p. 498; also JSBI, VI, p. 57. 84. The list quoted in my AILCT, p. 106. 85. 9.11; 12.17; 26.148 et seq. 86. See 6.69; 70.75. 87. Ed., Bharatiya Jñanapitha, Varanasi, 1954; an earlier edition was pub
lished from Indore in vs 1975. 88. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 138–9. 89. Ibid., pp. 141 ff. 90. Loc. cit. 91. For further details, see my paper entitled 'The Bharata Tradition in
Jaina Literature, JAJH, VII, pp. 159 ff. 92. Ed., H. Bhayani in 3 vols., Varanasi, 1953–4. 93. See his Introduction to III of this work, p. 41. 94. 69.63. 95. Loc. cit. 96. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., pp. 201 ff. 97. II, p. 192. 98. II, pp. 224–5 99. 82.6.1-6. 100. The list is quoted in the present Author's AILCT, p. 194. 101. See Premi, op. cit., p. 198. 102. Ibid., p. 201. 103. Ibid., p. 203. 104. Published from Sholapur, 1940. 105. See supra, p. 156. 106. The relevant line is quoted in J.P. Jain, p. 206, n: 1. 107. See JSBI, V, p. 231; see also Premi, op. cit., p. 49n. 108. See, for further details, IA, 43, pp. 44, 205-12, 275-9; ABORI, I, pp.
7-12; Premi, op. cit., pp. 155 ff. 109. Quoted in Premi's work, p. 157, n. 1. 110. Published with an English translation by M. Rangacharya, Madras,
1912. 111. See Premi, op. cit., p. 151, n. 6. 112. See /SBI, V, p. 161. 113. Ibid., p. 162. 114. Edited by K.P. Pathak, Bombay. 115. See Bhandarkar, Early History of the Deccan, p. 95; Premi, op. cit., p. 151. 116. The sloka quoted in Premi's work, p. 151, n. l. 117. Ed., A.N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1943. 118. Prasasti, vv. 11-12. 119. See 1A, 15, pp. 138–41; see also H.C. Ray, DHNI, I, pp. 584–5. 120. See G.C. Choudhary, PHNI, pp. 43 ff.

Page #307

DIGAMBARA LITERATURE
281
PP. 291.
121. Praśasti, v. 13. 122. w. 3–7. 123. v. 8. 124. Cf. the story nos. 43, 58, 83, 84, 89, 96, and 122. 125. Cf. nos. 143 and 153. 126. No. 102.2. 127. Legge's trans., p. 15. 128. 1.336: pidyamanāḥ prajā raksel kāyasthaiśca ciśesataḥ.' 129. Ed. by P.L. Vaidya in 3 vols., Bombay, 1937-41. 130. For further details, see Premi, op. cit., 225 ff. 131. Ibid., pp. 231ff. 132. Critically edited by H.L. Jain, Karanja, 1933. 133. Ed., P.L. Vaidya, Karanja, 1931. 134. See Premi, op. cit., p. 250. 135. The evidence of the recently discovered Dharmapariksā written by
Pandit Harisena in AD 987, attests that within a few years of the composition of the Mahapurana he became famous, see Premi, op. cit.,
p. 247. 136. See supra, p. 177. 137. Ed. in MDJM, vs 1979; an earlier edition was published by Nirnaysagar
Press. 138. Quoted in Premi's work, pp. 180 ff. 139. EI, 14, p. 176; see also Raghavan in Jaina Siddhanta Bhāskara, X, pt. II. 140. See Premi, op. cit., p. 182. 141. Ed. in Mahāvīra Jaina Granthamālā series, in 2 vols., Varanasi; an ear
lier edition was published by Nirnaysagar Press, Bombay, 1901-3. 142. SJGM, p. 3. 143. For fuller treatment, see K.K. Handiqui, Yaśastilaka and Indian Cul
lure, Sholapur, 1945; see also G.C. Jaina, Yaśastilaka kā Samskylika
Adhyayan, Varanasi, 1967. 144. The text of this work is included in MDJM, XIII, entitled Tallvānu
śäsanādisangrahah, Bombay, vs 1975. 145. Nirnaysagar Press, Bombay, 1936. 146. Sholapur, 1970 (Jivarāja Granthamālā). 147. Ed. in 1931 (Sholapur). 148. Nirnaysagar Press, Bombay, 1909. 149. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 256 ff. 150. MDJM, Bombay, vs 1973. 151. See Sastri, The Colas, pp. 666 ff. 152. See The Age of Imperial Kanauj, pp. 223 ff. 153. Loc. cit. 154. Loc. cit. 155. Loc. cit. 156. See Premi, op. cit., pp. 266 ff.

Page #308

CHAPTER XIV
Jaina Thinkers
The earliest Jaina philosopher was Umāsvāti (called Umāsvāmin by the Digambaras), who was the celebrated author of the Tattvārthadhigamasutra,' one of the most original works of philosophy written by any thinker of ancient India. Much controversy surrounds the years when he lived. Satish Chandra Vidyabhusan assigns him to the first century AD, and, frankly speaking, there is nothing in the body of the text that goes against this date. The author also wrote a commentary, according to the Svetāmbaras, although the Digambaras deny the authenticity of this bhāsya.* There is however irrefutable proof that this commentary was known to the Svetāmbara monks even in the early seventh century AD, if not earlier.5 Both Siddhasenagani (C. AD 600) and Haribhadra (mid-eighth century) knew this bhāsya. According to the praśasti at the end of it Umāsvāti was a monk belonging to the Uccanāgarī sākha, which according to the Therävalī was a branch of the Kodiya (Koliya) gana and was quite popular in the Mathură region, as we have already noted in a previous chapter. This sākhā originated, according to the testimony of the text in the third century BC. The reference to the sākhā of Umāsvāti goes far to destroy the Digambara claim that he was a thinker of that sect. In all probability, he wrote before the birth of the Digambara sect. We further learn from the same bhāsya that he was a resident of Kusumapura or Pāțaliputra at the time of its composition. He was a Brāhmaṇa of the Kaubhīşaņi gotra, and his father's name was Svāti and mother was called Vätsi. His preceptor in respect of initiation was Ghoşanandi Kșamāśramaņa and grand-preceptor Vācakamukhya Śivaśrī. His teacher in respect of education, according to the praśasti, was Vācakācārya Mūla and grand-preceptor Mahāvācaka Mundapāda.
According to the Digambara Pattāvatīs, Umāsvāmin was the sixth Digambara monk of the Sarasvati gaccha, according to another Digambara tradition he succeeded Kundakunda in AD 44but there is absolutely no doubt that not a single Digambara work or epigraph

Page #309

JAINA THINKERS
283
that makes him a successor of Kundakunda, is earlier than AD 1000.8 Indeed, it can be asserted with confidence that Umāsvāti was the earlier philosopher and Kundakunda, a southerner, could not have lived before the third century AD. There is however nothing to show that Kundakunda was acquainted with the works of Umāsvāti.
The Tattvārthādhigamasutra has 357 verses and has altogether ten chapters, and this is why it is also known as the Daśādhyāyi. Writers belonging to both the Svetāmbara and Digambara sects have written learned commentaries on this text. It is believed that the earliest commentary on this work of Umāsvāti was written by Samantabhadra in 84,000 verses, and was known as the Gandhahastimahābhāsya; it has further been contended that the earliest section of this work is the well-known btamīmāṁsā or Devāgamastotra." But as Jugalkishore Mukhtar" has shown, there is no proof that the Gandhahasti was a commentary on that philosophical treatise of Umāsvāti, and till now no such work has come to light. We should therefore look upon the Sarvārthasiddhi of Pujyapada as its earliest available commentary, Several other celebrated savants also wrote commentaries of this treatise of Umāsvāti, which will be discussed later.
It is difficult to make a correct assessment of the influence exercised by Umāsvāti on the Jaina thinkers of later times, but it appears that not a single thinker, with the possible exception of Kundakunda and Samantabhadra, was immune from the all-pervading influence of this Brāhmana savant. In the Vividhatirthakalpa' Jinaprabha refers to Umāsvāti as a writer of 500 texts and a resident of Pataliputra.
After Umāsvāti, the most celebrated Jaina philosopher was Kundakunda, who is probably the most controversial figure among the early Jaina savants. Before we discuss his exact time, we have to refer to the works which are assigned to him, and all these are very significantly written in Prākrta.
The Satkhandagamatīkā is assigned to Kundakunda by Indranandi in his Srutāvatāra. This commentary was known as the Parikarma and is repeatadly mentioned by Vīrasena in his Dhavalā.' However, according to another authority, this particular commentary was written by Kundakirti, a disciple of Kundakunda. The work is now lost and Upadhye has doubts regarding Kundakunda's authorship of it."
The eight pāhudas15 which are ascrbied to Kundakunda according to Upadhye16 are quite in tune with the phraseology of the Pravacanasāra, one of the representative works of that philosopher. The Damsanapāhuda has 36 verses, Càritta 44, Bodha 62, Bhāva

Page #310

284
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
163, Sutta 27, Mokkha 106, Linga 72 and Sīla has 40 verses. In the Bhāvapāhuda, it is interesting that Śivabhūti is mentioned (v. 53) and this Sivabhūti appears to be identical with the person who is represented in the Svetāmbara texts as the founder of the Digambara sect. At the end of the Bodhapāhuda we are told that it is work of the disciple of Bhadrabāhu. We cannot however identify this Bhadrabāhu with the celebrated contemporary of Candragupta Maurya.
The Rayaņasāra!is also ascribed to Kundakunda, and has 162 verses. As Prof. Upadhye points out,18 a few of the verses of this work are written in Apabhraíśa, which probably shows that it is not a genuine work of Kundakunda. The Bārasa-Anuvekkhālo has 91 verses. As the name suggests, it deals with twelve reflections which should be cultivated for the stoppage of karmic influx. It was a fascinating subject with the Jaina authors of both the sects.20 Some of the gāthās are common with the eighth chapter of the Mülācāra. It has further been pointed outal that Pūjyapāda in his Sarvārthasiddhi22 quotes five gāthās from this text of Kundakunda, which are found in the same order in the present text of that work. The Niyamasāraa appears to be a genuine work of Kundakunda and has altogether 187 verses. It has a commentary by Padmaprabha, who lived around AD 1000. This same commmentator has quoted the verses of Amộtacandra, who wrote commentaries on three pähudas of Kundakunda.24 There is a discussion on the three jewels, namely Right Faith, Right Knowledge, and Right Conduct in this work. The Pancāstikāyasārä5 is preserved in two recensions, one by Amrtacandra which has 173 verses, and the other by Jayasena which has 181 verses. As Upadhye26 points out, this work a mere compilation as its original name, Païcatthiyasaṁgaha, suggests.
The finest and most popular work of Kundakunda appears to be the Samayasara, 27 which has 415 verses, according to the earlier com mentator Amrtacandra (c. tenth century), and 439 gāthās according to Jayasena, who lived in the second half of the twelfth century AD. The Samkhya doctrine is criticised in gāthās 117, 122, and 340; there is also reference to Do-kiriyāvāda which was first preached by Arya Ganga 228 years after Mahāvīra. The Pravacanasāra, 28 a very important text of the Digambara Jainas, has 275 gāthās according to Amstacandra, and 311 according to Jayasena.
Kundakunda has almost become a legendary figure, and hundreds of stories are told about him by the Digambara Jains. Various

Page #311

285
JAINA THINKERS
dates have been suggested for him and Upadhye, a very competent scholar, would place him in the first century AD.29 It however appears that Upadhye has mainly relied on the evidence of the Mercara plates of Śaka 388 which are definitely spurious;30 even if we accept it to be a genuine copy of an older record, we cannot assign the earliest of the six monks, mentioned here before AD 325 (taking 25 years for each generation), who is delineated as belonging to the anvaya of Kundakunda. It is significant that in no genuine record of the early Gangas, is Kundakunda mentioned by name. Indeed, the anvaya of Kundakunda appears only in the records of south India, which were inscribed after AD 900. This however does not prove that Kundakunda never existed in reality. As we have already pointed out, Pujyapāda definitely quotes a few verses from the Barasa-Anuvekkha; and the date of Pujyapada is fortunately now known. Devasena in his Darśanasara31 informs us that the Drāviḍa Samgha was founded by Vajranandi, the disciple of Pujyapāda in vs 526 corresponding to AD 468. We therefore have to assign Pujyapāda, the teacher of Vajranandi, in the first half of the fifth century AD. Also, since Pujyapāda knows Samantabhadra,32 who probably lived after Kundakunda, we have to assign the latter in the early fourth century AD, which is the date suggested for him even by the writer of the Mercara plates. The present village of Kondakunde, situated in the Anantapur district of A.P., may probably represent the original home of this Digambara savant.
Samantabhadra, like Kundakunda, is regarded as a great Digambara savant and one of the most powerful exponents of the doctrine of Syadvāda. Like Kundakunda, however, his personal life is shrouded in obscurity. According to the colophons of a few manuscripts, he was the son of the king of Uragapura (Tiruchirapalli), which is said to be included in the Phaṇimandala.34 A few other manuscripts call him Śāntivarman,35 and it is tempting to identify him with his namesake of the Kadamba dynasty. Such speculations do not however lead us anywhere, and all we know about his personal achievements are to be found for the first time in the eleventh-century Kathākosa of Prabhācandra, who was a contemporary of Jayasimha of Dhārā. In this work Samantabhadra is represented as calling himself the naked ascetic from Kāñci. He is further shown as the preceptor of Śivakoti, the author of the Aradhanā. That work delineates him as visiting places like Pundravardhana, Daśapura, Vārāṇasī, Pāṭaliputra, Kāñcī, Mālava, Sindhu, Ṭakka (Punjab) and

Page #312

286
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
Karnataka. It appears that Samantabhadra was an itinerant sādhu and was universally respected for his vast learning and mesmeric personality.
Regarding the date of Samantabhadra, it is at least certain that he flourished before Pujyapāda. Formerly scholars like Vidyabhusan or Winternitz were not aware of the evidence supplied by the Darśanasāra (AD 933) on Pūjyapāda's date and their chronology was therefore based on surmise. Now, happily we know the approximate date for Pujyapada who emphatically mentions Samahtabhadra in his Jainendra.38 The traditional Digambara chronology places him two generations before Devanandi Pūjyapāda," and therefore we will be justified in placing Samantabhadra in the last quarter of the fourth century AD."
40
Among the works of Samantabhadra, the most important and significant is the Āptamīmāṁsā," which as we have already said, is also known as the Devāgama. This poem has 114 verses, each of which has a beauty in its own right. The work is replete with discussions on logical principles besides a review of the contemporary schools of philosophy, including the Advaitavāda. As noted by Vidyabhusan,12 it has been cited by the Hindu philosopher Vācaspati Miśra in explaining Sankara's criticism of the Syādvāda. The earliest commentator of this great philosophical poem of Samantabhadra was Akalanka (eighth century), followed by Vidyananda and others. Several commentaries on this work also exist in Kannaḍa, Tamil, and other Indian languages,43 which show that it was looked upon as one of the most precious poems on philosophy by the later Jaina thinkers. The second work of Samantabhadra is Yuktyanuśāsana,11 a poem of 64 verses which has a Sanskrit commentary by Vidyananda. It appears from the commentary15 that the work was composed after the Aptamimāṁsā. Like that poem, it too is full of useful discussions. The Svayambhustotra16 is a poem of 143 verses and contains ślokas in praise of various Tīrthamkaras. The highest number of verses (20) are reserved for Arhanatha and the second highest (10) for Neminatha. Mahāvīra has 8 and the others 5 each. The only commentary on it is by Prabhācandra. The fourth work of Samantabhadra is Jinastutisataka17 which has 116 verses and has a commentary by Narasimha Bhatta. It is a truly theistic poem and therefore very appealing. Nothing is known regarding the date of the commentator.
The Ratnakaraṇḍakaśrāvakācāra,48 which is also known as the Upasakādhyayana, as the name indicates, is a manual of morals for

Page #313

JAINA THINKERS
287
Jaina layman. There is little doubt that it is one of the most popular Jaina texts and a copy or two of the work are to be found virtually in in every Digambara bhāņdāra. The only available Sanskrit commentary on it is by Prabhācandra, about whose exact date there is some doubt as we have a formidable number of Jaina scholars bearing that name. The work has been highly praised by Vădirāja in his Pārsvanāthacarita, 50 which was completed in Saka 947 corresponding to ap 1025. The commentator Prabhācandra is also full of praise for this work." Authors like Cāmundarāya and Padmaprabha have also freely used it.52
Samantabhadra was looked upon as a model by later Jaina savants, including the great Jinasena 1.53 That scholar represents him as a supreme poet, capable of destroying the dense darkness of ignorance by the lightning of his wisdom. Thinkers of later times also are full of praise for Samantabhadra and his works, 51 number of which are now unfortunately lost.
Siddhasena Divākara is identified by some35 with Kșapanaka, traditionally regarded as one of the nine gems of the court of Vikramaditya. That he flourished in the Gupta period is indirectly shown by the fact that he is mentioned by Pujyapada (early fifth century) in his Jainendra.56 He is claimed by both the Svetāmbaras and Digambaras. According to a tradition, current with both the sects, Siddhasena Divākara performed a miracle during Vikramaditya's time in the celebrated Mahākāla temple of Ujjayini. He is the author of the two well-known books, Nyāyāvatāra and Sammatitarkasutra,58 both of which deal with logic. The Nyāyāvatāra explains the doctrine of pramāna (source of valid knowledge) and Naya (the method of comprehending things from particular standpoint).59 Siddhasena also wrote a commentary on the famous work of Umāsvāti.50 This work has been quoted by Siddhasena II who lived around about AD 600.61 In the seventh century cūrni text Āvasyakacūrņī of Jinadāsa, Siddhasena Divākara is mentioned. 62 Haribhadra eighth century) was also thoroughly acquainted with the philosophy of Siddhasena Divākara. According to the Svetāmbaras, Siddhasena Divākara was originally a Digambara thinker from Karnataka and was later defeated and converted by the celebrated Vrddhavādin.63 It has also been demonstrated that he lived before Jinabhadragani."
Pujyapāda, who was also known as Devanandi, as we have already noticed, definitely lived in the first half of the fifth century. I have

Page #314

288
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
already referred to his grammar called Jainendra. His Sarvārthasiddh45 is undoubtedly the greatest, and one of the earliest, commentaries on the Tattvārthadhigamasutra. That he was an accomplished logician is evident from this commentary which has been highly praised by later writers. There are a few stories dealing with his wife which are practically of no value to the serious historians.
Akalanka is undoubtedly one of the greatest names in the history of Indian logic. However, like majority of ancient authors, lie gives practically no information regarding his personal life. Only in his Tattvārtharājavārttika does he inform us that he was the son of the king Laghu Havva. 66 Regarding the identity of this king, nothing is known. However, in the Kathākośa of Prabhācandra we are told that he was the son of the minister of king śubhatunga of Mānyakheța.67 A number of writers, beginning from Vadiraja and Prabhācandra, refer to Akalanka's debating skill and his victory over the Buddhists. The earliest source that refers to this event is a tenth-century inscription of the reign of Būtuga II which has already been mentioned. 68 Later Jaina writers and authors of epigraphs have referred to this feat of Akalanka with evident pride. However, regarding the name of the king, in whose reign this feat was accomplished, there is some confusion. As I have already noted, the patron of Akalanka, according to the Kathākośa of Prabhācandra was Subhatunga, but the Akalankacarita69 mentions one Sāhastunga in whose reign Akalanka defeated the Buddhists. Prabhācandra further informs us that the debate took place in the court of Himaśītala, who was evidently a contemporary of Subhatunga. The evidence of the Akalankacarita is confirmed by the Śravaņa Belgoļa inscription no. 67 which refers to Akalanka's patron as Sāhasatunga, who is generally identified with Dantidurga (mid-eighth century).70 This date for Akalanka conflicts with the traditional date, vs 700 given to him by later Jaina writers." It however appears that Akalanka was actually a contemporary of Dantidurga, and lived in the mid-eighth century AD. This should be regarded as the latest date for Akalanka since he was known to both Haribhadra and Jinasena I. The suggestion that he was known also to Jinadāsa (seventh century) appears gratuitous.72 It has also been suggested that Himaśītala of the Akalanka tradition should be identified with the king of Kalinga who was a contemporary of Yuan Chwang, 73 but this too is a mere surmise. Since Akalanka knew even the Buddhist and Brahmanical scholars who lived even in the seventh century, we will be justified

Page #315

JAINA THINKERS
289
in placing him in the eighth century AD.
Apart from his Tattvārtharājavārtika, 74 which is a commentary on the famous book of Umāsvāti, Akalanka is the reputed author of the Astașată, 25 a valuable work of Jaina philosophy in 800 verses dealing principally with logic, and is a commentary on the Aptamimāṁsā of Samantabhadra. Another well-known work on logic by him is the Nyāyaviniscaya.76 His other works are Laghiyastrayıprakarana and Svarūpasambodhana." A treatise on expiatory rites called Prāyaścittagrantha78 is also ascribed to him, but Akalanka's authorship of this work is extremely doubtful.79 It has 90 ślokas and is called Srāvakācāra.80 The Pramanasangrahal contains 87 kārikās and is also a work of logic. Another work called Siddhiviniscaya is also ascribed to Akalanka 82
Haribhadra, the great Svetāmbara savant, was undoubtedly one of the greatest thinkers of the eighth century. He was not only a successful literary artist, but also, as Udyotana asserts, an authority on logic. Udyotana claims that he was taught logic by Haribhadra, and this information practically settles the date of Haribhadra. The Kuvalayamālā, from which this information has been obtained, was completed in Saka 700. The earliest writer who quotes from Haribhadra is the Buddhist Santaraksita, who in his Tattvasangraha (eighth century) ascribes the verse to an Acārya Sūri, who is no other than Haribhadra.83
Haribhadra, as we have already said in a previous chapter, wrote in both Sanskrit and Prāksta. Being himself a Brāhmaṇa by birth, he was very well-acquainted with the Brahmanical works of philosophy. His well-known commentary on Dinnāga's Nyāyapraveśa4 shows that he was equally at home with Buddhist logic. Indeed, because of Haribhadra's commentary this great work of the celebrated Dinnāga has survived in Sanskrit. His other works are only available in translation. Another well-known work of Haribhadra is the Anekāntajayapatākā.85 It has altogether four chapters in which he refutes the doctrines of the Buddhist and Brahmanical schools. Since he refers to Mallavādin in this work, it appears that it is one of his latest works. 86 The Saddarśanasamuccaya, 87 a summary of the six philosophical systems in 87 verses, is the first work dealing with the six philosophical systems, Bauddha, Nyāya, Sāmkhya, Jaina, Vaiseșika, and Jaimini, with a brief section on Cārvāka's philosophy. Haribhadra emphatically says that Nyāya and Vaišeșika cannot be separated from one another, although he treats them separately. There is no dis

Page #316

290
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
cussion on the Yoga and Vedānta systems. Haribhadra, unlike many orthodox Jaina philosphers, have discussed other systems with some degree of impartiality. In another work called Lokatattvanirņaya,88 a work written in chaste Sanskrit, he shows his scholarship and depth of feeling. The works like Yogabindu,89 Yoga-dsstisamuccaya,oo and Dharmabindu" are written primarily for the Jainas. The Yogabindu has 526 verses; the Yogadsstisamuccaya shows his depth as philosopher. The Dharmabindu has 8 chapters and has a commentary by Municandra. This work is a manual of morals and asceticism. The author deals with the duties of both the layman and monk. In the last few verses of this work he describes the bliss of the perfect soul in nirvāņa. As Winternitz remarks, 'the title “Drop of the Religion" is an expression of modesty. As the drop of water is to the ocean, so is this work to the religion of the Jinas'.99 Another text dealing with doctrinal matters is the Sāstravārtāsamuccaya.” Here too he was referred to the views of Buddhist logicians. The Lalitavistara,94 is said to have been composed for Siddharși,95 the author of the Upamitibhavaprapañcākathā, which is impossible. Siddharși, as we have already seen in a previous chapter, lived long after Haribhadra. Another interesting work by Haribhadra is the Upadeśapada, which is written in Prākrta and has a commentary by Municandra.
Another Jaina logician of the eighth century was Mallavādin who wrote a commentary called Dharmottaratippaņaka on the Nyāyabindu of Buddhist Dharmakirti. This Mallavādin appears to be identical with his namesake mentioned in the Surat plates of Karka (AD 821), 98 and described as the grand-preceptor of Aparājita, the donee of the grant. If this is accepted, we have to assign Mallavādin to the first half of the eighth century and it is therefore not surprising that he is mentioned by Haribhadra, as noted above. It should also be remembered that the Svetāmbara tradition makes him a nephew of the last Silāditya of Valabhi (second half of the eighth century).
Vidyānanda, who lived in the ninth century, was a well-known logician of the early medieval period. According to a later writers9 he was a resident of Pataliputra and was also known as Pātrakeśari. In the colophons of several of his works a number of western Ganga kings ruling in the latter part of the eighth century and the first half of the ninth are mentioned.100 This shows that he lived around AD 800. Besides, in his Astasāhasriol he admits that he was greatly helped by the advice of Kumārasena, who may be identical with the saint of the same name, mentioned in the Harivamsal02 of Jinasena II (AD

Page #317

JAINA THINKERS
291
783). We should also remember that Vidyānanda-Pātrakeśari is also mentioned by Jinasena I in his Ādipurāņa.103
The principal work of Vidyānanda is the Aptamīmāṁsālamkşti,104 also called Aștaśatībhāşya and Astasahasrī. It contains an elaborate exposition of various logical principles. In the opening and closing lines of this text he makes an indirect reference to Samantabhadra and Akalanka, respectively. In chapter X he openly says that he followed the Asțaśatī of Akalanka in explaining the Aptamīmāṁsā. Another important work of Vidyānanda is the Āptaparīkņā, 105 which consists of 124 verses and is generally based on the Aptaparīksā. The Pramāņaparīksā 06 is a work in Sanskrit prose and is definitely a contribution to Jaina logic. The slokavārttika_07 is a commentary on Umāsvāti's famous work. Vidyānanda shows his thorough acquaintance with almost all the Buddhist and Brahmanical logicians. His other works include Satyaśāsanapariksā08 and Vidyānandamahodaya.109 In the former, Vidyānanda has undertaken an exami nation of Indian philosophical systems.
Mānikyanandi is the author of the Parīksāmukhasūtra 10 which has 207 sūtras and is based on Akalanka's Nyāyaviniscaya. It has a commentary by Prabhācandra called Prameyakamala-mārtaņda.'11 Vidyānanda, Māņikyanandi, and Prabhācandra are pronounced by K.B. Pathak 12 to be contemporaries. In the printed edition of the Prameya-kamalamārtanda, we are however told that Prabhācandra, the disciple of Padmanandi Siddhānta, composed it during the reign of Bhoja of Dhārā.113 But this is quite puzzling as Jinasena I in his
dipurāņa mentions Candrodaya as the work of Prabhācandra and actually in his Nyāyakumundacandrodaya Prabhāçandra claims that he too is the author of the Prameyakamalamārtanda. 114 It therefore appears, and this is suggested by Mukhtar, 115 that the printed edition has referred to a commentator bearing the same name. Let us further remember that in Jaina literature there are no less than 20 Prabhācandras. 116 The Prameyakamalamārtanda refers to a number of Buddhist logicians, including Dharmakīrti, Dinnāga, and others. Amrtacandra, who lived around AD 900 is the author of the Tattvārthasārall7 and Atmakhyāti. 118 The Tattvārthasāra has 618 verses and is divided into nine chapters. The seven padārthas are discussed in it. Atmakhyāti is the title of the author's commentary on Samayasāra of Kundakunda.
Two great Svetāmbara logicians lived in the last quarter of the tenth century. One was Pradyumnasūri of Rājagaccha, who was elev

Page #318

292
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
enth in descent from Manikyacandra. As the author of the Pārsvanāthacaritra (AD 1219), we have to place him in the third quarter of the tenth century. In the Pārsvanāthacaritra we are told that Pradyumna defeated the Digambaras in debate at Venkapatta.119 His disciple Abhayadeva, who flourished around AD 1000, is the author of the vsttil 20 on Sarmatimahātarka of Siddhasena Divākara. Another work of his is Vādamahārņava, 121 which is not currently available but which is repeatedly mentioned by the writers of the Rājagaccha. 'He is described as the lion that roared at ease in the wild forest of books on logic. That the rivers of various conflicting opinions might not sweep the path of the good, Abhayadeva wrote his Vādamahārnava’.122
The above discussion shows that a great number of Jaina thinkers of both the sects wrote philosophical and logical texts and enriched the ancient Indian philosophical literature by their solid contributions. Even in the later medieval period Jaina metaphysicians and logicians continued to write thought-provoking texts, which will be discussed in the vol. II.
REFERENCES
1. Ed., J.L. Jaini, Arrah, 1920; for other edns., see Winternitz, HIL, II,
p. 578, n. 3. 2. A History of Indian Logic, Calcutta, p. 168. 3. This Bhāsya is included in the edition published by the Asiatic Soci
ety, Calcutta, 1903–5. 4. See in this connection J.P. Jain, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient
India, p. 135. 5. As noted by Sukhlal Sanghavi (English trans. of his Hindi work on
Tattvārthasutra), p. 21; even Jacobi, ZDMG, 60, pp. 287 ff., accepts the
authenticity of this bhāsya; see also p. 34 of Sukhlal's work. 6. See Hoernle in IA, XX, 1891, p. 391. 7. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 136. 8. As noted by Sukhlal op. cit., p. 114, the earliest epigraph referring to
Umásvāti as belonging to the anvaya of Kundakunda is no. 47 dated Saka 1047 from Sravana Belgola. Premi also does not believe that Umāsvāti has anything to do with Kundakunda (see Sukhlal, pp. 111 ff.) Elsewhere Premi has sought to show that Umāsvāti was probably a monk belonging to the Yāpaniya Samgha (see Jaina Sahitya aur
Itihāsa, pp. 533 ff., which is clearly untenable). 9. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 182. 10. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 581.

Page #319

JAINA THINKERS
293
11. See his "Svāmi Samantabhadra' in Hindi included in his edition of
the Ratnakarandakastāvakācāra (MDJM, no. 24, pp. 212ff). 12. p. 69. 13. See JSBI, IV, p. 60. 14. See his Introduction to Pravacanasāra, Bombay, 1935, p. xviii. 15. These Pāhudas were ed. by P.L. Soni in MDJM, no. 17, vs 1977. Of
these with the exception of Liniga and Silapāhudas, all the others have
commentaries by Srutasāgara. 16. Upadhye, op. cit., p. xxxvii. 17. This text is included in the MDJM, no. 17, which includes the Pāhudas. 18. See his Introduction to Pravacanasāra, p. xxxix. 19. Included in the MDJM, no. 17. 20. See Upadhye, op. cit., p. xxxixn. 21. Ibid., p. xxi. 22. Kolhapur edn., pp. 90 f. 23. Ed., Jaina Grantha Ratnākara Kāryālaya, Bombay, 1916. 24. See J.C. Jain, Prākṣta Sahitya kā Itihāsa, p. 300. 25. Ed. in SBJ, III by A. Chakravarti, Arrah, 1920; for other editions see
Upadhye, op. cit., p. xlii, n. 4. 26. Upadhye, op. cit., p. xliv. 27. Ed., J.L. Jaini in SBJ, VIII, Lucknow, 1930; for other editions see
Upadhye, op. cit., p. xlv, n. 1. 28. Ed., A. Upadhye, Bombay, 1935. 29. Ibid., pp. xix, xxii. 30. See Epigraphia Carnatica (rev. edn.), 1972, I, Introd., pp. x ff. 31. p. 24. 32. Cf. Jainendra, V.4.140. 33. For details see Desai, Jainism in South India, pp. 152 ff. 34. See the life of Samantabhadra in Hindi by Jugalkishore Mukhtar in
cluded in his edition of the Ratnakarandakaśrāvakācāra, p. 4. 35. Ibid., pp. 5 ff. 36. Ed. in Bharatiya Jñanapitha, Varanasi, 1974, p. 13. 37. Ibid., p. 14. 38. V.4.140. 39. See Jain, op. cit., p. 145. 40. On the date of Samantabhadra, see K.B. Pathak in ABORI, XI, 1930,
pp. 149 ff.; Pandit Jugalkishore Mukhtar in the same journal, XV, pp.
67 ff. refutes Pathak's view. 41. Jaina Grantha Ratnākara and Sanātana Jaina Granthamālā Edn., 1905;
for further details see Mukhtar, op. cit., pp. 197 ff. 42. Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 182 ff. 43. See Mukhtar, op. cit., pp. 201 ff. 44. Text edited with Vidyānanda's commentary in MDJM, no. 15. 45. See Mukhtar, op. cit., p. 202.

Page #320

294
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
46. Ibid., pp. 203 ff. 47. Ibid., pp. 204 ff. 48. Ed., Jugalkishore Mukhtar, MDJM, no. 24, Bombay, vs 1982. The com
mentary by Prabhäcandra is also included in this edn. 49. See Mukhtar, op. cit., Prastāvanā, pp. 53 ff. 50. For the relevant verses from the Pārsvanāthacarila, see Mukhtar, op.
cit., p. 11. 51. See Mukhtar's edn., p. 100; see also his 'Life of Samantabhadra' in
the same work, p. 205. 52. Mukhtar, op. cit., Prastāvanā, pp. 10–11. 53. See Mukhtar, 'Life of Samantabhadra', pp. 19, 21. 54. Ibid., pp. 19 ff. 55. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 173 ff.; see also J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 150. 56. V.1.7. 57. Ed. with English trans. by S.C. Vidyabhusan, Calcutta, 1909. 58. Ed. in Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamälā, no. 13; another edn., Poona,
1926. 59. For further discussion, Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 174 ff. 60. The commentary Tallvānusariņi Tattvārthaţikā was printed in
Ahmedabad. 61. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 182; see also Winternitz, op. cit., p. 580,
n. 1. 62. I, p. 380. 63. For details see Prabandhakośa, pp. 15 ff.; see also Vividhatirthakalpa,
p. 88. 64. See Mukhtar quoted in Premi, Jaina Sahitya aur Itihāsa, p. 42. 65. Ed., Kolhapur, 1904; see also Jacobi, ZDMG, 60, p. 290. 66. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 172, n. 1. 67. See Hiralal, Calalogue, Introd., p. 26. 68. See supra, pp. 165–66. 69. See EC, II, Introd., pp. 48 ff.; see Fleet, Dynasties, pp. 32–3; J.P. Jain,
op. cit., p. 177–78. 70. See supra, pp. 177-78. 71. See in this connection 'Life of Samantabhadra' by Mukhtar, p. 125. 72. See in this connection, J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 177. 73. See the same scholar in JUPHS, III (N.S.), pt. II, pp. 108–25. 74. Ed. in Sanātana Jaina Granthamālā, Varanasi, 1915. 75. This commentary is published with Āplamīmāmsă in Sanātana Jaina
Granthamālā, no. 10, Varanasi, 1914. 76. Jinaralnakośa, p. 221. 77. These two works edited in MDJM, no. 1. Laghiyastrayiprakarana is a
work containing 78 kärikās, divisible into 3 chapters on pramana, naya and agama which give it the name Laghiyastrayi. This work is also edited in Singhi Jaina Series, no. 12, Ahmedabad, 1939. According to

Page #321

JAINA THINKERS
some others Svārupasambodhana was written by Mahasena, pupil of Nayasena; for details see, Jinaratnakośa, p. 458.
78. Ed. in MDJM, no. 18, Bombay, vs 1978.
79. See Introduction by Hiralal to his Catalogue, p. xxvi.
80. See Jinaratnakośa, p. 279.
81. Singhi Jaina Granthamālā, Ahmedabad, 1939.
82. See Jinaratnakośa, p. 441.
83. See GOS, 30, Introd., p. lxxv.
84. Ed. in GOS, by A.B. Dhruva, Baroda, 1930. In this edition of the Nyayapravesa both the commentaries of Haribhadra and Candrasūri have been included.
295
85. Published in Yasovijayaji Jaina Granthamālā, no. 40, vs 2436-9. 86. See J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 191, n. 4.
87. This text has several edns., the earliest published with Gunaratna's commentary in the Bibliotheca Indica, Calcutta, 1905; for other edns. see, Jinaratnakośa, p. 402.
88. This text, which has 145 verses was published from Bhavnagar, vs 1958; an Italian translation was published by L. Suali in Florence, 1905.
89. Ed., L. Suali, Bhavnagar, 1911.
90. Ed., L. Suali, Bombay, 1913.
91. Ed., L. Suali, Calcutta, 1912; for other edns., see Jinaratnakośa, p. 191.
92. See HIL, II, p. 584, n. 3.
93. Bombay, 1913.
94. Published with the Caityavandanāsutra from Bombay, 1915.
95. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 125.
96. Ed., Palitana, 1909; also Baroda, vs 2449.
97. Ed., Stcherbatsky, St. Petersburg, 1909. For details see, Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 194 ff.; also Vienna Oriental Journal, IV, p. 67.
98. See supra, pp. 141-42.
99. Brahmanemidatta in his Kathakośa quoted by Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 188.
100. See J.P. Jain in Anekānta, X, pp. 274-88; see also The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, pp. 199–200.
101. Colophon, v. 3 quoted in J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 199, n. 3.
102. I, 38.
103. Quoted by K.B. Pathak in JBBRAS, 1892, p. 222.
104. Ed. along with the Āptamīmāmsā by N.R. Gandhi, Bombay, 1915.
105. Ed., Varanasi, 1913.
106. Varanasi, 1914.
107. Ed. along with the original text of Umāsväti by M.L. Sastri, 1918.
108. See Jinaratnakosa, p. 412.
109. Ibid., p. 355.
110. Bombay, 1927; see also Jinaratnakośa, pp. 238-9.
111. Published along with the Bombay edn. of the Parikṣāmukhasūtra; an

Page #322

296
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF JAINISM
other edn., Varanasi, 1928. 112. See JBBRAS, 1892, pp. 227, 229. 113. The relevant lines are quoted by Mukhtar in his Hindi Introd. to
Samantabhadra's Ratnakarandakaśrāvakācāra, p. 59. See also
Winternitz, op. cit., II, p. 282 and fn. 6. 114. See Winternitz, loc. cit. 115. Mukhtar, op. cit., p. 60. 116. Ibid., pp. 57 ff. 117. Bombay, 1905. 118. See sinaratnakośa, p. 26. 119. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., p. 196, n. 2. 120. Ahmedabad, vs 1980-4 with the original text of Divākara. 121. See Jinaratnakośa, p. 348. 122. See Vidyabhusan, op. cit., pp. 196 ff.

Page #323

APPENDIX A Ajīvikism and Gośāla
In the third chapter of this work I briefly discussed the career of the Ajīvika philosopher Mokkhaliputta Gośāla. In this Appendix I will attempt to provide a connected account of the origin of the Ajīvika religion and also of the principal events of the life of Gośāla who, like Lord Mahāvīra, was not the founder of his sect. In this connection I shall endeavour to correlate the evidences supplied by the Pāli and Jaina texts on Ajīvikism and Gośāla.
It is apparent from the Pāli texts that Ajīvikism was a living religion during the days of Buddha. The first Ājīvika whom the Buddha met in his career was Upaka.' The story of this meeting is told in the Ariyapariyesana Sutta of the Majjhima Nikāya’ and appears to be one of the oldest parts of the Pāli canon. We are told here that Buddha met this Ājīvika teacher immediately after his enlightenment, apparently near Gayā. Buddha was in his thirty-sixth year and, according to our calculations, this event took place in the third quarter (or in the beginning of the fourth) of the sixth century BC. It is interesting that the Ajīvika Upaka was in no mood to accept Buddha's claim that he was a Jina and quite coldly left him. This story is also repeated in a few other places in the Pāli canon. Later Pāli commentators have given the romantic story of his marriage with one Сāpā and even affirm that he was converted to Buddhism in the later part of his life. There is little doubt that the later stories were invented in order to show Buddha's greatness; in the original canon there is no indication that Upaka ever changed his faith.
I have already said that Buddha was a senior contemporary of Mahāvira' and therefore Upaka should also be regarded as a senior contemporary of Gośāla, who according to the Bhagavatī declared himself a Jina in the sixth year of Lord Mahāvīra's wanderings, or in other words, in Mahāvīra's thirty-sixth year. This suggests that the monks belonging to the Ajīvika religion wandered in northern India before Gośäla, a conclusion which is strongly supported by the facts told about them elsewhere in the Pāli and Ardhamāgadhi texts.

Page #324

298
APPENDIX A
The Pāli texts repeatedly refer to the Ājīvikas, but never represent Gośāla as the founder of the sect. Several teachers like Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Panduputta are mentioned in the Pāli canon and it appears that at least the first two, namely Nanda Vaccha, and Kisa Sankicca, were looked upon as important personalities in the days of the Buddha. Pūraņa Kassapa, who was one of the six great rivals of the Buddha, had great deference for these two teachers and also Gośāla,' as he includes them in the sixth or the purest type (parana-sukhābhijātas) of men. Elsewhere Buddha' declares that although the Ajīvikas had existed for a long time," they only produced three distinguished teachers, Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca, and Mokkhali Gośāla. This is definite testimony that Ajīvikism is older than Buddhism and Gośāla was only one of the distinguished teachers' of this religious sect.
The Bhagavatīsūtra, which is universally regarded as one of the oldest Jaina canonical texts, also directly confirm the evidence of the Pāli canon regarding the antiquity of the Ajīvika religion. When challenged by Mahāvīra in Srāvasti he decalres that he is actually the eighth Ajīvika teacher and the first seven were the following: Udāi Kundiyāyaṇa, Eņejja, Mallarāma, Mandiya, Roha, Bhāradvāja, and lastly Ajjuna Goyamaputta." Basham, who has made a special study of the Ajīvika religion, remarksls in this connection that the immediate predecessor of Gośāla, Ajjuna Goyamaputta, is distinguished by a gotra name or patronymic as Udāi Kundiyāyaṇa, in whose body the migrant soul of Gośāla was originally born. He further notes that other five names have not been given any patronymics. From this he concludes that the first and the seventh were 'real' persons, and not figures of the imagination. This is indeed very strange logic! There is really no need for the Jaina writer of the Bhagavatī to give the gotra names of all the predecessors of Gośāla in a passage that was apparently written in haste and with the avowed intention of discrediting the Ajīvika religion. The list of the seven predecessors of Gośāla should either be accepted in entirety or be summarily dismissed. Since the list occurs in a work written by staunch enemies of the ika religion, we have to accept it as genuine. Besides, the Jaina writer has also given, as noted by B.M. Barua," the geographical centres of activities of all the seven predecessors of Gośāla, including the period of their missionary life. The earliest teacher, Udāi Kundiyāyaṇa, was associated with the city of Rājagļha and had preached for 22 years. This suggests that Udāi Kundiyāyaṇa

Page #325

ĀJĪVIKISM AND GOŚĀLA
299
was probably the founder of Ajīvikism and the celebrated Rājagļha, the earlier capital of Magadha, was the first centre of this new religion. Since the Ajīvikas went about naked, it is natural for them to have chosen a hilly place like Rājagļha where they could easily get natural shelters. The next teacher was Eņejja, who was associated with the town of Uddandapura (identification uncertain, but should be in eastern India) and had preached for 21 years. The third teacher of this sect was one Mallarāma, who spent his life at Campā and taught the principles of the Ajīvika religion for 20 years. The fourth prophet was Mandiya, who was associated with the famous city of Vārāṇasi in which the celebrated Pārsvanātha was born. His missionary life covered a total period of 19 years. The fifth teacher of this sect was Roha who preached at the town of Alabhiyā (Āļavi of the Pāli texts), which was not far from Srāvasti,'' and taught for 18 years. Then came one Bhāradvāja, who belonged to the city of Śrāvastī and preached for 17 years. His successor was Ajjuna Goyamaputta, apparently of the same city, whose missionary life covered a period of 16 years.
A discerning reader of this passage will not fail to notice two special features regarding the list of the seven predecessors of Gośāla. The first, of course, is the progressive diminution by one year of the period of each reanimation and the second, which is more significant, is the gradual westward migration of this religion. In the course of 133 years the Ajīvika religion gradually spread from Rājagrha to Śravasti, a distance of nearly 300 miles. The progressive diminut of exactly one year seems somewhat artificial, but this cannot be the basis of the entire rejection of the complete list. The Bhagavatī passage indicates that the religion of the Ajīvikas was founded in the beginning of the seventh century BC, probably 100 years after Pārsvanātha. Thus, from point of chronology, Ajīvikism stands midway between Jainism and Buddhism.
Barua is of the view that the Ajivikas even existed in the postVedic period, 16 which can, however, be rejected offhand. In no Vedic text is there even the remotest mention of the Ajīvika religion. It is also interesting that, like Buddhism and Jainism, the Ajīvika religion has been totally ignored in the two Indian epics, even in their latest sections. There is also no basis for V.S. Agrawala's surmise! that Ajīvikism was known to Pāņini.
Basham is of the opinion that Purana Kassapa, one of the six great rivals of the Buddha, was an Ajivika teacher. 18 In support of his

Page #326

300
APPENDIX A
surmise he quotes from the Tamil poem Nilakesī. It is true that according to the malicious account,19 left by Buddhaghoṣa, Pūraṇa went about naked. But in the Samaññaphala Sutta20 of the Digha Nikaya, a clear distinction has been made between the doctrine of Gośāla and that of Kassapa. that Buddhaghoṣa was thoroughly biased is proved by the fact that he represents Pūraṇa as a slave, which is clearly wrong, as Kassapa is a Brāhmaṇa gotra. It is however, quite likely that Gośāla and Pūraṇa had some respect for one another as the latter is presented in the Anguttara Nikaya as praising the three important Ajivika teachers, a point which has already been noted.
Let us now attempt to take a close and hard look at the personality and career of Gośāla, probably the most controversial and enigmatic figure in the history of Indian philosophy. We should never forget that the texts, which deal with him, were all written by archenemies of the Ajivikas, namely the Jainas and Buddhists. Yet the life of this Ājivika teacher, as painted in the Bhagavati, the fifth Anga text of the Jainas, is the only available source regarding his career. The references to him and the Ājīvikas in the Pāli Tripitaka often help us, but they are only incidental notices. The Bhagavati11 represents Gośāla as the son of one Mankhali by his spouse Bhadra. This work further tells us that this Mankhali was a mankha which means a royal bard.22 It appears from the Bhagavati that Mankhali, the father of Gośāla, was a poor, wandering poet or bard who earned his livelihood by singing old, heroic ballads and exhibiting pictures (cittaphalaga) connected with his songs. The boy Gośāla was born in the cowshed (gośāla) of a rich Brāhmaṇa called Gobahula, who was a resident of a village called Saravana. That Makkhali was born in a cowshed is also attested to by Buddhaghoṣa23 in his Sumangalavilāsinī and Papañcasudanī. The latter also paints him as a servant of a rich man, and tells a ridiculous story to explain his name makkhali; howthe Jainas do not confirm this story and, as I have already pointed out, a similar story is told by Buddhaghosa, that diehard Buddhist, regarding Pūraṇa Kassapa.
ever,
It appears from the Bhagavati that Gośāla, after attaining manhood, accepted the professional life of his father. It further appears that from the very beginning of his career he developed some sort of repugnance against worldly life. When he met Mahāvīra at Nālandā near Rajagṛha for the first time, he was already a recluse. According to the writer of the Bhagavati, 24 Mahāvīra initially turned down Gośāla's request to make him his disciple. But later, in the second

Page #327

ĀJĪVIKISM AND GOŚĀLA
301
year of his wanderings, accepted his second request at a place called Kollāga near Nalanda. The two naked ascetics spent six years together and a detailed description of their wanderings has been given by Jinadāsa Mahattara, 25 who lived in the seventh century and, needless to say, his account is largely based on imagination.
The Bhagavati informs us that as a result of doctrinal difference Gośāla left Mahāvīra after six years and declared himself a Jina at Śrāvasti. Mahāvīra had however to wait another six years before attaining the stage of perfection. Now, it is known to all students of religious history that no religious leader (ancient or modern) in India has any respect for his opponent. The Buddha looked upon Mahāvīra with contempt.26 This is attested to by Buddha's utterances regarding Mahāvīra after his death. We cannot therefore expect the canonical writer of the Bhagavatī to accept Gośāla's claim of Jina-hood before Mahāvīra. Had any Ajīvika canonical text survived, we would have come across a similar refutation of Mahāvīra's claim of attaining kevalajñāna. In the absence of such a text, the historian has no other alternative but to accept the fact that Gośāla became a Jina at a time when Mahāvīra was a mere learner. Further, nowhere in the Pāli canon is Gośāla represented as a pupil of Näthaputta. It appears that the two teachers were good friends in their early career and because of serious doctrinal difference they not only parted company, but also developed a mutual deadly hatred. I agree with Bashama when he declares that the Bhagavati account is pervaded by deadly sectarian prejudice.
Gośāla was apparently in his late thirties when he established his own headquarters in Srāvastī at the residence of the wealthy female potter Hālāhalā. He was recognized, as is evident from the Bhagavatī,28 as the head of the Ajīvika Samgha, which was established, as I have already said, quite a number of years earlier in that city by Bhāradvāja, the sixth Ajīvika teacher, Gośāla, it appears, not only succeeded in enlarging his circle of disciples in that city, but also converted quite a number of important personalities from elsewhere to his doctrine. One such person, according to the Cullavaggawas a highly official (mahāmatta). The Vinaya Pițaka%elsewhere refers to a blood relation of king Bimbisāra as embracing the Ājīvika religion and becoming a recluse of that samgha. These two examples definitely prove the popularity of the Ājīvika religion among the aristocracy of those days. Probably such conversions of high officials to the religion of the Ajīvikas was not taken kindly by Buddha, and

Page #328

302
APPENDIX A
this explains his outburts against Gośāla and his teachings. One such outburst is recorded in the Anguttara Nikāyal where Buddha calls the doctrine of Gośāla the ‘meanest doctrine' and he is branded as a moghapurisa, which means a 'stupid fellow'. It is interesting that Gośāla alone is the recipient of this epithet in the Pāli canon, but he not only succeeded in soon popularizing his religion in different parts of Madhyadeśa and eastern India but was also able to produce a number of remarkable Ajīvika teachers before his death.
The account of Gośāla's final meeting with Mahāvīra, as recorded in the Bhagavatī, deserves close scrutiny. We are told that this meeting took place in the twenty-fourth year of Gośāla's ascetic life, and 16 years before Mahāvīra's death. The venue of this fateful meeting was the Koșthaka shrine of the city of Śrāvasti.32 Here we find Mahāvīra at first ridiculing Gośāla's claim that he was in possession of perfect knowledge. Gośāla simply denies that he was ever a disciple of Mahāvīra, and asserts, as we have already noted, that he is the eighth prophet of the Ājīvika religion. One of Mahāvīra's disciples called Sunakșatra, who sought to argue on behalf of his guru was consumed by Gośāla's tejoleśyā (anger). Lord Mahāvīra too became a victim of Gośāla's spiritual power and the meeting ended abruptly We are told that the debate was inconclusive and Mahāvīra, as is apparent from a passage in the text, did not succeed in his attempt to destroy the Ajīvika organization of Śrāvastī. However, the Bhagavati represents Gośāla as dying shortly after the meeting in Srāvastī. There is little doubt that the account of Gośāla's death is highly exaggerated, and it is probable that his untimely demise promoted the Jaina canonical writer to devise this story.
That the account of his death is not based on fact will be clear from the contradictory and historical statements in the account itself. We have already noted that, according to this account, Gośāla died 16 years before the nirvana of Mahāvīra, yet in another passage we are told that the death of Gośāla coincided with the Mahaśilākantaka war,which, as we know from another passage of the Bhagavati, 44 was fought between Ajātaśatru, on the one hand, and nine Mallas and nine Licchavis, on the other. Now, we definitely know that Ajātaśatru became king 8 years before the Buddha's death, and less than 8 years before Mahāvīra's demise. Therefore, Gośāla, who according to the Bhagavatī died 16 years before Mahāvīra, was not alive when Kūņika Ajātaśatru ascended the Magadhan throne, and the passage which affirms that his death coincided with that

Page #329

ĀJĪVIKISM AND GOŚĀLA
303
famous war must be dismissed as a piece of poetic fancy. The same remark applies to another list of eight finalities, which coincided with Gośāla's death, namely the last sprinkling-scent elephant (gandhahastī) which, according to the Nirayavalikā, was the cause of dispute between Cetaka and Ajātaśatru.
From the Nanguttha Jätaka we learn that there was a group of Ajivika ascetics living near Jetavana in Srāvasti who were in the habit of performing difficult penances. That the Ajīvikas were respected for their austere life is clear from a number of passages in the Pāli canon. In an identical passage, preserved in the Majjhimash and Samyutta, Gośāla is praised by a deva for his perfect self-control. He is further delineated there as a speaker of truth and doer of no evil. Elsewhere in a Vinaya passage 38 we find the Ajīvikas condemning Buddhist monks for carrying parasols. These pieces of evidence strongly suggest that the Ajīvikas were respected for their strict and austere living.
It is surprising that the Ajīvikas, who could lead such an austere life, should hold fatalistic views regarding life and nature. Their teaching, as represented in the Sāmaññaphalasutta, deny action (kiriya), endeavour (viriya), and the result of action (kamma). According to Gośāla, all beings attain perfection through samsārasuddhi. We can understand why Buddha could not tolerate the Ajivikas, who were against all his ideas and ideals. 'Like a fish-trap set at river-mouth, Makkhali was born into the world to be a man-trap for the distress and destruction of men',99 Buddha declared. But in spite of such warnings, a number of respectable people of the Buddha's own time chose this religion in preference to the teachings of the Buddha and Mahāvīra.
In several places in the Jaina canon we find references to Ajīvika devotees and the Ajīvika doctrines. In the Upāsakadašā^we have one Saddālaputta, who was a devotee of Gośāla. Another lay devotee called Ayampula is mentioned in the Bhagavati.41
References in the later literature and epigraphs fully prove that Ājīvikisms survived up to the late mediaeval period. The inscriptions of Asoka and his successor testify that the Ājīvikas were held in esteem in the Mauryan period. In the seventh Pillar Edict^2 they are mentioned after the Bauddhas and Brāhmaṇas, but before the Nirgranthas. In the Barabar Hill cave (Gayā district, Bihar) inscriptions have been discovered according to which Aśoka made a gift of several caves to the Ajīvikas in his twelfth and nineteenth regnal

Page #330

304
APPENDIX A
years. Aśoka's grandson Dasaratha was certainly a patron of the Ajīvika religion, for we have three brief inscriptions of this emperor in the Nāgārjuni Hill (Gayā district, Bihar) according to which he made gifts of cave-dwellings to t
as. In the Arthaśāstra (III.20) of Kautilya and in the Mahābhāsya (III.96) of Patañjali the Ājīvikas are mentioned. In the latter work Patañjali, the author, shows his acquaintance with the principal doctrine of the Ajīvikas. Patañjali distinctly says that the Ajīvikas deny the freedom of the will. The Mahāvamsa (X.102) informs us that the Ajīvikas could be seen in Sri Lanka during the reign of Pāņdukābhaya, who ruled in the fourth century BC which proves that after the death of Gośāla, Ajivikism penetrated into southern India including Sri Lanka. This is testified to by the references to the Ājīvikas in the Tamil Sangam literature. In a fifth-century inscription" found from Nellore district (A.P.) of the reign of Simhavarman Pallava there is a reference to the Ajīvikas which shows that monks of this sect flourished in this part of India at that time. Varāhamihira (early sixth century) and his commentator Utpala (tenth century) know the Ājīvikas. 45 On a basis of a wrong statement by Utpala, D.R. Bhandarkar16 came to the conclusion that, in the later days, the Ajīvikas were identical with Vaisnavas. Basham 17 has however shown that this theory is purely speculative. The Āiivikas were also known to Kumāradāsa, 48 as is evident from his Jānakīharana, which was probably composed during the closing years of the seventh century. 49 There are also references to them in several south Indian inscriptions of a much later period, but by ad 1200, they vanished completely from history.50
REFERENCES
1. For details see Malalasekera, DPPN, I, pp. 385 ff. 2. Majjhima, I, pp. 160–75; see also Malalasekera, op. cit., 1, pp. 179–80. 3. See Jataka, 1.81; Mahāvagga, trans., I.B. Horner, p. 11. 4. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 662; the Therīcāpā is mentioned in the
Therīgātha (see Nālanda edn., Khuddaka Nikāya, II, pp. 441–3), but
there the name of Upaka is conspicuously absent. 5. See supra, p. 29, n. 3. 6. See Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 14. 7. Ibid., I, p. 609. 8. Ibid., II, p. 123. 9. See Anguttara, III (trans.), p. 273.

Page #331

ĀJĪVIKISM AND GOŚĀLA
10. See Majjhima, Sandakasutta (no. 76); see also Malalasekera, op. cit.,
II, p. 14; see also Hindi translation published by Mahabodhi Sabha, p. 307.
11. Emphasis mine.
12. Bhagavati (Sailana edn.), V, pp. 2425-6.
13. History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas, London, 1951, p. 32.
14. See JDL, II, p. 5.
15. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 295.
16. See ABORI, 8, pp. 183-4.
17. See the Hindi translation of his work entitled Paninikālīna Bhāratavarṣa, p. 370.
18. Basham, op. cit., pp. 80 ff.
19. See Sumangalavilāsinī, I, p. 142.
20. Digha, no. 2.
21. V, p. 2373.
22. See M. Monier-Williams, SED, p. 772.
23. See Sumangalavilāsini, I, pp. 143 ff.; Pañcasudani, I, p. 422; see also Malalasekera, op. cit., II, p. 400.
24. V, p. 2381.
25. See Avasyakacurṇī, I, pp. 271, 282-4, 287-99.
26. See Majjhima, II, pp. 243 ff.; Digha, pp. 117, 210.
27. Basham, op. cit., p. 66.
28. V, p. 2369.
29. Nālandā edn., p. 260.
30. See Nalanda edn., Pacittiya, p. 106.
31. See Nalanda edn. of Anguttara, I, p. 267.
32. V, p. 2418.
33. Ibid., p. 2444.
34. Ibid., III, pp. 1190 ff.
35. No. 144.
305
36. See Malalasekera, op. cit., I, p. 238, n. 1.
37. Loc. cit.
38. Loc. cit.
39. Nālandā edn., Anguttara, I, p. 267.
40. Ed., N.A. Gore, Poona, 1953, pp. 114 ff.
41. V, p. 2449.
42. See Bühler, EI, II, pp. 245 ff.; see also Sircar, Select Inscriptions, pp. 62
ff.
43. See IA, 20, p. 364; Lüders, List, nos. 954-6; see also Sircar, op. cit., pp. 77 ff.
44. EI, XXIV, pp. 296 ff.
45. See Basham, op. cit., pp. 168 ff.
46. See IA, 41, pp. 286–90.
47. Basham, op. cit., pp. 173 ff.

Page #332

306
APPENDIX A
48. Ibid., pp. 165 ff. 49. See Winternitz, HIL, III, pt. I, p. 81. 50. Basham believes that the Nagnāțakas who defiled Deva-temples dur
ing the reign of Harsa of Kashmir (last quarter of the eleventh century), were probably the Ajivikas; see op. cit., pp. 205 ff.; but this sur mise appears to be entirely wrong.

Page #333

APPENDIX B
Early Jainism and Yakṣa-Worship
The early Vedic texts show some acquaintance with 'supernatural beings' or 'springs' called yakṣas, but in comparison to yakṣas they are mentioned less frequently. Unlike yakṣas and pisacas, the yakṣas are depicted in the early and later Vedic literature as less dangerous and malignant, although they too, sometimes are conceived as pure evil spirits. It is of great interest that Kubera, the leader of the yākṣas of later literature, is delineated as the king (rajan) of yakṣas and other evil-doers in such an ancient text as the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa.' He is further called by his other name Vaiśravana in that text. A still earlier reference to him will be found in the Atharvaveda,2 but there he is not connected with either the yakṣas or rakṣasas. There are separate references3 to the yakṣas and Kubera in later Vedic literature, but Kubera as the king of the yakṣas appears only in the postVedic literature. The term yakşṣa also appears in the Jaiminiya Brāhmaṇa1 as the name of an unexplained being. But eactly at what time Kubera lost his position as the king of yaksas, it is not possible to say in the present state of our knowledge, but there is little doubt that he came to be associated with them long before Mahāvīra and the Buddha.
From the epics we learn a great deal about yakṣas and some of their prominent leaders. In both the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata the yakṣas, unlike other supernatural beings, appear as demi-gods. The interesting story told about the struggle of the yakṣas led by Kubera, and rākṣasas led by his younger brother Ravana in the Uttarakanda of the Rāmāyaṇa shows that by the time that portion of the epic was composed, the yakṣas were looked upon as somewhat benevolent beings. We should particularly note the epithet mahātman applied to Manibhadra and Kubera in that Book of the Rāmāyaṇa." The famous yakṣa-Yudhisthira story told in the Mahabharata," also testifies that the poet of that part of the great epic had real deference for yakṣas. Another point to be noted in this connection that Kubera or Vaiśravana, the lord of the yakṣas in the

Page #334

308
APPENDIX B
epics, is conceived not only as an honourable member of the Brahmanical pantheon but also as one of the four lokapālas. We are told in the Uttarakānda that formerly there were three lokapālas and that Kubera or Vaiśravana was installed as the fourth lokapāla by Brahman after the former satisfied the latter by his penances. There is no doubt that Kubera was either a rakṣa or paksa before he was accepted in that Indian pantheon, and his elevation supports my contention that in the period of the composition of the epics, yakşas had their regular devotees among the local population, and this will be confirmed by my discussion.
In the literature of both the Jainas and Buddhists the yakşas play a very important role, but the early Jaina canonical writers, even more than their Buddhist counterparts, show a very intimate acquaintance not only with the yaksas, but also disclose the names of innumerable yakșa shrines of the Aryāvarta and Uttarāpatha. Anyone who is even superficially acquainted with the Angas and Upāngas knows that one such yakşa shrine is mentioned almost in every sūtra of these texts. There was hardly a city or town which had not a yaksa āyatana or caitya. I list below the names of some important shrines (a majority of which were dedicated to yakşas) in the Jaina texts.
Name of the city
Name of the Shrine
Vardhamānapura Kayamgalā Campā
Manibhadra Chattapalāśa Purnabhadra and Angamandira Suhamma
Vāņiyagāma (a suburb of Vaiśāli) Vaiśālī Mithilā Alabhiya Vārānasi Kaušāmbi Śrāvasti Mathurā Hastināpura Dvārāvati
Bahuputtiyā and Komdiyāyaṇa Manibhadra Samkhavana and Pattakālaga Kotthaga and Ambasālavana Camdotarana Kotthaga Sudarsana Sahasambavana Surapriya
This list is by no means exhaustive, and it is not difficult to mention at least another hundred such shrines situated in various parts

Page #335

EARLY JAINISM AND YAKṢA-WORSHIP
309
of northern and eastern India.
The Pali Buddhist texts disclose the names of a good number of so-called yakkha-cetiyas, most of which were situated in various parts of Eastern India. In the Mahaparinibbāna Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya, quite a number of shrines situated in the celebrated city of Vaiśālī or Vesāli are mentioned. They are: Sarandada, (Capāla, Udena, Gotamaka, Bahuputta, and Sattamba. From another Book of the Digha Nikaya, Pātika Suttanta, we further learn that Udena was situated to the east, Gotamaka to the south, Sattamba to the west and Bahuputta to the north of this city. We have already seen that the shrine of Bahuputta is mentioned in the Bhagavati," the celebrated fifth Anga of the Jainas from which we further learn that it was once visited by Mahāvīra. Indeed, this is the only shrine that is mentioned both in the Jaina and Buddhist texts. Another Bahuputta shrine was situated on the road between Rajagṛha and Nālandā, according to the Samyutta Nikaya.10 In this shrine the Buddha exchanged robes with Mahākassapa. We have also seen that a few yakṣa shrines of Alabhiya are mentioned in the Jaina texts. It is just possible that one of these yakṣa shrines is repeatedly mentioned in the Pāli texts11 as connected with the activities of the Buddha and few of his disciples. The Pali texts also disclose the names of a few other shrines of east
ern India, namely Supatittha of Rajagṛha,12 Ananda of Bhoganagara (in the Vajji territory),13 Makuṭabandhana of the Mallas,11 and Ajakalāpa of Pātali or Pāvā.15
It is, however, extremely doubtful whether all the ceiyas and cetiyas or ayatanas of the Jaina and Buddhist texts were dedicated to the yakṣas. Let us first take up the case of the famous Bahuputta shrine situated in the northern part of Vaiśāli which, as we have already noted, was the only shrine of ancient India to be mentioned clearly in both the Ardhamāgadhi and Pāli canons. There is reason to believe that this shrine was named after the goddess Bahuputtiyā, whose story is told so evocatively and humourously in the Upanga text entitled Nirayavalika. We learn from the fourth adhyayana of that Jaina text that the goddess (and not a female yakṣa) Bahuputtiyā was intimately connected with the welfare of children. We cannot, however, be sure on this count since another Bahuputtiya is mentioned in the Bhagavati, Sthānānga," and Ṇāyādhammakahão18 as the wife of yakṣa Pūrṇabhadra. The well-known Gotamaka shrine of the same city was in all probability not a yakṣa temple. I invite, in this connection, attention to a few slokas of the Sabhāparvan of the Mahabharata
16

Page #336

310
APPENDIX B
where we come across the name of one Gautamauka temple of Rajagṛha which, according to these verses, was named after the rşi Gautama. The Sanskrit word gautamauka is exactly the same as the Pāli gotamaka. Since the temple of Gautamauka at Rajagṛha was dedicated to rşi Gautama, it is reasonable to infer that the shrine of the same name situated at Vaiśālī was also named after that Vedic rși. It is also interesting that a sect called Gotama-Goyama is mentioned both in the Anuyogadvāra,20 a Jaina canonical text, and the Anguttara," a Pāli work. According to Hemacandra,22 the commentator of Anuyogadvāra, the mendicants belonging to that school earned their livelihood by exhibiting young bulls, both painted and decorated, and performing tricks. The worship of ancient ṛṣis was not an uncommon thing in ancient India. We have the well-known instance of Agastya worship. A shrine called Kamamahāvana is mentioned in several Jaina texts including the Antagaḍadasão" and Bhagavati, as situated at Vārāṇasī. It can by no stretch of imagination be called a yakṣa shrine. It was quite definitely dedicated to the Hindu god of love, Kamadeva, who was one of the most popular gods of ancient India and whose festivals were regularly held in almost all important cities of India in spring, the Angamandira25 shrine of Campă, associated with the activities of the Ajivika philosopher Makkhaliputta Gośāla, was also probably a Brahmanical temple. This is the only ceiya of Jaina literature whose name has the significant ending mandira, probably meaning a devakula. We should further note that the deities and even noble persons were often called yakṣas in ancient India. In the Majjhima Nikaya26 and the Petavatthu,27 Indra is called a yakṣa. The famous city of gods Alakananda is mentioned in the Digha as the city of yaksas. Even the Buddha is called a yakṣa in the Majjhima Nikaya.29 That very interesting Buddhist Sanskrit text the Mahāmāyārī, recently edited and translated by D.C. Sircar,30 has a comprehensive list of the so-called yakṣa shrines in which virtually all the well-known Hindu gods are called yakṣas. For example, Viṣṇu of Dvārakā in v. 19, Śiva of Śivapura in v. 47, and Kärttikeya of Rohitaka in v. 35. We have already noted that the epics, the Rāmāyaṇa and Mahabharata, have nothing but deference for the yakṣas, who were superior in character and demeanour to the rākṣasas and pisacas. Even a person like Yudhisthira is delineated in the Mahābhārata31 as worshipping Yakṣa Manibhadra whose shrine according to the Jaina texts, 32 was situated both at Mithila and Vardhamanapura of Bengal. This particular yakṣa is mentioned else

Page #337

311
EARLY JAINISM AND YAKṢA-WORSHIP
where in the Mahābhārata as the presiding deity of travellers and traders 33 and a Buddhist canonical text34 alludes to a shrine of the same yakṣa at Gaya. Another Buddhist text35 refers to the sects who apparently worshipped Manibhadra and Pūrṇabhadra, both of whom are honourably mentioned in the Jaina texts.
The list given above regarding some of the yakṣa-cetiyas shows that most of these shrines were situated in eastern India. There is no doubt that yakṣa-worship was basically anti-Vedic in character, and it was only when the fusion of Aryans with non-Aryans was complete, that they were looked upon with veneration. It is also true that a few members of the Brahmanical pantheon like Śiva, Gaṇapati, Skanda, and Durgā were originally local deities, worshipped by non-Aryans, or to put it more correctly, un-Aryans. Both Jainism and Buddhism, which were basically anti-Vedic, naturally befriended popular and indigenous religious systems, which had a greater appeal for the masses. Pārśva, who may be called the real founder of Jainism, probably used to visit the well-known yakṣa shrines of Vārāṇasī. His visit to the famous Pūrṇabhadra shrine of Campa is recorded in the Nāyādhammakahão,36 the sixth Anga text. Regarding his illustrious successor, Lord Mahāvīra, we can say with certainty that the yakṣa shrines of eastern India were his most favoured resorts. In this connection the following words of the Master found in the Bhagavati may be reproduced here: 'I pass my nights in devakulas, sabhās, pavās, ārāmas, and ujjāņas.' Most of the ceiyas of the Jaina texts were situated in ujjāņas, meaning gardens. He also used frequently to visit shrines like Gunaśīla of Rājagṛha Pūrṇabhadra of Campa, Koṣṭhaka of Śrāvasti, etc. Quite a number of his lectures were delivered, according to the Bhagavati, in the Guṇaśīla shrine of Rajagṛha. A very vivid and useful description of the famous yakṣa shrine of Pūrṇabhadra, situated to the north-east direction of Campa is given in the well-known Upanga text the Aupapātika.37 The description there leaves no room for doubt that this particular shrine was one of the most prominent cultural and religious centres of that celebrated city, represented as the metropolis of Kūņika-Ajātaśatru, the son of Śreņika-Bimbisāra.
Although the Bhagavati refers to Mahāvīra's visit to devakulas, very few devakulas are actually mentioned either in the Jaina or Buddhist canonical texts. I have already referred to the temple of the god of Love situated at Vārāṇasī. There is little doubt that all the three teachers, Pārśva, Mahāvīra and the Buddha, scrupulously and care

Page #338

312
APPENDIX B
fully avoided temples dedicated to Brahmanical gods. But the cetiyaceiyas, dedicated to yakṣas, were favoured by them. In this connection I can recall the following words spoken by the Buddha to his followers in the Anguttara Nikaya,38 'Vajjian shrines should be revered.' By Vajjian he means the famous shrines of Vaiśālī and possibly also of Bhoganagara which was also situated in the Vajji country. It thus appears that both Mahāvīra and the Buddha had some genuine deference for yakṣa shrines, particularly those of eastern India. Unlike Buddha, who spent the major part of his ascetic life in the luxurious Jetavanavihāra of Śrāvastī and the squirrels' feeding place of Rājagṛha, Mahāvīra, who wandered about absolutely naked, spent the major portion of his life in deserted caves and dilapidated shrines. Here I would like to draw attention to the fact that Mahavira became a kevalin near a dilapidated shrine (ceiya).39
It is clear from the Vipakaśruta" and Aupapātika" that yakṣas were worshipped like gods, with leaves, flowers, incense and sandal, etc., and as with the gods they were worshipped for progeny, success, etc. 12 These shrines invariably had an image13 of the yakṣa to whom it was dedicated. There is also reason to believe that image-worship was originally a non-Aryan custom and probably began with the worship of yakṣa images. Image-worship was also an integral part of Jaina religion from the earliest times. Even in the most ancient texts of the Jainas we have references to images and shrines dedicated to various Tīrthamkaras. If the evidence of the Hathīgumpha inscription is to be believed, a Nanda king of the fourth century BC, took away a Jina image from Kalinga." It is also possible that early Jaina sculptors got inspiration from that yakṣa images installed in various shrines. There is even reason to believe that the association of every Tīrthamkara with a particular tree was due to the influence of yakṣa worship which was often connected with ruksa or tree-worship. We should remember that the original Sanskrit word caitya also meant a sacred tree.15 Further, the commentary of the Dhammapada describes the Udena and Gotamaka shrines as rukkhacetiyas. This is not surprising since most of the yakṣa shrines, according to the Jaina canonical texts, were situated amidst large gardens (ujjāna).16
The intimate connection of both Jainism and Buddhism with yakṣa-worship is also testified to by the fact that Vaiśravaṇa Kubera, the lord of yakṣas, is probably the most prominent of the Hindu gods to be worshipped by the Jainas and Buddhists alike, shown by the references to him in their canonical texts. He was popular even

Page #339

EARLY JAINISM AND YAKŞA-WORSHIP
313
outside India. 17 As Jainism found favour with the traders from quite early times, it is natural that the god of wealth, Kubera, who was the supreme lord of the yakşas, should be popular among the devotees of Pārsva and Mahāvira.
It is clear from the above discussion that early Jainism had a close and intimate connection with yakşa-worship and gradually incorporated and absorbed some of its salient features. The Jainas, it should be noted, had a very favourable attitude towards the so-called malignant spirits, this is shown by Vimala's treatment of some rākṣasa characters of the Rāmāyana in his celebrated Paumacariyam. Characters like Rāvana, Kumbhakarna, and others are represented in this poem as vegetarian vidyādharas believing firmly in non-violence. Vimalasuri, who lived in the first century AD (530 years after the nirvana of Mahāvīra) even takes the author of the Rāmāyaṇa to task for delineating the rāksasas as cruel beings. 18 As firm believers in non-violence, the early Jaina writers refused to believe that even supernatural beings or spirits could indulge in violence, and it was herefore entirely natural that yaksas should get an honourable place in the early Jaina canonical literature.
REFERENCES
1. XIII.4.3.10. 2. VIII.10.28. 3. Mänava GS, 11.14; San. GS, 1.1.7; Hiranya GS, II, 1.3.7; see also SBE,
29, p. 219. 4. II, 203, 272. 5. Chs. 14 ff. 6. VII.15.15, 29. 7. III, chs. 312 ff. 8. 3.11 ff.
9. Para 617. 10. II, p. 149. 11. Suttavibhanga, I, p. 246; II, pp. 71, 194; 223; Anguttara, IV, p. 147;
Samyutta, I, pp. 234, 275 et seq. 12. Mahivagga, p. 45. 13. Anguttara, II, p. 174. 14. Mahāparinibbana of the Digha. 15. Udana, p. 6. 16. Para 406. 17. Para 273. 18. Para 153.

Page #340

314
APPENDIX B
19. 21.5-8. 20. Para 20. 21. III, p. 200. 22. Anuyogadväravrtti, p. 25. 23. Para 15. 24. Para 550; see also Nāyā, 151. 25. Bhag, 550. 26. I, p. 252. 27. II, 9.65 ff. 28. II, p. 170. 29. I, p. 386. 30. JAIH, V, pp. 262-328. 31. VIV, 65.7. 32. Jambudvīpaprajñapti, 1.178; Suryaprajñapti, 1-2; see also Bhag, 362. 33. III, 64.13; 65.22. 34. Samyutta, I, p. 266. 35. Mahāniddesa, pp. 89, 92; see also Milindapañha, p. 191. 36. Para 152. 37. Para 2. 38. IV, p. 10. 39. See Kalpasutra, 120 (SBE, 22, p. 263); see also Ācārānga, 11.15.25. 40. See Vipāka, Kota, 1935, p. 248. 41. Para 2. 42. Vipāka, p. 244. 43. See Ant., p. 86 (ed., L.D. Barnett); vipāka, p. 86. 44. See Sircar, Select Inscriptions, p. 217. 45. Cf. Mahābhārata, I, 150.33:
eko vykṣo hi yo grāme bhavet parnaphalānvitaḥ caityo bhavati nirjñātirarcanīyaḥ supūjitaḥ. See especially Aupapātika (3) which describes a large garden just out
side the Purnabhadra caitya of Campā. 47. See Watters, Yuan Chwang, I, p. 108; See also Mahāvañía, X, 89. 48. See the paper on Vimalasūri's Paumacariyam included in my Ancient
Indian Literary and Cultural Tradition, pp. 177-95.
46.

Page #341

Bibliography
Ayyangar, R., and Seshagiri, B., Studies in South Indian Jainism,
Madras, 1922. Barua, B.M., History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, reprinted,
Delhi, 1998. -, 'The Ajīvikas', JDL, 2, pp. 1–80; see also his paper in ABORI, 8. Basham, A.L., History and Doctrines of the Ājīvikas, London, 1951. Bhagavatī, Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918–21. Bhandarkar, D.R., IA, 41, pp. 286–90. Bloomfield, M., The Life and Stories of the Jain Saviour Pārsvanātha,
Baltimore, 1919. Chatterjee, A.K., The Cult of Skanda Kārtikeya in Ancient India, Cal
cutta, 1970.
Ancient Indian Literary and Cultural Traditions, Calcutta, 1974. Choudhary, G.C., Political History of Northern India from Jain Sources,
Amritsar, 1963. Desai, P.B., Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur,
1957. Dey, N.L., The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India,
reprinted, New Delhi, 1983. Doshi, Bechardas, Jaina Sāhitya kā Brhad Itihāsa, vol. 1, Varanasi,
1989. Fergusson, J., Tree and Serpent Worship, London, 1873. Ghosh, A., ed., Jaina Art and Architecture, 3 vols., New Delhi, 1974. Gopani, A.S., Bhāratīya Vidyā, 2, pp. 201-10; 3, pp. 47–59. Guérnot, A., Répertoire d'Epigraphie Jain, Paris, 1908. Handiqui, K.K., Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1968. Jacobi, Hermann, Jaina Sutras, 2 vols., SBE, 22, 45, reprinted, Delhi,
1997. Jain, Jagdish Chandra, Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jain Canons,
Bombay, 1947; reprinted, New Delhi, 1984. -, Präkrta Sahitya kā Itihāsa, Varanasi, 1961. Jain, J.P., The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, Delhi, 1964. Jaina, C.L., Jaina Bibliography, 2 vols., Calcutta, 1945. At the end some
recent Jain inscriptions, discovered from Mathurā have been

Page #342

316
BIBLIOGRAPHY
edited in JUPHS and Epigraphia Indica, they have also been cited
in Jaina Silālekha Samgraha. Kalapasūtra, ed., H. Jacobi, Leipzig, 1879; trans. by the same scholar,
SBE, 22, Oxford, 1898. Majumdar, R.C., The History and Culture of the Indian People, vol. III,
The Classical Age, Bombay, 1988; vol. IV, The Age of Imperial Unity,
Bombay, 1990. Malalasekera, G.P., Dictionary of Pāli Proper Names, 2 vols., New Delhi,
1995. Mehta, Mohanlal, Jaina Sāhitya kā Bịhad Itihāsa, vol. 3, Varanasi,
1989. -, and Chandra, K.R., Dictionary of Prakrit Proper Names, 2 pts.,
Ahmedabad, 1970-72 Ņāyādhammakahão, Agamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1919. Ojha, G.H., Bhāratiya Prācīna Lipimālā (The Palaeography of India),
reprinted, New Delhi, 1993. Rapson, E.J., The Cambridge History of India, vol. I, Ancient India, Cam
bridge, 1935, ch. VI. Raychaudhary, H.C., Political History of Ancient India, Calcutta, 1953. Ray, H.C., Dyanastic History of Northern India, 2 vols., reprinted, New
Delhi, 1973. Saletore, B.A., Medieval Jainism, Bombay, 1938. Samavāyānga, ed. together with the výtti by Abhayadeva, Āgamodaya
Samiti, Bombay, 1918. Schubring, W., The Doctrine of the Jains, trans. from German, Delhi,
1962. Shah, C.J., Jainism in North India, Bombay, 1932. Sircar, D.C., Select Inscriptions bearing on Indian History and Civiliza
tion, vol. I, from the sixth century BC to sixth century AD, Calcutta,
1965. Sthānānga, Āgamodaya Samiti, Bombay, 1918–20. Suttāgame (Collection of eleven Anga texts), ed., Puppha Bhikkhu,
Gurgaon Velankar, H.D., sinaratnakośa, Poona, 1944 Watters, Thomas, On Yuan Chwang's Travels in India, 2 vols. (bound
in 1), New Delhi, 1996. Winternitz, Maurice, History of Indian Literature, 2 vols., reprinted,
New Delhi, 1991.

Page #343

Index
Abhayadeva 206-7, 212, 215-17, 230-31; Vadamahārṇava 292 Abhidhānacintāmaṇi 56 Abhinandana, the fourth Tirthamkara 4; Vajranabha and Ajitā, chief disciples of 4; priyaka, tree associated with 4
Abhira 148
Acaranganiryukti 227 Acārāngasutra 13, 17, 19-23, 60, 69, 74, 89, 201-3, 205, 209, 223
Ācārāngaṭīkā 251
Adbhuta Rāmāyaṇa 270 Agastya, rsi 21
94
Agnibhuti 26
Agrawala, V.S. 52, 58, 299 Ahicchatra (Adhicchatra), ancient capital of North Pañcala 50, 59, 79-83, 94, 148
Aihole stone inscription 156 Aihole 159; Meguti temple at 159 Aitareya Brahmana 3 Aivaramalai stone inscription 191 Ajātaśatru 11, 25, 209, 220, 302-3 Ajitanätha, the second Tirthamkara
4; Sihasena and Phaggu, first disciples of 4; saptaparna, tree associated with 4 Ajivika, school 27; religion 81, 209, 297-99, 302, 304
Ajmer Museum 136 Akalanka 146, 166; Pramanasamgraha 146; Tattvärtharājavārttika 288-89; Aṣṭasati 289, 291; Siddhiviniscaya 289; Nyayaviniscaya 291 Akalankacarita 288
Agastyasimha 94; Daśavaikālikacurni Ambapāli 46
Ajivikas 27-28, 111-12, 128, 186, 205, 211, 215, 218, 298-99 Ajivikism 27, 211, 297, 299, 303-4 Ajjanandi 192
Ajjanandi, Jaina saint 114
Akalavarṣa Kannardeva. See Kṛṣṇa III
Akota 96
Ala-ud-din 81
Alexandria 105
Allahabad prasasti 90
Alsdorf 246
Altekar 180
Amitagati 145; Subhāṣitaratnasandoha 145 Amoghavarṣa I 142, 146, 178-80, 260, 272; known as Dhavala and Atiśaya Dhavala 181; Praśnottararatnamālā 180, 273
Amma II (Vijayaditya) 173-74; undated Masulipatnam grant of 174 Amoghavarșa III 177 Amṛtacandra 291; Pañcāstikāyasāra (173 verses) 284; Tattvärthasara 291; Atmakhyāti 291 Aṇahilapāṭaka 207, 230 Anahillapura 140-41, 149 Ananda (of Vaniggāma), a rich and
pious Jaina votary 26
Ananta, the fourteenth Tirthamkara
6; Yasa and Padma, disciples of 6; aśvattha, tree associated with 6
Anāthapindika 26 Anga texts, known eleven 201

Page #344

318
INDEX
Angavijjā 225-26, 246 Anguttara 24, 40, 47, 204, 206, 300, 302, 310, 312
Antagadadasão (Antakṛtadaśā) 47, 216, 310
Anuradhapura, Nigantha ascetic temples at 104; Nirgrantha monastery of 107
Anuttaropapātikadaśā 216 Aparajita 290
Aranatha, Jaina Tīrthamkara 7; Kumbha and Rakkhiya, chief disciples of 7
Ārdraka 205
Arhadāsī 56
Arikeśari II 175-77
Arikeśari III 177 Ariṣṭanemi (Neminatha), the twenty-second Tirthamkara 7, 51, 82, 84-86, 94, 213, 216; Varadatta and Yakkini, chief disciples of 8; vetasa, tree associated with 8; as a kinsman of Vasudeva 75 Arivan (Adinatha) 110
Arthaśästra (of Kautilya) 202, 207, 225, 247, 261, 276, 304 Āryanandin 170 Aryarakṣita 89
Aryavarman (Harivarman) 118, 126 Āryavarta 44
Aṣāḍhasena 80
Asamitta, the fourth Ninhava 83 Aśoka 37, 70, 71, 76, 202, 304; incriptions of 36; the thirteenth Rock Edict of 70, 72; the seventh Pillar Edict of 303
Aṣṭähnikā festival 109, 120, 124-25 Asvaghosa 57, 202, 254 Aśvasena 11
Audambara (tribe) 35 Aupapātikasutra 25, 83, 110, 218, 224, 311-12; eight types of Brahmana parivrajakas mentioned in 218; eight types of Kṣatriya parivrā
jakas mentioned in 218 Avantiputta 41 Avantisundarikathā 122 Avarakaṁkā 214
Avasyakabhāṣya 14, 17 Avasyakaniryukti 1, 26, 55, 63, 69,
85-86, 91, 93, 227 Avinīta 117, 120-22 Ayodhya 1, 3-4, 40, 42
Bādāmi (fort) 127 Bagchi, P.C. 14
Bahasatimitra/Bṛhaspatimitra 80
Bahubali 85, 169
Bahuputta. See Bahuputtiya
Bahuputtiya, goddess 21; Bahuputta
shrine, dedicated to 21 Baladina, Arya 52
Balatrata, Arya 52, 59 Balin 245, 247
Balisaha, disciple of Mahagiri 34; śākhā originated from: Kauśāmbikā 34-35
Bāņa 98, 255, 265; Kadambari 98, 255, 276
Banerji, R.D. 50, 54, 56-57, 74-75, 80
Bankura 134
Barasa-Anuvekkha 284-85 Barua, B.M. 74, 298-99 Basham, A.L. 299, 301, 304 Basu, R.D. 80
Bay of Bengal 104 Beg, Ghulam Rasul 82 Bhadrabahu 34, 48, 60, 117, 200201, 223-24, 226, 274, 284; Uttaradhyayananiryukti 221, 227; Pinda 225; Oghaniryukti 225 Bhadrayasas, disciple of Suhastin 35; śākhās originated from: Bhadriyikā and Kākandikā 35 Bhagavata, the cult of 42, 59 Bhagavatapurana (Vaisnava work) 25, 74, 98, 225

Page #345

INDEX
319
Būtuga II/Nanniya Ganga 165-67,
184, 288
Bhagavati (Vyākhyāprajñapti) 12, 18-
22, 25-28, 32-35, 42, 47, 56, 60, 73, 81, 83-84, 209 passim, 298–
301 passim Bhagavatī-ārādhanā 90 Bhandarkar, D.R. 134, 304 'Bharadhavasa' (Bhāratavarsa) 74 Bhārata (war) 209 Bharata 245 Bharatpur 137 Bharavi 157 Bhāsa 46, 247; Cārudatta 46, 247;
Pratijñāyaugandharāyana 229 Bhima 175 Bhinnamäla (Bhinmäl) 97, 135,
139-40 Bhogivarman 162 Bhoja I 136, 146 Bhojakas 72 Bhțgukaccha (Broach) 87, 96, 140;
Mūlavasati and Sakunikā vihāras
of 87, 139-40, 253 Bhūtabali 259-60; Mahābandha 261 Bimbisāra (Bhabhasāra) 25 Bindusāra 70 Bodhapāhuda 284 Bombay Museum 97 Brahmagupta 273; Brāhmasphuta-
siddhanta 273 Brahman 112 Brahmāndapurāna 3, 98 Brahmi, inscriptions 113-14; char
acters 115; script 208 Brhaspatidatta 35 Byhatkalpa 36, 224, 227 Byhattippanikā 251 British Museum 174 Buddha (Gautama Buddha) 20–21,
24, 26–27, 33, 41, 69, 71 Buddhaghosa 225, 230; Sumangala-
vilāsini 300; Pañcasudani 300 Buddhi 54 Bühler 43--48, 50–51, 54, 56-58, 64,
92
Cāhamana 151 Cakreśvari 176 Cālukya/s 127-28, 145, 160, 169,
173, 175, 178; Western 156; Badāmi 171; Vengi 172; Eastern 172, 175; dynasty 174–75, 177,
184 Căpa/s (dynasty) 135, 140-41 Cambridge History of India 11, 29 Campă 207, 209–11, 214–15, 218,
220, 299; Devadattā, famous prostitute of 213-14; temple of Vasupujya at 247; Angamandira shrine of 310; Purnabhadra
shrine at 218, 224, 311 Cámundarāja 142 Cámundarāya 168, 181, 263, 287;
Cámundarāyapurana 168, 181,
266 Canda 26 Candana, a Jaina nun 26, 210 Candanāpuri (Candanpuri) 145–46;
Amoghavasati, Jaina monastery
situated at 145-46 Candella 143, 151 Candrabhāga (Chenab) 94 Candragupta 48, 70, 90, 117; as a
Jaina devotee 37; as an orthodox
Hindu 37 Candragupta I 94 Candragupta II 94 Candranandin, Ācārya 120 Candraprabha, the eighth Tir
thamkara 5, 90, 96; Dinna and Sumană, chief disciples of 5;
nāgaurkșa, tree associated with 5 Candraprajñapti 220 Cārana-bhāvanā 109 Caranārs, a class of Jaina ascetics
108-10, 114-15, 191 Cărudatta 204, 217

Page #346

320
INDEX
Cārvāka, philosophy of 248 Caulukya (dynasty) 142 caves of: Udayagiri and Khandagiri
hills 76–77, 150; Pabhosa 80; Dank and Bawa Pyara 86–87; Son Bhāņdāra 93; Āņdar-Madam 188; Aivarmalai hill 191; Candra gumphā (of Girnar hills) 86, 259; Barabar Hill 73, 303; Nāgārjuni
Hill 304 Cedi, family 70, 77; king 70, 72, 75 Cera 108, 112, 177 Cetaka, Kșatriya chief of Vaiśāli 19,
220, 303 Cetakakathā 229 Chakravarti 107 Chausa 97 Chedasūtras, known six 223 Citrakūta 138, 230, 248 Cola, empire 188; period 188, in-
scription 189, 248 Cola/s 108, 110, 112, 116-17, 185 Cuddapah 119 Cullavagga 301 Cunningham 82–83, 85, 94
88, 264 Dhammapada 221-22, 312 Dhananjaya 267; Anekārthanama
mälă 267; Nāmamālā 267; Rāghavapāndaviya (Dvisandhāna)
267; Vişāpahārastotra 267 Dhanapala 144; Päiyalacchi 144;
Tilakamañjarī 255; Rşabhapanca
sikā 255 Dhanga 143 Dhanna (Dhanya) 213 Dhanvantari 217 Dharasena, Jaina saint 86; Samadhi
marana of 86 Dharasena II 96 Dharavală, the gift of 56 Dharmaghosa, Jaina ascetic 213 Dharmaghoṣā, an amteväsini of
Jayasena 47 Dharmanátha, the fifteenth Tir
thamkara 6; Arista and Siva, chief disciples of 6; dadhiparna, tree
associated with 6 Dharmakirti 291 Dharmaparīksā 145 Dharmapuri 170, 187; known
Tagadūru in ancient times 187;
Mallikarjuna temple at 170 Dharmavrddhi 54 Dharwar 178-79, 182–84 Dhruvasena (of Anandanagara) 95 Dhruvasena I 17, 95 Digambara/s 3, 21, 37, 64, 81-82,
86-88 passim; school 93; important works (of writers) in the
tenth century AD 277 Digha Nikaya 13–14, 20, 25, 112, 207,
210, 212, 218, 300, 309 digvijaya (of Arjuna) 86 Dikshitar 108 Dinnāga 289, 291; Nyāyapraveśa 289 Dipavamsa 104, 106 Dvárakā (Bāravai) 40, 213 Divākara 128
Dadhikarņa, the temple of 56 Dadhivāhana 69-70 Daśapura 87, 91 Daśaratha 243, 245 Daśārna 222 Daśāśrutaskandha 224, 226 Daśavaikālika 221, 223, 226-27 Datta, Arya 51-52 Demetrios 73 Deva, Arya 55 Devadatta 25, 28, 57 Devānanda, Brāhmana lady 17, 47,
209-10; Mahavira's real mother
18
Devagupta, Mahākavi 94, 224 devanirmita stupa 43, 54, 63-64, 228 Devasena 116, 122, 144; Darsanasāra
116, 144, 264, 285; Ārādhanāsāra

Page #347

INDEX
321
Draupadi (Dovai) 214, 216 Dravida 185, 204 Durgā 111, 208, 311 Durvinita 122
Elācārya, Jaina savant 138, 165-66,
259 Ellora 86; Jaina images from 97 Eravati/Acirāvati (Rapti) 206
297–98, 300–303, 310 Goșthamāhila 87; Avaddhiya doc
trine, founded by 87 Gotamaka. See Gautama Gotiputra 43–45 Govinda III 163, 178 Govinda IV 182-83 Govindaniryukti 228 Guhanandin 92-93 Guhila 151 Gunabhadra 180, 270; Uttarapurāna
180–81, 269, 276 Guņādhya 241; Brhatkathā 91, 241,
246–47 Guņaśīla (shrine) 208 Gundāvana 41 Gunji Rock inscription (of Kumāra
viradatta) 3 Guntur 173, 175 Gupta period 82, 89-91, 93, 97-98,
123, 134, 147, 211, 246; Jina
images of 94 Gupta inscription 263
Fa-hien 81, 84, 274 Fleet 45, 52, 124, 127, 157, 159, 165,
174 four ages (Kệta, Kali, Treta, and
Dvāpara) 203 Führer 56, 80, 82
C
scriptions
Hanumat 243 Hargovind Das, Pandit 109; Prakrit
Dictionary 109900 219, 223-29
Gajabāhu (Kayavāgu) 105-6 Gandhahastin, earlier commenta-
tor of the Acārānga 201 Gandhāras (Gadara) 44 Ganesa 215 Ganga 35, 206, 250 Ganga, family 118-19, 140; empire
118, 160, 163; kingdom 118-19; copperplates 119; inscriptions 119, 164, 168; records 121; ruler
122, 160, 168, 172 Gangas 123–24, 163, 178; Western
117, 119, 187 Gautama, rsi 21. Gotamaka shrine,
dedicated to 21 Geiger 104 Ghata Jātaka 216 Giri, the Nigantha 104 Girinagara. See Girnar Girnar 85, 86, 140, 142, 259 Gītā (Bhagavadgitā) 220, 247, 250 Godāsa, disciple of Bhadrabāhu 34,
52; sākhās originating from: Tāmraliptikā 34, Kotivarsiya 34,
Pundravardhaniya 34 Gośāla (Mankhaliputta Gośāla) 22,
24, 27-28, 33, 35, 81, 205, 211,
Haribhadra 138, 200, 219, 223-24,
230, 247-48, 254, 266, 282, 28889; Dhūrtākhyāna 228, 249; Pancaśaka 248; Samarāiccakahā 248–49, 254, 276; Anekāntajayapatākā 289;
Upadeśapada 290 Harigupta 94 Harinegamesī 18, 47; identified with
Kärttikeya 209 Harişeņa 34, 37, 64, 81, 139, 150,
159, 276; BỊhatkathākośa 34, 37, 64, 81, 93, 95, 97, 139, 147, 150,
159, 262-63, 268, 273 Harivamśapurāņa 246–47 Harivarman 136 Harsa 157 Harsa Siyaka 144; Harsola grant of

Page #348

322
INDEX
144
Jatayu 243 Hastikundi (Hathundi) 136
Jayabhūti 50-51 Hastimalla 118; Udayendiram plates Jayadhavalā 260, 268-69, 271 of 190
Jayaghosa 222 Hastināpura 6–7, 24, 35, 207, 210, Jayasena 47; Pañcāstikāyasāra (181 222
verses) 284 Hastipāla 28
Jayasimha 252–53; DharmopadeśaHastisimha 76
mālā 252 Hāthigumphā inscription 70, 75- Jayasimha II 172 76, 312
Jayaswal 73-75 Hemacandra 218, 243, 252
Jestahasti 58 Huviska 52, 54-56
Jetavana oihara 81
Jhansi 147; Deogarh temples at 147 Ichāvādi 165; fragmentary stone in Jinabhadragani 54, 95-96, 246, 287; scription of Būtuga II at 165
Višeşāvaśyakabhāsya 95, 223, 227Ikşumati, the river, identified with 28, 241; sitakalpasūtra 224; JitaSankissa 83
kalpabhāsya 227 Ikşvākus 24
Jinadāsagani Mahattara 37, 200-201, Ilango, Ceral 106-8; Silappadikāram, 223-25, 246, 252; Nisīthaviśesa
the Sangam epic 105-10, 112, cūrni 37, 229, 249; Avasyakacūrni 115; Siva, Visņu, Murugan, and 1, 19, 89, 200, 229, 287; NandiDurgā referred in 108
cūrni 229; Anuyogadvāracūrni 225, Indo-Greek ruler 73
229, 241, 261, 310; DaśavaikālikaIndra III (Nityavarsa) 182; Dänavula- cūrni 229; Uttarādhyayanacūrni
pādu pillar inscription of the 229; Sutrakytāngacūrni 229-30 reign of 182; Hatti Mattur stone Jina-Kāñci 117
inscription of the reign of 182 Jinaprabha 64, 80–82, 85, 135, 138– Indrabhūti (Imdabhuti) 12, 26-28, 39, 147, 255; Vividhatirthakalpa 205, 208, 215, 222
64, 80, 82, 85, 96, 135, 138–39, Indranandi 184; Juālāmālinikalpa 147, 159, 255, 283 184; Srutāvatāra 260, 283
Jinasena 193, 96, 287–88; Ādipurāna Indranandin, Acārya 82, 94
93, 267-69, 271, 291; PārsvābhyuIndraraksita 84
daya 180, 267-69
Jinasena II 135, 139. HarivansaJacobi 19
purāna 56, 96, 135, 180, 250, 265, Jaiminīya Brāhmana 307
267-68, 273 Jain, J.C. 250, 263
Jinavallabha 175-76 Jaisalmer bhändāra 95
Jivājivābhigama 219 Jamāli, Mahāvira's son-in-law 21, 28, sivakacintamani 192 35; first Ninhava 28, 81
Jivantasvāmin, temple of 91 Jambūdvīpaprajñapti 220
Jotiya, the Nigantha 104 Jarasandha 40
Junagarh 86 Jaţāsimhanandin 172, 262; Varānga- Jvālāmālini (Uriamma) 146
carita 86, 172, 262, 265-66

Page #349

INDEX
323
Kadamba, kingdom 122; dominion Karandu/Karakanda/Karakandaka 127; kings 127; dynasty 285
(Karandu-Karakandu), a Pacceka Kadambas 123, 126, 128, 160-61 Buddha 69–70, 222 Kaikeyi 247
Karāta 70 Kākavarna (Kālásoka) 70
Karkuhastha 56 Kakkuka 136; Ghațiyālā inscription Kārttikeya 47 of 136
Kāśi 5, 11, 13, 20, 29, 32, 92–93, 148, Kakubha 92
209 Kākusthavarman 123–25; Halsi grant Kataccuris 96 of 123-24
Kathāsaritsāgara 249 Kalacuri/s 96, 151
Kathāvatthu 104 Kālañjara 222
Kauravas 24 Kalhana 149; Rājatarangini 149 Kaušāmbi 32, 34-36, 42-43, 79–81, Kali Age 4
148, 207, 210, 224 Kalidasa 157; Meghadūta 267 Kaveri 105, 110, 189 Kalinga 45, 69–72, 76–77, 222, 312; Kaveripattinam 108, 110; Nirgrantha Jina of 74–75
temple at 108 Kalpasūtra 1-3, 12, 14, 17-19, 21- Kesin 12, 14, 222
23, 27, 29, 34, 47, 69, 85-86, 95, Ketas. See Simhapura 203, 209, 219, 224, 226
kevala-jñāna 29, 86 Kamadeva 310
Khajuraho 143; inscription of the Kāmardhi, disciples of Suhastin 35; reign of Dhanga 143; Jinanātha
śākhā originated from: Srāvastikä temple at 143 35
Khāravela 45, 70–74, 76–77, 94, 98; Kāmaśāstra 71
military stature of 72 Kambayya (Stambha) 178; Manne Kielhorn 180 plates of 178
Kirāta 70 Kamboja 222; horses of 219 Kirtivarman I 127, 156 Kāmiddhi 51
Kirtivarman II 159 Kampilya/Kampil, the capital of Kolar 120; Nonamangala grant of
southern Pancāla 83, 148, 207, 120; Perur Evāņi Adigal Arhat 218, 222
temple of 120 Kamsa 40
Kolhapur 146; Altemi copperplates Kanahasaha 55
(grants) discovered at 127, 146 Kanakasabhai 107
Konkanivarman (Madhava I) 118Kāñci 116, 125, 186, 228, 262, 285;
Kamakattam Siva temple of 186 Konnur stone inscription 179 Kandarāyana, Brāhmana 41
Konow 93 Kanhavenna (Krsna) 71
Kopaņa/Kopbal, second Jaina holy Kaniska 47-49, 58; era of 80, 92 place of Karnataka 171-72, 183, Kankäli Tila 43, 46-48, 55, 76
266; identified with Kung-kan-naKapilavastu 24
pu-lo of Yuan Chwang 171 Kāpisi, identified with Opian 85, Kosala 29, 42-43, 81, 206, 209 133, 219
Koțivarșa, capital of Lādha 34
19

Page #350

324
INDEX
01
Krsna 19, 40, 75, 213, 215, 247; 77, 82
Rukmini and Jambavati, wives of Luke 214
216 Krsna II 169, 181, 270; Saundatti Machilipatnam (Masulipatnam) 174
inscription of the reign of 181; Madhava II (also known as Mädhava Mulgund inscription of the reign III) 118, 120; Penukonda plates of 181
of 118-20 Krsna III 166–67, 177, 183–84, 189, Madhurasūtra 41
276; Karhad plates of 184; Karjol Madura 110, 113-15, 171, 192; inscription of 184
Nirgrantha temple of 110; Jaina Krsnavarman I 126
relics of 113 Ksema 57
Maduraikkanchi 113 Kumāradāsa 304; Jānakiharana 304 Magadha 40, 76, 299 Kumāragupta 90-91
Maghahasti. See Maṁguhasti Kumāramita 50-53
Mitra, R.L. 58 Kumäraputras. See Indrabhūti Mahābhārata 3, 8, 14, 21, 40, 44, 70, Kumāriparvata. See caves of
72, 75, 83, 86, 202-3, 213-15, Kumbhakarņa 242, 245, 313
217, 261, 267, 270, 274, 307, 309– Kumbhanda, the Nigantha sådhu 11; Nami (Videhan monarch) 104
identified with Nimi (of BrahmaKunāla (king) 37
nical and Buddhist) in 204 Kuņāla (N. Kosala) 36
Mahăgiri 89, 91 Kunavāyil, the temple of 108 Mahākaccana 41 Kundakunda 88, 128, 260-61, 283, Mahāmeghavāhana 70, 77
285; Bhāvapāhuda 88; Satkhandā- Mahānisīthasutra 54, 64 gamaţikā 283; Rayaņasāra 284; Mahāpadma Nanda 72, 75
Niyamasāra 284; Samayasara 284 Mahāpurāņa. See Gunabhadra Kunthu, Jaina Tirthamkara 7; Sva- Māharakkhita/Māgharakṣita 43, 84
yambhu and Amjuyā, disciples Mahasena 138; Pradyumnacaritaof 7
kavya 138 Kural, a Jaina poem 106-7
Mahāvagga 27 Kuşāņa, period 3, 47, 56, 58–59, 79, Mahāvamsa 104, 106–7, 304
80, 82; inscription 58, 82–83 Mahāvastu 207 Kuşāņas 55
Mahāvijaya 73 Kuśadhvaja Janaka 83
Mahāvira, the last (twenty-fourth)
Tirthamkara 17-29, 32-35, 40Ladha 34, 69
42, 47, 58, 60, 64, 69, 73-74, 79, Laksmana 243, 245, 247, 270
81, 83-84 passim Lalitavistara 207, 290
Mahāvīrācārya 180; GañitasārasamLankā 242, 245
graha 180, 272 Lāļa (Lätadeśa) 251, 253
Mahendravarman I 185; MattavilāsaLohācārya 261; Ārādhană 261-62 prahasana 185 Lokavibhāga 262
Mahi 206 Lüders 44, 46–48, 50-53, 59, 76 Mahmud (of Ghazni) 138

Page #351

INDEX
Majjhima Nikaya 24-25, 297, 303,
310
Malakuța (Mo-lo-ku-ta) 185 Malaprabha (river) 179 Mälava 148, 251
Malayagiri 219, 224, 272
Mallavädin 290; Dharmottarațippanaka 290
Malli, Jaina Tīrthamkara 7, 110, 214; Indra and Bandhumati, chief disciples of 7; aśoka, tree associated with 7
Mamguhasti (Mangu), Ārya 55, 88,
97, 227
Mammața 136-37 Mañcapurīgumpha records 76
Mandasor 143
Mangaleśa (Mangalarāja) 156 Manikyanandi 291; Parīkṣāmukha
sutra 291
Mankani inscription 96 Mankhu, Arya 88, 260
Manusmrti 217
Märasimha 118, 163-64, 172, 185 Mārasimha III 164, 167-68; Kudlur plates of 164-66
Marshall 85
Mathura 3, 32-33, 40-48, 50, 64, 79, 81, 87, 147, 207, 227-28, 253 passim
Mathura inscription 4, 6-8, 45, 50, 88, 109, 227; Mangu mentioned in 55, 84
Mathura Lion Capital inscriptions
45
Mattavilāsaprahasana 111 Matthew 214
Mauryan, period 41, 79, 84, 145, 303; rulers 70; dynasty 37
Meghavahana 70, 77 Melapǎți (Melapāḍi) 184 Mercara treasury 121 Merumandiram, Tamil Jaina work 106 Merutunga 139, 141; Prabandhacinta
325
mani 139-41, 144 Milindapanha 219 Mithila 7, 207, 222 Moggarapāņi, yakṣa 43 Mohenjo-daro 98 Mora Well inscriptions 45 Moriyaputta 26
Mrgeśavarman 123-24, 126, Kala
vanga village, a gift of: divided in three equal portions 124 Mulācāra 227, 284
Mūlarāja I 142 Muşkara/Mokkara 160
Nagarjuna 92, 95 Nagarkoyil 115
nāgas 56
Nāgasārikā (Nausari) 142 Nāgasena 54
Nālandā 22, 24, 32, 149, 205, 301, 309
Naminatha, Jaina Tīrthamkara 7, 140; Subha and Amalā, chief disciples of 7; bakula, tree associated with 7
Nirayavalikā 13-14, 19, 25, 209, 220, 303, 309
Nanda/s 41, 70, 72, 75, 77, 200 Nandibala 56
Nandicurni 92
Nandiṣena 255; Ajitaśāntistava 255 Nandisutra 2, 55, 88, 207, 216, 224, 227, 261, 272
Nandiśvara, the time of. See
Aṣṭāhnika festival
Nandivardhana 22 Nandivarman II
tandan) 186-87, 189 Nandiviśäla 53
Nanguttha Jataka 206, 303 Narasimharajapura 162 Narasimhavarman II 186 Naravahana II 174-75 Nasik 145-46, 179, 182
(Kumāramar

Page #352

326
INDEX
Näthaputta (Nirgrantha Nätha-
putta) 24, 27, 33 Nāyādhammakahão (jñātrdharma
kathā) 7, 13-14, 40, 42, 84-86,
212-13, 215, 309, 311 Nemicandra 241; Tarangalolā 241;
Gommatasära 119, 263 Nemināthacariyu 141, 248 Nerur grant 156 Nīlakesi, Tamil Jaina work 106–7 Nirgrantha, doctrine 20; religion
25-26, 32-33, 38, 69, 77, 80, 82, 84; ascetics 26, 77, 111, 124, 162, 214; muni 108; temple of 108;
sādhus 114 Nisītha, first Chedasūtra 223 Nitimārga II 165
Ogha, Arya 51 Ojha, G.H. 36, 138 Okharika 57-58
-
Pañcatantra 274 Pändavas 214-15 Pāņdipura (Adūr) 127 Pandukābhaya 104 Pandya/s 108, 110, 112, 177, 191 Pāṇini 83, 215, 218 Раппараппа 34 Paramāras 144 Parameśvaravarman I 186; Nala
janampadu stone inscription of
the reign of 186 Paräntaka I 189-90 Pärávanātha (Pārsva), the penulti
mate Jaina Tirthamkara 11, 14, 25-26, 32-33, 40-42, 56, 58, 60, 82-84, 87-88, 90, 96, 105 passim; Pupphacūlā, principle lady disciple of 13–14; worshipped as
Dharaninda 82 Pasupati 202 Patalipura 115-16 Pataliputra (Kusumapura) 92, 200,
204, 211, 241, 282–83, 290 Patanjali 41, 83; Mahābhāsya 304 Patna Museum 97 Pattani worship 106 Pāvä 28–29, 211 Periplus 97, 206, 225 Persepolis inscriptions, of Darius 44;
of Xerxes 44 Pothayas/Prosthas 44 Prabandhacintāmaņi 140, 255 Prabandhakośa 241 Prabhācandra 128, 286–87; Kathā
kośa 261, 285, 288 Prabhani plates 177 Prabhāsa 206 Prabhāvakacarita 141, 144, 241, 248,
254-55 Prabhūtavarşa. See Govind III Prabodhacandrodaya 107, 254 Pradyota 26 Pradyumnacaritakāvya 144 Prasenajit (Pasenadi) 26, 81, 219
Padalipta 98; Tarangavati 98, 241 Padmanabha 118-19 Padmaprabha (Suprabha), the sixth
Tirthamkara 5, 80; Suvrata and Rati, disciples of 5; chaträbha, tree
associated with 5 Paharpur 92; inscription of 93, 134 Päla, Arya 51 Päla period 134, 149 Paläsikā (Halsi) 125, 127; Jinendra
temple of 123, 126 Pallava, inscription 117; period 187 Pallava/s 105, 115-17, 120, 124, 185 Pampa 175, 176; Vikramārjunavijaya
(Pampabhārata) 175–76; Ādi-
purāņa 175-76 Pancakalpamahābhāsya 224 Pancāla region 80 Pancānacandamurti 85 Pancāśaka 248; Samarāiccakahā 248-
49, 254, 276; Anekāntajayapatākā 289; Upadeśapada 290

Page #353

INDEX
327
Praśnavyākarana 216
text 206, 218 Pratihāra 136, 253
Rājarāja I 187, 190 Pravacanasāra 283-84
Rājarși Vasu 76 pre-Kusāna, inscription 46-48; Rājasekhara 74; Prabandhakośa 248 record 47; period 46
Rājasiṁha II 191 Premi, N.L. 264, 267-68
Rājasūya 73 Prince of Wales Museum 97 Rajgir 73; inscription of 94 Ptolemy 74, 108, 206
rākṣasas 72, 242, 307, 310, 313 Pudukkottai, Jaina sites of 115 Raktapura 158-59 Pujyapada 122, 128, 158, 264, 272, Rāma 242-43, 245, 270
285, 287; Sabdāvatāra 122; Sarvā- Rāmāyaṇa 2–3, 20, 83, 225, 242-43, rthasiddhi 283-84, 288
245, 247, 261, 267, 307, 310, 313 Pulakesin I 127, 157
Ranna 183; AjitatīrihakarapuranaPulakesin II 156–57
tilakam 183 Pundra 70
Răstrakūta/s 121, 137, 142, 144, 146, Pundravardhana 34, 133-34, 274 163, 166, 168–70, 177-78, 180 Purana Kassapa, one of the six great
passim rivals of Buddha 298–99, 300 Rathikas 72 Purālanaprabandhasamgraha 139, Ratnakarandakaśrāvakācāra (Upā141
sakādhyayana) 286 Purulia 134
Rattas 168-70 Puspadanta 90, 260, 275–76; Tisalthi- Rāvana 242-43, 245, 247, 270, 313
mahapurīşaguņālankāru (Trisasti- Ravigupta 94 mahāpurusagunālankāra) 274; Ravikirti 156-57 Nayakumaracariyu (Nägaku- Ravisena 159, 270; Padmapurūna maracarita) 274-75; Jasahara- (Padmacarita) 264-65, 270
cariyu (Yesodharacarita) 274–75 Ravivarman 123-26; undated Halsi Puspadanta/Suvidhi, the ninth grant of 125-26
Tirthamkara 5; Varaha and Rayapaseniya 14 Vāruni, disciples of 5; mali/ mallī, Raychaudhuri 37 tree associated with 5
Rice 168 Pusyamitra (monk) 47-48
Ritthanemicariyu 272 Pusyamitra Sunga 74
Rohaņa, Ārya, disciple of Suhastin
35, 50, 86; śākhā originated from: Rahavirapura (Rathavirapura) 87 Audainbarikā/ Udumbarikā 35, Rājagrha 22, 32, 43, 46, 79-80, 93, 86
133, 207, 213-14, 216, 223, 298- Rohini 214 99, 309, 312; Gautamauka tem Rome 105
ple of 310; Gunaśīla shrine of 311 Rşabhanātha (Adinātha), regarded Rājamalla I 164
as the first Tirthaṁkara 1-3,56Rajamalla II 164-65
58, 81, 87, 134, 136, 141, 175Rājamalla III 165
76; Rşabhasena and Bambhi, first Rajamalla IV 168
disciples of 1; regarded as an Rājapraśniya, the second Upānga avatāra of Vişnu 2; nyagrodha, tree

Page #354

328
associated with 1; temple of 135 Rṣigupta, disciple of Suhastin 35; śākhā originated from: Saurāṣtrika 35, 84
Rudradāsa 53
Saddarśanasamuccaya 289
Sahni, D.R. 57
Śaiva 53
Śakas 44
INDEX
Amoghavṛtti 272 Saketa. See Ayodhya Śākyamuni 35
Salt Range 85, 133 Śāmā, Ārya 58
Samana. See Mahavira Samantabhadra 128, 264, 283, 285,
287, 291; Gandhahastimahābhāṣya 283; Aptamimāṁsā (Devāgama) 286, 289, 291; Yuktyanuśāsana 286; Svayambhustotra 286; Jinastutiśataka 286
Samatata 133
Samaväyänga 1, 14, 207, 246 Sambhava 54
Sastri, K.A.N. 191
Sākaṭāyana 272; Śabdānuśāsana 272; Satakarni 71, 227
Sambhavanatha, the third Tir
thamkara 4, 81; Caru and Sāmā, prominent disciples of 4; temple of 81
Samprati (Sampai) 37-38 Samudragupta 90
Samyutta 24, 303, 309
Sangam, poetry 105; period 105; texts 105-6, 113-14
Sangamikā 50
and Sui, chief disciples of 6; nandi, tree associated with 6 Säntisūri 3; Uttaradhyayanavṛtti 3 Śantivarman 125, 285
Sanghadasagani, the Svetambara commentator 63, 246; Brhatkalpabhāṣya 54, 88, 147, 224, 228; Nisithabhāṣya 228; Vyavahārabhāṣya 54, 64, 97, 140, 228 Sankaraganda II 183-84 Santinatha, Jaina Tīrthamkara 6, 51,
87, 97, 137, 139, 147; Cakkaha
Sarasvati 56
Sarayū 206
Sarvanandin 116; Lokavibhāga 116,
118
Şaşṭitantra 214
Satakarni I (of Satavahana dynasty)
71
Śatānika 69 Satapatha Brahmana 307 Satavahana period 98, 246 Satruñjayamāhātmya 256
Sättanär, Sittalai 108; Manimekalai, the Sangam epic 106-8, 111 Saundatti 169-70; Ankeśvara temple at 169
Sauvira 222
Senguṭṭuvan, the Cera king 106-8 Setubandha 229
Siddharși 254
Siddhasena 287, 292; Nyāyāvatāra 287; Sammatitarkasutra 287 Siha, Arya 51
Sihanädika 46 Śiläditya 95-96
Śīlānka 82, 201, 252; Acārangavṛtti 82; Caupannamahāpuriṣacariyam 251-52; Triṣaṣṭisalākāpurușa
caritra 252
Simhala 177
Simhanandi 118-19
Simhapura (Sihapura) 6, 79, 85-86,
133
Simhavarman I 116, 118, 120
Simhavarman II 117
Simhavişņu, a devotee of Visnu 11617, 121-22
Sindhu-Sauvira 84, 210
Sira Pahari 91

Page #355

INDEX
329
Sircar, D.C. 36, 73–74, 80; Maha
mayūri (ed. and trans.) 310 Sirkap 85 Siśupāla 204 siśupālavadha 250, 254 Sitalanátha, the tenth Tirthamkara
5; Ananda and Sulasă, disciples of 5; pilanka, tree associated with
Siva 112, 188, 311 Sivabhūti 87-89; Bodiya (Digam
bara) sect founded by 87 Śivadeva 59 Sivamāra I 118, 160-61 Śivamāra II 161-64 Sivārya 262 Sivasena 59 Skanda (also known as Naigameya/
Naigameśa) 18 Skandagupta 92 Skandavarman 120 Smith 37 Somadeva 150–51, 177, 184;
Yaśastilakacampū 150-51, 177, 184, 267, 276; Yasodharacarita 177; Syadvádopanişad 177; Nīti. vākyāmặta 177, 276; Adhyatma-
tarangini 276–77 Sravana Belgola 117, 163–64, 167
68, 171-72, 178, 181, 185, 288; nirvana of ācārya Aristanemi on Katvapra hill at 164; image of
Gommateśvara at 168 Śrāvasti 12-13, 23, 25, 27-28, 42,
79-81, 148, 207-8, 219 298-99,
301-2, 311; Jetavanavihāra of 312 Śreyāmsa, the eleventh Tirthamkara
6, 86; Gothubha and Dhárini,
chief disciples of 6 Śripuruṣa 161–62; copperplate in
scription of 161 Srivijaya 182 Stein 85 Sthānanga 87, 109, 205–7, 216, 219,
246, 309 Sthira 58 Sthūlabhadra 34, 200 Subandhu 98; Vāsavadattā 98 Sudarśana 22 Sudharman 26 Sūdraka 46, 247; Mịcchakațika 46,
204, 217, 246 Suhastin 35, 38, 48–51, 84, 89. See
also Rohana, Bhadrayaśas,
Kämardhi, and Rsigupta Suhatthi 91 Sukhavipāla 217 Sumati, the fifth Tirthamkara 4;
Camara and Kasavi, chief disciples of 4; priyangu, tree associ
ated with 4 Sunga period 43 Supārsva, the seventh Tirthamkara
5; Vidarbha and Somā, chief disciples of 5; širişa, tree associated
with 5 śūra 55 Suraparaka 97 Suryaprajñapti 220 Sūtrakrtānga 13, 32, 203-5, 226 Sūtrakstāngavivaraņas 230 Suvarṇavarşa, Karkarāja 141-42;
Surat plates of 141-42 Suvrata, the twentieth Jaina
Tirthamkara 7, 41, 43; Kumbha and Puspavati, chief disciples of 7; campaka, tree associated with
7; temple of 79-80 Svāmikārttikeyānupreksā 263 Svayambhu 270-72; Paumacariyu 270 Svetambaras 3, 17, 36, 41, 64, 81
82, 85-86, 88 passim Syāma, Arya 219; Prajnapana 219,
list of 25/2 janapadas mentioned in 219
Tagara/Ter/Terapura 97 Takşaśilā 79, 85 Tamil Sangam. See Sangam

Page #356

330
INDEX
Tämralipta 208 Täranātha 55 Tilakamanjari 144 Tolkāppiyam 106 Toramana 94 Trigarta 44 Trigartas, a tribe 86 Tripitaka 13, 300 Trisalā 18–20, 209
Udayana 26, 35, 217 Udayana (of Kaušāmbi) 19, 69, 227 Udayana (of Sindhu-Sauvīra) 33,80 Uddalaka 11 Udayagiri 90 Udyotanasūri 94, 134–35, 138, 230,
241, 251, 266, 289; Kuvalayamālā 94, 96-97, 134-35, 248-50, 254,
265, 276, 289 Ugrāditya 180; Kalyanakāraka 180,
272, 274 Ujjayini 46, 90, 216, 220, 228, 253,
274, 276 Ujjimta/Ujjamta. See Girnar Umāsvāti (Umāsvāmin) 282-83,
289; Tattvārthādhigamasutra 254,
282-83, 288 Uncanagar, the fort of 49 Upadhye, A.N. 266, 283-85 Upaka, first naked Ajivika monk 27 Upamitabhavaprapancākathā 253 Upanga texts, known twelve 217 Uparicharu Vasu 70, 75; 'Caka-
dhara' epithet given to 75 Upāsakadašā 26-27, 215, 303 Uppina Betgiri, very important Jaina
record of AD 964 183 Uraiyur, Kandarapalli temple of
Nirgranthas at 109 Utpala 304 Uttaradhyayananiryukti 87 Uttaradhyayanasūtra 12, 26, 83, 88,
205, 221, 223 Uttarādhyayanatikā 230
Vadanagara 95 Vädirāja 287–88; Pārsvanāthacarita
287 Vaibhāra hill 94 Vairadeva 93 Vaiśāli 13, 20-22, 26, 32, 47, 80, 210,
212, 215, 221, 309-10, 312;
Bahuputta shrine at 212, 309 Vaisnavas 42, 53, 55, 95, 304; tradi
tion of 84; literature 207, 221 Vajranandin 116, 122 Vajrasena 97 Vākāțaka inscription 72 Valabhi 92, 95-96, 139, 256, 274;
council of 17, 95; shrine of Can
draprabhā at 139 Vālmīki 242, 247, 270 Vanarāja 140-41 Vanga 70 Vanji (capital of Cera king) 107-8;
Nirgrantha shrine of 110 Varaguna I (Neduñjadayan) 191 Varaguna II 191 Varahamihira 98, 202, 304; Brhat
samhitā 98 Vārānasi 5, 11, 14, 80, 161, 207, 211,
222, 270, 299, 311 Vardhamana. See Mahāvīra Vardhamanapurāna 268 Vasantasena 46, 246 Vasantgadh 134 Vāsiska 52 Vāsudeva. See Krsna Vasudevacarita 229 Vasudevahindi 91, 98, 228, 246-47,
266 Vāsudeva, Mahārāja 57 Vasudeva-Krsna 70, 84, 207 Vasulā, Arya 57 Väsupujya, the twelfth Tirtharkara
6; Suhamma and Dharani, chief disciples of 6; pātala, tree asso
ciated with 6 Vatsa 43

Page #357

INDEX
331
259–60, 262 Visakhadatta 37,90; Devicandragupta
90 Vişnu 111, 119, 179–80, 188, 221
22
Vätsyāyana 204 Vattagamani 107 Vattakera 261; Mülācāra 261-62 Vayubhuti 26 Vāyupurāņa 213 Vidarbha 72 Vidiśā 90; image of Jivantasvämin
at 91 Vidudhānanda 252 Vidyabhusan, S.C. 282 vidyādharas 72, 242, 245, 313 Vidyānanda 291; Aptamimamsa-
lamkrti 291 Vijaya (a majority of thieves and
robbers) 213; as a person 217 Vijayakirti 120 Vikramaditya 44 Vikramaditya II 158-59 Vimala, the thirteenth Tirthamkara
6, 83, 98, 187; Mandara and Dharanidhară, chief disciples of
6; jambu, tree associated with 6 Vimalasuri 41, 43, 242-43, 245, 247,
265, 270, 313; Paumacariyam 41- 43, 59, 63, 72, 75, 88, 108, 241, 252, 265, 313; also known as Rāghavacaritam and Jaina Rāmā
yana 241 Vinayanandin, compared with
Indrabhūti 128 Vinaya Pitaka 301 Vipākaśruta 35, 40, 42, 216, 312 Viradeva, Acārya 120 Vira Nārāyana era 36 Virasena 93, 261, 264; Dhavalā 93,
Vişnupurāņa 246 Vişnuvardhana 128, 172; Musini
konda grant of 128, 172 Vişnuvardhana III 173 Vişnuvarman 125 Vogel 52, 81 Vrddhahasti 54 Vriji 48 Vịndāvana 41 Vrsnis 40, 45, 213, 216 Vyāghramuka, the earliest Capa king
140 Vyavaharaniryukti 227 Vyavahārasūtra 109
Winternitz 286, 290
Yādavas 84 Yājñavalkyasmrti 274 yakşas 21, 40, 42, 217, 267, 310, 312;
images of 43; Kubera, the king
of 307-8, 313 Yamunā 206, 250 Yaśā 54 Yativssabha 117, 263–64, 268; Tiloya
pannati 117, 261-63; Cūrnisutra
260 Yuan Chwang 80, 84–86, 96, 133–
34, 185, 288

Page #358


Page #359

Asim Kumar Chatterjee was Senior Reader in the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Calcutta University. He also acted as Head of the Department from 1989–91. He has published several books and research articles which are published in learned journals. At present he is writing a book on "Gautama Buddha".
ISBN 81-215-0930-0 (for the set) Jacket by Rathm Sengupta

Page #360
8 ਫਰਵਕ ਮਤਲਬ ਨਾਕਾਰ ਸਨ ਪਰ shiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi