Studies in Jaina Art

Author(s): Umakant P Shah
Publisher: Parshwanath Vidyapith
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001610/1

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PARSVANATHA VIDYAPITHA SERIES-114 General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain SER STUDIES IN JAINA ART Dr. U.P. Shah pArzvanAtha vArANasI PARSVANATHA VIDYAPITHA VARANASI deg at

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Parsvanatha Vidyapitha Series: 114 General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain STUDIES IN JAINA ART Dr. Umakant Premanand Shah M.A., Ph.D., Dip. in Museology (Baroda). vidyApI pArakhenAza Clare FINO ar we! saca bhagavaM PARSVANATHA VIDYAPITHA VARANASI

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Published by Parsvanatha Vidyapigha I.T.I. Road, Karaundi, P.O.:B.H.U. Varanasi - 221005 (India) Phone : 316521, 318046 Fax : 0542- 318046 First Edition : December 1955 Second Reprint Edition : September 1998 Price: Rs. : 300:00 ISBN-81-86715-38-X Printed at Kabra Offset Ravindrapuri, Varanasi

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To The Sacred Memory of My Father

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE We feel immense pleasure in bringing out the second reprint edition of this valuable title, Studies in Jaina Art' by an eminent scholar of Jaina Art, Late Dr. U.P. Shah. Its first edition was brought cut by Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banaras (later on merged in Parsvanatha Vidyapitha, Varanasi). A series of four lectures on Jain Art, form the content of this title. The lecture was delivered by the author during March 11-15, 1954 in the College of Indology, B.H.U. The Publisher's note of the first edition throws sufficient light on the nature, scope and importance of this title. The book has been out of print since long and was in great demand by scholars of Indian Art in general and Jaina Art in particular; hence, we decided to bring its second edition. We take this opportunity to express our gratitude and pay homage to the author, Late Dr. U.P. Shah. We also express our deep sense of gratitude to the great savant of Jainism, Padmabhusana Pt. Dalsukh D. Malvania, the then Secretary, Cultural Research Society and instrumental in bringing out this book. We are very thankful to Dr. Sagarmal Jain, Director Emeritus, and Dr. Shriprakash Pandey, lecturer in Jainology, Parsvanatha Vidyapitha for their valuable suggestion to get this book reprinted. We are thankful to Dr. Vijaya Kumar Jain, who managed it through the press. Our thanks are also due to M/s Kabra Offset, Varanasi for its speedy and beautiful printing. B.N. Jain Secretary Parsvanatha Vidyapitha

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 3 I am thankful to the Director-General of Archaeology in India for his kind permission to obtain photographs from various circles and museums in India, throughout my studies in Jaina Art and Iconography as also to the Superintendents of all the circles of the Department of Archaeology and the curators of the various museums in India and outside who have extended their co-operation. For the photographs reproduced here, I must gratefully acknowledge the Copyright and Courtesy of the Director-General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi for figures 1, 4, 7, 41, 51, 52 81, 82; the Epigraphist to the Government of India, for fig. 72; the Department of Archaeology, old Gwalior State for figures 24, 61, 62, 74; Curator, Madras Museum for fig. 77, Curator, Patna Museum for figures 2, 15, 17, Curator, Provincial Museum, Lucknow, for figures 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 14A, 16, 88; the Curator, Indian Museum, Calcutta, for figures 18, 23, 36, 42, 44; the Curator, Mathura Museum, for figures 25, 26, 27, 67, and 14B; the Director, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay for figures 3, 29; the Curator, British Museum, London for figure 35; the Superintendent of Archaeology, Eastern Circle, Calcutta for figures 37, 38; the Superintendent of Archaeology, Central Circle, Patna, for figures 28, 41; Shri Jagan Mehta, Ahmedabad for figures 30, 32, 55, 57, 58, 65, 66; Dr. A.N. Upadhye, Kolhapur for figure 63. I am also thankful to Muni Sri Punyavijayaji for his kind cooperation and guidance throughout my studies and for the facilities provided by him in taking photographs from different Jaina Bhandaras and for loan of Manuscripts to Dr. A.N. Upadhye of Kolhapur whom I could always refer to for elucidations of problems connected with Digambara Sect; to my friends and colleagues Sri J.S. Pade-shastri, M.A, and Sri Pandit M.R. Nambiyar, of the Oriental Institute for checking certain references etc., to Dr. Y.J. Tripathi for preparing part of the Index, and to the Manager, M.S. University Press, Baroda, for excellent printing. I am especially grateful to Pandit Sri Suhkalalji and Pandit Dalsukhbhai Malvania who took keen interest in these Studies and invited me to deliver the lectures. UMAKANT P. SHAH

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PREFACE Sheth Sri Bholabhai Dalal and Sheth Sri Premchand K. Kotawala, the Trustees of Sri Poonamchand K.Kotawala Trust kindly decided to donate, from the above Trust, an annual grant of Rupees Two Thousand to the Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banaras. This sum is being utilised in inviting different scholars to deliver lectures, in the Banaras Hindu University, on any aspect of Jainology (Jaina Studies) and publishing such lectures. Accordingly, I invited Dr. Umakant Shah, who had submitted his Doctorate Thesis on Jaina Iconography, to deliver lectures on Jaina Art. He was generous in accepting the invitation and kindly co-operated by agreeing to deliver three lectures on Jaina Art. These lectures were delivered in the College of Indology, Banaras Hindu University, under the Chairmanship of Dr. Vasudeva Sarana Agrawala, on 11th 12th, and 15th March, 1954. They are printed here with slight changes as "Studies in Jaina Art". In his first lecture, Dr. Shah has attempted a critical survey of the Jaina Art in North India, i.e., in the regions North of the Vindhyas, such as Punjab, Sindh, Kachchha, Saurashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Bharat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc., and even parts of the Deccan in the Bombay State. In his survey he has referred to all important known cave-temples, shrines, sculptures, paintings, etc. He has surveyed antiquities dating from earliest times to about the fifteenth century A.D. Here he has discussed specimens of both the Svetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas. Dr. Umakant's predecessors in the field of Jaina Art Studies, namely, Cunnigham, Fergusson, Burgess, Buhler, Smith, Vogel, D.R. Bhandarkar, Coomaraswamy, Motichandra, V.S. Agrawala, Ramachandran, W. Norman Brown, Sankalia, B.C. Bhattacharya and others have written on several different aspects of Jaina Art, but Dr. Shah has for the first time attempted here to give a comprehensive review of the whole field in an admirably brief and critical way. From this attempt we obtain a consolidated view of Arts as patronised by the Jainas in North India.

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I would like to draw the attention of scholars to one important point brought to our notice by Dr. Shah in this review (and in his other published papers), namely, the contribution in Art of the School of Ancient West that flourished in Western India during the post-Gupta age. This survey further helps us to visualise the spread of Jainism, which had its birth in Magadha, to different parts of India in different ages and to know how and when it was almost wiped out from Bihar, Bengal and Orissa. This study of available archaeological remains of the Jaina Sect will help historians to form a correct idea of the vicissitudes through which Jainaism passed in its march through the ages in different parts of India and will especially help us to find out when and where the Svetambara or the Digambara sect had grown powerful. The subject of his second and third lectures is Symbol Worship in Jainism. Here Dr. Shah has first of all reviewed the growth of the conception of the word Caitya in the Vedic, Buddhist and Jaina traditions. He then discusses the meaning and spread of the worship of the Stupa, Stambha, the Caitya-Vrksa, Ayagapata, Samavasarana, Siddha-Cakra, Svapna, Astamangala, Sthapana etc., as also of Astapada, Sammeta-Sikhara, Panca-Meru, Nandisvaradvipa etc. It is needless to say that this subject was discussed here for the first time so comprehensively with a historical outlook and a reference to all the noteworthy symbols so far as Jaina Art and Worship are concerned. His third lecture was illustrated by projected photographs of the subjects discussed in all the lectures. Along with these, he showed some interesting specimens of the School of Ancient west including those of the Jaina bronzes from Akota and Vasantagadh hoards. For some years past, Dr. Shah has been making a study of this Art School whose existence was known only from the reference of Taranath but was not proved hitherto with references to archaeological remains. This was very interesting in as much as his studies have thrown new light on the history of Art in Northern and Western India. This part of his lecture is not printed in this book but some results of his studies in this field are incorpoted in the first lecture. I must express my thanks to Dr. Umakant, on behalf of the Jaina Cultural Research Society, for agreeing to come to Banaras inspite of his indifferent health and delivering such stimulating discourses. He

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also undertook to see the book through the press and supplied all the photographs illustrating the different aspects of Jaina Art. I am also grateful to Dr. Vasudeva Sarana Agrawala for kindly consenting to preside over all the three lectures, to Dr. Rajabali Pandey, of the College of Indology, Banaras Hindu University, for the kindness in providing the society with facilities to arrange lectures in the above College, through the Bharatiya Parisad, and finally to the Trustees of Sri Poonamchand K. Kotawala Trust (Sheth Sri Bholabhai Dalal and Sheth Sri Premchand K. Kotawala) through whose munificence it has been possible to arrange and publish these lectures. Sri Balabhai Desai of Ahmedabad, has kindly helped us in the preparation of the blocks, and Sri Bachubhai Ravat of Kumar Karyalaya, Ahmedabad, kindly consented to print the plates. To the Manager, the M.S. University Press, Baroda, I am especially thankful for rushing the book through the Press inspite of heavy pressure of work. Banaras, 5 1-11-1955 DALSUKH MALAVANIA Secretary, Jaina Cultural Research Society.

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CONTENTS A Brief Survey of Jaina Art in the North .. 01- 35 .. 65- 76 Symbol Worship In Jainism .. .. 39-121 Introductory 39-41 Caitya, Stupa, Stambha .. 43. 64 Caitya-VIksas Ayagapatas .. 77- 84 Samavasarana 85- 95 Siddh-Cakra or Nava-Devata 97-103 Auspicious Dreams 105-108 Astamangala 109-112 Sthapana and other Symbols .. 113-115 Astapada, Sammeta-Sikhara and Panca Meru 116-118 11 Nandisvara-Dvipa .. 119-121 Appendix-Note of Stupa, Samavasarana and Ziggurat. .. 123-130 Bibliography ... 131-142 Index .. 143-164 9 Plates

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Studies In Jaina Art I

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vas moda gADi esA Farma zrIrA raa|| prahArajA sADa phu acocooornOCOCUSLY dayAMsI cApaNi vidyAma mahArA H haya: sA yApaDi sA muniza paDa zAyA nAkcA raNa

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH Jainism is a living faith in India and its followers have spread over all parts from very early times. A study of Jain antiquities scattered over extensively in the North as well as in the South is therefore indispensable for the reconsiruction of India's Cultural History. No attempt has yet been made to give a connected account of these finds. The subject is both vast and intricate and cannot be given full justice in a small review. Here only a critical outline of some of the more noteworthy specimens is attempted from Jain sites in North India including all states north of the Vindhyas, parts of the Deccan, almost the whole of Madhya Pradesha and Orissa. Of these no definite evidence is available of any Jain remains in Assam, Burma, Kashmir, Nepal, Bhutan and Tibet while Kutcch in the West has yielded a few vestiges of the mediaval period. It must be remembered that classification of arts on sectarian basis does not stand to reason, for no art is entirely Jaina, Buddhist or Hindu. The same artists who worked for one sect, were employed also by other sects in any particular unit of time and space. So, when we talk of Jaina Art we discuss art specimens created under the patronage of followers of the Jaina Faith, for do we not find identical art style in the Jaina, Buddhist and Hindu specimens of the Kusana period obtained from Mathura ? Pre Historic Period Pre-historic sites in India do not lend any definite clue to the existence of Jainism. A few seals from Mohen-jo-Daro showing human figures standing in a posture closely analogous to the free standing meditative pose (kayotsarga mudra ) of the Jinas, ? or the seal representing a male divinity seated in meditation, the prototype of Siva?, corresponding with later Jaina, Buddhist or Brahmanical sculptures in such postures, cannot, in the present state of uncertainty of the reading of the Indus-valley script, be definitely used as attesting to the Pre-historic antiquity of Jaina art or ritual. Jaina traditions Marshall, Mohen-jo-Daro and the Indus Valley Civilisation, I, pl. xii. 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 22. Ramaprasad Chanda, in Modern Review, August 1932, Pp. 152 ff. ? Marshall, op. cit., xii, 17, 52 ff,

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART certainly ascribe to their first twenty-two Tirthankaras, a period covering millions of years B.C., but such tales are not acceptable to a modern historian. Neminatha, the twenty-third Jina, was a brother (cousin) of Krsna, but further evidence is necessary before connecting him with any Pre-historic finds. The mutilated red-stone statuette from Harappa1 (Figure 1) assigned to the Chalco. lithic age is surprisingly analogous in style to the Mauryan torso of a Jina figure from Lohanipur, Bihar, (Fig. 2) but has in addition two large circular depressions on shoulder.fronts unlike any Jaina sculpture discovered hitherto. Very probably it represents some ancient Yaksa. However, the close similarity in styles of the two finds, establishes the continuity of Indian art down to the Mauryan age, and at once undermines older conceptions regarding the origin of the Buddha image (and consequently the Jina figure) in Central India from the model supplied by the Indo-Hellenic school of Gandhara. Mauryan and Sunga Periods I have elsewhere discussed the tradition of Jivantasvami Image worshipped at Vidisa and Vitabhaya-pattana, from ancient works like the Avasyaka Carpi, the Nisitha Carpi and the Vasudevahindi. I have also shown that a sandal-wood portrait sculpture was carved in the life-time of Mahavira when he was meditating in his palace, about a year prior to his renunciation statue came in possession of Uddayana of Sindhu-Sauvira from whom King Pradyota of Ujjain carried it off after depositing an exact wooden copy at Vitabhaya-pattana. The copy was later on burried in a sand-storm which wrought the destruction of the whole city. Kumarapala got it excavated and brought it to Anahilavada-Patan according to contemporary evidence of the great scholiast and saint Hemacandracarya. 4 The tradition of Jivantasvami images (i. e. images of Mahavira standing in meditation with a crown and ornaments on his person) started with the popularity of the original sandal-wood image carried off by Pradyota and deposited at Vidisa (Bhelsa) in his territory. The existence of this tradition known only from literature was recently supported by the find of a bronze of Jivantasvami from Akota, with an inscription on its pedestal in characters of c. 550 A. D., expressly calling it an image of Jivantasvami (Fig. 22). Another bronze of the same iconographic type, more beautiful and older, but with the pedestal lost, is also obtained in this hoard (Figs. 20-21). We have, therefore, 1 Ibid. x. a-d. Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 72 ff. and Vol. I, No. 4. pp. 358 ff. For Sauvira, see, Agrawal V. S., India as Known to Panini, pp. 37. 40, 50. Shah Umakant P., A Note on the Akola Hoard of Jaina Bronzes, published as Appendix IV in Baroda Through The Ages, pp. 97 ff. esp. see pp. 99-100.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 5 reason to believe that the tradition of a life-time sandal-wood image of Mahavira is reliable. That the Jina-Image was in worship in the Mauryan Age is evidenced by the find of the highly polished torso of a Jina Image from Lohanipur near Patna and this further lends support to the view that an image of Mahavira was carved in his life-time. The Jina Image, as I have suggested recently in my discussion on "Yaksa Worship in Early Jaina Literature" has for its model the ancient Yaksa statues. I have also suggested that the mode of worship in the Yaksa-cult has largely influenced the worship in Jainism. The close similarity of the Jina and the Buddha image, and the fact that both Jainism and Buddhism are heterodox cults which protested against the Vedic Srahmanical priestly cult shows that Buddhism could easily have been influenced by the worship of the Yaksa and the Jina Images. That the earliest image of Buddha hails from Gandhara is a mere accident as suggested by Kramrisch and does not preclude the possibility of another earlier image being discovered in the land of Buddha's birth, as a product of the Native Indian School of Art. Jayaswal's discovery of a Mauryan torso of a Jina figure from Lohanipur (fig. 2) proves on the one hand the authenticity of Jaina traditions on image worship and on the other hand the existence in Magadha of an earlier model for Jina images of early Christian centuries. With the models and traditions of Yaksa-worship already existing, the Magadhan artists had no need to look outside for inspiration ; there is an equal chance of the case being quite the reverse, and Gandhara could have followed the Magadhan conception. The Jina image definitely preceded the Buddha image as a cult-object. Lohanipur is a continuation of the Mauryan sites at Kumrahar and Bulandibag near Patna. Along with this highly polished torso were revealed from the foundations of a square temple ( 8'10" X 8'10") a large quantity of Mauryan bricks, a wor: silver punch-marked coin and another unpolished later torso of a Jina in the kayotsarga pose. Evidently, both the torsoes represented some Tirtharkaras and the foundations are the earliest known site of a Jaina 1 Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, no. 1, pp. 55-71 esp. see p. 66. The truth of my statement would be obvious to any one who compares the Lohanipur torso with the ancient Yaksa statues. % Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, p. 40. Also see Shah, U, P., in Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 358-368. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, XXIII. 1, pl. i-iv. The second torso probably belongs to the Gupta period according to Banerji-Shastri in a subsequent issue of the same Journal ( vide Vol. XXVI. 2. 120 ff.)

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6 STUDIES IN JAINA ART temple. A mutilated head of the Mauryan period, discovered by Banerji.Shastri from the same site probably belonged to another Jaina sculpture. 1 Of the Mauryan age, no other Jaina relic is known except a group of caves in Barabara and Nagarjuni hills, Bihar, dedicated by Asoka and Dasaratha for the use of Ajivika sect whose leader, Mankhaliputta Gosala, was once a disciple and later a great rival of Mahavira. The Mauryan ruler Samprati is hailed by traditions as a great patron of the Jainas and builder of numerous (Jaina) temples. No archaeological evidence is however available today. Of the Sunga period, the only noteworthy Jaina relics are two groups of caves on the Udayagiri and the Khandagiri hills in Orissa. The Hathigumpha, on the former, is a natural cavern with a long inscription of King Kharavela of the Cheta or Cheti (Chedi ) dynasty. Opinions are divided regarding the date of the record and the earlier reading showing that the 13th year of Kharavela's reign coincided with the 164th year of the Mauryan era has been ultimately discarded. But the inscription is generally assigned to c. 150 B. C. on grounds of palaeography. Kharavela followed Jainism since his record opens with adoration to the Arhats (Tirthankaras) and the Siddhas (liberated souls). The record shows that he invaded Magadha and brought back the statue (or the seat) of the Kalinga Jina carried away by the Nanda King. Along with his queen, Kharavela provided shelters for Jaina monks at the Relic Depository of the Arhats on the Kumari ( Udayagiri) hill, erected many pillars and repaired old temples," Both the groups of caves were excavated and for many years tenanted by the Jainas as shown by the inscriptions and reliefs in the Navamuni, Bara 1 Banerji-Shastri, Mauryan Sculptures from Lohanipur-Patna, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, XXVI. 2. 120 ff. A fragmentary inscription found by Mahamahopadhyaya G. H. Oza, from Barli (Ajmer District) refers to majjhamika (Madhyamika), modern Nagari near Chitor, and the year 84 of Mahavira's nirvana. See Indian Antiquary, LVIII.229. But the reading Virat or Viraya is disputable, see, Sarkar, D. C., Barli Fragmentary Stone Inscription, JBORS. Vol. 37, March 1951. 3 Kuraishi, List of Ancient Monuments protected under Act VII of 1904 in the Bihar and Orissa Provinces (1938). 33. Brhat-Kalpa-Bhasya, Vol. III, gathas 3285-89, pp. 917-21. Rajendralal Mitra, Antiquities of Orissa, 2 volumes. Kuraishi, op. cit... pp. 244-283. B. M. Barua, Old Brahmi Inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves (1929). Reference to all earlier interpretations and readings will be found in this work. Barua revised his readings in Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV (1938), PP. 459-485. The new reading makes no mention of Kalinga Jina (statue). G

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 7 bhuji and the Trisula caves. To these sectarian differences are due, as shown by Marshall, many distinctive features of architecture, including among others, the entire absence of Caitya halls. In the lower storey of the Manchapuri cave, probably next to the Hathigumpha in chronological order, are relief sculptures, 1 on a frieze, of poor workmanship, but in the depth of relief and plastic treatment of figures, showing a decided advance on Bharhut. Of the other caves, the Ananta, Rani and Ganesa gumphas, probably date from 150 to 50 B. C. Pendiment sculptures on door ways of Ananta cave include a four-horsed Sungod, a tree enclosed in railing (chaitya-vyksa) and a figure of the so-called Maya-devi lustrated by two elephants. Such figures, variously recognised as Nativity of Buddha, or Gaja-Laksmi in Brahmanical specimens, are now correctly identified as Sri-devi or Padma-Sri by Coomaraswamy and Moticandra. She is the same as the Sirima devata of Bharhut railings, the Sri of the Vedic Sri-sukta and one of the fourteen dreams described in the Jaina Kalpa-sutra. Each door-way of the Ananta is adorned with a pair of three-hooded snakes on its arch. This is interesting because of the possible association of Parsvanatha (whose association with a cobra is well known in Jaina art and literature ) with Kalinga, as suggested in the various lives of this Jina written by monks of both the sects. According to Marshail, this cave belongs to a date not much earlier than the first century B. C., while the Rani-gumpha (fig. 81 ), showing a further stage in the development of this rock-cut architecture, is the most spacious and elaborately carved of all Orissan caves. The facades of its cells, enriched with pillasters and highly ornate friezes, illustrate scenes like hunting of a winged deer (fig 4.), fighting, carrying off of a woman and so on, which, according to some, refer to incidents from the life of Parsvanatha ? who is said to have rescued and married Prabhavati, abducted by a Yavana ruler of Kalinga. Dr. Agrawala has now offered a much better explanation of the reliefs as referring to Vasa vadatta and Sakuntala.The style of friezes in the upper storey is i Ramachandran, T. N., The Mancapuri Cave, Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXVII. 2, pp. 103-108. 2 Shah C. J., Jainism in North India, p. 155. King Prasenajit, son of Narvarman, the ruler of Kusasthala, had a beautiful daughter called Prabhavati who, upon hearing the virtues of Parsvanatha, fell fn love with him. Her parents agreed but kings of neighbouring states of Kalinga and others, desiring to have the Princess, attacked Kusasthala and besieged it. Parsvanatha, upon request from Prasenajit ran to his rescue, subdued the opponents and married Prabhavati. According to Hemcandra, the ruler of Kalinga was a Yavana King (vide Trisasti, parva 9. 3.99 ff. pp. 198 ff.). It is indeed interesting to note that the snake which is a special cognizance of Parsvanatha figures on the archways of Anantagumpha, Khandagiri, Orissa, and that two Yavana warriors are also carved in relief in the Rani Gumpha, Orissa, 3 JISOA., Vol. XIV (1946), pp. 102-109.

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8 STUDIES IN JAINA ART original and vigorous while the modelling is tolerably correct. Of considerable interest however are figures of Yavana warrior and two burly individuals on ponderous animals, the bull-rider being strangely Assyrian in modelling and conception as a whole. The Ganesa cave, repeating the same themes, shows inferior workmanship and the degeneration proceeds further in later Jaya Vijaya and Alakapuri caves. The style appears to have no descendants in Orissa.1 At Pabhosa, near Kosam and Allahabad, are two caves bearing inscriptions, in characters of the Sunga Age, recording their dedication by Asadhasena from Ahicchatra for the use of Kasyaplya Arhats. It may be remembered that Mahavira belonged to the Kasyapa gotra. Possibly this was meant to exclude its use by followers of Parsvanatha who seem to have existed then though in small numbers (and especially to exclude occupation by the Ajivikas). The Mathura stupa, originally dating from at least the beginning of first century B.C., is treated in the next section. A very old bronze of Parsvanatha, standing in the Kayotsarga pose, with the right hand and a part of his snake-hoods overhead mutilated, exists in the collections of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay (Fig. 3). Its pedestal is lost and unfortunately there is no record of its original findspot (the bronze was acquired long ago). It bears close affinity in style with a standing terracotta figurine from Mohen-jo-Daro. The limbs are long and slim and can also be compared with the Mohen-jo-Daro Dancing Girl. The modelling of the torso, especially of the belley is closely allied to that of the Lohanipur torso discussed above and the Harappa red-stone (Yaksa) torso. Thus the bronze belongs to the Ancient Indian art style which continued down to the Mauryan age. The physiognomy is peculiar, comparable with that of the bronze female Dancer from Mohen-jo-Daro and a few Mauryan and early Sunga 1 Marshall, Cambridge History of India, I. 638-642; see also remarks by Kramrisch in Barua's Old Brahmi Inscriptions etc. (op. cit.), 307 ff.; Brown, Percy, Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu), pp. 34-37. Furhrer, A., Pabhosa Inscriptions, Ep. Ind., II., p. 243; Law, B.C., Kausambi in Ancient Literature, Memoir 60, Arch. Survey of India, pp. 3, 121. 20; The Age of Imperial Unity, 98, 172, 175. See, Marshall, Mohen-jo-Daro and the Indus Valley Civilization, Vol. III, pl. XCIV, Figs. 9, II, pl. XCV, Figs 26-7; Mackay, Further Excavations from Mohenjo Daro, Vol. II, pl. LXXII. Figs. 8-10, pl. LXXIII. Figs. 6, 10, 11; pl. LXXV. Figs. 1,21. 4 Marshall, Sir John, op. cit., Vol. III, pl. XCIV. Figs. 6-8. For terracottas comparable with this bronze, see, Gordon, D.H., Early Indian Terracottas, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. XI. This bronze of Parsvanatha is discussed by this writer in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, No. 3, pp. 63-65.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH Mother-Goddess terracottas from Mathura, Hatharas and other sites in Northern India. Besides, this figure of Parsvanatha bears no mark of Sri-vatsa symbol on the chest as obtained on later sculptures. It is difficult to assign a correct age to the bronze in absence of any record about its findspot etc., but the above mentioned stylistic relations make it certain that it cannot be later than c 100 B.C. and may be earlier by a century or two. Ksatrapa and Kusana Periods Jaina traditions refer to the practice of erecting stupas over ashes of Jinas. One stupa existed at Vaisali (Basarh ) dedicated to the Jina Munisuvratal and another at Mathura dedicated to Suparsvanatha. According to Jinaprabha suri (14th century A.D.), the Mathura stupa was repaired in the time of Parsvanatha (c. 800 B.C.) and renovated by Bappa bhatti suri a thousand years later. 2 Excavations at Kankali Tila, Mathura, which disclosed remains of two ruined temples, and a large stupa of brickwork, yielded a veritable storehouse of Jain antiquities ranging from c. 150 B. C. to 1023 A.D., including images of Tirtharkaras, toranas (gateways ), Ayaga patas ( Tablets of Homage) railing pillars with reliefs of demi.gods and goddesses and a few sculptures including scenes from lives of Tirtharkaras, mostly assignable to the reigns of Kaniska, Huviska and Vasiska. Products of the Mathura School of Sculpture, they offer an interesting study along with Buddhist and Brahmanical finds from other sites at Matbura. Of the Jaina finds, perhaps the oldest inscribed is the Amohini Votive Tablet, followed by others including one set up by Sivayasas showing a stupa with railing and approached through a tcrana gateway ascended by a flight of steps (Fig. 7). Two nude dancing girls stand on the two sides of the gateway. A better view of a Jaina stupa may however be obtained from another tablet, set up by Vasu, the daughter of Lonaso bhika,' representing a stupa of a high cylindrical type, with a basement showing arched niches. The only other instance of such niches was obtained on a stupa basement at Sirkap, Taxila (Saka-Parthian period), with a double-headed eagle on one of them. 5 This led 1 Arasyaka-Curni of Jinadasa (c. 676 A.D.), pp. 223-227, 567. 2 Vividha Tirtha Kalpa, edited by Jinavijaya, pp. 17 ff. Smith, Jain Stupa and other Antiquities of Mathura (1901), p. 13. 3 Smith, op. cit., p. 19, plate xii. i Vogel, Catalogue of the Archeological Museum at Mathura (1910), pp. 184 f, pl. V ; Agrawal, JUPHS., XXIII (1950), pp. 69-70, has corrected the earlier reading of the inscription on this Tablet. Marshall, Cambridge History of India, I, 633, also see Guide to Taxila (3rd Ed), pl. xiii, p. 88. Dr. Motichandra, 38 fai gtata, in Premi Abhinandana Grantha, pp. 229-249.

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to STUDIES IN JAINA ART Marshall to associate the Sirkap stupa with Jaina faith but the total absence of any other Jaina relic in the whole site excavated hitherto cannot be disregarded. Jaina traditions only speak of a dharmacakra (Wheel of Law ) set up by Bahubali, the son of Rsabhanatha, the first Tirthankara, at Taxila. 1 In the Kusana period, the Jainas seem to have worshipped, besides the stupa, the caitya-tree, the dharmacakra, ayagapatas, dh vaja-pillars, auspicious 1 A Guide to Taxila by Sir John Marshall, pp. 88 ff and pl. xiii. Avasyaka Niryukti with commentary of Haribhadra, I. 332 and pp. 144 ff. It is said that when Rsabha went to Taxila, he reached after dusk; Bahubali (ruling at Taksasila ) thought of going to pay his homage next morning and pay due respects along with his big retinue. But the Lord went away and from here, travelled through Bahali.adambailla, Yonaka and preached to the people of Bahali, and to Yonakas and Pahlagas. Then he went to Astapada and after several years came to Purimatala near Vinita, where he obtained Kevalajnana. These verses show that Taksasila was probably included in the province of Bahali (Balkh-Bactria) in the age of Avasyaka Niryukti. Next morning when Bahubali came to know of the Master's departure, he felt disappointed and satisfied himself only by worshipping the spot where the Lord stood and installing an emblem-The Dharma-Cakra-over it vide, Haribhadra's Avasyaka Vytli, pp. 147-148 ). The Vasudevahindi and the Paumacariyam do not mention this account of origin of Dhamma-Cakka at Taksasila, installed and worshipped by Bahubali. Other writers following Marshall regard this as a proof of the Jaina tradition that Bahubali installed the Dharma-Cakra at Taxila. (Dr. Sukthankar in the Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1914 15, pp. 2 ff. and also Dr. Motichandra fa fa fa 3110 Tiara, Premi Abhinandana Grantha (Hindi), pp. 229 ff. But it will be seen that the earliest known text referring to this tradition is Avasyaka Niryukti, whose traditional date is not acceptable and that early Digambara sources do not refer to this incident. The Byhal-Kalpa-Bhasya, V. 5824 refers to Cakra which the commentator explains as Uttarapathe Dharma-cakram. (Vol. V, p. 1536 ) It would, therefore, be proper to differ any conclusions till some definitely early Jaina antiquities are excavated at Taksasila, Sirkap or at a site nearby. It can only be said that sometime in the 3rd or 4th Centnry A.D., there probably was near Taksabila, a Jaina site whose origin was attributed to Bahubali, but the Jainas do not seem to have been able to establish long standing strongholds in the North-West (Gandhara) and Western Punjab and if at all anything existed, it was wiped out in the Hun and Muslim invasions. There did exist a sacred spot where Dharma-Cakra was worshipped, in Northern Indja (Uttarapatha ), which was more popular with Svetambara Jainas, but whose identification with the Sirkap stupa need not be regarded as final.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH II symbols like the svastika, the Srivatsa mark, the full-blown lotus, a pair of fish etc., as also images of Tirtharkaras in the kayotsarga and dhyana mudra, the goddess Sarasvati, and a few other demi-gods. All the figures of Tirtharkaras are nude, showing that the difference between images of the Digambaras (sky-clad, worshipping nude images) and the Svetambaras (whiterobed, adoring Tirthankara figures wearing a lower garment) was posterior to the Kusana period. Recognising symbols ( Lanchana ) of the various Tirthankaras were not evolved and the pedestals of Jina figures contained devotional scenes of the dharmacakra usually placed with its rim to the front on a pillar. Tirthaikaras were recognised with the help of inscriptions on pedestals giving their names. Scenes of the five auspicions events (panca-kalyanakas) from the life of each Jina were carved, possibly as a decorative motif, as can be inferred from a fragment showing the goat-headed Nemesa who is famous in Svetambara Jaina texts for his act of transferring the embryo of Mahavira from a Brahmin lady to a Ksatriya one. Another remarkable specimen of Sunga period, No. J. 354. Lucknow Museum, probably represents the dance of Nilanjana before King Rsabha' (fig. 5). A Tablet of Homage was set up by Amohini representing Aryavati a respectable lady, in royal costume with an attendant holding a parasol. This Aryavati probably represents the Mother of a Jina (more likely of Mahavira), since parents of the Jinas received special veneration from the earliest times. Other noteworthy finds include an image of Sarasvati, the earliest discovered representation of this goddess in India, and four-fold Jina figures (pratima-sarvato-bhadrika of inscriptions) with Adinatha, Parsva and two other Jinas, one on each side. These figures are based upon the ancient Jaina tradition of Samavasarana? square or circular I See Luders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Epigraphia Indica, X, Appendix. 2 Shah, U.P., Journal of the University of Bombay, Sept. 1941, 198 f. Fig. 1. 3 Buhler, Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathura, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, 311 ff. For the story of the Dance, see C. R. Jain, Rsabhadeva, p. 108. Agrawala V. S., Jain Antiquary, Vol. X (1944), pp. 1-5, suggests a different interpretation and identifies it as a scene of birth-celebration of Mahavira, but my suggestion helps us to identify the standing figures as Lokantika gods and would seem to be more probable. 5 Smith, op.cit., pl. XIV., p. 21 ; Agrawala, V. S., Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 14, Fig. I. 8 Smith, op.cit., pp. 46 ff. pl. xc. ? D. R. Bhandarkar, Jaina Iconography, Indian Antiquary, pp. 125-30, 153 ff.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART assemblies erected by gods for the Sermons of the Jinas, wherein, on a raised platform in the centre sits a Jina on one side with images of the same Jina installed on three remaining sides to make him visible to the whole audience.. Representation of four different Jinas on the four sides, is, therefore, an advancement upon the original earlier conception of a samavasarana or a Caumukha sculpture. Therefore, the Jina image.worship at Mathura in the Kusana age was of a long standing. Even the stupa at Mathura was pretty old since an inscription on a Jaina pedestal of this period refers to it as the Vodval Stupa, built by the gods (devanirmite vodve thupe), clearly indicating that its origin was forgotten in c. second century A.D. Haribhadrasuri (c. 7th century) called it devanirmita, possibly because he did not know its origin or the name. of the Jina to whom it was originally dedicated; only later texts like the Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa of Jinaprabhasuri ascribed it to Suparsvanatha. Probably the stupa enshrined relics of Parsvanatha, a historical figure, who died 250 years before Mahavira's nirvana. 12 The Mathura Art was rather primitive and the human figures are stiff and heavy. However, it was filled with a spirit of naturalism and freedom from canonical injunctions and shows, on the one hand, a direct continuation of the old Indian art of Yaksa primitives and of Bharhut and Sancbi and on the other, the classical influence derived from Gandhara. This second phase is more conspicuous in Buddhist sculpture from Mathura. At Junagadh, Saurastra, near Bava Pyara's Math, are a group of about 1 The inscription refers to Vodva Stupa, built by Gods' which shows that in the first two centuries of the Christian era, a stupa existed at Mathura, which was regarded as a very ancient one and the age of its erection was forgotten. But the inscription does not make it clear that it was a stupa dedicated to Suparsvanatha. Jinaprabha is the only writer who explicitly says so. There were in all five Stupas at Mathura as can be inferred from the expression Pancastupanvaya used in the Paharpur Copper plate and other sources. (vide Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report 1927-28, pp. 1071.; Premi, Jaina Sahitya Aur Itihasa, p. 497, for Pancastupanvaya, see Paharpur Grant dated in S. 159 478 A.D.). It is however not impossible that a stupa dedicated to this Jina also existed at Mathura. But the finds from Kankali Tila make no reference to Suparsva in any of the inscriptions and it is Parsvanitha who is popular at Kankalf Tila. It is therefore advisable to regard the Vodva Stupa, built by gods as referring to a stupa of Parsva rather than of Suparava. Either copyists of Jinaprabha's text or Jinaprabha himself (being so late in age) made. the mistake of regarding the stupa of Parsvanatha as dedicated to Suparava. Smith, op. cit., 13, plate vi; Vyavakara-Bhasya, 5. 27-28; Brhat-KalpaBhasya, V. 5824, VI. 6275; also Avasyaha Niryukti with comm. of Haribhadra, I, p. 453.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 13 twenty monastic cells, arranged in three lines, with a very early form of Caitya window ornament over cave B.' Cave F is a primitive cell, flat roofed, originally with four pillars, the back being like a semi-circular apse. Cave K in this group has two cells with carvings of the auspicious pot-and-foliage ( mangalakalasa) and other symbols like the srivatsa, svastika, bhadrasana, minayugala, etc. found on the Mathura ayagapalas. These symbols could not conclusively establish the Jaina character of these dwellings but the discovery of a mutilated inscribed slab (burried in front of cell I) of the time of the grandson of Jayadaman (Rudrasena, the son of Rudradaman), referring to those who have obtained Kevala-jnana and conquered death and old age shows that at least in the second century A. D. 2 the caves were in the hands of the Jainas. The absende of any other Buddhist symbol or the stupa is significant. It would not be wrong to suppose that the Jainas had a monastic establishment near Girnar. Other groups of early caves in Saurastra, at Talaja and Sana, assigned to this period by Burgess, do not supply sufficient evidence regarding the faith to whom they were dedicated. 3 The presence of a stupa in each of the two groups of Talaja and Sana shows that they probably belonged to the Buddhists since none of the well known Jaina caves in India show stupa-worship. Pre-Gupta and Gupta Periods of the so-called dark period very few antiquities have come to light, But a few Jaina bronzes from Chausa near Buxur ( Bihar), now in the Patna. Museum, though of crude workmansirip, are valuable since they show the continuity and extent of influence of the Mathura School (Fig. 17); some of them show Gandhara influence, The cult image of the Kusana period, which, in the words of Coomaraswamy, was a magnificent primitive, clumsy, passes through a gradual evolution and takes its place in architecture of the Gupta age, 5 Some of the Chausa bronzes belong to this period but the transition would be better marked when stone specimen are discovered. To this period is assigned the Son-Bhandara cave, Rajgir ( Bihar), which has an inscription in characters of c. Ist or 2nd century A.D. stating that Muni Vairadeva, jewel among teachers and of great lustre, caused to be excavated 1.2.3 Burgess, Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kuchh, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, II, 139 ff. Sankalia, H. D., Archaeology of Gujarat, 47-53. Age of Imperial Unity, p. 418 suggests he was Damayasada or Rudrasimha I. 4 A few more halls are reported to have been discovered recently on one side of the hill at Talaja, by Shri M. N. Deshpande of the Western Circle, Baroda. They are being cleaned. 6 Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, 71.

Page #27
14 STUDIES IN JAINA ART two caves fit for residence of Jaina ascetics, with images of the Arhats (Jinas) installed therein. The second cave is the so-called Vaisnava cave nearby. It should be noted that these caves, meant to be rock-cut shrines fit for residence of Jaina monks, were of a very simple design. This Vairadeva seems to be the great Svetambara acarya Vajra who died in the 584th year of Mahavira's Nirvana (57 A.D.). On the Vaibhara hill, Rajgir, is a ruined temple consisting of a central chamber flanked on all sides by a row of cells and containing sculptures of the transitional age discussed below. Adjoining the east wall of and on a lower level than that of the main building is another room having, (in one of its niches, ) a seated figure of Neminatha (Fig. 18 ) with a fragmentary inscription, in Gupta characters, referring to Chandragupta (the second) This is the earliest specimen assignable to a fairly accurate date showing the introduction of recognising symbols of Tirtharikaras. In this case, the conch symbol flanks either side of the dharmacakra in the centre of the pedestal. But a more interesting feature of the sculpture is the figure of a young prince, beautifully carved, standing in front of the wheel which also serves the purpose of his halo. He is not Neminatha, the Prince, as was suggested earlier, but he is the cakra-purusa, a conception of the Gupta Age. On his two sides are two small Jinas seated in padmasana, with shaven heads like the famous Buddha from Mankuvar. Three standing figures of Tirthankaras in other niches seem to belong to circa fourth century as they retain to some extent the stiffness of shoulders of the Kusana period (fig. 23). Comparable with these are two standing sculptures in the Gwalior fort, Central India, which are products of the same school of sculpture, though with local colour. Another interesting specimen of the Gupta period having two flying garland-bearers in front of the halo carved more elaborately than the plain Kusana type with a scalloped border, was discovered from Besnagar, Gwalior State. Two most beautiful specimens of the Gupta period, partly mutilated, are preserved in the Mathura Museum (Nos. B6 & B 33 ). Exquisite specimens of art, they (figs. 25, 26 ) seem to be related to the famous Banaras school of sculpture. 1 Archeological Survey of India., Annual Report, 1905-06, p. 98, 166. 2 Shah, U, P., Muni Vairadeva of Son Bhandara Cave Inscription, JBRS, December, 1953, pp. 410-412 ; and in Atmananda-Prakasa (Gujarati Monthly, Bhavanagar), May 1953. For the age of this cave see Sarasvati S. K., in The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 502 f. 8 First published by Chanda, Ramaprasad, A. S. 1. A. R. 1925-26, 125 ff. * Vikrama-Smrili-Anka (Hindi) plate opposite page 703. For other sites in the Gwalior State see, Gadre M. B., Archeological Museum, Gwalior and his ' A Guide to the Archaeological Museum, Gwalior' and Annual Reports of the Archaeological Department, Gwalior State.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH At Sarnath, near Banaras, is preserved a figure of Ajitanath (G. 61, Sahani's. Cotalogue) rightly assigned by Sahani to the Gupta period1. A few more sculptures of the Gupta period are preserved in the Lucknow Museum; one of them, a headless statue of Mahavira, is dated in Gupta year 113, while some finer specimens are J. 104, O. 181, in this Museum and B. 7 (fig. 27) in Mathura Museum, besides a few more in both the museums.2 15 In one of the Udayagiri caves, Gwalior State, is found an inscription. recording its excavation, in G.E. 106 (reign of Kumaragupta I), with a figure of Parsvanatha, "awe-inspiring on account of the horrible fangs of a snake carved over his head". The relief-sculpture is however lost. At Kahaon in UP., is a free-standing pillar, dated in the Gupta year 141, with a figure of Parsvanatha at the base and four standing Tirthankaras on the top. At Paharpur, in Bengal, has been excavated the site of a monument with. Buddhist and Brahmanical remains. Here was discovered a small figure of a Jina and a copper-plate, issued from Pundravaradhana, dedicated to the worship of Arhats at the Jaina Vihara (monastery) of Vata Gohali, headed by a monk of the Pancha-stupa lineage (anvaya) of Banaras. The grant is dated in the G.E. 159 478 A.D. The Vihara which was thus established in the 4th century, if not earlier still, probably occupied the site of the great temple and monastery unearthed at Paharpur." In the north-west, at Murti near Ketas (in the Gandhala valley) are situated the remains of a sanctuary and a stupa which Stein identified with the site of Simhapur of Hieun-Tsang's description. The Chinese traveller referred to a Deva-temple and a stupa where the white-robed ones practised rigorous austerities. A few sculptures from this site, brought to the Lahore Museum, are assigned to the Gupta period by Stein.* The Deogarh temples have not been fully explored. At Deogarh fort, 1 The sculpture is now in the collections of Bharata Kala Bhavana, Banaras Hindu University, and antedates the Rajgir figure of Neminatha noted above. For Jaina sculpture of the Gupta age, see, Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 66-68; Banerji, R. D., Age of the Imperial Guptas, pp. 104, 106, 108, 129 and pl. xviii; Agrawal, V. S, Catalogue of the Mathura Museum, JUPHS., xiii, pp. 52 ff. 8 See f.n. 3 on p. 15. Epigraphia Indica, XX. 59 fi. History of Bengal, I, p. 410. Stein A., Archaological Reconnaissances in N.W. India and S.W. Iran (1937), pp. 47 ff. and plates. Not a single Jaina sculpture from this site is published. A few later ones exist in Lahore Museum, but I could not obtain. photographs.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART Jhansi District, Madhya Bharat, there are a number of loose sculptures near temple 12 (some of which were being fixed in the compound wall when this writer visited the site). A few images in this group seem to go back to the end of the Gupta period. The site of Budhi Chanderi in the same district is equally promising. Architecture and sculptures from both the sites deserve special studies. 16 One of the most exquisite Jaina bronzes had recently been discovered from Akota, near Baroda in Western India (Bombay State). It is a standing image of Rsabhanatha with pedestal lost and badly mutilated at the back, hands and legs (fig. 19). Its importance as the earliest known Jina image with a dhoti is discussed by me separately in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, Vol. I, No. 1. Its value as a specimen of the art of Gupta Age is no less, the head offers an excellent study of a Yogi in the dhyana mudia, with eyes half closed and shining with the light of supreme knowledge. In the proportionate modelling of the torso and the legs, this bronze, though smaller in size, is superior to the Sultanganj Buddha. It should be assigned to c. 450 A. D. Transitional Period The transitional period from Gupta art to the provincial schools of art witnessed a remarkable revival and growth of Tantric practices in Brahmanism, Buddhism as well as Jainism. Pantheons and rituals rapidly multiplied, resulting in new varieties of icons and temples dedicated to them. The artist had a wider range of subject matter but the growth of rigid canonical injunctions gradually made art productions of the medieval period lifeless and mechanical. The transitional period from about 600 to 1000 A. D. is, therefore, very important in the history of Indian art and culture. It has besides produced some of the most well-known specimens of Indian art in architecture, sculpture and painting. Five bronzes from Valabhi, illustrated in fig. 29, belong to c. sixth century A. D. Of this age, probably the earliest known dated specimen is a standing bronze figure (fig. 30) from Vasantagadh, old Sirohi State, Western India, with an inscription on its pedestal giving the date Samvat 744 (657) A.D.) Another similar bronze without inscription and a few smaller ones from 1 First discovered by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, discussed by this writer in Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, no. 1, p. 36. 2 The Jaina Bronzes from the Vasantagadh Hoard are discussed in a separate paper (with plates; by Shah, U. P., in the forthcoming first number of the Lalita-Kala, being published by the Lalita-Kala Academy, India. Muni Kalyapavijaya in Nagari Pracarini Patrika, new series, 18.2. pp. 221-31. The inscription records the name of the sculptor Sivanaga and says. that the second (standing) bronze (of Adinatha) was also cast by him. These

Page #30
A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 17 standing tent of th. The Rohis the same site also belong to this period. The style of the dhoti ( lower garment) put on by the Jina corresponds with that of a standing stone figure of Parsvanatha from Rohtak near Delhi. 1 The Rohtak figure is however a little later in age but it shows the extent of the influence of the art of old Gujarat and Marwar. Of about the same period is the large Mahuli (Baroda State) bronze which is stylistically closely allied to the famous Nalanda bronzes. Other noteworthy figures are a small bronze of Sarasvati from Vasantgadh, 8 two metal sculptures in the Simandhara temple, Ahmedabad (which are possibly slightly later) and three standing bronze figures in Bhinmal, Marwar. The stone sculpture of Parsvanatha at Charupa, North Gujarat, also belongs to c. Sth century. Two smaller bronzes from Mahudi and the group of rockcarvings at Dhank, Saurastra, (Fig. 31 ) belong to this period. 5 The Dhaik sculptures show a Kubera-like two-armed yaksa and a two-armed Ambika yaksi, here attending upon Parsvanatha. A fourfold (Caumukha) Jaina sculpture (Fig. 28 ) from the Sonbhandara cave, Rajgir, and a figure of Adinatha, with the name of a monk Vasantanandi inscribed (c. 8th century A.D.) on the pedestal, from the ruined brick shrine at Vaibhara hill, Rajgir, are typical examples of Jaina sculptures of the Eastern School. To the next century may be assigned a few more sculptures from the same site and a stone sculpture from monastery no. 9, Nalanda. A four-armed goddess (Fig. 41 ) from this last site probably represents the Jaina yaksi Padmavati, and is a unique iconographic specimen from North India, assignable to the gth or roth century. bronzes from Vasantgadh are hollow from inside and filled with a light-weight core. They are at present worshipped in a shrine at Pindawada near Sirohi. 1 Bhattacharya, B.C. Jaina Iconography, pl. VI. 2 Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1939, 6-11, pl. iy-vi. Sankalia, Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, I, 2-4, 185 ff. Mr. Gadre assigns the fragmentary inscription on its prabbavali to c. 300 A.D. which is certainly incompatible with the style of the big Mahudi figure. No estampage is published. 8 Shah, U.P., A Female Chaurie-Bearer from A kota, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, I, 1, wherein this as well as two other Tirtharkaras of c. 7th8th century A.D. are discussed and illustrated. * Three such bronzes of c. 8th century A.D. allied in style and technique to Vasantagadh dated bronzes, are lately discovered by this writer from Bhinmal where they are being worshipped in a Jaina shrine, 5 Sankalia, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, July 1938, 427. ff. Archaeology of Gujarat, 160 ff. It is not possible to assign to the soulptures a date earlier than 7th century A.D. 6 Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report for 1925-26, 125 ff and

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART Rock-carvings of the Navamuni, Barabhuji and the Trisula caves, Orissa, with figures of Tirthankaras and attendant yaksinls, are of great iconographic value, though they represent crude specimens of Orissan art in c.900 A.D.1 18 Among temples of the transitional period may be noted two small Jaina. shrines at Than in Saurastra, described by Cousens. Square in plan, these simple shrines seem to have once had a small porch in front constructed of huge blocks of stone, with a plain exterior and a single band of scroll on the door-way, the smaller of the two shrines has a much damaged Jina on the dedicatory block, while the larger one has a mutilated figure of Ambika against its back wall. With this type may be compared the small Jaina temple of Pattaini devi at Pithora, Unchchhera State, near Bharhut. The door way. carvings of this temple suggest that the temple belongs to the post-Gupta period. The Pattaini devi, enshrined in it, is however a later but unique sculpture of Ambika with twenty-three other yaksinis carved on her three sides, 3 A later specimen is the Mahavira temple at Osia, old Jodhpur State, Marwar. At Osia is a group of Hindu fanes of 8th-10th centuries closely resembling the style of those at Eran, Pathari, Amvam and Jhalrapatan. The Mahavira temple, enclosed in a courtyard containing a row of subsidiary shrines of the 10th century, was built in the reign of Vatsaraja of the Pratihara dynasty (770-800 A. D.). It has an open porch, a closed hall (sabhamandapa) and a sanctum surmounted by a spire. The spire was rebuilt in the 11th century. when a torana (fig. 53) and a nalamandapa (second porch) led by a flight of the steps were added. A loose plaque of 1075 V. S. representing Mothers of twenty-four Jainas, each with a child on her lap, preserved in the courtyard, pls. lvi-lvii.; Report for 1930-34, 165 f. pls. cxxxviii, d, and lxviii, b.; Report for 1935-36, pl. xvii, 9. Also Guide to Rajgir, by Kuraishi and Ghosh. 1 Bhattacharya, B. C. op.-cit. pls. xxii-xxiv. Kuraishi, op. cit. figs. 135-154. The Yaksinis represent a slightly different tradition but as the photographs available are not distinct and as the Tirthankaras above are not always identifiable, it is not possible to discuss the evidence from iconographic point of view, * H. Cousens, Somnath and other Mediaeval temples in Kathiawad, Archaological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, XLV, 50 ff., pl. XLVIII. Cunningham, Archeological Survey Report, IX, 31. pl. vi. Sarasvati, S. K., in Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, VIII. 148. Illustrated in Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Ambika, Journ. of the Univ. of Bombay, Sept. 1944, fig. 28. "One of its outstanding features are the pillars of the porch as they represent the post-Gupta order in its ripest state."-Brown, Percy, op. cit., pp. 140 f.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 19 is noteworthy.1 Practice of carving such patas of the Maddona continued in the mediaeval period, such specimens being available at Patan, Girnar, Abu, etc. but the Osia plaque is the earliest yet discovered. Quite a large number of Jaina bronzes ranging from c. 6th to inth centuries A, D, have been obtained in the Akota hoard. Two bronzes, one of Rsabhanatha with a Yaksa and Ambika and the other of an unidentified Jina are especially noteworthy as they are installed by Jinabhadra gani Ksamasramana--the first between c. 500-550 A. D., and the second between c. 550-600 A. D. 2 A beautiful figure of Sarasvati and other of a female chauri-bearer are illustrated in figs. 32-33. Of special interest is the Makarabai temple in a village of the same name, Io miles N. E. of Mahoba in U. P. It is in an excellent state of preservation and consists of three separate cells, one at the back of the mandapa and one each at the north and the south of it. The cult image in the sanctum is lost but the Jaina character of the temple is evidenced by figures of Jinas on its lintel. Though small, this shrine is of a unique type, different from the ornate Chandela temples, and though almost devoid of external wall sculptures, presents a beautiful appearance. 3 Another beautiful specimen, of about the end of the transitional period, is the so-called Ghantai temple at Khajuraho, old Chhatrapur State, Central India. A little separated from the main group, it has attracted considerable attention on account of what may be called the Attic beauty of its constituent parts. This temple, of which only a cluster of about a dozen pillars, standing on a moulded plinth and supporting a flat roof, and a carved door-frame, remain in situ, must certainly have been a gem of its time, being the handiwork of most accomplished craftsmen of the age. One can still admire the elegance of its pillars, most gracefully proportioned, tall and slender shafts, octagonal below and circular above with intermediate girdles of delicate carving or the richness of its carved door-way. The transitional period witnessed, in c. 8th century A.D., the introduction of the twenty-four yaksas and yaksinis, as attendants of different Tirthankaras. In its later stage, it showed the introduction of eight planets on two sides of a Tirtharkara or on the pedestal. The introduction of planets seems to have started in the Eastern School. In the west the planets were soon given a place on the pedestals of images of the Tirthankaras. In this period, the Jainas, especially the Digambaras, had strongholds in the whole of Central India while 1 Shah, U. P., in Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, IX, p. 48. 3 Shah, U. P., in Jaina Satyaprakasa XVII, no. 4, pp. 86-91, figs. 1-4. 3 A.S.I., A.R. for 1925-26, p. 15, pl. ii. Brown, Percy, op. cit., pp. 136 if, pl. lxxxii.

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20 STUDIES IN JAINA ART in the west, the Svetambaras were growing stronger. South of Brgukaccha (Broach ), the Digambaras had an establishment at Navasari? while in the Khandesh, M. P. and the Deccan, the Svetam baras were gradually diminishing in number. In the east, in Bihar and Orissa, Digambara Jainism was still popular whereas in Bengal it was already on the decline. Mediaeval Period A group of Jaina temples of Chandela art are standing at Khajuraho. A Khajuraho temple generally consists of a cella, a mandapa, ardha-mandapa ( entrance portico ), supplemented by vestibule to the cella and in more developed forms, has trancepts (mukha-mandapas ) together with professional path round the cella. The Jaina temples, about six in number and in varying states of preservation differ but little from the Brahmanical fanes at Khajuraho. The only difference lies in the almost complete elimination of voids in elevation or window openings which are pronounced features of other groups. The monotony of the external appearance of Jaina temples thus caused is relieved by elaborating parallel friezes of statuary. These rows of figures, running right round the structure, with projections at intervals, dominate the entire scheme. Images of special iconographic value, including the dikpalas, yaksas and multiarmed goddesses, are seen on these walls (fig. 52). One of these temples is illustrated in fig. 51. Fig. 40 illustrates Kubera frorn a pillar. Architecture of Jaina temples at Deogarh fort, Jhansi district, U. P., has not been properly discussed hitherto. Some of the temples date from the toth century and have a small open porch leading into the shrine surmounted by a spire, less elaborate than, Khajuraho. Set up in front of the spire are sometimes seen an ornamental arch and a few sculptures on the porch-roof. The temple walls, with niches on the sides, containing images, present a pleasing contrast with the ornate examples at Khajuraho. In later specimens, however, Deogarh temples show carvings on basement and walls and are erected on bigger plans, temple No. 12 being the biggest. Temple Nos. 1 and 12 have free standing pillars on one side, each pillar having four sculptures on the top and four more at the bottom. Fig. 47 represents a beautiful specimen of Ksetrapala (guardian of the site) from a pillar near the first temple. Amongst other noteworthy sculptures at Deogarh are a group of yaksi figures set up with labels on the backwall of temple No. 12, in characters of the c. Ioth century A. D. They represent a valuable iconographic tradition unknown to extant Jaina literature. Fig. 39 represents the Jina-Mother.8 Of special interest, among loose sculptures at Deogarh and Khajuraho, is 1 Ep. Ind. Vol. XXI, pp. 133 ff. 3 Sankalia, H. D. JISOA., IX. 97 tf. 3 It is a loose slab (temple 4) dating from earth century.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH a type of figures of a royal pair sitting under a tree surmounted by a miniature Jina and showing a child on the lady's lap. Such sculptures (figs. 45, 46), common to most of the Digambara sites in Central India, U. P. and Bihar, and dating from c. 900-1200 A. D., are analogous to the Buddhist pair or Jambhala and Hariti. A study of various specimens from these sites shows that a group of them at least represented the Mother and Father of various Jinas. In the West, the mediaeval period witnessed increased building activity amongst Jainas under the patronage of the Parmaras of Malva and Caulukyas of Gujarat. Vimala saha, a minister of Solanki court, built a magnificent temple at Delwada, Mt. Abu in V.S. 1088. A temple of extraordinary beauty, it shows the extent to which marble could be finely chiselled and an example where exumberance could be beauty.1 Human faces do not radiate the spiritual bliss and divine glory of inner consciousness but the loss is largely repaid by the richness and beauty of decoration and fine carving. The temple consists of mulagarbhagyha (shrine), a gudhamandapa (adjoining hall ), a smaller mandapa (navacoki), a larger hall (rangamandapa), a circumambulatory path (Bhamati ) and in the court-yard a group of devakulikas (smaller shrines ) with a pillared corridor in front. The shrine is on a higher level than the main hall. The dome of the latter, with an exquisitely wrought huge lotus pendant hanging from it (fig. 49), rests on eight stilted pillars arranged in an octagon, and rises in concentric circles of various decorative motifs. Sixteen brackets, apparently without any architectural value, show figures of sixteen Tantric goddesses called Mahavidyas of unique iconographic value (cf. Fig. 50 representing Prajnapti). Between pillars of the octagon are toranas while there are a number of free standing pillars in the hall. The Mandapa however was erected by Prthvipala, a minister of Kumarapala. All available space in the ceilings, walls, door-frames or pillars is utilised in presenting scenes from Jaina mythology, different gods and goddesses (cf. Fig. 54 representing the Mahavidya, called Vajrankusi) or designs which are veritable dreams of beauty. Fig. 55 is a kicaka on one of the pillar-brackets. A second shrine at Delvada, adjoining Vimalavasahi, built two centuries later by Tejpala and Vastupala on a plan similar to the one just described, is 1 Coomaraswamy. HITA., pp. III f. Brown, Percy, op. cit., 142 f, pl. xciv. For a descriptive guide to all the Jaina shrines at Delvada and Acalesvara on Mt. Abu, see Holy Abu, by Muni Jayantavijaya, translated by U. P. Shah, published (with illustrations ) by Yasovijaya Jaina Granthamala, Bhavnagar, April, 1954. As evidenced by a Prasasti verse from Mallinatha caritra and Candraprabhacaritra (Ms., Patan), composed by Haribhadra Suri, a contemporary of Pithvipala. Also see Introduction to Holy Abu by Shah, U.P.

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22 STUDIES IN JAINA ART equally attractive while other temples of a later age are of little value except the Caumukha temple with a four-fold image in the sanctum, built in c. 1515 V.S. ( 1459 A.D.).. The outer walls of this last shrine has provided us with iconography of all the Vidyadevis, Yaksinis, and Dik-palas. A unique example of the Caumukha type of temples is however supplied by the Tribhuvana-dipaka-Caturmukha-Jinalaya (Fig. 89 ) built in 1439, at Ranakpur (in Godvad district ) old Jodhpur State. Erected on a large plinth and a comprehensive structural scheme, it is an aggregation of shrines, symmetrically disposed around a central one. A large central spire surrounded by four others covering corner shrines, and twenty cupolas forming roofs of pillared halls, which again are surrounded by graceful turrets over eighty-six devakulikas produces a charmingly picturesque effect. The interior presents a variety and multiplicity of its parts, all well-proportioned and uniformly disposed, unending vistas of columns, interrupted at intervals by open courts and illuminated by direct and reflected light arrangements, producing a bewitching effect on the pious Jaina worshipper. 2 Among other noteworthy temples in the West is a beautifully carved fane at Mirpur between Abu and Sirohi, of about the same age as the temple of Tejapala at Abu. Another temple existed at Varavan in the Thar and Parkar district, Sindh. Two beautiful sculptures of Tirthankaras and one of a Jaina donor dated 1185 A.D., now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, show the extent of influence of the old Gujarati style of sculpture. At Sarotra in North Gujarat is another Jaina temple with fifty-two cells in the court-yard. On each side of the principle entrance of the sabhamanpapa is a cell enshrining a yaksa and yaksini. On account of its recessed niches, wall angles and basement moulding the temple shows affinities with the Solanki style of old Gujarat and appears to have been built in c. 13th century, while the spire underwent repair at a later date. An interesting temple built by Kumarapala, the Caulukyan king, exists at Taranga hill, North Gujarat. It consists of a shrine with a circumambulatory path lighted by three windows and a mandapa with porches on the north and the south and a large porch in the front. Mouldings of the shrine basement and wall are cut into a series of horizontal and vertical facets ornate with sculptures. 3 Another shrine built 1 Brown, Percy, op. cit., pp. 164 ff. pl. cv. The plan of the Pabarpur monument (Bengal) was possibly based upon the conception of the Jaina Caumukha temple type enshrining the pratima-sarvvatobhadrika of Mathura inscriptions; see also, Sarasvati, S.K., in History of Bengal, I. pp. 504 ff. For other sites in U.P. and Bihar, see Cunningham's A.S. Reports. 3.8 Sankalia, Archaeology of Gujarat, pp. III-12. Burgess, Archaeological Survey of Western India IX. pp. 99 ff, 114, pls. lxxvii, cix-cxiii.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH by Kumarapala at Jalor about 80 miles south of Jodhpur is equally interesting. Jaina shrines at Kumbharia, Danta State, North Gujarat, belonging to c. 12th & 13th centuries, are noteworthy as some of them contain beautiful ceiling slabs with scenes from the lives of Parsvanatha, Mahavira and Santinatha (cf. fig. 83 representing the life of Parsvanatha). In Mevad an interesting Jaina monument, built in c. 1100 A. D.. and repaired in c. 1450, exists at Chitor in the form of a beautiful Kirttistambha (pillar of glory), about 80 feet high and composed of 8 storeys (fig. 82). The structure belongs to Digambara sect and has a pavilion on the top which probably enshrined a Caumukha image in it. Such pillars or manastambhas,, the manavakastambhas of the Jaina Canon, set up with images on top and at base, are often erected in front of Jaina temples though none of the extant ones are so magnificent as this specimen, which latter is erroneously called a Kirttistambha. The temple built by Mokalaji is another noteworthy fane at Chitor supposed to have been Jaina originally. A more interesting group is, however, available at Un in the Indore State. The Un temples, similar in plan to the Khajuraho temples, have porches on three sides while the mandapas are conspicuously larger than at the other site. The temples were mostly built by the later Paramaras of Malva in the 11th and 12th centuries. Of these the Caubara Dera No. 2 is a magnificent shrine while the Goalesvara is preserved in an almost perfect condition. Jaipur and Bikaner States in Rajputana also possess some remains, mainly of Digambara sect, while Jesalmere further north has a group of Svetambara temples of the Moghul period, Udaipur State is famous for the shrines of Adinatha worshipped by both the sects. Gwalior State is very rich. in archaeological remains of Digambara sect ranging from the Gupta upto modern times. Of the transitional period interesting temples and sculptures are available at Gyaraspur (Malade temple, figs. 61, 62), Badoh and the site of Budhi Canderi. The latter site is also rich in Jaina sculptures of the mediaval period. comparable in style to those of Deogarh fort, and Sironi in Central India. The 1 Progress Report of A. S. I., Western Circle, 1904; A. S. I,. A. R., 190506, pp. 44 ff. Cunningham, op. cit., xxiii, pp. 108 ff. 2 Progress Report, A. S. I., W. C. 1918. pp. 19, ff. A. S. I. R., 1923-24, P. 47. 23 3 Sahani D. R. Archeological remains at Bairat; Nawab, Jaina Satyaprakasa (Gujarati Journal), VIII, No. 1, pp. 9 ff. For the beautiful Sarasvati from Puilu, Bikaner State, see Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, fig, 84. M. B. Garde, (1) Archaeological remains in Gwalior, (2) A Guide to the Archeological Museum, Gwalior, (3) Annual Reports of the Archeological Department, Gwalior State.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART Gadarmal temple at Badoh, built from remains of temples of the 9th and 10th centuries has a nativity sculpture variously identified with Krsna-Devaki or Trisala-Mahavira. The account of the Dik-Kumaris, given in works like the Jambudvipa-prajnapti, performing the satika-karma at the birth of a Jina, will show that the sculpture deserves to be identified as Jaina. The inference is further supported by the existence of Jaina remains at Badoh and Pathari. The sculpture is well-known and illustrated by Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, fig. 178. A number of other sites in this state disclose remains, from the 10th century down to the end of the Moghul period, belonging mostly to the Digambara sect.1 24 In Khandesh, Digambara Jaina vestiges are found at Erandol and Cahardi while there is a late Jaina cave at Patna. An exquisite big bronze covisi of Adinatha from Cahardi is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. It is assignable to the 10th century A. D., if not a little earlier. In the Deccan, where a mixture of North Indian traditions with southern ones could take place, Digambara temples existed at Miri and Ghotan in the Ahmednagar district, while in the Nasik district are a few Jaina caves. The Ankai Tankai group belongs to c. 12th-13th centuries while the Mangi Tungi group on the western border of the Nasik district (and very close to the Sulher fort of the Gaekwads of Baroda,) has, besides other later ones, a cave assignable to c. 9th century A. D. The style of carvings, however, in most of the Deccan caves has a southern stamp and are therefore excluded from this survey. Thousands of Jaina bronzes scattered over Western India require a special study as most of them are stylistically related to the miniature paintings of the Western school which flourished in the medieval period, old Gujarat including Rajasthan, had, like Bihar and Bengal, its own school of sculpture and painting, the school of art which Taranatha referred to as the School of Ancient West. A glimpse of the importance of some of the earlier bronzes can be had from the bronze of a female chauri-bearer from Akota (fig. 33) discussed elsewhere by the present writer. Of the later phases of bronze-casting in Western India, a glimpse can be had from a sahasrakuta sculpture with figures of 1008 Jinas (fig. 64). 1 M, B. Garde: op. cit. 3.8.4 Cave Temples of India by Fergusson and Burgess, 492 ff. 505ff. A.S. I., A. R. for 1921-22, 66 ff, for 1925-26, 167 ff. pl. lxc. b. For an illustration of the beautiful Cahardi bronze, see, Indian Metal Sculpture by Cintamani Kar, pl. 18. The figure is wrongly identified as Neminatha, the hairlocks on the shoulders of the main figure unmistakably prove that he is Rsabhanatha. Shah, U. P., Female Chauri-Bearer from Ankoffaka and the School of Ancient West-Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Vol. I., No. 1. pp. 4346 and plates.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH Of early Jaina vestiges in Central Provinces (Madhya and Vindhya Pradesh) nothing is brought to light as yet. A few bronzes in the Nagpur Museum, acquired from Rajnakin Khinkhini in the Murtijapur district belong to a period ranging from 7th to 10th centuries A. D. approximately. Some of these, especially the bronze image of Sarasvati, published earlier by me are of excellent workmanship. The museum also preserves stone sculptures found. at Ratanpur, Raipur, Burhanpur, Mandla and Hoshangabad. Of the mediaval period, Jaina temples are found at Arang, Chanda, Bhandak etc.; the most important specimens of Jaina sculptures belong to the age of Haihayas of Tripuri. One such beautiful sculpture is now in worship in a Digambara temple at Jubbulpore while two others of the same art are preserved in the Indian Museum. A few Jaina sculptures in the Thakur's compound at Sohagpur, Rewa State, belong roughly to the roth and 11th centuries A. D. Amongst them is an interesting multi-armed variety of Padmavati, an attendant yaksi of Parsvanatha, discussed by the late Sri R. D. Banerji, Most of the Jaina. vestiges in C. P. belong to the Digambara sect with its principal seat at Karanja. 25 In Bengal, especially in the Western districts, the Jainas were probably pioneers in disseminating Aryan culture but unfortunately excepting the Paharpur finds noted above, no earlier Jaina vestiges have been brought to light. A few sculptures of the medieval period are, however, noteworthy. These include a beautiful stone sculpture of twenty-four Jinas with Adinatha in the centre (fig. 37), from Surohor, in the Dinajpur district, of Santinatha from Ujani in the Burdwan district, figures of Parsvanatha from Bahulara (fig. 38), Harmashra, Deulbhira and Siddhesvara (in the Bankura district) and at bronze figure of Ambika from Nalgora as also a stone sculpture of Adinatha from Ghatesvara in the 24 paraganas. Jaina vestiges are more common in the West Bengal and extend upto Manbhum, Singbhum and Ranchi districts and the Chhota Nagpur division of Bihar. These images belong to the Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture but there is a difference in style among Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Sarasvati, Journal of the University of Bombay, September, 1941, fig. 5. Cousens, List of Antiquarian Remains in Central Provinces and Berar. Descriptive List of Exhibits in the Archaeological Section, Nagpur Museum (1914). R. D. Banerjee, Haihayas of Tripuri, Memoir No. 2 of A. S. I., pl. xlviii. b., xli. Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference Travancore, 816 ff. History of Bengal, I. 464 ff. Figs. 47-49, 153. Eastern School of Mediaeval Indian Sculpture, by R.D. Banerji, 144 ff. pls. lxxvi-lxxvii. A.S.I., A.R., for 1925-26, 115 ff. 153, pl. ix. e., for 1921-22, 84, pl. xxi, for 1922-23, 112 ff. Indian Culture, III. 524 ff. Varendra Research Society, Monograph No. 3.

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26 STUDIES IN JAINA ART the Bengal ind Bihar specimens mainly on account of materials utilised, The Jaina zone of influence appears to have extended, according to R.D. Banerji, from the southern bank of Ganges to the western bank of the Bhagirathi right upto the northern frontier of the jungle country of the wild Gonds. All the Jaina images belong to the Digambara sect. A few specimens from the Manbhum district are preserved in the Patna museum. (cf. fig. 44). In Orissa, no specimens are available for about nine centuries following the age of the Ranigumpha group, but rock-cut reliefs of Navamuni and Barabhuji caves belong to c. 8th-9th centuries and the standing Jinas near Udyota kesari's cave were carved in c. IIth century. Khiching in the Mayurbhanj State provides interesting sculptures of these three or four centuries. A sculpture of Ambika in the British Museum is a beautiful specimen of this period. Fig. 35 representing Rsabhanatha and Mahavira on one stela, also in same Museum, is a beautiful specimen of c. 9th-Ioth cent. A.D., probably from Orissa. Another interesting specimen, a bronze of standing Adinatha (Fig. 36 ) from Puri district, is now preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 1 Temple Cities A peculiarity of the Jaina sect is their love for building temple-cities, Satrunjaya in Saurastra being the most famous of them, with several hundreds of fanes (figs. 57, 58 ) erected in several lanes in various periods. The temple of Adinatha in Vimalavasi Tunk was built ( 1530 A. D.) upon the site of another older temple erected in c. 960 A. D., and there was also probably a still earlier structure. Jaina traditions assert that temples at Satrunjaya underwent mass-scale repairs at several intervals. A sculpture of Pundarika in a small cell of the main Adinatha temple is one of the inost beautiful speci. mens of the roth century sculpture in Western India. Another noteworthy shrine is the Caumkha temple, built in 1618 A. D. enshrining a four-fold image, with four cardinal entrances to the sanctum, the eastern one connected with the assembly hall in front while three others have porches leading into the surrounding courtyard. Above each porch rises an elegant second-storey with balconied windows. A third noteworthy temple is the one reported to have been built by Kumarpala and a fourth by Vimalasaha is in good state of preservation.2 Another famous temple-city in Saurastra is on Mt. Girnar, 3 the i Kuraishi, op. cit., Chanda, R. B. Ramaprasad, Mediaeval Indian Sculpture in the British Museum, 71 ff. pl. xxii. R.D. Banerji, History of Orissa, I. 84 ff., II. 394 pl. xc. Shah, U.P., in Journal of the University of Bombay, September 1940, 153, fig. 4. 2.3 Percy Brown, op.cit. 118 ff. cousens, Somnatha and other Mediaeval Temples in Kathiawad, 73 ff. xcii-cvi. Archaeology of Gujarat, 109 f, pls. xxiixxiii- Burgess, Archeological Survey of Western India II ; Antiquities of Kathiawal and Kachh. pp. 166 ff, pls. xxxi-xxxiv.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 27 shrines being far less numerous than at Satrunjaya. Neminatha temple, the largest in the group, repaired in the 13th century, is enclosed within a courtyard with about 70 cells. The temple has a handsome mandapa while the vimana is composed of a grouping of turrets around a central tower in a scheme common to izth century temples in Western India. The Vastupal temple is a remarkable triple structure composed of three separate shrines, leading out of the three sides of the central hall, the fourth side forming the entrance. The central shrine is dedicated to the nineteenth Jina Mallinatha, while the two lateral shrines, formed like pillared halls, contain moniments of solid masonry. The northern one has a square base and represents the Mount Meru of Jaina mythology while the southern shrine contains a representation of the Sameta Sikhara or Mt. Parasanatha in Bihar where twenty Tirthankaras obtained nirvana. The Jainas similarly represent another mountain called Astapada, a specimen of which is available in the Ranakpur temple described above. Such representations are at present known as "avatara ", e.g. Satrunjaya-tirthavatara (cf. fig. 59 representing a plaque oi Satrunjaya and Girnar). Amongst several other smaller temple-cities of less architectural value are Songadh near Datia, Central India, Kundalpur in the Damoh district, C. P:, Muktagiri near Gawalgarh in Berar and Mt. Parasnatha in Bihar. The group of temples at Papaura in Orchha State, and Jhalrapatan in the Jhalawad State in Central India await a more detailad study. Paintings The tradition of Jaina painting is as old as Buddhist painting. In one of the extensive rock-cut caves at Udayagiri and Khandagiri in Orlssa, assignable to c. Ist century B. C., traces of paintings have been marked. 1 The Sittannavasal wall-paintings in the old Pudducotta State, Madras, form the earliest published document of Jaina painting. Assignable to the reign of Mahendravarman I, the great Pallava king and artist (C. 600-625 A. D.), they are not essentially different from the contemporary paintings at Ajanta. As observed by Stella Kramrich, barring a certain physiognomical conventions in figure drawings there are no distinguishing features separating Sittannavasal paintings from contemporary paintings of Ajanta and Badami. A review of later wall-paintings in the South at Ellora and elsewhere or of the miniatures of Digambara Jaina manuscripts at Mudabidri is beyond the scope of this survey of Jaina art in the North. In the north, most of the existing specimens of Jaina paintings belong to the Mediaeval Western Indian School, which has for its background the School of Ancient West mentioned by Taranath. Since specimens of paintings of this 1 Moti Chandra, Jaina Miniature Painting from Western India, p. 1o. 2 JISOA., Vol. V. p. 218.

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28 STUDIES IN JAINA ART School of Ancient West are yet unknown it is still difficult to make any surmise about its distinguishing features. But it has now been possible to infer a few characteristics of this School of Art from the stone and metal sculptures recently brought to light and discussed by this writer.3 The School of Ancient West seems to have been a very vigorous one having passed through several stages of development during the march of time through several centuries. Earliest specimens which can be definitely assigned to this school may be noted :(I) The famous bronze image of Brahma in the Karachi Museum, assigned by Dr. Coomaraswamy to the Gupta age. Though not inscribed, it cannot be placed later than c. 500 A. D. and may be slightly earlier. (2) The mutilated bronze of Jivantasvami from Akota, with pedesta lost, illustrated here as figs. 20, 21, which should be assigned to the same age as Karachi Brahma. (3) Of a slightly later date is the image of Rsabhanatha from Akota, installed by Jinabhadra Gani Ksamasramana, discussed in Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Vol. I; No, I, Fig. 43 ff., fig. 21. Also see Jaina Satyaprakasa, Vol. 17. no. 4, pp. 86 ff and plate. The last mentioned bronze, studied as three-quarter profile, immediately suggests to us the beginnings of the tendencies manifested in later Western Indian Miniature Paintings, namely, the squarish face, elongated eyes and a pointed nose. The bronze, both from the script of its inscription and from the known dates of Jinabhadra, must be assigned to c. 500-550 A.D. A study of the crowns and other ornaments of different Jaina bronzes from Vasantagadh and Akota assignable to c. 6th-7th century A.D., or of a few carvings on two small shrines at Roda, Idar State, North Gujarat, has shown their close affinity with contemporary art at Ajanta. 3 In Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. VIII, pp. 49 tf ; Voi. IX. pp. 90 ff; Journ, of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I No. 2, pp. 161 ff. 4 My arguments for assigning it to a date between 400 and 500 A. D. are given in my Note on A kota Hoard of Jaina Bronzes, published in the Baroda Through the Ages (M. S. University of Baroda, 1953), pp. 99 ff. 4 With these must also be noted the Tri-Tirthika image of Parsva or Suparsva installed by Khambhila (Khandila ?) Aryika of Nagendra Kula, c. 640 A. D.; illustrated as fig. 23 in my paper in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Vol. I, No. I, pp. 45 ff., and the bronze of Sarasvati from Vasantagadh, op. cit., fig. 20, also, Sarasvati from Akota, illustrated here in fig. 34.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 29 In my recent study of Gupta sculptures from the Idar State, I have shown that the Parel Siva and the Elephant Trimurti seem to be products of the same school of artists who produced the sculptures obtained from Samalaji in the dar State. Though bearing close affinities with the Gupta sculptures from Mandasor, Devagadh and Bhumara, they show a tendency to localisation which becomes more marked out in the bronzes discussed above, and which can be differentiated from some of the best Gupta specimens from Sarnath and other places. Now that we have been able to collect a sufficient number of Gupta and late-Gupta sculptures from Rajasthan and Gujarat, a fresh comparative study of these with the Ajanta Paintings of the 6th century A.D., has to be undertaken. Such a study has shown to me a continuity upto Ajanta of the art traditions in Western India, close affinities in ornaments and motifs have also been observed in some of the paintings of c. 5th-7th centuries and the problem needs further exploration and study. Now Sringadhara (I propose to amend the name as Sarngadhara ), an artist from Maru country founded the school of Ancient West, according to the Tibetan Historian Taradath who expressly refers to his paintings. Since the origin of this School of Ancient West, is assignable to the age of the Karachi Brahrna, the mutilated Jivantasvami from Akota and the Rsabhanatha installed by Jinabhadra gani-all not later than c. 500-550 A.D.,--and since the Parel Siva and the Elephanta Trimurti can be compared with the Mahavisnu from Samalaji ( discussed by me in the Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. IX) we have reason to doubt that at least some of these 5th-7th century paintings at Ajanta are closely related to, or might have been products of the School of Ancient West, but with some local or southern unavoidable influence. In its earliest stage, the School of Ancient West had marked affinities with the Gupta art of Central India. Such early tendencies persisted for a very long period in the West and in the South. Hence there are many chances of confusing the Western Style as Gupta Art, but a close study helps to differentiate both the Schools of Art. I have entered into these details because here I propose to go into the origins of Western Indian Paintings rather than repeat long lists of, or mention in details, the various Jaina miniatures already thoroughly discussed by 1 Our study is based on a comparison of stone and metal sculptures with frescoes of Ajanta and Bagh. For want of frescoes in Gujarat and Rajasthan, it is not possible to compare the art in the same medium. Even though sculptures do not possess the richness of colour and details of paintings, distinct common art trends are perceptible amongst sculptures and frescoes suggesting a common origin.

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30 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Moti Chandra in his " Jaina Miniature Paintings from Western India." As already remarked, these Ajanta paintings of the Gupta and post-Gupta periods disclose a continuity of art traditions of Western India, of course with. a definite local colour in proportions of human forms reflecting the general features of the contemporary population around Ajanta or in Maharastra. This fact of Western Influence further obtains support from the account of HiuenTsang about the Ajanta caves. Speaking about a convent built by Arhat Achara, he says that, "This Arhat was a man of Western India". He built this Samgharama for the spiritual benefit of his mother who was reborn in this country. Hiuen-Tsang notes: "On the four sides of the Vihara, on the stone walls, are painted different scenes from the Tathagat's preparatory life as a Bodhisattva... .....On the outside of the gate of the Samgharama, on he north and south side.....there is a stone elephant." As noted by Beal "This seems to refer to two elephants in alto-relievo sculptures on the rock in front of Cave XV, but which are now scarcely recognisable." In support of this tradition of Arhat Achara, Beal has added in a footnote to his translation (Vol. II, p. 257, note, 46): "In the inscription. on the Caitya cave No. XXVI at Ajanta, we read that The ascetic Sthavira Achala, who glorified the faith and was grateful, caused to be built a mountain. dwelling for the Teacher, though his desires were fulfilled. "a Hiuen-Tsang's account of the vihara is exaggerated and he speaks of a stone figure of Buddha, 70 feet high, placed in the middle of this convent 100 feet in height. Beal suggests cave XIX as the possible cave referred to by Hiuen-Tsang. He also says that the report is only an exaggerated account of the rock-cut Chaityas and that Hiuen-Tsang does not appear to have visited them personally. " The continuity of art traditions visible in the later paintings at Ajanta and Ellura, and their gradual development into what we call Western Indian Miniature Painting is already acknowledged by experts on the subject. Giving the chief characteristics of Western Indian Miniature Painting, Moti Chandra "These conventions are still in embryonic stages in the later cave paintings of Ajanta." For the present we can say that at least some of the 5th-7th century paintings at Ajanta seem to be products of the Old Western School. 1 2 P. 135. Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, pp. 257-259. Also see, Cave Temples of India, p. 306. Also see, Archaolegical Survey of Western India, Reports, Vol. IV, Beal, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 258, ft. note 48.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 31 Though no Jaina paintings of this age have survived, we can very well imagine what they could have been. Traces of (later ) paintings are also observed in the Jaina caves at Ellura. The Western Indian Miniatures dating from c. 1100 A. D. show a later stage in Western Indian art, when angularity of faces, pinching of the farther cheek and consequent protusion of the farther eye into empty space became pronounced besides the crude colour modelling and the conventional treatment of trees, animals, birds etc. In the middle layer of wall paintings at Kailasa, Ellura, datable to the gth century, one is confronted with some of these conventions. The earlist known Jaina miniature paintings are the decorative roundels in the palm-leaf manuscripts of Nisitha Curni, dated 1100 A. D., from Samghavi Pada Bhandar, Patan. But more noteworthy are the two palm-leat miniatures in the manuscript of Jnata and other Anga texts, dated 1127 A.D. (figs. 65-66), one of them represents Sarasvati standing in tribhangal with flowing and sensitive outlines; her farther eye does not protrude into space though the attendant worshippers betray more pronounced characteristics of Western Indian miniatures. But this painting should be regarded as influenced by southern forms, the form of Saraswati is more like those met with in contemporary sculptures from Canarese districts. 2 It must be remembered that Minaladevi, the Queen mother of Siddharaja, was a very powerful personality hailing from the South, whose influence in the court must have been responsible for an influence of artists from Canarese districts. It was impossible to avoid such cultural contacts. Before we proceed to review the known miniatures, we must take note here of a still unpublished wooden book-cover, recently exhibited in the Exhibition of Manuscripts from different Jaina Bhandaras, arranged at Ahmedabad, during the XVII session of the All India Oriental Conference. The two pattikas have been cut at ends, the other pieces being lost beyond recovery. The two pieces now left show paintings of Vidyadevis in a damaged condition. Whatever is left is sufficient to show that these paintings are earlier than the earliest known Western miniatures of the Nisitha Curni and the Jaata-dharmakatha manuscripts of 1100 and 1127 A. D. The set of Vidyadevis shows a style somewhat different from that of the manuscripts just mentioned. Figure modelling is of a superior order, showing no trace of angularity of features, 1 Moti Chandra, op. cit., Fig. 16. 2 Compare for example the Jaina Bronze from Purana Chandra Nahar's collections, having a Canarese inscription on its back (c. 12th century A. D.), illustrated in $7 aggi dfga sazie, by Sri M. D. Desai.

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32 STUDIES IN JAINA ART pointed noses or protrusion of the farther eye. Figures show robust and rather stunted forms, with heavy heads, comparable with similar post-Gupta or early mediaeval sculptures from the Gwalior State. Their affinities with late GurjjaraPratihara and early Paramara sculptures is unmistakable. These covers of a palm-leaf manuscript should be assigned to c. gth-10th century A. D. W. Norman Brown has attempted to present a classification of the styles of Jaina miniatures. "He groups the earliest known examples under the stylistic classification 'A', and shows that the sequence of this style runs from these early examples through the miniatures in Hemachandra's Neminathacharita and in the miniatures of the Savagapadikamana-sutta executed in 1260 A. D. In the manuscript of the Kalpasutra and Kalakacharya-katha in Patan Bhandar, dated 1279 A. D., he sees a sub-variety of style 'A', which he calls 'A. I'. In another illustrated manuscript of the Kalpasutra, dated 1278 A. D., in the Samghavi Padano Bhandar, Patan, he sees the second sub-variety of style A. I' and designates it ' A. 2': 1 Style 'A. I 'is distinguished by relative lack of complication in ornamenta. tion as in the earliest palm-leaf manuscripts, by relatively low number of figures in a composition and by comparatively less details in costumes and ornaments. Thick lines are employed in preference to fine strokes. The peak of this subvariety 'A. 1,' according to W. Norman Brown, reaches in the illustrations of the Kalpasutra inanuscript dated 1370 A.D. in the collections of Mukti Vijaya Jnana Bhandar, Ujamphoi Dharmasaa, Ahmedabad.2 Paintings of style 'A. I' are intellectual and show full and steady curves while 'A. 2' with increased finer lines had more accessory detail. The latter style continued in the 13th and 14th centuries. Amongst noteworthy examples of this 'A. 2' are painted wooden covers of the Dharmopadesamala (Nawab's collection) and the ldar palm.leaf manuscript of the Kalpa-sutra belonging to the fourteenth century. The use of paper increased in this century and in the following one paper manuscripts show an increase in the number of miniatures. The Chhani palm-leaf miniatures, containing a rare set of paintings of the sixteen Jaina Mahavidyas (cf. fig. 69), are devoid of the smooth flowing curves of style A or the accurate detail of A2, and should be assigned to style B.: I should like to note one 1 Moti Chandra, oh. cit., pp. 34 ff. 2 Moti Chandra, op.cit., figs. 54-58. 8 Brown, W. Norman, Stylistic Varieties of Early Western Indian Painting, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Arts, Vol. V pp. 1.12. For a bibliography on Western Indian Paintings, see, Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 194 ff to this add Pavitra-Kalpa-Sutra and Jesalmere-citravali edited by Muni Sri Punyavijayaji.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 33 important fact here. Hitherto believed to have been dated in V.S. 1218, the manuscript really belongs to the late 13th or early 14th century, the scribe having omitted to note the date of coping after recording the date of his original manuscript. This is further supported by a reference in this ms, to Vijayasenasuri (on folios 131-132 ) who is said to have died in 1301 V.S. Of this style are the paintings of Subahucharitra (Sanghavi pala, Patan) and the wooden covers of Sutrakstanga.vitti (Nawab's collection). The use of gold in paintings increased in the following two centuries, probably under Moghul influence. A large number of illustrated Kalpa-sutra and Kalaka-katha manuscripts, assignable to this age, are available in Western India. A Kalpa-sutra manuscript in Sri Hansavijaya collection, Baroda, is specially noteworthy for its ornate border designs and bright colours, while another from Sri Daya Vimala collection, Ahmedabad, is valuable for illustrations of various dancing postures. A palm-leaf manuscript of Mahaviracharita, dated 1294 V. S., in the Samghavi Pada Bhandara, is supposed to contain minia. tures of Hemacandra and the Caulukya King Kumarapala. Of some other palm-leaf miniatures are illustrated here a painting of a ten-armed goddess (Mahisamarddini) from Uttaradhyayana-laghu-vstti, copied in 1352 V.S. and another of Laksmi from Upadesamala-vstti, dated 1291 V.S. (both from Cambay), in figures 71 and 70. Several sets of Uttaradhyayana miniatures on paper are available, of which some have been studied by Brown in a separate monograph. Miniatures of a manuscript of this text in the Hamsavijaya collection, Baroda, are in an excellent state of preservation and belong to c. 1500 A.D., the best period of Jaina manuscript paintings on paper (fig..68 ). Sthanaoga-sutra, Samgrahanisutra, Subahucharitra, Suparsvanatha caritra, salibhadra chaupai, Sripala-rasa, are some of the other Jaina texts found with illustrations. A scroll painting of the Jaina Pancatirtbi, in the Tadpatriya Pustaka Bhandar, Agra, first published by N. C. Mehta, and rediscussed by Moti Chandra, is an interesting document of Western Indian painting on cloth dated in V. S. 1490 (1433 A.D.). Vijnaptipatras are a type of scrolls (generally painted on paper ) of invitation, specially found amongst the Svetambaras, and sent to Jaina acaryas by the Jaina community of a town or a village, requesting the former to spend the next rainy season with the latter. Such scrolls contain interesting paintings of various city sites and temples as also representations of fourteen dreams and 1 By Brown, Moti Chandra and others following Nawab. 2 Brown, W. Norman, Manuscript Illustrations of the Uttaradhyayana Sutra, American Oriental Series, No. 21. 3 Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 48 ff; N. C. Mehta, A picture scroll from Gujarat, Indian Art and Letters, Vol. VI (New Series ), pp. 71-78.

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34 STUDIES IN JAINA ART eight auspiciors marks. The earliest known Vijnaptipatra belongs to the c. 17th century A.D. 1 Tantric and non-tantric patas or paintings on cloth are often available but only a few of them have been published hitherto. 2 The earliest known amongst them are the Chintamani-Yantra pata drawn for Tarunaprabhasuri (c. 1354 A. D.) and the Suri-mantra pata executed for the use of Bhavadevasuri (c. 1355 A. D.) both discussed by Moti Chandra. 3 A Pata of Hrimkara with Parsva in centre, from collections of Muni Sri Punya vijayaji, is illustrated in fig. 8o. It is also called Atte Matte Yantra-pata, and is assignable to C. 1400-A.D. We have referred to the earliest known painted book-covers. Amongst other noteworthy examples are the pattikas representing the Vyakhyana Sabha ( discussion hall) of Sri Jinadatta suri, at Jesalmere, assignable to C. 1154-70 A, D. and the beautiful covers representing the controversy between Sri Devasuri and Kumuda Chandra, now in the collections of Muni Sri Jinavijayaji. This last panel has all the distinguishing features, of the Western Indian School. Sarabhai Nawab assigns the latter to c. 15th century while Moti Chandra is inclined to place it in the 12th century. If contemporary sculpture has to be taken into account, it should be placed in the age of Vastupala, c. 13th century A. D., when there was a fresh impetus to art and literature. Stylistically also, the cover has affinities with paintings of the late 13th and early 14th century which cannot be overlooked. Fortunately we have contemporary sculptural evidence for all Western painting from c. 1100 A. D. and a comparative critical approach has been always helpful in the study of Western Indian sculpture and paintings of the mediaeval period. Both are closely related, both show angular face, pointed noses, peculiar elongated eyes, besides similar costumes and human proportions. Later Jaina paintings show decided influence of the Moghul and Rajput schools and it would be misleading to label any of these styles as Jaina ones. Painting activity extended over a wide area from Jesalmere in the north to the southern limits of modern Gujarat. Jaina contributions from outside the limits of Western India are hardly known, so far as painting is concerned, except the well known Kalpasutra painted at Jaunapura (Yavanapura ) in V.S. 1522, 1 Hirananda Shastri, Ancient Vijnaptipatras, (Sri Pratapasimha Rajya. bhiseka Granthamala I). 2 For a discussion on and reference to other published patas, see, Shah, U. P., JISOA., Vol. IX, pp. 42 ff. 3 Op. cit., pp. 46 ff and plates. For detailed appreciation and illustrations see Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 59 ff. figs. 193-198.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 35 noted above. The central roundel on the last folio suggests that it was painted by a lady.1 Contributions of the Digambara sect in the field of book illustra. tions are few and hardly known; no noteworthy specimens are available in Western (and Northern ) India, but a late illustrated paper manuscript of the Jaina version of the Ramayana story is reported to have been now preserved in the Digambara Jaina collections at Arrah in Bihar. It is indeed interesting to find that such an exquisitely painted manuscript is the work of a lady artist. Every folio has a different border, rich in colours and designs, all of which can serve as first class sari-designs and borders. Another point which should not escape our notice in the miniatures of this manuscript is the use of thick sharp angular strokes of limbs of figures as well as of garments' ends. The style is not wholly similar to contemporary miniatures from Gujarat and Marwar. There is a contrast between the beautiful borders and the miniatures, in the use of colours which cannot escape notice of even a casual look. It would seem that they are works of two different artists. 1 The colophon at the end, on the last folio, gives the details about the donors etc., of the manuscript, including those of the scribe and the place of copying of the manuscript which is Yavanapur or Jaunapur. While in a roundel in the central margin is written in gold :-AY FETTET graal. Obviously the artist has added her own identity in the space which was left for the artist's brush. It cannot be a later addition by one who gave it as a gift to some monk. Nor can it be a contemporary record of the person giving it as a gift to some monk. All this is already included in the text of the colophon on the same folio (see a fehah, fig. 243 ), and we must acknowledge the daughter of merchant Sahasaraja as the painter of this manuscript.

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Studies In Jaina Art ***

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II SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM Human mind learnt to conceive of the Highest Divinity not in the absolute likeness of Him but rather in aniconic representations from very early times. These aniconic representations had such meanings and implications as would help us to differentiate them from purely decorative or artistic forms." 1 But this is only partly true since forms which are regarded as purely decorative or artistic might have once had some religious or any other meaning attached to them at some stage of their development in art. 1. INTRODUCTORY I. So far as Brahmanical Iconography is concerned, it is generally agreed that originally it did not include idol-worship. The sun for example was represented by a disc. The lotus, the svastika, etc., which are amongst the earliest symbols worshipped by human beings of different races and religions are symbols conveying some ideal to the worshipper, howsoever primitive their earlier conception might have been. Even when a god-head came to be worshipped as an idol, representing a human form, his representation was never allowed to function purely biologically as the likeness of the person glorified and worshipped. In this way, the idol of a Jina or the Buddha remained as a symbol of Mahapurusa and not as a portrait of Mahavira or the Gautama Buddha. It is, however, highly probable that the worship of the Jina or the Buddha image originated from the practice of adoring some ancient portraits or paintings of these saints for we have reason to belive that such attempts at portraiture did take place during the life-time of Mahavira and Gautama Buddha. But the idol of Jina soon came to be symbolised and the worship of the Jina image is said to be adoration of the aggregate of qualities which the pious worshipper strives to acquire himself. The Jina-image thus essentially came to be a symbol of these qualities. It seems that the introduction of the worship of the Jina image was earlier than that of the Buddha, and archaeological evidence hitherto obtained. 3 1 Jaina Antiquary, Vol. XV. No. 1, p. 1. 2 Also see, Coomaraswamy, A.K., Elements of Buddhist Iconography, p. 3 cf. Divyavadana, Chp. XXVI, discussed by Coomaraswamy, op.cit., p. 5

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40 STUDIES IN JAINA ART supports this inference. For a long time worship of the Buddha's human form was regarded as something prohibited by Buddha himself. But even in Jaina worship, introduction of the Jina Image seems to be a somewhat later development, and may be assigned to the century following the nirvana of Mahavira. No Jaina Agama refers to shrines dedicated to any of the 24 Tirthankaras. Mahavira is never reprted to have visited or stayed in any Jaina shrine. He stayed in Caity as which commentators unanimously explain as Yaksa--ayatanas. Parsvanatha, who lived 250 years before the nirvana of Mahavira, is acknowledged as a historical figure and his followers existed in the age of Mahavira and a few centuries following him. Mahavira's parents are reported to be followers of Parsvanatha. But nowhere in the Agamas do we hear of anybody visiting the shrine of Parsvanatha or any other Jina. Only once or twice in the Bhagavati Sutra1 and once in the Upasakadasanga, we come across a general reference to Arhat Caitya which passages may or may not be genuine and old. Hence we are forced to believe that at least upto the beginning of fourth century B.C. idol worship did not become popular amongst the Jainas. But the highly polished mutilated torso of a Jina Image obtained from Lohanipur near Patna shows that at least in the third century B.C. or slightly earlier, worship of the Jina Image had started. Against this, we have the evidence of stock descriptions of Sasvatapratimas in the Jaina Agamas (like the Rayapasenaiya, Sthananga and the Jivajivabhigama sutra) or the reference to the worship of Jina-images by Draupadi in the Jnata dharmakatha which would suggest that idol worship existed in Jainism from the age of Mahavira or his gapadharas. But the view does not seem to be free from doubts since these passages might have been composed in a somewhat later age. Again, all throughout the Jaina Agamas we find references to the worship of Indra, Rudra, Skanda, Vasudeva, Yaksa Bhuta, Naga, tree, etc. which suggest that these were amongst the most popular deities worshipped by the masses who are not reported to have visited any shrines of Tirthankaras. Mahavira stayed in Yaksa shrines. Naturally he stayed in places where masses used to gather in large numbers and where he could have the desired type of audience. In other words he obtained his following not from people who 1 Bhagavati Sutra with Abhayadeva's comm., (Agamodaya Samiti's ed.), 3. 2. Su. 145, Vol. I. p. 75. * Uvasagadasao (Atmananda Sabha ed.), p. 14. Nayadhammakahao (ed. N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940), XVI, 124, p. 181.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH gathered at Vedic sacrifices but from the masses who believed in the worship of Yaksas, Nagas, etc. It was, therefore, natural that the essentials of this Yaksa or Naga cults were incorporated in Jaina worship. Hence in order to understand the meaning of symbols and idols in early Jaina worship we must understand the essentials of the Yaksa cult. Dr. Coomaraswamy has discussed the significance underlying the conception of Nagas and Yaksas in his Yaksas I and II. The various references to the ancient Yaksas etc. in Jaina literature have been discussed by me in another paper published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, No. 1 (1953), pp. 54-71. I have suggested in this paper that the conception of the Jina or the Buddha under a Caitya-tree is essentially a borrowing from this Yaksa cult. This cult of worshipping Caitya-Vrksas and spirits of Vrksas, (standing) under the trees, seems to have been at least as old as the seals from Mohen-jo-Daro and Harappa. The red-stone mutilated torso from Harappa, so much like a Jina torso, might actually have represented some yaksa devata. So we must first try to understand the conception of Caitya and CaityaVrksa in Jaina art and literature. Since Stupa worship is very ancient, anterior to Buddha and Mahavira, and since, as we shall see presently, the Stupa is a Caitya, we must also study Stupa worship in Jainism. We shall then pass on to the worship of Patas or plaques-especially the Ayagapatas, which are associated with the ancient Caitya worship which are amongst the earliest Jaina antiquities discovered from Mathura. 41 We shall next pass on to other symbols like the Astamangals, the Samavasarana, the Auspicious Dreams etc. Such a study of the symbols reveals to us the underlying common heritage in the art and ritual of the Indian masses-Jainas, Buddhists or the Hindus. Origins of some of these concepts date from a hoary antiquity and their later development in Indian art and ritual can only be grasped with the help of studies in this direction. It may also be remembered that for a study of the original conceptions behind such symbols as the caitya-vrksa, the lotus etc., we must also refer to the Vedic literature, for assimilation of ideas and concepts has been an unbroken process in Indian art and literature produced by different sects. not possible here to discuss such concepts from literatures of all the three sects and as far as possible we will limit ourselves to the study of evidence supplied by Jaina art and literature. Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, figs. 5, 7, 8. 2 Ibid., fig. I. 1

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2. CAITYA, STUPA AND STAMBHA The most general name for a sanctuary is Caitya in Sanskrit, Celita or Ceiya in Ardhamagadhi or Jaina literature and Cetiya in Pali-a term not only applying to shrines, but to sacred trees, memorial stones, holy spots, images, pillars etc. Hence, according to Kern, all edifices bearing the character of sacred monuments are Caityas, but not all the Caityas are edifices.'1 The origin of the word Caitya is generally "The general meaning of the word Caitya, from up, the relative derivative citya or citi referring to the fire-altar. " by Dikshitar," the Satapatha Brahmana explains citya as that which could be used for cayana. Though the term caitya as such does not occur in the Samhitas, citya or Agni-citya is used in the Aitareya Brahmana, the Satapatha Brahmana. and the Taittiriya Samhita." It is significant to note the use of the expression citya from which the original expression caitya has been undoubtedly derived." In the Taittiriya Samhita (5.1.8.4.) we hear of Agni-Citya to which offerings are made. traced to the Vedic cayana." ci-cayane, is something piled Pandit Harhsaraja Shastri, in his Caitya-vada Samiksa (Hindi, Ambala, Punjab, V. S. 2007), has adduced references to cili, citya, cayana etc. from Vedic literature and shown that citya primarily refers to yajnasthana or fire-altars. Especially, see, Panini, 3.1.139 and 3.1.132 discussed by him on op. cit., pp. 2226. Sri V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, in his 'Origin and Early History of Caityas,' Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV. No. 3, pp. 440-452 adduced most of these references and had arrived at similar conclusions. In the Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, we find for the first time mention of a Caitya- yajna (cetyayahe prAk sviSTakRta vaityAya baliM haret). It is said that bali is to be offered to Caitya, but if the Caitya is situated at a distant place, bali is to be sent through a leaf (treated as a ) messenger. The commentary of Narayana explains Caitya as cille bhava. According to him, a man makes a vow to a certain deity that if his wish is granted, he would offer a sacrifice and this 1 Manual of Indian Buddhism (1896), p. 91. 2 See, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, pp. 20-22. 3 Coomaraswamy, A. K., History of Indian and Indonesian Art (henceforth HIIA.). P. 47 Dikshitar, op. cit., pp. 440 f. Also see, Martin Haug, Translation of Aitareya Brahmana, V. note 28. cf. Satapatha Brahmana (Bibliotheca Indica ), VI. 1.2.16. Asvalayana Grbya Satra (Anandasrama ed.), Bk. I. 12-1-3.

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44 STUDIES IN JAINA ART sacrifice is the Caitya.yajna. Oldenburg thinks that this rite was not purely symbolical. 1 The bali is to be offered to Caitya where Caitya may stand for a shrine or an icon in the shrine. And the Grhya Sutra further says that if the Caitya is at a distant place, the offering is to be made through a leaf messenger. Thus as noted by Dikshitar, "caitya was no more yajna-sthana...... From the time of Advalayana onwards we find the use of the application of the term. caitya extended. There is a transition from Agni-cityas to Anagni-cityas, or in other words from a fire cult to a fireless cult. "2 But the same Grhya sutra has also used caitya in the sense of yajna-sthana in "... ." Thus caityayUpaM the text represents a stage of transition in the (meaning of) the word Caitya. The Caitya-yajna is of course a sacrifice performed as a Vedic ritual. But who were the deities of the Caityas to whom bali was offered? Narayana, the commentator cites the names of Sankara, Pasupati, Arya, Jyestha etc. but they might have been any deities. It is not unlikely that some of these Caityas were sanctuaries dedicated to such deities as Rudra, Skanda, Vaisramana, Mukunda, Naga, Yaksa, Indra and others whose festivals, caityas etc. are often referred to in the Jaina canons. Was it an attempt to give Vedic colour to the worship which had penetrated into the Aryan folks from the Dravidian masses? The cults of the phallus, and of the mother-goddesses, Nagas, Yaksas and other nature spirits are probably elements of Dravidian origin and in the words of Dr. Coomaraswamy," the shift from abstract symbolism to anthropomorphic iconography in the period of theistic and bhakti development, marks a final victory of the conquered over the conquerors. See, Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 445; also see, Caitya-Vada-Samiksa where Pt. Hamsaraja Shastri has discussed this passage with extracts from commentaries of Narayana and Haradatta. Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 445. * Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, 3. 6. 8. cf. the commentaries: nArAyaNIya vRttiH abhicayanasthaM yUpaM spRSTvA / haridattAcAryaH -- cityo'gniH tatra bhavo yUpazcaityaH / - Also cf. used in a similar sense in Mahabharata, XIV. 10-32tataH saMvartazcaityagato mahAtmA, yathA vahniH prajvalito dvitIyaH / zelgederema, tudna, germi taka, grafter: 11 Also, caityayUpAMkitA bhUmiryasyeyaM savanAkarA / MBH. . . 2.229 is explained by a comm, as citye cayanavati RtI vihitA baityAste ca te yUpAtha tairaMkitAH / A reading of Kanvasakhiya Satapatha Brahmana, 13-4.3.1, noted by Pandit Harisaraja, is cetye hovAca brahmA / Nayadhammakahao, II. 40. pp. 49 f.; I. 25. p. 23; Acaranga Saira (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), 2. I. 1. 2. su. 12, p. 328.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 45 In particular, the popular, Dravidian element, must have played the major part in all that concerns the development and office of image-worship, that is puja as distinct from yajna."i The Asvalayana Gshya Sutra is assigned generally to the sixth century but probably belongs to a much earlier date. 2 The original association of Caitya or Citya with Vedic yajna also continued in the age of the Mahabharata which refers to the region made sacred by hundreds of caitya-yupa-. the caitya and yupa (or caitya-yupa, = sacrificial posts) were in one and the same place; but in another context the epic refers in glowing terms to the country full of caityas and yupas," where Caityas are supposed to refer to places of sacred yajnas but may refer to shrines and stupas also. But in tataH saMvartazcaityagatA mahAtmA etc. quoted above, or in caityayUpAGkitA bhUmi 9717TT (MBH. 9. 9. 2.229 ) the word Caitya primarily denotes Yajnasthana. The Sabdakalpadruma quotes an ancient passage of Bharata to indicate that caitya is yajnasthana or yajnayatana. This is a sacred place for the performance of yajnas. It may possess citya or it may not possess one (77 fatuatia TERI Traa ATHARTHRIE: ).5 This as shown by Dikshitar refers to two uses of cayana. The first is like the Garudacayanayaga wherein special bricks are spread in the form of an eagle lying down on earth. On it different oblations are offered. The second forms part of a great sacrifice like the Asvamedha wherein the cayana ritual consisted in collecting sacred ashes, sacrificial utensils etc., and piling them up in a certain place apparently fenced with walls of stone, brick or mud, the enclosure being devoid of any mukha or entrance, the underlying idea being that the place may not get defiled by any body. When Rama went to Dandaka through Kosala he found the whole country 1 Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 5. For Yaksa worship in Jainism, see, Shah U. P., in JOI., Vol. III, no. 1. 2 Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 440. 3 bhISmeNa dharmato rAjansarvataH parirakSite / alla Thuitze azetarja: 11 Mahabharata, I. 109. 13. * Cf. TT 491 AASTAT Recone: I MBH. II. 3.12. The commentators, and Pt. Hamsaraja Shastri take = 474TT here but I am doubt. ful. When the expression is geen the above sense is possible but in this case #and 14 are two different things. they may here refer to shrines or stupas. 5 See also Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 442; he writes: the term citya and caitya are correlated and connoted one and the same thing in the second half of the Vedic period.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART adorned with caityas and yapas. The association of caityas with Brahmaghosa and yajnamandapa is also seen in Mrcchakatika, X. 12 as pointed out by Dikshitar. 46 But in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, Caitya is used in a wider application as well. In Ramayana, for example, we hear of Caitya-grhas (V. 12.15), Caitya-prasadas (V.43.3), or Caitya-vrksas (V.12.8, and in MBH. VI. 3.40). The Caitya in Rama yudh. 85.29., is the shrine of the city-goddess of Lanka while Caitya in ibid., 39.24, is the palace of Ravana. The Arthasastra of Kautilya refers to Caitya in several contexts, in many cases caitya is used in the sense of a shrine with an icon worshipped in it, compare: AkozAddeva caityAnAmuttamaM daNDamarhati ( III. 18 ) or devataM caityaM siddhapuNyasthAnamaupapAdikaM vA rAtrAvutthApya yAtrAsamAjAbhyAmajIvet (V. 2 ) or evaM gRhItadurge vA prAzyaprAzaM caityamupasthApya devapratimAddhiM pravizyAsIt (XII. 5) caityadeyatadvAra rakSAsthAneSu ca satriNaH samayakarmanikSepa hiraNyAmijJAnamudrANi hiraNyabhAjanAni prarUpayeyuH (XI. 1. ) . The Nikumbhila Caitya of Latika mentioned in Ramayana, yuddhakanda, 85.29, 82.24, 84.14 etc., was a shrine dedicated to Nikumbhila according to commentators. Thus the caitya-daivata of the Arthasastra means a deity in a caitya or shrine (edifice) and daivatacaitya of the same text refers to a sanctuary or edifice dedicated to a god or a spirit, Kautilya refers to paja offered to caityas by people in order to avert evil attacks of demons. On the full and new moon days the caitya was propitiated by offering at the altar an umbrella, a small flag and goat's flesh (Bk. IV. chp. 3). We see the prominence of Caitya worship in the age of the 2 tato dhAnyadhanopetAn dAnazIlajanAzritAn / akutazcidbhayAnramyA~ baityayUpasamAvRtAn | Ramayana, II. 50. 8. cf. devAyatanacaityeSu sAnnabhakSyAH sadakSiNAH / Ramayana, II. 3. 18. Here caitya is explained by comm. as radhyAvRkSa. nikumbhilA caityamamivayau, caityaM rAvaNapAlitam // Rama. VI. 85.29; also see ibid., VI. 82. 24: 84.14 Compare Rama. VI. 39. 21-23. ---- ghanairivAtapApAye madhyamaM vaiSNavaM padam // 21 // yasya stambhasahasreNa prAsAdaH samalaMkRtaH / kailAsazikharAkAro dRzyate khamivollikhan // 22 // caityaH sa rAkSasendrasya babhUva purabhUSaNam / cf. Comm.: - caityaM vartulAkAratvAt buddhAyatanamiva prAsAdam / 4 Also see, Arthasastra, IV. 3; XIII-1.; XIII. 2; and comm. of Madhavayajva on all these passages.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH Arthasastra. In the words of Dikshitar, "From that of the shrine the application of Caitya was extended to a bimba or deity in the shrine." 1 It seems that Caitya meaning something piled-up, a fire-altar, a yajnasthana, had started acquiring the sense of a memorial or relic structure. The utensils etc. left at the end of a sacrifice, as also the site of the sacrifices like the piled-up Garuda-cayana, protected with a compound-wall, served the purpose of a sacred memorial of the sacrifice once performed. Of such use were also the caitya-yupas or sacrificial posts. Funeral memorials were also in vogue and the funeral pile or funeral mound could also obtain the designation of a citya or caitya since it was regarded as something sacred, fit for offering. A caitya-druma could also exist on the cremation ground. The Arthasastra refers to such trees in Bk. XIII. 2. and V. 2. where the expression caityasthana refers to the burial ground. Valmiki describes that Ravana was as fearful looking as the smasana-caitya which, according to Dikshitar, only means the caitya or tree growing in the burial ground.' In the Ramayana, I. 58.12, FREITA AITOT is explained by Govindaraja as-Fathania HPI tAdRzaM mAlyam / According to Manu, X. 50, underneath the shade of Caitya-trees in burial grounds, Candala and similar castes were to find their residence. Trees and asthi-caityas etc., served as boundaries of a grama or janapada according to Yajnavalkya, II. 151. But Caitya-vyksas were not confined to burial grounds only. Tree-worship was an age-long practice in India and latterly some trees became demarcat. ed caityas and worship was offered to them. Of such type are also the shrines of the Bodhi-tree illustrated in reliefs at Bharhut and Sanchi showing the adoption of the ancient Tree Worship by the Buddhists. In some cases the caitya-vrksas served as boundaries of gardens and fields. 2 Felling of branches of trees of a caitya or of caityas is prohibited by Yajnavalkya, II. 228. The grama-caityas of Meghaduta, 23, are interpreted as caitya-vrksas by Mallinatha who quotes Visvaprakasa-kosa of Mahesvara in support.3 Kulluka on Manu, 10.50, explains caitya-druma as gramadisamipe khyataurksah. The Trikandasesakosa gives Caitya-druma as a synonym of the Pippla tree. The Asvattha tree is treated as the Tree of Life in the Bhagavad-Gita, adhyaya XV.5 1 op. cit., p. 448. 2 Kautilya, Arthasastra, II. 4 and 35 S EAT 797 1929 sa fag:'. * pippalo bAdaraMga: syAt caityadrumaH kezavAlayaH 6 For the conception of Tree of Life, see, Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography. With this one may also note the conception of Fo6954 or The Wish-giving Tree.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART It seems that a sacred tree demarcated for worship was called a caitya-tree when it had a platform or a railing round the stem, something piled-up and marking it as a holy object. In Buddhist literature, Cetiya came to be generally used in the sense of a hallow, a sacred-symbol or cult-object but not exclusively as a funeral relic. In the Kalingabodhi-Jataka (J. iv. 228 ), Buddha asks how many kinds of hallows ( cetiya ) there are? Three, says, Ananda, with implied reference to contemporary non-Buddhist usage, "namely, those of the body (sariraka), those of association (paribhogaka) and those prescribed (uddesika )." The Buddha rejects the sariraka and the uddesika on different grounds and recommends that "only a Mahabodhi-rukkha, Great-Wisdom-Tree, that has been associated with a Buddha is fit to be a cetiya, whether the Buddha be still living, or Absolutively Extinguished." 2 This occurs also in the Mahabodhi-vamsa (PTS. ed., p. 59). Commenting on this passage, Dr. Coomaraswamy writes, "a cetiya, as appears from the present text and elsewhere, is not primarily a building, but any object made use of as a sacred symbol or cult-object. A shrine in the sense of a "temple" is a cetiya gyha." 3 But it is true that the tree and the symbols like the wheel, the lotus etc.) had older than Buddhist application as suggested by Dr. Coomaraswamy, for had not Sujata indeed mistaken the Boddhisattva for a rukkha-devata ? The Khuddakapatha Atthakatha (PTS. ed., 1915, p. 222) explains uddisaka-cetiyam as Buddha-patima. In the Lalitavistara of the Buddhists we find a Cetiya erected at the spot from which Chandaka returned with Buddha's ornaments. It was called Chandaka-nivartana-Caitya. Buddha's cula (hair ) was worshipped by Trayastrimsa gods who erected a caitya in its honour. Caitya of course was a pre-Buddha institution. We read in the Mahaparinibbana sutta that Buddha spoke of the efficiency of erecting dhatu-caityas, and himself visited caityas like Udena, Gotama, Sattambaka etc. 5 The Digha Nikaya shows that Buddha lived at the Ananda-cetiya in Bhojanagara. 6 Let us now turn to the Jaina canoncial literature. The Acaranga Sutra refers to festivals in honour of Ceiyas ( 749 ) along with those ( in honour ) 1 The Jaina Samavayanga sutra, su. 156, refers to the caitya-vrksas of the 24 Tirthankaras. Abhayadeva commenting on the word writes :- 44a1baddhapIThavRkSAH, yeSAmadhaH kevalAnyutpannAni-iti. 2 Also see, Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography, pp. 3-7 3 Ibid, p. 63. 4 Lalitavistara, adhyaya 15, pp. 277-278. 5 Mahaparinibbana-sutta, Chp. III. 36-47. & Digha Nikaya, II. p. 123.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 49 of Indra, Rudra, Skanda, Mukunda, Bhuta, Yaksa, Naga, Stupa, Veksa, Mountain, Agada, tank, lake, river, ocean etc., and prohibits Jaina monks from accepting food distributed at such festivals. A similar list is given in the Jna tadharmakatha-sutra where, on seeing many people going out to see Mahavira, a person in Rajagtha asks whether it was a festival in honour of Indra, Rudra etc. Similarly, the Bhagavati sutra shows that when Mahavira reaches Ksatriyakunda-grama, Jamali puts the same question on seeing people flocking to see Mahavira. 3 Pandit Hamsaraja Shastri suggests that in these contexts, Ceiya or Cetiya-mahotsava is a festival at the end of a sacrifice. Of course we are here reminded of the Caitya-yajna of the Asvalayana Gshya sutra, but the Caitya-mahotsava may be festival of any of the existing Caitya or holystead, a shrine, like the Purnabhadra, Bahuputrika, Gunasila and other Caityas mentioned in the Jaina texts or the Gotama, Ananda and such other Caityas referred to in Buddhist works. But since Yaksa, Naga and others are separate. ly mentioned in the lists of festivals noted above, it is just probable that the Caitya-mahotsava here refers to yajnasthana or vedic cayana or to the three types of cetiyas discussed by Buddha or generally to all the holysteads and cult-objects not specified as Indra, Rudra, Stupa, Vsksa etc. At another place in the Acaranga Sutra we find the use of the word 754125 where Ceiya is used in the sense of a structure or edifice (a piled-up thing) erected and offered for residence to the Jaina monks. This explanation offered by the commentator Silanka-acarya 6 seems quite appropriate in the context. A third type of reference to Ceiya in the Acaranga is still more interesting as it speaks of 457 91 23758, ni ar 2776 (Aca. 12. 1.3.3., p. 352 ). Silanka explains this as : 57 al aufa e f fatIGETSTA, Fag at Tradifanai...... Evidently the tree or stupa is here said to be caityadhisthita or caityopalaksita.? 1 Acaranga Sutra 2. 1. I. 2, p. 328. 2 Nayadhammakahao, I. 25, p. 23. 3 Bhagavati Sutra, sataka 9, uddesa 33. 4 dagai HIGI, p. 55. 6 Acaranga, 2.1. 2.2 su., 80, pp. 366-67. 6 cf:-aara: a: EF: aga U18 sfera 79 79 III - zAlAdIni svArtha kurvadbhiH zramaNAdyavakAzArtha 'ceiyAI' mahAnti kRtAni bhavanti, tAni cAgArANi F998 gefa.. I op. cit., p. 366. 7 With this one may also note references to caityavRtas, caityastUpas, and FTFITs, in Jivajivabhigama sutra, (D.L.J.P.F. no. 50), su. 142, pp. 251-252, su. 137, pp. 225 ff. For TETTs also see Jambudvipaprajnapli, 1, 2. su. 33, p. 158 and Comm. of Santicandra on p. 163.

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50 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Pandit Hamsarija Shastri thinks that even here caityakRtavRkSa and caityakRtastUpa suggest yajJiya or yajJasambandhi vRkSa and yajJasambandhi-stUpa. In support of his explanation he cites the Laugaksa-Grhya-Sutra (5.1.71)-yajJiyasya vRkSasya prAgAyatAM shaakhaaN| But what about the expression caityakRta-stUpa ? Does ceiyakadam here mean intended for worship, intended as a cult-object ? In the Acaranga sutra a Jaina monk is asked not to ease himself or pass water on the sites of funeral caityas or funeral stapas (maDayaceigesu vA maDayathUmiyAsu vA = mRtakacatyeSu vA mRtakastUpikAsu vA -). Here caitya is used in the sense of a relic sanctuary or structure ( something piled up) demarcating a sacred spot; the sense of its being a funeral one is conveyed by the word maDaya = mRtaka. Thus here again Caitya has the sense of a holystead. A stock expression kallANaM maMgala devayaM ceiyaM viNaeNa pajjuvAsaNijjo or pajjuvAsemo is often met with in the Jaina canons. Below are quoted some of these references: (1) tahArUvaM samaNaM vA mAhaNaM vA vaMdittA namaMsittA sakkArettA sammANettA kallANaM maMgalaM devayaM ceiyaM pajjuvAsettA / (Sthananga Sutra, 3. I.) Abhayadeva sari, commenting says,-kalyANaM samRddhistaddhetutvAt , sAdhurapi kalyANaM, evaM maMgalaM vighnakSayastadyogAt maMgalaM, daivataM iva ( devateva) devataM, caityabhiva-jinAdipratimeva caityaM zramaNa paryupAsya upsevyeti| (2) taM gacchAmo NaM devANuppiyA ! samaNaM bhagavaM mahAvIraM vaMdAmo maMsAmo sakAremo sammANemo kallANaM maMgalaM devayaM ceiyaM pjjuvaasemo| ( Rayapasenaiyam, ed. by Pt. Bechardas, p. 39; also see, Aupapatika sutra, su. 27). (3) taM gacchami NaM samaNaM bhagavaM mahAvIraM vadAmi namasAmi seyaM khalu me samaNa bhagavaM mahAvIra vaMdittA namaMsittA sakkArettA sammANettA kallANaM maMgalaM devayaM ceiyaM pajjuvAsettA / ( Bhagavati sutra, 2.I. sa. 91, pp. II3 ff.) Abhayadeva suri explains:-daivataM devaM caityam-iSTadevapratimA caityameva caityaM... | He gives the same explanation on the Aupapatika sutra passage noted above. (4) Different Caityas are referred to in Jaina sutras. They are generally situated on the outskirts of a village, town or a big city and Mahavira is often reported to have stayed in the different caityas at different places during his wanderings. Thus he stayed in the Purnabhadra caitya outside the city of Campa, in the Amrasalavana-Ca. at Amalakappa, in the Gunasila-Ca. at Rajaglha and so on. In all such references the commentators explain Caitya as a Vyantara-ayatana, i. e., a shrine of a deity of the Vyantara class of gods. Sometimes in the Vipaka sutra we find the term Jakkhayayana used by the Acaranga, 2.2.3, sa. 166, p. 410.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 51 text itself. The Antagadadasao Sutta refers to a shrine of Mudgarapani-yaksa at Rajagrha. The stock description of such Caityas is the description of the Purnabhadra Caitya given in the Aupapatika Sutra. And in this description itself, the Parnabhadra-Caitya is described as kallANaM maMgala devayaM ceiyaM vizae pjjuvaasnnijjo| Abhayadeva, the commentator, explains this as per yea:, fayfaza:. aa-aa: # gaanfaat.....I p. 4). We are here reminded of those passages from the Arthasastra (discussed above) which use an identical expression datei, as also and help us to arrive at a correct understanding of the devayam ceiyan of the Jaina Anga texts. ai goes with and the expression should be understood as referring to a sanctuary dedicated to a god or a spirit, the teacan meaning the god in a caitya. Viewed in this light, the passage of the Asvalayana Gshya Sutra referring to Caitya-yajna and enjoining a bali to caitya would be taken to refer to a shrine dedicated to some devata to which an offering was to be offered. The Jaina references are from works later than the Gpbya Sutra but they refer to conditions already existing in the age of Mahavira and we need not doubt the validity of the Jaina statements when other known evidences do not contradict. them. The archaeological evidences of Yaksa statues dating from the Mauryan age ( e. g. the Didarganj yaksi ) would show the existence of Daivata Caityas and Caitya Devatas in the Mauryan age. The Purnabhadra Caitya described in the Jaina Aupapatika Sutra is called Porana and Ciratita, old, ancient and well-renowned. Mahavira stayed in this Caitya, which was already porana and ciratita in his age.1 We have also seen that the Buddhists used Cetiya in the sense of a hallow and cult-object. But Cetiya also denoted a stupa and as noted by Dikshitar Cetiya is similarly used in the Tamil language also. A question arises: Was this term Caitya or Cetiya adopted from the Dravidians and other races by the Aryans or was it originally Aryan ? The original etymological sense seems to be of something piled up-from 1 The Ptthvi-sila-patta in the shrine is described as shining like a mirror and soft to touch like butter. Evidently it had a highly polished surface. If it was a terracotta plaque, as the prefix Pothvi would suggest, then it was technically like the N. B. P. Ware which can now be dated from c. 6th century B. C. Thus Purnabhadra Caitya was indeed porana and ciratita. Cf. Shah, U. P., So-called Mauryan Polish in Jain Literature, Journ of the M. S. University of Baroda, June 1955.

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52 STUDIES IN JAINA ART ci-cayane, but since caitya or cetiya was used also with reference to funeral relics and objects of worship or sanctuaies of Yaksas, etc., where bhakti predominates, is it possible to in fer that the term Daivata Caitya was used in order to differentiate such shrines from Yajniya caityas or Yajniya cityas as also from Mylaka caityas ? The above analysis will show that Caityas existed in the pre-Buddha epoch, at least in the sixth century B.C., or say in the later part of the Sutra period. These caityas were sanctuaries, holysteads, both with or without an icon, including dhatu-caityas. The description of the Purnabhadra Caitya in the Aupapatika shows that the text does not refer to any image of the Yaksa statue worshipped in it and the Psthvi-Silk-patta at the stem of the Asoka tree in the forest-grove of the Caitya was possibly meant to represent the Purnabhadra Yaksa, or else the text as handed down in the Valabhi vacana is incomplete. But the Antagadadasao refers to another shrine of Moggarapani Jakkha which did contain an image of the Mudgarapani yaksa, so called because he held an iron club in his hand.1 Mahavira would not stay in the Yajniya-cityas, Yajna-salas. He stayed in Caityas which were certainly non-Vedic in character and at the same time were visited by a large number of the masses. It is therefore advisable to regard the Purnabhadra and such other Caityas: as essentially non-Vedic, non-Aryan in origin, one of the essential elements of which seems to be a big Caitya-vsksa with a Sila-patta below it. It is for this reason that both Buddhism and Jainism lay stress on the Caitya-vyksas in their worship. Let us see how a Caitya of Tirthankaras is described in the Jaina canonical works. The Bhagavati sutra discusses the supernatural powers of certain classes of Jaina monks who can fly to the mythical Nandisvara-dvipa and worship the Caityas thereon. These ceiyaim are obviously the Sasvata-Jina-ayatanas situated on the different mountains, also referred to as Siddhayatanas in different texts. The stock description of a Siddhayatana shows that there were mukhamandapas in front of each of the four entrances to the shrine, in front of each mukhamanda pa is a preksagyha or theatre. In front of each theatre was a cetita-thubha on a manipithiaka. In front of each stupa was a jewelled platform above which were images of Jinas (Jina-padima) facing the stupa. There were also jewelled platforms with a cetita-rukkha (caitya-vTksa ) 1 Antagadadasao ( Agamodaya Samiti ed.), sutra 13, pp. 19 ff. 3 See, Yakshas, Part 1 and 2, by Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy. 3 For a list of such Caityas from Jaina texts, see, Shah, U.P., Yaksa Worship In Early Jaina Literature, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, no. 1. "Bhagavati Sutra, 20. 9, su. 684, 794.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH on each of them. 1 In both the above-mentioned cases, namely, cetita-thubha and the cetitarukkha, the sense of a funeral relic is not fully warranted. In fact, Jaina texts speak of Manavaka-stambhas on which bone-relics sakaha of the Jinas were worshipped by keeping them in round diamond-boxes hung on the pillars. These stambhas are said to have been situated in the Sudharma sabha of different Indras. 3 Thus the Caitya-vsksas in the above description need not be funeral relics but are only Holy Trees with a platform below. Even the caitya-stupas in the above description need not necessarily be funeral mounds. Firstly, we must remember that this is a description of a shrine in heavens whose counterpart on earth is nowhere referred to in the Jaina canons. Mahavira is never said to have visited a Jina-ayatana. Obviously, shrines dedicated to Tirthankaras seem to post-date Mahavira" and the passages referring to sasvata-Jinayatanas 1 Sthananga Sutra (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), 4. 2. sutra 307, Vol. I. pp. 229 ff. . cf. Abhayadeva's commentary- daar FIFT fara IHFAT Far: daretzka:, FERIE Haigi BaT: FigT: RTE : ...... Ibid., p. 232. For a description of such Caitya-stupas, see, Rayapasenaijjam (Vaidya's edition, Ahmedabad, 1938), pp. 53-56. 8 cf."...... IT IT ay et saft th addhaterasa joyaNANi vajjettA majjJa paNatIsa joyaNesu vairAmaesu golavaTTasamuggaesu jisakahAo 9TUTIT... ... Samavayanga Sutra, su. 35, p. 63; also see Abhayadeva's comm. thereon. Shrines of Arhats are referred to in other contexts on rare occasions. The following references to such shrines may be noted :(a) NaNattha arihaMte vA arihaMtaceiyANi vA aNagAre vA bhAviyappaNo NIsAe ur3e uppayati FIT HIEF 07...... Bhagavati Sutra, 3. 2 sutra 145, p. 175. (b) "ag i US Treas...... Ta areti" case # 45 531 ppamiiM annautthie vA annautthiyadevayANi vA annautthiyapariggahiyANi arihaMtacejhyAI at areal af AAFATIG ar......" Uvasagadasao ( Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, ed.), p. 14. The commentator Abhayadeva Suri says-anyayUthikadaivatAni vA hariharAdIni / anyayUthikaparigRhItAni vA arhaccaityAni arhanpratimAlakSaNAni yathA bhautaparigRhItAni vIrabhadramahAkAlARAI op. cit., p. 15. It will be seen that the passage refers to a stage in Jaina history when some Jaina shrines were appropriated by other sects. The passage pre-supposes such untoward events and is therefore comparatively late.

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54 STUDIES IN JAINA ART must be regarded as referring to an age later than the epochs suggested by the references to the Purnabhadra and other caityas. Stupa worship does not seem to have been so popular amongst the Jainas as amongst the Buddhists, because image-worship seems to have started earlier in Jainsm than in Buddhism. So, the inclusion of Cetita-thubhas in a Siddhayatana is only due to the popularity of Stupa worship in India, amongst other sects, especially amongst the Buddhists. This does not however mean that Stupa worship did not exist in Jainism. Only, the author of the description knew full well that the stupas in the different Siddhayatanas in heavens were not raised on crema. tion grounds of the various Tirthankaras. Jaina commentators explain Caitya in the following manner :citerlepyAdicayanasya bhAvaH karma vA caityam, tacca saMjJAzadvatvAddevatAbimbe prasiddha, tataH tadAzrayabhUtaM yaddevatAyAH gRhaM tadapyupacArAccaityamucyate / 1 Thus though caitya is derived from citi or cita, the meaning of the term is extended to an image of a deity, and since a shrine is an abode of the image (caitya ), the abode is also called Caityam by uapacara, 2 The word ceie in the Uttaradhyayana, 9. 9. Io is interpreted by the commentator as udyana or park and Jacobi suggests that it meant 'a tree". 3 Sacred trees were called Caityas in the Epics where it is said that 'not even the leaf of a Caitya may be destroyed, for the Caityas are the resort of Devas, Yaksas, Nagas, Apsarasas, Bhutas etc. We have however the evidence of a Harappa seal showing a tree enclosed in a railing, which was nothing but the worship of Caitya-vyksas, though it is not possible to say whether the term Caitya or Caitya-vyksa was current in the age of the Harappa seal. Two processes then seem to have worked : one regarding Caitya primarily as Cayana or Yajnasthana and secondarily as anything piled up, the other connected with piling up of a tumulus over remains of the dead, the smasana being four-cornered or round as shown by the Satapatha Brahmana.. Being a piled-up sacred object, deserving worship and offering, it came to be known 1 Commentary of Santicandra on Jambudvipaprajnapti, su. 1, p. 9. Also see, Abhayadeva's comm. on Bhagavati sutra, I. I., explaining Caitya in identical expression. . Cf. the use of the term caityalaya in purANo vi vIyarAgANAM paDimAu ceiyAlae etc., Mahanisitha sutra, ms. B.O.R.I., no. 165 of 1881-82, folio 2. 3 Uttaradhyayana sutra, ix. 9., SBE. Vol. XLV, p. 36 and note. 4 Mahabharata, Santi parva, 69. 42; Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 47. & Vedic Age, p. 188 and pl. VII. 8. & Satapatha Brahmana, SBE. Vol. XLIV. Pp. 424-29; also see, Shah, Priyabala, Aidaka, Journal of the Oriental Institute, I. No. 3., pp. 278 ff.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 55 as Caitya or Caity-stupa. A sacred tree with a platform erected at base (piled-up) or enclosed in a railing, being an object of worship, came to be called a Caitya or Caitya-vsksa. Thus all sacred objects and places of worship came to be called Caityas. The idol or the cult-object worshipped in such a shrine also gradually came to be called a Caitya. The processes seems to be just the reverse of what has been imagined by the Jaina commentators in their explanation of the word Caitya, in the passage cited above. This is only tracing the origin and development of the term Caitya and not necessarily of the objects to which it was applied. It must however be remembered that the four-sided Daiva or the round Asura Pracya smasanas or funeral mounds referred to by the Satapatha, were not mentioned as Caityas or Caitya-stupas in the Satapatha though later known as such and though their worship existed from very early times. It would be a mistake to suppose, as has been done by Dikshitar and others that Cetiya in the Buddhist passages of the Mahaparinibbana sutta 1 and the Digha Nikaya," referred to funeral mounds or Stupas only of Udena, Sattambaka and others. The Bahuputtika.cetiyam in the Mahaparinibbana sutta is really identical with the caitya of the same name at Visala (Vaisali ) and Mithila mentioned in the Jaina Bhagavati and the Vipaka sutras. The Bahuputrika Caitya was dedicated to a goddess of the name who was a prototype of the later Buddhist Hariti. Some of these Buddhist Cetiyas were therefore similar to the Purnabhadra Caitya described in the Aupapatika sutra. Jaina commentators have rightly called it a Yaksa-ayatana since Purnabhadra and Manibhadra are well-known as ancient Yaksas. The Purnabhadra Caitya was in the udyana or park called Amrasalavana, situated to the N. E. of the city of Campa. It was very old in age (ciratita ) recognised by people of old, ancient (porana ), famous, praised everywhere, and jnata (? of the Jnatr-people?). It was decorated with an umbrella (or umbrellas ), banners, bells, flags, atipatakas (flags surmounted on flags), whisks or brushes of peacock-feathers (lomahatthaga ) and having a railing (vitardikavedika, according to Abhayadeva, which would also mean, containing a sacrificial altar'), its inside floor was coated with cow-dug and the wallsurfaces were polished by rubbing with cowries; it bore palm-impressions in redgisirsa or dardara-sandal, was adorned with candana ghatas ( auspicious jars ), and on its entrance-doors were toranas (arches ) with candana-ghata decorations. It was sprinkled all over with perfumed water and garlands were hung; Mahaparinibbana Sutta, Chap. III. secs. 36-47. Also, Fleet's article in J. R. A. S., (1906), pp. 657 ff; Law B, C., History of Pali Literature, p. 100 2 Digha Nikaya, II. p. 113. For a discussion on the Cetiyas of Buddhist Literature, see, Law, B. C., Geography of Early Buddhism, appendix.

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56 STUDIES IN JAINA ART it was odorous with flowers of five colours, and with burning incense of kalaguru, kundurukka and turukka. It was haunted by actors, dancers, rope-walkers (jalla), wrestlers, boxers, experts in mimics (vidambaka), ballad-singers, storytellers, pole dancers (lasaka ), picture-showmen (mankha), pipe-players, luteplayers and minstrels. Many people visited the shrine which deserved praise, offerings, worship with sandal-paste etc., gifts, adoration and respect, and which like a benefic, auspicious, devayam ( divine acc. to comm.) ceiam (image, according to commentators ), deserved to be propitiated with due respect, which when worshipped with desire, did not fail to fulfil it (saccopaye ) and which was attended upon by divine praliharyas. It deserved a gift of a share from sacrifices. (Aupapatika sutra, sutra 2). On all sides of it was a big forest-grove (vanakhanda) with a central big Asoka-tree (obviously a Caitya-vsksa ) with a Pythvi-sila-patta under it attached to its stem.1 ( Aupapatika, sutra, su. 3-5). What was the plan of the Caitya ? The text is silent and it seems as if one or more sutras are missing. It may be inferred that it had more than one entrance, probably one in each direction, and a walled structure. It may be said that it was something like the Bodhi-shrine in a Sunga relief from Mathura (now in Boston Museum ) illustrated by Coomaraswamy, HIIA, fig. 70. (also cf, his fig. 69). It seems that a yaksa shrine was walled or open square hall with the stone umbrella over the deity serving as a roof, with four poles supporting the umbrella at four ends and with a central pole against which stood either one image or four images on four sides. It was the prototype of the Gandhakuti of a Jina in his Samavasarana ( which we shall have occasion to discuss later under samavasarana"). It is further inferred from representations like fig. 69, 69A, of HIIA, that such tiered shrines have for their basis the conception of Jaruka or ziggurator Aidaka ), discussed by Dr. V. S. Agarwaal, which were 1 Discussed later under Caitya-vyksas in this work. 2 This stone structure probably had an earlier wooden prototype. For memorial Stone-Umbrellas and the Jaina account of them, see, Stone Umbrellas From Mathura. by U. P. Shah, Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. XIV (1951). 8 Agrawala, V.S., Some Foreign Words in Ancient Sanskrit Literature J. U. P. H. S., Vol. XXIII. (1950), pp. 151-152. Dr. Priyabala Shah is evidently wrong in suggesting that Aidukas or Edukas are Brahmanical or Vedic in origin. The Samavasarana is based upon the architecture of a Stupa which latter seems to have for its prototype that of the Ziggurat with three or more tiers. The Stupa, the Ziggurat or the Samavasarana are open or visible on all sides. The Gandhakuti is the pavilion (open on 4 sides) on a dais in the centre of a Samavasarana. In it sits the Jina visible on all sides.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 57 tiered structures or caityas. The Jaina description of the Samavasarana, shorn of its poetic fancies and elaboration of later details, preserves for us the main plan of the Daiva or Asurya funeral mound (smasana) referred to in the Satapatha Brahmana, for, the Samavasarana is also said to be either square or circular in plan. Detailed descriptions of a Jaina Stupa are missing in the Jaina canons, but the conception of a Samavasarana faithfully preserves the plan of such stupas ( cf. fig. 6 with fig. 76 ) as also their essentials, and it seems the popularity of representations of Samavasarana ultimately replaced the Stupa-symbolism in Jaina worship The stock description of a Jaina temple in Jaina canons is that of the Siddhayatana. The Siddhayatana to the N. E. of the Sudharma Sabha of Vijaya deva was 13 yojanas in length and 6 yojanas and one krosa ( about half of the length) in breadth and nine yojanas in height. It had on it, above the entrance door-way, the vedika-panel motif' and an arch, surmounted by Salabhanjikas; it had beautiful pillars ( round?) of Vaidurya gems, its floor inlaid with gems and gold and silver, its walls decorated with figures of mythical animals (ihamrga ), oxen, Kinnaras (half-men and half-horses or birds ) crocodile, birds, dragons, winged-deer (sarabha), yaks (camara), elephants, creepers and lotus-rhizomes. The abacus of columns had crowning figures of Vidyadhara pairs, with mechanism to show them moving. The shrine was adorned with thousands of sculptures or reliefs and with many domes (thubhiya), the tops decorated with bells, flags etc., white, lustrous, adorned with palm-impressions of different sandal; its gates were adorned with auspicious pictures and arches surmounted by candana-ghatas ; there were flowers, garlands, perfumes and incenses. It was adorned with figures of apsarasas. The shrine had three entrances. In front of each entrance was a portico ( mukhamandapa) adorned with the astamangala-motifs. In frount of these were preksagrhamandapas or assembly halls (theatres ). In front of each preksagshamandapa was a Caitya-stupa on a mani-pithika (jewelled platforms). The Caitya-stupas were white and shining, each two yojanas in area ( ayamacircumference, or length x breadth ) and more than two yojanas in height, its surface covered with jewels, and surmounted by astamangalas, black chowries and flags. On four sides of each stupa were manipithikas, each platform surmounted by Jina figures sitting in the paryanka-asana (padmasana ), and facing the stupa. In front of each Caitya-stupa was a manipithika with a Caitya.vrksa on it. In front of each Caitya-vyksa was a manipithika surmounted by a mahendradhvaja ( Indra--dhvaja ) with a round staff and adorned with thousands of flags, 1 Cf. HIIA., fig. 43 ; The motif is seen at Bharhut and Sanchi and also in several cave-temples.

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58 STUDIES IN JAINA ART astamangalas etc. In front of each mahendradhvaja was a Nanda-puskarini, an artificial reservoir or tank. In the centre of the Siddhayatana, was a big manipithika, two yojanas in length and breadth and one yojana in height, on which was a big Devacchandaka (two yojanas in length and breadth and a little more than two yojanas in height ), all made of jewels. In this Devacchandaka were installed 108 life-size images of Tirthankaras. On top of the Siddhayatana were astamangalas, flags etc. It seems that the Devacchandaka was a sort of miniature slirine with pil. lars and arches in fornt. It may be a row of miniature shrines or ornamental niches, each with an image of one Jina. The above account from Jivajivabhigama sutra, 3.2. 137 ff., includes all types of Jaina worship practised in ancient times, except manavakastambhas etc. which will be described later. The Caityastupas, Caityavsksas and the Mahendradhvajas described here do not form part of the main structure of the Siddhayatana. It seems that the Jaina temple (of the age of composition of this passage ) consisted of a sanctum, an adjacent hall (or rather a portico only) and a preksamandapa. This last mentioned hall was possibly a little separated from the main structure though the Jaina texts do not explicitly say so. The plan of the shrine woold suggest that the passage dates from the Gupta Age. Though the plan of the shrine can be assigned to this age, it must be remembered that the general description of decorative motifs, pillars etc., is of a much earlier tradition reaching back to at least the Kusana age and sometimes to the age of the Bharhut and Sanchi stupas. This is further suggested by the descriptions of Caitya-stupas, Caityavsksas etc. as apart from the main shrine thus showing that there were such separate cult objects, analogous to such reliefs from Bharhut, cf. HII A., figures 55, 70, 41 (Bodhi-tree), 45 (Dharma-cakra shrine), 42 (Caitya-stupa ), also from Amaravati, illustrated in HITA., figures 142 and 144-146. The Jaina account of the origin of Stupas and Caityas must be referred to. Both the Svetambaras and the Digambaras believe that the first person to erect on this earth the temples of the 24 Jinas of this age was Bharata Cakravartin, the son of the first Tirthankara Rsabhanatha. Referring to the Nirvana of Rsabha, the Avasyaka Niryukti says: nivvANaM ciigAI jiNassa ikkhAga sesayANaM ca / FETT HUET 1997 a FIATT gatha 435. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, SBE. XLIV, pp. 424-29. Also see, Shah Priya. bala, Aiduka, Joun, of the Oriental Institute, I. 3., pp. 278 ff. % cf, Vasubindu-Pratisthapatha, V. 17, p. 6.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 59 Haribhadra suri, commenting on above,' says that Bharata erected in honour of the Lord, a Stupa and a temple called Simhanisadya-ayatana, one yojana in area and three gavyutis in height and installed therein life-size images of the twenty-four Jinas, as also images of his hundred brothers, including an image of himself and in order to protect violation from others, placed as gate-keepers, mechanical figures made of iron (lohamayan yantra-purusan ). This he did on mt. Astapada (recognised generally as Kailasa, often this Kailasa is identified as Mt. Satrunjaya) which is the site of Rsabha's Nirvana. The tradition is also given by the earlier Avasyaka Curni? on the basis of the still earlier Mula-Bhasya-gatha on this Niryukti verse.3 The Jaina account of the creation of a Tirtharikara and the consequent collection of bone relics by Indra and other gods, including erection of stupas on the cremation site by these gods given in the Jambudvipaprajnapti is noteworthy as it gives us an insight into the contemporary method of cremation and because it obtains an interesting parallel with the cremation in Buddhist accounts discussed at length by Barua, Bharhut, Vol. III, pp. 12-22. in the Jaina 1 dvasyaka Vrtti, p. 169. 2 Avasyaka Curni, pp. 223 ff. Also see, Vasudevahindi, p. 169 and Pp. 300 ff. 3 Avasyaka Vylti, p. 1:69. Bhasya verse 45. 4 cf. Jambudvipaprajnapti (Devachand Lalbhai Pustakoddhara Fund, 1920), 2nd vaksaskara, sutra 33, pp. 157-158: "tae NaM sakke deviMde devarAyA...evaM vayAsI-khippAmeva bho devANuppiA ,...gosIsavaracaMdaNakaTThAI sAharaha,ttA to ciigAo raeha ega bhagavo titthagarassa egaM gaNadharANaM ega aksesANa aNagArANaM / tae Na te...ciigAo raeMti...tae Na se sake...saddAvei...khIrodagaM samuddAzro khIrodagaM sAharaha... se sake...titthagarasarIraM khIrodageNaM rAhANeti...saraseNaM gosIsavaracaMdaNeNaM aNuliMpai... haMsalakkhaNaM paDasADayaM Nisei .. savvAlaMkAravibhUsiaM kareMti...tae Na sake...vayAsI...sibiyAzro viuvvaha... viuvvati...bhagavo...sarIragaM sIaM Aruheti...ttA ciigAe ThavaMti, tae se sake... amgikumAre deve sadAvei ...ciigAe...agaNikAyaM viuvvaha...viuvvaMti...tae NaM se sake...mehakumAre deve sadAvei...ciigaM khIrodageNaM NivvAveha ...NivvAti, tae NaM se sake deviMde devarAyAbhagavotitthagarassa uvarillaM dAhiNaM sakahaM geNhai, IsANe.., uvarillaM vAmaM sakahaM geehai, camare asuriMde...hiTThalaM dAhiNaM sakahaM gerAhai, balI...hidvillaM vAma...avasesA...devA jahArihaM avasesAI aMgamaMgAI keI jiNabhattIe keI jIameaMti kaTTa kei dhammottikaTTa geehati, tae Na se sake...vayAsI...savvarayaNAmae mahaimahAlae to cehaathUbhe kareha, egaM bhagavayo titthagarassa ciigAe, egaM gaNaharassa egaM avasesANaM aNagArANa ciigAe,...kareMti...tae paM te...devA...pariNivvArasamahirma kareMti...karettA teNeva... vimANAI jeNeva sAI bhavaNAI jeNeva sabhAzro suhammAo jeNeva sagAra ceibhakhaMbhA teNeva uvAgacchaMti ttA vairAmaemu golavaTTasamuggaesu jisakahAo parikkhivaMti, aggehiM varehiM mallehi a gaMdhehi a anceti... I Also see, Avasyaka Curri, pp. 221-223.

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bo STUDIES IN JAINA ART tradition as well as in the Buddhist ones the cremation is done in such a way as to save the various bones, the process is described in details in Buddhist works whereas the Jaina accounts only show that the right and left bones were taken by various gods, which means that the bones were not reduced to ashes. We are told that in the centre of the Sudharma-sabha 2 was a big manipithika two yojanas in area and one yojana in height (bahalla ); on it was a Caitya-stambha called Manavaka, 7} yojanas high, i krosa in circumference, of six parts (chakodie, salkotikah, sadvigrahikah or six-cornered?). Leaving six krosas from above, and six from below, on the central 5 krosas were gold and silver boards with pegs ( nagadanta) with hangers (sikkaka ) attached to the latter. In these hangers were round boxes of vajra in which were preserved many bones of Jinas, which were worshipped by the various gods and goddesses. On the Manavaka Caitya.Stambhas were placed asta-mangalas and umbrellas. The Adipurana describes another type of pillars known as the Manastambha, in the first rampart of a Samavasarana. At the base of these pillars on four sides were placed four golden images of Jinas. The pillars were lofty and adorned with bells, fly-whisks etc. 3 They were placed on triple platforms ( trimekhala ) and on top were triple-umbrellas. Being erected by Indra, they were also called Indradhvajas. They are also described in the Tiloyapannatti which says that the Jina images were on top of the pillars. The practice of erecting pillars or votive columns is very old. These dhvajas not only remind us of votive columns, one of whose early types was the wooden sthuna of Vedic times, but also the Yupa of Vedic sacrifices. The Besnagara Garudadhvaja is a famous example of a pillar in front of a shrine of Vasudeva. Capitals of tala-dhvajas and makara-dhvajas of Sankarsana and Pradyumna have also been recovered. 6 The Banyan tree capital from For Buddhist accounts, see Mahaparinibbana Sutta, and Barua, B. M., Bharhut, Vol. II, pp. 12 ff. where he has compared Vedic traditions about cremation with Buddhist ones. 2 Jivajivabhigama sutra, su. 138, pp. 229 ff., also see varnaka from su. 137, p. 225. 3 Adipurana of Jinasena, 22. 92-102, pp. 515-16. The name Manastambha is explained as follows: mAnastambhAnmahAmAnayogAt trailokyamAnanAt / anvarthasaMjJayA tajjJanistambhAH prakIrtitAH // 102 // * Tiloyapannatti, 4. 779 ff $ Also see, Banerji, J. N., Development of Hindu Iconography, 114 and note for sources. 6 Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1913-14, pp. 188-91, pls. LII-LIV., for 1914-15, Part I, p. 21, pl. XVI.C.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH 61 Besnagar, discovered by Cunningham, was mounted on a pillar in front a shrine of Vaisramana-Kubera, 1 The same practice was adopted by the Jainas, at least in another way. The Ayaga pata dedicated by Siha Vanika ( now in Lucknow Museum), shows a pillar surmounted by a dharma-cakra and another surmounted by an elephant. Several pedestals of sculptures from the Kankali tila also show the worship of a Dharma-cakra mounted on a pillar. Again, the Kahaon pillar with an inscription of the Gupta-age shows four Jinas on four sides at top, and one at its base. 3 Such figures are usually enshrined in a square pavilion on top open on four sides. This practice remains popular even to this day amongst the Digambaras. Ati Deogarh are certain pillars ( fig. 56 ) which show variations in this Manastambha. Sometimes, beside the four figures on top, four figures of minor deities--yaksinis and ksetra pala were added at base, while on top, sometimes a Ganadhara (or a big acarya ) was included in the group of Jinas. An elaboration of the same conception is the famous Jaina Kirttistambha at Chitor (fig. 82). Hemacandra acarya, in his comm. on Abhidhana Cintamani, I. 47-48, uses the word dhvaja for the lanchanas of Tirthankars while Asadhara calls them heralds of families of the Jinas. In earlier texts such as the Kalpa sutra we do not obtain any reference to lanchanas, nor do we obtain them on pedestals of Tirthankara images of the Kusana age. It is therefore not known whether the lanchanas were known before the Gupta age. Dhvaja' may be a banner, a herald and the lanchana of a Jina may signity the mark or symbol crowning his herald. The Garud 1-dhvaja might have been the herald of Vasudeva, erected on a pillar in front of a shrine of the deity. Viewed in this light, it is not unlikely that in the Kusana age there were such pillars or dhvajas in front of Jaina teniples. Such pillars were surmounted by the herald or the lanchanas of the various Jinas. As yet ro such capitals or pillars have been discovered but the relief of such pillars in the Ayagapata noted above suggest the possibility of their future discovery. Dr. Coomaraswamy has drawn our attention to the reliefs of Amaravati ( Elements of Buddhist Iconography, figures 4-10) where the Buddha is re. presented as a fiery pillar with wheel-marked feet below supported by a lotus, and with a trisula 'head' and has shown that "they represent the survival of a purely Vedic formula in which Agni is represented as the axis of the Universe, extending as a pillar between Earth and Heaven (cf. RV. VI. 16.13, 1 Also see, Banerji, J. N. Op. cit., p. 116 and note. 2 Coomaraswamy, A. K. HIIA., fig. 71. 3 For Kahaon pillar, see, Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, 66-68. 4 See Pratisthasaroddhara, 4. 214, p. 115.

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62 STUDIES IN JAINA ART I. 59.1-2, IV. 13.5, X, 5.6. V. 29.4.)". 1 This worship of Agni as skambha (or a sthuna) should, according to Dr. Coomaraswamy, be regarded as the origin of later practice of erecting pillars dedicated to different deities and surmounted by their vahanas (or dhvajas ) or symbols like the Dharma-Cakra. But what is this skambha originally? Is it Agni flaming high up and reaching the skies or an adoption and transformation by Vedic Aryans of the phallus worship, the phallus being originally simply understood as the creator and later also as supporter of the Universe ? Dr. Coomaraswamy writes: The axis of the Universe is coincident also with the fiery Siva-lingam set up, according to the Devadaruvana legend, in the foundations of the Earth and Extending upwards to Heaven's, "2 To revert to stupa-worship in Jainism: A stupa of the Jina Munisuvrata existed at Vesala (Vaisali ) according to the Avasyaka Curni, which gives the story of the Thubha' in illustrations of Parinamiki Buddhi. The Avasyaka Niryukti merely gives the catch word 'Thubha' which shows that the author of the Niryukti knew of the stupa of Munisuvrata at Vaisali. 3 The pedestal of a Jina image referring to Arhat Nandyavarta, obtained from Kankali Tila was installed in the Devanirmita Stupa according to the inscription on it dated in year 49 or 79. According to Jinaprabha suri, there was a Stupa of Suparsvanatha at Mathura, made of gold and jewels, erected by a goddess (devanirmita) in one night ; during a controversy with other sects regarding its ownership, the goddess Kubera is said to have guarded it and helped the Jainas. Later a king of Mathura wanted to take away the gold, whereupon, the goddess became angry and wrought earthquakes and was pacified only when all the inhabitants of Mathura agreed to carve a figure of a Jina on their door-lintels. Once Parsvanatha came to Mathura and preached the doctrine. After his departure, the goddess told the inhabitants and the King that bad times were approaching and that she would not live to protect the stupa for ever in its uncovered condition. The priceless stupa should therefore 1 Elements of Buddhist Iconography, pp. 10 f. 2 Elements of Buddhist Iconography, p. 66. He also refers to F. D. K. Bosch, " Het Linga-Heiligdom van Dinaja, " Tijdschr, K. Bat. Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschapen, LXIV, 1924. Compare the conception of Jyotirlingas. One such linga with flames exists in the Bharat-kala-Bhavan, Banaras. 3 Avasyaka Niryukti, vv. 949-51, Haribhadra's Vytli, p. 437; Avasyaka Curni, p. 567. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II., Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura inscr. no. 20. 5 Viividha-Tirtha-Kalpa (Simghi Series ), pp. 17-18.

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63 A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH be covered under a super-structure of bricks. She also asked them to install in front a stone sculpture of Parsvanatha. This was done. Digambara texts like the Brhat-Katha-Kosa of Harisena (932 A. D.) give a story of the origin of Five Stupas at Mathura, all built by gods during a controversy with the Buddhists. Somadeva in his Yasastilaka-campu also gives a similar account and refers to only one Devanirmita Stupa at. Mathura. 2 As noted by Dr. Upadhye, Rajamalla (V. S. 1632) in his Jambusvamicaritra refers to the repair of Mathura stupas. Now a Panca stupanvaya or Panca-stupanikaya is connected with the locality of Mathura and Jinasena, the author of Jayadhavala says that he belonged to this lineage. * The Paharpur Copper plate, dated in the year 159 (478 A. D.) refers to Pancastupa-nikaya. It is therefore certain that in and around Mathura, five Jaina stupas existed, one of them, the oldest and the most famous, formed the subject of the legends of the Devanirmita stupa. As shown above it was called Devanirmita in an inscription of at least the second century A. D. (167 A. D.), according to the generally accepted calculations of the dates of these inscriptions. Haribhadra suri, in his vrtti on the Avasyaka Niryukti, also called it Devanirmita. But neither the inscription nor Haribhadra nor any Digambara tradition specifies it as a stapa of Suparsvanatha. It is only Jinaprabha in the fourt teenth century who speaks of its having been a stupa of Suparsvanatha. And when he says that Parsvanatha was installed in front of the brick-superstructure (which actually must have been the original structure ), it is not unreasonable to believe that the original Mathura stupa was a brick-stupa dedicated to the memory of Parsvanatha who flourished 250 years before the Nirvana of Mahavira, i.e., in c. 777 BC. A stupa erected in this age would naturally be devanirmita to people of the Kusana age when the age or object of its erection were forgotten. But another explanation may be ventured in the light of the Satapatha Brahmana passage about Daiva and Asurya smasanas or funeral mounds; the first being square and Aryan, the second, round and non-Aryan. 1 Brhat-Katha-Kosa, ed. by Dr. A. N. Upadhye (Simghi Series), story no. 12, pp. 22-27. Yasastilaka Campi, Ok. VI, secs. 17, 18, Vol. 11. p. 315; also see Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka Campa and Indian Culture, pp. 415 ff. Brhat-Katha-Kosa, notes, p. 379. Dr. Upadhye quotes the following verse from Rajamalla : - kacitpaMca kvacicASTau kvaciddaza tataH param / kvacit viMzatireva syAt stUpAnAM ca yathAyatham // See Introduction to Harivamia of Jinasena by Pandit Nathuram Premi, in Harivansa, Voh I, pp. 20 ff. 5 History of Bengal, I. p. 410.

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64 STUDIES IN JAINA ART A third explanation is also possible. Asoka is said to have employed yaksa' artists, according to Taranatha who speaks of Naga and Deva art as well. The art of the Mathura Stupa was here said to have been the work of what was supposed to be * Deva-school.' Jinapratha suri further says that here Jinabhadra gani Ksamasramana (c. 500-600 A.D.) saved the manuscript of Mahanisitha sutra (from destruction), i.e., he recovered the text and saved it from oblivion. When the stupa fell in ruins, at the instance of Bappa bhatti suri (c. 826 V.S.-770 A.D.), it was covered with a superstructure having figures of Ambika, Ksetrapala and Cillaniya (?). The Devanirmita Stupa at Mathura is thus one of the earliest known stupas in India and should be assigned to the eighth century B.C., especially because the title given to it is in accord with the Satapatha Brahmana tradition. 1 The Sirkap stupa with the motif of the double-headed eagle has been regarded as a Jaina stupa on the analogy of the arched niches in the stupa relief of the Mathura Ayaga pata dedicated by Lonasobhika.? Marshall associated the Sirkapa stupa with Jainism only because he could not connect it with Buddhism, but the total absence of any Jaina antiquity in the site recovered hitherto, need not be overlooked. Jaina tradition never speaks of a stupa at Taxila, they only say that Bahubali established here the worship of the Dharmacakra. We should therefore await further discoveries before calling it a Jaina stupa. It may incidentally be noted that the Tablet of Lonasobhika illustrated the type of a Jaina stupa structure. If Jinaprabha's account of the repairs by Bappabhatti is currect, then, the present writer feels that the stupa at Kankali Tila is not likely to be the site of the Devanirmita stupa as it is not likely that even a few sculptures of Bappabhatti's age could not survive at the site, and because Jinaprabha's account does not refer to any repairs in the Kusana age. He seems to have believed that the brick-structure was not covered with stones before Bappabhatti's age. 1 Avasyaka Vrtti, p. 454 on Niryukti gatha 1012. Also cf. Byhat-KalpaBhasya, VI. 6275 and comm.; also Vol. V. 5824. i Though spoken of as a description of the original appearance of the stupa, Jina prabha's description of it is of its last appearance, the talk about of gold and jewels is however poetic:-to tIe devIe kaMcaNaghaDio rayaNaciMcaIo aNegasaraparivario toraNajjJayamAlAlaMkio siharovari chttttysaalii......mehlaatigmNddiyo| ivikAra mehalAe cAuhisaM paMcavaraNarayaNamaMyAI bibaaNii| tatthamUlapaDimA sirisupAsasAmiNo pttaaviyaa| Than it was covered with bricks with an image of Parsva in front. Op. cit., pp. 17-18. 2 A Guide to Taxila, pl. XIII, p. 88. Smith, Js. pl. XII.

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3. CAITYA-VRKSAS Existence of tree-worship in the Indus Valley Civilization is evidenced by representations on several seals and sealings. One of them shows a trisulahorned deity with long hair, standing nude between two branches of a tree and a kneeling figure of a worshipper also with long hair armlets and horns, behind whom is a composite animal. The leaves of the tree appear like those of the Pippala. One of the seals from Chanhu Daro also depicts the Pippal Tree. " "Some sealings from Harappa show trees enclosed by a wall or railing. It cannot at present be stated definitely whether tree worship pertained to trees in their natural state or to their indwelling spirits. "'* Trees have been highly prized in India, at all times. They were useful in sacrifices for making the Yupa (post for tying the sacrificial animal) for idhma (samidha offered in fire) and for sacrificial instruments like sruva, juhu etc. The Taittiriya Brahmana (I. 1.3) speaks of seven holy trees. The Taittiriya Samhita (III 4.8.4) states that idhma should be of nyagrodha, udumbara, asvattha and plaksa trees as they are the abodes of Gandharvas, Apsarasas etc. The Baudhayana (II. 3.25) holds the palasa tree so sacred that it prohibits its use for making seats, sandals, tooth-brushes etc. Patanjali quotes an ancient verse to the effect that if a person waters and tends mangotrees, his forefathers are pleased. The Rgveda describes that it is under a tree with beautiful foliage that Yama drinks with the Gods and ancestors. In the Rgvedic Apri Suktas, Vanaspatis are invoked. A full sukta, occurring with a little change in both RV. and AV, is addressed to Vanaspati in order to get the upperhand of one's cowife. T There are not a few suktas in the AV. devoted to Osadhis or Vanaspatis. The Krishna Yajurveda Samhita prescribes an animal sacrifice to plants to remove obstacles in the attainment of offsprings. Osadhis are called Vedic Age, p. 188 and pl. no. VII. 8 reproduced from Marshall, MohenjoDaro. Also see Marshall, op. cit., I. p. 312. Mazumdar, N. G., Explorations of Sindh, Pl. XVII. no. 34. Vedic Age, op. cit. Mahabhasya, Vol. I, p. 14; also see Mahabharata, anusasana parva, 58. Rgveda, X. 131. 1. 6 Rgveda, I. 13. II; I, 142. II; I. 188. 10; II. 3. 10; III. 4. 10; V. 5. 10; VII. 2. 10; IX. 5. 10; X. 70. 10. 3 4 5 ? RV. X. 145; AV. III. 18. B V.M., 154; T.S., II. i. 5. 3.

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66 STUDIES IN JAINA ART 'mothers' and 'goddesses,' and are invoked chiefly with waters and mountains, "Caitya-vyksas are mentioned in the Atharva-Veda Parisista LXXI, large trees are sometimes addressed as deities, they are connected with human fertility, and nymphs inhabiting them are asked to be propitious to passing wedding processions." Souls or spirits were supposed to dwell in trees, to haunt them and were looked upon as gods. Offerings are made to these trees-spirits, even human sacrifices are offered. They were consulted as oracles, expected to give sons and wealth, and were pleased when garlands are hung upon the branches and lamps lighted on all sides, and 'bali'-offerings made at the foot of the trees. Manu refers to bali'-offerings to the tree spirits. Both Manu and Yajnavalkya ask a snataka to circumambulate, on his way, sacred trees like the Asvattha etc. The Mahabharata forbids even the falling of the leaves of trees that are known as Caityas. Mm. Kane here interprets Caitya as "trees like the Asvattha that have a platform (cailya) built for them. The Asvattha was already a sacred tree in the Indus Valley civilization.? Dr. Coomaraswamy cites a case, where, in explaining the Suciloma Sutta of Samyutta Nikaya, 11.5, a stone dias, throne or platform (lankite manco) is stated to have been Yakkha's haunt (bhavanam).8 The Mahabharata in the passage noted above, uses the world Caitya in the sense of a 1 V M., 154; RV. X. 97.4. = YV. XII. 78 = TS. iv. 2. 6.1.oSadhIriti mAtarastadvo devIrUpa bruve| 2 Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 41. 3 Chandogya Upanisad, VI. II. Jataka, IV, p. 154. 4 Jataka, V. pp. 472, 474, 488; Jat., IV, 210, 353; III. 23, IV. 153. For the horrid and hideous practices connected with tree-worship, as evidenced trom the Jatakas, see Mehta, Ratilal, Pre-Buddhist India, pp. 326 f. 6 Manusmyti, 3.88 also see Veddha-Gautama, Jivananda's collection, Part 2, p. 625. Kane, History of Dharma-sastra, II.2, p. 895. & Mahabharata, Santiparva 69.42 (mai aga FU TFT 917); Kane, History of Dharmasastra, II.2. p. 395. The asvattha is already represented in the Indus Valley on a faience seal with animal heads attached to the stem. Coomaraswamy HITA.. fig. 6. ?. Dr. Coomaraswamy writes : The Bodhidruma (nyagrodha of most Buddhist texts, aksaya vata of the Epic, but pippala or asvattha of the reliefs) was certainly a sacred tree, haunted by a Devata, before the Bodhisattva took his seat beneath it. ..Ibid., p. 47. 8 Ibid., p. 47 n. 4. Also see, Odettee Viennot, loc. cit., pl, VIII, fig. D.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 67 Caitya-tree, which has been a sacred-tree, on account of a stone dais or platform built round it, for worship of some spirits or gods, who were supposed to have been associated with such trees. As suggested by Dr. Coomaraswamy, "most of the Yakkhacetiya referred to in Buddhist and Jaina literature may have been sacred trees! In this connection a very definite evidence is obtained from the Vasudevahindi of Samghadasa gani Vacaka, assignable to a period not later than the fifth century A.D., and probably dating from c. 350-450 A.D. According to this text, there was an udyana called Manorama in Saliggama in the Magadha Janapada. Therein was the Jakkha Sumano, whose stone-plaque or platform (sila = sila) was placed there under an asoka tree, the sila was known as Sumana. There the people worshipped this Yak$3,2 A certain person, Satya by name, is further said to have spent a night in meditation in this area of the Sumarasila, standing in the kayotsarga pose, in order to propitiate the Yaksa. It seems that sila is here used in the sense of a plaque or a relief deposited under the asoka tree, on a platform (sila paesa of Vasudevahindi, p. 88) where Satya could stand in meditation before the sila of the Yaksa. The description of the Purnabhadra Caitya is the stock description of a Caitya for all Jaina canons; here, according to Dr. Coomaraswamy, is a development of a Yaksa-Caitya, the original simple worship under a tree takes the form of some building. But this Caitya was in the midst of a vanakhanda ( forest-grove) in the centre of which was a big Asoka tree round which were many other trees, all with various types of creepers (lata) entwined on them. The description that follows is noteworthy : tassa sAM asogavarapAyavassa uvari bahave aTTha aTTha maGgalagA parANattA taM jahA-sosthiya, sirivaccha, nandiyAvatta vaddhamANaga, bhadAsaNa, kalasa, maccha, dappaNa savvarayaNAmayA acchA sarAhA laNhA ghaTTA maTThA NIrayA nimmalA..abhirUvA paDirUvA. tassa Na asogavarapAyavassa uvariM bahave kiehacAmarajmayA...acchA sarahA laNhA ruppapaTTA vairAmayadaeDA jAlayAmalagandhiyA murammA pAsAdiyA darisaNijjA abhirUvA paDirUvA...tassa raNaM asogavarapAyavassa uvari bahave chattAichattA paDAgAipaDAgA ghaNTAjuyalA cAmarajuyalA uppalajuyalA uppalahatthagA paumahatthagA kumuyahatyagA NaliNahatthagA suhagahatthagA sogandhiyahatthagA savvarayaNAmayA Tel 5112 qfar... 1 Ibid., p. 47. 5 tattha sumaNo nAma jakkho tassa asogapAyavasarsiyA silA sumaNA tattha e jaNA pUryati / Vasudevahindi, p. 85, also see p. 88. * Aupapatika Sutra, sutras, 2-5. 4 Dr. Coomaraswamy,HII A., p. 47. 6 The portion is not printed in the text of the Aupapatika sutra, su. 4 but indicated by the use of 517 and noted by Abhayadeva in his commentary,

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68 STUDIES IN JAINA ART The passage, noted by Abhaya deva in his commentary as an additional description from some manuscripts, shows that the tree itself was decorated with the eight auspicious symbols (asta-mangala) with flags and banners of different coleurs, (Cf. HIIA. fig.70) bells, fly-whisks and bunches (hatthaga) or various flowers, clearly showing that the tree itself was regarded as sacred and adorned. The next description is even more noteworthy : 'tassa NaM asogavarapAyavassa heTThA Isi khaMdhasamallINe ettha NaM eke puDhavisilApaTTae parANatte, vikkhaMbhAyAmaussehasuppamANe kirahe aMjaNaghaNakivANakuvalayahaladharakosejAgAsakesakajjalaMgIkhaMjaNasiMgabhedaridvayajaMbuphalaasaNakasaNabaMdhaNaNIluppalapattanikaraatasikusumappagAse marakatamasAra kalittaNayaNakIya rAsivarANe NiddhaghaNe aThThasire pAyaMsayatalovame suramme IhAmiyausabhaturaganaramagaravihagavAlagakiraNaraharusarabhacamarakuMjaravaNalayapaumalayabhatticitte AINagarUyabUraNavaNItatUlapharise sIhAsaNasaMThie pAsAdIe darisaNije amirUve paDirUve (sutra 5) The commentator notes another reading (vacanantara) of the Silapattavarnaka, rendered in Sanskrit...aJjanakaghanakuvalayahaladharakozeyakasadRzaH, AkAzakezakajjalakarketanendranIlAtasIkusumaprakAza:, bhRGgAjanazRGgabhedariSThakanIlagulikAgavalAtirekabhramaranikurumbabhUtaH, jambUphalAsanakusumabandhananIlotpalapatranikaramarakatAzAsakanayanakIkArAzivarNa: snigdhaghana:, rUpakapratirUpadarzanIya : muktAjAlakhacitAntakA...! ___Below the best Asoka tree was a big Prthvi-sila-pattaka, well proportioned in height, breadth and thickness slightly reclining against the stem of the tree (isim khandhasamalline ). It was black like collirium, etc. and dark-blue like Nilotpala, and shining, eight-sided (attha-sire), smooth, compact, and polished or shining (reflecting ) like the surface of a mirror (ayamsatalovame), beautiful and decorated with carvings (bhatticitta ) or ihamrga (urkah according to Abhayadeva ), ball, horse, nara-makara (kala-makara motif), bird; serpents (valaga), kinnaras, deer, Sarabha, yak, elephant, wild creepers and lotus, creepers and was soft to the touch like garment of an animal-hide (ajinaka ), butter, cotton etc. Placed on a simhasana, it was beautiful to look at. as ihalatAvarNakAntaramazokavarNakaM pustakAntare idamadhikamadhIyate-p. 9. Also see Rayapasenaiyam ( Becaradas ed.), pp. 19-20. 1 Hatthaga would mean mark of the paim. But here the word is used either in the sense of mark's of the different flowers (stamped with some pastes) or bunches which could be carried in hands. 2 Aupapatika sutra (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), pp. 10-11. 3 Interpretation of this is important, Abhayadeva, in his comm. (p. 10) renders it as manAk skandhAsanna. It is difficult to say whether this Prthvisilapatta was ever regarded as a platform with a part of the tree's stem embedded in it, surely this patta rested on a platform, slightly reclining against the stem of the tree, since it is said to rest on a simhasana (sihasanasam thie).

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 69 Abhayadeva interprets sibasanasamthie as simbasanakarao which is obviously wrong. He, however, notes on the basis of another vacana that its borders were inlaid with pearls ( muktajala-khacitantakarma), 2 It is therefore certain that the silapatta was placed under a tree, reclining a little (isim ) against its stem, and deposited on a simhasana obviously because it was an object of worship. The carvings described above were decorative, in the centre might have been the figure of a yaksa or any spirit or of a symbol; eommentators are silent regarding the meaning of Psthvi-silapatta. What does Prthvi signify here? Was it a terracotta pata ? or was it a stone-plaque dedicated to the Mother-goddess Fsthvi? An easier interpretation is however possible so far as the position of the Pata is concerned. It rested on a simbasana, not vertically but horizontally, (either slightly raised at the end near the tree, or with its one end probably thrust into the stem by scraping the latter's surface, which was possibly the meaning conveyed by isim khandhasamallina. It gave stability to the patta placed on a dias or a simhasana, the interpretation further obtains confirmation from the representation of Bodhi-tree shrine at Bharhut. 3 If then, the patta, was placed horizontally, it becomes a spot for laying offerings to the spirit or the tree. Nay, it also became the pitha for a representation of a spirit or of a symbol as can be inferred from the relief of the Dhamma-cakka shrine, also from Bharhut. It is in this sense that the Vasudevahindi speaks of sumana-sila of Sumana Yaksa under an asoka tree. The Yaksa figure was placed on this pitha or platform. It is also possible to infer a stage in which the object of worship was carved in relief on the surface of the sila itself and offerings placed on it. Surely the Ptthvi-Silapatta is the precursor of the Jaina Ayagapatas obtained from the Kaikali Tila, most of which are now assigned to the first century B.C. Originally possibly a Caitya-tree or a sacred tree, was simply enclosed in a railing as can be seen from representations on a Jaina Ayagapata from Karikali Tila, Mathura (fig. II) and from such representations at Bharhut and . 1 Aupapatika, (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), sutra 5, comm. on pp. 10-II. 2 Especially see, Barua, B. M., Book of Bharhut, Vol. III. Fig. 32. 3 Coomaraswamy, HILA., Figs. 41, 46 and 51. Also, Barua, Book of Bharhut, III. Figs. 26, 28, 30, 31. * Coomaraswamy, HIIA., fig. 41. 6 The practice of collecting stones and symbols of divinity is an ancient custom, many of the village gods and goddesses are upto this date placed under trees which shall in the worship paid to the godlings underneath. See the Age of Imperial Unity, p. 474. See the section on Ayagapatas. Also see, Le culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, par Odette Viennot (Paris, 1954), pl. XII, figs. B,C. I have

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70 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Sanci. The simple practice observed also on Harappa sealings, continued even after the beginning of the Christian era, but at some early period, a stage was also evolved in which, below the trees these platforms and objects of worship were placed. This stage came in much earlier than the age of Bharhut and must have existed even before that of Mahavira who stayed in the yaksayatana described above. Fig. 67 is an interesting relief, of Sunga age, from Mathura, showing a huge Siva-linga under a tree, both enclosed in a railing, The description of the Asoka tree in the Aupapatika is remarkable for two reasons. Firstly, because we get here a stage in Yaksa-worship to which the Caitya-vsksas are intimately allied. Here possibly the tree itself with the Sila-patta under it is the Yaksayatana as in the case of Suciloma Jataka (Samyutta Nikaya, 11-5 ) where a tankite manco is stated to be the Yakkha's haunt (bhavanam) In that case the Asoka tree itself, the Caitya-vrksa, is the Caitya of Purnabhadra in our passage. It seems that the carving of, a figure f.of the yaksa) on the Sila-patta or of installing a sculpture of the deity was a later stage, but it must be rernembered that even this stage might have existed in the age of Mahavira if the shrine of Moggara pani yaksa at Rajagrha referred to in the Jaina Canon, can be regarded as dating from the age of Mahavira, Since the Purnabhadra shrine was already ciratita in the age of Mahavira, the interpretation offered above is not incompatible. The second noteworthy fact about this passage is its description of the Sila-patta, a critical study of which supports the views stated above. This is possibly the first known literary evidence of what is well known as the Mauryan Polish if the Sila-patta is regarded as a stone-plaque, and of the N. B. P. ware if the Prthvi-Sila Patta is regarded as a terracotta-plaque (Prthvi-clay, and Sila-Patta being a rudha word for such votive slabs ). I am not inclined to take it as a stone-plaque dedicated to the Mother-Goddess Psthvi for the simple reason that the passage must refer to the worship of the yaksa Purnabhadra rather than to that of the Mother-goddess. The plaque was highly polished, shining like a mirror and the surface was soft to touch like cotton or butter. It was besides painted and inlaid with pearls. It is now well known that the so called Northern Block Polished Ware is obtained in different colours and not only in black. Our text seems to speak of at least three colours, black, bluish and green for though the patta is called klsna, the upamas given include those of the nilot pala and the marakata not utilised the evidence of this work in these lectures delivered before the work could be available. But the work is an important contribution on the Cult of the Tree in ancient India. 1 cf. Odette Viennot, Le Culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, pl. VIII Fig. D, from Amaravati Stupa.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 71 stone. The final editors of the text in the fifth century A.D. could not fully understand the older text as by that time the original specimens were lost and the editors were possibly confused. The plaque had either paintings or reliefs of animals, creepers etc. That it was a polished plaque, shining and reflecting like a mirror, is further suggested by the vacanantara which calls it rupakapratirupa-darsaniya, Recent excavations at Kusambi and Vaisali has shown that this beautiful polished ware was, available in different colours and sometimes painted also. The centre of this technique, or place of its origin is not known, but it seems that it was Magadha. Excavations at Kausambi have shown the existence of this polished ware in pre-Mauryan layers, just below the foundations of the Ghositarama, and hence we have little hesitation in holding that the Jaina varnaka of the Psthvi Silapatta and the Purnabhadra Ceitya is based upon genuine ancient traditions referring to an age antedating Mahavira. The description of the Asoka tree is based on a very early tradition having its analogy in the reliefs at Bharhut. A still lower circular or square open platform all round the tree, should have existed, for the worshippers to stand on, or sit in meditation or circumambulate round the tree as is suggested by fig. 32 of Barua's Bharhut Vol. III. Another stage in the worship of a Caitya tree can be easily imagined in the erection of a pitha with silapattal on each of the four sides of a tree. This served as the fundamental conception of the early Caitya, open on four sides, Caturmukha shrine. This inference is confirmed by the elaborate account of Caitya-vrksas in the Samavasarana of Adinatha described by Jinasena in his Adipurana. They are called Caitya-vsksas, because at their roots are placed on four sides, four images (caityas) of the Jinas. 2 The Caitya-trees of the Bhavanavasi gods are described in a similar way 1 Cf. Le culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, Pl. XII, figs. A, E, F, Pl. XIII, figs. A, B, C, D, PI. XIV, fig. A. 2 Adipurana, 22. 184-204, Vol. I, pp. 524-27: dhvajAMzukaparAmRSTAnirmeghadhanapaddhatiH // 163 // xxmUrdhA chatratrayaM bibhranmuktAlambanabhUSitam / vibhostribhuvanaizvarya vinA vAceva darzayan // 164 // bhejire budhnabhAge'sya pratimA dikctussttye| jinezvarANAmindrAya : samavAptAbhiSecanAH // 165 // xx caityAdhiSThitabudhratvAdUDhatannAmarUr3hayaH / zAkhino'mI vibhAnti sma surendra : prAptapUjanAH // 201 //

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72 STUDIES IN JAINA ART by the Tiloyapannatti. It confirms the belief that at some stage elaborate lower platforms were erected all round the tree, a practice which is seen even. to-day in Indian towns and villages, Before proceeding to the examination of Jaina lists of Caitya-vrksas and the conception behind them, it must be remembered that this tree-worship, popular in ancient times, noticed in the Vedas, formed an important part of the religious beliefs and practices of the masses with whom the Buddha or the Jina was mainly concerned in his opposition to the Vedic priestly class and its rituals, The spirits dwelling in the trees were Nagas, Yaksas or Gandharvas etc., 2 easily approachable without the help of complex sacrificial details. It is such Caityas, with udyanas having Caitya-trees in them, that Mahavira is generally reported to have stayed in during his wanderings, before and after becoming a Tirthankara, obviously because firstly the area was accessible to all types of people and ascetics, secondly because it was the best place for propagation of one's school of thought. People used to sit in worship under such trees and in such moments Buddha and Mahavira obtained Enlightenment. Rhys Davids notes, "while in all the oldest accounts of Gotama's attainment of Buddha-hood there is no mention of the tree under which he was sitting at the time, yet already in a Suttanta it is incidentally mentioned that this event. took place under a Pippala tree." This practice of meditating under trees, is what Buddha seems to have appealed to, as suggested by Rhy Davids, when at the end of some earnest dialogue he used to close it with an appeal: "Here are the trees: Think this matter out." Thus the belief that Buddha obtained enlightenment under a Pippala tree, or that Mahavira obtained it under a Sala tree may be based on facts, and when lists of other Buddhas or 1 cf. chobhUmuharuMdA codANi pIDANi / pIDhovari bahumajme rammA cehanti tadumA // 33 // xxttAdittA paMDAnAlAdiramaNijA // 36 // 2 affezdu du gefanai asanamangar | jIvappattilayANaM hoti nimittAsi te khiyamA // 37 // cettatarUNaM mUle pattakaM caudisAsu paMceva / ceti jiNapaDimA paliyaMkaThiyA surehiM mahaNijA // 38 // caDatoraNAmirAmA aTTamahAmaMgalehi sohillA | vararayaNaNimmidehiM mANatthammehi arammA // 36 // -Tiloyapannatli, 3. 33-39, Vol. I, p. 115. See also, Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 232. Cf. Bhagavati satra, 3.2, su. 144 which describes Mahavira as meditating under a tree on a Prthvisilapatta. * Buddhist India, pp. 230-31.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 73 Tirthankaras grew, their Caitya-trees were also recorded by both the sects. But since the Buddha was not represented in human form in early Bud. dhist worship, the Bodhi-tree attained greater importance in Buddhist art, while the Jainas were more or less satisfied only with recording of the list of Caitya-trees of different Jinas and by giving them only secondary importance in art. The Caitya-tree, possibly on account of its age-long existence as an object of worship, had to be introduced on a relief sculpture of a Jina, by showing its foliage above his head. The introduction of the Caitya-tree was especially due to the possible appeal it made to the masses with whom worship of trees was so popular. The Jainas as well as the Buddhists gave a new meaning to the Tree-Worship. They were the trees under which their leaders obtained Enlightenment, 1 and were worshipped or represented on this account, and not because particular spirits or godlings were associated with them. It helped them to override the Tree-cult and along with it the cults of Nagas, Yaksas, Bhutas, Gandharvas and others. The Jina-image was placed under a tree and worshipped. With the growth of shrines, the practice died out amongst the Jainas. That the Caitya tree was given importance due to Tree-cult of the masses is best illustrated from a type of Tirthankara images from the South where the Jina sits under a big tree, his figure seated on a pitha and almost all other pratiharyas either eliminated or very much subdued (cf. fig. 72 from Kalugumalai Tinnevelley district. Also cf. fig. 73 from Pascasara temple, Patan, N. Gujarat and fig. 75 from a Jaina shrine, Surat). Viewed in this light, the cosmographical accounts of both the Jaina sects, describing Caitya vsksas in the palaces of different gods, would be rem garded as reminiscent of the earlier forms of Jaina worship. It may incidentally be noted that these gods, Saudharmendra and others are similarly reported to be worshipping the bones of the Jinas, placed in dimond-boxes on high positions. This fact also is a record of the earlier stage of Jaina worship, The earliest reference to the Caitya tree of Mahavira is perhaps the account of Mahavira's life in the Acaranga sutra, book II * which is regarded as later in age than the book I. The Kalpa sutra which speaks of all the twenty-four Tirthankaras, but gives details of lives of only four-Rsabha, Mahavira, Parsva and Nemi-and only mentions the age of others, does not note the Caitya trees of these remaining twenty Jinas. The Samavayanga sutra which, though it incorporates much earlier material, is a later compilation, it gives lists 1 cf. : i forat a TEFT C har garai adhastaroryasya sa caityavRkSanAmnA prasiddho jinazAsane'tra / An old verse, quoted by Caturvijaya in Ekavimsatisthanaka-prakarana, comm. pp. 28 ff. Acaranga Sutra, SBE, Vol. XXII p. 201.

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74 STUDIES IN JAINA ART of Tirthankaras of Past, Present and Future, as also of Tirthankaras of Air? vata ksetra, and also records a list of Caitya-trees of all the twenty-four Tirthankaras of this age in the Bharata ksetra. The list being common to both the Jaina sects was evolved at least before the Digambara-Svetam bara partition regarding acknowledgement of canons and whatever difference is visible in the Tiloyapannatti list is only due to some early error of scribes. 2 A list of Caitya-trees of the various Jinas is appended at the end of this discussion. With the evolution of lanchanas or recognising symbols for the Tirthankaras, Caitya-trees have lost much of their value in identifying sculptures of Tirthankaras. Jain Puranas generally give identical lists for the trees under which these Jinas took their diksas. It seems that the Jainas have assigned the spirits connected with this ancient tree-worship to the class of Vyantara gods. The Vyantaras are subdivided into eight groups--Pisacas, Bhutas, Yaksas, Raksasas, Kinnaras, Kimpurusas, Mahoragas (Nagas) and Gandharvas. Each group has on its crest the symbol of a tree in the following order :-Kadamba, Sulasa, Vata, Khatvanga, Asoka, Campaka, Naga and the Tumburu tree, according to the Svetambara traditions. The Digambara lists replace the Khatvanga (of Raksasas ) for the Badari tree? Khatvanga alone in the Sve. list is not a tree, and it seems that the Digambaras were more faithful in recording this tradition or possibly, the Raksasas were originally not tree spirits. The Sthananga" gives the Caitya-tree worshipped by each of the ten classes of Bhavanvasi gods; a different list is supplied by the Tiloyapannatti. This only signifies the association of Caitya-tree or tree-cult with the area of Jaina shrines. Ambika Yaksi, the first Sasanadevata introduced in Jaina worship, sits under a mango-tree which is reminiscent of the early association of Yaksaworship with the tree.cult. Sometimes older ideas wonderfully persist or are revived even at a very late age, and it may be said that even the most ancient superstitions or cults do not totally die away. In the mediaeval period, in 1 Samvayanga sutra, sa, 159, p. 152; also Jivajivabhigama sutra, su. 127, p. 225 and su. 142, p. 251 for Caitya trees. 2 Ramacandran's table is unfortunately incorrect. Ramacandran, op. cit., pp. 192 ff. For Digambara lists, see Pralisthasaroddhara, 4.106, p. Ior, Tiloyapannatti, 4-916-918, Vol. I, p. 264. 3 For lists of both traditions with sources, see Kirfel, Die Kosmographie der Inder, pp. 273ff. 4 Sthananga sutra, 10.3. sutra 766, Vol. II. p. 487. The commentator says that these were worshipped near the Siddhayatanas. 5 Tiloyapannatti, 3.136, Vol. I, p. 128.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 75 Eastern India, we have a few reliefs of Ganesa standing or dancing under the spread arch of a mango treel. Ganesa's original connections with Yaksa worship are wellknown and this is reminiscent of it. All attempts to obtain literary evidence for this association of Ganesa with mango tree have so far failed. Along with the conception of Caitya-trees may be noted the conceptions of Tree of Life and the Wish-Fulfilling Trees (Kalpa-druma) in Brahmanical and Buddhist texts. The Jaina texts also speak of ten Kalpa-drumas. These are described in details in the Jambudvipaprajnapti.3 Hemacandra in his Trisastisalakapurusa-Caritra (1. 1. vv. 226-37) describes the ten kinds of Kalpa trees in the Uttarakurus as follows:-"The ten kinds of wishing trees, Madyangas, etc, always give to the people whatever they desire without effort on their part, Among these, the Madyangas give wine, the Bhrngas dishes, the Turyangas choice musical instruments...... The Dipasikhas and Jyotiskas give a wonderful light, the Citrangas furnish wreaths, and the Citrarasas in turn food. Manyangas furnish ornaments, the Gehakaras houses, and the Anangas various kinds of divine apparel." 4 1 For illustrations see, Banerji, R. D., Eastern School of Mediaeval Indian Sculpture, and History of Bengal, Vol. I. 2 Esp. see, Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography. 3 Jambudvipaprajnapli, 20. p. 99 ff. See also Pravacana-saroddhara, 1067-70, p. 314, Harivamsa of Jinasena, Vol. I, pp. 146-147. 4 Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, Vol. I (G.O. Series), transl. by H. Johnson, PP. 29-30.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART Caitya-Trees. No. Tirthankara Svetambara Digambara I 2 Rsabhanatha Ajitanatha Sambhavanatha Abhirandana Sumatinatha Padmaprabha Suparsvanatha Candraprabha Puspadanta (Suvidhi) Sitalanatha Sreyamsanatha Vasupujya Vimalanatha Anantanatha Dharmanatha Santinatha Kunthunatha Aranatha Mallinatha Munisuvrata Nyagrodha same Saptaparna Sala ( Shorea Robusta) Piyaka or Priyaka Sarala Priyangu (Panicum italicum) same Chaturabha (Anethum sowa ) Priyangu Sirisa ( Acacin sirisha) same Naga same Mali Aksa Pilankhu Dhuli Tinduga Palasa Pataia (Bignomia suaveolens) Tenduva Jambu (Engenia jambolana) Patala- Jambu Asvattha Same Dadhiparna Nandi ( Cedrela toong) Tilaka AmraAsoka Campaka ( Michelia Champaka) Bakula (Mimusops elengi) Vetasa Mesasonga Dhataki (Grislea to tomentosa ) Dhava Sala. Same 19 20 22 23 Naminatha Neminatha Parsvanatha 24 Mahavira

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4. AYAGAPATAS Ayagapatas or Tablets of Homage, mainly obtained from different sites at Mathura offer an interesting study. Most of these Ayaga patas are assignable to the later phase of the Sunga art and some of them belong to the period of transition to the Kusana art. The significance and use of these tablets of homage is discussed along with Caitya trees. Here a short account of each of them will be given. Tablet I. Gift of an inhabitant of Mathura. (Fig. 14) The Ayagapata (No. J. 248, Lucknow Museum, size 2'-10" sq. ), set by an inhabitant of Mathura! according to the partly preserved inscription at its lower rim, though partly mutilated from the right corner, is a beautiful specimen of art assignable to c. 100-50 B.C., obtained from the Karkali Tila, Mathura. It shows in the centre, a sixteen-spoked wheel enclosed in another circle with band of tilaka-ratnas inside. This circle is followed by a bigger circle made up of eight ladies represented like flying-gandharvas, and carrying flowers. The broad band or rim of this big circle is made up of a twisted rope interspersed with rosettes. This Wheel is supported by Suparna dwarfs, half human, represented in the four corners of the square which encloses the Big Wheel. The four sides of this square have broad borders or panels, with svastika on the left upper and right lower corners, and another composite symbol made of four tilakaratnas, with the circular base common to each. The fourth end of the pata is lost. Below, on the lower border is an inverted tilakaratna in the centre having on two sides half human mythical flying animals, ane male and the other female. A corresponding panel existed on each side with similar animals; in the centre of the panel on the left end is seen the Srivatsa symbol. Certainly the Wheel cannot represent the Jaina Conception of Time with six aras of Utsarpini and six more of the Avasarpini, since our wheel has sixteen spokes. The only alternative left is to regard it as the Dharmacakra, or Wheel of Law. Tablet II. Set up by the Wife of Sivaghosaka. (Fig. 12) This tablet is badly defaced on the right lower and upper ends, but the carving is easily understood. In the middle of this square tablet (J. 253 1 Smith, Jaina Stupa, PI. VIII, p. 15; Agrawala, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 4; Buhler, Ep. Ind. II, pp. 200, 313. Namo Arahato Mahavirasa Mathuraka Lavadasa (sa) bhayaye va......taye (ayagapato )

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78 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Lucknow Museum ; size 3'-I" X 2' - 10" from Mathura) is a big circle having four tilaka-ratnas facing each of the four sides and arranged in a composite way, with the lower circle, common to each of them. This lower half of the tilaka-ratna being a circle, is utilised for the representation of a Jina in the centre, with a naked monk (a ganadhara) standing on each side. The Jina sits on a raised dias, probably in the arddha-padmasana, and in dhyana mudra. He is protected by a seven-headed cobra over his head, above the snake-hoods is an umbrella with tassels of garlands issuing out of it. The Jina probably represents Parsvanatha attended by two naked ganadharas. The padma-lata in the broad band of the bigger circle and the wine-creeper on the right lower end of the square-tablet may be noted. The right lower corner of the tablet shows a symbol (mahapundarika ?), the left lower shows a lion sitting on his legs, the left upper shows an elephant and the right upper corner shows two winged mythical lions. The characters of the inscription on the lower border of the pata, partly peeled off, are engraved, according to Smith, in "an archaic type prior to the Kusana era." Set up by one Sivaghosaka, the tablet should be regarded as a specimen of the Sunga art, assignable to the first half of the first century B.C. Tablet III, of Arayavati set up by Amohini (Fig. 14 A) This fine votive tablet, set up by Amohini in the year 42 or 72 of the reign of Mahak satrapa Sodasa, is, as Smith has shown, "essentially an Ayagapata, though not so called," but expressly said to have been meant " for the worship of the Arhata" (Arahata pujaye) like the other Ayagapatas. The inscription 2 on the top of the sculpture begins with an adoration to Smith, Jaina Stupa, Pl. X, p. 17; Ep. Ind., II. No 31. The inscription is read as Namo Arahantana Sivagho ( saka) sa bhari (ya)--na 2 Smith, Jaina Stupa pl. XIV. p. 21; Agrawal, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 14, fig. 1. Bachhofer, Early Indian Sculpture, pl. 74; Ep. Ind. II., P 199. Year 42nd of Sodasa would, according to the chronology adopted in the Age of Imperial Unity, be 27 A. D., which would not suit the style. Luders reads 72 instead of 42, cf. Ep. Ind. II. No. 2. Rapson, The Date of Amohini Votive Tablet of Mathura, Indian Studies in honour of Charcles Lannman, pp. 49-52, reads 42. J. E. Van Lohuizen-De Leeuw, "The Scythian Period," pp. 65-72, has discussed again the characters for 70 and 40 and shown that the tablet gives a date 72. According to her theory, which appears to be a plausible one, it is dated in the old Saka era of 129 B. C., which would give a date, 57 B. C, for this Tablet. She however offers a different explanation of Aryavati-AyapataAyagapata, ibid, p. 147, which explanation, however, is not acceptable to us. It must be remembered that the Kyavati occurs in l. 3 and aryavati in l. 4,

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM Vardhamana. The Ayavati or (Aryavati or Aryavati) set up by Amohini, naturally refers to the Royal lady represented standing in bold relief in the centre (of the tablet), dressed elegantly and standing with the right hand held as if in the abhaya pose and with left one akimbo. A male attendant to her right holds an umbrella over her head. A female attendant with a garland stands on the right near the much defaced pillar. Between the Aryavati and the umbrella bearer is a small figure of a boy (or a girl) with folded hands. On the left of the lady is a female waving the flywhisk. Obviously, the figure represents a royal lady, (not a nun) and one who deserved adoration and worship. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that she is the mother of a Jina, probably of Vardhamana, invoked in ths beginning of the inscription. The garlands hanging, in the background remind one of such hanging from the Kalpa trees in the Bharhut railings. 79 Tablet IV. Set up by Sivayasas. (Fig. 7) This is an interesting tablet, which, though mutilated gives a partial view of the Jaina Stupa with the torana gateway and railing round the circumambulatory passnge, reached by a flight of steps. The characters of the inscription below the railing are, according to Smith, "little more archaic than those of Dhanabhuti's inscriptions on the gateway of the Bharhut stupa, dated in the reign of the Sungas, or about 150 B. C." They seem to de somewhat later, and Buhler, admitting that they are archaic' adds that they "belong to the period before Kapiska." The tablet may be roughly assigned to the early first century B. C. Tablet V. Set up by Sihanadika. (Fig. 13) A Jina sits in padmasana, dhyana mudra, with a chhatra above head, in the central circle of the four composite tilaka-ratnas (same as tri-ratnas of Buddhist terminology). The upper-most panel of the tablet shows, in the central section, a pair of fish, a heavenly car, a Srivatsa mark and a powderbox. In the corresponding part of the panel at the lower end are shown, a tilakaratna, a full blown lotus, a symbol which Dr. Agrawal recognises as Indrayasti or Vaijayanti and a mangala-kalasa (auspicious vase). These eight symbols are the oldest known representations of the astamangalas of Jaina traditions. 2 which shows that this ayavati (ayagapata) was installed and that it was a Tablet of (representing) Aryavati. The Stupa is discussed separately under the section of Stupa-worship. Also see, Smith, Jaina Stapa, pl. XII, pp. 3 and 19; Buhler, Ep. Ind. IV. p. 196. Agrawala, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 2, fig. 5. and his g p. 120. Smith, Jaina Stupa, pl. VII, p. 14.

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80 STUDIES IN JAINA ART This Ayaga pata (J. 249, Lucknow Museum, size 2' X 1'- 11) is assignable to a period not later than I A.D., and is noteworthy for the typical pillars in the Persian-Achemenian style surmounted by the Dharma-cakra and the elephant capitals. Tablet VI. Set up by Sivamitra. This tablet is noteworthy for its inscription which shows that it was set up by Sivamitra of Kausika family, wife of Gotiputra (Gautamiputra), a black serpent to the Pothayas and Sakas. According to Smith, the inscription isincised in "archaic characters, apparently anterior to the Kusana period."). The tablet is recovered in only a fragment which shows the leg of the crossed-stand of the type of object shown in the row of auspicious objects on the tablet of Sihanadika discussed above. The object looks like a representation of sthapanacarya, or sthapana, and is identified as Indrayasti or Vaijayanti by Dr. Agrawal. It also had a pair of fishes of which one is still visible. This further confirms the inference drawn here that the ayagapatas generally represented one or more of the Jaina (eight) auspicious object or symbols. The tablet is very important in another way. According to the Panca. Kalpa-Bhasya and Panca-Kalpa.Curni ( both in mss. ), a Satavahana king asked a question to the famous Kalakacarya (well versed in Nimittasastra ) about Mathura. He asked when Mathura will fall or whether it will fall or not. This tablet speaks of a Gautamiputra defeating Sakas and Pothayas. Was he the Satavahana who put the question ?_especially when we find his queen setting up a tablet at Mathura and describing Gotiputra 'as a "Black Serpent to the Sakas etc." Tablet VII. Set up by Lonasobhika. (Fig. 14B) This tablet of homage Q. 2; Mathura Museum, (2-4" X I'-9") is especially noteworthy as it is carved with a complete Stupa, reached by a flight of steps, and flanked by two pillars in the Persepolitan style. According 1 Smith, op. cit., pl. XIII. p. 20; Ep. Ind., I, op. cit., inscr, no. 33. The Pothayas, mentioned along with the Sakas, is interesting. Probably it is a corrupt prakrit for the Parthians. And was he the Vikrama who defeated the Sakas and started the era of 57 B.C.? 3 Agrawala, Catalogue of the Mathura Museum, JUPHS., Vol. XXIII, Pts. 1-2, pp. 69 ff. Smith, Jaina Stupa, pl. CIII. p. 61; Smith, History of Fine Art, (2nd ed.), p. 40, pl. 15 B; Coomaraswamy, HIIA, pl. 19, p. 72, Vogel, La Sculpture de Mathura, p. 93, pl. V b; Bachhofer, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 58, Vol. II. pl, 91.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 81 to the new reading of Dr. Agrawal it was set up by Vasu, the daughter of a courtesan Lonasobhika, who also erected a shrine of the Arhats, a hall of homage (ayagasabha.), a cistern, (and) a stone-slab ( Silapalo) at the sanctuary of the Nirgrantha Arhats." The inscription now throws new light in as much as the slab is called a "Sila pato". Silapata is also nientioned in the stock-description of a caitya obtained in the Aupapatika-sutra. One would naturally be tempted to identify the Silk-pata' of the Jaina texts with the Ayaga-pata of some of the inscriptions. All such patas are dedicated with a common expression " Arbata-pujaye" (Dr. Agrawala's translation of " arhatapujaye" as "in honour of the Arhats" is better than of the older ones) and the tablet under discussion, set up by Vasu, though called a "Sila-pata " is obviously also an ayaga pata. The pata is assignable to the Kusana period both from the evidence of the script and from the art of the carvings.? Tablet VIII. Set up by an unknown donor. (Fig. II) The tablets is noteworthy for the following reason : Tablet I is meant for the worship of the Dharma-cakra; Tablet II for that of the tri-ratna (jnana-darsana-caritra, the fundamentals of the Jaina religious practice, or the teaching of the Jina shown in the centre), Tablets VII and IV are for the worship of the Stupa. This Tablet (J. 250 Lucknow Museum, size 3' X 2.8") is possibly for the worship of the eight auspicious symbols, suggested by a big ornamental svastika, enclosed in a big circle, and with a small svastika, a Silvatsa, a pair of fish, and a bhadrasana (or Indrayasti?) shown in its four Arms. In the centre of the big svastika, is another circle, a miniature of the main circle of Tablet II, showing the Jina and the tri-ratnas. The circle round the big svastika shows male and female worshippers of the figures of a Jina, a Caltya-tree enclosed in a square railing, A stopa and another object (badly damaged) represented on four sides in the rim of the elrele, The pedestal of The ingcription, as read by Dr. Agrawala, JU PHS., XXIII. pp. 69-70, I Namo Arahato Vardhamanasa Ardye gapika 3 ye Lanafobhikaye dhitu samanasayikaye 3 Nadaye gagikaye Vasu ( ye ) Arahale devik(u)la 4 ayaga-sabha prapa SH ( A ) pato patisthapite Nigatha SS Mam Arahatayatane sa(ha)m(a) tare bhaginiye dkitars putreya 6 sarvona ea parijanena Arahata pajaye Smith and Codrington, History of Fine Art, p. 40. It is more likely that this pata dates from a period between 1 and 78 A,D, Smith, Jaina Slapa, pl. IX, p. 16. The inscription on this tablet is highly defaced. Also see Ep. Ind. II. pl. I b, pp. 311-313. + Of all the Ayagapatas this is the most important one as it represents in one plaque all the fundamentals of Jaina worship of this age, Its latest date would be e, I A.D.

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82 STUDIES IN JAINA ART the pata shows in the centre a highly defaced inscription and partly defaced eight auspicious symbols, out of which the water-jar, the lotus, the tri-ratna the srivatsa, and the svastika can be recognised easily. Taulet IX. Set up by the wife of Bhadranandi. (Fig. 10) This tablet (J. 252, Lucknow Museum, Size 2-7" X 2'-31") set up by Acala (according to Buhler; Agota, according to Smith) may be compared with Tablet No. II set up by Sivaghosaka discussed above. The theme of a central Jina, in the circle of the composite four tri-ratnas is common to both, The panel at the bottom showed all the eight auspicious symbols (the one on the right end being partly mutilated ). The pillar on each end of the Tablets is noteworthy. The inscription is carved in characters of the Kusana period. A few more fragments of such Ayaga patas are preserved in the Curzon Museum, Mathura, one of which (No. 1603 of the Museum ) shows a Stupa in the central medallion. Another fragment (No. 2313 ), with an inscription on the reverse reading Silapato Arahata-pu......, shows, on the observe, Asokafoliage which suggests that this was meant for the worship of the Caitya tree. 3 The expression "Silapato" used for the Tablet (ayagapata ) is noteworthy. The above analysis has helped us to find out a chief characteristic of the worship of the Ayaga patas. Just as each icon represents a particular deity, (e. g. one or the other of the twenty-four Jinas ), each Ayaga pata, too, represents one particular object venerated by the Jainas, namely, the stupa, the dharma.cakra, the tri-ratna, the astamangalas" (one would also expect a Tablet 1 Smith, Jaina Stupa, pl. XI, p. 18, Buhler. Ep. Ind. Vol. II, no. 32 p. 207. Agrawala, Guide to Lucknow Museum. 2 The inscription reads :I Namo Arahantanam ( mala )....nasa dhitu Bhadrayasasa vadhuye Bhadranadisa bhayaye 2 A(cala )ye a( ya)gapato pratithupito Arahatapujaye. 3 Agrawala, Catalogue of the Mathura Museum, JUPHS. XXIII, p. 71, Fragments Nos. 569, 1603, 2313, 2563. Another new fragment (No. 3496 ) is described by K. I). Bajpai, JUPHS., XXI, (1948) pls. 1-2, pp. 117 ff. Fig. 1. For an Ayagapata from Kosam, discussed by Banerji, R. D, A.S.I., see, A.R., 1913-14, pp. 262 ff.; pl. LXX. - In my paper on Varddhamana-Vidya-Pata Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Arts, Vol. IX ( 1941 ), I suggested that Balipattas referred to by Hemacandra correspond to the earlier Ayagapatas. Hemacandra, describing a Samavasarana writes: "The arches were adorned with flags and white umbrellas and eight auspicious symbols below, looked like those on offering slabs (Bali-pattas )." Trisasti, I. 3.42239.

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83 SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM with a big Mangala-Kalasa, like Tablet VIII showing the Svastika), the Caitya-Vrksa, as also the Mother of the Jina, and the Jina himself. This worship of Silapatas was extended to monks of repute as can be seen from a Tablet representing a monk Kanha Samana, illustrated by Smith, Jaina Stupa, Pl. XVII. no. 21. According to the Aupapatika, Sila-patas Sila.patas are placed on a simhasana, under the shade of the Asoka-tree in the garden (vana-khanda) of a Caitya. They are beautiful in appearance with representations of wolves, bulls, horses, nara-makaras (half-human crocodiles), birds, kinnaras rurus and of creepers like the vanalata, padma.lata etc. They are (sometimes) of an octagonal shape. Abhayadeva Suri, the commentator, notes a Sanskrit-version of another reading of this text, in which it is said that the patta is beautiful to look at on account of its rapaka (images, designs, relief- representations) and prati-rapaka (?) and shining with an ornamental net-work of pearls. attached on all sides. With the help of Dr. Agrawala's reading of the inscription on the Tablet set up by Vasu, if the Ayagapata is identified with a Silapata, then, we must accept-and it appears more probable-that these Tablets of Homage were probably not meant for the interior of a shrine. (ie. the sanctum) but were assigned a special position under a Caityatree as is suggested by reliefs from Bharhut. Worship of Trees being very old, it is but natural to suppose that worship of some sort of Tabletsrepresentations, clay models etc., under Caitya-trees was an ancient practice which, when adopted by the Jainas, took the form of worship of the beautiful Ayagapatas. That these Ayagapatas are the Silapatas of Jaina canons is further confirmed by the fragment of a Tablet No. 2313 in the Mathura Mussum. It is interesting to note that Inscr. No. 18 of Buhler, New Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura, Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 390, speaks of a Sila-patta installed in a spot sacred to the Dadhikarpa-Naga, which shows that the practice of installing such Silapattas was not confined to the Jainas alone, and had its origin in the ancient Yaksha-Naga Cult. The "Aryaka" or "Ayaka' patas from the Buddhist sites of Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda can now be regarded as deriv. ed (like the Jaina Ayagapatas) from the ancient Silapatas. 1 Also see, Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Vol. VIII. No. 2. pp. 64-65 paper on Arddha-phalaka-sampradaya by Sri K. P. Jaina. This Tablet is dated in the year 95, Ep. Ind. I, no. 22. See Aupapatika sulra, sutra 5, quoted above on p. 81. Aupapatika saira, pp. 10-11, see the description of Silapatta cited in the discussion on Caitya-vrksas. The description of the Purgabhadra Caitya and the Silapatta with the high polish is genuine and old and refers at least to the age of Mahavira, cf. Shah, U.P., So-called Mauryan Polish in Jaina Literature, Journal of the M. S. University of Baroda, June 1955.

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84 STUDIES IN JAINA ART It may also be noted that the Tablet No. VII (Q. 2 of Mathura Museum) installed by Vasu, also speaks of an ayagasabha. The exact meaning of this ayaga-sabha in Jaina shrines cannot be made out but it may be inferred that it corresponds to the later Pausadhasalas where a person enters upon a fast of three or more meals, and sits in meditation in order to practise certain tapa or propitiate a deity. The Ayagapatas, evolved from the earlier conception of Silapatas, may also have been worshipped in such an ayaga-sabha (or Pausadhasala) in place of a Sthapana used to-day. This does not contradict the interpretation that they were placed as Silapattas under the Caitya-trees. For, in the same inscription (on the tablet of Vasu), the tablet is called a Silapatta. Our analysis has further shown that the history of Jaina finds at Mathura dates from at least the Second Century B. C., and does not merely begin with the Kusana age. It has also shown that cultural evidence in the Jaina canons requires a fresh critical study. Cf.:-Buhler, Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura (New series). Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 198.

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5. SAMAVASARANA Samavasarana 1 literally means assemblage and refers to the Preaching Hall of a Jina, constructed by gods, where gods, men and animals assemble and take their apportioned seats to hear the sermon which a Tirthankara delivers immediately after enlightenment. The belief is common to both the sects, the Svetambaras describe it as the work of Vyantara gods at the bidding of Indra, while the Digambaras say that Indra himself was the architect (who of course erected it with the help of his attendant gods ). It is a special structure, usually an elaborate circular theatre with fortifications, for beings to sit in and listen to the discourse. The Samavasarana, primarily described as constructed for the first discourse of every Jina, is sometimes understood to have been prepared for other sermons also, or when a powerful god pays his visit to a Jina, he erects a similar special structure. 3 Detailed descriptions of such Assembly-Halls are obtained in the Jaina Puranas of both the sects, typical elaborate examples of which are available in the Trisastisalakapurusacarita (parva I) of Hemacandra, in the Svetambara tradition, and the Mahapurana of Jinasena in the Digambara tradition. 5 The Kalpa-sutra does not refer to the Samavasarana or the festival 1 First discussed by Bhandarkar, D. R. Jaina Iconography, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL (1911), pp. 125-130; 153-16r. Also, Ramacandran, T. N., Tiruparuttikunram and its temples, pp. 105 ff. ? Explained by Dhanapala as ATTI ETKI A ai Hautalica in his comm, on Sobhana, Stuticaturvimsatika, verse 94. 3 Cf. A samavasarana was erected when Mahavira visited the Vipulagiri at Rajagrha, Padmacarita, 2.102 ff. pp. 17-18. Avasyaka Niryukti, gathas 540 and 544 " Trisasti., (text), parva I, ( ed. of Caranavijaya ) sarga 3, vv. 422 ff., transl., GOS. Vol. LI, pp. 190 ff. and 334 ff. 5 Mahapurana (Adipurana), 22.76.312, pp. 515-538. Amongst other sources of both the sects, see, Avasyaka Curni, pp. 324 ff; Vasudevahindi, pp. 341, 345; Avasyaka-vrtti of Haribhadra, pp. 229 ff., Padmacarita of Ravisena, pp. 17 ff. 58 ff, Harivamsa of Jinasena, 17 ff, 652 ff., Samavasarana-stava, with avacuri of Dharmaghosa, discussed by Dr. Bhandarkar, op. cit; Samavasaranafacana-kalpa of Jinaprabha in Vividhalirthakalpa, pp. 87-88, Samavasaranastotra of Visnusena (date uncertain ), published in Siddhantasaradi-samgraha (M. D. J. Series, Bombay, No. 21, ), pp. 133-139.

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86 STUDIES IN JAINA ART celebrated by gods at the time of the Kevalajnana of Mahavira. But the Avasyaka-Niryukti does describe it, ? It may be noted that not a single representation of the Samavasarana is known from the Ayagapatas from Mathura. The elaborate conception of the samavasarana, if at all it existed in the Kusana age, has to be inferred from representations like the mutilated Torana-arch from Mathura, (now in the Lucknow Museum), fig. 16 slowing gods and men going to worship a Jina. The term samavasarana, for such an elaborate conception, seems to have originated from texts like the A upapatika, sutra 10, where Mahavira is said to have arrived at Purnabhadra Caitya near Campa, with a view to hold a congregation ( samosarium kame.)" According to Hemachandra, 5 when Rsabha cbtained Kevalajnana, Indra ordained the Vyantara gods to erect a Samavasara na. The Vayukumaras first cleaned the ground for one Yojana, the Meghakumaras then sprinkled it with fragrant water, the Vanavyantaras showered flowers on it. The Vyantara gods covered the surface of the earth with shining mosaics of gold and jewels and, in four directions, they created arches (torana) of jewels, rubies and gold, having on their tops tall puppets (Salabhanjika) with reflecting surfaces. Makara-ornaments of glistening sapphire shone on the arches, giving the impression of banners abondoned by the dying Makaraketu (Cupid .7 The arches were adorned with flags and white umbrellas above and the eight auspici. ous symbols (astamangalas--svastika, etc.) below looked like those on offeringslabs (Balipatlas ). 1 Kalpa-sutra, sutras 120.121, Jacobi's transl. SBE., p. 263. Brown says that it is implied in KS. 120-121, see p. 38 of his Miniature Paintings of the Jain Kalpa Sutra. Avasyaka-Niryukti, gathas 539-569, Avasyaka-Vytli of Haribhadra, pp. 229-235, 3 Smith and Codrington, History of Fine Arts In India And Ceylon, pl. 21 ; Buhler, Ep. Ind , Vol. II, pp. 319 ff. pl. III. * Aupapatika, su to, p. 39, cf. :-' 391 att gruasi AHRS F1A.' 6 Summarised from Trisasti, op. cit. For comparison I have quoted the Niryukti gathas at some places. 6 A Jaina Yojana=8 miles approx., See Johnson, Trisasti, parva I, pp. 192, ff. n. 452. 7 Cf. :-- 0 UTTUfari Hati Ara ar AjoaNantareNaM karenti devA vicittaM tu // 545 // veNTaTThAI surabhi jalathalayaM divvakusumaNIhArI / pairati samanteNaM dasAvaraNaM kusumavAsaM // 546 // maNikaraNagarayaNacitte cauddisiM toraNe viuvvanti / sacchattasAlabhaMjiyamayaraddhayaciMdhasaMThANe // 547 // Avasyaka Niryukti, in Arasyaka Vrtti, pp. 230-31.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 87 The Viman avasi gods made the upper-most rampart of jewels (ratna) with battlements ( kapisirsa ) of various gems. In the middle part, the Jyotiskagods made a rampart (vapra) of gold with battlements of jewels on it. The third and the outermost fortification-wall, constructed by the Bhavanapatigods, was made of silver and decorated on top with extensive battlements or coping stones of golden lotuses. Each of these walls or ramparts had four ornamental gateways (gopura j. At each gate, jars of incense were set by the Vyantara gods. Besides, at each gate, they made a tank (vapi) with golden lotuses and having four gates like the rampart of the samavasarana: To the north-east, inside the second wall, they made a dais ( devacchanda) for the Master to rest on. On both sides of the east-gate of the first rampart stood two gold-coloured Vaimanjka gods, as door-keepers. At its south.gate at the sides stood white Vyantara gods, at the west-gate two Jyotiska gods of red colour, and at the north.gate two Bhavanadhipatis black like clouds, stood as doorkeepers. At the four gates of the second wall 9, in the same order, beginning with the east, stood the goddesses Jaya, Vijaya, Ajita and Aparajita, each with one hand in the abhaya-mudra and the other three hands carrying the noose, the goad and the hammer. On the last rampart at each gate, stood a Tuinburu as door-keeper, carrying a skull.crowned club ( khatvanga ) having a garland of human skulls, and adorned with a coronet of matted hair. 4 1 Cl.:-afat a tomada de TI maNikaMcaNakavisIsagavibhUsie te viuThati // 548 // abbhantara majjha bahiM vimANajoibhavaNAhivakayA u / pAgArA tiriyA bhave rayaNe kaNage ya rAyae ya // 546 // Avasyaka Niryukti, op. cit., p. 231. 2 Cf.:- forgaga matai Hoatu CRM savvarayaNamayA cciya paDAgadhayatoraNavicittA // 550 // tatto ya samaMteNaM kaalaagruukundurukmiisenn| gaMdheNa maNahareNaM dhUvaghaDIo viuvveMti // 551 // Ibid., p. 231. 3 The distance between any two walls, as laid down by Jinaprabha, op. cit., is one gavyula and 600 dhanus. I gavyuta = 4 miles; I dhanus = 4 hastas or cubits. The thickness of a wall = 33 cubits, heights 500 cubits. For a discussion on measurements, see Kapadia, H. R., Stuti-Caturvimsatika of Sobhana, (Guj. edition) and avacuri on Samavasarana-stava of Dharmaghosa. * The Avasyaka Niryukti, and the Vasudevahindi do not refer to the door-keepers.

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88 STUDIES IN JAINA ART In the midst of the Samavasarana, a Caitya-tree was made by the Vyantaras, rising 3 Kos, 1 beneath it a platform (pitha ) with manifold jewels, on it they made a dais (Chandaka ) of gems. In the centre of it, to the east was placed a jewelled lion-throne with foot-stool. Above the throne shone the white triple-umbrella, on both sides Yaksas held two white fly-whisks. At the gate of the Samavasarana, they placed, on a golden lotus, the dharma.cakra of remarkable light. 2 Gods use nine lotuses in turn for the Master to walk on while reaching the congregation. Entering the Samavasarana by the east.gate, the Jina makes pradaksina of the Caitya-tree and bowing to the congregation (tirtha) takes his seat on the lion-throne. Vyantara gods make three life-like images of the Lord and place them in the other three directions so that everyone in the assembly finds himself facing the Lord. Behind the Jina appears the resplendent halo (bhamandala ), a drum is sounded in the skies ( devadundubhi ), and a jewelled banner blazes in front of the Lord. 1 Kos - 1 of a Yojana. Johnson, op. cit., p. 192, n. 452. Ct. :-39fgerunt F TU ATI tisthagarapAyamUle kareMti devA zivayamANA // 55.2 // iyatumapetachaMdaya bhAsaNabataca yAmarAbho ya / jaya prakSa karaNikareMtita bApAmatariyA // 553 // dvasyaka Niryukli, op.cit., pp. 231-32. According to later texts there is usually an Asoka-tree, but the discus. sion of heights of Asoka-trees In samavasaranas of different Jinas shows that Caltya-trees (trees of enlightenment) of different Jinas were there, above which was the Adoka tree. See, Dharmaghosa op. cit. 8 C1, CT ung time guste eft craft 9191 HITET U O P 11 444 || AcAhiNa pumbAhau tiditi paDikabagA ju daivkyaa| jaikagaNI anau vA dAhiNapucca adUmi // 556 // je se aizvahiM kayA tivichi palDivagA jiNavarasta / siM pi tappabhAvA tathANuruvaM havA hava / / 555 // Avakyaka Niryukti, op, eit, pp. 831:38, * Jipaprabha and Pharmaghase give measurements of the different parts of the Samavasarap 4, the unit for each such assembly being the hasta of the Jina for whom it is made. Since the heights of different Jinas are given in a descending order frem ist to the 84th Jina, the Samavasarana becomes smaller with each subbeeding Jina,

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 89 In the first rampart is the place for the sadhus and the sadhvis. The Vaimanika women enter by the east-gate and take their seats between these two groups, in the south-east direction. Entering by the south-gate, the women of the Bhavanavasi gods, Jyotiskas and Vyantaras stand in the southwest. Entering by the west-gate, the Bhavanapatis, Jyotiskas and Vyantaras stand in the west. Entering by the north-gate, the Kalpavasi gods, men and women, stand successively in the north-east. The animals stand inside the second wall and the animals used as conveyances in the third wall. 1 According to Jinaprabha, 1000 steps lead from the ground to the outer rampart, 5000 more from the third to the second, and 5000 from second to the first or the innermost). At each gate are erected flag-posts and jewelled arches, figures of eight auspicious marks are drawn, a full-vase ( kalas'a ) and garlands placed, small statues (pancalikas) and umbrellas decorate the gates. The samavasarana may be either circular or square, if circular, there are two wells (vapi) in each gate; if square, a well is provided in each corner. 2 A very interesting account of the Samavasarana is however provided by Jinasena in his Mahapurana.3 Indra himself is the architect of the Samavasarana, which is circular in plan with a diameter of twelve yojanas, * and made of indra-nila (blue) gems. It was surrounded by a mud-wall (dhuli-sala) of dust particles of various gems, which produced rain-bow effect with rays of different colours. On four sides were torana-dvaras (arched gateways) of golden pillars shining with makara faces having jewel garlands hung on them. Going a little inside the dhulisala, in the midst of roads (vithi ) were erected tall Mana-stambhas or pillars, made of gold, one in each direction. They stood on platforms ( pithika ) reached by a flight of 16 golden steps, and situated in the midst of a Jagati (lit, area or basement mouldings), purified by the ablution waters of the Jina, surrounded by three walls (sala ) and having four gates (gopura ). Reaching the sky, the pillars, true to their name, curbed ( stambha ) 1 Av. Nir. verses 558-560. The details regarding entrance are first given by Bhasya verses 116-119 on above. See Av. vrtti, pp. 232-234. 8 For Sve. account, also see Abhidhana Rajendra, Vol. VII. pp. 466 ff. 8 Ramachandran, op. cit. p. 105, has noted that similar accounts are also obtained in the Tamil epics Sri-Purana and the Merumandara Purana (a Tamil classic by Vamana, alias Mallisena c. 14th Cent, A.D., ed. by Prin. A. Chakravarti, Madras). His description does not strictly follow Jinasena and seems to have mainly followed either or both the Tamil works. Tiloya. pannatti, 4th adhikara, vv.717 ff, Vol. 1. p. 212 ff. is another Digambara source giving such details. 24 angulas (inches) = 1 hasta ; 4 hastas = I dhanus; 2000 dhanus = 1 kros'a ; 4 kros'a = I yojana--See Ramachandran op. cit., p. 106. n. I,

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90 STUDIES IN JAINA ART the pride (mana) of the infatuated or were so called on account of their measuring as it were of the three worlds (with their heights). Adorned with flags and bells, they looked like quarter-elephants (dik-gaja). At their bases were kept golden images of the Jinendra worshipped with waters of the Ksira-sagara, by the Indras. Accessories of worship, flowers etc., were lying over the pitbikas (platforms). Music and dancing continued incessantly before the statues of the Jina, by the side of these pillars. The pithikas were in the centre of the jagati, on these platforms were smaller platforms (pitha-) in three tiers (trimekhalam), on whose tops the pillars stood, with beautiful bases and adorned with triple-umbrellas on tops. Being erected by Indras, they are also known. as Indradhvajas. Step-wells, four in each direction, filled with pure water and shining with lotuses grown in them adorned the area near these pillars. Their flight of steps was made of gems and the embankments-surface (tatibhuvah) made of crystals. Smaller kundas (pits-ponds) on their sides were meant for washing feet. A little away from these vapis, was a moat filled with water, full of lotuses and encircling the samavasarapa area. Inside of it was also a latavana (creeper-grove) adorned with flowers, small trees and creepers, having also a kridaparvata (pleasure-hill), bowers of creepers, etc. Going a little away from it (parikha-moat) was visible the first rampart (prakara-sala), made of gold, having its top studded with rows of pearls. The fortification was at places adorned with (representations of) pairs of elephants, horses and tigers, at places with parrots, swans and peacocks, or with figures of human pairs. On its inner and outer surfaces it was shining with reliefs of the Kalpa-lata (wish-fulfilling creepers), and was resplendant all over. On four directions it (sala) was adorned with gatewayas (gopura) of silver with pinnacles (Sikhara) made of the red padmaraga gems. Each gateway was adorned with 108 mangalas like the bhrngara, kalasa, mirror etc, and 100 arches (torana) made beautiful with jewel ornaments. Near each gateway were placed the nine nidhis (treasures). On each side of the highways starting from these gateways were situated two natya-salas (theatres) for enacting dramas and performance of dance and music. Each theatre was divided into three compartments with shining walls and golden pillars. Heavenly damsels continued dance and music on the stage (ranga-bhumi).3 1 See, Adipurana of Jinasena, 22. 93-102, vol. I. pp. 515 ff. Of a triangular shape, according to the explanation offered in the Adipurana, in the Hindi translation, op. cit., pp. 515 ff. See also the discussion oncaitya, stupa, stambha' in the preceding pages. This account mainly follows Ddi-purana, parva 22, vol. I. pp. 514 ff,

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 91 At some distance inward from these theatres were placed on each side two big incense-burners (dhupa-ghata ) issuing fragrant smoke. Still further were situated on the bye-ways, on the sides of the highroads, four forest-groves of Asoka, Saptaparna, Campaka and Mango trees respectively with square or triangular step-wells ( vapi) inside where heavenly damsels take their bath. At some places were lotus-ponds, at others, krioamandapas (pavilions used as pleasure-resorts) artificial hillocks, mansions (harmya), preksa-grhas, 1 citrasalas (picture-galleries ), eka-salas and dvi-salas (single-roomed or doubleroomed buildings ), ? or big palaces (maha-prasada). There were, again rivers with beautiful sandy-beeches, green lawns ( sadvala-bhumi) and so on. In the Asola-vana, there was in the centre, (a Caitya-tree ) Asoka-tree on a threetiered golden platform ( trimekhalam pitham ) and encircled by three walls each with four gateways. Near it were mangala-dravyas like the chatra, camara, bhrugara, kalasa etc. The Caitya tree was adorned with bells and festoons, having on top a triple-umbrella with pearl-festoons. At its root were four images of the Jinendra worshipped by Indra and other gods, men and other beings. Similarly, the other three forests had saptaparna, the campaka and the mango tree respectively. At the ends of the forests were golden Vana-vedikas (dais or a shed mandapa--with seats) with tall gateways. On the gateways were hanging festoons ( jala) of bells, and wreaths (alambaka) of pearls and flowers, ornaments and astamangalas. In front of the vedikas were golden flagstaffs erected on high jewel platforms (pithika). The banners (ketana or dhvaja ) were of ten types according to the marks or symbols on them--garland, garment, peacock, figures lotus, swan, eagle, lion, bull, elephant and disc. The description shows that figures of eagles, peacocks etc, rested on the top of the staff, 3 Beyond the flagstaffs, was situated a tall rampart made of silver with gateways of silver and followed by Natyasalas etc., described above, with for. ests of kalpa-trees. In the midst of these trees were Siddhartha-trees, having images of Siddhas placed on their bases. Beyond the gopuras of these walls, was a big highway having on both sides rows of beautiful buildings erected by celestial artists. Some had single rooms, some had double apartments, some had three while others had four (one inside the other ), some had Candrasalas (terrace.rooms) or were adorned with attalikas (balconies). There were 1 Preksa-grahas are theatres etc. 2 Also Eka-sala = one-storeyed building. 3cf:--TECTETHETETT :1 7: Fa: qafaqa: atapat gay RPE II --Mahapurana, ( Adipurana ), p. 526.

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92 STUDIES IN JAINA ART besides, on these roads, Kutagaras, Sabhagrhas (Town-halls ), Preksa-gyhas (theaters). In the Kutagaras were beds for resting and excellent seats (furniture ) where Devas, Gandharvas, Siddhas, Kinnaras, Vidyadharas, and Nagakumaras used to sport, dance or sing. In the centre of each of these highways (possibly four highways, crossing each other, from the four gates ) were nine lofty Stupas (domes ) made of padmaraga gems, adorned on all sides with images of Siddhas and Arhats. The festoons and garlands of jewels (ratna-toranamalika) adorned the central portion (of the outer wall) of these domes which were surmounted by umbrellas, and decorated with flags and mangala objects. Pious souls bathed the images installed here and worshipping, praising and circumambulating them, had their hearts filled with joy. At some distance beyond these stupas and the rows of mansions, was erected another rampart of the sphatika ( crystal) gems. Other details regarding gateways etc., being same as in the first rampart, need not be repeated. On the gateways of the first ramparts, Vyantara gods stood as doorkeepers, on those of the second, the Bhavanavasis and of the third, the Kalpavasi gods, holding mace and the like weapons. In the last rampart, on the sides of the four highways there were smaller double walls, making a total of 16 such walls, extending upto to the main-central pitha. On these walls was a Sri-mandapa, a one yojana in area, from which Yaksas scattered flowers over the audience in the Assembly. On account of the supernatural powers of the Jina, all gods, men and animals could obtain sufficient accomodation in the Sri-Mandapa, even though it was only a yojan in area. In its centre was the first pithika of Vaidurya gems, having on its sides sixteen flights of sixteen steps each. On these pithikas were placed the astamangalas and yaksas stood with dharmacakras on their shoulders. On this was erected a second pithika of gold with banners in eight directions. The third pitha was made of various jewels, and of three tiers, with a dharmacakra, and a banner. On this last pitha Kubera erected a Gandhakuti ( pavilion) surpassing in beauty tbe heavenly vimanas, shining with numerous banners and pinnacles hanging pearl-festoons, and golden lattice-work. In this Gandhakuti (600 dhanus long, equally broad and a little more than 600 dhanus in height) was placed a lion-throne made of various jewels extremely elegant in appearance, lustrous and surpassing in beauty the mount Meru. On it sat the Lord on whom were scattered flowers by gods. Near the Lord was the Asoka tree, and above him were thc three white umbrellas. On his sides stood 64 Yaksas waving Aywhisks, behind him 1 Halls or buildings where people could hide themselves-according to the explanation offered by commentators. 2 Sri-Mandapa seems to be the same as Balanaka.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM shone the resplendent bhamandala (halo ). In the sky rose the sound of celestial drums beaten by gods. Descriptions in traditions of both the sects agree in broad outline, viz., a central pavilion for the Jina, placed on a big platform, and surrounded by three different fortifications each having four archways in four directions. Originally the conception of the Samavasarana seems to be circular in plan and the square plan seems to be a later conception. But it shows that the samavasarana has for its prototype the big stupa (the harmika of stupa may be compared with Gandhakuti or Devacchand-pitha for the Jina ) surrounded by a circumambulatory path with a small railing reached by a fight of steps. At a lower level or on the ground level, running around this central structure and at some distance from it is the bigger railing (a sort of rampart) with ornamental torana-gateways. Add to this a third similar rampart and we get the plan of the Samavasarana. But the more elaborate Digambara description, in the Mahapurana of Jinasena, summarised above, includes in it the various constituents of a big city and may be an ideal description of a big city-site with three fortifications, a surroundig moat, pleasure resorts, stepwells, theatres, lawns, lakes, palaces etc., and having in its centre the Royal Palace. Viewed in this light, these descriptions are of special interest as providing us with architectural data of considerable value. In Kalpa-Sutra miniatures Samayasarana is generally represented as circular and occasionally as square in plan. Brown's Pl. 23, fig. 80 shows Mahavira sitting in the padmasa na in the centre of the samavasarana, with a yaksa standing as an attendant on each side. Mahavira is not in a monk's garb, but with ornaments etc., az is often done in Svetambara worship- Four highways lead to the central Jina. The ornamental concentric bands round the Jina represent the usual fortifications. The whole is enclosed in a rectangular panel, at four corners of which are represented pairs of animals who have natural animosities, which they are supposed to give up under the spiritual atmosphere of this great congregation. Brown's figures 113, and 126 are of a similar composition, representing the samavasarana of Aristanemi and Rsabha respectively. His fig. 99 represents the second type, here a samavasarana 1 The square or circular Samavasarana has for its prototype the square or circular funeral mounds (or structures ) referred to in the Satapatha Brah. mana, or the Eduka-Aidluka of Mahabharata, Visnudharmottara and other texts. A more critical study of the detailed measurements of the Samavasaranas described in the Tiloyapannatti etc., would probably give us a plan of square or circular stupas in ancient India.

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94 STUDIES IN JAINA ART of Parsvanatha. 1 The pairs of animals are not represented. ? The fresco paintings of Sittannavasal, assigned to the Age of Mahendravarman I, contain in the ceiling, a scene of a big lotus pond with animals such as elephants and bulls, birds, and fishes frolicking about and men gathering lotus flowers, which has been identified by Ramacandran, as the Khatikabhumi or the tank region with the faithful (bhavyas ) pleasing themselves by gathering lotus-flowers. 3 The wall and ceiling paintings at Tirumalai, North Arcot district (c. IIth Cent. A. D.) also contain a representation of the samavasarana structure in the usual form of a wheel, the painting being of less artistic merit. Ramacandran has described at length the painting of a samavasarana in the Vardhamana temple at Jina-kanci, which need not be reproduced here.5 Representations of samavasaranas are available in reliefs showing lives of different Jinas, an example of it from the life of Santinatha, in a ceiling in the Vimala Vasahi, ( Abu) Bhava No. 19 is noteworthy. Loose sculptures, mostly circular, showing three ramparts, one above the other, surmounted by a square pavilion showing the Jina-sitting on each side are also obtained, a beautiful example of which from the above temple (cell. 20 ) has been discussed by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. A big sized beautifui bronze structure of a similar plan, installed in the eleventh century, brought from a shrine in Marwar and now in a Jaina shrine at Surat is illustrated here in fig. 76. Examples of such loose stone or metal sculptures and reliefs are numerous and scattered in Jaina shrines all over India. The upper part of a samavasarana, the pavilion or the Gandhakuti with the Jina facing each side has been a subject of representation by itself and receives Another miniature showing a square Samavasarana, of Mahavira, from a ms. of the Sthananga Sutra, is illustrated by Brown, A Ms. of the Sthananga Sulra illustrated in the Early W. Indian Style, New Indian Antiquary, Vol. 1, No. 2. ( May 1938) pp. 127 ff, fig. 2. For other miniatures of Samavasaranas, see Jaina Citrakalpadruma, figs. 72, 74, 244. Also, Coomaraswamy, Catalogue, Vol. IV. 3 Indian Antiquary, Vol. LI, pp. 45-7; Jaina Miniature Paintings In Il'estern India, pp. io ff, fig 1-2. 4 Ramacandran, Tiruparuttikunyam and its Temples, p. 62, n. 1, Smith & Codrington, History of l'ine Arts, p. 344. 5 Ibid., pl. XVI, painting No. 36, and pp. 104 ff. pp. 124 ff. pls. XIX ff. pp. 130 ff. pls. XXIII, XXIV, etc. 8 Abu, (Guj. ed. ), Vol. I. pp. 78 f and illustration at the end; also Bhava 15, p. 74 and plate at the end represents the life-story of some other Jina, with samavasarana in the centre. 7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, , pp. 125 ff, and plate. See Holy Abu, Figure, 21.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM worship as the Caumukha, the Pratima-sarvatobhadrika of Mathura sculptures of the Kusana age. The conception being allied to and an essential part of the Samavasarapa, it may be inferred that installation of such Caumukhas (Figs. 28, 74 and 84) in ancient times were possibly regarded as symbolic represent tions of samavasaranas. It is safer to assume that the practice of installing sculptures of this type was an old practice common to the cult of Caitya and Yaks worship and separate images were installed and worshipped or four sides of a Caitya or a pillar. Another important part of a Samavasarana, in the Digambara tradition, is the Mana-stambha (Fig. 56 from Devagadh) or Indra-dhvaja, which has been very popular amongst the Digambara Jainas, and such free-standing columns erected near a Jaina shrine, in front of it on in the courtyard of the shrine, are very numerous in the South. An early example of such columns, with 4 different Jinas in relief near the base, is the inscribed Kahaon pillar (U. P.) erected in the Gupta age. Some later examples are obtained in the Devagadh fort, and still later ones are quite numerous at Sravana-Belgola and other sites in the South. 1 Erected in A.D. 460-61, see, Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 66-68. 95

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6. SIDDHA-CAKRA OR NAVA-DEVATA The Siddha-Cakra is a very popular (tantric ) yantra (diagram) in the Jaina cult. It is constituted of the Panca-Paramesthins or The Five Supreme Ones and the four Essentials for Salvation, together forming the Nava-Pada or nine padas.' The worship of the Siddha.Cakra (Circle of the Siddhas or Sacred Ones) alias Navapada (Diagram formed of Nine Dignities?) even to day very popular in the Jaina Samgha, forms an interesting study not only on account of its antiquity but also for its importance in the Jaina theology. Amongst the Svetambaras, the diagram is more popular as Siddha-Cakra, whereas the Digambara sect worships it as Nava-Devata. There is however, some difference in the two diagrams, the Panca-Paramesthins remaining common to both. But essentially both are one, since it is the worship of these Five Supreme ones that is mainly emphasised. The Five Supreme Ones of the PancaParamesthi-mantra? are Arhat, Siddha, Acarya, Upadhyaya and Sadhu and denote the very essence of Jaina religious practice. The fo8 qualities (gunas) of these Five Supreme Ones s are to be meditated upon in this worship. In the Svetambara practice, i.e., in the worship of the Siddha-Cakra, besides the above five are worshipped the four essentials (or the four-fold religion), namely, samyak-jnana, samyak-darsana, samyak-caritra, and samyak-tapa, constituting the fourfold virtus made of the Right Knowledge, Right Faith, Right Conduct, and Right Penance. 1 Pada' is explained as Dignity. It is not any particular person (or persons) that is worshipped but the 'pada' or Dignity, i. e, merits or virtuesassociated with him. In practice however figures of the Five Paramesthins are carved or painted. 2 The Mantra is obtained in the beginning of the Bhagavati sutra, the Kalpa-sutra and in the Mahanisitha, 3rd adhyayana. Bhadra bahu has discussed the Five Padas of this mantra in his Namaskara-Nir yukti. 3 The Arhats are emancipated souls of whom the Tirthankaras establish the four-fold tirtha or the Jaina Samgha. They are said to possess 46 qualities which can be regrouped into 12; the Siddhas or emancipated souls who have left their ethereal bodies and who reside on the Siddha-Sila on top of the Universe, have 8 chief qualities; the Acaryas who are heads of the various groups of Jaina monks are endowed with 36 principal qualities; the Upadhyayas are those monks who teach scriptures and have 25 chief merits; the Sadhus are all other Jaina monks, who have 27 chief qualities besides other subsidiary ones. 4 For an explanation of these concepts see, Siri Sirivalakaha, vv. 24-34.

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98 STUDIES IN JAINA ART As they symbolise the very essence of the Jaina Faith, the Nine Padas or "the Nine Worthies of Respect" acquired great sanctity and popularity amongst the Jainas of both the sects. The Digambaras, however, differed from the Svetambaras with regard to these last four Padas. According to them, the four Padas are: the Caitya or Jina image, the Caityalaya or Jinatemple, the Dharma-Cakra or the Sacred Wheel of Law, and Sruta or the speech of the Tirthankaras represented by Jaina Scriptures, Figure 85 represents a bronze tablet of the Siddha-Cakra worshipped by the Svetambara sect. The diagram has the form of an eight-petalled lotus with the different worthies (padas) arranged as follows: The Arhat in the centre, the Siddha just above, the Acarya to his right, the Upadhyaya below the Arhat, and the Sadhu to the left of the central figure. The Namaskara-mantra or the obeissance formula to the Right Faith (Om Hrim namo damsanassa) is inserted on the petal between the Siddha and the Acarya, that of Right knowledge (om Hrim namo nanassa) between the Acarya and the Upadhyaya, that of Right conduct (om Hrim namo Carittassa) between the latter and the Sadhu, and that of Penance (Om Hrim namo tavassa) between the Sadhu and the Siddha. It will be seen that here invocations are offered to the abstract qualities but they are not worshipped as anthropomorphic deities. The Arhat and the Siddha sit in the padmasana showing the dhyana mudra; while the remaining three Paramesthins are in the same posture, they seem to carry some object in one hand with the other resting on the lap. As figures are indistinct in this bronze, it is not possible to identify the symbol held by them. But paintings of the Siddha-Cakra are common and in these, 1 each of these figures lets his left hand rest on the lap while the right one, held in the Vyakhyanamudra, carries a muha-patli ( mukhapattika) or mouth-piece. In the bronze illustrated here, the whole lotus is encircled by a beautiful design while a gargoyle is attached to the lower end so as to allow the ablution water to pass through it. It may be noted that in paintings of this diagram, each of the five Paramesthins has a particular complexion, necessary for his dhyana in the Tantric sadhana of the Siddha-Cakra.Yantra. Thus the Achat, the Siddha, the Acarya, the Upadhyaya and the Sadhu are of white, red, yellow, blue and black complexion respectively. The colour of the remaining four members of the 1 See, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. IX. (1941), fig. I on pl. facing p. 44. 2 It is a piece of cloth held in front of the mouth in order to avoid insects flying into it, thereby safeguarding against violence or himsa. Preserved in the Baroda Museum. Discussed by me in Baroda Museum Bulletin, Vol. 3, pl. I, pp. 25 ff.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 99 Nava-Pada is to be visualised, in meditation, as white according to the Nava. Pada Aradhana vidhi 1 The Digambara diagra.n of Nava-Devata is illustrated by a bronze from at temple at Jina-Kanci (fig. 77). The Digambara tantra has two more diagrams known as the Laghu-Siddha-Cakra and the Brhat-Siddha-Cakra both of which are widely different from the Nava-Devata or the Svetambara Siddha-Cakra. As they are rarely engraved on metal plates and worshipped in temples, a discussion on them is not necessary. Besides, they have no special iconographic importance. The Digambara Nava-Devata diagram forms the central eight-petalled lotus of the elaborate Pratistha-vidhi-mandala described by Nemicandra in his Pratistha.tilaka. The Nava-Devatas are also invoked in the Nitya-samdhyakriya-vidhi of the Jina-Samhita ascribed to Indranandi, the well-known Digambara Tantric of c. tenth century A. D. The Yantra-mantra-vidhi section of the Pratistha-kalpa-tippagam of Vadi Kumudacandra (c. 1275 V. S.) which mentions different Digambara yantras, also describes an elaborate 'Panca.Mandala' called Nava-Devata, the central eight-petalled lotus of which is reserved for the worship of the Five Paramesthins, the Jina-temple, the Jina-image, the Jaina scripture and the Dharma-Cakra. Obviously, the Arhat amongst these, is placed in the centre of the eight-petalled lotus. The Jina-Samhita of Ekasamdhi (c. 1250 A. D.) prescribes in the Devarcana-vidhi section, a big mandala with an eight-petalled lotus in centre, wherein are invoked the Five Paramesthins, and the symbols (?) of samyak-jnana, s-darsana, and s-caritra; tapa, however, is omitted, possibly through a copyist's mistake. The mandala contains, moreover, invocations to the goddesses of the Jaya and the Jambha groups, the sixteen Vidyadevis, the twenty-four Yaksinis and others. According to the author of this work, the mandala followed the tradition of Indranandi. Thus the central part of this elaborate diagram completely corresponds to the still existing type of the Svetambara Siddha-Cakra illustrated in our figure 85. Again, in the Pratistha-vidhi section, the same writer, following Indranandi, gives a bigger mandala including Also, Siri Sirivala-Kaha, verses 1185-1191. First published by Shri Ramacandran, T. N., Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, pl. XXXVI, fig. 2 Pratistha-tilaka, pp. 72-73. Asadhara in his Pratistha-saroddhara, p. 20, appears to suggest the same thing. Incomplete mss. of this work are available in Digambara Bhandaras. One such (No. 182-Ka) exists in Sri Ailaka Pannalal Dig. Jaina Bhandara, Bombay. In mss. No, 222/kha, Jaina Siddhanta Bhavana, Arrah,

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100 STUDIES IN JAINA ART all the above-mentioned deities and many more, and invokes the Panca-Paramesthins and the four-padas, namely, Jnana, Darsana, Caritra and Tapa, in the central eight-petalled lotus. That what the Digambaras worshipped as a Siddha-Cakra yantra, was quite different from the Svetambara one of the same name as also from the Digambara Nava-Devata, is quite evident from the des criptions of the Laghu-Siddha-Cakra and the Brhat-Siddha-Cakra yantras given by Asadhara, Ekasamdhi, and Vadi Kumudacandra. " Amongst the Svetambaras, the Nine Worthies were also the first group of deities invoked in the elaborate Nandyavarta-mandala prescribed for consecratory rites by the Acara-Dinakara (1468 V. S.). The Nirvankalika (c. 11th Century A. D.) refers to the same mandala, but in the invocation mantras tapas' or Right Penance is replaced by Suci-vidya. Hemacandra, in his Yogasastra describes a yantra with Five Paramesthins, but instead of adding the four padas noted above (Jnana, Darsana etc.), the four padas' of the Namaskara-mantra (Navakara-mantra) giving the fala-sruti are prescribed in the intervening quarters (vidik-patras of the eight-fold lotus). 8 Thus the yantra of Hemacandra, partly different from the Siddha-Cakra known today, proves that the older Nava-pada-yantra was composed simply of the various. parts of the older Navakara-mantra'. And it is interesting to note that Hemacandra dces not specify it as Siddha-Cakra. The same writer, however, refers to the Siddha-Cakra as a diagram brought to light, by Vajrasvami, from the lost Vidyanupravada-parvva text, in the early centuries of the Christian era. 9 Unfortunately, the yantra is not described in this context and the 1 3 Pratistha-Kalpa-Tippanam, Yantra-mantra-vidhi-section. (Ms.) 4 Diagram of the shape of the Nandyavarta symbol. 5 Acara-Dinakara, part 2, pp. 154. ff Nirvanakalika, pp. 16 ff, note the order PKT. verses quoted here, Yogasastra, Chp. 8, verses 33-35. 8 The original mantra known as the Panca-Paramesthi mantra is namo arihaMtANaM / namo siddhANaM / namo AyariyANaM / namo uvajjhAyANaM namo loe savyasAhU | This followed by a fala sruli in four padas (called culapadas by Hemcandra) would constitute a Nivakara-mantra. The 4 padas are:-- eso paMca nsukaaro| savvapApappAso / maMgalAraNaM ca savveMsi / paDhamaM havai maMgalaM / " jJAnavadbhiH samAmnAtaM vajrasvAmyAdibhiH sphuTam / vidyAnuvAdAtsamudrasya bIjabhUtaM zizriyaH // 74 // janmadAva hutAzasya prazAntanavavAridam / gurUpadezAdvijJAya siddhacakraM vicintayet // 75 // 6 Pratisthasaroddhara, Chp. 6, siddha-pratisthavidhi, verses 10-14. Jinasamhita, (Mss. ), Chp. 9, verses 88. 7 Yoga-sastra, 8, verses 74-75.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM IOI disciple is invited to learn it from the preceptor. Very probably, this SiddhaCakra, was based on the Panca-Paramesthi-namaskara-mantra (Pananamaskara, shortly), with or without its 'falasruti'. It seems that in the earlier stage the Siddha-Cakra diagram included the worship of the five Paramesthins only, with the darasana, jnana, caritra and tapa omitted. The fala-sruti is only for the panca-namaskara ( eso pancanamokkaro savva-papa panasano). Siddhasena, commenting upon Pravacanasaroddhara, verses 78-79 dealing with the Panca-Paramesthimantra, refers to older texts like the Namaskara-valaya, where a vyakhya (explanation) of the Panca-paramesthi-Namaskara is given. As is quite obvious, the Siddha-Cakra is none else than the Namaskara-valaya, elaborated, at a later stage, with the addition of jnana, darsana, caritra and tapa. But it is certain that the diagrain of Siddha-Cakra (possibly in its earlier form) was already well-known in the age of Hemacandra, even though no earlier reference to Siddha-Cakra-yantra could be traced in the extant Svetambara literature for he specifically refers to it as a 'samaya-prasiddhaCakra-visesa." The worship of the present type of Siddha-Cakra seems to have started at a comparatively late age in Jainism as is proved by negative archaeological evidence, since almost none of the available siddha-cakra diagrams in paintings and sculpture goes back to the pre-Mogul period, and also by the late date of the existing literary traditions eulogising the worship of this diagram. The mythic story of a King Sripala who had been famous for his devotion to the Siddha-Cakra and who is supposed to have been rewarded for his meritorious devotion to the worship of this diagram, forms the subject matter of SiriSirivala-kala of Ratnamandira gani (1362 A.D.) A Gujarati ballad known as Sripala-rasu, composed in 1738 A.D., is very popular amongst the Svetambara Jainas of modern Gujarat. Ratnamandira gani describes the Siddha-Cakra yantra in every detail. His version of the yantra however, is larger than the one commonly worshipped (as in our figure 85 ) and comprises worship of several other Jaina deities, According to the author, the presiding deity or guardian of this mystic diagram is Sri Vimalasvimi, but the Nine Padas of course form a nucleus around which other deities find a place in the yantra. We have no means to ascertain that the 1 Pravacana saroddhara. pp. 15-16. ? Commenting on the word Arhan, in the first sutra of his Sabdunusasana, he writes :-hgaheuret SATICI 9281924a I HATIAGTE *auty ARAH78 1...... Brharmyasa, -ed by Acarya Lavanya Suri, p. 3.

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102 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Siddha-Cakra' referred to by Hemacandra, aoted above, had been the same as the Siddha-Cakra later described in the Siri Sirivala-kaha of Ratnamandira gani. 1 King Sripala (Sirivala ) an ideal worshipper of the Siddha-Cakra, is said to have visited the ancient city of Surparaka or Soparaka near Bombay and 1 hapa. The place is well-known as the site of a Buddhist Stupa and as an ancient port. Some later Jaina texts and hymns do speak of a shrine of Rsabhanatha having existed here, while Vajrasvami, who is said to have re. stored the Siddha-Cakra is also known to have visited it; and four converts from the ancient port, at the hands of Vajrasena, the pupil of Vajrasvami, are wellknown as the originators of four kulas, namely, Nagendra, Candra, Nirvsti and Vidyadhara, amongst Jaina monks. Tantric texts like the "Namaskara-Valaya". (as noted above) were known to Siddhasena (1248 V. S.-1181 A. D.), the commentator of Pravacanasaroddhara. His remarks are noteworthy in as much as he says that in works of this class is given a vyakhya (commentary, discussion of the Panca-Paramesthi Namaskara. This Panca-Paramesthi-nantra is said to be the origin of all mantras.:( spells, charms), the essence of all the fourteen Parvva texts, and the wishing tree ( Kalpa-druma) for the attainment of all desired objects. Its power is great in as much as it can be used against poisons, snakes, supernatural beings like Sakini, Dakini, Yakini and the like grahas and has the powers of Vasya, Akssti, etc., over the whole world." Thus it may be inferred that the Siddha-Cakra-Yantra made up of this Panca-Paramesthi mantra was employed in the various Tantric rites-the sat. karmas, such as Santika, Paustika, Vasya, Akarsana, Mohana and Marana--at Jeast in the eleventh century A.D., i.e. in a century or two preceeding the age of Siddhasena's commentary. Originally, the Siddha-Cakra or the Namaskara. Valaya must have been employed in pure rites only, i.e. in the Santika and the Paustika. But the growing Tantric influence in India, from c. 7th century A.D. if not earlier, which resulted in the composition of various Buddhist Sadhanas, and in a similar activity in the Brahmanical Tantras, also led the Jainas pot only to elaborate their pantheon, but also to introduce a number of 1 Also called Ratnasekhara suri. He was pupil of Hematilaka suri, the pupil of Vajrasena suri of Bfhadgaccha. Siri Sirivalakana with Avacuri of Hemacandra (the pupil of Ratnasekhara, the author), is published in D.LJ. P.F., Bombay (1923 A.D.). It includes invocations to the 16 Vidyadevis, the Sasana-Suras ( 24yaksas ), the Sasana-devis (24 yaksinis ), 10 Dik-palas the Ksetrapala, the 4 Pratibaras (Kumuda, Anjana etc. ), the 4 Viras, the Guru-Padukas and so onSiri Sirivalakaha, vv. 196-207.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 103 tantric rites and practices which were originally prohibited to Jaina monks and which were against the very principles of Jainism. Later Digambara manuscripts of the Panca-Namaskara-kalpa, and Svetambara manuscripts of the Panca-Paramesthi-kalpa are still available in the different Jaina Bhandaras. This class of small tantric texts (kalpa) ca the Namaskara-mantra await a special critical study.

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7. AUSPICIOUS DREAMS.1 . When the Venerable Lord Mahavira descended into the womb of Devananda, she saw fourteen dreams. When he was transferred by Harinega mesin to the womb Ksatriyani Trisala, she saw the same set of fourteen dreams. : Whenever a Tirthankara descends from one of the heavens into the womb of his Mother she sees fourteen dreams, according to the Svetambara Jaina tradi. tions. According to Digambara traditions, however, the Mother of every Jina sees sixteen auspicious dreams at this moment. The fourteen dreams seen by Trisala, are described in detail in the Kalpasutra :-(1) A white elephant, large and beautiful, with four tusks and streaming with ichor. (2) A white bull surrounded by a diffusion of light, with a charming hump and horns greased at tips. (3) A sportive lion, whiter than pearls and beautiful, with flapping tail and protruding tongue. (4) The Goddess Sri, four. armed and carrying the lotuses adorned with various ornaments, lustrated by two celestial elephants (5) A garland of various flowers. (6) The Moon-the full-moon. (7) The red Sun. (8) A wondrous, beautiful banner, fastened to a golden staff, with a lion at the top. (9) A full-vase filled with water and lotuses, the abode of Fortune. ( 10 ) A large lake full of lotuses, swarming with bees and aquatic birds sitting beside it. (11) The Ocean of Milk, with agitated waters and full of aquatic animals. (12) The celestial palace ( devavimana ), of numer. ous columns, hung with garlands, decorated with pictures or sculptures. (13) The jewel beap-of all sorts of jewels. (14) A smokeless fire, with flame in constant moticn. 1 Belief in auspicious dreams is very old in India, cf. the Chandogya Upa. V.2.7-8__" fa fai E a fama i da : yadA karmasu kAmyeSu striyaM svapneSu pazyati / samRddhiM tatra jAnIyAttasminsvapnanidarzane // Such belief dates from pre-Mahavira epochs and the Nimitta-pathakas are said to have been called by Siddhartha to interpret the dreams seen by Trisala, the mother of Malavira. Nimittasastra was very popular with the Ajivikas from whom Kalakacarya mastered it in the rst century B.C. The Angavijja (c. 600 - A. D.) is a very inportant early Jaina text on Nimitta (based possibly on earlier texts) which is being recently edited by Muni Shri Punyavijaya. ? Kalpa-Sutra, su. 3; Jacobi's transl. (SBE), p. 219. * Kalpa-Sura, su. 31-46; Jacobi, op. cit., 229-238. For a discussion on and interpretation of some of these prognostic dreams, see, Coomaraswamy, The Conqueror's life in Jaina Paintings J.I.S.O.A., Vol. III, No. 2, (Dec, 1935), pp. 125-144.

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106 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Kalpa-Sutra miniatures show representations of these dreams, either in a group, as in Brown's figure 19, or singly as in Brown's figs. 20-33, pp. 19-22. The most common type of miniature (cf. Brown's figs. 6. 18)1 represents the mother of a Jina sleeping on a cot in the lowest panel and in the two or three panels above are shown, in different rows, smaller figures of the fourteen dreams. Representations generally confirm to the Kalpa sutra text, and only minor differences occur, e. g. the Sun may be represented authropomorphically or as a circular disc. Dreams are also represented in stone reliefs in the lives of different Tirthankaras, a photo illustrated in fig. 83 shows one such set from a Jaina shrine at Kumbharia, N. Gujarat. : A wooden panel of these fourteen dreams, illustrated here (fig. 87), is preserved in the Shri Pandya-glha at Patan, N. Gujarat. Paintings of the dreams are also obtained on wooden book-covers, 4 or as reliefs on wooden or metal stools or platters used for placing offerings in Jaina shrines, According to Digambara traditions, the dreams are :--(1) Airavata the elephant of Indra, (2) The best of bulls, (3) the lion white in colour with red manes, (4) the goddess Padma (Sri) seated on golden lotuses and lustrated by elephants, (5) pair of garlands of best flowers, (6) the moon, (7) the sun rising from the Udayacala mountain, (8) pair of full-vases with lotuses placed on their mouths, (9) pair of fishes, (10) celestial lake, (11) agitated ocean, (12) a lofty golden lion-throne, (13) a celestial car (vimana ), ( 14 ) a palace of the king of snakes (Nagendra-bhavana ), (15) heap of jewels, ( 16 ) smokeless fire. 6 Representations of the sixteen dreams are also popular amongst the Digambara Jainas and are often carved on door-lintels of Jaina shrines, an 1 For other illustrations, see, Jaina Citrakalpadruma figs. 73. Coomaraswamy, Catalogue of the Indian collections in the Boston Museum Vol. IV, figs. 34, 13. Brown, KSP., fig. 152, p. 64. Pavitrakalpasutra, figs. 17, 22. 2 Representations of Sri amongst such miniatures, of special iconographic interest, will be treated separately in a chapter on the iconography of Sri-Laxmi, the goddess of wealth, in my forthcoming, "Elements of Jaina Iconography". 3 At Kharataravasabi Caumukha shrine, Abu, they are represented on an architrave in the hall in front of the main shrine. A photograph of it will be found in CFT HIT (Gujarati ) by Munisri Jayantavijaya, 5th edition. 4 In the life of Parsvanatha, on a book-cover in the Shri Atmarama Jnana-mandri Bhandara; Baroda, collection of Pravartaka Sri Kantivijaya. JISOA., Vol. V, pp. 2-12 ff. pl. For a reference to paintings of dreams on walls, Nirayavaliao, 2.1. p. 51. Also see Jesalmere Citravali. 5 Mahapurana (Adipurana), sarga 12, vv. IOI-119, pp. 259 ff. Harivamsa, sarga 8, verses 58-74, pp. 160-161.

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SYMBOL WORSHIT IN JAINISM 107 early specimen of them is available on the door frame of a cell in the Santinatha temple at Khajuraho. There are some more representations of the dreams on the door-frames of different Jaina shrines at Khajuraho. According to Jaina traditions, mothers of other Salakapurusas like the Baladevas, Vasudevas, and Cakravartins also see a certain number of dreams at the time of conception. 1 According to Svetambara traditions, the mother of a Vasudeva (Narayana or Visnu) sees the following 7 dreams :-( 1 ) Young lion (2) Padina (Sri) Seated on a lotus, being sprinkled with water by two elephants (3) Sun (4) a pitcher filled with water and having its mouth adorned with white lotuses ( 5 ) an ocean filled with aquatic animals etc. (6) a heap of jewels ( 7 ) smokeless fire. 2 According to the Digambaras, they are:(1) Sun (2) Moon (3) Sri (4) Vimana (5) Fire (6) Celestial banner (7) Disc made of jewels. 3 The mother of a Baladeva sees the following 4 dreams:-(1) Elephant with four tusks ( 2 ) bull ( 3 ) Moon ( 4 ) a pond filled with lotuses. According to Digambara tradition, they are (1) Moon ( 2 ) elephant (3) ocean (4) Sun. 5 The mother of a Cakravartin sees fourteen dreams like the Mother of a Tirthankara, according to Svetambara tradition. According to the other sect, she sees five dreams; ( 1 ) Earth, (2) Sumeru mountain, (3) Sun and Moon, (4) lake with swans and (5) Ocean with surging waves.? Dreams are auspicious or inauspicious. Mahavira in his itinerary, before realisation of final knowledge, saw ten dreams which are described along with their meaning by the Sthananga Sutra. 8 Belief in dreams is an ancient superstition. It is difficult to say when the section on dreams was introduced in the life of Mahavira in the Kalpasutra account, at least the detailed descriptions of The belief is common to both sects, but the difference in number of dreams would suggest their comparatively later growth. ? Trisasti., parva 4, chp. I, vv. 216-233. Pavitrakalpasutra., su. 72 f., text, p. 27. 3 Harivamsa, 35. vv. 11-12, Vol. II. pp. 451-52. Padmacarita, 25. 3. P. 506 notes a different tradition, according to which she sees (1) Lion and (2) Moon only. 4 Trisasti., op. cit , vv. 167-179. 5 Harivamsa, 32. I-2; p., 412. Padmacarita, 25. 12-15, p. 507 gives a different tradition. 8 Trisasti., 1. 4. vy. 883 ff. (GOS) p. 148. Pavitrakalpasutra ed. by Muni Punyavijayaji, su-71, text p. 26 f. ? Harivamsa, 32. 1-2; p. 412. Padmacarita, 25. 12-15, p. 507 gives a different tradition. Mahapurana (Adipurana), parva 15, vv. 100-101, PP. 334f; 8 Sthanangu Sutra, 10-3. su. 750, Vol II. pp. 499 ff.

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108 STUDIES IN JAINA ART each of the fourteen dreams seem to have been added later as shown by the analysis of Muni Punyavijaya' in his critical edition of the Pavitra KalpaSutra. It may be added that the ornament dinara-mala (necklace or garland of Dinara coins) in the description of Sri in these dreams (Kalpa-Sutra, sutra 37) supports the inference that this section is added later and may be as late as the Valabhi council under Devarddhi gani Ksamasramana. Belief in dreams is common to all sects. The Brahmavaivarta Purana, in the Khanda dealing with the life of Krishna (adh. 77) gives a list of good dreams (with their results). The same Purana, adh. 70 gives a list of such dreams seen by Akrura. Bad dreams with their results are referred to in ibid., adh. 80, similar dreams were also seen by Kamsa as narrated in ibid., adh. 63. Accounts of good and bad dreams are also available in the Devipurana, adh. 22, Kalikapurapa, adh. 87, Matsya Purana, adh. 242 and so on. The science of Svapna-Sakuna was very popular in the age of Purapas and even medical works like the Astangahrdaya of Vagbhata, refer to such dreams in detail (in Sarirasthana, adh. 6). Muni Shri Punyavijaya, in his Intro, to the Pavitra-Kapla-Sutra, p. 10, says that the detailed description of the fourteen dreams in the KS, is not referred to in the Carni of Agastya-Simha, and that it is difficult to say whether this part is genuine. According to him both the Niryukti and the Curni on the Das srutaskandha (of which KS. is the eigth adhyayana) are about 1600 years old, or earlier, i.e. c. 350 A.D. or earlier. These remarks of the learned Muniji are further supported by the ref. to the coin Dinara noted above. See, Sabda-kalpadruma-kosa, under svapna.

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8. ASTAMANGALA The Astamangalas or Eight Auspicious objects are familiar to both the sects and are known to Jaina worship from ancient times. They are :-Svastika, Srivatsa, Nandyavarta, Varddhamanaka, (powder.flask), Bhadrasana ( throne, a particular type of seat), Kalasa (the full-vase ), Darpana (mirror) and Matsya (or Matsya-yugma, pair of fish), and are often referred to in Jaina texts, including canonical works, as decorating tops of architraves or ramparts, or placed on Caitya-trees, platforms, painted on walls and sc on. ? Hemacandra also notes that the eight auspicious symbols were represented on Bali-pattas or offering stands. The offering-stand is a platter with low legs, made of wood or metal, used to hold offering in temple worships. It bas eight auspicious signs carved or made in high relief. Such stools, often made of wood with silver plate studded all over it, or of silver or brass, and with reliefs of the eight auspicious marks or of the dreams, are even today used for placing offerings in Jaina shrines. Often Jaina ladies prepare such signs with uncooked rice on such platters. But the reference by Hemacar.dra to Balipatas with marks of eight auspicious objects is interesting since such auspicious symbols are seen on some of the Jaina Ayagapatas of the Kusana age, obtained from Mathura. The Tablet set up by Acala (fig. XI of Smith), for example, shows a line of four symbols in the upper most panel and another of eight at base. In this lower panel, the first symbol from right end, partly mutilated, was probably the Srivatsa. The second is Svastika, third a lotus-bud half open, fourth a pair of fish, fifth a water-jar (with a handle ), sixth is either an offering of sweets or a crude representation of ratna-rasi. The seventh is possibly the sthapana (a crossstand with a mss. on it), the eighth is an inverted tri-ratna, like the so-called hill on some coins. The uppermost central rectangular panel, which contains 1 Aupapalika sutra, su. 31, pp. 68 69:-Sovatthiya (or sotthiya ), Siriviccha, nandiyavatta, bhadda sana, Kalasa, maccha, dappana, and Vaddhamanaka 2 Trisasti. I (GOS), pp. 112, 190. Mahapurani ( Adipurana ), parva 22. vv. 143, 185, 210 etc., pp. 520 ff. ct :- Tuivi grid 2 ANAT quat, lsotthiya, sirivaccha, nandiyAvatta, vadvamANaga, bhaddAsaNa, kalasa, maccha, dappaNa, jAva __ paDirUvA. -- Royapasenaiyam, ed. by Pt. Bechardas ( Ahmedabad), pp. 80; also Jambadripaprajnapti, Vol. I. p. 43. 3 Trisasti. I (GOS) p. 190 and note 238.

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IIO STUDIES IN JAINA ART four symbols, shows the Srivatsa, another type of svastika with bent ends, and two more symbols which cannot be properly identified. Some of these symbols occur on other Ayaga patas. A much better preserved set of eight symbols, is however obtained on the Ayagapata set up by Sihanadika (J. 249, Lucknow Museum) with inscription in characters earlier than that of the age of Kaniska.s Here in the lower panel are shown, the tri-ratna, the full-blown flower, the sthapana ( is it the bhadrasana? 4 ) and the maigala-kalasa ( fullvase). In the pannel at the top are a pair of fish, an unidentified symbol, the srivatsa and the powder-flask (vardhamanaka ). It is thus reasonable to infer that in the Kusana age, the set of the Astamangalas was not finally settled and that the earlier tradition as obtained on these Ayaga patas, especially the Ayagapata of Sihanadika, shows a slightly different set from the one known to us. In this older tradition represented on the Ayaga patas, the nandyavarta and the darpana are omitted and the fullgrown lotus and another unidentified symbol are used. The Mathura finds represent a stage anterior to the tradition recorded in the Jaina canons avail i Smith, Jaina Stupa, pl. XI, 5 Cf. Smith, JS., pl. IX., p. 16. 3 Smith, Ibid., pl. VII., p. 14. 4 Bhadrasana is described elaborately by later texts like the Visnuaharmottara (c. sixth century A. D.), cf.: bhadrAsanaM narendrasya kSIravRkSaNa kaaryet| ucchAyazca tathA tasya adhyayaM tu samaM bhavet // hastatrayaM tathAviSTaM vistareNa tu kArayet / AyAmazcAsya kartavyo vistareNArdhasammita : // caturasraM tu kartavyaM rAjJo bhadrAsanaM zubham / nASTAstraM na tathA vRttaM na ca dIrgha bhRgUttama / / suvarNarupyatAmrazca citraM kArya vizeSata: / ratnaiH prazastairna tathA na ratnapratirUpakaiH / / catvAraH puruSAstatra vinyastA bhRgunandana / dviguNAzca tathA siMhAstebhyastu dviguNAstathA // bhadrAsanaM tatra bhavennRpasya talena pUrNa sasukhaM parAya'm / vaiyaghracarmAstaraNaM sukhArtha varAsanaM tasya samAmananti / / Visnudharmotlara, and khanda, 14 adh., p. 178. 6 Especially see, harSacarita, eka sAMskRtika adhyayana (Hindi) by Dr. Vasudeva Sarana Agrawala, p. 120, where he has referred to Astamangala-malas from Sanchi reliefs. The mangalakas are more than eight at Sanchi. Gradually they came to be fixed as eight.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM III able to us. Such facts confirm our inference that most of the texts as available today follow the edition of the Mathura council, of c. 300-313 A, D., under Arya Skandila (i. e. they are post-Kusana or late Ksatrapa in age) and that the extant Niryuktis should naturally post-date this council. Astamangalas are represented in miniature paintings 2 of manuscripts, or in paintings on canvass of different patas, and in scroll paintings of the Vijnaptipatras. 8 They are often represented as decorative motifs, either separately or in groups, on different parts of a temple, especially on architraves or doorlintels. Small platters of these astamangalas are also dedicated in Jaina temples and often worshipped along with other objects (fig. 60, from a Jaina shrine in Baroda ). The astamangalas are often worshipped in Jaina rites. The Acara-Dinakara * fortunately explains the significance of these symbols, which however, may or may not represent the original conceptions. The Kalasa or the fullvase, for example, according to this text, is worshipped as a symbol for the Jina as he is verily like a kalasa in his family. The mirror is for seeing one's true self; the bhadrasana is worshipped as it is sanctified by the feet of the Blessed Lord, the Vardhamanaka is suggestive of increase of wealth, fame, merit etc., due to the grace of the Lord. It is said that the highest knowledge has manifested itself from the heart of the Jina, in the form of the Srivatsamark on his chest. Svastika, according to this text, signifies svasti, that is, Santi or peace. Nandyavarta (diagram) with its nine points stands for the nine nidhis ( treasures ). The pair of fish is the symbol of Cupid's banners come to worship the Jina after the defeat of the god of Love. The Digambara sect gives the following set of astamangalas :(1) Bhrngara (a type of vessel), (2) Kalasa--the full-vase, (3) Darpana--the mirror, ( 4 ) Camara--the fly-whisk, (5) Dhvaja--the banner, (6) Vyajana-the fan, (7) Chatra-ihe Umbrella and (8) Supratistha--a seat. 5 1 It is interesting to note that, on a red sand-stone umbrella (c. and cent. A. D.), from Mathura, the following eight auspicious symbols are carved :(1) Nandipada ( same as what is called tri-ratna above), (2) Matsya-yugma, (3) Svastika, ( 4 ) Puspa-dama, (5) Purna-ghata, (6) Ratna-patra, ( 7 ) Srivatsa, (8) Sankha-nidhi..... "A new Stone Umbrella from Mathura ", by Dr. V. S. Agrawala, J. U. P. H. S., Vol. XX (1947), pp. 65-67. For the Jaina evidence & description of these umbrellas, from Prasnavyakarana sutra, see, A Further Note On Stone Umtrellas from Mathura," Shah U. P., J.U.P.H. S., Vol XXIV. 3 Jaina Citrakalpadruma, figs. 82, 59. Moticandra, Jaina Miniature Paintings in W. India. 3 For illustration, see, Johnson, transl. of Trisasti. I. (GOS.), pl. IV. 4 Acara-Dinakara, pp. 197-198. 5 Tiloyapannatti, 4.738, Vol. I. p. 236.

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TI2 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Some of these symbols, like the svastika, are of very ancient origin, common to different ancient civilizations and races of the world, and their exact significance is not always easy to comprehend. The full-vase or the Purna-Kalas'a of Vedic literature, is the Indian symbol of fullness of life, of plenty, of immortality. 1 Belief in auspicious objects is very old, common to all sects. Agrawala has already referred to Mangala-mala amongst Sanchi reliefs. 2 The Mahabharata, Dronaparva, 82, 20-22, mentions numerous objects which Arjuna looked at and touched as auspicious when starting for battle, amongst which auspicious maidens are also mentioned. 3 The Vamana-Purana, 14. 35-36 mentions several objects which are auspicious. The Brahmavaivarta Purana also gives lists of animate and inanimate objects regarded as auspicious." Belief in mangalas and mangala-dravyas is also known to the Ramayana. 5 The Full-jar has been discussed by Dr. Coomaraswamy, Yaksas, part II. pp. 61.64; by Dr. Agrawala, J.U.P.H.S., Vol. XVII, pp. 1-6 ff. The two eyes associated with the mangala-kalasa in Jaina miniatures, are said by Wilhelm Huttemann (Miniature Zum Jina carilra, Bassler-Archin, Vol. 4, (1914), pp. 47-77 ) to symbolize clairvoyant knowledge which sees through uttermost limits. Brown (KSP., p. 12, n.s.) suggests that the association of eyes with the vessel of plenty (clouds ) may indicate a vestigial representation of the sun, which sees all and knows all (cf. Atharva Veda, 19.53.3.) The Vardhamanaka and Srivatsa symbols are treated by Coomaraswamy, Ostasiatische Zeitschr. (1927-28 ), pp. 181-182 and by Johnson E.H., J.R.A.S. 1931, pp. 558 f. Ibid., 1932, pp. 393 ff. For Svastika, see Brown, W.N., The Svastika. * Agrawala, V. S., zafa, 54 fishia 76747, p. 120. 3 Also see, Kane, P. V., History of Dharmasastra, Vol. II, p. 511. He cites the following verse from a Saunaka-karika (ms. Bombay University Library, Folio 22b) which speaks of eight auspicious objects : darpaNaH pUrNakalazaH kanyA sumnso'ksstaaH| dIpamAlA dhvajA lAjA samproktaM cASTamaGgalam / / 4 Cf. Brahmavaivarla Purana, Ganapatikhanda, adhyaya 16 and Krisnajanmakhanda, adhyaya 70, both quoted by Sabdakalpadruma, III. p. 564. The Sabdakal padruma, I. p. 148 quotes the following : mRgarAjo vRSo nAga: kalazo vyajanaM tthaa| vaijayantI tathA bherI dIpa ityaSTamaGgalam // iti bRhannandikezvarapurANe durgotsavapaddhatau. Also, al SEH-AK71718) Alat nigaizra: 1 RETTI Ffitri 214 TraL ATSEH: Il a pisarat 5 cf. affata aa algat Hai Ramayana, II. 23. 29.

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9. STHAPANA AND OTHER SYMBOLS Sthapana or Sthapanacarya is a symbolic representation of his acarya or teacher which a Jaina monk keeps in front while giving a discourse. It marks the presence of the elder, used as a corrective witness, a precaution against misinterpretation, but especially as a mark of reverence to the teacher. Literally it means installation of the (figure or symbol) of the acarya, when he is not personally present.1 It is a crossed wooden stand, made of two or more crossed sticks which can be folded and carried easily. The sticks are tied with a string in the centre and when the stand is placed in position, a nice piece of cloth, often a costly, ornamental one is placed as a cover on its top. Under it were often placed aksa and varataka. A scripture was sometimes placed on it or used as a sthapana. The sticks are often made of ivory or sandalwood with beautiful carvings at ends. The sthapana is an old practice amongst monks of both the sects and 1 Jinabhadra Ksamasramana (c. 500-600 A. D.) explains it as : guruvirahammi ya ThavaNA gurUvaesovadaMsaNatthaM ca / jiNavirahammi va jiNabiMbasevaNA'mantaNa sahalaM // -Visesavasyaka mahabhasya. Devendrasuri in his Samghacara-tika, in the section, Guruvandana-bhasya, says: guruguNajuttaM tu guruM ThAvijA ahava tattha akkhaaii| ahavA nANAitizra Thavija sakkha-guru-abhAve // 28 // The following from Pinduniryukti explains the Sthapana.-- taM ciMti nAmapiMDa ThavaNApiMDaM azro vocchaM // 6 // p. 3. akkhe varADae vA kaTe putthe va citta kamme vaa| sambhAvamasambhAvaM ThavaNApiMDaM viyANAhi // 7 // p. 6. Commentary of malaya giri-".....sthApyamAnasyendrAderanurUpAGgopAGgacihnavAhanagraharaNAdiparikararUpo ya AkAravizeSo yaddarzanAtsAkSAdvidyamAna ivendrAdirlakSyate sa sadbhAvaH, tadabhAvo'sadbhAvaH, tatra sadbhAvamasadbhAva cAzritya 'akSe' candanake 'kaparde' varATake vAzabdo'GgulIyakAdisamuccayArthaH, ubhayaprApi ca jAtAvakavacanaM, tathA 'kASThe' dAruNi 'puste' DhiullikAdau, vAzabdo lepyapASANasamuccaye, citrakarmaNi vA yA piNDasya sthApanA mA'kSAdiH kASThAdiSvAkAra vizeSo vA piNDatvena sthApyamAnaH sthApanA piNDaH...... / iko u asambhAve tirAhaM ThavaNA u hoi sabbhAve / cittesu asabbhAve dArualeppovale siyaro // 7 // (bhASyagAthA) -Pindaniryukti (DLPF. No. 44, A. D. 1918), pp. 37.

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114 STUDIES IN JAINA ART can be seen on stone sculptures also, at Deogodh (fig. 43), Abu, Kumbharia and other places. Whether the motif existed at Mathura, Kankali Tila, or not is not known, but the symbol preceding the mangala-kalasa in the lower panel of the Ayagapatta of Sihavanika (Coemaraswamy, HIIA, fig.70) comes very near this conception. (However, it is equally probable that it represented the bhadrasana). ____Sthapana is, therefore, a pretty old practice, referred to by Jinabhadra gani Ksamasramana as quoted above, and by the Anuyogadvaracurni, which mentions the accessories for a sadhu in the practice of dharma; they are : thavana (sthapana ), muhapatti ( mukhapattika), danda-paunchanam ( dandapronchanaka ) and javamalia (japamalika ). The sthapana is for the practice of the virtue of vinaya or showing respect to and obedience to the elders. The mukhapattika, a piece of cloth held in front of the mouth by a Jaina monk while speaking, is a symbol of samyama or control of speech and also is understood as prescribed for preventing insects from entering the mouth and being killed.1 The Mukhapattika, or a month-piece, is a very ancient Jaina practice used by Gautama, the ganadhara of Mahavira.. The Brhat-kalpabhasya prescribes its size, which is equal to sixteen angulas and is then folded so as to appear as a small square piece to be held in front of the mouth. 1 Discussed in Paricavastnprakarana, Yatidinacarya ; Oghaniryuktivrtti, etc., where the following gatha is usually quoted : saMpAimarayareNupamajjaNachA vayaMti muhapattiM / nAsaM muha ca baMdhai, tIe ksahiM pamajjaMto / / 2 Vivagasuyam, I adhyayana. 3 cauraMgulaM vihatthI eyaM muhaNaMtagassa u pamANaM / bitIya pi ya pamANaM muhappamANeNa kAyavvaM / / -Brhatkalpa-bhasya, Vol. 4, v. 3982. Cf. Pindaniryukti ( DLPF. no. 44, Bombay, A.D. I918) with comm. of Malayagiri, p. 13: pAyassa paDoyAro dunisijja tipaTTa potti rayaharaNaM / ee u na vIsAme jayaNA saMkAmaNA dhuvaNaM // 28 // Comm :- pratyavatAryate pAtramasminniti pratyavatAraH-upakaraNaM pAtrasya pratyavatAraH-pAtravarja: pAtraniryogaH SadhiH , tathA rajoharaNasya sakte dve niSadhe, tadyathA-- bAhyA abhyantarA ca, iha samprati dazikAmiH saha yA daNDikA kriyate sA sUtranItyA kevalaiva bhavati na sadazikA, tasyA niSadyAtraya, tatra yA daNDikAyA upari ekahastapramANAyAmA tiryagveSTakatrayapRthutvA kambalIkhaNDarUpA sA AdyA niSadyA, tiryag bahubhirveSTakairAveSTayantI kiJcidadhikahastapramANAyAmA hastapramANamAtrapRthutvA vastramayI niSadyA sA abhyantarA niSadyocyate, tRtIyA tu tasyA evAbhyantaraniSadyAyAstiryagveSTakAn kurvatI caturamulAdhikaikahastamAnA caturasrA kambalamayI bhavati, sA copavezanopakAritvAdadhunA pAdaprocchana kamiti rUDhA, sA bAdyA niSadhetya

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 115 The dandapronchanaka is so called because it is a broom with a stick, it is also known as a rajoharana as it is used to sweep dust particles and small living insects. Haribhadra says that it is 32 angulas in length of which the stick is 24 angulas and the front part (guccha) of the remaining angulas is made of twisted ( strings of) fibres of wool. According to the Bshatkalpa-sutra it was made of any one of the following five fibres--wool, hair of camel, jute (sanaka), fibres of valkala or strings prepared by twisting the munja grass. The japamalika is the rosary of beads of conch, sandal, corals, crys!als, gems, gold or silver. The mukha pattika, rajoharana and the rosary carried by a Jaina monk can be seen in fig. 48 which is a sculpture of Nanna-suri, installed in V. S. 1393, now in worship in a shrine at Sadadi in Rajasthana. The rajoharana is shown behind the head of the monk in this sculpture, but he usually carries it in his hand, while walking. Symbols like the Wheel of Law ( Dharma-cakra) need not be discussed here. Representations of the Wheel of Law, on Jaina pedestals from Kankali Tila, Mathura show that the Wheel was placed on a platform or a pillar, often with the rim to front, and worshipped on both sides by the members of the Samgha ( sravaka, sravika, sadhu and sadhvi). A Wheel on a pillar is also shown on one of the Ayagapatas discussed above. In later worship, it is placed in the centre of pedestals, but flanked by a deer on each side. Rarely the Wheel was separately installed as an object of worship in Jaina shrines. This is inferred from an early bronze of a Wheel, illustrated in fig. 15, obtained along with a hoard of Jaina bronzes from Chausa, near Buxur in Bihar, and now preserved in the Patna museum. The cakra is assignable to late Kusana age. A similar separate a bronze of a Caitya-vyksa was also obtained in this hoard. It may be remembered that, only the Sthapana and the Dharma-cakra (and the Caitya-vrksa ), from the symbols noted above, obtain worship in Jaina shrines. The rajoharana or the rosary are here incidentally discussed, since the sthapana is intimately associated with Jaina monks who keep these other accessories. midhIyate, militaM ca niSadyAtrayaM daNDikAsahitaM rajoharaNamucyate, tato rajoharaNasya sakte dve niSadhe iti na virudhyate, tathA trayaH paTTAH tadyathA-saMstArakapaTTaH, uttarapaTTaH, colapaTTazca, ete ca supratItAH, tathA 'potti 'kti mukhapotikA, mukhapidhAnAya potaM-vastraM mukhapotaM mukhapotameva hrasvaM caturaGgulAdhikavita TAPETAIMAIT yatai, gaTraye: ......1 1 Cf.:- Ti sau amat Hari TUETU fa 990 FTTTTT, OTATIT II also, Bthat-kalpa-bhasya, v.3674.

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10 ASTAPADA, SAMMETA-SIKHARA AND PANCA-MERU On Astapada mountain Rsabhadeva attained his nirvana. Near his cremation-ground Bharata erected a temple, of jewelled slabs, named Simhanisadya, with statues of the Sasvata-Jinas as also the twenty-four Jinas of this age. Bharata also installed statues of his ninety-nine brothers who had obtained Nirvana, on this mountain, along with Rsabhanatha. Moreover, he placed a statue of himself listening attentively like a faithful devotee. Bharata raised the Blesssed One's (Rsabha's) Stupa and those of his 99 brothers outside the shrine. In order to save these from future damage at the hands of mortals, he placed mechanical iron guardsmen; cutting off the projections of the mountain, he made it steep and straight, and impossible for men to climb. He then made eight (asfa) steps (pada) around it in the form of terraces impossible for men to cross and each step one yojana apart from the next one. From that time the mountain was called Astapada. Among the people it was known as 'Haradri' 'Kailasa, and Sphatikadri.1 Such is the origin of the name of the mount Astapada according to Hemacandra. The Vasudevahindi tells us how Astapada came to be regarded as a tirtha and says that here Bharata erected stupas and shrine, and installed images therein when Rsabha obtained nirvana on this mount with a thousand monks. The text does not give any explanation of the name Astapada. Astapada is an old Jaina tirtha since it is referred to by the Jambudvipaprajnapti and the Acaranga-Niryukti. " Gautama, the first Gapadhara of Mahavira, was told by his Master that whoever is able to reach the top of this mountain and worship the Caityas thereon obtains emancipation. He, therefore, with his supernatural power, climbed it like a flash of light. Some tapasas (Brahmanical monks!) were attempting to do so and could not go beyond the third terrace. At the sight of Gautama, they got enlightenment and obtained liberation. Gautama reached the top and, entering the Simhanisadya-Caitya by the South gate, he 1 Trisasti, (GOS.) I., pp. 358-370; Abhidhana Cintamani, IV. 94. Vasudevahindi, p. 301. Gods are said to have created on the site of Rsabha's Nirvana on Astapada, three stupas of jewels, see Jambudvipaprajnapti, sutra 33. 3 Jambu., op. cit. 4 Cf. :- aDAvayamuji gayagapada dhammaca ya / pAsarahAvattanayaM camaruppArtha ca vaMdAmi // -Acaranga-Niryukti.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM 117 first saw inages of the four Jinas beginning with Sambhava, and worshipped them. At the West-entrance he worshipped the eight Tirthankaras beginning with Suparsva, entering by the North gate he could worship the ten Jinas beginning with Dharmanatha. From the Eastern doorway of the shrine, he worshipped the first two Jinas, Rsabha and Ajitanatha. Thus it will be seen that the Simhanisadya is a Caumukha shrine with four doorways and having in the centre a platform on which the Jinas are represented in the order described above and worshipped by Gautama. In Svetambara Jaina temples, sometimes, a cell is dedicated to this Asta pada represented in the way shown above. A representation of Astapada of this type, with the Gautama shown climbing, and the tapasas on the way, is seen in a shrine on the mount Satrunjaya in Saurastra. Smaller representations, only of the Jinas on four sides of a pitha, arranged in the above order, are more common, one such may be seen in a Jaina shrine at Surat. All these are later mediaeval representations while earlier ones are not traced hitherto though it may be inferred that Citra-patas of the tirthas like Satrunjaya and Astapada might have been in use even before, since the avacuri on samavasarana-stava refers at least to the patas of the samavasarana structure. The Digambara sect also believes that Rsabha obtained Nirvana on this mountain and that Bharata erected a memorial shrine on the cremation ground. But such representations-plaques, paintings or sculptures--are not yet traced, though a proper search is likely to disclose some kind of representation of the Astapada amongst the Digambaras. Similarly, representations of Sammeta-Sikhara are also worshipped in Jaina shrines, a famous example of which is available in the triple-Jaina shrine built by Vastupala-Tejapala on Mount Girnar. Such representations are known as 'avatara' or 'uddhara' of a particular tirtha in Svetambara Jaina terminology. A small plaque, representing "avatara" of the two tirthas of Satrunjaya and Girnar, now in worship in a shrine at Varkhana in Rajasthan, is illustrated in figure 59. Representations of Panca-Meru mountains of different dvipas, showing a Siddhayatana (suggested by a four-fold Jina image) on each tier, one above the other (in five tiers ) and surmounted by a finial, are more common amongst the Digambaras. One such Panca-Meru is also obtained in a Svetanbara shrine, in the Hastisala of the Luna.Vasahi Mt. Abu. The five Merus are Sudarsana in the midst of Jambudvipa, Vijaya in eastern Dhatakikhanda-dvipa, Acala in 1 Astapada-giri-kalpa, by Jinaprabha suri, pub, in the Vividha-Tirthakalpa, pp. 91-93. Also see, Ibid., p. 31 for an Astapadamahatirthakalpa by Dharmaghosa suri. Abhidhana-Rajendra-Kosa, Vol. I on 19EUR.

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118 STUDIES IN JAINA ART western Dhatakikhanda-dvipa, Mandara in eastern Puskarardha-dvipa and Vidyunmali in the western Puskarardha-dvipa. According to the Digambara belief, in all there are 80 siddhayatanas (eternal shrines or shrines of siddhas) on the five Merus. A Digambara Panca-Meru bronze, installed in V. S. 1514 (= 1456 A.D.), now in worship in a shrine in Surat, is illustrated here in fig. 78.

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11. NANDISVARA-DVIPA Nandisvara-dvipa is known to both the sects. It is the last of the numerous concentric island-continents of Jaina cosmography, the first or the central one being the Jambu dvipa. The Nandisvara is a land of delight of the gods with gardens of manifold designs, adorned and honoured by the visits of gods devoted to the worship of the Tirthankaras. In its central parts are the four Anjana mountains of black colour, situated in the four directions--Devaramana in the east, Nityodyota in the south, Svayamprabha in the west, and Ramaniya in the north. On their tops are temples of the Arhats (Tirthankaras), one hundred yojanas long, half as wide and seventy yojanas high, each shrine having four doors. Within the temples are jewelled platforms, sixteen yojanas long and wide, and eight yojanas high. On the platforms ( manipithaka ) are daises ( devacchandaka) of jewel whose length and width exceed that of the platforms and on whom are one hundred and eight eternal statues (Sasvatabimba) each of the four Eternal Arhats ( Sasvata-Jina) named Rsabha, Varddha. mana, Candranana and Varisena in the paryanka-posture, made of jewels, attended each by a beautiful retinue consisting of two Nagas, two Yaksas, two Bhutas and two pitcher-carriers while behind each statue is a figure of an umbrella-bearer. On the daises are incense-burners, wreaths, bells, the eight auspicious marks, banners, festoons, baskets, boxes and seats as well as sixteen ornaments such as full pitchers etc. There are gleaming entrance-pavilions (mukha-mandapa) of the size of temples, theatre-pavilions (preksa-mandapa ), arenas (aksavataka ), jewelled platforms, beautiful stupas, and statues, fair caitya-trees, indradhvajas and divine lotus-lakes in succession. In the four directions from each of the Anjana Mountains there are big square lotus-lakes, Nandisena, Amogha, Gostupa etc., and beyond them are great gardens named Asoka, Saptaparna, Campaka and Cuta. Within the sixteen lotus-lakes are the crystal Dadhimukha mountains, each having a SasvataJinalaya with images of Sasvata-Jinas described above. Between each two lakes are two Ratikara mountains making a total of thirty-two Ratikara moun 1 Trisastisala kapurusacarita, I (GOS. Vol. LI), pp. 395-397; Irisasti. prvas II-III (GOS. Vol. LXXVII), pp. 120 ff.; Harivamsa of Jinasena, sarga 5, vv. 647-685, pp. 122-124; Trilokasara of Nemicandra, vv. 960 ff. Kirfel, Die Kosmographie der Inder, pp. 253 ff; Ramacandran, T.N , Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, pp. 181; also see, Sthananga Sutra, 4.2. su. 307, Vol. I, pp. 229 ff; Avasyaka Curni, p. 397 f.

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I20 STUDIES IN JAINA ART tains. These mountains agian have thirty-two Sasvata-Jinalayas on them. This makes a total of fifty-two such Eternal Temples of the Arhats on the Nandisvara-dvipa. Here and elsewhere on the Nandisvara.dvipa Indra and other gods celebrate cight-days' festival every year on different holy (parva) days. Works on cosmography like the Laghuksetrasamasa of Ratnasekhara expressly state that there are fifty-two sasvata-Caityalayas, thirteen in each of the four directions, on the Nandisvara-dvipa. A diagrammatic representation of it generally shows in a circle, a group of thirteen miniature shrines in each direction, with a mountain in the centre. This does not seem to be a faithful representation of the description obtained in works on cosmography since the central mountain also has sasvata-Jinala yas on it. In various temples and palaces of the Nandisvara-dvipa, gods together with their retinue, celebrate the Astahnika-mahotsava (eight-days' festival) on holy days of the holy Arhats. After celebrating the Kalyanaka-ceremony (or the festival of any of the five chief events in the life of every Jina) gods retire to this dvipa, worship the caityas thereon and then return to their respective abodes. Plaques or patas representing the 52 shrines on the Nandisvara are very popular amongst both the sects. The Digambaras represent 52 small figures of the Jinas (suggesting 52 shrines) on a four-tiered platform or in a miniature shrine, both the types being four-faced, as illustrated by T. N. Ramchandran in his Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, pl. xxxi. figs. 3-4, p. 181. The Svetambaras represent 52 miniature shrines in four groups of thirteen each, carved in relief on a stone plaque, and arranged in different artistic ways. A beautiful Svetambara plaque worshipped in the famous Caumukha shrine at Ranakpur is illustrated in Fig. 89 (also see, JISOA., Vol. IX. (1941), pl. V, p. 48). Here the Jinalayas are grouped in a beautiful geometric pattern while the intervening spaces at four ends are filled with representations of 1 Cf. an IUTATUT 23 IT unaftuzi eMdisari bAvannA cau kuMDali rUagi cattAri // 258 // Laghu-Ksetrasamasa, pp. 418 ff. 2 Also see, Jivajivabhigama sutra, 3.2. su. 183, pp. 356 for an early account of the Nandisvara-dvipa. 3 Cf. Avasyaka Curni, p. 151 ; Jambudvipa-prajnapti, I. 2. su. 33, p. 158; Trisasti. I, op. cit., pp. 130 f.; Ramachandran, op. cit., p. 181. Cf. :--Tegalgfapag saad &g 1 #ar: qa qai fiatay ang | Harivansa, p. 124, v. 680.

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM Caitya-trees, with worshippers near their roots. Another pata of this dvipa, installed by one Dhandhala in V. S. 1287 (1230 A.D.) is preserved in a cell in the main shrine on Mt. Girnar, but the number of shrines on the plaque exceeds the usual figure of 52. The first pata does not seem to be a correct representation of the position of the Sasvata-Caityalayas according to their geographical positions in the dvipa. Both the plaques are not representation of the Nandisvaradvipa as such, but are rather patas of the Sasvata-Caityalayas only on the dvipa, and omit representations of lakes, palaces, etc., on the island. The Nandisvara-dvipa has been held very sacred by both the sects who install stone and metal sculptures or plaques of it in Jaina shrines. The subject presents scope of showing varieties for the artist and paintings of the same were not unknown. 121 Ramachandran has published a metal sculpture of the N-dvipa, pyramidal in shape, rising in six tiers with a finial top. Thirteen Jinas are shown as sitting in padmasana on each side. He has also published a bigger stone sculpture of the N-dvipa, shaped like a vimana, superimposed on a square base, the sides of which revea: Jinas (Siddhas) seated in meditation. The Vimana has on each side a niche surmounted by an arch with a figure of a Jina sitting in it. A finial surmounts the whole, giving it a dignified appearance of a Jina-bhavana. Fig. 63 illustrated here represents a modern bronze of N-dvipa in worship in a Digambara shrine in Kolhapur. Since the N-dvipa, with its 52 Sasvata-Jinalayas, has been a favourite resort of gods for festivals and worship, it has naturally become a favourite symbol of worship of the Eternal images, by the pious sravakas and sravikas. The figure 52 became so popular that a group of smaller cells, 52 in number, were often erected round a main shrine. One of the penances practised by the pious Jainas is known as Nandisvara-(pankti) vrata in the Digambara tradition. A similar N-tapa practised by the Svetambaras along with puja of the Nandisvara-pata is referred to by the Pravacana-saroddhara." 1 Such relief-plaques can be classed as Citra-Pafas, see Shah U. P., Varddhamana-Vidya-Pata, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. IX. (1941), p. 48. Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, p. 181, pl. XXI, Fig. 3. 3 Ramacandran, Ibid., pl. XXXI, Fig. 4., p. 181. Vasudevahindi, pp. 87, 153, 171, 236. According to Digambara traditions, the gods celebrate them in the last week of the months of Karttika, Falguna, and Asadha every year, see, Brhat-Jaina-Sabdarnava, II, p. 512. Brhat-Jaina-Sabdarnava, Vol. II. p. 512. Pravacana-saroddhara, gatha 1552 and commentary. 8

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APPENDIX Note on Stupa, Samavasarana and Ziggurat On pp. 56-57, and p. 93, it is suggested that the Jaina "Samavasarana is based upon the architecture of a Stupa which latter has for its prototype that of the Ziggurat with three or more tiers". The tiered-shrines, illustrated by Coomaraswamy, History af Indian and Indonesian Art, figures 69, 69A, may be compared with the Sama vasarana illustrated in fig. 76 and the Panca-Meru, fig 78. It may be remembered that the Samavasarana is not always circular. It is either square or circular. On p. 56, I have further said that such tiered shrines have for their basis the conception of Jaruka or Ziggurat (or Aiduka ) discussed by Dr. Agrawala. The Ziggurat is a peculiar feature of Sumerian architecture which can be traced back, according to Woolley, to the chalcolithic Al'Ubaid period. 1 In form the Ziggurat is a stepped pyramid having three stages. The lowest stage measures about 200 ft. long x 150 ft. wide x 50 ft. high, at UrNammu. "From this rose the upper stages, each smaller than the one below, leaving broad passages along the main sides and wider terraces at either end. On the topmost stage stood the little one-roomed shrine of the Moon-God.... On three sides the walls of this Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu) rose to the level of the first terrace, but on the north-east face fronting the Nannar temple was the approach to the shrine. Three brick stairways, each of a hundred steps, led upwards, one projecting out at right angles from the building, two leaning against its wall, and all converging in a great gateway between the first and the second terrace...."3 Of the Ziggurat of Babylon (The Tower of Babel), only the ground. plan survives, but being almost identical with that of Ur, and also built by Ur Woolley, Sir Leonard, Excavations at Ur, (London, 1954), p. 125. For a front view of the Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu with the triple stairs in front, see, Ibid, pl. 18, and p. 130, fig. 7, conjectural reconstruction of the same Ziggurat, and p. 218, fig. 18 for a reconstruction of the Ziggurat of Nabonidus. According to Frankfort and others, no Ziggurat belonging to the third millenium B.C. is known to us, and that from the Third Dynasty of Ur onwards, Ziggurats occur regularly, see, Frankfort, Henri, The Art and Architecture of the Orient, (London 1954), p. 236, n. 19. 2 Woolley, op. cit., p. 130. 3 Woolley, op. cit., pp. 130-131, and fig. 7, also, pl. 18b.

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124 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Nammu, it had possibly the same elevation. The Tower of Babel, according to the account of Herodotus, had seven terraces, though originally it had only two or three of them.2 Representations of two-staged Ziggurats, on seals, are not unknown in the Protoliterate period at Warka. As shown by Frankfort even the Early Dynastic shrines stood on plinths or platforms and that the Early Dynastic seals showing the building of a high temple may represent platforms as well as Ziggurats. The temple tower or the Ziggurat was a sacred structure. The names of some of them, known in later times, indicate that they were intended, not merely to resemble, but to be mountains. The Ziggurat of the storm god Enlil was called," House of the Mountain, Mountain of the Storm, Bond between. Earth and Heaven". In Mesopotamia, "mountain was a religious concept of many-sided significance. It stood for the whole earth, and within it, therefore were concentrated the mysterious powers of life which bring forth vegetation in spring and autumn, and carry water to dry river beds....The mountain, then, was the habitual setting in which the superhuman became manifest, and the Sumerian, in erecting their Ziggurats with immense common effort, created conditions under which communication with the divine became possible. " The Ziggurat was also the Mount of the Dead. As Frankfort puts it, Mesopotamia, the mountain is the place where the mysterious potency of the Earth, and hence of natural life, is concentrated... As personifications of natural life they were thought to be incapacitated during the Mesopotamian summer, which is a scourge destroying vegetation utterly exhausting man and beast. The myths express this by saying that the God dies or that he is kept captive in the mountain. From the mountain he comes forth at the new year when nature revives. Hence the Mountain is also the Land of the Dead. " In Mesopotamia, although not all sanctuaries included a temple tower or Ziggurat, all were given a token elevation above the soil. A temple at Al' Uqair, which was contemporary with the temple on the Anu Ziggurat at Warka, stood on a platform but fifteen feet high and, like the latter, rose in two For structures beside these Ziggurats, see, Woolley, op. cit., p. 134. On the terraces of the Ziggurats were hanging gardens' as well. Frankfort, op. cit., p. 108. 3 Frankfort, op. cit., p. 10. Frankfort, op.cit, p. 236, n. 19. Frankfort, Ibid., p. 6; also, Woolley, op. cit., p. 125. Frankfort Henri, The Birth of Civilisation in the Near East (London, 1951), pp. 54-55.

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APPENDIX 125 distinct stages. After discussing the characteristics of the two Protoliterate shrines at Warka and Al'Uqair, Frankfort writes: "The significance of the Ziggurat was symbolical, and the symbolism could be expressed in more than one way. The same idea, which was unequivocally expressed in a high artificial mountain, could also be rendered by a mere platform a few feet high. One might call the platform an abbreviation of the Ziggurat.... in fact, it is more probable, that the platform of the earliest temples at Eridu, of the Al 'Ubaid Period, already represented the sacred mountain."1 Thus this Ziggurat or the peculiar raised platform is suggestive of a mountain which symbolises in theology the fountain-head of all life and the refuge of it at death. Ziggurats were in existence in Mesopotamia at least upto 539 B.C. when the Persians under Cyruz defeated Nabonidus of Babylon. The Ziggurats, gradually ruined, would have been known to the people for a few centuries more, especially to the Persian artists. In the sixth and the following centuries, the Achaemenian Dynasty developed a powerful empire which included parts of India, and Mesopotamian region. It was through this linking of India and Mesopotamia through Iran that much influence of the latter country could have come to India. But India's contact with Sumer are much older and possibly were continuous at least upto the age of the Buddhist Baveru Jatuka, which latter suggests direct contacts with Babylon, The discovery of the Assyrian gems and godlings from Taxila also suggests contacts between the two countries. This is further supported by the strong Aramaic influence of the clerks of the Persian court which led to the development of the Kharosthi script. Thus it would not seem-impossible if even a distant relation between the Ziggurat, the Stupa aid. Samavasarana, obvious in plan and elevation, is postulated. To return to the Stupa architecture in India : The stupas are essentially relic structures in honour of the dead-the Holy or the Great. The Satapatla Brahmana, gives one of the earliest Indian literary reference to relic structures or mounds. The passage is as under : "They now do what is auspicious for him. They now prepare a burial place (smasana ) for him to serve him either as a house or a monument. i Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Orient, p. 7. Especially see, Coomaraswamy's remarks under "Early Asiatic" in his HITA., pp. II-14, giving details of the common heritage of Early Asiatic Cultures.

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126 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Four-cornered (is the sepulcbral mound). Now the Devas and the Asuras, both of them sprung up from Prajapati, were contending in the (four) regions ( quarters). The gods drove out the Asuras, their rivals and enemies, from the regions, and, being regionless, they were overcome, wherefore, the people who are godly make their burial places four-cornered, whilst those who are of the Asura nature, the Easterners and others (make them ) cound, for they (the gods ) drove them out from the regions." (Satapatha Brahmana, translated by Julius Eggling in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 44, pp. 421, 424). It is, therefore, quite reasonable to expect the stupas of the heterodox Buddhist and Jaina sects both of which originated in the land of the "Asuryah Pracyah" of the Satapatha, as being round in plan. The Daiva or Brahmanical funeral relics should be square in plan. Most of the Buddhist stupas are round while the Hindus even today raise small square terraced structures (with or without a tulasi-plant grown on top) over the ashes of the followers of the Brahmanical cult. A later word, synonymous with a funeral relic structure or stupa, is Aiduka, explained by the author of Amarakosa and Hemacandra as one having, inside it, a bone-relic. Now the Mahabharata, Vanaparva, 190.65 and 67 says that " The men in the decadent age of Kali will forsake their own gods and worship the edakas (65) and the earth will be dotted over with eduka monuments in place of temples of gods (67). Obviously, the text here refers to stupas (Aidukas) of the non-Brahmanical cults. According to a variant reading from the Southern Recension, recorded in the Critical Edition of the MBH., the reading is jaluka in place of eduka. Dr. Agrawala 1 has shown that this jaluka or jaruka was obviously derived from the Ziggurat. As shown by him, eduka or eluka was a later indigenous substitute for the original jaruka. He further quotes the Mahabhasya of Patanjali (commenting on Panini, V. 3.101 ) which refers to jarukah slokah, meaning verses pertaining to jaruka (ie. Stupa) worship, such as are found in the Saddharmapundarika and other works. That the jaruka or eduka (Aiduka ) was a terraced structure is further proved by him from a reference to Visnudharmottara Purana, HII. Ixxxiv. 1-4, which makes it a terraced temple in three tiers (bhadra pithas) with a Sivalinga installed on its top. He writes: "As a matter of fact an actual specimen of the eduka monument having three terraces and a Siva-linga at its top has been unearthed at Ahicchatra.... But the traditional structure was certainly 1 Agrawala, V.S., Some Foreign Words in Ancient Sanskrit Literature, J.U.P.H.S., Vol. XXIII (1950), pp. 150-151.

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APPENDIX 127 an early one and its range was at one time qaite extensive. One of the four kinds of stapas in Serindia was a remarkable quadrangular building in several tiers dimmishing in size upwards, like a gigantic staircase."1 Dr. Agrawala has already noted the structural resemblance between Ziggurat and jarukaeduka. I may add here an important point of resemblance: the platform on which the Stupa drum is shown represents a fundamental also of the Ziggurat. The structural resemblance between Coomaraswamy's HIIA, fig. 69A, Agrawala's Ahicchatra Eluka and the Jaina Samavasarana is quite obvious to all. And the authors of the Mahabharata and the Malsabhasya seem to refer to the Jaina and Buddhist Stupas when they speak of jarukas (Ziggurats) or edukas. A study of the descriptions of the Samavasarana noted above will show that the three fortifications are an essential part of the " Assembly-Hall ". Represented in stone or metal, the Samavasarana, extending horizontally, is expressed vertically (in elevation) as having three tiers or terraces. Even if it were to be expressed horizontally, the central Gandhakuti is to be shown on a platform, on a higher level than the other parts of the Samavasarana. Now a glance at the Stupa in the relief from Mathura illustrated frere in fig. 6. will show that the Stupa, with its three railings very closely resembles the Jaina Samavasarana. And why is the Stupa represented in this way, as if it is a two or three-terraced structure ? The stupa, or the funeral mound as described by the Satapatha may or may not be an elaborate structure but, from at least the third century B.C., Indian Stupas seem to have become elaborate in plan and elevation. No such Mauryan stupa is however known, but the highly ornate stupas of Sunga Age, from Bharhut and Sanchi, suggest that the activity could have started from the Mauryan Age. In the words of Coomaraswamy, a stupa can be described as follows: "A stupa usually rests on a basement of one or more square terraces (medhi) or is at least surrounded by a paved square or circle for circumambulation, the terraces being approached by stairs (sopana); it consists of a solid dome ( anda or garbha ) with a triple circular base, and above the dome a cubical "mansion " or "gods' house (harmika, Simh, deva-kotuva) from which rises a metal mast (yasti) the base of which penetrates far into the anda; and this mast bears a range of symbolical parasols (chatra) and at the top a rain-vase 1 Agrawala, Ibid., p. 151. For the stupa in Serindia, see, Encyclopaedia Britanica, 14th ed., 2.526. ? Also see, Ancient India, No. IV, p. 167.

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128 STUDIES IN JAINA ART (varsasthala) corresponding to the kalasa of the Hindu shrines. The form undergoes stylistic development; at first there is no drum, but later on the circular base becomes a cylinder, and the dome is elevated and elongated, and the base terraces are multiplied. "1 The Chinese pilgrims speak of certain stupas as towers. The most remarkable monument of Kaniska's reign was possibly his great stupa near Peshawar which, to sum up the various Chinese accounts, consists of a basement in five stages (150 ft.), a superstructure (stapa) of carved wood in thirteen stories (400 ft.), surmounted by an iron column, with 13 to 25 gilt copper umbrellas (88 ft.), making a total height of 638 ft. The description of the stupas given above, and the account of Kaniska's Tower just noted will further support the hypothesis regarding the structural resemblance between Ziggurat and stupa. Even the early Yaksa shrines such as the one illustrated in Coomaraswamy's HIIA., fig. 69A (if at all it is a Yaksa shrine and not a memorial shrine) was made after the manner of a Ziggurat, like a mountain or a tower. The Jaina traditions speak of the first stupa and shrine, erected by Bharata, on the mountain on which Rsabhanatha obtained the Nirvana. The shrine and the stupas erected, Bharata made eight terraces ( asfa-pada) between the foot and the top of the mountain hence the name astapada given to the mount. Here also is the underlying conception of the first Jaina shrine being an eight-terraced mountain, an eight-terraced Ziggurat, or an eight-terraced stupa. Let us take the Sanchi Stupa I. The outer railing with the processional path is the first terrace, though on ground level, and expressed horizontally. But there is a platform with a railing and a processional path above; and there is the harmika on the top. The stupa thus retains the characteristic of a Ziggurat. It was possibly because of the fact of Ziggurat being regarded as the prototype of such terraced relic-structures or the elaborate stupas, that the Mahabharata and Mahabhasya referred to them as Jarukas. Nebuchadnezzar and his successor Nabonidus are credited with having repaired old Ziggurats. The Ziggurats were standing at least upto 539 B.C. as shown above, and though in ruins, must have stood for a few centuries more. They must have been familiar to Indians whose contacts with Sumerian Civilization and Babylon, from the age of Harappa to that of the Baveru Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 30. cf. also, the description of a stupa in the Divyavadana, quoted by Foucher, A., L.' Art Gre'co-bouddhiquie du Gandhara, Vol. I, p. 96. Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 53.

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APPENDIX 1:29 Jataka and later are well-known. The structural conception could have appealed to Indians at any stage. Again, the influence of Persian artists in Asoka's court cannot be doubted, even though there may be difference of opinions regarding details of such an influence. These artists, could also have been responsible for the introduction of the Ziggurat principle in the architecture of the funeral mounds, the stupas erected by Asoka. A number of Persian artists would have entered into India, after the destruction of the Achaemenian Empire in the 4th cent. B.C. The extent of influence of the Ziggurat on the stupa, and (through stupa) on the Jaina Samavasarana is a different matter, but the influence as such is quite probable and deserves careful consideration, That the Samavasarana is nothing but an adoption of the Stupa architecture to Jaina theological use is self-evident to those who read the various texts describing the Samavasarana cited in the preceding pages. It was suggested by some scholars that the description of the Yanavimana, the heavenly-car, given in the Rayapasenaiyam, su. 45 ff., is an eyewitness account of the Jaina Stupas of the Kusana age. True it is that descriptions of some of the parts of Yana-vimara, can be applied to certain parts of the stupa, but the constituents or the plan of the Yana-Vimana are quite different from that of any stupa, Descriptions of walls, floors, pillars, reliefs, paintings, etc. would naturally be applicable to the Kusana art specimens, but they do not exhaust the description of the stupa structure, nor does the plan of the Yana-Vimana show any resemblance with the plan of a stupa. The long descriptions of the Vimana or Heavenly abode of Suryabhadeva, in Rayapasenaiyam, sutras 76 ff. are however interesting as they provide us with descriptioas of various part of different structures, etc. The toranagateways are elaborately described and the description as well applies to the torana-gateways of a stupa, a shrine, a palace or a fortification. Here in the Sudharma-sabha of the god we find reference to Caitya-stupas (su. 124, Becaradasa's ed. pp. 115 ff.) which is the same as found in the Jivajivabhigama sutra etc. referred to before. The stupas are said to be mounted on manipithikas. The description of the Vimana of Suryabha (sutras 76 ff.) is however very interesting as it describes many art-motifs of the age (c. 300 A.D. when the Mathura vacana of the Jaina texts took place), but the plan of the elaborate Jaina (or Buddhist ) stupa is not obtained here. This can only be inferred from the account of the Samavasarana.

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130 STUDIES IN JAINA ART However, since the Vimana of Suryabha is a Heavenly abode and since any shrine is a Heavenly abode, we must find some characteristics of Jaina shrines in such descriptions. Every heavenly abode, every Vimana or Sabha is to be entered by mounting certain flight of steps. And since the Jaina canons apply the same description (varnaka) of an object in all contexts, we have to presume that the flights of steps, for a Jaina Stupa or Samavasarana were also probably regarded to be of the type described in the case of Sudharma sabha or Yana-Vimana, of Suriyabha. In this description of the flights of steps, the stairs described as "tisovanapadiruvaga" (Rayapasenaiyam, su. 30, p.78, and su. 121, p. 219 f) do not refer to three flights of steps on three different doors, but three flights of stairs near each gateway.1 Thus the conception of a triple stair is noteworthy as it agrees with the of the triple stair in front of (Ur-Nammu's' Ziggurat, referred to above. The Heavenly abode, the abode of the Great, was always adorned with such a triple-stair (tri-sopana) as is shown by the Jaina varnaka of sopana in the Jaina canons. Here fortunately we have a very strong proof of the influence of the Ziggurat in India. ? 1 Cf: Rayapasenaiyam, su. 30, p. 78. * We might as well regard such similarities as the common heritage of the Early Asiatic peoples as suggested by Coomaraswamy, HIIA., pp. II-14, also, p. 4.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY (a) Sources : Jaina Abhidhana-Cintamani ( Kosa) of Hemacandra, parts I-II, Bhavnagar, 1915, 1920. Abhidhana-Rajendra Kosa, by Vijaya Rajendra Suri and others, Volumes I-VII, Ratlam, 1913-37. Acara-Dinakara of Varddhamana Suri, 2 Vols., Bombay, 1922-23. Acaranga Sutra, with commentary of Silarka, Agamodaya Samiti, Mehsana, 1916. Acaranga Sutra, trauslation by H. Jacobi, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, Oxford, 1884. A caranga Curni, of Jinadasa, Ratlam, 1941. Antagadadasao, with coram. of Abhayadeva Suri, ed. by P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1932. Anlagadadasao, with comm. of Abhayadeva Suri, ed. by M. C. Modi, Ahmed abad, 1932 Aupapatika Sutra, with commentary of Abhayadeva Suri, Agamodaya Samiti, second edition, Bombay, 1916. Aupapatika Sutra, with comm. of Abhayadeva Suri, ed. by Pandit Bhuralal Kalidas, Bombay, 1938. A vasyaka Curni, by Jinadasa gani Mahattara, 2 Vols., Rsabhadeva Kesarimalji Samstha, Ratlam, 1919, 1928. Avasyaka Niryukti of Bhadrabahu, published in the Avasyaka Sutra and Avasyaka Vytii of Haribhadra Suri, 3. Vol. Agamodaya Samiti edition, Bombay, 1916. Avasyaka Vytti, of Haribhadra Suri, published along with the Avasyaka Sulra and the Avasyaka Niryukli, Agamodaya Samiti edition, 3 Vols., Bombay, 1916. Bhagavali Sulra, with the comm. of Abhayadeva Suri, 3 Vols., Agamodaya Samiti, Mehsana, 1918-'21. Brhat-Jaina-Sabdarnava ( Kosa ), 2 Vols., Digambara Jaina Pustakalaya Surat, 1930-34 Byhat-Kalpa-Bhasya, of Samghadasa gani Mahattara, published along with Byhat-Kalpa-Sulra and Byhal-Kalpa-Niryukti, edited by Muni Shri Punya vijaya, 6 Volumes, Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, 1933-1951. Brhal-Katha-Kosa, of Harisena, edited by A. N. Upadhye, Simghi Jaina Series, No. 17, Bombay, 1943.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART Brhad-Vylti-Brhannyasa on Siddha-Hema-Sabdanusasana of Hemacandra, ed. by Acarya Lavanya suri, Ahmedabad, V.S. 2007. 132 Ekavimsatisthanaka-prakarana, edited by Muni Caturvijaya, Shinor, 1924. Harivamsa, of Jinasena, 2 Vols,, ed. by Pandit Darbarilal, Manikchand Digam. bara Jaina Granthamala, Nos., 32-33, Bombay, 1933. Jambudvipaprajnapti Sutra, with comm. of Santicandra, 2 Vols., Devachand Lalbhai Jaina Pustakoddhara Fund, Bombay, 1920. Jina-Samhita, of Ekasamadhi, manuscript, Jaina Siddhanta Bhavana, Arrah. Jina-Samhita, of Indranandi, manuscript, Sri Ailaka Pannalal Digambara Jaina Bhandara, Bombay. Jivdjivabhigama Satra, with comm. of Malayagiri, Devachand Lalbhai Pustakoddhara Fund, No. 50, Bombay, 1919. Kalpa-Sutra, with Sandehavisausadhi-vyakhya, Jamnagar, 1913. Kalpa-Satra, with the comm, Subodhika, Devachand Lalbhai Jaina Pustakod. dhara Fund, Bombay, 1923. Sri Pavitra-Kalpa-Satra, with the Carni of Agastya Simha Sari. translation etc., edited by Muni Sri Punyavijayaji, Ahmedabad, 1952. Laghu-Ksetrasamasa Prakaranam, of Ratnasekharoa Suri, Bhavanagar, V. S. 1972. Mahanisilha Satra, manuscript, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pocna. Mahapurana (Adipurona), of Jinasena, Vols. I-II, Jnanapitha Murtidevi Jaina Granthamala, nos. 8, 9. Banaras, 1944-'45. Nayadhammakahao, ed. by N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940. Nirayavalido, with comm. of Candrasari, Agamodaya Samiti edition 1922. Edited by Gopani & Choksi, Ahmedabad, 1934. Nirvanahalika, of Padalipta Suri, ed. by M. B. Zaveri, Indore, 1926. Padmacarita,, of Ravisena, 3 Vols., Manikchand Digambara Jain Granthamala Nos. 29, 30, 31, Bombay, 1928. Pancavastu-prakaraya, of Haribhadra Suri, Devachand Lalbhai Jain Pustakoddhara Fund, No. 69, Surat, 1927. Paumacariyam of Vimala Suri, edited by H. Jacobi, Bhavnagar, 1914. Pindaniryukti, of Bhadrabahu, with comm, of Malayagiri, Devachand Lalbhai Jaina Pustakoddhara Fund, No. 44. Bombay, 1918, Pratistha-Kalpa-Tippanam, of Vadi Kumudacandra, manuscript, Jain Sid dhanta Bhavana, Arrah. Pratistha-patha of Vasubindu (also called Jayasena), Sholapur, 1925. Pratistha-Saroddhara, of Pandit Asadhara, edited by Pandit Manoharlal Shastri, Bombay, V. S. 1974.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 133 Pratistha-Tilaka, of Nemicandra, with Marathi translation, Sholapur. Pravacana-Saroddhara, of Nemicandra, with comm; of Siddhasena gani, Vols. I-II, Devachand Lalbhai Jaina Pustakoddhara Fund, Nos. 58, 62, Bombay, 1915. Rayapasenaiyam suttam, edited by Pandit Becardas, with comm. of Abhayadeva suri, Ahmedabad, V. S. 1994. Stuli-Caturvimsatika of Sobhana, with comm. of Dhanapala, edited with Gujarati translation and notes by H. R. Kapadia, Agamodaya Samiti, No. 52, Bombay, 1926. Sthananga-Sulra, with comm, of Abhayadeva, 2 Vols., Agamodaya Samiti, Mehsana, 1920. Siri Sirivala-kaha, Parts I-II, ed. by V. J. Chokshi, Ahmedabad. Siri Sirivala-kaha, with avacuri, published in Devachand Lalbhai Pustakoddhara Fund, no. 63, Bombay, 1923. Siddhantasaradisangraha, ed. by Pandit Pannalal Soni, Manikchand Digambara Jaina Granthamala, No. 21, Bombay, 1923. Samavayanga Sulra, with comm. of Abhayadeva, Agamodaya Samiti, Mehsana; 1918. Tiloyapannatti, of Yativrsabha, Vols. I-II, ed. by A. N. Upadhye and Hiralal Jain, Sholapur, 1943, 1951. Trilokasara, of Nemicandra Siddhanta-cakravarti, ed. by Pandit Manoharla. Shastri, Bombay, 1918. Trisastisala kapurusacarita, Vol. I., translated by Helen Johnson. Gaekwad's Oriental Series, Vol. LI, Baroda. Trisastisalakapurusacarita, Parva I, text, ed. by Muni Caranavijaya, Bhava. nagar. Uvasagadasao, with comm. of Abhayadeva, Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar 1920. Uvasagadasao, edited by P. L. Vaidya, Poona, 1930. Vasudevahindi, of Samghadasa Vacaka, 2 parts, ed. by Muni Shri Punyavija yaji, Atmananda Sabha, Bhavnagar, 1930-31. Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa, of Jinaprabha suri, ed. by Muni Shri Jinavijayaji, Simghi Jaina Series, No. 10., Calcutta-Bombay, 1934. Vyavahara-bhasya, edited by Muni Maneka, Bhavanagara, 1926. Yoga Sastra, of Hemacandracarya, with his own comm., Bhavanagar, 1926. Yasastilaka Campu, two volumes, Nirnayasagara Press, Bombay. (b) Sources : Non-Jaina, Atharva-Veda, ed, with Sayana's comm, by S. P. Pandit, Bombay, 1895-98. Arthasastra of Kautilya, text, ed. R. Shamashastri, Mysore, 1919.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra, Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, Poona, 1936. Asvalayana Grhya-Satra, ed., A. G. Stenzler, Leipzig, 1864. Aitareya Brahmana, translated by Martin Haug, Bombay-London, 1863. ed. by Agashe, Poona, 1896. translated by Keith, Harward Oriental Series, Vol. XXV Cambridge, Mass., 1920. 134 39 Chandogya Upanisad, edited with translation by Bohtlingk. Leipzig, 1889. Digha-nikaya, 3 Vols., ed. Rhys Davids and J. Charpentier, P. T. S., London, 1889-1911. Divyavadana, ed. E. B. Cowell and R. A. Neil., Cambridge, 1886. Jataka, 6 Vols., ed., V. Fausboll, London, 1877-97. Lalitavistara, ed., Rajendralal Mitra, Calcutta, 1877. Mahabharata, with comm. of Nilakantha, pub. by Chitrasala Press. Poona, 1929-33. MahabhAsya, of Patanjali, with Marathi translation, ed., V. S. Abhyankara Shastri, Poona, 1938-1934. Das Mahaparinirvana Satra, ed. by Ernst Waldschmidt, Berlin, 1950-51. Manusmrti, with comm. of Kulluka, Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay, 1929. Ramayana of Valmiki, ed. by Mudholkar Shastri, 7 Vols., Bombay, 1914. Rgveda Samhita, Samhita and Pada text with Siyana's comm., ed. by F. Max Muller, 2nd ed. 1890-2. Rgveda Samhita, Samhita and Pada text with Sayana's comm., ed. by Vaidika Samsodhana Mandala, Poona, 4 vols., 1933. Saddharmapundarika-Sutra, revised ed., by Dr. Nalinaksa Datta, Calcutta, 1952. Sabda-Kalpadruma Kosa, ed. by Raja Radhakanta deva Bahadur, 5 Vols., Calcutta, 1926. Satapatha Brahmana, translated by Julius Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East Series, Vols, XII, XXVI. XLI, XLIII, XLIV, Oxford, 1882-1900. Satapatha Brahmaya, text, ed. A. Weber, London, 1885. Taittiriya Samhita, ed. by A. Weber, Berlin, 1871-72. Taittiriya Samhita, with comm. of Madhava, Calcutta, 1854-99. Vajasaneyi Samhita, ed. with Mahidhara's comm. by A. Weber, London, 1852. (c) General-Works and Articles Agrawala, V. S. The Nativity Scene of a Jaina Relief from Mathura, Jaina Antiquary, Arrah, Vol. X (1944).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 135 2. A New Stone Umbrella from Mathura, Journal of the U. P. His. torical Society Lucknow, Vol. XX. ( 1947). 3. Some Foreign Words in Ancient Sanskrit Literature, Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Lucknow, Vol. XXIII (1950). 4. Catalogue of the Mathura Museum, Journal of the U. P. Histor ical Society Lucknow, Vol. XXIII (1950). 5. Vasavadatta and Sakuntala scenes in the Ranigumpha cave in Orissa, Journal of the Indian Society of Orient Art, Vol. XIV (1946). 6. Harsacarita Eka Sarhskylika adhyayana (Hindi), Patna. 1953. 7. India as known to Panini, University of Lucknow, 1953. 8. A short Guide Book to the Archaeological section of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, 1953. (Quoted here as Guide to Lucknow Museum). 9. Purna-Kumbha or the Full-Vase, Journal of the Uttara Pradesh Historical Society, Vol. XVII, Lucknow, 1944. Bachhofer, L.,-Early Indian Sculpture, 2 vols. Paris, 1929. Bajpai, K. D.,-Some New Mathura Finds, Journal of the Uttara Pradesh His torical Society, Vol. XIX, Lucknow, 1948. Banerji, J. N.-Develcpment of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta, 1941. Banerji, R. D. 1. Haihayas of Tripuri and their Monuments, Archaological Survey of India, Memoir No. 23, Calcutta, 1931. 2. Age of the Imperial Guptas, Banaras, 1933. Eastern School of Medieval Indian Sculplure, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. 47, Delhi, 1933. 4. History of Orissa, 2 Vols., Calcutta, 1930. 5. Notes on Mangya-Tungya Caves, Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1921. 6. Some sculptures from Kosam, Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1913-'14. Banerji-Shastri, A.-- Mauryan Sculptures from Lohanipur-Patna, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna, Vol. XXVI. Barua, B. M. 1. Old Brahmi Inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves, Calcutta, 1929. 2. Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela, Indian Historical Quar terly, vol. XI, 1938. 3. Bharhut, 3 Vols., Calcutta, 1934-'37.

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136 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Beal, Samuel Buddhist Records of the Western Worid, 2 Vols, London, 1884. Bhandarkar, D. R. 1. Jaina Iconography, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL, 1911. 2. Chaumukha Temple at Ranakpur, Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1907-'08. 3. Temples at Osia, Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1908-'09. Bhattacharya, B. C.-Jaina Iconography, Lahore, 1939. Bhagawanlal Indraji The Kahaum Inscription of Skandagupta, Iudian Antiquary, Vol. X, 1881. Brown, Percy 1. Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu ), Vol. I., second revised ed., Bombay, Brown, W. Norman I. A Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of Miniature Paintings of the Jaina Kalpasutra as executed in the Early Western Indian Style, Washington, 1934. 2. Manuscript Illustrations of the Uttaradhyayana Satra, New Haven, 1941. 3. Th: Story of Kalaka, Washington, 1933. 4. Stylistic Varities of Early Western Painting, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, Calcutta, Vol. V, 1937. 5. A Manuscript of the Sthananga Sutra illustrated in the Early W. Indian Style, New Indian Antiquary, May 1918. 6. The Svastika-a pamphlet. Emerson Books, Inc. 1933. Buhler, G.-1. Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathura, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, 1894. 2. Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, 1894. 3. New Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, 1892. Burgess, J. Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. II, 1876. Burgess, J. & Cousens, H. Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat especially of the Districts Included in the Baroda State, Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. IX, London, 1903.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 137 Chanda, Ramaprasad, P. 1. Mediaeval Indian Sculplures in the Briitish Museum, London, 1936. 2. Note on Pre-His:oric Antiquities from Mohen jo Daro, Modern Review, Calcutta, 1924. 3. Jaina Remains at Rajgir, Archaeological Survey of India, An nual Report, 1925-26. Coomaraswamy, A. K.-- 1. Conqueror's Life in Jaina Paintings, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. III, 1935. 2. Yakshas, Parts I-II, Washington, 1928, 1931. 3. Elements of Buddhist Iconography, Cambridge, Mass.), 1936. 4. History of Indian and Indonesian Art, London, 1927. 5 Catalogue of the Indian Collection in the Museum of Fine Arts, Bosto, vol. IV. Jaina Paintings and Manuscripts, ( quoted as Catalogue ), Boston, 1924. Cousens, H. I. Somnath and other Mediaeval temples in Kathiawad, Archaeolog ical Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. 45, Delhi, 1931. 2. Reviset List of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. 16, 1897. Architectural Antiquities of Western India, London, 1926. 4. List of Antiquarian Remains in the Central Provinces and Berar, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XIX, 1897. Desai, M.D.-- Jaina Sahityano Sanksipla Ilihasa (in Gujarati), Bombay, 1933. Dikshitar, V.R.R. - Urigin and Early History of Caityas, Indian Historical Quarter ly, Vol. XIV, 1938. Fergusson, J & Burgess, J. Cave Temples of India, London, 1880. Fleet, J.F. Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their successors Corpus Inscriptionum Indicaruin, Vol. III, Calcutta, 1888. Foucher, A - L'Art Greco-bouddhique du Gandhara, Paris, 1905-23. Frankfort, Henri, 1. The Birth of Civilisation in the Near East, London, 1951. 2. The Art and Architecture of the Orient, London, 1954. Furher, A. - Pabhosa Inscriptions, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II.

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138 Garde, M. B. 1. Gordon, D. H. Handiqui, K. K. Archeology in Gwalior State, Gwalior, 1934. A Guide to the Archeological Museum, Gwalior, Gwalior, 1928. Jaini, J. L.Ghosh, A.Ganguly M. M. Early Indian Terracollas, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. XI, 1943. Kierfel, H. Kuraishi, H. Orissa and her remains, Ancient and Mediaeval, Calcutta, 1912. 2. Handbook to the Sculptures in the Museum of Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, Calcutta, 1922. Jaina, K. P. Ardha Phalaka-Sampradaya, Jaina Siddhanta-Bhaskara, Arrah, Vol. VIII. Jayaswal, K. P. Yasastilaka-Campa and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1949. Lord Rsabhadeva. A Guide to Nalanda, Delhi, 1939 STUDIES IN JAINA AR1 Jaina Images of the Mauryan Period, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Vol. XXIII. March, 1937. Kane, P. V. History of the Dharmasastra, Vol. I-IV. Poona. 1930 1954. Kar, Chintamani. Law, B. C. Indian Metal Sculpture. London, 1952. Die Kosmographie der Inder, Leipzig, 1920. Kuraishi, H. and Ghosh, A. List of Ancient Monuments protected under Act VII of 1904 in the Bihar and Orissa Provinces. Archaeological Survey of India, Delhi, 1931. Kramrisch, Stella A Guide to Rajgir, Delhi, 1939. Indian Sculpture, Calcutta-London, 1933. 1. History of Pali Literature, 2 Vols., London, 1933. 2. Geography of Early Buddhism, London, 1932. 3. Kausambi in Ancient Literature, Archaeological Survey of India, Memoir No. 60. Delhi, 1939. Leonard, Wooley. Luders, H. Excavations at Ur, London, 1954. A List of Brahmi Inscriptions from Early Times to about A. D. 400. Epigraphia Indica Vol. X, Appendix.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 139 Lohuizen de Leeuw, J. E. Van. The Scythian Period, Leiden, 1949. Mackay, E. J. H.-- Further Excavations at Mohen. Jo-Daro, 2 Vols., Delhi, 1938. Majumdar, N. G.-- Explorations in Sind, Archaeological Survey, of India Memoir No. 48. Delhi, 1934. Majumdar R. C. History of Bengal, Vol. I, Dacca, 1943. Majumdar, R. C. & Pusalkar A. D. 1. The Vedic Age, London, 1952. 2. The Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay, 1952. Marshall, Sir John 1. Mohen-Jo-Daro and the Indus Valley Civilization. Vols. 1-III. London, 1931, 2. A Guide to Taxila. 3rd edition, Delhi, 1936. 3. The Monuments of Ancient India, Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, 1922. Mehta, Ratilal. Pre-Buddhist India, Bombay, 1941. Mehta, N. C. A picture-scroll from Gujarat, Indian Art and Letters, Vol. VI (New Series ). Mitra, Rajendralal. Antiquities of Orissa, 2 Vols., London, 1880. Moti Chandra. 1. ga # ufat sa grata, Premi Abhinandana Grantha, Tikamgadh, (Madhya-Bharat) 1946. 2. Jaina Miniature Paintings from Western India, Ahmedabad, 1949. Muni Punyavijaya. Jesalmera-Citravali, Ahmedabad, 1951. Muni Jayantavijaya. 1. Holy Abu (Translation with an Introduction by Shah U. P.) Bhavanagar, 1954. 2. Tirtharaja Abu (also called Abu, Vol. I), Gujarati edition of No. I above, Bhavanagar.

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140 STUDIES IN JAINA ART Nawab, Sarabhai M. Jaina Citra-Kalpadruma, Abmedabad, 1936. Ramachandran, T. N. 1. The Manchapuri Cave, Indian Historical Quarteriy, Calcutta, Vol. XXVII. 2. Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum, Vol. mo. Madras, 1934. Rapson, E. J., The Date of the Amohini Volive Tablet of Mathura, Indian Studies in honour of Charles Lanman, Cambridge, 1929. Rhys, Davids T. W.,-- 1. Buddhist India, London, 1903. 2. Manual of Indian Buddhism, London, 1896. Sahani, D. R. & Vogel, J. Ph. Catalogue of the Sarnath Museum, Calcutta, 1914. Sahani D. R. Archaeological Remains and Excavations at Bairat, Jaipur. Sankalia, H.D. 1. Jain Temples from Devaghad Fort, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. IX ( 1941 ). 2. The Earliest Jaina Sculptures in Kathiawud, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London, July, 1938. 3. The So called Buddhist Images from the Buroda State, Bulletin, Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. I, March, 1940. 4. Archaeology of Gujarat, Bombay, 1941. Sarasvati, S. K. Temple Architecture in the Gupta Age, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. VIII. (1940). Sarkar, D. C. Barli Fragmentary Stone Inscription, Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Vol. XXXVII. (1951). Shah, C. J., Jainism in North India, London, 1932, Shah, Priyabala, Aiduka, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I. 1952. Shah, U. P., 1. Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Sarasvati, Journal of the University of Bombay, Vol. X, September 1941. Deccan

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 141 2. An Early Bronze of Parsvanatha in the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay, No. 3, 1954 3. Muni Vairadeva of Son Bhandara Cave Inscription, Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Patna, Vol. 1953. Age of Differentiation of Svetambara and Digambara Images and a few Early Bronzes from A kota, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay, Vol. I, No. 1. 1957. A Female Chaurie-Bearer from A kota and 1 he School of Ancient West, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay, Vol. I, No. 1 6. So-Called Mauryan Polish in Jaina Literature. Journal of the M. S. University of Baroda, June, 1955. 7. Yaksa Worship in Early Jaina Literature, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, No. 1, 1953. 8. A Note on A kota Hoard of Jaina Brontes, published in Baroda Through the Ages, Appendix, IV, pp. 97 ff 9. A Further Note on Stone-Umbrellas from Mathura, Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. XIV (1951). 10. Siddha-Cakra, Bulletin of the Baroda Museum, Vol. 3. II. Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Amtika, Journal of the Uni versity of Bombay, 1940. 12. Varddhamana-Vidyu-Pata, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. IX (1941 ). 13. Jinabhadragani Ksamisramana na svahaste pialisthila pracina Jaina Pratimao, Jaina Satyaprakasa, Vol. XVII. Shastri, Hirananda. Ancient Vijnaplipatras, Shri Pratapasimha Rajvabhise ka Granthamala, No. I, Baroda. Smith, Vincent. 1. Jaina Stupa and other Antiquities from Mathura, Allababad, 1901, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XX. 2. History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, 2nd Revised ed. by Codrington, K. de. B., Oxford, 1930. Stein, Sir A. Archeological Reconnaissar.ces in N. W. India and S. W. Iran. Viennot, Odette. De Culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, Paris, 1954.

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142 Vogel, J. Ph. Shastri, Pandit Harhsaraja STUDIES IN JAINA ART La Sculpture de Mathura, Art Asiatica, XV. Paris, 1930. 2. Catalogue of the Curzon Museum of Archaeology at Mathura, Allahabad, 1910. Caitya-vada-samiksa (Hindi), Ambala, V. S. 2007. (d) Journals, Reports, etc. Annual Progress Report of Archaeological Survey of India, Western Circle, PoonaBombay. Archaeological Survey Reports, Cunnigham. Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Reports. Bulletin of the Baroda Museum, Baroda. Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. Bulletin of the Deccan College Post Graduate Research Institute, Poona. Epigraphia Indica, Ootacamund, Indian Antiquary. Indian Culture, Calculla. Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta. Journal of Indian Museums, Bombay. Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Calcutta. Journal of the Oriental Institute, Baroda. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. Journal of the University of Bombay, Bombay. Journal of the Uttar Pradesh Historical Society, Lucknow. Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference, Peona.

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INDEX Abhayadeva, Abhayadeva suri, 48n, Aksaya vata, 66n 50, 51, 530, 55.670, 68, 69, 83 Alakapuri caves, 8 Abbidhana Cintamani, 61, 11611 alambaka, 91 Abhidhana Rajendra, 89n, 1170 Allahabad, 8 Abu, 19. 22, 106, 114, 117 Al'Ubaid period, 123, 125 Acala, 2, 109 Al'Uqair, 124, 125 Acalesvara, 211 Amalakappa, 50 Acara Dinakara ton, ILI Ambika, 18, 19, 25, 26, 64, 74 Acararga Sutra, 44, 48, 49, 50, 73 Amarakosa, 126 --Niryukti, 116 Amaravati, 58, 60, 70, 83 Acarya, 97, 98, 113 Amohini, 9, 11, 78-79 Acarya Lavanya Suri, join Amrasalavana, 55 Achaemenian Dynasty, 125 Amvam, 18 - Empire, 129 Anagara, 59n Adinatha, II, 161, 17.23. 24, 25, 26,71 Asahilavala Patan, 4 Adipurana, 6), 71 851, 86n, gon, Ananda (caitya ), 48, 49 971, 16.611, 10711, fogn Ananda gahavai, 53n Agada, 49 Anangas, 75 Agamas, 40 Ananta cave, 7 Agni, 61, 62 anda. 127 Agni cityas, 42, 44 Anga vijja, 105n Agra, 33 Anjana mountains, 119 Agrawala, V. S , 46, 7, 90, 111, 151, 56, Arkai Tankai, caves, 24 7711, 79n, 80, 81, 82, 83, IIon, Antagadadasao ( sutta ), 51, 52 IIIN, 112, 126, 127ff. Anuyogadvara curni, 114 Ahicchatra, 8, 126ff Anu-Ziggurat, 12 Ahmedabad, 17, 32, 33 A parajiti, 87 Ahmednagar district, 24 Apri Suktas, 65 Aiduka, 54n, 56, 5811, 93, 123ff, 126 Apsarasas, 54, 57, 65 Airavata ksetra, 74 Arahata, 78 Aitareya Brahmana, 43 Arahato devakula, 8in Ajanta, 27, 29, 30 Arahatayatana, sin Ajita, 87 Arang, 25 Ajitanatha, Jina, 15, 117 Aramaic influence, 125 Ajivika sect, 6 Arddha-phalaka-sampradaya, 831 Ajivikas, 8, 1051 Ardhamagadhi, 43 Akota, 4. 16, 171, 19, 24, 28 Ardha-mandupa, 20 Akrura, ro8 Arhan, roin Aksa, 113 Arhat, 14, 97, 98, 99 Aksavatika, 119 Arhat Acara, 30

Page #157
INDEX 144 Arhat Caitya, 40, 531. Asurya smasana, 57, 63, 1261 Arhat Nandyavarta, 62 Asvamedha, 45 Arhat pratima, 53n ASvattha tree, 47, 65, 66 Arhats, 6, 14, 15, 53n, 97, 119, 120 Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, 43, 44, 45, --Kasyapiya, 8 49, 51 -shrine of, 81 Atharvaveda (AV.), 65, 66, 112n -puja of, 78, 81, 82n atipataka, 55 --temples of, 119 attalikas, 91 Arihanta, 531 Attematte. Yantra-Pata, 31 Arihantaceiyaim, 53n Atthavaya = Astapada Aristanemi, 93 Aupapatika Sutra, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, Arjuna, 112 6711, 68n, 6gn, 81, 83, 86, 10gn Arrah, 99n Auspicious Dreams, 41, 105-108 Arthasastra, 46, 471, 51 ---Inarks, 34, Arts, classification of, 3 -objects, 80, 112, - Naga, 64 --symbols, 81, 82, rogff. -Deva, 64 Avasarpini, 77 -Yaksa, 61 Avasyaka Curni, 4. gn, 59, 62, 850, Arya, 44 1191, 12on Aryaka (or Ayaka )-patas, 83 --Bhasya, 59n, Son Aryars, 44, 51, 62, 63 - Niryukti, Ion, 1201, 58, 59, 62, Arya Skandila, III 640, 850, 86, 83n, 8gn Aryavati, II, 78, 79 - Vitti, ion, 590, 62n, 640, 850, Asadhara, 61, 99n, 100 86, 8gn Asadhasena, 8 avatara 117 Asoka, 6, 64, 129 Ayaga patas, 9, 10, II, 41, 60, 64, 69, - tree, 52, 55, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 77.84, 86, 109, 110, 114, 115 83, 88n, 91 ayagasabba, 81, 84 --vana, 91 ayama, 57 Assembly halls, 57, 127 Ayavati, 78n, 79. Assyrian, 8 -gems, 125 Babylon, 123, 125, 128 Astahnika-mahotsava, 120 Bachhofer, L., 78n, Son Astamangala (s), 41, 57, 58, 60, 67, 68, Badami, 27 82, 86, 91, 92, 93, 109-112, Badoh, 23, 24 Astamangala-malas, iron Bagh, 29 Astangahrdaya, 108 Bahali, ion Asta-pada, 128 Bahali-adambailla, ron Astapada, ion, 27, 59, 116ff, 128 bahalla, 60 Astapada-giri-kalpa, 117n Bahubali, 10, 64 Astapadamahatirthakalpa, 117n Bahulara, 25 asthi-caityas, 47 Bahuputrika, 49, 55 Asuras, 126 Bajpai, K. D., 82n Asurinda, 59n Baladevas, 107

Page #158
INDEX 145 bali, 43, 66 Bhelsa, 4 Bali (Indra ), 591 Bhinmal, 17 Balipattas, 821, 86, 109 Bhojanagara , 48 Banaras, 14, 15, 62 bhtngara, 90, 91, IIT Banerji, J. N., 6on, bin Bhangas, 75 Banerji, R. D., 151, 25, 26, 75n, 82n Bhumara, 29 Banerji-Shastri, 5n, 6 Bhuta (s). 40, 49, 54, 73, 74, TIN Bappa bhatti suri, 9, 64 Bihar, :4, 6, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, Barabara hills, caves in, 6 35, 115 Barabhuji, caves, 6-7, 18, 26 Bikaner State, 23 Barli, 6, inscription from, 6n bimba, 47 Baroda, 33 Bodhisattva, 48, 66n Baroda Museum, 98 Bodhi-tree, 47, 58, 73 Barua, B. M., 6n, 8n, 59, 6on, 6gn, 71 --shrine, 56, 69 Baudhayana, 65 -druma, 66n Bava Pyara's Math 12 Bombay, 102 Baveru Jataka, 125, 128 Bone-relics, 53, 59, 126 Beal, S., 30 Boston Museum, 56, 106 Bengal, 20, 24, 25, 26, 75n Brahma, 28 Berar, 27 Brahmanical remains, 15 Besnagar, 14, 60, 61 -fanes 20 Bhadrabahu, 97n --funeral relics, 126 bhadra-pitha, 126 -iconography, 39 bhaddasana, 67, IOyn -texts, 75 bhadrasana, 13, 81, 109, 110, III, 114 | Brahmaghosa, 46 Bhagavad-Gita, 47 Brahmanism, 16 Bhagavati Sutra, 40, 49, 50, 52n, 53n, Brahmavaivarta Purana, 108, 112 54, 55, 72n, 97n Bshannandikesvara Purana,JI2nbhakti, 44, 52 Brhat-Kalpa-Bhasya, 6n, ron, 12n, bhamandala, 88, 93 6an, 114 bhamati, 21 | JSutra, 115 Blandak, 25 Brhat-Jaina-Sabdarnava, 1210 Bhandarkar, D. R., in, Ion, 850, 94 Bharata, 45, 58, 59, 116, 117, 128 Brhat-Siddha-Cakra, 99, 100 . Bharata Kala Bhavana, 15, 620 British Museum, 26 Bharata ksetra, 74 Bronze, Bharhut, 7, 12, 18, 47, 57n, 58, 59, 6on, -of Adinatha, 161, 24, 26 69, 71, 79, 83 -of Ambika 25 Bhattacharya, B. C., 171, 18n -of Brahma, 28 bhatticitta; 68 of a Chauri-bearer, 1717, 24 Bhavadeva suri, 34 -of Dancing-girl, 8 Bhavanadhipatis (Bhavanapatis ), 87, of Jivantasvami, 4, 28 -of Parsva. 81, 28n Bhavanavasi gods, 71, 74, 89 --of Sarasvati, 25, 28n 89

Page #159
146 INDEX -of Sahasrakuta, 24 ---explanation of term, 54; origin of, -of Siddha-cakra, 98 43ff, 58; plan of a ca., 56, in the of Nandisvara, 120, 121 sense of a tree, 66-67, in the sense Bronzes, from Chausa, 13, from of a platform, 66; in the epics, 54 Valabhi, 16, from Vasantagadh, -Airasalavana-ca, 50; Ananda16ff, from Akota, 4f, 16ff, 28ff, ca., 48, 49; Babuputrika ca., 49, from Mahudi, 17, from Chahardi, 55, Gotma ca., 48f; Gunasila ca., 24, from Rajanakin Khinkhini, 49. 50; Chandaka-Nivartana-ca., 25, from Nalgora, 25, from Puri 48; Puryabhadra ca., 49-52, 6), district, 26 70, 71, 86; Sattambaka ca., 48, Brown, Percy, 8n, 18n, ign, 2in, 22n, Uden ca., 48. 26n -of Tirtharkaras, 52. Brown, W. Norman, 32, 33, 86n, 93, Caityalaya, 98 940, 106, 112 Caitya---daivata. 46, 51 Buddha, 4, 5, 14, 39, 40, 41, 48, 61, 72, -druma, 47 73 -dhatu, 48 Buddha-patima, 48 -gphas, 46 Buddha's cuda, 48 -prasadas, 46 Budhi Chanderi, 16, 23 -sthana, 47 Buddhism, 5, 16, 52, 64 --vTksa, 7, 41, 46, 47, 499, 51-53, Buddhist(s), 13, 15, 47, 81, 63, 66, ! 54, 55, 56-58, 65f1, 70-73, 75, 125, 83n, 115 ---accounts of cremation, 59, 6on, -yajna, 43, 44, 49. 51 --cetiyas, 55 --stambha, 499, 51, 60 - literature, 48, 67 -stupas, 499, 53, 55, 57, 58 - painting, 27 -yupas, 44, 45, 47 -sculpture, 12 Caitya-cave, 30 --sites, 83 Caitya-halls, 7. -stupa, 102, 126, 127 Caitya-krta-vsksa, 50 -works, 49, 60 Caitya-ksta stupa, 50 -worship, 73 Caitya-tree, 10, 41, 46, 47, 67, 69-75, -Art, 73 77, 81, 82-84, 83, 96, 109, 119, 121 Buhler, G., uin, 777, 79, 82, --table of, 76 840, 86n Caitya-Vada-Samiksa. 43, 44, 49 Bulan dibag, 5 Caitya-worship, 41, 46, 47, 95 Bull-rider, 8 Cakra, 115 Burdwan district, 25 Cakra-purusa, 14 Burgess, J., 13, 26n Cakravartins, 107 Burhanpur, 25 Calukyas, of Gujarat, 21 Burial ground, 47 Camara, 57, 59 Buxur, 13, 115 Camara, 91, III Caitya (caityas ), 30, 40, 41, 43-49, Camarajjhaya, 76 50-52, 55, 57, 66, 67, 71, 72, 83, Camarajuyala, 67 95, 98, 116 Cambay, 33

Page #160
INDEX 147 Campa, 50, 86 Campaka, 74.95 Candala, 47 Candana-ghatas, 55, 57 Candanaka, 113n Candra kula, 102 Candranana, 119 Candraprabhacaritra, 2in Candrasala, 91 Capital--of Banyan tree, 60 --of Tala-dhvaja, 60 -of Garuda-dhvaja, 60 --of Makara-dhvaja, 60 - Votive, 60 Caritra, 100, 101 Caturmukha Jinalaya, 22 Caturvijaya, 73 Caubara Dera, 23 Caumukha image, 23 -shrine, 117, 120 -temple, 22, 26 Caumukha, 95 Cave-temples, 57n Cayana, 43, 45, 49, 54 Ceiya, 43, 48, 51, Ceiyaim, 52 Ceiya-duma, 88 --khambha, 53, 59n - kada thubha, 49 -kada rukkha, 49 --maha, 48 - mahotsava, 49 -rukkha, 48n - thubha, 59n Central India, 14, 19, 21, 27, 29 Central Provinces, 25 Cetita, 43 -rukkha, 52, 53 -thubha, 52-54 Cetiya, 43, 48, 49, 51, 52, 55, 67 -grha, 48 -mahotsava, 49 Cettaduma, 721 Cettataru, 72n Chakodie, 60 Chakravarti, A., 89n Chanda, Ramaprasad, 30, 140, 26n Chanda, 25 Chandaka, 48, 88 Chandaka-nivartana-caitya, 48 Chandela Art, 20 -temples, 19 Chandogya Upanisad, 66, 105n Chandragupta, 14 Chalcolithic age, 4 Chahnu-Daro, seals from, 65 Chani 32 Chatra, 91, III, 127 Chattaichatta, 67 Chaturmukha shrine, 71 Chausa, 13, 115 Cheta (cheti) dynasty, 6 Chahardi, 24 Chhatrapur State, 19 Chhota Nagpur, 25 Chinese accounts, 128, pilgrims, 128 Chintamani Yantra-Pata, 34 Chitor, 23, 61 Ciigam, Ciigao, 59n Cillaniya, 64 Citrangas, 75 Citra-patas, 117, 12In Citrarasas, 75 Citra-sala, 91 Cittakamma, 113n Citya (citi), 43, 45, 54 Codrington, K. de B., 8in, 86, 94n Colapatta, 115 conch, symbol, 14 Conqueror's life, 105n Convent built, 30 Coomaraswamy, A. K, 7, 13, 2in, 24, 28, 391, 41, 42, 44, 45n, 47n, 48,52n, 54n, 56, 61, 62, 66, 67, 6gn, 75n, 8on, 940, 105, 106, 112, 114, 123, 125n, 127ff Cousens, H., 18, 25n, Covisi, 24 Cremation, Buddhist, 59, 60

Page #161
148 INDEX of a Tirtharikara, 59 ---ground 47 Crossed wooden-stand, 113 cuda, 48 Cults, of Bhutas, 73; Caitya worship, 95; of Gandharvas, 73; of Nagas, 41, 73; of phallus worship, 44; of trees, 73, 74; of mother-goddesses, 44; of Yaksas, 41, 44, 73, Yaksi worship, 95 Cult object, 48, 49, 58 Cunningham, A., 18n, 61 Cupid's banners, III Cyrus, 125 Dadhikaina Naga 83 Dadhimukha mountains, 119 Daiva smasana, 57, 63, 126 1. Daivata Caitya, 46, 51, 52 Dakini, 102 Damayasada, 13n Damoh district, 27 Dandaka, 45 Danda-paunchanakam, 114 Danda-pronchanaka, 114, 115 dappana, 67, Iogn darpana 109-111 Darsana, 100-101 Dasaratha, 6 Dasasrutaskandha, 108n Datia, 27 Davids, Rhys, 72 Deccan, 3, 20, 24 Deity, 47 Delwada, Mt. Abu, 21 Deogarh, fort, 15, 20, 29, 95, 114; --temples, 15; pillars at, 20, 61; sculptures at, 20. Desai, M. D., 316 Deshpande, M. N., 13n Deulbhira, 23 Deva art, 64 Devas, 54, 126 Devacchandaka, 58, 87, 93, 119 Devadaruvana legend, 62 devadundubhi, 88 deva-kotuva, 127 devakulikas 21, 22 Devananda, 105 Devanirmita stupa, 62, 63, 64 Devarddhi gani ksamasramana, 108 Deva suri, 34 Deva temple, 15 Devayam Ceiyam, 50, 51, 56 Devendra suri, 113n Devipurkna, 108 Dhammacakka, 116n Dhanabhuti, 79 Dhandhala, 121 Dhank, 17 Dhana pala, 85n Dharmacakra, 10, 14, 61, 62, 77, 80, 81, 82, 88, 98, 99, 115 -origin of, Ion; Uttara pathe, Ion; devotional scenes on sides of, 11; shrine of, 58, 69; worship of, at Taxila, 64. Dharmaghosa, 850, 87n, 8n Dharmanatha, 117 Dharmasastra, History of, 66, 1121 Dharmopadesamala. 32 Dhatu.Caityas, 48, 52 dhiullika, 1131 chuli-sala, 89 dhupa ghata, 91 Dhvajas, 60, 62, 91,11!; meaning of, 61 Dhvaja-pillars, II, 60, 61 Dhyana-mudra, II, 16 Diamond-boxes, 53 Didarganj Yaksi, 51 Digambara (s), II, 19, 20, 24, 58, 61, 74, 85, 93, 98, 100, 117, 120 - Bhandaras, 99n -diagram, 99 -images, 11 -Jainas,95, 106 lists, 74

Page #162
INDEX 149 --manuscripts, 27, 103 -stupa, 128 -partition, 74 -Ziggurat, 128 --sites, 21 eka-sala, 9 -sect, 23, 25, 26, 35, III, 117 Ekasamdhi, 99, 100 -shrine, 121 Ekavimsatisthanaka prakarana, 73n -tantra, 99 Elements, of Dravidian Origin, 44 ---temples, 19ff., 24, 25 Elephanta Trimurti, 29 -texts, 63 Ellora, 27. 30,31 -tradition, 63, 85, 95, 105. 121 Enlil, storm.god, 124 Digha Nikaya, 48, 55 Eran, 18 Dignity, 97n Erandol, 24 dik-gaja, 90 Eridu, 125 Dik-kumaris, 24 Eternal temples, fifty-two, 120 Dik-palas, 20, 22, 102n Dikshitar, V. R. Ramachandra, 43, Fergusson, J. 24n 44n, 45-47, 51 Festivals,48, 49 Dinajpur district, 25 Fleet. J., 159, 95n Dinara-mala, 208 Foucher, A., 128n Dipasikhas, 75 four Essentials, 97 Disc, 39 four Padas, 98, 100 Divinity, 39 Frankfort, Henri, 123, 124 ff. Divyavadana, 39, 128 Frescoes, of Ajanta, 29 door-frames, 107 Full-jar, 112n door-lintels, 62 Full vase, 112 Double-headed eagle, 9 Funeral Caityas, 50 Draupadi, 40 --memorials, 47 Dravidians, 44, 51 --mounds, 47, 53, 93n Dreams, 33, 105-108 - relic, 48, 52, 53 -auspicious and inauspicious, 107 --stupas, 50 -- belief in, 108 Furhrer, A., 8n - four, 107; five, 105 ; seven, 107; fourteen, 105, 106, 108; sixteen, Gaoarmal temple, 24 105, 106 Gaja-Laksmi, 7 -ten, scen by Mahavira, 107 Ganadhara (Ganahara), 59, 61, dvi-sala. 91 114, 116 dvipa(s), 117, 121 Gandhakuti, 56, 93, 94, 127 Early Asiatic 1251 Gandhala valley, 15 -Cultures, peoples, 130n Gandharvas, 65, 72, 74, 78 Early Dynastic seals, 124 Gandhara, 4, 5, 10, 12, 13, 40 Eastern School, of Sculpture, 17, 19, 25 Ganesa-gumpha, 7, 8 Edukas, 56, 93n, 126ff Ganesa, reliefs of, 75 Eggling, Julius, 126 Ganges, 26 eight days' festival, 129 garbha, 127 eight-terraced mountain, 128 Garde, M, B., 141, 17, 24n

Page #163
150 INDEX Garudacayanayaga, 45, 47 Garuda-dhvaja, 60, 61 Gautama Buddha, 39 Gautama, 114, 116, 117 Gautamiputra, 80 Gawalgarh, 27 Gayaggapada, 116 Gehakaras, 75 Ghantai temple, 19 Ghatesvara, 25 Ghositarama, 71 Ghotan, 24 Girnar, 13, 19, 27, 117 Goalesvara, 23 Godvad district, 22 Gola valtasamuggaa, 5311, 59n Gonds, 26 gopura, 90, 91 Gordon, D. H, 3n Gosisavaracandana, 59n Gotama, 48, 49, 72 Gotiputra, 80 Govindaraja, 47 grama-caityas, 47 Gudhamandapa, 21 Gujarat, 17, 24, 29, 34 Gunasila-Ca., 50 Gupta age, 28, 58, 61, 95 -art, 29 -inscriptions, 6in, 95n --period, 13ff, 30 --sculptures, 29 Gurjjara--- Pratihara, 32 Guru-Padukas, 102n Gwalior fort, 14 -state, 23, 24, 32 Gyaraspur, Malade temple, 23 Haradri, 116 Harappa, statuette from, 4 - torso, 8, 41 -seal, 54 ---age of, 128 Haribhadra, Ion Haribhadra suri, 12, 2rn, 59, 62n, 63, 8511, 86n, 115 Harihara, 531 Harinegamesin 105 Harisena, 63 Hariti, 21, 55 Harivamsa, 63n, 75n, 851, 106, 107n, 1190, 1200 Harmashra, 25 barmika, 127, 128 harmya, 91 Harsacarita, 79n, Iron, 1121 Hastisala, 117 Hathras, 9 Hathigumpha, 6, 7 hatthaga, 68 Haug, Martin, 43n Hellenic School, 4 Hemacandracarya, 4, 32, 33, 61, 75. 82n, 85, 86, 100, 101, 102, 109, 116 Hematilaka suri, Ioan herald(s), of Vasudeva, 61 of fanuilies of Jinas, 61 Herodotus, 124 Holi Abu, 21 Hoshangatad, 25 Holy-steads, 49, 50, 52 Holy Trees, 53 Hiuen-tsang, 30 Hoimkara, pata of 34 Huttemann, Wilhelm, 112n Huviska, 9 Iconography, Iin, 39, 6on, 91, 620, 850 Idar State, 28, 29 ihamiga, 57 Image, of Brahina, 28 of Buddha, 5, 39 of Dig, and Sve., II Haihayas, 25 Hamsalakkhanam padasalayam, 59 Hamsaraja Shastri, 43, 441, 450, 49, 50 Handiqui, K. K., 63n hanging gardens 124n Haradatta, 44n

Page #164
INDEX 151 of Jivantasvami, 4 113, 115; mythology, 27; Paintof Jinas, 60 ings, 27ff, 30; 31, 34; pedestals, of Mudgarapani yaksa, 52 115; Puranas, 74, 85; relics, 6; of Parsva or Suparsva, 28 remains, 3. 24; rites, III; Sarn--worship, 12, 39, 45 gha, 97; scriptures, 98, 99; sculpIndia, 125, 129, 130 ture, 6, 151, 247; sects, 74; Indian Museum, 25, 26 shrines, 19, 21, 23, 40, 5311, 73, Indore State, 23 74, 84, 94, 106, 107, III, 117, Indra, 40, 41, 49, 59, 60, 85, 86, 89: 121, 130; sites, 3; stupa, 9, 57 91, 120 63, 64. 79, 83, non, 127, 129, 130 Indra-dhvaja, 57, 60, 90, 95, 119 sutras, 50; temples, 5-6, 14, 1gff, ---yasti, 79, 80, 81 25ff., 57, 58, 61; texts, 53, 58, 75, Indranandi, 99 109; tirtha, 116; theology, 97; Indo-Hellenic School, 4 tradition, 3, 5, 64, 107, 128 ; Idol, of a Jina, 39 vestiges, 25; vihara, 15; worship, --worship, 39, 40 40, 41, 57, 58, 73, 74, 81, 109 Indus Valley Civilization, 65, 66 Jainism, 3, 5, 6, 16, 40, 52, 62, 101, 103 Iran, 125 Jaina, C. R., Iin Isana, 59n Jaina, K. P., 83n Jaina Siddhanta Bhavan, Arrah, ggn Jacobi, H., 861 Jaipur, 23 jagati, 89 Jakkhayayana, 50 Jaina (s), 6, 25, 73, 74, 83, 97. 98, 103 jala, 91 Jaina acaryas, 33 Jalla, 56 Jaina agamas, 40 Jaluka, 126 Jaina antiquities, 3, 41, 64 Jalor, 23 -Pre-historic, 3f Jamali, 49 --Maurya and Sunga, 4ff Jambha, 99 -Ksatrapa and Kusana, 9ff Jambhala, 21 -Pre-Gupta and Gupta, 13ff Jambu-dvipa, 119 -Transitional Period, 16ff Jambudvipaprajna pti, 24, 490, 540, 59, Jaina, art, 3, 7, 41; 75, Iogn, 116, 12on - bronzes, 13, 16, 19, 24, 28, 31 Jambusvamicaritra, 63 --canons, 44, 48, 50, 52, 53, 57, 67, Jaruka, 56, 123 83, 84, 110, 130 Jarukah slokah, 126 ---caves, 6-8, 12-14, 24, 31; Com. Jatakas, 66n munity, 33; cosmography, 119; | Jaunapura, 34-35 faith, essence of, 98; finds, off, javamalika (japamalika), 114, 115 74; history, 53n; iconography, Jaya, 87, 99 111), 850; Kirttistambha, 23,61; JayadhaVala, 63 literature, 41, 49, 520, 67, 83n; 1 Jesalmere, 23, 34 Mahavidyas, 32; manuscripts, Jhalawad State, 27 27; miniatures, 29-32, 112n; | Jhalrapatan, 18, 27 monks, 6, 14, 49, 50, 52,970, 102, Jnana, 100, IOI

Page #165
152 Jnatadharmakatha, 31, 40, 49 Jnatr people, 55 Jodhpur, 18, 23 Johnsan, H., 86n, 11In Johnson, E. H., 112 Jubbulpore, 25 Junagadh, 12 Jyestha, 44 Jyotiskas (trees) 75 -gods, 87, 89 Jayadaman, 13 Jayaswal, K. P., 5 Jaya Vijaya caves, 8 Jhansi district, 16, 20 Jina image, 4, 5, 39f., 60, 62, 71, 73. 81,99 -figures, 4, 5, 11, 57, 61, 81 -padima, 52, 720 Jina (s), 3, 9, 12, 19, 26, 27, 39, 56, 62, 73, 74, 81, 82, 85, 86, 88, 89. 93, 106, III, 117 -twenty-four, 25, 58, 116 Janchhanas of, 61 Jina, mother of, 11, 20, 79 -parents of, II INDEX Jinalayas, 120 Jina-ayatana, 53 Jinabhadra gani Ksamasramana, 19, 28, 29, 64, 113, 114 Kadamba, 74 Kahaon, 15 Kahaon pillar, 61, 95 Kailasa, 59, 116 Kalaguru, 16 Kalakacharya Katha, 32, 33, 80, 105n Kalasa, 67, 10gn Kalasa, 89, 90, 91, 109, 111, 128 Kalikapurana, 108 Kalinga, 7 Kalingabodhi Jataka, 48 Kalinga Jina, 6 Kalpa-druma, 75 -tree, 79, 91 Kalpa-lata, 90 Kalpa Sutra, 7, 32-34.65.73, 81, 860 93, 970, 105-108 Kalpavasi gods, 89 Kalugumalai, 73 Kalyanaka ceremony, 120 Karhsa; 108 Kane, Mm. P. V., 66, 112 Kanha Samana, 83 Kapadia, H. R., 87n Kaparda, 1130 Kapisirsa, 87 Jina-Kancl, 94, 99 Jinaprabha suri, 9, 12, 62, 63, 64, 85n, Karachi Museum, 28, 29 Kar, Chintamoni, 24n 87n, 88, 89, 117 Jinasakahao, 53, 59n Jinasena, 63, 71, 85, 89, 93, 119n Jina-Samhita, of Indranandi, 99 -of Ekasamdhi, 99, Icon Jina temple, 99, III Jinavijayaji, gn, 34 Jinendra, image of, 90, 91 Jivajivabhigama sutra, 40, 49, 58, bon, 74, 1200, 129 Jivantasvami, 4, 28, 29 Kaniska, 9, 79, 110, 128 Kaniska's Tower, 128 Kankali Tila 9, 12n, 61, 62, 64, 69, 77, 114, 115 Kanvasakhiya Satapatha Brahmana, Karanja, 25 Kashmir, 3 Kasyapiya Arhats, 8 Kausambi, 71 Kausika family, So Kautilya, Arthasastra of, 46, 47n Kayotsarga, mudra, 3, 5, 8, 10, 11 ketana, 91 Kevala-Jnana, 13, 86 Khajuraho, 19, 20, 23, 107 Khambila (Khandila), Aryika, 28n Khandagiri, caves, 6ff, 27 Khandesh, 20, 24 44

Page #166
INDEX 153 Kharat aravasahi, Chaumukha shrine, Rusasthala, 7 106n Kutcch, 3 Kharavela, 6 Kharosthi script, 125 Laghuksetrasa masa, 120 Khatikabhumi, C4 Laghu-Siddha-Cakra, 99, 100 khatvanga, 74, 87 Lahore Museum, 150 Khiching, 26 Lanchauas, II, 61, 74 Khuddakapatha Atthakatha, 48 Lanka, 46 Kicaka, 21 Lannman, Charles, 781 Kierfel, W., 74n Lalitavistara, 48 Kimpurusas, 74 lasaka, 56 Kinnaras, 57, 74 lata-vana, 90 Kirttistanbha, 23, 67 Laugaksa-Gshya-Sutra, 50 Kolhapur, 121. Law, B. C., 8n, 550 Kosala, 45 Laksmi, 33 Kosam, 8, 821 Lohanipur, torso from, 4, 5n, 6, 8, 40 Kramrisch, Stella, 51, Sn, 20, 24n, 27, Lohuizen-De Leeuw, J. E. Van, 78n Lokantika gods, II 411 kridamandapa, 91 lomahatthaga, 55 krila parvata, 90 Lopasobhika, 64, 80, 81 Krishna, 4, 108 lotus, 11, 39, 41, 78, 79, 82, 91, 105 ff, Ksatriyakundagrama, 49 109 f. Ksatrapa, gff, III lotus-lake, 119 K setrapala, 20, 61, 64, 1021 Lucknow Museum, 11, 15. 61, 77, 78, Kubera. 20, 61 790, 80, 81, 82, 86, 110 Kubera, 62 Luders, H., IIN, 78 Kubera-like yaksa, 17 Luna Vasahi, 117 Kulluka, 47 maccha, 67, iogn Kumaragupta I, 15 Mackay, E. J. H., 8n Kumrahar, 5 madayaceiga, 50 Kumarapala, 4, 21, 22, 23, 26, 33 madayathubhiya, 50 Kumari bill, 6 Maddona, 19 Kumbharia, Danta State, 23, 106, 114 Madhavayajva, 46 Kumuda Candra, 34 Madhya Pradesh (M, P.), 3, 20, 25 Kuinuyahatthaga, 67 Madyangas, 75 Kundalpur, 27 Magadha, 5, 6, 67, 71 Kundas, 90 Magadhan artists, 5 Kundurukka, 55 Mahabharata, 45, 45, 54, 650, 66n, 93n, Kuraishi, 61, 181, 261 112, 126 ff Kusana age, 12, 61, 63, 64, 84, 86, 95, Maha 04, 04, 05, 95, Mahabhasya, 6;n 126 A ICO, ITO, III, 115, 129 M ababodhi-vamsa, 48 -period, 3, 9, 10, 11, 14, 80-82 Mababodhi-rukkha, 48 -art, 77, 129 Mahakala, 531 -type, 14, 58 Mahaksatrapa Sodas, 78

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154 Mahanisitba sutra, 54n, 97n Mahaparinibbana Sutta, 48, 55, 6on maha-prasada, gr mahapundarika, 78 Mahapurana, Ion, Togn Maharastra, 30 Mahavidyas, 21 Mahavira, 4-6, 8, 10, 11, 15, 18, 23, 26, 39-41, 49-53, 70-73, 77n, 83, 85n, 86, 93, 105, 107, 114, 116 -caritra, 33 114 Mangala-mala, 112 85, 89, 91, 93, 106n, mangalas, 90, 112 Mangi Tungi, 24 Manibhadra, 55 Mahavira, caitya tree of, 73: miniature of, 93; mother of, II; portrait of, 4. 39; samavasarana of, 940. Mahavira's Nirvana, 12, 63 Mahavira's parents, 40 Mahavisnu, 29 Mahendradhvaja, 57, 58 Mahendravarman I, 27, 94 Mahesvara, 47 Mahisamarddini, 33 Mahoragas, 74 Mahoba, 19 Mahudi, 17 Majhamika (Madhyamika), 6 Majumdar, N. G., 65n Makarabal temple, 19 Makara-dhvaja, 60. Makaraketu, 86 Malayagiri, 113n Mallinatha, Jina, 27, 47 Mallinatha-Caritra, 210 Mallisena, 89n Manastambhas, 23, 60, 61, 89, 95 mapatthambha, 72n INDEX Manavakastambha, 23, 53, 58, 60 Manbhum district, 25, 26 Mancapuri cave, 7n manco, 66, 70 Mandapa, 19-21, 27, 91 Mandasor, 27 Mandala, 25 mangala-dravyas, 112 Mangala-kalasa, 13. 79, 83, 110, 112, manipithika, 52, 57, 58, 60, 129 manipithaka, 119 mankha, 56 Mankhaliputta, Gosala, 6 Manorama Udyana, 67 Manu, 47, 66 Manusmrti. 66n Manyangas, 75 Marshall, J. H., 3n, 7, 8n, ron, 64, 65n, Marwar, 17. 18, 94 Mathura, 3, 9, 11, 12, 14, 220, 41, 56, 62-64, 69, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 95, 109-III, 114, 115, 127 -Art, 12, -Ayagapatas, 77, council. III -Inscriptions from, 83, 840 Mathura Museum, 14, 15, 80, 82-84 Mathura School of Sculpture, 9 Mathura, Stone Umbrellas from, 56n Mathura Stupa, 8. 9, 12, 62, 63, 64, 127 Mathuraka Lavada, 770 Mathura vacana, 129 Matsya Purana, 108 Matsya-yugma, 109, 111 Mauryan, age, 4. 5. 51; era, 6; polish, 5In, 70, 83n; sites, 5; stupa, 127, sculptures, 6n; torso, 4, 5 Mayadevi, 7 Mayurabhanja State, 26 medhi, 127 Medieval period, 20ff Meghadata, 47 Meghakumaras, 86 (Mehakumara) 59n Mehta, N. C., 33 Mehta, Ratilal, 66n

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Merumandara-Purana, 89 Mesopotamia, 124, 125 Mevad, 23 Minaladevi, 31 minayugala, 13 Miniature paintings, 24, 30ff, 106 -shrine, 58, 120 Miri, 24 mirror, III Mithila. 55 Mitra, Rajendralal, 6n Moghul; period, 23f; influence, 33 Mohen-jo-Daro, Dancing girl from, 8; -seals from, 3, 41, 65n -terracotta figurine, 8 Makalaji temple, 23 Mother Goddess, 9, 44, 70 Mothers (goddesses), 66 Mother, of a Jina, 11, 18, 20f, 79, 83, 105; Mothers, of Salakapurusas, 107 Mother, of a Vasudeva, 107 Moti Chandra, 7, 9n, Ion, 260, 27, 30, 31n, 32, 33, 34, III Mount Girnar, 26 Mount Meru, 27 Mount of the Dead, 124 Mount Parasnatli, 27 Mrcchakatika, 46 Mrtaka caityas, 50, 52 Mrtakastapika, 50 Mudabidri, 27 Mudgarapani-yaksa, 51, 52, 70 Mukhamandapas, 20, 52, 57, 119 mukhapotika, 115 Muktagiri, 27 Muha-patti, 98, 114 INDEX Muha-pattika, 98, 114, 115 Mukunda, 44, 49 Mula Bhasya, 59 Mulagarblagrha, 21 Muni Jayantavijaya, 21n, 106 Jinavijayaji, 34 Kalyanavijaya, 16n 155 Punyavijaya, 320, 34, 1050, 107, 108 Muni Vairadeva, 13, 14 Munisuvrata, Jina, 9, 62 Murti, 15 Murtijapur district, 25 Nabonidus, 123, 125, 128 Naga (s), 40, 4T, 44. 47.49, 54, 72-74. 119 -art, 64 nagadanta, 60 Nanari, near Chitor, 6n Nagarjuni hill, 5 Nagarjunikonda, 83 Nagendra kula, 28, 102 Nagpur Museum, 25 Nalamandapa, 18 Nalanda bronzes, 17 Nalgora, 25 nalinahatthaga, 67 namapindam, Ix3n Namaskara-mantra, 98, 100, 103 Namaskara-Niryukti, 97 Namaskara-valaya, 101, 102 Nanda king, 6 Nanda-puskarini, 58 nandiavarta, 67, 109n Nandisvara-dvipa, 52, 119-121 Nandisvara-pata, 121 Nandisvara-tapa (N.-tapa), 121 Nandipada, III Nandyavarta mandala, 100 -symbol, Toon, 109-111 Nannar temple, 123 Nanna suri, 115 Narayana, 43, 44 Nasik district, 24. Nativity, of Buddha, 7 -sculpture, 24 natya-salas, 90, 91 Nava-Devata 97-103 Navakara-mantra, 100 Navamuni, cave. 6, 18, 26 Nava-Pada, 97.99

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156 Nava-Pada-Aradhana-vidhi, 99 Navacoki, 21 Navasari, 20 Nawab, Sarabhai, 33. 34 Nayadhan.makahao, 44, 49 N.B. P. ware, 51, 70 Nebuchadnezzar, 128 Nemesa, II Nemicandra, 99, 119n Neminatha, Jina, 4, 14, 150, 240, 27, 32, 73 charita, 32 -temple of, 27 Nepal, 3 nidhis, III Nikumbhila Caitya, 46 Nilanjana, 11 Nimitta-pathakas, 105n -Sastra, 80, 105 Nine Worthies, 98, 100 Nirayavaliao, 10bn Nirvana, 58, 59, 63, 116, 117 Nirvanakalika, 100 Nirvrti kula, 102 Niryuktis, III Nisitha Carpi, 4. 31 North Arcot district, 94 North Gujarat, 28, 73 nyagrodha, 65, 66 Oghaniryukti, 114n Oldenburg, H., 44 Orchha State, 27 Orissa, 3, 6, 18, 20, 26, 27 Orissan caves, 7 Osadhis, 65, 66n Osia, 18 Oza, Pf. G. H., 6n Pabbosa, 8 pada, 970 padiruvaga, 88n Padmacarita, 85, 107n padma-lata, 78 Padmavati, 17, 25 INDEX Paharpur; 120, 15, 22, 25, 63 Pahlagas, 10n Paintings, 33, 34, 39 -at Ajanta, 27, 30 --on canvass, III -Jaina, 27 ff; 34 fi --miniature, 31, III --on scroll, 33 ff; 111 -of Vidya devis, 31 f -on wooden book-covers, 34 pair of fish, 11, 79-81, 109-111 palasa tree, 65 pattikas, 31, 34 Pafica-kalpa-Bhasya, Ro -Curni, 80 panca-kalyanakas, II pancalika, 89 Panca-Mandala, 991 Panca-Meru, 117, 123 panca-namaskara, IOI Panca-Namaskara-kalpa, 103 Panca-Paramesthi-kalpa, 103 Panca-Paramesthi-mantra, 97, 1000, IOI, 102 Panca-Paramesthins, 97, 100 Pancasara temple, 73 Pafica-tupa nikaya, 63 Pancastupanvaya, 120, 15, 63 Pancavastu prakarana, 114 Panini, 126 Papaura, 27 Paramesthins, 98, 99, 100, 101 Parel Siva, 29 Parents, of Jinas, II Paribhogaka, 48 parikha, 90 Parmar, of Malwa, 21, 23 -sculptures, 32 Parsva, Parsvanatha, Jina, 7, 8, 9, II, 12, 17. 25. 34. 40, 62, 64n. 73. 78, 94, 106n -bronze of, 8, figure of, 15. sculpture of, 63 Parthians, Son

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INDEX 157 Prajnapti, 126 prakara, 90 Prasnavyakarana sutra, Irun Prasenajit, an Pratibara, 18. 102n Pratiharyas, 56, 73 pratima-sarvato-bhadrika, II, 22n, 95 Prastha-kalpa-Tippanam, 99, toon Pratisthasarcddhara, 67, 74, 99n, roon Pratistha-tilaka, 99 Praracanasaroddhara, 75n, 101, 102, 121 paryanka-asana, 57, 119 Pasupati, 44 Patanjali, 65, 125 patas, (plaques ), 41, 69, 117, 120, 121 Pata, of Atte-Matte-yantra, 34, Cinta mani-yantra, 34, of Hoinikara, 34 of Surimantra, 34 patas, tantric and non-tantric, 34 Pathari, 18, 24 Patna, 5 Patan, 19, 31, 32, 33, 73, 106 Patna, 5. 24. 33, 40 Patra Museum, 13, 26 Pattaini devi, 18 pattikas, 31, 34 Paumacariyam, ion paumahatthaga, 67 Pausadhasala, 84 Pavitrakalpasutra, 32n, 106, 107, 108 pedestals, 11, 61 Persepolitan style, 80 Persians, 125 Persian artists, 129 Peshawar, stupa near, 128 phallus worship, 62 pillars, II, 20, 21, 23, 61, 82, 115 - fiery, 61 Pindaniryukti, 113, 114n Pindawada, 170 Pippala tree, 47, 65, 661 71, 72 Pisacas, 74 pitcher-carriers, 119 pitha, 88, 90, 91, 117 pithika, 89, 90, 91 Plaksa tree, 65 planets, 19 platform (s), 48, 52, 60, 66, 67, 90, 91, 94, 115, 117, 119, 120, 124 ff Potha yas, 80 powder-box, 79 powder-flask, IIO Prabhavati, 7 Pradyota, 4 Pradyumna, 60 Praxartaka Sri Kantivijaya, 1oon Pre-Gupta period, 13ff Pre-historic period, 3ff preksagrha, 52, 57, 91 preksagshamandapa, 57, 58 preksa-mandapa, 119 Premi, Pandit Nathuram, ran, 63n Prince of Wales Museum, 8, 16, 22, 24 Psthvipala, 21 Psthvi-sila-patta, 5In, 52, 56, 68-71 Pt Bechardas, rogn Pudducotta state, 27 Pundarika, 26. Pundravardhana, 15 Purnabhadra caitya, 49-52, 54, 55, 70, 72, 83, 86 --yakska, 52, 55 Purna-ghata, in Puri district, 26 Purimatala, ion Purna-kalasa, 112 Purvva texts, r02 Puspa dama, rinn pusta (puttha ), 11311 Rahavattanaga, 116 railing, 48, 65, 69 Raipur, 25 Rajagsha, 49, 50, 51, 70, 85n Rajamalla, 63 Rajasthan, 24, 29, 115, 117 Rajgir, 13, 14

Page #171
158 INDEX Rajnakin Khinkhini, 25 rajoharana, 114n, 115 Rajput school, of painting, 34 Raksasas, 74 Rama, 45 Ramacandran, T. N., 70, 74n, 85n, 8gn, T. N. 70. 74, 85n, 8gn, 94, 9gn, lign, 120, 121 Ramayana, 35, 46, 47, 112 Ranakpur, 22, 27, 120 Ranchi district, 25 Rangabhumi, 90 Rangamanda pa, 21 Rani gumpha, 7, 26 Rapson, E. J., 78n Ratanpur, 25 Ratikara mountains, 119 Ratnamandir gani, IOI, 102 ratna-patra, niin ratna-rasi, 109 Ratnasekhara suri, 1021, 120 Ravana, 46, 47 Ravisena, 8511 Rayaharanam, 114n Rayapasenaijjam, 531 Rayapasenaiyam, 40, 50, 68, 10gn, 129, - bronze of, 16n, 29 Rudra, 40, 44, 49 Rudradaman, 13 Rudrasena, 13 Rudrasimha I, 13n Rukkha-devata, 48 Sabdakalpadruma-kosa, 45, 108n, 112n Sabdanusasana, 101 Sabhamandapa, 18 sacred tree, 48 sacrificial posts, 47 Sadadi, 115 Saddharmapundarika, 126 sadhus, 89, 97, 98, 114, 115 sadhvis, 89, 115 Sadvala-bhumi, 91 Sadvigrahikah, 60 Sahani, D. R., 15, 23n Sahasrakuta, sculpture, 24 sakaha, 58, 590 Sakaha, of the Jinas, 53, 58, 59n Saka-Parthian period, 9 Sakas, 80 Sakini, 102 Sakuna, 108 Sakuntala, 7 sala, 89, 90 Salabhanjika, 57, 86 Salakapurusas, 107 Sala tree, 72 Salibhadra Chaupai, 33 Saliggama, 67 Sattambaka, 48 Samalaji, 28, 29 Samavasarana, 11, 12, 41, 56, 57, 60, 71, 82n, 85-95, 117, 123-130. Samavasarana-stava, 85n, 87n, 117 Samavasarana-stava-avacuri, 850, 87n, 117 Samavasarana-stotra, 85n Samavayanga sutra, 481, 531, 73, 74n Sambhava, Jina, 117 Sameta Sikhara, 27, 117 130 Relic Depository, of the Arhats, 6 -sanctuary, 50 -structure, 47, 50, 125 Reva state, 25 Kgveda, 65, 66n Right Conduct, 97, 98 Right Faith, 97. 98 Right Knowledge, 97, 98 Right Penance, 97, 98, 100 River, 49 Roda, 28 Rohtak, 17 rosary, 115 Rsabha, Rsabhanatha, Jina, ion, II, 16, 19, 240, 26, 29, 58, 73, 86, 116, 117, 119, 128 ---Samavasarana of, 73 --shrine of, 102

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INDEX 159 Samghacara.tika, 113n 57, 58n, 63, 64, 930, 125ff. Samghadasa gani, 67 Sata vahana, 80 Samgrahani sutra, 33 satkotikah, 60 Samidh 65 Satrunjaya, 26, 27, 59, 117 Samprati, 6 Saudharmendra, 73 samstaraka-patta, 115n Saunaka-karika, 112n samyak-caritra, 97, 99 Saurastra, 12, 26, 27, 59, 117 samyak-darsana, 97, 99 Sauvira, un samyak jnana, 97, 99 Savaga padikamana-sutta, 32 samyak-tapa, 99 School of Ancient West, 240, 27, 28, 29 Samyutta Nikaya, 66, 70 scroll-painting, 33 Sana, caves at, 13 sculptures, 3, 4, 12, 14, 29, 31, 74 Sanchi, 12, 47, 57, 58, 70, Lion, 112, sealings, from Harappa, 65, 70 1 28 seals, from Mohen-jo-Daro, 3, 41 sanctuary, 51, 52 from Harappa, 54 Sandalwood image, 4, 5 Serindia, 127 Samgharama, 30 Shah, C. J., 7n Sankalia, H.D., 139, 17n, 2on, 22n Shah, Priyabala, 560, 540, 58n Sankarsana, 60 Shah, U. P., 4n, 5n, IIN, 14n, ron, Sankha-nidhi, niin 170, 19, 210, 240, 26, 34n, 52n, Santi, III 56n, 83n, In, 121n. Santicandra, 49, 54n Shastri, Hirananda, 341 Santinatha, Jina, 25, 94 shrine, 26, 28, 46, 47, 50, 52, 53, 56, --tempie of, 107 58, 61, 73, 74, 116, 117 Saptaparna, 9 shrines, tiered, 56 Sarcar, D, C., 6n Siddha (s), 6, 97, 98, 121; images of, Sariraka ( cetiya ), 48 Sarnath, 15, 29 Siddha-Cakra, 97-103; bronze of, 98 Sarngadhara, 29 Siddha-Cakra-Yantra, 98, 100, 101, Sarasvati, II, 19, 31 102 --bronze of, 25, 28 Siddhantasaradi-samgraha, 85n - from Pullu, 23n Siddharaja, 31 - miniature of, 31 Siddhartha, 31, 105n - from Vasantagada, 17 Siddhartha, tree, 91 Sarasvati, S. K., 14n, 18n, 22n Siddhasena, 101, 102 Sasvata-bimba, 119 Siddha-sila, 97n sasvata-caityalayas, fifty-two, 120, 121 Siddhayatana, 52, 53n, 54, 57, 58, 74n, Sasanadevata, 74 117, 118 Sasvata-Jina, 119 Sihanadika, 79, 80, 110 sasvata. Jina-ayatana, 52, 53 Siha Vanika, 61; 114 Sasvata. Jinalaya, 119-121 sikkaka, 60 Sasvata-Jinas, 115 sila, 67, 69 - pratimas, 40 Silarka-acarya, 49 Satapatha Brahmana, 43, 441, 54, 55, sila-paesa, 67 gr

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160 Sila-pata, Sila-patta, 52, 69, 70, 71, square terraced structures, 126 81, 82, 83, 84 sravaka, 115, 121 Sravana Belgola, 95 sravika, 115, 121 Sri, 7, representations of, 106n, 108 Sri-Laksmi, 10bn Sringadhara, 29 Sripala (Sirivala), 101, 10: sibiya, 59n Simandhara temple, 17 Simhanisadya-ayatana, 59 -caitya, 116f. Simhapur, 15 simhasana, 83 Sindh, 650 Sindhu-Sauvira, 4 Singhbhum district, 25 Sirkap, 9. 1on Sirkap stupa, ron, 13, 64 Sirima devata, 7 Sirivaccha, 67, 109 Sirohi state, 16 Siri Sirivalakaha, 970, 99n, 101, 102 Sittannavasal, 27, 94 Siva, 3 Sivaghosaka, 77-78, 82 Siva-linga, 62, 70, 126 Sivamitra, 80 Sivanaga, sculptor, 16n Sivayasa, 9.79 skambha, 62 Skanda, 40, 44, 49 Smasana, 54, 125 -Asura Pracya, 55, 57, 63 -Caitya, 47 -Daiva, 55. 57, 63 INDEX Smith, Vincent, A., gn, IIn, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 86n, 9411, 109, IION snataka, 66 Sobhana, 85, 87n sogandhiyahatthaga, 67 Sohagpur, 25 Sohamma Kappa, 53n Somadeva, 63 Son-Bhandara cave, 13, 140, 17 Songadh, 27 sopana, 127 sotthiya, 67, 109 Sphatikadri, 116 Sripala-rasa, 33, 101 Sri-Porana, 89n Sri-sukta, 7 Srivatsa, 9, 11, 13, 77, 79, 81, 82, 109, 110-112 Sri-Vimalasvami, Ior Sruta, 98 sruva, 65 Stambha(s), 43 ff, 53, 89 Statue(s), of Kalinga. Jina, 6 of Bharata, 116 of brothers of Bharata, 116 Stein, A., 15 stepped pyramid, 123 Sthana, 49 Sthananga sutra, 33, 40, 50, 530, 74. 940, 107, 119 Sthapana, Sthapanacharya, 80, 84. 109, 110, 113-115 sthuna, 60, 62 Sthavira Acala, 30 stone umbrella, IIIn structures, tiered, 57 Stupa, 9, 12, 13, 43ff, 49, 51, 52, 56, 79, 81, 82, 93, 123-130 -description of, 127ff.; erected by Bharata, 59; at Mathura, 12, 64; at Sirkap, 9, at Taxila, 64; of Rsabla, 116; of Udena, Sattambaka and others, 55 -square or circular, 930 -worship, 13, 79, 81 Stuticaturvimsatika, 85n, 87n Subahucaritra, 33 Suciloma sutta, 66 -Jataka, 70

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INDEX 361 Suci-vidya, ICO | Taittiriya Brahmana, 65 Suddhitattvam, 112n Taittiriya Samhita (TS), 43, 65, 66 Sudharma sabha, 53, 57, 59, 60, 129, Taksasila, non 130 tala-dhvaja, 60 suhagahatthaga, 67 Talaja. caves at, 13 Sukthankar, V. S., Ion Tamil epics, 8gn sulasa, tree, 74 Tamil language, 51 Sultanganj Buddha (bronze), 16 Tantric practices, 16 Sumanasila, 67, 69 --rites, 102 Sumano Jakkho, 67 Tapa, 99, 100, Ior Sumana Yaksa, 69 tap:isas, 116, 117 Sumer, 125 Taranath, 24, 27, 29, 64 Sumerian, 124 Taranga Hill, 22 Suinerian architecture, 123 Tarunaprabha suri, 34 -civilization, 128 Tathagata, 30 Sun, 7. 39, 106 tatibhuvah, 90 Sunga age, 70, 127 Taxila, 9, Ion, 64, 125 art, 77 Tejapal, 21, 22, 117 period, 6, 11 Temple-Cities, 26 ff. Sungas, 79 terraced structure, 123 ff Suparna, 77 Terracotta figurine, 8 Suparsva, Suparsvanatha, Jina, 9, 12, Terracotta plaque, sin, 70 62, 63, 117 tiered shrines, 123 ff Suparsvanatha-caritra, 33 Than, in Saurastra, 18 Supratistha, III Thana, 102 Surat, 94, 117, 118 thavana, 113, 114 Suri-mantra-pata, 34 thavapapindam, 113n Surohor, 25 Theatre, 52, 57, 90 Surparaka (Soparaka ), 102 Thubha, 58, 62 Suryabhadeva, 129, 123 Thubhiya, 57 Sutrakstanga-vrtti. 33 Tibet, 3 Svapna, 108 Tilaka-ratna, 77, 78, 79 Svastika, 11, 13, 39, 77, 81, 82, 86, | Tiloyapannatti, 60, 71, 74, 8on, 93a, 109, IIO-112 III Svetambara (s), II, 14, 20, 33, 58, Tirumalai, 94 73, 74, 85, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, tirtha, 88, 97n, 116, 117 120, 121 Tirthankara (s), 4, 5, 9-11, 14, 19, - literature 101; texts, I 27. 40, 52-54, 58, 59, 61, 72-74 --manuscripts; 103 85.970, 99, 105, 106, 117, IIY -partition, 74 Tiruparuttikuppam, 85, 94n, 120 -tradition, 74, 85, 105, 107 tisovanapadruvaga, 130 -worship, 93 Torana (s), 9, 18, 55, 641, 79, 86, Symbol Worship, 39 ff. 90, 93, 129 Tablet of Homage, 64 -dvaras, 89, 90

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162 INDEX Torso, 5 Tower of Babel, 123 ff. Transitional period, 16 ff Trayastrimsa gods, 48 Tree (s), 21, 47-49, 67-72, 73 --cult, 73, 74 -Holy, 53, 65 -of Life, 47, 75 -sacred, 66, 69 -spirits, 66, 74 - worship, 47, 64 ff, 66, 74, 83 Tribhanga, 31 Tribhuvana dipaka Caumukha Jinalaya, 22 Trikandasesa-kasa, 47 Trilokasara, IIgn trimekhala, 60 trimekhalam, 90, 91 triple platforms, 60 triple-stair, 130 triple-umbrellas, 60, 88, 90 Tripuri, 25 tri-ratna, 79, 81, 82, 109, 110 Trisala, 105 Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, 75, 82n, 85, 86, 107, 1ogn, liin, 116, Iign, 12on. trisopana, 130 trisula, 61 trisula-horned deity, 65 Trisula caves, 7, 18, 24 Tumburu, 87 Tumburu, tree, 74 turrukka, 56 turrets. 27 udyana, 54, 55, 67, 72 Udyota Kesari's cave, 26 Ujani, 25 Ujjain, 4 umbrella (s) (chhatra, chihatta ), 55, 60, 67, 71, 91, IIIN Un, 23 Unchchhera state, 18 Upadesamala-vstti, 33 Upadhyaya, 97, 98 Upadhye, A. N., 63 Upasakadasanga sutra, 40 uppala hatthaga, 67 Ur, 123ff Ur-Nammu,. 123ff, 130 Uttaradhyayana Laghu-vstti, 33 Uttaradhyayana, miniatures of, 33 Uttaradhyayana sutra, 54 Uttarakurus, 75 Uttarapatha, 1150 Uttara Pradesh (U. P.), 20, 21 Uvisagadasao, 4on, 53n vaddhamanaga, 67, 109n Vadi Kumudacandra, 99, 100 Vagbhata, 108 vahanas, 62 Vaibhara hill, 14, 17 Vaijayanti, 79, 80 Vaimanika gods, 87 Vairadeva, 14 Vaisali, 9, 55, 62, 71 Vaisndva cave, 14 Vaisravana, 44, 61 Vajrasvami, 14, 100, 102 Vajrasena 102 Valabhi, 16 Valabhi Vacana, 52 Valmiki, 47 vanakhanda, 56, 67, 83 vana-vedika, 91 Vapavyantaras, 86 Vamana, 8gn Vamana Purana, 112 Udaipur state, 23 Udayagiri caves, Gwalior, 25 Udayagiri caves, Orissa, 6 ff, 27 Udayagiri Hill, 6, 27 uddhara, 117 Uddayana, 4 Udena, 48, 55 uddisaka-cetiyam, 48

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INDEX 163 Vanaspati, 65 vapi, 87, 89, 90, 91 vapra, 87 Varakhana, 117 varataka, 113 Varddhamana, 78, 79, 810, 119 Varddhamana temple, 94 Varddhamana-Vidya-Pata, 82n, 12rn Varddhamanaka, 109, 110-112 Varavan, 22 Varisena, 119 varnaka, 6on, 68 Vasantagadh, 16, 17, 19, 28, 29 varsasthala, 127 Vasavadatta, 7. Vasiska, 9 Vastupala, 21, 27, 34, 117 Vasubindu-Pratisthapatha, 58n Vasudeva, 40, 60, 61, 107 Vasu, daughter of Lonasobhika, 9, 81, 83, 84 Vasudevahindi, 4, Ion, 590, 67, 69, 85n, 871, 116, 12in Vata, 74 Vata Gohali, 15 Vatsaraja, 18 Vayukumaras, 86 Vedas, 72 Vedic Aryans, 72 --cayana, 49 -literature, 41, 43, II2 -rituals, 72 --sacrifices, 40, 41, 45, 60 --traditions, 6on vedika, 55, 57, 91 Viennot, Odettee, 66, 6gn, 7on vidambaka, 56 Vidisa, 4 Vidyadevi (s), 22, 31, 99, 102n Vidyadhara, 57 Vidyadhara, kula, 102 Vidyanupravada-purvva, 100 Vijaya, 87 Vijaya deva, 57 Vijayasena suri, 33 Vijnaptipatras, 33f, III Vikrama, son Vimala Saha, 21, 26 Vimala Vasahi, 21, 94 Vindhyas, 3 Vindhya Pradesh, 25 Vinita, ron Vipaka Sutra, 50, 55 Vipulagiri, 851 Virabhadra, 53n Viras, 102n Visala (Vesala), 55, 62 Visesavasyaka-Mahabhasya, 113n Visnudharmottara Purana, 93n, Iron, 126 Visnusena, 850 Visvaprakasa-kosa, 47 Vitabhaya-pattana, 4 Vitardika, 55 vithi, 89 Vivagasuyam, 114 Vividha-Tirtha-kalpa, gn, 12, 6an, 85n, 1176 Vodva Stupa, 12 Vogel, J. Ph., gn, son votive columns, 60 Vrddha Gautama, 66n vrksa (s) 41. 49 Vyakhyanamudra, 98 Vyantara (s), 50, 74, 85-89 -ayatana, 50 Vyavahara-Bhasya, Ian water-jar, 82 Western Indian School, 27, 34 Western miniatures, paintings, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34 Western style, 29, 30 Wheel of Law, 77, 115 Wooden book-covers, 31, 34, 106 Woolley, Leonard, 123 ff Worship, 48 -of Jina image, 5.39; of caityas, 52, 95; of Dharmacakra, 64; of

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164 INDEX Nagas, 41; of trees, 65, 66, 83; of Yaksas, 5, 47, 95 Yajnayatana, 45 Yajna-salas, 52 Yajna-sthana, 43-45, 47, 49, 54 Yajnavalkya, 47, 66 Yajniya caityas, 52 Yajniya cityas, 52 Yajurveda Samhita, 65 Yakkha cetiya, 67 Yakkha's haunt, 66 Yakini, 102 Yaksa (s), 4, 12, 17, 19, 20, 22, 40, 41, 44, 49, 51, 54, 67, 69, 70, 72-74, 88, 93, 102, 119 Yaksasayatana, 40, 55, 70 -artists, 64 -cult, 5, 41, 73, 83 -images, 5 Manibbadra, 55 -Mudgarapani, 51, 70 -Sumana, 67, 69 -shrines, 40, 56, 128 -statues, 5, 52 torso, 8 -worship, 5, 52n, 70, 74, 75, 95 Yaksi, Ambika, 17 Yaksinis, 18, 19, 22, 61, 99, 1ozn Yama, 65 Yana-Vimana, 129, 130 Yantra-purusd, 59 Yasastilaka-Campu, 63 yasti. 127 Yavana pura, 34, 35 Yavana ruler, 7 Yavana warrior, 8 Yoga-Sastra, 100 Yogi, 16 Yonaka, 1on Yupa, 45, 46, 60 Ziggurat, 56, 123-130

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Page 3 ID 14 21 44 ERRATA line read for II Kusana Kusana 9 scenes on sides of scenes of (ft. n. 4) Archaeology In Gwalior Archaeological Museum, Gwalior 30 kicaka kicaka 6 Indian Museum Patna Museum (f. n. 2-3) Cousens cousens 29 Kramrisch Kramrich earliest earlist the exquisitely painted Jauna- such an exquisitely painted pur manuscript manuscript 27 citte bhavah citte bhava 13 Arya Arya (ft. 11. 3) rogatie* havIMcyuccairAhavyan devasaMvAn devasaMdhAn mantravit maMtravit caityayUpAGkitA caityayUpAMkitA tairaritA tairaMkitA sixth century B.C. sixth century maMgalaM 32 Manipithika Manipithaka saMjJAzabda saMjJAzadva upacara upacra red gosirsa red gisirsa sarabha Sarabha 9 Avasyaka Avasyaka Sankarsana Sankarsana Vaisravana Vaisramana (f, n. 3) mars kacitrAMca 5 Jinaprabha Jinapratha 12 samidh samidha

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166 ERRATA Page line read for jahu Parisista devIrUpa juha Parisista testen upamas Kausambi Caitya upamas Kusam bi Ceitya 65 12 3 66 (f. n. Il 70 35 717 71 13 (f. n. 2) (f. n. 1) 16 24, 25 18 JOI 106 (f. n.4) mUrthA Samavayanga Set up by wife of peacocks, lotus surrounding Namaskarta-valaya JHana-mandir Nirayavaliao again Samvayanga Set up by one peacock, figures lotus surroundig Namaskara-valaya Jhana-mandri Niryavaliao agian 1202

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Jalotointes erst be Only Fig. 1 Statuette, Harappa Fig. 2 Polished Torso of a Tirthankara Lobanipur (Patna Museum) Fig. 3

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Plate II Fig. 4 Frieze, Rani Gumpha, Orissa Fig. 5 Dance of Nilanjana, Mathura (Lucknow Museum) GB 1 Fig. 6 Worship of Stupa, Mathura (Lucknow Museum)

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Idle 1 II Fig. 8 Pedestal of Munisuvrata, installed in Vodva Stupa. Fig. 7 Ayagapata of Sivayasa, Mathura (Tablet IV) MASON Fig. 10 Ayagapata of Bhadranandi (Tablet IX) Fig. 9 Pedestal of an image showing worship of Dharmacakra Kankali Tila, Mathura Figs. 7-8-9-10 Mathura (Lucknow Museum)

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Plate IV Fig. 12 Ayagapata of wife of Sivaghosaka Mathura (Tablet II) Fig. 11 Ayagapata of unknown donor, Mathura (Tablet VIII) TL5923 Fig. 13 Ayagapata of Sibanadika, Mathura Fig. 14 Ayagapata of an inhabitant of Math (Tablet V) (Tablet I) Figs. 11, 12, 13, 14 now in Lucknow Museum.

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Plate V 2.2 Fig. 14A Pata of Aryavati, set up by Amobini, Mathura Mathura (Tablet VII, Lucknow Museum) Fig. 14B Ayagapata set up by Vasu, daughter of Lonasobbika

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Plate VI Fig. 15 Bronze Dharma-cakra, Chausa (Patna Museum) Fig. 17 Rsabhapatha, Bronze, Chausa (Patna Museum) Fig. 16 Torana-Archway, Jaina Stupa, Mathura (Now Lucknow Museum)

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Plate VII Fig. 18 Image of Neminatha, Vaibhara Hill, Rajgir Atosa dandde et (rauserid abo

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Plate VIII Fig. 19 Rsabhanatha, Bronze, Akota (Baroda Museum)

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17Tun T Fig. 20 Jivantasvami, Bronze, Akota (Baroda Museum) Fig. 21

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Plate X Fig. 23 Standing Jina, Rajgir Fig. 22 Jivantasvami, inscribed Bronze, A kota (Baroda Museum) Fig. 24 Standing Jina, Bespagar (Gwalior Museum)

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Plate XI TORSO OF A STANDING JAINA TIRTHANKARA WITH TWO ATTENDANTS CUPTA PERIOD dArAgAdhA ke sAtha jana tIgharakAmUti gaghnakAlA Fig. 26 Rsabhapatha, Mathura (Mathura Museum) Fig. 25 Torso of a Jina, Gup'a age, Mathura (Mathura Museum) Jain Education Fig. 27 Rsabhanatha, Mathura Fig. 28 Chaumukha, showing figure.org For Private & Personal Use Opis of Sambhavana:ha, Son Bhandara g. 27 Sabhapatba. Mather

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Fig. 29 Five Bronzes from Valabhi, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay Fig. 30 Rsabhanatha installed in Samyat 744, Vasantagadh hoard (Pindavada) Fig. 31 Standing Jina, Dhank

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Plate XIII For Private & Personal use only INCHES Fig. 33 Chauri-bearer, Bronze, Akota (Baroda Museum) ainelary.org Fig. 32 Sarasvati, Vasantagadh hoard, Pindavada Fig. 34 Sarasvati, Bronze, Akota

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Plate XIV Fig. 35 Rsabhanatha & Mahavira, British Museum, London Fig. 36 Rsabbanatha, Bronze, Kakat pur, Orissa (Indian Museum) Fig. 37 Chovisk of Adipatha, Surohor Fig 38 Parsvanatha, Bankura, Dinajpur District Buhalara

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Plate XV Fig 39 Mother of Jina, Deogarh Fort, Temple No. 4 Fig. 40 Kubera (?) Yaksa, Khajuraho Fig. 41 Padmavati (?) Nalanda libra

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Plate XVI Fig. 43 Rsabhanatha, Deogarh Fort, Temple No: 4 Fig. 42 Rsabhanatha from Tripuri (Indian Museum) Fig. 44 Chandranrahha from Bihar

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Plate XVII Fig. 45 Parents of Jina, Khajuraho Fig. 46 Male and Female under tree, Devagarh Fort Fig. 48 Image of Nanna-suri, d. 1393 V.S., Sada di, Marvad Setrapala, Devagarh Fort Jain E Fig. 17

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Plate XVIII Fig. 49 Lotus pendent, Sabha-Manda pa, Vimala-Vasahi, Abu Fig. 50 Prajnapti Vidyadevi, Sabha-Mandapa, Vimala Vasahi, Abu

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Plate XIX Sixth Fig. 51 Two Jaina Temples, Khajuraho

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SUROGU ada ora 000 1 0 1

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Fig. 54 Vajrankusi, Vidyadevi, Vimala Vasahi, Abu Plate XXI AM Strike

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Plate XXII Fig. 55 Kicaka-dwarf, Pillar, Luna Vasahi, Abu Fig. 56 Pillar, Temple No. 12, Devagash Fort

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MARGELE Fig. 57 Temples, Satrunjaya SISES Xi Xi Can Annnnnnn 152 Xi Xi Cang E ADD Plate XXIII BSN www Fig 59 Satrunijaya-Girnar-Patta, Ranakpur Somurice Fig. 58 Temples, Satrunjaya Fig. 60 Astamangala Plaque, Bronze, Baroda sadid walba ibn E

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CH Fig. 61 Porch etc., Maladevi temple, Gyaraspur, Madhya Bharat Fig. 62 Sikhara of Maladevi temple, Gyaraspur, Madhya Bharat naa * 3241 K 223323 Fig. 63 Nandisvara bimba, Jain Education Interfaina temple, Kolhapur Fig. 64 Sahasrakulta Sculpturelibrary.org Bronze, Pasan

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Plate XXV saMkogamAyAka mAthitvAtAgAsavatA vAsonAmInAvAta yAvasAhanakAlA Fig. 65 Jina, Palm-Leaf Ms., Nisitha Carni, d. 1182 V.S., Cambay bArAbAzavAthakavana sAdaritamAtApikAmA sivanazaThamANamA hinanitAnadevANa paramANaMdarIkhAcA Fig. 66 Sarasvati, Palm-Leaf Ms., Nisitha Cuini, Cambay Fig. 67 Lintel, Mathura Museum, Showing Siva-linga under a Caitya-tree

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Plate XXVI dain Education International mAravA nAnAsAyAsAyacA kArabhAdIbhanAbAna lsaanjaahitraagaamsiji kimamaNNAdanakAlakarakhIparikSaNa yAsaMnirvivanavikAlaghA virakAparipA emANAmami bahipiMDavAthagArasamawas prayavara nANadasaNadhArAphara tibanidhiranuhAgAna nA kAzapAmina gANAzAnanAsA vidyaalaadaadmaapsNpaa| yazasahadA daamiyaa| vakhanarAmrayAemApasamAtie dosabAlasAmAnahAmi vivArasADApAvAvisayAgi mAjhayAbAyalakAyAmamatAvAvamasUtra mitAvAna zaMzAvAnavinamAmizramAcA rAmanavamapibalazAkadhinamAlabAsa, yavidhAbAdajItanavAditi myAnamAbIparicinamArNa mizmAdAyamAyanavamIma siiilnesstti kImA hipayAzivAya vizvipasAyAmalAna zipavAdadakSaraNAmayasa kamizivanAmabaha rivaditAbArAvinApara yaataaynaandaarshaastthaa| hinyAtaayan evaviviparityakSakIyA dAdamidhyAnazikAratama azAnalAvalAranAya vajanibhAtAyAbanAma yamamivakSibAva nivADambayAnasyA divApravAdhAnyAnapAvAna niyamAyanyanijAgA ninavAna zamAdini laa|nidraajr`iaar'i kAmavAnkAmavAsyA manitAlamamAvasyA banAmAvadhAniyAtanA yAdImadhyApatIbApajI manapAnamA samavAya kAya mAmipAcana mayaM Fig. 69 Prajnapti-Vidyadevi, Miniature on Palm-leaf, Jaina Bhandara, Chani Fig. 68 Miniature Painting, Ms. of Uttaradhyayana-satra, Shri Hamsavijaya Collection, Baroda

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Plate XXVII Fig. 72 Rock-cut Jina under big Caitya-tree Kalugumalai Fig. 73 Jina under big Caitya-tree, Patan Fig 74 Caumukha Sculpture, Terahi, Madhy Bharat Fig. 75 Jina under big tree, Dig. Jaina temple, Surat

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Plate XXVIII For Private & Personal use only Fig. 76 Samavasarana, Big Bronze, C. 1065 A. D., Surat VEJLERS

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Plate XXIX Fig. 78 Panca Meru, Digambara Shrine, Surat

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Fig. 79 Sahasraphana-Parsvanatha, Ranakpur, South Rajasthan Jain Education international - - -

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Plate XXXI URDERS DMCA NE Fig. 80 Atte-Matte-Parsvanatha-Yantra-Pata, Cloth, Collection of Muni Sui l'unya vijayaji

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Plate XXXII Fig. 82 Jaina Stambha, Chitor

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s jainelibrary.org Mine asdoor clades 12:44 AM Pipe Ta Ke Plate XXXIII Cate Rou Q) O CRBURS TRXi ? Fig.83 Life of Parsvanatha and Parents of Tirthankaras, Ceiling Panel, Kumbharia, N. Gujarat

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Plate XXXIVw Borne LINGUEE Fig. 84 Chaumukha, Bronze, Digambara Shrine, Surat

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Plate XXXV Fig. 86 Jaina Shrine, Ranakpur, South Rajasthan Fig. 87 Fourteen Dreams, Wooden Panel, Patan, North Gujarat

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Plate XXIII KSLAS Forte Personalise Only Fig. 89 Nandisvara-dvipa-pata, Ranakpur Fig. 88 Tablet of Monk Kanha, Mathura, Lucknow Museum

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