Book Reviews

Author(s): J W De Jong
Publisher: J W De Jong
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269674/1

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allusions to theistic Samādhi as a variant of the preceding one (YS i.23-28; cf. p. 177 note 156: YS 1.23-29); (3) a treatment of meditation of the Samāpatti ("In-eins-fallen' = Aneignung; see pp. 177-81) type (YS 1.41-50); and (4) a discussion of meditative concentration (samyama) in the Astānga-Yoga (YS 1.54-iii.7; cf. p. 209 where iii.8 is also included). Since these 'Textgroups', which are analysed in detail together with the corresponding parts of the Vyasabhāsya on pp. 135-230, are regarded by him as integral parts of the YS discussing various paths of meditation or meditational structures, O. differs from J. W. Hauer (Der Yoga, Stuttgart, 1958) and also, it seems, from E. Frauwallner (compare his own previously expressed views in WZKSO 9 [1965), pp. 98-118). Historically, O. adds, these "Text-groups' may derive from different traditions, but although the latter might well have been treated in special texts, these cannot be reconstituted by merely taking the YS apart (p. 135). O.'s treatment here of the question of the composition of the YS - which appears to take account of criticism expressed by F. Staal (The study of mysticism, Berkeley, 1974) against atomization of the YS - is convincing. Its applicability too to a number of problems we encounter elsewhere in the study of Indian thought is of course evident.
Pointing out the occurrence of sraddhā, vīrya, smrti, samadhi and prajñā both as a series of factors in asamprajñātasamadhi (YS i.20) and as a group of five indriyas in Buddhist thought, O. thinks that this parallelism is more likely to be due to a common source than to borrowing from Buddhism (p. 141 note 36); see also L. de La Vallée Poussin, MCB 5 (1937), p. 228. He furthermore contrasts (p. 142) the conception of sraddhā found in the Vyasabhāsya with that in the Milindapañha where two aspects of saddha are recognized, viz. a 'subsidence' in serene clarity (sampasāda) and an upward 'leaping' (sampakkhandana) of confidence; and O. argues that the absence of the latter aspect in the conception of the Vyasabhasya is seen not only in the fact that it is not mentioned in its explanation of sraddha but also in the fact that the Bhäsya refers to the separate presence of a certain 'desire' as needful for virya. However, it should be noted that desire' (chanda: abhilasa) is listed also in the Buddhist Abhidharma as a citta-mahābhūmika accompanying all states of mind, including such where sraddhā is present as a salutary mahābhūmika. For the Vyasabhāsya's interpretation of vitarka and vicāra in i.17 as respectively a sthūla-ábhoga and a sūksma-ābhoga, O. compares their definitions in the Abhidharma as coarse manojalpa having the function of searching (paryesaka) and subtle manojalpa having the function of investigating (pratyaveksaka); but here again he does not postulate direct borrowing from Buddhism (p. 149 note 60). - Concerning the theistic form of meditation in the YS, O. (unlike Hauer) characterizes it as being subordinate to the Nirodhatype (p. 162); and he brackets out the question of an unio mystica (p. 178 note 158). The isvarapranidhāna of YS 1.23 embraces, he observes, the full religious praxis of the old theistic tradition consisting of asceticism, mantra- recitation and ritual; and it is thus analogous to the praxis of the Āgamic tradition he studied earlier (p. 164). But the mythological conception of God known from the Tantra is radically demythologized by the Yogin, who knows God as a transcendent spirit of a special kind (purusavisesa) (pp. 165, 172 f.): he knows Him as the helper of man and understands Him as the supreme Teacher (guru, i.26) of the way of salvation (pp. 163, 165). The theistic value of Kriyāyoga is also upheld (against Hauer) (p. 164-5). The pranava - i.e. the syllable OM - also serves, in i.28, to express God in demythologized form, rather than in the mythologically conceived and believed in form known to tradition (p. 172). - Concerning the Samāpatti-type of meditation, O. sees it as differing essentially from the Nirodha-type with its 'reductive' procedures (p. 179; cf. pp. 155, 157 f.), and as having to do rather with constancy (sthiti, 'Beständigkeit). The term kşinavrtti in YS 1.41 would thus refer to this sthiti, rather than to cittavrttinirodha; here all vrttis are not in fact excluded (p. 181). The structural model is a cognitive one here (pp. 183,188 f.). - Finally, Samyama differs from both the Nirodha-type and the Samāpatti-type of meditation. For the Astängayoga the structural model is, at least in part, a therapeutic one, as in the case of the four Noble Truths of Buddhism (p. 210). Samyama is essentially concerned with the acquisition of miraculous knowledge (e.g. paracittajñana, basically a power), rather than with the liberating knowledge of

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Sāmkhyistic Yoga (pp. 212-14). These miraculous powers go back to a period when the mythic-magic thought of the Yoga schools had not yet been 'humanized' by the reflection characteristic of both Samkhyistic Yoga and Buddhism (p. 223). The seventh yogarga, dhyāna, is interpreted also as recollection of tradition (p. 228).
It has not been possible to retrace here the whole of Gerhard Oberhammer's complex and dense analysis of Yogic meditation and spirituality in its various forms, and the preceding lines have simply called attention to a number of points of interest in this book and to the method of treatment adopted. O. writes (p. 11) that, while maintaining the conscious distance necessary in scientific work and reflection, he has sought to avoid what he terms the alienation of archivistic description. Although his treatment is practically never explicitly comparative or dependent either on phenomenological philosophy (see however p. 198 note 240 on eidetic inspection) or theological categorizations, his approach to the phenomenology of Yogic spirituality is clearly informed by a concern with issues currently under discussion among both theologians and philosophers. For Indology an encounter with such contemporary currents of thought should prove fruitful, as the present book shows. O. has refrained from injecting into his study the personal/impersonal dichotomy, and the opposition between 'natural' and other mysticism used and abused by R. C. Zaehner. And his criterial use of the concept of scriptural revelation beside faith is certainly important for Hinduism. - Misprints are few. Apart from komplimentär for komplementär (p. 67), the following ones have been noted: cāryapāda for caryāpāda (p. 71), samyagniruddha for samyago (p. 100), turyatīta for turyätita (p. 124), sthimita for stimita (p. 137), and parsati for passati (p. 147).
By providing new approaches and insights and stimulating serious discussion based on careful phenomenological analyses and typological studies of comparable traditions, Gerhard Oberhammer's book will no doubt contribute very considerably to giving traditional Indian studies a useful new impetus.
London
D. SEYFORT RUEGG
A. J. Alston, Šamkara on The Absolute. A Samkara source-book. Volume I. London, Shanti Sadan, 1980. IX, 259 pp. £3.50.
According to the preface, "The present volume is the first of a projected series of six which aims to bring together the most important texts of Samkara in a systematic and digestible form ... the work consists mainly of groups of Samkara's texts in translation, interspersed only by a few passages from the anthologist designed to draw attention to the main features of the material to come, somewhat in the manner of programme notes at a concert." The first chapter gives a historical introduction: Sources of Samkara's doctrine: his life and works (pp. 1-61). Chapters 2, 3, and 4 contain selections of texts of Samkara relating respectively to the doctrine of nescience (pp. 62-114), knowledge of the absolute (pp. 115-167) and the absolute as being, consciousness and bliss (pp. 168-235). Each of these three chapters is divided into four sections, each section containing a brief introduction and selected passages. A bibliography lists (I) Texts of Samkara and (II) Other authors and works quoted. A conspectus of the contents of the six volumes is to be found at the end of the volume. The titles of volumes II-VI are: Samkara on the creation, Samkara on the individual soul, Samkara's refutation of rival views, Samkara on discipleship and Samkara on the path to enlightenment.
In his introductory chapter Alston sketches the development of the Vedanta doctrines before Samkara, Samkara's dates, life and works, and Samkara's school. With regard to the problem of the authenticity of the works ascribed to Samkara, Alston refers to the work done

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by Paul Hacker and other scholars who have followed his method, and accepts as authentic the Upadeśasāhasri and the commentaries on the following works: the Brahmasūtras, the Bhagavadgitā, the Adhyātma Patala of the Āpastamba-Dharmasūtra and nine Upanişads. Although he admits the authenticity of the Vivarana on the Yogabhāşya, this work is not taken into account "partly (why partly?] because it expounds a system which in his Advaita works Samkara emphatically rejects" (p. 48). Alston omits Samkara's commentary on the Chandogya Upanisad, although it is included by Hacker in his list of Samkara's authentic works (WZKSOA, 12-13, p. 147 = Kleine Schriften, p. 241), and is one of the sources quoted by Alston in his work.
Although Alston shows himself fully informed of recent research on Samkara and the Vedānta, he does not discuss one of the fundamental presuppositions of his enterprise, i.e. the unity of Samkara's thought as expressed in his works. Paul Hacker, and in more recent years Tilmann Vetter, have tried to distinguish different stages in the development of Samkara's thought. A systematic anthology arranged according to the main topics of Samkara's philosophy assumes a unity of thought which cannot be tacitly admitted without further proof. In his defence Alston could have pointed to the fact that the study of the development of Samkara's thought so far is based on only a few of his works and that much more work has to be done before a convincing picture of his philosophical development emerges. It is even possible that Alston's anthology may assist this line of research by bringing together texts which, when analyzed carefully, bring into relief differences in Samkara's treatment of important philosophical themes.
Alston's work will certainly be of benefit to the non-specialist reader because it enables him to become acquainted with Samkara's thought in a systematic way which is more familiar to Western readers. He will find Alston's introduction and introductory comments to the different sections helpful. The same applies to the notes which are to be found at the end of each chapter. However, specialists will be somewhat disappointed when they compare Alston's translations with the original texts. In his preface Alston remarks: "The translations here offered are somewhat free and aim at fidelity to the sense of the text rather than at philological exactitude" (p. IV). It is rather difficult to make a distinction of this kind between fidelity to the sense of the text and philological exactitude. I wonder whether in this way it is possible to do full justice to the richness of Samkara's thought. Alston certainly has not succeeded in reproducing the sense of the text faithfully because his renderings are often far too approximative and sometimes entirely wrong. Let me quote two examples. On p. 161 Alston translates a passage of Samkara's commentary (pada) on the Kenopanişad (1.3 and 4). In explaining Kena 1.3 Samkara writes: vācā hi sabda uccāryamano 'bhidheyam prakāśa yati yadā, tadabhidheyam prati vāg gacchatity ucyate. Alston translates: "For we speak of speech 'attaining' some matter when words are pronounced through speech and they throw some light on it." Swami Gambhīrānanda whose translation of eight Upanişads is listed in Alston's bibliography translates: "When a word, as expressed by the organ of speech, reveals its own idea, speech is said to go to its object." Undoubtedly, this translation correctly renders the sense of the text, although one would have preferred to see abhideya rendered with the same equivalent in both occurrences. A word, when uttered, reveals its meaning and does not "throw some light on it". On pp. 177-184 Alston translates a long extract from Samkara's commentary on Taittiriya Upanişad II.1, a text of the greatest importance for the understanding of Samkara's thought and which in recent years has been analyzed and studied by several scholars. In many instances Alston's rendering is not adequate; for instance, on p. 182 Alston translates: "But if they (i.e. the terms “Reality", etc.) retain their meaningfulness they can be used to mark the Absolute off from things having contradictory characteristics". The Sanskrit text has: satyädy-arthair arthavattve tu tadviparitadharmavadbhyo višesyebhyo brahmano višesyasya niyantstvam upapad yate. Of course, viparīta does not mean 'contradictory' but 'contrary'. Swāmi Gambhīrānanda translates this passage in the following way: “But if they are meaningful, as having the senses of truth etc., they can justifiably differentiate their substantive

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Brahman from other substantives that are possessed of opposite qualities." This translation is not very beautiful but it brings out the sense of the passage. The same passage has also been translated by Richard De Smet ('Langage et connaissance de l'Absolu chez Çamkara', Revue philosophique de Louvain, 52, 1954, p. 66), J. A. B. van Buitenen (Ramanuja's Vedärtha samgraha, Poona, 1956, p. 59), Madeleine Biardeau ('La définition dans la pensée indienne', JA, 1957, p. 380), D. Seyfort Ruegg (La théorie du Tathāgatagarbha et du Gotra, Paris, 1969, p. 390) and J. M. van Boetzelaer (Sureśvara's Taittiriyopanişadbhāsyavārtikam, Leiden, 1971, p. 62).
All the texts quoted by Alston have been translated once or several times into English. New translations are only justified if they are an improvement on existing ones. It is not sufficient to render more or less the sense of the text, because it is only possible to fully understand Samkara's thought in all its complexity by the greatest possible philological exactitude. For instance, Thibaut's translation of Samkara's bhāsya on the Brahmasūtra is an excellent piece of work and does not distort the sense of the text. However, Renou rightly pointed out that it is possible to give a much more exact rendering. Renou writes: "Thibaut a rendu le sens avec une parfaite justesse.... Néanmoins on peut sur bien des points améliorer la terminologie, on peut surtout serrer le texte de plus près que n'a fait notre devancier, qui se préoccupait de fixer exactement la suite des idées plutôt que d'adhérer dans toutes ses sinuosités à la teneur originale" (Sankara. Prolegomènes au Vedānta, Paris, 1951, p. II). Although Renou remarks that Thibaut has rendered the sense with a perfect accuracy, he contradicts himself to a certain extent by pointing out that Thibaut did not attempt to follow all the 'sinuosités' of the original text. It is only by doing exactly this that one is able to do full justice to Samkara. That this is possible, even in the case of a more difficult text such as Mandanamiśra's Brahmasiddhi, has been shown by the admirable translations published in recent years by Madeleine Biardeau and Tilmann Vetter. It is, of course, quite possible to reproduce the arguments used by Samkara without translating as exactly as possible the texts to which one refers, but this is not possible without understanding the original text in all its intricacies. If, in translating Samkara, one does not want to make the effort to improve upon existing translations, it is much better to make use of the best of them, even if the English style of some of the translations published in India is not always very idiomatic.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Joseph E. Schwartzberg, A Historical Atlas of South Asia. Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, 1978. 382 pages consisting of XXXIX front matter, 150 pages of maps, 154 pages of text, and 48 pages for the index.Map section includes 144 color plates and 14 black-and-white plates. Trim size: 13" X 16". $ 150.00.
In 1961 Charles Lesley Ames (1884-1969), a Minnesota businessman, donated his library to the University of Minnesota. In 1908 Ames had read W. H. Fitchett's Tale of the Great Mutiny and begun collecting books on India. By the time of its transfer to the university, his library comprised 80,000 items, including some 700 maps. The acquisition of this collection suggested to two professors of the University of Minnesota, geographer Jan Otto Marius Broek and historian Burton Stein, the idea of creating a historical atlas of South Asia. The South Asia Historical Atlas Project was officially launched on 16 September 1964 and the final draft of the text was delivered to the press in December 1976. Schwartzberg, who joined the atlas project in December 1964 and brought it to its successful conclusion, sketches the history of the project in his preface and acknowledges help received from many quarters.
The atlas consists of two parts, the first containing maps, photographs and graphs (pp. 1

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149), and the second the text (pp. 151-266). Both parts are divided into fourteen sections. A very extensive bibliography (pp. 267-304) and an index (pp. 305-352) complete the atlas. The first section deals with the physical setting: physiography, climate and vegetation. The second illustrates the prehistory by means of maps and photographs. The following six sections (3-8) deal with the history of India from the earliest period up to 1947. Post-independence political history is traced in section nine. The two following sections depict modern social and cultural evolution and modern demographic evolution. Settlement patterns are studied in section twelve. Section thirteen includes toponymic reference maps and index maps for reference materials (gazetteers, large- and medium-scale topographic maps, ethnographic studies, fiction in English on life in South Asia). The last section (14) is entitled 'a geopolitical synopsis', and contains maps representing the maximum territorial extent of nearly one hundred dynasties or other political powers.
For students of ancient India the most important sections of this atlas are sections three and four, entitled respectively "From the Vedic through the Classical Age' and 'Kingdoms and Regional Cultures of the Eighth through the Twelfth Century'. The text of the third section comprises 25 pages, each divided into two or three columns. It explains the methods employed in preparing the maps and at the same time gives a brief conspectus of the history of India during a period of seventeen centuries from about 1000 B.C. to the end of the 7th century. The introduction to this section explains that it was not possible to utilize fully primary and secondary sources in several languages (Dravidian languages, old Persian, Greek, Latin, German, French and Russian). With regard to secondary sources, publications in English and Hindi seem to have been the main sources of information, and this probably explains some unsatisfactory aspects of the text and the corresponding maps. A great deal has been written on the history of India during the Vedic and Classical periods, but few of these publications can be utilized without critical examination. On p. 162a it is said that according to many scholars the Great Bhärata battle took place about 900 B.C., but on p. 164b it is stated that 'nor, for that matter, can we declare with certitude that its [i.e. the Mahābhārata's) alleged battle of annihilation on the plain of Kuruksetra really took place. The text does not explain that the Great Bhārata battle and the battle on the plain of Kuruksetra are one and the same, and that very few critical scholars believe in the historicity of this battle, let alone are willing to believe in the possibility of determining its date. On p. 163b the text mentions the Bhojas and Dandakas of Daksiņā Padā (the Southern Country). It is not clear from where the term daksinā pada is taken. Among the secondary sources listed is the Vedic Index by Macdonell and Keith (London, 1912). According to those two scholars daksina padā 'with southward foot' (Rgveda X.61, 8) refers to the place where the exile goes on being expelled (vol. I, p. 337). However, it is necessary to point out that this term occurs only once and that its meaning is far from being clear. In his notes on X. 61 Renou wrote: "dákşină padá, du pied droit' (?); dáksina "sud" n'est attesté qu'à partir de l'AV. (possiblement pour l'adv. daksinatás 15, 6)", cf. Etudes védiques et pāninéennes, tome XVI (Paris, 1967), p. 137. On p. 163b the Purusa Sukta (RV X. 90) is said to date from the 10th century B.C. One wonders where the authors have found this date. One of the most misleading parts of this section is the subsection on India as revealed by Pānini's Astädhyāyi. Among the primary sources of this section are mentioned Purusottamadeva, Somadeva Bhatta and Vänama (sic). It is rather surprising to see that authors who lived in the twelfth, eleventh and seventh century A.D. are considered primary sources for knowledge of India in the late 5th or early 4th century B.C. (for this date see p. 167c). Among the secondary works V. S. Agrawala's India as known to Panini (Lucknow, 1952; 2nd ed., Varanasi, 1963) is the first book mentioned and the information given in this subsection seems to have been taken entirely from Agrawala's book. Although the authors of the atlas take care to separate . the information found in Panini's work itself from that found in the Ganapatha in compiling a table listing the "Nature of Polities Noted in Pāņini's Astādhyāyi and its Supplement, the Ganapatha (sic)" (cf. p. 168a), they have not been aware of the fact that many names listed in this table are not found in Pänini's work but in the Käsikä. For instance, Pāṇini mentions the

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Rsi Praskanva (VI.1.153), but a country Prakanva is only found in the Kāśikā. Herodotus tells of a people called Parikanioi which, according to Konow, lived in modern Ferghāna (cf. Agrawala, p. 50). It is on the basis of evidence of this kind that Agrawala arrived at the conclusion that Pāṇini's geographical horizon extended to Ferghana in Central Asia! The Asuras are mentioned only in the Ganapatha. Without the slightest hesitation Agrawala identifies them with the Assyrians (p. 449) and, accordingly, the name Asura (Assyrians) is duly marked on map III.B.2. On p. 168b the distinction made by the authors of the atlas between military groups that were permanently settled and bands of roving predators is based upon Agrawala's remarks on vrăta: "The Kašikā defines Vrāta as a Sangha living by violence (utsedha-jīvinah sarigha vrátah, V.3.113). Pāṇini refers to Vrata in a two-fold sense, the other being depredation or physical violence by which those people made their living (Vrátena jīvati, V.2.21), from which they were known as Vrātinas.” (p. 441). Agrawala fails to explain the first sense of vräta and does not give any justification for his rendering of utsedha as violence'. He seems to have overlooked the fact that the Kasikā itself explains it by sarīra (V.2.21: utsedhah sariram, tadāyāsena ye jīvanti te utsedhajivinah), cf. Louis Renou, La grammaire de Pānini, fasc. 2 (Paris, 1951), p. 90: "le mot vrätam "travail manuel" (?)." Happily, the other subsections of this section are more satisfactory, although the user of this atlas must be aware of the fact that there is very little reliable geographical and historical information available on India during this period. It is a pity that the text has not been revised by a competent scholar who would also have taken care to correct the misspellings of Sanskrit words and names.
The atlas is the product of the work of scholars of different disciplines: historians, geographers, sociologists and cartographers. Both the maps and the text contain an amazing amount of information which is clearly presented. For many years to come this atlas will be of immense help to all those who are interested in some way or other in the history of South Asia, and Professor Schwartzberg and his collaborators deserve our warmest thanks for this splendid work.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Richard Simon, Kleine Schriften. Herausgegeben von Rüdiger Schmitt (Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 20). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH., 1979. X, 956 pp. DM 148,
Richard Simon (1865-1934) is mainly known for his studies of ancient Indian music and his critical edition of the Amaruša taka (Kiel, 1893). His first publication was devoted to a study and edition of the introduction to Rāmakrsna's commentary on Paraskara's Gịhyasūtra: Beiträge zur Kenntnis der vedischen Schulen (Kiel, 1889) which is reprinted in its entirety (pp. 3-117). Three older commentators, mentioned by Rāmakrsna, are Karka, author of commentaries on Kätyāyana's Srautasūtra and Paraskara's Grhyasūtra, Renuka (whose commentary on Pāraskara's Grhyasūtra was composed in 1266) and Harihara. They were studied by Simon in his 'Ueber einige Commentatoren zu Sūtren des weissen Yajurveda' (SBAW, 1895, pp. 605-650) = Kl. Schr. pp. 298-343. In 1890 Simon published a study of the śloka in Pali based on an examination of 600 verses in the Dhammapada, Thera- and Therigātha and the Jātaka book: 'Der Cloka im Pali' (ZDMG 44, 1890, pp. 83-97) = Kl. Schr. pp. 118132. Simon's edition of the Amaruçataka has been reprinted (pp. 133-291) together with his "Nachträge zum Amarusataka' (ZDMG 49, 1895, pp. 577-582) = Kl. Schr. pp. 292-297. All the other publications reprinted in this volume relate directly or indirectly to Indian music.
In the domain of Vedic music Simon's most important publication is his edition and translation of the Puspasūtra (München, 1908) = Kl. Schr. pp. 470-768. Simon's work was

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reviewed by Caland who did not agree with him on the relation of the Uttaragāna to the Puspasūtra (DLZ, 1909, Nr. 30, Sp. 1883 ff.). Simon examined the relations between the Arseyakalpa (published by Caland: Der Arseyakalpa des Samaveda, Leipzig, 1908), the Puspasūtra and the Uttaragāna in his article 'Bemerkungen zum Arşeyakalpa und Puşpasūtra' (ZDMG 63, 1909, pp. 730-738) = Kl. Schr. pp. 769-777. Caland's reply ("Zum Arşeyakalpa und Puspasūtra', ZDMG 64, 1910, pp. 347-348) received only a brief reaction from Simon: 'Schlussbemerkung zum Arşey akalpa und Puşpasūtra' (ZDMG 64, p. 602) = Kl. Schr. p. 778. These chronological problems were discussed by Caland again in his introduction to his translation of the Pancavimsa-Brāhmana (Calcutta, 1931). In a recent study Asko Parpola shows himself in full agreement with Simon with regard to the anteriority of the Uttaragāna to the Puspasutra (The Srautasūtras of Latyāyana and Dráhyayana and their commentaries, Vol. I: 1, Helsinki, 1968, pp. 74-76). In 1913 Simon edited and translated the Pancavidhasūtra which explains how the singing of each verse is divided by the three priests, the prastotar, the udgatar and the partihartar: Das Pañcavidhasutra = Kl. Schr. pp. 779-862. In 1923 he published a translation of Lātyāyāna VI, 10-VII, 13 which deals with the same topic (ZII 2, 1923, pp. 1-33) = Kl. Schr. pp. 905-937. In an article, published in 1913, Simon studied the notations of the gānas by the Kauthumas, the Rāmāyaniyas and the Jaiminiyas: 'Die Notationen der vedischen Liederbücher' (WZKM 27, pp. 305-346) = Kl. Schr. pp. 863-904.
Although most of Simon's publications relate to Vedic music, he did not neglect the later tradition. He published the text and an analysis of the Samgītadarpana by Damodara, an author · who lived after Kallinātha (about 1450) whom he quotes: 'Quellen zur indischen Musik. Damodara' (ZDMG 56, 1902, pp. 129-153 and 262-292) = Kl. Schr. pp. 347-402.
• The Rägavibodha, written in 1609 by Somanātha, contains fifty tunes for the vīnā (5th viveka, verses 37-166). In 1904 Simon published an autographed edition of these fifty tunes: The musical compositions of Somanātha (Leipzig, 1904) = Kl. Schr. pp. 407-444. The 23 signs (samketa) used by Somanātha for his notations were studied by him in 'Die Notationen des Somanātha' (SBAW, 1903, pp. 447-469) = Kl. Schr. pp. 445-469. The chronology of the musical literature was studied in the last article published by Simon: 'Zur Chronologie der indischen Musikliteratur' (ZII 2, 1923, pp. 153-166) = KI. Schr. pp. 938-951. Finally, one must mention two brief articles: a study of a passage in Kallinātha's commentary of Särngadeva's Ratnākara: The Successor of Deva Raya II. of Vijayanagara' (JRAS, 1902, pp. 661-663) = Kl. Schr. p. 344-46; an explanation of two musical terms in the Sisupālavadha: "Māgha, Sisupalavadha II, 90' (ZDMG 57, 1903, pp. 520-523) = Kl. Schr. pp. 403-406.
Rüdiger Schmitt, the editor of this volume, has added several indices (1. Indische Namen; 2. Indische Werktitel; 3. Sachregister; 4. Wortregister (Sanskrit); 5. Stellenregister). According to his preface Simon planned to contribute to the 'Grundriss' a book on ancient Indian music. It is much to be regretted that Simon was unable to execute this task for which he was so well qualified. However, one must welcome the fact that all his publications on Indian music have now been made so much more accessible by this publication. It is a pity that von Glasenapp's obituary on Simon (ZDMG 89, 1935, p. 255-259) has not been reprinted in this volume, because it makes clear that Simon left much unpublished work in the form of copies, collations and translations of manuscripts.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Helmuth von Glasenapp, Von Buddha zu Gandhi. Aufsätze zur Geschichte der Religionen Indiens, Zu seinem siebzigsten Geburtstag am 8. September 1961 im Namen seiner Schüler herausgegeben von Volker Moeller, Wilfried Nölle und Joachim-Friedrich Sprockhoff. Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1962. 289 pp. DM 76.-.

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Helmuth von Glasenapp, Ausgewählte kleine Schriften. Herausgegeben von Heinz Bechert und Volker Moeller. Mit einem Nachtrag zur Helmuth von Glasenapp Bibliographie von Zoltán Károlyi (Glasenapp-Stiftung, Band 18). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH., 1980. XIV, 557 pp. DM 74. -.
Helmuth von Glasenapp (8.9.1891 -25.6.1963) published in 1915 his first book, Die Lehre vom Karman in der Philosophie der Jainas nach den Karmagranthas dargestellt. His last book, Meine Lebensreise, was published posthumously in 1964. A detailed bibliography of all his writings was published by Zoltán Károlyi in 1968 as the second volume of the GlasenappStiftung (cf. IIJ 14, pp. 255-256). Many of his books have been regularly reprinted, but his articles can only be found in major libraries. Thirteen articles and one independent publication (Von Buddha zu Gandhi. Tübingen, 1934) were reprinted in 1962 as a tribute to von Glasenapp on the occasion of his seventieth birthday. This volume contains only a small selection of his work. It is therefore greatly to be welcomed that another and larger selection has now been published by the Glasenapp-Stiftung. Both volumes complement each other and for this reason it seems appropriate to include also Von Buddha zu Gandhi in this review as it has not been announced previously in the IIJ.
The Kleine Schriften reprints twelve articles and five independent publications: Die Lehre vom Karman in der Philosophie der Jainas, nach den Karmagranthas dargestellt (Leipzig, 1915); Religiöse Reformbewegungen im heutigen Indien (Leipzig, 1928); Indien in der Dichtung und Forschung des deutschen Ostens (Königsberg, 1930); Vedānta und Buddhismus (Wiesbaden, 1950); Zwei philosophische Rāmāyanas (Wiesbaden, 1951). Particularly welcome is the reprint of von Glasenapp's dissertation, which explains the very complicated Jaina doctrine on karman. The detailed index of technical terms is extremely useful. In his study on the two philosophical Rāmāyanas von Glasenapp analyses two works, the Yogavasistha-Rāmāyana and the AdhyātmaRāmāyana, to which little attention had been paid in the West, although they have enjoyed great popularity in India. It is one of the great merits of von Glasenapp's work that his studies extended to relatively neglected areas of research. In this connection mention must be made of four articles reprinted in Von Buddha zu Gandhi: Das Trisastilaksanamahāpurāna der Digambaras (first published in 1926 in the Festgabe Jacobi), Uber vier purānische Nachbildungen der Bhagavadgitā (first published in 1927 in the Festgabe Garbe), Lehrsätze des dualistischen Vedānta (Madhvas Tattvasamkhyāna) (first published in 1916 in the Ernst Kuhn volume) and Die Lehre Vallabhācāryas (ZII 9, 1933-1934, pp. 268-330). The article on Madhva was followed by a detailed study of Madhva's philosophy: Madhva's Philosophie des VishnuGlaubens (Bonn u. Leipzig, 1923).
Von Buddha zu Gandhi, in which von Glasenapp's publications are arranged systematically, contains eight articles on Buddhism. In 'Zur Geschichte der buddhistischen Dharma-Theorie (ZDMG 92, 1938, pp. 383-420) von Glasenapp tried to prove that the dharma doctrine was already found in early Buddhism (cf. also his Nachwort to the 13th edition of Oldenberg's Buddha, Stuttgart, 1959, pp. 477-484). Even if one cannot accept his theory, his article certainly remains worth reading. In the Kleine Schriften his article on the origin of the dharma theory is reprinted (WZKM 46, 1939, pp. 242-266). The same volume contains two articles relating to Tantrism: Tantrismus und Saktismus (OAZ, N.F. 12, 1936, pp. 120-133); Ein buddhistischer Initiationsritus des javanischen Mittelalters (Tribus, N.F. 43, 1952/1953, pp. 259-274). One regrets that his article on the origin of the Vajrayāna (ZDMG 90, 1936, pp. 546-572) has not been reprinted likewise. Von Glasenapp has always paid much attention to the relations between Indian religions, cf. 'Jaina-Buddhist parallels as an auxiliary to the elucidation of early Buddhism' (first published in the Belvalkar Felicitation Volume, Banaras, 1957), 'Der Buddhismus in der Vorstellungswelt der Hindus' (first published in 1954 in the Festschrift Weller) and 'Die Polemik der Buddhisten und Brahmanen gegen die Jainas' (first published in 1951 in the Schubring Festschrift). The first two are reprinted in Von Buddha zu Gāndhi, the last one in the Kleine Schriften.

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The Kleine Schriften contains a detailed index which will be very welcome. It would have been even more useful if it had also included Von Buddha zu Gandhi, which has no index. The studies published in both volumes manifest the depth and the range of von Glasenapp's scholarship. It is good to see that so many of his articles and other publications have now become more accessible. It is to be hoped that some of his other publications which have long been out of print will also be reprinted, for instance Unsterblichkeit und Erlösung in den indischen Religionen (Halle, 1938) and Entwicklungsstufen des indischen Denkens (Halle, 1940). The Kleine Schriften contains a reprint of his article on Schopenhauer and India (Schopenhauer-Jahrbuch 36, 1955, pp. 32-48), but his long article on the problem of god in Schopenhauer and in the metaphysical systems of the Indians (ibid. 28, 1941, pp. 151-195) is not reprinted.
Australian National University
NOTE
J. W. DE JONG
1 A detailed summary of it was made by Kanakura Enshō in 1939: 'Bukkyō ni okeru hō no imi' (Bukkyō Kenkyu, III, 4). It is reprinted in his Indo tetsugaku Bukkyōgaku kenkyū. I. Bukkyōgaku-hen (Tōkyō, 1973), pp. 105–122. Kanakura's article is not mentioned by Károlyi.
Mikkyō daijiten. Kaiteizōhō [Great dictionary of Tantrism. Revised and enlarged.] Kyōto, Hōzōkan, 1979. Vol. I, a-ke (XVI pp. + pp. 1-490), vol. II, ko-jine (pp. 491-1014), vol. III, shihd-ta (pp. 1015-1575), vol. IV, chi-he (pp. 1575-1984), vol. V, ho-n (pp. 1985-2335); ho-i (pp. 2337-2347), vol. VI, sakuin-nenpyō, 4+ 90 + 24 +4 + 70+2+9+115+ 107 pp., 2 plates, 218 ill. (63 pp.). Yen 66.000.
The Mikkyō daijiten was first published in three volumes in 1931-1933. The most recent edition published in 1979 is a reprint of the revised and enlarged edition which appeared in 1968-1970. The dictionary itself has remained unchanged, but volume V contains a small supplement (pp. 2337-2347). Several important additions are to be found in the index volume. The first addition consists of three parts: 1. Genealogies of Tantric schools (Mikkyō hōryū keifu), pp. 1-32; 2. Pictures of 383 mudras with an index (Mikkyō inzushū – sakuin), pp. 33-65; 3. A bibliography of articles on Mikkyō from the beginning of the Meiji period to the end of 1965 (Mikkyō kankei shūyō ronbun mokuroku), pp. 66-90. The bibliography is arranged systematically in thirteen sections (1. Texts; 2. History; 3. Temples; 4. Doctrine; 5. Mandala; 6. Dharaṇī, bija, mudra, mantra; 7. Rituals; 8. Shugendō; 9. Tachikawa school; 10. Ryōbu shinto; 11. Taimitsu; 12. Tantra; 13. Art). In each section the articles are listed in chronological order. The bibliography is selective, and is more detailed for the publications of the Shōwa period (1926-1965). The second addition consists of two parts: 1. A chronological table of the history of Mikkyō (Mikkyō nenpyo), pp. 1-90; 2. A chronological table of the Chinese translations of Tantric texts (Mikkyō kyōten kanyaku nenpyō), pp. 91–107.
The index volume of the Mikkyō daijiten is extremely useful for the study of Sino-Japanese Tantrism. Its importance was pointed out by Paul Demiéville in the Bibliographie bouddhique, Tome VI (Paris, 1936), p. 16. In the original editions the third volume contained the concluding part of the dictionary itself and a series of indices which were explained by Demiéville. The original edition contained only 20 plates. The new edition contains two plates in colour and 63 plates with 218 pictures in black and white.

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For more than forty years the Mikkyo daijiten has remained the only major Tantric dictionary. An entirely new Tantric dictionary was published in 1975 (cf. IIJ 18, 1976, pp. 320-321). This latter dictionary is called Mikkyo jiten but, whereas the Mikkyo daijiten is primarily a dictionary of Mikkyo, the Sino-Japanese tradition of Tantrism, the Mikkyo jiten is a dictionary of Tantrism because it incorporates not only Mikkyo but also Tantrism in India, Tibet, Nepal, etc. Like the great Bukkyo daijiten in 10 volumes, the Mikkyo daijiten is an encyclopaedia rather than a dictionary. For the study of the Sino-Japanese tradition of Tantrism it is an indispensable standard work which is not likely to be replaced in the near future. Since its original publication in 1931-1933 Japanese specialists in Tantrism have become more and more interested in the study of Indian Tantrism on the basis of Sanskrit texts and Tibetan translations and especially since the second world war, much progress has been made in this field. However, the study of Indian Tantrism is still in its infancy and it is not very likely that in the near future it will be possible to compile a comprehensive dictionary of Tantrism with all its ramifications.
We must be extremely grateful to the scholars who made such important additions to the index volume of the Mikkyo daijiten and to the Hõzõkan publishing company for having reprinted this revised edition in six splendid volumes.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Hartmut Walravens (Hrsg.), Kleinere Schriften von Berthold Laufer. Teil 2: Publikationen aus der Zeit von 1911 bis 1925 (Sinologica Coloniensia 7). Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlag GmbH., 1979. 2 Bde, LIII, 1-828 pp.; 829-1625 pp. DM 168.-.
The first part of Laufer's Kleinere Schriften comprised works published between 1894 and 1910 (cf. IIJ, 20, pp. 129-130). This second part contains a selection of Laufer's publications in the years 1911-1925 and a few additions to the first part. In the first part the editor reprinted all of Laufer's writings during the period 1894-1910 with the exclusion of those which had been reprinted already. According to Walraven's bibliography Laufer's publications in the years 1911-1925 amount to 180 (nos. 137-316). About half of them are reprinted in these two volumes (pp. 319-1604). Regrettably not reprinted are the many articles which Laufer contributed to the T'oung Pao (nos. 149–151, 176-178, 183-187, 199-205, 209-212, 235). Tibetologists will be particularly disappointed not to find here such important articles as "The application of the Tibetan sexagenary cycle' (TP, 14, 1913, pp. 569-596), 'Bird divination among the Tibetans' (TP, 15, 1914, pp. 1-110), 'Was Odoric of Pordenone ever in Tibet?' (TP, 15, 1914, pp. 405-418) and 'Loan-words in Tibetan' (TP, 17, 1916, pp. 403-552). Also not reprinted is Laufer's translation of the bTsun-mo bka'i t'ar yig (Der Roman einer tibetischen Königin, Leipzig, 1911) which has become a bibliographical rarity. However, one must welcome the fact that Laufer's work on the Citralaksana has been reprinted notwithstanding its size (pp. 540-740).
Laufer's productivity in this period is truly amazing. Apart from numerous articles and reviews, he published several books of which the most important are his book on Jade (Chicago, 1912) and the Sino-Iranica (Chicago, 1919). Both books testify to the range and depth of Laufer's scholarship during the most productive period of his life. It is not surprising to see that they have been reprinted several times. In the years 1908-1910 Laufer was in charge of the Mrs. T. B. Blackston Expedition to China and Tibet, and in the following years he published many contributions to the study of Chinese art which are reprinted here with the exclusion of

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several monographs reprinted elsewhere (Notes on turquois in the East, Chicago, 1913; Chinese clay-figures, Chicago, 1914; The beginnings of porcelain in China, Chicago, 1917).
Tibetan language and literature and Chinese art are only two of the many subjects studied by Laufer. Two articles which date from 1911 concern 'King Tsing, the author of the Nestorian inscription' and 'The introduction of vaccination into the Far East'. Other articles deal with 'Cardan's suspension in China' (No. 215), 'The vigesimal and decimal systems in the Ainu numerals' (No. 221), 'Concerning the history of finger-prints' (No. 233), 'Multiple births among the Chinese' (No. 260) and 'The introduction of tobacco into Europe' (No. 300).
In 1908 Laufer was appointed curator of the Field Museum in Chicago, where he remained until his death in 1934. Henry Field, who took up his duties as Assistant Curator of Physical Anthropology in 1926, contributes a lively description of Laufer as curator (pp. XX-XXVII). The personality of Laufer in earlier years of his life emerges clearly from his correspondence with Franz Boas (1858-1942). The latter for many years acted as a fatherly friend to Laufer and tried to promote his career in every way possible, even though Laufer himself did not always make the task easy. In 1898-1899 Laufer was the leader of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition to Sakhalin and the Amur region, and in 1901-1904 he was in charge of the Jacob H. Schiff expedition to China. His letters to Boas give much interesting information on these two expeditions and the often difficult conditions in which he was obliged to work. The letters from Laufer to Boas and Boas to Laufer (pp. 1-286) are followed by the correspondence between Erwin von Zach (1872-1942) and Laufer (pp. 286-301).
Dr. Hartmut Walravens, the editor of these two volumes, deserves our gratitude for his publication of Laufer's letters and Kleinere Schriften. His task is not yet completed for a third part will be required for the publication of Laufer's works in the last period of his life (1926-1934) and of those published after his death. This part will probably also include the detailed index announced by the editor in the preface to the first part. Let us hope that, after the publication of the third part, the publishers may be persuaded to reprint in an additional volume some of the books and articles which had to be omitted from the second part of the Kleinere Schriften.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Christopher H. B. Reynolds, Sinhalese. An introductory course. School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1980, 319 S.
Zu den bekannten Einführungen in die gesprochene singhalesische Sprache 1 (spoken or colloquial Sinhalese) ist eine neue getreten. In den Grundzügen war C. H. B. Reynolds "Course" schon im Jahre 1967 fertiggestellt; die nun vorliegende überarbeitete Fassung hat der Verfasser im Jahre 1978 abgeschlossen.
Das Lehrbuch "is intended to give a general introduction to the [spoken] language in a form which can be used, if necessary, without a teacher"... It "is designed for westerners, and therefore gives much fuller comment and explanation than any existing course known to the compiler... It should provide an essential introduction to further study of the language and its literature" (Preface). Das Lehrbuch soll im folgenden auch gemäß den Zielsetzungen und Ansprüchen seines Verfassers beurteilt werden.
Zunächst zum Aufbau: Dem eigentlichen Lehrgang ist ein Kapitel vorangestellt, in dem die Grundregeln der Aussprache knapp dargelegt werden ("Introduction" S. 1-9). Der Stoff des folgenden Lehrgangs ist auf 31 Lektionen aufgeteilt worden (S. 10-271). Am Anfang jeder

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Lektion werden Vokabeln eingeführt, die dem häufiger vorkommenden Wortschatz entstammen. Sie sind ausgewählt nach den Erfordernissen des grammatischen Teils, welcher folgt. In diesem jeweils untergliederten Teil werden - stufenweise und aufeinander aufbauend - die Elemente der Grammatik - Morphologie und Syntax - eingeführt. Von Anfang an werden auch, soweit nötig, die Gebrauchsbedingungen der eingeführten Vokabeln behandelt. Der folgende dritte Teil enthält jeweils Übungsstücke für die Übersetzung vom Singhalesischen ins Englische (= A) und umgekehrt (= B). Zu A und B werden reichhaltige Übersetzungshilfen gegeben, die Hinweise zur Syntax und zur Idiomatik enthalten, ferner Sacherklärungen zum Wortschatz. Übersetzungen der englischen Sätze ins Singhalesische, welche der Kontrolle dienen, werden gesondert in einem späteren Abschnitt (S.272-301) zusammengefaßt. Die singhalesischen Laute, Wörter und Sätze der Lektionen werden durchweg in Umschrift mit lateinischen Buchstaben und den notwendigen Spezialzeichen wiedergegeben. Die Umschrift stellt einen Kompromiß dar zwischen den tatsächlichen Lautungen und den Schreibungen, die sich bei einer Transliteration des geschriebenen colloquial Sinhalese ergeben würden. Die Lektionen 1 bis 17 enthalten zusätzlich eine Einführung in die singhalesische Schrift, in der auch die in Lehnwörtern aus dem Pāli und Sanskrit vorkommenden Zeichen und Ligaturen berücksichtigt worden sind. Diese Einführung befriedigt nicht recht. Das liegt weniger daran, daß in dem Buch nur handgeschriebene Zeichen der geschriebenen Schrift (d.h. nicht die Zeichen der Druckschrift?) reproduziert worden sind, die teils wegen ihrer Kleinheit, teils wegen ihrer Undeutlichkeit nur schwer lesbar sind (besonders krass trotz der beigegebenen Transkription in dem abschließenden Text S. 143 f.). Es kommen in den Schriftproben vielmehr mehrfach singhalesische Wörter vor, deren Bedeutung dem Lernenden nicht erklärt wird. Gravierend macht sich bemerkbar, daß in dem Lehrbuch überhaupt auf eine systematische Behandlung des Verhältnisses von tatsächlich vorkommender Schreibung und gesprochener Sprache (= Aussprache) verzichtet worden ist. Vereinzelte Hinweise zur schriftsprachlichen Schreibweise (s. dazu unten) können da nur unzulänglich Abhilfe schaffen. Sehen wir von Lehn- und Fremdwörtern einmal ab, so unterscheidet sich die Schreibung der Wörter der gesprochenen singhalesischen Sprache doch auch in vielerlei Hinsicht von der Schreibweise, die sich ergäbe, wenn anstelle der von Reynolds für die Wiedergabe von Lauten, Formen, Wörtern und Sätzen gewählten Transkriptionszeichen die entsprechenden Zeichen des singhalesischen Alphabets eingesetzt würden.
Den Schluß des Lehrbuchs bildet ein Glossar (S. 302-319). Mit Hilfe der Hinweise bei den Wörtern des Glossars sind die Stellen zu finden, an welchen ein Wort eingeführt ist und/oder seine Bedeutung (en) und Verwendungsbedingungen behandelt worden sind.
Reynolds "Course", reich an Material und Erklärungen, ist sehr wohl geeignet, in die gesprochene singhalesische Sprache einzuführen, wenn dies mit Hilfe eines des Singhalesischen Kundigen geschieht. Daß das Lehrbuch durchweg auch zum Selbststudium dienen könne, erscheint zweifelhaft. Mit der Einführung in die Schrift dürfte der Autodidakt aus den genannten Gründen Schwierigkeiten haben. Er wird sich auch zusätzliche Beispiele zur Verdeutlichung bestimmter grammatischer Regeln wünschen (z. B. S. 79 zum Gebrauch von nemeyi; S. 95 zur Veränderung des Stammsilbenvokals in der Vergangenheitsform; S. 120 zur Verwendung von ban; S. 171 zum Gebrauch von hamba venavaa; S. 236 zur vena anik nach æra). Der Text S. 143 f. bleibt ohne jeden Kommentar, es ist der einzige zusammenhängende Text, den das Lehrbuch bietet. Anstelle der ohne jeden inhaltlichen Zusammenhang nebeneinanderstehenden Beispielsätze der Übungsstücke hätten die jeweils zu verdeutlichenden grammatischen Regeln wenigstens hier und da in zusammenhängenden Texten (Dialogen, Beschreibungen, Erzählungen) exemplifiziert werden können. Die Darstellung des grammatischen Stoffes ist nicht immer übersichtlich. Mehr Raum hätte auf jeden Fall auf die Hauptunterscheidungen im System der Verben verwendet werden sollen. Dies betrifft die Unterscheidungen sowohl nach formalmorphologischen Kriterien (Verben auf anavaa, -inavaa und enavaa sowie die Klasse der Verben mit unregelmäßiger Bildung des Präsens- und Präteritalstammes) als auch nach semantischen Gesichtspunkten. Auf S. 94 werden zunächst nur zwei Konjugationstypen unterschieden; auf S. 102 werden sodann die Involitiva auf enavaa trotz andersartiger Bildung ihrer Vergangen

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(II) On page 52 (paragraph 7.8) the author points out the difficulty involved in interpreting the rule: tumarthācca bhävavacanät (2. 3. 15), if one were to accept Patanjali's view of bhāva (action) as the meaning of the suffix tum. In this context the following comments in the Balamanorama deserve to be noted:
(Here the Kaumudi of Bhattoji-diksita has the gloss thus: bhävavacanas ceti sütrena yo vihitas tadntāc caturthi syāt.).... avyayakyto bhāve iti tumuno bhäve eva vihitatvena tumarthakasya pratyayasya bhāvavacanatve siddhe punar bhävavacanagrahanam sūtraviśesaparigrahanartham ity aha - bhāvavacanās ceti. bhāve ityadhikrtya ye ghañadipratyayā vihitās te kriyārthakriyāyām upapadabhūtāyām bhavisyati syur iti tadarthah. etc. (tādrśabhāvādhikaravihitapratyayantad - ity ayam artho bhāvavacanād iti padasya. bhävādhikära-bahirbhūtatumunnvulāvitisū travihitapratyayāntāt - pācako vrajatītyādau caturthivaranam bhāvavacanād iti padasya prayojanam). These expressions within brackets are mine, which are supplied in the light of further explanations in the Balamanorama, Kašikā, and the Nyasa. In this traditional interpretation too there is no redundancy in having both the words tumarthāt and bhāvavacanāt, as the meanings and purposes served by the two are different. Later on in the same context the Bālamanorama has: bhāvavacanād iti kim? pācako vrajati. paktum vrajatīty arthah. tumunnvulāv iti nvul. tasya tumarthakatve pi bhāve ityadhikare vidhyabhāvāt na caturthi. The author does not make any reference or comments about the Balamanorama, particularly in this context.
(III) In the Note 52 about the sentence from the Svapnavāsavadatta: äryaputrah iha agatya ... sammanita bhaveyam it is said "if två denotes agent, as seen in the original paninian system, the nominative aryaputrah is perfectly justified." Here it would be better if it is made clear as to what is the agent of the sammānanakriyā (to be construed with the sammänitā bhaveyam). If it is äryaputrah, then there seems to be the violation of the principle of the shared kärakas (noted in pradhanetara yoh and supported by Pāņini's rules also).
(IV) On page 94 (lines 10-11) the author says thus: “Actually Kaiyata's explanations appear to be paraphrases of passages in the Padamañjari". This statement seems to require modification, because Kaiyața is believed to be earlier than Haradatta and so it would be Haradatta that utilized the passages of Kaiyata. Srish Chandra Chakravarti in his Introduction to the edition of the Nyasa (p. 22), and Yudhisthira Mimāņsaka in his Samskrta-vyakaranaśästraka -itihäsa think Haradatta to be later than Kaiyata.
University of Toronto
T. VENKATACHARYA
Bernfried Schlerath, Sanskrit Vocabulary. Arranged according to word families with meaning in English, German and Spanish. Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1980. IX, 216 pp. Dgl. 48,
In his preface Schlerath remarks that the acquisition of vocabulary is largely neglected in the teaching of Sanskrit, and that the principles of word-formation are not usually regarded as a part of the grammar of Sanskrit. The basic rules of word-formation are explained by him in three pages dealing with Ablaut, the development of IE a in Sanskrit, samprasarana and the krt and taddhita suffixes. The vocabulary contains nearly all words which occur in the grammars of Gonda, Perry and Stenzler. Schlerath suggests that the vocabulary should be learned little by little, concurrently with the grammar, and be used as a work of reference for the translation of the exercises in the three grammars referred to. According to him, his work covers more or less the basic vocabulary of the Pañcatantra, Hitopadesa, Kathāsaritsägara and the Mahābhārata.
A serious student who has the courage to study carefully the 216 pages of this vocabulary will undoubtedly obtain a better insight into the formation of Sanskrit words. One must, however, express serious doubts about the willingness of students to undertake such a task in addition to

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the learning of Sanskrit grammar and the reading of exercises. Schlerath's book can certainly be helpful in explaining in class the rules of word-formation. A student who uses it for his own study will often be unable to find a word. Schlerath's book would have gained much in usefulness if he had added an alphabetical index of words at the end. If set in small type, this would not have substantially augmented the number of pages.
The vocabulary was composed in Mexico and this explains probably not only the fact that the meanings are given also in Spanish, but also why sometimes explanations are given only in Spanish, for instance: ajra-m. pasture, field // Weide, Feld // pasto ("a donde se conduce el ganado"), campo. In several places Schlerath refers to Mayrhofer and Wackernagel, works which are usually not used by students. In indicating the meanings Schlerath has probably made much use of Monier-Williams' dictionary. In some cases he could have corrected the meanings given in it by referring to recent studies such as, for instance, Emeneau's article on kila, Khalu and nünam (IIJ 11, pp. 241-266). The IIJ is referred to on p. 136, n. 1 (for a second root 2 math-"to rub" cf. Narten, IIJ 4, 1960, 121 sqq.). Schlerath gives as only English equivalent for kila 'indeed'. It would have been better to render it with it is said' (cf. Emeneau, IIJ 11, p. 244).
Most elementary grammars give a list of preverbs but without indicating that they are not only used in forming verbal compounds but also in forming nominal compounds. It would have been useful if Schlerath had indicated this clearly. It must be rather confusing for a student to find, for instance, ni, nis and vi only designated as adverbs: ni (adv.) down; nis (adv.) out, forth, away; vi (adv.) separated from one another, off, away. Other preverbs are listed without any further qualification: apa away, off, on the outside of;ava down from, off; ud up, upwards, on, over, above. Reading these meanings, a student would probably expect to find apa, ava and ud used both as adverbs and as pre- or postpositions. On p. 3 Schlerath quotes ati as atio, indicating that it occurs as first member of a compound. However, sam is written sam- (prefix expressing conjugation). On p. 110 he writes pārśve and pārsvam but on p. 195 we find sakha-at the end of compounds: accompanied by. Elsewhere is used to indicate letters which have to be supplied, for instance, p. 23 uttama (ud-to; superl.).
Schlerath's work is the only one of this kind and, for this reason, one would like to see it appear in a revised edition and provided with an index. In such a form it would certainly render useful services to both teachers and students.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
NOTE
1 P. vii, note 3 correct 3.2.1.1 to 2.1.1.
J.-M. Verpoorten, L'ordre des mots dans l'Aitareya-brāhmana (Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liège, Fasc. CCXVI). Paris, Société d'Edition "Les Belles Lettres", 1977.438 pp. 75 fr.
Le premier monographe consacré à l'étude de l'ordre des mots dans un brāhmana est le travail de Delbrück paru en 1878: Die altindische Wortfolge aus dem Çatapatha-Brāhmana dargestellt. Comme le rappelle M. Verpoorten dans son introduction, plusieurs savants se sont occupés du problème de l'ordre des mots dans les brāhmaṇa mais sans en faire l'objet principal de leurs recherches. Ce sont surtout les travaux d'A. Minard qui sont riches en observations précieuses sur l'ordre des mots, en particulier, dans le Satapatha-brāhmana: La subordination dans la prose védique (Paris, 1936); Trois énigmes sur les cent chemins, I-II (Paris, 1949-1956).

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L'Aitareya-brāhmana (236 pages dans l'édition d'Aufrecht) est un texte beaucoup plus court que le Satapatha-brāhmaṇa. C'est pourquoi M. Verpoorten a pu en faire un dépouillement pratiquement exhaustif (cf. p. 30, n. 42). Il explique que son choix de ce brāhmaṇa a été déterminé par les considérations suivantes: "Il est moins monumental que le SB, et aussi moins étudié; il présente une prose moins savante et vraisemblablement plus ancienne que celui-ci; enfin, il est moins technique que le Pañcavimśa par exemple" (p. 33, n. 55).
M. Verpoorten se sert du vocabulaire traditionnel et n'ajoute que peu de termes neufs. Il emprunte à la terminologie d'A. Martinet le terme "monème". Les monèmes autonomes incluent verbes, substantifs, adjectifs et adverbes, les monèmes fonctionnels les particules, les prépositions, les conjonctions, les pronoms et la négation na. Le nom "enclitique de phrase" désigne parmi les monèmes fonctionnels les particules de phrase et pronoms, qui se placent isolément ou en groupe, juste à la suite du monėme, autonome ou fonctionnel, qui amorce la phrase et leur sert, peut-on dire, d'appui (p. 31). Quand plusieurs monèmes fonctionnels suivent le mot qui ouvre la proposition, le premier d'entre eux est dit occuper “l'enclise absolue", les autres "l'enclise relative". L'auteur distingue deux espèces de position initiale, l'initiale absolue et l'initiale relative. Un mot occupe l'initiale relative s'il suit un mot qui figure obligatoirement à l'initiale absolue. S'il s'agit d'un monème fonctionnel ou un verbe, cette localisation est nommée "enclise de phrase", mais, s'il s'agit d'un monème autonome, elle s'appellera "position initiale relative" ou "position médiane", selon que l'attaque de phrase est formée d'un (ou de plusieurs) monème(s) fonctionnel(s), ou d'un seul monème autonome (p. 33). Ajoutons que le verbe qui occupe l'en clise de phrase est qualifié d' "enclitique de phrase" (p. 33, n. 53). Il s'agit surtout du verbe copule et des déclaratifs. Vu l'importance que l'auteur attache à la position occupée par ces catégories de verbes, on s'étonne de ne pas les voir étudiées à part dans son livre. Le premier chapitre étudie la place du verbe mais en se concentrant sur les trois positions (finale, initiale et intérieure) que le verbe peut occuper. Le verbe déclaratif est étudié dans les chapitres sur le discours direct et sur les citations mais ici l'accent est mis sur la position du discours direct et des citations. En ce qui concerne l'enclise de phrase du verbe copule l'auteur ne signale que très peu d'exemples, (p.ex. § 52/4, § 103/34, § 120/3) qui ne suffisent pas pour prouver que l'enclise de phrase est le lieu naturel du verbe copule. Dans presque tous les exemples donnés pour illustrer la proposition prédicative verbale ($ $ 47-52) le verbe copule (as-or bhū-) occupe la position finale. • Le livre de M. Verpoorten est divisé en vingt-cinq chapitres consacrés aux catégories grammaticales (verbe, substantif, adjectif, pronom, particules, préposition, etc.). Les derniers chapitres traitent du discours direct (XXII), des citations (XXIII), de l'ellipse (XXIV) et de la variation (XXV). La conclusion résume les caractéristiques principales de l'ordre du mot dans l'AB. Comparant l'AB aux autres brāhmaṇa l'auteur montre que les ressemblances sont très grandes et les divergences minimes.
Dans chaque chapitre l'auteur essaie de déterminer d'abord l'ordre normal et ensuite les écarts par rapport à la norme. Il donne toujours des exemples pourvus de traduction. Si l'ordre est normal, le nombre des exemples est limité. Il est plus élevé quand il s'agit d'illustrer des positions qui ne sont pas habituelles. Evidemment, l'attention de l'auteur se porte surtout sur les exceptions à la règle pour lesquelles il présente, autant que possible, des explications. Ce n'est pas toujours facile de déterminer pourquoi la règle n'a pas été suivie. L'auteur procède avec circonspection et se contente d'ajouter le mot "inexplicable" après un exemple si une solution ne s'offre pas. Quelquefois l'auteur est peut-être trop prudent. A propos de sa/ta l'auteur remarque que sa position normale est en tête de phrase. Dans § 295 il donne plusieurs exemples dans lesquels sa/ta est à l'enclise de la principale: 11 9: asyām vāva sa na pratitisthati / yo na pratitisthati: III 40 5: osadhibhis tam bhisajyanti / yam bhisajyanti. Il est évident que les mots asyām et osadhibhis sont mis à l'initiale pour les mettre en relief. D'autre part, l'ordre des mots dans la subordonnée relative peut avoir contribué à déterminer l'ordre des mots dans la principale par la force du parallélisme.
L'auteur a pris la peine de traduire tous les exemples. Ses traductions ont l'avantage de

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montrer, de manière concrète, comment il analyse les exemples qu'il donne. Quand on consulte la traduction de Keith, on verra que l'auteur n'est pas toujours d'accord avec lui. Malheureusement, il s'est abstenu d'ajouter des notes ou des commentaires pour justifier ses traductions. Citons quelques exemples. P. 200, VIII 26 7: annam evāsmā etad urjasvac chaśvad bhavati 'Ainsi sa nourriture est fortifiante et toujours nouvelle'; Keith: verily thus for him food is ever full of strength'. P. 251, III 9 7: ya u eva praisan varsiyaso-varsiyaso veda / sa u eva tän sādhiyo veda "Celui qui connaît des injonctions de plus en plus longues connaît celles qui sont de plus en plus rentables'; Keith: 'he who knows the directions as ever greater, knows them better'. P. 232, VII 19 3: sa aptah parastān niruddhas tisthan jñātvā svāny āyudhāni/ brahmopāvartata 'Lui, épuisé, resté en arrière (?), immobile, reconnaissant ses propres armes, se retourna vers le pouvoir sacré'; Keith: 'it being obtained and blocked from above standing, recognising its own weapons went up to the holy power'. Dans les passage précédent il est dit que le brahman et le ksatra poursuivent le sacrifice. Le ksatra n'arrive pas à l'attraper (tam ksatram ananvāpya nyavartata) mais le brahman le poursuit et l'attrape (athainam brahmanvait, tam āpnot). Keith traduit tam ápnot par 'he obtained it' and aptah par 'obtained'. Il faudrait peut-être mieux traduire partout par 'overtake'. En tout état de cause, āp-doit avoir le même sens en tam āpnot et en sa aptah, et on ne voit pas comment āpta- pourrait être rendu par 'épuisé'.1
L'étude de l'ordre des mots ne peut pas être entreprise sans tenir compte de leur fonction. C'est surtout le cas en ce qui concerne les particules qui jouent un rôle important dans la prose védique. Par exemple, l'auteur consacre dix-sept pages à une étude du mot eva et, dans la conclusion, il distingue onze fonctions essentielles. A la suite de cette étude sur eva l'auteur examine eva tat et montre que cette expression qui n'a pas retenu l'attention des savants qui se sont occupés de la prose brahmanique, sert pour indiquer le résultat de l'acte rituel. Le livre de M. Verpoorten est ainsi plein de remarques judicieuses et suggestives. Une étude exhaustive de ce genre n'aide pas seulement à mieux comprendre l'agencement de la phrase mais aussi à mettre en lumière la pensée ritualiste qui s'y exprime.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
NOTE
1 Pour la traduction de parastān niruddhas voir PW s.v. parastāt (2): "parastān nirudhyātisthat vorn den Weg vertretend."
T. Venkatacharya, The Rasärnavasudhakara of Simhabhūpāla. Critically edited with introduction and notes (The Adyar Library Series, vol. 110). Madras, The Adyar Library and Research Centre, 1979. CXXXII, 524 pp. Rs. 110, AUS $20.00, US $22.00, £10.00.
The Rasärnavasudhakara was published in Telugu characters in 1895 and in Devanāgari in 1916 by T. Ganapati Sastri in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. However, it has not received much attention from scholars. For instance, it is not mentioned in Renou's chapter on dramaturgy in the second volume of L'Inde classique (Paris-Hanoi, 1953, pp. 118-124). Ganapati Sastri's edition is based on six manuscripts, but does not give a very correct text. It is therefore greatly to be welcomed that T. Venkatacharya has now published a critical edition of this important work which was quoted by Sanskrit authors such as Mallinātha, Kumārasvāmin, etc. (cf. p. CXXX). The author is King Simhabhūpāla II of the Recarla family. His capital Rājācala, referred to as Rācakonda in the Historical Atlas of South Asia (Chicago, 1978), is situated in the Nalgonda

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district about 40 miles from Hyderabad. In his introduction Venkatacharya gives a history of the Recarla family, quoting from N. Venkataramaniah's introduction to his edition of the Velugötivārivamsävali (Madras University, 1939). Venkatacharya explains the name Recarla as being a regionalized form of the word rājācala (p. lxvi). According to Venkataramaniah, Simhabhūpāla must have ascended the throne some time after 1381 AD, the date of the latest inscription of his father Anapota (p. Lxxvi).
For his edition Venkatacharya has consulted eleven manuscripts, seven of which are in Telugu characters and four in Grantha characters (cf. pp. xii-xiv and xxxvii-xlii). In his lengthy introduction he deals with many topics related to the RAS (= Rasārņavasudhakara]: IV. Some Telugu and Sanskrit titles (hirudas) found in the RAS (pp. lxxviii-Lxxxiii); V. The five arthopaksepaka-s (introductory scenes) and the question of ankabahirbhāva of the viskambhaka and the praveśaka (pp. lxxxii-xciii); VI. The samdhiniyama and kramaniyama of the samdhyanga-s and the position of the samdhyantara-s (pp. xciii-xcix); VII. The type of prahasana to which the Bhagavadajjuka belongs (pp. xcix--ciii); VIII. On Rudrata mentioned in the Rasärnavasudhakara (pp. ciii-cxi); IX. Is Bahurūpamiśra later than Simhabhūpāla? (pp. cxi--cxix); X. The meaning of the word vāsaka in Vāsakasajjā or Vāsakasajjikā; XI. The rangaprasādana or the rangaprasādhana (pp. cxix-cxxiv); XII. Correct readings in the new manuscripts of the RAS, and the incorrect ones in TSS edition (pp. cxxiv-cxxvi); XIII. Names of authors and works mentioned in the RAS (pp. cxxvi-cxxix); XIV. Some works and writers quoted in the RAS without mentioning the names (pp. cxxix-xxx); XV. RAS quoted by others (p. cxxx). The RAS quotes many verses which have almost all been identified by the editor. They are listed in the index of illustrative and other verses (pp. 491-515).
The edition of the text is accompanied by many notes which not only list variant readings but also contain explanations and references to other works on dramaturgy. The work consists of four vilāsa-s, the contents of which are listed in detail in the vişayanukramaņi (pp. xv-xxxvi).
In 1969, T. Venkatacharya published an edition of the Dasarūpaka with Dhanika's Avaloka and Bhattanssimha's Laghutikā (The Adyar Library Series, vol. 97). The edition of the RAS could not have been entrusted to better hands. It is a great pleasure to welcome this excellent edition which has been beautifully printed by the Adyar Library. The RAS has not yet been translated into English. The only translation available at present is a Telugu translation published by Bulusu Venkataramaniah in 1950 (cf. p. xi). Professor Venkatacharya would oblige the world of scholarship greatly by translating this text which he knows better than anybody else.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Monika Jordan Horstmann, Sadani. A Bhojpuri Dialect Spoken in Chotanagpur. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1969. XX, 196 pages, bibliography, maps.
One of the most promising areas of research in New Indo-Aryan linguistics at the present time is that of the four language) -Maithilī, Magahī, Bhojpurī, and Sadānī - that belong to the Bihari subdivision of the Hindi group of languages. Several fascinating and as yet little-investigated features of these forms of speech will have to be thoroughly looked into before a satisfactory understanding of the grammatical evolution of the contemporary Indo-Aryan languages of northern India can be reached. Among these features are: the presence of a numeral classifier - which is a trait of all the Bihari and Eastern Hindi languages east of a line running from north to south through the districts of Kheri, Unnao, and Fatehpur in Uttar Pradesh; the use of as many as three alternate forms for nouns and adjectives; a weakened distinction of number and gender; and an interesting verbal system.
The obvious linguistic importance of the Bihari languages did not pass unnoticed in the

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nineteenth century and valuable pioneering work was done by Kellogg in his Grammar of the Hindi Language (1875), by Hoernle in The Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian (Arya-Indian) Languages (1880), and especially by Grierson in two works, Seven Grammars of the Dialects and Subdialects of the Bihari Language (1883–1887) and An Introduction to the Maithili Dialect (1 909). Unfortunately, in spite of this good start, very little further study was done on this well-prepared foundation. Aside from a small number of brief grammars meant for nonacademic use, by the end of the sixth decade of this century only two linguists had attempted a detailed description of a language in this group. One of these was S. Jha, the author of The Formation of the Maithili Language (1958), and the other was Udai Narain Tiwari, who wrote Bhojpuri Bhāsā aur Sahitya (1954) and The Origin and Development of Bhojpuri (1960). This neglect has largely been due to the fact that, except for Maithilī, hone of these languages were able to develop literary traditions in the pre-modern period. Their geographical position has meant that they have been in the past and continue to be today so overshadowed both in the spheres of literature and of politics by Standard Hindi and Urdu to the west and Bengali to the east that they have been held in disdain by their own speakers as rustic tongues unworthy of polite usage or serious attention. Even some scholars have seen them as mere variants of either Hindi or Bengali. It, therefore, was with a great deal of pleasure that Monika JordanHorstmann's book on Sadani was welcomed by those interested in Bihari languages. Since the publication of this book other grammars of Sadāni have been written in Hindi, in particular S. K. Gosvami's Nagpuri Bhāṣā (Patna: Bihār Rästrabhāṣā Parişad, 1976), but it remains the only easily available study of Sadāni in a European language. For this reason a review of the book is essential, even though unforeseen circumstances have delayed the review for several years.
The book begins with an introduction of 18 pages followed by a section each on phonology (pp. 19-40), morphophonemics (pp. 41-52), and morphology (pp. 53-104) and closes with thirty-six pages of Sadani texts and their English translations. There is also a glossary of Sadāni words (pp. 142-175), a summary of basic information about Sadani, a table giving the Kaithi script, and an excerpt from the 1961 Indian census listing mother tongues with number of speakers for each.
In her introduction the author deals with the social and historical aspect of Sadāni: its number of speakers, its location, its name, and its general linguistic relationship. She also gives a brief survey of previous work done on Sadānī and finishes with an explanation of the nature of her own study. Since she has limited herself mainly to the speech of a single Sadani speaker (p. 18), though she did have access to one other speaker, some tape recordings, and written materials, her results are naturally quite restricted. Her reliance on one person seems also to have given her the mistaken impression that "Sadani... ceases to be a still productive language" (p. 14) and that it is [being (?)] gradually replaced by Hindi, the State language of Bihar" (p. 186). In fact, Sadāni is a healthy, vigorous language with an important role to play as a lingua franca in southern Bihar (as the author also notes on pp. 181-182). In the years since this book was written Sadāni has even seen a modest literary flowering with the publication of such collections of stories, poems, and plays as Nāgpuriya (Sadāni) Sahitya (Ranchi, 1964) by P.S. Navrangi [P. S. Nowrangi), Shravan Kumar Gosvami's Dū Dair Bis Phūl (Students' Book Depot, Ranchi, 1971), and Vacandev Kumār's Ek Jhopā Nāgpuri Phül (Ranchi University, 1976). As a result of this new interest in Sadāni as a literary vehicle there is a definite tendency for speakers of Sadānī to regard it as an independent language and not as a dialect of Bhojpuri.
The treatment of both the phonology and morphophonemics is exhaustive and clear and the system of transliteration is adequate and harmonises well with the usual method of romanisation used for Standard Hindi. The chapter on morphology also is sound, though the explanations are all too often expressed in language too tangled to be immediately intelligible. For example, on p. 74 the author says about the verb rah: "The original meaning of rah in its non-preterite use is 'to remain'. In Sadani rah means either 'to be' or 'to remain'.

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important doctrine. As for the trisvabhāva theory (p. 13ff.), the question may arise as to whether Ratnakaraśānti differs slightly from the classical formulation found for example in Vasubandhu's Trimśikā (21-22; paratantrasvabhāvas tu vikalpah pratyayodbhavah/nispannas tasya pürvena sada rahitata tu yallata eva sa naivânyo nananyah paratantratah/). In his explanation of the topic of praptiniryāna in Chapter i (pp. 12-14 of the Sanskrit text) Ratnākaraśānti writes: kalpiteşv anabhiniveśabhyāsanisthāyām tad abhiniveśajanmanah paratantrasya sarvatha nivrttau sarvākārajñatā bodhisattvena prāpyata iti samudāyārthah// ... tasmāt paratantrenápi svabhāvena bodhisattvo na prāpnoti...//... 'evam'iti kalpitena svabhāvena 'etesām'iti paratantrarūpānām yā 'asvabhavata' śünyată, 'sanabhinirvrttir'iti, sa parinispannasvabhāvena ity arthah// Both difference and non-difference of śünyata from the paratantra is then negated (as in Vasubandhu's Trimśikā 22ab). At all events, Ratnakaraśānti has been understood by some commentators as so to speak devaluing the paratantra, even though he has explained it as abhävasvabhāva 'having the self-nature of abhāva' in contradistinction to the kalpita explained as asvabhäva (p. 13 of the Sanskrit text); and he has been accordingly considered to be one of the main sources for the theory of the void of the other' (Tibetan gžan stort) which puts forward a special, positive theory of reality where it is the parinispanna (rather than the paratantra) that is the ground of emptiness.2 – But as remarked by Jaini (Introduction, p. 20-21), Ratnākaraśānti does not advocate the ekayāna theory in his discussion of the topics of visayapratiniyama and vyāpti in Chapter ii (p. 22 of the Sanskrit text), where he mentions only those Srāvakas who turn towards Awakening (bodhiparinatika, in contradistinction to those who are sa maikāyana and seek only tranquillity) as achieving the samyaksambodhi of a buddha. Evidently, therefore, he followed the triyana theory of the Vijñānavādins rather than the ekayāna (see D. Seyfort Ruegg, Théorie du tathāgatagarbha et du gotra, pp. 200, 203 n. 1; cf. p. 210).
Students of the Prajñāpāramitā literature and historians of the Yogācāra will both be indebted to Professor Jaini for deciphering and publishing the text of this very important work according to the two available manuscripts, and to Professor Yamada for his valuable textual notes drawn from the Tibetan translation which is indispensable for establishing a critical Sanskrit text.
London
D. SEYFORT RUEGG
NOTES
1 In his valuable book La réfutation bouddhique de la permanence des choses et la preuve de la momentanéité des choses (Paris, 1976), K. Mimaki has asserted (p. 3) that Ratnakaraśānti's Antarvyāptisamarthana depends on the K sanabhangasiddhi of Ratnakīrti, who was a disciple of Jñanaśr imitra. But even if it is true that a typologically earlier form of the antarvyāpti doctrine is to be found in Ratnakirti's work, chronological considerations appear to make it most unlikely that he was the teacher of Ratnakaraśānti, as Mimaki has asserted (p. 54); see the present reviewer's remarks in JIP 1 (1970), pp. 305-6. At all events, contrary to Mimaki's hypothesis (in his note 198), Ratnakirti has not been explicitly named anywhere in the Antarvyāptisamarthana. Moreover, Ratnakaraśānti seems to have been the contemporary of Ratnakirti's master Jñanaśrīmitra.
Earlier publications touching on Ratnakaraśānti are by G. Tucci (on a Sanskrit fragment of a Tantrik commentary in Asiatica, Festschrift F. Weller, Leipzig, 1954); Y. Kajiyama (on the Antarvyāptisamarthana, in IBK 7,1 [1958], pp. 364-360, and Bukkyo-shigaku 8/4 (1960), pp. 219-238); and the present writer (in the article in JIP 1 cited above). On the Sārottama/Säratama and the Suddhimati, a commentary on the Abhisamayalamkāra, see our Théorie du tathāgatagarbha et du gotra (Paris, 1969). These earlier publications are additional to those referred to by Jaini in his Introduction to the book under review. - Recently, outlines

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of Ratnakaraśānti's Prajfäpäramitopadeśa and Madhyamálamaropadeśa have been published respectively by S. Katsura (IBK 25,1 (1976), pp. 487-484) and O. Hayashima (IBK 26, 2 (1978), pp. 1012-1008). 2 See our Théorie ..., pp. 36f., 61, 101, 139.
Heidrun Brückner, Zum Beweisverfahren Samkaras. Eine Untersuchung der Form und Funktion von drstāntas im Brhadaranyakopanisadbhāsya und im Chandogyopanişadbhāsya des Samkara Bhagavatpāda (Marburger Studien zur Afrika- und Asienkunde Serie B: Asien. Band 5). Berlin, Dietrich Reimer Verlag, 1979, 251 pp. DM 28,
Dr. Heidrun Brückner's careful investigation of the form and function of the drstanta in Sankara's two great commentaries not only shows the importance of the drstanta in his work but also some of the fundamental characteristics of his philosophical thought. The drstānta is one of the five members (avayava) of the syllogism in the Nyāyasūtras. Sankara quotes from the Nyāyasūtras but adopts a system of reasoning with only three members. The proposition (pratijna) must be proved by reasons (hetu) and examples (drstānta). When the proposition has been proved, it can be repeated in the form of a conclusion (upasamhara or nigamana) (cf. pp. 51-52). Sankara himself explains the conditions which must be fulfilled by the drstānta. It must be taken from ordinary experience and be generally accepted as true. There must be a correspondence between the drstanta and that which is explained by it (dārstāntika). The drstānta cannot be used to prove something which is contrary to knowledge obtained by other sources of knowledge (cf. pp. 57-58). The term drstänta occurs 52 times in the ChUBh (Chāndogyopanisadbhāsya) and 76 times in the BĂU Bh (Bịhadaranyakopanişadbhäşya). The author examines in detail twenty-two examples of the drstanta in the BAUBh. Of the conclusions formulated by her, the most important is probably the following: "Der drstanta - und ganz besonders der von der śruti verwendete drstānta - ist gültiges Erkenntnismittel für metaphysische Verhältnisse und kann somit Dinge verständlich machen, die durch andere Erkenntnismittel nicht zugänglich sind, d.h, kann das Unbekannte mit Hilfe des Bekannten beleuchten" (p. 94). The author also examines the linguistic formulation of the drstanta, and analyses two long passages of the Chu Bh (11. 23.1 and VIII. 12.1) in order to show the function of the drstanta in Sankara's reasoning. Also all the instances of the drstanta of the serpent and the rope in the ChUBh are discussed by her and compared with the use of the same drstanta by Bharthari and Dignāga. An appendix contains translated extracts (pp. 167-216) and the indices list the dystanta-s in both commentaries. In her final conclusion the author points out that drstanta is used by Sankara to eliminate all ideas of multiplicity and to emphasize the existence of a uniform substratum. The śruti teaches the unity which is demonstrated by means of reasons and examples which convey that which is unaccessible to ordinary experience.
Dr. Heidrun Brückner's book is inspired by Paul Hacker's work on Advaita Vedānta which has been influential in giving a new direction to Vedānta studies in Europe and Japan, as can be seen from publications by Sengaku Mayeda and Tilmann Vetter. It is to be hoped that in due course Hacker's work will also exercise its influence in India itself.
Dr. Brückner's book is a very useful addition to the existing literature on Sankara. It is to be hoped that she will extend her research to the Brahmasūtrabhāsya, from which she has already collected the drstānta-s, and to Sankara's other works. It will then become possible to see to what extent his use of the drstānta agrees with that of other Vedānta philosophers. For only through detailed studies of this nature can a deeper insight be obtained into the philosophy of the Advaita Vedanta.
It is obvious that the author has studied Sankara's two commentaries very carefully. In one place, for instance, she rightly points out that the existing reading is not correct (cf. p. 207,

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n. 1). However, it is not possible to read 'virodhad instead of virodhad in the following passage: (ChUBh p. 495.18-20): ya eso 'ksini puruso drśyata iti cchāyāpurusa eva prajāpatinoktan/ svapnasusuptayoś canya eva/na paro 'pahatapāpmatvādilaksano virodhad iti kecin manyante. P. 211: "Mit [der Aussage] Der purusa, den man im Auge sieht (ChU VIII, 7, 4) ist von Prajāpati nur der Reflexions-purusa gemeint. Und das ist ein anderer als der des Traumes und der des tiefen Schlafes. Es ist nicht der Höchste, der durch die Tatsache gekennzeichnet ist, dass er das Ubel abgeschlagen hat usw., weil (dann) kein Gegensatz bestünde." According to Sankara's opponents the reflection purusa is not the supreme self because there is a contradiction between the two, cf. Anandagiri's commentary (p. 496.5-6): apahatapāpmatväder avasthāvattvasya ca mitho virodho hetvarthaḥ. On p. 209, n. 1 the author proposes to read nivartitavijñānam and translates "dessen Erkennen... abgebracht worden ist." According to her, a variant reads nivartitāvijñānam. However, the text has nivartitāvivikejñānam and the variant reads nivartitāvivekavijñānam. Both the reading adopted by the author and her rendering are unacceptable.
It is, however, necessary to make one important reservation in recommending Dr. Brückner's book. Both the BĀUBh and the ChUBh have been translated by Indian scholars, the former by Svāmī Mādhavānanda, and the latter by Ganganatha Jha. Although the translations are listed in the bibliography, the author does not seem to have made sufficient use of them. Svāmī Madhavananda's translation is in general very good. Jha's English is less readable and his translation is not always very careful. Nevertheless, it is wrong not to take notice of his interpretation which is based upon a long experience of Indian philosophical texts. There are several passages which were undoubtedly better rendered by these two scholars than by Dr. Brückner. It is only possible to point this out by quoting the Sanskrit texts and the translations given by Dr. Brückner and the above mentioned scholars.
The expression -vyatirekena, 'apart from, over and above', has been misunderstood by the author, who renders it as 'verschieden' or 'unterschieden'. For instance BĂU Bh 623.25-26: na ca svaccha svābhāvyavyatirekena haritanīlalohitādilaksaņā dharmabhedāḥ sphatikasya kalpayitum sakyante. P. 92: "nicht eine Vielfalt von Attributen des Kristalls, bezeichnet als grün, blau, rot usw., angenommen werden darf, die von seiner Transparenz-Natur verschieden wären." Svāmī Madhavananda translates (p. 680): "yet no one can imagine that crystal has any other attribute but its natural transparency, such as green, blue or red colour." BAUBh $66.10-12: nanu nästy eva dhiyā samanam anyad dhiyo 'vabhāsakam ātmajyotih (dhivyatirekena pratyaksena vänumănena vānu palambhāt. P. 183: "Ist es nicht so, dass es ein anderes, der Vorstellung ähnelndes ātman-Licht, das der Erheller der Vorstellung wäre, gar nicht gibt? Denn mittels einer von der Vorstellung unterschiedenen Wahrnehmung oder Schlussfolgerung erkennt man nichts." Svāmī Madhavananda (p. 617): "We say there is no such thing as the light of the self similar to the intellect and revealing it, for we experience nothing by the intellect either through perception or through inference." BAU Bh 570.22-23: ghatavac caksurgrāhyatve 'pi pradīpasya cakşuh pradipavyatirekena na bāhyam alokasthānīyam kimcit kāranāntaram apeksate. P. 186: "Obwohl die Lampe – wie der Topf - Gegenstand der Sehkraft ist, erfordert die Sehkraft, da sie von der Lampe verschieden ist, keinerlei anderes, äusserliches Mittel, das an Stelle des Lichtes (im anderen Falle) stünde.” Swāmī Mādhavānanda (p. 622): “But though the lamp, like the jar, is perceived by the eye, the latter does not require any external means corresponding to the light, over and above the lamp (which is the object)." The meaning of vyatirikta is not 'getrennt' but different from, other than'. According to the Buddhist idealist a pot or a lamp is nothing but consciousness, cf. BĂU Bh 571.10: tasmān nästi bāhyo rtho ghatapradīpadir vijnanamätram eva tu sarvam. In the beginning of this passage he remarks: nanu nästy eva bahyo 'rtho ghatādih pradīpo và vijñanavyatiriktah (571.5). P. 187: "Ist es nicht so, dass ein äusserer Gegenstand, ein Topf usw. oder eine Lampe, getrennt vom Bewusstsein gar nicht existiert?" Swami Madhavananda (p. 622): "We say there is no external object like the jar etc. or the lamp apart from consciousness."
In translating three passages of the Chāndogyopanişadbhāşya the author has not sufficiently

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taken into account the interpretations found in Jha's translation. ChUBh 327.5-6: yad api bijopamarde 'rkuro jāyamano drsto 'bhāvād eveti tad apy abhyupagamaviruddham tesām. P. 190: "Wenn sie behaupten, dass man den Schössling erst entstehen sieht, nachdem das Saatkorn zerstört ist, so ist ihre Folgerung trotzdem falsch, dass er aus blossem Nichtsein
entsteht." Jha (p. 300): "It is true that the sprout is seen to appear only after the seed has been destroyed. But even this instance would not be compatible with the doctrine that 'it is from Negation alone that things are produced'." The expression abhyupagamaviruddha has also been wrongly translated in 327.9-10: atha tad asty avayavavyatiriktam vastubhūtam tathā ca saty a bh yupagamavirodhaḥ. P. 191: "Und wenn es sich so verhält, dass es ein von den Teilen verschiedenes, existierendes Ding gibt, dann ist ihre Behauptung widersprüchlich." Jha (p. 300): "if there is such a positive entity apart from the constituents, - then this goes against their doctrine (that there is no positive entity)."
In the following passage na tv etad asti, 'but this is not the case', has been misunderstood. P. 328.14-16: yady abhāvād eva ghata utpadyeta ghatárthinā mrtpindo nopādīyeta/ abhāva sabdabuddhyanuvrttiś ca ghatādau prasajyeta na tv etad asty ato näsataḥ sadutpattih. P. 191: "Wenn das Tongefäss aus dem Nichtseienden hervorginge, dann brauchte einer, der ein Tongefäss haben wollte, keinen Tonklumpen. Ausserdem folgte daraus ein Fortbestehen des Wortes und der Begriffsvorstellung von etwas Nichtvorhandenem mit Bezug auf das Tongefäss usw., nicht jedoch die Vorstellung] “Dieses existiert", deshalb entsteht das Seiende nicht aus dem Nichtseienden." Jha (p. 301): "If the jar were to be produced out of Negation, then it would not be necessary for the man desirous of making a jar to seek for Clay. It would be possible too, in that case, for the jar and other objects to be conceived and spoken of as . negations (non-entities). But neither of these two contingencies happens. Hence, we conclude that it is not true that 'Being is produced from Non-Being'."
In the second passage of the Chāndogyopanişadbhāşya the opponent (the Vrttikāra according to Anandagiri) claims that everybody can become a brahmasamstha by fulfilling the condition of resting in Brahman. According to him brahmasamstha is a word of which the meaning is clearly expressed by the word itself, whereas the meaning of words with a conventional meaning (rūdhiša bda), such as yava and varāha, is known only by convention. P. 116.9-11: na ca yavavarähädisabdavad brahmasamsthaśabdah parivrăjake rūdhah/brahmani samsthitinimittam upādaya pravṛttatvat/na hi ruļhisabda nimittam upādadate/sarvesam ca brahmani sthitir upapadyate. P. 199: "Ausserdem hat der Ausdruck "brahmasamstha" nicht wie die Wörter "yava", "varāha" usw. eine nicht aus der Etymologie ableitbare Bedeutung, die auf den Wandermönch [begrenzt wäre), weil es gebraucht wird, wenn die Bedingung eines Aufgehens im brahman gegeben ist; denn Wörter mit einer aus der Etymologie ableitbaren Bedeutung bedürfen keiner zusätzlichen Erklärung. Und das Ruhen im brahman ist (im Prinzip) für alle möglich." Jha (p. 106): "nor is the connotation of the term 'resting firmly in Brāhman' rigidly restricted by convention to the Wandering Mendicant only; like such ordinary words as 'Barley, Boar' and the like; as its use is based entirely upon the fact of 'resting in Brahman' (which is what it literally connotes); while words that have their use dependent entirely upon convention do not have their use dependent upon any such connotation of the term, (etymologically). Then again, it is possible for all men to 'rest in Brahman'." However, Sankara maintains that the term brahmasamstha is to be restricted to the paramahamsa, cf. p. 122.16-17: tathehāpi brahmasamsthaśabdo nivsttasarvakarmatatsādhanaparivrāļekavisaye 'tyāśramini paramahamsakhye vrtta iha bhavitum arhati. Sankara points out that it is not sufficient to live in a house in order to become a grhastha, but that one only becomes a grhastha by entering the stage (aśrama) of gļhastha. A word like gȚhastha has both an etymological and a conventional meaning. The technical term for such a word is yogarūdha, cf. L. Renou, Terminologie grammaticale du Sanskrit, II (Paris, 1942), p. 64: "yogarūdha mot "dont le sens est traditionnel (ou conventionnel, v. rūdhi), tout en ayant une connexion (étymologique régulière)", ex. pankaja-lotus", dérivé de parka + ja né dans la vase"."P. 1 22.11-16: yat punar uktam rúdhisabda (ed. rūdhaśabda) nimittam nopädadata iti/ tan na/grhasthataksaparivrăjakadisabdadarśanät/grhasthitipärivrajya

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takṣaṇādinimittopādānā api gṛhasthaparivrājakäv äśramiviseṣe visiṣṭajātimati ca takṣeti rūḍhā drsyante sabdaḥ/na yatra yatra tani nimittäni tatra tatra vartante/prasiddhyabhävät. P. 204: "Was weiter gesagt worden ist, dass [nämlich] Wörter mit aus der Etymologie ableitbarer Bedeutung keiner [weiteren] Erklärung bedürften, das ist nicht [zutreffend], weil man Wörter wie "gṛhastha", "takṣan", "parivrajaka" usw. kennt. Obwohl sie [etymologische] Erklärungen haben, [nämlich] das Leben in einem Hause, den Sachverhalt des Umherwanderns, das Zimmern usw., beobachtet man, dass die Wörter "gṛhastha" und "parivrājaka" in dem Sinne eine nicht aus der Etymologie ableitbare Bedeutung haben, dass es sich um Menschen in einem bestimmten Lebensstadium handelt, und das Wort "takṣan" in dem Sinne eine solche nicht hat, dass einer gemeint ist, der einer bestimmten Kaste angehört; [aber] es ist nicht so, dass diese Wörter überall dort Anwendung finden, wo diese [etymologische] Erklärungen zutreffen, weil darüber kein allgemeines Einverständnis besteht." Jha (p. 113): "It has been argued that "words whose connotation is fixed by convention do not depend upon other considerations (as those of etymology and the like)". But that is not right. Because we find many such words as (a) 'Householder' (Gṛhastha), (b) 'Wood-cutter' (Takṣa), (c) 'Wandering Mendicant' (Parivrājaka) and the like; as a matter of fact, even all these terms have their connotations dependent upon (a) the act of living in the House, (b) the act of wood-cutting, and (c) the act of wandering about in search of food (which acts are etymologically signified by the terms); and yet they are found to have their connotations fixed by convention, as applying to persons in the two life-stages (of Householder and of Wandering Mendicant) and to a particular caste, that of the wood-cutter. But it does not follow from this that those terms are applicable anywhere and everywhere where the said conditions may be present [i.e. by merely living in a house one does not become a Householder, nor does he become a Wandering Mendicant merely by wandering about in search of alms]; because such is not the recognised connotation of the terms." In several instances the meaning of well-known terms is not known to the translator. For instance she renders upanyasya by "erklärt worden ist" (p. 212) and upanyāsa by 'Demonstration' (p. 212). Also wrong is her translation of praptau satyam by "Und [wenn] ferner [die Aussage] zutrifft" in the following passage in which she wrongly changes yuktaḥ to ayuktaḥ. P. 497.13-15: jāgratsvapnayor bhūtāni cātmānam ca jānātīmāni bhūtāny ayam aham asmiti/präptau satyam pratiṣedho yuktaḥ syän näha khalv ayam ity adi. P. 213: "Und [wenn] ferner [die Aussage] zutrifft: "Im Wachen und im Traume erkennt er sowohl den atman als auch die Wesen als: diese sind die Wesen, dies bin ich" dann wäre die Negation: näha khalv ayam... (ChU VIII, 11, 1) usw. unrichtig." Jha's translation is free but correct (pp. 473-474): "Then again, it has been asserted that "during the waking and dreaming states, the man does not know thing[s], as 'these things' nor does he know the Self, as 'I am This'." - There could be room for this denial - 'In Truth, he does not rightly know himself etc.' or (xi.1 above), - only if the contingency denied were with[in] the bounds of possibility." A prapti is a provisional and wrong conclusion.
On p. 208 gamyamanasya is translated by 'zugänglich' instead of by 'cognised'. P. 491.1819: tac chariram asya samprasadasya tristhānatayā gamyamānasya. P. 208: "Der Körper gehört diesem, dem samprasada, der dadurch zugänglich ist, dass er drei Zustände hat." Jha (p. 468): "this Body is the abode of the Being in restful sleep, who is cognised in these states (of waking, dream and deep sleep)." The samprasada is cognised as having these three states, cf. Anandagiri's explanation: jāgratsvapnasusuptakhyasthanatrayasambandhitvena (p. 492.9-10) 'as being connected with the three states of waking, dream and deep sleep."
P. 499.2: tato gurutarasya pramāṇāntarasyānupapatteḥ. P. 214-5: "denn es gibt kein davon verschiedenes stärkeres Erkenntnismittel." Jha (p. 475): "Because there is no Means of Cognition, superior to (more reliable than) the Vedic text."
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG

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Peter Zieme und György Kara, Ein uigurisches Totenbuch. Nāropas Lehre in uigurischer Übersetzung von vier tibetischen Traktaten nach der Sammelhandschrift aus Dunhuang British Museum Or. 8212 (109) (Asiatische Forschungen, Band 63). Wiesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1979. 347 pp. DM 88,-.
MS British Museum Or. 8212 (109) contains four Uigur texts translated from Tibetan originals. The texts belong to the cycle of Cakrasamvara and are based upon traditions connected with the teachings of Näropa (1016-1100). The first text (A, lines 1-236) deals with the existence between death and rebirth (antarābhava, Tib.bar-do), death, the path to buddhahood and rebirth. The title of the Uigur version is rendered as "Der Dharma, der von den mit einfältigem Sinnesvermögen ausgestatteten Lebewesen der Reihenfolge nach verwirklicht und verstanden werden kann." The third text (C, lines 1012-1297) is entitled "Das zu befolgende Ritual der sechs dhyānas der Candāli" (Tib. *Gtum-mo'i bsam-gtan drug-la 'khrid-pa'i cho-ga) and describes the first five of the six doctrines (Chos-drug) of Náropa (1.gtum-mo; 2. sgyu-lus; 3. rmi-lam; 4. 'od-gsal; 5. 'pho-ba; 6. bar-do). The fourth text (D, lines 1 298-1430) deals with the six offerings (mchod-pa) to Cakrasamvara. The most interesting text is the second, entitled "Die Instruktion der tiefen Lehre, die vier Arten von Reihen dem Weg entsprechend zu befolgen" (B, lines 236-1011). The name of the author is mentioned in the colophon: Dharmadhvaja or Chos-kyi rgyal-mchan (1108-1176) from Cog-ro (cf. George N. Roerich, The Blue Annals, Part one, Calcutta, 1949, pp. 386-387). The original Tibetan text does not seem to have been handed down but the authors were able to discover a parallel text written by Sa-skya chen-po Kun-dga' sñin-po (1092-1158). According to them the title is Rim-pa bži lam-du slon-ba and the text is nr. 7 in the first volume of the Sa-skya-pa'i bka'-'bum (Tokyo, 1968). However, the title is Rim-pa bži-pa'i gdams-rag and the text is nr. 42 (pp. 249-254).
The third text was translated by Arya Acārya from Qamil (Hami) and written down in 1350 by Sarïy Tutung from UX-lük Cüng (Lukchun near Turfan). The other texts have no colophon but according to the authors the first three texts were written by the same scribe. Zieme and Kara have already published two volumes with Uigur texts translated from the Tibetan (Fragmente tantrischer Werke in uigurischer Übersetzung, Berlin, 1976; Die uigurischen Übersetzungen des Guruyogas "Tiefer Weg" von Sa-skya Pandita und der Manjusrināmasamgiti, Berlin, 1977). The present volume is of great interest not only to specialists in Uigur, but also to students in Tibetan Buddhism, because it contains translations of original Tibetan texts which must have been popular in the fourteenth century. The second text was written in the twelfth century by Chos-kyi rgyal-mchan and, most probably, the other three texts belong to the same period. It is to be hoped that it will be possible to discover the Tibetan texts translated by the Uigur translators. However, the text of the Rim-pa bži lam-du slon-ba must have been very close to the text used by the Uigur translator and it is therefore possible to compare the Uigur translation with it, as has been done by the authors. The text of the Rim-pa bži lam-du slor-ba is reproduced in the notes to the translation of the Uigur texts and partly translated. It would have been very useful if the authors had given a complete and annotated translation of the Tibetan text. Of course, the main purpose of this publication is the edition and translation of the Uigur text, but it is not easy to see how the Tibetan text was translated into Uigur without comparing the Tibetan text in its original wording, or in translation, with the Uigur version. In many instances, the authors reproduce the corresponding Tibetan text but do not translate it. Specialists in Uigur who do not know Tibetan will be unable to compare the Tibetan original with the Uigur translation. However, they will not even obtain sufficient help from the passages translated, because the Tibetan text has often been misunderstood by the translators. In several instances the Uigur translation is closer to the original than the translation of the Tibetan text would suggest. Sometimes one has the impression that in translating the Uigur text the translators have not taken sufficient account of the Tibetan text. It is, of course, a hazardous undertaking for somebody who is not a specialist in Uigur to criticize the translation of the Uigur text, but it may be useful at least to indicate that, in some

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places, the Tibetan original points to a different interpretation of the Uigur text. It must then be left to specialists in Uigur to decide whether it is indeed possible to arrive at an interpretation of the Uigur text which is more in accordance with the Tibetan text. It is a great help for an outsider to make use of the excellent glossary which contains all the words of the Uigur text accompanied by translations and references to the text (pp. 195-279). One regrets only that the authors have not added a Tibetan-Uigur vocabulary as was done in a previous publication (Die uigurischen Übersetzungen des Guruyogas "Tiefer Weg", etc., pp. 72-79). One hopes that the authors plan to publish Tibetan-Uigur and Uigur-Tibetan vocabularies which comprise the equivalents found in the three volumes of Uigur translations of Tibetan texts which they have published.
The Tibetan text in the Sa-skya-pa'i Bka'-'bum is beautifully reproduced and very legible, but nevertheless the authors have often misread the text. The following misreadings and misprints have to be corrected: p. 100 rlun rgya' - rlur rgyu'o; rlun bar byed-do - rlur rgyubar byed-do; p. 90 mñams-na-ma nams-na; p. 101 lnia-bču-gcig-pa - Ina-bču-rca-gcig-pa; p. 112 dbyibs rtogs-ste-dbyibs rtogs-pa ste; bstan-pa Ita-bu-bstan-pa Ita-bur; p. 115 gñis-pa sdus-te - gris bsdus-te; p. 116 rdubs-pa'i - rubs-pa'i; p. 118 dpe-pyad - dpe-byad; p. 120 rlun-la dpye-na- rlur-la dbye-na; p. 128 bčan-thabs-su - bcan-thabs-su; žur-dbyun btan - žud dbyuri-ba dan; p. 130 mam-pa bži -rnam-pa bži ni; p. 131 lus Idib - lus Iči-ba; dri-chu'i nan-du rlun - dri-Chu 'i nan-du Chu 'i rlur; p. 136 Sgra-čan-gyi - Sgra-gčan-gyi; p. 138 bcomIdan-das-pa-bčom-ldan-das drug-pa; p. 141 rca mdun -rca-mdud (same correction, p. 143, p. 145 twice); p. 142 rmi-ba dars - rmi-ba dar; p. 143 kha gyen-du byed - kha gyen-du phye-ba; p. 145 kha bye-ste - kha phye-ste; gnan 'byed-pa'i - gnad 'byed-pa'i (twice); p. 146 dbe-bar gšegs-pa - bde-bar gšegs-pa; Zug-te - Zugs-te; de yan-Chad - de yan-Chad-du; byas-na sa dag-pa-byas-nas dag-pa; p. 148 cha phra-mos - Cha phra-mos; p. 150 sprin bderis-pa - sprin dens-pa; p. 154 'byunab - 'hyun-ba; p. 155 sdom-pa'i dpa'-bo dan dpa'-bo dan dpa’mor - sdom-pa'i dpa-bo dan dpa mor; p. 157 sems-kyi thig-les-sems-kyis; p. 158 no-bo fid-du 'gyur-ba ste-no-bo fid-du gyur-pa ste. Words and passages have been omitted: p. 84 before Rim 71a3-6 add Rim 71a3 šes-bya rgyud-kyi rim-pa dan/bsgom-bya sriags-kyi rim-pa dari/ skye-ba ye-šes-kyi rim-pa dan/mthar-thug gsan-ba'i rim-pa'o// (cf. Uigur 253-256); bži-stebži/gžan snar-gi rtags rnam-pa bži-ste; p. 142 las sna-chogs 'grub-pa dan/nam-mkha'i la - las sna-chogs 'grub-pa dan/nam-mkha'i rlun nag-po nam-mkha'-la; p. 146 yon-tan bšad-yin-layon-tan bšad-pa'ol/da ni skye-chul ye-ses-kyi rim-pa ston-pa ni/yon-tan di-byun thams-cad gžan-gyi rgyud-kyis bsdus-pa'i yon-tan yin-la; p. 159 no-bo hid-kyi sku'o-no-bo gčig-tu gyur-pa ni no-bo fid-kyi sku'o. On p. 125 the authors read byas-pa'am sgom-chen min-pa čig-la, "jemandem, der kein Ausführender (der Tugenden) oder kein grosser Meditierender ist". This translation is, of course, impossible because byas-pa is not equivalent to byed-(pa)-po. In the reproduction one can still see vague traces of the vowel i. For byas-pa one must read byis-pa, 'an ignorant person'.
The translations of passages of the Tibetan text are often far from correct and elementary mistakes are common. On p. 80 the Tibetan text has khams-gsum rgyu dar mi-rgyu dan, “that which moves and which does not move in the three worlds, i.e. all that is animate and inanimate in the three worlds". The expression rgyu dan mi-rgyu corresponds to Skt. carācara. The Mongolian translation follows the Tibetan text but adds the genitive suffix: yurban yirtinčü-yin bitüküi kiged ülü bitüküi. The translation given is completely wrong: "Die drei Welten, die offenbare sowie die nicht offenbare." On p. 85 dkar-lam me-ba is rendered by "der weisse Weg (dkar-lam) wie Feuer (me-ba?)." One must, of course, read dkar lam-me-ba, "white and clear" (cf. Jäschke's Tibetan-English Dictionary s.v. Ihan-ne?). On p. 87 "Whi-kha-ma'i gdamsnag, "instruction in dying" (cf. Jäschke, p. 169b: 'Chi-kha-ma 1. adj. dying; 2. sbst. the dying) is rendered by "eine tiefe Mutter-Lehre vom Sterben". On p. 90 the Tibetan text has rgyu, 'cause' and rkyen, "condition': Srog-jin-pa'i rlur-gis rgyu byas/ma-rig-pas rkyen byas-nas nammkha' las brag rdib-pa Ita-bu' sgra'i snan-ba 'byun-ba, “it is due to the präna wind as cause and to the nescience as condition that there arises the idea of a sound like that of a rock falling

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from the sky." This is rendered as follows: "dann bewegt sich der Wind des Erhaltens des Lebens, und durch die Wirkung der Unwissenheit erscheint die Auffassung des Tons vom Himmel herabgestürzter Felsen." The Uigur translation agrees with the Tibetan Text. Rgyu byas, literally 'made the cause' is rendered by tilday qilip 2 and rkyen by basuḍči 'Helfer' (see also line 719) which corresponds exactly to the meaning 'co-operant cause' given by Jäschke to rkyen. The Buddhist terminology seems to be unfamiliar to the translators. The Tibetan text mentions four Māras (cf. Edgerton, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, New Haven, 1953, p. 430b)3. The fourth Mara is the devaputramāra "Māra, the son of the gods" (Tib. lha'i-bu 'i-bdud). On p. 148 the authors render lha'i-bu 'i-bdud btul-ba, "The devaputramara is subdued", by "das Niederwerfen der Mara-Dämonen durch den Gottessohn." According to Indian medicine there are 72.000 veins in a human body (cf. J. Jolly, Medicin, Strassburg, 1901, p. 44). The same number is mentioned in Buddhist texts and also in those connected with Naropa, cf. H. V. Guenther, The Life and Teaching of Naropa (Oxford, 1963), p. 55. However, on p. 96 the translators render ston-phrag bdun-ču-rca-gñis (72000) by 1072 (the same mistake is found in Das's Tibetan-English Dictionary, Calcutta, 1902, p. 1006a). It is not feasible to enumerate all the errors made by the translators but one wonders how it is possible to translate bya-rog-gi gdon, 'crow's face' (kākamukha), by 'Geiergesicht' (cf. p. 99) and bsams-pa cam-gyis, "by thought alone", by "soviel wie man wünscht" (p. 151).
It would be difficult to rely on the translations from the Tibetan which are given in the notes when studying the Uigur text. It may perhaps be useful to specialists in Uigur to mention a few passages where the Tibetan text may be helpful for the understanding of the Uigur text. On p. 150 the Tibetan text has phyi-rtags-su 'byun-ba Iñas mi chugs-so, "as to the outer sign the five elements do not harm." The authors translate "Was die äusseren Zeichen betrifft, so treten die fünf Elemente nicht ein." It is obvious that they have failed to see the difference between Tibetan chugs-pa, "to do harm", and Tibetan 'chugs-pa, 'to go into'. The Uigur text is translated as follows: "als äusseres Zeichen wird man für die fünf Elemente ungehindert." The Tibetan text suggests a different translation for bis maxabud-larqa (line 884), i.e. "by the five elements". The following passage is missing in the Uigur text: gzugs-kyi phun-po-la 'byun-ba Inas mi gnod-pa'o, "Die Anhäufung der (sichtbaren) Formen beschädigt die fünf Elemente nicht." This translation is nonsense and shows a complete ignorance of Tibetan grammar. The meaning is: "the five elements do not harm the rūpaskandha." On p. 101 the Uigur text has tamir-lar qan (lines 384 and 392) which corresponds to Tibetan rca'i rgyal-po, "the king of the veins". It is not clear why the authors translate qan by 'Blut' and not by 'king', although they give a correct translation of the Tibetan text. On p. 90 the Tibetan text has dam-chig ma ñams-na bskyed-rjogs ma-bsgoms kyan mkha'-spyod-du 'gro-ste, "If one's vow is unbroken, one will walk in the sky even though one has not accomplished the processes of bskyed and rjogs (utpatti- and utpannakrama)."4 To dam-chig ma ñams-na corresponds in Uigur tanyarïy čixšapad-iy arḍmasar (lines 319-320) "und auch wenn man das Gelübde und die Gebote nicht auf sich nimmt." Tibetan ma ñams-na, "if unbroken", corresponds to artamasar and not to arḍmasar. Of great importance in Naropa's doctrine is the division between the path (Tib. lam) and the fruit (Tib. 'bras-bu).5 On p. 101 the authors quote the following passage: Na-ro čhen-po'i bžed-pa-yis/Le'u Ina-bču-rca-gčig-gi//bya-ba thams-čad mdor bsdus-na/lam dan 'bras-bu gñis yin-te/, "Wenn man alle Dinge der 51 Kapitel nach der Rede des grossen Naropa zusammenfasst, wird es zweifach: der Weg und die Frucht." The meaning of this passage is: "In the doctrine of Naropa all the rites of the fifty-first chapter, when summarized, are twofold: the path and the fruit.". To the path belong the four Bodies: p. 155 lam sprul-pa'i sku 'byun-ste, "The path: the transformation body is produced"; p. 156 lam čhos-kyi sku rgyud-la skye-ste "The path: the dharma-body is born in the mind (lit. mental series, Skt. samtati, samtana, cf. Edgerton, op. cit., s.vv.; La Vallée Poussin, JA, 1902, II, pp. 275 and 283)"; p. 157 lam lons-spyod rjogs-pa'i sku rgyud-la skye-ste, "The path: the body of complete enjoyment is born in the mind"; p. 157-8 lam bde-ba čhen-po'i sku rgyud-la skye-ste, "The path: the body of great bliss is born in the mind". The Uigur translation renders

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in all four instances lam with yol (lines 920, 931, 944, and 956) but the translation given is "(Auf) diesem Weg" (920) and "auf einmal" (931, 944, and 956). The authors read bulup in line 920 and bolup in line 957, but in both cases the Tibetan has an intransitive verb (byunste and skye-ste). It is difficult to understand lines 435-438 in the translation from the Uigur: "Was den grossen Guru Naropa betrifft, (so hat er gesagt:) Die Adern alle sind in einem einzigen Menschen vollkommen vorhanden. Auch die Panditas geruhten zu sagen, dass die einzelnen Teile nicht anders denn als Adern erkennbar sind." This passage is quite clear in the Tibetan text: slob-dpon gnas-Ina rig-pa grub-thob čhen-po dpal Na-ro-ta-pa'i gsun-gis rca de thamsČad kyan gan-zag gčig-gi lus-la chad-ste/pandita de-rnams thams-čad-kyis kyan rca'i phyogs-re las ma rtogs-pa yin gsun, "The teacher, the knower of the five sciences (vidya-sthāna, cf. Edgerton, op. cit., s.v.), the mahasiddha, Sri-Naropa declared that all those veins are complete in the body of a single individual. All those panditas understand nothing but a single part of the veins." It is therefore obvious that tip yarliqdi refers to Naropa: "As to the great teacher Naropa, he said: 'All those veins are complete in a single person...'”
The Uigur translator does not seem to have understood the following sentence (paṇḍita de-rnams...). It is of particular interest to note passages in which the translator has misunderstood the Tibetan text. On p. 149 (lines 859-860 and 870) the Uigur text has yogačari-ning tüzülmäklig köngül-dä which is translated as "In dem harmonischen Sinn des Yogācāryas." The corresponding Tibetan text has rnal-'byor ñams-kyi snań-ba las (read la), "in the mental idea of the yogins," In line 650 the Uigur translator rendered ñams-kyi snan-ba with köngül. In line 976 tüzülmäk tözlüg renders Tibetan mñam-pa ñid (Skt. samatā) in mñam-pa ñid-kyi ye-ses (Skt. samatājñāna) "The knowledge of sameness.' In translating ñams-kyi snan-ba with tüzülmäklig köngül the Uigur translator has confounded Tib. ñams, 'mind', with mñam, 'same'. The Tibetan text can be useful in determining the meaning of Uigur words. On p. 98 the authors discuss the expression yüü-lüg-bol- which they translate everwhere by 'zusammentreffen". This meaning is not confirmed by the Tibetan text. For instance, on p. 112 the Tibetan text has: Ite-ba'i rca'i yal-ga-rnams gyes-pa gdugs kha gyen-la bstan-pa Ita-bur yod-pa "the branches of the veins of the navel are spread out and are like a parasol which is turned upwards." Tib. kha gyen-la bstan-pa means 'turned upwards'. The authors read wrongly gdugs-kha and add that, possibly, bstan stands for bsten. The expression kha gyen-la (or thur-du 'downwards') bstan-pa is well-known. A variant is gyen-du blta-ba, lit. 'looking upwards, i.e. turned upwards' (cf. p. 144). Tibetan kha means 'opening, mouth', but in the expression kha gyen-la bstan-pa, it has the meaning 'front side, face' (cf. Jäschke, p. 34b: 3. the front side, face, kha lhor ston-pa or Ita-ba, 'to be directed southwards'). In the Uigur translation šilip ayişï üsḍün yüü-lüg bolup turur (444-5) corresponds to Tibetan gdugs kha gyen-la bstan-pa Ita-bur yod-pa, "are like a parasol which is turned upwards". Uigur ayiş is a literal translation of Tibetan kha. There seems to be no reason to doubt that Tibetan gyen-la bstan-pa, "turned upwards" is rendered in Uigur with üsdün yüü-lüg bolup. This passage suggests a meaning 'to be turned (or directed) towards' for Uigur yüü-lug bol-. This is confirmed by other passages, for instance, p. 139 Tibetan rce-mo gyen-du bltas-te "The points are turned upwards"; Uigur uuč-lar-i yoqaru örü yüü-lüg bolmaq (747-8). The authors translate this by "Die Spitzen... oben zusammentreffen", but the meaning must be the same as that of the Tibetan text. See also p. 144 Tibetan rce-mo gyen-du blta-ba "the points are turned upwards"; Uigur uči yoqaru yüü-lüg bolup turur (8067). There is one passage in which the Tibetan and Uigur texts are not identical, but this is probably due to a misunderstanding of the Tibetan text by the Uigur translator. On p. 117 the Tibetan text has thig-le 'phel-bas g-yon-gyi rca la-la-na'i nan-na/a-li bču-drug-gi chul-du mgo thur-du bstan-nas gnas-pa, "because the drops are increased, they are in the left vein, Lalanā, with their heads directed downwards in the manner of the sixteen ali (vowels)." The corresponding Uigur text has baš-larï töpün yüü-lüg bolup (501-2) "of which the heads are turned upwards". However, in lines 512-3 the same Uigur text corresponds to Tibetan mgo gyen-du bstan-nas 'the heads turned upwards'. In another passage (lines 807-808) the Uigur text has tïnlay-lar-ning yüräk uči alḍin < 'w > töpün yüü-lüg bolup < bolup > turur,

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“Die Herzspitzen der Lebewesen treffen unten mit dem Scheitel zusammen." The corresponding Tibetan text has sems-can-gyi sñin rce-mo thur-du blta-ba-ste, "the points of the hearts of the living beings are turned downwards." Probably aldïn has been omitted in line 502.
It is to be regretted that the authors of this interesting publication have been unable to make sufficient use of the Tibetan text. For the understanding of Mongolian or Uigur texts translated from the Tibetan it is indispensable to have a good knowledge of Tibetan and of Buddhist terminology and doctrines and their Indian background. Without this knowledge it is not possible to fully understand such texts. It is very much to be hoped that in their further study of Uigur texts translated from the Tibetan the authors will be able to obtain the help of a scholar who is able to explain Tibetan texts and the Buddhist doctrines found in them.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
NOTES
1 See also G. Uray, 'The Suffix e in Tibetan', AOH III (1953), p. 235: "Iham-me 'illuminated, clear, distinct'." 2 In the transcription of Uigur words no account has been taken of diacritical marks and other graphic peculiarities of the manuscript. 3 The four Māras are explained in a passage of Asanga's Srāva kabhumi which was edited and translated by Alex Wayman (IIJ 3, 1959, pp. 112-113). Wayman's edition has to be corrected in some places but his text is by far preferable to that found in Karunesha Shukla's edition of the Śrāvakabhūmi (Patna, 1973, pp. 343-345). For the Chinese translation see Taisho vol. 30, p. 447a15ff (and not 449a22f., as indicated by Wayman). 4 On these two kramas see D. L. Snellgrove, The Hevajratantra, vol. 1, (London, 1959), pp. 139-140; R. A. Stein, La civilisation tibétaine (Paris, 1962), pp. 149ff. (the Sanskrit equivalents are not always correctly indicated by Stein). 5 For the Sa-skya-pa doctrine of path and effect see Musashi Tachikawa, 'A Note on the PathEffect Doctrine of the Sa skya pa', Report of the Japanese Association for Tibetan Studies. 20 (1974), pp. (8)-(7), and the introduction (in Japanese) to his translation of the Sa-skya-pa chapter in Thuhu bkwan's Grub-mthah: A study of the Grub-mthah of Tibetan Buddhism, vol. 1 (Tokyo, 1974), pp. 18-32.

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Heinz Bechert (ed.), Die Sprache der ältesten buddhistischen Überlieferung / The Language of the Earliest Buddhist Tradition (Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung, II). (Abh.d.Ak.d. Wiss. in Göttingen, Phil. -hist. Ki., Dritte Folge, Nr. 117). Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980. 193 pp. DM 66,--
The second symposium on Buddhist studies was held in Göttingen on July 4th-7th 1976. The theme of the symposium was the language of the earliest Buddhist tradition. The present volume contains the papers read at the symposium and a report on the discussions which followed the lectures (pp. 182-189). The problems relating to the linguistic character of the early Buddhist tradition have been discussed for more than one hundred years and, as Heinz Bechert remarks in his introduction, the contributions to this symposium show that there are disagreements of opinion among the expects.
One of the points of disagreement is the interpretation of the famous passage of Cullavagga V.33 on the recitation of Buddhist texts by the Yameļutekulā brothers. Brough (Sakaya Niruttiya: Cauld kale het. pp. 35-42) rejects Norman's explanation of chandaso as from chanda- in the sense of "wish, desire". According to him, MI chanda- derives from Skt. chandas-. Brough translates chandaso as in the manner of the Brahmanical religious texts". So far I feel myself in complete agreement with Brough. However, I am unable to share his opinion that this means "into Sanskrit". I believe it is not possible to explain this passage without taking into account the many other passages on the recitation of Buddhist texts. Some of them have been translated and studied by Sylvain Lévi (JA, 1915, I, pp. 401-447). Others are to be found in the article bombai by Demiéville in the Hôbôgirin (fascicules I-II, 1929-1930, pp. 93-95). According to these texts the Buddha forbids the reciting or chanting of Buddhist texts in the way in which Vedic texts are recited or chanted. The Chinese versions which are parallel to Cullavaggå V.33 speak of two brahman brothers expert in Vedic chanting. Only the Dharmagupta Vinaya does not mention Vedic chanting. Sylvain Lévi translates: "Je désire que Bhagavat nous permette d'arranger les textes sacrés dans le beau parler des gens du monde" (op. cit., p. 442). Brough translates: "in accordance with the fine language (texts?) of the world" (p. 39). It is certainly necessary to translate the word lun "treatise, text". The "texts in the fine language of the world" are undoubtedly the Vedic texts.
Cullavagga V.33 and the parallel Chinese versions refer to Vedic chanting, and the interpretation of chandas given by Helmer Smith and Louis Renou is fully confirmed by the texts quoted by Sylvain Lévi and Demiéville (cf. Ét. Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien, I, Louvain, 1958, p. 611).
Brough discusses the names of the brahmans. The name Utsäha is found in the Vinaya of the Dharmaguptas and the Vinayamātļkā. The Vinaya of the Sarvāstivādins has Gova and Yava. Brough tries to explain both the name of the first brahman in the Pali text, Yame, and the name of Yava as derived from a hypothetical *Java with the meaning "strength". Brough writes: "It is then possible that in these four versions *Java and Utsäha are used as approximate synonyms for the same personal name." Is it likely that in different versions of a story synonyms are used for a personal name? One would rather expect to find distorted forms of the same name or entirely different names as is usually the case.
In his paper (Ardha-Māgadhī, pp. 17-23) Ludwig Alsdorf examines two groups of stanzas in the Uttarajjhayana-Nijjutti and the Manipaticarita written in a metre called Māgahiyā, Māgadhikā. The language of these stanzas is true Ardhamāgadhi because it has two of the three characteristics of Māgadhỉ: nominative singular in -e; and I instead of r. According to Alsdorf

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these remains of New Ardhamāgadhi support Lüders's hypothesis regarding Old Ardhamāgadhi as the language of the oldest Buddhist tradition.
K. R. Norman (The dialects in which the Buddha preached, pp. 61-77) discusses the two following questions: (a) Were the sources which Buddhaghosa followed correct in calling the Buddha's language Māgadhi? (b) Why was the language of the canon, and of Buddhaghosa's commentaries theron, called Māgadhi? According to Norman Buddha taught in the Old Māgadhi dialect which was spoken in a small area of Magadha with all three typical characteristics, viz. e, 1 and ś, while elsewhere in Magadha Old Ardha-Māgadhi was spoken with only two of these features, viz. -e and I. Pāli, the language of the Theravāda canon, akin to Māgadhi and spoken somewhere in Magadha, was called 'Māgadhi' when Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon. It is perhaps not surprising to see that Norman's attempt to justify calling the language of the canon Magadhi did not meet with universal approval (cf. p. 185).
In her paper (La langue primitive du bouddhisme, pp. 43-60) Colette Caillat emphasises "that what is termed 'langue primitive du bouddhisme' is really but the result of our reconstruction schemes; moreover, that only fragmentary aspects are generally considered, and conclusions are drawn mostly from partial analysis" (p. 57). She draws attention to several facts relating to morphology and stylistics which deserve to be taken into consideration in studying the language of the oldest Buddhist tradition.
Gustav Roth examines the "Particular Features of the Language of the Arya-MahāsāmghikaLokottaravādins and their Importance for Early Buddhist Tradition' (pp. 78-93). He points out several correspondences between the Prākrit of the Mathurā inscriptions (e.g. forms in are for any oblique singular case-form) and the Prakrit underlying the scriptures of the Mahāsāmghika-Lokottaravādins. Roth also finds traces of Sauraseni (the particle dāni, absolutives in-ya) and of Māgadhi/Ardhamāgadhi (absolutives in -yānam, the particle of address hamgho).
In a supplement Roth gives an edition of the complete text of the Patna Dharmapada (pp. 93-135). He points out the specific features of the language of the text and remarks that this language is a western type of Prakrit very close to Pāli. Recently the text of the Patna Dharmapada has also been published in India, by N. S. Shukla, as The Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dharmapada (Patna, 1979). It is very useful to have two different editions of the same text in order to discover which akşaras are difficult to distinguish in the manuscript. Roth's promised study of the script of the manuscript of the Bhiksuni-Vinaya has not yet appeared and no facsimile editions of manuscripts of the Patna collection have been published sofar. A fascimile edition of the manuscript of the Patna Dharmapada would certainly be very desirable because in both editions there remain a number of difficulties. In the first folio, three lines in Tibetan are written in dBu-med. Champa Thubten Zongtse reads: (1) chos-Idan zab[s] kyis gsuns-pa dan (2) chos kyi cho-ga bdud-rci'i cho-ga (3) żes bya ba głun chad brgyad grags-pa. Roth gives the following tentative translation: "(1) That which is said by Dharmika-pāda and (2) the way of the Dharma (which is] the way of the nectar (i.e. of the doctrine of the Buddha), (3) so it is known as a work that comprises) eight principles." Shukla's edition has bcom-dandas instead of chos-ldan zab(s), chig instead of cho-ga and brgya-phag Ina'o instead of brgyad grags-pa. This certainly makes more sense: “Said by the Bhagavat and called the Dharmapada, the Amộtapada. The extent of the text is five hundred (stanzas)." In Shukla's edition verse 120 begins with the following line which is not found in Roth's edition: tathavidha samaņā prabhūtapramña. In Shukla's edition there are two verses beginning with sukhāmāni bhūtāni. The second is missing in Roth's edition: sukhakāmāni bhūtāni / yo dandena na vihimsati // ättano sukham esano / precca so labhate sukham (cf. Roth No. 204). In 121b Shukla has: na candanam tagaram vählikam vā; Roth: na candanam vähnikam vā.
It is easy to confuse bh and t. In 12b Roth has: yo dhammam abhivattati; Shukla: yo dhammam ativattati (cf. Dīghanikāya, vol. II, p. 182, 1.14). According to Wayman's tables (Analysis of the Srāvakabhūmi manuscript, 1961, pp. 5-8) there is no difference at all between ba and va. In the language of the text dy-> b-, cf. 11b bitiyatā. Roth mostly prefers a v, cf. 141a: tahna-vitiyo puruso, 333a: sraddha-vitiyam. Rather similar are ya and pa. In 41a Roth

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writes: yada yayesu dhammesu. Pāli Dhammapada has: yadā dvayesu dhammesu. One wonders whether it is not possible to read payesu and to suppose the following development: dvayesu > bayesu > payesu. Roth reads ñāpyā (1106, 147, 190b), but elsewhere hayyā (31 2a, 313a) and nyāyyā (338d). One wonders whether it is really possible to distinguish between -py- and -yy- in the manuscript. Certainly difficult to distinguish are ma and sa. In 376e Roth reads tatha-m-iccheya, whereas Shukla reads tathā siccheya which corresponds to Udanavarga XXIX. 40e tatra śikṣeta
One could give many more examples of the problems one encounters in reading these two editions of the Patna Dharmapada. Some can probably easily be solved by consulting the manuscript. For instance, does the manuscript have in 116a: vānijena va bhayam mārggam (Roth) or vāņio va bhayam māggam (Shukla)? Roth has carefully indicated parallels which are very useful for the study of the text. No parallel is given by him for 212: samyattă sugatim yanti / doggatim yanti asamyyatā // mässu višśāsam āpādi / iti bindu (Shukla: viññu) samam care; but see Gāndhāri Dharmapada 325: sañadu sukadi yadi / drugadi yadi asañadu // ma sa vispasa avaja / ida vidva samu cari.
Ernst Waldschmidt's contribution (Central Asian Sūtra Fragments and their Relation to the Chinese Agamas, pp. 136-174) consists of three parts: (I) General Remarks on the Agamas. Re-edition of the Mahāsamājasūtra; (IT) The Language of the Ch'ang-a-han-ching and Dharmaguptaka texts; (III) Two different Versions of the Ekottarikāgama.
In the Gilgit manuscript of the Bhaisajyavastu there are eight references to sūtras in the four āgamas. Of these eight references five indicate chapters (nipāta) of the Madhyamāgama. Waldschmidt shows that these five sūtras are found in the corresponding chapters of the Chinese translation of the Madhyamāgama. A Sanskrit fragment of the Samyuktāgama contains the end of a sutra, an uddana with six Sūtra titles, and the beginning of a sūtra. All eight sūtras are found in the same order in the Bhikṣuṇisamyukta of the two Chinese translations of the Samyuktāgama. In his Bruchstücke buddhistischer Sūtras aus dem zentralasiatischen Sanskritkanon (Leipzig, 1932, pp. 149-206) Waldschmidt published an edition of the Mahāsamājasūtra. In the last twenty years a number of Ms. fragments have been identified as belonging to this sūtra. In the introduction to the revised edition and translation of the sūtra, Waldschmidt points out that the Chinese Dirghāgama contains a version of the sūtra and that the introduction is also found in the two Chinese Samyuktāgamas. The version of the sūtra in the Chinese Dārghā gama agrees with the Pāli text, but the correspondence between the Chinese Samyuktāgamas and the Sanskrit text is much closer.
In II, Waldschmidt studies the language of the Dharmaguptaka texts on the basis of transcriptions of it found in the translation of the Mahāsamājasūtra in the Ch'ang-a-han ching, and of two Sanskrit fragments from Central Asia. The first of these contains a small fragment of the Prātimoksa. The language shows some prakritic elements. The second one is written in a much more sanskritized language. Waldschmidt concludes: "An older linguistic stage is perhaps perceptible in the metrical parts of the Chinese translation of the Mahāsamājasūtra in the Dīrghāgama and in the scarce remnants of the Dharmaguptaka Prātimokşa, whereas the Dharmaguptaka Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra fragment reads almost like Buddhist Sanskrit."
In III, Waldschmidt compares Central Asian fragments of the Ekottarikāgama with the corresponding texts in Pāli and in Chinese. He shows that "the Sanskrit text is conform with the Pāli text in substance, only in wording there are differences. On the other hand, there is a considerable contrast with the corresponding Sūtras of the Tsêng-i-a-han-ching."
In 'Bu-ston on the Languages Used by Indian Buddhists at the Schismatic Period' (pp. 175-181) Akira Yuyama examines a passage in Bu-ston's History of Buddhism on the languages used by the different Buddhist schools. His translation is not an improvement on Obermiller's translation and his remarks on the meaning of rgya-chen-po'i skad and bar-mar 'don-pa' tshig are nothing more than gratuitous speculations.
Heinz Bechert, the editor of this volume, has contributed an introduction in English (pp. 11-16) and methodological reflections (Allgemeine Bemerkungen zum Thema "Die Sprache

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der ältesten buddhistischen Überlieferung", pp. 24-34). Bechert remarks (pp. 13-14): "It is highly probable that there is linguistic diversity already in the earliest tradition, so that there we cannot speak of one particular 'language of the earliest Buddhist tradition"." He adds that these views were already formulated by Mrsg. Lamotte in his Histoire du bouddhisme (Louvain, 1958, p. 608): "Il est naturel qu'au cours de ses tournées de prédication à Rajagṛha, Śrāvastī, Vārāṇasī, Vaisalī, Kausāmbi, etc., le Buddha ait enseigné les vérités saintes dans le ou les parlers en usage parmi les Magadha, Kosala, Kāsī, Vṛji, Vatsa, etc., parlers qui peuvent être considérés comme des variétés de la langue sainte' (aryāvāc) ou encore de la langue du pays du milieu' (madhyadesavac)." More than fifty years before Lamotte Ernst Windisch had written: "Wenn Buddha in Magadha die Mâgadhî sprach, so wird er sie doch gewiss nicht genau so wie ein Eingeborener gesprochen haben. Aber Buddha wanderte umher in weitem Umkreis und lehrte auch in Benares, Kosambî, Sâvatthî, Vesâlî. Er wird sich unwillkürlich überall mehr oder weniger dem Dialekte der Gegend angepasst haben" ("Ueber den sprachlichen Charakter des Pali', Actes du XIVe Congrès International des Orientalistes, I, Paris, 1906, p. 283).
Misprints are very few. The following have come to my notice. P. 8, Alsdorf passed away on March 25, 1978 (not 1975). P. 11, read E. W. A. Kuhn for E. A. W. Kuhn (also p. 24). P. 55, note 55, fourth line from below, read voir for voi,. P. 63, 7th line from below, read all for als; 4th line from below, read Buddha- for Buddhal. P. 89, line 2, read brāhmaṇassa for brāmanassa; line 22, read 'nor revile him' for 'not revile him'. P. 93, 5th line from below, read translation for translatiom. P. 96, line 12, read Varga for Verga, P. 101, line 4, read Samma-sambuddha-desitam for Samma-sambuddha-sesitam? P. 124, verse 302b, read dhanam for shanam? P. 125, verse 307, read Uv 11.10 for Uv 21.10. P. 140, line 22, read T.I.24 for T.I.2.
The contributions to this volume give an excellent idea of the complexity of the problems relating to the language of the earliest Buddhist tradition. It becomes more and more hazardous to advance an all-embracing theory based on a limited amount of information as has-so often been done in the past. The papers and the discussions show clearly that many more detailed studies have to be undertaken before it will become possible to construct a theoretical framework which does not do violence to the facts. We must be very grateful to Heinz Bechert for having organized this symposium and for having published the results with so little delay.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
R. Ananthakrishna Sastry, Visnusahasranama with the Bhāṣya of Śrī Samkarācārya. Translated into English in the light of Sri Samkara's Bhāṣya (Adyar Library General Series No, 8). Adyar, The Adyar Library and Research Centre, 1980. XXX, 475 pp. Rs 40.00; AUS $7.00; US $8.00; £3.50.
Ananthakrishna Sastry's translation of the Visnusahasranāma was first published in 1901. A revised and enlarged edition appeared in 1926 and was reprinted in 1927. This new edition not only contains the English translation but also the Sanskrit text of Sankara's Bhāṣya. Ananthakrishna Sastry's translation has been revised by A. G. Krishna Warrier and A. A. Ramanathan.
Both the Visnusahasranāma and Śankara's Viṣṇusahasranamastotrabhāṣya are very popular works. Two recent editions are listed by Mario Piantelli in his Sankara e la rinascita del Brahmanesimo (Fossano, 1974, p. 291): Viṣṇusahasranama, with extracts of Sankarabhāṣya, edited by Svāmin Vimalananda, Tirupparaitturai, 1965, and Visnusahasranama, with the bhāṣyas by Sankarācārya and Parasara Bhatta, edited with English translation by K. E. Parthasarathy, Madras, 1966. Another translation was published by P. Sankaranarayana in 1978 in Bombay.

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In his introduction to the 1926 edition, Ananthakrishna Sastry remarked that "many doubted the authenticity of the work" (p. xxi). In his preface to the present edition, Krishna Warrier writes: "The rare merit of Samkara's commentary on the VSN (Visnusahasranāma) is that there is a singular unity of purpose between it, reputedly the earliest commentary from his pen, and his acknowledged masterpiece the Brahmasūtrabhāşya" (p. xiii). He does not indicate where it is stated that this Bhasya is the earliest commentary written by Sankara. Western scholars who have made a critical study of the authenticity of the works ascribed to Sankara do not attribute the Bhäsya on the VSN to him, although, as far as I know, this work has not been studied in particular, cf. A. J. Alston, Samkara on the Absolute (London, 1980, pp. 48-50) who refers to studies by Hacker and Mayeda.
The translation is not always carefully checked. For instance, in the pūrvapithikā p. 6: yad vihāyāparah panthah nrnam nästi is rendered by "for going there is no other path". P. 7: mucyate janmasamsārabandhanāt itīdam upalaksanam itaresām phalānām api is rendered by: "Freed: from all other effects, also". P. 9: pūjāvisesabhūtam is rendered by "form the last part of the worship". In the same section the Sanskrit text and the English translation do not always correspond, cf., for instance, pp. 16-21 and 38-42. Not all quotations are translated in their entirety and the translation of the commentary leaves out explanations which are perhaps considered less important by the translator, for instance, p. 92: prapancarūpena bhavatiti, kevalam bhavatity eva vā bhavah / bhavanam bhāvah sattătmako vā //. Translation: "Bhāvah. The absolute Existence. He expands himself as the universe; or remains as pure existence." Undoubtedly, these imperfections will be corrected in a future edition which will certainly be required before long. As are all the editions of the Adyar Library, this work has been carefully printed. It is provided with two indices, one of the thousand names and one of quotations.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
J. Harmatta (ed.), Prolegomena to the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 1979. 339 pp. $ 29.50. J. Harmatta (ed.), Studies in the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó, 1979. 162 pp. $ 14.00.
Both the Prolegomena (Pr.) and the Studies (St.) contain a series of articles relating to sources on the history of pre-Islamic Central Asia. The only information provided on the aim of these two volumes is found on the dustjacket. According to the text on the dustjacket of Pr., the General Conference of UNESCO in 1966 adopted a resolution to launch a project for the study of the civilizations of Central Asia, and the principal aim of this volume is to put forward the problems connected with sources, to outline the geographical and chronological limits, and to define the methods of their collection. Pr. seems to be the result of a conference held in Budapest on 25th April 1973 on "Problèmes des sources sur l'histoire de l'Asie Centrale de l'époque achéménide jusqu'à la conquête arabe." This much can be gathered from indications found scattered in Pr. (cf. p. 119, note *, p. 199, p. 261, n. 1 and p. 275). According to the original plan, the battle of Talas (751 A.D.) was to be the upper chronological limit of the Collection of Sources but the Conference decided to extend this limit up to the turn of the 1st millenium A.D. (p: 275, note *). It is not possible to discover whether all the papers published in Pr. were read during the conference and to what extent the different authors were asked to fulfil a specific task. The text on the dustjacket of Pr. says that "these studies provide an introduction to the problems of the historical sources of pre-Islamic Central Asia." It would have been helpful for the reader if the editor of Pr. had explained the exact purpose

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of this volume in a preface. Do we have to guess that Pr. was meant to contain contributions introducing problems connected with sources in different languages and that St. is the first volume of a series of studies devoted to the examination of those problems? According to the subtitles of Pr. (Collection of the sources for the history of pre-Islamic Central Asia) and St. (Collection of the sources on the history of pre-Islamic Central Asia, Series I, Volume II), both volumes form part of a major undertaking to publish sources on the history of pre-Islamic Central Asia. Probably Series I will contain studies on the sources and series II the publication of the sources. It is to be hoped that the editor(s) of future volumes will give more information on this project. One wonders whether, for instance, it is their intention to publish only unpublished sources or also sources which have not been satisfactorily edited.
The Prolegomena are divided into twelve sections dealing with: I. Greek and Latin s. (= sources) ; II. Byzantine s.; III. Old Iranian s.; IV. Middle Iranian s.; V. Old Indian s.; VI. Aramaic s.; VII. Syrian s.; VIII. Arabic s.; IX. Chinese s.; X. Tibetan s.; XI. Numismatic s.; XII. Archaeological s. From an introduction to the problems of historical sources one is entitled to expect a survey of the available sources, an evaluation of their value, a report on the work which has been done regarding the edition and the study of the sources and, finally, an outline of future tasks stressing the most urgent desiderata. Moreover, in the case of Central Asian studies such an introduction has to take into account that, as stated on the dustjacket, sources on the history of pre-Islamic Central Asia are written in over twenty languages. The study of Central Asia is not a single discipline but a conglomerate of different disciplines. It is therefore very desirable for specialists in one discipline to be informed about the study of sources in other disciplines.
The Prolegomena do not provide a complete introduction as outlined above, because many contributions are more concerned with the study of specific problems than with introducing the sources and the problems connected with them. In the absence of any preface or explanatior by the editor, it is of course not possible to know the exact purpose of this volume and it would therefore be unjust to reproach the authors for not having fulfilled a task which perhaps was not expected of them. However this may be, it is to be hoped that future volumes of this series will supplement the information given in Pr. in order to provide a full survey of the sources on pre-Islamic Central Asia.
The Prolegomena contain 28 articles and the Studies 18 articles. It is of course not possible to list the titles of all 46 articles; we must limit ourselves to mentioning a few which are of special interest to readers of this journal. J. Harmatta has contributed to Pr. an article entitled 'Sogdian Sources for the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia' (pp. 153-165) in which he discusses the date of the Sogdian Ancient Letters. According to Henning (BSOAS 12, 1948, pp. 601-615), these letters were written in 312-313 A.D. The second letter mentions that Lo-yang was burnt. This happened in 190, in 311 and in 530-532-534. Henning wrote: “We can unhesitatingly exclude the events of the sixth century from consideration, on the general grounds given above. This leaves us with 190 and 311. The choice is made easy: in 311 Lo-yang, and with it the power of Chin, is destroyed by the Hsiung-nu: in the Sogdian Letter the Hūns are mentioned as the adversaries of the Chinese. As there can thus hardly be a doubt that the Letters were written in or shortly after 311, reference is made in what follows to events pertaining to that period only" (op. cit., pp. 603-604). The colophon of the second letter indicates the date: 'the year 13 of the Lord of cyrosw'n'. Henning proposed to explain cyrosw'n as a transcription of Chiu-ch'uan, the old name of Su-chou. The Lord mentioned in the date was the governor-general of the province of Liang, Chang Kuei, who had been appointed in 301 and who died on 8th July 314. His thirteenth year is the year 313. Harmatta proposes an entirely different explanation for cyr sw'n. According to him it is a transcription of Chin. tzu ('this', cf. Giles no. 12346) liu ('six', Giles no. 7276) hsün ("a period of ten years'. Giles no. 4864). The 13th year of the Lord of the current Cycle of Sixty is the year 196, the first year of the cycle being the year 184. Harmatta does not give any references for the use of tzu liu-hsün in the meaning "this current cycle' and Enoki has already indicated his doubts

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regarding this explanation (cf. Töhögaku, No. 59, 1980, p. 136). Also the addition of the word 'Lord' seems very strange. Henning pointed out that the word 'Lord' (MR'Y) is elsewhere preceded by a place-name (op. cit., p. 611). For this reason Henning tried to explain cyr sw'n as a place-name, (not as the name of a king as stated by Enoki, loc. cit.). Henning proposed his explanation as a pis-aller. His explanation of cyrosw'n may be wrong but it may still be true that this letter was written after 311. The same remark applies to Harmatta's theory. Even if his explanation of cyrosw'n proves unacceptable, it may still be true that this letter was written not long after the burning of Lo-yang in 190.
Harmatta advances several arguments for his dating of the Letters. He remarks "that a Chinese paper document found in Lou-lan and dated to 312 shows a much later production technique than the paper of the "Ancient Letters", or that along the Chinese limes west of Tun-huang only documents originating from the Han period have been found” (p. 159). This second point is studied in great detail hy him in "The Archaeological Evidence for the Date of the Sogdian "Ancient Letters" (St. pp. 75-90). Furthermore, Harmatta points out that "the Hiung-nu also played a part at the end of the 2nd century in the worried times of the fall of the Later Han Dynasty" (p. 159). Henning gave only a partial translation of the second letter (lines 5-23, 28-38, and 61-63). Harmatta provides a complete translation and even fills in some of the gaps in the text, for instance in line 14 where Henning translates: "Moreover then the
I by the (Hü] ns." In a note Henning adds: “Moreover then the (Emperior was taken prisoner and led into captivity] by the (Hū]ns" or some such words may well have stood in this line." Harmatta translates: "Then came the Hiung-nu (xwn) - so it is said - and joined the Chinese" (p. 162). It is to be hoped that both Sinologists and specialists in Sodgian 'will examine closely the new evidence presented by Harmatta in these two articles.
In 'La formation quadripartite des tribus perses' (Pr., pp. 73-83) R. Ghirshman "présente ... les résultats des premières recherches sur les Perses à partir du moment où leurs tribus non encore unies - ils arrivent, au milieu du VIIIe siècle à l'Est de Suse" (p. 73). In another article, 'Les daivadâna' (St. pp. 7-18), Ghirshman draws attention to a building discovered by D. Stronach south of Hamadan in ancient Media which had been filled with shale chips and covered with chips and mud. According to him this building is one of the temples of the ancient Iranian pantheon destroyed by Xerxes when suppressing a revolt in Media. Whereas Ghirshman tries to shed new light on Darius daiva inscription (XPh), Harmatta re-examines the Vth column of DB in 'Darius' expedition against the Sakā tigraxaudā' (St. pp. 19-28). Harmatta quotes the text of DB V 21-30 as revised by Cameron, Kent's restoration and Dandamaev's restoration (Kratkie soobščeniya Instituta Narodov Azü 61, 1963, pp. 176-177), and proposes a new restoration from which he concludes that "the record on Darius' expedition against the Sakā tigraxaudā belong (sic) to the historical sources on Ancient Central Asia" (p. 28). M. A. Dandamayev studies the 'Data of the Babylonian documents from the 6th to the 5th centuries B.C. on the Sakas' (Pr. pp. 95-109). He points out that the Gimirri, mentioned in the Babylonian texts, must be central Asian Sakas subjugated by the Persians under Cyrus II and Darius I. Three articles concern the Avesta. B. Schlerath examines the importance of the Avesta as a source for the history of Central Asia (PT. 'Das Awesta als Quelle für die Geschichte Zentralasiens', pp. 85-87) and concludes that 'die wenigen und isolierten awestischen Textsteller die sich auf Realien beztehen oder die als Reflexe von Fakten der politischen Geschichte angesehen werden können, nicht geeignet sind, in ein Corpus der Geschichtsquellen Zentralasiens aufgenommen zu werden" (p. 87). In 'Das Avesta in der Persis' (Pr. pp. 89-93) K. Hoffmann suggests that perhaps "der Versuch, den ostiranischen Zarathustrismus in Persien anzusiedeln, um ein religiöses und politisches Gegengewicht gegen das medische Magiertum zu entwickeln, bereits vor der Machtübernahme des Darius vom persischen Adel unternommen wurde” (p. 92). J. Kellens rejects the historicity of the Kayanians in 'L'Avesta comme source historique: la liste des Kayanides' (St. pp. 41-53). According to him kauui- is not a monarch: "Sans cette dernière [la tradition zoroastrienne tardive] et l'image qu'elle donne de Vištāspa, rien ne permettrait de faire du kauui avestique autre chose qu'un homme de religion" (p. 46); "Rien non plus ne perme

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de faire un roi de Vištāspa ... Le plus simple n'est-il pas de conclure que Vištāspa est un kauui comme les autres, mais qu'à la différence des autres, il a adhéré au message du prophète?” (p. 47). With regard to xšaora- Kellens remarks that "xšaora- n'est pas le pouvoir encore moins l'empire ou le règne, mais tout simplement la capacité à disposer de quelque chose, à en user selon sa volonté" (p. 48). In only two passages of the Yašts does it refer to political power (10,109 and 5,130). Kellens concludes: "les héros qui se succèdent dans les Yašts, pour autant qu'ils ne soient pas du cycle des Gathās, appartiennent à la vieille mythologie indo-iranienne. Voici qu'ils s'ordonnent en série chronologique, qu'ils s'enracinent dans la terre d'Iran, qu'ils revêtent des caractères royaux .... L'Avesta est un mauvais document historique si on attend de lui un témoignage, qu'il ne donne pas, sur l'Iran pré-zoroastrien. C'en est un excellent si on y cherche le reflet de la société iranienne contemporaine de la rédaction de ses parties constitutives." (p. 51).
Two articles examine the Iranian names found on the Elamite tablets from Persepolis. Manfred Mayrhofer rejects attempts to find traces of an -nh- dialect: "Zur Frage nicht medischpersischer Personennamen in Persepolis' (Pr. pp. 111-118). R. Schmitt's article is entitled:
The Medo-Persian names of Herodotus in the light of the new evidence from Persepolis' (St. pp. 29-39). In another article Schmitt studies the Iranian names attested in the Persika by Ktesias who lived at the court of Artaxerxes Mnemon: 'Die Wiedergabe iranischer Namen bei Ktesias von Knidos in Vergleich zur sonstigen griechischen Uberlieferung' (Pr. pp. 119-133).
Middle Iranian sources are studied by several scholars. Ph. Gignoux underlines the necessity to give priority to the indigenous sources in the study of Western Iran (Pr. 'Problèmes de distinction et de priorité des sources', pp. 137-141): "Il y a donc, pour l'histoire de l'Iran occidental, une hiérarchie des sources à respecter, et comme les sources indigènes sont surtout des inscriptions, une priorité des textes épigraphiques sur les textes historiques provenant de traditions étrangères ou postérieures” (p. 140). In 'Problèmes d'interprétation historique et philologique de titres et noms propres sasanides' (St. pp. 107-112) Ph. Gignoux shows how an inscription on a seal helps to explain a phrase in a Pahlavi text and points out how widespread was the use of the title driyőšan jādag-gov ud dādvar, 'défenseur et juge des pauvres'. Furthermore, Gignoux lists a series of proper names consisting of dvandvas of two names of divinities as found in Pahlavi sources, and traces the existence of this category of names in Old Iranian. W. Sundermann examines the historical importance of the hagiographical literature of the Manichaeans in Middle Persian, Parthian and Sogdian: 'Die mittelpersischen und parthischen Turfantexte als Quellen zur Geschichte des vorislamischen Zentralasiens' (Pr. pp. 143-151). In another article Sundermann ('Ein Bruchstück einer soghdischen Kirchengeschichte aus Zentralasien?', St. pp. 99-105) examines a Sogdian MS from Turfan which Olaf Hansen had considered to be of importance for the history of Central Asia. According to Sundermann, "C 3 = T II B 40 handelt somit von der Begründung eines Klosters in der Umgebung von Arrajān in der Provinz Fārs durch Yöhannän Dailomāyā Ende des 7. oder Anfang des 8. Jh. Als eine Quelle für die Geschichte Zentralasiens kommt dieses Fragment nicht in Frage." (p. 105). Bo Utas examines the historical value of four Pahlavi texts in Non-religious book Pahlavi literature as a source on the History of Central Asia' (St. pp. 119-128).
In his article 'Buddhistische Moral in aramäoiranischem und griechischem Gewande' (Pr. pp. 189-196) H. Humbach studies the Asoka inscriptions in Aramaic script from Gandhara and Kandahar: 'Im folgenden komme ich nun auf meine früheren Bemühungen um die Inschrift von Taxila, die Inschrift vom Laghman-Fluss und die Bilingue von Kandahar zurück, gebe einige mir in diesem Zusammenhang relevant erscheinende Nachträge und ergänze sie durch Bemerkungen über die grosse unilingue griechische Inschrift von Kandahar." (p. 190). In a postscript Humbach lists publications which appeared since May 1973, including those relating to Laghmān II discovered by G. D. Davary in 1973.
R. E. Emmerick underlines the historical importance of religious Khotanese texts and the necessity of publishing facsimiles of the texts not included in the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum or already published elsewhere: "The historical importance.of the Khotanese

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manuscripts' (Pr. pp. 167-177). Of great importance for the history of Khotan and other regions of Central Asia are the Tibetan sources of which G. Uray presents a very detailed survey which contains exhaustive bibliographical information: The Old Tibetan Sources of the History of Central Asia up to 751 A.D.; A Survey' (Pr. pp. 275-304). Uray indicates the place of these sources in the Tibetan literature and examines in more detail geographical problems connected with the names of the main rivers in Khotan and a passage of the "Catalogue of the Principalities". B. N. Mukherjee's article 'Kharosh thi Documents of Shanshan and the Kushāna Empire' (St. pp. 91–97) tries to refute Brough's thesis regarding the incorporation of the kingdom of Shan-shan in the Kusāna empire around the middle of the second century A.D. ('Comments of third-century Shan-shan and the history of Buddhism', BSOAS 38, 1965, pp. 582-612).
Both the Prolegomena and the Studies are of great interest for all those interested in the history of Central Asia. We look forward to future volumes in this series and hope that they will give detailed information about plans for the collection of the sources.
Australian National University
J. W. DE JONG
Piotr Klafkowski, The Secret Deliverance of the Sixth Dalai Lama as Narrated by Dharmatāla. Edited from the Hor chos-byun by Dharmatāla and Translated into English, with an Introduction and Comments (Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde (Heft 3). Wien, Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, 1979. VI, 93 pp. O.S. 200.-.
Chinese and Tibetan sources related that the Sixth Dalai Lama, Tshans-dbyans rgya-mtsho, died in 1706 on the way to China near Kun-dga'-nor, a small lake south of Lake Kukunor. However, a different story is found in the Hor chos-'byun written in 1889 by Dam-chos rgya-mtsho or Dharmatāla. According to Dharmatāla, the Sixth Dalai Lama did not die in 1706 but continued to live in secrecy for another forty years. After having made secret pilgrimages to Central Tibet, Khams, India and Nepal in the years 1 706-1716, he remained most of the time in the land of the A-lag-sa where he died in 1746. Dharma tāla's source concerning the secret life of the Sixth Dalai Lama in the years 1706-1746 is the Thams-cad mkhyen-pa Nag-dbar Chos-grags dPal-bzan-po'i mnam-par thar-pa phul-du byun-ba'i mdzad-pa bzan-po'i gtam-sñan lha' tambu-ra'i rgyud-kyi sgra-dbyans written by A-lag-sa No-mon Han Nag-dban Lhun-grub Dar-rgyas in the Fire Ox Year. The author, No-mon Han, must have been born in 1714/1715 and the Fire Ox Year must be 1757 (cf. Klafkowski, pp. 20 and 55). No-mon Han's work was recently published in a facsimile edition by Ngawang Gelek Demo.2
Klafkowski's work consists of three parts: a preliminary report on Dharmatăla's Chronicle, of which he has prepared a complete translation; an English translation of ff. 151b-162a of Dharmatāla's work containing the biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama; and a critical study of the truth of the story told by Dharmatāla and his source, No-mon Han's work. Klafkowski announces a romanized edition of No-mon Han's work together with a study of it. On p. 63 Klafkowski mentions that a detailed study of the same work by Yonten Gyatsho will also be published in the near future. It is to be hoped that these studies of No-mon Han's work will make it possible to evaluate critically the story of the secret life of the Sixth Dalai Lama. On pp. 60-63, Klafkowski quotes accounts of the death of the Sixth Dalai Lama by contemporary scholars. He does not refer to Yu Dawchyun's Love Songs of the Sixth Dalai Lama (Peiping, 1930) which relates legends told by Tibetan lamas in Peking concerning the disappearance of the Sixth Dalai Lama and his life on the Wu-t'ai shan and in Alashan (pp. 34-35). Yu Dawchyun must have learned these legends in Peking in the nineteen-twenties. In his dPag-bsam ljon-bzan, Sum-pa mKhan-po writes that the Sixth Dalai Lama died in 1705 near Lake Kukunor. According to Klafkowski,

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the fact that Sum-pa mKhan-po does not mention the secret life of the Sixth Dalai Lama may partly be explained by the short time-lapse - two years - between the "real" death of the Sixth Dalai Lama in 1746 and the writing of the Re'u-mig in 1748. However, in "The Annals of Kukunor”, completed in 1786, Sum-pa mKhan-po writes that Tshans-dbyans rgya-mtsho died in 1706 at Kun-dga'-no'ur. Sum-pa mKhan-po must have been particularly well informed about the history of the Kukunor region and Mongolia in the first half of the eighteenth century. If there is any truth in the story of the secret life of the Sixth Dalai Lama, one has to explain Sumpa mKhan-po's silence in this respect...
Klafkowski is rather critical with regard to the majority of existing translations from the Tibetan. According to him “it is possible to reproduce Tibetan in English with the word order fairly close to the original one" (p. 15). He prefers to preserve "the entire Tibetan flavor" in English and to translate, for instance, stobs kyi 'khor lo bsgyur not as "universal emperor" but as "the one who holds the wheel of force". He does not explain why he translates bsgyur as 'holds' and not as 'turns'. Alas, Klafkowski's translation is not always correct, and in some instances seriously distorts the meaning of the text.
Sections 46-50 are translated by him as follows:
(46)
(47)
(48)
Now (while talking) about these (things), some said many different things about Gyalwa Tshangyang Gyatsho, Pad-dkar 'Dzin-pa and Gyalwa Kelzang Gyatsho, that all the three of them lived at the same time and therefore they (i.e. the authenticity of their incarnations) were doubtful. There were many rumours concerning these (questions). However, in fact there were no doubts about them, which can clearly be demonstrated by the following (evidence): by the first Stage of Perfection [Tib. sa = Skt. buddhabhūmi), in an infinitely short time (skad cig ma gcig), each of them could be seen as a hundred Buddhas displaying a hundred bodies, each of these having one hundred disciples, totally twelve hundred different qualities. by the second Stage of Perfection, each of them could be seen as one thousand Buddhas, rest as above [bas de dag stor substitute a thousand everywhere) ;; by the third Stage of Perfection, each of them could be seen as one hundred thousand Buddhas, (all of whom) could make manifestations, give teachings . etc. If such high qualities can be reached by the three Bodhisattvas, there is no reason why Arya Avalokiteśvara (who is the essence of them all) should not have such qualities. Therefore, there were three different manifestations of the Great All-Knowing One (the Great Fifth Dalai Lama); moreover, there will be hundreds of thousands more. There are no objections to it, and there should not be.
(49)
(50)
The Tibetan text as romanized by Klafkowski is:
(46)
(47) (48) (49) (50)
(one syllable unclear) 'di la kha cig rgyal ba tshans dbyans rgya mtsho dan pad dkar 'dzin pa ye ses rgya mtsho/rgyal ba bskal bzan rgya mtsho gsum cig char du sdom (read: 'dzom, PK) pa'i don la rtogs pa byas te cal col sna tshogs smras kyan de'i skyon med del sa dan po pas skad cig ma cig la sans rgyas brgya mthon pa nas lus brgya ston pa/ lus re re la 'khor brgya ston pa sogs kyi yon tan brgya phrag bcu gñis dan/ sa gñis pa bas de dag ston dan/ gsum pa bas brgya ston 'gyur sogs kyi yon tan de dag thob na 'phags pa spyan ras gzigs la Ita ci smos pa'i phyir rol des na rgyal dban thams cad mkhyen gzigs chen po'i sprul ba gsum 'byun bar ma zad brgya ston sogs 'byun kyan 'gal ba (321) gcig kyan med dol.

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REVIEWS 225 I would like to propose the following translation: (46) With regard to the fact that rGyal-ba Tshans-dbyans, Pad-dkar 'dzin-pa and Gyal-ba bsKal-bzan rgya-mtsho all three lived at the same time, some made speculations and talked all kinds of nonsense. However, there is nothing wrong with it. (47) One who resides in the first stage has twelve hundred qualities: in a single moment he sees a hundred Buddhas, makes appear a hundred bodies and makes appear with each body one hundred groups of followers, etc. (48) One who resides in the second stage (read: sa gnis pa pas] (sees) a thousand (Buddhas). (49) One who resides in the third stage has such qualities as a hundred thousand transformations, etc. How much more (does) Arya Avalokitesvara (have these qualities)? (50) Therefore it is not at all contradictory when there are not only three manifestations of the Great Al-Knowing and Seeing Gyal-dban, but even when there are a hundred thousand (manifestations), etc. The text of Section 55 is: spyir na rgyal ba'i dban po sku 'phren sna phyi mnams dan/khyad par gsum pa nas drug pa'i bar gyi skyabs mgon rnam pa bai ni ran cag sog po'i 'gro ba la bka' drin gzal du med pa me tog phog pa'i lha skal Ita bu yin pas tshul de ses nas gsol ba 'debs dgos pa yin no/. Klafkowski translates: "In general, all the former and later incarnations of Gyalwa Rinpoche, and particularly the Four Guardians from the Third to the Sixth, each of them, were of unimaginable kindness to all our sentient beings of Sog. We place the offering flowers with that part of the gods (note 108 - Meaning: We offer flowers to Avalokitesvara as symbolized by these four of his manifestations.). We must understand it (clearly) about them (i.e. their importance) and why it is so necessary to pray (to them)." Klafkowski's translation of me tog phog pa'i lha skal is nothing more than a wild guess. It is clearly stated in the text that the kindness (bka' 'drin) of the four Dalai Lamas was like me tog phog pa'i lha skal. The exact meaning of this expression is unknown to me. Probably it means something like "the divine blessing of the falling (?) flowers". It is to be hoped that Klafkowski will carefully examine his translation of Dharmatala's work before publishing it. It is by far the best to indicate each time a translation of a passage is only tentative, and not be tempted into creating the impression that the text is everywhere obvious to the translator. Australian National University J. W. DE JONG NOTES 1 Cf. L. Petech, China and Tibet in the Early XVIIth Century. Second Edition, Leiden, 1972, p. 17: 2 Ngawang Gelek Demo (ed.), The Secret Biography of the Sixth Dalai Lama (Gedan Sungrab Minyam Gyunphel Series, Vol. XVII). New Delhi, 1970. 3 Cf. Ho-Ching Yang, The Annals of Kokonor (Indiana University Publications. Uralic and Altaic Series, Volume 106). Bloomington, 1969, pp. 22 and 45.