Studies in Jaina Art

Author(s): Umakant P Shah
Publisher: Parshwanath Vidyapith
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001610/1

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PĀRSVANATHA VIDYAPITHA SERIES-114
General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain
SER
STUDIES
IN JAINA ART
Dr. U.P. Shah
पार्श्वनाथ
वाराणसी
PĀRŚVANĀTHA VIDYĀPĪTHA
VARANASI
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Pārsvanātha Vidyapitha Series: 114
General Editor Prof. Sagarmal Jain
STUDIES IN JAINA ART
Dr. Umakant Premanand Shah M.A., Ph.D., Dip. in Museology (Baroda).
विद्यापी
पारखेनाश
Clare
FINO
ar
we!
सच भगवं
PĀRSVANĀTHA VIDYĀPĪTHA
VARANASI

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Published by
Pārsvanātha Vidyāpīgha I.T.I. Road, Karaundi, P.O.:B.H.U.
Varanasi - 221005 (India) Phone : 316521, 318046
Fax : 0542- 318046
First Edition : December 1955 Second Reprint Edition : September 1998
Price: Rs. : 300:00
ISBN-81-86715-38-X
Printed at
Kabra Offset Ravindrapuri, Varanasi

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To
The Sacred Memory
of My Father

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE
We feel immense pleasure in bringing out the second reprint edition of this valuable title, Studies in Jaina Art' by an eminent scholar of Jaina Art, Late Dr. U.P. Shah. Its first edition was brought cut by Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banaras (later on merged in Pārsvanātha Vidyapitha, Varanasi). A series of four lectures on Jain Art, form the content of this title. The lecture was delivered by the author during March 11-15, 1954 in the College of Indology, B.H.U. The Publisher's note of the first edition throws sufficient light on the nature, scope and importance of this title.
The book has been out of print since long and was in great demand by scholars of Indian Art in general and Jaina Art in particular; hence, we decided to bring its second edition.
We take this opportunity to express our gratitude and pay homage to the author, Late Dr. U.P. Shah. We also express our deep sense of gratitude to the great savant of Jainism, Padmabhūşaņa Pt. Dalsukh D. Malvania, the then Secretary, Cultural Research Society and instrumental in bringing out this book.
We are very thankful to Dr. Sagarmal Jain, Director Emeritus, and Dr. Shriprakash Pandey, lecturer in Jainology, Pārsvanātha Vidyapitha for their valuable suggestion to get this book reprinted. We are thankful to Dr. Vijaya Kumar Jain, who managed it through the press.
Our thanks are also due to M/s Kabra Offset, Varanasi for its speedy and beautiful printing.
B.N. Jain
Secretary Pārsvanātha Vidyāpītha

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
3
I am thankful to the Director-General of Archaeology in India for his kind permission to obtain photographs from various circles and museums in India, throughout my studies in Jaina Art and Iconography as also to the Superintendents of all the circles of the Department of Archaeology and the curators of the various museums in India and outside who have extended their co-operation. For the photographs reproduced here, I must gratefully acknowledge the Copyright and Courtesy of the Director-General of Archaeology in India, New Delhi for figures 1, 4, 7, 41, 51, 52 81, 82; the Epigraphist to the Government of India, for fig. 72; the Department of Archaeology, old Gwalior State for figures 24, 61, 62, 74; Curator, Madras Museum for fig. 77, Curator, Patna Museum for figures 2, 15, 17, Curator, Provincial Museum, Lucknow, for figures 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 14A, 16, 88; the Curator, Indian Museum, Calcutta, for figures 18, 23, 36, 42, 44; the Curator, Mathura Museum, for figures 25, 26, 27, 67, and 14B; the Director, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay for figures 3, 29; the Curator, British Museum, London for figure 35; the Superintendent of Archaeology, Eastern Circle, Calcutta for figures 37, 38; the Superintendent of Archaeology, Central Circle, Patna, for figures 28, 41; Shri Jagan Mehta, Ahmedabad for figures 30, 32, 55, 57, 58, 65, 66; Dr. A.N. Upadhye, Kolhapur for figure 63.
I am also thankful to Muni Śrī Punyavijayaji for his kind cooperation and guidance throughout my studies and for the facilities provided by him in taking photographs from different Jaina Bhaṇḍāras and for loan of Manuscripts to Dr. A.N. Upadhye of Kolhapur whom I could always refer to for elucidations of problems connected with Digambara Sect; to my friends and colleagues Śrī J.S. Pade-shastri, M.A, and Śrī Pandit M.R. Nambiyar, of the Oriental Institute for checking certain references etc., to Dr. Y.J. Tripathi for preparing part of the Index, and to the Manager, M.S. University Press, Baroda, for excellent printing.
I am especially grateful to Pandit Śrī Suhkalalji and Pandit Dalsukhbhai Malvania who took keen interest in these Studies and invited me to deliver the lectures.

UMAKANT P. SHAH

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PREFACE
Sheth Śrī Bholabhai Dalal and Sheth Śri Premchand K. Kotawala, the Trustees of Śrī Poonamchand K.Kotawala Trust kindly decided to donate, from the above Trust, an annual grant of Rupees Two Thousand to the Jaina Cultural Research Society, Banaras. This sum is being utilised in inviting different scholars to deliver lectures, in the Banaras Hindu University, on any aspect of Jainology (Jaina Studies) and publishing such lectures. Accordingly, I invited Dr. Umakant Shah, who had submitted his Doctorate Thesis on Jaina Iconography, to deliver lectures on Jaina Art. He was generous in accepting the invitation and kindly co-operated by agreeing to deliver three lectures on Jaina Art.
These lectures were delivered in the College of Indology, Banaras Hindu University, under the Chairmanship of Dr. Vasudeva Sarana Agrawala, on 11th 12th, and 15th March, 1954. They are printed here with slight changes as "Studies in Jaina Art".
In his first lecture, Dr. Shah has attempted a critical survey of the Jaina Art in North India, i.e., in the regions North of the Vindhyas, such as Punjab, Sindh, Kachchha, Saurashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Bharat, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa etc., and even parts of the Deccan in the Bombay State. In his survey he has referred to all important known cave-temples, shrines, sculptures, paintings, etc. He has surveyed antiquities dating from earliest times to about the fifteenth century A.D. Here he has discussed specimens of both the Svetambara and the Digambara sects of the Jainas.
Dr. Umakant's predecessors in the field of Jaina Art Studies, namely, Cunnigham, Fergusson, Burgess, Buhler, Smith, Vogel, D.R. Bhandarkar, Coomaraswamy, Motichandra, V.S. Agrawala, Ramachandran, W. Norman Brown, Sankalia, B.C. Bhattacharya and others have written on several different aspects of Jaina Art, but Dr. Shah has for the first time attempted here to give a comprehensive review of the whole field in an admirably brief and critical way. From this attempt we obtain a consolidated view of Arts as patronised by the Jainas in North India.

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I would like to draw the attention of scholars to one important point brought to our notice by Dr. Shah in this review (and in his other published papers), namely, the contribution in Art of the School of Ancient West that flourished in Western India during the post-Gupta age. This survey further helps us to visualise the spread of Jainism, which had its birth in Magadha, to different parts of India in different ages and to know how and when it was almost wiped out from Bihar, Bengal and Orissa. This study of available archaeological remains of the Jaina Sect will help historians to form a correct idea of the vicissitudes through which Jainaism passed in its march through the ages in different parts of India and will especially help us to find out when and where the Svetambara or the Digambara sect had grown powerful.
The subject of his second and third lectures is Symbol Worship in Jainism. Here Dr. Shah has first of all reviewed the growth of the conception of the word Caitya in the Vedic, Buddhist and Jaina traditions. He then discusses the meaning and spread of the worship of the Stupa, Stambha, the Caitya-Vrkṣa, Ayagapata, Samavasaraṇa, Siddha-Cakra, Svapna, Aṣṭamangala, Śthapana etc., as also of Aşṭāpada, Sammeta-Śikhara, Pañca-Meru, Nandiśvaradvīpa etc. It is needless to say that this subject was discussed here for the first time so comprehensively with a historical outlook and a reference to all the noteworthy symbols so far as Jaina Art and Worship are concerned.
His third lecture was illustrated by projected photographs of the subjects discussed in all the lectures. Along with these, he showed some interesting specimens of the School of Ancient west including those of the Jaina bronzes from Akota and Vasantagadh hoards. For some years past, Dr. Shah has been making a study of this Art School whose existence was known only from the reference of Taranath but was not proved hitherto with references to archaeological remains. This was very interesting in as much as his studies have thrown new light on the history of Art in Northern and Western India. This part of his lecture is not printed in this book but some results of his studies in this field are incorpoted in the first lecture.
I must express my thanks to Dr. Umakant, on behalf of the Jaina Cultural Research Society, for agreeing to come to Banaras inspite of his indifferent health and delivering such stimulating discourses. He

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also undertook to see the book through the press and supplied all the photographs illustrating the different aspects of Jaina Art.
I am also grateful to Dr. Vasudeva Sarana Agrawala for kindly consenting to preside over all the three lectures, to Dr. Rajabali Pandey, of the College of Indology, Banaras Hindu University, for the kindness in providing the society with facilities to arrange lectures in the above College, through the Bharatiya Pariṣad, and finally to the Trustees of Śri Poonamchand K. Kotawala Trust (Sheth Śri Bholabhai Dalal and Sheth Śrī Premchand K. Kotawala) through whose munificence it has been possible to arrange and publish these lectures.
Sri Balabhai Desai of Ahmedabad, has kindly helped us in the preparation of the blocks, and Śrī Bachubhai Ravat of Kumar Karyalaya, Ahmedabad, kindly consented to print the plates. To the Manager, the M.S. University Press, Baroda, I am especially thankful for rushing the book through the Press inspite of heavy pressure of work.
Banaras, 5 1-11-1955

DALSUKH MALAVANIA
Secretary, Jaina Cultural Research Society.

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CONTENTS
A Brief Survey of Jaina Art in the North
.. 01- 35
.. 65- 76
Symbol Worship In Jainism ..
.. 39-121 Introductory
39-41 Caitya, Stūpa, Stambha
.. 43. 64 Caitya-VỊkşas Ayāgapatas
.. 77- 84 Samavasarana
85- 95 Siddh-Cakra or Nava-Devatā
97-103 Auspicious Dreams
105-108 Aștamangala
109-112 Sthāpanā and other Symbols
.. 113-115 Aștāpada, Sammeta-Sikhara and Pañca Meru 116-118 11 Nandīśvara-Dvīpa
.. 119-121 Appendix-Note of Stūpa, Samavasarana and Ziggurat. .. 123-130 Bibliography
... 131-142 Index
.. 143-164
9
Plates

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Studies In Jaina Art
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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE
NORTH
Jainism is a living faith in India and its followers have spread over all parts from very early times. A study of Jain antiquities scattered over extensively in the North as well as in the South is therefore indispensable for the reconsiruction of India's Cultural History. No attempt has yet been made to give a connected account of these finds. The subject is both vast and intricate and cannot be given full justice in a small review. Here only a critical outline of some of the more noteworthy specimens is attempted from Jain sites in North India including all states north of the Vindhyas, parts of the Deccan, almost the whole of Madhya Pradesha and Orissa. Of these no definite evidence is available of any Jain remains in Assam, Burma, Kashmir, Nepal, Bhūtän and Tibet while Kutcch in the West has yielded a few vestiges of the mediaval period.
It must be remembered that classification of arts on sectarian basis does not stand to reason, for no art is entirely Jaina, Buddhist or Hindu. The same artists who worked for one sect, were employed also by other sects in any particular unit of time and space. So, when we talk of Jaina Art we discuss art specimens created under the patronage of followers of the Jaina Faith, for do we not find identical art style in the Jaina, Buddhist and Hindu specimens of the Kuşāna period obtained from Mathurā ? Pre Historic Period
Pre-historic sites in India do not lend any definite clue to the existence of Jainism. A few seals from Mohen-jo-Dāro showing human figures standing in a posture closely analogous to the free standing meditative pose (kāyotsarga mudrā ) of the Jinas, ? or the seal representing a male divinity seated in meditation, the prototype of Siva?, corresponding with later Jaina, Buddhist or Brahmanical sculptures in such postures, cannot, in the present state of uncertainty of the reading of the Indus-valley script, be definitely used as attesting to the Pre-historic antiquity of Jaina art or ritual. Jaina traditions
Marshall, Mohen-jo-Dāro and the Indus Valley Civilisation, I, pl. xii. 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 22. Ramaprasad Chanda, in Modern Review, August 1932, Pp. 152 ff.
? Marshall, op. cit., xii, 17, 52 ff,

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART
certainly ascribe to their first twenty-two Tirthankaras, a period covering millions of years B.C., but such tales are not acceptable to a modern historian. Neminatha, the twenty-third Jina, was a brother (cousin) of Krsna, but further evidence is necessary before connecting him with any Pre-historic finds. The mutilated red-stone statuette from Harappa1 (Figure 1) assigned to the Chalco. lithic age is surprisingly analogous in style to the Mauryan torso of a Jina figure from Lohanipur, Bihār, (Fig. 2) but has in addition two large circular depressions on shoulder.fronts unlike any Jaina sculpture discovered hitherto. Very probably it represents some ancient Yakşa. However, the close similarity in styles of the two finds, establishes the continuity of Indian art down to the Mauryan age, and at once undermines older conceptions regarding the origin of the Buddha image (and consequently the Jina figure) in Central India from the model supplied by the Indo-Hellenic school of Gandhara.
Mauryan and Sunga Periods
I have elsewhere discussed the tradition of Jivantasvāmi Image worshipped at Vidisă and Vitabhaya-pattana, from ancient works like the Avasyaka Carpi, the Nisitha Carpi and the Vasudevahindi. I have also shown that a sandal-wood portrait sculpture was carved in the life-time of Mahavira when he was meditating in his palace, about a year prior to his renunciation statue came in possession of Uddayana of Sindhu-Sauvira from whom King Pradyota of Ujjain carried it off after depositing an exact wooden copy at Vitabhaya-pattana. The copy was later on burried in a sand-storm which wrought the destruction of the whole city. Kumarapala got it excavated and brought it to Anahilavāḍa-Pätan according to contemporary evidence of the great scholiast and saint Hemacandrācārya.
4
The tradition of Jivantasvāmi images (i. e. images of Mahavira standing in meditation with a crown and ornaments on his person) started with the popularity of the original sandal-wood image carried off by Pradyota and deposited at Vidiša (Bhelsä) in his territory. The existence of this tradition known only from literature was recently supported by the find of a bronze of Jivantasvāmi from Akoță, with an inscription on its pedestal in characters of c. 550 A. D., expressly calling it an image of Jivantasvāmi (Fig. 22). Another bronze of the same iconographic type, more beautiful and older, but with the pedestal lost, is also obtained in this hoard (Figs. 20-21). We have, therefore,
1 Ibid. x. a-d.
Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I, No. 1, pp. 72 ff. and Vol. I, No. 4. pp. 358 ff.
For Sauvira, see, Agrawal V. S., India as Known to Panini, pp. 37.
40, 50.
Shah Umakant P., A Note on the Akola Hoard of Jaina Bronzes, published as Appendix IV in Baroda Through The Ages, pp. 97 ff. esp. see pp. 99-100.

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A BRIEF SURVEY OF JAINA ART IN THE NORTH
5 reason to believe that the tradition of a life-time sandal-wood image of Mahavira is reliable.
That the Jina-Image was in worship in the Mauryan Age is evidenced by the find of the highly polished torso of a Jina Image from Lohānipur near Patnã and this further lends support to the view that an image of Mahāvira was carved in his life-time.
The Jina Image, as I have suggested recently in my discussion on “Yakşa Worship in Early Jaina Literature” has for its model the ancient Yakşa statues. I have also suggested that the mode of worship in the Yakşa-cult has largely influenced the worship in Jainism. The close similarity of the Jina and the Buddha image, and the fact that both Jainism and Buddhism are heterodox cults which protested against the Vedic Srahmanical priestly cult shows that Buddhism could easily have been influenced by the worship of the Yakşa and the Jina Images.
That the earliest image of Buddha hails from Gandhāra is a mere accident as suggested by Kramrisch and does not preclude the possibility of another earlier image being discovered in the land of Buddha's birth, as a product of the Native Indian School of Art. Jayaswal's discovery of a Mauryan torso of a Jina figure from Lohānipur (fig. 2) proves on the one hand the authenticity of Jaina traditions on image worship and on the other hand the existence in Magadha of an earlier model for Jina images of early Christian centuries. With the models and traditions of Yakşa-worship already existing, the Magadhan artists had no need to look outside for inspiration ; there is an equal chance of the case being quite the reverse, and Gandhāra could have followed the Magadhan conception. The Jina image definitely preceded the Buddha image as a cult-object.
Lohãnipur is a continuation of the Mauryan sites at Kumrahar and Bulandibāg near Patna. Along with this highly polished torso were revealed from the foundations of a square temple ( 8'10" X 8'10") a large quantity of Mauryan bricks, a wor: silver punch-marked coin and another unpolished later torso of a Jina in the kåyotsarga pose. Evidently, both the torsoes represented some Tirtharkaras and the foundations are the earliest known site of a Jaina
1 Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, no. 1, pp. 55-71 esp. see p. 66. The truth of my statement would be obvious to any one who compares the Lohānipur torso with the ancient Yakșa statues.
% Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, p. 40. Also see Shah, U, P., in Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I, No. 4, pp. 358-368.
Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, XXIII. 1, pl. i-iv. The second torso probably belongs to the Gupta period according to Banerji-Shastri in a subsequent issue of the same Journal ( vide Vol. XXVI. 2. 120 ff.)

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART
temple. A mutilated head of the Mauryan period, discovered by Banerji.Shastri from the same site probably belonged to another Jaina sculpture. 1
Of the Mauryan age, no other Jaina relic is known except a group of caves in Barabara and Nagarjuni hills, Bihār, dedicated by Aśoka and Dasaratha for the use of Ajivika sect whose leader, Mankhaliputta Gosala, was once a disciple and later a great rival of Mahāvīra. The Mauryan ruler Samprati is hailed by traditions as a great patron of the Jainas and builder of numerous (Jaina) temples. No archæological evidence is however available today.
Of the Sunga period, the only noteworthy Jaina relics are two groups of caves on the Udayagiri and the Khandagiri hills in Orissa. The Häthigumphā, on the former, is a natural cavern with a long inscription of King Kharavela of the Cheţa or Cheti (Chedi ) dynasty. Opinions are divided regarding the date of the record and the earlier reading showing that the 13th year of Kharavela's reign coincided with the 164th year of the Mauryan era has been ultimately discarded. But the inscription is generally assigned to c. 150 B. C. on grounds of palæography. Kharavela followed Jainism since his record opens with adoration to the Arhats (Tirthankaras) and the Siddhas (liberated souls). The record shows that he invaded Magadha and brought back the statue (or the seat) of the Kalinga Jina carried away by the Nanda King. Along with his queen, Khåravela provided shelters for Jaina monks at the Relic Depository of the Arhats on the Kumari ( Udayagiri) hill, erected many pillars and repaired old temples,"
Both the groups of caves were excavated and for many years tenanted by the Jainas as shown by the inscriptions and reliefs in the Navamuni, Bara
1 Banerji-Shastri, Mauryan Sculptures from Lohānipur-Patna, Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, XXVI. 2. 120 ff.
A fragmentary inscription found by Mahamahopadhyaya G. H. Oza, from Bārli (Ajmer District) refers to majjhamikā (Mādhyamikā), modern Nagari near Chitor, and the year 84 of Mahavira's nirvana. See Indian Antiquary, LVIII.229. But the reading Virat or Viraya is disputable, see, Sarkar, D. C., Barli Fragmentary Stone Inscription, JBORS. Vol. 37, March 1951.
3 Kuraishi, List of Ancient Monuments protected under Act VII of 1904 in the Bihar and Orissa Provinces (1938). 33.
Brhat-Kalpa-Bhasya, Vol. III, gāthās 3285-89, pp. 917-21.
Rajendralal Mitra, Antiquities of Orissa, 2 volumes. Kuraishi, op. cit... pp. 244-283.
B. M. Barua, Old Brahmi Inscriptions in the Udayagiri and Khandagiri Caves (1929). Reference to all earlier interpretations and readings will be found in this work. Barua revised his readings in Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV (1938), PP. 459-485. The new reading makes no mention of Kalinga Jina (statue).
G

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7
bhuji and the Trisula caves. To these sectarian differences are due, as shown by Marshall, many distinctive features of architecture, including among others, the entire absence of Caitya halls. In the lower storey of the Mañchapuri cave, probably next to the Hāthigumphā in chronological order, are relief sculptures, 1 on a frieze, of poor workmanship, but in the depth of relief and plastic treatment of figures, showing a decided advance on Bhārhut. Of the other caves, the Ananta, Rāņi and Gaņeśa gumphās, probably date from 150 to 50 B. C. Pendiment sculptures on door ways of Ananta cave include a four-horsed Sungod, a tree enclosed in railing (chaitya-výkşa) and a figure of the so-called Māyā-devi lustrated by two elephants. Such figures, variously recognised as Nativity of Buddha, or Gaja-Lakşmi in Brahmanical specimens, are now correctly identified as Sri-devi or Padma-Śri by Coomaraswamy and Moticandra. She is the same as the Sirimā devatā of Bhārhut railings, the Sri of the Vedic Śri-sūkta and one of the fourteen dreams described in the Jaina Kalpa-sūtra. Each door-way of the Ananta is adorned with a pair of three-hooded snakes on its arch. This is interesting because of the possible association of Pārsvanatha (whose association with a cobra is well known in Jaina art and literature ) with Kalinga, as suggested in the various lives of this Jina written by monks of both the sects. According to Marshail, this cave belongs to a date not much earlier than the first century B. C., while the Rāņi-gumphā (fig. 81 ), showing a further stage in the development of this rock-cut architecture, is the most spacious and elaborately carved of all Orissan caves. The façades of its cells, enriched with pillasters and highly ornate friezes, illustrate scenes like hunting of a winged deer (fig 4.), fighting, carrying off of a woman and so on, which, according to some, refer to incidents from the life of Párśvanātha ? who is said to have rescued and married Prabhāvati, abducted by a Yavana ruler of Kalinga. Dr. Agrawala has now offered a much better explanation of the reliefs as referring to Väsa vadattā and Sakuntalā.The style of friezes in the upper storey is
i Ramachandran, T. N., The Mañcapuri Cave, Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XXVII. 2, pp. 103-108.
2 Shah C. J., Jainism in North India, p. 155. King Prasenajit, son of Narvarman, the ruler of Kuśasthala, had a beautiful daughter called Prabhāvati who, upon hearing the virtues of Pārsvanātha, fell fn love with him. Her parents agreed but kings of neighbouring states of Kalinga and others, desiring to have the Princess, attacked Kuśasthala and besieged it. Pārsvanātha, upon request from Prasenajit ran to his rescue, subdued the opponents and married Prabhāvati. According to Hemcandra, the ruler of Kalinga was a Yavana King (vide Trişaşti, parva 9. 3.99 ff. pp. 198 ff.). It is indeed interesting to note that the snake which is a special cognizance of Pārsvanātha figures on the archways of Anantagumphā, Khaņdagiri, Orissa, and that two Yavana warriors are also carved in relief in the Rāņi Gumpha, Orissa,
3 JISOA., Vol. XIV (1946), pp. 102-109.

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original and vigorous while the modelling is tolerably correct. Of considerable interest however are figures of Yavana warrior and two burly individuals on ponderous animals, the bull-rider being strangely Assyrian in modelling and conception as a whole. The Ganesa cave, repeating the same themes, shows inferior workmanship and the degeneration proceeds further in later Jaya Vijaya and Alakāpuri caves. The style appears to have no descendants in Orissa.1
At Pabhosa, near Kosam and Allahabad, are two caves bearing inscriptions, in characters of the Sunga Age, recording their dedication by Aşădhasena from Ahicchatra for the use of Kasyaplya Arhats. It may be remembered that Mahavira belonged to the Kasyapa gotra. Possibly this was meant to exclude its use by followers of Parsvanatha who seem to have existed then though in small numbers (and especially to exclude occupation by the Ajivikas). The Mathura stupa, originally dating from at least the beginning of first century B.C., is treated in the next section.
A very old bronze of Pärśvanatha, standing in the Kayotsarga pose, with the right hand and a part of his snake-hoods overhead mutilated, exists in the collections of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay (Fig. 3). Its pedestal is lost and unfortunately there is no record of its original findspot (the bronze was acquired long ago). It bears close affinity in style with a standing terracotta figurine from Mohen-jo-Daro. The limbs are long and slim and can also be compared with the Mohen-jo-Daro Dancing Girl. The modelling of the torso, especially of the belley is closely allied to that of the Lohanipur torso discussed above and the Harappa red-stone (Yakşa) torso. Thus the bronze belongs to the Ancient Indian art style which continued down to the Mauryan age. The physiognomy is peculiar, comparable with that of the bronze female Dancer from Mohen-jo-Dāro and a few Mauryan and early Sunga
1 Marshall, Cambridge History of India, I. 638-642; see also remarks by Kramrisch in Barua's Old Brahmi Inscriptions etc. (op. cit.), 307 ff.; Brown, Percy, Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu), pp. 34-37.
Furhrer, A., Pabhosa Inscriptions, Ep. Ind., II., p. 243; Law, B.C., Kausambi in Ancient Literature, Memoir 60, Arch. Survey of India, pp. 3, 121. 20; The Age of Imperial Unity, 98, 172, 175.
See, Marshall, Mohen-jo-Daro and the Indus Valley Civilization, Vol. III, pl. XCIV, Figs. 9, II, pl. XCV, Figs 26-7; Mackay, Further Excavations from Mohenjo Daro, Vol. II, pl. LXXII. Figs. 8-10, pl. LXXIII. Figs. 6, 10, 11; pl. LXXV. Figs. 1,21.
4 Marshall, Sir John, op. cit., Vol. III, pl. XCIV. Figs. 6-8. For terracottas comparable with this bronze, see, Gordon, D.H., Early Indian Terracottas, Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. XI.
This bronze of Pārśvanatha is discussed by this writer in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, No. 3, pp. 63-65.

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Mother-Goddess terracottas from Mathurā, Hatharas and other sites in Northern India. Besides, this figure of Pārsvanātha bears no mark of Sri-vatsa symbol on the chest as obtained on later sculptures.
It is difficult to assign a correct age to the bronze in absence of any record about its findspot etc., but the above mentioned stylistic relations make it certain that it cannot be later than c 100 B.C. and may be earlier by a century or two. Kșatrapa and Kuśāna Periods
Jaina traditions refer to the practice of erecting stūpas over ashes of Jinas. One stūpa existed at Vaiśāli (Basarh ) dedicated to the Jina Munisuvratal and another at Mathurā dedicated to Supārsvanatha. According to Jinaprabha sūri (14th century A.D.), the Mathurā stūpa was repaired in the time of Pärśvanātha (c. 800 B.C.) and renovated by Bappa bhațţi sūri a thousand years later. 2 Excavations at Kankäli Țilā, Mathurā, which disclosed remains of two ruined temples, and a large stūpa of brickwork, yielded a veritable storehouse of Jain antiquities ranging from c. 150 B. C. to 1023 A.D., including images of Tirthařkaras, toraņas (gateways ), Ayāga pațas ( Tablets of Homage) railing pillars with reliefs of demi.gods and goddesses and a few sculptures including scenes from lives of Tirtharkaras, mostly assignable to the reigns of Kaņişka, Huviska and Vāsiska. Products of the Mathurā School of Sculpture, they offer an interesting study along with Buddhist and Brahmanical finds from other sites at Matburā.
Of the Jaina finds, perhaps the oldest inscribed is the Amohini Votive Tablet, followed by others including one set up by Sivayaśās showing a stupa with railing and approached through a tcraņa gateway ascended by a flight of steps (Fig. 7). Two nude dancing girls stand on the two sides of the gateway. A better view of a Jaina stūpa may however be obtained from another tablet, set up by Vasu, the daughter of Loņaso bhikā,' representing a stūpa of a high cylindrical type, with a basement showing arched niches. The only other instance of such niches was obtained on a stūpa basement at Sirkap, Taxila (Saka-Parthian period), with a double-headed eagle on one of them. 5 This led
1 Araśyaka-Curni of Jinadāsa (c. 676 A.D.), pp. 223-227, 567. 2 Vividha Tirtha Kalpa, edited by Jinavijaya, pp. 17 ff.
Smith, Jain Stüpa and other Antiquities of Mathurā (1901), p. 13. 3 Smith, op. cit., p. 19, plate xii.
i Vogel, Catalogue of the Archeological Museum at Mathurā (1910), pp. 184 f, pl. V ; Agrawal, JUPHS., XXIII (1950), pp. 69-70, has corrected the earlier reading of the inscription on this Tablet.
Marshall, Cambridge History of India, I, 633, also see Guide to Taxila (3rd Ed), pl. xiii, p. 88. Dr. Motichandra, 38 fai gtata, in Premi Abhinandana Grantha, pp. 229-249.

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Marshall to associate the Sirkap stūpa with Jaina faith but the total absence of any other Jaina relic in the whole site excavated hitherto cannot be disregarded. Jaina traditions only speak of a dharmacakra (Wheel of Law ) set up by Bāhubali, the son of Rşabhanātha, the first Tirthankara, at Taxila. 1
In the Kuşāņa period, the Jainas seem to have worshipped, besides the stūpa, the caitya-tree, the dharmacakra, āyāgapațas, dh vaja-pillars, auspicious
1 A Guide to Taxila by Sir John Marshall, pp. 88 ff and pl. xiii. Avaśyaka Niryukti with commentary of Haribhadra, I. 332 and pp. 144 ff.
It is said that when Rşabha went to Taxila, he reached after dusk; Bahubali (ruling at Takşaśilā ) thought of going to pay his homage next morning and pay due respects along with his big retinue. But the Lord went away and from here, travelled through Bahali.adambailla, Yonaka and preached to the people of Bahali, and to Yonakas and Pahlagas. Then he went to Astăpada and after several years came to Purimatāla near Vinitā, where he obtained Kevalajñāna. These verses show that Takşaśila was probably included in the province of Bahali (Balkh-Bactria) in the age of Avaśyaka Niryukti.
Next morning when Bahubali came to know of the Master's departure, he felt disappointed and satisfied himself only by worshipping the spot where the Lord stood and installing an emblem-The Dharma-Cakra-over it vide, Haribhadra's Avaśyaka Vytli, pp. 147-148 ). The Vasudevahindi and the Paumacariyam do not mention this account of origin of Dhamma-Cakka at Takşaśilā, installed and worshipped by Bahubali.
Other writers following Marshall regard this as a proof of the Jaina tradition that Bāhubali installed the Dharma-Cakra at Taxila. (Dr. Sukthankar in the Annual Report of the Archæological Survey of India for 1914 15, pp. 2 ff. and also Dr. Motichandra fa fa fa 3110 Tiara, Premi Abhinandana Grantha (Hindi), pp. 229 ff. But it will be seen that the earliest known text referring to this tradition is Avaśyaka Niryukti, whose traditional date is not acceptable and that early Digambara sources do not refer to this incident. The Byhal-Kalpa-Bhāsya, V. 5824 refers to Cakra which the commentator explains as Uttarapathe Dharma-cakram. (Vol. V, p. 1536 )
It would, therefore, be proper to differ any conclusions till some definitely early Jaina antiquities are excavated at Taksasilā, Sirkap or at a site nearby. It can only be said that sometime in the 3rd or 4th Centnry A.D., there probably was near Takşabilā, a Jaina site whose origin was attributed to Bahubali, but the Jainas do not seem to have been able to establish long standing strongholds in the North-West (Gandhāra) and Western Punjab and if at all anything existed, it was wiped out in the Hun and Muslim invasions. There did exist a sacred spot where Dharma-Cakra was worshipped, in Northern Indja (Uttarāpatha ), which was more popular with Svetāmbara Jainas, but whose identification with the Sirkap stūpa need not be regarded as final.

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II
symbols like the svastika, the Srivatsa mark, the full-blown lotus, a pair of fish etc., as also images of Tirthařkaras in the kāyotsarga and dhyāna mudrā, the goddess Sarasvati, and a few other demi-gods. All the figures of Tirthařkaras are nude, showing that the difference between images of the Digambaras (sky-clad, worshipping nude images) and the Svetämbaras (whiterobed, adoring Tirthankara figures wearing a lower garment) was posterior to the Kuşāņa period. Recognising symbols ( Lāñchana ) of the various Tirthankaras were not evolved and the pedestals of Jina figures contained devotional scenes of the dharmacakra usually placed with its rim to the front on a pillar. Tirthaikaras were recognised with the help of inscriptions on pedestals giving their names. Scenes of the five auspicions events (pañca-kalyāṇakas) from the life of each Jina were carved, possibly as a decorative motif, as can be inferred from a fragment showing the goat-headed Nemesa who is famous in Svetambara Jaina texts for his act of transferring the embryo of Mahavira from a Brāhmin lady to a Kşatriya one. Another remarkable specimen of Sunga period, No. J. 354. Lucknow Museum, probably represents the dance of Nilāñjanā before King Rşabha' (fig. 5). A Tablet of Homage was set up by Amohini representing Aryavati a respectable lady, in royal costume with an attendant holding a parasol. This Aryavati probably represents the Mother of a Jina (more likely of Mahāvira), since parents of the Jinas received special veneration from the earliest times. Other noteworthy finds include an image of Sarasvati, the earliest discovered representation of this goddess in India, and four-fold Jina figures (pratima-sarvato-bhadrikā of inscriptions) with Adinatha, Pārsva and two other Jinas, one on each side. These figures are based upon the ancient Jaina tradition of Samavasaraņa? square or circular
I See Lüders, List of Brāhmi Inscriptions, Epigraphia Indica, X, Appendix.
2 Shah, U.P., Journal of the University of Bombay, Sept. 1941, 198 f. Fig. 1.
3 Buhler, Specimens of Jaina Sculptures from Mathura, Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II, 311 ff.
For the story of the Dance, see C. R. Jain, Rşabhadeva, p. 108. Agrawala V. S., Jain Antiquary, Vol. X (1944), pp. 1-5, suggests a different interpretation and identifies it as a scene of birth-celebration of Mahāvira, but my suggestion helps us to identify the standing figures as Lokāntika gods and would seem to be more probable.
5 Smith, op.cit., pl. XIV., p. 21 ; Agrawala, V. S., Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 14, Fig. I.
8 Smith, op.cit., pp. 46 ff. pl. xc. ? D. R. Bhandarkar, Jaina Iconography, Indian Antiquary, pp. 125-30,
153 ff.

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assemblies erected by gods for the Sermons of the Jinas, wherein, on a raised platform in the centre sits a Jina on one side with images of the same Jina installed on three remaining sides to make him visible to the whole audience.. Representation of four different Jinas on the four sides, is, therefore, an advancement upon the original earlier conception of a samavasarana or a Caumukha sculpture. Therefore, the Jina image.worship at Mathura in the Kuşana age was of a long standing. Even the stupa at Mathura was pretty old since an inscription on a Jaina pedestal of this period refers to it as the Vodval Stupa, built by the gods (devanirmite vodve thupe), clearly indicating that its origin was forgotten in c. second century A.D. Haribhadrasuri (c. 7th century) called it devanirmita, possibly because he did not know its origin or the name. of the Jina to whom it was originally dedicated; only later texts like the Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa of Jinaprabhasüri ascribed it to Supärsvanatha. Probably the stupa enshrined relics of Pärśvanatha, a historical figure, who died 250 years before Mahāvīra's nirvāņa.
12
The Mathura Art was rather primitive and the human figures are stiff and heavy. However, it was filled with a spirit of naturalism and freedom from canonical injunctions and shows, on the one hand, a direct continuation of the old Indian art of Yaksa primitives and of Bhårhut and Sâñcbi and on the other, the classical influence derived from Gandhara. This second phase is more conspicuous in Buddhist sculpture from Mathura.
At Junagadh, Saurastra, near Bāvā Pyārā's Math, are a group of about
1 The inscription refers to Vodva Stupa, built by Gods' which shows that in the first two centuries of the Christian era, a stūpa existed at Mathura, which was regarded as a very ancient one and the age of its erection was forgotten. But the inscription does not make it clear that it was a stupa dedicated to Supårsvanatha. Jinaprabha is the only writer who explicitly says so. There were in all five Stūpas at Mathura as can be inferred from the expression Pañcastúpanvaya used in the Paharpur Copper plate and other sources. (vide Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report 1927-28, pp. 1071.; Premi, Jaina Sahitya Aur Itihasa, p. 497, for Pañcastüpänvaya, see Paharpur Grant dated in S. 159 478 A.D.). It is however not impossible that a stupa dedicated to this Jina also existed at Mathura. But the finds from Kankali Ţilă make no reference to Supărśva in any of the inscriptions and it is Pārsvanitha who is popular at Kankalf Tilä. It is therefore advisable to regard the Vodva Stupa, built by gods as referring to a stupa of Parsva rather than of Supăráva. Either copyists of Jinaprabha's text or Jinaprabha himself (being so late in age) made. the mistake of regarding the stupa of Parsvanatha as dedicated to Supáráva. Smith, op. cit., 13, plate vi; Vyavakära-Bhāṣya, 5. 27-28; Brhat-KalpaBhasya, V. 5824, VI. 6275; also Avasyaha Niryukti with comm. of Haribhadra, I, p. 453.

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twenty monastic cells, arranged in three lines, with a very early form of Caitya window ornament over cave B.' Cave F is a primitive cell, flat roofed, originally with four pillars, the back being like a semi-circular apse. Cave K in this group has two cells with carvings of the auspicious pot-and-foliage ( mangalakalasa) and other symbols like the srivatsa, svastika, bhadrāsana, minayugala, etc. found on the Mathurā āyāgapaļas. These symbols could not conclusively establish the Jaina character of these dwellings but the discovery of a mutilated inscribed slab (burried in front of cell I) of the time of the grandson of Jayadāman (Rudrasena, the son of Rudradāman), referring to those who have obtained Kevala-jñāna and conquered death and old age shows that at least in the second century A. D. 2 the caves were in the hands of the Jainas. The absende of any other Buddhist symbol or the stūpa is significant. It would not be wrong to suppose that the Jainas had a monastic establishment near Girnar. Other groups of early caves in Saurāṣtra, at Taļājā and Sānā, assigned to this period by Burgess, do not supply sufficient evidence regarding the faith to whom they were dedicated. 3 The presence of a stūpa in each of the two groups of Taļäjä and Sānä shows that they probably belonged to the Buddhists since none of the well known Jaina caves in India show stūpa-worship. Pre-Gupta and Gupta Periods
of the so-called dark period very few antiquities have come to light, But a few Jaina bronzes from Chausā near Buxur ( Bihār), now in the Patnā. Museum, though of crude workmansirip, are valuable since they show the continuity and extent of influence of the Mathura School (Fig. 17); some of them show Gandhāra influence,
The cult image of the Kuşāna period, which, in the words of Coomaraswamy, was a magnificent primitive, clumsy, passes through a gradual evolution and takes its place in architecture of the Gupta age, 5 Some of the Chausā bronzes belong to this period but the transition would be better marked when stone specimen are discovered.
To this period is assigned the Son-Bhandara cave, Rājgir ( Bihar), which has an inscription in characters of c. Ist or 2nd century A.D. stating that Muni Vairadeva, jewel among teachers and of great lustre, caused to be excavated
1.2.3 Burgess, Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kuchh, Archæological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, II, 139 ff. Sankalia, H. D., Archæology of Gujarat, 47-53. Age of Imperial Unity, p. 418 suggests he was Dāmayasada or Rudrasimha I.
4 A few more halls are reported to have been discovered recently on one side of the hill at Talājā, by Shri M. N. Deshpande of the Western Circle, Baroda. They are being cleaned.
6 Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, 71.

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two caves fit for residence of Jaina ascetics, with images of the Arhats (Jinas) installed therein. The second cave is the so-called Vaisnava cave nearby. It should be noted that these caves, meant to be rock-cut shrines fit for residence of Jaina monks, were of a very simple design. This Vairadeva seems to be the great Svetambara ācārya Vajra who died in the 584th year of Mahavira's Nirvāņa (57 A.D.).
On the Vaibhāra hill, Rājgir, is a ruined temple consisting of a central chamber flanked on all sides by a row of cells and containing sculptures of the transitional age discussed below. Adjoining the east wall of and on a lower level than that of the main building is another room having, (in one of its niches, ) a seated figure of Neminātha (Fig. 18 ) with a fragmentary inscription, in Gupta characters, referring to Chandragupta (the second) This is the earliest specimen assignable to a fairly accurate date showing the introduction of recognising symbols of Tirtharikaras. In this case, the conch symbol flanks either side of the dharmacakra in the centre of the pedestal. But a more interesting feature of the sculpture is the figure of a young prince, beautifully carved, standing in front of the wheel which also serves the purpose of his halo. He is not Neminātha, the Prince, as was suggested earlier, but he is the cakra-puruṣa, a conception of the Gupta Age. On his two sides are two small Jinas seated in padmāsana, with shaven heads like the famous Buddha from Mänkuvar. Three standing figures of Tirthankaras in other niches seem to belong to circa fourth century as they retain to some extent the stiffness of shoulders of the Kuşāna period (fig. 23). Comparable with these are two standing sculptures in the Gwalior fort, Central India, which are products of the same school of sculpture, though with local colour. Another interesting specimen of the Gupta period having two flying garland-bearers in front of the halo carved more elaborately than the plain Kuşāna type with a scalloped border, was discovered from Besnagar, Gwalior State. Two most beautiful specimens of the Gupta period, partly mutilated, are preserved in the Mathurā Museum (Nos. B6 & B 33 ). Exquisite specimens of art, they (figs. 25, 26 ) seem to be related to the famous Banāras school of sculpture.
1 Archeological Survey of India., Annual Report, 1905-06, p. 98, 166.
2 Shah, U, P., Muni Vairadeva of Son Bhandara Cave Inscription, JBRS, December, 1953, pp. 410-412 ; and in Atmananda-Prakāśa (Gujarati Monthly, Bhāvanagar), May 1953. For the age of this cave see Sarasvati S. K., in The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 502 f.
8 First published by Chanda, Ramaprasad, A. S. 1. A. R. 1925-26, 125 ff.
• Vikrama-Smrili-Anka (Hindi) plate opposite page 703. For other sites in the Gwalior State see, Gadre M. B., Archeological Museum, Gwalior and his ' A Guide to the Archæological Museum, Gwalior' and Annual Reports of the Archæological Department, Gwalior State.

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At Sarnath, near Banaras, is preserved a figure of Ajitanäth (G. 61, Sahani's. Cotalogue) rightly assigned by Sahani to the Gupta period1. A few more sculptures of the Gupta period are preserved in the Lucknow Museum; one of them, a headless statue of Mahavira, is dated in Gupta year 113, while some finer specimens are J. 104, O. 181, in this Museum and B. 7 (fig. 27) in Mathura Museum, besides a few more in both the museums.2
15
In one of the Udayagiri caves, Gwalior State, is found an inscription. recording its excavation, in G.E. 106 (reign of Kumaragupta I), with a figure of Pārsvanatha, "awe-inspiring on account of the horrible fangs of a snake carved over his head". The relief-sculpture is however lost. At Kahaon in UP., is a free-standing pillar, dated in the Gupta year 141, with a figure of Pārsvanatha at the base and four standing Tirthankaras on the top.
At Paharpur, in Bengal, has been excavated the site of a monument with. Buddhist and Brahmanical remains. Here was discovered a small figure of a Jina and a copper-plate, issued from Pundravaradhana, dedicated to the worship of Arhats at the Jaina Vihara (monastery) of Vața Gohali, headed by a monk of the Pancha-stūpa lineage (anvaya) of Banaras. The grant is dated in the G.E. 159 478 A.D. The Vihara which was thus established in the 4th century, if not earlier still, probably occupied the site of the great temple and monastery unearthed at Paharpur."
In the north-west, at Murti near Ketās (in the Gandhala valley) are situated the remains of a sanctuary and a stupa which Stein identified with the site of Simhapur of Hieun-Tsang's description. The Chinese traveller referred to a Deva-temple and a stūpa where the white-robed ones practised rigorous austerities. A few sculptures from this site, brought to the Lahore Museum, are assigned to the Gupta period by Stein.*
The Deogarh temples have not been fully explored. At Deogarh fort,
1 The sculpture is now in the collections of Bharata Kala Bhavana, Banaras Hindu University, and antedates the Rajgir figure of Neminatha noted above.
For Jaina sculpture of the Gupta age, see, Fleet, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, III. 66-68; Banerji, R. D., Age of the Imperial Guptas, pp. 104, 106, 108, 129 and pl. xviii; Agrawal, V. S, Catalogue of the Mathura Museum, JUPHS., xiii, pp. 52 ff.
8 See f.n. 3 on p. 15.
Epigraphia Indica, XX. 59 fi. History of Bengal, I, p. 410.
Stein A., Archaological Reconnaissances in N.W. India and S.W. Iran (1937), pp. 47 ff. and plates. Not a single Jaina sculpture from this site is published. A few later ones exist in Lahore Museum, but I could not obtain. photographs.

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Jhansi District, Madhya Bharat, there are a number of loose sculptures near temple 12 (some of which were being fixed in the compound wall when this writer visited the site). A few images in this group seem to go back to the end of the Gupta period. The site of Budhi Chanderi in the same district is equally promising. Architecture and sculptures from both the sites deserve special studies.
16
One of the most exquisite Jaina bronzes had recently been discovered from Akoță, near Baroda in Western India (Bombay State). It is a standing image of Rsabhanatha with pedestal lost and badly mutilated at the back, hands and legs (fig. 19). Its importance as the earliest known Jina image with a dhoti is discussed by me separately in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, Vol. I, No. 1. Its value as a specimen of the art of Gupta Age is no less, the head offers an excellent study of a Yogi in the dhyana mudia, with eyes half closed and shining with the light of supreme knowledge. In the proportionate modelling of the torso and the legs, this bronze, though smaller in size, is superior to the Sultanganj Buddha. It should be assigned to c. 450 A. D.
Transitional Period
The transitional period from Gupta art to the provincial schools of art witnessed a remarkable revival and growth of Tantric practices in Brahmanism, Buddhism as well as Jainism. Pantheons and rituals rapidly multiplied, resulting in new varieties of icons and temples dedicated to them. The artist had a wider range of subject matter but the growth of rigid canonical injunctions gradually made art productions of the medieval period lifeless and mechanical. The transitional period from about 600 to 1000 A. D. is, therefore, very important in the history of Indian art and culture. It has besides produced some of the most well-known specimens of Indian art in architecture, sculpture and painting.
Five bronzes from Valabhi, illustrated in fig. 29, belong to c. sixth century A. D. Of this age, probably the earliest known dated specimen is a standing bronze figure (fig. 30) from Vasantagadh, old Sirohi State, Western India, with an inscription on its pedestal giving the date Samvat 744 (657) A.D.) Another similar bronze without inscription and a few smaller ones from
1 First discovered by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, discussed by this writer in Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, no. 1, p. 36.
2 The Jaina Bronzes from the Vasantagadh Hoard are discussed in a separate paper (with plates; by Shah, U. P., in the forthcoming first number of the Lalita-Kala, being published by the Lalita-Kala Academy, India.
Muni Kalyāpavijaya in Nagari Pracāriņi Patrika, new series, 18.2. pp. 221-31. The inscription records the name of the sculptor Sivanaga and says. that the second (standing) bronze (of Adinatha) was also cast by him. These

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standing
tent of th. The Rohis
the same site also belong to this period. The style of the dhoti ( lower garment) put on by the Jina corresponds with that of a standing stone figure of Pārsvanātha from Rohtak near Delhi. 1 The Rohtak figure is however a little later in age but it shows the extent of the influence of the art of old Gujarāt and Mārwar. Of about the same period is the large Mahuļi (Baroda State) bronze which is stylistically closely allied to the famous Nālandā bronzes. Other noteworthy figures are a small bronze of Sarasvati from Vasantgadh, 8 two metal sculptures in the Simandhara temple, Ahmedabad (which are possibly slightly later) and three standing bronze figures in Bhinmal, Mārwår. The stone sculpture of Pārsvanātha at Chārūpa, North Gujarät, also belongs to c. Sth century. Two smaller bronzes from Mahudi and the group of rockcarvings at Dhānk, Saurāṣṭra, (Fig. 31 ) belong to this period. 5 The Dhāik sculptures show a Kubera-like two-armed yaksa and a two-armed Ambika yakşi, here attending upon Pārsvanātha.
A fourfold (Caumukha) Jaina sculpture (Fig. 28 ) from the Sonbhandara cave, Rājgir, and a figure of Ādinātha, with the name of a monk Vasantanandi inscribed (c. 8th century A.D.) on the pedestal, from the ruined brick shrine at Vaibhāra hill, Rājgir, are typical examples of Jaina sculptures of the Eastern School. To the next century may be assigned a few more sculptures from the same site and a stone sculpture from monastery no. 9, Nālandā. A four-armed goddess (Fig. 41 ) from this last site probably represents the Jaina yakşi Padmāvati, and is a unique iconographic specimen from North India, assignable to the gth or roth century.
bronzes from Vasantgadh are hollow from inside and filled with a light-weight core. They are at present worshipped in a shrine at Pindawāda near Sirohi.
1 Bhattacharya, B.C. Jaina Iconography, pl. VI.
2 Annual Report of the Archaeological Department, Baroda State, 1939, 6-11, pl. iy-vi. Sankalia, Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, I, 2-4, 185 ff. Mr. Gadre assigns the fragmentary inscription on its prabbávali to c. 300 A.D. which is certainly incompatible with the style of the big Mahudi figure. No estampage is published.
8 Shah, U.P., A Female Chaurie-Bearer from A koța, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, I, 1, wherein this as well as two other Tirthařkaras of c. 7th8th century A.D. are discussed and illustrated.
• Three such bronzes of c. 8th century A.D. allied in style and technique to Vasantagadh dated bronzes, are lately discovered by this writer from Bhinmal where they are being worshipped in a Jaina shrine,
5 Sankalia, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, July 1938, 427. ff. Archaeology of Gujarat, 160 ff. It is not possible to assign to the soulptures a date earlier than 7th century A.D.
6 Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Report for 1925-26, 125 ff and

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Rock-carvings of the Navamuni, Bārabhuji and the Trisûla caves, Orissa, with figures of Tirthankaras and attendant yakşinls, are of great iconographic value, though they represent crude specimens of Orissan art in c.900 A.D.1
18
Among temples of the transitional period may be noted two small Jaina. shrines at Than in Saurăştra, described by Cousens. Square in plan, these simple shrines seem to have once had a small porch in front constructed of huge blocks of stone, with a plain exterior and a single band of scroll on the door-way, the smaller of the two shrines has a much damaged Jina on the dedicatory block, while the larger one has a mutilated figure of Ambika against its back wall. With this type may be compared the small Jaina temple of Paṭṭaini devi at Pithora, Unchchherå State, near Bhärhut. The door way. carvings of this temple suggest that the temple belongs to the post-Gupta period. The Paṭṭaini devi, enshrined in it, is however a later but unique sculpture of Ambika with twenty-three other yakṣiņis carved on her three sides, 3
A later specimen is the Mahavira temple at Osiä, old Jodhpur State, Mārwar. At Osia is a group of Hindu fanes of 8th-10th centuries closely resembling the style of those at Eran, Pathārī, Amväm and Jhalrāpāțan. The Mahāvira temple, enclosed in a courtyard containing a row of subsidiary shrines of the 10th century, was built in the reign of Vatsaraja of the Pratihāra dynasty (770-800 A. D.). It has an open porch, a closed hall (sabhamandapa) and a sanctum surmounted by a spire. The spire was rebuilt in the 11th century. when a torana (fig. 53) and a nalamandapa (second porch) led by a flight of the steps were added. A loose plaque of 1075 V. S. representing Mothers of twenty-four Jainas, each with a child on her lap, preserved in the courtyard, pls. lvi-lvii.; Report for 1930-34, 165 f. pls. cxxxviii, d, and lxviii, b.; Report for 1935-36, pl. xvii, 9. Also Guide to Rajgir, by Kuraishi and Ghosh.
1 Bhattacharya, B. C. op.-cit. pls. xxii-xxiv. Kuraishi, op. cit. figs. 135-154. The Yakṣiņis represent a slightly different tradition but as the photographs available are not distinct and as the Tirthankaras above are not always identifiable, it is not possible to discuss the evidence from iconographic point of view,
* H. Cousens, Somnath and other Mediaeval temples in Kathiawad, Archaological Survey of India, New Imperial Series, XLV, 50 ff., pl. XLVIII.
Cunningham, Archeological Survey Report, IX, 31. pl. vi. Sarasvati, S. K., in Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, VIII. 148. Illustrated in Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Ambika, Journ. of the Univ. of Bombay, Sept. 1944, fig. 28.
"One of its outstanding features are the pillars of the porch as they represent the post-Gupta order in its ripest state."-Brown, Percy, op. cit., pp. 140 f.

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19
is noteworthy.1 Practice of carving such pațas of the Maddona continued in the mediaeval period, such specimens being available at Päţan, Girnār, Abu, etc. but the Osiā plaque is the earliest yet discovered.
Quite a large number of Jaina bronzes ranging from c. 6th to inth centuries A, D, have been obtained in the Akoţā hoard. Two bronzes, one of Rşabhanātha with a Yaksa and Ambikā and the other of an unidentified Jina are especially noteworthy as they are installed by Jinabhadra gani Kşamāśramaņa--the first between c. 500-550 A. D., and the second between c. 550-600 A. D. 2 A beautiful figure of Sarasvati and other of a female chauri-bearer are illustrated in figs. 32-33.
Of special interest is the Makarabāi temple in a village of the same name, Io miles N. E. of Mahobā in U. P. It is in an excellent state of preservation and consists of three separate cells, one at the back of the mandapa and one each at the north and the south of it. The cult image in the sanctum is lost but the Jaina character of the temple is evidenced by figures of Jinas on its lintel. Though small, this shrine is of a unique type, different from the ornate Chandela temples, and though almost devoid of external wall sculptures, presents a beautiful appearance. 3
Another beautiful specimen, of about the end of the transitional period, is the so-called Ghanțai temple at Khajurāho, old Chhatrapur State, Central India. A little separated from the main group, it has attracted considerable attention on account of what may be called the Attic beauty of its constituent parts. This temple, of which only a cluster of about a dozen pillars, standing on a moulded plinth and supporting a flat roof, and a carved door-frame, remain in situ, must certainly have been a gem of its time, being the handiwork of most accomplished craftsmen of the age. One can still admire the elegance of its pillars, most gracefully proportioned, tall and slender shafts, octagonal below and circular above with intermediate girdles of delicate carving or the richness of its carved door-way.
The transitional period witnessed, in c. 8th century A.D., the introduction of the twenty-four yakşas and yakşiņis, as attendants of different Tīrthankaras. In its later stage, it showed the introduction of eight planets on two sides of a Tirthařkara or on the pedestal. The introduction of planets seems to have started in the Eastern School. In the west the planets were soon given a place on the pedestals of images of the Tirthankaras. In this period, the Jainas, especially the Digambaras, had strongholds in the whole of Central India while
1 Shah, U. P., in Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, IX, p. 48. 3 Shah, U. P., in Jaina Satyaprakāśa XVII, no. 4, pp. 86-91, figs. 1-4. 3 A.S.I., A.R. for 1925-26, p. 15, pl. ii.
Brown, Percy, op. cit., pp. 136 if, pl. lxxxii.

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in the west, the Svetambaras were growing stronger. South of Brgukaccha (Broach ), the Digambaras had an establishment at Navasāri? while in the Khåndesh, M. P. and the Deccan, the Svetäm baras were gradually diminishing in number. In the east, in Bihar and Orissa, Digambara Jainism was still popular whereas in Bengal it was already on the decline. Mediaeval Period
A group of Jaina temples of Chandela art are standing at Khajurāho. A Khajurāho temple generally consists of a cella, a mandapa, ardha-mandapa ( entrance portico ), supplemented by vestibule to the cella and in more developed forms, has trancepts (mukha-mandapas ) together with professional path round the cella. The Jaina temples, about six in number and in varying states of preservation differ but little from the Brahmanical fanes at Khajuraho. The only difference lies in the almost complete elimination of voids in elevation or window openings which are pronounced features of other groups. The monotony of the external appearance of Jaina temples thus caused is relieved by elaborating parallel friezes of statuary. These rows of figures, running right round the structure, with projections at intervals, dominate the entire scheme. Images of special iconographic value, including the dikpālas, yakşas and multiarmed goddesses, are seen on these walls (fig. 52). One of these temples is illustrated in fig. 51. Fig. 40 illustrates Kubera frorn a pillar.
Architecture of Jaina temples at Deogarh fort, Jhānsi district, U. P., has not been properly discussed hitherto. Some of the temples date from the toth century and have a small open porch leading into the shrine surmounted by a spire, less elaborate than, Khajurāho. Set up in front of the spire are sometimes seen an ornamental arch and a few sculptures on the porch-roof. The temple walls, with niches on the sides, containing images, present a pleasing contrast with the ornate examples at Khajuraho. In later specimens, however, Deogarh temples show carvings on basement and walls and are erected on bigger plans, temple No. 12 being the biggest. Temple Nos. 1 and 12 have free standing pillars on one side, each pillar having four sculptures on the top and four more at the bottom. Fig. 47 represents a beautiful specimen of Kşetrapāla (guardian of the site) from a pillar near the first temple. Amongst other noteworthy sculptures at Deogarh are a group of yakși figures set up with labels on the backwall of temple No. 12, in characters of the c. Ioth century A. D. They represent a valuable iconographic tradition unknown to extant Jaina literature. Fig. 39 represents the Jina-Mother.8
Of special interest, among loose sculptures at Deogarh and Khajuraho, is 1 Ep. Ind. Vol. XXI, pp. 133 ff. 3 Sankalia, H. D. JISOA., IX. 97 tf. 3 It is a loose slab (temple 4) dating from earth century.

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a type of figures of a royal pair sitting under a tree surmounted by a miniature Jina and showing a child on the lady's lap. Such sculptures (figs. 45, 46), common to most of the Digambara sites in Central India, U. P. and Bihar, and dating from c. 900-1200 A. D., are analogous to the Buddhist pair or Jambhala and Hārīti. A study of various specimens from these sites shows that a group of them at least represented the Mother and Father of various Jinas.
In the West, the mediæval period witnessed increased building activity amongst Jainas under the patronage of the Parmāras of Mālvā and Caulukyas of Gujarat. Vimala sāha, a minister of Solanki court, built a magnificent temple at Delwādā, Mt. Ābu in V.S. 1088. A temple of extraordinary beauty, it shows the extent to which marble could be finely chiselled and an example where exumberance could be beauty.1 Human faces do not radiate the spiritual bliss and divine glory of inner consciousness but the loss is largely repaid by the richness and beauty of decoration and fine carving. The temple consists of mülagarbhagyha (shrine), a gūdhamandapa (adjoining hall ), a smaller mandapa (navacoki), a larger hall (rangamandapa), a circumambulatory path (Bhamati ) and in the court-yard a group of devakulikās (smaller shrines ) with a pillared corridor in front. The shrine is on a higher level than the main hall. The dome of the latter, with an exquisitely wrought huge lotus pendant hanging from it (fig. 49), rests on eight stilted pillars arranged in an octagon, and rises in concentric circles of various decorative motifs. Sixteen brackets, apparently without any architectural value, show figures of sixteen Tantric goddesses called Mahāvidyās of unique iconographic value (cf. Fig. 50 representing Prajñapti). Between pillars of the octagon are toraņas while there are a number of free standing pillars in the hall. The Mandapa however was erected by Přthvipāla, a minister of Kumārapāla. All available space in the ceilings, walls, door-frames or pillars is utilised in presenting scenes from Jaina mythology, different gods and goddesses (cf. Fig. 54 representing the Mahavidyā, called Vajránkusi) or designs which are veritable dreams of beauty. Fig. 55 is a kicaka on one of the pillar-brackets.
A second shrine at Delvädā, adjoining Vimalavasahi, built two centuries later by Tejpāla and Vastupāla on a plan similar to the one just described, is
1 Coomaraswamy. HITA., pp. III f. Brown, Percy, op. cit., 142 f, pl. xciv. For a descriptive guide to all the Jaina shrines at Delvādā and Acaleśvara on Mt. Ābu, see Holy Abu, by Muni Jayantavijaya, translated by U. P. Shah, published (with illustrations ) by Yaśovijaya Jaina Granthamälā, Bhāvnagar, April, 1954.
As evidenced by a Prasasti verse from Mallinātha caritra and Candraprabhacaritra (Ms., Patan), composed by Haribhadra Sûri, a contemporary of Pithvipāla. Also see Introduction to Holy Abu by Shah, U.P.

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equally attractive while other temples of a later age are of little value except the Caumukha temple with a four-fold image in the sanctum, built in c. 1515 V.S. ( 1459 A.D.).. The outer walls of this last shrine has provided us with iconography of all the Vidyādevis, Yakşiņis, and Dik-pālas.
A unique example of the Caumukha type of temples is however supplied by the Tribhuvana-dipaka-Caturmukha-Jinālaya (Fig. 89 ) built in 1439, at Rāṇakpur (in Godvăd district ) old Jodhpur State. Erected on a large plinth and a comprehensive structural scheme, it is an aggregation of shrines, symmetrically disposed around a central one. A large central spire surrounded by four others covering corner shrines, and twenty cupolas forming roofs of pillared halls, which again are surrounded by graceful turrets over eighty-six devakulikās produces a charmingly picturesque effect. The interior presents a variety and multiplicity of its parts, all well-proportioned and uniformly disposed, unending vistas of columns, interrupted at intervals by open courts and illuminated by direct and reflected light arrangements, producing a bewitching effect on the pious Jaina worshipper. 2
Among other noteworthy temples in the West is a beautifully carved fane at Mirpur between Abu and Sirohi, of about the same age as the temple of Tejapāla at Abu. Another temple existed at Varavān in the Thar and Parkar district, Sindh. Two beautiful sculptures of Tirthankaras and one of a Jaina donor dated 1185 A.D., now preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay, show the extent of influence of the old Gujarāti style of sculpture. At Sarotrà in North Gujarāt is another Jaina temple with fifty-two cells in the court-yard. On each side of the principle entrance of the sabhāmaņpapa is a cell enshrining a yakşa and yakşiņi. On account of its recessed niches, wall angles and basement moulding the temple shows affinities with the Solanki style of old Gujarat and appears to have been built in c. 13th century, while the spire underwent repair at a later date. An interesting temple built by Kumārapāla, the Caulūkyan king, exists at Tārangā hill, North Gujarāt. It consists of a shrine with a circumambulatory path lighted by three windows and a mandapa with porches on the north and the south and a large porch in the front. Mouldings of the shrine basement and wall are cut into a series of horizontal and vertical facets ornate with sculptures. 3 Another shrine built
1 Brown, Percy, op. cit., pp. 164 ff. pl. cv. The plan of the Pabārpur monument (Bengal) was possibly based upon the conception of the Jaina Caumukha temple type enshrining the pratimā-sarvvatobhadrikā of Mathurā inscriptions; see also, Sarasvati, S.K., in History of Bengal, I. pp. 504 ff. For other sites in U.P. and Bihår, see Cunningham's A.S. Reports.
3.8 Sankalia, Archæology of Gujarat, pp. III-12. Burgess, Archæological Survey of Western India IX. pp. 99 ff, 114, pls. lxxvii, cix-cxiii.

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by Kumarapala at Jälor about 80 miles south of Jodhpur is equally interesting. Jaina shrines at Kumbhāria, Dantă State, North Gujarat, belonging to c. 12th & 13th centuries, are noteworthy as some of them contain beautiful ceiling slabs with scenes from the lives of Parsvanatha, Mahāvīra and Santinatha (cf. fig. 83 representing the life of Parsvanatha).
In Mevad an interesting Jaina monument, built in c. 1100 A. D.. and repaired in c. 1450, exists at Chitor in the form of a beautiful Kirttistambha (pillar of glory), about 80 feet high and composed of 8 storeys (fig. 82). The structure belongs to Digambara sect and has a pavilion on the top which probably enshrined a Caumukha image in it. Such pillars or manastambhas,, the mänavakastambhas of the Jaina Canon, set up with images on top and at base, are often erected in front of Jaina temples though none of the extant ones are so magnificent as this specimen, which latter is erroneously called a Kirttistambha. The temple built by Mokalaji is another noteworthy fane at Chitor supposed to have been Jaina originally. A more interesting group is, however, available at Un in the Indore State. The Un temples, similar in plan to the Khajuraho temples, have porches on three sides while the mandapas are conspicuously larger than at the other site. The temples were mostly built by the later Paramāras of Mālvā in the 11th and 12th centuries. Of these the Caubără Deră No. 2 is a magnificent shrine while the Goaleśvara is preserved in an almost perfect condition.
Jaipur and Bikaner States in Rajputână also possess some remains, mainly of Digambara sect, while Jesalmere further north has a group of Svetambara temples of the Moghul period, Udaipur State is famous for the shrines of Adinatha worshipped by both the sects. Gwalior State is very rich. in archæological remains of Digambara sect ranging from the Gupta upto modern times. Of the transitional period interesting temples and sculptures are available at Gyaraspur (Mälåde temple, figs. 61, 62), Badoh and the site of Budhi Canderi. The latter site is also rich in Jaina sculptures of the mediaval period. comparable in style to those of Deogarh fort, and Sironi in Central India. The
1
Progress Report of A. S. I., Western Circle, 1904; A. S. I,. A. R., 190506, pp. 44 ff. Cunningham, op. cit., xxiii, pp. 108 ff.
2 Progress Report, A. S. I., W. C. 1918. pp. 19, ff. A. S. I. R., 1923-24,
P. 47.
23
3
Sahani D. R. Archeological remains at Bairat; Nawab, Jaina Satyaprakāśā (Gujarati Journal), VIII, No. 1, pp. 9 ff. For the beautiful Sarasvati from Puilu, Bikaner State, see Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, fig, 84. M. B. Garde, (1) Archaeological remains in Gwalior, (2) A Guide to the Archeological Museum, Gwalior, (3) Annual Reports of the Archeological Department, Gwalior State.

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Gāḍarmal temple at Badoh, built from remains of temples of the 9th and 10th centuries has a nativity sculpture variously identified with Krsna-Devaki or Trisala-Mahavira. The account of the Dik-Kumāris, given in works like the Jambudvipa-prajñapti, performing the satika-karma at the birth of a Jina, will show that the sculpture deserves to be identified as Jaina. The inference is further supported by the existence of Jaina remains at Badoh and Pathäri. The sculpture is well-known and illustrated by Coomaraswamy, History of Indian and Indonesian Art, fig. 178. A number of other sites in this state disclose remains, from the 10th century down to the end of the Moghul period, belonging mostly to the Digambara sect.1
24
In Khandesh, Digambara Jaina vestiges are found at Erandol and Cahardi while there is a late Jaina cave at Patna. An exquisite big bronze covisi of Adinatha from Cahardi is preserved in the Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay. It is assignable to the 10th century A. D., if not a little earlier. In the Deccan, where a mixture of North Indian traditions with southern ones could take place, Digambara temples existed at Miri and Ghoțan in the Ahmednagar district, while in the Nasik district are a few Jaina caves. The Ankai Tankai group belongs to c. 12th-13th centuries while the Mangi Tungi group on the western border of the Nasik district (and very close to the Sulher fort of the Gaekwads of Baroda,) has, besides other later ones, a cave assignable to c. 9th century A. D. The style of carvings, however, in most of the Deccan caves has a southern stamp and are therefore excluded from this survey.
Thousands of Jaina bronzes scattered over Western India require a special study as most of them are stylistically related to the miniature paintings of the Western school which flourished in the medieval period, old Gujarat including Rajasthän, had, like Bihar and Bengal, its own school of sculpture and painting, the school of art which Taranatha referred to as the School of Ancient West. A glimpse of the importance of some of the earlier bronzes can be had from the bronze of a female chauri-bearer from Akoță (fig. 33) discussed elsewhere by the present writer. Of the later phases of bronze-casting in Western India, a glimpse can be had from a sahasrakuṭa sculpture with figures of 1008 Jinas (fig. 64).
1 M, B. Garde: op. cit.
3.8.4 Cave Temples of India by Fergusson and Burgess, 492 ff. 505ff. A.S. I., A. R. for 1921-22, 66 ff, for 1925-26, 167 ff. pl. lxc. b. For an illustration of the beautiful Câhardi bronze, see, Indian Metal Sculpture by Cintamani Kar, pl. 18. The figure is wrongly identified as Neminatha, the hairlocks on the shoulders of the main figure unmistakably prove that he is Rsabhanatha. Shah, U. P., Female Chauri-Bearer from Ankoffaka and the School of Ancient West-Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Vol. I., No. 1. pp. 4346 and plates.

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Of early Jaina vestiges in Central Provinces (Madhya and Vindhya Pradesh) nothing is brought to light as yet. A few bronzes in the Nagpur Museum, acquired from Rajnäkin Khinkhini in the Murtijapur district belong to a period ranging from 7th to 10th centuries A. D. approximately. Some of these, especially the bronze image of Sarasvati, published earlier by me are of excellent workmanship. The museum also preserves stone sculptures found. at Ratanpur, Raipur, Burhanpur, Mändla and Hoshangabad. Of the mediaval period, Jaina temples are found at Arang, Chanda, Bhāṇḍak etc.; the most important specimens of Jaina sculptures belong to the age of Haihayas of Tripuri. One such beautiful sculpture is now in worship in a Digambara temple at Jubbulpore while two others of the same art are preserved in the Indian Museum. A few Jaina sculptures in the Thakur's compound at Sohagpur, Rewa State, belong roughly to the roth and 11th centuries A. D. Amongst them is an interesting multi-armed variety of Padmavati, an attendant yaksi of Parsvanatha, discussed by the late Śri R. D. Banerji, Most of the Jaina. vestiges in C. P. belong to the Digambara sect with its principal seat at Karanja.
25
In Bengal, especially in the Western districts, the Jainas were probably pioneers in disseminating Aryan culture but unfortunately excepting the Paharpur finds noted above, no earlier Jaina vestiges have been brought to light. A few sculptures of the medieval period are, however, noteworthy. These include a beautiful stone sculpture of twenty-four Jinas with Adinatha in the centre (fig. 37), from Surohor, in the Dinajpur district, of Santinätha from Ujani in the Burdwan district, figures of Pärsvanatha from Bahulārā (fig. 38), Harmashra, Deulbhira and Siddheśvara (in the Bänkură district) and at bronze figure of Ambika from Nalgora as also a stone sculpture of Adinatha from Ghatesvara in the 24 paraganas. Jaina vestiges are more common in the West Bengal and extend upto Manbhum, Singbhum and Ranchi districts and the Chhota Nagpur division of Bihar. These images belong to the Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture but there is a difference in style among
Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Sarasvati, Journal of the University of Bombay, September, 1941, fig. 5.
Cousens, List of Antiquarian Remains in Central Provinces and Berar. Descriptive List of Exhibits in the Archaeological Section, Nagpur Museum (1914). R. D. Banerjee, Haihayas of Tripuri, Memoir No. 2 of A. S. I., pl. xlviii. b., xli. Proceedings of the All India Oriental Conference Travancore, 816 ff.
History of Bengal, I. 464 ff. Figs. 47-49, 153. Eastern School of Mediaeval Indian Sculpture, by R.D. Banerji, 144 ff. pls. lxxvi-lxxvii. A.S.I., A.R., for 1925-26, 115 ff. 153, pl. ix. e., for 1921-22, 84, pl. xxi, for 1922-23, 112 ff. Indian Culture, III. 524 ff. Varendra Research Society, Monograph No. 3.

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the Bengal ind Bihar specimens mainly on account of materials utilised, The Jaina zone of influence appears to have extended, according to R.D. Banerji, from the southern bank of Ganges to the western bank of the Bhăgirathi right upto the northern frontier of the jungle country of the wild Gonds. All the Jaina images belong to the Digambara sect. A few specimens from the Mānbhum district are preserved in the Pațnā museum. (cf. fig. 44).
In Orissa, no specimens are available for about nine centuries following the age of the Rāṇigumphā group, but rock-cut reliefs of Navamuni and Bārabhuji caves belong to c. 8th-9th centuries and the standing Jinas near Udyota kesari's cave were carved in c. IIth century. Khiching in the Mayurbhañj State provides interesting sculptures of these three or four centuries. A sculpture of Ambikā in the British Museum is a beautiful specimen of this period. Fig. 35 representing Rşabhanātha and Mahāvira on one stela, also in same Museum, is a beautiful specimen of c. 9th-Ioth cent. A.D., probably from Orissa. Another interesting specimen, a bronze of standing Adinātha (Fig. 36 ) from Puri district, is now preserved in the Indian Museum, Calcutta. 1 Temple Cities
A peculiarity of the Jaina sect is their love for building temple-cities, Satruñjaya in Saurāşțra being the most famous of them, with several hundreds of fanes (figs. 57, 58 ) erected in several lanes in various periods. The temple of Adinātha in Vimalavasi Tunk was built ( 1530 A. D.) upon the site of another older temple erected in c. 960 A. D., and there was also probably a still earlier structure. Jaina traditions assert that temples at Satruñjaya underwent mass-scale repairs at several intervals. A sculpture of Pundarīka in a small cell of the main Adinātha temple is one of the inost beautiful speci. mens of the roth century sculpture in Western India. Another noteworthy shrine is the Caumkha temple, built in 1618 A. D. enshrining a four-fold image, with four cardinal entrances to the sanctum, the eastern one connected with the assembly hall in front while three others have porches leading into the surrounding courtyard. Above each porch rises an elegant second-storey with balconied windows. A third noteworthy temple is the one reported to have been built by Kumārpāla and a fourth by Vimalasāha is in good state of preservation.2
Another famous temple-city in Saurāṣtra is on Mt. Girnār, 3 the
i Kuraishi, op. cit., Chanda, R. B. Ramaprasad, Mediaeval Indian Sculpture in the British Museum, 71 ff. pl. xxii. R.D. Banerji, History of Orissa, I. 84 ff., II. 394 pl. xc. Shah, U.P., in Journal of the University of Bombay, September 1940, 153, fig. 4.
2.3 Percy Brown, op.cit. 118 ff. cousens, Somnātha and other Mediaeval Temples in Kāthiāwād, 73 ff. xcii-çvi. Archaeology of Gujarāt, 109 f, pls. xxiixxiii- Burgess, Archeological Survey of Western India II ; Antiquities of Kāțhiāwāļ and Kachh. pp. 166 ff, pls. xxxi-xxxiv.

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27
shrines being far less numerous than at Satruñjaya. Neminātha temple, the largest in the group, repaired in the 13th century, is enclosed within a courtyard with about 70 cells. The temple has a handsome mandapa while the vimāna is composed of a grouping of turrets around a central tower in a scheme common to izth century temples in Western India. The Vastupāl temple is a remarkable triple structure composed of three separate shrines, leading out of the three sides of the central hall, the fourth side forming the entrance. The central shrine is dedicated to the nineteenth Jina Mallinātha, while the two lateral shrines, formed like pillared halls, contain moniments of solid masonry. The northern one has a square base and represents the Mount Meru of Jaina mythology while the southern shrine contains a representation of the Sameta Sikhara or Mt. Pārasanātha in Bihār where twenty Tirthankaras obtained nirvāņa. The Jainas similarly represent another mountain called Aştāpada, a specimen of which is available in the Rāṇakpur temple described above. Such representations are at present known as "avatāra ", e.g. Satruñjaya-tirthāvatāra (cf. fig. 59 representing a plaque oí Šatruñjaya and Girnār).
Amongst several other smaller temple-cities of less architectural value are Songadh near Datiā, Central India, Kundalpur in the Damoh district, C. P:, Muktagiri near Gawalgarh in Berar and Mt. Pärasnātha in Bihār. The group of temples at Papaurā in Orchha State, and Jhālrāpāțan in the Jhālāwād State in Central India await a more detailad study. Paintings
The tradition of Jaina painting is as old as Buddhist painting. In one of the extensive rock-cut caves at Udayagiri and Khaņdagiri in Orlssa, assignable to c. Ist century B. C., traces of paintings have been marked. 1 The Sittannavāsal wall-paintings in the old Pudducotta State, Madras, form the earliest published document of Jaina painting. Assignable to the reign of Mahendravarman I, the great Pallava king and artist (C. 600-625 A. D.), they are not essentially different from the contemporary paintings at Ajanță. As observed by Stella Kramrich, barring a certain physiognomical conventions in figure drawings there are no distinguishing features separating Sittānnavāsal paintings from contemporary paintings of Ajanță and Badāmi. A review of later wall-paintings in the South at Ellora and elsewhere or of the miniatures of Digambara Jaina manuscripts at Mūdabidri is beyond the scope of this survey of Jaina art in the North.
In the north, most of the existing specimens of Jaina paintings belong to the Mediaeval Western Indian School, which has for its background the School of Ancient West mentioned by Tārānāth. Since specimens of paintings of this
1 Moti Chandra, Jaina Miniature Painting from Western India, p. 1o. 2 JISOA., Vol. V. p. 218.

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School of Ancient West are yet unknown it is still difficult to make any surmise about its distinguishing features.
But it has now been possible to infer a few characteristics of this School of Art from the stone and metal sculptures recently brought to light and discussed by this writer.3 The School of Ancient West seems to have been a very vigorous one having passed through several stages of development during the march of time through several centuries. Earliest specimens which can be definitely assigned to this school may be noted :(I) The famous bronze image of Brahma in the Karachi Museum,
assigned by Dr. Coomaraswamy to the Gupta age. Though not inscribed, it cannot be placed later than c. 500 A. D. and may be
slightly earlier. (2) The mutilated bronze of Jivantasvāmi from Akoțā, with pedesta
lost, illustrated here as figs. 20, 21, which should be assigned to the
same age as Karachi Brahma. (3) Of a slightly later date is the image of Rşabhanātha from Akoţā,
installed by Jinabhadra Gaņi Kşamāśramaņa, discussed in Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Vol. I; No, I, Fig. 43 ff., fig. 21.
Also see Jaina Satyaprakāśa, Vol. 17. no. 4, pp. 86 ff and plate. The last mentioned bronze, studied as three-quarter profile, immediately suggests to us the beginnings of the tendencies manifested in later Western Indian Miniature Paintings, namely, the squarish face, elongated eyes and a pointed nose. The bronze, both from the script of its inscription and from the known dates of Jinabhadra, must be assigned to c. 500-550 A.D.
A study of the crowns and other ornaments of different Jaina bronzes from Vasantagadh and Akoțā assignable to c. 6th-7th century A.D., or of a few carvings on two small shrines at Rodā, Idar State, North Gujarat, has shown their close affinity with contemporary art at Ajanță.
3 In Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. VIII, pp. 49 tf ; Voi. IX. pp. 90 ff; Journ, of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I No. 2, pp. 161 ff.
4 My arguments for assigning it to a date between 400 and 500 A. D. are given in my Note on A koțà Hoard of Jaina Bronzes, published in the Baroda Through the Ages (M. S. University of Baroda, 1953), pp. 99 ff.
4 With these must also be noted the Tri-Tirthika image of Pārsva or Supārsva installed by Khambhila (Khandila ?) Āryikā of Nāgendra Kūla, c. 640 A. D.; illustrated as fig. 23 in my paper in the Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum, Vol. I, No. I, pp. 45 ff., and the bronze of Sarasvati from Vasantagadh, op. cit., fig. 20, also, Sarasvati from Akoţā, illustrated here in fig. 34.

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In my recent study of Gupta sculptures from the Idar State, I have shown that the Parel Siva and the Elephant Trimurti seem to be products of the same school of artists who produced the sculptures obtained from Samaļāji in the dar State. Though bearing close affinities with the Gupta sculptures from Mandasor, Devagadh and Bhumārā, they show a tendency to localisation which becomes more marked out in the bronzes discussed above, and which can be differentiated from some of the best Gupta specimens from Sārnāth and other places.
Now that we have been able to collect a sufficient number of Gupta and late-Gupta sculptures from Rājasthān and Gujarāt, a fresh comparative study of these with the Ajanță Paintings of the 6th century A.D., has to be undertaken. Such a study has shown to me a continuity upto Ajanţă of the art traditions in Western India, close affinities in ornaments and motifs have also been observed in some of the paintings of c. 5th-7th centuries and the problem needs further exploration and study.
Now Sringadhara (I propose to amend the name as Sãrngadhara ), an artist from Maru country founded the school of Ancient West, according to the Tibetan Historian Tārādāth who expressly refers to his paintings. Since the origin of this School of Ancient West, is assignable to the age of the Karachi Brahrnā, the mutilated Jivantasvāmī from Akoțā and the Rşabhanātha installed by Jinabhadra gaņi-all not later than c. 500-550 A.D.,--and since the Parel Siva and the Elephanta Trimurti can be compared with the Mahavişņu from Samaļāji ( discussed by me in the Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. IX) we have reason to doubt that at least some of these 5th-7th century paintings at Ajanță are closely related to, or might have been products of the School of Ancient West, but with some local or southern unavoidable influence. In its earliest stage, the School of Ancient West had marked affinities with the Gupta art of Central India. Such early tendencies persisted for a very long period in the West and in the South. Hence there are many chances of confusing the Western Style as Gupta Art, but a close study helps to differentiate both the Schools of Art.
I have entered into these details because here I propose to go into the origins of Western Indian Paintings rather than repeat long lists of, or mention in details, the various Jaina miniatures already thoroughly discussed by
1 Our study is based on a comparison of stone and metal sculptures with frescoes of Ajanţă and Bagh. For want of frescoes in Gujarat and Rājasthān, it is not possible to compare the art in the same medium. Even though sculptures do not possess the richness of colour and details of paintings, distinct common art trends are perceptible amongst sculptures and frescoes suggesting a common origin.

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Moti Chandra in his " Jaina Miniature Paintings from Western India."
As already remarked, these Ajanță paintings of the Gupta and post-Gupta periods disclose a continuity of art traditions of Western India, of course with. a definite local colour in proportions of human forms reflecting the general features of the contemporary population around Ajanță or in Maharastra. This fact of Western Influence further obtains support from the account of HiuenTsang about the Ajanță caves. Speaking about a convent built by Arhat Achara, he says that, "This Arhat was a man of Western India". He built this Samgharama for the spiritual benefit of his mother who was reborn in this country. Hiuen-Tsang notes: "On the four sides of the Vihara, on the stone walls, are painted different scenes from the Tathagat's preparatory life as a Bodhisattva... .....On the outside of the gate of the Samghäräma, on he north and south side.....there is a stone elephant." As noted by Beal "This seems to refer to two elephants in alto-relievo sculptures on the rock in front of Cave XV, but which are now scarcely recognisable." In support of this tradition of Arhat Achara, Beal has added in a footnote to his translation (Vol. II, p. 257, note, 46): "In the inscription. on the Caitya cave No. XXVI at Ajanță, we read that The ascetic Sthavira Achala, who glorified the faith and was grateful, caused to be built a mountain. dwelling for the Teacher, though his desires were fulfilled. "a
Hiuen-Tsang's account of the vihara is exaggerated and he speaks of a stone figure of Buddha, 70 feet high, placed in the middle of this convent 100 feet in height. Beal suggests cave XIX as the possible cave referred to by Hiuen-Tsang. He also says that the report is only an exaggerated account of the rock-cut Chaityas and that Hiuen-Tsang does not appear to have visited them personally. "
The continuity of art traditions visible in the later paintings at Ajanță and Ellură, and their gradual development into what we call Western Indian Miniature Painting is already acknowledged by experts on the subject. Giving the chief characteristics of Western Indian Miniature Painting, Moti Chandra "These conventions are still in embryonic stages in the later cave paintings of Ajanța." For the present we can say that at least some of the 5th-7th century paintings at Ajanță seem to be products of the Old Western School.
1

2
P. 135.
Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. II, pp. 257-259.
Also see, Cave Temples of India, p. 306.
Also see, Archaolegical Survey of Western India, Reports, Vol. IV,
Beal, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 258, ft. note 48.

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Though no Jaina paintings of this age have survived, we can very well imagine what they could have been. Traces of (later ) paintings are also observed in the Jaina caves at Ellura.
The Western Indian Miniatures dating from c. 1100 A. D. show a later stage in Western Indian art, when angularity of faces, pinching of the farther cheek and consequent protusion of the farther eye into empty space became pronounced besides the crude colour modelling and the conventional treatment of trees, animals, birds etc. In the middle layer of wall paintings at Kailāsa, Ellura, datable to the gth century, one is confronted with some of these conventions.
The earlist known Jaina miniature paintings are the decorative roundels in the palm-leaf manuscripts of Niśītha Cūrni, dated 1100 A. D., from Samghavi Pādā Bhandar, Pātan. But more noteworthy are the two palm-leat miniatures in the manuscript of Jñātā and other Anga texts, dated 1127 A.D. (figs. 65-66), one of them represents Sarasvati standing in tribhangal with flowing and sensitive outlines; her farther eye does not protrude into space though the attendant worshippers betray more pronounced characteristics of Western Indian miniatures. But this painting should be regarded as influenced by southern forms, the form of Saraswati is more like those met with in contemporary sculptures from Canarese districts. 2
It must be remembered that Minaladevi, the Queen mother of Siddharāja, was a very powerful personality hailing from the South, whose influence in the court must have been responsible for an influence of artists from Canarese districts. It was impossible to avoid such cultural contacts.
Before we proceed to review the known miniatures, we must take note here of a still unpublished wooden book-cover, recently exhibited in the Exhibition of Manuscripts from different Jaina Bhandaras, arranged at Ahmedabad, during the XVII session of the All India Oriental Conference. The two pațţikās have been cut at ends, the other pieces being lost beyond recovery. The two pieces now left show paintings of Vidyādevis in a damaged condition. Whatever is left is sufficient to show that these paintings are earlier than the earliest known Western miniatures of the Niśitha Cūrņi and the Jāātā-dharmakatha manuscripts of 1100 and 1127 A. D. The set of Vidyādevis shows a style somewhat different from that of the manuscripts just mentioned. Figure modelling is of a superior order, showing no trace of angularity of features,
1 Moti Chandra, op. cit., Fig. 16.
2 Compare for example the Jaina Bronze from Purana Chandra Nāhar's collections, having a Canarese inscription on its back (c. 12th century A. D.), illustrated in $7 aggi dfga sazie, by Sri M. D. Desai.

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pointed noses or protrusion of the farther eye. Figures show robust and rather stunted forms, with heavy heads, comparable with similar post-Gupta or early mediæval sculptures from the Gwalior State. Their affinities with late GurjjaraPratihāra and early Paramāra sculptures is unmistakable. These covers of a palm-leaf manuscript should be assigned to c. gth-10th century A. D.
W. Norman Brown has attempted to present a classification of the styles of Jaina miniatures. "He groups the earliest known examples under the stylistic classification 'A', and shows that the sequence of this style runs from these early examples through the miniatures in Hemachandra's Nemināthacharita and in the miniatures of the Sāvagapadikamaņa-sutta executed in 1260 A. D. In the manuscript of the Kalpasūtra and Kālakachārya-kathā in Pâtan Bhaņdār, dated 1279 A. D., he sees a sub-variety of style 'A', which he calls 'A. I'. In another illustrated manuscript of the Kalpasūtra, dated 1278 A. D., in the Samghavi Pādáno Bhaņdār, Pāțan, he sees the second sub-variety of style A. I' and designates it ' A. 2': 1
Style 'A. I 'is distinguished by relative lack of complication in ornamenta. tion as in the earliest palm-leaf manuscripts, by relatively low number of figures in a composition and by comparatively less details in costumes and ornaments. Thick lines are employed in preference to fine strokes. The peak of this subvariety 'A. 1,' according to W. Norman Brown, reaches in the illustrations of the Kalpasūtra inanuscript dated 1370 A.D. in the collections of Mukti Vijaya Jñāna Bhaņdār, Ujamphoi Dharmaśāā, Ahmedabad.2 Paintings of style 'A. I' are intellectual and show full and steady curves while 'A. 2' with increased finer lines had more accessory detail. The latter style continued in the 13th and 14th centuries. Amongst noteworthy examples of this 'A. 2' are painted wooden covers of the Dharmopadeśamālā (Nawab's collection) and the ldar palm.leaf manuscript of the Kalpa-sūtra belonging to the fourteenth century. The use of paper increased in this century and in the following one paper manuscripts show an increase in the number of miniatures. The Chhàņi palm-leaf miniatures, containing a rare set of paintings of the sixteen Jaina Mahavidyās (cf. fig. 69), are devoid of the smooth flowing curves of style A or the accurate detail of A2, and should be assigned to style B.: I should like to note one
1 Moti Chandra, oh. cit., pp. 34 ff. 2 Moti Chandra, op.cit., figs. 54-58.
8 Brown, W. Norman, Stylistic Varieties of Early Western Indian Painting, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Arts, Vol. V pp. 1.12. For a bibliography on Western Indian Paintings, see, Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 194 ff to this add Pavitra-Kalpa-Sūtra and Jesalmere-citrāvali edited by Muni Sri Punyavijayaji.

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important fact here. Hitherto believed to have been dated in V.S. 1218, the manuscript really belongs to the late 13th or early 14th century, the scribe having omitted to note the date of coping after recording the date of his original manuscript. This is further supported by a reference in this ms, to Vijayasenasūri (on folios 131-132 ) who is said to have died in 1301 V.S. Of this style are the paintings of Subāhucharitra (Sanghavi pāļā, Pātaņ) and the wooden covers of Sütrakstānga.vịtti (Nawab's collection).
The use of gold in paintings increased in the following two centuries, probably under Moghul influence. A large number of illustrated Kalpa-sūtra and Kālaka-kathā manuscripts, assignable to this age, are available in Western India. A Kalpa-sūtra manuscript in Sri Hansavijaya collection, Baroda, is specially noteworthy for its ornate border designs and bright colours, while another from Sri Dayā Vimala collection, Ahmedabad, is valuable for illustrations of various dancing postures. A palm-leaf manuscript of Mahaviracharita, dated 1294 V. S., in the Samghavi Pādā Bhaņdāra, is supposed to contain minia. tures of Hemacandra and the Caulukya King Kumärapāla. Of some other palm-leaf miniatures are illustrated here a painting of a ten-armed goddess (Mahişamarddini) from Uttarādhyayana-laghu-vștti, copied in 1352 V.S. and another of Lakşmi from Upadeśamālā-vștti, dated 1291 V.S. (both from Cambay), in figures 71 and 70. Several sets of Uttaradhyayana miniatures on paper are available, of which some have been studied by Brown in a separate monograph. Miniatures of a manuscript of this text in the Hamsavijaya collection, Baroda, are in an excellent state of preservation and belong to c. 1500 A.D., the best period of Jaina manuscript paintings on paper (fig..68 ). Sthānāóga-sūtra, Samgrahaņisūtra, Subāhucharitra, Supārsvanātha caritra, śālibhadra chaupai, Sripāla-rāsa, are some of the other Jaina texts found with illustrations. A scroll painting of the Jaina Pañcatirtbi, in the Tadpatriya Pustaka Bhaņdār, Āgrā, first published by N. C. Mehta, and rediscussed by Moti Chandra, is an interesting document of Western Indian painting on cloth dated in V. S. 1490 (1433 A.D.).
Vijñaptipatras are a type of scrolls (generally painted on paper ) of invitation, specially found amongst the Svetāmbaras, and sent to Jaina ācāryas by the Jaina community of a town or a village, requesting the former to spend the next rainy season with the latter. Such scrolls contain interesting paintings of various city sites and temples as also representations of fourteen dreams and
1 By Brown, Moti Chandra and others following Nawāb.
2 Brown, W. Norman, Manuscript Illustrations of the Uttarādhyayana Sutra, American Oriental Series, No. 21.
3 Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 48 ff; N. C. Mehta, A picture scroll from Gujarat, Indian Art and Letters, Vol. VI (New Series ), pp. 71-78.

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STUDIES IN JAINA ART eight auspiciors marks. The earliest known Vijñaptipatra belongs to the c. 17th century A.D. 1
Tantric and non-tantric pațas or paintings on cloth are often available but only a few of them have been published hitherto. 2 The earliest known amongst them are the Chintāmaņi-Yantra pața drawn for Taruņaprabhasūri (c. 1354 A. D.) and the Sūri-mantra pața executed for the use of Bhāvadevasūri (c. 1355 A. D.) both discussed by Moti Chandra. 3 A Pața of Hrimkāra with Parśva in centre, from collections of Muni Sri Punya vijayaji, is illustrated in fig. 8o. It is also called Atte Matte Yantra-pața, and is assignable to C. 1400-A.D.
We have referred to the earliest known painted book-covers. Amongst other noteworthy examples are the pațţikās representing the Vyākhyāna Sabhā ( discussion hall) of Sri Jinadatta sūri, at Jesalmere, assignable to Ć. 1154-70 A, D. and the beautiful covers representing the controversy between Śri Devasūri and Kumuda Chandra, now in the collections of Muni Sri Jinavijayaji. This last panel has all the distinguishing features, of the Western Indian School. Sarabhai Nawab assigns the latter to c. 15th century while Moti Chandra is inclined to place it in the 12th century. If contemporary sculpture has to be taken into account, it should be placed in the age of Vastupāla, c. 13th century A. D., when there was a fresh impetus to art and literature. Stylistically also, the cover has affinities with paintings of the late 13th and early 14th century which cannot be overlooked.
Fortunately we have contemporary sculptural evidence for all Western painting from c. 1100 A. D. and a comparative critical approach has been always helpful in the study of Western Indian sculpture and paintings of the mediæval period. Both are closely related, both show angular face, pointed noses, peculiar elongated eyes, besides similar costumes and human proportions. Later Jaina paintings show decided influence of the Moghul and Rājput schools and it would be misleading to label any of these styles as Jaina ones. Painting activity extended over a wide area from Jesalmere in the north to the southern limits of modern Gujarät. Jaina contributions from outside the limits of Western India are hardly known, so far as painting is concerned, except the well known Kalpasūtra painted at Jaunapura (Yavanapura ) in V.S. 1522,
1 Hirananda Shastri, Ancient Vijñāptipatras, (Sri Pratāpasimha Rājyā. bhişeka Granthamālā I).
2 For a discussion on and reference to other published pațas, see, Shah, U. P., JISOA., Vol. IX, pp. 42 ff.
3 Op. cit., pp. 46 ff and plates.
For detailed appreciation and illustrations see Moti Chandra, op. cit., pp. 59 ff. figs. 193-198.

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noted above. The central roundel on the last folio suggests that it was painted by a lady.1 Contributions of the Digambara sect in the field of book illustra. tions are few and hardly known; no noteworthy specimens are available in Western (and Northern ) India, but a late illustrated paper manuscript of the Jaina version of the Rāmāyaṇa story is reported to have been now preserved in the Digambara Jaina collections at Arrah in Bihār.
It is indeed interesting to find that such an exquisitely painted manuscript is the work of a lady artist. Every folio has a different border, rich in colours and designs, all of which can serve as first class säri-designs and borders.
Another point which should not escape our notice in the miniatures of this manuscript is the use of thick sharp angular strokes of limbs of figures as well as of garments' ends. The style is not wholly similar to contemporary miniatures from Gujarat and Marwār. There is a contrast between the beautiful borders and the miniatures, in the use of colours which cannot escape notice of even a casual look. It would seem that they are works of two different artists.
1 The colophon at the end, on the last folio, gives the details about the donors etc., of the manuscript, including those of the scribe and the place of copying of the manuscript which is Yavanapur or Jaunapur. While in a roundel in the central margin is written in gold :-AY FETTET graal. Obviously the artist has added her own identity in the space which was left for the artist's brush. It cannot be a later addition by one who gave it as a gift to some monk. Nor can it be a contemporary record of the person giving it as a gift to some monk. All this is already included in the text of the colophon on the same folio (see a fehah, fig. 243 ), and we must acknowledge the daughter of merchant Sahasarāja as the painter of this manuscript.

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Studies In Jaina Art
***

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SYMBOL WORSHIP IN JAINISM
Human mind learnt to conceive of the Highest Divinity not in the absolute likeness of Him but rather in aniconic representations from very early times. These aniconic representations had such meanings and implications as would help us to differentiate them from purely decorative or artistic forms." 1 But this is only partly true since forms which are regarded as purely decorative or artistic might have once had some religious or any other meaning attached to them at some stage of their development in art.
1. INTRODUCTORY I.
So far as Brahmanical Iconography is concerned, it is generally agreed that originally it did not include idol-worship. The sun for example was represented by a disc. The lotus, the svastika, etc., which are amongst the earliest symbols worshipped by human beings of different races and religions are symbols conveying some ideal to the worshipper, howsoever primitive their earlier conception might have been.
Even when a god-head came to be worshipped as an idol, representing a human form, his representation was never allowed to function purely biologically as the likeness of the person glorified and worshipped. In this way, the idol of a Jina or the Buddha remained as a symbol of Mahāpuruşa and not as a portrait of Mahavira or the Gautama Buddha. It is, however, highly probable that the worship of the Jina or the Buddha image originated from the practice of adoring some ancient portraits or paintings of these saints for we have reason to belive that such attempts at portraiture did take place during the life-time of Mahāvīra and Gautama Buddha.
But the idol of Jina soon came to be symbolised and the worship of the Jina image is said to be adoration of the aggregate of qualities which the pious worshipper strives to acquire himself. The Jina-image thus essentially came to be a symbol of these qualities.
It seems that the introduction of the worship of the Jina image was earlier than that of the Buddha, and archæological evidence hitherto obtained.
3
1 Jaina Antiquary, Vol. XV. No. 1, p. 1.
2
Also see, Coomaraswamy, A.K., Elements of Buddhist Iconography, p. 3 cf. Divyavadana, Chp. XXVI, discussed by Coomaraswamy, op.cit., p. 5

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supports this inference. For a long time worship of the Buddha's human form was regarded as something prohibited by Buddha himself.
But even in Jaina worship, introduction of the Jina Image seems to be a somewhat later development, and may be assigned to the century following the nirvana of Mahavira. No Jaina Agama refers to shrines dedicated to any of the 24 Tirthankaras. Mahāvīra is never reprted to have visited or stayed in any Jaina shrine. He stayed in Caity as which commentators unanimously explain as Yakṣa--ayatanas.
Pārsvanatha, who lived 250 years before the nirvana of Mahāvīra, is acknowledged as a historical figure and his followers existed in the age of Mahavira and a few centuries following him. Mahavira's parents are reported to be followers of Pärsvanatha. But nowhere in the Agamas do we hear of anybody visiting the shrine of Pärśvanatha or any other Jina. Only once or twice in the Bhagavati Sūtra1 and once in the Upāsakadaśānga, we come across a general reference to Arhat Caitya which passages may or may not be genuine and old.
Hence we are forced to believe that at least upto the beginning of fourth century B.C. idol worship did not become popular amongst the Jainas. But the highly polished mutilated torso of a Jina Image obtained from Lohānipur near Patna shows that at least in the third century B.C. or slightly earlier, worship of the Jina Image had started.
Against this, we have the evidence of stock descriptions of Sasvatapratimas in the Jaina Agamas (like the Rayapasenaiya, Sthānanga and the Jiväjivābhigama sutra) or the reference to the worship of Jina-images by Draupadi in the Jñātā dharmakatha which would suggest that idol worship existed in Jainism from the age of Mahavira or his gapadharas. But the view does not seem to be free from doubts since these passages might have been composed in a somewhat later age. Again, all throughout the Jaina Āgamas we find references to the worship of Indra, Rudra, Skanda, Vasudeva, Yakşa Bhuta, Naga, tree, etc. which suggest that these were amongst the most popular deities worshipped by the masses who are not reported to have visited any shrines of Tirthankaras.
Mahavira stayed in Yakşa shrines. Naturally he stayed in places where masses used to gather in large numbers and where he could have the desired type of audience. In other words he obtained his following not from people who
1 Bhagavati Sūtra with Abhayadeva's comm., (Agamodaya Samiti's ed.), 3. 2. Sû. 145, Vol. I. p. 75.
* Uvasagadasão (Atmananda Sabhã ed.), p. 14.
Nayadhammakahão (ed. N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940), XVI, 124, p. 181.

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gathered at Vedic sacrifices but from the masses who believed in the worship of Yaksas, Nagas, etc. It was, therefore, natural that the essentials of this Yaksa or Nāga cults were incorporated in Jaina worship.
Hence in order to understand the meaning of symbols and idols in early Jaina worship we must understand the essentials of the Yakṣa cult. Dr. Coomaraswamy has discussed the significance underlying the conception of Nāgas and Yaksas in his Yaksas I and II. The various references to the ancient Yakṣas etc. in Jaina literature have been discussed by me in another paper published in the Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, No. 1 (1953), pp. 54-71. I have suggested in this paper that the conception of the Jina or the Buddha under a Caitya-tree is essentially a borrowing from this Yakṣa cult. This cult of worshipping Caitya-Vrksas and spirits of Vṛksas, (standing) under the trees, seems to have been at least as old as the seals from Mohen-jo-Dāro and Harappa. The red-stone mutilated torso from Harappa, so much like a Jina torso, might actually have represented some yakṣa devată.
So we must first try to understand the conception of Caitya and CaityaVrksa in Jaina art and literature. Since Stupa worship is very ancient, anterior to Buddha and Mahavira, and since, as we shall see presently, the Stupa is a Caitya, we must also study Stupa worship in Jainism. We shall then pass on to the worship of Patas or plaques-especially the Ayagapatas, which are associated with the ancient Caitya worship which are amongst the earliest Jaina antiquities discovered from Mathura.
41
We shall next pass on to other symbols like the Aṣṭamangals, the Samavasarana, the Auspicious Dreams etc.
Such a study of the symbols reveals to us the underlying common heritage in the art and ritual of the Indian masses-Jainas, Buddhists or the Hindus. Origins of some of these concepts date from a hoary antiquity and their later development in Indian art and ritual can only be grasped with the help of studies in this direction.
It may also be remembered that for a study of the original conceptions behind such symbols as the caitya-vṛkşa, the lotus etc., we must also refer to the Vedic literature, for assimilation of ideas and concepts has been an unbroken process in Indian art and literature produced by different sects. not possible here to discuss such concepts from literatures of all the three sects and as far as possible we will limit ourselves to the study of evidence supplied by Jaina art and literature.
Kramrisch, Stella, Indian Sculpture, figs. 5, 7, 8.
2 Ibid., fig. I.
1

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2. CAITYA, STUPA AND STAMBHA
The most general name for a sanctuary is Caitya in Sanskrit, Celita or Ceiya in Ardhamägadhi or Jaina literature and Cetiya in Päli-a term not only applying to shrines, but to sacred trees, memorial stones, holy spots, images, pillars etc. Hence, according to Kern, all edifices bearing the character of sacred monuments are Caityas, but not all the Caityas are edifices.'1
The origin of the word Caitya is generally "The general meaning of the word Caitya, from up, the relative derivative citya or citi referring to the fire-altar. " by Dikshitar," the Satapatha Brahmana explains citya as that which could be used for cayana. Though the term caitya as such does not occur in the Samhitas, citya or Agni-citya is used in the Aitareya Brahmana, the Satapatha Brahmana. and the Taittiriya Samhitä." It is significant to note the use of the expression citya from which the original expression caitya has been undoubtedly derived." In the Taittiriya Samhita (5.1.8.4.) we hear of Agni-Citya to which offerings are made.
traced to the Vedic cayana." ci-cayane, is something piled
Pandit Harhsarāja Shastri, in his Caitya-vada Samikṣā (Hindi, Ambala, Punjab, V. S. 2007), has adduced references to cili, citya, cayana etc. from Vedic literature and shown that citya primarily refers to yajñasthäna or fire-altars. Especially, see, Panini, 3.1.139 and 3.1.132 discussed by him on op. cit., pp. 2226. Sri V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, in his 'Origin and Early History of Caityas,' Indian Historical Quarterly, Vol. XIV. No. 3, pp. 440-452 adduced most of these references and had arrived at similar conclusions.
In the Asvalayana Grhya Sutra, we find for the first time mention of a Caitya- yajña (चेत्ययहे प्राक् स्विष्टकृत वैत्याय बलिं हरेत्). It is said that bali is to be offered to Caitya, but if the Caitya is situated at a distant place, bali is to be sent through a leaf (treated as a ) messenger. The commentary of Nārāyaṇa explains Caitya as cille bhava. According to him, a man makes a vow to a certain deity that if his wish is granted, he would offer a sacrifice and this
1 Manual of Indian Buddhism (1896), p. 91.
2 See, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XI, pp. 20-22.
3 Coomaraswamy, A. K., History of Indian and Indonesian Art (henceforth HIIA.). P. 47
Dikshitar, op. cit., pp. 440 f. Also see, Martin Haug, Translation of Aitareya Brahmana, V. note 28. cf. Satapatha Brahmana (Bibliotheca Indica ),
VI. 1.2.16.
Asvalayana Grbya Sätra (Anandâśrama ed.), Bk. I. 12-1-3.

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sacrifice is the Caitya.yajña. Oldenburg thinks that this rite was not purely symbolical. 1 The bali is to be offered to Caitya where Caitya may stand for a shrine or an icon in the shrine. And the Grhya Sutra further says that if the Caitya is at a distant place, the offering is to be made through a leaf messenger. Thus as noted by Dikshitar, "caitya was no more yajña-sthāna...... From the time of Advalâyana onwards we find the use of the application of the term. caitya extended. There is a transition from Agni-cityas to Anagni-cityas, or in other words from a fire cult to a fireless cult. "2 But the same Grhya sūtra has also used caitya in the sense of yajña-sthāna in "... ." Thus चैत्ययूपं the text represents a stage of transition in the (meaning of) the word Caitya. The Caitya-yajña is of course a sacrifice performed as a Vedic ritual. But who were the deities of the Caityas to whom bali was offered? Nārāyaṇa, the commentator cites the names of Sankara, Pasupati, Arya, Jyesthä etc. but they might have been any deities. It is not unlikely that some of these Caityas were sanctuaries dedicated to such deities as Rudra, Skanda, Vaiśramana, Mukunda, Näga, Yakşa, Indra and others whose festivals, caityas etc. are often referred to in the Jaina canons. Was it an attempt to give Vedic colour to the worship which had penetrated into the Aryan folks from the Dravidian masses? The cults of the phallus, and of the mother-goddesses, Nāgas, Yakṣas and other nature spirits are probably elements of Dravidian origin and in the words of Dr. Coomaraswamy," the shift from abstract symbolism to anthropomorphic iconography in the period of theistic and bhakti development, marks a final victory of the conquered over the conquerors. See, Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 445; also see, Caitya-Vada-Samikṣā where Pt. Hamsaraja Shastri has discussed this passage with extracts from commentaries of Nārāyaṇa and Haradatta.
Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 445.
• Asvalayana Grhya Sūtra, 3. 6. 8. cf. the commentaries:
नारायणीय वृत्तिः अभिचयनस्थं यूपं स्पृष्ट्वा ।
हरिदत्ताचार्यः -- चित्योऽग्निः तत्र भवो यूपश्चैत्यः ।
-
Also cf. used in a similar sense in Mahabharata, XIV. 10-32ततः संवर्तश्चैत्यगतो महात्मा, यथा वह्निः प्रज्वलितो द्वितीयः ।
zelgederema, tudna, germi taka, grafter: 11
Also, चैत्ययूपांकिता भूमिर्यस्येयं सवनाकरा । MBH. . . 2.229 is explained by a comm, as चित्ये चयनवति ऋती विहिता बैत्यास्ते च ते यूपाथ तैरंकिताः ।

A reading of Kanvaśākhiya Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, 13-4.3.1, noted by Pandit Harisarāja, is चेत्ये होवाच ब्रह्मा ।
Näyādhammakahão, II. 40. pp. 49 f.; I. 25. p. 23; Acaränga Saira (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), 2. I. 1. 2. sü. 12, p. 328.

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In particular, the popular, Dravidian element, must have played the major part in all that concerns the development and office of image-worship, that is pujā as distinct from yajña."i The Āśvalāyana Gșhya Sūtra is assigned generally to the sixth century but probably belongs to a much earlier date. 2
The original association of Caitya or Citya with Vedic yajña also continued in the age of the Mahābhārata which refers to the region made sacred by hundreds of caitya-yūpa-. the caitya and yūpa (or caitya-yúpa, = sacrificial posts) were in one and the same place; but in another context the epic refers in glowing terms to the country full of caityas and yūpas," where Caityas are supposed to refer to places of sacred yajñas but may refer to shrines and stūpas also. But in ततः संवर्तश्चैत्यगता महात्मा etc. quoted above, or in चैत्ययूपाङ्किता भूमि
9717TT (MBH. 9. 9. 2.229 ) the word Caitya primarily denotes Yajñasthāna. The Sabdakalpadruma quotes an ancient passage of Bharata to indicate that caitya is yajñasthāna or yajñāyatana. This is a sacred place for the performance of yajñas. It may possess citya or it may not possess one (77 fatuatia TERI Traa ATHARTHRIE: ).5 This as shown by Dikshitar refers to two uses of cayana. The first is like the Garudacayanayāga wherein special bricks are spread in the form of an eagle lying down on earth. On it different oblations are offered. The second forms part of a great sacrifice like the Aśvamedha wherein the cayana ritual consisted in collecting sacred ashes, sacrificial utensils etc., and piling them up in a certain place apparently fenced with walls of stone, brick or mud, the enclosure being devoid of any mukha or entrance, the underlying idea being that the place may not get defiled by any body.
When Rāma went to Dandaka through Kośala he found the whole country
1 Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 5. For Yaksa worship in Jainism, see, Shah U. P., in JOI., Vol. III, no. 1.
2 Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 440. ३ भीष्मेण धर्मतो राजन्सर्वतः परिरक्षिते ।
alla Thuitze azetarja: 11 Mahābhārata, I. 109. 13.
• Cf. TT 491 AASTAT Recone: I MBH. II. 3.12. The commentators, and Pt. Hamsarāja Shastri take = 474TT here but I am doubt. ful. When the expression is geen the above sense is possible but in this case #and 14 are two different things. they may here refer to shrines or stūpas.
5 See also Dikshitar, op. cit., p. 442; he writes: the term citya and caitya are correlated and connoted one and the same thing in the second half of the Vedic period.

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adorned with caityas and yapas. The association of caityas with Brahmaghosa and yajñamandapa is also seen in Mṛcchakatika, X. 12 as pointed out by Dikshitar.
46
But in the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahabharata, Caitya is used in a wider application as well. In Rāmāyaṇa, for example, we hear of Caitya-grhas (V. 12.15), Caitya-prāsādas (V.43.3), or Caitya-vrksas (V.12.8, and in MBH. VI. 3.40). The Caitya in Rāmā yudh. 85.29., is the shrine of the city-goddess of Lanka while Caitya in ibid., 39.24, is the palace of Ravana.
The Arthaśāstra of Kautilya refers to Caitya in several contexts, in many cases caitya is used in the sense of a shrine with an icon worshipped in it, compare: आकोशाद्देव चैत्यानामुत्तमं दण्डमर्हति ( III. 18 ) or देवतं चैत्यं सिद्धपुण्यस्थानमौपपादिकं वा रात्रावुत्थाप्य यात्रासमाजाभ्यामजीवेत् (V. 2 ) or एवं गृहीतदुर्गे वा प्राश्यप्राशं चैत्यमुपस्थाप्य देवप्रतिमाद्धिं प्रविश्यासीत् (XII. 5) चैत्यदेयतद्वार रक्षास्थानेषु च सत्रिणः समयकर्मनिक्षेप हिरण्यामिज्ञानमुद्राणि हिरण्यभाजनानि प्ररूपयेयुः (XI. 1. ) . The Nikumbhilā Caitya of Latika mentioned in Ramayana, yuddhakanda, 85.29, 82.24, 84.14 étc., was a shrine dedicated to Nikumbhilä according to commentators. Thus the caitya-daivata
of the Arthasästra means a deity in a caitya or shrine (edifice) and daivatacaitya of the same text refers to a sanctuary or edifice dedicated to a god or a spirit,
Kautilya refers to paja offered to caityas by people in order to avert evil attacks of demons. On the full and new moon days the caitya was propitiated by offering at the altar an umbrella, a small flag and goat's flesh (Bk. IV. chp. 3). We see the prominence of Caitya worship in the age of the
2
ततो धान्यधनोपेतान् दानशीलजनाश्रितान् ।
अकुतश्चिद्भयान्रम्याँ बैत्ययूपसमावृतान् | Ramayana, II. 50. 8.
cf. देवायतनचैत्येषु सान्नभक्ष्याः सदक्षिणाः ।
Rāmāyana, II. 3. 18.
Here चैत्य is explained by comm. as रध्यावृक्ष.
निकुम्भिला चैत्यममिवयौ, चैत्यं रावणपालितम् ॥ Rāmā. VI. 85.29; also see ibid., VI. 82. 24: 84.14
Compare Rama. VI. 39. 21-23. ——
घनैरिवातपापाये मध्यमं वैष्णवं पदम् ॥ २१ ॥ यस्य स्तम्भसहस्रेण प्रासादः समलंकृतः । कैलासशिखराकारो दृश्यते खमिवोल्लिखन् ॥ २२ ॥ चैत्यः स राक्षसेन्द्रस्य बभूव पुरभूषणम् ।
cf. Comm.: - चैत्यं वर्तुलाकारत्वात् बुद्धायतनमिव प्रासादम् ।
4
Also see, Arthasästra, IV. 3; XIII-1.; XIII. 2; and comm. of Madhavayajva on all these passages.

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Arthaśāstra. In the words of Dikshitar, "From that of the shrine the application of Caitya was extended to a bimba or deity in the shrine.” 1
It seems that Caitya meaning something piled-up, a fire-altar, a yajñasthāna, had started acquiring the sense of a memorial or relic structure. The utensils etc. left at the end of a sacrifice, as also the site of the sacrifices like the piled-up Garuda-cayana, protected with a compound-wall, served the purpose of a sacred memorial of the sacrifice once performed. Of such use were also the caitya-yüpas or sacrificial posts. Funeral memorials were also in vogue and the funeral pile or funeral mound could also obtain the designation of a citya or caitya since it was regarded as something sacred, fit for offering. A caitya-druma could also exist on the cremation ground. The Arthaśāstra refers to such trees in Bk. XIII. 2. and V. 2. where the expression caityasthāna refers to the burial ground. Vālmīki describes that Rāvaņa was as fearful looking as the smaśāna-caitya which, according to Dikshitar, only means the caitya or tree growing in the burial ground.' In the Rāmāyaṇa, I. 58.12, FREITA AITOT is explained by Govindarāja as-Fathania HPI तादृशं माल्यम् ।
According to Manu, X. 50, underneath the shade of Caitya-trees in burial grounds, Caņdāla and similar castes were to find their residence. Trees and asthi-caityas etc., served as boundaries of a grāma or janapada according to Yajñavalkya, II. 151.
But Caitya-vykşas were not confined to burial grounds only. Tree-worship was an age-long practice in India and latterly some trees became demarcat. ed caityas and worship was offered to them. Of such type are also the shrines of the Bodhi-tree illustrated in reliefs at Bhārhut and Sāñchi showing the adoption of the ancient Tree Worship by the Buddhists. In some cases the caitya-vrkșas served as boundaries of gardens and fields. 2 Felling of branches of trees of a caitya or of caityas is prohibited by Yājñavalkya, II. 228. The grāma-caityas of Meghadūta, 23, are interpreted as caitya-vřkşas by Mallinātha who quotes Viśvaprakāśa-kośa of Maheśvara in support.3 Kulluka on Manu, 10.50, explains caitya-druma as grāmādisamipe khyātaurksah. The Trikāņdaseșakośa gives Caitya-druma as a synonym of the Pippla tree. The Aśvattha tree is treated as the Tree of Life in the Bhagavad-Gītā, adhyāya XV.5
1 op. cit., p. 448.
2 Kautilya, Arthaśāstra, II. 4 and 35 S EAT 797 1929 sa fag:'.
• पिप्पलो बादरंग: स्यात् चैत्यद्रुमः केशवालयः
6 For the conception of Tree of Life, see, Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography. With this one may also note the conception of Fo6954 or The Wish-giving Tree.

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It seems that a sacred tree demarcated for worship was called a caitya-tree when it had a platform or a railing round the stem, something piled-up and marking it as a holy object.
In Buddhist literature, Cetiya came to be generally used in the sense of a hallow, a sacred-symbol or cult-object but not exclusively as a funeral relic. In the Kalingabodhi-Jätaka (J. iv. 228 ), Buddha asks how many kinds of hallows ( cetiya ) there are? Three, says, Ananda, with implied reference to contemporary non-Buddhist usage, "namely, those of the body (śāriraka), those of association (päribhogaka) and those prescribed (uddeśika ).” The Buddha rejects the śäriraka and the uddeśika on different grounds and recommends that "only a Mahābodhi-rukkha, Great-Wisdom-Tree, that has been associated with a Buddha is fit to be a cetiya, whether the Buddha be still living, or Absolutively Extinguished.” 2 This occurs also in the Mahābodhi-vamsa (PTS. ed., p. 59). Commenting on this passage, Dr. Coomaraswamy writes, “a cetiya, as appears from the present text and elsewhere, is not primarily a building, but any object made use of as a sacred symbol or cult-object. A shrine in the sense of a "temple" is a cetiya gyha." 3 But it is true that the tree and the symbols like the wheel, the lotus etc.) had older than Buddhist application as suggested by Dr. Coomaraswamy, for had not Sujātā indeed mistaken the Boddhisattva for a rukkha-devatā ?
The Khuddakapātha Atthakathā (PTS. ed., 1915, p. 222) explains uddisaka-cetiyam as Buddha-patimā.
In the Lalitavistara of the Buddhists we find a Cetiya erected at the spot from which Chandaka returned with Buddha's ornaments. It was called Chandaka-nivartana-Caitya. Buddha's cūļā (hair ) was worshipped by Trāyastrimsa gods who erected a caitya in its honour. Caitya of course was a pre-Buddha institution. We read in the Mahāparinibbāna sutta that Buddha spoke of the efficiency of erecting dhātu-caityas, and himself visited caityas like Udena, Gotama, Sattambaka etc. 5 The Digha Nikāya shows that Buddha lived at the Ananda-cetiya in Bhojanagara. 6
Let us now turn to the Jaina canoncial literature. The Ācārănga Sūtra refers to festivals in honour of Ceiyas ( 749 ) along with those ( in honour )
1 The Jaina Samavāyānga sūtra, sū. 156, refers to the caitya-vřkşas of the 24 Tirthankaras. Abhayadeva commenting on the word writes :- 44a1बद्धपीठवृक्षाः, येषामधः केवलान्युत्पन्नानि-इति.
2 Also see, Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography, pp. 3-7 3 Ibid, p. 63. 4 Lalitavistara, adhyāya 15, pp. 277-278. 5 Mahāparinibbāna-sutta, Chp. III. 36-47. & Digha Nikāya, II. p. 123.

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of Indra, Rudra, Skanda, Mukunda, Bhūta, Yakşa, Nāga, Stūpa, Věkşa, Mountain, Agada, tank, lake, river, ocean etc., and prohibits Jaina monks from accepting food distributed at such festivals. A similar list is given in the Jñā tādharmakathā-sütra where, on seeing many people going out to see Mahāvira, a person in Rājagtha asks whether it was a festival in honour of Indra, Rudra etc. Similarly, the Bhagavati sütra shows that when Mahāvīra reaches Kşatriyakunda-grāma, Jamãli puts the same question on seeing people flocking to see Mahāvira. 3 Pandit Hamsarāja Shăstri suggests that in these contexts, Ceiya or Cetiya-mahotsava is a festival at the end of a sacrifice. Of course we are here reminded of the Caitya-yajña of the Āśvalāyana Gșhya sūtra, but the Caitya-mahotsava may be festival of any of the existing Caitya or holystead, a shrine, like the Pürņabhadra, Bahuputrikā, Guñasila and other Caityas mentioned in the Jaina texts or the Gotama, Ananda and such other Caityas referred to in Buddhist works. But since Yakşa, Näga and others are separate. ly mentioned in the lists of festivals noted above, it is just probable that the Caitya-mahotsava here refers to yajñasthana or vedic cayana or to the three types of cetiyas discussed by Buddha or generally to all the holysteads and cult-objects not specified as Indra, Rudra, Stūpa, Vškșa etc.
At another place in the Acārānga Sūtra we find the use of the word 754125 where Ceiya is used in the sense of a structure or edifice (a piled-up thing) erected and offered for residence to the Jaina monks. This explanation offered by the commentator Silānka-ācārya 6 seems quite appropriate in the context.
A third type of reference to Ceiya in the Ācārānga is still more interesting as it speaks of 457 91 23758, ni ar 2776 (Acā. 12. 1.3.3., p. 352 ). Silānka explains this as : 57 al aufà e f fatIGETSTÅ, Fag at Tradifanai...... Evidently the tree or stūpa is here said to be caityādhisthita or caityopalakṣita.?
1 Acāränga Sütra 2. 1. I. 2, p. 328. 2 Nāyādhammakahāo, I. 25, p. 23. 3 Bhagavati Sūtra, śataka 9, uddeśa 33. 4 dagai HIGI, p. 55. 6 Acārānga, 2.1. 2.2 sū., 80, pp. 366-67.
6 cf:-aara: a: EF: aga U18 sfera 79 79 III - शालादीनि स्वार्थ कुर्वद्भिः श्रमणाद्यवकाशार्थ 'चेइयाई' महान्ति कृतानि भवन्ति, तानि चागाराणि F998 gefa.. I op. cit., p. 366.
7 With this one may also note references to चैत्यवृतs, चैत्यस्तूपs, and FTFITs, in Jivājīvābhigama sutra, (D.L.J.P.F. no. 50), sū. 142, pp. 251-252, sū. 137, pp. 225 ff. For TETTs also see Jambūdvipaprajñapli, 1, 2. sū. 33, p. 158 and Comm. of Sānticandra on p. 163.

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Pandit Hamsarija Shastri thinks that even here चैत्यकृतवृक्ष and चैत्यकृतस्तूप suggest यज्ञिय or यज्ञसम्बन्धि वृक्ष and यज्ञसम्बन्धि-स्तूप. In support of his explanation he cites the Laugaksa-Grhya-Sutra (5.1.71)-यज्ञियस्य वृक्षस्य प्रागायतां शाखां। But what about the expression चैत्यकृत-स्तूप ? Does ceiyakadam here mean intended for worship, intended as a cult-object ?
In the Ācārānga sūtra a Jaina monk is asked not to ease himself or pass water on the sites of funeral caityas or funeral stāpas (मडयचेइगेसु वा मडयथूमियासु वा = मृतकचत्येषु वा मृतकस्तूपिकासु वा -). Here caitya is used in the sense of a relic sanctuary or structure ( something piled up) demarcating a sacred spot; the sense of its being a funeral one is conveyed by the word मडय = मृतक. Thus here again Caitya has the sense of a holystead.
A stock expression कल्लाणं मंगल देवयं चेइयं विणएण पज्जुवासणिज्जो or पज्जुवासेमो is often met with in the Jaina canons. Below are quoted some of these references:
(1) तहारूवं समणं वा माहणं वा वंदित्ता नमंसित्ता सक्कारेत्ता सम्माणेत्ता कल्लाणं मंगलं देवयं चेइयं पज्जुवासेत्ता । (Sthānanga Sutra, 3. I.) Abhayadeva sāri, commenting says,-कल्याणं समृद्धिस्तद्धेतुत्वात् , साधुरपि कल्याणं, एवं मंगलं विघ्नक्षयस्तद्योगात् मंगलं, दैवतं इव ( देवतेव) देवतं, चैत्यभिव-जिनादिप्रतिमेव चैत्यं श्रमण पर्युपास्य उपसेव्येति।
(2) तं गच्छामो णं देवाणुप्पिया ! समणं भगवं महावीरं वंदामो मंसामो सकारेमो सम्माणेमो कल्लाणं मंगलं देवयं चेइयं पज्जुवासेमो। ( Rayapasenaiyam, ed. by Pt. Bechardās, p. 39; also see, Aupapātika sūtra, sū. 27).
(3) तं गच्छमि णं समणं भगवं महावीरं वदामि नमसामि सेयं खलु मे समण भगवं महावीर वंदित्ता नमंसित्ता सक्कारेत्ता सम्माणेत्ता कल्लाणं मंगलं देवयं चेइयं पज्जुवासेत्ता । ( Bhagavati sutra, 2.I. sā. 91, pp. II3 ff.) Abhayadeva suri explains:-दैवतं देवं चैत्यम्-इष्टदेवप्रतिमा चैत्यमेव चैत्यं... | He gives the same explanation on the Aupapātika sūtra passage noted above.
(4) Different Caityas are referred to in Jaina sútras. They are generally situated on the outskirts of a village, town or a big city and Mahāvira is often reported to have stayed in the different caityas at different places during his wanderings. Thus he stayed in the Pūrņabhadra caitya outside the city of Campā, in the Amraśālavana-Ca. at Amalakappa, in the Guņaśīla-Ca. at Rājagļha and so on. In all such references the commentators explain Caitya as a Vyantara-āyatana, i. e., a shrine of a deity of the Vyantara class of gods. Sometimes in the Vipāka sūtra we find the term Jakkhāyayana used by the
Acāranga, 2.2.3, sā. 166, p. 410.

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text itself. The Antagadadasão Sutta refers to a shrine of Mudgarapāņi-yakşa at Rājagrha. The stock description of such Caityas is the description of the Pūrņabhadra Caitya given in the Aupapātika Sūtra. And in this description itself, the Pārnabhadra-Caitya is described as कल्लाणं मंगल देवयं चेइयं विशए पज्जुवासणिज्जो। Abhayadeva, the commentator, explains this as per yea:,
fayfaža:. aa-aa: # gaanfaat.....I p. 4).
We are here reminded of those passages from the Arthaśāstra (discussed above) which use an identical expression datei, as also
and help us to arrive at a correct understanding of the devayam ceiyan of the Jaina Anga texts. ai goes with and the expression should be understood as referring to a sanctuary dedicated to a god or a spirit, the teacan meaning the god in a caitya.
Viewed in this light, the passage of the Áśvalāyana Gșhya Sūtra referring to Caitya-yajña and enjoining a bali to caitya would be taken to refer to a shrine dedicated to some devatā to which an offering was to be offered. The Jaina references are from works later than the Gpbya Sūtra but they refer to conditions already existing in the age of Mahāvīra and we need not doubt the validity of the Jaina statements when other known evidences do not contradict. them.
The archaeological evidences of Yakşa statues dating from the Mauryan age ( e. g. the Didārganj yakși ) would show the existence of Daivata Caityas and Caitya Devatās in the Mauryan age. The Pūrnabhadra Caitya described in the Jaina Aupapātika Sūtra is called Porāna and Cirātīta, old, ancient and well-renowned. Mahāvira stayed in this Caitya, which was already porāņa and cirātīta in his age.1
We have also seen that the Buddhists used Cetiya in the sense of a hallow and cult-object. But Cetiya also denoted a stūpa and as noted by Dikshitar Cetiya is similarly used in the Tamil language also. A question arises: Was this term Caitya or Cetiya adopted from the Dravidians and other races by the Aryans or was it originally Aryan ?
The original etymological sense seems to be of something piled up-from
1 The Pţthvi-sila-patta in the shrine is described as shining like a mirror and soft to touch like butter. Evidently it had a highly polished surface. If it was a terracotta plaque, as the prefix Pộthvi would suggest, then it was technically like the N. B. P. Ware which can now be dated from c. 6th century B. C. Thus Pūrṇabhadra Caitya was indeed porāna and cirätita. Cf. Shah, U. P., So-called Mauryan Polish in Jain Literature, Journ of the M. S. University of Baroda, June 1955.

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✓ci-cayane, but since caitya or cetiya was used also with reference to funeral relics and objects of worship or sanctuaies of Yakşas, etc., where bhakti predominates, is it possible to in fer that the term Daivata Caitya was used in order to differentiate such shrines from Yajñiya caityas or Yajñiya cityas as also from Mylaka caityas ?
The above analysis will show that Caityas existed in the pre-Buddha epoch, at least in the sixth century B.C., or say in the later part of the Sūtra period. These caityas were sanctuaries, holysteads, both with or without an icon, including dhātu-caityas. The description of the Pūrņabhadra Caitya in the Aupapātika shows that the text does not refer to any image of the Yakşa statue worshipped in it and the Pșthvi-Silk-patta at the stem of the Asoka tree in the forest-grove of the Caitya was possibly meant to represent the Pūrņabhadra Yakşa, or else the text as handed down in the Valabhi vācanā is incomplete. But the Antagadadasão refers to another shrine of Moggarapāņi Jakkha which did contain an image of the Mudgarapāni yakşa, so called because he held an iron club in his hand.1
Mahavira would not stay in the Yajñiya-cityas, Yajña-śālas. He stayed in Caityas which were certainly non-Vedic in character and at the same time were visited by a large number of the masses. It is therefore advisable to regard the Pūrņabhadra and such other Caityas: as essentially non-Vedic, non-Aryan in origin, one of the essential elements of which seems to be a big Caitya-vşkşa with a Silā-paţta below it. It is for this reason that both Buddhism and Jainism lay stress on the Caitya-výkşas in their worship. Let us see how a Caitya of Tirthankaras is described in the Jaina canonical works.
The Bhagavati sūtra discusses the supernatural powers of certain classes of Jaina monks who can fly to the mythical Nandiśvara-dvipa and worship the Caityas thereon. These ceiyaim are obviously the Sāśvata-Jina-āyatanās situated on the different mountains, also referred to as Siddhāyatanas in different texts. The stock description of a Siddhāyatana shows that there were mukhamandapas in front of each of the four entrances to the shrine, in front of each mukhamanda pa is a preksāgyha or theatre. In front of each theatre was a cetita-thūbha on a manipithiakā. In front of each stūpa was a jewelled platform above which were images of Jinas (Jina-padima) facing the stūpa. There were also jewelled platforms with a cetita-rukkha (caitya-vȚkşa )
1 Antagadadasão ( Āgamodaya Samiti ed.), sūtra 13, pp. 19 ff. 3 See, Yakshas, Part 1 and 2, by Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy.
3 For a list of such Caityas from Jaina texts, see, Shah, U.P., Yaksa Worship In Early Jaina Literature, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. III, no. 1.
"Bhagavati Sütra, 20. 9, sū. 684, 794.

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on each of them. 1
In both the above-mentioned cases, namely, cetita-thubha and the cetitarukkha, the sense of a funeral relic is not fully warranted. In fact, Jaina texts speak of Māņavaka-stambhas on which bone-relics sakaha of the Jinas were worshipped by keeping them in round diamond-boxes hung on the pillars. These stambhas are said to have been situated in the Sudharma sabhā of different Indras. 3
Thus the Caitya-vskşas in the above description need not be funeral relics but are only Holy Trees with a platform below. Even the caitya-stūpas in the above description need not necessarily be funeral mounds. Firstly, we must remember that this is a description of a shrine in heavens whose counterpart on earth is nowhere referred to in the Jaina canons. Mahävira is never said to have visited a Jina-ayatana. Obviously, shrines dedicated to Tirthankaras seem to post-date Mahāvīrā" and the passages referring to śāśvata-Jināyatanas
1 Sthânănga Sūtra (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), 4. 2. sūtra 307, Vol. I. pp. 229 ff.
. cf. Abhayadeva's commentary- daar FIFT fara IHFAT Far: daretzka:, FERIE Haigi BaT: FigT: RTE : ...... Ibid., p. 232.
For a description of such Caitya-stūpas, see, Rāyapasenaijjam (Vaidya's edition, Ahmedabad, 1938), pp. 53-56. 8 cf."......
IT IT ay
et saft th अद्धतेरस जोयणाणि वज्जेत्ता मज्ज्ञ पणतीस जोयणेसु वइरामएसु गोलवट्टसमुग्गएसु जिसकहाओ 9TUTIT... ... Samavāyanga Sūtra, sū. 35, p. 63; also see Abhayadeva's comm. thereon.
Shrines of Arhats are referred to in other contexts on rare occasions. The following references to such shrines may be noted :(a) णणत्थ अरिहंते वा अरिहंतचेइयाणि वा अणगारे वा भावियप्पणो णीसाए उड़े उप्पयति
FIT HIEF 07...... Bhagavati Sūtra, 3. 2 sūtra 145, p. 175. (b) "ag i US Treas...... Tá areti" case # 45 531
प्पमिइं अन्नउत्थिए वा अन्नउत्थियदेवयाणि वा अन्नउत्थियपरिग्गहियाणि अरिहंतचेझ्याई at areal af AÁFATIG ar......"
Uvāsagadasāo ( Ātmānanda Sabha, Bhavnagar, ed.), p. 14. The commentator Abhayadeva Suri says-अन्ययूथिकदैवतानि वा हरिहरादीनि । अन्ययूथिकपरिगृहीतानि वा अर्हच्चैत्यानि अर्हन्प्रतिमालक्षणानि यथा भौतपरिगृहीतानि वीरभद्रमहाकालाRAI op. cit., p. 15.
It will be seen that the passage refers to a stage in Jaina history when some Jaina shrines were appropriated by other sects. The passage pre-supposes such untoward events and is therefore comparatively late.

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must be regarded as referring to an age later than the epochs suggested by the references to the Pūrņabhadra and other caityas. Stūpa worship does not seem to have been so popular amongst the Jainas as amongst the Buddhists, because image-worship seems to have started earlier in Jainsm than in Buddhism. So, the inclusion of Cetita-thūbhas in a Siddhāyatana is only due to the popularity of Stūpa worship in India, amongst other sects, especially amongst the Buddhists. This does not however mean that Stüpa worship did not exist in Jainism. Only, the author of the description knew full well that the stūpas in the different Siddhāyatanas in heavens were not raised on crema. tion grounds of the various Tirthankaras.
Jaina commentators explain Caitya in the following manner :चितेर्लेप्यादिचयनस्य भावः कर्म वा चैत्यम्, तच्च संज्ञाशद्वत्वाद्देवताबिम्बे प्रसिद्ध, ततः तदाश्रयभूतं यद्देवतायाः गृहं तदप्युपचाराच्चैत्यमुच्यते । 1
Thus though caitya is derived from citi or cita, the meaning of the term is extended to an image of a deity, and since a shrine is an abode of the image (caitya ), the abode is also called Caityam by uapacāra, 2
The word ceie in the Uttaradhyayana, 9. 9. Io is interpreted by the commentator as udyana or park and Jacobi suggests that it meant 'a tree". 3 Sacred trees were called Caityas in the Epics where it is said that 'not even the leaf of a Caitya may be destroyed, for the Caityas are the resort of Devas, Yakşas, Nāgas, Apsarasas, Bhūtas etc. We have however the evidence of a Harappă seal showing a tree enclosed in a railing, which was nothing but the worship of Caitya-výkşas, though it is not possible to say whether the term Caitya or Caitya-výkşa was current in the age of the Harappă seal.
Two processes then seem to have worked : one regarding Caitya primarily as Cayana or Yajñasthầna and secondarily as anything piled up, the other connected with piling up of a tumulus over remains of the dead, the smaśāna being four-cornered or round as shown by the Satapatha Brāhmana.. Being a piled-up sacred object, deserving worship and offering, it came to be known
1 Commentary of Sānticandra on Jambūdvipaprajñapti, sū. 1, p. 9. Also see, Abhayadeva's comm. on Bhagavati sūtra, I. I., explaining Caitya in identical expression.
. Cf. the use of the term caityalaya in पुराणो वि वीयरागाणां पडिमाउ चेइयालए etc., Mahāniśitha sútra, ms. B.O.R.I., no. 165 of 1881-82, folio 2.
3 Uttarādhyayana sütra, ix. 9., SBE. Vol. XLV, p. 36 and note. 4 Mahābhārata, Sānti parva, 69. 42; Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 47. & Vedic Age, p. 188 and pl. VII. 8.
& Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, SBE. Vol. XLIV. Pp. 424-29; also see, Shah, Priyabālā, Aidaka, Journal of the Oriental Institute, I. No. 3., pp. 278 ff.

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as Caitya or Caity-stūpa. A sacred tree with a platform erected at base (piled-up) or enclosed in a railing, being an object of worship, came to be called a Caitya or Caitya-vşkşa. Thus all sacred objects and places of worship came to be called Caityas. The idol or the cult-object worshipped in such a shrine also gradually came to be called a Caitya. The processes seems to be just the reverse of what has been imagined by the Jaina commentators in their explanation of the word Caitya, in the passage cited above.
This is only tracing the origin and development of the term Caitya and not necessarily of the objects to which it was applied. It must however be remembered that the four-sided Daiva or the round Asura Prācya smaśānas or funeral mounds referred to by the Satapatha, were not mentioned as Caityas or Caitya-stūpas in the Satapatha though later known as such and though their worship existed from very early times.
It would be a mistake to suppose, as has been done by Dikshitar and others that Cetiya in the Buddhist passages of the Mahāparinibbāna sutta 1 and the Digha Nikāya,” referred to funeral mounds or Stūpas only of Udena, Sattambaka and others. The Bahuputtikā.cetiyam in the Mahāparinibbāna sutta is really identical with the caitya of the same name at Viśālā (Vaisali ) and Mithilā mentioned in the Jaina Bhagavati and the Vipāka sūtras. The Bahuputrikā Caitya was dedicated to a goddess of the name who was a prototype of the later Buddhist Hārīti. Some of these Buddhist Cetiyas were therefore similar to the Purņabhadra Caitya described in the Aupapātika sūtra. Jaina commentators have rightly called it a Yakşa-āyatana since Pürņabhadra and Māņibhadra are well-known as ancient Yakşas.
The Pūrņabhadra Caitya was in the udyāna or park called Amraśālavana, situated to the N. E. of the city of Campa. It was very old in age (cirátita ) recognised by people of old, ancient (porāņa ), famous, praised everywhere, and jñāta (? of the Jñātr-people?). It was decorated with an umbrella (or umbrellas ), banners, bells, flags, atipatākas (flags surmounted on flags), whisks or brushes of peacock-feathers (lomahatthaga ) and having a railing (vitardikavedikā, according to Abhayadeva, which would also mean, containing a sacrificial altar'), its inside floor was coated with cow-dug and the wallsurfaces were polished by rubbing with cowries; it bore palm-impressions in redgiśīrṣa or dardara-sandal, was adorned with candana ghațas ( auspicious jars ), and on its entrance-doors were toranas (arches ) with candana-ghața decorations. It was sprinkled all over with perfumed water and garlands were hung;
Mahäparinibbāna Sutta, Chap. III. secs. 36-47. Also, Fleet's article in J. R. A. S., (1906), pp. 657 ff; Law B, C., History of Pali Literature, p. 100
2 Digha Nikāya, II. p. 113. For a discussion on the Cetiyas of Buddhist Literature, see, Law, B. C., Geography of Early Buddhism, appendix.

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it was odorous with flowers of five colours, and with burning incense of kālāguru, kundurukką and turukka. It was haunted by actors, dancers, rope-walkers (jalla), wrestlers, boxers, experts in mimics (vidambaka), ballad-singers, storytellers, pole dancers (lāsaka ), picture-showmen (mankha), pipe-players, luteplayers and minstrels. Many people visited the shrine which deserved praise, offerings, worship with sandal-paste etc., gifts, adoration and respect, and which like a benefic, auspicious, devayam ( divine acc. to comm.) ceiam (image, according to commentators ), deserved to be propitiated with due respect, which when worshipped with desire, did not fail to fulfil it (saccopāye ) and which was attended upon by divine prālihāryas. It deserved a gift of a share from sacrifices. (Aupapātika sūtra, sūtra 2).
On all sides of it was a big forest-grove (vanakhanda) with a central big Asoka-tree (obviously a Caitya-vşkşa ) with a Pythvi-sila-patta under it attached to its stem.1 ( Aupapātika, sütra, sū. 3-5).
What was the plan of the Caitya ? The text is silent and it seems as if one or more sūtras are missing. It may be inferred that it had more than one entrance, probably one in each direction, and a walled structure. It may be said that it was something like the Bodhi-shrine in a Sunga relief from Mathurā (now in Boston Museum ) illustrated by Coomaraswamy, HIIA, fig. 70. (also cf, his fig. 69).
It seems that a yakşa shrine was walled or open square hall with the stone umbrella over the deity serving as a roof, with four poles supporting the umbrella at four ends and with a central pole against which stood either one image or four images on four sides. It was the prototype of the Gandhakuți of a Jina in his Samavasarana ( which we shall have occasion to discuss later under samavasaraņa"). It is further inferred from representations like fig. 69, 69A, of HIIA, that such tiered shrines have for their basis the conception of Jarūka or ziggurator Aidaka ), discussed by Dr. V. S. Agarwaal, which were
1 Discussed later under Caitya-vykşas in this work.
2 This stone structure probably had an earlier wooden prototype. For memorial Stone-Umbrellas and the Jaina account of them, see, Stone Umbrellas From Mathurā. by U. P. Shah, Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Vol. XIV (1951).
8 Agrawala, V.S., Some Foreign Words in Ancient Sanskrit Literature J. U. P. H. S., Vol. XXIII. (1950), pp. 151-152. Dr. Priyabālā Shah is evidently wrong in suggesting that Aidūkas or Edūkas are Brahmanical or Vedic in origin. The Samavasaraña is based upon the architecture of a Stūpa which latter seems to have for its prototype that of the Ziggurat with three or more tiers. The Stūpa, the Ziggurat or the Samavasaraņa are open or visible on all sides. The Gandhakuţi is the pavilion (open on 4 sides) on a dais in the centre of a Samavasaraņa. In it sits the Jina visible on all sides.

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tiered structures or caityas. The Jaina description of the Samavasaraña, shorn of its poetic fancies and elaboration of later details, preserves for us the main plan of the Daiva or Asurya funeral mound (smaśāna) referred to in the Śatapatha Brāhmana, for, the Samavasaraṇa is also said to be either square or circular in plan. Detailed descriptions of a Jaina Stûpa are missing in the Jaina canons, but the conception of a Samavasaraņa faithfully preserves the plan of such stūpas ( cf. fig. 6 with fig. 76 ) as also their essentials, and it seems the popularity of representations of Samavasaraņa ultimately replaced the Stūpa-symbolism in Jaina worship
The stock description of a Jaina temple in Jaina canons is that of the Siddhāyatana. The Siddhāyatana to the N. E. of the Sudharmā Sabhā of Vijaya deva was 13 yojanas in length and 6 yojanas and one krośa ( about half of the length) in breadth and nine yojanas in height. It had on it, above the entrance door-way, the vedikā-panel motif' and an arch, surmounted by Salabhañjikās; it had beautiful pillars ( round?) of Vaidurya gems, its floor inlaid with gems and gold and silver, its walls decorated with figures of mythical animals (ihāmrga ), oxen, Kinnaras (half-men and half-horses or birds ) crocodile, birds, dragons, winged-deer (sarabha), yaks (camara), elephants, creepers and lotus-rhizomes. The abacus of columns had crowning figures of Vidyādhara pairs, with mechanism to show them moving. The shrine was adorned with thousands of sculptures or reliefs and with many domes (thubhiya), the tops decorated with bells, flags etc., white, lustrous, adorned with palm-impressions of different sandal; its gates were adorned with auspicious pictures and arches surmounted by candana-ghatas ; there were flowers, garlands, perfumes and incenses. It was adorned with figures of apsarasas.
The shrine had three entrances. In front of each entrance was a portico ( mukhamandapa) adorned with the aştamangala-motifs. In frount of these were preksāgrhamandapas or assembly halls (theatres ). In front of each prekşāgshamaņdapa was a Caitya-stūpa on a maņi-pithikā (jewelled platforms). The Caitya-stūpas were white and shining, each two yojanas in area ( āyāmacircumference, or length x breadth ) and more than two yojanas in height, its surface covered with jewels, and surmounted by aştamangalas, black chowries and flags. On four sides of each stūpa were manipithikās, each platform surmounted by Jina figures sitting in the paryanka-āsana (padmāsana ), and facing the stūpa.
In front of each Caitya-stūpa was a maṇipithikā with a Caitya.vřksa on it. In front of each Caitya-vyksa was a manipithikā surmounted by a mahendradhvaja ( Indra--dhvaja ) with a round staff and adorned with thousands of flags,
1 Cf. HIIA., fig. 43 ; The motif is seen at Bhārhut and Sāñchi and also in several cave-temples.

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aştamangalas etc. In front of each mahendradhvaja was a Nandā-puskarini, an artificial reservoir or tank.
In the centre of the Siddhāyatana, was a big maņipīthikā, two yojanas in length and breadth and one yojana in height, on which was a big Devacchandaka (two yojanas in length and breadth and a little more than two yojanas in height ), all made of jewels. In this Devacchandaka were installed 108 life-size images of Tirthånkaras. On top of the Siddhāyatana were aştamangalas, flags etc.
It seems that the Devacchandaka was a sort of miniature slırine with pil. lars and arches in fornt. It may be a row of miniature shrines or ornamental niches, each with an image of one Jina.
The above account from Jivājivābhigama sūtra, 3.2. 137 ff., includes all types of Jaina worship practised in ancient times, except māņavakastambhas etc. which will be described later. The Caityastūpas, Caityavškşas and the Mahendradhvajas described here do not form part of the main structure of the Siddhāyatana. It seems that the Jaina temple (of the age of composition of this passage ) consisted of a sanctum, an adjacent hall (or rather a portico only) and a prekşāmaņdapa. This last mentioned hall was possibly a little separated from the main structure though the Jaina texts do not explicitly say so. The plan of the shrine woold suggest that the passage dates from the Gupta Age. Though the plan of the shrine can be assigned to this age, it must be remembered that the general description of decorative motifs, pillars etc., is of a much earlier tradition reaching back to at least the Kuşāna age and sometimes to the age of the Bhārhut and Sānchi stūpas.
This is further suggested by the descriptions of Caitya-stūpas, Caityavškşas etc. as apart from the main shrine thus showing that there were such separate cult objects, analogous to such reliefs from Bhārhut, cf. HII A., figures 55, 70, 41 (Bodhi-tree), 45 (Dharma-cakra shrine), 42 (Caitya-stûpa ), also from Amaravati, illustrated in HITA., figures 142 and 144-146.
The Jaina account of the origin of Stūpas and Caityas must be referred to. Both the Svetâmbaras and the Digambaras believe that the first person to erect on this earth the temples of the 24 Jinas of this age was Bharata Cakravartin, the son of the first Tirthankara Rşabhanātha. Referring to the Nirvāņa of Rşabha, the Avaśyaka Niryukti says:
निव्वाणं चिइगाई जिणस्स इक्खाग सेसयाणं च ।
FETT HUET 1997 a FIATT gathā 435. 1 Satapatha Brahmana, SBE. XLIV, pp. 424-29. Also see, Shah Priya. bālā, Aidūka, Joun, of the Oriental Institute, I. 3., pp. 278 ff.
% cf, Vasubindu-Pratisthāpātha, V. 17, p. 6.

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Haribhadra sūri, commenting on above,' says that Bharata erected in honour of the Lord, a Stūpa and a temple called Simhanişadyā-āyatana, one yojana in area and three gavyūtis in height and installed therein life-size images of the twenty-four Jinas, as also images of his hundred brothers, including an image of himself and in order to protect violation from others, placed as gate-keepers, mechanical figures made of iron (lohamayan yantra-puruşan ). This he did on mt. Aştāpada (recognised generally as Kailāsa, often this Kailāsa is identified as Mt. Satruñjaya) which is the site of Rşabha's Nirvāņa. The tradition is also given by the earlier Avaśyaka Cūrņi? on the basis of the still earlier Müla-Bhāşya-gāthā on this Niryukti verse.3
The Jaina account of the creation of a Tirtharikara and the consequent collection of bone relics by Indra and other gods, including erection of stūpas on the cremation site by these gods given in the Jambůdvīpaprajñapti is noteworthy as it gives us an insight into the contemporary method of cremation and because it obtains an interesting parallel with the cremation in Buddhist accounts discussed at length by Barua, Bhārhut, Vol. III, pp. 12-22. in the Jaina
1 dvasyaka Vrtti, p. 169.
2 Avaśyaka Cūrni, pp. 223 ff. Also see, Vasudevahindi, p. 169 and Pp. 300 ff.
3 Ävaśyaka Vylti, p. 1:69. Bhāşya verse 45.
4 cf. Jambūdvipaprajñapti (Devachand Lalbhai Pustakoddhāra Fund, 1920), 2nd vaksaskāra, sutra 33, pp. 157-158:
“तए णं सक्के देविंदे देवराया...एवं वयासी-खिप्पामेव भो देवाणुप्पिा ,...गोसीसवरचंदणकट्ठाई साहरह,त्ता तो चिइगाओ रएह एग भगवो तित्थगरस्स एगं गणधराणं एग अक्सेसाण अणगाराणं । तए ण ते...चिइगाओ रएंति...तए ण से सके...सद्दावेइ...खीरोदगं समुद्दाश्रो खीरोदगं साहरह... से सके...तित्थगरसरीरं खीरोदगेणं राहाणेति...सरसेणं गोसीसवरचंदणेणं अणुलिंपइ... हंसलक्खणं पडसाडयं णिसेइ .. सव्वालंकारविभूसिअं करेंति...तए ण सके...वयासी...सिबियाश्रो विउव्वह... विउव्वति...भगवो...सरीरगं सीअं आरुहेति...त्ता चिइगाए ठवंति, तए से सके... अम्गिकुमारे देवे सदावेइ ...चिइगाए...अगणिकायं विउव्वह...विउव्वंति...तए णं से सके...मेहकुमारे देवे सदावेइ...चिइगं खीरोदगेणं णिव्वावेह ...णिव्वाति, तए णं से सके देविंदे देवरायाभगवोतित्थगरस्स उवरिल्लं दाहिणं सकहं गेण्हइ, ईसाणे.., उवरिल्लं वामं सकहं गेएहइ, चमरे असुरिंदे...हिट्ठलं दाहिणं सकहं गेराहइ, बली...हिद्विल्लं वाम...अवसेसा...देवा जहारिहं अवसेसाई अंगमंगाई केई जिणभत्तीए केई जीअमेअंति कट्ट केइ धम्मोत्तिकट्ट गेएहति, तए ण से सके...वयासी...सव्वरयणामए महइमहालए तो चेहअथूभे करेह, एगं भगवयो तित्थगरस्स चिइगाए, एगं गणहरस्स एगं अवसेसाणं अणगाराण चिइगाए,...करेंति...तए पं ते...देवा...परिणिव्वारसमहिर्म करेंति...करेत्ता तेणेव... विमाणाई जेणेव साई भवणाई जेणेव सभाश्रो सुहम्माओ जेणेव सगार चेइभखंभा तेणेव उवागच्छंति त्ता वइरामएमु गोलवट्टसमुग्गएसु जिसकहाओ परिक्खिवंति, अग्गेहिं वरेहिं मल्लेहि अ गंधेहि अ अन्चेति... I Also see, Avasyaka Curri, pp. 221-223.

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tradition as well as in the Buddhist ones the cremation is done in such a way as to save the various bones, the process is described in details in Buddhist works whereas the Jaina accounts only show that the right and left bones were taken by various gods, which means that the bones were not reduced to ashes.
We are told that in the centre of the Sudharmā-sabhā 2 was a big manipițhikā two yojanas in area and one yojana in height (bāhalla ); on it was a Caitya-stambha called Mänavaka, 7} yojanas high, i krośa in circumference, of six parts (chakodie, şałkoţikah, sadvigrahikah or six-cornered?). Leaving six krośas from above, and six from below, on the central 5 krośas were gold and silver boards with pegs ( nāgadanta) with hangers (sikkaka ) attached to the latter. In these hangers were round boxes of vajra in which were preserved many bones of Jinas, which were worshipped by the various gods and goddesses. On the Māņavaka Caitya.Stambhas were placed asta-mangalas and umbrellas.
The Adipurāņa describes another type of pillars known as the Mānastambha, in the first rampart of a Samavasaraña. At the base of these pillars on four sides were placed four golden images of Jinas. The pillars were lofty and adorned with bells, fly-whisks etc. 3 They were placed on triple platforms ( trimekhala ) and on top were triple-umbrellas. Being erected by Indra, they were also called Indradhvajas. They are also described in the Tiloyapannatti which says that the Jina images were on top of the pillars.
The practice of erecting pillars or votive columns is very old. These dhvajas not only remind us of votive columns, one of whose early types was the wooden sthūņā of Vedic times, but also the Yüpa of Vedic sacrifices. The Besnagara Garudadhvaja is a famous example of a pillar in front of a shrine of Vasudeva. Capitals of tāla-dhvajas and makara-dhvajas of Sankarşaņa and Pradyumna have also been recovered. 6 The Banyan tree capital from
For Buddhist accounts, see Mahāparinibbāna Sutta, and Barua, B. M., Bhārhut, Vol. II, pp. 12 ff. where he has compared Vedic traditions about cremation with Buddhist ones.
2 Jiväjivābhigama sūtra, sū. 138, pp. 229 ff., also see varnaka from sū. 137, p. 225.
3 Adipurâna of Jinasena, 22. 92-102, pp. 515-16. The name Mānastambha is explained as follows:
मानस्तम्भान्महामानयोगात् त्रैलोक्यमाननात् ।
अन्वर्थसंज्ञया तज्ज्ञनिस्तम्भाः प्रकीर्तिताः ॥ १०२ ॥ • Tiloyapannatti, 4. 779 ff
$ Also see, Banerji, J. N., Development of Hindu Iconography, 114 and note for sources.
6 Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report, 1913-14, pp. 188-91, pls. LII-LIV., for 1914-15, Part I, p. 21, pl. XVI.C.

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61
Besnagar, discovered by Cunningham, was mounted on a pillar in front a shrine of Vaiśramana-Kubera, 1 The same practice was adopted by the Jainas, at least in another way. The Ayaga pața dedicated by Siha Vāņika ( now in Lucknow Museum), shows a pillar surmounted by a dharma-cakra and another surmounted by an elephant. Several pedestals of sculptures from the Kankäli tilā also show the worship of a Dharma-cakra mounted on a pillar.
Again, the Kahaon pillar with an inscription of the Gupta-age shows four Jinas on four sides at top, and one at its base. 3 Such figures are usually enshrined in a square pavilion on top open on four sides. This practice remains popular even to this day amongst the Digambaras. Ati Deogarh are certain pillars ( fig. 56 ) which show variations in this Mānastambha. Sometimes, beside the four figures on top, four figures of minor deities--yaksiņis and kşetra pāla were added at base, while on top, sometimes a Gañadhara (or a big ācārya ) was included in the group of Jinas. An elaboration of the same conception is the famous Jaina Kirttistambha at Chitor (fig. 82).
Hemacandra ācārya, in his comm. on Abhidhāna Cintamani, I. 47-48, uses the word dhvaja for the lāñchanas of Tirthankars while Aśādhara calls them heralds of families of the Jinas. In earlier texts such as the Kalpa sutra we do not obtain any reference to lāñchanas, nor do we obtain them on pedestals of Tirthankara images of the Kuşāņa age. It is therefore not known whether the lāñchanas were known before the Gupta age. Dhvaja’ may be a banner, a herald and the lāñchana of a Jina may signity the mark or symbol crowning his herald. The Garud 1-dhvaja might have been the herald of Väsudeva, erected on a pillar in front of a shrine of the deity. Viewed in this light, it is not unlikely that in the Kuşāņa age there were such pillars or dhvajas in front of Jaina teniples. Such pillars were surmounted by the herald or the lāñchanas of the various Jinas. As yet ro such capitals or pillars have been discovered but the relief of such pillars in the Ayāgapața noted above suggest the possibility of their future discovery.
Dr. Coomaraswamy has drawn our attention to the reliefs of Amarāvati ( Elements of Buddhist Iconography, figures 4-10) where the Buddha is re. presented as a fiery pillar with wheel-marked feet below supported by a lotus, and with a triśūla 'head' and has shown that “they represent the survival of a purely Vedic formula in which Agni is represented as the axis of the Universe, extending as a pillar between Earth and Heaven (cf. RV. VI. 16.13,
1 Also see, Banerji, J. N. Op. cit., p. 116 and note. 2 Coomaraswamy, A. K. HIIA., fig. 71. 3 For Kahaon pillar, see, Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, 66-68. 4 See Pratisthāsāroddhāra, 4. 214, p. 115.

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I. 59.1-2, IV. 13.5, X, 5.6. V. 29.4.)". 1 This worship of Agni as skambha (or a sthünā) should, according to Dr. Coomaraswamy, be regarded as the origin of later practice of erecting pillars dedicated to different deities and surmounted by their vahanas (or dhvajas ) or symbols like the Dharma-Cakra.
But what is this skambha originally? Is it Agni flaming high up and reaching the skies or an adoption and transformation by Vedic Aryans of the phallus worship, the phallus being originally simply understood as the creator and later also as supporter of the Universe ? Dr. Coomaraswamy writes: The axis of the Universe is coincident also with the fiery Siva-lingam set up, according to the Devadāruvana legend, in the foundations of the Earth and Extending upwards to Heaven's, "2
To revert to stūpa-worship in Jainism: A stūpa of the Jina Munisuvrata existed at Vesālā (Vaisāli ) according to the Avaśyaka Cūrņi, which gives the story of the Thubha' in illustrations of Pāriņāmiki Buddhi. The Āvaśyaka Niryukti merely gives the catch word 'Thubha' which shows that the author of the Niryukti knew of the stúpa of Munisuvrata at Vaiśāli. 3
The pedestal of a Jina image referring to Arhat Nandyavarta, obtained from Kankāli Țilā was installed in the Devanirmita Stūpa according to the inscription on it dated in year 49 or 79. According to Jinaprabha sūri, there was a Stūpa of Supärsvanātha at Mathurā, made of gold and jewels, erected by a goddess (devanirmita) in one night ; during a controversy with other sects regarding its ownership, the goddess Kuberā is said to have guarded it and helped the Jainas. Later a king of Mathurā wanted to take away the gold, whereupon, the goddess became angry and wrought earthquakes and was pacified only when all the inhabitants of Mathurà agreed to carve a figure of a Jina on their door-lintels. Once Pārsvanātha came to Mathurā and preached the doctrine. After his departure, the goddess told the inhabitants and the King that bad times were approaching and that she would not live to protect the stūpa for ever in its uncovered condition. The priceless stūpa should therefore
1 Elements of Buddhist Iconography, pp. 10 f.
2 Elements of Buddhist Iconography, p. 66. He also refers to F. D. K. Bosch, " Het Linga-Heiligdom van Dinaja, " Tijdschr, K. Bat. Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschapen, LXIV, 1924. Compare the conception of Jyotirlingas. One such linga with flames exists in the Bhārat-kalā-Bhavan, Banaras.
3 Avaśyaka Niryukti, vv. 949-51, Haribhadra's Vytli, p. 437; Āvaśyaka Cūrni, p. 567.
Epigraphia Indica, Vol. II., Jaina Inscriptions from Mathurā inscr. no. 20.
5 Viividha-Tirtha-Kalpa (Simghi Series ), pp. 17-18.

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be covered under a super-structure of bricks. She also asked them to install in front a stone sculpture of Parsvanatha. This was done.
Digambara texts like the Brhat-Katha-Kośa of Harişena (932 A. D.) give a story of the origin of Five Stūpas at Mathura, all built by gods during a controversy with the Buddhists. Somadeva in his Yaśastilaka-campû also gives a similar account and refers to only one Devanirmita Stupa at. Mathura. 2 As noted by Dr. Upadhye, Rājamalla (V. S. 1632) in his Jambusvămicaritra refers to the repair of Mathurā stūpas. Now a Pañca stūpanvaya or Pañca-stūpanikaya is connected with the locality of Mathura and Jinasena, the author of Jayadhavala says that he belonged to this lineage. *
The Paharpur Copper plate, dated in the year 159 (478 A. D.) refers to Pañcastūpa-nikāya. It is therefore certain that in and around Mathura, five Jaina stūpas existed, one of them, the oldest and the most famous, formed the subject of the legends of the Devanirmita stúpa. As shown above it was called Devanirmita in an inscription of at least the second century A. D. (167 A. D.), according to the generally accepted calculations of the dates of these inscriptions. Haribhadra suri, in his vṛtti on the Avasyaka Niryukti, also called it Devanirmita. But neither the inscription nor Haribhadra nor any Digambara tradition specifies it as a stapa of Supärśvanatha. It is only Jinaprabha in the fourt teenth century who speaks of its having been a stupa of Supärśvanatha. And when he says that Pärśvanatha was installed in front of the brick-superstructure (which actually must have been the original structure ), it is not unreasonable to believe that the original Mathurā stūpa was a brick-stūpa dedicated to the memory of Parsvanatha who flourished 250 years before the Nirvana of Mahavira, i.e., in c. 777 BC. A stupa erected in this age would naturally be devanirmita to people of the Kuşâna age when the age or object of its erection were forgotten. But another explanation may be ventured in the light of the Satapatha Brahmana passage about Daiva and Asurya śmaśānas or funeral mounds; the first being square and Aryan, the second, round and non-Aryan.
1 Brhat-Katha-Kosa, ed. by Dr. A. N. Upadhye (Simghi Series), story no. 12, pp. 22-27.
Yasastilaka Campi, Ok. VI, secs. 17, 18, Vol. 11. p. 315; also see Handiqui, K. K., Yasastilaka Campa and Indian Culture, pp. 415 ff.
Brhat-Katha-Kosa, notes, p. 379. Dr. Upadhye quotes the following verse from Rajamalla : - कचित्पंच क्वचिचाष्टौ क्वचिद्दश ततः परम् । क्वचित् विंशतिरेव स्यात् स्तूपानां च यथायथम् ॥
See Introduction to Harivamia of Jinasena by Pandit Nathuram Premi, in Harivansa, Voh I, pp. 20 ff.
5 History of Bengal, I. p. 410.

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A third explanation is also possible. Asoka is said to have employed yakşa' artists, according to Tārānātha who speaks of Nāga and Deva art as well. The art of the Mathură Stūpa was here said to have been the work of what was supposed to be · Deva-school.'
Jinapratha sūri further says that here Jinabhadra gani Kşamāśramaņa (c. 500-600 A.D.) saved the manuscript of Mahāniśitha sūtra (from destruction), i.e., he recovered the text and saved it from oblivion. When the stúpa fell in ruins, at the instance of Bappa bhatti sūri (c. 826 V.S.-770 A.D.), it was covered with a superstructure having figures of Ambikā, Kșetrapāla and Cillaniyā (?).
The Devanirmita Stūpa at Mathurā is thus one of the earliest known stūpas in India and should be assigned to the eighth century B.C., especially because the title given to it is in accord with the Satapatha Brāhmaṇa tradition. 1
The Sirkap stūpa with the motif of the double-headed eagle has been regarded as a Jaina stupa on the analogy of the arched niches in the stūpa relief of the Mathură Ayāga pața dedicated by Loņasobhikā.? Marshall associated the Sirkapa stūpa with Jainism only because he could not connect it with Buddhism, but the total absence of any Jaina antiquity in the site recovered hitherto, need not be overlooked. Jaina tradition never speaks of a stūpa at Taxila, they only say that Bāhubali established here the worship of the Dharmacakra. We should therefore await further discoveries before calling it a Jaina stūpa. It may incidentally be noted that the Tablet of Lonasobhikä illustrated the type of a Jaina stūpa structure.
If Jináprabha's account of the repairs by Bappabhatti is currect, then, the present writer feels that the stūpa at Kankāli Țīlā is not likely to be the site of the Devanirmita stūpa as it is not likely that even a few sculptures of Bappabhațți's age could not survive at the site, and because Jinaprabha's account does not refer to any repairs in the Kuşāņa age. He seems to have believed that the brick-structure was not covered with stones before Bappabhatti's age.
1 Avasyaka Vrtti, p. 454 on Niryukti gathā 1012. Also cf. Byhat-KalpaBhāsya, VI. 6275 and comm.; also Vol. V. 5824.
i Though spoken of as a description of the original appearance of the stūpa, Jina prabha's description of it is of its last appearance, the talk about of gold and jewels is however poetic:-तो तीए देवीए कंचणघडिओ रयणचिंचईओ अणेगसरपरिवरिओ तोरणज्ज्ञयमालालंकिओ सिहरोवरि छत्तत्तयसाली......मेहलातिगमंडियो। इविकार मेहलाए चाउहिसं पंचवरणरयणमंयाई बिबांई। तत्थमूलपडिमा सिरिसुपाससामिणो पटाविया। Than it was covered with bricks with an image of Pārśva in front. Op. cit., pp. 17-18.
2 A Guide to Taxila, pl. XIII, p. 88. Smith, Js. pl. XII.

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3. CAITYA-VRKSAS
Existence of tree-worship in the Indus Valley Civilization is evidenced by representations on several seals and sealings. One of them shows a triśülahorned deity with long hair, standing nude between two branches of a tree and a kneeling figure of a worshipper also with long hair armlets and horns, behind whom is a composite animal. The leaves of the tree appear like those of the Pippala. One of the seals from Chanhu Daro also depicts the Pippal Tree. " "Some sealings from Harappå show trees enclosed by a wall or railing. It cannot at present be stated definitely whether tree worship pertained to trees in their natural state or to their indwelling spirits. "'*
Trees have been highly prized in India, at all times. They were useful in sacrifices for making the Yupa (post for tying the sacrificial animal) for idhma (samidha offered in fire) and for sacrificial instruments like sruva, juhu etc. The Taittiriya Brāhmaṇa (I. 1.3) speaks of seven holy trees. The Taittiriya Samhita (III 4.8.4) states that idhma should be of nyagrodha, udumbara, asvattha and plakṣa trees as they are the abodes of Gandharvas, Apsarasas etc. The Baudhayana (II. 3.25) holds the palasa tree so sacred that it prohibits its use for making seats, sandals, tooth-brushes etc. Patañjali quotes an ancient verse to the effect that if a person waters and tends mangotrees, his forefathers are pleased.
The Rgveda describes that it is under a tree with beautiful foliage that Yama drinks with the Gods and ancestors. In the Rgvedic Apri Sūktas, Vanaspatis are invoked. A full sukta, occurring with a little change in both RV. and AV, is addressed to Vanaspati in order to get the upperhand of one's cowife. T There are not a few suktas in the AV. devoted to Osadhis or Vanaspatis. The Krishna Yajurveda Samhita prescribes an animal sacrifice to plants to remove obstacles in the attainment of offsprings. Osadhis are called
Vedic Age, p. 188 and pl. no. VII. 8 reproduced from Marshall, MohenjoDaro. Also see Marshall, op. cit., I. p. 312.
Mazumdar, N. G., Explorations of Sindh, Pl. XVII. no. 34.
Vedic Age, op. cit.
Mahabhaṣya, Vol. I, p. 14; also see Mahabharata, anusasana parva, 58. Rgveda, X. 131. 1.
6 Rgveda, I. 13. II; I, 142. II; I. 188. 10; II. 3. 10; III. 4. 10; V. 5. 10; VII. 2. 10; IX. 5. 10; X. 70. 10.
3
4
5
? RV. X. 145; AV. III. 18.
B V.M., 154; T.S., II. i. 5. 3.

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'mothers' and 'goddesses,' and are invoked chiefly with waters and mountains,
"Caitya-vykşas are mentioned in the Atharva-Veda Parişişta LXXI, large trees are sometimes addressed as deities, they are connected with human fertility, and nymphs inhabiting them are asked to be propitious to passing wedding processions."
Souls or spirits were supposed to dwell in trees, to haunt them and were looked upon as gods. Offerings are made to these trees-spirits, even human sacrifices are offered. They were consulted as oracles, expected to give sons and wealth, and were pleased when garlands are hung upon the branches and lamps lighted on all sides, and 'bali'-offerings made at the foot of the trees. Manu refers to bali'-offerings to the tree spirits. Both Manu and Yajñavalkya ask a snātaka to circumambulate, on his way, sacred trees like the Aśvattha etc.
The Mahābhārata forbids even the falling of the leaves of trees that are known as Caityas. Mm. Kane here interprets Caitya as "trees like the Asvattha that have a platform (cailya) built for them. The Aśvattha was already a sacred tree in the Indus Valley civilization.?
Dr. Coomaraswamy cites a case, where, in explaining the Suciloma Sutta of Samyutta Nikāya, 11.5, a stone dias, throne or platform (lankite mañco) is stated to have been Yakkha's haunt (bhavanam).8 The Mahabhārata in the passage noted above, uses the world Caitya in the sense of a
1 V M., 154; RV. X. 97.4. = YV. XII. 78 = TS. iv. 2. 6.1.ओषधीरिति मातरस्तद्वो देवीरूप ब्रुवे।
2 Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 41. 3 Chandogya Upanişad, VI. II. Jätaka, IV, p. 154.
4 Jätaka, V. pp. 472, 474, 488; Jat., IV, 210, 353; III. 23, IV. 153. For the horrid and hideous practices connected with tree-worship, as evidenced trom the Jatakas, see Mehta, Ratilal, Pre-Buddhist India, pp. 326 f.
6 Manusmyti, 3.88 also see Věddha-Gautama, Jivānanda's collection, Part 2, p. 625. Kane, History of Dharma-sastra, II.2, p. 895.
& Mahābhārata, Sāntiparva 69.42 (mai aga FU TFT 917); Kane, History of Dharmaśāstra, II.2. p. 395. The aśvattha is already represented in the Indus Valley on a faience seal with animal heads attached to the stem. Coomaraswamy HITA.. fig. 6.
?. Dr. Coomaraswamy writes : The Bodhidruma (nyagrodha of most Buddhist texts, akşaya vata of the Epic, but pippala or aśvattha of the reliefs) was certainly a sacred tree, haunted by a Devațā, before the Bodhisattva took his seat beneath it. ..Ibid., p. 47.
8 Ibid., p. 47 n. 4. Also see, Odettee Viennot, loc. cit., pl, VIII, fig. D.

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Caitya-tree, which has been a sacred-tree, on account of a stone dais or platform built round it, for worship of some spirits or gods, who were supposed to have been associated with such trees. As suggested by Dr. Coomaraswamy, "most of the Yakkhacetiya referred to in Buddhist and Jaina literature may have been sacred trees! In this connection a very definite evidence is obtained from the Vasudevahiņdi of Samghadāsa gani Vācaka, assignable to a period not later than the fifth century A.D., and probably dating from c. 350-450 A.D. According to this text, there was an udyāna called Manorama in Saliggāma in the Magadha Janapada. Therein was the Jakkha Sumano, whose stone-plaque or platform (sila = śila) was placed there under an aśoka tree, the silā was known as Sumană. There the people worshipped this Yak$3,2 A certain person, Satya by name, is further said to have spent a night in meditation in this area of the Sumarasilā, standing in the kāyotsarga pose, in order to propitiate the Yakşa. It seems that silā is here used in the sense of a plaque or a relief deposited under the aśoka tree, on a platform (sila paesa of Vasudevahindi, p. 88) where Satya could stand in meditation before the silā of the Yakşa.
The description of the Pūrņabhadra Caitya is the stock description of a Caitya for all Jaina canons; here, according to Dr. Coomaraswamy, is a development of a Yakşa-Caitya, the original simple worship under a tree takes the form of some building. But this Caitya was in the midst of a vanakhanda ( forest-grove) in the centre of which was a big Asoka tree round which were many other trees, all with various types of creepers (lată) entwined on them. The description that follows is noteworthy :
तस्स सां असोगवरपायवस्स उवरि बहवे अट्ठ अट्ठ मङ्गलगा पराणत्ता तं जहा-सोस्थिय, सिरिवच्छ, नन्दियावत्त वद्धमाणग, भदासण, कलस, मच्छ, दप्पण सव्वरयणामया अच्छा सराहा लण्हा घट्टा मट्ठा णीरया निम्मला..अभिरूवा पडिरूवा.
तस्स ण असोगवरपायवस्स उवरिं बहवे किएहचामरज्मया...अच्छा सरहा लण्हा रुप्पपट्टा वइरामयदएडा जालयामलगन्धिया मुरम्मा पासादिया दरिसणिज्जा अभिरूवा पडिरूवा...तस्स रणं असोगवरपायवस्स उवरि बहवे छत्ताइछत्ता पडागाइपडागा घण्टाजुयला चामरजुयला उप्पलजुयला उप्पलहत्थगा पउमहत्थगा कुमुयहत्यगा णलिणहत्थगा सुहगहत्थगा सोगन्धियहत्थगा सव्वरयणामया Tel 5112 qfar...
1 Ibid., p. 47.
५ तत्थ सुमणो नाम जक्खो तस्स असोगपायवसर्सिया सिला सुमणा तत्थ ए जणा पूर्यति । Vasudevahindi, p. 85, also see p. 88.
* Aupapātika Sūtra, sūtras, 2-5. 4 Dr. Coomaraswamy,HII A., p. 47.
6 The portion is not printed in the text of the Aupapātika sūtra, sū. 4 but indicated by the use of 517 and noted by Abhayadeva in his commentary,

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The passage, noted by Abhaya deva in his commentary as an additional description from some manuscripts, shows that the tree itself was decorated with the eight auspicious symbols (aşta-mangala) with flags and banners of different coleurs, (Cf. HIIA. fig.70) bells, fly-whisks and bunches (hatthaga) or various flowers, clearly showing that the tree itself was regarded as sacred and adorned. The next description is even more noteworthy :
'तस्स णं असोगवरपायवस्स हेट्ठा ईसि खंधसमल्लीणे एत्थ णं एके पुढविसिलापट्टए पराणत्ते, विक्खंभायामउस्सेहसुप्पमाणे किरहे अंजणघणकिवाणकुवलयहलधरकोसेजागासकेसकज्जलंगीखंजणसिंगभेदरिद्वयजंबुफलअसणकसणबंधणणीलुप्पलपत्तनिकरअतसिकुसुमप्पगासे मरकतमसार कलित्तणयणकीय
रासिवराणे णिद्धघणे अठ्ठसिरे पायंसयतलोवमे सुरम्मे ईहामियउसभतुरगनरमगरविहगवालगकिरणरहरुसरभचमरकुंजरवणलयपउमलयभत्तिचित्ते आईणगरूयबूरणवणीततूलफरिसे सीहासणसंठिए पासादीए दरिसणिजे अमिरूवे पडिरूवे (sutra 5)
The commentator notes another reading (vācanāntara) of the Silapattavarnaka, rendered in Sanskrit...अञ्जनकघनकुवलयहलधरकोशेयकसदृशः, आकाशकेशकज्जलकर्केतनेन्द्रनीलातसीकुसुमप्रकाश:, भृङ्गाजनशृङ्गभेदरिष्ठकनीलगुलिकागवलातिरेकभ्रमरनिकुरुम्बभूतः, जम्बूफलासनकुसुमबन्धननीलोत्पलपत्रनिकरमरकताशासकनयनकीकाराशिवर्ण: स्निग्धघन:, रूपकप्रतिरूपदर्शनीय : मुक्ताजालखचितान्तका...!
___Below the best Asoka tree was a big Prthvi-sila-pattaka, well proportioned in height, breadth and thickness slightly reclining against the stem of the tree (isim khandhasamalline ). It was black like collirium, etc. and dark-blue like Nilotpala, and shining, eight-sided (attha-sire), smooth, compact, and polished or shining (reflecting ) like the surface of a mirror (āyamsatalovame), beautiful and decorated with carvings (bhatticitta ) or ihāmrga (urkah according to Abhayadeva ), ball, horse, nara-makara (kāla-makara motif), bird; serpents (vālaga), kinnaras, deer, Sarabha, yak, elephant, wild creepers and lotus, creepers and was soft to the touch like garment of an animal-hide (ājinaka ), butter, cotton etc. Placed on a simhāsana, it was beautiful to look at. as इहलतावर्णकान्तरमशोकवर्णकं पुस्तकान्तरे इदमधिकमधीयते-p. 9. Also see Rayapasenaiyam ( Becaradas ed.), pp. 19-20.
1 Hatthaga would mean mark of the paim. But here the word is used either in the sense of mark's of the different flowers (stamped with some pastes) or bunches which could be carried in hands.
2 Aupapātika sūtra (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), pp. 10-11.
3 Interpretation of this is important, Abhayadeva, in his comm. (p. 10) renders it as मनाक् स्कन्धासन्न. It is difficult to say whether this Prthvisilapatta was ever regarded as a platform with a part of the tree's stem embedded in it, surely this pațța rested on a platform, slightly reclining against the stem of the tree, since it is said to rest on a simhasana (sihāsanasam thie).

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Abhayadeva interprets sībāsaņasamthie as simbāsanākårao which is obviously wrong. He, however, notes on the basis of another vācanã that its borders were inlaid with pearls ( muktājala-khacitāntakarmā), 2
It is therefore certain that the silāpatta was placed under a tree, reclining a little (isim ) against its stem, and deposited on a simhāsana obviously because it was an object of worship. The carvings described above were decorative, in the centre might have been the figure of a yakṣa or any spirit or of a symbol; eommentators are silent regarding the meaning of Pșthvi-śilāpatta. What does Prthvi signify here? Was it a terracotta pața ? or was it a stone-plaque dedicated to the Mother-goddess Fșthvi? An easier interpretation is however possible so far as the position of the Pața is concerned. It rested on a simbasana, not vertically but horizontally, (either slightly raised at the end near the tree, or with its one end probably thrust into the stem by scraping the latter's surface, which was possibly the meaning conveyed by isim khandhasamalliņa. It gave stability to the patta placed on a dias or a simhāsana, the interpretation further obtains confirmation from the representation of Bodhi-tree shrine at Bhārhut. 3 If then, the patta, was placed horizontally, it becomes a spot for laying offerings to the spirit or the tree. Nay, it also became the pitha for a representation of a spirit or of a symbol as can be inferred from the relief of the Dhamma-cakka shrine, also from Bhārhut.
It is in this sense that the Vasudevahiņdi speaks of sumana-silā of Sumana Yaksa under an aśoka tree. The Yakşa figure was placed on this pitha or platform. It is also possible to infer a stage in which the object of worship was carved in relief on the surface of the silā itself and offerings placed on it. Surely the Pţthvi-Silāpatta is the precursor of the Jaina Ayāgapațas obtained from the Kaikāli Țīlā, most of which are now assigned to the first century B.C.
Originally possibly a Caitya-tree or a sacred tree, was simply enclosed in a railing as can be seen from representations on a Jaina Ayāgapața from Karikäli Țila, Mathura (fig. II) and from such representations at Bhārhut and
. 1 Aupapātika, (Agamodaya Samiti ed.), sūtra 5, comm. on pp. 10-II. 2 Especially see, Barua, B. M., Book of Bhārhut, Vol. III. Fig. 32.
3 Coomaraswamy, HILA., Figs. 41, 46 and 51. Also, Barua, Book of Bhārhut, III. Figs. 26, 28, 30, 31.
• Coomaraswamy, HIIA., fig. 41.
6 The practice of collecting stones and symbols of divinity is an ancient custom, many of the village gods and goddesses are upto this date placed under trees which shall in the worship paid to the godlings underneath. See the Age of Imperial Unity, p. 474.
See the section on Āyāgapatas. Also see, Le culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, par Odette Viennot (Paris, 1954), pl. XII, figs. B,C. I have

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Sāñci. The simple practice observed also on Harappā sealings, continued even after the beginning of the Christian era, but at some early period, a stage was also evolved in which, below the trees these platforms and objects of worship were placed. This stage came in much earlier than the age of Bhärhut and must have existed even before that of Mahāvīra who stayed in the yakṣāyatana described above. Fig. 67 is an interesting relief, of Sunga age, from Mathura, showing a huge Siva-linga under a tree, both enclosed in a railing,
The description of the Asoka tree in the Aupapātika is remarkable for two reasons. Firstly, because we get here a stage in Yakşa-worship to which the Caitya-vşkşas are intimately allied. Here possibly the tree itself with the Silā-pațța under it is the Yakṣāyatana as in the case of Suciloma Jataka (Samyutta Niķāya, 11-5 ) where a tankite mañco is stated to be the Yakkha's haunt (bhavanam) In that case the Asoka tree itself, the Caitya-vrkşa, is the Caitya of Pūrņabhadra in our passage. It seems that the carving of, a figure f.of the yakşa) on the Silā-patta or of installing a sculpture of the deity was a later stage, but it must be rernembered that even this stage might have existed in the age of Mahāvira if the shrine of Moggara pāņi yakşa at Rājagrha referred to in the Jaina Canon, can be regarded as dating from the age of Mahāvira, Since the Pūrņabhadra shrine was already cirātita in the age of Mahāvīra, the interpretation offered above is not incompatible.
The second noteworthy fact about this passage is its description of the Silā-patta, a critical study of which supports the views stated above. This is possibly the first known literary evidence of what is well known as the Mauryan Polish if the Silā-patta is regarded as a stone-plaque, and of the N. B. P. ware if the Prthvi-Sila Patta is regarded as a terracotta-plaque (Prthvi-clay, and Silá-Pațţa being a rūdha word for such votive slabs ). I am not inclined to take it as a stone-plaque dedicated to the Mother-Goddess Pșthvi for the simple reason that the passage must refer to the worship of the yakşa Pûrņabhadra rather than to that of the Mother-goddess. The plaque was highly polished, shining like a mirror and the surface was soft to touch like cotton or butter. It was besides painted and inlaid with pearls.
It is now well known that the so called Northern Block Polished Ware is obtained in different colours and not only in black. Our text seems to speak of at least three colours, black, bluish and green for though the patta is called kļşņa, the upamas given include those of the nilot pala and the marakata not utilised the evidence of this work in these lectures delivered before the work could be available. But the work is an important contribution on the Cult of the Tree in ancient India.
1 cf. Odette Viennot, Le Culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, pl. VIII Fig. D, from Amarāvati Stúpa.

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stone. The final editors of the text in the fifth century A.D. could not fully understand the older text as by that time the original specimens were lost and the editors were possibly confused. The plaque had either paintings or reliefs of animals, creepers etc. That it was a polished plaque, shining and reflecting like a mirror, is further suggested by the vacanāntara which calls it rūpakapratirupa-darśaniya,
Recent excavations at Kuśāmbi and Vaiśālī has shown that this beautiful polished ware was, available in different colours and sometimes painted also. The centre of this technique, or place of its origin is not known, but it seems that it was Magadha. Excavations at Kaušāmbi have shown the existence of this polished ware in pre-Mauryan layers, just below the foundations of the Ghoşitārāma, and hence we have little hesitation in holding that the Jaina varņaka of the Pșthvi Silāpatta and the Purņabhadra Ceitya is based upon genuine ancient traditions referring to an age antedating Mahāvira. The description of the Asoka tree is based on a very early tradition having its analogy in the reliefs at Bhārhut. A still lower circular or square open platform all round the tree, should have existed, for the worshippers to stand on, or sit in meditation or circumambulate round the tree as is suggested by fig. 32 of Barua's Bharhut Vol. III.
Another stage in the worship of a Caitya tree can be easily imagined in the erection of a pitha with silapattal on each of the four sides of a tree. This served as the fundamental conception of the early Caitya, open on four sides, Caturmukha shrine. This inference is confirmed by the elaborate account of Caitya-vrksas in the Samavasaraṇa of Adinātha described by Jinasena in his Adipurāņa. They are called Caitya-vskşas, because at their roots are placed on four sides, four images (caityas) of the Jinas. 2
The Caitya-trees of the Bhavanavāsi gods are described in a similar way
1 Cf. Le culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, Pl. XII, figs. A, E, F, Pl. XIII, figs. A, B, C, D, PI. XIV, fig. A. 2 Adipurāna, 22. 184-204, Vol. I, pp. 524-27:
ध्वजांशुकपरामृष्टानिर्मेघधनपद्धतिः ॥ १६३ ॥ xxमूर्धा छत्रत्रयं बिभ्रन्मुक्तालम्बनभूषितम् । विभोस्त्रिभुवनैश्वर्य विना वाचेव दर्शयन् ॥ १६४ ॥ भेजिरे बुध्नभागेऽस्य प्रतिमा दिक्चतुष्टये। जिनेश्वराणामिन्द्राय : समवाप्ताभिषेचनाः ॥ १६५ ॥ xx चैत्याधिष्ठितबुध्रत्वादूढतन्नामरूढ़यः ।
शाखिनोऽमी विभान्ति स्म सुरेन्द्र : प्राप्तपूजनाः ॥ २०१ ॥

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by the Tiloyapanṇatti. It confirms the belief that at some stage elaborate lower platforms were erected all round the tree, a practice which is seen even. to-day in Indian towns and villages,
Before proceeding to the examination of Jaina lists of Caitya-vrksas and the conception behind them, it must be remembered that this tree-worship, popular in ancient times, noticed in the Vedas, formed an important part of the religious beliefs and practices of the masses with whom the Buddha or the Jina was mainly concerned in his opposition to the Vedic priestly class and its rituals, The spirits dwelling in the trees were Nägas, Yaksas or Gandharvas etc., 2 easily approachable without the help of complex sacrificial details. It is such Caityas, with udyänas having Caitya-trees in them, that Mahavira is generally reported to have stayed in during his wanderings, before and after becoming a Tirthankara, obviously because firstly the area was accessible to all types of people and ascetics, secondly because it was the best place for propagation of one's school of thought. People used to sit in worship under such trees and in such moments Buddha and Mahavira obtained Enlightenment. Rhys Davids notes, "while in all the oldest accounts of Gotama's attainment of Buddha-hood there is no mention of the tree under which he was sitting at the time, yet already in a Suttanta it is incidentally mentioned that this event. took place under a Pippala tree." This practice of meditating under trees, is what Buddha seems to have appealed to, as suggested by Rhy Davids, when at the end of some earnest dialogue he used to close it with an appeal: "Here are the trees: Think this matter out." Thus the belief that Buddha obtained enlightenment under a Pippala tree, or that Mahavira obtained it under a Sala tree may be based on facts, and when lists of other Buddhas or
1 cf. छोभूमुहरुंदा चोदाणि पीडाणि ।
पीढोवरि बहुमज्मे रम्मा चेहन्ति तदुमा ॥ ३३ ॥ xxत्तादित्ता पंडानालादिरमणिजा ॥ ३६ ॥
2
affezdu du gefanaı asanamàngar | जीवप्पत्तिलयाणं होति निमित्तासि ते खियमा ॥ ३७ ॥ चेत्ततरूणं मूले पत्तकं चउदिसासु पंचेव । चेति जिणपडिमा पलियंकठिया सुरेहिं महणिजा ॥ ३८ ॥ चडतोरणामिरामा अट्टमहामंगलेहि सोहिल्ला |
वररयणणिम्मिदेहिं माणत्थम्मेहि अरम्मा ॥ ३६ ॥

-Tiloyapanṇatli, 3. 33-39, Vol. I, p. 115.
See also, Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 232.
Cf. Bhagavati satra, 3.2, sū. 144 which describes Mahavira as meditating under a tree on a Prthviśilapaṭṭa.
• Buddhist India, pp. 230-31.

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Tirthankaras grew, their Caitya-trees were also recorded by both the sects.
But since the Buddha was not represented in human form in early Bud. dhist worship, the Bodhi-tree attained greater importance in Buddhist art, while the Jainas were more or less satisfied only with recording of the list of Caitya-trees of different Jinas and by giving them only secondary importance in art. The Caitya-tree, possibly on account of its age-long existence as an object of worship, had to be introduced on a relief sculpture of a Jina, by showing its foliage above his head. The introduction of the Caitya-tree was especially due to the possible appeal it made to the masses with whom worship of trees was so popular. The Jainas as well as the Buddhists gave a new meaning to the Tree-Worship. They were the trees under which their leaders obtained Enlightenment, 1 and were worshipped or represented on this account, and not because particular spirits or godlings were associated with them. It helped them to override the Tree-cult and along with it the cults of Nāgas, Yaksas, Bhūtas, Gandharvas and others. The Jina-image was placed under a tree and worshipped. With the growth of shrines, the practice died out amongst the Jainas. That the Caitya tree was given importance due to Tree-cult of the masses is best illustrated from a type of Tirthankara images from the South where the Jina sits under a big tree, his figure seated on a pitha and almost all other prātihāryas either eliminated or very much subdued (cf. fig. 72 from Kalugumalai Tinnevelley district. Also cf. fig. 73 from Pascasara temple, Pataņ, N. Gujarat and fig. 75 from a Jaina shrine, Surat).
Viewed in this light, the cosmographical accounts of both the Jaina sects, describing Caitya vškşas in the palaces of different gods, would be rem garded as reminiscent of the earlier forms of Jaina worship. It may incidentally be noted that these gods, Saudharmendra and others are similarly reported to be worshipping the bones of the Jinas, placed in dimond-boxes on high positions. This fact also is a record of the earlier stage of Jaina worship,
The earliest reference to the Caitya tree of Mahavira is perhaps the account of Mahāvira's life in the Ācārānga sūtra, book II · which is regarded as later in age than the book I. The Kalpa sútra which speaks of all the twenty-four Tirthankaras, but gives details of lives of only four-Rşabha, Mahăvira, Pārsva and Nemi-and only mentions the age of others, does not note the Caitya trees of these remaining twenty Jinas. The Samavāyānga sūtra which, though it incorporates much earlier material, is a later compilation, it gives lists 1 cf. : i forat a TEFT C har garai
अधस्तरोर्यस्य स चैत्यवृक्षनाम्ना प्रसिद्धो जिनशासनेऽत्र । An old verse, quoted by Caturvijaya in Ekavimśatisthānaka-prakarana, comm. pp. 28 ff. Ācārānga Sūtra, SBE, Vol. XXII p. 201.

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of Tirthańkaras of Past, Present and Future, as also of Tirthankaras of Air? vata kşetra, and also records a list of Caitya-trees of all the twenty-four Tirthankaras of this age in the Bharata kşetra. The list being common to both the
Jaina sects was evolved at least before the Digambara-Svetām bara partition regarding acknowledgement of canons and whatever difference is visible in the Tiloyapaņņatti list is only due to some early error of scribes. 2 A list of Caitya-trees of the various Jinas is appended at the end of this discussion. With the evolution of lāñchanas or recognising symbols for the Tirthankaras, Caitya-trees have lost much of their value in identifying sculptures of Tirthankaras. Jain Purāņas generally give identical lists for the trees under which these Jinas took their dikṣās.
It seems that the Jainas have assigned the spirits connected with this ancient tree-worship to the class of Vyantara gods. The Vyantaras are subdivided into eight groups--Piśācas, Bhūtas, Yakşas, Rākşasas, Kinnaras, Kimpuruṣas, Mahoragas (Nāgas) and Gandharvas. Each group has on its crest the symbol of a tree in the following order :-Kadamba, Sulasa, Vața, Khatvānga, Asoka, Campaka, Nāga and the Tumburu tree, according to the Svetāmbara traditions. The Digambara lists replace the Khatvānga (of Rākşasas ) for the Badari tree? Khațvänga alone in the Sve. list is not a tree, and it seems that the Digambaras were more faithful in recording this tradition or possibly, the Rāksasas were originally not tree spirits.
The Sthānānga“ gives the Caitya-tree worshipped by each of the ten classes of Bhavanvāsi gods; a different list is supplied by the Tiloyapannatti. This only signifies the association of Caitya-tree or tree-cult with the area of Jaina shrines.
Ambikā Yakşi, the first Säsanadevatā introduced in Jaina worship, sits under a mango-tree which is reminiscent of the early association of Yakşaworship with the tree.cult. Sometimes older ideas wonderfully persist or are revived even at a very late age, and it may be said that even the most ancient superstitions or cults do not totally die away. In the mediaeval period, in
1 Samvāyānga sūtra, sa, 159, p. 152; also Jivājīvābhigama sutra, sū. 127, p. 225 and sū. 142, p. 251 for Caitya trees.
2 Ramacandran's table is unfortunately incorrect. Ramacandran, op. cit., pp. 192 ff. For Digambara lists, see Pralişthāsāroddhāra, 4.106, p. Ior, Tiloyapannatti, 4-916-918, Vol. I, p. 264.
3 For lists of both traditions with sources, see Kirfel, Die Kosmographie der Inder, pp. 273ff.
4 Sthānānga sūtra, 10.3. sūtra 766, Vol. II. p. 487. The commentator says that these were worshipped near the Siddhāyatanas.
5 Tiloyapannatti, 3.136, Vol. I, p. 128.

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Eastern India, we have a few reliefs of Ganesa standing or dancing under the spread arch of a mango treel. Ganeśa's original connections with Yakşa worship are wellknown and this is reminiscent of it. All attempts to obtain literary evidence for this association of Ganesa with mango tree have so far failed.
Along with the conception of Caitya-trees may be noted the conceptions of Tree of Life and the Wish-Fulfilling Trees (Kalpa-druma) in Brahmanical and Buddhist texts. The Jaina texts also speak of ten Kalpa-drumas. These are described in details in the Jambudvīpaprajñapti.3 Hemacandra in his Trişaşțisalākāpurusa-Caritra (1. 1. vv. 226-37) describes the ten kinds of Kalpa trees in the Uttarakurus as follows:-"The ten kinds of wishing trees, Madyangas, etc, always give to the people whatever they desire without effort on their part, Among these, the Madyangas give wine, the Bhrngas dishes, the Türyangas choice musical instruments...... The Dipaśikhās and Jyotişkas give a wonderful light, the Citrāngas furnish wreaths, and the Citrarasas in turn food. Manyangas furnish ornaments, the Gehākāras houses, and the Anangas various kinds of divine apparel." 4
1 For illustrations see, Banerji, R. D., Eastern School of Mediaeval Indian Sculpture, and History of Bengal, Vol. I.
2 Esp. see, Coomaraswamy, Elements of Buddhist Iconography.
3 Jambūdvipaprajñapli, 20. p. 99 ff. See also Pravacana-sāroddhāra, 1067-70, p. 314, Harivaṁśa of Jinasena, Vol. I, pp. 146-147.
4 Trişastiśalākāpuruşacaritra, Vol. I (G.O. Series), transl. by H. Johnson, PP. 29-30.

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Caitya-Trees.
No.
Tirthankara
Svetämbara
Digambara
I 2
Rşabhanātha Ajitanatha Sambhavanātha Abhirandana Sumatinātha Padmaprabha Supārsvanatha Candraprabha Puşpadanta (Suvidhi) Sitalanatha Sreyamsanātha Vāsupujya Vimalanātha Anantanātha Dharmanātha Santinātha Kunthunātha Aranātha Mallinātha Munisuvrata
Nyagrodha
same Saptaparņa Sala ( Shorea Robusta) Piyaka or Priyaka
Sarala Priyangu (Panicum italicum) same Chaturăbha (Anethum sowa ) Priyangu Sirişa ( Acacin sirisha)
same Nāga
same Mali
Akşa Pilańkhu
Dhūli Tinduga
Palāša Pāțaia (Bignomia suaveolens) Tenduva Jambū (Engenia jambolana) Patala- Jambū Asvattha
Same Dadhiparna Nandi ( Cedrela toong) Tilaka ĀmraAsoka Campaka ( Michelia
Champaka) Bakula (Mimusops elengi) Vetasa
Meşaśộnga Dhātaki (Grislea to tomentosa )
Dhava Sala.
Same
19 20
22 23
Naminātha Neminātha Pārsvanātha
24
Mahāvira

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4. ĀYAGAPATAS Ayagapatas or Tablets of Homage, mainly obtained from different sites at Mathurā offer an interesting study. Most of these Āyāga pațas are assignable to the later phase of the Sunga art and some of them belong to the period of transition to the Kuşāņa art. The significance and use of these tablets of homage is discussed along with Caitya trees. Here a short account of each of them will be given.
Tablet I. Gift of an inhabitant of Mathura. (Fig. 14) The Āyāgapața (No. J. 248, Lucknow Museum, size 2'-10" sq. ), set by an inhabitant of Mathurā! according to the partly preserved inscription at its lower rim, though partly mutilated from the right corner, is a beautiful specimen of art assignable to c. 100-50 B.C., obtained from the Karkāli Tilā, Mathurā. It shows in the centre, a sixteen-spoked wheel enclosed in another circle with band of tilaka-ratnas inside. This circle is followed by a bigger circle made up of eight ladies represented like flying-gandharvas, and carrying flowers. The broad band or rim of this big circle is made up of a twisted rope interspersed with rosettes. This Wheel is supported by Suparņa dwarfs, half human, represented in the four corners of the square which encloses the Big Wheel. The four sides of this square have broad borders or panels, with svastika on the left upper and right lower corners, and another composite symbol made of four tilakaratnas, with the circular base common to each. The fourth end of the pața is lost. Below, on the lower border is an inverted tilakaratna in the centre having on two sides half human mythical flying animals, ane male and the other female. A corresponding panel existed on each side with similar animals; in the centre of the panel on the left end is seen the Srivatsa symbol.
Certainly the Wheel cannot represent the Jaina Conception of Time with six ārās of Utsarpiņi and six more of the Avasarpiņi, since our wheel has sixteen spokes. The only alternative left is to regard it as the Dharmacakra, or Wheel of Law.
Tablet II. Set up by the Wife of Sivaghoșaka. (Fig. 12)
This tablet is badly defaced on the right lower and upper ends, but the carving is easily understood. In the middle of this square tablet (J. 253
1 Smith, Jaina Stupa, PI. VIII, p. 15; Agrawala, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 4; Buhler, Ep. Ind. II, pp. 200, 313. Namo Arahato Mahavirasa Mathuraka Lavadasa (sa) bhāyāye va......taye (āyāgapato )

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Lucknow Museum ; size 3'-I" X 2' - 10" from Mathurā) is a big circle having four tilaka-ratnas facing each of the four sides and arranged in a composite way, with the lower circle, common to each of them. This lower half of the tilaka-ratna being a circle, is utilised for the representation of a Jina in the centre, with a naked monk (a gañadhara) standing on each side. The Jina sits on a raised dias, probably in the arddha-padmāsana, and in dhyāna mudrā. He is protected by a seven-headed cobra over his head, above the snake-hoods is an umbrella with tassels of garlands issuing out of it. The Jina probably represents Pārsvanātha attended by two naked gañadharas. The padma-latā in the broad band of the bigger circle and the wine-creeper on the right lower end of the square-tablet may be noted. The right lower corner of the tablet shows a symbol (mahāpundarika ?), the left lower shows a lion sitting on his legs, the left upper shows an elephant and the right upper corner shows two winged mythical lions. The characters of the inscription on the lower border of the pața, partly peeled off, are engraved, according to Smith, in "an archaic type prior to the Kuşāņa era." Set up by one Sivaghosaka, the tablet should be regarded as a specimen of the Sunga art, assignable to the first half of the first century B.C.
Tablet III, of Arayavati set up by Amohini (Fig. 14 A) This fine votive tablet, set up by Amohini in the year 42 or 72 of the reign of Mahāk satrapa Sodāsa, is, as Smith has shown, "essentially an Ayāgapata, though not so called," but expressly said to have been meant “ for the worship of the Arhata" (Arahata pūjāye) like the other Ayagāpatas. The inscription 2 on the top of the sculpture begins with an adoration to
Smith, Jaina Stūpa, Pl. X, p. 17; Ep. Ind., II. No 31. The inscription is read as Namo Arahantana Sivagho ( saka) sa bhāri (ya)--na
2 Smith, Jaina Stupa pl. XIV. p. 21; Agrawal, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 14, fig. 1. Bachhofer, Early Indian Sculpture, pl. 74; Ep. Ind. II., P 199.
Year 42nd of Sodasa would, according to the chronology adopted in the Age of Imperial Unity, be 27 A. D., which would not suit the style. Luders reads 72 instead of 42, cf. Ep. Ind. II. No. 2. Rapson, The Date of Amohini Votive Tablet of Mathurā, Indian Studies in honour of Charcles Lannman, pp. 49-52, reads 42.
J. E. Van Lohuizen-De Leeuw, “The Scythian Period,” pp. 65-72, has discussed again the characters for 70 and 40 and shown that the tablet gives a date 72. According to her theory, which appears to be a plausible one, it is dated in the old Śaka era of 129 B. C., which would give a date, 57 B. C, for this Tablet. She however offers a different explanation of Aryavati-ĀyapataĀyāgapaţa, ibid, p. 147, which explanation, however, is not acceptable to us. It must be remembered that the Kyavati occurs in l. 3 and äryavati in l. 4,

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Vardhamana. The Ayavati or (Aryavati or Aryavati) set up by Amohini, naturally refers to the Royal lady represented standing in bold relief in the centre (of the tablet), dressed elegantly and standing with the right hand held as if in the abhaya pose and with left one akimbo. A male attendant to her right holds an umbrella over her head. A female attendant with a garland stands on the right near the much defaced pillar. Between the Aryavati and the umbrella bearer is a small figure of a boy (or a girl) with folded hands. On the left of the lady is a female waving the flywhisk. Obviously, the figure represents a royal lady, (not a nun) and one who deserved adoration and worship. It is therefore reasonable to suppose that she is the mother of a Jina, probably of Vardhamana, invoked in ths beginning of the inscription. The garlands hanging, in the background remind one of such hanging from the Kalpa trees in the Bharhut railings.
79
Tablet IV. Set up by Sivayasas. (Fig. 7)
This is an interesting tablet, which, though mutilated gives a partial view of the Jaina Stupa with the torana gateway and railing round the circumambulatory passnge, reached by a flight of steps. The characters of the inscription below the railing are, according to Smith, "little more archaic than those of Dhanabhüti's inscriptions on the gateway of the Bharhut stūpa, dated in the reign of the Sungas, or about 150 B. C." They seem to de somewhat later, and Buhler, admitting that they are archaic' adds that they "belong to the period before Kapişka." The tablet may be roughly assigned to the early first century B. C.
Tablet V. Set up by Sihanadika. (Fig. 13)
A Jina sits in padmasana, dhyana mudra, with a chhatra above head, in the central circle of the four composite tilaka-ratnas (same as tri-ratnas of Buddhist terminology). The upper-most panel of the tablet shows, in the central section, a pair of fish, a heavenly car, a Srivatsa mark and a powderbox. In the corresponding part of the panel at the lower end are shown, a tilakaratna, a full blown lotus, a symbol which Dr. Agrawal recognises as Indrayaști or Vaijayanti and a mangala-kalasa (auspicious vase). These eight symbols are the oldest known representations of the aṣṭamangalas of Jaina traditions. 2
which shows that this ayavati (äyägapața) was installed and that it was a Tablet of (representing) Aryavati.
The Stupa is discussed separately under the section of Stupa-worship. Also see, Smith, Jaina Stapa, pl. XII, pp. 3 and 19; Buhler, Ep. Ind. IV. p. 196. Agrawala, Guide to Lucknow Museum, p. 2, fig. 5. and his g p. 120. Smith, Jaina Stupa, pl. VII, p. 14.

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This Āyaga pața (J. 249, Lucknow Museum, size 2' X 1'- 11) is assignable to a period not later than I A.D., and is noteworthy for the typical pillars in the Persian-Achemenian style surmounted by the Dharma-cakra and the elephant capitals.
Tablet VI. Set up by Sivamitra. This tablet is noteworthy for its inscription which shows that it was set up by Sivamitrā of Kausika family, wife of Gotiputra (Gautamiputra), a black serpent to the Pothayas and Sakas. According to Smith, the inscription isincised in "archaic characters, apparently anterior to the Kuşāņa period.").
The tablet is recovered in only a fragment which shows the leg of the crossed-stand of the type of object shown in the row of auspicious objects on the tablet of Sihanādika discussed above. The object looks like a representation of sthāpanācārya, or sthāpanā, and is identified as Indrayaști or Vaijayanti by Dr. Agrawal. It also had a pair of fishes of which one is still visible.
This further confirms the inference drawn here that the ayāgapatas generally represented one or more of the Jaina (eight) auspicious object or symbols.
The tablet is very important in another way. According to the Panca. Kalpa-Bhāşya and Panca-Kalpa.Cürņi ( both in mss. ), a Sātavāhana king asked a question to the famous Kālakācārya (well versed in Nimittaśāstra ) about Mathurā. He asked when Mathurā will fall or whether it will fall or not. This tablet speaks of a Gautamiputra defeating Sakas and Pothayas. Was he the Sātavāhana who put the question ?_especially when we find his queen setting up a tablet at Mathurā and describing Gotiputra 'as a “Black Serpent to the Sakas etc."
Tablet VII. Set up by Lonaśobhika. (Fig. 14B) This tablet of homage Q. 2; Mathura Museum, (2-4" X I'-9") is especially noteworthy as it is carved with a complete Stūpa, reached by a flight of steps, and flanked by two pillars in the Persepolitan style. According
1 Smith, op. cit., pl. XIII. p. 20; Ep. Ind., I, op. cit., inscr, no. 33. The Pothayas, mentioned along with the Sakas, is interesting. Probably it is a corrupt prakrit for the Parthians.
And was he the Vikrama who defeated the Sakas and started the era of 57 B.C.?
3 Agrawala, Catalogue of the Mathurā Museum, JUPHS., Vol. XXIII, Pts. 1-2, pp. 69 ff. Smith, Jaina Stupa, pl. CIII. p. 61; Smith, History of Fine Art, (2nd ed.), p. 40, pl. 15 B; Coomaraswamy, HIIA, pl. 19, p. 72, Vogel, La Sculpture de Mathura, p. 93, pl. V b; Bachhofer, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 58, Vol. II. pl, 91.

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81
to the new reading of Dr. Agrawal it was set up by Vasu, the daughter of a courtesan Loņaśobhikā, who also erected a shrine of the Arhats, a hall of homage (āyāgasabhā.), a cistern, (and) a stone-slab ( Siläpalo) at the sanctuary of the Nirgrantha Arhats.” The inscription now throws new light in as much as the slab is called a "Sila pato". Śilāpața is also nientioned in the stock-description of a caitya obtained in the Aupapātika-sūtra. One would naturally be tempted to identify the Silk-pata' of the Jaina texts with the Ayāga-paţa of some of the inscriptions. All such pațas are dedicated with a common expression “ Arbata-pujaye” (Dr. Agrawala's translation of " arhatapūjaye" as "in honour of the Arhats” is better than of the older ones) and the tablet under discussion, set up by Vasu, though called a "Šila-pața ” is obviously also an āyāga pața. The pața is assignable to the Kuşāņa period both from the evidence of the script and from the art of the carvings.?
Tablet VIII. Set up by an unknown donor. (Fig. II) The tablets is noteworthy for the following reason : Tablet I is meant for the worship of the Dharma-cakra; Tablet II for that of the tri-ratna (jñāna-darśana-căritra, the fundamentals of the Jaina religious practice, or the teaching of the Jina shown in the centre), Tablets VII and IV are for the worship of the Stupa. This Tablet (J. 250 Lucknow Museum, size 3' X 2.8") is possibly for the worship of the eight auspicious symbols, suggested by a big ornamental svastika, enclosed in a big circle, and with a small svastika, a Silvatsa, a pair of fish, and a bhadrasana (or Indrayasti?) shown in its four Arms. In the centre of the big svastika, is another circle, a miniature of the main circle of Tablet II, showing the Jina and the tri-ratnas. The circle round the big svastika shows male and female worshippers of the figures of a Jina, a Caltya-tree enclosed in a square railing, A stopa and another object (badly damaged) represented on four sides in the rim of the elrele, The pedestal of
The ingcription, as read by Dr. Agrawala, JU PHS., XXIII. pp. 69-70, I Namo Arahato Vardhamanasa Årdye gapika 3 ye Lanafobhikaye dhitu samanasāyikaye 3 Nādāye gagikāye Vasu ( ye ) Arahāle devik(u)la 4 āyāga-sabha prapa SH ( A ) pato patisthāpite Nigatha § Mām Arahatäyatane sa(ha)m(ā) tare bhaginiye dkitars putreya 6 sarvona ea parijanena Arahata pajaye
Smith and Codrington, History of Fine Art, p. 40. It is more likely that this pața dates from a period between 1 and 78 A,D,
Smith, Jaina Slapa, pl. IX, p. 16. The inscription on this tablet is highly defaced. Also see Ep. Ind. II. pl. I b, pp. 311-313.
+ Of all the Ayāgapațas this is the most important one as it represents in one plaque all the fundamentals of Jaina worship of this age, Its latest date would be e, I A.D.

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the pața shows in the centre a highly defaced inscription and partly defaced eight auspicious symbols, out of which the water-jar, the lotus, the tri-ratna the śrivatsa, and the svastika can be recognised easily.
Taület IX. Set up by the wife of Bhadranandi. (Fig. 10) This tablet (J. 252, Lucknow Museum, Size 2-7" X 2'-31") set up by Acală (according to Bühler; Agota, according to Smith) may be compared with Tablet No. II set up by Sivaghoşaka discussed above. The theme of a central Jina, in the circle of the composite four tri-ratnas is common to both, The panel at the bottom showed all the eight auspicious symbols (the one on the right end being partly mutilated ). The pillar on each end of the Tablets is noteworthy. The inscription is carved in characters of the Kuşāņa period.
A few more fragments of such Āyāga pațas are preserved in the Curzon Museum, Mathurā, one of which (No. 1603 of the Museum ) shows a Stūpa in the central medallion. Another fragment (No. 2313 ), with an inscription on the reverse reading Siläpato Arahata-pu......, shows, on the observe, Asokafoliage which suggests that this was meant for the worship of the Caitya tree. 3 The expression "Silāpato" used for the Tablet (āyāgapața ) is noteworthy.
The above analysis has helped us to find out a chief characteristic of the worship of the Āyāga pațas. Just as each icon represents a particular deity, (e. g. one or the other of the twenty-four Jinas ), each Āyāga pața, too, represents one particular object venerated by the Jainas, namely, the stūpa, the dharma.cakra, the tri-ratna, the aştamangalas“ (one would also expect a Tablet
1 Smith, Jaina Stúpa, pl. XI, p. 18, Bühler. Ep. Ind. Vol. II, no. 32 p. 207. Agrawala, Guide to Lucknow Museum.
2 The inscription reads :I Namo Arahantānam ( mala )....nasa dhitu
Bhadrayaśasa vadhuye Bhadranadisa bhayāye 2 A(calā )ye ā( yā)gapato pratithūpito Arahatapujãye.
3 Agrawala, Catalogue of the Mathurā Museum, JUPHS. XXIII, p. 71, Fragments Nos. 569, 1603, 2313, 2563.
Another new fragment (No. 3496 ) is described by K. I). Bajpai, JUPHS., XXI, (1948) pls. 1-2, pp. 117 ff. Fig. 1. For an Ayāgapata from Kosam, discussed by Banerji, R. D, A.S.I., see, A.R., 1913-14, pp. 262 ff.; pl. LXX.
- In my paper on Varddhamana-Vidyā-Pața Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Arts, Vol. IX ( 1941 ), I suggested that Balipaţtas referred to by Hemacandra correspond to the earlier Āyāgapațas. Hemacandra, describing a Samavasarana writes: "The arches were adorned with flags and white umbrellas and eight auspicious symbols below, looked like those on offering slabs (Bali-pațțas ).” Trisasti, I. 3.42239.

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with a big Mangala-Kalasa, like Tablet VIII showing the Svastika), the Caitya-Vrksa, as also the Mother of the Jina, and the Jina himself. This worship of Silapatas was extended to monks of repute as can be seen from a Tablet representing a monk Kanha Samana, illustrated by Smith, Jaina Stupa, Pl. XVII. no. 21.
According to the Aupapatika, Šila-patas Šila.patas are placed on a simhasana, under the shade of the Aśoka-tree in the garden (vana-khanda) of a Caitya. They are beautiful in appearance with representations of wolves, bulls, horses, nara-makaras (half-human crocodiles), birds, kinnaras rurus and of creepers like the vanalată, padma.lată etc. They are (sometimes) of an octagonal shape. Abhayadeva Süri, the commentator, notes a Sanskrit-version of another reading of this text, in which it is said that the patta is beautiful to look at on account of its räpaka (images, designs, relief- representations) and prati-rapaka (?) and shining with an ornamental net-work of pearls. attached on all sides. With the help of Dr. Agrawala's reading of the inscription on the Tablet set up by Vasu, if the Ayagapata is identified with a Silapata, then, we must accept-and it appears more probable-that these Tablets of Homage were probably not meant for the interior of a shrine. (ie. the sanctum) but were assigned a special position under a Caityatree as is suggested by reliefs from Bhårhut. Worship of Trees being very old, it is but natural to suppose that worship of some sort of Tabletsrepresentations, clay models etc., under Caitya-trees was an ancient practice which, when adopted by the Jainas, took the form of worship of the beautiful Ayagapatas. That these Ayagapatas are the Silapatas of Jaina canons is further confirmed by the fragment of a Tablet No. 2313 in the Mathura Mussum.
It is interesting to note that Inscr. No. 18 of Bühler, New Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura, Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 390, speaks of a Silä-patta installed in a spot sacred to the Dadhikarpa-Naga, which shows that the practice of installing such Silapattas was not confined to the Jainas alone, and had its origin in the ancient Yaksha-Naga Cult. The "Aryaka" or "Ayaka' patas from the Buddhist sites of Amaravati and Nagarjunikonda can now be regarded as deriv. ed (like the Jaina Ayagapaṭas) from the ancient Šilāpaṭas.
1 Also see, Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Vol. VIII. No. 2. pp. 64-65 paper on Arddha-phälaka-sampradaya by Sri K. P. Jaina. This Tablet is dated in the year 95, Ep. Ind. I, no. 22.
See Aupapatika sülra, sūtra 5, quoted above on p. 81.
Aupapatika saira, pp. 10-11, see the description of Siläpaṭṭa cited in the discussion on Caitya-vrksas. The description of the Pürgabhadra Caitya and the Silapatta with the high polish is genuine and old and refers at least to the age of Mahavira, cf. Shah, U.P., So-called Mauryan Polish in Jaina Literature, Journal of the M. S. University of Baroda, June 1955.

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It may also be noted that the Tablet No. VII (Q. 2 of Mathura Museum) installed by Vasu, also speaks of an āyāgasabha. The exact meaning of this āyāga-sabha in Jaina shrines cannot be made out but it may be inferred that it corresponds to the later Pausadhaśālās where a person enters upon a fast of three or more meals, and sits in meditation in order to practise certain tapa or propitiate a deity. The Ayagapatas, evolved from the earlier conception of Silapatas, may also have been worshipped in such an äyäga-sabha (or Pausadhasälä) in place of a Sthapana used to-day. This does not contradict the interpretation that they were placed as Silapaṭṭas under the Caitya-trees. For, in the same inscription (on the tablet of Vasu), the tablet is called a Silapaṭṭa.
Our analysis has further shown that the history of Jaina finds at Mathura dates from at least the Second Century B. C., and does not merely begin with the Kuṣāna age. It has also shown that cultural evidence in the Jaina canons requires a fresh critical study.
Cf.:-Bühler, Further Jaina Inscriptions from Mathura (New series). Ep. Ind., Vol. II, p. 198.

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5. SAMAVASARANA
Samavasaraņa 1 literally means assemblage and refers to the Preaching Hall of a Jina, constructed by gods, where gods, men and animals assemble and take their apportioned seats to hear the sermon which a Tirthankara delivers immediately after enlightenment. The belief is common to both the sects, the Svetāmbaras describe it as the work of Vyantara gods at the bidding of Indra, while the Digambaras say that Indra himself was the architect (who of course erected it with the help of his attendant gods ).
It is a special structure, usually an elaborate circular theatre with fortifications, for beings to sit in and listen to the discourse. The Samavasarana, primarily described as constructed for the first discourse of every Jina, is sometimes understood to have been prepared for other sermons also, or when a powerful god pays his visit to a Jina, he erects a similar special structure. 3
Detailed descriptions of such Assembly-Halls are obtained in the Jaina Purāņas of both the sects, typical elaborate examples of which are available in the Trișașțiśaläkāpuruşacarita (parva I) of Hemacandra, in the Svetāmbara tradition, and the Mahāpurāņa of Jinasena in the Digambara tradition. 5
The Kalpa-sūtra does not refer to the Samavasaraņa or the festival
1 First discussed by Bhandarkar, D. R. Jaina Iconography, Indian Antiquary, Vol. XL (1911), pp. 125-130; 153-16r. Also, Ramacandran, T. N., Tiruparuttikunram and its temples, pp. 105 ff.
? Explained by Dhanapāla as ATTİ ETKİ A ai Hautalica in his comm, on Sobhana, Stuticaturvimśatikā, verse 94.
3 Cf. A samavasarana was erected when Mahāvīra visited the Vipulagiri at Rajagrha, Padmacarita, 2.102 ff. pp. 17-18. Avaśyaka Niryukti, gathās 540 and 544
" Trişasti., (text), parva I, ( ed. of Caranavijaya ) sarga 3, vv. 422 ff., transl., GOS. Vol. LI, pp. 190 ff. and 334 ff.
5 Mahāpurāna (Adipurāņa), 22.76.312, pp. 515-538. Amongst other sources of both the sects, see, Avaśyaka Cūrņi, pp. 324 ff; Vasudevahindi, pp. 341, 345; Avaśyaka-vrtti of Haribhadra, pp. 229 ff., Padmacarita of Ravişeņa, pp. 17 ff. 58 ff, Harivamśa of Jinasena, 17 ff, 652 ff., Samavasarana-stava, with avacũri of Dharmaghosa, discussed by Dr. Bhandarkar, op. cit; Samavasaranafacana-kalpa of Jinaprabha in Vividhalirthakalpa, pp. 87-88, Samavasaranastotra of Vişnusena (date uncertain ), published in Siddhāntasārādi-saṁgraha (M. D. J. Series, Bombay, No. 21, ), pp. 133-139.

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celebrated by gods at the time of the Kevalajñana of Mahavira. But the Āvaśyaka-Niryukti does describe it, ? It may be noted that not a single representation of the Samavasarana is known from the Ayāgapațas from Mathurā. The elaborate conception of the samavasaraņa, if at all it existed in the Kuşāņa age, has to be inferred from representations like the mutilated Toraņa-arch from Mathurā, (now in the Lucknow Museum), fig. 16 slowing gods and men going to worship a Jina. The term samavasaraṇa, for such an elaborate conception, seems to have originated from texts like the A upapātika, sūtra 10, where Mahāvīra is said to have arrived at Pūrņabhadra Caitya near Campā, with a view to hold a congregation ( samosarium käme.)"
According to Hemachandra, 5 when Rşabha cbtained Kevalajñāna, Indra ordained the Vyantara gods to erect a Samavasara ņa. The Vāyukumāras first cleaned the ground for one Yojana, the Meghakumāras then sprinkled it with fragrant water, the Vanavyantaras showered flowers on it. The Vyantara gods covered the surface of the earth with shining mosaics of gold and jewels and, in four directions, they created arches (torana) of jewels, rubies and gold, having on their tops tall puppets (Salabhanjika) with reflecting surfaces. Makara-ornaments of glistening sapphire shone on the arches, giving the impression of banners abondoned by the dying Makaraketu (Cupid .7 The arches were adorned with flags and white umbrellas above and the eight auspici. ous symbols (aştamangalas--svastika, etc.) below looked like those on offeringslabs (Balipatļas ).
1 Kalpa-sūtra, sūtras 120.121, Jacobi's transl. SBE., p. 263. Brown says that it is implied in KS. 120-121, see p. 38 of his Miniature Paintings of the Jain Kalpa Sutra.
Avasyaka-Niryukti, gāthàs 539-569, Avaśyaka-Vytli of Haribhadra, pp. 229-235,
3 Smith and Codrington, History of Fine Arts In India And Ceylon, pl. 21 ; Bühler, Ep. Ind , Vol. II, pp. 319 ff. pl. III.
• Aupapātika, sű to, p. 39, cf. :-' 391 att gruasi AHRS F1A.'
6 Summarised from Trişasti, op. cit. For comparison I have quoted the Niryukti gåthās at some places.
6 A Jaina Yojana=8 miles approx., See Johnson, Trişasti, parva I, pp. 192, ff. n. 452. 7 Cf. :-- 0 UTTUfari Hati Ara ar
आजोअणन्तरेणं करेन्ति देवा विचित्तं तु ॥ ५४५ ॥ वेण्टट्ठाई सुरभि जलथलयं दिव्वकुसुमणीहारी । पइरति समन्तेणं दसावरणं कुसुमवासं ॥५४६ ॥ मणिकरणगरयणचित्ते चउद्दिसिं तोरणे विउव्वन्ति । सच्छत्तसालभंजियमयरद्धयचिंधसंठाणे ॥ ५४७ ॥
Avasyaka Niryukti, in Araśyaka Vrtti, pp. 230-31.

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The Vimān avāsi gods made the upper-most rampart of jewels (ratna) with battlements ( kapiśirşa ) of various gems. In the middle part, the Jyotiskagods made a rampart (vapra) of gold with battlements of jewels on it. The third and the outermost fortification-wall, constructed by the Bhavanapatigods, was made of silver and decorated on top with extensive battlements or coping stones of golden lotuses.
Each of these walls or ramparts had four ornamental gateways (gopura j. At each gate, jars of incense were set by the Vyantara gods. Besides, at each gate, they made a tank (väpi) with golden lotuses and having four gates like the rampart of the samavasarana:
To the north-east, inside the second wall, they made a dais ( devacchanda) for the Master to rest on. On both sides of the east-gate of the first rampart stood two gold-coloured Vaimanjka gods, as door-keepers. At its south.gate at the sides stood white Vyantara gods, at the west-gate two Jyotişka gods of red colour, and at the north.gate two Bhavanādhipatis black like clouds, stood as doorkeepers. At the four gates of the second wall 9, in the same order, beginning with the east, stood the goddesses Jayā, Vijayā, Ajitā and Aparăjitä, each with one hand in the abhaya-mudra and the other three hands carrying the noose, the goad and the hammer. On the last rampart at each gate, stood a Tuinburu as door-keeper, carrying a skull.crowned club ( khațvänga ) having a garland of human skulls, and adorned with a coronet of matted hair. 4 1 Cl.:-afat a tomada de TI
मणिकंचणकविसीसगविभूसिए ते विउठति ॥ ५४८ ॥ अब्भन्तर मज्झ बहिं विमाणजोइभवणाहिवकया उ । पागारा तिरिया भवे रयणे कणगे य रायए य ॥ ५४६ ॥
Avaśyaka Niryukti, op. cit., p. 231. 2 Cf.:- forgaga matai Hoatu CRM
सव्वरयणमया च्चिय पडागधयतोरणविचित्ता ॥ ५५०॥ तत्तो य समंतेणं कालागरूकुन्दुरुक्मीसेण। गंधेण मणहरेणं धूवघडीओ विउव्वेंति ॥ ५५१॥
Ibid., p. 231. 3 The distance between any two walls, as laid down by Jinaprabha, op. cit., is one gavyūla and 600 dhanus. I gavyūta = 4 miles; I dhanus = 4 hastas or cubits. The thickness of a wall = 33 cubits, heights 500 cubits. For a discussion on measurements, see Kapadia, H. R., Stuti-Caturvimśatika of Sobhana, (Guj. edition) and avacūri on Samavasarana-stava of Dharmaghoşa.
• The Avasyaka Niryukti, and the Vasudevahindi do not refer to the door-keepers.

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In the midst of the Samavasaraņa, a Caitya-tree was made by the Vyantaras, rising 3 Kos, 1 beneath it a platform (pitha ) with manifold jewels, on it they made a dais (Chandaka ) of gems. In the centre of it, to the east was placed a jewelled lion-throne with foot-stool. Above the throne shone the white triple-umbrella, on both sides Yakşas held two white fly-whisks. At the gate of the Samavasaraṇa, they placed, on a golden lotus, the dharma.cakra of remarkable light. 2
Gods use nine lotuses in turn for the Master to walk on while reaching the congregation. Entering the Samavasarana by the east.gate, the Jina makes pradakşiņā of the Caitya-tree and bowing to the congregation (tirtha) takes his seat on the lion-throne. Vyantara gods make three life-like images of the Lord and place them in the other three directions so that everyone in the assembly finds himself facing the Lord. Behind the Jina appears the resplendent halo (bhamandala ), a drum is sounded in the skies ( devadundubhi ), and a jewelled banner blazes in front of the Lord.
1 Kos - 1 of a Yojana. Johnson, op. cit., p. 192, n. 452. Ct. :-39fgerunt
F TU ATI तिस्थगरपायमूले करेंति देवा शिवयमाणा ॥ ५५.२ ॥
इयतुमपेतछंदय भासणबतच यामराभो य । जय प्रक्ष करणिकरेंतित बापामतरिया ॥ ५५३ ॥
dvasyaka Niryukli, op.cit., pp. 231-32. According to later texts there is usually an Asoka-tree, but the discus. sion of heights of Asoka-trees In samavasaraṇas of different Jinas shows that Caltya-trees (trees of enlightenment) of different Jinas were there, above which was the Adoka tree. See, Dharmaghosa op. cit. 8 C1, CT ung time guste
eft craft 9191 HITET U O P 11 444 ||
आचाहिण पुम्बाहौ तिदिति पडिकबगा जु दैवकया। जैकगणी अनौ वा दाहिणपुच्च अदूमि ॥ ५५६ ॥ जे से ऐश्वहिं कया तिविछि पल्डिवगा जिणवरस्त । सिं पि तप्पभावा तथाणुरुवं हवा हव ।। ५५५ ॥
Avakyaka Niryukti, op, eit, pp. 831:38, • Jipaprabha and Pharmaghase give measurements of the different parts of the Samavasarap 4, the unit for each such assembly being the hasta of the Jina for whom it is made. Since the heights of different Jinas are given in a descending order frem ist to the 84th Jina, the Samavasarana becomes smaller with each subbeeding Jina,

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In the first rampart is the place for the sådhus and the sādhvis. The Vaimānika women enter by the east-gate and take their seats between these two groups, in the south-east direction. Entering by the south-gate, the women of the Bhavanavāsi gods, Jyotişkas and Vyantaras stand in the southwest. Entering by the west-gate, the Bhavanapatis, Jyotiskas and Vyantaras stand in the west. Entering by the north-gate, the Kalpavāsi gods, men and women, stand successively in the north-east. The animals stand inside the second wall and the animals used as conveyances in the third wall. 1
According to Jinaprabha, 1000 steps lead from the ground to the outer rampart, 5000 more from the third to the second, and 5000 from second to the first or the innermost). At each gate are erected flag-posts and jewelled arches, figures of eight auspicious marks are drawn, a full-vase ( kalas'a ) and garlands placed, small statues (pāñcālikās) and umbrellas decorate the gates. The samavasaraņa may be either circular or square, if circular, there are two wells (vāpi) in each gate; if square, a well is provided in each corner. 2
A very interesting account of the Samavasaraṇa is however provided by Jinasena in his Mahāpurāņa.3 Indra himself is the architect of the Samavasaraņa, which is circular in plan with a diameter of twelve yojanas, * and made of indra-nila (blue) gems. It was surrounded by a mud-wall (dhuli-sāla) of dust particles of various gems, which produced rain-bow effect with rays of different colours. On four sides were torana-dvārās (arched gateways) of golden pillars shining with makara faces having jewel garlands hung on them.
Going a little inside the dhūlisäla, in the midst of roads (vithi ) were erected tall Mäna-stambhas or pillars, made of gold, one in each direction. They stood on platforms ( pithika ) reached by a flight of 16 golden steps, and situated in the midst of a Jagati (lit, area or basement mouldings), purified by the ablution waters of the Jina, surrounded by three walls (sāla ) and having four gates (gopura ). Reaching the sky, the pillars, true to their name, curbed ( stambha )
1 Av. Nir. verses 558-560. The details regarding entrance are first given by Bhåşya verses 116-119 on above. See Av. vrtti, pp. 232-234.
8 For Sve. account, also see Abhidhāna Rajendra, Vol. VII. pp. 466 ff.
8 Ramachandran, op. cit. p. 105, has noted that similar accounts are also obtained in the Tamil epics Śri-Purāņa and the Merumandara Purāņa (a Tamil classic by Vamana, alias Mallişeņa c. 14th Cent, A.D., ed. by Prin. A. Chakravarti, Madras). His description does not strictly follow Jinasena and seems to have mainly followed either or both the Tamil works. Tiloya. pannatti, 4th adhikāra, vv.717 ff, Vol. 1. p. 212 ff. is another Digambara source giving such details.
24 angulas (inches) = 1 hasta ; 4 hastas = I dhanus; 2000 dhanus = 1 kros'a ; 4 kros'a = I yojana--See Ramachandran op. cit., p. 106. n. I,

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the pride (mäna) of the infatuated or were so called on account of their measuring as it were of the three worlds (with their heights). Adorned with flags and bells, they looked like quarter-elephants (dik-gaja). At their bases were kept golden images of the Jinendra worshipped with waters of the Ksira-sagara, by the Indras. Accessories of worship, flowers etc., were lying over the pitbikās (platforms). Music and dancing continued incessantly before the statues of the Jina, by the side of these pillars. The pithikäs were in the centre of the jagati, on these platforms were smaller platforms (pitha-) in three tiers (trimekhalam), on whose tops the pillars stood, with beautiful bases and adorned with triple-umbrellas on tops. Being erected by Indras, they are also known. as Indradhvajas.
Step-wells, four in each direction, filled with pure water and shining with lotuses grown in them adorned the area near these pillars. Their flight of steps was made of gems and the embankments-surface (tatibhuvah) made of crystals. Smaller kundas (pits-ponds) on their sides were meant for washing
feet.
A little away from these vapis, was a moat filled with water, full of lotuses and encircling the samavasarapa area. Inside of it was also a latāvana (creeper-grove) adorned with flowers, small trees and creepers, having also a kriḍāparvata (pleasure-hill), bowers of creepers, etc.
Going a little away from it (parikha-moat) was visible the first rampart (pråkära-sala), made of gold, having its top studded with rows of pearls. The fortification was at places adorned with (representations of) pairs of elephants, horses and tigers, at places with parrots, swans and peacocks, or with figures of human pairs. On its inner and outer surfaces it was shining with reliefs of the Kalpa-lata (wish-fulfilling creepers), and was resplendant all over. On four directions it (sala) was adorned with gatewayas (gopura) of silver with pinnacles (Sikhara) made of the red padmaraga gems. Each gateway was adorned with 108 mangalas like the bhṛngāra, kalasa, mirror etc, and 100 arches (torana) made beautiful with jewel ornaments. Near each gateway were placed the nine nidhis (treasures). On each side of the highways starting from these gateways were situated two natya-salās (theatres) for enacting dramas and performance of dance and music. Each theatre was divided into three compartments with shining walls and golden pillars. Heavenly damsels continued dance and music on the stage (ranga-bhumi).3
1 See, Adipurana of Jinasena, 22. 93-102, vol. I. pp. 515 ff.
Of a triangular shape, according to the explanation offered in the Adipurana, in the Hindi translation, op. cit., pp. 515 ff. See also the discussion oncaitya, stupa, stambha' in the preceding pages.
This account mainly follows Дdi-purāņa, parva 22, vol. I. pp. 514 ff,

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At some distance inward from these theatres were placed on each side two big incense-burners (dhūpa-ghata ) issuing fragrant smoke. Still further were situated on the bye-ways, on the sides of the highroads, four forest-groves of Asoka, Saptaparņa, Campaka and Mango trees respectively with square or triangular step-wells ( vāpi) inside where heavenly damsels take their bath. At some places were lotus-ponds, at others, kriờamandapas (pavilions used as pleasure-resorts) artificial hillocks, mansions (harmya), prekșa-grhas, 1 citraśālās (picture-galleries ), eka-śālās and dvi-śālās (single-roomed or doubleroomed buildings ), ? or big palaces (maha-prāsāda). There were, again rivers with beautiful sandy-beeches, green lawns ( śādvala-bhūmi) and so on. In the Asola-vana, there was in the centre, (a Caitya-tree ) Asoka-tree on a threetiered golden platform ( trimekhalam pitham ) and encircled by three walls each with four gateways. Near it were mangala-dravyas like the chatra, cámara, bhrúgāra, kalaśa etc. The Caitya tree was adorned with bells and festoons, having on top a triple-umbrella with pearl-festoons. At its root were four images of the Jinendra worshipped by Indra and other gods, men and other beings. Similarly, the other three forests had saptaparna, the campaka and the mango tree respectively.
At the ends of the forests were golden Vana-vedikās (dais or a shed mandapa--with seats) with tall gateways. On the gateways were hanging festoons ( jāla) of bells, and wreaths (ālambaka) of pearls and flowers, ornaments and aştamangalas. In front of the vedikās were golden flagstaffs erected on high jewel platforms (pithikā). The banners (ketana or dhvaja ) were of ten types according to the marks or symbols on them--garland, garment, peacock, figures lotus, swan, eagle, lion, bull, elephant and disc. The description shows that figures of eagles, peacocks etc, rested on the top of the staff, 3
Beyond the flagstaffs, was situated a tall rampart made of silver with gateways of silver and followed by Nātyaśālās etc., described above, with for. ests of kalpa-trees. In the midst of these trees were Siddhartha-trees, having images of Siddhas placed on their bases. Beyond the gopuras of these walls, was a big highway having on both sides rows of beautiful buildings erected by celestial artists. Some had single rooms, some had double apartments, some had three while others had four (one inside the other ), some had Candraśālās (terrace.rooms) or were adorned with attālikās (balconies). There were
1 Prekşā-grahas are theatres etc. 2 Also Eka-salā = one-storeyed building. 3cf:--TECTETHETETT
:1 7: Fa: qafaqa: atapat gay RPE II
--Mahāpurāna, ( Adipuräna ), p. 526.

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besides, on these roads, Kütāgāras, Sabhāgrhas (Town-halls ), Preksa-gyhas (theaters). In the Kūțāgāras were beds for resting and excellent seats (furniture ) where Devas, Gandharvas, Siddhas, Kinnaras, Vidyadharas, and Nāgakumāras used to sport, dance or sing.
In the centre of each of these highways (possibly four highways, crossing each other, from the four gates ) were nine lofty Stupas (domes ) made of padmarāga gems, adorned on all sides with images of Siddhas and Arhats. The festoons and garlands of jewels (ratna-toraṇamālikā) adorned the central portion (of the outer wall) of these domes which were surmounted by umbrellas, and decorated with flags and mangala objects. Pious souls bathed the images installed here and worshipping, praising and circumambulating them, had their hearts filled with joy.
At some distance beyond these stūpas and the rows of mansions, was erected another rampart of the sphatika ( crystal) gems. Other details regarding gateways etc., being same as in the first rampart, need not be repeated. On the gateways of the first ramparts, Vyantara gods stood as doorkeepers, on those of the second, the Bhavanavāsis and of the third, the Kalpavāsi gods, holding mace and the like weapons. In the last rampart, on the sides of the four highways there were smaller double walls, making a total of 16 such walls, extending upto to the main-central pitha. On these walls was a Sri-mandapa, a one yojana in area, from which Yakşas scattered flowers over the audience in the Assembly. On account of the supernatural powers of the Jina, all gods, men and animals could obtain sufficient accomodation in the Sri-Maņdapa, even though it was only a yojan in area. In its centre was the first pithikā of Vaidurya gems, having on its sides sixteen flights of sixteen steps each. On these pithikäs were placed the aştamangalas and yakşas stood with dharmacakras on their shoulders. On this was erected a second pithikā of gold with banners in eight directions. The third pitha was made of various jewels, and of three tiers, with a dharmacakra, and a banner. On this last pitha Kubera erected a Gandhakuți ( pavilion) surpassing in beauty tbe heavenly vimānas, shining with numerous banners and pinnacles hanging pearl-festoons, and golden lattice-work. In this Gandhakuți (600 dhanus long, equally broad and a little more than 600 dhanus in height) was placed a lion-throne made of various jewels extremely elegant in appearance, lustrous and surpassing in beauty the mount Meru. On it sat the Lord on whom were scattered flowers by gods. Near the Lord was the Asoka tree, and above him were thc three white umbrellas. On his sides stood 64 Yakşas waving Aywhisks, behind him
1 Halls or buildings where people could hide themselves-according to the explanation offered by commentators.
2 Sri-Mandapa seems to be the same as Balanaka.

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shone the resplendent bhāmandala (halo ). In the sky rose the sound of celestial drums beaten by gods.
Descriptions in traditions of both the sects agree in broad outline, viz., a central pavilion for the Jina, placed on a big platform, and surrounded by three different fortifications each having four archways in four directions. Originally the conception of the Samavasaraṇa seems to be circular in plan and the square plan seems to be a later conception. But it shows that the samavasarana has for its prototype the big stūpa (the harmikā of stūpa may be compared with Gandhakuți or Devacchand-pitha for the Jina ) surrounded by a circumambulatory path with a small railing reached by a fight of steps. At a lower level or on the ground level, running around this central structure and at some distance from it is the bigger railing (a sort of rampart) with ornamental torana-gateways. Add to this a third similar rampart and we get the plan of the Samavasaraņa.
But the more elaborate Digambara description, in the Mahapurāņa of Jinasena, summarised above, includes in it the various constituents of a big city and may be an ideal description of a big city-site with three fortifications, a surroundig moat, pleasure resorts, stepwells, theatres, lawns, lakes, palaces etc., and having in its centre the Royal Palace. Viewed in this light, these descriptions are of special interest as providing us with architectural data of considerable value.
In Kalpa-Sūtra miniatures Samayasarana is generally represented as circular and occasionally as square in plan. Brown's Pl. 23, fig. 80 shows Mahāvira sitting in the padmāsa na in the centre of the samavasaraņa, with a yakșa standing as an attendant on each side. Mahāvīra is not in a monk's garb, but with ornaments etc., az is often done in Svetāmbara worship- Four highways lead to the central Jina. The ornamental concentric bands round the Jina represent the usual fortifications. The whole is enclosed in a rectangular panel, at four corners of which are represented pairs of animals who have natural animosities, which they are supposed to give up under the spiritual atmosphere of this great congregation. Brown's figures 113, and 126 are of a similar composition, representing the samavasarana of Ariştanemi and Rşabha respectively. His fig. 99 represents the second type, here a samavasaraņa
1 The square or circular Samavasaraṇa has for its prototype the square or circular funeral mounds (or structures ) referred to in the Satapatha Brāh. maņa, or the Eduka-Aidluka of Mahābhārata, Vişnudharmottara and other texts. A more critical study of the detailed measurements of the Samavasaraṇas described in the Tiloyapannatti etc., would probably give us a plan of square or circular stūpas in ancient India.

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of Pārsvanātha. 1 The pairs of animals are not represented. ?
The fresco paintings of Sittannavāsal, assigned to the Age of Mahendravarman I, contain in the ceiling, a scene of a big lotus pond with animals such as elephants and bulls, birds, and fishes frolicking about and men gathering lotus flowers, which has been identified by Ramacandran, as the Khātikābhūmi or the tank region with the faithful (bhavyas ) pleasing themselves by gathering lotus-flowers. 3
The wall and ceiling paintings at Tirumalai, North Arcot district (c. IIth Cent. A. D.) also contain a representation of the samavasaraña structure in the usual form of a wheel, the painting being of less artistic merit.
Ramacandran has described at length the painting of a samavasaraṇa in the Vardhamāna temple at Jina-kāñci, which need not be reproduced here.5
Representations of samavasaraņas are available in reliefs showing lives of different Jinas, an example of it from the life of Sāntinātha, in a ceiling in the Vimala Vasahi, ( Ābu) Bhāva No. 19 is noteworthy. Loose sculptures, mostly circular, showing three ramparts, one above the other, surmounted by a square pavilion showing the Jina-sitting on each side are also obtained, a beautiful example of which from the above temple (cell. 20 ) has been discussed by Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. A big sized beautifui bronze structure of a similar plan, installed in the eleventh century, brought from a shrine in Mārwār and now in a
Jaina shrine at Surat is illustrated here in fig. 76. Examples of such loose stone or metal sculptures and reliefs are numerous and scattered in Jaina shrines all over India. The upper part of a samavasarana, the pavilion or the Gandhakuți with the Jina facing each side has been a subject of representation by itself and receives
Another miniature showing a square Samavasarana, of Mahāvira, from a ms. of the Sthānānga Sūtra, is illustrated by Brown, A Ms. of the Sthānānga Sülra illustrated in the Early W. Indian Style, New Indian Antiquary, Vol. 1, No. 2. ( May 1938) pp. 127 ff, fig. 2.
For other miniatures of Samavasaraņas, see Jaina Citrakalpadruma, figs. 72, 74, 244. Also, Coomaraswamy, Catalogue, Vol. IV.
3 Indian Antiquary, Vol. LI, pp. 45-7; Jaina Miniature Paintings In Il'estern India, pp. io ff, fig 1-2.
4 Ramacandran, Tiruparuttikunyam and its Temples, p. 62, n. 1, Smith & Codrington, History of l'ine Arts, p. 344.
5 Ibid., pl. XVI, painting No. 36, and pp. 104 ff. pp. 124 ff. pls. XIX ff. pp. 130 ff. pls. XXIII, XXIV, etc.
8 Ābu, (Guj. ed. ), Vol. I. pp. 78 f and illustration at the end; also Bhāva 15, p. 74 and plate at the end represents the life-story of some other Jina, with samavasaraņa in the centre.
7 Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, , pp. 125 ff, and plate. See Holy Abu, Figure, 21.

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worship as the Caumukha, the Pratima-sarvatobhadrika of Mathura sculptures of the Kusana age. The conception being allied to and an essential part of the Samavasarapa, it may be inferred that installation of such Caumukhas (Figs. 28, 74 and 84) in ancient times were possibly regarded as symbolic represent tions of samavasaranas. It is safer to assume that the practice of installing sculptures of this type was an old practice common to the cult of Caitya and Yaks worship and separate images were installed and worshipped or four sides of a Caitya or a pillar. Another important part of a Samavasarana, in the Digambara tradition, is the Mana-stambha (Fig. 56 from Devagadh) or Indra-dhvaja, which has been very popular amongst the Digambara Jainas, and such free-standing columns erected near a Jaina shrine, in front of it on in the courtyard of the shrine, are very numerous in the South. An early example of such columns, with 4 different Jinas in relief near the base, is the inscribed Kahaon pillar (U. P.) erected in the Gupta age. Some later examples are obtained in the Devagadh fort, and still later ones are quite numerous at Sravana-Belgola and other sites in the South.

1
Erected in A.D. 460-61, see, Fleet, Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 66-68.

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6. SIDDHA-CAKRA OR NAVA-DEVATĀ
The Siddha-Cakra is a very popular (tantric ) yantra (diagram) in the Jaina cult. It is constituted of the Panca-Parameşthins or The Five Supreme Ones and the four Essentials for Salvation, together forming the Nava-Pada or nine padas.' The worship of the Siddha.Cakra (Circle of the Siddhas or Sacred Ones) alias Navapada (Diagram formed of Nine Dignities?) even to day very popular in the Jaina Samgha, forms an interesting study not only on account of its antiquity but also for its importance in the Jaina theology. Amongst the Svetāmbaras, the diagram is more popular as Siddha-Cakra, whereas the Digambara sect worships it as Nava-Devatā. There is however, some difference in the two diagrams, the Pañca-Parameșthins remaining common to both. But essentially both are one, since it is the worship of these Five Supreme ones that is mainly emphasised. The Five Supreme Ones of the PañcaParameşthi-mantra? are Arhat, Siddha, Ācārya, Upadhyâya and Sadhu and denote the very essence of Jaina religious practice. The fo8 qualities (guņas) of these Five Supreme Ones s are to be meditated upon in this worship. In the Svetāmbara practice, i.e., in the worship of the Siddha-Cakra, besides the above five are worshipped the four essentials (or the four-fold religion), namely, samyak-jñāna, samyak-darśana, samyak-căritra, and samyak-tapa, constituting the fourfold virtus made of the Right Knowledge, Right Faith, Right Conduct, and Right Penance.
1 Pada' is explained as Dignity. It is not any particular person (or persons) that is worshipped but the 'pada' or Dignity, i. e, merits or virtuesassociated with him. In practice however figures of the Five Parameşthins are carved or painted.
2 The Mantra is obtained in the beginning of the Bhagavati sūtra, the Kalpa-sūtra and in the Mahāniśitha, 3rd adhyayana. Bhadra bāhu has discussed the Five Padas of this mantra in his Namaskāra-Nir yukti.
3 The Arhats are emancipated souls of whom the Tirthankaras establish the four-fold tirtha or the Jaina Samgha. They are said to possess 46 qualities which can be regrouped into 12; the Siddhas or emancipated souls who have left their ethereal bodies and who reside on the Siddha-Silä on top of the Universe, have 8 chief qualities; the Ācāryas who are heads of the various groups of Jaina monks are endowed with 36 principal qualities; the Upadhyayas are those monks who teach scriptures and have 25 chief merits; the Sådhus are all other Jaina monks, who have 27 chief qualities besides other subsidiary ones.
4 For an explanation of these concepts see, Siri Sirivālakahā, vv. 24-34.

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As they symbolise the very essence of the Jaina Faith, the Nine Padas or “the Nine Worthies of Respect" acquired great sanctity and popularity amongst the Jainas of both the sects. The Digambaras, however, differed from the Svetāmbaras with regard to these last four Padas. According to them, the four Padas are: the Caitya or Jina image, the Caityalaya or Jinatemple, the Dharma-Cakra or the Sacred Wheel of Law, and Sruta or the speech of the Tirthankaras represented by Jaina Scriptures,
Figure 85 represents a bronze tablet of the Siddha-Cakra worshipped by the Svetāmbara sect. The diagram has the form of an eight-petalled lotus with the different worthies (padas) arranged as follows: The Arhat in the centre, the Siddha just above, the Ācārya to his right, the Upadhyāya below the Arhat, and the Sadhu to the left of the central figure. The Namaskāra-mantra or the obeissance formula to the Right Faith (Om Hrim namo damsanassa) is inserted on the petal between the Siddha and the Ācārya, that of Right knowledge (om Hrim namo nānassa) between the Acārya and the Upadhyāya, that of Right conduct (om Hrim namo Cārittassa) between the latter and the Sādhu, and that of Penance (Om Hrim namo tavassa) between the Sādhu and the Siddha. It will be seen that here invocations are offered to the abstract qualities but they are not worshipped as anthropomorphic deities. The Arhat and the Siddha sit in the padmasana showing the dhyāna mudrā; while the remaining three Parameşthins are in the same posture, they seem to carry some object in one hand with the other resting on the lap. As figures are indistinct in this bronze, it is not possible to identify the symbol held by them. But paintings of the Siddha-Cakra are common and in these, 1 each of these figures lets his left hand rest on the lap while the right one, held in the Vyākhyānamudrā, carries a muha-patli ( mukhapattikā) or mouth-piece. In the bronze illustrated here, the whole lotus is encircled by a beautiful design while a gargoyle is attached to the lower end so as to allow the ablution water to pass through it.
It may be noted that in paintings of this diagram, each of the five Parameşthins has a particular complexion, necessary for his dhyāna in the Tantric sādhana of the Siddha-Cakra.Yantra. Thus the Achat, the Siddha, the Acārya, the Upadhyāya and the Sadhu are of white, red, yellow, blue and black complexion respectively. The colour of the remaining four members of the
1 See, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. IX. (1941), fig. I on pl. facing p. 44.
2 It is a piece of cloth held in front of the mouth in order to avoid insects flying into it, thereby safeguarding against violence or himsā.
Preserved in the Baroda Museum. Discussed by me in Baroda Museum Bulletin, Vol. 3, pl. I, pp. 25 ff.

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Nava-Pada is to be visualised, in meditation, as white according to the Nava. Pada Aradhana vidhi 1
The Digambara diagra.n of Nava-Devata is illustrated by a bronze from at temple at Jina-Kañci (fig. 77). The Digambara tantra has two more diagrams known as the Laghu-Siddha-Cakra and the Brhat-Siddha-Cakra both of which are widely different from the Nava-Devata or the Svetämbara Siddha-Cakra. As they are rarely engraved on metal plates and worshipped in temples, a discussion on them is not necessary. Besides, they have no special iconographic importance.
The Digambara Nava-Devata diagram forms the central eight-petalled lotus of the elaborate Pratistha-vidhi-mandala described by Nemicandra in his Pratistha.tilaka. The Nava-Devatãs are also invoked in the Nitya-samdhyākriya-vidhi of the Jina-Samhitä ascribed to Indranandi, the well-known Digambara Tantric of c. tenth century A. D. The Yantra-mantra-vidhi section of the Pratistha-kalpa-tippagam of Vadi Kumudacandra (c. 1275 V. S.) which mentions different Digambara yantras, also describes an elaborate 'Pañca.Mandala' called Nava-Devata, the central eight-petalled lotus of which is reserved for the worship of the Five Parameşthins, the Jina-temple, the Jina-image, the Jaina scripture and the Dharma-Cakra. Obviously, the Arhat amongst these, is placed in the centre of the eight-petalled lotus.
The Jina-Samhita of Ekasamdhi (c. 1250 A. D.) prescribes in the Devarcana-vidhi section, a big mandala with an eight-petalled lotus in centre, wherein are invoked the Five Parameşthins, and the symbols (?) of samyak-jñāna, s-darśana, and s-caritra; tapa, however, is omitted, possibly through a copyist's mistake. The mandala contains, moreover, invocations to the goddesses of the Jaya and the Jambha groups, the sixteen Vidyådevis, the twenty-four Yaksinis and others. According to the author of this work, the mandala followed the tradition of Indranandi. Thus the central part of this elaborate diagram completely corresponds to the still existing type of the Svetambara Siddha-Cakra illustrated in our figure 85. Again, in the Pratisthā-vidhi section, the same writer, following Indranandi, gives a bigger mandala including
Also, Siri Siriväla-Kaha, verses 1185-1191.
First published by Shri Ramacandran, T. N., Tiruparuttikuṇram and its Temples, pl. XXXVI, fig. 2
Pratistha-tilaka, pp. 72-73. Asadhara in his Pratistha-säroddhāra, p. 20, appears to suggest the same thing.
Incomplete mss. of this work are available in Digambara Bhāndāras. One such (No. 182-Ka) exists in Sri Ailaka Pannalal Dig. Jaina Bhāndāra, Bombay.
In mss. No, 222/kha, Jaina Siddhanta Bhavana, Arrah,

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all the above-mentioned deities and many more, and invokes the Pañca-Paramesthins and the four-padas, namely, Jñana, Darśana, Caritra and Tapa, in the central eight-petalled lotus. That what the Digambaras worshipped as a Siddha-Cakra yantra, was quite different from the Svetämbara one of the same name as also from the Digambara Nava-Devata, is quite evident from the des criptions of the Laghu-Siddha-Cakra and the Brhat-Siddha-Cakra yantras given by Asadhara, Ekasamdhi, and Vadi Kumudacandra. "
Amongst the Svetämbaras, the Nine Worthies were also the first group of deities invoked in the elaborate Nandyåvarta-mandala prescribed for consecratory rites by the Acara-Dinakara (1468 V. S.). The Nirvankalika (c. 11th Century A. D.) refers to the same mandala, but in the invocation mantras tapas' or Right Penance is replaced by Suci-vidya. Hemacandra, in his Yogaśăstra describes a yantra with Five Parameşthins, but instead of adding the four padas noted above (Jñana, Darśana etc.), the four padas' of the Namaskara-mantra (Navakara-mantra) giving the fala-śruti are prescribed in the intervening quarters (vidik-patras of the eight-fold lotus). 8 Thus the yantra of Hemacandra, partly different from the Siddha-Cakra known today, proves that the older Nava-pada-yantra was composed simply of the various. parts of the older Navakära-mantra'. And it is interesting to note that Hemacandra dces not specify it as Siddha-Cakra. The same writer, however, refers to the Siddha-Cakra as a diagram brought to light, by Vajrasvami, from the lost Vidyanupravada-parvva text, in the early centuries of the Christian era. 9 Unfortunately, the yantra is not described in this context and the
1
3
Pratistha-Kalpa-Tippanam, Yantra-mantra-vidhi-section. (Ms.)
4 Diagram of the shape of the Nandyävarta symbol.
5
Acara-Dinakara, part 2, pp. 154. ff
Nirvanakalika, pp. 16 ff, note the order PKT. verses quoted here, Yogaśāstra, Chp. 8, verses 33-35.
8 The original mantra known as the Pañca-Paramesthi mantra is नमो अरिहंताणं । नमो सिद्धाणं । नमो आयरियाणं । नमो उवज्झायाणं नमो लोए सव्यसाहू |
This followed by a fala śruli in four padas (called culapadas by Hemcandra) would constitute a Nivakara-mantra. The 4 padas are:-- एसो पंच नसुकारो। सव्वपापप्पासो । मंगलारणं च सव्वेंसि । पढमं हवइ मंगलं । " ज्ञानवद्भिः समाम्नातं वज्रस्वाम्यादिभिः स्फुटम् ।
विद्यानुवादात्समुद्रस्य बीजभूतं शिश्रियः ॥ ७४ ॥ जन्मदाव हुताशस्य प्रशान्तनववारिदम् । गुरूपदेशाद्विज्ञाय सिद्धचक्रं विचिन्तयेत् ॥ ७५ ॥
6
Pratiṣṭhāsāroddhāra, Chp. 6, siddha-pratiṣṭhāvidhi, verses 10-14. Jinasamhita, (Mss. ), Chp. 9, verses 88.
7

Yoga-sastra, 8, verses 74-75.

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ΙΟΙ
disciple is invited to learn it from the preceptor. Very probably, this SiddhaCakra, was based on the Panca-Parameșthi-namaskāra-mantra (Pañanamaskāra, shortly), with or without its 'falaśruti'.
It seems that in the earlier stage the Siddha-Cakra diagram included the worship of the five Parameşthins only, with the darasana, jñāna, cãritra and tapa omitted. The fala-śruti is only for the pañca-namaskāra ( eso pañcanamokkāro savva-pāpa paņāsaņo). Siddhasena, commenting upon Pravacanasāroddhara, verses 78-79 dealing with the Pañca-Parameșthimantra, refers to older texts like the Namāskara-valaya, where a vyakhya (explanation) of the Pañca-parameșthi-Namaskāra is given. As is quite obvious, the Siddha-Cakra is none else than the Namaskāra-valaya, elaborated, at a later stage, with the addition of jñāna, darśana, caritra and tapa.
But it is certain that the diagrain of Siddha-Cakra (possibly in its earlier form) was already well-known in the age of Hemacandra, even though no earlier reference to Siddha-Cakra-yantra could be traced in the extant Svetāmbara literature for he specifically refers to it as a 'samaya-prasiddhaCakra-visesa."
The worship of the present type of Siddha-Cakra seems to have started at a comparatively late age in Jainism as is proved by negative archæological evidence, since almost none of the available siddha-cakra diagrams in paintings and sculpture goes back to the pre-Mogul period, and also by the late date of the existing literary traditions eulogising the worship of this diagram. The mythic story of a King Sripāla who had been famous for his devotion to the Siddha-Cakra and who is supposed to have been rewarded for his meritorious devotion to the worship of this diagram, forms the subject matter of SiriSirivāla-kalā of Ratnamandira gani (1362 A.D.) A Gujarāti ballad known as Sripāla-rāsu, composed in 1738 A.D., is very popular amongst the Svetambara Jainas of modern Gujarat.
Ratnamandira gani describes the Siddha-Cakra yantra in every detail. His version of the yantra however, is larger than the one commonly worshipped (as in our figure 85 ) and comprises worship of several other Jaina deities, According to the author, the presiding deity or guardian of this mystic diagram is Sri Vimalasvimi, but the Nine Padas of course form a nucleus around which other deities find a place in the yantra. We have no means to ascertain that the
1 Pravacana säroddhāra. pp. 15-16.
? Commenting on the word Arhan, in the first sūtra of his Sabdūnusasana, he writes :-hgaheuret SATICI 9281924ā I HATIAGTE *auty ARAH78 1......
Brharmyasa, -ed by Ācārya Lāvanya Süri, p. 3.

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Siddha-Cakra' referred to by Hemacandra, aoted above, had been the same as the Siddha-Cakra later described in the Siri Sirivāla-kahā of Ratnamandira gani. 1
King Sripala (Sirivāla ) an ideal worshipper of the Siddha-Cakra, is said to have visited the ancient city of Sürpāraka or Sopāraka near Bombay and 1 hấpă. The place is well-known as the site of a Buddhist Stūpa and as an ancient port. Some later Jaina texts and hymns do speak of a shrine of Rşabhånātha having existed here, while Vajrasvami, who is said to have re. stored the Siddha-Cakra is also known to have visited it; and four converts from the ancient port, at the hands of Vajrasena, the pupil of Vajrasvāmi, are wellknown as the originators of four kulas, namely, Nagendra, Candra, Nirvști and Vidyadhara, amongst Jaina monks.
Tantric texts like the "Namaskara-Valaya". (as noted above) were known to Siddhasena (1248 V. S.-1181 A. D.), the commentator of Pravacanasāroddhāra. His remarks are noteworthy in as much as he says that in works of this class is given a vyakhya (commentary, discussion of the Panca-Parameşthi Namaskāra. This Pañca-Parameşthi-nantra is said to be the origin of all mantras.:( spells, charms), the essence of all the fourteen Pärvva texts, and the wishing tree ( Kalpa-druma) for the attainment of all desired objects. Its power is great in as much as it can be used against poisons, snakes, supernatural beings like Śākini, Däkini, Yākini and the like grahas and has the powers of Vasya, Akşşti, etc., over the whole world."
Thus it may be inferred that the Siddha-Cakra-Yantra made up of this Panca-Paramesthi mantra was employed in the various Tantric rites-the sat. karmas, such as Santika, Pauştika, Vaśya, Akarşaņa, Mohana and Māraña--at Jeast in the eleventh century A.D., i.e. in a century or two preceeding the age of Siddhasena's commentary. Originally, the Siddha-Cakra or the Namaskāra. Valaya must have been employed in pure rites only, i.e. in the Santika and the Pauştika. But the growing Tantric influence in India, from c. 7th century A.D. if not earlier, which resulted in the composition of various Buddhist Sadhanas, and in a similar activity in the Brahmanical Tantras, also led the Jainas pot only to elaborate their pantheon, but also to introduce a number of
1 Also called Ratnasekhara sûri. He was pupil of Hematilaka sūri, the pupil of Vajrasena süri of Bfhadgaccha. Siri Sirivälakana with Avacūri of Hemacandra (the pupil of Ratnasekhara, the author), is published in D.LJ. P.F., Bombay (1923 A.D.).
It includes invocations to the 16 Vidyadevis, the Sāsana-Suras ( 24yakşas ), the Sasana-devis (24 yaksinis ), 10 Dik-pälas the Kşetrapāla, the 4 Pratibåras (Kumuda, Añjana etc. ), the 4 Viras, the Guru-Pādukās and so onSiri Sirivälakahä, vv. 196-207.

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103 tantric rites and practices which were originally prohibited to Jaina monks and which were against the very principles of Jainism.
Later Digambara manuscripts of the Pañca-Namaskara-kalpa, and Svetämbara manuscripts of the Pañca-Parameşthi-kalpa are still available in the different Jaina Bhāndāras. This class of small tantric texts (kalpa) ca the Namaskara-mantra await a special critical study.

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7. AUSPICIOUS DREAMS.1
.
When the Venerable Lord Mahavira descended into the womb of Devanandå, she saw fourteen dreams. When he was transferred by Hariņega meşin to the womb Ksatriyāṇi Trišală, she saw the same set of fourteen dreams. : Whenever a Tirthankara descends from one of the heavens into the womb of his Mother she sees fourteen dreams, according to the Svetambara Jaina tradi. tions. According to Digambara traditions, however, the Mother of every Jina sees sixteen auspicious dreams at this moment.
The fourteen dreams seen by Trisalā, are described in detail in the Kalpasūtra :-(1) A white elephant, large and beautiful, with four tusks and streaming with ichor. (2) A white bull surrounded by a diffusion of light, with a charming hump and horns greased at tips. (3) A sportive lion, whiter than pearls and beautiful, with flapping tail and protruding tongue. (4) The Goddess Sri, four. armed and carrying the lotuses adorned with various ornaments, lustrated by two celestial elephants (5) A garland of various flowers. (6) The Moon-the full-moon. (7) The red Sun. (8) A wondrous, beautiful banner, fastened to a golden staff, with a lion at the top. (9) A full-vase filled with water and lotuses, the abode of Fortune. ( 10 ) A large lake full of lotuses, swarming with bees and aquatic birds sitting beside it. (11) The Ocean of Milk, with agitated waters and full of aquatic animals. (12) The celestial palace ( devavimāna ), of numer. ous columns, hung with garlands, decorated with pictures or sculptures. (13) The jewel beap-of all sorts of jewels. (14) A smokeless fire, with flame in constant moticn.
1 Belief in auspicious dreams is very old in India, cf. the Chandogya Upa. V.2.7-8__" fa fai É a fama i da :
यदा कर्मसु काम्येषु स्त्रियं स्वप्नेषु पश्यति ।
समृद्धिं तत्र जानीयात्तस्मिन्स्वप्ननिदर्शने ॥ Such belief dates from pre-Mahāvira epochs and the Nimitta-pāțhakās are said to have been called by Siddhartha to interpret the dreams seen by Triśālā, the mother of Malavira. Nimittasāstra was very popular with the Ajivikas from whom Kālakācārya mastered it in the rst century B.C. The Angavijjā (c. 600 - A. D.) is a very inportant early Jaina text on Nimitta (based possibly on earlier texts) which is being recently edited by Muni Shri Punyavijaya.
? Kalpa-Sūtra, sū. 3; Jacobi's transl. (SBE), p. 219. * Kalpa-Süra, sū. 31-46; Jacobi, op. cit., 229-238.
For a discussion on and interpretation of some of these prognostic dreams, see, Coomaraswamy, The Conqueror's life in Jaina Paintings J.I.S.O.A., Vol. III, No. 2, (Dec, 1935), pp. 125-144.

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Kalpa-Sūtra miniatures show representations of these dreams, either in a group, as in Brown's figure 19, or singly as in Brown's figs. 20-33, pp. 19-22. The most common type of miniature (cf. Brown's figs. 6. 18)1 represents the mother of a Jina sleeping on a cot in the lowest panel and in the two or three panels above are shown, in different rows, smaller figures of the fourteen dreams. Representations generally confirm to the Kalpa sūtra text, and only minor differences occur, e. g. the Sun may be represented authropomorphically or as a circular disc.
Dreams are also represented in stone reliefs in the lives of different Tirthankaras, a photo illustrated in fig. 83 shows one such set from a Jaina shrine at Kumbhāriā, N. Gujarāt. :
A wooden panel of these fourteen dreams, illustrated here (fig. 87), is preserved in the Shri Pandya-gļha at Pātaņ, N. Gujarat. Paintings of the dreams are also obtained on wooden book-covers, 4 or as reliefs on wooden or metal stools or platters used for placing offerings in Jaina shrines,
According to Digambara traditions, the dreams are :--(1) Airavata the elephant of Indra, (2) The best of bulls, (3) the lion white in colour with red manes, (4) the goddess Padmă (Sri) seated on golden lotuses and lustrated by elephants, (5) pair of garlands of best flowers, (6) the moon, (7) the sun rising from the Udayācala mountain, (8) pair of full-vases with lotuses placed on their mouths, (9) pair of fishes, (10) celestial lake, (11) agitated ocean, (12) a lofty golden lion-throne, (13) a celestial car (vimāna ), ( 14 ) a palace of the king of snakes (Nagendra-bhavana ), (15) heap of jewels, ( 16 ) smokeless fire. 6
Representations of the sixteen dreams are also popular amongst the Digambara Jainas and are often carved on door-lintels of Jaina shrines, an
1 For other illustrations, see, Jaina Citrakalpadruma figs. 73. Coomaraswamy, Catalogue of the Indian collections in the Boston Museum Vol. IV, figs. 34, 13. Brown, KSP., fig. 152, p. 64. Pavitrakalpasūtra, figs. 17, 22.
2 Representations of Sri amongst such miniatures, of special iconographic interest, will be treated separately in a chapter on the iconography of Sri-Laxmi, the goddess of wealth, in my forthcoming, “Elements of Jaina Iconography".
3 At Kharataravasabi Caumukha shrine, Abu, they are represented on an architrave in the hall in front of the main shrine. A photograph of it will be found in CFT HIT (Gujarati ) by Munisri Jayantavijaya, 5th edition.
4 In the life of Pārsvanātha, on a book-cover in the Shri Atmārāma Jñāna-mandri Bhāņdāra; Baroda, collection of Pravartaka Sri Kantivijaya. JISOA., Vol. V, pp. 2-12 ff. pl. For a reference to paintings of dreams on walls, Nirayavalião, 2.1. p. 51. Also see Jesalmere Citrāvali.
5 Mahāpurāņa (Adipurāņa), sarga 12, vv. IOI-119, pp. 259 ff. Harivamśa, sarga 8, verses 58-74, pp. 160-161.

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early specimen of them is available on the door frame of a cell in the Santinătha temple at Khajurāho. There are some more representations of the dreams on the door-frames of different Jaina shrines at Khajuraho.
According to Jaina traditions, mothers of other Salākāpuruşas like the Baladevas, Vāsudevas, and Cakravartins also see a certain number of dreams at the time of conception. 1 According to Svetambara traditions, the mother of a Väsudeva (Nārāyaṇa or Vişnu) sees the following 7 dreams :-( 1 ) Young lion (2) Padınā (Sri) Seated on a lotus, being sprinkled with water by two elephants (3) Sun (4) a pitcher filled with water and having its mouth adorned with white lotuses ( 5 ) an ocean filled with aquatic animals etc. (6) a heap of jewels ( 7 ) smokeless fire. 2 According to the Digambaras, they are:(1) Sun (2) Moon (3) Śri (4) Vimāna (5) Fire (6) Celestial banner (7) Disc made of jewels. 3
The mother of a Baladeva sees the following 4 dreams:-(1) Elephant with four tusks ( 2 ) bull ( 3 ) Moon ( 4 ) a pond filled with lotuses. According to Digambara tradition, they are (1) Moon ( 2 ) elephant (3) ocean (4) Sun. 5
The mother of a Cakravartin sees fourteen dreams like the Mother of a Tirthankara, according to Svetāmbara tradition. According to the other sect, she sees five dreams; ( 1 ) Earth, (2) Sumeru mountain, (3) Sun and Moon, (4) lake with swans and (5) Ocean with surging waves.?
Dreams are auspicious or inauspicious. Mahāvira in his itinerary, before realisation of final knowledge, saw ten dreams which are described along with their meaning by the Sthánānga Sūtra. 8 Belief in dreams is an ancient superstition. It is difficult to say when the section on dreams was introduced in the life of Mahāvira in the Kalpasūtra account, at least the detailed descriptions of
The belief is common to both sects, but the difference in number of dreams would suggest their comparatively later growth.
? Trişasti., parva 4, chp. I, vv. 216-233. Pavitrakalpasūtra., sū. 72 f., text, p. 27.
3 Harivamśa, 35. vv. 11-12, Vol. II. pp. 451-52. Padmacarita, 25. 3. P. 506 notes a different tradition, according to which she sees (1) Lion and (2) Moon only.
4 Trişaşti., op. cit , vv. 167-179.
5 Harivamśa, 32. I-2; p., 412. Padmacarita, 25. 12-15, p. 507 gives a different tradition.
8 Trişasti., 1. 4. vy. 883 ff. (GOS) p. 148. Pavitrakalpasūtra ed. by Muni Punyavijayaji, sū-71, text p. 26 f.
? Harivamśa, 32. 1-2; p. 412. Padmacarita, 25. 12-15, p. 507 gives a different tradition. Mahāpurāņa (Adipurāņa), parva 15, vv. 100-101, PP. 334f;
8 Sthānāngu Sūtra, 10-3. sū. 750, Vol II. pp. 499 ff.

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each of the fourteen dreams seem to have been added later as shown by the analysis of Muni Punyavijaya' in his critical edition of the Pavitra KalpaSūtra. It may be added that the ornament dināra-mālā (necklace or garland of Dināra coins) in the description of Sri in these dreams (Kalpa-Sutra, sūtra 37) supports the inference that this section is added later and may be as late as the Valabhi council under Devarddhi gani Kşamāśramana.
Belief in dreams is common to all sects. The Brahmavaivarta Purāņa, in the Khanda dealing with the life of Krishna (adh. 77) gives a list of good dreams (with their results). The same Purana, adh. 70 gives a list of such dreams seen by Akrūra. Bad dreams with their results are referred to in ibid., adh. 80, similar dreams were also seen by Kamsa as narrated in ibid., adh. 63. Accounts of good and bad dreams are also available in the Devipurăṇa, adh. 22, Kalikapurapa, adh. 87, Matsya Purana, adh. 242 and so on. The science of Svapna-Sakuna was very popular in the age of Purapas and even medical works like the Astängahrdaya of Vägbhata, refer to such dreams in detail (in Sarirasthana, adh. 6).
Muni Shri Punyavijaya, in his Intro, to the Pavitra-Kapla-Sutra, p. 10, says that the detailed description of the fourteen dreams in the KS, is not referred to in the Carni of Agastya-Simha, and that it is difficult to say whether this part is genuine. According to him both the Niryukti and the Cürni on the Daś śrutaskandha (of which KS. is the eigth adhyayana) are about 1600 years old, or earlier, i.e. c. 350 A.D. or earlier. These remarks of the learned Muniji are further supported by the ref. to the coin Dināra noted above.
See, Sabda-kalpadruma-kośa, under svapna.

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8. ASTAMANGALA
The Aştamangalas or Eight Auspicious objects are familiar to both the sects and are known to Jaina worship from ancient times. They are :-Svastika, Śrivatsa, Nandyāvarta, Varddhamanaka, (powder.flask), Bhadrāsana ( throne, a particular type of seat), Kalasa (the full-vase ), Darpana (mirror) and Matsya (or Matsya-yugma, pair of fish), and are often referred to in Jaina texts, including canonical works, as decorating tops of architraves or ramparts, or placed on Caitya-trees, platforms, painted on walls and sc on. ?
Hemacandra also notes that the eight auspicious symbols were represented on Bali-pațțas or offering stands. The offering-stand is a platter with low legs, made of wood or metal, used to hold offering in temple worships. It bas eight auspicious signs carved or made in high relief. Such stools, often made of wood with silver plate studded all over it, or of silver or brass, and with reliefs of the eight auspicious marks or of the dreams, are even today used for placing offerings in Jaina shrines. Often Jaina ladies prepare such signs with uncooked rice on such platters.
But the reference by Hemacar.dra to Balipațas with marks of eight auspicious objects is interesting since such auspicious symbols are seen on some of the Jaina Āyāgapatas of the Kuşana age, obtained from Mathură. The Tablet set up by Acalā (fig. XI of Smith), for example, shows a line of four symbols in the upper most panel and another of eight at base. In this lower panel, the first symbol from right end, partly mutilated, was probably the Srivatsa. The second is Svastika, third a lotus-bud half open, fourth a pair of fish, fifth a water-jar (with a handle ), sixth is either an offering of sweets or a crude representation of ratna-rāśi. The seventh is possibly the sthapanā (a crossstand with a mss. on it), the eighth is an inverted tri-ratna, like the so-called hill on some coins. The uppermost central rectangular panel, which contains
1 Aupapalika sūtra, sû. 31, pp. 68 69:-Sovatthiya (or sotthiya ), Siriviccha, nandiyāvatta, bhaddā sana, Kalasa, maccha, dappana, and Vaddhamanaka
2 Trişasti. I (GOS), pp. 112, 190. Mahāpurānı ( Adipuräna ), parva 22. vv. 143, 185, 210 etc., pp. 520 ff. ct :-
Tuivi grid 2 ANAT quat, lसोत्थिय, सिरिवच्छ, नन्दियावत्त, वद्वमाणग, भद्दासण, कलस, मच्छ, दप्पण, जाव __ पडिरूवा.
-- Röyapasenaiyam, ed. by Pt. Bechardas ( Ahmedabad), pp. 80; also Jambadripaprajñapti, Vol. I. p. 43.
3 Trişasti. I (GOS) p. 190 and note 238.

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four symbols, shows the Srivatsa, another type of svastika with bent ends, and two more symbols which cannot be properly identified. Some of these symbols occur on other Ayāga pațas. A much better preserved set of eight symbols, is however obtained on the Ayagapata set up by Sihanadika (J. 249, Lucknow Museum) with inscription in characters earlier than that of the age of Kaniska.s Here in the lower panel are shown, the tri-ratna, the full-blown flower, the sthapana ( is it the bhadrāsana? 4 ) and the maigala-kalasa ( fullvase). In the pannel at the top are a pair of fish, an unidentified symbol, the śrivatsa and the powder-flask (vardhamanaka ).
It is thus reasonable to infer that in the Kuşāņa age, the set of the Aştamangalas was not finally settled and that the earlier tradition as obtained on these Āyāga patas, especially the Āyāgapața of Sihanādika, shows a slightly different set from the one known to us. In this older tradition represented on the Āyāga pațas, the nandyāvarta and the darpana are omitted and the fullgrown lotus and another unidentified symbol are used. The Mathurā finds represent a stage anterior to the tradition recorded in the Jaina canons avail
i Smith, Jaina Stūpa, pl. XI, ५ Cf. Smith, JS., pl. IX., p. 16. 3 Smith, Ibid., pl. VII., p. 14.
4 Bhadrāsana is described elaborately by later texts like the Vişnuaharmottara (c. sixth century A. D.), cf.:
भद्रासनं नरेन्द्रस्य क्षीरवृक्षण कारयेत्। उच्छायश्च तथा तस्य अध्ययं तु समं भवेत् ॥ हस्तत्रयं तथाविष्टं विस्तरेण तु कारयेत् ।
आयामश्चास्य कर्तव्यो विस्तरेणार्धसम्मित : ॥ चतुरस्रं तु कर्तव्यं राज्ञो भद्रासनं शुभम् । नाष्टास्त्रं न तथा वृत्तं न च दीर्घ भृगूत्तम ।। सुवर्णरुप्यताम्रश्च चित्रं कार्य विशेषत: । रत्नैः प्रशस्तैर्न तथा न रत्नप्रतिरूपकैः ।। चत्वारः पुरुषास्तत्र विन्यस्ता भृगुनन्दन । द्विगुणाश्च तथा सिंहास्तेभ्यस्तु द्विगुणास्तथा ॥ भद्रासनं तत्र भवेन्नृपस्य तलेन पूर्ण ससुखं पराय॑म् । वैयघ्रचर्मास्तरणं सुखार्थ वरासनं तस्य समामनन्ति ।।
Visnudharmotlara, and khanda, 14 adh., p. 178. 6 Especially see, हर्षचरित, एक सांस्कृतिक अध्ययन (Hindi) by Dr. Vasudeva Sarana Agrawala, p. 120, where he has referred to Aştamangala-mālās from Sanchi reliefs. The mangalakas are more than eight at Sānchi. Gradually they came to be fixed as eight.

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able to us. Such facts confirm our inference that most of the texts as available today follow the edition of the Mathura council, of c. 300-313 A, D., under Arya Skandila (i. e. they are post-Kuşāņa or late Kșatrapa in age) and that the extant Niryuktis should naturally post-date this council.
Aştamangalas are represented in miniature paintings 2 of manuscripts, or in paintings on canvass of different pațas, and in scroll paintings of the Vijñaptipatras. 8 They are often represented as decorative motifs, either separately or in groups, on different parts of a temple, especially on architraves or doorlintels. Small platters of these aştamangalas are also dedicated in Jaina temples and often worshipped along with other objects (fig. 60, from a Jaina shrine in Baroda ).
The aștamangalas are often worshipped in Jaina rites. The Ācāra-Dinakara • fortunately explains the significance of these symbols, which however, may or may not represent the original conceptions. The Kalasa or the fullvase, for example, according to this text, is worshipped as a symbol for the Jina as he is verily like a kalasa in his family. The mirror is for seeing one's true self; the bhadrāsana is worshipped as it is sanctified by the feet of the Blessed Lord, the Vardhamānaka is suggestive of increase of wealth, fame, merit etc., due to the grace of the Lord. It is said that the highest knowledge has manifested itself from the heart of the Jina, in the form of the Srivatsamark on his chest. Svastika, according to this text, signifies svasti, that is, Sánti or peace. Nandyāvarta (diagram) with its nine points stands for the nine nidhis ( treasures ). The pair of fish is the symbol of Cupid's banners come to worship the Jina after the defeat of the god of Love.
The Digambara sect gives the following set of aştamangalas :(1) Bhrngāra (a type of vessel), (2) Kalasa--the full-vase, (3) Darpana--the mirror, ( 4 ) Cāmara—the fly-whisk, (5) Dhvaja--the banner, (6) Vyajana-the fan, (7) Chatra-ihe Umbrella and (8) Supratistha--a seat. 5
1 It is interesting to note that, on a red sand-stone umbrella (c. and cent. A. D.), from Mathura, the following eight auspicious symbols are carved :(1) Nandipada ( same as what is called tri-ratna above), (2) Matsya-yugma, (3) Svastika, ( 4 ) Puspa-dāma, (5) Pūrņa-ghata, (6) Ratna-pātra, ( 7 ) Srivatsa, (8) Sankha-nidhi..... "A new Stone Umbrella from Mathura ", by Dr. V. S. Agrawala, J. U. P. H. S., Vol. XX (1947), pp. 65-67. For the Jaina evidence & description of these umbrellas, from Praśņavyākaraņa sūtra, see, A Further Note On Stone Umtrellas from Mathurā,” Shah U. P., J.U.P.H. S., Vol XXIV.
3 Jaina Citrakalpadruma, figs. 82, 59. Moticandra, Jaina Miniature Paintings in W. India.
3 For illustration, see, Johnson, transl. of Trişasti. I. (GOS.), pl. IV. 4 Acāra-Dinakara, pp. 197-198. 5 Tiloyapannatti, 4.738, Vol. I. p. 236.

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Some of these symbols, like the svastika, are of very ancient origin, common to different ancient civilizations and races of the world, and their exact significance is not always easy to comprehend. The full-vase or the Pūrņa-Kalas'a of Vedic literature, is the Indian symbol of fullness of life, of plenty, of immortality. 1
Belief in auspicious objects is very old, common to all sects. Agrawala has already referred to Mangala-mālā amongst Sāñchi reliefs. 2 The Mahabharata, Dronaparva, 82, 20-22, mentions numerous objects which Arjuna looked at and touched as auspicious when starting for battle, amongst which auspicious maidens are also mentioned. 3 The Vamana-Purana, 14. 35-36 mentions several objects which are auspicious. The Brahmavaivarta Purāņa also gives lists of animate and inanimate objects regarded as auspicious." Belief in mangalas and mangala-dravyas is also known to the Rāmāyaṇa. 5
The Full-jar has been discussed by Dr. Coomaraswamy, Yaksas, part II. pp. 61.64; by Dr. Agrawala, J.U.P.H.S., Vol. XVII, pp. 1-6 ff. The two eyes associated with the mangala-kalaśa in Jaina miniatures, are said by Wilhelm Huttemann (Miniature Zum Jina carilra, Bassler-Archin, Vol. 4, (1914), pp. 47-77 ) to symbolize clairvoyant knowledge which sees through uttermost limits. Brown (KSP., p. 12, n.s.) suggests that the association of eyes with the vessel of plenty (clouds ) may indicate a vestigial representation of the sun, which sees all and knows all (cf. Atharva Veda, 19.53.3.)
The Vardhamanaka and Srivatsa symbols are treated by Coomaraswamy, Ostasiatische Zeitschr. (1927-28 ), pp. 181-182 and by Johnson E.H., J.R.A.S. 1931, pp. 558 f. Ibid., 1932, pp. 393 ff. For Svastika, see Brown, W.N., The Svastika.
* Agrawala, V. S., zafa, 54 fishia 76747, p. 120.
3 Also see, Kane, P. V., History of Dharmaśāstra, Vol. II, p. 511. He cites the following verse from a Saunaka-kärikā (ms. Bombay University Library, Folio 22b) which speaks of eight auspicious objects :
दर्पणः पूर्णकलशः कन्या सुमनसोऽक्षताः।
दीपमाला ध्वजा लाजा सम्प्रोक्तं चाष्टमङ्गलम् ।। 4 Cf. Brahmavaivarla Purāņa, Ganapatikhanda, adhyāya 16 and Krisnajanmakhanda, adhyāya 70, both quoted by Sabdakalpadruma, III. p. 564. The Sabdakal padruma, I. p. 148 quotes the following :
मृगराजो वृषो नाग: कलशो व्यजनं तथा।
वैजयन्ती तथा भेरी दीप इत्यष्टमङ्गलम् ॥ इति बृहन्नन्दिकेश्वरपुराणे दुर्गोत्सवपद्धतौ. Also, al SEH-AK71718) Alat nigaizra: 1
RETTI Ffitri 214 TraL ATSEH: Il a pisarat 5 cf. affata aa algat Hai Rāmāyana, II. 23. 29.

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9. STHĀPANA AND OTHER SYMBOLS
Sthapanā or Sthāpanācārya is a symbolic representation of his ācārya or teacher which a Jaina monk keeps in front while giving a discourse. It marks the presence of the elder, used as a corrective witness, a precaution against misinterpretation, but especially as a mark of reverence to the teacher. Literally it means installation of the (figure or symbol) of the acārya, when he is not personally present.1
It is a crossed wooden stand, made of two or more crossed sticks which can be folded and carried easily. The sticks are tied with a string in the centre and when the stand is placed in position, a nice piece of cloth, often a costly, ornamental one is placed as a cover on its top. Under it were often placed akşa and varāțaka. A scripture was sometimes placed on it or used as a sthāpanā. The sticks are often made of ivory or sandalwood with beautiful carvings at ends. The sthāpanā is an old practice amongst monks of both the sects and 1 Jinabhadra Kşamāśramaņa (c. 500-600 A. D.) explains it as :
गुरुविरहम्मि य ठवणा गुरूवएसोवदंसणत्थं च । जिणविरहम्मि व जिणबिंबसेवणाऽमन्तण सहलं ॥
-Visesāvasyaka mahābhāsya. Devendrasuri in his Samghācāra-tikā, in the section, Guruvandana-bhāsya, says:
गुरुगुणजुत्तं तु गुरुं ठाविजा अहव तत्थ अकखाई।
अहवा नाणाइतिश्र ठविज सक्ख-गुरु-अभावे ॥ २८ ॥ The following from Pinduniryukti explains the Sthāpanā.--
तं चिंति नामपिंड ठवणापिंडं अश्रो वोच्छं ॥ ६ ॥ p. 3. अक्खे वराडए वा कटे पुत्थे व चित्त कम्मे वा।
सम्भावमसम्भावं ठवणापिंडं वियाणाहि ॥ ७ ॥ p. 6. Commentary of मलय गिरि-".....स्थाप्यमानस्येन्द्रादेरनुरूपाङ्गोपाङ्गचिह्नवाहनग्रहरणादिपरिकररूपो य आकारविशेषो यद्दर्शनात्साक्षाद्विद्यमान इवेन्द्रादिर्लक्ष्यते स सद्भावः, तदभावोऽसद्भावः, तत्र सद्भावमसद्भाव चाश्रित्य 'अक्षे' चन्दनके 'कपर्दे' वराटके वाशब्दोऽङ्गुलीयकादिसमुच्चयार्थः, उभयप्रापि च जातावकवचनं, तथा 'काष्ठे' दारुणि 'पुस्ते' ढिउल्लिकादौ, वाशब्दो लेप्यपाषाणसमुच्चये, चित्रकर्मणि वा या पिण्डस्य स्थापना माऽक्षादिः काष्ठादिष्वाकार विशेषो वा पिण्डत्वेन स्थाप्यमानः स्थापना पिण्डः...... ।
इको उ असम्भावे तिराहं ठवणा उ होइ सब्भावे । चित्तेसु असब्भावे दारुअलेप्पोवले सियरो ॥ ७ ॥ (भाष्यगाथा)
-Pindaniryukti (DLPF. No. 44, A. D. 1918), pp. 37.

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can be seen on stone sculptures also, at Deogodh (fig. 43), Ābu, Kumbhāriā and other places. Whether the motif existed at Mathurā, Kankāli Țilá, or not is not known, but the symbol preceding the mangala-kalasa in the lower panel of the Ayagapatta of Sihavanika (Coemaraswamy, HIIA, fig.70) comes very near this conception. (However, it is equally probable that it represented the bhadrâsana).
____Sthapana is, therefore, a pretty old practice, referred to by Jinabhadra gani Kşamāśramaņa as quoted above, and by the Anuyogadvāracūrņi, which mentions the accessories for a sādhu in the practice of dharma; they are : thavana (sthapana ), muhapatti ( mukhapattikā), danda-paunchanam ( dandaprońchanaka ) and javamālia (japamālikā ). The sthāpanā is for the practice of the virtue of vinaya or showing respect to and obedience to the elders.
The mukhapattikā, a piece of cloth held in front of the mouth by a Jaina monk while speaking, is a symbol of samyama or control of speech and also is understood as prescribed for preventing insects from entering the mouth and being killed.1 The Mukhapattika, or a month-piece, is a very ancient Jaina practice used by Gautama, the ganadhara of Mahavira.. The Brhat-kalpabhāşya prescribes its size, which is equal to sixteen angulas and is then folded so as to appear as a small square piece to be held in front of the mouth.
1 Discussed in Paricavastnprakarana, Yatidinacarya ; Oghaniryuktivrtti, etc., where the following gatha is usually quoted :
संपाइमरयरेणुपमज्जणछा वयंति मुहपत्तिं ।
नासं मुह च बंधइ, तीए क्सहिं पमज्जंतो ।। 2 Vivāgasuyam, I adhyayana. ३ चउरंगुलं विहत्थी एयं मुहणंतगस्स उ पमाणं । बितीय पि य पमाणं मुहप्पमाणेण कायव्वं ।।
-Brhatkalpa-bhāsya, Vol. 4, v. 3982. Cf. Pindaniryukti ( DLPF. no. 44, Bombay, A.D. I918) with comm. of Malayagiri, p. 13:
पायस्स पडोयारो दुनिसिज्ज तिपट्ट पोत्ति रयहरणं ।
एए उ न वीसामे जयणा संकामणा धुवणं ॥ २८॥ Comm :- प्रत्यवतार्यते पात्रमस्मिन्निति प्रत्यवतारः-उपकरणं पात्रस्य प्रत्यवतारः-पात्रवर्ज: पात्रनिर्योगः षधिः , तथा रजोहरणस्य सक्ते द्वे निषधे, तद्यथा-- बाह्या अभ्यन्तरा च, इह सम्प्रति दशिकामिः सह या दण्डिका क्रियते सा सूत्रनीत्या केवलैव भवति न सदशिका, तस्या निषद्यात्रय, तत्र या दण्डिकाया उपरि एकहस्तप्रमाणायामा तिर्यग्वेष्टकत्रयपृथुत्वा कम्बलीखण्डरूपा सा आद्या निषद्या, तिर्यग् बहुभिर्वेष्टकैरावेष्टयन्ती किञ्चिदधिकहस्तप्रमाणायामा हस्तप्रमाणमात्रपृथुत्वा वस्त्रमयी निषद्या सा अभ्यन्तरा निषद्योच्यते, तृतीया तु तस्या एवाभ्यन्तरनिषद्यायास्तिर्यग्वेष्टकान् कुर्वती चतुरमुलाधिकैकहस्तमाना चतुरस्रा कम्बलमयी भवति, सा चोपवेशनोपकारित्वादधुना पादप्रोच्छन कमिति रूढा, सा बाद्या निषधेत्य

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The dandaprońchanaka is so called because it is a broom with a stick, it is also known as a rajoharana as it is used to sweep dust particles and small living insects. Haribhadra says that it is 32 angulas in length of which the stick is 24 angulas and the front part (gucchā) of the remaining angulas is made of twisted ( strings of) fibres of wool. According to the Bșhatkalpa-sūtra it was made of any one of the following five fibres--wool, hair of camel, jute (šāņaka), fibres of valkala or strings prepared by twisting the muñja grass.
The japamālikā is the rosary of beads of conch, sandal, corals, crys!als, gems, gold or silver.
The mukha pațţikā, rajoharana and the rosary carried by a Jaina monk can be seen in fig. 48 which is a sculpture of Nanna-sūri, installed in V. S. 1393, now in worship in a shrine at Sādadi in Rajasthāna. The rajoharaṇa is shown behind the head of the monk in this sculpture, but he usually carries it in his hand, while walking.
Symbols like the Wheel of Law ( Dharma-cakra) need not be discussed here. Representations of the Wheel of Law, on Jaina pedestals from Kaňkāli
Tilā, Mathură show that the Wheel was placed on a platform or a pillar, often with the rim to front, and worshipped on both sides by the members of the Samgha ( śrävaka, śrāvikā, sādhu and sadhvi). A Wheel on a pillar is also shown on one of the Ayāgapatas discussed above. In later worship, it is placed in the centre of pedestals, but flanked by a deer on each side. Rarely the Wheel was separately installed as an object of worship in Jaina shrines. This is inferred from an early bronze of a Wheel, illustrated in fig. 15, obtained along with a hoard of Jaina bronzes from Chausā, near Buxur in Bihar, and now preserved in the Patna museum. The cakra is assignable to late Kuşāņa age. A similar separate a bronze of a Caitya-vykșa was also obtained in this hoard.
It may be remembered that, only the Sthapana and the Dharma-cakra (and the Caitya-vrkșa ), from the symbols noted above, obtain worship in Jaina shrines. The rajoharaṇa or the rosary are here incidentally discussed, since the sthāpanā is intimately associated with Jaina monks who keep these other accessories.
मिधीयते, मिलितं च निषद्यात्रयं दण्डिकासहितं रजोहरणमुच्यते, ततो रजोहरणस्य सक्ते द्वे निषधे इति न विरुध्यते, तथा त्रयः पट्टाः तद्यथा-संस्तारकपट्टः, उत्तरपट्टः, चोलपट्टश्च, एते च सुप्रतीताः, तथा 'पोत्ति 'क्ति मुखपोतिका, मुखपिधानाय पोतं-वस्त्रं मुखपोतं मुखपोतमेव ह्रस्वं चतुरङ्गुलाधिकवित
TAPETAIMAIT yatai, gaTraye: ......1 1 Cf.:- Ti sau amat Hari
TUETU fa 990 FTTTTT, OTATIT II also, Bțhat-kalpa-bhāşya, v.3674.

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10 ASTAPADA, SAMMETA-SIKHARA AND PANCA-MERU
On Aştăpada mountain Rṣabhadeva attained his nirvana. Near his cremation-ground Bharata erected a temple, of jewelled slabs, named Simhaniṣadyă, with statues of the Sasvata-Jinas as also the twenty-four Jinas of this age. Bharata also installed statues of his ninety-nine brothers who had obtained Nirvana, on this mountain, along with Rsabhanatha. Moreover, he placed a statue of himself listening attentively like a faithful devotee. Bharata raised the Blesssed One's (Rsabha's) Stupa and those of his 99 brothers outside the shrine. In order to save these from future damage at the hands of mortals, he placed mechanical iron guardsmen; cutting off the projections of the mountain, he made it steep and straight, and impossible for men to climb. He then made eight (asfa) steps (pada) around it in the form of terraces impossible for men to cross and each step one yojana apart from the next one. From that time the mountain was called Aşṭapada. Among the people it was known as 'Harådri' 'Kailasa, and Sphatikǎdri.1
Such is the origin of the name of the mount Aşṭāpada according to Hemacandra. The Vasudevahindi tells us how Aşţăpada came to be regarded as a tirtha and says that here Bharata erected stupas and shrine, and installed images therein when Rsabha obtained nirvana on this mount with a thousand monks. The text does not give any explanation of the name Aṣṭāpada. Astapada is an old Jaina tirtha since it is referred to by the Jambudvipaprajñapti and the Acârânga-Niryukti. "
Gautama, the first Gapadhara of Mahavira, was told by his Master that whoever is able to reach the top of this mountain and worship the Caityas thereon obtains emancipation. He, therefore, with his supernatural power, climbed it like a flash of light. Some tapasas (Brahmanical monks!) were attempting to do so and could not go beyond the third terrace. At the sight of Gautama, they got enlightenment and obtained liberation. Gautama reached the top and, entering the Simhanişadya-Caitya by the South gate, he
1 Trişaşti, (GOS.) I., pp. 358-370; Abhidhana Cintamani, IV. 94. Vasudevahindi, p. 301. Gods are said to have created on the site of Rṣabha's Nirvāņa on Aṣṭāpada, three stūpas of jewels, see Jambudvipaprajñapti, sütra 33.
3 Jambu., op. cit.
4 Cf. :- अडावयमुजि गयगपद धम्मच य ।
पासरहावत्तनयं चमरुप्पार्थ च वंदामि ॥

-Acaranga-Niryukti.

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first saw inages of the four Jinas beginning with Sambhava, and worshipped them. At the West-entrance he worshipped the eight Tirthankaras beginning with Supārsva, entering by the North gate he could worship the ten Jinas beginning with Dharmanātha. From the Eastern doorway of the shrine, he worshipped the first two Jinas, Rşabha and Ajitanātha.
Thus it will be seen that the Simhanişadya is a Caumukha shrine with four doorways and having in the centre a platform on which the Jinas are represented in the order described above and worshipped by Gautama. In Svetāmbara Jaina temples, sometimes, a cell is dedicated to this Aştā pada represented in the way shown above. A representation of Aștāpada of this type, with the Gautama shown climbing, and the tāpasas on the way, is seen in a shrine on the mount Satruñjaya in Saurāṣtra. Smaller representations, only of the Jinas on four sides of a pitha, arranged in the above order, are more common, one such may be seen in a Jaina shrine at Surat. All these are later mediaeval representations while earlier ones are not traced hitherto though it may be inferred that Citra-pațas of the tirthas like Satruñjaya and Aștāpada might have been in use even before, since the avacūri on samavasarana-stava refers at least to the pațas of the samavasaraṇa structure.
The Digambara sect also believes that Rşabha obtained Nirvāṇa on this mountain and that Bharata erected a memorial shrine on the cremation ground. But such representations-plaques, paintings or sculptures--are not yet traced, though a proper search is likely to disclose some kind of representation of the Aștāpada amongst the Digambaras.
Similarly, representations of Sammeta-Sikhara are also worshipped in Jaina shrines, a famous example of which is available in the triple-Jaina shrine built by Vastupala-Tejapāla on Mount Girnār. Such representations are known as 'avatāra' or 'uddhāra' of a particular tirtha in Svetambara Jaina terminology. A small plaque, representing "avatāra" of the two tirthas of Satruñjaya and Girnār, now in worship in a shrine at Varkhāņā in Rājasthān, is illustrated in figure 59.
Representations of Panca-Meru mountains of different dvipas, showing a Siddhāyatana (suggested by a four-fold Jina image) on each tier, one above the other (in five tiers ) and surmounted by a finial, are more common amongst the Digambaras. One such Panca-Meru is also obtained in a Svetānbara shrine, in the Hastiśālā of the Lūņa.Vasahi Mt. Ābu. The five Merus are Sudarsana in the midst of Jambudvipa, Vijaya in eastern Dhātakikhanda-dvipa, Acala in
1 Astăpada-giri-kalpa, by Jinaprabha sūri, pub, in the Vividha-Tirthakalpa, pp. 91-93. Also see, Ibid., p. 31 for an Astāpadamahātirthakalpa by Dharmaghoșa sūri. Abhidhāna-Rajendra-Kośa, Vol. I on 19€.

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western Dhātakikhanda-dvipa, Mandara in eastern Puşkarardha-dvipa and Vidyunmāli in the western Puşkarārdha-dvipa. According to the Digambara belief, in all there are 80 siddhāyatanas (eternal shrines or shrines of siddhas) on the five Merus. A Digambara Pañca-Meru bronze, installed in V. S. 1514 (= 1456 A.D.), now in worship in a shrine in Surat, is illustrated here in fig. 78.

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11. NANDISVARA-DVIPA
Nandiśvara-dvipa is known to both the sects. It is the last of the numerous concentric island-continents of Jaina cosmography, the first or the central one being the Jambù dvipa. The Nandiśvara is a land of delight of the gods with gardens of manifold designs, adorned and honoured by the visits of gods devoted to the worship of the Tirthankaras. In its central parts are the four Añjana mountains of black colour, situated in the four directions--Devaramaņa in the east, Nityodyota in the south, Svayamprabha in the west, and Ramaniya in the north. On their tops are temples of the Arhats (Tirthankaras), one hundred yojanas long, half as wide and seventy yojanas high, each shrine having four doors. Within the temples are jewelled platforms, sixteen yojanas long and wide, and eight yojanas high. On the platforms ( manipithaka ) are daises ( devacchandaka) of jewel whose length and width exceed that of the platforms and on whom are one hundred and eight eternal statues (Sāśvatabimba) each of the four Eternal Arhats ( Śaśvata-Jina) named Rşabha, Varddha. māna, Candránana and Värişena in the paryanka-posture, made of jewels, attended each by a beautiful retinue consisting of two Nāgas, two Yaksas, two Bhūtas and two pitcher-carriers while behind each statue is a figure of an umbrella-bearer. On the daises are incense-burners, wreaths, bells, the eight auspicious marks, banners, festoons, baskets, boxes and seats as well as sixteen ornaments such as full pitchers etc.
There are gleaming entrance-pavilions (mukha-mandapa) of the size of temples, theatre-pavilions (preksă-mandapa ), arenas (aksavātaka ), jewelled platforms, beautiful stūpas, and statues, fair caitya-trees, indradhvajas and divine lotus-lakes in succession.
In the four directions from each of the Añjana Mountains there are big square lotus-lakes, Nandiseņa, Amogha, Gostupa etc., and beyond them are great gardens named Asoka, Saptaparņa, Campaka and Cúta. Within the sixteen lotus-lakes are the crystal Dadhimukha mountains, each having a SaśvataJinālaya with images of Sāśvata-Jinas described above. Between each two lakes are two Ratikara mountains making a total of thirty-two Ratikara moun
1 Trişastiśalā kāpuruşacarita, I (GOS. Vol. LI), pp. 395-397; Irişaşți. prvas II-III (GOS. Vol. LXXVII), pp. 120 ff.; Harivamśa of Jinasena, sarga 5, vv. 647-685, pp. 122-124; Trilokasāra of Nemicandra, vv. 960 ff. Kirfel, Die Kosmographie der Inder, pp. 253 ff; Ramacandran, T.N , Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, pp. 181; also see, Sthânānga Sütra, 4.2. sū. 307, Vol. I, pp. 229 ff; Avaśyaka Cūrņi, p. 397 f.

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tains. These mountains agian have thirty-two Śaśvata-Jinalayas on them. This makes a total of fifty-two such Eternal Temples of the Arhats on the Nandiśvara-dvipa. Here and elsewhere on the Nandiśvara.dvipa Indra and other gods celebrate cight-days' festival every year on different holy (parva) days.
Works on cosmography like the Laghukşetrasamäsa of Ratnasekhara expressly state that there are fifty-two śāśvata-Caityālayas, thirteen in each of the four directions, on the Nandiśvara-dvipa. A diagrammatic representation of it generally shows in a circle, a group of thirteen miniature shrines in each direction, with a mountain in the centre. This does not seem to be a faithful representation of the description obtained in works on cosmography since the central mountain also has śāśvata-Jināla yas on it.
In various temples and palaces of the Nandiśvara-dvipa, gods together with their retinue, celebrate the Astāhnika-mahotsava (eight-days' festival) on holy days of the holy Arhats. After celebrating the Kalyanaka-ceremony (or the festival of any of the five chief events in the life of every Jina) gods retire to this dvipa, worship the caityas thereon and then return to their respective abodes.
Plaques or pațas representing the 52 shrines on the Nandiśvara are very popular amongst both the sects. The Digambaras represent 52 small figures of the Jinas (suggesting 52 shrines) on a four-tiered platform or in a miniature shrine, both the types being four-faced, as illustrated by T. N. Ramchandran in his Tiruparuttikuņram and its Temples, pl. xxxi. figs. 3-4, p. 181. The Svetambaras represent 52 miniature shrines in four groups of thirteen each, carved in relief on a stone plaque, and arranged in different artistic ways. A beautiful Śvetāmbara plaque worshipped in the famous Caumukha shrine at Rāṇakpur is illustrated in Fig. 89 (also see, JISOA., Vol. IX. (1941), pl. V, p. 48). Here the Jinālayas are grouped in a beautiful geometric pattern while the intervening spaces at four ends are filled with representations of
1 Cf. an IUTATUT 23 IT unaftuzi एंदिसरि बावन्ना चउ कुंडलि रूअगि चत्तारि ॥२५८ ॥
Laghu-Kşetrasamāsa, pp. 418 ff. 2 Also see, Jivājivābhigama sutra, 3.2. sū. 183, pp. 356 for an early account of the Nandiśvara-dvipa.
3 Cf. Avaśyaka Cūrni, p. 151 ; Jambudvipa-prajñapti, I. 2. sū. 33, p. 158; Trişașți. I, op. cit., pp. 130 f.; Ramachandran, op. cit., p. 181. Cf. :--Tegalgfapag saad &g 1
#ar: qa qai fiatay ang | Harivansa, p. 124, v. 680.

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Caitya-trees, with worshippers near their roots. Another pața of this dvipa, installed by one Dhåndhala in V. S. 1287 (1230 A.D.) is preserved in a cell in the main shrine on Mt. Girnär, but the number of shrines on the plaque exceeds the usual figure of 52. The first pata does not seem to be a correct representation of the position of the Sasvata-Caityalayas according to their geographical positions in the dvipa. Both the plaques are not representation of the Nandiśvaradvipa as such, but are rather patas of the Sasvata-Caityalayas only on the dvipa, and omit representations of lakes, palaces, etc., on the island.
The Nandisvara-dvipa has been held very sacred by both the sects who install stone and metal sculptures or plaques of it in Jaina shrines. The subject presents scope of showing varieties for the artist and paintings of the same were not unknown.
121
Ramachandran has published a metal sculpture of the N-dvipa, pyramidal in shape, rising in six tiers with a finial top. Thirteen Jinas are shown as sitting in padmasana on each side. He has also published a bigger stone sculpture of the N-dvipa, shaped like a vimana, superimposed on a square base, the sides of which revea: Jinas (Siddhas) seated in meditation. The Vimana has on each side a niche surmounted by an arch with a figure of a Jina sitting in it. A finial surmounts the whole, giving it a dignified appearance of a Jina-bhavana. Fig. 63 illustrated here represents a modern bronze of N-dvipa in worship in a Digambara shrine in Kolhapur. Since the N-dvipa, with its 52 Sasvata-Jinälayas, has been a favourite resort of gods for festivals and worship, it has naturally become a favourite symbol of worship of the Eternal images, by the pious śrävakas and śrāvikās. The figure 52 became so popular that a group of smaller cells, 52 in number, were often erected round a main shrine. One of the penances practised by the pious Jainas is known as Nandiśvara-(pankti) vrata in the Digambara tradition. A similar N-tapa practised by the Svetämbaras along with pūjā of the Nandiśvara-pata is referred to by the Pravacana-saroddhāra."
1 Such relief-plaques can be classed as Citra-Pafas, see Shah U. P., Varddhamana-Vidya-Pața, Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art, Vol. IX. (1941), p. 48.
Tiruparuttikunram and its Temples, p. 181, pl. XXI, Fig. 3.
3 Ramacandran, Ibid., pl. XXXI, Fig. 4., p. 181.
Vasudevahindi, pp. 87, 153, 171, 236. According to Digambara traditions, the gods celebrate them in the last week of the months of Kārttika, Fålguna, and Aşaḍha every year, see, Brhat-Jaina-Sabdārṇava, II, p. 512.
Brhat-Jaina-Šabdārṇava, Vol. II. p. 512.
Pravacana-saroddhāra, gāthā 1552 and commentary.
8

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APPENDIX
Note on Stupa, Samavasarana and Ziggurat
On pp. 56-57, and p. 93, it is suggested that the Jaina “Samavasarana is based upon the architecture of a Stūpa which latter has for its prototype that of the Ziggurat with three or more tiers".
The tiered-shrines, illustrated by Coomaraswamy, History af Indian and Indonesian Art, figures 69, 69A, may be compared with the Sama vasaraña illustrated in fig. 76 and the Pañca-Meru, fig 78. It may be remembered that the Samavasaraṇa is not always circular. It is either square or circular.
On p. 56, I have further said that such tiered shrines have for their basis the conception of Jårūka or Ziggurat (or Aidūka ) discussed by Dr. Agrawala.
The Ziggurat is a peculiar feature of Sumerian architecture which can be traced back, according to Woolley, to the chalcolithic Al'Ubaid period. 1
In form the Ziggurat is a stepped pyramid having three stages. The lowest stage measures about 200 ft. long x 150 ft. wide x 50 ft. high, at UrNammu. "From this rose the upper stages, each smaller than the one below, leaving broad passages along the main sides and wider terraces at either end. On the topmost stage stood the little one-roomed shrine of the Moon-God.... On three sides the walls of this Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu) rose to the level of the first terrace, but on the north-east face fronting the Nannar temple was the approach to the shrine. Three brick stairways, each of a hundred steps, led upwards, one projecting out at right angles from the building, two leaning against its wall, and all converging in a great gateway between the first and the second terrace...."3
Of the Ziggurat of Babylon (The Tower of Babel), only the ground. plan survives, but being almost identical with that of Ur, and also built by Ur
Woolley, Sir Leonard, Excavations at Ur, (London, 1954), p. 125. For a front view of the Ziggurat of Ur-Nammu with the triple stairs in front, see, Ibid, pl. 18, and p. 130, fig. 7, conjectural reconstruction of the same Ziggurat, and p. 218, fig. 18 for a reconstruction of the Ziggurat of Nabonidus.
According to Frankfort and others, no Ziggurat belonging to the third millenium B.C. is known to us, and that from the Third Dynasty of Ur onwards, Ziggurats occur regularly, see, Frankfort, Henri, The Art and Architecture of the Orient, (London 1954), p. 236, n. 19.
2 Woolley, op. cit., p. 130. 3 Woolley, op. cit., pp. 130-131, and fig. 7, also, pl. 18b.

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Nammu, it had possibly the same elevation. The Tower of Babel, according to the account of Herodotus, had seven terraces, though originally it had only two or three of them.2
Representations of two-staged Ziggurats, on seals, are not unknown in the Protoliterate period at Warka. As shown by Frankfort even the Early Dynastic shrines stood on plinths or platforms and that the Early Dynastic seals showing the building of a high temple may represent platforms as well as Ziggurats.
The temple tower or the Ziggurat was a sacred structure. The names of some of them, known in later times, indicate that they were intended, not merely to resemble, but to be mountains. The Ziggurat of the storm god Enlil was called," House of the Mountain, Mountain of the Storm, Bond between. Earth and Heaven". In Mesopotamia, "mountain was a religious concept of many-sided significance. It stood for the whole earth, and within it, therefore were concentrated the mysterious powers of life which bring forth vegetation in spring and autumn, and carry water to dry river beds....The mountain, then, was the habitual setting in which the superhuman became manifest, and the Sumerian, in erecting their Ziggurats with immense common effort, created conditions under which communication with the divine became possible. "
The Ziggurat was also the Mount of the Dead. As Frankfort puts it, Mesopotamia, the mountain is the place where the mysterious potency of the Earth, and hence of natural life, is concentrated... As personifications of natural life they were thought to be incapacitated during the Mesopotamian summer, which is a scourge destroying vegetation utterly exhausting man and beast. The myths express this by saying that the God dies or that he is kept captive in the mountain. From the mountain he comes forth at the new year when nature revives. Hence the Mountain is also the Land of the Dead. "
In Mesopotamia, although not all sanctuaries included a temple tower or Ziggurat, all were given a token elevation above the soil. A temple at Al' Uqair, which was contemporary with the temple on the Anu Ziggurat at Warka, stood on a platform but fifteen feet high and, like the latter, rose in two
For structures beside these Ziggurats, see, Woolley, op. cit., p. 134. On the terraces of the Ziggurats were hanging gardens' as well.
Frankfort, op. cit., p. 108.
3 Frankfort, op. cit., p. 10.
Frankfort, op.cit, p. 236, n. 19.
Frankfort, Ibid., p. 6; also, Woolley, op. cit., p. 125.
Frankfort Henri, The Birth of Civilisation in the Near East (London, 1951), pp. 54-55.

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distinct stages. After discussing the characteristics of the two Protoliterate shrines at Warka and Al'Uqair, Frankfort writes: “The significance of the Ziggurat was symbolical, and the symbolism could be expressed in more than one way. The same idea, which was unequivocally expressed in a high artificial mountain, could also be rendered by a mere platform a few feet high. One might call the platform an abbreviation of the Ziggurat.... in fact, it is more probable, that the platform of the earliest temples at Eridu, of the Al 'Ubaid Period, already represented the sacred mountain."1
Thus this Ziggurat or the peculiar raised platform is suggestive of a mountain which symbolises in theology the fountain-head of all life and the refuge of it at death.
Ziggurats were in existence in Mesopotamia at least upto 539 B.C. when the Persians under Cyruz defeated Nabonidus of Babylon. The Ziggurats, gradually ruined, would have been known to the people for a few centuries more, especially to the Persian artists.
In the sixth and the following centuries, the Achaemenian Dynasty developed a powerful empire which included parts of India, and Mesopotamian region. It was through this linking of India and Mesopotamia through Iran that much influence of the latter country could have come to India. But India's contact with Sumer are much older and possibly were continuous at least upto the age of the Buddhist Baveru Jatuka, which latter suggests direct contacts with Babylon, The discovery of the Assyrian gems and godlings from Taxila also suggests contacts between the two countries. This is further supported by the strong Aramaic influence of the clerks of the Persian court which led to the development of the Kharoșthi script.
Thus it would not seem-impossible if even a distant relation between the Ziggurat, the Stūpa aid. Samavasarana, obvious in plan and elevation, is postulated.
To return to the Stūpa architecture in India : The stūpas are essentially relic structures in honour of the dead-the Holy or the Great. The Satapatla Brāhmana, gives one of the earliest Indian literary reference to relic structures or mounds. The passage is as under :
"They now do what is auspicious for him. They now prepare a burial place (smaśāna ) for him to serve him either as a house or a monument. i Frankfort, The Art and Architecture of the Orient, p. 7.
Especially see, Coomaraswamy's remarks under "Early Asiatic” in his HITA., pp. II-14, giving details of the common heritage of Early Asiatic Cultures.

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Four-cornered (is the sepulcbral mound). Now the Devas and the Asuras, both of them sprung up from Prajapati, were contending in the (four) regions ( quarters). The gods drove out the Asuras, their rivals and enemies, from the regions, and, being regionless, they were overcome, wherefore, the people who are godly make their burial places four-cornered, whilst those who are of the Asura nature, the Easterners and others (make them ) cound, for they (the gods ) drove them out from the regions.” (Satapatha Brahmaņa, translated by Julius Eggling in Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 44, pp. 421, 424).
It is, therefore, quite reasonable to expect the stūpas of the heterodox Buddhist and Jaina sects both of which originated in the land of the "Āsuryah Pracyāh" of the Satapatha, as being round in plan. The Daiva or Brahmanical funeral relics should be square in plan. Most of the Buddhist stūpas are round while the Hindus even today raise small square terraced structures (with or without a tulasi-plant grown on top) over the ashes of the followers of the Brahmanical cult.
A later word, synonymous with a funeral relic structure or stūpa, is Aidūka, explained by the author of Amarakośa and Hemacandra as one having, inside it, a bone-relic.
Now the Mahābhārata, Vanaparva, 190.65 and 67 says that " The men in the decadent age of Kali will forsake their own gods and worship the edakas (65) and the earth will be dotted over with edūka monuments in place of temples of gods (67). Obviously, the text here refers to stūpas (Aidūkas) of the non-Brahmanical cults.
According to a variant reading from the Southern Recension, recorded in the Critical Edition of the MBH., the reading is jäluka in place of eduka. Dr. Agrawala 1 has shown that this jālūka or jārūka was obviously derived from the Ziggurat. As shown by him, edūka or elüka was a later indigenous substitute for the original jārūka. He further quotes the Mahābhāşya of Patañjali (commenting on Pāņini, V. 3.101 ) which refers to jārukāh ślokāh, meaning verses pertaining to järūka (ie. Stúpa) worship, such as are found in the Saddharmapundarika and other works.
That the jārūka or edúka (Aidūka ) was a terraced structure is further proved by him from a reference to Vişnudharmottara Purāņa, HII. Ixxxiv. 1-4, which makes it a terraced temple in three tiers (bhadra pithas) with a Sivalinga installed on its top. He writes: "As a matter of fact an actual specimen of the edūka monument having three terraces and a Siva-linga at its top has been unearthed at Ahicchatrā.... But the traditional structure was certainly
1 Agrawala, V.S., Some Foreign Words in Ancient Sanskrit Literature, J.U.P.H.S., Vol. XXIII (1950), pp. 150-151.

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an early one and its range was at one time qaite extensive. One of the four kinds of stapas in Serindia was a remarkable quadrangular building in several tiers dimmishing in size upwards, like a gigantic staircase."1 Dr. Agrawala has already noted the structural resemblance between Ziggurat and jārūkaedūka.
I may add here an important point of resemblance: the platform on which the Stūpa drum is shown represents a fundamental also of the Ziggurat.
The structural resemblance between Coomaraswamy's HIIA, fig. 69A, Agrawala's Ahicchatrā Eļūka and the Jaina Samavasaraṇa is quite obvious to all. And the authors of the Mahabharata and the Malsābhāşya seem to refer to the Jaina and Buddhist Stūpas when they speak of jārūkas (Ziggurats) or edūkas.
A study of the descriptions of the Samavasaraņa noted above will show that the three fortifications are an essential part of the " Assembly-Hall ". Represented in stone or metal, the Samavasaraña, extending horizontally, is expressed vertically (in elevation) as having three tiers or terraces. Even if it were to be expressed horizontally, the central Gandhakuți is to be shown on a platform, on a higher level than the other parts of the Samavasaraña.
Now a glance at the Stūpa in the relief from Mathurā illustrated frere in fig. 6. will show that the Stüpa, with its three railings very closely resembles the Jaina Samavasaraņa. And why is the Stūpa represented in this way, as if it is a two or three-terraced structure ?
The stūpa, or the funeral mound as described by the Satapatha may or may not be an elaborate structure but, from at least the third century B.C., Indian Stūpas seem to have become elaborate in plan and elevation. No such Mauryan stūpa is however known, but the highly ornate stūpas of Sunga Age, from Bhārhut and Sāñchi, suggest that the activity could have started from the Mauryan Age. In the words of Coomaraswamy, a stūpa can be described as follows:
"A stūpa usually rests on a basement of one or more square terraces (medhi) or is at least surrounded by a paved square or circle for circumambulation, the terraces being approached by stairs (sopāna); it consists of a solid dome ( anda or garbha ) with a triple circular base, and above the dome a cubical "mansion " or "gods' house (harmikā, Simh, deva-kotuva) from which rises a metal mast (yasti) the base of which penetrates far into the anda; and this mast bears a range of symbolical parasols (chatra) and at the top a rain-vase
1 Agrawala, Ibid., p. 151. For the stūpa in Serindia, see, Encyclopaedia Britanica, 14th ed., 2.526.
? Also see, Ancient India, No. IV, p. 167.

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(varsasthala) corresponding to the kalasa of the Hindu shrines. The form undergoes stylistic development; at first there is no drum, but later on the circular base becomes a cylinder, and the dome is elevated and elongated, and the base terraces are multiplied. "1
The Chinese pilgrims speak of certain stūpas as towers. The most remarkable monument of Kanişka's reign was possibly his great stūpa near Peshawar which, to sum up the various Chinese accounts, consists of a basement in five stages (150 ft.), a superstructure (stapa) of carved wood in thirteen stories (400 ft.), surmounted by an iron column, with 13 to 25 gilt copper umbrellas (88 ft.), making a total height of 638 ft.
The description of the stupas given above, and the account of Kaniska's Tower just noted will further support the hypothesis regarding the structural resemblance between Ziggurat and stupa. Even the early Yaksa shrines such as the one illustrated in Coomaraswamy's HIIA., fig. 69A (if at all it is a Yaksa shrine and not a memorial shrine) was made after the manner of a Ziggurat, like a mountain or a tower.
The Jaina traditions speak of the first stupa and shrine, erected by Bharata, on the mountain on which Rṣabhanatha obtained the Nirvana. The shrine and the stupas erected, Bharata made eight terraces ( asfa-pada) between the foot and the top of the mountain hence the name aṣṭapada given to the mount. Here also is the underlying conception of the first Jaina shrine being an eight-terraced mountain, an eight-terraced Ziggurat, or an eight-terraced stúpa.
Let us take the Sanchi Stupa I. The outer railing with the processional path is the first terrace, though on ground level, and expressed horizontally. But there is a platform with a railing and a processional path above; and there is the harmika on the top. The stupa thus retains the characteristic of a Ziggurat.
It was possibly because of the fact of Ziggurat being regarded as the prototype of such terraced relic-structures or the elaborate stūpas, that the Mahabharata and Mahābhāṣya referred to them as Jārūkas.
Nebuchadnezzar and his successor Nabonidus are credited with having repaired old Ziggurats. The Ziggurats were standing at least upto 539 B.C. as shown above, and though in ruins, must have stood for a few centuries more. They must have been familiar to Indians whose contacts with Sumerian Civilization and Babylon, from the age of Harappa to that of the Baveru Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 30. cf. also, the description of a stupa in the Divyavadana, quoted by Foucher, A., L.' Art Gre'co-bouddhiquie du Gandhara, Vol. I, p. 96.
Coomaraswamy, HIIA., p. 53.

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APPENDIX
1:29
Jätaka and later are well-known. The structural conception could have appealed to Indians at any stage.
Again, the influence of Persian artists in Asoka's court cannot be doubted, even though there may be difference of opinions regarding details of such an influence. These artists, could also have been responsible for the introduction of the Ziggurat principle in the architecture of the funeral mounds, the stūpas erected by Aśoka. A number of Persian artists would have entered into India, after the destruction of the Achaemenian Empire in the 4th cent. B.C.
The extent of influence of the Ziggurat on the stūpa, and (through stūpa) on the Jaina Samavasarana is a different matter, but the influence as such is quite probable and deserves careful consideration,
That the Samavasaraņa is nothing but an adoption of the Stūpa architecture to Jaina theological use is self-evident to those who read the various texts describing the Samavasarana cited in the preceding pages.
It was suggested by some scholars that the description of the Yānavimāna, the heavenly-car, given in the Rayapaseņaiyam, sů. 45 ff., is an eyewitness account of the Jaina Ştūpas of the Kuşāņa age. True it is that descriptions of some of the parts of Yāna-vimāra, can be applied to certain parts of the stúpa, but the constituents or the plan of the Yāna-Vimāna are quite different from that of any stūpa, Descriptions of walls, floors, pillars, reliefs, paintings, etc. would naturally be applicable to the Kuşāna art specimens, but they do not exhaust the description of the stūpa structure, nor does the plan of the Yāna-Vimāna show any resemblance with the plan of a stūpa.
The long descriptions of the Vimana or Heavenly abode of Suryabhadeva, in Rayapaseņaiyam, sūtras 76 ff. are however interesting as they provide us with descriptioas of various part of different structures, etc. The toranagateways are elaborately described and the description as well applies to the torana-gateways of a stūpa, a shrine, a palace or a fortification. Here in the Sudharma-sabhã of the god we find reference to Caitya-stūpas (sū. 124, Becaradasa's ed. pp. 115 ff.) which is the same as found in the Jivăjivābhigama sūtra etc. referred to before. The stūpas are said to be mounted on manipithikas.
The description of the Vimăna of Suryābha (sūtras 76 ff.) is however very interesting as it describes many art-motifs of the age (c. 300 A.D. when the Mathurā vācană of the Jaina texts took place), but the plan of the elaborate Jaina (or Buddhist ) stūpa is not obtained here. This can only be inferred from the account of the Samavasaraņa.

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However, since the Vimāna of Suryābha is a Heavenly abode and since any shrine is a Heavenly abode, we must find some characteristics of Jaina shrines in such descriptions. Every heavenly abode, every Vimāna or Sabhā is to be entered by mounting certain flight of steps. And since the Jaina canons apply the same description (varnaka) of an object in all contexts, we have to presume that the flights of steps, for a Jaina Stupa or Samavasarana were also probably regarded to be of the type described in the case of Sudharmā sabhā or Yāna-Vimāna, of Suriyābha. In this description of the flights of steps, the stairs described as "tisovānapadirūvaga" (Rāyapaseņaiyam, sū. 30, p.78, and sú. 121, p. 219 f) do not refer to three flights of steps on three different doors, but three flights of stairs near each gateway.1
Thus the conception of a triple stair is noteworthy as it agrees with the of the triple stair in front of (Ur-Nammu's' Ziggurat, referred to above. The Heavenly abode, the abode of the Great, was always adorned with such a triple-stair (tri-sopāna) as is shown by the Jaina varnaka of sopāna in the Jaina canons. Here fortunately we have a very strong proof of the influence of the Ziggurat in India. ?
1 Cf: Rayapasenaiyam, sú. 30, p. 78.
* We might as well regard such similarities as the common heritage of the Early Asiatic peoples as suggested by Coomaraswamy, HIIA., pp. II-14, also, p. 4.

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3. Kausambi in Ancient Literature, Archaeological Survey of India, Memoir No. 60. Delhi, 1939.
Leonard, Wooley.
Lüders, H.
Excavations at Ur, London, 1954.
A List of Brahmi Inscriptions from Early Times to about A. D. 400. Epigraphia Indica Vol. X, Appendix.

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Lohuizen de Leeuw, J. E. Van.
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Nawab, Sarabhai M.
Jaina Citra-Kalpadruma, Abmedabad, 1936. Ramachandran, T. N.
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Vol. XXVII. 2. Tiruparuttikuņram and its Temples, Bulletin of the Madras
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Studies in honour of Charles Lanman, Cambridge, 1929. Rhys, Davids T. W.,--
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2. Manual of Indian Buddhism, London, 1896. Sahani, D. R. & Vogel, J. Ph.
Catalogue of the Sarnath Museum, Calcutta, 1914. Sahani D. R.
Archaeological Remains and Excavations at Bairat, Jaipur. Sankalia, H.D.
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Royal Asiatic Society, London, July, 1938. 3. The So called Buddhist Images from the Buroda State, Bulletin,
Deccan College Research Institute, Vol. I, March, 1940.
4. Archaeology of Gujarat, Bombay, 1941. Sarasvati, S. K.
Temple Architecture in the Gupta Age, Journal of the Indian
Society of Oriental Art, Vol. VIII. (1940). Sarkar, D. C.
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Research Society, Vol. XXXVII. (1951). Shah, C. J.,
Jainism in North India, London, 1932, Shah, Priyabala,
Aidūka, Journal of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I. 1952. Shah, U. P.,
1. Iconography of the Jaina Goddess Sarasvati, Journal of the
University of Bombay, Vol. X, September 1941.
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2. An Early Bronze of Pärsvanatha in the Prince of Wales' Museum,
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the Bihar Research Society, Patna, Vol. 1953. Age of Differentiation of Svetambara and Digambara Images and a few Early Bronzes from A kota, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay, Vol. I, No. 1. 1957. A Female Chaurie-Bearer from A kotā and 1 he School of Ancient West, Bulletin of the Prince of Wales' Museum, Bombay, Vol.
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De Culte De L'Arbre Dans L'Inde Ancienne, Paris, 1954.

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Caitya-vada-samiksa (Hindi), Ambala, V. S. 2007.
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Page #156

INDEX
Abhayadeva, Abhayadeva sūri, 48n, Akşaya vata, 66n
50, 51, 530, 55.670, 68, 69, 83 Alakāpuri caves, 8 Abbidhāna Cintāmaņi, 61, 11611 alambaka, 91 Abhidhāna Rajendra, 89n, 1170 Allahabad, 8 Ābu, 19. 22, 106, 114, 117
Al'Ubaid period, 123, 125 Acalā, 2, 109
Al'Uqair, 124, 125 Acaleśvara, 211
Amalakappā, 50 Ācāra Dinakara ton, ILI
Ambika, 18, 19, 25, 26, 64, 74 Ācārārga Sūtra, 44, 48, 49, 50, 73 Amarakośa, 126 --Niryukti, 116
Amarāvati, 58, 60, 70, 83 Ācārya, 97, 98, 113
Amohini, 9, 11, 78-79 Ācārya Lavanya Sûri, join
Amraśālavana, 55 Achaemenian Dynasty, 125
Amvām, 18 - Empire, 129
Anagara, 59n Adinātha, II, 161, 17.23. 24, 25, 26,71 Aşahilavāļa Pāțan, 4 Adipurāņa, 6), 71 851, 86n, gon, Ananda (caitya ), 48, 49 971, 16.611, 10711, fogn
Ananda gāhāvai, 53n Agada, 49
Anangas, 75 Āgamas, 40
Ananta cave, 7 Agni, 61, 62
anda. 127 Agni cityas, 42, 44
Anga vijjā, 105n Agra, 33
Añjana mountains, 119 Agrawala, V. S , 46, 7, 90, 111, 151, 56, Arkai Tankai, caves, 24
7711, 79n, 80, 81, 82, 83, IIon, Antagadadasão ( sutta ), 51, 52 IIIN, 112, 126, 127ff.
Anuyogadvāra cũrņi, 114 Ahicchatrā, 8, 126ff
Anu-Ziggurat, 12 Ahmedabad, 17, 32, 33
A parājiti, 87 Ahmednagar district, 24
Āpri Sūktas, 65 Aidūka, 54n, 56, 5811, 93, 123ff, 126 Apsarasas, 54, 57, 65 Airavata kşetra, 74
Arahata, 78 Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, 43
Arahato devakula, 8ın Ajanţā, 27, 29, 30
Arahatāyatana, sin Ajitā, 87
Arang, 25 Ajitanātha, Jina, 15, 117
Aramaic influence, 125 Ājivika sect, 6
Arddha-phālaka-sampradāya, 831 Ājivikas, 8, 1051
Ardhamāgadhi, 43 Akoțā, 4. 16, 171, 19, 24, 28
Ardha-mandupa, 20 Akrūra, ro8
Arhan, roin Akşa, 113
Arhat, 14, 97, 98, 99 Akşavātikā, 119
Arhat Acara, 30

Page #157

INDEX
144
Arhat Caitya, 40, 531.
Asurya smaśāna, 57, 63, 1261 Arhat Nandyāvarta, 62
Aśvamedha, 45 Arhat pratimā, 53n
AŚvattha tree, 47, 65, 66 Arhats, 6, 14, 15, 53n, 97, 119, 120
Ăśvalāyana Grhya Sūtra, 43, 44, 45, --Kaśyapiya, 8
49, 51 -shrine of, 81
Atharvaveda (AV.), 65, 66, 112n -püjā of, 78, 81, 82n
atipatăkå, 55 --temples of, 119
attālikās, 91 Arihanta, 531
Attemațţe. Yantra-Pața, 31 Arihantaceiyaim, 53n
Atthāvaya = Aştāpada Aristanemi, 93
Aupapätika Sútra, 50, 51, 52, 55, 56, Arjuna, 112
6711, 68n, 6gn, 81, 83, 86, 10gn Arrah, 99n
Auspicious Dreams, 41, 105-108 Arthaśāstra, 46, 471, 51
---Inarks, 34, Arts, classification of, 3
-objects, 80, 112, - Nāga, 64
--symbols, 81, 82, rogff. -Deva, 64
Avasarpiņi, 77 -Yakşa, 61
Āvasyaka Cūrņi, 4. gn, 59, 62, 850, Arya, 44
1191, 12on Aryaka (or Ayaka )-pațas, 83
--Bhāşya, 59n, Son Aryars, 44, 51, 62, 63
- Niryukti, Ion, 1201, 58, 59, 62, Arya Skandila, III
640, 850, 86, 83n, 8gn Aryavati, II, 78, 79
- Vịtti, ion, 590, 62n, 640, 850, Āsādhara, 61, 99n, 100
86, 8gn Ašādhasena, 8
avatāra 117 Asoka, 6, 64, 129
Āyāga patas, 9, 10, II, 41, 60, 64, 69, - tree, 52, 55, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 77.84, 86, 109, 110, 114, 115 83, 88n, 91
ayāgasabbā, 81, 84 —vana, 91
ayāma, 57 Assembly halls, 57, 127
Ayavati, 78n, 79. Assyrian, 8 -gems, 125
Babylon, 123, 125, 128 Aştähnika-mahotsava, 120
Bachhofer, L., 78n, Son Aştamangala (s), 41, 57, 58, 60, 67, 68, Badāmi, 27 82, 86, 91, 92, 93, 109-112,
Badoh, 23, 24 Aştamangala-mālās, iron
Bagh, 29 Astāngahrdaya, 108
Bahali, ion Aşta-pada, 128
Bahali-adambailla, ron Aştāpada, ion, 27, 59, 116ff, 128 bāhalla, 60 Aştāpada-giri-kalpa, 117n
Bahubali, 10, 64 Aştāpadamahātirthakalpa, 117n Bahulārā, 25 asthi-caityas, 47
Bahuputrikā, 49, 55 Asuras, 126
Bajpai, K. D., 82n Asurinda, 59n
Baladevas, 107

Page #158

INDEX
145
bali, 43, 66
Bhelsā, 4 Bali (Indra ), 591
Bhinmal, 17 Balipațțas, 821, 86, 109
Bhojanagara , 48 Banaras, 14, 15, 62
bhțngāra, 90, 91, IIT Banerji, J. N., 6ɔn, bin
Bhặngas, 75 Banerji, R. D., 151, 25, 26, 75n, 82n Bhumārā, 29 Banerji-Shastri, 5n, 6
Bhūta (s). 40, 49, 54, 73, 74, TIŅ Bappa bhatti sūri, 9, 64
Bihar, :4, 6, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 27, Barabara hills, caves in, 6
35, 115 Bārabhuji, caves, 6-7, 18, 26
Bikaner State, 23 Bārli, 6, inscription from, 6n
bimba, 47 Baroda, 33
Bodhisattva, 48, 66n Baroda Museum, 98
Bodhi-tree, 47, 58, 73 Barua, B. M., 6n, 8n, 59, 6on, 6gn, 71 --shrine, 56, 69 Baudhāyana, 65
-druma, 66n Bāvā Pyārā's Math 12
Bombay, 102 Baveru Jataka, 125, 128
Bone-relics, 53, 59, 126 Beal, S., 30
Boston Museum, 56, 106 Bengal, 20, 24, 25, 26, 75n
Brahma, 28 Berar, 27
Brahmanical remains, 15 Besnagar, 14, 60, 61
-fanes 20 Bhadrabāhu, 97n
--funeral relics, 126 bhadra-pitha, 126
-iconography, 39 bhaddāsaņa, 67, IOyn
-texts, 75 bhadrāsana, 13, 81, 109, 110, III, 114 | Brahmaghoșa, 46 Bhagavad-Gītā, 47
Brahmanism, 16 Bhagavati Sūtra, 40, 49, 50, 52n, 53n, Brahmavaivarta Purāņa, 108, 112 54, 55, 72n, 97n
Bșhannandikeśvara Purāņa,JI2nbhakti, 44, 52
Brhat-Kalpa-Bhășya, 6n, ron, 12n, bhāmandala, 88, 93
6an, 114 bhamati, 21
| JSūtra, 115 Blāņdak, 25
Brhat-Jaina-Sabdārņava, 1210 Bhandarkar, D. R., in, Ion, 850, 94 Bharata, 45, 58, 59, 116, 117, 128 Brhat-Siddha-Cakra, 99, 100 . Bhārata Kala Bhavana, 15, 620
British Museum, 26 Bharata kşetra, 74
Bronze, Bhārhut, 7, 12, 18, 47, 57n, 58, 59, 6on, -of Adinātha, 161, 24, 26 69, 71, 79, 83
-of Ambikā 25 Bhattacharya, B. C., 171, 18n
-of Brahma, 28 bhatticitta; 68
of a Chauri-bearer, 1717, 24 Bhāvadeva sūri, 34
-of Dancing-girl, 8 Bhavanādhipatis (Bhavanapatis ), 87, of Jivantasvāmi, 4, 28
-of Pārsva. 81, 28n Bhavanavāsi gods, 71, 74, 89
--of Sarasvati, 25, 28n
89

Page #159

146
INDEX
-of Sahasrakūta, 24
---explanation of term, 54; origin of, -of Siddha-cakra, 98
43ff, 58; plan of a ca., 56, in the of Nandiśvara, 120, 121
sense of a tree, 66-67, in the sense Bronzes, from Chausā, 13, from
of a platform, 66; in the epics, 54 Valabhi, 16, from Vasantagadh,
-Āiraśālavana-ca, 50; Ananda16ff, from Akoțā, 4f, 16ff, 28ff,
ca., 48, 49; Babuputrikā ca., 49, from Mahudi, 17, from Chāhardi,
55, Gotma ca., 48f; Guņaśila ca., 24, from Rājanäkin Khinkhini,
49. 50; Chandaka-Nivartana-ca., 25, from Nalgora, 25, from Puri
48; Pūryabhadra ca., 49-52, 6), district, 26
70, 71, 86; Sattambaka ca., 48, Brown, Percy, 8n, 18n, ign, 2in, 22n, Uden ca., 48. 26n
-of Tirtharkaras, 52. Brown, W. Norman, 32, 33, 86n, 93, Caityālaya, 98 940, 106, 112
Caitya---daivata. 46, 51 Buddha, 4, 5, 14, 39, 40, 41, 48, 61, 72, -druma, 47 73
-dhātu, 48 Buddha-patimā, 48
-gphas, 46 Buddha's cūdā, 48
-prāsādas, 46 Budhi Chanderi, 16, 23
-sthāna, 47 Buddhism, 5, 16, 52, 64
--vȚkșa, 7, 41, 46, 47, 499, 51-53, Buddhist(s), 13, 15, 47, 81, 63, 66, !
54, 55, 56-58, 65f1, 70-73, 75, 125,
83n, 115 ---accounts of cremation, 59, 6on, -yajña, 43, 44, 49. 51 --cetiyas, 55
--stambha, 499, 51, 60 - literature, 48, 67
-stūpas, 499, 53, 55, 57, 58 - painting, 27
-yūpas, 44, 45, 47 -sculpture, 12
Caitya-cave, 30 --sites, 83
Caitya-halls, 7. -stūpa, 102, 126, 127
Caitya-krta-vşkşa, 50 -works, 49, 60
Caitya-ksta stūpa, 50 -worship, 73
Caitya-tree, 10, 41, 46, 47, 67, 69-75, -Art, 73
77, 81, 82-84, 83, 96, 109, 119, 121 Buhler, G., uin, 777, 79, 82,
--table of, 76 840, 86n
Caitya-Vada-Samiksā. 43, 44, 49 Bulan dibag, 5
Caitya-worship, 41, 46, 47, 95 Bull-rider, 8
Cakra, 115 Burdwan district, 25
Cakra-puruşa, 14 Burgess, J., 13, 26n
Cakravartins, 107 Burhanpur, 25
Cālukyas, of Gujarat, 21 Burial ground, 47
Camara, 57, 59 Buxur, 13, 115
Câmara, 91, III Caitya (caityas ), 30, 40, 41, 43-49,
Câmarajjhaya, 76 50-52, 55, 57, 66, 67, 71, 72, 83, Câmarajuyala, 67 95, 98, 116
Cambay, 33

Page #160

INDEX
147
Campa, 50, 86 Campaka, 74.95 Candāla, 47 Candana-ghatas, 55, 57 Candanaka, 113n Candra kula, 102 Candrānana, 119 Candraprabhacaritra, 2in Candraśālā, 91 Capital--of Banyan tree, 60
--of Täla-dhvaja, 60 -of Garuda-dhvaja, 60 --of Makara-dhvaja, 60
- Votive, 60 Caritra, 100, 101 Caturmukha Jinalaya, 22 Caturvijaya, 73 Caubārā Derā, 23 Caumukha image, 23
-shrine, 117, 120
-temple, 22, 26 Caumukha, 95 Cave-temples, 57n Cayana, 43, 45, 49, 54 Ceiya, 43, 48, 51, Ceiyāim, 52 Ceiya-duma, 88
--khambha, 53, 59n - kada thubha, 49 -kada rukkha, 49 --maha, 48 - mahotsava, 49 -rukkha, 48n
- thūbha, 59n Central India, 14, 19, 21, 27, 29 Central Provinces, 25 Cetita, 43
-rukkha, 52, 53
-thubha, 52-54 Cetiya, 43, 48, 49, 51, 52, 55, 67
-grha, 48
-mahotsava, 49 Cettadumā, 721 Cettataru, 72n Chakodie, 60
Chakravarti, A., 89n Chanda, Ramaprasad, 30, 140, 26n Chandā, 25 Chandaka, 48, 88 Chandaka-nivartana-caitya, 48 Chandela Art, 20
-temples, 19 Chāndogya Upanişad, 66, 105n Chandragupta, 14 Chalcolithic age, 4 Chahnu-Daro, seals from, 65 Chāņi 32 Chatra, 91, III, 127 Chattaichatta, 67 Chaturmukha shrine, 71 Chausa, 13, 115 Cheța (cheți) dynasty, 6 Chahardi, 24 Chhatrapur State, 19 Chhota Nagpur, 25 Chinese accounts, 128, pilgrims, 128 Chintamani Yantra-Pața, 34 Chitor, 23, 61 Ciigam, Ciigāo, 59n Cillaniyā, 64 Citrāngas, 75 Citra-patas, 117, 12In Citrarasas, 75 Citra-śálā, 91 Cittakamma, 113n Citya (citi), 43, 45, 54 Codrington, K. de B., 8in, 86, 94n Colapațţa, 115 conch, symbol, 14 Conqueror's life, 105n Convent built, 30 Coomaraswamy, A. K, 7, 13, 2in, 24,
28, 391, 41, 42, 44, 45n, 47n, 48,52n, 54n, 56, 61, 62, 66, 67, 6gn, 75n, 8on, 940, 105, 106, 112, 114,
123, 125n, 127ff Cousens, H., 18, 25n, Covisi, 24 Cremation, Buddhist, 59, 60

Page #161

148
INDEX
of a Tirtharikara, 59 ---ground 47 Crossed wooden-stand, 113 cūdā, 48 Cults, of Bhūtas, 73; Caitya worship,
95; of Gandharvas, 73; of Nāgas, 41, 73; of phallus worship, 44; of trees, 73, 74; of mother-goddesses, 44; of Yakşas, 41, 44, 73, Yakşi
worship, 95 Cult object, 48, 49, 58 Cunningham, A., 18n, 61 Cupid's banners, III Cyrus, 125
Dadhikaiņa Nāga 83 Dadhimukha mountains, 119 Daiva smaśāna, 57, 63, 126 1. Daivata Caitya, 46, 51, 52 Dākini, 102 Dāmayasada, 13n Damoh district, 27 Dandaka, 45 Danda-paunchanakam, 114 Danda-proñchanaka, 114, 115 dappaņa, 67, Iogn darpaņa 109-111 Darśana, 100-101 Dasaratha, 6 Daśāśrutaskandha, 108n Datia, 27 Davids, Rhys, 72 Deccan, 3, 20, 24 Deity, 47 Delwada, Mt. Abu, 21 Deogarh, fort, 15, 20, 29, 95, 114;
--temples, 15; pillars at, 20, 61;
sculptures at, 20. Desai, M. D., 316 Deshpande, M. N., 13n Deulbhiră, 23 Deva art, 64 Devas, 54, 126 Devacchandaka, 58, 87, 93, 119
Devadāruvana legend, 62 devadundubhi, 88 deva-kotuva, 127 devakulikās 21, 22 Devanandā, 105 Devanirmita stūpa, 62, 63, 64 Devarddhi gani kşamāśramana, 108 Deva sūri, 34 Deva temple, 15 Devayam Ceiyam, 50, 51, 56 Devendra sūri, 113n Devipurkņa, 108 Dhammacakka, 116n Dhanabhūti, 79 Dhāndhala, 121 Dhānk, 17 Dhana pāla, 85n Dharmacakra, 10, 14, 61, 62, 77, 80,
81, 82, 88, 98, 99, 115 -origin of, Ion; Uttarā pathe, Ion; devotional scenes on sides of, 11; shrine of, 58, 69; worship
of, at Taxila, 64. Dharmaghoșa, 850, 87n, 8n Dharmanātha, 117 Dharmaśāstra, History of, 66, 1121 Dharmopadeśamālā. 32 Dhātu.Caityas, 48, 52 dhiullikā, 1131 chūli-sala, 89 dhūpa ghata, 91 Dhvajas, 60, 62, 91,11!; meaning of,
61 Dhvaja-pillars, II, 60, 61 Dhyāna-mudrā, II, 16 Diamond-boxes, 53 Didarganj Yakşi, 51 Digambara (s), II, 19, 20, 24, 58, 61,
74, 85, 93, 98, 100, 117, 120 - Bhāņdāras, 99n -diagram, 99 -images, 11 -Jainas,95, 106
lists, 74

Page #162

INDEX
149
--manuscripts, 27, 103
-stūpa, 128 -partition, 74
-Ziggurat, 128 --sites, 21
eka-śālā, 9 -sect, 23, 25, 26, 35, III, 117 Ekasamdhi, 99, 100 -shrine, 121
Ekavimśatisthānaka prakarana, 73n -tantra, 99
Elements, of Dravidian Origin, 44 ---temples, 19ff., 24, 25
Elephanta Trimurti, 29 -texts, 63
Ellora, 27. 30,31 -tradition, 63, 85, 95, 105. 121 Enlil, storm.god, 124 Digha Nikaya, 48, 55
Eran, 18 Dignity, 97n
Erandol, 24 dik-gaja, 90
Eridu, 125 Dik-kumāris, 24
Eternal temples, fifty-two, 120 Dik-pālas, 20, 22, 102n Dikshitar, V. R. Ramachandra, 43, Fergusson, J. 24n 44n, 45-47, 51
Festivals,48, 49 Dinājpur district, 25
Fleet. J., 159, 95n Dināra-mālā, 208
Foucher, A., 128n Dipaśikhās, 75
four Essentials, 97 Disc, 39
four Padas, 98, 100 Divinity, 39
Frankfort, Henri, 123, 124 ff. Divyāvadāna, 39, 128
Frescoes, of Ajanta, 29 door-frames, 107
Full-jar, 112n door-lintels, 62
Full vase, 112 Double-headed eagle, 9
Funeral Caityas, 50 Draupadi, 40
--memorials, 47 Dravidians, 44, 51
--mounds, 47, 53, 93n Dreams, 33, 105-108
- relic, 48, 52, 53 -auspicious and inauspicious, 107 --stūpas, 50 -- belief in, 108
Furhrer, A., 8n - four, 107; five, 105 ; seven, 107; fourteen, 105, 106, 108; sixteen, Gāờarmal temple, 24 105, 106
Gaja-Lakşmi, 7 -ten, scen by Mahavira, 107 Ganadhara (Ganahara), 59, 61, dvi-śālā. 91
114, 116 dvipa(s), 117, 121
Gandhakuți, 56, 93, 94, 127 Early Asiatic 1251
Gandhala valley, 15 -Cultures, peoples, 130n Gandharvas, 65, 72, 74, 78 Early Dynastic seals, 124
Gandhāra, 4, 5, 10, 12, 13, 40 Eastern School, of Sculpture, 17, 19, 25 Ganesa-gumphã, 7, 8 Edūkas, 56, 93n, 126ff
Gaņeśa, reliefs of, 75 Eggling, Julius, 126
Ganges, 26 eight days' festival, 129
garbha, 127 eight-terraced mountain, 128
Garde, M, B., 141, 17, 24n

Page #163

150
INDEX
Garudacayanayaga, 45, 47 Garuda-dhvaja, 60, 61 Gautama Buddha, 39 Gautama, 114, 116, 117 Gautamiputra, 80 Gawalgarh, 27 Gayaggapada, 116 Gehäkāras, 75 Ghantai temple, 19 Ghateśvara, 25 Ghoșitārāma, 71 Ghoțan, 24 Girnar, 13, 19, 27, 117 Goaleśvara, 23 Godvād district, 22 Gola vaļțasamuggaa, 5311, 59n Gonds, 26 gopura, 90, 91 Gordon, D. H, 3n Gosisavaracandana, 59n Gotama, 48, 49, 72 Gotiputra, 80 Govindarāja, 47 grāma-caityas, 47 Gūdhamandapa, 21 Gujarat, 17, 24, 29, 34 Guņaśila-Ca., 50 Gupta age, 28, 58, 61, 95
-art, 29 -inscriptions, 6ın, 95n --period, 13ff, 30
--sculptures, 29 Gurjjara--- Pratihāra, 32 Guru-Pādukās, 102n Gwalior fort, 14
-state, 23, 24, 32 Gyaraspur, Malade temple, 23
Harādri, 116 Harappa, statuette from, 4
- torso, 8, 41 -seal, 54
---age of, 128 Haribhadra, Ion Haribhadra sūri, 12, 2rn, 59, 62n, 63,
8511, 86n, 115 Harihara, 531 Harinegameşin 105 Harişeņa, 63 Hārīti, 21, 55 Harivamsa, 63n, 75n, 851, 106, 107n,
1190, 1200 Harmashra, 25 barmikā, 127, 128 harmya, 91 Harşacarita, 79n, Iron, 1121 Hastiśālā, 117 Hathras, 9 Hathigumphā, 6, 7 hatthaga, 68 Haug, Martin, 43n Hellenic School, 4 Hemacandrācārya, 4, 32, 33, 61, 75.
82n, 85, 86, 100, 101, 102, 109, 116 Hematilaka sūri, Ioan herald(s), of Vasudeva, 61
of fanuilies of Jinas, 61 Herodotus, 124 Holi Abu, 21 Hoshangātad, 25 Holy-steads, 49, 50, 52 Holy Trees, 53 Hiuen-tsang, 30 Hộimkāra, pața of 34 Huttemann, Wilhelm, 112n Huviska, 9 Iconography, Iin, 39, 6on, 91, 620, 850 Idar State, 28, 29 ihāmiga, 57 Image, of Brahınā, 28
of Buddha, 5, 39 of Dig, and Sve., II
Haihayas, 25 Hamsalakkhaņam padasāļayam, 59 Hamsarāja Shastri, 43, 441, 450, 49, 50 Handiqui, K. K., 63n hanging gardens 124n Haradatta, 44n

Page #164

INDEX
151
of Jivantasvāmi, 4
113, 115; mythology, 27; Paintof Jinas, 60
ings, 27ff, 30; 31, 34; pedestals, of Mudgarapāņi yakşa, 52
115; Purānas, 74, 85; relics, 6; of Pārsva or Supārsva, 28
remains, 3. 24; rites, III; Sarn--worship, 12, 39, 45
gha, 97; scriptures, 98, 99; sculpIndia, 125, 129, 130
ture, 6, 151, 247; sects, 74; Indian Museum, 25, 26
shrines, 19, 21, 23, 40, 5311, 73, Indore State, 23
74, 84, 94, 106, 107, III, 117, Indra, 40, 41, 49, 59, 60, 85, 86, 89: 121, 130; sites, 3; stūpa, 9, 57 91, 120
63, 64. 79, 83, non, 127, 129, 130 Indra-dhvaja, 57, 60, 90, 95, 119
sūtras, 50; temples, 5-6, 14, 1gff, ---yaşti, 79, 80, 81
25ff., 57, 58, 61; texts, 53, 58, 75, Indranandi, 99
109; tirtha, 116; theology, 97; Indo-Hellenic School, 4
tradition, 3, 5, 64, 107, 128 ; Idol, of a Jina, 39
vestiges, 25; vihāra, 15; worship, --worship, 39, 40
40, 41, 57, 58, 73, 74, 81, 109 Indus Valley Civilization, 65, 66 Jainism, 3, 5, 6, 16, 40, 52, 62, 101, 103 Iran, 125
Jaina, C. R., Iin Išāna, 59n
Jaina, K. P., 83n
Jaina Siddhānta Bhavan, Arrah, ggn Jacobi, H., 861
Jaipur, 23 jagati, 89
Jakkhāyayaņa, 50 Jaina (s), 6, 25, 73, 74, 83, 97. 98, 103 jāla, 91 Jaina ācāryās, 33
Jalla, 56 Jaina āgamas, 40
Jālūka, 126 Jaina antiquities, 3, 41, 64
Jālor, 23 -Pre-historic, 3f
Jamáli, 49 --Maurya and Sunga, 4ff
Jambha, 99 -Ksatrapa and Kuśāņa, 9ff Jambhala, 21 -Pre-Gupta and Gupta, 13ff Jambū-dvipa, 119 -Transitional Period, 16ff
Jambūdvipaprajña pti, 24, 490, 540, 59, Jaina, art, 3, 7, 41;
75, Iogn, 116, 12on - bronzes, 13, 16, 19, 24, 28, 31 Jambūsvåmicaritra, 63 --canons, 44, 48, 50, 52, 53, 57, 67, Jārūka, 56, 123 83, 84, 110, 130
Jārūkāh slokāh, 126 ---caves, 6-8, 12-14, 24, 31; Com. Jātakas, 66n munity, 33; cosmography, 119; | Jaunapura, 34-35 faith, essence of, 98; finds, off, javamālikā (japamālikā), 114, 115 74; history, 53n; iconography, Jayā, 87, 99 111), 850; Kirttistambha, 23,61; JayadhaValā, 63 literature, 41, 49, 520, 67, 83n; 1 Jesalmere, 23, 34 Mahāvidyās, 32; manuscripts, Jhālawād State, 27 27; miniatures, 29-32, 112n; | Jhālrāpātaņ, 18, 27 monks, 6, 14, 49, 50, 52,970, 102, Jñāna, 100, IOI

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152
Jñatadharmakatha, 31, 40, 49 Jñātṛ people, 55 Jodhpur, 18, 23 Johnsan, H., 86n, 11In Johnson, E. H., 112
Jubbulpore, 25 Junagadh, 12 Jyestha, 44
Jyotiskas (trees) 75 -gods, 87, 89
Jayadaman, 13 Jayaswal, K. P., 5
Jaya Vijaya caves, 8 Jhansi district, 16, 20
Jina image, 4, 5, 39f., 60, 62, 71, 73.
81,99
-figures, 4, 5, 11, 57, 61, 81
-padima, 52, 720
Jina (s), 3, 9, 12, 19, 26, 27, 39, 56, 62, 73, 74, 81, 82, 85, 86, 88, 89. 93, 106, III, 117 -twenty-four, 25, 58, 116
Jañchhanas of, 61
Jina, mother of, 11, 20, 79 -parents of, II
INDEX
Jinalayas, 120
Jina-ayatana, 53
Jinabhadra gani Kṣamāśramana, 19, 28, 29, 64, 113, 114
Kadamba, 74 Kahaon, 15

Kahaon pillar, 61, 95 Kailasa, 59, 116
Kālāguru, 16
Kalakacharya Katha, 32, 33, 80, 105n
Kalasa, 67, 10gn
Kalasa, 89, 90, 91, 109, 111, 128 Kalikapurana, 108
Kalinga, 7
Kalingabodhi Jataka, 48
Kalinga Jina, 6 Kalpa-druma, 75
-tree, 79, 91 Kalpa-lata, 90
Kalpa Sutra, 7, 32-34.65.73, 81, 860 93, 970, 105-108 Kalpavāsī gods, 89 Kälugumalai, 73
Kalyanaka ceremony, 120 Karhsa; 108
Kane, Mm. P. V., 66, 112 Kanha Samana, 83
Kapadia, H. R., 87n Kaparda, 1130 Kapisirsa, 87
Jina-Kañcl, 94, 99
Jinaprabha sūri, 9, 12, 62, 63, 64, 85n, Karachi Museum, 28, 29 Kar, Chintamoni, 24n
87n, 88, 89, 117 Jinasakahão, 53, 59n
Jinasena, 63, 71, 85, 89, 93, 119n Jina-Samhita, of Indranandi, 99 -of Ekasamdhi, 99, Icon Jina temple, 99, III Jinavijayaji, gn, 34 Jinendra, image of, 90, 91 Jivājīvābhigama sutra, 40, 49, 58, бon, 74, 1200, 129 Jivantasvami, 4, 28, 29
Kaniska, 9, 79, 110, 128
Kaniska's Tower, 128
Kankali Ţilä 9, 12n, 61, 62, 64, 69, 77, 114, 115
Kanvasakhiya Satapatha Brahmana,
Kāranjā, 25 Kashmir, 3
Kasyapiya Arhats, 8 Kausambi, 71
Kausika family, So
Kautilya, Arthaśastra of, 46, 47n Kayotsarga, müdrâ, 3, 5, 8, 10, 11 ketana, 91
Kevala-Jñana, 13, 86
Khajuraho, 19, 20, 23, 107
Khambila (Khandila), Aryikā, 28n
Khandagiri, caves, 6ff, 27 Khandesh, 20, 24

44

Page #166

INDEX
153
Kharat aravasahi, Chaumukha shrine, Ruśasthala, 7
106n Kutcch, 3 Khåravela, 6 Kharoșthi script, 125
Laghukşetrasa māsa, 120 Khătikābhūmi, C4
Laghu-Siddha-Cakra, 99, 100 khatvānga, 74, 87
Lahore Museum, 150 Khiching, 26
Lāñchauas, II, 61, 74 Khuddakapātha Atthakathā, 48
Lankā, 46 Kicaka, 21
Lannman, Charles, 781 Kierfel, W., 74n
Lalitavistara, 48 Kimpuruṣas, 74
lásaka, 56 Kinnaras, 57, 74
latā-vana, 90 Kirttistanbha, 23, 67
Laugākşa-Gșhya-Sūtra, 50 Kolhapur, 121.
Law, B. C., 8n, 550 Kosala, 45
Lakşmi, 33 Kosam, 8, 821
Lohānipur, torso from, 4, 5n, 6, 8, 40 Kramrisch, Stella, 51, Sn, 20, 24n, 27,
Lohuizen-De Leeuw, J. E. Van, 78n
Lokāntika gods, II 411 kridāmandapa, 91
lomahatthaga, 55 kriļā parvata, 90
Lopasobhikā, 64, 80, 81 Krishna, 4, 108
lotus, 11, 39, 41, 78, 79, 82, 91, 105 ff, Ksatriyakundagrama, 49
109 f. Kșatrapa, gff, III
lotus-lake, 119 K setrapala, 20, 61, 64, 1021
Lucknow Museum, 11, 15. 61, 77, 78, Kubera. 20, 61
790, 80, 81, 82, 86, 110 Kuberā, 62
Lüders, H., IIN, 78 Kubera-like yakşa, 17
Lūņa Vasahi, 117 Kulluka, 47
maccha, 67, iogn Kumāragupta I, 15
Mackay, E. J. H., 8n Kumrahar, 5
madayaceiga, 50 Kumārapāla, 4, 21, 22, 23, 26, 33
madayathūbhiya, 50 Kumāri bill, 6
Maddona, 19 Kumbhāriā, Däntä State, 23, 106, 114
Mādhavayajvā, 46 Kumuda Candra, 34
Madhya Pradesh (M, P.), 3, 20, 25 Kuinuyahatthagā, 67
Madyangas, 75 Kundalpur, 27
Magadha, 5, 6, 67, 71 Kundas, 90
Magadhan artists, 5 Kundurukka, 55
Mahābhārata, 45, 45, 54, 650, 66n, 93n, Kuraishi, 61, 181, 261
112, 126 ff Kuşāņa age, 12, 61, 63, 64, 84, 86, 95, Maha
04, 04, 05, 95, Mahābhāşya, 6;n 126 A ICO, ITO, III, 115, 129 M abābodhi-vaṁsa, 48 -period, 3, 9, 10, 11, 14, 80-82 Mabābodhi-rukkha, 48 -art, 77, 129
Mahākāla, 531 -type, 14, 58
Mahākşatrapa Sodās, 78

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154
Mahāniśītba sūtra, 54n, 97n Mahāparinibbana Sutta, 48, 55, 6on maha-prāsāda, gr mahāpuṇḍarika, 78 Mahāpurana,
Ion, Togn
Maharastra, 30
Mahavidyās, 21
Mahavira, 4-6, 8, 10, 11, 15, 18, 23, 26, 39-41, 49-53, 70-73, 77n, 83, 85n, 86, 93, 105, 107, 114, 116
-caritra, 33
114
Mangala-mälä, 112
85, 89, 91, 93, 106n, mañgalas, 90, 112 Mängi Tungi, 24 Manibhadra, 55
Mahavira, caitya tree of, 73:
miniature of, 93; mother of, II; portrait of, 4. 39; samavasarana of, 940.
Mahavira's Nirvana, 12, 63
Mahavira's parents, 40 Mahāvisnu, 29 Mahendradhvaja, 57, 58
Mahendravarman I, 27, 94
Maheśvara, 47 Mahisamarddini, 33
Mahoragas, 74
Mahoba, 19
Mahudi, 17
Majhamika (Madhyamikā), 6 Majumdar, N. G., 65n
Makarabal temple, 19 Makara-dhvaja, 60.
Makaraketu, 86
Malayagiri, 113n
Mallinatha, Jina, 27, 47 Mallinatha-Caritra, 210
Mallisena, 89n
Manastambhas, 23, 60, 61, 89, 95
mapatthambha, 72n
INDEX
Manavakastambha, 23, 53, 58, 60
Manbhum district, 25, 26
Mañcapuri cave, 7n mañco, 66, 70
Mandapa, 19-21, 27, 91 Mandasor, 27 Māṇḍalā, 25

mangala-dravyas, 112
Mangala-kalasa, 13. 79, 83, 110, 112,
manipithika, 52, 57, 58, 60, 129 manipithaka, 119 mankha, 56
Mankhaliputta, Gośāla, 6 Manorama Udyana, 67
Manu, 47, 66
Manusmṛti. 66n Manyangas, 75
Marshall, J. H., 3n, 7, 8n, ron, 64, 65n, Märwär, 17. 18, 94
Mathura, 3, 9, 11, 12, 14, 220, 41, 56, 62-64, 69, 77, 78, 80, 82-84, 86, 95, 109-III, 114, 115, 127 -Art, 12, -Ayagapaṭas, 77,
council. III
-Inscriptions from, 83, 840 Mathura Museum, 14, 15, 80, 82-84 Mathura School of Sculpture, 9
Mathura, Stone Umbrellas from, 56n Mathura Stupa, 8. 9, 12, 62, 63, 64,
127
Mathuraka Lavada, 770 Mathura vācana, 129 Matsya Purana, 108 Matsya-yugma, 109, 111
Mauryan, age, 4. 5. 51; era, 6; polish, 5In, 70, 83n; sites, 5; stupa, 127, sculptures, 6n; torso, 4, 5
Māyadevi, 7
Mayurabhanja State, 26
medhi, 127
Medieval period, 20ff
Meghadata, 47
Meghakumāras, 86 (Mehakumāra) 59n
Mehta, N. C., 33 Mehta, Ratilal, 66n

Page #168

Merumandara-Purana, 89 Mesopotamia, 124, 125 Mevāḍ, 23
Minaladevi, 31
minayugala, 13
Miniature paintings, 24, 30ff, 106
-shrine, 58, 120
Miri, 24
mirror, III
Mithila. 55
Mitra, Rajendralal, 6n
Moghul; period, 23f; influence, 33 Mohen-jo-Daro, Dancing girl from, 8; -seals from, 3, 41, 65n -terracotta figurine, 8
Makalaji temple, 23 Mother Goddess, 9, 44, 70 Mothers (goddesses), 66
Mother, of a Jina, 11, 18, 20f, 79, 83,
105;
Mothers, of Salakāpurusas, 107
Mother, of a Vasudeva, 107
Moti Chandra, 7, 9n, Ion, 260, 27, 30, 31n, 32, 33, 34, III
Mount Girnar, 26 Mount Meru, 27 Mount of the Dead, 124 Mount Parasnatli, 27 Mrcchakatika, 46 Mrtaka caityas, 50, 52 Mrtakastapika, 50 Mūdabidri, 27
Mudgarapani-yakşa, 51, 52, 70 Mukhamandapas, 20, 52, 57, 119
mukhapotika, 115
Muktagiri, 27
Muha-patti, 98, 114
INDEX
Muha-pattika, 98, 114, 115
Mukunda, 44, 49
Müla Bhasya, 59
Mülagarblagṛha, 21
Muni Jayantavijaya, 21n, 106 Jinavijayaji, 34 Kalyanavijaya, 16n

155
Punyavijaya, 320, 34, 1050,
107, 108 Muni Vairadeva, 13, 14 Munisuvrata, Jina, 9, 62 Mürti, 15
Murtijapur district, 25
Nabonidus, 123, 125, 128
Naga (s), 40, 4T, 44. 47.49, 54, 72-74.
119 -art, 64 nagadanta, 60
Nanari, near Chitor, 6n
Nagarjuni hill, 5 Nagarjunikonda, 83 Nagendra kula, 28, 102 Nagpur Museum, 25 Nálamandapa, 18 Nalanda bronzes, 17 Nalgora, 25 nalinahatthaga, 67 namapindam, Ix3n
Namaskara-mantra, 98, 100, 103 Namaskara-Niryukti, 97
Namaskara-valaya, 101, 102 Nanda king, 6
Nanda-puskarini, 58 nandiävarta, 67, 109n
Nandisvara-dvipa, 52, 119-121
Nandisvara-pata, 121
Nandisvara-tapa (N.-tapa), 121
Nandipada, III
Nandyavarta mandala, 100
-symbol, Toon, 109-111 Nannar temple, 123 Nanna sūri, 115
Nārāyaṇa, 43, 44 Nasik district, 24. Nativity, of Buddha, 7
-sculpture, 24
nāṭya-śālās, 90, 91 Nava-Devată 97-103
Navakara-mantra, 100 Navamuni, cave. 6, 18, 26 Nava-Pada, 97.99

Page #169

156
Nava-Pada-Aradhana-vidhi, 99
Navacoki, 21
Navasari, 20
Nawab, Sarabhai, 33. 34 Nayadhan.makahão, 44, 49
N.B. P. ware, 51, 70 Nebuchadnezzar, 128
Nemesa, II
Nemicandra, 99, 119n
Neminatha, Jina, 4, 14, 150, 240, 27,
32, 73
charita, 32 -temple of, 27
Nepal, 3 nidhis, III
Nikumbhila Caitya, 46 Nilanjanā, 11
Nimitta-pathakas, 105n
-Sastra, 80, 105 Nine Worthies, 98, 100 Nirayavalião, 10бn
Nirvana, 58, 59, 63, 116, 117
Nirvanakalikā, 100
Nirvṛti kula, 102
Niryuktis, III Nisitha Carpi, 4. 31 North Arcot district, 94 North Gujarat, 28, 73 nyagrodha, 65, 66
Oghaniryukti, 114n
Oldenburg, H., 44 Orchha State, 27
Orissa, 3, 6, 18, 20, 26, 27
Orissan caves, 7
Osadhis, 65, 66n Osia, 18
Oza, Pf. G. H., 6n
Pabbosa, 8 pada, 970 padirüvagā, 88n
Padmacarita, 85, 107n
padma-lata, 78
Padmavati, 17, 25
INDEX

Paharpur; 120, 15, 22, 25, 63 Pahlagas, 10n
Paintings, 33, 34, 39
-at Ajanta, 27, 30
--on canvass, III
-Jaina, 27 ff; 34 fi --miniature, 31, III --on scroll, 33 ff; 111 -of Vidya devis, 31 f
-on wooden book-covers, 34
pair of fish, 11, 79-81, 109-111
palāśa tree, 65
pattikäs, 31, 34
Pafica-kalpa-Bhasya, Ro
-Cürni, 80 pañca-kalyaṇakas, II pañcălikā, 89 Pañca-Mandala, 991 Pañca-Meru, 117, 123
pañca-namaskara, IOI Pañca-Namaskara-kalpa, 103
Pañca-Parameşthi-kalpa, 103
Pañca-Paramesṭhi-mantra, 97, 1000,
IOI, 102 Pañca-Paramesthins, 97, 100 Pañcasara temple, 73 Pafica-tupa nikaya, 63 Pañcastupanvaya, 120, 15, 63 Pañcavastu prakarana, 114 Panini, 126 Papaura, 27
Paramesthins, 98, 99, 100, 101 Parel Siva, 29
Parents, of Jinas, II
Paribhogaka, 48
parikha, 90
Parmår, of Malwa, 21, 23
-sculptures, 32
Parsva, Pārsvanatha, Jina, 7, 8, 9, II,
12, 17. 25. 34. 40, 62, 64n. 73. 78, 94, 106n
-bronze of, 8, figure of, 15. sculpture of, 63
Parthians, Son

Page #170

INDEX
157
Prajñapti, 126 prākāra, 90 Praśnavyākarana sūtra, Irun Prasenajit, an Pratibāra, 18. 102n Prätihāryas, 56, 73 pratimā-sarvato-bhadrikā, II, 22n, 95 Prastha-kalpa-Tippaņam, 99, toon Pratişthăsărcddhāra, 67, 74, 99n,
roon Pratisthā-tilaka, 99 Praracanasāroddhāra, 75n, 101, 102,
121
paryanka-āsana, 57, 119 Pasupati, 44 Patañjali, 65, 125 pațas, (plaques ), 41, 69, 117, 120, 121 Pata, of Atte-Maţțe-yantra, 34, Cinta
mani-yantra, 34, of Hộinikära, 34
of Sūrimantra, 34 patas, tantric and non-tantric, 34 Pathāri, 18, 24 Patnā, 5 Pāțan, 19, 31, 32, 33, 73, 106 Patnā, 5. 24. 33, 40 Patrā Museum, 13, 26 Pattaini devī, 18 pațţikās, 31, 34 Paumacariyam, ion paumahatthagā, 67 Pausadhaśālā, 84 Pavitrakalpasūtra, 32n, 106, 107, 108 pedestals, 11, 61 Persepolitan style, 80 Persians, 125 Persian artists, 129 Peshawar, stūpa near, 128 phallus worship, 62 pillars, II, 20, 21, 23, 61, 82, 115
- fiery, 61 Pindaniryukti, 113, 114n Pindawādā, 170 Pippala tree, 47, 65, 661 71, 72 Piśācas, 74 pitcher-carriers, 119 pitha, 88, 90, 91, 117 pithikā, 89, 90, 91 Plakṣa tree, 65 planets, 19 platform (s), 48, 52, 60, 66, 67, 90, 91,
94, 115, 117, 119, 120, 124 ff Potha yas, 80 powder-box, 79 powder-flask, IIO Prabhāvati, 7 Pradyota, 4 Pradyumna, 60
Praxartaka Sri Kāntivijaya, 1oon Pre-Guptā period, 13ff Pre-historic period, 3ff prekşāgrha, 52, 57, 91 prekşāgshamandapa, 57, 58 prekşā-maņdapa, 119 Premi, Pandit Nathuram, ran, 63n Prince of Wales Museum, 8, 16, 22, 24 Pșthvipāla, 21 Pșthvi-sila-patta, 5In, 52, 56, 68-71 Pt Bechardās, rogn Pudducotta state, 27 Pundarika, 26. Pundravardhana, 15 Pūrņabhadra caitya, 49-52, 54, 55, 70, 72, 83, 86
--yakşka, 52, 55 Pūrņa-ghata, in Puri district, 26 Purimatāla, ion Pūrņa-kalasa, 112 Pūrvva texts, r02 Puspa dāma, rinn pusta (puttha ), 11311 Rahāvattanaga, 116 railing, 48, 65, 69 Raipur, 25 Rājagsha, 49, 50, 51, 70, 85n Rājamalla, 63 Rajasthān, 24, 29, 115, 117 Rajgir, 13, 14

Page #171

158
INDEX
Rājnäkin Khinkhini, 25 rajoharana, 114n, 115 Rājput school, of painting, 34 Rākşasas, 74 Rāma, 45 Rāmacandran, T. N., 70, 74n, 85n, 8gn,
T. N. 70. 74, 85n, 8gn, 94, 9gn, lign, 120, 121 Rāmāyaṇa, 35, 46, 47, 112 Rāṇakpur, 22, 27, 120 Ranchi district, 25 Rangabhūmi, 90 Rangamaņda pa, 21 Rani gumphā, 7, 26 Rapson, E. J., 78n Ratanpur, 25 Ratikara mountains, 119 Ratnamandir gani, IOI, 102 ratna-pätra, niin ratna-rāśi, 109 Ratnasekhara sūri, 1021, 120 Rāvaņa, 46, 47 Ravişeņa, 8511 Rayaharaṇam, 114n Rāyapaseņaijjam, 531 Rāyapaseņaiyam, 40, 50, 68, 10gn, 129,
- bronze of, 16n, 29 Rudra, 40, 44, 49 Rudradāman, 13 Rudrasena, 13 Rudrasimha I, 13n Rukkha-devatā, 48 Sabdakalpadruma-kośa, 45, 108n,
112n Sabdānuśāsana, 101 Sabhämandapa, 18 sacred tree, 48 sacrificial posts, 47 Sãdadi, 115 Saddharmapundarika, 126 sādhus, 89, 97, 98, 114, 115 sādhvis, 89, 115 Sadvala-bhūmi, 91 Şadvigrahikah, 60 Sahani, D. R., 15, 23n Sahasrakūta, sculpture, 24 sakahā, 58, 590 Sakahā, of the Jinas, 53, 58, 59n Śaka-Parthian period, 9 Sakas, 80 Sākini, 102 Sakuna, 108 Śakuntalā, 7 sāla, 89, 90 Salabhanjikā, 57, 86 Salākāpuruşas, 107 Sāla tree, 72 Śālibhadra Chaupai, 33 Śāliggāma, 67 Sattambaka, 48 Sāmalāji, 28, 29 Samavasaraṇa, 11, 12, 41, 56, 57, 60,
71, 82n, 85-95, 117, 123-130. Samavasarana-stava, 85n, 87n, 117 Samavasaraņa-stava-avacūri, 850,
87n, 117 Samavasarana-stotra, 85n Samavāyānga sutra, 481, 531, 73, 74n Sambhava, Jina, 117 Sameta Sikhara, 27, 117
130
Relic Depository, of the Arhats, 6
-sanctuary, 50
-structure, 47, 50, 125 Revā state, 25 Ķgveda, 65, 66n Right Conduct, 97, 98 Right Faith, 97. 98 Right Knowledge, 97, 98 Right Penance, 97, 98, 100 River, 49 Rodā, 28 Rohtak, 17 rosary, 115 Rşabha, Rşabhanātha, Jina, ion, II,
16, 19, 240, 26, 29, 58, 73, 86, 116, 117, 119, 128 ---Samavasaraña of, 73 --shrine of, 102

Page #172

INDEX
159
Samghācāra.ţikā, 113n
57, 58n, 63, 64, 930, 125ff. Samghadāsa gani, 67
Sāta vāhana, 80 Samgrahaņi sūtra, 33
şaţkotikah, 60 Samidh 65
Satruñjaya, 26, 27, 59, 117 Samprati, 6
Saudharmendra, 73 samstāraka-paţta, 115n
Saunaka-kārikā, 112n samyak-căritra, 97, 99
Saurāşțra, 12, 26, 27, 59, 117 samyak-darśana, 97, 99
Sauvira, un samyak jñāna, 97, 99
Sāvaga padikamana-sutta, 32 samyak-tapa, 99
School of Ancient West, 240, 27, 28, 29 Samyutta Nikaya, 66, 70
scroll-painting, 33 Sānă, caves at, 13
sculptures, 3, 4, 12, 14, 29, 31, 74 Sāñchi, 12, 47, 57, 58, 70, Lion, 112, sealings, from Harappa, 65, 70 1 28
seals, from Mohen-jo-Dāro, 3, 41 sanctuary, 51, 52
from Harappā, 54 Sandalwood image, 4, 5
Serindia, 127 Samghārāma, 30
Shah, C. J., 7n Sankalia, H.D., 139, 17n, 2on, 22n
Shah, Priyabala, 560, 540, 58n Sankarşana, 60
Shah, U. P., 4n, 5n, IIN, 14n, ron, Sankha-nidhi, niin
170, 19, 210, 240, 26, 34n, 52n, Santi, III
56n, 83n, In, 121n. Sänticandra, 49, 54n
Shastri, Hirananda, 341 Såntinātha, Jina, 25, 94
shrine, 26, 28, 46, 47, 50, 52, 53, 56, --tempie of, 107
58, 61, 73, 74, 116, 117 Saptaparna, 9
shrines, tiered, 56 Sarcar, D, C., 6n
Siddha (s), 6, 97, 98, 121; images of, Sāriraka ( cetiya ), 48 Särnāth, 15, 29
Siddha-Cakra, 97-103; bronze of, 98 Sārngadhara, 29
Siddha-Cakra-Yantra, 98, 100, 101, Sarasvati, II, 19, 31
102 --bronze of, 25, 28
Siddhāntasārādi-samgraha, 85n - from Pullu, 23n
Siddharāja, 31 - miniature of, 31
Siddhārtha, 31, 105n - from Vasantagada, 17
Siddhārtha, tree, 91 Sarasvati, S. K., 14n, 18n, 22n
Siddhasena, 101, 102 Sāśvata-bimba, 119
Siddha-silā, 97n śāśvata-caityälayas, fifty-two, 120, 121
Siddhāyatana, 52, 53n, 54, 57, 58, 74n, Sāsanadevatā, 74
117, 118 Śāśvata-Jina, 119
Sihanādika, 79, 80, 110 śāśvata. Jina-āyatana, 52, 53
Siha Vāņika, 61; 114 Sāśvata. Jinālaya, 119-121
sikkaka, 60 Sāśvata-Jinas, 115
silā, 67, 69 - pratimās, 40
Silārka-ācārya, 49 Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, 43, 441, 54, 55, sila-paesa, 67
gr

Page #173

160
Sila-pata, Sila-paṭṭa, 52, 69, 70, 71, square terraced structures, 126
81, 82, 83, 84
śravaka, 115, 121 Sravana Belgola, 95 śravika, 115, 121
Sri, 7, representations of, 106n, 108 Sri-Laksmi, 10бn
Sringadhara, 29
Śrīpāla (Sirivala), 101, 10:
sibiya, 59n Simandhara temple, 17 Simhaniṣadya-ayatana, 59 -caitya, 116f.
Simhapur, 15
simhasana, 83 Sindh, 650
Sindhu-Sauvira, 4
Singhbhum district, 25
Sirkap, 9. 1on
Sirkap stupa, ron, 13, 64
Sirima devată, 7
Sirivaccha, 67, 109 Sirohi state, 16
Siri Sirivälakahã, 970, 99n, 101, 102 Sittännaväsal, 27, 94
Siva, 3 Sivaghosaka, 77-78, 82 Siva-linga, 62, 70, 126 Sivamitra, 80
Sivanaga, sculptor, 16n Sivayasa, 9.79
skambha, 62
Skanda, 40, 44, 49
Smaśāna, 54, 125
-Asura Pracya, 55, 57, 63 -Caitya, 47
-Daiva, 55. 57, 63
INDEX
Smith, Vincent, A., gn, IIn, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 86n, 9411, 109,
IION
snataka, 66
Sobhana, 85, 87n
sogandhiyahatthaga, 67
Sohagpur, 25
Sohamma Kappa, 53n
Somadeva, 63
Son-Bhandara cave, 13, 140, 17
Songadh, 27
sopana, 127
sotthiya, 67, 109 Sphatikadri, 116

Sripala-rasa, 33, 101 Śrī-Porāna, 89n
Sri-sükta, 7
Srivatsa, 9, 11, 13, 77, 79, 81, 82, 109,
110-112
Sri-Vimalasvami, Ior Śruta, 98
sruva, 65
Stambha(s), 43 ff, 53, 89 Statue(s), of Kalinga. Jina, 6 of Bharata, 116
of brothers of Bharata, 116 Stein, A., 15
stepped pyramid, 123
Sthana, 49
Sthānanga sūtra, 33, 40, 50, 530, 74.
940, 107, 119
Sthapana, Sthapanacharya, 80, 84.
109, 110, 113-115 sthūņā, 60, 62 Sthavira Acala, 30 stone umbrella, IIIn structures, tiered, 57
Stupa, 9, 12, 13, 43ff, 49, 51, 52, 56, 79, 81, 82, 93, 123-130 -description of, 127ff.; erected by Bharata, 59; at Mathura, 12, 64; at Sirkap, 9, at Taxila, 64; of Rsabla, 116; of Udena, Sattambaka and others, 55 -square or circular, 930 -worship, 13, 79, 81
Stuticaturvimśatika, 85n, 87n Subähucaritra, 33
Suciloma sutta, 66
-Jātaka, 70

Page #174

INDEX
361
Suci-vidya, ICO
| Taittiriya Brāhmaṇa, 65 Suddhitattvam, 112n
Taittiriya Samhita (TS), 43, 65, 66 Sudharmā sabhā, 53, 57, 59, 60, 129,
Takşasilā, non 130
tāla-dhvaja, 60 suhagahatthagă, 67
Talājā. caves at, 13 Sukthankar, V. S., Ion
Tamil epics, 8gn sulasa, tree, 74
Tamil language, 51 Sultanganj Buddha (bronze), 16
Tantric practices, 16 Sumanasilā, 67, 69
--rites, 102 Sumano Jakkho, 67
Tapa, 99, 100, Ior Sumana Yakşa, 69
tāp:isas, 116, 117 Sumer, 125
Tarānăth, 24, 27, 29, 64 Sumerian, 124
Tåranga Hill, 22 Suinerian architecture, 123
Taruņaprabha sūri, 34 -civilization, 128
Tathāgata, 30 Sun, 7. 39, 106
taţibhuvah, 90 Sunga age, 70, 127
Taxila, 9, Ion, 64, 125 art, 77
Tejapäl, 21, 22, 117 period, 6, 11
Temple-Cities, 26 ff. Sungas, 79
terraced structure, 123 ff Suparņa, 77
Terracotta figurine, 8 Supārsva, Supārsvanátha, Jina, 9, 12,
Terracotta plaque, sin, 70 62, 63, 117
tiered shrines, 123 ff Supārsvanātha-caritra, 33
Thân, in Saurastra, 18 Supratiştha, III
Thāņā, 102 Surat, 94, 117, 118
thavaņā, 113, 114 Sūri-mantra-pața, 34
thavapäpiņdam, 113n Surohor, 25
Theatre, 52, 57, 90 Śūrpāraka (Sopāraka ), 102
Thūbha, 58, 62 Süryabhadeva, 129, 123
Thubhiya, 57 Sūtrakstānga-vrtti. 33
Tibet, 3 Svapna, 108
Tilaka-ratna, 77, 78, 79 Svastika, 11, 13, 39, 77, 81, 82, 86, | Tiloyapannatti, 60, 71, 74, 8on, 93a, 109, IIO-112
III Svetämbara (s), II, 14, 20, 33, 58, Tirumalai, 94
73, 74, 85, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, tirtha, 88, 97n, 116, 117 120, 121
Tirthankara (s), 4, 5, 9-11, 14, 19, - literature 101; texts, I
27. 40, 52-54, 58, 59, 61, 72-74 --manuscripts; 103
85.970, 99, 105, 106, 117, IIY -partition, 74
Tiruparuttikuppam, 85, 94n, 120 -tradition, 74, 85, 105, 107
tisovāņapadrūvaga, 130 -worship, 93
Torana (s), 9, 18, 55, 641, 79, 86, Symbol Worship, 39 ff.
90, 93, 129 Tablet of Homage, 64
-dvaras, 89, 90

Page #175

162
INDEX
Torso, 5 Tower of Babel, 123 ff. Transitional period, 16 ff Trāyastrimsa gods, 48 Tree (s), 21, 47-49, 67-72, 73
--cult, 73, 74 -Holy, 53, 65 -of Life, 47, 75 -sacred, 66, 69 -spirits, 66, 74
- worship, 47, 64 ff, 66, 74, 83 Tribhanga, 31 Tribhuvana dipaka Caumukha
Jinalaya, 22 Trikāndaśeşa-kaśa, 47 Trilokasára, IIgn trimekhalā, 60 trimekhalam, 90, 91 triple platforms, 60 triple-stair, 130 triple-umbrellas, 60, 88, 90 Tripuri, 25 tri-ratna, 79, 81, 82, 109, 110 Trisalā, 105 Trişaşțisalākāpuruşacaritra, 75, 82n,
85, 86, 107, 1ogn, liin, 116,
Iign, 12on. trisopāna, 130 triśūla, 61 triśūla-horned deity, 65 Trisula caves, 7, 18, 24 Tumburu, 87 Tumburu, tree, 74 turrukka, 56 turrets. 27
udyāna, 54, 55, 67, 72 Udyota Kesari's cave, 26 Ujāni, 25 Ujjain, 4 umbrella (s) (chhatra, chihatta ), 55,
60, 67, 71, 91, IIIN Un, 23 Unchchhera state, 18 Upadeśamālā-vștti, 33 Upădhyāya, 97, 98 Upadhye, A. N., 63 Upåsakadaśānga sūtra, 40 uppala hatthagā, 67 Ur, 123ff Ur-Nammu,. 123ff, 130 Uttarādhyayana Laghu-vștti, 33 Uttarādhyayana, miniatures of, 33 Uttarādhyayana sūtra, 54 Uttarakurus, 75 Uttarāpatha, 1150 Uttara Pradesh (U. P.), 20, 21 Uvisagadasão, 4on, 53n
vaddhamanaga, 67, 109n Vädi Kumudacandra, 99, 100 Vägbhata, 108 vahanas, 62 Vaibhāra hill, 14, 17 Vaijayanti, 79, 80 Vaimānika gods, 87 Vairadeva, 14 Vaiśālī, 9, 55, 62, 71 Vaişndva cave, 14 Vaiśravaņa, 44, 61 Vajrasvāmi, 14, 100, 102 Vajrasena 102 Valabhi, 16 Valabhi Vacanā, 52 Vālmīki, 47 vanakhaņda, 56, 67, 83 vana-vedika, 91 Vāpavyantaras, 86 Vāmana, 8gn Vāmana Purāņa, 112
Udaipur state, 23 Udayagiri caves, Gwalior, 25 Udayagiri caves, Orissa, 6 ff, 27 Udayagiri Hill, 6, 27 uddhāra, 117 Uddāyaṇa, 4 Udena, 48, 55 uddisaka-cetiyam, 48

Page #176

INDEX
163
Vanaspati, 65 vāpī, 87, 89, 90, 91 vapra, 87 Varakhāņā, 117 varāțaka, 113 Varddhamana, 78, 79, 810, 119 Varddhamāna temple, 94 Varddhamāna-Vidyā-Pața, 82n, 12rn Varddhamanaka, 109, 110-112 Varavan, 22 Värişeņa, 119 varņaka, 6on, 68 Vasantagadh, 16, 17, 19, 28, 29 varsasthala, 127 Väsavadattā, 7. Väsiska, 9 Vastupāla, 21, 27, 34, 117 Vasubindu-Pratişthāpāțha, 58n Vasudeva, 40, 60, 61, 107 Vasu, daughter of Loņaśobhikā, 9, 81,
83, 84 Vasudevahindi, 4, Ion, 590, 67, 69,
85n, 871, 116, 12in Vața, 74 Vața Gohāli, 15 Vatsarāja, 18 Vảyukumāras, 86 Vedas, 72 Vedic Aryans, 72
--cayana, 49 -literature, 41, 43, II2 -rituals, 72 --sacrifices, 40, 41, 45, 60
--traditions, 6on vedika, 55, 57, 91 Viennot, Odettee, 66, 6gn, 7on vidambaka, 56 Vidišā, 4 Vidyādevi (s), 22, 31, 99, 102n Vidyadhara, 57 Vidyadhara, kula, 102 Vidyānupravāda-pūrvva, 100 Vijayā, 87 Vijaya deva, 57
Vijayasena sūri, 33 Vijñaptipatras, 33f, III Vikrama, son Vimala Saha, 21, 26 Vimala Vasahi, 21, 94 Vindhyas, 3 Vindhya Pradesh, 25 Vinita, ron Vipāka Sūtra, 50, 55 Vipulagiri, 851 Virabhadra, 53n Viras, 102n Viśālā (Vesālā), 55, 62 Viseşāvaśyaka-Mahābhāșya, 113n Vişnudharmottara Purāņa, 93n, Iron,
126 Vişnusena, 850 Viśvaprakāśa-kośa, 47 Vitabhaya-pattana, 4 Vitardikā, 55 vithi, 89 Vivāgasuyam, 114 Vividha-Tirtha-kalpa, gn, 12, 6an,
85n, 1176 Vodva Stūpa, 12 Vogel, J. Ph., gn, son votive columns, 60 Vrddha Gautama, 66n vřkşa (s) 41. 49 Vyākhyānamudrā, 98 Vyantara (s), 50, 74, 85-89
-ayatana, 50 Vyavahara-Bhāşya, Ian water-jar, 82 Western Indian School, 27, 34 Western miniatures, paintings, 28, 29,
30, 31, 33, 34 Western style, 29, 30 Wheel of Law, 77, 115 Wooden book-covers, 31, 34, 106 Woolley, Leonard, 123 ff Worship, 48
-of Jina image, 5.39; of caityas, 52, 95; of Dharmacakra, 64; of

Page #177

164
INDEX
Nāgas, 41; of trees, 65, 66, 83; of
Yakşas, 5, 47, 95 Yajñāyatana, 45 Yajña-säläs, 52 Yajña-sthana, 43-45, 47, 49, 54 Yäjñavalkya, 47, 66 Yajñiya caityas, 52 Yajñiya cityas, 52 Yajurveda Samhitā, 65 Yakkha cetiya, 67 Yakkha's haunt, 66 Yakini, 102 Yaksa (s), 4, 12, 17, 19, 20, 22, 40, 41,
44, 49, 51, 54, 67, 69, 70, 72-74,
88, 93, 102, 119 Yakşasayatana, 40, 55, 70
-artists, 64 -cult, 5, 41, 73, 83 -images, 5
Māņibbadra, 55 -Mudgarapāņi, 51, 70
-Sumana, 67, 69 -shrines, 40, 56, 128 -statues, 5, 52
torso, 8
-worship, 5, 52n, 70, 74, 75, 95 Yakşi, Ambikā, 17 Yakşiņis, 18, 19, 22, 61, 99, 1ozn Yama, 65 Yana-Vimāna, 129, 130 Yantra-puruşd, 59 Yaśastilaka-Campũ, 63 yaşti. 127 Yavana pura, 34, 35 Yavana ruler, 7 Yavana warrior, 8 Yoga-Săstra, 100 Yogi, 16 Yonaka, 1on Yüpa, 45, 46, 60 Ziggurat, 56, 123-130

Page #178

Page
3 ID 14
21
44
ERRATA line read
for II Kuśāņa
Kuśāna 9 scenes on sides of
scenes of (ft. n. 4) Archaeology In Gwalior Archæological Museum,
Gwalior 30 kicaka
kicaka 6 Indian Museum
Patnā Museum (f. n. 2-3) Cousens
cousens 29 Kramrisch
Kramrich earliest
earlist the exquisitely painted Jauna- such an exquisitely painted pur manuscript
manuscript 27 citte bhavah
citte bhava 13 Āryā
Arya (ft. 11. 3) rogatie*
हवींच्युच्चैराहव्यन् देवसंवान्
देवसंधान् मन्त्रवित्
मंत्रवित् चैत्ययूपाङ्किता
चैत्ययूपांकिता तैररिता
तैरंकिता sixth century B.C.
sixth century
मंगलं 32 Manipithikā
Manipithaka संज्ञाशब्द
संज्ञाशद्व upacāra
upacra red gośirşa
red giśirsa śarabha
Sarabha 9 Avaśyaka
Avaśyaka Sankarşaņa
Sankarşaņa Vaiśravana
Vaişramana (f, n. 3) mars
कचित्रांच 5 Jinaprabha
Jinapratha 12 samidh
samidha

Page #179

166
ERRATA
Page
line
read
for
jahu Parisista
देवीरूप
juha Parisista testen upamās Kausâmbi Caitya
upamas Kušām bi Ceitya
65 12
3 66 (f. n. Il 70 35 717 71 13
(f. n. 2) (f. n. 1)
16 24, 25
18 JOI 106 (f. n.4)
मूर्था
Samavāyānga Set up by wife of peacocks, lotus surrounding Namaskārta-valaya JHäna-mandir Nirayāvalião again
Samvāyanga Set up by one peacock, figures lotus surroundig Namaskara-valaya Jhãna-mandri Niryavalião agian
1202

Page #180

Page #181

Page #182

Jalotointes
erst be Only
Fig. 1 Statuette, Harappa
Fig. 2 Polished Torso of a Tirthankara
Lobånipur (Patna Museum)

Fig. 3

Page #183

Plate II
Fig. 4
Frieze, Rāni Gumphả, Orissa
Fig. 5 Dance of Nilāñjana, Mathurā (Lucknow Museum)
GB 1
Fig. 6 Worship of Stūpa, Mathurā (Lucknow Museum)

Page #184

Idle
1 II

Fig. 8 Pedestal of Munisuvrata, installed in Vodva Stūpa.
Fig. 7
Ayāgapaţa of Sivayaśā, Mathura (Tablet IV)

MASON

Fig. 10 Ayagapata of Bhadranandi (Tablet IX)
Fig. 9 Pedestal of an image showing worship of Dharmacakra
Kankāli Tila, Mathură
Figs. 7-8-9-10 Mathură (Lucknow Museum)

Page #185

Plate IV
Fig. 12 Āyāgapata of wife of Sivaghoşaka
Mathurā (Tablet II)
Fig. 11 Ayāgapaţa of unknown donor, Mathurā
(Tablet VIII)
TL5923
Fig. 13 Āyāgapața of Sibanādikā, Mathurā
Fig. 14 Ayāgapata of an inhabitant of Math (Tablet V)
(Tablet I) Figs. 11, 12, 13, 14 now in Lucknow Museum.

Page #186

Plate V

2.2

Fig. 14A Pata of Aryavati, set up by Amobini, Mathurā
Mathura (Tablet VII, Lucknow Museum)

Fig. 14B Ayagapata set up by Vasu, daughter of Lonaśobbikā

Page #187

Plate VI
Fig. 15 Bronze Dharma-cakra,
Chausā (Patna Museum)
Fig. 17 Rşabhapatha, Bronze,
Chausā (Patna Museum)
Fig. 16 Torana-Archway, Jaina Stupa, Mathurā
(Now Lucknow Museum)

Page #188

Plate VII
Fig. 18 Image of Neminatha, Vaibhara Hill, Rajgir
Atosa
dandde et
(rauserid abo

Page #189

Plate VIII
Fig. 19 Rsabhanatha, Bronze, Akoță (Baroda Museum)

Page #190

17Tun T

Fig. 20
Jivantasvāmi, Bronze, Akoţå (Baroda Museum)
Fig. 21

Page #191

Plate X
Fig. 23 Standing Jina, Rājgir
Fig. 22 Jivantasvāmi, inscribed Bronze,
A kota (Baroda Museum)
Fig. 24 Standing Jina, Bespagar
(Gwalior Museum)

Page #192

Plate XI
TORSO OF A STANDING JAINA TIRTHANKARA
WITH TWO ATTENDANTS CUPTA PERIOD दारागाधा के साथ जन तीघरकामूति गघ्नकाला
Fig. 26 Rşabhapätha, Mathură
(Mathura Museum)
Fig. 25 Torso of a Jina, Gup'a age, Mathurā
(Mathurā Museum)
Jain Education Fig. 27 Rşabhanātha, Mathurā
Fig. 28 Chaumukha, showing figure.org For Private & Personal Use Opis
of Sambhavana:ha, Son Bhandara
g. 27
Şabhapatba. Mather

Page #193

Fig. 29 Five Bronzes from Valabhi, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay
Fig. 30 Rşabhanātha installed in Samyat 744, Vasantagadh hoard
(Pindavādā)

Fig. 31 Standing Jina, Dhank

Page #194

Plate XIII

INCHES
Fig. 33 Chauri-bearer, Bronze,
Akoță (Baroda Museum)
ainelary.org
Fig. 32 Sarasvati, Vasantagadh hoard, Pindavādā
Fig. 34 Sarasvati, Bronze, Akota

Page #195

Plate XIV
Fig. 35 Rşabhanātha & Mahavira,
British Museum, London
Fig. 36 Rşabbanátha, Bronze, Kakat
pur, Orissa (Indian Museum)
Fig. 37 Chovisk of Adipätha, Surohor
Fig 38 Pārsvanātha, Bänkură, Dinajpur District
Buhalārā

Page #196

Plate XV
Fig 39 Mother of Jina, Deogarh Fort, Temple No. 4
Fig. 40 Kubera (?) Yakşa, Khajuraho
Fig. 41 Padmāvati (?) Nalanda libra

Page #197

Plate XVI

Fig. 43 Rşabhanātha, Deogarh
Fort, Temple No: 4

Fig. 42 Rşabhanātha from Tripuri
(Indian Museum)
Fig. 44 Chandranrahha from Bihar

Page #198

Plate XVII
Fig. 45 Parents of Jina, Khajuraho
Fig. 46 Male and Female under tree,
Devagarh Fort
Fig. 48 Image of Nanna-sūri, d. 1393 V.S.,
Sāda di, Marvad Setrapala, Devagarh Fort
Jain E Fig. 17

Page #199

Plate XVIII

Fig. 49 Lotus pendent, Sabha-Manda pa, Vimala-Vasahi, Abu

Fig. 50 Prajñapti Vidyadevi, Sabhā-Mandapa,
Vimala Vasahi, Abu

Page #200

Plate XIX
Sixth
Fig. 51 Two Jaina Temples, Khajurāho

Page #201

SUROGU
ada ora
000
1
0
1

Page #202

Fig. 54 Vajränkusi, Vidyādevī, Vimala Vasahi, Abu
Plate XXI
AM
Strike

Page #203

Plate XXII

Fig. 55 Kicaka-dwarf, Pillar, Lūņa Vasahi, Abu
Fig. 56 Pillar, Temple No. 12,
Devagash Fort

Page #204

MARGELE
Fig. 57 Temples, Satrunjaya
SISES
西
西餐
Annnnnnn
152
西西藏额 ADD
Plate XXIII
BSN
www
Fig 59 Satruñijaya-Girnär-Patta, Ranakpur
Somurice
Fig. 58 Temples, Satrunjaya
Fig. 60 Astamangala Plaque, Bronze, Baroda

sadid walba
ibn E

Page #205

CH
Fig. 61 Porch etc., Mālādevi temple,
Gyāraspur, Madhya Bharat
Fig. 62 Sikhara of Maladevi temple,
Gyāraspur, Madhya Bharat
naa *
3241
K
223323
Fig. 63 Nandišvara bimba, Jain Education Interfaina temple, Kolhapur
Fig. 64 Sahasrakulta Sculpturelibrary.org
Bronze, Pāšan

Page #206

Plate XXV
संकोगमायाक माथित्वातागासवता वासोनामीनावात यावसाहनकाला
Fig. 65 Jina, Palm-Leaf Ms., Nisitha Cārni, d. 1182 V.S., Cambay
बाराबाशवाथकवन सादरितमातापिकामा सिवनशठमाणमा हिननितानदेवाण परमाणंदरीखाचा
Fig. 66 Sarasvati, Palm-Leaf Ms., Niśitha Cūini, Cambay
Fig. 67 Lintel, Mathura Museum, Showing Siva-linga under a Caitya-tree

Page #207

Plate XXVI
dain Education International
मारवा
नानासायासायचा कारभादीभनाबान লসানজাহিত্রাগামসিজি किममण्णादनकालकरखीपरिक्षण
यासंनिर्विवनविकालघा विरकापरिपा एमाणाममि
बहिपिंडवाथगारसमwas प्रयवर नाणदसणधाराफर तिबनिधिरनुहागान ना काशपामिन
गाणाशाननासा विद्यालादादमापसंपा। यशसहदा दामिया। वखनराम्रयाएमापसमातिए दोसबालसामानहामि विवारसाडापावाविसयागि
माझयाबायलकायाममतावावमसूत्र मितावान शंशावानविनमामिश्रमाचा रामनवमपिबलशाकधिनमालबास,
यविधाबादजीतनवादिति म्यानमाबीपरिचिनमार्ण मिश्मादायमायनवमीम সিিিলনেষ্টি कीमा हिपयाशिवाय विश्विपसायामलान शिपवाददक्षरणामयस कमिशिवनामबह रिवदिताबाराविनापर यातायनानदारशास्तथा। हिन्यातayan एवविविपरित्यक्षकीया दादमिध्यानशिकारतम अशानलावलारनाय वजनिभातायाबनाम यममिवक्षिबाव निवाडम्बयानस्या दिवाप्रवाधान्यानपावान
नियमायन्यनिजागा निनवान शमादिनि লা।নিদ্রাজৱিাৰি कामवान्कामवास्या मनितालममावस्या बनामावधानियातना यादीमध्यापतीबापजी मनपानमा समवाय काय मामिपाचन
मयं
Fig. 69 Prajñapti-Vidyādevi, Miniature on
Palm-leaf, Jaina Bhandara, Chani

Fig. 68 Miniature Painting, Ms. of Uttarādhyayana-sātra,
Shri Hamsavijaya Collection, Baroda

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Plate XXVII
Fig. 72 Rock-cut Jina under big
Caitya-tree Kalugumalai
Fig. 73 Jina under big Caitya-tree, Patan
Fig 74 Caumukha Sculpture, Terahi,
Madhy Bharat
Fig. 75 Jina under big tree, Dig.
Jaina temple, Surat

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Plate XXVIII

Fig. 76 Samavasaraņa, Big Bronze, C. 1065 A. D., Surat
VEJLERS

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Plate XXIX
Fig. 78 Pañca Meru, Digambara Shrine, Surat

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Fig. 79 Sahasraphana-Pārsvanātha, Rāṇakpur, South Rajasthān
-
-
-

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Plate XXXI
URDERS
DMCA
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Fig. 80
Atte-Matte-Pārsvanātha-Yantra-Pața, Cloth, Collection of Muni Sui l'unya vijayaji

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Plate XXXII
Fig. 82
Jaina Stambha, Chitor

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clades
12:44 AM
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Plate XXXIII
Cate
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Fig.83 Life of Parśvanatha and Parents of Tirthankaras, Ceiling Panel, Kumbhäria, N. Gujarat

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Plate XXXIVw
Borne

LINGUEE

Fig. 84 Chaumukha, Bronze, Digambara Shrine, Surat

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Plate XXXV
Fig. 86
Jaina Shrine, Ranakpur, South Rajasthan
Fig. 87 Fourteen Dreams, Wooden Panel, Patan, North Gujarat

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Plate XXIII

KSLAS
Forte Personalise Only
Fig. 89 Nandiśvara-dvipa-pața, Rāṇakpur
Fig. 88 Tablet of Monk Kanha, Mathura, Lucknow Museum

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