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ii. Preterit participle.
In the case of the 'regular' (67) participles in, the fem. is regularly formed by 37 (=3); that is, the masc. and the fem. bases are identical in form. Those participles that represent the inherited stuff i. e. those that are for irregular' (mostly the participles from Sk. f roots) take o optionally in the fem., e. g., गइय, हुइय, पुन्निय etc. besides गय, हुय etc. But as suggested at the outset, one can legitimately look upon these bases in as counterparts to the enlarged masc. bases in 33 (e. g. T etc.). Further, on the analogy of the 'regular' pret. participles, some 'irregular' ones also have taken up the oइय in the masc. (eg हुइय 186c, पमुक्किय 164b) and as a result they too have identical masc. and fem. bases. iii. Adjectival compounds.
As regards the formation of the feminine from the adjectival compounds, it is to be observed that there prevails a free choice between 031, o and o. Bases in 037 (more than a dozen) are fewer in number when compared with those in (about 3 dozen). Besides these there are about a dozen bases in . Simple adjectives also show a preference for o4. On the whole there appears in our text a strong tendency to reduce the other types of the fem. bases to one in 'इय.
Gender. Hemacandra (Hc. IV 445) informs us that in Ap. gender-confusion prevails to a remarkable degree. This observation is supported by Jacobi in his account of the language of the San., wherein the nom./acc. neuter plur. ending 3 is taken by the masculines also, while conversely, there are some nom./acc. neu. plur. forms ending in 037. The change that has set in in the language of the San. has fully worked out itself by the time of the SR. Here There are only three instances of the nom./acc. plur. forms in and the second characteristic neuter form, viz., the nasalised nom./acc. sing. in 37 also being quite unknown, almost all traces of the neuter have vanished from the morphology. There is not the slightest distinction between
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