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Vol. II-1996
Etymological Notes
3. Pk. ucchu, H. būrā etc. (Some cases of Vocalic Assimilation in MIA and NIA) Corresponding to Sk. iksu- 'sugarcane', we have ucchu in Pali and Prakrit. NIA derivatives (H. ukh, M. us etc.) have been given under CDIAL 1551. There Turner has observed that 'variation in the initial syllable of, i, u, and ri- suggests an original r- but this is without other confirmation or support'. There is, however, some evidence to support Pischel's explanation of the change on the basis of vocalic assimilation : i.e. the initial i- of icchu. changed to uunder the influence of the vowel in the second syllable (PG. $ 117). He has cited Sk. isu- > Pk. usu- and Sk. sisu- > Pk. susu- (in Pk. susumāra-> Sk. śiśurnāra-) and other such instances. We can point to a few instances of this change from NIA. H- ūgli, P. unguli (CDIAL 135) corresponding to Sk. anguli, Pk. amguli evidences this type of change.
H- būd
Against i vowel in the first syllable of Sk. bindu- 'drop', its NIA. derivatives like. H- būd and some others in other NIA. languages has u in the first syllable. Turner (CDIAL 9240) has assumed *bundu- as the source form for the latter words. We suggest that Sk. bindu, Pk. biṁdu changed to buṁdu due to vowel assimilation. Hence it is unnecessary to assume bundu as the source. H- būrā
H- būrā 'wicked, bad' and its cognates in some other NIA languages, as noted by Turner in his Dictionary of the Nepali Language, (s. v. buro) is I think another instance of such vowel assimilation.
Sk. virūpa-, Pk. virūva(a)- changed to *vuruvaa-, which became
It derives from būrā etc.
Further in a number of Sanskrit loan words in NIA we similarly find the i- of the initial syllable changed to u- under the influence of an -u- in a subsequent syllable.
Examples : G. śukan omen', Sk. sakunaG. rugnāth 'a personal name', Sk. raghunatha Old G. phurasarāma “a personal name', Sk. paraśurāmaOld G. tura < Sk. taru. occurring in Gurjararāsāvali Raj.muradhara-, Sk. marudhara.
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