Prolegomena to Prakritica et Jainica

Author(s): Satyaranjan Banerjee
Publisher: Asiatic Society
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011088/1

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PROLEGOMENA
TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Edited by Satya Ranjan Banerjee
WALONES
OXIN TO
THE ASIATIC SOCIETY I PARK STREET I KOLKATA 700 016.

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Gift
PROLEGOMENA
TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA

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PROLEGOMENA
TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Edited by Satya Ranjan Banerjee
MYDIA PV
THE ASIATIC SOCIETY
1 Park Street Kolkata 700 016

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Prolegomena to Prakritica et Jainica edited by Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Published in March 2005
29.1.-1
N3774 Published by Professor Dilip Coomer Ghose 1 3 General Secretary The Asiatic Society 1 Park Street, THE ASIATIC SO IETY Kolkata 700 016
ME! CU:TA-752016 ALC. NOBIO 5.-8. ... DATE ../ 7.:.. 03.....
Price : Rs. 250.00
$ 25.00
SL NO. 082883
Printed at Arunima Printing Works 81 Simla Street Kolkata 700 006

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Contents
Foreword Introduction
PART-I PRAKRITICA
Origin of Prakrit
Muralydhar Banerjee Periods of Prakrit
Suniti Kumar Chatterji Classification of Prakrit
Sumitra Mangesh Katre Prakrit Grammarians
Satya Ranjan Banerjee Names of the Prakrit Languages
Satya Ranjan Banerjee The Earliest Modern Scholars on Prakrit
Richard Pischel
PART-II JAINICA
A Brief History of Jain Research
Walther Schubring Understanding Jain Religion in a Historical Perspective
Satya Ranjan Banerjee Schools and Sects in Jain Literature
Amulyachandra Sen The Fourteen Gurasthānas
Helmuth von Glasenapp

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vi
.
112
118
Rşabhadeva
Sctya Ranjan Banerjee Anekāntavāda and Language
Satya Ranjan Banerjee Jainism and Non-violence
Satya Ranjan Banerjee Political and Social Thoughts in Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.)
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
147
176
PART-III JAIN LITERATURE
Chronological Development of Jain Literature
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
197

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FOREWORD
It is indeed a pleasure on my part to publish this present booklet entitled Prolegomena to Prakritica et Jainica on the occasion of a National Seminar on Prakrit and Jainism to be held on the 11th and 12th of March 2005 organised by the Asiatic Society of Calcutta. This book, though short in size, will give a kaleidoscopic view of some of the basic notions of the subject for which this Seminar is going to be held. This book will act as a torch-bearer for those who want to travel over the land of Prakrit and Jainism.
For more than two hundred years and a quarter of a century, this Asiatic Society has been serving the scholarly world by publishing oriental books and papers on Sanskrit, Pali, Prakrit, Tibetan, Arabic, Persian and others. The Asiatick Researches was a pioneering Journal where some of the articles on basic oriental subjects were published. There is hardly any oriental book at a later stage where the publications of the Asiatic Society are not mentioned. In the Asiatick Researches, Vol. IX, 1807, three reports under the title Account of the Jains were published. It was immediately followed by Henry Thomas Colebrooke's Observations on the sects of the Jains. The Journal of the Asiatic Society has also published many pioneering articles on Prakrit and Jainism. Similarly, the Jaina Agama text, Uvāsagadasā-sutta in two volumes (text 1885-1890 and translation 1888, reprinted in 1989 by the Society) and the Prakrit grammar, Prāksta-lakşaņa of Canda (1880), are still the outstanding works in the field of Prakrit. So it seems that the Asiatic Society carries a long history and heritage for the dissemination of Prakrit and Jainistic studies in this country. It is, therefore, quite in the fitness of things that the Asiatic Society is going to organise a two-day National Seminar on Prakrit and Jainism to foster the subject anew, particularly in this part of the country.
The present volume contains fifteen articles of illustrious predecessors of the subject published in different books and papers. As the title suggests, this volume tends to cover many aspects of Jainistic and Prakrit studies. I congratulate the editor of this volume for the pains he has undertaken for bringing it out. I hope it will be useful for those who take interest in the subject.
1 March 2005
Dilip Coomer Ghose
General Secretary The Asiatic Society

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INTRODUCTION
The present monograph under the caption Prolegomena to Prakritica et Jainica is being published by the Asiatic Society on the occasion of a National Seminar on Prakrit and Jainism organised by the Asiatic Society to be held on the 11th and 12th of March 2005. It is a historic event in the annals of the Society that it is for the first time the said Society is holding a National Seminar on Jainism. Though in the history of the Asiatic Society, Jainism was not at all unknown, because many articles and papers on Jainism were published in the Asiatick Researches and also in its Journal fro:n its very inception, along with texts on Jaina Āgamas, there was no occasion when a Jain Seminar was ever contemplated. It is, therefore, quite in the fitness of things that after a lapse of 222 years, the present Council, particularly the President, Professor Biswanath Banerjee, thought it prudent to hold a national Seminar on Jainism-a subject which has been living in the realm of sad and doleful neglect for centuries more in the eastern part of India. As far as history is concerned, it should be borne in mind that Bengal was a champion of Jainism from her hoary antiquity. It is a fact worth noting that 2600 years ago, Vardhamān Mahāvīra came to Bengal (Vanga), known as Rādha (or Lāța)deśa at that time, to preach his doctrine, and this event was recorded in the second part of the Acārängasūtra which is one of the oldest Āgama texts of the Jains. And some of the historians opine that the name of the Railway station Bardhaman (formerly English Burdwan, but correctly Vardhamāna) in West Bengal is due to his visit to that place. However, it is not the place to dilate upon the history of Jainism in Bengal, but, it could be reckoned at the same time that Bengal was not a place where Jainism was quite unknown. But rather unfortunately, Jainism in Bengal was for long relegated to the land of oblivion in the contemplation of a polypus.
Keeping in mind the thrust areas of this Seminar which include the Prakrit language, literature and Jain philosophy, a monograph which is a collection of articles is prepared according to the need of the Seminar. It has three parts. In

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part I, some basic notions of the Prakrit language are given. In part II, some basic historical events are culled out from some recognised and illustrious authors who have laboured much to unfurl the hidden treasures of Jain history. Some of the knotty problems of Jainism which are seldom discussed in ordinary books are also amalgamated here to give emphasis on those themes which will draw the attention of scholars. The part III deals with Jain literature in a chronological order which will help the scholars to write the history of Jainism. The entire gamut of this corpus is written on the basis of the notion that the Prakrit language and literature are the integral parts of Jainistic studies.
This monograph is made on themes. A peep into the contents will demonstrate the truth of this assertion. In editing this corpus I have to follow a little editorial discipline. In some articles proper names are printed "all-cap", such as, PISCHEL, in the main body of the text, but, to maintain parity with other articles where this "all-cap" system is not followed, I have avoided "all-cap" in a name and made them "normal". The older spellings of some names, such as, Çatruñjaya, are kept as they are and have not been tampered with recent spelling as is normally done in the books of Indology. For historical reasons, this so-called older spelling is not crushed down on the plea of reformation and modernization. Similarly, in some cases some older diacritical marks (such as, apabhraňśa) are kept as they are for the sake of history, but, otherwise, normal diacritical marks are followed. Save and except this very insignificant minor editorial discipline, all the articles are printed as they are.
In fine, I should say that I must thank the President and the General Secretary who have urged me to prepare this monograph befitting the climatic condition of the Seminar. If this monograph stimulates the scholars interested in the subject, I shall deem my labour amply rewarded.
1 March 2005
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Library Secretary The Asiatic Society

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PART I— PRAKRITICA

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ORIGIN OF PRAKRIT
MURALYDHAR BANERJEE
Prakrit grammarians regard Prakrit to be derived from Sanskrit. Prāksta is explained as a language having a Praksti or source which, in this case, is taken to be Sanskrit. Commentators on Poetics also subscribe to this view. This view, however, is disputed by some Indian writers. Vākpatirāja (8th Century A.D.) 8 states—“All the speeches enter into it (Prakrit) and come out of it just as all waters fall into the Ocean and come out of it." Namisadhu, a Jaina scholar, (11th Century A.D.),
1. sofa: Hari TT VE 31 at Siddha Hemacandra, 8.
1. 1. tora: 86 T ya sonrad MärkandeyaPrakrtasarvasva, p. 1. tarat: FeaTres fala: galit Aa Şadbhāşacandrika, sofa: fpei 7 MEGAT TEST Fan Prakrtacandrika quoted in Peterson's Third Report 343-7. प्राकृतस्य तु सर्वमेव संस्कृतं योनिः Prakrtasanjivani quoted by Vasudeva in his Commentary on Karpuramañjari, 9.11. ed. Bombay, Cf. Pischel's Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen,
1. 2. tandemuat napet safa: penery Dhanika on Dasarupaka, 2. 64.
प्रकृतेः संस्कृतादागतं प्राकृतम् Simhadevagani on Vagbhatalaikara, 2.2. Fica peragrur: Intel WAIT Tartu Premacandra Tarkavāgiša
on Kavyadarsa, 1. 13. 3. Gaudavaho, ed. S.P. Pandit, Introduction, p. 100. 4. Hurrent poi arut farsifat gut a unitat ararati
gfa we fra ofa Hreersit fara urant ll Ibid., sl. 93. 5. Namisadhu finished his Commentary in Samvat 1125, i.e.,
1069 A.D.

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commenting on a bloka® of Rudraţa's Kavyalankāra writes as follows: .
"To explain Prākrta-Prakrti is a natural use of speech made by all beings of the world which is not refined by Grammar, Rhetoric etc.; and a speech derived from Prakrti or Prakrti itself is Prakrta. Or from the saying, "The Ardhamāgadhi speech of the gods is composed in the Prakrta of the Rsis, Prakrta means 'first produced' (prak krta) it is the speech easily intelligible to children and women and the source of all other speeches. It is of a homogeneous character like rain falling from the clouds; the same speech being distributed in various countries and being specialised by refinement is later differentiated into Sanskrit and other speeches. For this reason, the author of the text first mentions Prākste and then Samskrta and other speeches. It is called Saṁskrta on account of being refined by Pāṇini and others in the rules of their Grammar."
Hemacandra, following other Prākrit grammarians in his grammar maintains Prākrta' to be derived from Samskrta. In his later work the Kavyānusāsana he
पञ्चविंशतिसंयुक्तरेकादशमसमशतैः ।। विक्रमात् समतिक्रान्तैः प्रावृषीदं समर्थितम् || Jacobi Bhavisayattakaha,
p. 174., Quoted by Gune Bhavisayattakaha, Intro., p. 57. 6. Vagbhatalankara, 2. 12. 7. "प्राकृतेति-सकलजगजन्तूनां व्याकरणादिभिरनाहितसंस्कारः सहजो वचनव्यापारः
प्रकृतिः, तव भवं सैव वा प्राकृतम्। 'आरिसवयणं सिदं' देवाणं अदमागहा वाणी' इत्यादिवचनाद् वा प्राक् पूर्व कृतं प्राकृतं बालमहिलादिसुबोधं सकलभाषानिबन्धनभूतं वचनमुच्यते। मेघनिर्मुक्तजलम् इवैकस्वरूपं तदेव च देशविशेषात् संस्कारकरणार समासादितं विशेष सत् संस्कृतायुत्तरविभेदानानोति, अतएव शासकृता प्राकृतमादी निर्दिष्टं तदनु संस्कृतादीनि। पाणिन्यादिव्याकरणोदितशब्दलक्षणेन संस्करणात्
संस्कृतमुच्यते।" 8. See above, p. 1 footnote no. 1. 9. That 'Siddha Hemacandra' is an earlier production is clear
from its mention in the Kavyānusāsana (ed. Kavyamala 70.) p. 2 Sloka 2 'शब्दानुशासनेऽस्माभिः साध्वोवाचो विवेचिताः।'

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arrives at the very opposite stand-point maintained by Vakpatirāja and Namisādhu and speaks of the speech of Jina "as not artificial, as sweet-worded and as transformed into all other speeches."l' In his Deśināmamālā which was written after his grammar and the Kāvyānusasana" he maintains the same view. In the opening stanza of the Deśīnāmamālā he salutes the speech of Jina (i.e., Ardhamāgadhi Prāksta) as the origin of all other speeches. In support of his view that Ardhamāgadhi has developed into all other speeches, in the Commentary on it he quotes a stanza already quoted in the Kāvyānusāsana—“The speech of Jina was understood by the Gods as divine speech, by men as human speech, by Savaras as Săvarī speech and by the brutes as their own speech.” It is also possible Hemacandra as a pious Jaina held this view even when he wrote his grammar in which, however, he adopted the stand-point of Sanskrit origin of Prakrit for convenience of treatment.
Indian writers on Prakrit Grammar and Lexicography and Rhetoric adopt a threefold classification of Prakrit. Though they employ slightly different phraseology to express these classes the following names are generally accepted, viz., (1) Tatsama, (2) Tadbhava, (3) Deśi.
This classification is evidently based on the orthodox 10. marraskIGUCI Hrefiforenferiti
ForTefturat taff arre ll Kavyānušāsana, p. 1., sl. 1. In the Commentary on it Hemacandra seems to follow Namisādhu in regarding Prakrit to be ‘of a homogeneous character like rain falling from the clouds.' (996841 Ft
भगवतोद्धमागधीभाषा वारिदविमुक्तवारिवदाश्रयानुरूपतया परिणमति।) 11. Mention is made of Siddha Hemacandra and
Kavyānušāsana in Desināmamala, I. 3. Com. 12. The equivalent terms for the three classes are: (1) Tatsama,
Samskrtasama, Tattulya, Samānasabda; (2) Tadbhava, Samskrtabhava, Samskrtayoni, Tajja, Vibhraşta; (3) Deśl, Desiprasiddha, Desimata; for full reference see Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, Strassburg (1900), 8 8.

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view of the origin of Prakrit from Sanskrit. Accordingly the word 'Tat' in the first two classes means Sanskrit and these two classes respectively denote (1) Prakrit words borrowed from Sanskrit without any change of form, and (2) Prakrit words borrowed from Sanskrit with change of form. The third class denotes those words which cannot be derived from Sanskrit and are supposed to belong to different provinces. It may be translated as 'provincial'.
Hemacandra defines Deśī to be “such words as are not derived by the rules of his grammar and even when derived are not current in Sanskrit dictionaries nor can be derived by any 'gauņi laksaņā', i.e., the metaphorical use of words."18 Such words are further defined as "not including all provincial dialectical words but only such Prakrit words as are current through ages without beginning."14
Let us now take up the views of the modern Orientalists on the origin of Prakrit.
The Rev. R. Caldwell, in his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages (Longmans, London, 1856) tries to explain the origin of the Northern Indian Vernaculars by the influence of the Scythian and the Dravidian languages over Sanskrit when the Aryan settlers first mixed with the Non-Aryans in Northern India. "According to this theory”, he writes, “the grammatical structure of the spoken idioms of Northern India was from the first and always continued to be, in the main, Scythian; and a change which took place when Sanskrit acquired the predominance as the Aryans gradually extended their conquests and their colonies, was rather a change of vocabulary than of grammar,--a change not so much in the arrangement and vital spirit as in the material of the language.”16
Rev. Caldwell not only considers the morphology of
13. Dešināmamala, present Ed., p. 1, 3.. 14. Op. cit., p. 1, 4. 15. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 37.

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the Northern Indian Vernaculars as of Non-Aryan origin but he discovers many Dravidian words even in Sanskrit Vocabulary. 1 He gives a list of thirty-seven Sanskrit words which he regards as certainly borrowed from the Dravidian tongues. Of these 'atavi' (forest), ambā (mother), 'kala' (fine art), 'sava' (corpse), 'nānā' (several), 'nīra' (water), 'bhaj' (to share) and 'mīna' (fish) may be mentioned as examples. Whether such words were naturalised in Sanskrit from the Dravidian tongues or borrowed from Sanskrit by those languages remains an open question. That these words are a property of Sanskrit may be proved by literary evidence of more than two thousand years but we possess no literary evidence of their existence in any of the Dravidian tongues even approaching the earlier centuries of the Christian era.
To meet this extreme view it is but enough to refer to the Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Languages of India by Mr. J. Beames (1872), the three volumes of which work are a reasoned refutation of the view of the Dravidian Origin of the Northern Indian Vernaculars held by Rev. Caldwell and his followers. Mr. Beames shows that this view is untenable because it is geographically, historically and philologically impossible and absurd. The Dravidians were separated from the Aryan Colonists of Northern India by the Mundas lying between both and any borrowing by the Aryans from the Dravidians instead of from the Mundas with whom they came in direct contact is geographically impossible. It is also historically impossible. We must first answer the question when did the Aryans first come in to contact with the Dravidians ? Was it in the Vedic age? Or after the Mahomedan Conquest ? If it was in the Vedic age then how can the Prakrit dialects, the vernaculars of Northern India of the intermediate period and of which we possess literary records in the Pali literature, in the Jaina 16. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages,
pp. 439-48.

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canonical literature and the Asoka inscriptions preceding the birth of Christ by several centuries and which are the immediate predecessors in the line of descent of the modern vernaculars of Northern India--show a synthetic and inflexional structure like the Sanskrit ? They ought to have shown an analytical structure like the modern vernaculars of Northern India which is ascribed to the influence of the Dravidian tongue. Are we to suppose then that the Dravidian invasion of Northern India took place from the country of Tamil and Telugu speaking races about the time of the Mahomedan invasion or a little before it in order to give birth to the modern vernaculars of Northern India which show an analytical structure ? It is also philologically impossible. The Dravidian family of languages are agglutinative while the modern vernaculars of Northern India, show an analytical structure in some respects still retaining their inflectional character. They substitute for some case-affixes and tense-affixes independent words which are inflected but they show no sign of agglutination like the Dravidian languages. How is the descent of an analytical language still retaining its inflexional character from an agglutinative family philologically possible? Where is the precedent or analogy for it? Is it not more reasonable to suppose that the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars are the lineal descendants of the Prakrits which are mainly synthetic and inflexional but sometimes show an analytical tendency which has fully developed in their next stage which is represented by the Modern Indian Vernaculars ? . So long as a linguistic phenomenon can be accounted for by the laws of internal development of a language there is no justification for ascribing it to extraneous influences. The development of analytical character is only a stage in the development of synthetical languages and is found where synthetic families of languages have been in existence. An exact parallel to the development of the analytical modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars from the

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Synthetic Prakrits and Sanskrit"? is found in the development of the Romance languages Italian, French, Spanish and Portuguese from Latin. If this is possible in Europe purely by a power of internal development why in India to explain the same phenomenon the influence of Non-Aryan languages should be considered as necessary, is not comprehensible.
Mr. M. Collins, in his remarks on "The Sanskritic elements in the Vocabularies of the Dravidian Languages" by S.A. Pillai, detects a Dravidic substratum in the structure of languages of Northern India as would be seen from the following extract :
"These borrowings (i.e., from Sanskrit) whatever modifications they may present, affect only the vocabulary. In structure the Dravidian languages of the South have remained true to the old type. With the race or races who occupied the greater portion of Northern India in primitive times the case is different. These came at a very early period into direct contact with the encroaching Aryans, and here we find a state of things quite analogous to that which obtained in those parts of Europe into which Roman soldiers and Roman settlers successfully penetrated. The Romance languages may well be called Prakrits of Latin, and there can be little doubt that the history of these new languages in Europe is closely akin to that of the rise of the Middle Indian languages of India. In each case a period of more or less complete bilingualism must have preceded the establishment of the supremacy of the invading speech; and in each case the victorious language emerged greatly modified by the speech habits of the invaded areas. In Prakrits and in the Romance languages the local sounds, the local idioms, the local sentence-structure made their influence felt upon the adopted speech."18 In support of
17. By Sanskrit is meant here the spoken Vedic, the proto
type of Sanskrit. 18. Remarks of Mr. M. Collins quoted by S.A. Pillai, M.A., L.

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his statement, Mr. M. Collins gives certain resemblances which, he adds, amongst others point unmistakably to the existence of a Dravidic substratum in the languages of Northern India.
Mr. Bejaychandra Majumdar, in his "History of the Bengali Language" adopts this view of Dravidian influence both in phonology and morphology of Bengali. He writes "such an eminent scholar as Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar considers such changes in the oldest known Prakrit as Cat (dhammo) for 4 (dharma), 7*cat (sankappo) for 574 (samkalpa), ficante (siloka) for CTS (śloka) etc., to be due to the natural vocal tendencies of the Aryan speakers themselves. Explanation for these changes was not sought outside the mouth of the speakers as the influence of the Dravidians who now reside far away from the limits of Northern India could not be thought of forty years ago, when the Wilson Philological Lectures were delivered. In fact the Dravidians could once be the neighbours of the Aryans in the Northern country did not suggest to the scholars. I have mentioned before that according to the Dravidian traditions, all the dominant tribes of South India migrated from Northern Provinces to Peninsular India. It is a distinct and a definite characteristic of essential nature, in the Tamil language, that an initial of a word can never be formed of double consonants and compound letters formed of consonants of different varga can occur nowhere in a word. If we refer the change under consideration to essential peculiarities of the Tamil Speech, our problem is secured. Compounding of r with m as in dharma and I with p as in Sankalpa cannot be tolerated according to this rule, and to maintain. the long sounds of the compound letters in question, the very letters have to be doubled.........
T. in his Dravidic Studies No. III—"The Sanskritic elements in the Vocabularies of the Dravidian Languages" (1919), pp. 56-57.

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When by about 1865 Bishop Caldwell suggested that the Tamil (ku) as dative denoting suffix was identical with Oriya (ku), Bengali ' (ke) and Hindi 'Cap (ko) denoting exactly the dative case, a host of critics rose up to throw away the right suggestion of the Bishop."19
The fault of such arguments is that they prove too much. If the Dravidian people could influence the speakers of the Aryan speeches in 'dim past to such an extent why do we not find its trace in Vedic language when they first came in contact with the Aryans in Northern India and why the letter changes, borrowings of vocables and the analytical phenomena first appear in the Prakrits-and more conspicuously in the modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars-long after the Dravidians had migrated to the Southern Peninsula has not been answered either by Mr. Collins or Mr. Majumdar. Moreover why the agglutinated elements as soon as they are joined to the roots and bases of the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars are changed into suffixes and some times add new suffixes to them showing thereby the inflexional character of these languages unaffected by the incorporation of these elements has not yet been explained by the advocates of Dravidian influence on these Aryan Vernaculars.
Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji in “The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language” (Calcutta, 1926) is more discriminating in adopting the view of the Dravidian substratum in the modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars. He suggests that the dative suffix 'ke' of Bengali can be either ‘krta' or 'kakşa’ in the locative. It is not unlikely that the two postpositional words have converged into this one form. In the plural of the dative UTCHSCP(taderke) (to them) we can see that an analysis into tasya + adi + Kera + Kakşe or into + 'Krte' is equally possible. Thus he derives the suffix 'Ke' from both or either 19. B.C. Majumdar, History of the Bengali Language,
pp. 58-59.

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of the two Aryan words 'Krte' and 'Kakşe' and not from the Dravidian 'Ku'.20
Again he remarks, “The case suffixes and post positions. are placed after the noun of multitude agglutinated and this system has its parallel in the agglutinative system of Dravidian, e.g., The C (mānuşagulāke) (to men) cf. Tamil ‘manindangalukku'. Here of course we have only a fortuitous resemblance, there being no genetic connection between the very late Indo-Aryan 'gula-ke' and the Dravidian ‘gal-ukku.' "21
Elsewhere he writes, “The above are cases where we can look for Dravidian influence in the inherent principle of formation only quite legitimately. But in the development of NIA post positions and affixes which took place towards the end of the first millennium A.C. and in the first Century of second millennium it would be too much to expect direct borrowing from Dravidian or building up on the model of Dravidian, as it has been suggested in a number of cases by various scholars."22
Here Dr. Chatterji admits the force of the objection that such borrowings are historically impossible and are nothing but instances of accidental coincidence.
The origin of the Prakrits and of their offspring—the Northern Indian Vernaculars Beames finds in the spoken Sanskrit as distinguished from the literary and to this he applies the term Middle Aryan.
Taking up the same line of investigation Dr. J. Muir thus sums up the views of German scholars on the question of Sanskrit being a vernacular from which the Prakrits have later developed.
"It appears from the passages cited from the works of Professors Lassen and Benfey, that these distinguished 20. S.K. Chatterji, “The Origin and Development of the Bengali
Language", Vol. II, pp. 761-762. 21. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 733. 22. S.K. Chatterji, “The Origin and Development of the Bengali
Language”, Vol. I, p. 173.

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BANERJEE: ORIGIN OF PRAKRIT
11
scholars assume that Sanskrit (by which, no doubt, must be understood, a language, in some respects different from the later Sanskrit and more akin to the Vedic dialect) was once a spoken tongue regarding this as a fact which admits of no question. While Professor Weber is of opinion that the only Indo-Aryan speech which existed at the very early period to which I refer had not yet been developed into Sanskrit but was still a vernacular tongue."
"23
Weber's own words24 have thus been translated by Muir "In its earliest period the Indo-Aryan speech had not yet become Sanskrit, i.e., the language of the cultivated men, but remained still a vernacular tongue, whilst in its second period the people spoke not Sanskrit but Prakritic dialects which had been developed out of the ancient IndoAryan vernacular contemporaneously with Sanskrit."
That the orthodox view of the origin of Prakrit from Sanskrit is untenable and both Sanskrit and the Prakrits are derived from earlier Prakrits is a conclusion which seems inevitable from the following considerations :
1. Literary languages are always and everywhere developed from spoken, popular dialects by literary culture and become at last fixed and stereotyped by grammar. Spoken dialects may be compared to a flowing stream constantly changing in successive generations. Literary languages may be compared to branches or canals issuing out of it-in which the flow of the current has been arrested by dams and anicuts built across, causing the water to stagnate in the bed. The literary languages being thus separated from the parent stream of the spoken dialects gradually diverge from them-and at last their difference from the spoken dialects becomes so great that they cease to be intelligible to the common people speaking the popular dialects. Language being a creation of society to serve the purpose of communication of thoughts among
23. The Original Sanskrit Texts (1874), Vol. II, p. 144. 24. Indische Literaturgeschichte, p. 1.

Page #29

12
PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
its members, when a literary language owing to its divergence from the popular speech ceases to be intelligible to the people it is discarded and becomes a dead language. The need is then felt for creating new literary languages which arise from the stream of popular dialects intelligible to the people of those particular ages and after a short career die again like their predecessors. The history of the origin of Sanskrit, Prakrit and the modern IndoAryan vernaculars illustrates this law of development of spoken and literary languages. The Indo-Aryan vernaculars of the successive ages, the spoken Prakrits form the everflowing parent stream. The literary languages of those ages—Vedic, Classical Sanskrit, Pali, Ardhamagadhi, the Prakrit dialects of the plays, the literary Apabhraíśas, the modern Aryan vernaculars of India in their literary forms were all created successively from the spoken Prakrits of their own ages of the different provinces when the older literary languages became unintelligible and dead. Thus the new science of Coinparative Philology confirms the view of Vākpatirāja and Namisādhu expressed more than a millennium ago that the spoken Prakrits are the source of the literary languages.
2. The presence of Prakritisms in the Vedas proves that there were spoken Prakrits even in the Vedic age which have been lost not being preserved in literature and the later literary Prakrits must have been descended from these earlier spoken Prakrits and not from Vedic which is a literary language nor from the later Classical Sanskrit, the divergence from which of the literary Prakrits is much greater than from the Vedic Sanskrit.
3. Tadbhava words differ from Tatsamas in three respects. First, by absence of certain letters found in the Sanskrit form. Second, by presence of certain other letters in place of those found in the Sanskrit form. Third, by the presence of additional letters not found in the Sanskrit form. The first class of difference is called by Prakrit

Page #30

BANERJEE : ORIGIN OF PRAKRIT
grammarians 'lopa' or elision, the second is called 'varņādeśa' or substitution of letters, the third 'varṇāgama' or augment. As descriptions of purely grammatical processes without any reference to historical transformation; or genealogy of words, the terms may be allowed. But if they are taken to mean a historical transformation of words from pre-existent Sanskrit into Prakrit arising in course of time they are not an exact representation of facts and are open to objection. Regarding 'lopa' it may be said, there are varying degrees of it found in the Tadbhavas—from slight decay as in the Asoka inscriptions or Pāli to the disappearance of several intervocalic consonants reducing the words into strings of vowels as in Mahārāştri. In the former the words can be easily recognised as of Sanskrit origin, in the latter they are transformed beyond recognition. The first kind of Tadbhavas are called by Hoernle, 25 Siddha Tadbhavas and the second class of Tadbhavas are called Sādhyamāna Tadbhavas. The former are regarded by him as late Tadbhavas, the latter as old Tadbhavas. This view explains the different degrees of decay in the Tadbhavas by the theory of earlier or later introduction of the words from Sanskrit. The difference of decay may also be explained by supposing that the more decayed Tadbhavas were introduced from the spoken vernaculars into the literary Prakrits at a later time and were already in a more advanced stage of decay than the less decayed Tadbhavas and that neither were directly introduced from Sanskrit, while the Tatsamas were borrowed by the literary Prakrits directly from Sanskrit. This assumption better accounts for the varying degrees of decay observed in the Tadbhava words and the absence of any decay in the Tatsamas than the assumption of their being simultaneously borrowed directly from Sanskrit along with the Tatsamas. It is supported also by the fact that 25. Hoernle,-'A Comparative Grammar of the Gaudian
Languages', Introduction, p. xxxviii.

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14
PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
changes in literary dialects after they are fixed by Grammar are arrested and, therefore, the greater decay of words must be explained by their being introduced from the spoken Prakrits at a later time than the less decayed words. The existence of spoken Prakrits in the Vedic age proved by the presence of Prakritisms in the Vedic literature also confirms the above view. The explanation of the various changes in the Prakrit dialects by substitution (Adeśa) or augment (Agama) from Sanskrit as given by the Prakrit grammarians is entirely artificial and purely hypothetical and is meant only to serve the principle of economy the grammatical treatises aim at26 and does not represent any genetic or historical development of these words from Sanskrit. They can be explained only by assuming the existence of spoken Prakrit dialects, referred to as Deśabhāṣās,27 in the different provinces from which the Tadbhava words showing the latter changes were borrowed and not from Sanskrit. Of course these provincial spoken dialects were of Aryan origin. And the Tadbhava words of the literary Prakrits are thus derived from the spoken Prakrits of the different provinces and not from Sanskrit Vedic or Classical both of which are literary languages. Vedic and Classical Sanskrit itself is derived from the spoken Prakrit of a particular province, the home of Vedic and Sanskrit culture-the basin of the Sarasvati and the Jamuna. And it was indistinguishable from that Prakrit before it became a literary tongue, in a remote, pre-Vedic age.
[Extracted from the Introduction to the Deśināmamālā of Hemacandra, University of Calcutta, Calcutta, 1931]
26. See Introduction, p. xxxv.
27. The Natya Sastra, 17-24, refers to Deśabhāṣās; the Vipākaśruta and some of the other Angas mention "gradefter" 'eighteen Deśabhāṣās'. These references are evidently to the provincial vernaculars as distinguished from the grammatical Prakrits.

Page #32

PERIODS OF PRAKRIT
SUNITI KUMAR CHATTERJI
Definite dates cannot be laid down in language history, but the period from the time of the composition of the Vedic hymns (? 1500-21200 B.C.) to the times immediately preceding Gautama Buddha (557-477 B.C.) may be regarded as the OIA Period. The MIA period may be said to have extended from 600 B.C. to about 1000 A.C.; of which 600 B.C. to 200 B.C. would be the Early or First MIA stage, 200 B.C. to 200 A.C. the Transitional MIA stage, 200 A.C. to 500 or 600 A.C. the Second MIA stage, and 600 A.C. to 1000 A.C. the Third or Late MIA stage. The first few centuries after 1000 A.C. would be an old NIA period, during which the NIA languages enter into life.
MIA Period : 600 B.C. - 1000 A.C. i) Early stage : 600 B.C. - 200 B.C. (Asokan Prakrit
and Pali as types). ii) Transitional stage : 200 B.C. – 200 A.C. (The
Prakrits of the earlier inscriptions, — Kharoşthi
and Brāhmi as types). iii) Second MIA stage:: A.C. 200-600 A.C. (Dramatic
Prakrits — Saurasēni, Mahārāştri and Māgadhi,
and Jaina Ardhamāgadhi as types). iv) Third MIA stage (Apabhrança): c. 600 A.C. -
1000 A.C. (Type - Western or Saurasēni
Apabhransa). (Adapted from The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, Calcutta University, Calcutta, 1926.] N.B. OIA = Old Indo-Aryan
MIA = Middle Indo-Aryan NIA = New Indo-Aryan
(Editor)

Page #33

CLASSIFICATION OF PRAKRIT
SUMITRA MANGESH KATRE
It follows from our wide generalisation regarding the term Prakrit that we have to consider a number of languages and dialects which the earlier grammarians did not include within their scope, in order to make our study of MIA as comprehensive as possible. We can, therefore, divide the whole of the MIA linguistic material into several categories—not necessarily into temporal categories such as Old, Middle and Late Prakritaccording to the type of literature where these dialects are attested. In this manner we have the following scheme: (1) Religious Prakrits : Pāli, the language of the
southern Buddhist Canon and post-canonical works; Ardhamāgadhi the language of the oldest Jaina Sūtras, also described as Ārşa; the Jaina varieties of Māhārāştri and Saurasenī, and Apabhraíśa attested in the narrative literature forming an extensive branch of Jaina literature. Literary : Māhārāştri, Sauraseni, Māgadhi; Paiśāci and Apabhramsa with their sub-varieties. Dramatic : Māhārāştri, Sauraseni, Māgadhi and their varieties; Old Ardhamāgadhi attested in the plays of Ašvaghoşa; minor dialects such as Dhakki
or sākki. (4) The Prakrits described by the Grammarians :
these include five or six dialects attested in Sanskrit plays and in MIA narrative literature such as Māhārāştri, Sauraseni, Magadhi, Paisāci, Culikā Paisāci and Apabhramsa, with several dialects. In this category we should include the description of Prakrits given in rhetorical or

Page #34

KATRE: CLASSIFICATION OF PRAKRIT
17
musical compositions such as Bharata's Nātyaśāstra or the Gitālamkāra or Namisādhu's
Commentary on Rudrata's Kāvyālamkāra. (5) Extra-Indian Prakrits : the language of Prakrit
Dhammapada, fragments of which were discovered in Khotan, written in Kharoşthi characters; Niya and Khotanese Prakrit, the
language of documents found in Central Asia. (6) Inscription Prakrits : From the period Asoka
downwards, written in Brāhmi and Kharoşthi characters, found within the whole of India, and parts of Ceylon. Under these are also to be considered copper-plate grants and coin-legends, thus covering the whole domain of lithic and metal records. Popular Sanskrit : Hindu, Buddhist and Jain. These represent the spoken forms of the IndoAryans after OIA became fixed within the steel frame prepared by generations of grammarians, for in this popular literature we find traces of such usages which were not recognised as proper for
refined Sanskrit of the classical variety. Such is the extent of the MIA languages which we have to take into consideration for our picture of cultural India between 600 B.C. and 1100 A.D., as an additional source to Vedic and Classical Sanskrit literature.
[Taken from Prakrit Languages and their contribution to Indian Culture, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1945)
THE ASIATIC SO? JETY
KOLKIA ACC. No. B20528 DATE 17.8.05

Page #35

PRAKRIT GRAMMARIANS
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE Before discussing the grammarians of the Eastern School it would be worthwhile to arrange almost chronologically in a tabulated form the important grammarians belonging to the two schools. The table in two groups is shown below. As Grierson has not mentioned all the authors and works listed in the table, an asterisk(*) mark is put after authors who are excluded by him.
Besides these treatises and authors mentioned in the table above, there existed a large number of grammatical works. We do not know anything about many of them except the names of authors and the titles of their works.
The Western School Authors
Works 1. (? Valmiki) [? Some stras) 2. Namisādhu* Ref. commentary on
Rudrata's
Kavyalankara II. 12 3. Hemacandra Prakrta-vyakarana
Commentators i) Udaya-sau.
bhāgyagani* Vyutpattidipika ii) Nara-Narendra).
candrasuri* Prakrta-prabodha
The Eastern School Authors
Works 1. Šakalya* ? Ref. in Pu, RT
& MK. Mandavya* ? Ref. in RT & MK Kohala*
? Ref. in MK. Kapila*
? Ref. in RT. & MK. 2. Bharata * ? Ref. in MK
cf. Bharata's Natya.
śāstra ch. XVII 3. Vararuci Prakrta-prakasa 4. Commentators
on Vararuci i) Katyāyana* () Prakrta-manjart ii) Bhamaha Manorama-urtti ii) Vasantarāja Prakrta-sanjivani iv) Sadananda* Subodhini v) Nārāyana
Vidyavinoda* Praksta--padatika vi) Ramapanivada* (Prakrtafika) vii) Raghunatha* Prakrtananda 5. Kramadıśvara Samk siptasärtya
Prakrtadhyaya 6. Purusottama* Prakrtanuśäsana 7. Ramašarman Prakrta-kalpataru
(Tarkavägisa) 8. Markandeya Präkrta-sarvasva 9. Jiva
Harinamämrte Gosvami* Prakrtapada 10. Ravana
Prakrta-kamadhenu Lankesvara
Followers
iii) Simhadevagari*
Ref. commentary on Vägbhatalankara
11.2
4. Trivikrama
Prakrta-vyakarana
A Selection from him by
i) Narashimha*
5. Simharaja 6. Lakşmidhara 7. Appayyadikşit* 8. Balasarasvati* 9. Subhacandra* 10. Srutasägara*
Praksta (sabda) Pradipika Prakrta-repävatora Şadbhaşācandrika Prokstamanidipa Şadbhagavivarana Sabdacintamani Audaryacintamani

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BANERJEE: PRAKRIT GRAMMARIANS
8
3
Thus the Prākṛta-lakṣaṇa attributed to Pāņini1 can be summarily rejected in the absence of any evidence. We have meagre information about Durgaṇācārya's Şaḍbhāṣārupamālikā,2 Nāgoba's Saḍbhāṣā-subanta rūpādarśa, Bhamakavi's Sadbhaşacandrikā,* Vāmanācārya's Prakṛta-candrika and Kṛṣṇapaṇḍita alias Seşakṛṣṇa's Prākṛta-candrikā. Unless these works are carefully studied, we cannot say definitely anything about them. We know only the names of Samantabhadra," Appayajvan,8 Candrasekhara,8 Nrsimha,8 Puspavananatha, BhojaR and Bharadvaja' as authors of Prakrit grammars. But no work of them has yet come to light. Works like Deśīprakāśa, Desiprasiddha,' (?), Prākṛta-kalpalatikā,9 Prākṛtabhāṣāntara-vidhāna, Prākṛtasaroddhāra-vṛtti,1o Prākṛtasahityaratnākara,10 Bhāṣābheda,10 Bhāṣārṇava, Bhāṣāvivecana,11 Şaḍbhaşamañjari," Şaḍbhāṣāvārtika, 12 Şaḍbhäṣāvicära12 are mere names, and, therefore, we are unable to pass any remark on them. We get some characteristic features of Prakrit language in the Vişnudharmottarapurāṇa. 13 But these features are extremely scanty and it is very difficult for us to ascertain to what school the author is indebted. [Taken from The Eastern School of Prakrit Grammarians, Calcutta, 1977].
9
13
11
10
3. Pischel, Gram, Pkt. Spr. §39
4. Aufrecht, Cat. Cat. I. 679b.
5. Pischel, Ibid, §41.
19
1. Hoernle in his edition of Canda's Präkṛta-lakṣaṇam, Calcutta, 1880, introduction.
2. Mentioned by Laksmidhara in his Şaḍbhāṣäcandrikā p. 22 of Trivedi's edition.
12
8. Pischel, Ibid, §41.
9. Pischel, Ibid, §41 §8, §43, §34 respectively.
10. Pischel, Ibid, 834 §41 etc.
11. Pischel, Ibid, §40.
12. Aufrecht's Cat. Cat.
6. Peterson's Third Report, pp. 342-48.
7. Pischel, Ibid, §41; A. N. Upadhye, A Prakrit Grammar attributed
to Samantabhadra, IHQ, XVII, 1942, pp. 511-16.
13. Vide my article, The Characteristics of Prakrit in the Visnudharmottarapurana (Text Reconstructed) in the Bulletin of the Philological Society of Calcutta. Vol II, Calcutta, 1961, pp. 124-30.

Page #37

NAMES OF THE PRAKRIT LANGUAGES
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE Here is a list of the Prakrit Languages arranged alphabetically. These languages are mentioned by the Prakrit grammarians and some modern scholars in their respective books.
Apabhramsa, Ardhamāgadhi (cf. Ārşam), Atibhāṣā, Avahatthabhāşā, Ābhīrā'pabhramśa, Andhrī, Ārşam (cf. Ar Mg)., Abhira, Abhirikā, Abhiri, Avanti, Āvantyā'pabhramsa, Inscriptional prakrits, Udicī, Upanāgarā'pabhramsa, Odra, Audhrā'pabhramsa, Audhrī (cf. Auļra), Audhriya (see AuŅhrī), Kāñcāpabhramsa, Kāñca-paiśācī, Kalingā'pabhramsa, Kārņātā'pabhramsa, Kírāta, Kaikayā'pabhramsa, Kaikeyi-apabhramsa, Kaikeya-paiśācī (cika), Kaikeya-paiśācī (cika), Kauntalā'pabhramsa, Kharoşthi prakrit, Khotanese prakrit, Gāthā dialect, Gāndhāri dialect, Gauda-paisācikā, Gaudi-apabhramsa, Gaurjā'pabhramsa, Grāmyā'pabhramsa, Grāmya-bhāṣā, Caņdāla, Caņdāli, Cülikā. paiśācī, Jātibhāṣā, Jaina prakrit, Jaina Mahārāştrī, Jaina Sauraseni, Jaina Saurāştri, Takkā'pabhramsa, Tākki, Dhakki, Dākşiņātyā, Dākşiņātyā-paiśācī, Dramila, Drāmili, Drāvida, Drāvidā, Drāvidāpabhramśa, Drāvidapaiśācī, Drāviļi, Deśaja, Deśa-bhāṣā, Desi(bhāşā), Deśya, Daiva (cf. Haiva, Haimavat), Nāgara'pabhramsa, Niyā Prakrit, Pāñcāla-paiśācī, Pāñcāla'pabhramsa, Pāņdyapaisãci, Pẫndyāpabhramsa, Pali, Pocatya'pabhramía, Paiśācikā, Paiśācī, Prāksta-Dhammapada (cf. Kharoşthi prakrit), Prācyā, Prācyā’pabhramśa, Barbarā'pabhramsa, Bahliki, Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit, Bhūtabhāṣā, Madhyadesiya’pabhramsa, Māgadha-paiśācikā, Māgadhi, Mālavā pabhramba, Māhārāştri, Miśrā'rdhamāgadhi, Rantikā, Lāțā'pabhramśa, Lenā dialect, Vārendra Bhāşā,

Page #38

BANERJEE : NAMES OF THE PRAKRIT LANGUAGES
21
Vibhāṣā, Vibhraşța, Vrācațā’pabhramśa, Vrācadā'pabhramśa, Vrācada-paiśācika, Vaidāla, Vaitālā'pabhramsa, Vaidarbhi-apabhramsa, Sakki, Śākki, Śākāri, Sabara, Šabari, śābari, Saurasena-paiśācí, Sauraseni, Saurāştri, Srāvanti, Srāvasti, Sankirņa. paiśācī, Saippalā'pabhramśa, Saimhalā'pabhramsa, Haimavat (See Daiva), Haiva (See Daiva), Hātigumpha.
(Adapted from A Bibliography of the Prakrit Language, Calcutta, 1977)

Page #39

THE EARLIEST MODERN SCHOLARS ON PRAKRIT
RICHARD PISCHEL
Hoefer was the first scholar to handle the grammar of Pkt. in De Prakrita dialecto libri duo, Berolini 1836'. Almost about the same time appeared Lassen's Institutions linguae Pracriticae, Bonnae ad Rhenum 1837, based on more richly abundant materials. A supplement thereto, die Radices Pracriticae was published by Delius, Bonnae ad Rhenum 1839. Up to that time none of the indigenous grammars had been published, and of the entire Pkt. literature there had appeared only a small portion, of the dramas, Mrcch., Sak., Vikr., Ratn., Prab., Mālatīm., Uttarar. Mudrār., besides Kāvyaprakāśa and Sāhityadarpaņa, all in wholly bad uncritical editions. Therefore, Lassen was able to describe mainly $. only, M. in accordance with the statements of the grammarians and Mg. on the basis of Mrcch., Sak., and Prab. Under these circumstances Lassen's work is an admirable performance. With his sagacity he has effected improvements in an excellent method in numberless places in the corrupt texts, correctly utilized them and laid the foundation on which the edifice of later research could be raised up. In spite of all such qualities up till now he has found no follower. The works of Weber on M., AMg., of Eduard Müller on AMg., of Jacobi on JM. are devoted to individual dialects; they will be referred to in appropriate places. Cowell, A short ·Introduction to the Ordinary Prákşit of the Sanskrit Dramas, with a list of
1. Cf. Benary, Jahrbücher für wissenschaftliche Kritik 1836,
863 ff.

Page #40

PISCHEL: THE EARLIEST MODERN SCHOLARS ON PRAKRIT
23
common irregular Prákrit words, London 1875 is based upon Vr.; it is all elementary and does not go a long way towards attainment of its goal.? Rishikesh (rather more correctly Hộşikeśa) Sastri, A Prakrita Grammar with English translation, Calcutta 1883, attempts to re-arrange the indigenous grammars on an European pattern. But as he has used very defective texts (more correctly probably on) manuscripts, without working at them critically, his grammar is not at all usable, especially because he has referred to mostly only known rules. All new are his extracts from the Prāksta-kalpalatikä, that is otherwise unknown. Haag, in his Vergleichung des Prakrit mit den Romanischen Sprachen, Berlin 1869, discusses a number of phonetical phenomena, that are common to known languages. Hoernle' has given a general survey of the history of Prākrit Philology and Weber of the recent publications (1870-1881).
[Taken from Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, Strassburg, 1900, translated by S. Jha, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, second revised edn. 1981.)
2. Cf. Pischel, Jenaer Literaturzeitung 1875, 794ff 3. A Sketch of the History of Prakrit Philology, Calcutta
Review, October 1880. Cf. Centenary Review of the ASB.
Calcutta 1885, II, pp. 157ff. 4. Hala? (Leipzig 1881) p. vii f. with note.

Page #41


Page #42

PART II – JAINICA

Page #43


Page #44

A BRIEF HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
WALTHER SCHUBRING
$1. It was in the year 1807 that in the Asiatick Researches (Calcutta and London), Vol. IX, there appeared three reports published under the title “Account of the Jains" and collected by Major (later Lieutenant Colonel) Colin Mackenzie supplemented by an abstract from his diary of 1797 and from that of Dr. F. Buchanan', the latter containing some notes of a Jain gentleman. These publications were immediately followed by H. Th. Colebrooke's "Observations on the Sects of the Jains"? They were based upon those researches as well as on Colebrooke's own, and it was in them that, apart from bare descriptive recording, some scholarly spirit first made itself felt by a critical standpoint taken and by facts being combined. Jain research thus dates from somewhat more than 150 years ago.
In H.H. Wilson's "Sketch of the Religious Sects of the Hindus" we find some stray notes about the Jains, but no details are given, though, on the other hand, the author dwells upon Vol. I of the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society (1827) which contained an essay by Delamaine
1. Buchanan published “A Journey from Madras through the
countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar" (Lo. 1807, 2nd ed. Madras 1870, comp. Guérinot JAs. 1909, p. 55). In this work the Jains are often mentioned. Buchanan's Journal kept during the Survey of the Districts of Patna and Gaya in 1811-12”, ed. by V.H. Jackson, Patna 1925, contains a description of his visit to the place where Mahāvira died. Comp. Jacobi Spaw 1930, p. 561. Printed in Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, 2nd ed., (1872) vol. II, 191-224.

Page #45

28
PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
and one more by Buchanan (=F. Buchanan Hamilton), both with the title “On the Srawacs or Jains" and followed by a few remarks of the latter and of W. Ffrancklin about some Jain temples, by Colebrooke's account of two inscriptions, and by Wilson's own review of Colebrooke's study “Sect of Jina" in his "Essays on the Philosophy of the Hindus”3. In the same year, 1827, Francklin's “Researches on the Tenets of the Jeynes and Boodhists" were published, the first book that had the Jains in its title. Its descriptive portions are readable even now, whereas this cannot be said of its mythological and speculative deductions.
We abstain from cataloguing here which was printed after 1827, since this can be found in Guérinot's Bibliography (s.b.). We must confine ourselves to mention that "Sketch" of Wilson, because it represents the most important treatment of the subject at that time. He gives a report on the numerable Jain manuscripts both privately owned by him and by the Calcutta Sanskrit College. His “Descriptive Catalogue of the Mackenzie Collection”4 dealt
3. We should not like to pass over in silence the earliest
references to the Jains. Comp. Windisch in his Geschichte der indo-arischen Philologie etc., p. 29; Zachariae Wzkm 24, 337-344 (reprinted in his Kleine Schriften, p. 41-47) and Festschrift Winternitz p. 174-185; Randle Jras 1933, p. 147. The Greek glossator Hesychios (5th century A.D.) mentions 'gennoi'as naked philosophers, a word in which M. Schmidt in his 2nd ed. (1867) of Hes. p. 342 surmises the Jains, comp. Gray and Schuyler, Am. J. of Philol. 22 (1901), p. 197. Lassen, Ind. Altertumskunde 4 (1861) and Lüders Kz 38, p. 433 are not against Schmidt's suggestion, whereas Stein in Megasthenes and Kautilya, p. 293 f.
maintains a cautions attitude. 4. The Mackenzie Collection. A descriptive
Catalogue...By...H.H. Wilson. C. 1828, 2nd ed. Madras 1882.

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with 44 South Indian Jain manuscripts that had come to the East India Company in London. But even the earliest essays were partly based upon texts as was Colebrooke's first one in that it concerned Hemacandra's Abhidhānacintāmaņi and the Kalpasūtra of the Jain Canon. Still he made use of both in a selective manner only and was far from editing or translating them completely, and twenty years had to pass until the first Jain text was published. Again it was Hemacandra's work that was edited by Böhtlingk and Rieu with a German translation in 1847 (St. Petersburg), whereas the Kalpasûtra, along with the Navatattvaprakarana, appeared in 1848 in Stevenson's English rendering.. That this was a rather imperfect performance is easily explained by the fact the Stevenson was the first European scholar to be confronted with the canonical Prakrit”. The Abhidhānacintāmaņi in 1858 was followed by Weber's edition of Dhaneśvara's Satrumjayamāhātmyao with a detailed preface. So, then, the textual basis was rather narrow for Lassen's sketch of Jainismo in his "Indische Altertumskunde” 4, 755-787 (1861)." 5. The Kalpa-Sutra and Nava Tatva. Two works illustrative
of the Jain religion and philosophy. Transl. from the
Magadhi by J. Stevenson. Lo. 1848. 6. Comp. Jacobi, The Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu, pp. 27ff. 7. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen in § 17 deals
with the history of research in the Ardha-Māgadhi. 8. Pavie's French analysis of the Padmavaticaritra in JAs 5,
T. 7 may also be mentioned 9. Albrecht Weber, Überdas Çatrumjaya Mahātmyam. Ein
Beitrag zur Geschichte der Jaina. Leipzig 1858. 10. The word Jainism is an English rendering and
etymologically not correct. In German works of Leumann, Winternitz, the Author and others the student will read "Jinismus” and “Jinistisch” derived from Jina, as are, in all languages, “Buddhism etc." from Buddha. “Bauddhism"
etc. has never and nowhere been said. 11. Translation by Rehatsek Ja 2, 193-200; 258-265.

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$2. The mentioned edition had been Weber's first attempt in Jain research, but years later it was actually his great study "Über ein Fragment der Bhagavati etc.” that was epoch-making. It appeared in two parts in the Abhandlungen der Königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1865-66 and in a separate edition (1866-67), that is to say again twenty years after the first Jain text (s.a). Obsolete as it is now, yet it marks in our field the beginning of a philological and creative epoch. As to it, the reader may be referred to Windisch's precise description rendered in the Grundriss (Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research). But the fundaments laid down by Weber in self-sacrificing zeal cannot be passed over here: his treatise “Über die heiligen Schriften der Jaina" in Indische Studien Vol. 16 and 17 (1883-85) based upon the Jain manuscripts acquired by the Royal Library of Berlin 1873-78, and his “Verzeichnis" of the same (1888-92), the latterla represented by two monumental volumes, being a most accurate description which even extends to literature and history. A work of that scope going beyond the usual limits of a catalogue was not out of place at that stage. The Jain manuscripts purchased in later years have been catalogued by the Author not earlier than in 1944.
Some time about those eighties the first prints of canonical texts (1880 ff.) came to Europe adding to foster Jain research work over there. Their inaugurator was Rāy Dhanpati Simha Bahadur at Azimganj or Murshidabad in Bengal. Those huge volumes served their purpose until they were replaced by more handy ones some thirty years after (s.b.).
12. “A good deal of my visual faculty has been buried therein”,
Verz. II, 3. p. XVIII. 13. Die Jaina-Handschriften der Preussischen
Staatsbibliothek, Neuerwerbungen seit 1891. Leipzig 1944. (1127 mss. on 647 pages)

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The manuscripts described by Weber had come to Berlin thanks to an agreement between Bühler and the Department of Public Instruction at Bombay which had commissioned him and other scholars in their service with the careful examination of private collections and the purchase of manuscripts at government costs. He was allowed to acquire manuscripts even for foreign libraries, provided they were doubles. The examined and purchased manuscripts were catalogued and listed in the valuable reports of R.S. and S.R. Bhandarkar, Bühler, Kielhorn, Peterson, and others. The manuscripts acquired by the Government have been deposited in the Deccan College, now Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Poona. The Jain works among them have been minutely described by H.R. Kapadia in Vol. XVII of the Descriptive Catalogue of the Institute (1935-48). An appendix is devoted to graphic peculiarities (comp. JUB Vol. 5 and 6).14
Bühler, through his Reports, has not only become a patron of Jain philology indirectly, but thanks to a number of original works and essays has been a direct promotor in our field, as, in the course of years, Weber, too, had been, and, moreover, they both have inspired younger scholars. Jacobi's critical edition of the “Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu” (AKM 7, 1; 1879) clearly shows traces of Bühler's spirit, while Leumann's "Aupapātika Sūtra" (AKM 8, 2; 1883)-originally a thesis of Leipzig-is influenced by Weber and the Berlin Collection. It may be mentioned here that Weber successfully co-operated with Leumann in his great essay referred to above. The editions
14. Weber already dealt with this topic (Verz. II 3, p. XII ff.).
Leumann discussed the influence of the shape of the leaves upon the text (ZDMG 46, 583f.). Miniatures in manuscripts were treated by Hüttemann, Baessler-Archiv. 4, 2; Brown, Jaina Gazette 28, pp. 77-83 (reviewed by Hirananda Sastri ibid., 113f.); Brown, Kalaka (824) with a bibliography. The Bibliography of Indian Archaeology may also be consulted.

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of both Jacobi and Leumann are masterpieces of philology, and it was only a predilection for the old Prakrit grammarians that led Pischel in his famous "Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen" ($19, footnote 3) to call Hoernle's “Uvāsagadasāo" (1890) the only "critical" one.
$3. Jacobi's introduction to the Kalpasūtra has come to be fundamental for all further research. This research has been described up to the twenties of this century by Windisch and need not be repeated here16. Its starting point was, due to Jacobi", the definite removal of any doubt whether the Jains or the Buddhists were of earlier origin", a doubt resulting from some inward and outward similarities between those two world-denying religions. Jain creed had sprung into existence long before Gautama Buddha's time, Vardhamāna Mahāvīra was not its founder, but a reformer of what Pārsva had taught, whom tradition credibly maintains to have lived 250 years before him. It may be added here from a later deduction of Jacobi's that Mahāvīra's Nirvāṇa was in 477 B.C. As we know from Pali sources, he was a contemporary of Gautama and is likely to have survived him by seven years'.
15. A reflex of Pischel's remark can be seen in Antagadadasão
ed. Barnett, p. X, comp. Leumann, Jras 1907, p. 1080. As
to the Uvās., see Leumann's review WZKM 3, 328-350. 16. For Jain studies in Italy mostly going back to Jacobi see
the indological bibliography up to 1911 in Rivista degli
Studi Orientali 5, 219-271. 17. See his introduction to the Kalpasatra and to SBE 22 and
45. 18. Colebrooke found it necessary to investigate the precedence
of the Veda and of Brahmanism before the said religions (Observations etc., Misc. Essays II 196ff.). Francklin had no doubt that the original religion of India was that of the "Boodh" and the “Jeyne" (Researches p. 137). SPAW 1930, pp. 557ff. (8 19). Counter-arguments brought forward by Keith Bull. School Or. Studies 6, pp. 859-866.

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Pali texts, moreover, give numerous details about thinkers and their schools in the Buddha's time. F.O. Schrader, a pupil of Leumann, made them the subject of his thesis in 190220. The most important of those philosophers was Gośāla Maskariputra, the head of the Ājīvika sect, whose interesting career has been repeatedly treated by Hoernleal. That Aśoka knew the Jains under the name of nigantha (Topra edict, 7, 26) was Bühler's statement22. Their early history in so far as it is reflected by Hemacandra in his Parisistaparvan (the Sthavirāvali) and in legends pertaining to it, is due to Jacobi no less than is the right interpretation of what is called the schism that led to the separation of the Svetāmbara and Digambara communities. They did not, as old time would have it, separate by an act of violence but gradually, until, eventually, both partners bacame aware of their differences.
$4. It might have been expected that continued Jain research in Europe should have led to the origin of a Jaina Text Society as a counterpart to the well-known Pali Text Society. Pischel expressed his hope in this direction, but things took a different course. The edition of canonical texts—which, of course, was the most important did not go on methodically, but as circumstances would have it. We are glad to say that the Jains themselves came to help, if, to be true, in their own style. The Agamodaya-Samiti,
20. Über den Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit
Mahāvīra and Buddhas. Strassbug 1902. 21. Uvās. II app.; Encyclop. of Religion and Ethics 1, pp. 259ff.
Later publications see 18.-A full account of Schools and
Sects in Jaina Literature by Amulyachandra Sen, C. 1931. 22. ZDMG 46, p. 91; Ep. Ind. 2, 274. Acc. to the former place
the discovery is due to Lassen. 23. SPAW 1903, f 11. Pischel lived half a century too early to
see the foundation of the Prakrit Text Society on a large scale in 1953. For the first Volume see $ 56.

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founded at Mhesana in 1915, has published most works of the Svetāmbara Siddhānta and many more noncanonical texts. These handy prints mark a great progress as compared with the monstrous volumes mentioned above. The classical commentary in Sanskrit has been added. It is wanting in the Jain Sūtra Battīsī which was a rather primitive undertaking (Haidarabad 1920), though Rşi (i.e. Sādhu) Amolak24 had contributed a Hindi paraphrase. The most recent printas is without any commentary whatever. Its name, taken from Ardhamāgadhī, is Suttāgame. Both the Battīsī and the Suttāgame are Sthānakvāsi prints and, for that reason, they contain no more than 32 Agamas out of the traditional 45.
$5. The old texts, in many cases, have been handed down to us in a very curious shape which makes them rather unintelligible for the unprepared reader. The copyists of olden time being confronted with innumerable repetitions have recoursed, as can be easily understood, to abbreviations which, however, violated the context. Up to this day, the printed books pass over them as through thick and thin. The reader, indeed, is prepared to forbear as traditional and respectable peculiarities of Jain style a certain monotony of question and answer, dry lists, and long complexes (though not altogether void of euphony) of what has turned out to be metrical passages28. But he is longing for a less clumsy wording. This might be easily achieved by a rational method of dissolving those abbreviations and by providing the necessary references,
24. The same as Amolakh Rşiji, the author of Mukti Sopān
(Haidarābād 1915), born in S. 1933, as is evident from the
preface. 25. Shri Sutragama Prakashak Samiti, Gurgaon Cantt., E.P. 26. The Vedhametre, discovered by Jacobi Ind. Stud. 17,
pp. 389ff.; later treatments by the Author, Worte, p. 3f.; Alsdorf in Asiatica (Festschrift Weller), p. 16.

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a method which would result in a readable text where the valuable trend of thought now often concealed would eventually appear in a lucid form. It goes without saying that critical examination and comparison of traditions will remain indispensable. Let it be admitted that the want of controllable oldest manuscripts is often a stumbling stone in the way towards that ideal of a critical edition. Hundreds of Jain works are still preserved in partly subterranean bhāṇḍārs where they were deposited centuries ago, and those precious libraries remained inaccessible since the conservatism of the owners could not overcome their disinclination towards their treasures being published. When Bühler was allowed to have a glance into the baṛā bhāṇḍār of Jaisalmer, he was misled as to the mass of what was preserved there. It was not earlier than a few years ago that a scholarly examination of bhāṇḍär manuscripts became feasible, and our thanks and respects are due to Muniraj Puṇyavijaya for his working towards that noble aim27.
§6. The 'classical' Sanskrit commentary to the Śvetambara cannon represents the climax of a vast scholastic literature. Its predecessors in Prakrit, the Nijjuttis and Cuņņis, were, for a long time, neglected by scholars. We might even say that, in a certain sense, this is still true to-day, for the publications of Cuņņis issued in the course of the last decades do not contain even the slightest illustrative or critical addition, though the merits of Muni Jinavijaya Acharya in laying them before the reader are undisputable. It was nearly half a century earlier (1892) that Leumann, on the ground of his own subtle investigations based not upon prints but upon manuscripts, has shown (ZDMG 46, p. 586) the importance of those voluminous products for not only Jain dogmatics but for the history of literature in general. Unfortunately
27. See Alsdorf in Festschrift Schubring, p. 59f.

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the author did not pursue those researches he had characterized as "indispensible for the exploration of the Jain literature of several centuries”, pointing out that the Kathās in the old commentaries often appear in nonJinistic works. Still we possess his "ĀvaśyakaErzählungen” (AKM lo, 2; 1897) which after the most subtle examination of the best manuscripts give the pure text of those old moral illustrations. It is a point of regret that no more than but four forms of that work should have been printed and that a continuation, though promised, should never have seen the light of the day. It was younger recensions of Jain stories that were translated and explored as to their motives and their importance for comparative history of literature by Hertel and others. In his essay "On the Literature of the Shvetambaras of Gujarat” (1922) we find the following remarkable passage: “During the middle-ages down to our own days the Jains and especially the Svetāmbaras of Gujrat, were the principal story-tellers of India. Their literature contains, in huge masses, the materials which the students of folklore, who wish to do true scientific work, should thoroughly study in preference to all the other Indian narrative literature." But Hertel did not leave any doubt that in his opinion not even the preliminary condition, i.e. of critical texts and precise translations was fulfilled. As to his intrinsic studies of the Kathānakas for which he succeeded to produce parallels even from non-Indian sources, the reader is referred to Winternitz' History of Indian Literature Vol. 2.
Jain Sanskrit in the Stories, according to Hertel, is a common people's language with its usual carelessness and some borrowings from Prakrit or from the author's provincial tongue; it must not be measured by the standard of classical Bhārati. This definition serves to weaken a severe judgment pronounced by Bühler (loc. cit. p. 14). At other places in scholarly literature, too, peculiarities of Jain Sanskrit have been noted down. Bloomfield in the

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second of four systematical collections28 has pointed out, (1) the influence of Prakrit and an early stage of New Indian (Gujarati and Marathi) already mentioned, (2) in some cases hyper-sanskritization of words apparently Prakritic, (3) borrowings from dictionaries and grammars, (4) use of words of unknown origin. Apart from Amitagati's Dharmaparīkşā (ed. Mironow) this judgment was based upon Svetāmbara works. A description of the origin and progress of linguistic studies in the Prakrits (Ardhamāgadhi, Jaina-Māhārāştrī, Jaina Saurasenī) and Apabhramsas in Jain literature is beyond the scope of this book.
When stopping further publication of the "ĀvaśyakaErzählungen" Leumann had consoled the reader with his "Übersicht uber die Āvasyaka-Literature" to come out "in the very next time.” Materials from manuscripts and manuscripts only, a long list of which Leumann has given in ZDMG 45 and 46, had been collected for the purpose of laying bare the different layers of an extensive scholastic literature concerning certain indispensable (äva syaka) formulae of daily devotion. By this great work he was many decades ahead of his time. But, unfortunately, in this case too, printing was stopped when the 14th form (in folio) had been composed. Not until 34 years later this fragment, rich in contents, but difficult to study, was published by the Author who was fortunate enough to find the proofs being preserved29.
7. All history of literature, a building, as it were, has for its ground floor the bio-bibliographical materials. Jain 28. Life and stories of the Jain Saviour Pārsvanātha (Baltimore
1919); p. 220; Some Aspects of Jaina Sanskrit (Antidöron, Festschrift Wackernagel 1923, pp. 220ff.; The Salibhadra Carita (JAOS 1923, pp. 290-316); On Diminutive Pronouns
in Jaina Sanskrit (Festschrift Lanman 1929, pp. 7ff.). 29. Leumann, Übersicht über die Āvasyaka-Literatur, aus dem
Nachlass hrsg. v. Walther Schubring, Hamburg 1934. Obituary by the same, ZDMG 87, pp. 69-75.

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research would have enjcyed the great luck of having them at its disposal, if Klatt's Onomasticon had been completed and printed. Eight volumes from his own hand in alphabetical order contain what was within his reach to collect data concerning Jain authors and works. But he fell severely ill and never recovered. The work was estimated to fill some 1,100 pages in print, but no more than 55 pages have been printed as a specimen thanks to Weber and Leumann 20. The first to become a bibliographer of Jainism was Guérinot by his "Essai de bibliographie jaina" (1906). A modern standard was not reached until 1944, when Velankar's Jinaratnakoşa appeared, where the Jain works have been catalogued, while a second volume containing their authors is still waiting for being published. A primitive forerunner had been the “Jaina Granthāvali” published by the Jain Svetāmbara Conference in 1908.
Another fundament for Jain history are the inscriptions. Guérinot’s “Essai" was followed in 1908 by a “Répertoire d'épigraphie jaina." Though not the work of a specialist, yet Luders' "List of Brāhmi Inscriptions from the earliest time till about 400 A.D. with the exception of those of Asoka" is valuable thanks to innumerable inscribed allusions to the Order of Jain laymen and monks. (EI 10, App. L.C. 1912.)
It seems to be a digression from our subject when we note that Bühler in his academical lecture “Über die indische Sekte der Jainas" (1887) was the first to call up the interest of non-scholars for Jainism, legitimated as he was to do so thanks to 17 years of official service in the then Bombay Presidency. Mrs. S. Stevenson, trained in the Christian Mission of Gujarat, wrote her book "The
30. Specimen of a literary-biographical Onomasticon by Dr.
Joh. Klatt Leipzig 1892.--His obituary by Leumann IA, p. 23, 169.

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Heart of Jainism" in 1915, thus challenging a strong resentment at least among the Digambaras. It is curious to see that, while this authoress regretted to miss true warmth of heart in the religion she described, Pertold in a public lecture approved of its being excluded from it32 Guerinot's book “La religion djaina" (1926) was exposed to criticism as was the book just mentioned33. One year before (1925) H.V. Glasenapp's by far more instructive and comprehensive work “Der Jainismus, eine indische Erlösungsreligion” had come into the hands of many grateful readers.
To the same author we owe his contribution to the Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft representing Jain literature and writing according to the different literary species. Winternitz's History of Indian Literature Vol. II, pp. 289-356 (1920) which deals with the same subject is too well-known for its merits for being praised here.
$8. Thus far we have registered western working for the public knowledge of Mahavira's religion. As to the countless pamphlets and journals through which the Jains themselves, for the purpose of propaganda, appeal to the general public, we but mention them here in passing. Of the publications useful for scholars we refer to Vijayadharma Sūri's (s.b.) Jainatattvajnāna (in Festschrift Winternitz), Jaini's “Outlines of Jainism”, P.C. Nahar's “Epitome of Jainism” and Ch. R. Jain's “Jaina Law.” Research further receives great help by compilations as
31. Jagmanderlal Jaini: A Review of the H. of J., Ambala 1925.
Earlier, Mrs. Stevenson published "Notes on modern
Jainism", Oxford 1910. 32. C. Pertold, The Place and Importance of Jainism in the
Comparative Science of Religions (Bh. without year), p. 21 : “I think this sentimental aspect is the least desirable in a modern religion, which must go parallel with the fast development of sciences". Critically reviewed by Charlotte Krause ZDMG 84, pp. 192202; comp. also Frauwallner WZKM 36, pp. 336ff.
33.

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are catalogues of private libraries, collections of Pațțāvalis and of Prasastis, biographies, etc. They all, however, are overshadowed by the “Abhidhānarājendra", a Sanskrit encyclopedia in 7 volumes, whose Prakrit catchwords are taken from the canonical and scholastical literature of the Svetāmbaras, a monumental work by Vijayarājendra Sūri (1827-1907, Ratlam 1913-25). A glossary of the Canon in three languages is the Illustrated Ardha-Magadhi Dictionary of Muni Ratnacandra in 5 volumes (Indaur 1923-32). Prakrits of all kind including that of the Jains have flown together to mix in the ocean called "PāiaSadda-Mahaņņavo, a complete Prakrit-Hindi Dictionary" (1928) by Pandit Hargovind Das Sheth. Precise data of places as well as large supplements will increase the value of that great work. Among the periodicals we should like to mention the Anekānt, Jain Antiquary, Jain Hitaisi where literature and history are being discussed by Jain authors, many of whom, of course, have contributed also to non-Jinist journals. Nearest related to the periodicals are the series (grantha-mālā). In many cases they represent a very remarkable file including rare and significant works provided with a scholarly introduction. It is a pity that many Granthamālās should have become known in the West only in fragments, if at all. The Svetāmbaras can be proud of the volumes, apart from the Siddhānta, published by the Āgamodaya-Samiti, by the Devcand Lālbhāi-J.-Pustakoddhāra, the AtmānandaGrantharatnamālā (Bhn, 1911 ff.), the Yasovijaya-J. -Gr., started in 1904 and apparently the oldest Jain series, and many more literary undertakings which cannot be enumerated here. Our thanks are equally due to the Digambaras. A parallel to the Siddhānta are the classical Digambara authors. They have been printed and translated in the Sacred Books of the Jains (Arrah 1917 ff.; Sanātana-J. Gr.-M. (Ben. 1917ff.); Sri Rāyacandra-J. Šāstra-M. (Bo. 1916ff.) Māņikcănd-J. Gr.-M. (Bo. 1915ff.). The most recent series is the Jñānapīțha-Mürtidevi-J.

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Gr.-M. (Banaras 1948ff.), a younger counterpart to the Singhī-J.-Gr.-M. (Bo. 1933ff.) of the Svetāmbaras, edited by Muni Jinavijaya.
$9. These intimations are merely meant to demonstrate the respectable activity within the Jain communities as to their almost inexhaustible stock of literature, an activity radiating as far as to the field of Western research. This state of affairs can be dated from the first two decades of this century. It is true that it was Hoernle who, as early as in 1890, could dedicate the first volume of his Uvāsagadasão to Vijayānanda Sūri (Ānandavijaya=ātmārāma, 1837-97) in grateful acknowledgment of various suggestions and corrections, though it is equally true that it was Vijayadharma Suri (1868-1922), never failing to help when being consulted by European scholars, who proved by far more effective. The renaissance just mentioned with the Svetāmbaras at least is due to his lasting impulse.
For a long time research in Europe and America was known to the Jains but to a certain degree, that is to say, as far as their knowledge of English allowed. Books and articles in German and other Western languages frequently remained beyond their reach. Hence it follows that quite a number of data produced by them are wellknown in Western literature. It is evident, therefore, that of all works of Jacobi's (1850-1937)36 none have come to their knowledge than those written in English. But even this crop harvested on the Jain field by an allround genial indologist was abundant enough for a Jain Conference in 34. Western acknowledgments and recollections by Winternitz,
Guérinot, Belloni-Filippi and others; A.J. Sunawala, V. Dh. S., His Life and Work. With a prefatory note by F.W. Thomas, Cambridge 1922, the Same, Adarsha Sadhu, an ideal monk, 2nd ed. Cambridge 1934; Vijaya Indra Sari,
Reminiscences of V. Dh. S., Shivpuri 1924. 35. Obituary by H.V. Glasenapp ZDMG 92, pp. 1-14; the
Author, Jain Gazette 1937.

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1914 held on the occasion of Jacobi's second stay in India, to bestow upon him the honorary title of Jaina-darśana. divākara. We are thus justified in this historical sketch in reproducing how to him, in several publications 36, Jainism presented itself in view of its relation to other creeds and systems.
$10. On the foregoing pages it has been said already that research started from the similarity observed between Mahāvīra's and the Buddha's teaching, those two coeval features which both result in a monk's life, touching each other in many respects and agreeing in considering Right Knowledge to be the means of how to get rid of the endless chain of rebirth. There is, however, a difference (among others) between them in that the Buddha does not share the high opinion of ascetic practices which, in Mahāvīra's belief, are essential for reaching the ultimate goal. Further differences will be found in metaphysics. But here the partner of the comparison is not so much Buddhism as is the Sāmkhya, In the Sāmkya the development of the world starts from matter that is imperishable and infinite as to quality going on in a determined sequel defined by means of Brahman term. The Jains, being far from the Brahman way of thinking, do not acknowledge such a sequel, since, ir their eyes, the world is eternal, though they agree with the Sāņkhya in considering matter as being capable of developing in whatever direction. Moreover, logic compels them, as does the Sāmkhya, to
36. On the Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas (Transact.
3rd Congr. for the History of Relgion 2, pp. 59-66; Die Entwicklung der Gottesidee bei den indern (1923) pp. 21ff.; Gött. Gelehrte Anz. 1919, pp. 16ff.; Encyclop. f. Rel. and Ethics 7, pp. 465ff.; SPAW 1929, pp. 322ff.; a summary in
Forschungen und Fortschritte 6, p. 36. 37. Comp. W. Bohn, Die Religion des Jaina und ihr Verhältnis
zum Buddhismus, Zeitschr. f. Buddhismus 3, pp. 113-140; Leumann, Buddha und Mahāvira, ibid., 4 (separate offprint, Munich 1921).

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43
consider as important the transition (pariņāna) from the one status to the next. And third, both are in harmony as to the original conception of the soul. “The Jainas call jiva all souls, the Sāņkhya those that exist in the concrete world. Thus it seems that "soul" has been abstracted from "living being", that is to say, from a popular view." The same idea appears in the conception that the soul is as large as the body, a conception which is apparent with the Jains, while it is at least inferable from the original Sămkhya and Yoga. Both Jainism and Sāņkhya pretend a plurality of bodies. It seems that this conception replaced the primitive idea of a plurality of souls at a time when the doctrine of the One Ātman couid not be neglected any longer. This applies to the doctrine of Karman and of reincarnation following from the former and which, by the by, is a primitive idea as well. Both Karman and reincarnation are the fundaments of the Sāņkhya system as well as of that of the Jains. The very fact that both these systems, as they now stand, are so very unlike to each other contributes to their common features being extremely significant, and this explains itself by their having embodied elements of common-sense view (Volksglauben). The time when this happened can be calculated thanks to non-Jinist testimonials of spiritual development as well as to chronology. Both agree in going back as far as the 8th century B.C.
The Jain system, moreover, exhibits archaic traits not found in other systems. Among them we have the theory of the elementary particles (earth, water, fire, wind) possessing souls, and the names of dharma and adharma for the media of motion and stop. The former can be rubricated as animism, whereas in the latter there appears the conception of “invisible fluids which by contact cause sin and merit”38, a conception coming near to primitive sorcery. In later chapters of this book we are going to point
38. Jacobi at frequent places.

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out some more characteristics of such primitive or popular thinking (“Volksglaube"). It is very well imaginable that, apart from this basis, Mahāvīra made use of the conceptions of other systems39, though his is not dependent on other systems we know of. On the other hand it is probable that the Jains influenced the Yoga as taught by Patanjali, but in subordinate items only. There is no relation to the Vaiseșika system assumed by Jacobi, though it shares its atomistic character with that of the Jains. Since the similarity between both of them cannot possibly be ignored, the Jains maintained that a heretical named Chaluya Rohagutta was the inventor of the Vaišeşika system. For scholars42 take the word Chaluya as an illusion to the six(cha) categories in the "owl”(uluya). philosophy, i.e. the teaching of the Kāņādas or "crow. eaters”, i.e. "owls.” The doctrine imputed to Rohagutta is that he undertook to add a third category (rāsī) called nojiva, to the natural and traditional ones, viz. jiva and ajīva. It seems impossible to prove that the Vaiseşika took its origin from that rather funny doctrine. Rohagutta was defeated dialectically by 144 items the detailed list of which, being based on the Vaišeşika, turns out to be a secondary addition.
$11. It is in this connexion that, last not least, we wish to refer to a subject common to both Jainism and Hinduism, without being entitled to pretend that the latter
39. "Mahāvīra probably borrowed much more from other sects
than we shall ever be able to prove", Jacobi SBE 45, p.
XXXII. 40. A conjecture that Umāsvāti in T. 7, 5ff. was influenced by
the Yogasutra was not maintained by Jacobi SPWA 1930, p. 607. Some contact between both of them is stated by
him ad. T. 2, 52 and 9, 46. 41. This was the 6th heresy of the 7 known in tradition ($ 17). 42. Jacobi (following Weber) Kalpasūtra p. 119, SBE 45, XXXV
ff., ad T, 9. Most important Leumann, Ind. Stud. 17, p. 121ff.

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SCHUBRING: A BRIEF HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH 46 influenced the former. The belief in the force of magic syllables has its roots in the primitive stage of mankind. In Brahman literature it appears ever since the remotest times of antiquity. No wonder, then, that in later centuries we find it even in Jainism where a great many of Stotras resound with those incantations which even an illiterate might master. But the Jains, moreover, have found a way for educated people to bring forward their praise and desire in writing. A vijjā or magic formula appears in the peculiar manner of each consonant having the virāma and being followed by the respective vowel akşara (e.g. t+u instead of tu). In the Canon the Mahānisīha is the only representative and thus goes conform with the Angacūliyā, Ayāravihi, Vihimaggappavā and other texts of a decidedly later date. On principle the Stotras are directed to an Arhat, though other persons, among whom there are certain Hindu goddesses, receive veneration all the same. But an Arhat is far beyond the reach of human affairs. Being in the state of pure cognition exclusively and without both sentiment and will, he cannot bestow grace and favour unto those who appeal to him. Hindu influence seems to have been at work in placing at his side two adjutants, one male (yakşa) and one female (yakşī, yakşiņi), the former presumably being not more than the shadow of the latter and it is these two that take care of a devout supplicant. That, on a large scale, Hindu mythology was adopted by the Jains and brought in accord with their own principles is a fact known too well that it should be treated here in detail. The remarkable process of making out of a Bodhisattva a Roman Catholic Saint46 43. Comp. Ch. Krause, Ancient Jaina Hymns, Ujjain 1952; the
Author in Festschrift Nobel 1959. 44. The Author, Mahanis. pp. 73 and 74ff. Studien pp. 66, 88,
106. 45. The Author, see footnote 1. 46. E. Kuhn, Barlaam and Josaphat, comp. Winternitz, History
2, p. 416f.

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finds its not less remarkable counterpart in the Jain ability of transforming epic heroes and other individuals into venerable persons of their own creed. The difference is that the said process in the West, thanks to translating a wandering subject into many languages, was unconscious, while the Jains with conscious energy satisfied their pious requirements at home.
[Taken from Die Lehre der Jainas (1934), translated into English by Wolfgang Beurlen, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1962).

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UNDERSTANDING JAIN RELIGION IN A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE *
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE
I normally study any kind of religion from a historical point of view, because, I believe, if you understand the history of any religion, you would be able to get a better appreciation of any religion whatsoever. So is the case with Jainism. Jainism is a very old religion. There were 24 Tirthankars in Jainism. The first was known as Ādinātha or Rşabhadeva and the 24th Tirthankara was Bhagavān Mahāvīra. The period of Mahāvira is established as the 6th century B.C (599-527B.C). Mahāvīra lived for 72 years. During these 72 years Mahāvīra had brought about some revolutionary changes in the then society of India. This is a very important period in history as it was during this period that Zoroastrianism also developed in Iran. Their original language was called Avestan. This language was not known to a lot of people before the 18th century when the Avestan literature was deciphered and we came to know the contents of the text. Again it was the period of Pythagorus (6th/5th century B.C.) in Greece who started his philosophy of life in Greece around the same period. In China too it was the period when Lao-tse (6th century B.C.) developed Taoism, and Confucius (551-478 B.C.) preached his doctrines of morality known as Confucianism. In India the period saw
A revised, rearranged and augmented version of the lecture delivered on the 12th of December 2002 at the instance of Jain Vishva Bharati Institute, Ladnun, under the scheme of Understanding Religions.

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the activities of Lord Mahāvīra and also of Lord Buddha. In a sense the 6th century B.C. was the turning point in the philosophical ideas of human beings in most parts of the world. If Lord Mahāvīra is attributed to the 6th century B.C, surely Rşabhadeva, the 1st Tirthankara, must have belonged to a much earlier period. It is to be noted that the name Rşabha is found in the Rgveda, which dates back to 1500 B.C. It is, however, much later, around the 8th-10th centuries A.D. that the lives of Tirthankars were all compiled.
The reason why I give emphasis to dates and history is to make it easy to understand religion by relating the circumstances under which any action would have taken place. It is said that Rşabhadeva taught us many things, but unfortunately all of them were found in books written in some 1000-1500 years later. We do in fact find the life sketch of Rşabha in the Kalpasūtra, one of the Agama texts of the Svetāmbara Jains. So also the life of Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Tirthankara, is depicted in the Kalpasūtra. The date of Pārsvanātha is considered as 817 B.C. There is reference to Ariştanemi in the same text that dates his life to 1000 B.C. In the Lankāvatārasūtra, Arişğanemi, among others, is also mentioned. So if we take 1500 B.C. as the starting point of the 1st Tirthankara and the culmination of the 24th Tirthankara to 600 B.C., it would be easy to say that that was the period when Jainism started to develop.
Man has been trying his best to understand religion for over 3500 years. The English word religion is equated with the Indian term dharma. But the two terms have some differences in meaning and outlook. In fact, the basic meaning of religion (< Latin religion, substantive of religio, French religion, Middle English religioun) is piety, care, "the performance of duties to God and man". The word religion is not to be derived from Latin religāre, to bind, as it is normally done in common parlance, and states that religion means that which binds you or holds you.

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49
The word is connected with Greek alego I care (< inf. alegein "to have a care for, to heed" cf. Greek algos, care, from the same root leg-). Homer has used the word in this sense in his Iliad (xvi. 388)---theon opin ouk alegontes "not regarding the vengence of the gods", where the word indicates "fearing the gods". Gradually this meaning was shifted and relegated to the idea of what exists beyond the visible world of which human beings have no control. At a later time, this idea was nurtured through faith, belief, ritual, prayer, spiritual exercises and so on for guiding the everyday conduct of human beings. The religious activities are not guided by reason as is done in philosophy. In course of time, people are strictly adhered to the validity of religious beliefs and practices. The Indian term dharma (derived from the root dhệ, to hold, with the suffix ma) means the norms for living in a society. The original sense is 'dhāranăd dharma ityāhuh, dharmo dhārayate prajāḥ i.e. that which holds the prajās or people together are actually the social order. In the Indian context the more emphasis is given on the social order of a place. It is for that reason that we find in the · Manusaṁhitā that the ten inner qualities of man constitute the characteristics of dharma. These are
dhrtiḥ kşamā damo'steyaṁ saucam indriya-nigrahaḥ/ dhir vidyā satyam akrodho daśakaṁ dharma
lakṣaṇamll [6.92)
"Contentment, forgiveness, self-control, non-stealing, purity (of mind), controlling of senses, intellect, knowledge, truth, non-anger (calmness) are the ten features of religion."
And the same Manu in other context states briefly the essence of dharma which includes
ahiṁsā satyam asteyam saucam indriya-nigrahaḥ/ evam sāmāsikam dharmaṁ cāturvarnye' bravin
Manuḥ|| (10.63]

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"Non-violence, truth, non-stealing, and purity (of mind), are, in brief, the basis of religion as said by Manu in the context of four castes."
The above mentioned qualities of religion are also propagated by the Jains in the forms of pañca-mahāvratas (ahiṁsā, non-injury, satya, truth, acaurya, non-stealing, brahmacarya, celibracy and aparigraha, non-accumulation of things), triguptis (vag-gupts, control of speech, kāyagupti, control of body, and manogupti, control of mind), and pañca-samitis (iryā, care in walking, bhāṣā, care in speaking, eşaņā, care in accepting alms, ādāna-niksepa, care in taking up and setting down, and utsarga, care in excreting). These and many others are the basic things of Jain religion which one must acquire through right vision (or faith), right knowledge, and right conduct.
In the Mahābhārata also we often hear the terms like 'this is your dharma' and 'that is what you need to do as per your dharma' etc.
Every religion has its own beliefs or ways of living and that is what moulds one's life. It is to be noted in this connection that if you follow the doctrines of a particular group, then you belong to that faith. So whatever Mahāvīra and the later Jain teachers have put forth, they all come under the purview of Jainism, and if you believe in this philosophy, you are a Jain. This has been the cases throughout the ages. They were all kings or Kşatriyas, but during the course of their life they became disenchanted with their life and kingly status, and renounced this material world, crowning their sons as kings, who, in turn, also became Jain saints/monks in their life time.
At the very outset, it is to be noted that some basic Vedic thoughts and ideas which had come down to us from the time of the Rgveda (i.e. 15th cent. B.C.) to that of Mahāvīra (i.e. 6th cent. B.C.), were prevalent at the time of Mahāvīra who, by means of his convincing arguments, had tried his best to transform some of these ideas of the

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people into the realm of reality. For example, according to the Vedas, God, the Supreme Power, created the world. Mahāvīra did not preach that God created the world. The Sūtrakṛtānga (1.3.64-68), one of the Agama granthas of the Svetambaras, says that some people say that Brahma created the world, but it is false (Bamho is the word used in Prakrit). It says that people do not know that the world was never created by God and it is eternal. This was the first revolutionary idea that was preached by Mahavira in the 6th century B.C.
The second revolutionary idea was that the life of all beings are very sacred and naturally they should not be killed, but should be protected. All animals wish to live, and not to be slain; therefore, the Jain monks must relinquish the dangerous killing of animals.
Thirdly, the Vedic concept of Atman (self) is challenged. According to the Vedic Upanisads, Atman is permanent, without beginning, change or end. Mahavira opposed this view and said-"Reality (sat) is not permanent, unchangeable or endless". What is the actual construction of Atma which we call soul? In general, according to Indian Philosophy, the Atma of the human beings is ultimately connected to the Paramātmā, which is the Supreme Authority or the Supreme Soul. In between there are intermediary stages. But what the Jains call as Atmā and Parmātmā is different, because the Jains do not believe in an outside Absolute power, their interpretation of Atmā (i.e. jiva), is different.
Fourthly, about the origin of the idea of Ahimsa. In India, the cult of ahimsa is very old. It is found in Vedic as well as in Buddhist religions. In the Rgueda we have lots of passages on Ahimsa- 'mā himṣiḥ'. Buddhism too deals with Ahimsa. But since it was only the Jains who philosophized Ahimsa or made it a part of their philosophy, Ahimsa becomes a property of Jainism. In most of the Indian literature, whatever be the language - be it Mārāṭhi, Gujarāti, Bengali, Hindi, Telugu, Tamil,
—

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Kannada, or Mālayālam, --you will see that they deal with some aspects of Ahimsā in their writings.
There is a Tamil book, "Tolkāppiyam', which is one of the oldest Tamil literary works belonging to about the 3rd centuty B.C., speaks about Ahimsā. It is in three parts. The first deals with phonology of centamiz, that is, the letters (ezuttu) of Tamil. The second deals with words, forms and inflections (col) and the third has literature (porul.), and 'alańkāra' as well. In this literature too there are some passages on Ahimsā. I have read a translation of the 'Kural.' belonging to the 3rd or 4th cent. A.D., a very famous Tamil literature, which, some claim, was written by the Jains; and I find that it describes Ahiṁsā as one of the great domestic and ascetic virtues.
So when the Jains started establishing the truth in accepting Ahimsā as fundamental of human life, they started philosophizing it, prepared a logic and ultimately tried their best to establish Ahiṁsā as a kind of philosophy. That is why whenever we talk of Jainism, we relate it to Ahimsā. It is thus described or delineated by almost all types of people.
Finally, another important aspect of Jainism is the 'karma' theory. Why does any life, be it human or animal, get rebirth? According to Buddhism, it is because we have tanhā (tışņā) 'desire'. When this desire is not fulfilled in this life we are reborn again to fulfill our desires. In Hinduism many reasons are given for rebirth. One of them is that as the Cittaśuddhi has not been done in this life, we are reborn. It is the Jains who say that we are born again and again, because our'karmakşaya' is not yet done completely. It is because you have not completely eradicated the effect of karma that you have done in this life, you are bound to take your birth again. So rebirth is common to all philosophies, but the reasons of rebirth are different. It is only the Jains who believe that as long as karma is not destroyed, beings are bound to come back again.

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When someone starts preaching, even if it be the basic truth, if it is not currently popular, then one meets with lots of resistance. This has happened all over the world. For example, the whole of Greece once thought that Socrates was mad, because the ideas he had put forth were very new to the then existing society. Similarly, Mahāvīra also encountered with lots of oppositions when he started preaching his ideas. The first encounter that Mahāvīra met was Lord Buddha. Buddha and Mahāvīra met each other for many times. They held lots of discussions on soul, life after death, existence of Hell and Heaven and so on. In the Pāyāsi-sutta of the Dighanikāya No. 23, the existence of a soul substance is denied by Pāyāsi as it was done by Buddha himself. In the Majjhima-nikāya in the Upāli-sutta (No. 56) there is a dialogue between Buddha and Mahāvira with regard to the practice of asceticism. In this way, we can see lots of references to the views of Mahāvira in the Buddhist literature. I have a feeling from the pages of history that perhaps Buddha could not stand the arguments of Mahāvīra, as Buddha's arguments were all refuted, while Mahāvīra's arguments were very poignant and logical. As a result, Buddhism could not stay in India for a long time. And in the 3rd century B.C., at the time of Asoka (273-236 B.C.), though he was a Buddhist, he sent his missionaries to other parts of India, even to Sri Lankā. Once Buddhism went out of India, and started spreading outside, it never came back. There are, of course, some followers even today in Magadha, Nalanda and in Chattagong, apart from China, Tibet, South-East Asiatic countries outside India. Another encounter which Mahāvīra had to face was the Ājivika sampradāya which was very famous at that time. Mudgalāyana had an encounter with Mahāvīra, which is des, ribed in the 7th chapter of the Upāsakadasā-sūtra of the Svetāmbara canonical literature. Like the Ājīvikas, there was another group in the south called 'Yapaniya' which was also very

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famous. Amulyachandra Sen in his book-Schools and Sects in Jain Literature (Viśva-Bhāratī, śāntiniketan, 1931) describes the Jain sects in the canonical literature. This book is not available now, but may be traced in some library.
During the time of Lord Mahāvīra, some of his ardent disciples, later on came to be known as Gañadharas (gana means 'a group of people' and dhara means'one who holds it together') were perplexed with some of the thoughts and ideas of Mahāvīra which were antagonistic to the then existing Vedic ideas of India. In order to dispel their notions about certain existing ideas, these disciples straightforward asked Mahāvīra certain things which were the burning questions of the day. At the time of Mahāvīra, these ardent disciples, eleven in number, were at a loss to know the real nature of Soul, Karma, Jiva, basic five elements (pañca mahābhūtas), birth in the same form in the next birth, Bondage and Deliverace, Existence of Heaven and Hell, existence of Pāpa and Punya, existence of the other world, and finally Mokşa. These eleven Gañadharas had asked Mahāvīra any one of these questions for clarification and understanding. In course of time, these eleven basic questions formed the eleven salient doctrines (tattvas) of Jainism. Indrabhuti had the doubt regarding the existence of soul; while Agnibhuti had the doubt regarding Karma whose existence could not be vissible. Vāyubhūti was poignant in asking Mahāvīra about Jiva. His doubt was whether the body itself was the Jiva (soul) or whether it was different from the Jiva. Vyakta's question was based on the five elements (pañca mahābhūtas) of the world. He asked whether the basic five elements (pañca mahābhūtas) were real or anreal. Sudharmā asked Mahāvīra whether the Jiva would be the same kind or different in the next birth. Mandita had the doubt regarding bondage and deliverance. The doubt of Mauryaputra was whether the deities and Heaven exist at all or not. Akampita had the

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doubt regarding the existence of Hell. Acalabhrātā's doubt was regarding the existence of punya and pāpa. Metāryas doubt was regarding the existence of the other world; whereas Prabhāsa's doubt was whether there could be anything like Mokşa.
These questions of the eleven Gañadharas are of a crucial nature, and ultimately formed the basic profound philosophical doctrines of Jainism. In course of time, the followers of Mahāvīra developed these ideas in different ways by their incisive intellectual analysis. At a much later time, people posed with such questions like-what is sat? What is the ultimate goal of a thing? - so on and so forth. It was in the 3rd century A.D., a philosopher called Umāsvāti, in his book Tattvārthasūtra or Tattvārthādhigamasūtra, first defined 'sat', based on the canonical literature of the Śvetambaras. That which is reality is 'sat'— that which exists. It has 'utpāda' (origin), vyava (deviation from the original) and dhrauvya (permanent). So in Jainism we consider 'sat'-reality as having three points. That is, it has an origin and a deviation, but at the same time it is fixed.
The question that comes to our mind from the above is how can one thing be fixed, is changed ? If it is fixed, it cannot be changed, and if it changes, it cannot be fixed. Let me give you an example. Let us take the case of a seed of a plant. When you plant the seed, it sprouts out after a few days and a little later becomes a tree with branches, leaves etc. In course of time, it decays and dies. So it has three stages, but the basic seed is the same, it never dies. Let us take another example of clay-mrttikā. A potter makes a pot out of clay and when the pot is destroyed, it once again turns into earth, so, in fact, the clay is never destroyed. It remains only mud; that which is made out of clay is destroyed. This was the idea put forth by Umāsvāti in the 3rd century A.D.
These ideas over a period of time became their

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philosophy too. Originally it was only an idea and then became a philosophy. So what is philosophy in the real sense of the term ? When does a statement turn into a philosophy? Sometimes it is difficult to define exactly what we talk about. When we study certain things systematically, with an objective behind it, giving it a causal relationship between the subject and the effect, then it automatically comes under the purview of philosophy. Every incident in one's own life has a philosophy of its own. When I say that this is how I do something, then that becomes my philosophy. We very often ask, what is your philosophy in life? - May be to earn money, or to be kind to others etc. Throughout the history, the Jains have tried to prove how Ahimsă could become a religio-philosophy of life. People will not find fault with philosophy, because it gives a cause and effect relationship. Sometimes it is based on one's own experience.
In establishing Ahiṁsā as a valid philosophy, we will have to depend on Logic. The basic question of Logic isin what way do we consider something as right or wrong? We have five senses-cakşu, karna, jihvā, nāsikä and tvak- and whatever we sense through them we believe them. Some philosophies claim that what we see may or may not be true, but these five senses are our basic instruments of cognizance for pratyakşa. Some philosophies claim that our mind can be one of the organs by which we perceive a thing--knowledge. What is knowledge? Knowledge is a word we often use almost everyday. We often talk about the right knowledge, as Jainism does.
Actually, knowledge is a system of ideas corresponding to a system of things and involving a belief in such correspondences. There is basically three systems of ideas. You have an idea, say, of a chair or of a table, but if you have never seen one in your life you cannot have an idea, because you have no knowledge of either a table or a chair.

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So you must have some idea corresponding to a system of things, in this case a chair or a table to be able to say, "this is a chair or this is a table". Then you believe, depending on this idea, that this is indeed a chair or a table. These are the definitions that are given in the books of Logic.
In Jainism knowledge has a distinctive role to play and right knowledge is greatly emphasized. Right knowledge helps us examine the matter by right conviction. In every human being (Jiva), there is some sort of knowledge latent in him. But as long as that knowledge in not testified with right conviction that knowledge is not a right knowledge. It is considered as false knowledge (mithyā-jñāna). Knowledge is a mental process, it is normally accompanied with conviction. For example, if I see a nurse with a boy on the street, I have the right conviction that there are a woman and a boy outside. This conviction is further enhanced with the idea that the woman is a nurse. Uptil now our knowledge is not complete. But if we know the full details about the nurse and the boy, their whereabouts, their locality, their positions and so on, then we can say that we have a right knowledge about them. That is why, in Jainism right knowledge (samyag jñāna) is greatly emphasized. This knowledge must be free from doubts.
Knowledge is of five kinds; Mati-jñāna, Śrutra-jñāna, Avadhi-jñāna, Manaḥparyāya-jñāna and Kevala-jñāna. Mati-jñāna is acquired by means of the five senses, or by means of the organ of thinking. Sruta-jñāna is based on the interpretation of words and their meanings, writings, signs and gestures, etc. It is related to mati-jñāna. Avadhijñāna is the knowledge of the past; it is the transcendent knowledge of material things; it is obtained with the help of higher perception. It can be acquired by austerities. It is acquired by celestial and infernal souls. Manaḥparyāyajñāna is the knowledge of the thoughts and feelings of others. Only human beings possess it and they obtain it

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by means of higher perfection. Kevala-jñāna is the perfect knowledge which is acquaired in its pure and undefiled condition by the perfect ones.
But the knowledge of the first three types is considered as bad, as long as it does not come from perfect believe, whereas the last two types of knowledge are perfect only among human beings having proper belief. But knowledge is bad when one understands sat and asat without any distinction, his knowledge is bad knowledge (ajñāna), and bad knowledge leads to mithyatva. But for the Jains, falsehood has no place, and cannot be considered as jñāna in the real sense of the term. But in Indian philosophy even mithyatva, falsehood, is also a type of knowledge. Even Buddhism says that what we see connot be denied, and this is similar to the Vedantic idea of Māyā. For example, you see a rope in the dark and you mistake it for a snake. For that duration of time, the rope becomes the snake. But when we recognize the rope for a rope, the illusion (māyā) is over and the illusion becomes mithya (false) and is naturally wrong. So we can see that falsehood is also a form of knowledge though lived for a short while.
As I mentioned earlier Jainism had its origin in Bihar. But later on Jainism spread far and wide from there to different parts of India. In the 4th century B.C. during the period of Chandragupta Maurya (324-300 B.C), there was a famine in Magadha, and it lasted for over 12 years. (There is reference to this famine in the inscriptions of Śravanabelagola in Karnataka). During this period the Jains found it very difficult to beg alms from door to door, because of various restrictions and taboos. So a group of Sadhus migrated to the South after travelling through Vindhya and other places and finally settled down in Śravanabelagola. These Sadhus then started preaching Jainism there. This is the reason why Jainism spread in the south. So there were many Sadhus and Monks in the south.
Historically the division of the two sects-Śvetambara

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and Digambara-started when the people who had gone down to the south returned to the north in Magadha, where they perceived the differences between the two sects. This I would say is the basic turning point. Each claimed that theirs was the authentic teachings of Mahāvīra, while the other was mutilating it. But they lived side by side and it was only in the 1st century A.D., that is, the 79 A.D., or may be even the 4th or 3rd century B.C. that they started splitting up and by the 5th century A.D., they became completely different. When the people from the north migrated to the south came back to Magadha, they started looking at the differences between their ācāras or vyavahāras (conducts). For example, the Digambaras say that Mahāvīra did not wear any clothes, whereas the Svetambaras insist that he did. But if you see the statues of Mahāvīra belonging to the period from 1st century B.C. down to 13th-14th centuries A.D. they are all naked. So this becomes a point in favour of the Digambaras. Another difference is that the Svetambaras believe that women can also get renunciation or nirvāṇa, but, according to the Digambaras, women cannot get nirvāņa at all. According to the Svetambaras, Mahavira was married and had a daughter before he renounced the world, but, according to the Digambaras, Mahāvīra was not married at all. The canonical literature of the Śvetāmbaras is 45 in number which are not accepted by the Digambaras who have three different texts divided into 45 books. The Digambaras place the date of Mahavira between 659 and 587 B.C., whereas the Svetambaras place
Mahāvīra between 599 and 527 B.C.
In course of time, there arose many Sanghas, groups of people, in the South. According to the Digambara tradition, the Mula-sangha (the original community) was divided into four groups, such as, Nandi-sangha, Simhasangha, Deva-sangha, and Sena-sangha, are all groups that propagated the Jaina culture and the names normally took the name of the person who founded the Sanghas.

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Again, in contrast to the above four sanghas of the Mūlasangha a few more sects came up and they wereYāpaniya-sangha, Drāvida-sangha, Mathurā-sangha and Kāşthā-sangha. Out of these sanghas, in modern times, the Digambara sects are-Bispanthis, Terapanthis, Gumānpanthis and so on. In the north Jainism flourished from Magadh in Bihar to Rajasthan, Gujarat, Mahārāştra, Bengal, Orissa, Madhya-Pradeśa, Uttara-Pradeśa, Punjab and Käshmir. Just as in the South we have many Sanghas of the Digambaras, so also in the North, we have many gacchas of the Svetāmbaras, and these are Kharataragaccha, Tapāgaccha, Upakeśagaccha, Pārsvacandragaccha, Añcalagaccha, Paurņanāyakagaccha, Agamikagaccha and so on. Later on, there evolved Lumpākagaccha, Sthānakavāsis, Terāpanthis, Veşadharas and Vandhyas.
For over 2000 years, different philosophers in India have propagated Jainism in different ways. We will, therefore, talk of Jainism with this historical background. What are the books upon which all our arguments will be based ? We will primarily depend upon the canonical literature of the Jains. The Jains were divided into two groups—the Svetāmbara and the Digambara. In course of time, we found that the two groups had different sets of literature as well. The Svetāmbara canonical literature is popularly known as Agama grantha or Siddhānta. Āgama refers to 'that which has come down' to us from Lord Mahāvīra. It is called Siddhānta because that is the essence (conclusion) of the speeches of Lord Mahāvīra. But in 1939 the canonical literature of the Digambaras was discovered in Moodbidri and the first publication (edited by Hiralal Jain) started from Amaravati. In course of time, the Digambara canonical literature, such as, the Şațkhaņdāgama, Kasāyapāhuda, and Mahābandha were all published.
Among the Digambara scholars, some are worth mentioning. It was probably in the early centuries of the

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Christian era that we have some Digambara writers who contributed a lot to the cause of Jainism. The first among them was Kundakunda (1st or 3rd century A.D.) who wrote many books, Pravacanasara, Niyamasāra, Samayasara, Pañcāstikāyasāra, Prabhṛta-traya or Saratraya and so on. These books of Kundakunda were, of course, the earliest, while the other literature followed him. This was the first secular Digambara literature as far as we know. Today, of course, many Digambara literature like Kaṭṭigeyāṇuvekkhā and Vaṭṭakera's Mulācāra, Sivārya's Bhagavati-arādhanā, Yativṛṣabhācārya's Tiloyapannatti were published from many places and Jainism spread throughout the length and breadth of South India. Starting from Karnataka, it spread to Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Mysore and Kerala as well. The Jain influence had not been very appreciable in Kerala till then.
It is to be noted this connection that enormous literature in different languages had been developed in the south. Starting from the literature in the Prakrit language, we have the Jain literature in Kannada, Telugu and in Tamil. Tamil and Kannaḍa have a lot of literature on Jainism. Most of the Kannaḍa literature till very recently was found on Jainism and also on Jain philosophy. Till about the 10th century A.D. there was no separate Mālāyālam Jain literature, but subsequently we did have some Mālāyālam literature as well. It was after the 8th century that Adi Sankara introduced many Sanskrit words into Mālāyālam and the languages like Telugu and Kannada started having the influence of 'Manipravalanaya'. Tamil, however, has retained its original identity even till today, though the Sanskrit influences on Tamil can be found even now. It is this background that we need to understand the Jain religion in the South.
At a much later time, three of the Digambara writers became famous, and they were Pujyapada Devanandin, Samantabhadra and Akalankadeva.

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Pūjyapāda Devanandin (6th cent). A.D.) wrote a commentary on Umāsvāti's Tattvārtha-sútra, known as Sarvārtha-siddhi. Samantabhadra (600 A.D. or 8th cent. A.D.) also wrote a commentary on Umāsvāti's Tattvārthādhigama-sūtra, the introduction to which is known as Devāgama-stotra or Aptamimāṁsā in which the Jainistic philosophy of Syādvāda is explained. His Yuktyanuśāsana is also another philosophical work. Almost at the same time was Akalanka (10th cent. A.D.) who also wrote a commentary on the Tattvārthādhigamasūtra, known as Tattvārtha-rāja-vārttika. He also wrote a commentary on Samantabhadra's Āptamīmāṁsa, known as Aştaśati. Akalanka is also the author of Nyāyaviniscaya, Laghīyastraya, Svarüpa-sambodhana and Prāyaścittagrantha. Akalanka's views were opposed by Kumārila, while Vidyānanda Pātrakesarin and Prabhācandra defended Akalanka.
In this connection I would like to state the importance of the three eminent Svetāmbara Jaina writers who contributed a lot to the cause of the spread of Jainism through their writings. These authors are, in a sense, pioneers in the field of Jainism. Their enormous compositions on different subjects have enriched the Jain literature to a great extent. There is a gap of nearly five hundred years from each other. They are Haribhadra, Hemacandra and Yasovijaya.
Haribhadrasari, the most distinguished and prolific Jaina writer of the 8th century (705-775 A.D.), is credited with having written the philosophy of Anekānta first. While there were others who also wrote, it was Haribhadrasari who wrote Anekāntajayapatākā to establish the philosophy of manysidedness for judging a thing. Later, of course, there were many Jain scholars who had written on this philosophy following Haribhadrasdri. There were some very powerful authors on both sides, but it was the Digambaras who had contributed a lot to the Anekāntavāda philosophy. It

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explains how an object or an idea can be judged from all possible angles of vision. It is a fact worth noting that according to the Jains a substance has two opposite characters-permanence and change, universality and particularity, similarity and dissimilarity. The Jain authors like Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Vidyānātha and Yaśovijaya laïd a firm foundation of Anekāntavāda and established a grand superstructure of Anekānta doctrine. The Anekāntajayapatākā of Haribhadrasūri is a standard work on the subject and is the most solid contribution to the treasure house of Jain philosophy.
Haribhadra was the first to write commentaries on the Jaina Agama texts of which again Āvassaya and Dasaveāliya have come down to us. In Haribhadra's commentaries many interesting tales are found. In his Sanskrit commentries he retained the narratives in their original Prakrit form. Hemacandra has taken some of his stories in his Sthavirāvali-carita. Haribhadra is also the author of Upadeśapada and 32 Aşțakāni. In his famous book on general philosophy Şad-darśanasamuccaya, he mainly deals with Nyāya, Vaišeşika, Sāmkhya, Jaimini and Buddhism, and lastly on Jainism in a short section. Loka-tattua-nirnaya is his another philosophical text in Sanskrit verses, where also he has discussed other systems including Jainism. He wrote a commentary on Umāsvāmi's Tattvārthādhigama-sūtra. He also wrote a commentary on the Nyāyapraveśa of the Buddhist Dinnāga. His other works are Yogabindu, Yoga-drști-samuccaya, Dharmabindu etc. All these works deal with the doctrines of Jainism. Jacobi mentions some other works of Haribhadra. They are Anekānta-jayapatākā with his own commentary, Śāstra-vārttāsamuccaya, Sodaśa-prakaraña. Haribhadra's Samarāicca-kahā is a prototype of Tarangavati and is a Prakrit prose romance. Haribhadra also wrote a satire Dhūrtākhyāna by name in five ākhyānas (stories) during the reign of king Sammattarāya of Citoda. (S.R.

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Calcutta, 2002,
Banerjee, Introducing Jainism, pp. 33-34).
Again it was in the 12th century that we had "the Omniscient of the Kali Age" (Kali-kala-sarvajña) Hemacandra (1088-1172A.D.) of Gujarat who not only wrote on Jain philosophy but also on grammar, lexicography, poetics and metrics, of the Prakrit and Sanskrit languages. In fact, the growth of Jainism was distinct after the monumental works of Hemacandra. It was because of Hemacandra that Gujarat became a main stronghold of the Śvetambara Jainas and had remained so for centuries. In fact, the Jain literature flourished to a great extent in the 12th and 13th centuries in Gujarat. Hemacandra wrote several works, such as, Siddha-hemaśabdānuśāsana, Dhatupatha, Uṇādi-sūtra, Lingānuśāsana on grammar; and, Abhidhana-cintamani, Anekārthasamgraha, Nighanțu-sesa. Ekākṣara-nāmamālā, Desīnāmamālā on lexicography; and Chando'nusāsana, Kāvyānuśāsana on metrics and rhetorics; and Duyāśrayakavya, Trişaṣṭi-salākā-puruṣa-carita, Parisişța-parvan (Sthaviravali), Jaina Rāmāyaṇa on Mahākāvyas; and Pramāṇa-mimāṁsā, Anya-yoga-vyava-cchedikā (in 32 verses) and Yogasăstra on philosophy. Hemacandra attacked on Brahmanical morality, particularly on Manu, and had shown convincingly that the morality as proclaimed by Manu was incompatible with the command of Ahimsā.
In the 17th century we also have Yaśovijaya (16241688 A.D.) whose contribution to Jainism was a turning point in the Jain history. He was the first who tried to reconcile the differences between the Śvetāmbara and the Digambara conflict. It was he who wanted "to prove that the Kevalin, the completely Enlightened, so long as he leads a physical life, must take nourishment, that women can attain to release, and that the ordinary objects of usage of the monks, garments etc, are not to be counted as "possessions", and that the saintly life does not exclude

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life in the world. (Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 593). Though he is not a prolific writer, he seems to be a bulky writer. All his works are full of thoughts and ideas. His Adhyātma-parikşā in Prakrit with a Sanskrit commentary by the author himself, is a treatise on self-realisation. His Jñāna-bindu-prakaraņa (written in 1675 ) and Jñānasāra or Aşțaka-prakaraṇa relate the essence of knowledge for acquiring the right perception of an object. It is also said that he revised the Dharmasaṁgraha written by Mānavijaya in 1681. This is a bulky book which describes the duties of the householder and ascetic. This book is very rich in quotations, and it is seen that nearly 103 works and 26 authors are quoted in this book.
In the history of Jainism certain new ideas (which were once discarded by Mahāvīra) started to appear again. Around the 10th century A.D. differences in certain interpretaions of Jainism came in. For example, Mahāvira did not believe in Caturāśrama, that is, Brahmacarya, Gșhastha, Vānaprastha, and Sannyāsa (Jaina name is bhikṣu), but in the 9-10th centuries A.D., these started coming up again in Jainism. It is believed that Jinasena (9th cent. A.D.), a pupil of Virasena, and the friend of King Amoghavarşa I (815-877 A.D.), and an author of the Adipurāņa, accepted the Caturāśrama system of Hinduism. His follower the famous Digambara Cāmundarāya (10th-11th centuries A.D.) in his work Cāritra-sära has acknowledged this concept of the four āśramas of the Hindus. Except one (i.e. bhikṣu the name of the fourth stage), the names are also the same.
After a few centuries, Āsādhara (1240 A.D.) in his Sāgaradharmāmsta and Medhāvin (1504 A.D.) in his Srāvakācāra had given threefold classification of the Srävaka. These are pakşika, naişthika, and sādhaka. A pākşika-śrävaka is a layman who practises the anuvratas and the mūlagunas. He is called a pāksika layman, because he has an inclination (pakşa) towards ahimsā, while, on

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the contrary, the naişthika-śrāvaka (which is, in fact, equivalent to nai şthika-brahmacāri and which is again later on called kşullaka) is one who pursues his path upwards for spiritual attainment and practises the tenfold dharmas of the ascetic. As in his culminating point(nişthā) he leaves the household life, he is called naişthika śrāvaka. A Sādhaka is he who concludes (sādhayati) or renounces his human body by carrying out sallekhanā. (S.R. Banerjee, Introducing Jainism, Calcutta, 2002, pp 34, 36). The inclusion of this idea in the history of Jainism was due to some historical influences of the time. Sometimes these differences might also be due to some other reasons.
Jainism is very severe, very difficult to follow. Particularly the life of the Svetāmbara Sādhus who roam from place to place is very difficult to follow. They cannot cross the sea or water. As the Jaina Sādhus and Sādhvis could not cross the sea, Jainism did not spread outside India. But in the last quarter of the twentieth century, some groups of Jains travelled all over the world spreading Jainism. They are not Sādhus and Sadhvis in the real sense of the term, but they are called Sramana and Sramaņi. They are allowed to travel everywhere. This started almost at the end of the 20th century, and the Terapanthi Sādhu community was the pioneers in this respect. The Jaina monks and nuns should not stay in one place for a long time and they must be constantly on the move preaching their religion. They can halt in one place only during the rainy season and resume their journey as soon as the rains are over. Even our present Ācārya Mahāprajñaji has been constantly roaming for over 70 years now. He has perhaps now left Ahmedabad as well. I saw him moving in the years 1958-59 in Calcutta and that is where I met the Acāryaji for the third time, the first time I met him was in 1957 at Sujangarh in Rajasthan. Wherever they moved, the monks preached the Jaina philosophy and that is how the religion was propagated. People attended these preachings in large

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numbers and often became the followers of the religion as well. It is said that in those days both Buddha and Mahāvīra used to go from place to place trying to convince the kings and the queens by their views, because unless the kings accepted it, you could not make the rest of the people (prajās) accept their views. Normally when they addressed the king in the assembly, common people were also there, listening. It is also said that there were over 5-6 lakhs followers of Mahāvira in those days and the preaching basically involved the fundamental truths and also removing from the minds of the followers any kinds of doubts or confusions relating to who he was and what was his role on this earth.
Bibliography Babb, Lawrence A.---Ascetics and Kings in a Jain Ritual Culture,
with a Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1998. Balcerowicz, Piotr (ed)-Essays in Jaina Philosophy and
Religion, with a Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal
Banarsidass Publishered Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2003. Bhuvanbhanusuri, Acharya Vijaya-Ganadharavāda, Motilal
Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1989. Basham, A.L.-History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas, with a
Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Pvt. Ltd.,
Delhi, 2002. Dasgupta, Debendra Chandra-Jaina System of Education, with
an Introductory Note by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1999 (reprinted edn.). Deleu, Jozef-Viyāhapannatti (Bhagavai), Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1996. Glasenapp, Helmuth von Jainism with a Foreword by S.R.
Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi,
1999. Sethia, Tara-Ahimsā, Anekānta and Jainism, with a Foreword
by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2004.

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APPENDIX SOME MAJOR RELIGIONS AND RELIGIOUS IDEAS OF THE WORLD
A. MAJOR RELIGIONS OF THE WORLD 1. Christianity
a) Roman Catholic b) Orthodox Catholic c) Protestants
d) Coptic Christians 2. Judaism
a) Jews and Judaism b) Jewish Sects
i) Karaism ii) Cabala
iii) Hasidism 3. Hinduism (Sanātana/Brahmanism) 4. Jainism (Svetāmbara and Digambara) 5. Buddhism (Mahāyāna and Hinayāna) 6. Saivism (Saktism) 7. Yaişņavism 8. Sikhism (Grantha-sahib) 9. Brāhma-ism (propagated by Raja Ram Mohan Ray) 10. Islam (Muslims/Mohammedanism/Sufism) 11. Taoism 12. Confucianism 13. Shintoism 14. Lamaism 15. Zoroastrianism (Religion of the Parsees) 16. Animism 17. Baha'i Faith 18. Druze 19. Pagan Religion
20. Popular Beliefs B. PRIMITIVE RELIGIONS a) 1. Ancestor worship
2. Animal worship 3. Fateshism 4. Magic 5. Human Sacrifice

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6. Shamanism 7. Totenism
b) 1. Cargo Cults
Ghost Dance 3. Nativistic movements 4. Peyotism 5. Sun-Dance 6. Voodoo
C. SUBJECTS OF RELIGION
1. Creation of the world (Myths of)
God (Existence of God) 3. Heaven and Hell 4. Eschatology (the things after Death) 5. Faith, Prayer and Belief 6. Feast and Festival 7. Priesthood, Ritual and Spiritual exercises 8. Sacrifice/Worship 9. SoulAtmā/Paramātmā
D. IDEAS OF GOD 1. Monotheism
Monism 2. Dualism
Deism 3. Polytheism → Pluralism 4. Theism
Pantheism 5. Agnosticism – Atheism 6. Yahweh/BrahmalAllah 7. Devil and Satan
E. RELIGIONS OF INDIA AND JAPAN
India 1. Hinduism/Sanātana/Brahmanism 2. Buddhism 3. Jainism 4. saivism (Śaktism) 5. Yaişnavism 6. Sikhism 7. Brāhma-ism 8. Islam Muslim 9. Christianity 10. Zoroastrianism
Japan 1. Buddhism 2. Shintoism 3. Confucianism 4. Christianity 5. Popular Beliefs

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AMULYA CHANDRA SEN
The canonical literature of the Svetāmbara Jainas contains many references to various philosophical schools and religious sects apparently contemporaneous with itself. Although the canon in the form we have it now is a creation of the Council of Valabhi held in circa 454 A.C. under the presidentship of Devardhiganin, yet the matter contained in it is much older. This Council reduced the text to writing. The first collection was, however, made by the Council of Păţaliputra which, according to Hemacandra, met during the reign of Asoka Maurya. Additions were made no doubt during the subsequent redactions, but the essentials remained unchanged through the long years of canonical revision which brought with it accretions of extraneous matter. The statements which form the subject matter of discussion in the following pages picture a state of things much earlier than Devardhigaņin's age and earlier even than the Council of Pāțaliputra.
The beliefs and practices discussed in the Jaina texts viere considered heretical from the point of view of the Jainas or the Nirgranthas, as they were called in the earlier days, and as such it was necessary for them to state and criticise the views and practices of many of those schools and sects. An attempt has been made in the following pages to give a comprehensive account of all these sects and schools. Some works outside the Jaina canon have also been sometimes referred to for the purpose of illustrating the matter contained in the canon. References in the later works of Svetāmbaras and Digambaras to systems of thought adverse to them have

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been rejected for the simple reason that they deal with circumstances of later ages influenced by conditions of later times when such works were composed. In many cases parallel references and accounts have been mentioned from the literature of the Buddhists, as they and the Jainas having started their career about the same time the former are likely to furnish reliable evidence on matters referred to by the latter, both being outside the Brahmanical fold and having a strong critical outlook.
That the time the Jaina canon treats of was one bristling with conflicting views and rival schemes may easily be gathered from such statements as "See, there are men who control themselves, whilst others only pretend to be houseless." The Acārāńga Sūtra, one of the oldest of the canonical texts, says that “To friendly or hostile heretics one should not give alms, drink, dainties and spices...nor do them service. ... Some here are not well instructed as regards the subject of conduct; ... they pronounce opinions. ... Know that all this is without reason."2 The Sūtrakstānga Sūtra, another of the most authoritative texts, says "These heretics will never be saved. ... some unworthy śramaņas who hold wrong doctrines are afraid of what is free from danger and are not afraid of real danger.'3 "Some who search after truth and pretend to practise the Law, follow the false Law and do not arrive at the right thing ... ignorant of what is right and wrong they do not get out of misery ... they praise their own creed and blame that of their opponents."In a passage of fierce denunciation it has been said that the heretics will never be saved from the sufferings of the world. In the Sthānānga Sūtra false belief is spoken as 1. Ācār. S. I. 1.2.2; I.i. 3.4.; I.i. 6.3.; with a slight variation in
I.i.7.2. 2. Ibid. I. vii. 1. 1-3 3. Sūt. S. I.i.2.5–10 4. Ibid. II.ii. 15-23. 5. Ibid. II.č. 79–81.

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an instrument that causes pain (micchādamsanasalla). It has been divided into two classes, abhiggahiya and anabhiggahiya which Abhayadeva, the commentator, explains as that proceeding from acceptance of wrong doctrine and that proceeding from other causes. In the Bhagavatī there are frequent mentions of heretical schools and of heretical ascetics who came to question Mahāvīra. The Jñātādharmakathā, Antaḥkstadaśā and Praśnavyākaraṇānga Sūtras also contain occasional references to micchādassanasalla.
In the Upāsakadaśā praising of heretical teachers and intimacy with them have been regarded as offences against the law of right belief.? The animosities of the time are well-illustrated by the remark of the newly converted lay disciple Ananda made to Mahāvīra : “Truly, Reverend Sir, it does not befit me from this day forward to praise and worship any man of a heretical community, or any of the devas of a heretical community, or any of the objects of reverence to them; or without being first addressed by them, to address them or converse with them; or to give or supply them with food or drink; except it be by the command of the king or the community or any powerful man or deva or one's own elders or by the exigencies of living."8 Frequently does Mahāvīra refer to the need of refuting heretical doctrines : "Surely, venerable companions," says Mahāvira to his disciples, “if those servants of the Sramana who are householders living among householders, refute the theories of heretics, then much more, venerable companions, must the Nirgrantha ascetics who are students of the sacred collection of the twelve Angas be able to refute the theories of heretics by means of these arguments, questions, proofs and explanations." 6. Sth. i. 48; Bhag. I. 6, 52. 7. Upās. S.i.44. 8. Ibid. i. 58. 9. Ibid. vi.174

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In the Uttaradhyayana Sutra bad monks who do not protect themselves from sin, who though having the appearance of monks are the lowest among their worthy brethren, have been likened to heretics: they are despised in this world like poison, they are no bodies in this world or in that beyond. 10 The views and teachings of heretics have been called delusive talk which is untrue and without any meaning." Opinions and manifold doctrines not conforming to the Nirgrantha creed were declared to be contemptible which a monk was advised to abandon, for they were productive of evil everywhere.12 Faith has been held to be easier to obtain for those who though not versed in the sacred doctrines are not acquainted with other systems and hold no wrong doctrines. Right faith depends on the avoiding of schismatical and heretical tenets.13 Among the eight principles on which excellence of faith rests, are counted absence of preference for heresies, and non-shaking of right belief at the prosperity of heretical sects.1
14
15
In the Nandi Sutra Mahāvīra has been eulogised as the moon who ever vanquishes the Rāhu of Akriyā-vāda,1 as the destroyer of the lustre of other schools, 16 and as the destroyer of the pride of false faiths.
It will be seen from the remarks quoted above that the time was full of various opinions, views, beliefs, schools, sects and teachings." They were not at all friendly towards each other as can be easily gathered. It will now
17
10. Utta. S. xvii.20. 11. Ibid. xviii.26 12. Ibid. xviii26, 30 13. Ibid. xvii.26, 28 14. Ibid. xvii 31.
15. Nan. S. 9.
16. Ibid. 10 & 20.
17. How differences and disputes arose over subjects that would be regarded as beyond the scope of religion in the present day is illustrated in Bhag. S. 11.9.418, in the story

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be our task to examine the many references throughout the canon with a view to find out what views each of them upheld and whether any of them can be identified with schools whose doctrines we are familiar with. This will serve a double purpose of showing in the first place what was the historical background of the Nirgrantha doctrine, what views they felt called upon to refute and thereby establish the superiority of the Nirgrantha creed, and secondly of showing though in an indirect manner, the condition of many doctrines of the time by means of the light thrown by the Jainas regarding the philosophical and religious atmosphere of India of that period. It is agreed that a hostile critic's remarks cannot be accepted in full in judging the value or contents of a creed it took upon itself to criticise, yet the opinion of an adverse critic seen through a proper perspective has its own value for historical purposes, indicating as it does the currents of popular opinion. It is to be remembered that this work is not intended to be a history of the philosophies of the time. The principal object is to get as clear an idea as is possible of the tenets, as they appeared to the Nirgranthas, of other schools and sects in those ancient days with a view to create a suitable background for the study of Jainism.
Many of the statements met with in different places are vague, such as the vehement denunciation of those who injure earth-bodies, water-bodies, plants, wind. bodies, animals, etc. 18 for such would apply to many nonNirgranthas. Jacobi thinks on the authority of Silānka,
of Prince Śiva where cosmographic details form the subject of the disputes; and in 1912.435, where duration of the gods' lives in different heavens is hotly debated. Manifold disputes and their uselessness are also referred to by the Buddhists in Dutthatthaka, Suddhatthaka, paramasthaka, Pasūra, Māgandiya, Culaviyaha and Mahātiyuha Suttas
of the Atthakavagga. 18. Acār. S. I. 1.2.2; I.i.3.4; I.1.5.4; I.1.7.2; I.i. 6.4. 19. SBE.xxii.p.4

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the commentator, that "others only pretend to be houseless” refers to the Buddhists. It must be pointed out, however, that we know now that there were in those days many kinds of houseless ascetics besides the Buddhists, to whom the remarks of the Jainas would equally apply.20 We shall deal, however, with only those statements which are particular, precise, and identifiable, and consider them in the order of importance given them in the Jaina texts.
PARTI
I. THE ĀJIVIYAS The doctrines of the Ājiviyas are the best known heresy to the Nirgranthas. Judging from the frequency of their appearance and the vehemence and care with which they are denounced it seems probable that the doctrines of the Ājiviyas played an important part in the life of the times.
The Ājiviyas believed that though it is proved that there are individual souls, they experience pleasure and pain, and on dying lose their state of existence, yet misery and pleasure are not caused by the souls themselves, for how could it be caused, they asked, by other agents as time, etc. ? Pleasure and misery, final beatitude and temporal pleasure, and pain are not caused by the souls themselves nor by others; but the individual souls experience them; it is the fate assigned them by Destiny.21
Another account states that there is no such thing as exertion or labour or power or vigour or manly strength, but that all things are caused by destiny which is unalterably fixed. 22 This has been called the doctrine of Gosāla Mankhaliputta. From the story of Saddālaputta, 20. See also sūt. S. I.i.1.6 & l.ii1.8; and the long disputes
between Nirgranthas and others in Bhag. 8.7.337; 13.2.595-596; 18.7.634; and 18.8.640; Sth. S. 3.2.167; Aup.
S. 38 21. Sat. I.i.2.1-3. 22. Upās. 6.166.

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the potter of Palāsapura, and an adherent of the Ājiviyas, we get the leading doctrine of Gosāla. The story runs thus:
Saddālaputta once brought out his potter's ware from within his workshop and placed them in the sun. Mahāvīra happened to come upon the scene and asked "Saddālaputta, how is this potter's ware made ?"
Saddālaputta : “Reverend Sir, this ware is at first clay, then it is kneaded with water, and then it is mixed well together with ashes and dung; then it is placed on the wheel, and finally many bowls and jars of various sizes are made.” :
Mahāvīra : "Saddālaputta, is your ware made by dint of exertion and manly strength, or on the other hand, is it made without exertion and manly strength-kim utthāņeņam vā kammeņam vā balenam vā virienam vā purisakkāra-parakkamenam kajjanti udāhu anutthāņemam jāva apurisakkāraparakkameņam kajjanti?”
Saddālaputta : “Reverend Sir, it is made without exertion and manly strength, and all things are unalterably fixed."
Mahāvīra : "Saddālaputta, if any one of thy men were to steal thy unbaked or baked ware or scatter it about or make holes in it or let it drop into pieces or place it outside unguarded or if he were to indulge in outrageous familiarities with thy wife Aggimittă, what punishment would thou inflict on that man?”
Saddalaputta : “Reverend Sir, that man I will curse or beat or tie up or frighten or threaten or cuff or fine or bully or even before his time deprive him of his life.”
Mahāvīra then pointed out that if all things were unalterably fixed and depended not on exertion then he ought not to take any action against his servant's conduct for the servant was not responsible for it. This convinced Saddālaputta of the falseness of Ājiviya doctrines and he was converted to the creed of Mahāvīra.23
23. Upās. 7.195.200; 6.166

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The Parable of the Lotus-pool is an important chapter in which the views of some of the leading schools have been stated.
There was a lotus-pool containing much water and mud, full of white lotuses, delightful and magnificent. In the very middle of this lotus-pool grew one big white lotus. Now there came from each of the four quarters a man proud of his own abilities and attempted to fetch the big white lotus. To each of them as he proceeded the water and mud seemed to extend, so that he could neither reach the white lotus nor return to the bank and was stuck in the mud. Then came a restrained monk who called aloud standing on the bank and the big white lotus flew to him. Mahāvīra narrated this story and asked his disciples if they understood the meaning of the simile and on their answering in the negative explained that the lotus-pool meant the world, the water meantkarman, the mud meant pleasures, the lotuses meant people in general, the big white lotus meant the king, the four men meant the heretics, the monk meant the Law, the bank meant the Order, and the monk's voice meant the preaching of the Law, and the big lotus flying up meant nirvāņa. Different teachers went to the king to teach him but only the Nirgrantha ascetic succeeded.
One of these four teachers, an Ajīviya, states his doctrines as follows :
There are two kinds of men, one admits and another does not admit action. Both are alike, their case is the same because they are actuated by the same force. An ignorant man thinks of the case as follows: “When I suffer, grieve, blame myself, grow feeble, am afflicted or undergo punishment, I have caused it; or when another man suffers, etc., he has caused it.” Thus an ignorant man thinks himself or another to be the cause of what he or the other man experiences. A wise man thinks about the cause as follows: "When I suffer I did not cause it or when another man suffers he did not cause it. By the will of fate

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all beings are born, are made to suffer changes of life or to
die."24
Adda's discussions with various teachers, while renouncing the life of a Prince he was on his way to Mahāvīra, are interesting. In these discussions one man states that if an ascetic living alone uses cold water, eats seeds, accepts things prepared for him or has intercourse with women, he commits no sins thereby.25 Harsakula, author of the Dipikā on the Sūtrakstānga, and Silāņka identify this man as Gosāla which is corroborated by the fierce personal attacks he makes on Mahāvīra in course of the discussions. This is natural enough, for the relations between the two were notoriously bitter. The fact, however, appears to be that the Ajīviya doctrines have been put forward through this fictitious person.
The soul of him who is pure will become free from bad karman on reaching beatitude, but in that state it will again become defiled through pleasant excitement or hate; and that he who has lived on earth as a restrained monk will become free from karman, and as clear water which was free from defilement again becomes defiled, so will be the soul. This doctrine has been attributed to a school. Harşakula thinks that the Ajiviyas are meant. Silanka mentions the Trairāśikas besides Ajiviyas. The Trairāśikas are the Jaina followers of the Vaiseşika philosophy.26 They are so called because they believed in a third state of existence besides jiva and ajiva. 27
In some places the Ajīviyas are mentioned by name but hardly anything is mentioned regarding their views.28 Once we find them asking the Nirgrantha elders the question whether an article belonging to a young monk belongs to himself or to another, if it is stolen by a thief 24. Sat.S. II.1.30–33. 25. Ibid. II.vi. 7. 26. SBE. xlv. p. 245, n.2. 27. See infra the sixth schism led by Rohagupta. 28. Bhag. 1.2.24.

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when the young ascetic is observing the sāmāyikas and the monk goes after the thief.29 They are said not to accept Mahavira's doctrine of abstention from sin of body, mind and speech in the three-fold divisions of doing it oneself, getting it done by another, or approving of another's doing it.30
On the life of Gosala we have the following details supplied by the Jainas. His father was called Mankhali who used to wander about from place to place exhibiting a picture. Mankhali once came with his wife Bhadda to Saravana and took up his lodging in the cow-shed of a wealthy Brahman called Gobahula and Gosāla was born here. He followed his father's calling. At one time Mahāvira was residing in a weaver's house at Nālandā where Gosāla also happened to come in course of his wanderings. A householder named Vijaya of the city of Rāyagaha entertained Mahāvīra with great honours. Gosala heard of this from the people and meeting Mahavira offered to be his disciple whereupon the latter gave no reply. The same offer was made by Gosala on two subsequent occasions with the same result. Mahāvira left Nālandā and Gosala in his mood of dejection gave away his belongings, shaved his head and went away. He met Mahāvīra again in Paṇiyabhūmi, repeated his offer and it was accepted this time. They lived together in that place for six years."
31
Once on the road from Siddhatthaggāma to Kummaggāma they came across a sesamum shrub in blossom. Gosāla asked if it would die and if so where its seeds would reappear. Mahāvīra replied that the shrub would die but its seeds would appear again in the pods of the same shrub. Gosāla disbelieved this, called Mahavira
29. Bhag. 8.5.328
30. Bhag. 8.5.329
31. According to Kalpa. S.5.122, Mahāvīra lived only a year in Paniyabhumi.

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a liar, and going up to the shrub uprooted it but a shower of rain having fallen the shrub took root again and Mahāvīra's prophecy was fulfilled. Now they went on to Kundaggāma on the outskirts of which they met the ascetic Vessayaņa practising penances with his arms uplifted, his face turned towards the sun, and his body covered with lice. Gosāla asked the ascetic if he was an ascetic or a lice-heap. This enraged Vessayaņa who released his fiery forces (teullese) to burn Gosāla but Mahāvira out of pity for Gosāla counteracted the forces by releasing his own forces. Finding himself thwarted Vessayaņa exclaimed “That will do, Sir, that will do." Gosāla questioned Mahāvīra about the meaning of such exclamation and the latter explained what was about to happen. Then Gosāla enquired how long it took to acquire such forces and how such forces could be acquired. Mahāvīra answered that it could be acquired by dint of penances. Afterwards when they were on their way to Siddhantthaggāma they happened to pass the sesamum shrub mentioned before. Gosāla narrated to Mahāvīra his past prophecy and claimed that it had been falsified as the shrub was yet alive. Mahāvīra explained that Gosāla's uprooting it on the previous occasion had fulfilled his prophecy about its death and the coming down of the shower which revived it had caused the seeds to appear in the pods, for all plants were capable of reanimation. Gosāla disbelieved it, went up to the spot and on closely examining the shrub found the seeds. This led him to conclude that not only plants but all living beings were capable of reanimation. Then he left Mahāvīra.
Gosāla then practised the severe penances for acquiring fiery forces and succeeded after six months. Now he proclaimed himself a Jina and founded the Order of the Ājiviyas. The headquarters of the Order was in Sāvatthi in the shop of the potter woman Hālāhala. In the twenty-fourth year of Gosāla’s ascetic life he was visited by six ascetics with whom he discussed their

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doctrines and propounded his own theory from the eight Mahānimittas belonging to the Puvvas consisting of the principles of obtainment and non-obtainment, pleasure and pain, life and death. He met a disciple of Mahāvīra and notified to him his intention of destroying Mahāvira by means of his fiery forces. The threat was conveyed to Mahāvīra who forbade Nirgrantha ascetics to hold any communication with Gosāla. Surrounded by his disciples, Gosāla called on Mahāvīra and angrily ridiculed him for having called Gosāla a disciple of Mahāvira. "Mankhaliputta who was a disciple of Mahāvīra,” said Gosāla “was dead and reborn in the heavens as a god. But I whose name was Udayi was born in the body of Ajjuna and entered in the seventh reanimation the the body of Gosāla, which I still hold.” He then went on to narrate in detail the processes of reanimation he had undergone in the bodies of different persons in different places and how in his seventh and last reanimation he obtained omniscience in the body of Gosāla in the potter shop of Hālāhalā. Mahāvīra in reply told him that he was like a thief who being chased by villagers attempted to conceal his identity under various disguises and in various places of hiding. Gosāla was enraged at this and hotly abused Mahāvīra. A disciple of the latter intervened but was burnt up by Gosāla's fiery forces. Another disciple also met with the same fate. Mahāvīra himself now rebuked Gosāla who attempted to burn him but was unsuccessful. A scene followed of trial of strength between the two teachers. They parted and Mahāvīra instructed his disciples to go and annoy Gosāla with questions.
After sometime Gosāla was stricken with a fever and being delirious he held a mango in his hand, drank liquors, sang, danced and made improper advances to Hālāhalā, and sprinkled on himself the cool muddy water from the potter's vessels, which acts, Mahāvira explained to his disciples, led to the Ajīviya doctrines of the eight Finalities (attha-carimāim). The first four of the eight Finalities were

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the last four acts performed by Gosāla, viz., the last drink, the last song, the last dance and the last improper solicitation. The other four were the last tornado, the last sprinkling elephant, the last fight with big stones and missils, 32 and the last Tirthankara who is Gosāla himself.
Gosāla's sprinkling himself with the muddy water from the earthen vessels gave rise to the doctrine of the four things that may be used as drinks, and the four things as their substitutes by virtue of the coolingness. Those that may be used as water are the cow's urine, water accidentally collected in potter's vessels, water heated by the sun, and water dripping from a rock. Those that may be used as substitutes are holding in the hand a dish or a bottle or a jar or a pot which is cool or moist; squeezing in the mouth a mango or a hog-plum or a jujube or a tinduka fruit when it is unripe or uncooked, but not drinking its juice; squeezing in the mouth kalāya or mugga or māsa or simbali beans when they are unripe or uncooked, but not drinking the juice; and feeling the touch of the moist hands of the gods Puņņabhadda and Māņibhadda when they appear on the last night of six months to one who eats pure food for six months, lits successively for two months each on bare ground, on wooden planks, and on darba grass. He who submits to the touch of the two gods furthers the work of venomous snakes but he who does not do so generates in himself a fire which burns his body and he dies and attains liberation.
Ayambula, an Ājiviya came to visit Gosāla at the time and felt ashamed finding Gosāla in a delirium. He was about to go away but Ajīviya elders called him back, 32. The first three of the latter four refer to historical events
of the time. The sprinkling elephant was known as Secanaka and belonged to king Śreņik of Megadha who gave it to his younger son by queen Celleanā. His elder son Kuņika on becoming king demanded the elephant from his brother which was refused. This gave rise to war in which stone missiles were used.

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explained the new doctrines and asked him to put his question to Gosāla after throwing away the mango in his hand. Ayambula did so and asked about the halla insect. Gosāla replied “This which you see is not a mango but only the skin of a mango. You ask about the halla insectit is like the root of the bamboo; play the lute, man, play the lute.” The Gosāla foeling the end approaching called his disciples and requested them to observe his funeral with all honours and proclaim that he was the last Tirthankara. But afterwards he felt that he was not an omniscient but a false teacher and a humbug but that Mahāvīra was the true Jina. Then he called his disciples and asked them to treat him with dishonour after he was dead and proclaim his misdeeds and the Jinahood of Mahāvīra. Then he died. The Ājīviya theras closed the door and pretended to carry out Gosāla's last instructions, and then they opened the doors and gave him a funeral according to his original wishes. 33
The austerities practised by the Ājiviyas are classified into four kinds, viz., severe austerities, fierce austerities, abstention from ghee and other delicacies, and indifference to pleasant and unpleasant food.34
It is said in the system of the Ajīviyas that all the living beings are subject to an ungratified desire to enjoy, and hence their earning of livelihood is by killing, cutting,
etc. 36
The varieties of the Ajiviya ascetics are these :- those who beg in every second house, those who beg in every third house, those who beg in every fourth house, those who beg in every fifth house, those who beg in every sixth house, those who beg in every seventh house, those who accept lotus-stalks only as alms under certain conditions, those who beg in every house, those who do not beg if
33. Bhag. 15.539-554. 34. Sth. S. 4.2.310 35. Bhag. 8.5.310

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there is a flash of lightning, and those who practise penances by entering big earthen vessels. 96
The names of the twelve adherents of the Ājiviya doctrine are given as Tāla, Tāla palamba, Uvviha, Samviha, Udaya, Avaviha, Nāiiudaya, Namudaya, Anuvālaya, Samkhavālaya, Ayambula and Kayaraya. They abstained from eating five kinds of fruits, viz., umbara, vada, bora, satara and pilankhu and are said to have given up eating roots, bulbous roots, etc.37
The Sāmaññaphala Sutta of the Buddhists, which contains an account of the doctrines of the six principal teachers contemporary with Buddha, gives an account of Gosāla's teachings from where we get the same denial of the usefulness of effort or manly vigour. “N'atthi atthakāre n'atthi parakāre n'atthi purisakāre; n'atthi balam n'atthi viriyam, n'atthi purisathāmo, n'atthi purisaparakkamothe attainment of anything does not depend either on one's own acts or on the acts of another or on human effort; there is no such thing as power or energy, or human strength or human vigour."-Digha-nikāya, Vol. II, p. 53. Every thing depends on fate, and salvation depends on a long series of births of different kinds. No change can be effected in this long series of transmigrations by any effort on the part of an individual
Dr. Barua has reviewed in an exhaustive manner all the matter available on the life and teachings of Gosāla,38 We do not intend to go here into any detailed examination of Gosāla's teachings, for which one must be referred to Dr. Barua's work. The conclusions reached by him hold up Gosāla and his teachings in a far better light of course. But the fact remains that his teachings were stubbornly 36. Aup. S. 41. for Buddhist evidence of Mahāvagga 3.12.9 for
the last of these classes, and Kassapa-Sihanāda Sutta for
ascetic practices resembling these. 37. Bhag. 8.5.330. 38. A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, Chap.
xxi. for a fuller treatment see Barua, The Ajivikas.

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opposed by Mahāvīra and Buddha alike. It is essential to remember that Mahāvīra's opposition was due to Gosāla's main doctrines of man's destiny being pre-ordained, that human effort could effect no change in it, and that emancipation was to be obtained only after a long series of transmigrations. These views come out prominently in both the Jaina and Buddhist accounts of Gosāla's teachings.
Jacobi and Dr. Barua are of opinion that contrary to the Jaina account Mahāvira was a disciple of Gosāla for sometime. The reasons put forward in support of this hypothesis are that Mahāvīra was a mere learner in the first twelve years of his monkhood, that he became a nude ascetic in the second year of his monkhood, that Gosāla predeceased Mahāvīra by twelve years and was therefore his senior, and that. Gosāla was recognised as a teacher at least two years before Mahāvīra. Against this hypothesis may be urged certain considerations. Gosāla's being a recognised teacher before Mahāvīra does not prove anything. Accepting the Jaina version Gosāla was not recognised as a teacher so long as he was associated with Mahāvīra, and proclaimed himself as such only after his separation from the latter. Such proclamation may have taken place before Mahāvīra won recognition as a teacher. Again, if Gosāla had ever been Mahāvīra's teacher we would have expected the Buddhists to record something to that effect. We would have expected also that Gosāla would be made to say something regarding his claim when he visited Mahāvīra to upbraid him for the latter's calling Gosāla a disciple.39 Further, if Mahāvīra borrowed nudity from Gosāla he would not have continued in it when he renounced the discipleship of Gosāla. Although the Bhagavatī account of the relation subsisting between the two teachers cannot be accepted in full, it is doubtful whether a reversal of the relation can be accepted as true.
39. Bhag. 15.550.

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The truth very probably was that the two ascetics joined and lived together for sometime during the years of their probation. Difference of opinion on very important matters separated the two as we can infer from the Bhagavati account. 40 Their joint life must have been of short duration, one year only, which was prolonged in later accounts to six years.
II. THE BRAHMANIC SCHOOLS
About the cult of popular Brahmanism we have many references in Jaina literature. Many Brahmaņas and Śramaņas support it, they claim to have seen, heard, acknowledged, thoroughly understood in the upper, nether, and side-long directions, and in all ways to have examined it; with such extensive experience and deep wisdom they declare that all sorts of living beings may be slain or tormented or treated with violence or abused or driven away, and there is no wrong in it.11
41
The creation and governance of the world by the gods, as taught by some philosophers, has been regarded as an error. 42 This can be attributed to the Brahmans, for no other contemporary school would regard the gods as creators or governors of the world.
The creation of the universe, according to a "great Rşi" whose name is neither mentioned in the text nor preserved by Śīlāņka or Harṣakulą, is by Svayambhu;43 according to some Brāhmaṇas and Śramaņas it is from the primeval egg. Both of these evidently refer to Brahmanical views and this conclusion is corroborated by the allusions to the doctrine of Brahman almost in the same breath with these
44
40. Bhag. 15.554. 41. Acar.S.I.iv.2.3. 42. Sut. S. I.i.3.5. 43. Sut.S. I.i.3.7. 44. Sut.S. I.i.3.8

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Brahmanical views, for the doctrine of Brahman, as we know, sprang from followers of Brahmanism.
.45
Owning of possessions and engaging in undertakings is held to be compatible with reaching perfection by some;" this suggests the Brahmanical priests who would support a non-ascetic religion of rituals and ceremonies and themselves possess wealth and properties. Buddha's criticism of the Brahmans as owners of property in contrast with the possessionless Brahmä whom they worshipped is significant in this connection.46
47
The gods are declared by some as putting an end to misery." The meaning is that only the gods and not men are capable of attaining mokşa, i.e., in order to obtain mokşa a man must first attain a god's status and then progress onwards to final liberation, for as mere man he cannot obtain liberation. This is probably a piece of casuistry on the part of the Brahmanical priests to tempt yajamānas to engage their services for securing by means of sacrifices the status of gods after death.
While arguing with Adda one man says that those who always feed two thousand holy mendicants acquire great merit, become gods and that is the teaching of the Veda. This is clearly a statement put into the mouth of a follower of Brahmanism.
Stories are mentioned of various Brahmanical adherents engaging in disputes with Nirgrantha ascetics. The subject matter of the discussion is not of much importance but the descriptions which precede about the intellectual equipment of the Brahmanical disputant are very interesting. As for instance, in Savatthi dwelt a mendicant Khandaya by name of the Kaccāyana gotra, a disciple of Gaddabhāli. To him went Pingalaya, a
45. Sut.S. I.1.4.3
46. Cf. Tevijjia Sutta.
47. Sut.S. I.xv. 16-17
48. Sut.S. II.6.43.

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Nirgrantha adherent, and asked whether the world was with or without an end, whether the jīva was with or without an end, etc. Khandaya was terribly upset, we are told, by these questions, could give no answer, kept quiet, and at last went to Mahāvīra for setting at ease his severe discomfiture. All we can inferentially gather from such accounts is that in the opinion of the authors of these narratives the followers of Brahmanism and other schools concerned could not give a satisfactory solution of such vital problems, but we must beware of reading too much in these statements. Probably to set off Khandaya's indifference to high metaphysical curiosity we are told that he was a teacher of, prevented corruption from entering into, retained in his memory, and was well-versed in the four Vedas Rik, Yajus, Sāman, and Atharvan, to which is added Itihāsa as the fifth, Nighaņķu as the sixth, along with the Angas, Upāngas, and the Rahasya, knew the six Angas and the philosophy of the sixty categories, arithmetic, phonetics, ceremonial, grammar, prosody, etymology, and astronomy and in many other branches of knowledge suited for Brahmanic mendicants.49
There is an interesting account of a Brahman priest named Mahessaradatta who was learned in the Vedas, etc., and who in order to enhance the realm and power of his patron king Jiyasattu caused everyday a Brahman boy, a Kşatriya boy, a Vaiśya boy and a Sūdra boy to be seized and their hearts extracted alive with which he performed homa sacrifices to propitiate the gods on behalf
49. Bhag.2.1.90; the same enameration is referred to by a
rubric in 15.541 and 18.10.646; repeated in Vip. S.1.5., Aup. 38, and Kalpa S.10., "The philosophy of the sixty categories' is explained by Abhayadeva as 'the doctrine of Kapila', saşthitantra which means the Samkhya system. The analogous formula of the Buddhists for describing a Brahman, as given in the Ambaţtha S., is pretty much the same with a few minor additions.

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of the king. On the eighth and fourteenth lunar days he sacrificed two boys from each of the four castes, in the fourth month four boys from each caste, in the sixth month eight boys, and after a year sixteen boys from each caste. Whenever the king was attacked by an enemy, the priest caused eight hundred boys from each caste to be seized and performed homa 'sacrifices' with their hearts extracted alive.50 Although this story is too monstrous to deserve credence it is curious how the underlying idea of offering human sacrifice on the eve of important undertakings, hinted in the order Brahmanic literature, still lingered in the popular mind.51
In all the narrative passages in the canonical literature of the Jainas the constantly recurring formula about people performing domestic sacrifices, expiatory ceremonies, etc.,-ṇhāyākayavalikammā kayakouyamangalapāyachhitta- is used to describe the daily life of people who are not yet converted by Mahāvīra to the Nirgrantha doctrine or in respect of whom the question of conversion does not arise. All these persons, from princes to peasants, belonged apparently to the Brahmanical fold in the absence of any reference pointing to their adherence to any other creed.
Making a slight departure from the order we are following in our treatment of these various philosophical system, we shall take up at this stage some views which are associated with the Brahmanical fold.
Samkhya and Yoga
The world was created according to some by Iśvara; according to others this world with living beings and lifeless things with its variety of pleasure and pain was produced from pahāna (Pradhana). 52 The first of these two
50. Vip.S. 1.5.
51. Cf. Sat. Br. VI.ii.1.5.; XIII.vii.1.8
52. Sut.S. I.i.3.6.

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views is to be ascribed to the adherents of a theistic school, and the second to the Sāṁkhya system, or we may take them to refer to the theistic and atheistic followers of the Sāṁkhya philosophy.63
The attainment of perfection is possible, it has been maintained by some, 54 only by their method of religious life and not otherwise, and that even before the attainment of salvation they obtain power over others and possess everything to be wished for. Sīlānka thinks that the Saivas and Ekadaņdins are meant here. The possession even before emancipation is obtained, of everything to be wished for refers to the siddhis or supernatural powers with which we are familiar with in the later Yoga system of Patañjali. Perfection and freedom from disease are the aim of some 56 who are taken to be Saivas by Silāńka. A sound mind in a sound body seems to be their aim in common with Patañjali.
According to one school, when a man acts or causes another to act it is not his soul which acts or causes to act.57 Harşakula and Silānka ascribe this view to the adherents of the Sāṁkhya philosophy according to whom praksti acts while the puruşa looks on, and because the puruşa or the soul has no form and it is all-pervading it has no responsibility or agency. The doctrine of Pūraņa Kassapa, as stated in the Sāmaññaphala Sutta of the Buddhists upholds this view. He taught that when one acts or causes another to act or commits sins no guilt follows. By doing virtuous acts, by generosity or truthfulness no increase of merit follows. There is neither merit nor demerit. Buddhaghoşa says that Pūraņa Kassapa was a naked mendicant, but he is probably 53. See Jacobi, SBE. XIV, p. 244, n. 4. 54. Sat.S. I.i.3.14 55. They hold that emancipation is obtained by a knowledge
of the twenty-five principles, says Silanka. 56. Sut.S. I.i.3.15 57. Sut.S. I.i.1.13

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confusing him with Acelaka Kasspa, a different person. Kasspa's idea is that the soul is passive and not affected by good or bad deeds.58
Śāśvatavādins (Eternalists)
In the opinion of another philosopher59 the world is boundless and eternal and it exists from eternity and does not perish. Harşakula and Silanka say that the eternal aspect of the universe means, according to this view, that it has no destruction and that the natural order of things is immutably fixed-one who is a male now will ever be such hereafter, one who is a female will always continue to be such and so on.
Puranists
,60
Another philosopher says that the world is limited but eternal. This view is ascribed by Harşakula and Silanka to Vyasa, for Vyasa says that the world consists of seven islands.
The Upanisads
The view is said to be held by some fools that as the earth, though it is but one pile, presents many forms, so the intelligent principle, viz., the atman, appears under various forms as the universe.61 That the world is created is said to be an error committed by some philosophers.62
58. See Barua: A History of pre-Buddhistic Indian philosophy, p. 278. The Buddhist version is an exaggerated account of Kasspa's views. Although at first sight it appears like Nästika-vada, it is not so as a perusal of Ajita Kesakambali's views would show-Ajita's being true Nastikavāda.
59. Sut.S. I.i.4.6.
60. Sut.S. I.i.4.6.
61. Sut.S. I.i.1.9.
62. Sat.S. I.i.3.9. Cf Katha Up. II.v.9.12.

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The universe again is said by some Brāhmaṇas and Śramaņas to have been produced from the primeval egg and that He (Brahmā) created the things.63 Some say, 64 that the knowledge of the highest authority is unlimited. Harşakula and Milānka argue that that which has no limit in time and space is called unlimited by some teachers; but those who posses a knowledge of this unlimited by means of super-sensual vision do not thereby necessarily become omniscient. The meaning appears to be that the Vedāntin's idea of the Absolute is that it transcends knowledge and that one who knows the Absolute becomes, as it were, the Absolute himself, both the ideas being very frequent in the Upanişads. The Jainas however, contend that those who possess a knowledge of the Absolute as a transcendental Being do not thereby themselves become entitled to be called omniscient. The text goes on to say that the same philosopher holds that the knowledge is limited in every way. Harşakula and Sīlānka regard these two apparently contradictory views to belong to the same philosophers, and solve the difficulty by taking the latter view to allude to Brahma's sleep for a thousand years alternating with his wakefulness for another thousand years during which he is unconscious and conscious respectively and so the knowledge is both limited and unlimited. The context of the verse is that the Nirgrantha ascetics should know the ordinary views of the common people for some of them say things which are the outcome of a wrong understanding, and as an illustration mentions apparently contradictory views held by Vedāntins and Purānists.
In Adda's discussions one man appears and says that he and his predecessor (whom we have already identified as an adherent of Brahmanism) follow very much the same
63. Sūt.S. I.i.3.8. 64. Sut.S. I.i.4.7. 65. Sat.S. II. 6.46–47

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law, that they stand firm in it, and shall do so in the time to come; he says that he believes that virtue consists in good conduct and that knowledge is necessary for liberation that with regard to the circle of births there is no difference between them but that they assume an invisible, great, eternal, imperishable, and indestructible Soul who excels all other beings in every respect as the moon excels the stars. This is clearly the opinion of Vedānta, bu Śilanka ascribes this view to Ekadanḍins, and refers to their acarapradhanam. silam uktam yamaniyamalakṣaṇam which suggests Patanjali's system on Yoga. It would appear from this that the Saivas, Ekadaṇḍins, and Vedāntins held in the early days closely allied views.
In the Parable of the Lotus-pool one of the teachers states his doctrine in the following way." All things have the Self for their cause and their object. They are produced by the Self, manifested by the Self, intimately connected with the Self, and are bound in the Self. As for instance a tumour or a feeling of disposition is generated in, grows with, is no separate from, but is bound up with the body, so all things have the Self for their cause. Just as an anthill or a tree or a lotus springs up, grows in, is not separate from but bound up in the earth, or just as a mass of water or a water-bubble is produced in water, grows in water, and is not separate from water, so all things have the Self for their cause."
67
In the above statements the word which has been put into the mouth of the speaker to mean the Self is purisa (puruşa). But the same speaker has been described elsewhere as isarakāraṇiya (iśvarakāraṇika), one who holds Isvara the Supreme Soul as the cause of everything.
66. Sut.S. II. 1.26.27
67. Cf. Mundaka Up. II.i.9; Tait. Up. vi. III.i. Bṛhad. Up. II.i.20; III.vii.3-28.
68. Sut.S. II.1.25, 28

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We find thus that Iśvara and puruşa have been synonymously used in the same way as the Upanişads establish the identity of Brahman and the ātman.
III. ĀTMASASTHA-VĀDA According to one school there are five elements and the soul is a sixth substance; the soul and the world of five elements are eternal; these six substances do not perish either with or without a cause; the non-existent does not come into existence, and all things are eternal by their very nature.69 This is known as the “Doctrine of the soul as the sixth substance.” Parşakula includes the Sāṁkhyas and Vaiseşikas amongst its adherents, and Sīlāńka includes the Sāṁkhyas and Saivādhikārins who accept the authority of the Vedas." Silānka quotes many verses of the Bhagavadgitā to illustrate the philosophy of the indestructibility of the soul and the non-coming into existence of the non-existent. "If the non-existent came into existence,” remarks Sīlāňka, “it would make the growth of a horn possible to an ass." This doctrine of the eternal existence of the soul and the five elements, viz., earth, water, fire, air, and sky is a criticism of the Buddhist view that things are changing every moment without any cause, and of the Vaiseşika view that things are destructible just as a pitcher is destroyed if struck with a staff. The reply of this school is that a thing is not destroyed either with or without a cause, a pitcher smashed with a staff exists, lives and continues in the broken pieces, for out of that lump came its existence.
We have to compare in this connection the doctrine of Pakudha Kaccāyana stated in the Sāmaññaphala Sutta (Digha, II, p. 56). Pakudha held that seven things, viz.,
69. Sat.S. I.i.li 15-16. 70. In the Samkhya system there are other elements besides
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earth, water fire, air, ease, pain and the soul are neither made nor commanded to be made, are not created and are of a permanent existence. There is nothing called slayer or the slain. When one with a sharp sword cleaves a head in twain no one thereby deprives another of life, a sword has only penetrated into the interval between seven elementary substances.
IV. TAJJIVATACCHARIRA-VĀDA
The five gross elements are the original causes of things and from them arises another thing, viz., the soul. This is another philosophy well-known to the Jainas. The soul is a product of the elements and has no independent existence of its own. On the dissolution of the body of five elements a living being ceases to exist and nothing is left over." Everybody, fool or sage, has an individualjiva 'soul'. These souls exist as long as the body, but after death they are no more, there are no souls which are born again. There is neither virtue nor vice, there is no world beyond, and on the dissolution of the body the individual ceases to be.72
The Parable of the Lotus-pool explains the theory thus.73 Upwards from the soles of the fact, downwards from the tips of the hair on the head, within the skin's surface is what is called jiva or what is the same, atman. The whole soul lives; when the body is dead it does not live. It lasts as long as the body lasts, it does not outlast the destruction of the body. With the body ends life. Other men carry the corpse away to burn it. When it has been consumed by fire only dove coloured bones remain and the four bearers return to the village with the hearse. Therefore there is and exists no soul different from the
71. Sut.S.I.i.1.8 Jacobi has linked this verse with the following one. This is not justified, for the latter refers to Vedanta. 72. Sal.S.I.i.11.13.
73. Sut.S. II.i.15-17,19

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body. Those who say that the body is distinct from the soul cannot tell whether the soul is long or small, globular or circular, triangular or square, sexagonal or octagonal, black or blue, red or yellow or white, sweet or bitter, hard or soft, heavy or light, cold or hot. As a man draws a sword from the scabbard and shows the sword and the scabbard separately, as he draws a fibre from the muñja grass and shows the stalk and the fibre separately, or as he can take bone and flesh, butter and milk, oil and oil-cake, juice and sugarcane, and fire and araņi wood and show them separately, so no one can show the soul and the body separately and therefore no soul exists. Life ends here, as it naturally follows, and there is nothing beyond.
The discussion between king Payesi and Kesi, a young ascetic lucidly explains the logic on which this philosophy was based,74 the discussion as compressed is as follows:
Payesi : "Sir, is it your doctrine that the soul and body are two different things and not the same thing?"
Kesi : "O Payesi, it is the doctrine with us, the Nirgrantha ascetic that the soul and the body are two separate things and that they are not the same thing."
Payesi : “If, Sir, that is your doctrine then why does not my grandfather who was a tyrannical ruler and must have been reborn in the help for many of the sins committed by him, come and warn me, his favourite grandchild, against committing such sins? If he did then I would believe that his soul is still alive and that the soul and the body are separate things."
Kesi replied at length to the effect that if a person offended against his queen and if when Payesi seized the offender in order to punish him the latter wanted to be allowed to come away so that he might warn his relations against committing such acts lest they also be punished as he was, then would Payesi allow him to come away? Similar was the case with those suffering torments in hell,
74. Rāj. 65-71.

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SEN : SCHOOLS AND SECTS IN JAIN LITERATURE 97 they could not come away howsoever the might long for
Payesi : "I had a grandmother who was a very pious lady and must have been born in the heavens after death. If she would come and exhort me to righteousness then I would believe that the soul and the body are different things."
Kesi answered at length pointing out that as Payesi would not respond to another's call to come away while Payesi was entering a temple properly sanctified, through fear lest he be defiled so also his grandmother too would not come.
Payesi : "Once while I was seated in my outer hall of audience surrounded by many chiefs, my Prefect of the Police brought a thief in chains whom I ordered to be put alive in an iron vessel which was hermetically sealed and guards were placed around it. Then after some days I went to the iron vessel, caused it to be unsealed and myself looked for the soul of that thief. If there were holes in the vessel I would have believed that the soul had escaped but as there were none therefore no soul exists apart from the body."
Kesi answered that just as if a man took a trumpet inside a house, closed every opening carefully, and then sounded the trumpet it would be heard outside although there was no apparent outlet, so the soul also could penctrate through earth, stone, etc.
Payesi : "Once I cut into pieces a thief, and put the body inside a closely guarded hermetically sealed iron vessel. Opening it after some time I found countless number of worms. Because these living worms originated out of the dead body - for there was no opening for them to enter — my doctrine is sound that the soul and the body are not different things."
Kesi replied that the king must have had occasion sometime or other to watch the heating of iron and he must have then seen how it became red-hot. There were

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no opening in the iron through which the fire could have entered, and in the same manner the soul of the dead man had gone out and the souls of the worms had entered the iron vessel unperceived by the senses.
Payesi then argued that the decay of the body in old age showed there was no permanent underlying jīva, to which it was said in reply that the body was merely the material which was liable to decay without effecting any changes or decay in the underlying energy of the jiva. He then argued that he once killed a robber weighing him immediately before and after his death and found no difference between the two weights. If the robber had a soul different from the body there would certainly have been some difference in his weight before and after the soul left the body. Again he argued that he cut into many pieces a robber, looked very closely into it for a soul but found it nowhere. Kesi replied that the weight and form of the soul were not perceptible by the ordinary organs of sense.
V. NĀSTIKA-VĀDA The philosophy of the Nāstikas or those who deny the existence of the soul was well-known to the Jainas. There is a reference to those who ignore and deny the tenets of the Nirgranthas,75 which Śīlānka understands as an allusion to the Buddhists and the followers of Bphaspati, the latter being a well-known school of Nāstikas.
A more precise reference speaks of those that profess exclusive belief in the five gross elements, viz., earth, water, fire, air and sky. These five are all that exist and there is nothing in addition to these.78 This ultramaterialistic view is in line with Cārvāka's famous doctrine of the non-existence of the soul or God or a life
75. Sut.S. I.i.1.6 76. Sat.S. I.i.1.7.

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hereafter. Silānka quotes the notorious statement attributes to Cārvāka wherein the latter holds that there is nothing beyond what is perceived by the senses, the past never returns, there is no karman or its effects, the dead never comes back, there is no future life and that the body is but the fortuitous combination of the elements.
The Parable of the Lotus-pool states the doctrine in the following manner :
There are only the five elements through which is explained whether an action is good or bad. The five elements are not created, directly or indirectly, nor made; they are neither effects nor products, they are without beginning and end, they always produce effects, are independent of a directing cause, they are eternal. What is does not perish, from nothing nothing comes. All living beings, all things, the whole world consists of nothing but these five elements. They are the primary cause of the world even down to a blade of the grass. A man buys or causes to buy, kills or causes to kill, cooks and causes to cook, he may even sell and kill a man- and even then he does not do any wrong.”
In the Sāmaññaphala Sutta of the Buddhists the doctrines said to belong to Ajita Kesakambali are an echo of Nāstika -vāda. Ajita taught that there is no such thing as alms or sacrifice or offering. There is neither fruit nor result of good or evil deeds. There is no such thing as this world or the next. After death the elements constituting the body return to the elements. On the dissolution of the body everyone is cut off, annihilated and after death there is nothing. 78 77. Sat.S. II.1.21-24 78. Barua : A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy,
p. 293, points out that Ajita's views were not materialistic in the gross sense in which they were understood by Mahavira and Buddha, but what he really meant was a protest against the view the soul and body were entirely separated.

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This doctrine is also called Lokāyata-vāda. Tajjivataccharīra-vāda held practically the same view with Nāstika-vāda only with this difference that while the latter deny altogether the existence of the soul the former admit it, but the logical end of both the views would be exactly the same.
VI. BUDDHISM A heretic says in connection with the use of water for various purposes that it is justified on the ground of his having permission to drink it or take it for toilet purposes. 79 Šilānka takes these heretics to be Buddhists. This can be accepted without objection for we know that Buddha declared that no sin was committed by drinking water and he permitted bath and washing to his ascetic disciples. 80
The Nirgranthas looked upon the Ājiviyas as their worst opponents but if facts are considered they suffered most at the hand of the Buddhists in later times. Buddha was a junior contemporary of Mahāvīra, and had therefore greater need and occasion for counteracting and criticising the creed of the latter than Mahāvīra had of fighting with the doctrines of a junior. The rivalry of the two sects grew stronger after Mahāvīra's death. These facts account to some extent for the comparatively scantier mention and criticism of Buddhistic doctrines in the literature of the Jainas than what would normally be expected of the two chief sects of the time.
With regard to the suffering of cold by renouncing clothes and fire some heretical monks, are reported to say that they would put on more clothes and by kindling a fire they would be able to bear the very painful influence of the cold.81 This may be regarded as applying to me
73. Ācār. S. I.i.3.7. 80. Cf. Mahāvagga 1.25.12 5.13.7 81. Acār. S. I.vii.2.14.

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Buddhists for they were certainly not indifferent to unnecessary suffering. We cannot of course be absolutely certain, for Brahmanical ascetics would also light a fire and take clothings for protection from cold.
The doctrine of five skandhas of momentary existence has been ascribed to "some fools." They are said not to admit that the soul is different from, nor identical with the elements, that it is produced from a cause (the elements), nor that it is without a cause, i.e., that it is eternal.82 This is a clear reference to the Buddhists with their rupa, sedanā, vijñana, samjñā and samskāra skandhas. The existence of a soul in the popular sense of the term apart from the five skandhas was denied by Buddha.
Earth, water, fire, and air, these four dhātus are said to combine to form the body according to the Jāņakas (jñānins). Harşakula explains Jāņakas as paņditammanyā Bauddhāḥ. A variant in the text reads yāvare (ca + apare) for Jāņayā, and this also has been explained as referring to the Buddhists. Jacobi thinks 84 that the word, Jāņaya, may be derived from yāna ‘vehicle', which the Buddhists used to designate the two sections of the church, viz., the Hinayāna and the Mahāyāna. Against this may be pointed out that the Buddhist used the word in respect of themselves only after the great schism arose among them, whereas the present statement appears to be older in age. However all opinion is agreed in understanding this passage to be a reference to the Buddhists.
The Akriyāvādins who deny karman and do not admit that the action of the soul is transmitted to the future moments are understood by Śīlānka to refer to the
82. Sat. S. I.i.1.17. 83. Sut.S. I.i.1.18. 84. SBE. xlv. p. 238, n.4. 85. Sut. S. I.xii.4.

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Buddhists. The doctrine that everything has but a momentary existence and that there is no continuous identity of existence between a thing as it is now and as it will be in the next moment is one of the Buddhist theories. The Buddhists are included among Akriyāvādins by the Nirgranthas because by not admitting the existence ofjiva they were considered to deny karman as well. Jacobi takes this to refer to Sāṁkhya, because according to it the puruşa does not act.86 We shall have to treat of Akriyāvāda at greater length later on, but in connection with the present verse it has to be pointed out that although this verse and the one following have been commented upon by Silānka at great length as applying to the Buddhists, yet we must widen the limits of Akriyāvāda beyond Buddhist doctrine.
In the discussions of Adda one man appears and says87 that if one pierces a lump of oil-cake with a spit mistaking it for a man, or a gourd mistaking it for a baby, and roasts it one will be guilty of murder according to his views. If a savage puts a man on a spit and roasts him mistaking him for a lump of oil-cake, or a baby mistaking it for a gourd, he will not be guilty of murder. If anybody thrusts a spit through a man or a baby mistaking him or it for a lump of oil-cake, puts him or it on the fire and roasts, that will be a meal fit for the Buddhas to break fast upon.88 Those who always feed two thousand worthy monks, says this man to Adda, acquire great merit and become powerful gods in Arūpadhātu. This is an account, although exaggerated, of the Buddhist view that motive determines
86. SBE. xlv., p. 316, n. 3. 87. Sat. S. II.6.26-29. 88. Buddhāna tam kappati päraņāya Harşakula explains
buddhānam as sākyanām, while Śılānka says Buddhānām api bhojanāya yogyam bhavati, which shows he took it to mean 'for the Buddhas.' 'Buddha' was used by Jains and Buddhists alike to denote their master and in itself is not sufficient to indicate its applicability to the latter.

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whether an act is sinful or not. If the state of mind was murderous it was a sin even though the act committed in execution of this intention did no actually result in the loss of life; again, no sin is committed by the accidental killing of life when the act intended was not murder. It has to be taken as an echo of Buddha's statement that the state of mind accompanying an act was more important than the actual of the act. 89 The Arūpadhātu is the highest heaven of the Buddhists. The combination of all this is sufficient to establish its reference to the Buddhists.
Another verse credits some with holding that salvation which was a pleasant thing was produced by enjoying pleasures.* Harşakula and Silānka take it to refer to the Buddhists and quote many passages in support of their identification :
sarvāṇi sattvāni sukhe ratāni, sarvāṇi duḥkhāc ca
samudvijanti / tasmāt sukhārthi sukham eva dadyāt sukhapradātā
labhate sukhāni ||
All beings seek happiness and turn away from suffering; therefore the seeker of happiness should give happiness, for the giver of happiness obtains happiness.
maņuņņam bhoyaņam bhoccă maņuņņam
sayaņāsanam / maņuņņamsi agāramsi maņuņāam jhāyae munia ||
Having enjoyed a pleasant dinner, a pleasant bed and seat, a saint dwells in a pleasant adobe and meditates pleasantly.
89. Cf. Buddha's conversation with Digha Tapassi a Nirgrantha
ascetic and with Upāli, a lay disciple of Mahāvīra and
Upali's conversion in Upali Sutta. 90. Sat.S.I.ji.4.6.

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msdvi sayyā prātarutthāya peyā, bhuktam madhye
pānakam cāparāhne / drākşākhaņdam sarkarā cārdharitra mokşascānte
Sākyaputreņa drstaḥ ||
A soft bed, drinks in the morning, dinner at midday, drinks in the afternoon, and grapes and sugar at night - these have been laid down by Sākhyaputra as leading to salvation.
These are supposed to be drawn from works of the Buddhists themselves explaining their faith or from the writing of others professing to explain it. It is quite clear that as a matter of fact they are taken from the writings of hostile critics and from satires on the teachings of Buddha. Harşakula thinks that the verse in the text might refer to svatirthyas, some members of the same order as the speaker's, i.e., the Nirgranthas. The events of later days led the commentators, one feels constrained to say, to fasten every possible adverse criticism on to the Buddhists to make up, as it were, for the dearth of antiBuddhist statements in the texts. The present instance is a very strained attempt to drag in the Buddhists. Both in this verse as well as in another. 91 Harşakula is undecided about its exact application and names several possible alternatives. The truth probably is that the allusion was to a distinct view which held that like is produced by like and therefore mokşa being an agreeable thing is obtained by living an agreeable and comfortable life. This is the view held by the Tāntrikas.92 The Sātavādins also held the same view.93
91. Sut. S. I.üi.4.10 92. See, Cittavisuddhiprakaraņa attributed to Aryadeva,
JASB, Ixvii, 1898, p. 175, and Subhāşitasamgraha, p. 37. I am indebted to Pandit Vidhushekhar Bhattacharya for
these references. 93. This has been discussed later.

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The doctrine of Buddha has been included among those false beliefs which are the products of wrong knowledge. 94
VII. MINOR SCHOOLS A school of philosophers thought that ajīva performed sammattakiriyam (samyaktvakriyā) right conduct and micchattakiriyam (mithyātvakriyā) wrong conduct at the same time, i.e., while it performed right conduct at the same time it performed wrong conduct also, and while it performed wrong conduct it performed also right conduct at the same time.95 Malayagiri, the commentator, says that it is the doctrine of Caraka. Gunaratna says that Caraka represented a school of Sămkhya.96
Another view held by some was to the effect that there was no harm in enjoying the pleasures of the senses for it gave relief to the enjoyer without causing harm to any one else, just as the squeezing of a blister or boil gave relief and has no dangerous consequences. A ram drinks the quiet water which gives it relief. If this harmed the ram we could have said that the act was harmful but as it did not there is surely no harm in it."97 In the identification of the upholder of this view. Harşakula has the same doubts which he had with regard to Sātavādins mentioned above.
According to another school it is not only the soul which does not exist but nothing exists. Everything is mere appearance, a mirage, an illusion, a dream or phantasy. There rises no sun nor does it set; there waxes no moon nor does it wane; there are no rivers running nor any wind blowing; the whole world is unreal.98 The Mādhyamika
94. Anu. 40; Nandi 42 95. Jivā S. 3. 104. 96. Tarkarahasyadtpika, a commentary on şaddarsana
samuccaya, p. 31. 97. Sat.S. I.üi. 4.10-12. 98. Sat.S. I.xü.7.

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school of the Buddhists and the popular Māyāvāda which arose as an offshoot of Vedānta owe their origin probably to this school which is met here in the literature of the Jainas for the first time in the history of Indian philosophical thought.
In Sāvatthi there were two rival schools who disputed the point whether knowledge was superior to conduct or conduct was superior to knowledge." Abhayadeva, the commentator, quotes some of their views, e.g., :
kriyaiva phaladā puṁsāṁ na jñānaṁ phaladaṁ matam / yataḥ stribhakşyabhogajño na jñānāt sukhito bhavet //
Conduct always bears fruit, not so knowledge — just as one having merely the knowledge of enjoyment of women does not thereby become happy.
jahā kharo candanabhāravāhi bhārassa bhāgi na hu candaņssa / evaṁ khu nāņi caraneņa hiņo nānassa bhägi na hu sogate 11
As ass carrying a load of sandalwood carries only a load but does not enjoy the sandalwood, so the man possessing knowledge but devoid of conduct enjoys his knowledge but does not obtain progress.
The supporters of knowledge on the other hand said: vijñaptiḥ phaladā puṁsāṁ na kriya phaladă mată / mithyājñānāt pravsttasya phalāsasvādadarśanāt //
It is knowledge which bears fruit, not so conduct, for wrong knowledge does not produce the desired result.
padhamaṁ nāņam tao dayā evaṁ citthai savvasaṁjae annāņi kiṁ kāhī vā nāhi cheyapāvayas. //
First comes knowledge, then charity - thus are constituted all those who are restrained : one lacking in knowledge knows not what to do or what to know, and whether one is wise or a sinner. (Taken from Schools and Sects in Jain Literature, VisvaBharati, Santiniketan, 1931).
99. Bhag. S. S. 10.354.

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THE FOURTEEN GUŅASTHĀNAS
HELMUTH VON GLASENAPP
Fourteen stages, i.e. the Guņasthānas, from the condition of complete dependence upon the Karma to the complete detachment from it can be distinguished. They are classified in a logical manner, according to the principle of decreasing iniquitousness and of increasing purity, and not in chronological order in which they could pass. For relapses are possible in the case of every soul; they can throw it down from the ascended stages and withdraw completely or partially the development made so far. This can be understood better when it is considered that the stay in many Guņasthānas lasts for only few minutes so that it is quite possible that someone finds himself in the morning on a high stage, but falls down from it during noon and again climbs to it in the evening. But apart from the possibility of a relapse, it would be impossible to go through all the 14 stages one after the other because a direct transition from the first stage to the second is out of question and the 11th stage is not directly passed before the 12th to the 14th.
I shall give below the individual Guņasthānas in the usual order and give a brief discription of each of them : 1. Mithyāděşti-gunasthāna. This stage is characterized
by complete heterodoxy. Many souls, i.e. all those which are not capable of redumption, never come out of this stage. This applies also to those which are born as fully developed. irrational animals having 1 to 5 senses, as long as their existence lasts in this class of beings. Others are elevated from here, and mostly directly up to the fourth Guņasthāna, but they can descend again to this stage and stay here for a

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while which would be minimally a fraction of a Muhurta and maximally somewhat lesser than 1/2 Pudgala-parävarta.
2. Sāsvādana-samyagdṛṣṭi-gunasthāna, a stage in which there is a "taste of the right faith". Beings who had the "Aupaśamika-faith" for a fraction of a Muhurta but had lost it as a result of the eruption of life-long passions, are in this stage lasting only for one Samaya and at the most for 6 Avalikās. Accordingly, it is a condition lasting only for a short period; it lies between the satge in which heterodoxy was suppressed (like the 4th) and on the lowest when it has full force. The soul returns to the first Guņasthāna after the expiry of this period. All the rational beings with five senses as also undeveloped animals of every type can be Sāsvādanas. 3. Samyagmithyādṛṣṭi-guṇasthāna, a stage of "mixed faith." This stage in which the developed rational beings of all types can be found lasts only for a fraction of a Muhurta; once the period is over, the soul obtains right or false faith as the conditions permit. Jivas falling from the 4th stage normally pass through this Guņasthāna.
4. Avirata-samyagdṛṣṭi-guṇasthāna. Beings found in this stage i.e. rational beings of all types having five senses, have right faith but having still no selfdiscipline. Here a methodical suppression or destruction of the Karma can be begun on one of the two Śreņis. The duration of this Guņasthāna is a fraction of a Muhurta, and at least 33 Sagaropamas and a little more (i.e. the highest period of life of gods and beings in hell which can be found in this stage) at the most.
5. Desavirata-samyagdṛti-guṇasthāna. In this the right faith and partially the self-discipline is present. This stage, which in contrast to the preceding one is not open to gods and beings from hell, but only to the

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fully developed rational animals and human beings, lasts at the most somewhat lesser than a Pūrvakoti, and at least a fraction of a Muhūrta. The beings in this stage are either without a Śreņi or they begin
one of the Śreņīs, respectively are in one of them. 6. Pramatta-samyata-gunasthāna. A complete self
discipline is achieved in this stage which is, like the following, accessible only to human beings. But if it has arisen out of flared-up passions, sleep, etc. it is disturbed by negligence (Pramāda). A transcendent knowledge of the thoughts of others can appear from this Gunasthāna onwards. The duration of the stay in this stage is minimally 1 Samaya, maximally 1 Muhurta. If someone dies after 1 Samaya, he becomes Avirata (4th stage); if someone dies after a Muhūrta is almost over, he becomes Deśavirata (5th stage). If the Muhūrta is over without any incident, the soul comes into the following, 7th stage in which it says through a fraction of a Muhūrta to return again to the Pramatta-gunasthāna, after which the process begins anew. This oscillation between the 6th and the 7th Gunasthāna lasts at the most somewhat less than a Pūrvakoti. This concerns ascetics who have not ascended any Śreņi; if such is ascended or carried further, this sort of oscillation does not take place. It is characteristic of this stage that the body
of transference is developed only in it. 7. Apraiatta-saħyata-guņasthāna. Complete self
discipline whithout negligence is available in this stage. It lasts for 1 Samaya to 1 Muhurta. The soul in this Gunasthāna do not have any of the 6 Leśyās, like those of the preceding one, but only one of the
three highest. 8. Apūrva-karana-gunasthāna. This stage, like the
following one, is accessible only to a soul which is in a Sreņā; only the white Leśyā occurs now onwards. The process called Apūrva-karaṇa is carried out in

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it; the thoughts to which the one who is accomplishing it abandons himself in his meditation, fill him with joys which he had never known before. One who is in an Upaśama-śreņi stays in this stage at least 1 Samaya and at the most 1 Muhūrta, and the ore in
the Kşapaka-śrenī the whole period of a Muhurta. 9. Anivstti-bādara-samparāya-gunasthāna. Here the soul
in the Upaśama-or Kşapaka-śreņi accomplishes a process called "Anivstti-karaņa". The former stays here at least for 1 Samaya, and at the most the duration of a Muhurta, the latter for a period of the duration of a Muhurta. It is characteristic of this stage that the so-called 6 "non-passions" do not appear any more in this stage, but the 4 flaring-up
passions do occur. 10. Sūkşma-samparāya-gunasthāna. The three passions:
anger, pride, deceit do not appear in this stage as also libido, but the flaring-up greed appears to a negligible extent. The stay in this Gunasthāna is 1 Samaya to 1 Muhurta in Upasama and the duration
of a Muhūrta in Kșapaka. 11. Upaśānta-kaşāya-vītarāga-chadmastha-gunasthāna.
This is the highest stage that can be reached in the Upaśamaśreņi. Here all the passions are suppressed. This lasts at least for 1 Samaya and at the most for the duration of a Muhurta. The soul falls down from the Upaśamaśreņi after this and comes to one of the
lower Gunasthānas. 12. Kşīņa-kaşāya-vītarāga-chadmastha-gunasthāna. This
stage like all the following ones is attained by only the souls which have destroyed all the passions in the Ksapaka-sreņi. When in the last Samaya whatever greed that is left over has been destroyed, the Kşapaka (who thus jumps the 11th Gunasthāna!) is in this stage where he remains for the duration of a Muhurta. He remains bound now an only the momentary Karma. In the last Samaya of his stay

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all the Karmas which restricted his knowledge, his seeing and his energy, disappear.
13. Sayogi-kevali-guṇasthāna. The saint is a Kevali, an omniscient one, in this stage. If there is an unusual case that he had got the "Tirthankara-karma" in the earlier existences, then this is realized here; he then becomes a Tirthankara, a founder or a restorer of the Jainachurch. The Sayogi-kevali knows everything, sees everything, is capable of everything, yet he has a body and a certain activity which is conditioned by matter, and a number of Karmas obtained earlier are produced in him; but as soon as the Karmas determining the quantum of life (Āyus) are exhausted, he annihilates all these. Accordingly, the Sayogi-condition lasts minimum for a duration of a Muhurta and maximum somewhat less than a Purvakoți. The moment the period given to it ends, the saint sinks into deep meditation and then ceases the cruder and finer activity of the mind, speech and body.
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14. Ayogi-kevali-guṇasthāna. The saint has no activity (Yoga) and Lesya in this transitory stage comprising only a period of a Muhurta.
Then he enters the Sailesi-condition as long as one needs to express 5 short syllables (a, i, u, ri, li). Gone into meditation he destroys then the rest of the Karmas which still exist. He has thus become free from every thing that is material-he is redeemed.
[Extracted from Helmuth von Glasenapp's Der Jainismus translated by S.B. Shroti, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1999].

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RŞABHADEVA
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE
Ādinātha or Rşabhadeva occupies a unique position in the annals of Jaina Hagiology. He was the first Tīrthankara and possessed perfect knowledge (kevalajñāna). According to the tradition there were no less than 84,000 Prakirņakas of each one of the pupils of Rşabha. The name Rşabha is found in the Rgveda (III. 13, 14, IX. 71). There it is said that Rşabha is the son of Viśvāmitra (Rşabha Vaiśvāmitra-Viśvāmitraputrah Rşabhah rşih). In another context of the Rgveda (X. 166) he is called Vairāja or Sākvara (Rşabha vairājo vā Ķşabhaḥ Sākvaraḥ). We do not know anything more than this about Vedic Rşabha. Sāyaṇa in the 14th cent. A.D. could not supply us any more information about Rşabha. However, at a later time in the Lankāvatāra-sūtra (Ch. X), the name Rşabha is mentioned along with Vyāsa, Kanāda, Kapila and others.
Rşabhadeva' or Rşabhanātha, also called Ādinātha, was the son of king Nabhi and queen Marudevi of the Ikşāku race. He is variously called as Vrşabhanātha, Adīśvara, Yugādijina, Yugadisā, Nabhaya and Kausalika. He is also called Marudeva as the son of Marudeví. As he is the first in Jaina Hagiology, he is probably called Ādinātha or Ādīśvara; as he has the bull (urşabha) as his ciņha or cognizance, he is called Vrşabha. Rşabhanātha is a variant of Rşabhadeva. Other names are mostly honorific. He is mostly adorned by the names of Ādinātha and Rşabhadeva in later literature and Jain temples. He
1. James Burgess, The Temples of Satruñjaya, Jain Bhawan,
Calcutta, 1977, p. 5.

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is represented as of golden or yellow complexion and the bull for his cognizance. In Somadeva's Yaśastilaka (10th cent. A.D.) "there are representations of most of the dreams of Rşabha Jina's mother, e.g., the Airāvata elephant, a bull, a lion, the goddess Lakşmi, the sun and the moon, a lotus pool, the ocean, flames, a heap of jewels, and an aerial car" (samnihitairāvatā.....äsina-saurabheyā.... nilinopakantha-kanthiravā...ramopa-sobhitā...etc.).? According to the commentator of Kalpa-sūtra, he was born at Vinītā (i.e. Ayodhyā) in the country of Kosala towards the end of the dvāpara age. Some say he was born in Kashmir.3
"He was the first king (prathama rājā), first anchorite (prathama bhikṣākara) and first saint (prathama jina) and prathama tīrthankara. His stature was 500 poles (dhanus)."4
He was married to Sumangalā and Sunandā. He had turns by each of his wives. Sunandā gave birth to a son Bāhubali (some say Gommala is another name of Bahubali) and a daughter Sundari, and Sumangalā gave birth to a son Bharata and a daughter Brāhmi. From the descendants of Bharata and Bāhubali the Surya and the Candra dynasties originated respectively, and the name of the country became Bhārata. Both Bharata and Bāhubali, though sons of Rşabha, the first Tīrthankara, were engaged in war for some years, and the incident is described in Vajrasena's Bharateśvara-Bāhubali-ghora (1170 A.D.) and sālibhadra's Bharateśvara-Bahubali-rāsa (1185 A.D.).
2. K.K. Handique, Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, Sholhapur,
1949, p. 121. 3. Burgess, ibid., p. 5. 4. Ibid., p. 5. 5. Winternitz, ibid., p. 585. 6. Majumdar, The Struggle for Empire, Vol. V, Bombay, 1957,
p. 393f.

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Tradition says that Ṛşabha became a king at the very young age (purva varṣa). He reigned for many years, then resigned for his sons. Having spent many years, he attained nirvāņa on a mountain named Aşṭapada which, Hemacandra says, is the same as Kailāśa. Tradition further says that he was the first who laid the foundation of Jaina religion.
Vacaspati' says in his Nyaya-värttika-tātparya-ṭīkā that Buddha and Rṣabha are the authors of the Buddhist and Jaina Agama texts respectively. Hemacandra in his Laghvartha-niti says that Rṣabha is the creator of rājanīti.
According to the Jaina tradition (also corroborated by the non-Jain sources, such as, Bhāgavata-skanda V, Vāyupurāṇa, Viṣṇupurāṇa), it is mentioned that the doctrine of ahimsa was first preached by Ṛṣabha. According to them, Rṣabha's period represents a complete change of world conditions. Prior to this, the country was called Bhogabhūmi (land of enjoyment') where people were satisfied of all their wants by the mere wish through the help of the traditional kalpavṛkşa. During the time of Rşabha these happy conditions completely disappeared and the people were in perplexity as to the way of life which they were expected to carry on with. Then they all went to Ṛṣabha praying for help. He is said to have consoled them by showing the way of life. And through his people, he established a sort of social organisation by dividing his society into agriculturists, traders and soldiers. After ruling over his kingdom for several years, he abdicated his throne in favour of his son Bharata and went into the forest to perform penance. After the practice of penance for several years he attained kevala-jñāna (omniscience). Then he went about from place to place preaching his ahimsa religion to the people of the land, so
7. Burgess, ibid., p. 5.
8. K.K. Handique, ibid., p. 227.
9. Majumdar, ibid., p. 270.

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that they might have also spiritual relief. The idea of ahimsā might not have developed fully at that time, as it was at the time of Mahāvīra, or that idea of ahimsa was perhaps on a par with the Vedic idea of ahimsa, but the doctrine of ahimsa, as it is today among the Jains, owes its origin to as far back as that.
Adinatha or Ṛṣabhadeva is highly adorned by the Jains throughout the ages. The life of Ṛṣabha or Adinatha has also been written by many Jain writers. In Vimala Suri's Paümacariyam, composed during 530 years after the demise of Mahāvīra (C XVIII. 103), the history of Rṣabha is given (III. 18).10 In Ravisena's Padma-purāṇa written in Sanskrit in 678 A.D. the glorification of the first Tirthankara is given. In Haribhadra's commentary on the Avasyaka-niryukti, the story of Rsabha is fully narrated. Dhanapala, Sobhana's brother, composed Ṛṣabhapañcāśikā in 50 stanzas. This poem is divided into two sections section one containing the first 20 verses gives allusions to events in the life of Rṣabha, while the second section is exclusively devoted to the praise of Rṣabha. In the Adi-purana of Jinasena (9th-10th cent. A.D.) the story of Ṛsabha is told. In the Satruñjaya-Māhātmya of Dhanesvara (end of 11th cent. or 1100 A.D.), the story of the first Jina Ṛsabha is given. In the first parvan of Hemacandra's (1088-1172 A.D.) Triṣaṣṭi-śalākā-puruṣacarita, the previous existence of the first Tirthankara, Ṛşabhadeva, is narrated. Abhayacandra (11th cent. A.D.) at the request of the minister Padma wrote the Padmanatha-Mahākāvya where the author intended to give the lives of all 23 Jinas. But he actually describes only the life of Rṣabha, the first Tirthankara, in 19 cantos. Vardhamana wrote his Ādinātha-carita in 1103 A.D. to describe the life of Rsabha. It has 11000 gāthās. Merutunga (1306 A.D.) in his Mahapuruşa-carita has also
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10. See Winternitz, ibid., p. 490, 494, 481, 498, 553f, 503, 506, 517, 548.

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given the life story of Rşabha. At a festival in a temple of Rşabha (which was erected by two contemporaries of the Cāhamāna prince Samarasimha in about 1185 A.D.), the drama Prabuddha-Rauhiņeya by Rāmabhadra Muni (prob. 12th cent. A.D.) was performed. It is generally seen that the life-story of Rşabha is told in the introductory section of the Rāma Epics.
Rşabhadeva has also been worshipped through the ages. A temple of Rşabhanātha was erected at Anahilavāda by a merchant prince Ninnaya by name sometime in the 8th-9th centuries A.D. In the tenth century A.D. there were many Jaina temples at Khajuraho. In Cunningham's list at No. 26, there is an ancient temple called Setnāth which is most probably from the original name of Ādinātha, 14 feet in height, at No. 27 in his list. There is yet another small ancient Jaina temple now dedicated to Ādinātha. Sometime in the 11th cent. A.D. the Jaina Vimala Sāha was appointed Governor of Abu under Bhima I of Gujarat. In 1031 A.D. Vimala Sāha built a marble temple of Adinātha at Delwara on Mount Abu. At the village of Sandhārā, near Bhanpurā, two Jain temples were dedicated to Adinātha and belonged to the Digambara community. Regular worship is carried on these two temples."
Some pieces of information on Ādinātha temple pertaining to Bengal are mentioned below :
Temples / mandirs
1. Deuli-Adinātha temple, almost dilapidated. 2. Arsha (Boran Police St.) in Purulia-Rşabha.
Status 3. Jhalda (10th cent. A.D.) with inscription. The term
Śrāvaka is used. 11. Majumdar, ibid., p. 535f.

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4. Purulia Dt.
i) Sufaran ii) Suisā iii) Haraktore iv) Pakbirla (Rşabha) v) Telkupi in Cheliāmā
vi) Lālgarḥ near Cheliāmā 5. Bankura
i) Deul Bhiļā (Indpur = Īdpur) ii) Dharapāt.
iii) Gobindanagar, P.S. Jaypur. 6. Malda Dist.
i) Ādinātha Statue near Pandua (9th - 10th
cent. A.D.) with inscription pub. by Asoke Bhattacharya in the Asiatic Society's
Journal, Vol. No. 52/53. 7. West Dinajpur
i) Surāhār-Ādinātha temple 8. Sundarban area
i) Rşabhanātha statue.

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ANEKĀNTAVĀDA AND LANGUAGE*
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE
1. Anekānta
The Jaina theory of anekāntavāda is a distinctive contribution to Indian philosophical thought. It examines the manysidedness of Reality or manifoldness of Truth. It is virtually connected with the examination of Reality. Reality, according to the Jains, is permanent in the midst of changes. As anekānta basically determines the nature of Reality, let us define first what Reality is. Reality, according to Umāsvāti, is described as
utpāda-vyaya-dhrauvya-yuktar sat (TS. V. 30)
"Existence is characterised by origination, disappearance (destruction) and permanence" (S.A. Jain).
It is a permanent reality in the midst of change of appearance and disappearance. This conception of Reality is peculiar to Jainism. As existing reality in order to maintain its permanent and continued process must necessarily undergo change in the form of appearance and disappearance, it seems to us a paradox at the beginning. But a closer analysis and minute observation will help us to appreciate the significance of this description of Reality. For example, let us look at the seed of a plant. When the seed is planted in the soil it must necessarily break the shell and sprout out. This is the first step in its attempt to grow. Then the sprouting seed further undergoes change and some portion of it comes out seeking the sunlight and another goes down into the soil, will undergo
A lecture delivered on the 24th May 2002 at India International Centre, New Delhi, organised by Jain Vishva Bharati Institute. Ladnun, Rajasthan.

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enormous changes into the root system. Similarly, the portion that sprouts up into the air and sunlight will also undergo enormous changes of sprouting out in tendrils and leaves finally resulting in branches and stem of the plant all engaged in the task of procuring nourishment with the help of sunlight. At every stage thus we find change, the old leaves being shed off and the new sprouts coming in. This seems to be the general law of Nature. The life of the seed does never die, it lives even though it is being constantly changed and this is what is sat.
What is true of a plant, is also true with regard to the basic or fundamental things of Nature. The Jain conception of Reality is different from the other Indian philosophers. Some philosophers would only emphasize change alone as the characteristic of Reality. The onesided emphasis either on permanency or change is rejected by Jain thinkers. They consider this system as anekānta, a system which clings to a partial aspect of Reality. So the Jains call their own system as anekāntavāda, i.e., a system of philosophy which maintains that Reality has multifarious aspects and that a complete comprehension of such a nature must necessarily take into consideration all the different aspects through which Reality manifests itself. Hence the Jaina Darśana is also called anekantavāda often translated as "Indefiniteness of Being". It tells us that any material thing continues forever to exist as matter, and this may assume any shape and quality. Thus mṛttikā (clay) as a substance may be regarded as permanent, but the form of a jar of clay (ghaṭa-paṭādi) or its colour, may come into existence and perish.
That a substance may assume different forms is illustrated by two verses from the Aptamimaṁsā (also quoted by Mallişeņa in his Syadvādamañjarī). The verse relates the story of a certain king who had a son and a daughter. Out of gold, the daughter got a jar made of gold, whereas the prince got a crown also made of gold. This act of the king displeased the daughter, whereas the prince
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was pleased; but the king was neutral being the possessor of so much gold whether in the form of a jar or of a crown. The verse in question runs thus:
ghața - mauli - suvarņārthi nāšotpāda - sthitişvayam/ śoka - pramoda - mādhyasthyam jano yāti sahetukamll
[Apt. Mi. 59] Similary, to illustrate utpāda, vināśa and dhrauvya, there is another story which says
payovrato na dadhyatti na payo' tti dadhivratah/ agorasavrato nobhe tasmād vastu trayātmakam//
[Apt. Mi. 60) The verse says that "he who has vowed to live on milk does not take curds; he who has vowed to live on curds does not take milk; he who has vowed to live on food other than those supplied by a cow takes neither milk nor curds" - so a substance has three qualities.
So Anekāntavāda describes the nature of a substance (dravya). Anta means pakşa, or koți or dharma, another side of a substance. In analysing a substance, it is observed that it has, at least, two aspects. In one sense a permanent substance is an anta (one side) and anityatva is also an anta (another side). Nāgārjuna in his Mādhyamika-kārikā saysastiti nāstīti, ubhe'pi antā śuddhi aśuddhīti ime'pi
antā tasmād ubhe ante vivarjayitvā madhye' pi sthānań
prakaroti panditah// In his opinion, existence and non-existence, purity and impurity all are distinctive features of a substance. And this is anta or dharma.
From the above it can be said that in ananekāntavāda, the nature of contradictory features of a substance is described. If there is no mutual contradictory features, then it is not described by anta. In the Upanişad, a substance is considered as only permanent, the Buddhists consider the existence of a substance as transitory. But only the Jains think that a substance (dravya) is both

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permanent and transitory. When it is nitya (permanent), it is a dravya (substance), and when it is anitya (transitory), it is called paryāya. The description of a substance in the form of dravya and paryāya is the basic tenet of anekāntavāda. Umāsvāti defines dravya thus:
guna-paryāya-vad dravyam (TS. V 38) "A substance is that which has qualities and modes."
On the basis of the commentary Sarvārthasiddhi this definition can be explained thus. The basic idea is that in a substance the qualities and modes exist. The qualities of a substance are always associated with the substance (dravya). But the modes are not always associated with the substance (dravya). The Pujyapāda says. "That which makes distinction between one substance and another is called a quality, and the modification of a substance is called a mode. A substance is associated with these two. Further, it is of inseparable connection and permanent. The qualities are the distinguishing features of a substance and the lack of qualities would lead to intermixture confusion of a substance'."
When this definition is applied to soul and matter, the distinguishing features are clear to understand. Soul has the quality of consciousness, while matter has not got it. So, "souls are distinguished from matter by the presence of qualities, such as, knowledge, while matter is distinguished from souls by the presence of form (colour) etc. Without such distinguishing characteristics, there can be no distinction between souls and matter". So knowledge and consciousness are the qualities always associated with souls, while forms, i.e. colour etc. are associated with matter.
The Relativity of Knowledge:
The Anekānta teaches us the principle of the relativity of knowledge which is an important contribution to the domain of truth. An example of this partial truth is found
1. S.A. Jain, Reality, p. 162.

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in the Udānasūtra of the Pali canon as well as in philosophical treatises of the Jains. This is the story of the 'Parable of the Blind Men and the Elephant' (popularly known as andha-gaja-nyāya). There were certain blind men who experienced an elephant, and when they were asked to describe the elephant, each of them described the elephant in accordance with the experience he had with regard to the limbs of the elephant which he happened to have felt. Each one is right with regard to his experiences of the elephant, but each one's experiences are not the whole truth. The Udānasūtra says
imesu kira sajjasti eke samana-brāhmaṇā/ viggaha naṁ vivadasti janā ekānga-dassinoll
Here theekāngadassino indicates those blind men who see only a single limb of the elephant.
This simple story indicates that the truth or the pathways of Reality can be investigated from different angles of vision. This simple story also indicates the manysidedness of Truth, the multiple nature of Reality.
Though the Jains are the pioneers in their theory of relativity, the Buddhists as well as the Sanskrit writers are not completely devoid of this principle and the consistency of contradictories. The andha-gaja-nyāya found in almost all the systems of Indian philosophy shows that the possibility of a partial truth of apparent contradictories is acknowledged by all the systems of philosophy. But the Jains say that their philosophy only visualises the whole truth (sakalādeśa), while the other systems only possess the broken truth (vikalādeśa). These two contradictories are the essence of anekāntavāda. It is a fact worth noting that though the two sects, i.e., Svetāmbaras and Digambaras, differ in many respects, but with regard to the theory of relativity they do not. For the origin of the concept of anekānta, the Svetāmbara canons can help very little, though one or two references are found.
As far as the development of anekāntavāda is

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concerned, it can be said that it is not very old. Though there are some glimpses here and there in the Jain canonical literature, the real development did not start from the 5th century A.D. when the Svetāmbara Jain canonical literature was codified finally. In the Bhagavatisūtra the process of anekāntavāda is hinted at in the form of syādvāda. The author of "Nayacakra" says
sarva-nayānāṁ jina-pravacanasyaiva nibandhanatvāt kim asya nibandhanam iti ced ucyate. nibandhanam cāsya. "āyā bhante nāņe aņņāne (=ātmā jñānam ajñānam) iti svāmī Gautama svāminä prsto vyäkaroti Godamā nāņe niyamă ato jñānas niyamād ātmani jñānasyānya-vyatirekeņa vsttadarśanāt "āyāpuņa siya nāne siya aņņāņe."
"All the sermons of the Jina is the source of nyāya (logic), then what is the necessity of this? The necessity of this doctrine rests on the knowledge and ignorance of Self is the answer when asked by Gautamasvāmi. So, Gautama, the rule is knowledge. This one is for both knowledge and ignorance.2" :
In the passage of the Bhagavatīsūtra mentioned above, there is a germ of syādvāda. The passage further says
Goyamă appaņo ādiţthe āyā, parassa ādiţthe no āyā tad ubhayassa ādiţthe avvattavvaṁ ātā ti ya ņo ātā ti ya
iti.
If you ask, Gautama, then soul is, in other sense, the soul does not exist; but if both are asked, it is inexpressible- soul can be explained in both ways.3
As far as we know this is the earliest reference to syödvāda, but in this conception there are only three propositions which can be rendered as asti (affirmation), nāsti (negation) and avaktavya (indescribability).“ 2. Dhruva, p. lxxvii. 3. Op. cit. 4. Op.cit.

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Gradually, in course of time, these three original propositions came to be known as mūlabhanga, particularly when the syāduāda developed into sevenfold propositions in the Pravacaņa-sāra and Pañcāstikāya of Kundakunda belonging to the 1st or 2nd century A.D.
In his commentary also Devanandī has only mentioned three propositions which are sat (affirmation), asat (denial) and avaktavya (indescribability) and not the sevenfold propositions as described by late logicians.
Among the other Jaina Āgama texts, in the Sūtrakrtānga Niryukti, the reference to the Syādvāda is found.
After the period of canonical speculation, came the age of systematization in the 1st or 2nd century A.D. This is the age of Umāsvāti and Kundakunda. Umāsvāti (1st or 3rd century A.D.) makes no mention of the Syādvāda, not to speak of its seven propositions. In his Tattvārthasūtra (V.32), he, for the first time, refers to the principle of Relativity or Anekānta in his sutra,
arpitānarpita-siddheḥ (TS. V. 32) which means "the contradictory views are established (arpita) from different points of view." Pujyapāda Devanandi or Jinendrabuddhi (bet. 5th and 7th centuries A.D.) in his commentary Sarvärthasiddhi on the Tattvārthasūtra comments on this sūtra thus (translated by S.A. Jain, see pp. 157-158) :
"Substances are characterised by an infinite number of attributes. For the sake of use or need, prominence is given to certain characteristics of a substance from one point of view. And prominence is not given to other characteristics, as these are of no use or need at that time. Thus even the existing attributes are not expressed, as these are of secondary importance (anarpita). There is no contradiction in what is established by these two points of view. For instance, there is no contradiction in the same person Devadatta being a father, a son, a brother, a nephew and so on. For the points of view are different.

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From the point of view of his son he is a father, and from the point of view of his father he is a son. Similarly, with regard to his other designations. In the same manner substance is permanent from the point of view of general properties. From the point of view of its specific modes it is not permanent. Hence there is no contradiction. These two, the general and the particular, somehow, are different as well as identical. Thus these form the cause of wordly intercourse.
"A question is raised. That which exists is governed by the doctrine of manifold points of view (relative pluralism). Therefore, it is proper that molecules are formed from matter by division and union. But there is this doubt. Are molecules of two atoms and so on formed by mere union, or is there any peculiarity? The reply is this. When there is union of actions, these atoms are transformed by combination in one object, which is a molecule. If it is so, what is it that certain atoms combine and certain others do not, though all of them are of the nature of matter? Though the atoms are not different as far as their nature as matter is concerned, combination is established on the basis of capacity derived from the effect of mutual differences among infinite modes".
But in the Pravacana-sāra and in the Pancāstikāya of Kundakunda (2nd A.D.), the sevenfold propositions came into existence.
In the Golden age of Jain philosophy (bet. 6th and 10th centuries A.D.), we have two outstanding pioneers on Jain philosophy, Siddhasena Divākara (a Svetāmbara) and Samantabhadra (a Digambara), both belonging to 6th and 7th centuries A.D. Siddhasena Divākara's two works, namely, Nyāyāvatāra and Sammati-tarka commented on by Siddharşi (10th century A.D.) and Abhayadevasdri (10th century A.D.) respectively, are famous Jain logical texts. Samantabhadra (also belonging to the same period) wrote Apta-mimāṁsā in which the Jainistic philosophy of Syāduāda was explained.

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In this age belonged Haribhadra Suri (705-775 A.D.) whose Şad-darśana-samuccaya is a famous book where brief discussions of the different systems of Indian philosophy are described. In fact, as far as I know, Haribhadra Sūri's Anekāntajayapatākā edited by H.R. Kapadia (Baroda 1947) is perhaps the first book where the problem of anekānta philosophy is explained.
In the same period (i.e. in the later part of the 8th century) also belonged Bhatta Akalanka or Akalankadeva who wrote the Tattvārtharājavārttika on the Tattvärthādhigama-sūtra of Umāsvāti, and Aştaśati, a commentary on Samantabhadra's Āpta-mimāṁsā, Nyāyaviniscaya, Tattvārtha-vārttika-vyākhyānālankāra and numerous others.
Two other famous authors also belonged to this golden age. And they are-Vidyānandi (belonging to the early part of the 9th century A.D.) and Māņikyanandi (also belonging to the 9th century A.D.). Vidyānandi (a Digambara) wrote a commentary entitled Astasahasri on the Aştaśati of Akalankadeva and Tattvārtha-ślokavārttika, whereas Māṇinkyanandi (another Digambara of the 9th cent. A.D.), wrote his famous Parikşāmukha on Jain Logic.
In the last period of Jain philosophy (bet. 11th and 15th centuries A.D.), there developed the Jain philosophy on the syādvāda. Two contemporary authors Devasūri (1086-1169 A.D.) and Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.)--are the pioneers on the idea of syāduāda. Devasūri wrote pramāņa-naya-tattvālokalaňkāra and its commentary Syāduādaratnākara. The prolific writer Hemacandra has two famous works called Anya-yoga-vyavacchedikādvātrimśika and Pramāņa-mimāṁsā which are the landmarks on Jain philosophical texts.
So also Ratnaprabhasuri and Mallisena. Ratnaprabhasuri (1181 A.D.) wrote Syādvāda-ratnākaravārttika which was a shorter commentary on the Syādvāda-ratnākara.

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Mallisena (1292 A.D.) is the author of the Syāduādamañjarī which is a commentary on Anya-yogavyavacchedika-dvātrimsikā of Hemacandra.
In the decadent period of this age we have Maladhārī Rājasekhara (1348 A.D.), Jñānacandra (1358 A.D.) and Gunaratna (1409. A.D.)
Akalankadeva (8th century A.D.) in his NyayaviniŚcaya defines anekānta thus :
upayogau śrutasya dvau syādvāda-naya-samjñitaul syādvādaḥ sakalādeso nayo vikala-sankayāll
anatātmakārtha-kathanaṁ syādvādah. yathā jīvaḥ pudgalah dharmo'dharma ākāśaḥ kāla iti. tatra jivo jñāna-darśana-virya sukhair asādhāranaiḥ amūrttatva-sankhyāta-pradeśatua-suksmatvaiḥ sādhārana- sädhäranaiḥ sādhārana sattva-prameyatvā' guru-laghutva-dharmatva-guņituādibhiḥ sādhāraṇaiḥ anekāntaḥ. tasya jīvasyādeśāt pramānam syādvādah."
In a very modern book entitled Jaina-siddhānta-dipikā of Gaņādhipati Tulsi, anekānta is defined in a lucid way as
sāmānya-viseșa-sad-asan-nityānitya-vācyāvācyādyanekāntātmakam (X. 29) i.e., "(The cognizable object is) universal-cum-particular, existent-cum-nonexistent, eternal-cum-noneternal, expressible-cum-nonexpressible and is thus indeterminate (in terms of formal contradiction)."
Satkari Mukherji and Nathmal Tantia in their notes (pp. 188-189) have explained the satra thus.
"Anekānta means notekānta. Anta literally means end or extreme. Thus 'being' is one extreme and 'non-being' is the other extreme of predication. This also holds good of eternal and non-eternal, and so on, which are given in
5. Mahendra Kumar Shastri, Akalanka-grantha-trayam, 1939,
p. 21.

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formal logic as contradictories. According to pure logic, these oppositions are exclusive of one another and they cannot be combined in any one substratum. The opposition is absolute and unconditional. This may be called the absolutistic logic. The Jaina is a non-absolutistic, and so also all philosophers like the Sāmkhya, the Vaišeşika, the Mimāṁsist and the non-monistic schools of Vedānta are non-absolutistics inasmuch as they do not believe in the absolute opposition of the logical extremes e.g., being and non-being, eternal and non-eternal, and so on. According to the Jainas, opposition is understandable only in the light of experience. We know that light and darkness are opposed, because we do not see them together. No apriori knowledge of such opposition is possible. Accordingly the non-absolutist contends that if being and non-being are found together, and this finding is not contradicted by subsequent experience. We must conclude that there is no opposition between them. In other words, one is not exclusive of the other. We have seen a jar existing in its place and not existing in another. Existence and non-existence are thus both predicable of the jar. The concept of change or becoming involves that a thing continues and maintains its identity in spite of its diversity of qualities. The unbaked jar is black, becomes red when baked and yet continues as the jar. The Jaina thus maintains in strict conformity with the dictates of experience, that all reals are possessed of a nature which is not determinable in the light of formal logic. Everything is eternal as substance, but perishable qua modes. The Jaina does not consider the Naiyāyika to be sound logically when he makes substance and modes different entities which however are somehow brought together by a relation called samavāya (inherence). But inherence as an independent relation is only a logical makeshift which will not work."
In the end we can thus sum up the entire discussion about anekānta in the succint language of Ācārya

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Mahāprajña who in his book Anekānta in Hindi (translated into English by Mrs Sudhamahi Regunathan by the name of Anekānta, the third Eye) has said that our life is based on opposing pairs. The English translation says
"Anekanta has one rule: co-existence of opposites. Not only is existence in pairs, they have to be opposing pairs. In the entire world of nature, in the entire universe of existence, opposing pairs exist. If there is wisdom there is ignorance. If there is vision, there is lack of it. If there is happiness then there is sadness too. If there is loss of consciousness, there is awakening. If there is death, there is life. There is the auspicious and the inauspicious. High and low. The disturbed and the undisturbed. There is gaining of strength and the loss of it." (pp. 4-5)
II Language
Having thus described the fundamental basic conception of anekānta which really emphasises the manysidedness of truth, or to put it in a different way, looking at a substance (dravya) from its positive and negative aspects, I now pass on to apply the doctrine of Anekānta to the epistemological problem of language which consists of sentences and their meanings..
Various schools of Indian philosophy, the Sanskrit grammarians and rhetoricians have devoted much time to the linguistic problem of meaning. In order to ascertain the meaning of word(s) in a sentence, they have speculated various semantic aspects of language. The rhetoricians have defined a sentence thus:vākyaṁ syād yogyatā' kāřkşā' satti-yuktaḥ padoccayaḥ
(SD. II. I) "A sentence is a collection of words (padoccayaḥ) possessing (yuktaḥ) compatibility (yogyatā), expectancy (ākāňkşā) and juxta-position or proximity (āsatti)".
"Compatibility (yogyatā) means the absence of absurdity in the mutual relation of the things denoted by

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the words. A sentence like payasā siñcati has compatibility because water has the fitness, owing to its liquidity which is necessary for sprinkling. But a sentence like vahninä siñcati has no compatibility, since fire lacks liquidity which only can make a thing an instrument in the act of sprinkling. If it were held that a mere collocation of words can make a sentence even in the absence of compatibility then such a collection of words as vahninā siñcati would be a sentence; but no one would say that the above is a proper sentence, even though grammatically there is no defect in the sentence.
Expectancy (ākāňkşā) is another condition of a sentence. Absence of the completion of the sense will not make a sentence. Mere saying gauḥ, aśvaḥ, puruṣaḥ etc. will not make a sentence, because those words will create curiosity in the listener's mind to complete the sense. But if we say that aśvaḥ dhāvati, the curiosity of the listener will go away. If there is any desire Gjijñāsā) in the mind of a listener to know something about the sentence, then that sentence is not a sentence. So the examples given above will not constitute a sentence, because they lack one of the requisites of a sentence which is expectancy (ākānşā).
"Juxtaposition (āsatti) is the absence of a break in the apprehension of what is said; i.e., the presentation of things without the intervention of time or other unconnected things" (Kane, SD. p 35).
In the Bhāşā-pariccheda, äsatti is defined as
avyavadhānena padajanya-padārthopasthitiḥ i.e., the knowledge of the meaning of words resulting from the words being heard without any long pause (between the several words).
To conclude, it can be said that "a sentence is made up by the combination of several notions and it is therefore necessary that the impression made by each word should remain fresh until this combination is effected. If we utter the two words gām and anaya at the interval of some

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hours, no sense will be apprehended. It is not absolutely necessary that the words must be uttered together. In a printed book we have no utterance and yet we apprehend the sense because the words occur in Juxtaposition." (Kane, SD. p 35). So these three i.e., yogyatā, äkāňkşā, āsatti or sasnidhi are said to be the causes of the knowledge of the meaning of a sentence (vākyārtha jñāna).
At a later stage, Tātparya is also added to the conception of a sentence. In the Parama-laghu-mañjüşā of Nāgesabhatta (17th century A.D.), tātparya is also included in the definition of a sentence.
śābdabodha-sahakäri-kāraṇāni ākāňkşā-yogyotā'satti
tätparyāņi.
Tātparya is another element which is the cause in helping the meaning of a word.
The rhetorician Viśvanātha says that in considering compatibility and expectancy, the words ātmā and artha are to be construed as ākāňkşā and yogyatā respectively.
tatrākānkşa-yogyatayor ātmārtha-dharmatve'pi padoccaya dharmatvam upacārāt (Vștti under SD. II.I).
Although expectancy is a property of the soul and compatibility is an attribute of things, both of them are spoken of in the text as the properties of a collection of words in a secondary sense. (Kane, SD. p. 35)
Akāňkşā literally means "a desire to know". Desire does not inhabit in the words, nor in the sense. Desire is the property of the listener. So ākäňkşā is ātmadharma, yogyatā really subsists in the thing as signified by the words. Words and things are closely connected. Asatti is an attribute of words---- when one utters the words in juxtaposition, the meaning is conveyed.
Having defined a sentence which is a collection of words, it is now time to define a word.
varņāḥ padań prayogārhān anvitaikārtha-bodhakāḥ "A word means letters so combined as to be suited for

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use, not in logical connection, conveying a meaning and only one meaning."
The use of the word prayogarhā "suited for use" means that the crude form of a word (pratipadika) is not regarded as a word. Unless the words are inflected, they are not considered word to be used in a sentence.
The words 'not in logical connection' means that the combination of letters are not logically connected though the combination of letters gives the meaning of words logically.
Having defined a word as "combination of words conveying a sense", it is now necessary to know the nature of meaning of a word. As far as the semantics of a word is concerned, the meaning of a word can be basically divided into three categories. They are:
Sabda
abhidha
yaugika (karta)
lakṣaṇā
vācaka vacyārtha lakṣaṇā lakṣyartha vyañjaka vyangyārtha
mukhyārtha, sakyārtha,
abhideyartha
gauņi
rudha yogarudha (kuśala) (paňkaja)
vyañjanā
śuddha and so on
The picture gives us the idea of the basic meanings of a word. Abhidha is the expressed or conventional meaning of a word, i.e. the meaning as conveyed by the direct signification of a word; it is, in fact, the dictionary meaning of a word. Mukulabhaṭṭa (last quarter of the 9th cent. A.D.) in his work Abhidha-vṛtti-mātṛkā calls abhidhā as mukhyārtha. When the principal meaning of a word is indicated, Mukulabhaṭṭa terms it mukhya. The grammarians call it sakyārtha andadhidheyārtha, because the first meaning of words is given in the dictionary; it is

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sakya, because it gives that meaning which the word conveys (sakya); and because the meaning is given in the dictionary (abhidhāna), it is called abhidheyārtha.
This abhidhā is of three kinds---yaugika, rūdha and yogarūờha. When a word gets its meaning from its derivation (i.e. root + sufficial meaning), the word is termed as yaugika word; e.g; kartā doer. When a word receives its meaning other than what is expressed by its derivative meaning, it is called rūdhi word, e.g; kusala meaning 'expert' and not "one who collects grass." The derivative meaning (=kusaṁ lāti dadāti vā iti kućalah) is not prominent here, particularly when we say karmaņi kuśalaḥ 'expert in work.' The yogarūdha word is a combination of yaugika and rūdha, and therefore, it has the significance of both, but the meaning refers to a third one, e.g. pankaja.
Lakşanā indicates the figurative meaning of a word (lakşyārtha). By lakşaņā a new meaning of a word is indicated along with the principal or current meaning of a word. How the meaning of lakşaņā is acquired, is very well-explained by Amareshwar Thakur in his Introduction (at p. 28) to the Kāvyaprakāśa of Mammața (bet. 1050 and 1100 A.D.):
"When the current meaning is barred by incompatibility and another meaning connected with the current meaning (vācyārtha) comes to be attached to the word either through usage (rūdhi=prasiddhi or prayogavāha) or for a special purpose (prayojana) then the function(urtti) by which this new meaning is presented is alled lakşaņā."
Two examples are given for lakşaņā: one is karmaņi kućalah 'expert in work' and the other isgangāyāṁ ghoṣaḥ 'a ghoşa resides in the Ganges.' Here in kurmani kusalaḥ the primary meaning of kušala 'a collector of kuśa grass' (kusam lāti iti) is barred by its figurative meaning 'expert' which meaning has come from the primary meaning as a gatherer of kusa grass, because the gathering of kusa

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requires discrimination, and as a result, secondary meaning 'expert' is sanctioned by usage. In the second example, gangāyāṁ ghoṣaḥ, the primary meaning river is barred, because a ghoşa (a village of cowherds) cannot reside in the river. Naturally, the meaning of the Gangā will be gangātaţa the bank of the Ganges."
Vyañjanā directly means the 'power of suggestion.' Vyangārtha, therefore, means 'a suggested or implied meaning of a word.'
The implied meaning of a word is that meaning which gives rise to another meaning to be understood by persons inundated with the qualities of a genius. This vyangārtha meaning depends upon (i) the speaker, (ii) the person spoken to, (iii) intonation of a language, i.e. the change of voice indicating emotions, (iv) the sentence, (v) the expressed meaning, (vi) the presence of another person, (vii) context, (viii) place and (ix) time. All the suggested meanings which give rise to another meaning is conveyed by the words and so words constitute a contributing factor for the suggestion of the meaning.
Even though these three are the powers of a word, the inner power of a word is vrtti (function) orsakti (power) or sanketa (convention). It should be noted that each word in every language has a power to convey a particular sense. That power of a word is to be grasped from the convention. "When a man ascertains that a particular word has a convention in respect of a particular sense, then only does he recognise the power of the word to express that particular sense" (Kane, S D. p. 39).
How can we acquire the meaning of a word? Viśvanātha Nyāyapañcānana (17th-century A.D.) has given an indication to that effect in the Bhāşā-pariccheda thus: śaktigraham vyākaraṇopamāna-koşāpta-vyäkyäd
vyavahāratascal vākyasya śeşād vivrter vadanti sānnidhyataḥ siddha
padasya vśddhaḥ//

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This verse tells us the conception of verbal testimony in the following cases. 1. Vyakarana : We learn from grammar the meanings
of roots and suffices and relation of words in a
sentence; 2. Upamāna : In some cases the meaning of a word
can be ascertained by means of similarity of
comparison; 3. Koşa : We know the meaning of a word, both
synonyms and antonyms, from a dictionary; 4. Aptavākya : We often get the meaning of a word
from the usage of a higher authority; 5. Vyavahāra : We get the meaning of a word from
the practical use of a word; 6. Vākyaśeşa : Literally, vākyaśeşa means 'the end or
rest of the passage' i.e. it means the context. From the context the meaning of word comes out, e.g., in the Vedic passage aktāḥ śarkarā upadadhāti, the exact meaning of aktaḥ is ghệta which is understood from the context (tejo vai ghstam). In the Pūrva Mimāṁsā (I. 4 2a) this idea is expressed
by sandigdheşu vākyaśeşāt. 7. Vivsta : From explanation sometimes we can get
the meaning of a word; e.g., rasāla means ämra,
'mango.' 8. Siddhapadasya vŢddhāḥ: Sometimes the meaning
of a word may be gathered from the utterances of
well-known people. Although we have different ways by which we acquire the meaning of a word, the problem is still shrouded in obscurity. P.V. Kane in his SD. has explained this phenomenon in the following manner :
"When a child begins to learn a language, he first understands the meaning of words in a lump and not of each word separately. When he hears the direction 'bring a cow' addressed by one old man to another, and sees a cow brought by the man, he understands that the direction

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meant the bringing of a body with a dewlap etc. He then has no distinct idea of the meaning of the two words gām and ānaya. Afterwards he hears two sentences 'tie the cow' and 'bring the horse' and sees the cow fastened and the horse brought. He finds that in the former of the sentences, a portion, namely gām, is common to the sentence gām ānaya, but another portion (ānaya) is omitted and something else inserted (badhāna). As in the case of both the sentences (gām ānaya andgāṁ badhāna) the same body was dealt with, he naturally associates the portion gām with the body (cow). Thus he ascertains that the word go has a convention in respect of cow. The ascertainment of the convention leads him to understand that the primary meaning of the word go is cow." (pp. 39
40).
Tātparya says that every sentence must have a meaning which is intended to be conveyed by a sentence. If the hearer understands that intended meaning, the purpose is served. But in the following verse speaker's intention and normal significance are different. The verse says.
kiṁ gavi gotuaṁ kim agavi ca gotvam. yadi gavi gotuam mayi na hi tat tvam/ yadi agavi ca gotuam yadi vadasi tvam. bhavati bhavān eva samam eva gotvam//
"Does cowness reside in cow only, or can cowness reside in non-cow? If cowness resides in cow only, then it does not reside in me; but if you say that cowņess lies in noncow also, then cowness may be equal in you and in me as well."
Here the intention of the speaker is to say that cowness resides in cow only; and so to say that you behave like a cow is contradictory. It can be taken as an example of gauņi lakşaņā. The qualities residing in a bull, such as jādya (senselessness) and māndya (dullness), are transferred to a man. The word go primarily means the jāti gotra, and as the qualities senselessness and dullness

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are associated with the bull, the transference of these qualities is indicated in man. The manysidedness of the meaning of go can be looked upon on the basis of anekanta.
In a similar way, in the following example the contradictory position of words makes the sentence double entendre;
mā yāhītyapamangalam vraja sakhe snehena sūnyam
vacas
137
tiṣṭheti prabhuta yathāruci kuruṣvaisā pyudāsīnatā/ no jīvāmi vinā tvayeti vacanaṁ sambhävyate vä na vā tan mām sikşaya natha yat samucitam vaktum tvayi
prasthite//
"(If I say) don't proceed it will be inauspicious; wander, my friend, my word will sound empty without any affection; stay (on) looks like commanding; do as you wish, will also mean indifferent; if I say I shall not be able to live without you, may or may not be liked by you; therefore, my lord, teach me what is to be told at the time of your departure".
The verbal forms like yahi, vraja, tiṣṭha, kuruşva have a special suggested meaning other than the lexicographical sense. The root ya does not simply mean 'go', it has a special sense 'proceed' 'set out' for a journey. The imperative indicates the idea of prohibition strengthened by the particle ma. Similarly, vraja does not mean mere going or proceeding, it gives the idea of wandering. Lexicographically, "wander implies the absence of a fixed course or more or less indifference to a course that has been fixed or otherwise indicated" (Webster's Dictionary of Synonyms, 1942). The imperative gives the idea of wishes. tişṭha 'stay (on)' "stresses continuance in a place" and so it implies the nonmovement of a person. The imperative also implies 'command'. Finally, at the end of the series of actions comes the verb kuruşva which normally means "do whatever you like". This verb is used in a general notion. The positive aspects of all these verbs have a negative

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side also. The implied sense of this passage, in the eye of anekānta, reflects the dilemma of the situation which will debar the husband from taking any decision for going. This is the implied sense of the passage.
The combination of sounds (or letters varņāḥ) will give us infinite number of meanings. In the following verse the one letter n in combination with the same letter n gives us a good sense. The verse in question is not really meant for alliteration, but is meant for showing the infinite power of sound combination. The verse says
na nonanunno nunnono nānā nānananā nanul nunno'nunnanno nanunneno nänenā nunnanunnanut //
(Ki XV. 14)
"No man is he who is wounded by a low man; no man is the man who wounds a low man, O ye of divine aspect; the wounded is not wounded if his master is unwounded; nor guiltless is he who wounds one sore wounded." [translated by A. B. Keith, A History of Sanskrit Literature, Oxford, 1920, p 114.)
Deep Structure, Surface Structure and Transformation.
Tātparya can be equated with the deep structure, surface structure and transformation of the modern linguistic theory.
It is normally said that sentences of all languages must have a deep structure and a surface structure. The deep structure gives the meaning of a sentence, while the surface structure gives the form of a sentence as it is used in communication. The basic idea of deep and surface structures can only be understood when a person listens to someone else speaking a language. What is most important is to find out a meaning in sounds of a language. The deep and surface structures are based on finding out a meaning in sounds. In fact, what we say is tantamount to saying that the form of a sentence is given outwardly by its surface structure, while the meaning of a sentence

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is conveyed by its deep structure. Take a sentence like a new idea is often valuable.
The main function of the deep structure is to elucidate the explicit meaning of a sentence which is not provided by a surface structure outwardly.
Here
a new idea
may mean
the idea is new
the idea is, in fact, new
the idea which is new
in the deep structure
the idea is new
In the above sentence, the deep structure meaning of "the idea is new" is not explicitly conveyed by the surface structure "a new idea". It should be borne in mind that "deep structure of a sentence gives its meaning because the deep structure contains all of the information required to determine the meaning of a sentence."
The surface structure is the sentence which is actually produced, which is actually written or spoken. The deep structure implies the inner intended meaning of a sentence which the native speaker of the language takes into account. The surface structure shows the sentence in communication, whereas the deep structure of a sentence tells us the significance of the sentence so spoken. In fact, the deep structure ultimately expresses the semantic aspect of a sentence which can be elicited from the sentence.
The next point which arises in this context is to state the relationship between the deep and surface structures of a sentence, or vice versa. The answer to this question is simple. The relationship between the deep and surface structures is transformation which functions as a link between the two. In other words, a deep structure becomes

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a surface structure via transformation. As deep structure is mainly based on the meaning of a sentence and its syntax, it is regarded as an" abstract" object, while surface structure, because of its written or spoken form, is closer to physical reality.
The part played by transformation to both these structures, is to change or transfer one constituent element into another. The transformation is the process which changes the word-order of the deep structure, so as to generate the surface structure.
"Transformation is the process which converts deep structures into intermediate or surface structures". For example.
i) a declarative sentence into an interrogative one. ii) an active sentence into a passive one.
For example the active sentence
a) Daisy puzzled Winterbourne is transformed into a passive as
b) Winterbourne was puzzled by Daisy.
Any language makes use of their elementary transformational processes: adjunction, substitution, and deletion.
For example, the English sentence-I have decided on the train can mean many aspects. It may mean that i) something I have decided when I was travelling on the train; or it may mean
ii) out of many conveyances, I have decided that I shall go by train; or it may mean
iii) my ideas come to my mind when I normally travel by train, and so ons
In this connection it should be noted that the Jains are not lacking in unfurling the deep and surface structures of a sentence. In the Bhagavati-sutra (Book ten, chapter III), in course of conversation with Mahāvīra, Goyama (Gautama) asks Mahāvīra some questions on language. The text in question runs as follows:
aha bhante! asaissamo saissamo citṭhissāmo

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nisiissamo tuyaṭṭhissāmo amamtaṇī āṇavaṇī jāyaṇī taha pucchani ya pannavani paccakkhāņi basa bhāsā icchanuloma ya aṇabhiggahiya bhasa bhāsā ya abhiggahammi boddhavva samsayakarani voyaḍamavvoyaḍa ceva pannavani nam esā bhāsā ņa esā bhāsā mosā.
"Oh venerable one (bhante)! [when one says] we shall reside (asaissamo), we shall lie (down) (saissamo), we shall stand (up) (ciṭṭhissamo), we shall sit (down) (nisiissāmo), we shall stretch (tuyaṭṭhissamo), the forms of language (pannavani bhāsā) [i.e. one of the twelve kinds of expressions] (bhāsā) such as, [1] addressing (amamtani) [2] ordering (āṇāvaṇī), [3] prayer (jāyaṇī) as well as, [4] questioning (pucchani), [5] advice (pannavani), [6] refusing (paccakkhāni), [7] consenting (icchāṇulomā), [8] irrelevant (aṇabhiggahiya). [9] relevant (abhiggahammi boddhavvā), [10] doubtful (samsaya karaṇī), [11] explicit (voyaḍā) or [12] indefinite (avvoyaḍā) do these forms conform to the type of understanding (i.e. paņṇavaṇī advice) or are they never false (na esa bhāsā mosā)? Mahavira's reply
was
ṇa esa bhāsā mosā "They are not false."
141
In fact, these questions of Goyama to Mahāvira is related to sentences of a language. In a language, the utterances of human beings can be expressed in manifold ways of which some twelve forms are mentioned by Goyama. Our unit of speech is the sentence and the sentence is the expression of our thoughts and ideas in the form of judgment which either affirms or negates our statement. Whatever things come to the mind of a speaker, he tries to convey his opinion to the hearer. It is said earlier that in communicating one's idea in a sentence, the idea must possess compatibility, expectancy and juxtaposition, and this will lead a sentence to logical judgment. If a sentence mirrors a judgment, it must conform to the logical law.

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When we analyse the utterances of human beings, we see that the sentences may be of various forms. They could be...
(i) Assertory (āmamtaņi), (ii) Interrogative (pucchani) (iii) Petitionery (icchā'ņulomā), (iv) Exclamatory (combination of i and iii). Apart from these, the sentences may be affirmative or negative, hypothetical or universal, personal or impersonal. Besides, the sentences may be incomplete in the form of Aposiopesis, Anakoluthon, Ellipsis and Interrogation. These are the patterns by which our expressions or utterances are made.
Besides these sententious patterns of expressing our thoughts and ideas, our sentences, irrespective of any form, may be pedantic, ironical, autobiographical, apostrophic, eulogical, logical, melodious, elliptical, and so on. This is not all. All these stylistic patterns of our expressions depend on how our thoughts and ideas are communicated to a person; on how a person utters his speeches, following any stylistic patterns. His utterances may be balanced and symmetrical, analogical and diffused, verbose and condensed. Sometimes the style may be humourous, rhythmic and emotional, interlocutory and rhetorical; their expressions may be serio-comic, antithetical, and picturesque. Even then our modes of expressions are not limited to these patterns. They are innumerable, multi-phased; they are anekānta. And all these modes of expressions are correct and are recognised in our ordinary speech. This idea is expressed by Mahāvīra in the language-----ņa esā bhāsā mosā, "This language is not false."
In explaining certain grammatical niceties, the Jains raised some fundamental questions on the meaning of calamāṇe calie. Almost at the very beginning of the Bhagavati-sūtra (Book 1, ch-1), Goyama, while Mahāvīra was at Guñasilaka caitya in Rājagrha, asks Mahāvīra the very fundamental linguistic problem of calamāṇe calie. The text runs as follows:

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calamāṇe calie. udirijjamāṇe udirie. vediijamāne vedie. pahijjamāṇe pahīņe. chijjamāṇe chiņņe, bhijjamāņe bhiņņe, dajjhamāṇe daddhe, mijjamāṇe mae, nijjarijjamāṇe jijjīņņc.
ee naṁ cattāri padā egaţthā nāņāghosā ņāņā-vaṁjaņā uppaņņa-pakkhassa.
ee naṁ paṁca padā ņāņatthā ņāņā-vaṁjaņā vigayapakkhassa. [Bh. Su. I. I. 11-13).
"[Is it proper to call] moving as moved, fructifying as fructified, feeling as felt, separating as separated, cutting as cut, piercing as pierced, burning as burnt, dying as dead, and exhausting as exhausted."
"These [first] four words are of the same import, though of different sounds and different suggestions.
"These five are of different imports, different sounds and different suggestions"
Apart from its philosophical implication on Karmatheory, this passage has a linguistic implication as well. The expressions calamāṇe calie have two tenses in one breath. Grammatically calamāṇe (moving) is a present participle tense implying the sense of continuous action; and hence it can be a present continuous tense. The implied underlying meaning is that the action has started but still continuing, and so the action is incomplete. But calie ('has moved') is a present perfect tense which means that the action has started and has continued for some time and now the action is complete and the result is there, and hence it is completive. So the use of two tenses is not congruous in the same expression. Mahāvira's contention on this sort of expression is that when an action continues for some time, it can easily be said that some portions of that continuous action have been completed and the remaining portion is still continuing, when the continuity of action is over, the action is finished, and so

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the action is said to be complete, and so the expression calie is used to indicate that sense.
In Book II chapter 6, it is said that language is the vehicle of expression (ohāriņi bhāşā). This expression has a reference to the Paņņavaņā-sūtra (chapter eleven on language pp. 168-178 of Jain Vishva Bharati edition 1989). The basic points of this chapter are succintly summed up by K.C. Lalwani thus:
"Language may be satya, asatya, satya-měşā and asatya-amışā. The main source of language is the soul. It arises in a physical body, gross, assimilative and caloric. Its shape is like that of a thunder. The matter let loose by language goes to the other extreme of the sphere. Matterclusters with innumerable space units are included in it; matter with innumerable vacuum units are included in it: matter with a life-span of one, two, till ten time-units, countable time-units, uncountable time-units are included in it; matter with colour, smell, substance and touch are included in it. As a rule, matter from six directions are included, and they may be included without break or with break. The minimum life-span of language is one timeunit, and the maximum less than 48 minutes. Matter constituting language is acquired by the activities of the physical body, and is thrown out in the form of words or speech. Asatya and satya-mrşā languages are spoken with the decline of karma enshrouding knowledge and vision, but with the rise of karma causing delusion, while satya and asatya-amrşā are spoken with the decline of karma enshrouding knowledge and vision. Smallest in number are those who speak satya: innumerable times more are those who speak asatya-měşā; innumerable times more than the second are those who speak asatya; innumerable times more than the third are those speaking asatyaamrşā; but infinite times more are those who speak not. Included in the last category are inadequate (undeveloped) organisms, the liberated souls, the rock-like steadfast (would-be-liberated) beings, and all one-organ being."

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In conclusion, we can say that the application of anekanta in language is manifold. It is primarily found in the levels of meaning and in the context of syntax, apart from other grammatical niceties. From the discussion above it is seen that a word or a sentence may possess multi-levels of meaning. The verbal expression may be manifold, indeterminate and relative as the reality is also manifold, indeterminate and relative. As far as meaning is concerned it is inexhaustive as reality itself. The meaning that we fix of a particular word or a sentence depends upon the context and the intention of the speaker and it is all meant for our practical purposes. Syntactically that a sentence may be construed as active or passive or otherwise is all due to multi-structural pattern of a sentence. The manifold grammatical categories are infinite as the expressions of human beings are. Directly or indirectly, the principle of anekanta is inherent in the manifold aspects of language.
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BOOKS CONSULTED
Anekanta-jaya-patākā of Haribhadra Suri-edited by H.R. Kapadia with his own commentary and Municandra Suri's supercommentary, Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1947.
Apta-mimamsă of Samantabhadra-edited by Uday Chand Jain with a commentary Tattva-dipikā together with Introduction and translation in Hindi, Shri Ganesh Varņi Digambara Jain Sansthan. Nariya, Varanasi, 1975.
Chakravarti, A.- Pañcāstikaya-sara, edited by A. Chakravarti with Prakrit text, Sanskrit Chāyā, English commentary etc. along with the commentary of Amṛtacandra and various readings, Bharatiya Jñānapīṭha Publication, New Delhi, 1975.
Dhruva, A.D.- Syadvada-mañjari of Mallişeņa with the

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Anya-yoga-vyavacchedikā-dvātriṁśikā of Hemacandra edited with Introduction, notes and appendices, Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Studies No. LXXXIII, 1933. (I have used the Introduction
freely). Jain, S.A.- Reality, an English translation of Śhri
Pajyapāda's Sarvārthasiddhi, Vira Sāsana
Sangha, Calcutta, 1960. Kane, P.V.-Sāhitya-darpana of Viśvanātha (paricchedas
I. II and X), three chapters edited with exhaustive notes together with the History of Sanskrit Poeties,
[1st. edn. 1910), third edition, 1951. Lalwani, K.C.-Bhagavati-sūtra, Vols I-IV Prakrit text with
English translation and notes based on the commentary of Abhayadeva Sari, Jain Bhawan,
Calcutta, 1973-1985. Pramāņa-mīmāṁsā of Hemacandra - edited by Sukhlalji
Sanghavi, Sarasvati Pustak Bhandar, Hathikhana, Ratanpole, Ahmedabad, 2nd edition,
1989. Regunathan, Sudhamahi- Anekanta, the Third Eye, an
English translation of Acārya Mahāprajña's Anekānta in Hindi, Jain Vishva Bharati Institute,
Ladnun, Rajasthan, India, 2002. Şad-darśana-samuccaya of Haribhadra Suri - edited by
Mahendra Kumar Jain, Bhāratiya Jñānapitha,
New Delhi, 1981. Şad-darśana-samuccaya of Maladhārī Rājasekhara -
edited by Hara Govinda Das and Bechar Das,
Varanasi, date (?) Shastri, Mahendra Kumar - Akalanka-grantha-trayam
edited with his own commentary, Nyāyaviniscaya, Pramāna-saṁgraha etc. Singhi Jain Series,
Ahmedabad-Calcutta, 1939. Thomas, F.W.- Syāduāda-manjarī of Mallişeņa, translated
and annotated, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi (1st edn. 1958), reprint 1968.

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JAINISM AND NON-VIOLENCE*
SATYA RANJAN BANERJEE
Preamble
India is the cradle of ahimsa (non-violence). From the hoary antiquity down to the present day, India has always been emphasizing on the importance of ahimsā. There are some passages in Vedic literature, in Classical Sanskrit, in Buddhist and Jain literature which tell us every now and then the eulogy of ahimsa. The impact of the doctrine of ahimsa is so much that even in the literary documents of modern Indian languages, this idea of non-violence is greatly reflected. In the present context, I am only concerned with the contributions of the Jains to the field of non-violence vis-à-vis the other Indian literature like Sanskrit and Buddhist.
Words for Violence
At the very beginning, I believe, it will not be out of place here, if I mention that there are some words which are used in connection with "violence" or "non-violence", and these words are danda, -atipata, han and himsalong with their compound forms.
The root meaning of danda is "to blow with an instrument", "to hurt", "to strike" and the like'. In the Acaranga-sutra (Book II) Mahāvīra was teased withhaya-puvvo tattha dandenam adu vā muṭṭhiņā adu phalenam adu leluṇā kavāleṇam
*
A lecture delivered at the Asiatic Society on the 4th of September 2003 at the Humayun Kabir Hall.
1. For all these ideas, see Colette Chaillat-Words for Violence in the "Seniors" of the Jaina Canon, pp. 207-236, in Jain Studies in Honour of Jozef Deleu 1993 ed. by Rudy Smet and Kenji Watanabe, Hon-no-Tomosha, Tokyo.

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"he (Mahāvīra) was struck with a stick, the fist, a fruit, a clod, a potsherd"
In the Sūtrakstāngasūtra (2.2.6), daņda implies grave moral injury, such as, se hantā, chettā bhettă lumpaittā vilumpaittā uddavaittā—'he knc: ks down, cuts, pierces, breaks, plunders, puts to death."
We have five daņda-samāyānas, like atthā-daņda, anatthā-danda, himsa-danda, akamhā-danda, dițthi. vipariyāsiya-danda. However, violence by danda is treated severely in the Jain canonical texts.
Another word-atipāta (Pkt. aivāya) meaning "destroying”, “killing” is normally used in compound in connection with (şat) jīva-nikāyas, such as pāņāivāya etc.
In the Acārānga-sūtra it is said — paccakkhämi savvam pāņāivāyam, neva sayam
pāņāivāyam karejjā. "I renounce all injury against life. I shall not injure any life".
In the Daśavaikälika-sūtra, almost the same is repeated in a better way
savvam bhante pāņāivāyam paccakkhāmi. neva sayam pāņe aivāejjā, neva annehim pāņe aivāyāvejjā, pāņe aivāyante vi anne na samaņujānejjā, jāvajjiväe tiviham tivihenam
“O my master, I renounce all injury against any being. I (shall myself) not injure any living being, nor cause it to be injured by others, nor allow others who injure it, to do so."
This type of expression is found in the Jain canonical texts to indicate the injury of life.
The frequent use of the root han "to kill” in the Agama texts shows that the “injury” with this root is emphatic. Numerous forms of this root, such as, hanati (thematic base), hammai (act. 3ps), hana, hanaha (imp. 2 pl), hane, hanejjā (optative) are constantly used. It's derivative forms like ghātae, ghātayejja are also used. In most of the cases, when the different forms of this root are used, they are

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used in stock-phrases like na ghātae, na ghātejjā, na hammai, na hanati and so on, and in almost all the cases the passages are connected with life (pāņā).
The root hims is often interchanged with han. But the root hims is also used, such as, na himsejjā pāņiņam pāņe-'do not injure to a living beings', himsimsu me"they have injured me", na himsai kimca- "do not kill anybody", etc. From this root the negative idea of himsä. i.e., ahimsā is formed :
The etymological meaning of ahimsā is simply nonviolence. The derivation of ahimsā is na himsā a-himsā where a- is a negative particle which means “devoid of injury". The himsā is derived from the root hims meaning "to strike, beat, wound, kill, destroy" and so on with the suffix ac and the formation will be himsā by the sūtra gurośca halaḥ (3/3/103) which means the suffix alc) is added to a consonantal root which has a guru (heavy) vowel which automatically takes the feminine suffix ä by the sūtra a pratyayāt (3/3/102). In fact, the root hims is again derived from the desiderative of the root han meaning to kill, injure, harm etc. This roothan is cognated with Gk θείνω, θάνατος, φόνος, πέφαται, Lat. de-fendere, of-fendere, Lithgenu, gæti, Slav. gúnati. Lexicographically, himsā, may be of three types : 1. mental as 'bearing malice', 2. verbal as 'abusive language', and 3. personal as 'acts of violence.'
The reason why I raise this etymological meaning of the word himsā is to show that the word is very primitive and the concept of the word is from the very beginning of human civilization. That is why, the major Indo-European languages like Greek, Latin, Lithuanian and Slavic possess these words with their primitive meanings like mental, verbal and personal. Therefore, in all schools of Indian thoughts whenever there was a question of nonviolence, it was connected with kāyena, manasā and vācā, "by body, by mind and by speech”. At a later stage, the Jain sādhus (monks) gave emphasis on the question of

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non-violence always with reference to kāyena, manasā and vācā - this idea ultimately leads to trigupti which consists of vag-gupti (control of speech), kāyagupti (control of activity of body) and monogupti (control of mind) and to bhāşā-samiti (care in speaking) of Jain philosophy.
Having said this, let me now pass on to the topic to see how the Jains have developed this idea of non-violence in their literature. Tolerance as a kind of non-violence
Here in this context it will not be out of place to talk something about tolerance which is tagged as a part of non-violence. There is a class of people who labour under the idea that "tolerance is not a traditional Jain virtue.” This is far from truth. It is true that there is no direct word for tolerance in Sanskrit or in Pali and Prakrit. But the Sanskrit words-sahana, sahişņutā, sahana-kşamatā, sahana-silatā and the like are used to indicate the idea of tolerance. There is another Sanskrit word sahitram which is also used in the sense of tolerance, forbearance, patience and so on.
There is no common Indo-European term for tolerance, unless we presume that IE *bhero which has Greek dépo, dopéw, Sanskrit bharā-mi (bíbharmi), Latin ferð, Gothic baíra all meaning "I bear", has the significance of tolerance; otherwise, the idea of tolerance is expressed differently in different IE languages. The Sanskrit words are formed from the root sah., the Greek has the roots åvaoxéw (åvaoxetós), ávékTW (ávektos, adv. å vektős), ÉRLTPÉW (Plato's OÚK ÉTitpettéov, "it cannot be tolerated), Eu ópntos and so on, and Latin has toleratus, tolerantia from the Latin root tolerare. Though all these words developed differently in different IE languages, the idea of tolerance is as old as IE.
1. For this see my book, Introducing Jainism, Calcutta, 2002,
pp. 57-64.

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The English word tolerance was incorporated in Middle English from the Latin word tolerantia which again has come from Latin tolerat(us) which is a present participle form from the Latin tolerare which originally means "to bear.” Lexicographically, tolerance means "a fair and objective attitude towards opinions and practices which differ from one's own”. In English history, John Locke (1632-1704) was, perhaps, the first who used the term tolerance applying it to the study of ancient religion in his book Letters concerning Toleration published in 1689 (subsequently reprinted in 1690, 1692 and so on). Locke was greatly influenced by Thomas Hobbes (15881679), the most important English philosopher between Francis Bacon (1561-1626) and John Locke. In a recently published text-Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity edited by Guy G. Stroumsa and Grahan N. Stanton, Stroumsa in his Postscript : The Future of Intolerance has made a remark that “tolerance was not a virtue in the ancient world." John E. Cort is of opinion that Stroumsa's observation may equally be applicable to the Jains.
The word upagraha is often used in Jain literature for indicating the idea of “mutual existence". It was as early as in the first or fifth century A.D. Umāsvāmi (or Umāsvāti) used the term in this sense in his Tattvārthasūtra (V. 21) in the line parasparopagraho jivānām “(The function) of souls is to help one another."
The oldest commentary of this text is the Sarvārthasiddhi by Sri Pūjyapāda belonging to the sixth or seventh century A.D. He has explained the line as follows:
“The word paraspara means reciprocity of action parasparasya upagrahaḥ means rendering help to another. That is, the help rendered by the living to one another. What is it? It is mutual help between the master and the servant, the teacher and the taught. The master renders help to the servants by giving them money. And they serve

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their master by doing him good and protecting him from evil. The preceptor teaches what is good here and in the next world (birth) and makes his disciples follow his teachings. And the disciples benefit their preceptor by their devoted service." (S.A. Jain, p. 147).
In fact, Tolerance is one of the most fundamental principles in Jain religion.' Tolerance is expressed in different contexts in different ways. Though Jainism started in the very hoary antiquity, Mahāvīra, the 24th Tirthankara, was the main propagator of Jain religion and philosophy. Through his whole life, dedicated for the cause of Jainism, Mahāvīra showed the people the way of tolerance for becoming a perfect man in different aspects of Jainism. At the age of 30, he left his home and started doing severe penance for the salvation of his soul. While doing penance and preaching his doctrines in different parts of eastern India, Magadha being the primary centre for his propagation, he suffered quite a lot from the hands of the people. In the second part of the Acārāngasūtra a brief life sketch of Mahāvīra is given and there it is said that when Mahāvīra was at Rādha, the people of Rādha had mocked him, had sneered at him and threw stones at him. Even dogs and ferocious animals used to attack him for biting. Mahāvīra withstood all these sufferings calmly and quietly. This is one of the greatest instances of his tolerance.
Apart from this incident, Mahāvīra showed his tolerance with his rival groups, such as, the Ajīvikas, Gosāla Mankhaliputra and so on. His life-stories also tell us how he showed his tolerance towards his playmates.
The basic ideas of tolerance can be gleaned from Jainism through the Pañcamahāvratas, Trigupti and Pañcasamiti. I need not expatiate all these ideas here. 1. For writing this portion, I have freely incorporated some
passages from my book, Introducing Jainism, in my present dissertation without keeping them within the inverted commas, even though lots of new materials are added to it.

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The greatest example of tolerance is the Paryusana parva of the Jains which is one of the finest festivals which leads people to the goal of tolerance and thereby maintains a friendship between men and men, and even between men and animals. Paryusaņa parva is normally held between the end of August and beginning of September of every year. At the end of the paryusaņa parva the kşamā-yācanā ceremony starts, and in that ceremony everybody craves indulgence of others to forgive. Everybody says to everybody the following verse.
khamemi savva-jive sauve jīvā khamantu me / metti me savva-bhūesu veram majjham na kenāvi //
"I pardon all the animals and let all the animals pardon me; I have friendship with all animals and I have no enmity with any body."
Some of the Jain kings, Vastupāla, for example, in Gujarāt, in the 13th century A.D., practised tolerance to all sorts of religious beliefs. What is secularism today, was also practised by Vastupāla at that time. One verse found in the Purātana-prabandha-samgraha shows how Vastupāla was honoured by all sorts of religious people :
bauddhair bauddho vaişnavair vişnubhaktaḥ, śaivaiḥ śaivo yogibhir yoga-rangaḥ / jainais tāvaj jaina eveti krtvā, sattvādhāraḥ stuyate Vastupālaḥ //
"Vastupala, the depositor of strength, is praised in this way by the Buddhists as Buddha, by the Vaisnavas as Vişnu, by the Saivas as Siva and by the Yogin as a devotee of yoga and also by the Jains as a Jina.
A similar type of verse says that the lord of the three worlds (Trilokanātha) is considered as the same by different religious people: The verse says
yam saivāḥ samupäsate siva iti Brahmeti vedāntino bauddha buddha iti pramāņa-pațavaḥ karteti
naiyāyikāḥ

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arhan nityatha jaina-śāsana-ratāḥ karmeti
mimāņsakāḥ so'yam vo vidadhātu vāñchita-phalam
trailokyanātho Hariḥ !
“Whom the Saivas worship as Siva, and the Vedāntins as Brahma, the Buddhists, expert in logic, as Buddha and the Naiyāyikas the creator and the Jainas, adherent to the teachings of Jina, as arhan (i.e. Jina) and the Mimāņsakas consider as the karma (actions) that Hari, the Lord of the three worlds, gives us the fruit desired by
us."
These above mentioned two passages will show how a sort of secularism in the modern sense of the term was prevalent in the middle history of India which shows a sense of tolerance among the kings where all sorts of religious faiths could live together without any enmity. Ahimsā at the time of Mahāvira as reflected in
Jainism
The contribution of the Jains to ahimsā can be ransacked from their literature only. In the Jaina Hagiology, there were twenty-four TirthařkarasĀdinātha or Rşabhadeva was the first and Vardhamāna Mahāvira was the last. In the sixth century B.C., Vardhamāna Mahāvīra (599 B.C. - 527 B.C.) flourished. In course of his wonderings from place to place, Mahāvīra preached his doctrines and sermons. Among his doctrinal tenets ahimsā got its prominence. Actually, what Mahāvīra talked about ahimsā cannot be known authentically, because most of his teachings and doctrines have come down to us through his disciples and their descendants who have kept the sayings of Mahāvīra in their memory for nearly a thousand years after his nirvana in 527 B.C. till the second council of Valabhi in the 5th century A.D. which codified the doctrines of Mahāvīra in the present form of the Āgamas of both the sects.

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Mahāvira on Ahimsā
In the Agama texts of both the sects—Śvetāmbara and Digambara—the nature ofahimsā is straightforward. Nothing in particular was generally emphasized in a particular text. Here and there in course of his conversation with the people, he stressed on the importance of ahimsā. The passages which are recorded in the canonical literature of the Svetāmbara Jains are the glorification of ahimsā which, at a much later time, was again turned into a philosophy. For example, nonkilling, ahimsā, is regarded as one of the best and excellent dharmas in the Daśavaikālika-sūtra along with samyama (controlling of mind) and tapa (penance) in the following verse : dhammo mangalam ukkitham ahiņsā samyamo
tavo / deva vi tam namamssanti jassa dhamme sayā
mano // (I. 1.1.) “Non-violence, controlling of mind and penance are regarded as the best and excellent dhamma and even the gods bow down their heads to those who have a mind in them.”
This passage has a parallel in the Dhammapada (19.6): yam hi saccam ca dhammo ca ahimsā samyamo
da.no/ sa ve vantamalo dhiro so thero ti pavuccati ||
In the same text, it is further said that life of all beings is dear to them, and so they should not be destroyed by human beings. So in a verse life is greatly extolled :
jāvanti loe pāņā tasă adu vā thāvarā / te jāņam ajāņam vā na hane no vi ghātae II (I. VI. 9)
"In this world as many lives of both trasa and sthāvara animals are there, one should not kill them or cause to be killed with or without knowing."
The reason Mahāvīra offers for saying this is given in the next verse :

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savve jīvā vi icchanti jīvium na marijjium / tamhā pāņivaham ghoram niggamthā vajjayanti
ņam || (I. VI. 10) In the same Daśavaikālika-sūtra, Mahāvīra has stressed on the point of restraint by saying that one should not hurt any life in mind, body and speech :
tesim acchaņa-joeņa niccam hoyavvayam siya / maņasā kāya-vakkeņa evam havai samjae //
(I. VIII. 3) "Towards all these animals one must always constantly be non-injurious even in mind, body and speech, then he is called a restrained person.”
The basic idea that has actuated Mahāvīra to extol life of all sorts of creatures is emanated from the fact that says -
savve pānā piyāuyā (Ācārānga I. 2.3) "All lives are dear to animals”,
and nāivāijja kimcana (Ibid., I. 2.4)
"And nobody is to be hurt". Almost the same idea in a little elaborated form is echoed in the Uttarādhyayana-sūtra in the following manner :
jaganissiehim bhūehim tasanāmehim thāvarehim ca / no tesim ārabhe damdam manasā vayasā kāyasa
ceva // (VIII. 10) "In thoughts, words, and acts he should do nothing injurious to beings who peopled the world, whether they move or not." na hu pāņavaham aņojāne muccejja kayai savva
dukkhāņam / evāriehim akkhāyam jehim imo sāhudhammo
panassatto II (VIII. 8) "One should not permit the killing of living beings; then he will perhaps be delivered from all misery; thus have spoken the preceptors who have proclaimed the Law of ascetics"

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The feelings of Mahāvīra towards all kinds of animals are acute and severe. He is confident enough to assert the fact that all lives have the feelings of pleasure and pain and so they should be saved from injury. Manu once said that antaḥ samjñā bhavantyete sukha-duḥkha
samanvitāḥ (Ch I.) The same idea is also reflected in the Sūtrakstānga in a very emphatic tone :
savvāhim aṇujuttihim matimam paờilehiyā / savve akkanta-dukkhā ya ao savvee na himsayā //
(I. 11.9) "A wise man should study them with all means of philosophical research. All beings hate pain; therefore one should not kill them."
eyam khu nāņiņo sāram jam na-himsai kimcaņa / ahimsā samayam ceva eyāvantam vijānīyā //
(I. 11.10)
“This is the quintessence of wisdom : not to kill anything. Know this to be the legitimate conclusion from the principle of reciprocity with regard to non-killing."
From all these passages of ahimsā quoted above what Mahāvīra wants to emphasize is the fact that "we must not be goaded by the passions and impulses of himsā. But, to all intents and purposes, we must control our mind to allow us to grow stronger mentally, so that our life can become severe, pure and holy. This does not mean that we should not enjoy life to its fullest extent, but that enjoyment should not be of a beastly type, but of a divine nature. It must not transgress the purity and serenity of life and of dharma. It should be noted that the basic idea of ahimsā is not to control the outward events of one's life, but to control the inward temper in which he faces these events. So the practice of ahimsă will teach us how to preserve a purely inward integrity and balance of mind, and how to conquer the world from a world both hostile

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and intractable.” (S.R. Banerjee, Introducing Jainism, p. 66). Ahimsā in Buddhism
Just as Jaina literature is replete with ahimsā, so also the Buddhist literature which has also preached the doctrine of ahimsā. Though in almost all the Buddhist literature, ahimsā is preached, in the Suttanipāta as well as in the Dhammapada, kindness towards all beings (metta), non-violence (ahimsā) and many more ethical doctrines are found. Both the Buddhists and the Jains preached the doctrine of non-violence, but it was the Jains who emphasized the doctrine of ahimsā in a more rigorous way than the Buddhists. As a result of their vigorousness Jainism lays stress far more on asceticism and all manner of cult exercises than Buddhism. As non-violence in Buddhism is not a topic here today, I just casually have made a passing remark about the non-violence of Buddhism.
Ahimsā in the Hindu scriptures
Apart from the fact that lots of references to ahimsā are found in Vedic literature, particularly in the Rgveda and other Samhitās, most of the statements of Vedic ahimsā are generally prohitive, i.e., "do not kill”, “do not injure others”. Even in the midst of prohibitive statements, the Sukla Yajurveda says that we should see others with our friendly eyes :
bb
dste drmha mā mitrasya mā cakşuşā sarvāṇi
bhūtāni samiksantām / mitrasyāham cakşuşā sarvāṇi bhūtāni samikşe /
mitrasya cakşuşa samikşāmahe 11 (SYV. 36/18)
“Even though the body is emaciated, let me be firm. Let you show me all animals with the eyes of a friend. I also (want to) see all the animals with the eyes of my

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friend. Let us see each other devoid of malice with the eyes of my friend."
The same idea is echoed once by the Romans as the Latin sentence says -
homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum perto.
“I am a man, there is nothing about man whom I keep away far from me.”
The Atharvaveda says-let us not get any fear from any quarter of the globe :
abhayam mitrād, abhayam amitrad abhayam jñātād, abhayam parokşāt / abhayam naktam, abhayam divā naḥ sarvā āśā mama mitram bhavantu //
(AV. 19.15.6] "Let there be no fear from my friend, no fear from my enemy, no fear from my relatives, no fear from the unknown (quarters); there is no fear from night, no fear from day. Let all our hopes be friendly”.
In the post-Vedic stage, the same tone and tune of Vedic ahimsā was followed, but in a modified form. By that time (i.e. say 600 B.C.) the Vedic sacrifice had gained ground in the society; Out of many sacrifices, the animal sacrifice (paśuyāga) was also prevalent. By the time Manu wrote his book Manusamhitā where he has said that himsā in connection with animal sacrifice is not himsā at all, it is to be treated as ahimsā, and the mandate of Manu is often quoted for that: yajñārtham paśavaḥ sșştāḥ svayam eva
svayambhūvā / yajñasya bhūtyāi sarvasya tasmād yajñe
vodho’vadhaḥ || [V. 39]
"Svayambhū (the Self-existence) himself created animals for the sake of sacrifice. Sacrifices (have been instituted) for the good of this whole (world); hence the slaughtering (of beasts) for sacrifices is not slaughtering (in the ordinary sense of the word).”

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Despite the fact that for sacrificial purposes the killing of animals is not despised, Manu in general has described the excellence of ahimsa in the same Manu-samhita. In fact, according to Manu, non-killing is a virtue which is to be inculcated by all :
indriyānām nirodhena rāga-dveşa-kşayena ca / ahimsaya ca bhūtānām amṛtatvāya kalpate //
[VI. 60]
"By the restraint of his senses, by the destruction of attachment and hatred, and by the abstention from injury to the creatures, he becomes fit for immortality."
Ahimsa in the Mahabharata
Coming to the time of the Mahabharata (dated between 4th cent. B.C. to 4th cent. A.D.) we can see that the eulogy of ahimsa was not diminished, rather it was highly extolled. It seems paradox at the outset when the Mahabharata is a book on war, how could there ahimsā play a part? But we shall be surprised to note that in the various parts of the Mahabharata, ahimsa is greatly eulogised. In the Vanaparva (III) a long conversation between Draupadi, Yudhiṣṭhira and Bhima was made on ethical questions in which Draupadi praises the doctrine of ahimsa, i.e., the forbearance towards living beings (chapters 206-208). It is noteworthy that in many places of the Mahabharata "the ascetic morality of ahimsa and of love towards all creatures" is depicted. In the Śantiparva, the greatness of ahimsa is firmly established, the argument being
jivitum yaḥ svayam cecchet katham so'nyam
ghatayet / yad yad atmani ceccheta tat parasyāpi cintayet || [12, 254.22]
"He who himself wants to live, how he can kill the other; what one wants for himself, that is to be thought of others."

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In order to establish this statement the story of JājaliTuladhāra is given in which Tuladhāra has proved the excellence of ahimsā as a superior religion to anything else. Tulādhāra is the pedlar and Jājali is the Brahmanical ascetic. In this conversation Tuladhāra appears as a teacher. The Brahmin Jājali well-versed in the Sāstras has asked Tuladhāra about the essence of religion. Tuladhāra says -
adrohenaiva bhūtānām alpadroheņa vā punaḥ | yā vsttiḥ sa paro dharmas tena jivāmi Jäjale //
"Oh Jājali, without injuring the animals or doing less injury (to animals), if one lives, that is a great religion. I want to live by that religion."
sarveşām yaḥ suhrn nityam sarveşām ca hite rataḥ / karmaņā manasā vācā ca dharmam veda Jäjale //
"Oh Jājali, he who becomes a friend to all people or who is engaged in doing good to others by means of action, mind and speech, he knows religion.”
yadā cāyam na bibheti yadā cāsmän na bibhyati / yadā necchati no dveşti brahma sampadyate tadā ||
“When one does not fear others, and when others do not fear one and when one does not wish to do anything, or when one does not want to hurt others, he attains the feet of Brahma.”
yadā na kurute bhāvam sarvabhūteşu pāpakam / karmaņā manasā vācā brahma sampadyate tadā //
"When a man does not do any harm to animals by action, mind and speech, he can attain the feet of Brahma."
yasmān nodvijate bhūtam jātu kiñcit kathañcana / abhayam sarvabhūtebhyaḥ sa prāpnoti sadā mune //
"When an animal is never agitated by any means from anybody, that world does never feel any agitation from any animal."
Loke yaḥ sarvabhūtebhyaḥ dadātyabhaya-dakşiņām / sa sarva-yajñāi ijānaḥ präpnotyabhaya-dakşiņām / na bhūtānām ahimsāyā jyāyān dharmo'sti kaścana //

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"He who gives fearless (atmosphere) to all animals of the world, he attains no fear (from anybody) even by performing sacrifice. There is no great religion of men like ahimsa (non-injury) in the world."
Tuladhara goes on saying that "there is no higher law than forbearance towards all living beings. Therefore the breeding of cattle is cruel, because it involves the torturing and killing of animals. Cruel, too, is the keeping of slaves, and traffic in living creatures. Even agriculture is full of sin, for the plough wounds the earth and kills many innocent animals" (Winternitz, Hist. Ind. Lit. pp. 41617). To this Jājali replies
kṛṣṇā hyannam prabhavati tatas tvam asi jivasi | paśubhis coşadhibhiśca martyā jīvanti vanija || tato yajñaḥ prabhavanti nāstikyam api jalpasi / na hi varted ayam loko vārtām utsṛjya kevalan ||
"Food is produced by agriculture, and you, too, are living on it; people live on cattle-breeding and agriculture; from that sacrifice is performed, you are talking like an atheist, people could not live alone by giving up the business of his livelihood."
Thereupon Tuladhara replied with a long discourse upon the true sacrifice, which should be offered without the desire for reward, without priestly deception, and without the killing of living beings. Finally Tulādhāra calls on the birds which had nested in the hair of Jājali's head as witnesses for his doctrine, and they, too, confirm that the true religion consists in forbearance towards all human beings" (Winternitz, Hist. Ind. Lit. pp. 417-18).
ahimsa paramo dharmas tathāhimsā paro damaḥ / ahimsa paramam dānam ahimsā paramam tapaḥ ||
"Ahimsa (non-violence) is the highest religion, in the same way ahimsa is the highest restraint; ahimsa is the highest gift, and ahimsa is the highest penance."

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ahimsä paramo yajñas tathāhimsā paramam
phalam / ahimsā paramam mitram ahimsā paramam
sukham / ahimsā paramam satyam ahimsā paramam śrutam ||
"Ahimsā is the highest sacrifice, and in the same way ahimsā is the highest fruit; ahimsā is the highest friend, ahimsā is the highest happiness; ahimsā is the highest truth, ahimsā is the highest knowledge."
sarva-yajñeşu vā dānam sarva-tīrtheşu vā plutam / sarva-dāna-phalam vāpi naitat tulyan ahimsayā //
"Or ahimsā is the best gift in all sacrifices, it is a raft (boat) in all tirthas; or even is the result of all gifts, nothing can be compared with ahimsā."
Even though Krşņa is forcing Arjuna to lodge a war against his relatives and kinsmen, there are passages in the Gītā (X. 5; XII. 13, XIII. 7; XVI. 2. VII. 14) where lots of encomiums are showered on ahimsā which prove beyond doubt that it has a significant place in Hindu religion as well.
Whether this portion of the Mahābhārata is greatly influenced by Jainism or not, is a matter of speculation now.
Ahimsā in the Purāņas
We have lots of quotations from the Purāņas where in many places ahimsā is eulogised to a great extent. In the Padma, Vişnu, Mārkandeya, Siva, and in many others, non-injury is greatly extolled. It is not possible to cite all these quotations here. Only one or two examples are sufficient to understand the spirit of non-violence. In the Padmapurāna, it is said -
andhe tamasi mājjāmaḥ paśubhir ye yajāmahe / himsā nāma bhaved dharmo na bhūto na bhavişyati ||
“Those who do sacrifice with animals they are plunged in blind darkness, that sort of religion is himsā (killing)."

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yupam khittvā pasūn hatvā kṛtvā ridhira
kardamam/ yadyevam gamyate svargam narake kena gamyate ||
"By digging a yupa, killing animals, and making muddy with blood, if anybody goes to heaven by this method, then who will go to hell"?
In the Uttarakhanda of the Padmapurāna we come across a passage where the goddess Durga praises the doctrine of ahimsā.
But in the other Purāņa texts, ahimsa is also praised as one of the best ways of social behaviour. For example, in the Bhāgavata the killing of animal even in the sacrifice is vilified to a great extent as the following verse shows :
ye tvanevamvido' santaḥ stabdhaḥ sadabhimaninaḥ | paśun druhyanti visrabdhāḥ pretya khādanti te ca tan // [11. 5. 14]
"Those who are ignorant of this real Dharma and, though wicked and haughty, account themselves virtuous, kill animals without any feeling of remorse or fear of punishment, and are devoured by those very animals in their next birth."
Ahimsa in the Tantrik texts
Even in the Tantrik texts some praises of ahimsā are found. For example, in the Kulārṇava-tantra the drinking of wine (sura) is extolled in the most extravagant manner, and the eating of meat is permissible only in the Kulapūjā, even though the non-killing (ahimsa) is honoured elsewhere. This shows an exception to the rule of ahimsă.
Śankarācārya on Ahimsa
In the eighth century A.D. Sankarācārya in his Sarvavedanta-siddhanta-sāra praised ahimsā as a noble virtue.
He says

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ahimsā vāň-mana-kāyaiḥ prāņi-mătra-prapidanam / svātmavat sarvabhūteņu kāyena manasā girā //
"Ahimsā means that not a single animal is to be hurt by speech, mind and body, and to behave all animals like ones own self with mind, body and speech is non-violence (ahimsā).” Ahimsā in the Mediaeval Jainism
In the mediaeval period (roughly started from the 10th cent. A.D.), the doctrine of ahimsā turned into a different direction. It was no longer a mere eulogy of ahimsā, nor was it regarded as a sort of moral ethics, as it was at the time of Mahāvīra. In the Hindu sources it was mainly argumentative as it was evidenced by the Mahābhāratatradition. But it was the Jains who turned ahimsā into a system of philosophy. And as a result, there were lots of changes in their philosophical ideas and ahimsä was described from various points of view.
The first philosophical text is the Tattvārtha-sūtra by Umāsvāti or Umāsvāmi belonging to the first or fifth cent. A.D. The text describes the nature of ahimsā as was current in his time. Umāsvāti defines himsā from the philosophical point view: pramatta-yogāt prāņa-vyaparopaņam himsā ll
(VII. 13)
"Injury is the severance of vitalities out of passion.”
When a person is actuated by passion he is called pramatta. Pramattayoga therefore means the activity of such a person. Therefore, the severance of the vitalities that are present is called injury.
It is said by Umāsvāti that himsā does not depend on acts alone. Himsā may bebhāva-himsā and dravya-himsă. Bhāva-himsā means the "intention to hurt”, whereas dravya-himsă means the "actual physical hurt.” Bhāvahimsă arises under the influence of anger and other passions as described by Umāsvāti in his book as

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Prodha-lobha-bhirutoa-hāsya-pratyābhyẵnny
anuvīci-bhāsaņam pañca (TS. VII. 5). i.e., anger, greed, cowardice, jest and speaking blameless speech are five which cause bhāva-himsā.
On this point, Amộtacandra (11th cent. A.D.) thinks rāga and dveşa can constitute himsā even though no creature perishes. His argument is that once a person is full of anger, he destroys himself, even though he does not destroy any creature.
In the mediaeval period, Somadeva (959 A.D.), one of the outstanding authors, in his Upāsakādhyayana i.e., the sixth, seventh, and eighth books of his Yaśastilaka which constitute an excursus on the Srāvakācāra, has emphasized the positive aspect of ahiņsā which, in his opinion, is maitri, pramoda, kārunya, and mādhyasthya. Maitri is the friendship with the animals by practising non-infliction towards the creatures, pramoda is the affection coupled with the respect for all beings, kārunya is charity to help the needy, and mādhyasthya is a state of equanimity.
Later on, Amitagati (993 A.D.) and Amstacandra (11th cent. A.D.) in their respective treatises Srāvakācāra (VI. 33-44) and Puruşārtha-siddhyupāya (verses 79-89) advocated absolute ahimsā (non-violence) (Introducing Jainism, pp. 71-72).
Another author Devagupta (1016 A.D.) by name in his Nava-pada-prakarana (verse 22) described the various facets of himsā. He says that himsā may be ārambhaja or anārambhaja. Arambhaja himsă is inherent in the occupation, whereas anārambhaja is not related to the occupation. There is another himsā called sankalpaja which is intentional. Crimes done by himsā may be either sārthaka or nirarthaka. Sārthaka himsā may be committed with care and attention (sāpekşa), while, if it is committed carelessly, it is nirapeksa. This idea of himsã corroborates with the conception of Umāsvāti described above..
In the mediaeval period, Hemacandra (1088-1172

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A.D.) was the greatest exponent of Jainism. He attacked Manu seriously and called his Manava-samhita as Himsăsastra. Manu has depicted the excellence of ahimsa in so many words, but only has said that in the case of sacrifice the killing of animals is not an offence (tasmad yajne vadho' vadhah). Hemacandra protests against the statement of Manu in his Yogaśastra (II. 33-49). Hemacandra says that it is a distortion of reality to think that the animals have come to this world to be offered to gods for the prosperity and betterment of the world. It is not true to say that the Jivas living in this world will be reborn as divine beings. Hemacandra calls these people hypocrits who preach the religion of cruelty. Hemacandra goes on to say further that if the animals are sacrificed for an abode in heaven, then why should one not kill one's parents in the sacrifice for getting an abode in heaven? His argument rests on the famous verse which he quotes from the Daśavaikālikasūtra :
savve jīvā vi icchanti jivium na marijjium / tamhā pāṇivaham ghoram niggantha vajjayanti
nam || (I. 6.10)
"All animals wish to live, and not to be slain; therefore the Jain monks must relinquish the dangerous killing of animals."
Hemacandra then concludes by comparing ahimsa with the beneficient mother:
mateva sarva-bhūtānām ahimsā hitakāriņi / ahimsaiva hi samsāram arāvamṛta-sāraṇiḥ // 2.50 ahimsā duḥkha-dāvāgni-prāvṛṣinya-ghanāvali | bhava-bhrami-rugārtānām ahimsa paramauṣadhi ||
2.51
"Ahimsa is like a beneficient mother of all creatures, in the desent of Samsara (mundane life) ahimsa works like a stream of nectar to the forest-fire, ahimsa is the course of rain-clouds, for the beings tormented by the

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diseases, (ahiņsā) is the best healing herb; and ahimsā is called the perpetual return of existence."
Hemacandra thinks that the protection to all animal beings (abhayadāna or karuņādāna) is the positive side of ahimsā which everyone should follow Ahimsā in History
The above citations are textual, but there are some historical references as well. In the history of Gujarat, Kumārapāla occupies a unique position. After Jayasimha (1094-1142 A.D.), Kumārapäla (1142-1173 A.D.) became the king of Gujarāt and was initiated into Jainism in 1159 A.D. by Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.). After that he made the Jaina religion a state religion in his country. The king himself abandoned hunting, and prohibited the killing of animals, eating meat, drinking, gambling and animal combat. Such types of instances can be ransacked from the pages of history.
It is a fact worth noting here in this connection that in the reign of great Akbar (1556-1605 A.D.) “whose spirit of tolerance and eclectism led him to form the idea of embracing all the Indian creeds in his new Ilahi Din or "Religion of God”--the Jainas obtained a warrant prohibiting the slaughter of animals, etc. wherever their faith was practised". Bholanath Chunder in his Travels of a Hindoo (1869), Vol. I, notes:
"It is a remarkable sanad or document bearing the bonafide seal of Akbar, which has recently come to light, the name under which Pareshnath was known in that emperor's age appears to have been Samet Sikhar. This whole hill together with others in Bihar and Gujarat, was granted to, and bestowed upon Hira Vijaya Suri Acharya, the then pontiff of the Svetāmbara Jaina sect, by Akbar. They were given in perpetuity and there is an especial clause prohibiting the killing of animals either on, below, or about the hills." (pp. 210-11)..
John Tod in his Travels in Western India referring to

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this act of the Great Akbar remarks: "It was this scrupulous regard for the religious opinions of all the varied sects within his mighty realm, that procured this monarch the inevitable designation of Jagat Guru, 'the guardian of mankind', and which caused him to be regarded by the Vaisnavas as an incarnation of Kanhaiya." (pp. 290-91)
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This beneficial act of Akbar granted in 1589, was recorded in one of the inscriptions at Satruñjaya.
Similarly, in the reign of Shah Jahan another grant was made under the seal of his second son Murad Bakhsh, the Governor of Gujarat, by which the hill and surrounding district was given in perpetual inām to Satidas Javheri, a Sravaka and jeweller to the Court".
The Intellectual Ahimsa1
The intellectual ahimsa is not considered as himsā (violence) by the Jains, even though the Jains have vāk gupti (practices of restrained of speech) and bhāṣā-samiti (self-regulation of speech). We can infer this from the study of Jain literature. Whenever the Jains have got a chance, they have criticised the views of the Buddhists and the Hindus. Here I give a few examples to show how the process of intellectual himsā (violence) was carried out without being realised that the Jains are transgressing their rules vāk gupti and bhäṣā-samiti.
In the Sūtra-kṛtānga (1. 3. 64-68), one of the Agama texts of the Śvetambara Jains, the final deduction of which was completed by 454 A.D., the Vedic conception of the ultimate Reality or Divinity as an outside creator-God was severely criticised:
iņam anna tu annanam iham egesim ahiyam/ deva-utte ayam loe bambha-utte tu avare || 64 ||
1992.
1. The Violence of Non-violence: A Study of some Jain Responses to Non-Jain Religious Practices, Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 15: 1-43,

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“We hear also of another error of some (philosophers) : some say that the world has been created (or is governed) by the gods, others, by Brahman."
isarena kade loe pahäņāi tahāvare / jīvājīva-samõutte suha-dukkha-samaņņie 1/65//
"Some say that it has been created by the Isvara, others that it was produced from chaos, etc., this world with living beings and lifeless things, with its variety of pleasure and pain.”
sayambhūņā kada loe iti vuttam mahesiņā / māreņa samthuyā māyā teņa loe asāsaye // 66 ||
"The great Rşi said, that the world has been created by Svayambhū; Māra originated Māyā, therefore, the world (appears to be) uneternal.”
māhaņā samaņā eye āha andakade jage / aso tattam akāsi ya ayāņamtā musam vae // 67 ||
"Some Brāhmaṇas and Sramaņas say that the universe was produced from the (primeval) egg, and He (Brahman) created the things. These ignorant men speak untruth."
saehim pariyāehim logam büyā kade tti ya / tattam te na viyāṇasti ņāyam ņāsi kayāi vi // 68 //
“Those who on arguments of their own maintain that the world has been created, do not know the truth. Nor will (the world) ever perish."
V.M. Kulkarni in his book, The Story of Rāma in Jain Literature, (Saraswati Pustak Bhandar, Ahmedabad, 1990, p. 77) has informed us that Vimala Sūri (1st/2nd cent. A.D.) in his Paümacariyam has said that "the Rāmāyaṇa stories are most certainly lies", and "the poets who composed Rāmāyaṇa were lairs." Vimala Sūri saysaliyam pi savvam eyam uvavatti-viruddha-paccaya
gunehim / na ya saddahamti purisā, havamti je pandiya loe //
Paüma. II. 117. In a fifth-century text the Srävaka-prajñapti by an anonymous author, and its commentator Haribhadra

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belonging to the eighth century A.D. “were at great pains", says Phyllis Granoff, “to criticize both the Buddhists and the little-known samsāra-mocakas for not adhering to an absolute prohibition of all forms of violence.”
In the Avaśyakacūrņi by Jinadāsa-gaņi Mahattara (7th-8th cent. A.D.), a story of Siva Maheśvara was ridiculed by Jinadāsa. While the Hindus think that Siva was a god, Jinadāsa says that he was "the son of a nun who had been magically impregnated by a wizard seeking a suitable repository for his powers and subsequently came into possession of a spell which caused a hole in his forehead, the third eye of Shaiva mythology. As a result of his violent and lascivious behaviour, he was killed by a prostitute named Umā, one of the names of Shiva's wife Pārvati." (Paul Dundas, The Jains, 1992, Routledge, London, pp. 201-202).
Haribhadra Sūri (705-775 A.D.), an author of the eighth century A.D., criticised Hindu Mythological text in his Dhürtākhyāna. Phyllis Granoff observes that Haribhadra's Dhūrtākhyāna "is a spoof of Brahmanical mythology.... calculated to offend by the nature of the examples he has chosen to illustrate the improbability of Puranic religion."
The same Haribhadra Sūri in his Samarāiccakahā similarly criticized "Brahmanical rites".
In the twelfth century A.D., Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.) severely criticised Hindu deities on theological grounds. In his Yogaśāstra Hemacandra criticises some aspects of Hindu deities which, he thinks, are not fit for liberation. He says
“Those gods who are tainted by passion, etc., as seen by their women, weapons, necklaces, etc. and who show disfavour or favour to others, are not liberated."
"Since they are confused and disturbed by dancing, loud laughter, and singing, how can they lead to the peaceful state?” (Yogaśāstra, II. 6-7).
The same Hemacandra in the same Yogaśāstra text

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criticised the Mānava-dharma-śāstra as Himsā-śāstra, “a scripture of violence.”
Padmanabha Jaini has informed us that Vādicandra Bhațțāraka (15/16th A.D.) criticised the Siva Purāņa for presenting a false genealogy of the Pāndavas. (Mahābhārata Motifs in the Jaina Panda-Purāna, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1984, Vol. 47, pp. 108-115). Ahimsā as a Philosophy
Though the Hindus, the Buddhists and the Jains have accepted the question of Ahimsā, it is the Jains who have turned it into a system of philosophical order. The quintessence of ahimsā has made Mahāvīra an outstanding exponent of social equality and justice.
The effect of ahimsā (non-killing, non-hurting, noninjury) can be seen on (1) food, (2) drink, (3) trades and industries, (4) social behaviour, and (5) civil and criminal wrongs.
Conclusion
I conclude this chapter by the remarks which I have already made in my book, Introducing Jainism, at pp. 73-74.
"It seems somewhat paradoxical to think of any religion in this advanced age of science and technology. It may seem outlandish too to think of a religion at the present day which speaks of non-violence, when the spectacular contributions of science erode the foundations on which our beliefs and values of life have rested for centuries. But in spite of all these achievements one thing is still sure : Are men really happy ? Has science been able to bring mental peace and tranquillity? Is it not true that one violence has brought back another violence? Has one war stopped another war ? Material world does not and cannot bring happiness to mankind. It did not happen in the past and it will not happen in future either. People

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have realised now that spiritual and ethical teachings and practices may restore happiness in our life. And in this respect Mahāvīra's doctrines have profound significance in the present society as it had in the past. To be precise, if Jain philosophy is properly understood, one is inclined to believe that it will contribute much to the development of human personality and will make life worth living. A proper understanding of Mahāvīra's teachings will lessen the misery and dishonesty, corruption and fear, malice and hatred under whose pressure the present world is helplessly groaning.
"Mahāvīra's intellectual empire as reflected in his principles of non-violence is imperishable, and the heart of a great number of people burst with a boundless admiration has been greatly moulded from thousands of years over the whole terrain of Indian life. A section of people still believes that Mahāvīra's doctrines should be preached and practised in this world--a world which is full of toil and turmoil, a world which is full of violence and conflicts, a world where the values of human lives are jeopardised at the altar of human power, a world where beastly propensities of human beings are increasing rapidly, where the human finer qualities are sacrificed for the cause of material expansion and prosperity, and where lives of all sorts are butchered as fodder for guns. It is also believed that if Mahāvira's basic tenets are imparted to the present generation as a part of their education, a new world may be ushered in in course of time, where there will be no violence, but a permanent bliss will pervade all over the world. To conclude, his teachings will deepen our ideas and thoughts, broaden our visions, heighten our mental horizon, strengthen our mind with a new vigour, and enlighten our future generations for the betterment of our life".

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Select Bibliography For further studies of the subject, the following Bibliography will help one to understand and deal with the problem of Non-violence.
Ayyangar, M.S. Ramaswami and B. Seshagiri Rao Studies in
South Indian Jainism Pts I and II, (1st edn. Madras 1922), reprinted by Sri Satguru Publications, Sakti Nagar, Delhi,
(1982), 1988. Babb, Lawrence A.--Ascetics and Kings in a Jain Ritual Culture,
with a Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1988. Balcerowicz, Piotr (ed) Essays in Jain Philosophy and Religion,
with a Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Pvt.
Ltd., Delhi, 2003. Banerjee, S.R. -- Jainism Through the Ages, Jain Journal, Vol.
XXIX, Calcutta, 1995, 129-146. Banerjee, S.R. - Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains, Jain
Bhawan, Calcutta, 1999. Banerjee, S.R. (ed.) - Jainism in Different States of India, Jain
Bhawan, Calcutta, 2001. Banerjee, S.R. - Origin and Growth of Jainism and Some
Doctrines of Jainism, Journal of the Asiatic Society, Vol.
XLII, Nos. 1-2, Calcutta, 2000, pp. 7-28. Banerjee, S.R. - Introducing Jainism, Jain Bhawan, Calcutta,
2002. Basham, A.L. - History and Doctrines of the Ājīvikas, with a
Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers
Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 2002. Chaillat, Colette - Words for Violence in the “Seniors” of the
Jaina Canon, pp. 207-236 in Jain Studies in Honour of Jozef Deleu ed. by Rudy Smet and Kenji Watanabe, Hon-no
Tomosha, Tokyo, 1993. Desai, P.B.-Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs,
Jaina Samskrti Samrakşaka Sangha, Sholapur, 1957. Glasenapp, Helmuth von – Der Jainismus, Berlin, 1925.
Translated into English by S.B. Shrotri under the title Jainism, an Indian Religion of Salvation, with a Foreword by S.R. Banerjee, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1999.

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Jain, S.A. - Reality, an English translation of Shri Pūjyapāda's
Sarvārthasiddhi, Vira Śāsana Sangha, Calcutta, 1960. Kapadia, H.R. - A History of the Canonical Literature of the
Jains, Bombay, 1941. Reprinted by Saradaben Chimanbhai
Educational Research Centre, Ahmedabad, 2000. Sandesara, Bhogilal J.- Literary Circle of Mahāmātya
Vastupāla and its Contribution to Sanskrit Literature, Singhi Jain Series, No. 33, Bhāratiya Vidyā Bhavana,
Bombay, 1953. Saletore, B.A. - Mediaeval Jainism, Bombay, 1938. Schubring, Walther-Die Lehre der Jainas, Leipzig, 1935.
Translated into English by Wolfgang Beurlen as The Doctrine of the Jainas, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1962, reprinted in 1978 and 1995. Second revised edition, with a
Foreword by W. Bollée, 2000. Stevenson, Mrs Sinclair—The Heart of Jainism, (Oxford, 1915),
reprinted by Munshiram Monoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd.,
New Delhi, 1995. Williams, Robert - Jaina Yoga, a Survey of the Mediaeval
Śrāvakācāra, Oxford University Press, London, 1963. Winternitz, Maurice-A History of Indian Literature, Vol. II,
Calcutta University, Calcutta, 1933. Third reprint by Munshiram Monoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi, 1991.

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POLITICAL AND SOCIAL THOUGHTS IN
HEMACANDRA (1088 - 1172 A.D.)
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE
I. Political Thoughts of Hemacandra Ācārya Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.) belonged to the twelfth century A.D. and the period of Acārya Hemacandra covering eighty years was the most crucial age in the mediaeval history of India. The crucial age was reckoned between 998 and 1292 A.D. In 998, Mahmud, the Turkish conqueror, captured Ghazni; and this period ended in 1292, when Jalál-ud-din, the Khalji chief, proclaimed himself the Sultan of Delhi. From the historical point of view, the entire period can be conveniently divided into two: the first period ended in 1193 A.D. (that is the period when Hemacandra actually flourished), and the second ended in 1299 A.D. The first period ended with the defeat of Přthvīrāja Chahamāna of Ajmer by Muiizz-ud-din Ghüri in the battle of Tarain and opened the gates of Madhya Pradesh to the foreign invaders.
It should be kept in mind that the political and social history of India at the time when Hemacandra flourished was the history of mediaeval India which ended with the defeat of Pșthvīrāja Chabamāna of Ajmer. So to talk about the political and social history of India at the time of Hemacandra is a difficult task. It is difficult, because we do not have any direct evidence to rely upon; because the literary works of Hemacandra do not give us 'sufficient material to reconstruct the socio-political picture of India in the twelfth century. In a sense, the primary sources are to be verified by the contemporary literary and other

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documents. And at the same time, the secondary sources are also consulted for checking the primary documents.
Hemacandra was born in 1088 A.D. at Dhandahukā, a town in the neighbourhood of Ahmedabad, as the son of a merchant. He was born in the atmosphere of a pious Jaina family and from his childhood, it was observed that he was destined to be monk. As a Jaina teacher he spent most of his life in the capital of Gujarāt which was Anahillavāda Pațţaņa (modern Patan). At that time, Siddharāja Jayasimha (1094-1143 A.D.) was the ruler of Gujarāt. Hemacandra's literary activities started at the inspiration of Siddharāja Jayasimha, who after his war with Mālvā, became jealous of the literary glory of Ujjayinī, and asked Hemacandra to write a grammar and some literary works. Hemacandra wrote a book on grammar and dedicated it to the king, and hence the name was Siddha-Hemacandra'. He also wrote a Mahākāvya, called Kumārapālacarita, also called Duyāśrayakāvya, where he celebrated the glory of his two patronsSiddharāja (1094-1143 A.D.) and Kumārapāla (1143-1174 A.D.), in Sanskrit and Prakrit. Somaprabhācārya (2nd half of 12th century A.D.), a junior contemporary with Hemacandra, has nicely described the literary achievements of Hemacandra in the following verse :
kįptaň vyākarañań navař viracitaṁ chando navam, dvyāśrayālaňkārau prathitau navau prakatitam śrīyogaśāstras navam/ tarkaḥ sañjanito navo jinavarādināṁ caritraṁ navam baddham yena na kena kena vidhină mohaḥ krto dūrataḥ?.
"He composed a new grammar (i.e. the SiddhaHemacandra), a new science of metrics (the Chandonusāsana), the Dvyāśraya-kāvya and the Alamkāra-śāstra (i.e. the Kāvyānuśāsana), a new Yogaśāstra, 1. B.J. Sandesara, Literary Circle etc. p.11. 2. Ibid., p. 11.

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a new logic (i.e. the Pramāņa-mimāṁsā), and a new biography of the Jinas (i.e. the Trişaşțiśalākāpuruşa-caritra and the Parisiştaparvan). In what way has he not removed our ignorance ?"
Hemacandra also wrote several other works, such as, Abhidhānacintāmaņi, Anekārthasaṁgraha and others.
Before we enter into the problem, it will be our prime duty to enumerate the available works of Hemacandra upon which this edifice of socio-political history of India is based. Hemacandra was one of the most versatile and prolific writers who worked in most of the secular branches of learning. These branches include grammar, lexicography, poetry, poetics, metres, philosophy, logic and many others. Below is given the list of the available works of Hemachandra :
I. On grammar : 1. Sabdānuśāsana, also called Siddha
Hemacandra, or Haima-sabdānuśāsana, 2. Dhātupātha : Dhātupārāyana, Dhātumālā, 3. Uņādisutra-vrtti,
4. Lingānuśāsana II. On Lexicography : 5. Abhidhāna-cintāmaņi : Nămamālā,
Nāmamālāśesa, 6. Anekārtha-samgraha : Anekārtha-seşa 7. Nighaņțu-seşa : seşasamgraha, śeşa-samgraha
sāroddhāra, 8. Desīnāmamālā / Desīsabda-saṁgraha
9. Ekākşara-nāramālā III. On Metre :
10. Chando'nuśāsana IV. On Poetics :
11. Kāvyānuśāsana with Alamkāra-cūdāmaņi V. On Philosophy / Logic :
12. Pramāna-mīmāṁsā 13. Balabala-sutra-bphad-vsiti,

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VI. On Yoga :
14. Yogaśāstra VII. On Mahākāvya : 15. Kumārapālacarita, also called Dvyāśraya
kāvya VIII. On the lives of Great Men :
16. Tri-şaşți-salākā-pusuşa-carita
17. Parišiştaparva or Sthavirāvalī-carita IX. On Miscellaneous topics :
18. Vibhrama-sútra (?) 19. Jaina Rāmāyaṇa 20. Vītarāga-stotra (on Mahāvīra) 21. Anya-yoga-vyavaccheda-dvātrimśikā
22. Laghvarhan-nitiśāstra (?) "The above mentioned works of Hemacandra may not be distinguished by any great originality, but they display a truly encyclopaedic erudition and an enormous amount of reading, besides a practical sense which makes them very useful.” Hemacandra has not written any book on historical events, except the Kumārapālacarita which describes the history of the Chaulukya of Anhilvād with particular reference to Kumārapāla, his great patron. It is proved by C.R. Jain (the Jaina Gazette, January, 1935, pp. 9ff) on the authority of the Puran Chand Nahar, that the Arhannīti is a work of the 19th century, and not by Hemacandra himself. It will, therefore, be difficult to elicit the socio-political thoughts of Hemacandra from this work. But while describing the kings and the country, some of the epithets of kings and some of the words used for describing the country give us clue to frame our ideas about the socio-political thoughts of Hemacandra.
It is generally, assumed that the historical gleanings which Hemacandra has recorded in his works, mainly in the Kumārapālacarita, otherwise known as Duyāśrayakävya, is the mediaeval history of Gujarāt. From the
3. Winternitz, Foreword to Bühler's Life of Hemacandra, p. xv.

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description of the capital, Aṇahillapura (=Pattana, modern Patan) found in the Kumarapalacarita, it can be assumed that the time when Hemacandra flourished in Gujarāt, the economic condition was fairly reliable. The soil of Gujarat was fertile; its people were adventurous, hardworking and well-behaved. People had to live on agriculture which yielded bountiful harvests. There is no denying the fact that industries flourished in a successful manner; internal trade and maritime commerce were brisk and profitable. The life of the people of Gujarat was simple and straightforward; they regulated their sustenance from a rich soil. The upper classes lived in plenty and pomp; the middle classes also lived in comfort. The people of Gujarat were gay and cheerful.
During the time of Hemacandra, i.e. in the twelfth century, the political theory of India was, primarily guided by the commentators of Smṛti-śāstras as well as of Nitiśāstras. The commentators of Yajnavalkya and Manu were the persons whose interpretations on political theory were generally followed. The famous commentaries of Vijñāneśvara (11th cent. A.D.) and Apararka (12th cent. A.D.) on Yajnavalkya and of Kulluka (11th/12th cent. A.D.) on Manu were very much operative. Hemacandra's Laghvarhan-nīti-śāstra was also composed in this climate; and to this period could also be included the Sukra-nītisāra of Sukrācārya. The Rajadharma, section (xi) of the Krtya-kalpa-taru of Laksmidhara was a Digest which was composed during this time to bridge the link between the above two commentators. Gopala's Kamadhenu is another Digest belonging to this period.
To start with the conception of 'king', Vijñāneśvara, following Medhātithi, writes under Yājñavalkya : jñātvā-parādhaṁ deśañca kālam balam athāpi vā | vayaḥ karma ca vittañca dandam danḍeşu patayet// (I. 318)
"Though this aggregate of kingly duties has been laid down with reference to the king, this duty should be

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understood to apply to one to another caste also who is engaged in the task of protecting the province, the district, and so forth."
Vijñānesvara then emphasises the duty of the king. As the king has a system of taxation (kara), and as the people pay taxes to the king, it is the duty of the king to protect the people and to look after the welfare of the people of his kingdom. Apararka also in the commentary of the same verse of Yajnavalkya justifies the same interpretation. In his opinion, all the duties as have been prescribed for a kşatriya ruler are also applicable to a non-kşatriya ruler. This idea is generated by the maxim (nyāya) which is applicable to the Rajadharma. Aparārka in the twelfth century was very sceptical about the kşatriya-origin of kingship. U.N. Ghosal, on this point, comments in his History of the Hindu Revenue System, Calcutta, 1929:
"Everyone who contributes wealth expects a benefit accruing to himself, while paying taxes has no other object than self-preservation and therefore one taking the taxes is bound to protect the people. In other words, taxation and protection are the two sides of a bargain between the ruler and his subjects. Thence follows the corollary that kingship is independent of ksatriya-birth”. (p 270). Gopāla in his Kamadhenu also reiterated the same view.
Laksmidhara in his Krtya-kalpa-taru focuses the idea of the origin and nature of kingship based on Manu and Nārada. While believing in the divine origin of the king, he also upholds that the penal authority of the king is the sign of securing of the social and political order of the country.
Hemacandra in his Laghvarhan-nïti has stated an interesting theory of the origin of rājanīti. In his opinion, the creation of Rajanīti goes back as far as to the prophet king Rşabha. Hemacandra makes the science as of Jain origin.

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Administrative Organisations
After the rise and fall of the Imperial Pratihāras of Kanauj (750-850 A.D.), there arose new powers in different parts of North and South India. In the North, Chaulukyas of Gujarāt, the Chandellas of Jejākabhukti, the Pāramāras of Mālvā, and the Kalachuris of Chedi became very powerful rulers. In the South, in a similar way, the Chaulukyas of Kalyaņa, the Cholas, the Yādavas, the Hoysalas, and the Pāņdyas became the powerful rulers.
In course of time, many kings have some titles which show the status of the kings. For example, the famous kings of the Kalachuris of Chedi had the epithets like gajapati (king of elephants), aśvapati (king of horses), narapati (king of men), and rājatrayādhipati (lord of the three grades of kings). All these epithets indicate the status of the kings.
Next in the royal line was mahārāja-putra (crown prince) — the sons of the kings.
Next in rank were the officers bearing the titles of the Chief ministers popularly known by the terms amātyamukhya, mantripradhāna, or pradhānāmātya. A minister who was in charge of religious endowments was known by the term dharma-karmādhikārī. The Kalachuris recorded the names of other dignitaries, such as, mahāmātya, dharmapradhāna, daśamulika, sandhivigrahika, pratihāras, duştasādhya and so on. These titles were used in order to administer a particular locality of a village or of an area.
Incidentally, it can be mentioned that in the 13th century, the Chandellas of Jejākabhukti used the titles for the office bearers of state for a mantri (minister) as mahamattaraka and mandalika. The minister of foreign affairs was known as sandhi-vigrahika, and a śreşthi was a banker. For adjudicating upon the disputes of merchants a body was formed in the name of pancakula and dharmadhikarana (court of justice). In an inscription dated

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1205 A.D., a reference is given to look after the families of deceased soldiers.
The administration of the Paramāra kingdom adopted the same imperial titles with a new one like danơādhisa (Commander-in-Chief) and the like. The villages were grouped under pratijāgaraņaka, vișaya or bhoga or pathaka and mandala. Every village was under the care of a headman known as pattakila.
The Gāhadavāla dynasty who ruled for more than a century (1090-1193), almost the same period when Hemacandra lived, adopted the same usual imperial titles like narapati, gajapati etc., as mentioned before. Like the kings, the queens also adopted some titles, such as, pattamahādevī and mahārājñi. The crown prince was often consecrated Yuvarāja. In this period, the royal titles like senāpati, bhāņdārika, akşapatalika and dūta were introduced.
From the Kumārapālacarita (= Ku) we can gather that the king was regarded as a divine person as the word svarāt (Ku. 1. 119) indicates. The king is considered as an embodiment of a divine being. Manu (VII.8) once said that
bālo'pi nāvamantavyo manuşya iti bhūmipaḥ / mahatī devatā hyeşā nara-rupena tişthati //
“Even a king—be he a boy—should not be dishonoured as a man, as he (i.e. king) is an embodiment of a great god in the form of man”.
The word sahasra-rājñi (Ku. IV. 40) shows that the king is often surrounded by other subordinate kings or other administrative officers. The rājasabhā (court) of Malarāja is called sahasra-rājñī as his court was surrounded by thousands of kings.
In the court of Kumārapāla there were two sāmantas named Vijaya and Kroņaka (Ku XIX. 98). He had Māndalikas and Mahājanikas also (Ku. VI. 26 and VI.

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34). The Māndalikas were the governors of some places known as Mandalas or Deśas. The Mahājanikas were, perhaps, the businessmen and hence rich people.
The word sva-rāt (1.69) also indicates that the king was a supreme judge, and perhaps, he used to sit in his court every morning.
In the coronation ceremony of a king, umbrella was regarded as the royal insignia, and the umbrella was made of the feathers of a peacock (Ku. IX. 12). At the time of coronation the king used to ride on an elephant and an umbrella was put over him (Ku. XI. 100).
At the time of coronation many valuable gifts were presented to a king both by the rich and the defeated enemies (Ku. VI. 19; XI. 35). The defeated enemy used to submit some royal insignia to the king. King Bhoja had submitted his golden canopy to Chedirāja and this was later on presented to Bhimarāja (Ku. IX. 57).
For administrative purposes, the country was divided into several parts. These are janapada, mandala, deśa, vişaya, pathaka, grāma and so on. Janapada is a bigger place and the king of a Janapada is considered as an independent king. The Sindhu territory, at that time, was an independent Janapada (Ku. VIII. 116). A Janapada is further divided into Mandalas. Mandalas are administered by governors who are called Māņdalikas. H.D. Sankalia (Archaeology of Gujarat, Bombay, 1941, p. 202) thinks Mandala was the largest division of Janapada which corresponds to our modern province. In mediaeval India, Gurjara was called a Mandala. A.K. Majumdar (Chaulukyas of Gujarat, bombay, 1956, pp. 208-209) has noted that there were fourteen Mandalas in Chaulukyan empire as mentioned in the Chaulukyan inscriptions. Mandalas were further divided into deśas, visayas and pathakas. Whether Deśas were less than Mandalas in size or not, is not clear from the descriptions, but that Lăţa and Saurāştra were called Desas shows that Deśas were smaller than Mandalas. Vişaya and Pathaka were,

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perhaps, smaller than Deśas and the head of a village was called Grāmaņi (Ku. I. 181). The mountainous areas and forests were called Khalatikas (Ku. III. 84).
In the Kumārapālacarita, the names of some official posts are found, but their exact significance is not generally mentioned. These names are Mahāpradhāna (Ku. II. 56), Purohita (III. 80), Māhāmātya (Ku. VI. 26), Māndalika (Ku. VI. 26), Pratihāra (Ku. I. 116), Comūpa (VIII. 90), Ayudhāgārika (XVII. 44). From the secondary sources we come to know that these officers used to perform their duties in the territory. For example, in the Kumārapālacarita, it is stated that Jambaka and Jehula were ministers of equal status.
For administrative purposes spies were employed in the country. Apart from dyūta, the other term Nagaraghātas were also used (Ku. IX. 48). In order to collect secret news for the king the Nagaraghātas used to dress like a sage and collected information from the people of the road. Besides the spies, the king himself used to go out secretly to collect public opinion about his administration. It is said in the text (XIII. 5) that Jayasimha used to go out for this purpose.
The condition of the country depended on the good administration of the king. The aim and ideal of a good king was to establish the Rāmarājya. The Chaulukya king had that ideal in his mind (VII. 4). In the Kumārapālacarita (VIII. 28) it is stated that people were living calmly and happily. The law and order of the country was maintained and there were no thieves in his kingdom. (VII. 28.). This truthful character of the then Indians was also recorded by the Mohammedan conquerors of India. Idrisi in his Geography (written in the 11th century) summed up the foreign opinions in the following manner :
"The Indians are naturally inclined to justice, and never depart from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty, and fidelity to their engagements are well-known,

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and they are so famous for their qualities that people flock to their country from every side.”
Incidentally, it can be mentioned that this truthful character of the then Indians was also recorded by later foreign writers. Marco Polo, for instance, in the thirteenth century noted as follows : "You must know that these Brahmins (the term used by him was Abraiaman) are the best merchants in the world, and the most truthful for they would not tell a lie for anything on earth.5" Similarly, in the fourteenth century Friar Jordanus told us that the people of lesser India (South and Western India) “were true in speech and eminent in justice”. Max Müller cites another example. “In the fifteenth century.”, says Max Müller, “Kamaleddin Abd-errazak Samarkandi (14131482), who went as ambassador of the Khakan to the prince of Kalikut and to the king of Vidyānagara (about 1440-1445), bears testimony to the perfect security which merchants enjoy in that country". Max Müller futher says that from the records of the Ain i Akbari written by Abul Fazal, the minister of the emperor Akbar, in the sixteenth century this truthfulness of the then Indians was remarkable. “The Hindus”, says Abul Fazal, “are religious, affable, cheerful lovers of justice, given to retirement, able in business, admirers of truth, grateful and of unbounded fidelity; and their soldiers know not what it is to fly from the field of battles”.?
We can go on quoting from book after book on this truthful character of the then Indians as recorded by the foreign travellers, till the advent of the Englishmen in Indian history. But the fact that Hemacandra recorded this incident in his Kumārapalacarita is the most important one.
4. Max Müller, Indian, what can it teach us ? p. 56. 5. Ibid., p. 56. 6. Ibid., p. 56. 7. Ibid., p. 57.

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The personal life of a king as can be gleaned from the personal life of the king Kumārapāla delineated in the Kumārapālacarita of Hemacandra is fascinating. Though the duties of a king are enunciated by Manu, Yājñavalkya, and even by Lakşmīdhara in the Rājadharma section (xi) of his Krtyakalpataru, the duties of a king as recorded in the Kumārapālacarita are practical. It is stated there that after getting up in the morning, the king must pay respect to his favourite deities (Ku. 1. 72-73). The king will also perform other periodical religious rites (II. 9) including his daily morning prayer. The Srauta Brahmins usually performed the morning prayer along with the king (II.55). The king then used to come to the Mātņgpha (Ku I. 84) to worship mātȚs. After performing daily exercises (Ku. I. 90), the king used to attend the people in the morning (Ku. 1. 70) in his council-hall (II. 58) sitting down upon his Simhāsana (III. 77). As regards the education of the king, it is mentioned that the king must be educated in the Vedas and the religious scriptures as well as in all the fine arts (VI. 4, 6). The council-hall of the king was adorned by the august presence of poets and writers (XI. 66). Though Hemacandra did not mention how the literary court of a king should be exhibited, we can supply this information from the Kavyamīmāṁsā of Rājasekhara who was a senior contemporary with Hemacandra. Rājasekhara, a poet of the tenth century, says in his Kavyamimāṁsā (pp. 54-55 of Gaekwad's edition) the position of poets and artists in the literary hall of a king in the following manner:
“The king-poet should have a special chamber for testing literary compositions. The chamber should have sixteen pillars, four doors, and eight turrets. The pleasurehouse should be attached to this chamber. In the middle of the chamber there should be an altar one hand high with four pillars and jewelled floor. Here the king should have his seat. On its northern side should be seated Sanskrit poets and behind them Vaidikās, logicians (prāmānikas),

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Paurāņikās, Smārtās, physicians (Bhișajas), astrologers (Mauhūrttikās) and such others; on the eastern side the Prakrit poets (prākstā kavayaḥ), and behind them actors (nata), dancers (narttana), singers (gayana), musicians (vādaka), bards and such others; on the western side the vernacular poets (apabhramsinah kavayaḥ) and behind them painters (citralepyakstaḥ), jewel-setters (mānikyabandhakāh), jewellers (vaikatikāh), goldsmiths (svarņakārāḥ), carpenters ( vardhakilohakārāḥ) and blacksmiths and such others; and on the southern side Paisacha poets (bhūtabhāşākavayah), and behind them, paramours, courtezans, rope-dancers, jugglers, wrestlers and professional soldiers”. (Introduction p. XXXVi - vii).
Whether this was the prevalent practice of the king or not, was not clear from Rājasekhara, but it was a picture of how a king in the mediaeval India used to organise a poetic assembly in his kingdom. And we can gauge at the moment that that was the practice of the Indians at that time and this picture was reflected by Rājasekhara in his Kavyamīmāṁsā.
From the Kumārapālacarita, we can also infer that Hemacandra says that the kings must be religious-minded and he must go to pilgrimages after defeating his enemies (V. 132). In their old age, the kings should live in pilgrimages by observing asceticism (VIII. 15).
II. Social Thoughts of Hemacandra As I have said in my earlier part of this article that it was difficult for me to elicit the political thoughts of Hemacandra from his works, so also in the case of social thoughts, it is equally difficult to find out the social gleanings of Hemacandra from his writings. We must remember that Hemacandra has not written any book on social order of the country, but from some of the words used by him relating to social structure, we can build the edifice of sociology to some extent at the time of

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Hemacandra counterchecked by contemporary evidence. We must also know at the same time that the sources for studying the social history of the time are indeed very meagre. Yet we will have to collect some valuable information from his writings as well as from the accounts of the contemporary authors.
Structure of Society
From Hemacandra's Kumārapālacarita it appears that society looked like a feudal organisation with the king at its head. The other officials were next in rank to the king. These noble officials used to enjoy some special honours and privileges. As a result, we can imagine that there was a difference in the standard of living between the common people and the privileged officials. The rich people, because of their abundant wealth, indulged in luxury. The food and dress of the wealthy people were rich and gaudy. The rich people lived in highly decorated palatial buildings and probably amused themselves with outdoor and indoor games. Besides the rich people, there was a “middle class” also who used to live on a standard suited to their professions.
From a perusal of the Kumārapālacarita, it appears that there were four castes (caturvarna) in his time. The names of the castes were, as usual Brāhmaṇa, Kşatriya, Vaisya and Sudra (I. 183. II.2). But Hemacandra used different terms to signify these four castes. His names were dvija for brāhmin, kşatra for ksatriya, vit for vaisya and sūdra for sūdra (V. 116).
It seems that the main duty of the brahmins was to study the Vedas and to perform sacrifices (1.75) as the term śrotriya (V.91) indicated. In his time, the brahmins used to get immense power and prestige. From his reference to XVIII. 19, it seems that a brahmin should not be killed by a ksatriya. From H.D. Sankalia (Archaeology of Gujarat, p. 209), we come to know that

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the brāhmins were given grants for performing the five great sacrifices (pañca mahāyajñas) which are -
adhyāpanaṁ brahmayajñaḥ pitryajñastu tarpanam/ homo daivo balir bhāuto nryajño' tithipūjanan//
(Manu. III. 70) "The five Mahāyajñas are (i) brahmayajña or the study of the Vedas, (ii) pitryajña, or libations given unto the Father, (iii) devayajña or sacrificial ceremonies, (iv) bhūtayajña or offerings into the creatures, and (v) nryajña or hospitality."
Sankalia further adds that for the sacrifices of Darsa, Purņamāsa, Agnihotra, Vājapeya and Rājasuya, grants were usually made. From the pages of history, it is seen that in the time of Chaulukyas Brāhmins used to enjoy lots of privileges.
The Kşatriyas were the ruling class and the king must belong to the Kşatriya family. In the Kumārapālacarita two types of Kşatriyas are mentioned. These are suddhakşatriya and the brāhmaṇakas. The suddha-kşatriyas are pure ksatriyas, born of kşatriya parents (cf - XIX. 115), whereas, the brāhmaṇakas are those whose livelihood was thrown out of the society and as a result, adopted warfare as their livelihood.
As usual, the Vaiśyas were the merchants. Hemacandra used the terms arya (XI. 15), vaņika or dhānyamcya to denote them. These terms show that the main occupation of the Vaiśyas was to measure grains (XI. 43).
Hemacandra did not mention the status of the sudras. It can be assumed then that the life-style of the sudras was not something different from the previous centuries.
Apart from these four castes, the names of some tribes are also mentioned. These are Abhira (XV. 85), Kirāta (XIV. 23.), Cāņdāla (IV. 38), Jāngala (XVIII. 71), Nişada (V. 50), Bhilla (I. 179), Takka (1.54), Māheya (XVI. 6) and Khasa (VI. 26). Besides, some tribes which seem to be foreign are also mentioned. These are Cina (VIII. 58),

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Barbara (VIII. 58), Mleccha (IV. 33), Turuşka (Ku. VI. 96), Yavana (XV. 26), Saka (XV. 26) and Huņas (VII. 102). Some of the foreign names also occurred in earlier Sanskrit literature. The mention of these tribes shows that at the time of Hemacandra Indian society was heterogeneous, and each one has a part to play in the society.
Education
It goes without saying that there was nothing like modern system of education. But we can believe that some sort of primary and secondary education existed. The kings used to encourage such education by granting lands or money to different monasteries, individual saints and āśramas. The usual name of the educational institution is Vidyā-matha (I.7). The students, both boys and girls, used to reside in Gurukulas and studied various branches of learning (XV. 37). These Vidyāmathas were patronized by the kings (XV. 120-121). The gurus or sādhus (sages) were the teachers. The students were normally asked to learn a subject by heart (I. 66). There were discourses among students (I. 43). The teachers were highly respected. (I. 33).
It will not be unwise to presume that at the time of Hemacandra, at least, four principal languages were prevalent and these were Sanskrit, Prakrit, Apabhramsa and Pāli. It was the time of the birth of modern Northern Indian languages-like Mārāțhi, Gujarātī, Bengali and others. But from the subjects of study it can be inferred that Sanskrit studies were mainly in vogue. So I believe that Sanskrit schools continued to function for the benefit of the students. It can also be surmised that the Prakrit language was also studied mainly by the Jain Sadhus and Sādhvis. As it was the time of Apabhramśa, lots of Jain scholars composed their treatises in Apabhraíśa. The Pali was studied only by the Buddhists.

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Phy
Subjects of Study
From the study of the Kumārapālacarita, we can frame our ideas about the subjects of study. The four Vedas and the Brāhmaṇas and Upanişads were studied seriously. Then the sadangas were equally studied. The Purānas, Grammar and Philosophy got prominence in the Vidyāmathas. From the mention of some Classical Sanskrit literature it is assumed that Classical Sanskrit was also studied. The arthaśāstra, Poetics and Medicine were also in their curriculum.
The Rgveda was studied with various pāthas. There are eight Vedic pāțhas which are
jață-mālā-śikhā-lekha dhvajo dando ratho ghanaḥ / aştāu vikstayaḥ proktāḥ krama-pūrvāḥ manişibhiḥ //
"Jatā, Mālā, Sikhā, Lekhā, Dhvaja, Danda, Ratha and Ghana are eight kinds of Vikstipāthas each headed by krama”.
Of these eight types of pāțhas, the padapātha and kramapatha were generally taught (XV. 124). Two recensions of the Rgveda - Sākala (XVI. 85) and Rgayana (XVI. 75) — were taught. Among the Yajurvedas, the Katha (XVI. 88) recension was also read. Other recensions of the Vedas are also mentioned.
Among the Brāhmaṇas, the Satapatha and the Şaşthīpatha are mentioned (XV. 122). As the Brāhmaṇa literature is mainly meant for the sacrifice, it is believed that the practice of sacrifice was also in vogue.
The study of the Upanişad as a jñānagthya vidya (XI. 23) was very much prevalent.
As the dictum svādhyāyo' dhyetavyaḥ “The Vedas are to be studied along with the Vedāngas", the study of şadangas, was also current at that time. Hemacandra mentions the name şadanga in several places of his Kāvya (XV. 120-21, I. 108; XVI. 75). The six Vedāngas are

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(i) Śikṣā, (ii) Kalpa, (iii) Vyākaraña, (iv) Nirukta, (v) Chandaḥ, and (vi) Jyotişa. 1) Sikşā : The śikṣās including the Prātiśākhyas are
science of phonetics. It deals with letters (vowels and consonants), accents (acute, grave and circumflex), moras (short, long and prolated), efforts (yatnas) and euphonic combination. But Hemacandra did not categorically mention the name śikṣā as a separate subject of study. It is
included in the word şadanga. 2) Kalpa : The Kalpasūtras are the ritualistic texts.
It is a collection of the texts of the Samhitās which are to be applied to a particular ceremony. Hemacandra mentions Kalpasūtras (XV. 120-21). He also mentions kalpa by Paingi (XVI. 90), Kāśyapin (XVI. 90) and Kausika: (XVI. 90). Hemacandra calls the ritualistic education as
Yājñika Vidyā (XV. 120-25). 3) Vyākaraña (Grammar) : Grammar is taught for
the regulation of a language. In ancient times, there were nine authoritative grammarians and these are-Pāṇini, Aindra, Cāndra, Kāsakstsna, Kaumāra, Sākațāyans, Sārasvata, Āpisala and Śākala. Of these grammars Hemacandra has only mentioned the grammars of Pāṇini, Vārttikas of Vararuci (XVI. 92, XVI. 88, XVI. 1). The sūtras of Vārttika are called Värttikasūtrikā (XV. 120-21). From this term, it seems that both the satras of Pāṇini and Vaittikakāra were taught simultaneously. Hemacandra calls the grammarians as Padakāras (XV. 67), or Padikas (V. 122), or Lakşaņikas (XV. 118). Nirukta : The Nirukta is nothing but the explanatory text of the Vedic verses. It is sometines called the supplement to the grammar. Hemacandra calls the Nirukta as Anupadika (XV. 118).

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5) Chandaḥ (Metre) : This is a book on prosody. The
Chandah sāstras are mentioned by Hemacandra
(XIII. 46). 6) Jyotişa : This is a science of astronomy. This science
of astronomy is also mentioned by Hemacandra
(XVI. 94). The mentioning of the different branches of six Vedāngas shows that the Vedic studies including ritualist education were prevalent at the time of Hemacandra. In fact, Hemacandra has mentioned Agniştoma (XV.119) and Purodāśa (XVI. 74) in the Kumārapālacarita.
Apart from these above mentioned subjects, the Purāṇas were also studied (XV. 118). From Hemacandra's reference to the Purāṇas, it appears that at the time of Hemacandra, the Purāņas were very much popular in the mountainous area (XVI. 46) and it is also mentioned that the Purānas were sung at the Arbuda mountain (XVI. 46).
Similarly, from his reference to verse XVI. 1, we can come to the conclusion that all systems of philosophy were taught at the time of Hemacandra. Logic (XIII. 46) is also mentioned. The Cārvāka philosophy was called Laukāyita (XV. 120-21). The Mīmāṁsā philosophy was also taught (xv. 124).
This short survey describes in a nutshell the political and social systems of India at the time of Hemacandra8.
8. For this article I have freely used Dr. S.P. Narang's book, A
Study of the Dvyāśrayakāvya.

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PART III - JAIN LITERATURE

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CHRONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT
OF JAIN LITERATURE
Satya RANJAN BANERJEE
In the following pages an attempt has been made to put all the main literary records and big events which have taken place in the history of Jainism into a simple chronological order. In order to show the events of Jainism in the context of world culture, I have started the chronology for the period from 4000 B.C. to A.D. 2000. It is my intention to show that from this series of charts, one can very quickly see when any particular work was written or what other events took place at the same time in the same period. This chart will help the scholars, I believe, to look at the events at a glance.
The six thousand years (from 4000 B.C. to 2000 A.D.) have been broken up into several historical periods of India. These periods have been calculated in accordance with the historical periods of India. These historical periods of India are taken from the History and Culture of the Indian People by R.C. Majumdar which was published by the Bhāratiya Vidyā Bhavana, Bombay, in several volumes, from 1950 onwards. Most of the historical dates used in this dissertation are taken from the above book. Apart from this book, the History of Indian Literature, Vol.II, by Maurice Winternitz, Calcutta University, 1933, has also been consulted for the dates of Jain works and authors. Besides these, the three books of H.R. Kapadia, namely, History of the Canonical Literature of the Jains (Bombay, 1941),Jain Religion and Literature, Vol.I, part 1 (Lahore, 1944), and Jinaratnakoşa, Vol.I,

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(Poona, 1944) have also been consulted for the history of Jain authors and works. In addition to these, Albrecht Weber's Sacred Literature of the Jains (published by Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, 1999) has also been taken into consideration. Moreover, the introductions to the different editions of the works of H. Glasenapp, W. Schubring, A.N. Upadhye, Hiralal Jain and many others have also been consulted.
It should be noted that in the earlier parts the dates of Jain authors and works are in the doldrums; no definite periods can be assigned to them. But as I will have to start from somewhere, I have accepted the dates, traditional or otherwise, of the works. For example, the dates of Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmī, Kundakunda, Vattakara, Kārttikeyasvāmī, Siddhasena Divākara, Samantabhadra and the like are in a floating stage and they vary from the first century A.D. to the 7th century A.D. The dates of all these authors need not be taken for granted. All the dates are liable to be changed in accordance with researches in subsequent years.
It goes without saying that these charts can be useful only if they are used in the right way. The main purpose of this chronology is to get an idea of which works of which authors are to be put in which century. It is a century. wise development of Jain works and authors.
The aim of this article is simple. It gives only the factual information, such as, the dates of an important author or work as the case may be or the time of a religious or philosophical movement. The main purpose of this chart is to put the events or the frames of authors or works into a chronological order, so that one can see which works belong to which century. I believe that it will help scholars to write the history of Jainism in a chronological order.
There is no need to say that this chronological chart is not complete in any way. One can utilise this chart only to write the history of Jainism. The history of Jainism is rather complicated and not systematic. It develops in India

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in a different way. This chart might help scholars to write the history of Jainism in a proper way.
The main chart has several sub-sections. The authors and works not mentioned in the main chart may be found in sub-sections. All these charts are complementary and supplementary to each other. I believe that there may be many authors and works whose names may not be found in any of the lists, but that will not deter the main purpose of this chart. The readers are only requested to fill in the omitted authors and works within the purview of this chart. This is a sort of working model upon which the literary history of Jainism can be built up. It should be remembered that the entire mass of Jain literary sources cannot be encompassed into the limited space and time. The works which are not published are not included here, except in a few cases which have a history in Jainism. The Jain works in Prakrit (including Māhārāștrī, Saurasenī, Apabhramsa) and Sanskrit are only included.
Prehistoric Age : 4000 B.C. to 1500 B.C.
Chronology by Main Events centuries 4000 B.C. Mesopotamia : Sumerian settlements of Sumer
and Akkadia in the Tigris and Euphrates Valley. Egyptians settled in the Nile Valley Development of Agriculture in Egypt. First written records (Cunneiform writing) in
Mesopotamia 3500 B.C. First Assyrian settlements in Mesopotamia.
Invention of Hieroglyphics in Egypt. 3102 B.C. Epoch of the Kali Yuga and of the Bhārata
War according to one school of astronomers. 3000 B.C. Pyramid texts (completed) 3000-2500 B.C. Chinese settlement in the Yellow River Valley.

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Migration of Indo-Hittite People. Agricultural Communities in Baluchistan. Growth of cities in Harappa and Mohenjodaro
in the Indus Valley (3000-2500 B.C.) 2800 B.C. Semitic Documents in Akkadia 2700 B.C. Period of Indus Valley seals found in Kish..
Some Jina Images of Mohenjodaro and Harappa. 2500-2000 B.C. Migration of the Indo-European People. 2449 B.C. Date of heroes of the Bhārata War according to a
second group of astronomers and chronologists. 2000-1750 B.C. Indo-Iranian settlement. 1750-1500 B.C. Movement of one group of the Indo-Iranian People
towards India (Proto-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan
stages of Indo-Iranian languages). 1500 B.C. Settlement of the Indo-Aryan People. 1435 B.C. Aryan kings in Western Asia. 1414 B.C. Date of the Bhārata War according to certain
Purăņas. 1375 B.C. Worship of Aryan deities in the land of Mitanni.
-
Historic Age: The Vedic Period: 1500 B.C.
to 7th/6th centuries B.C. Chronology by Main Events centuries 1500-1250 B.C. Early Vedic Stage : The composition of the
Rgveda. 1250-1000 B.C. Middle Vedic Stage : The composition of the
first, eighth to the tenth Mandala of the Rgveda;
and Samaveda, Yajurveda and Atharvaveda. 1000-800 B.C. Late Vedic Stage : Brāhmaṇas (Aitareya,
Śatapatha, Taittiriya and others). Ariştanemi
(1000 B.C.) 900 B.C.
The Mahabharata War. 817 B.C.
The traditional date of the birth of Parávanātha.

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800-700 B.C. 700-600 B.C.
600-500 B.C.
563-483 B.C. 542-480 B.C. 490-458 B.C. 465 B.C.
365 B.C.-357 B.C.
Āranyakas The period of Upanisads : The beginning of atmavidya. The birth of Lord Vardhamāna Mahāvira (599 B.C.) and Nirvāņa (527 B.C.) The Ājivikas, Gosāla Mankhaliputra. Gautama Buddha Bimbisāra, King of Magadha. Ajātasatru, King of Magadha. Gautama, Sudharmă and Jambūsvāmi were the propagators and they all attained Nirvāņa. There were five śruta-kevalins : Vişnunandi, Nandimitra, Aparājita, Govardhana and Bhadrabahu, Bhadrabahu-Kalpasutra, Niryukti. Invasion of India by Alexander Rise of the Maurya Dynasty : The Period of the Maurya Chandragupta (322-298 B.C.) Thera Bhadrabahu was the head of the community. During the famine, Thera Bhadrabahu went to the south and Sthulabhadra remained in Magadha. Origin of two sects. Jain date of the year of Chadragupta's accession, probably as a ruler of Avanti. Bindusara. The Reign of Asoka. Asokan edicts. The literature of Asokan Prakrits. Rise of the Dynasty of Puşyamitra Sunga
327-324 B.C. 324-298 B.C.
318-17 B.C.
313 B.C.
298-273 B.C. 273-232 B.C.
187.147 B.C.

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The Age of Imperial Unity : 7th cent B.C. to 320 A.D.
Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events 1st cent. A.D.Kushāna Traditional dates of invaded
Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmi, North-western | Kundakunda, India
Vaţtakera, Karttikeya Svāmi, Vimala Suri
78-101 Saka The reign of Kaniska
The beginning of Pattāvalis, Therävalis, Genealogical lists of Jain teachers.
79 A.D.
2nd cent A.D.
The Digambara Agamas were written By the first and second centuries A.D. the Jains were split into Svetām. baras and Digambaras. Puşpadanta and Bhu. tavali
Satkhandagama
Kasāya-pahuda
Gunadharācārya. Bhutavali Śivarya Hala
Mahabanda Bhagavati-Aradhana Gathāsaptasati Pancāstikāya, Pravacanasāra, Samayasāra, Niyamasāra, Şat-prā. bhrta etc.
Kundakunda
Vattakera
Karttikeya Svāmi Manatunga
Malācāra (Acāravstti -a commentary on Malacāra) Trivarnācāra. Katthigeyānupekkha Bhaktămara-stotra, Bhayahara-stotra (a hymn to Paráva). Paümacariyam
3rd cent. A.D.
Vimala Sori (3rd/4th cent A.D.)
-
Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmi
Tattvārthadhigama stra, Prasamarati. prakarana Dhruvägāna
Natyaśāstra

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The Classical Age : 320-740 A.D.
Authors
Works
Chronology Historical by centuries events
4th cent. A.D.
5th cent. A.D.
Tarangavati (lost)
Padaliptācārya (before 5th cent. A.D.) Devanandin (or Pujyapada Jinendra. buddhi) Bhadrabahu
?
Uvasaggahara-stotra
454 A.D.
Final redaction of Ardhamāgadhi texts in the second council at Valabhi in Gujarat under Devardhi Gani Kşamāśramana
6th cent. A.D.
Parikşāmukha-sQtra
Manikyanandi (528 A.D.)
Yogendradeva (=Joindudeva)
Sanghadasagani Samantabhadra (600 A.D.)
Paramātma-prakása, Yogasăra, Srāvakācāradohaka, Dohāpahuda Vasudevahindi Brhat-svayambhstotra (Caturvimšati. jina-stotra) Nyāyāvatāra, Kalyāņa. mandira-stotra, (Vardhamana). Dvātrimsikā, Sammati-tarka-sutra.
Siddhasena Divakara
Pravarasena (5th or 6th cent. A.D.)
Setubandha (or Rāvanavaho)
7th cent. A.D. Harga
Ravişena vardhana of (650 or 678 A.D.) Kanyakubja | Pujyapada (606-647 A.D.)
Padma-purāna (Skt.) (ch. x Tirthankara) Istopadeśa, Samadhi. Kataka.
Jinendrabuddhi (=Pujyapada 700 A.D.) Yativrşabhācārya
Triloka-prajñapti

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The Age of Imperial Kanauj : 740-1000 A.D.
Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events 8th cent. A.D.
Haribhadra Sari (705-775 A.D.)
Samarāicca-katha (Pkt.) Lokatattvanirnaya, Nyāya-praveśa (a comm. on Dinnaga), Yogadrsti. samuccaya, Dharma. bindu, Şad-darsanasamuccaya, Yogabindu, Dhurtakhyāna, Astakāni, Upadeśapada (Pkt.) Srāvaka prajñapti (Pkt.)
Akalankadeva (720-780 A.D.)
Tattvārtharajavārtika (a comm. on Tattvārthastra), Pramanasamgraha, Aştašati (a comm. on Aptamimamoa), Nyayaviniscaya, Laghiyastraya, SvarUpaśambodhana, Prāyaścitta-granthas Sarasvati stotra, Caturvimsati-jina-stuti.
Bappabhatti (bet. 743 & 833 A.D.)
Samantabhadra (1st half of the 8th cent. A.D.)
Devāgama-stotra (or Aptamimamsa), Yuktyanušāsana, Ratnakaranda-śråvakācāra, Brhat-8vayambhu-stotra (or Cuturvimsati-jinastavana) Kuvalayamalakaha
Uddyotana sQri (779 A.D.)
Harivamsa-purana
Jinasena (705 saka = 783 A.D.)
Vakpatirāja (750 A.D.)
Gaüdavaho.
Uvaesamala (Pkt.)
Dharmadása (before 9th cent. A.D.)
Vidyānanda (Patrakesarin)
Patrakesari-stotra Astasahasri (a comm. on Astasati), Tattvārtha

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Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events
Works
bloka-vartika, Aptapari. kşă, Patrapariksa Pramāna-nirnaya, Pramāņa-parikşā Ajiya-santi-thaya (Pkt.)
Nandisena (earlier than 9th cent. A.D.)
Subhacandra, Jñānārnava (or Yoga. (8th-9th cent. A.D.) pradipadhikara)
Svayambha
Paümacariu Svayambhacchandah Lilavaikaha
Koühala (800 A.D.)
9th cent. A.D.
Jinasena
Trişaşți-lakşaņa(770-850 A.D.) Mahāpurana, Pārsvabh
yudaya (Skt.), Adipurāņa,
Harivamsapurāņa Guņabhadra Uttarapurăņa (a pupil of Jinasena) (completed in 879 A.D.), (879 A.D.)
Atmānusāsana Silācārya (868 A.D.) Mahāpuruşa-carita or Silanka (862 or completed in 868), 872 A.D.)
wrote two commentaries
on the first two Agamas. Pujyapada
Sarvārthasiddhi, Devanandi
Jainendra-vyakarana Sakatayana
Sakațāyana-vyakarana Vimala (candra) Praśnottara-ratnamala Devasena (894 A.D.) Darsanasāra Amrtacandra Puruşārthasiddhyupaya (904 A.D.)
(or Jina-pravacana rahasya-kosa) (Skt.) Tattvārthasāra,
Tattvadipika Siddharşi (906 A.D.) Upamiti-bhava-pra
pancakatha. Vijayasimhasuri Bhuvanasundarikaha (918 A.D.) Harişena Bșhat-katha-kosa. (931/32 A.D.)
10th cent. A.D.

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JẠINICA
Works
Chronology | Historical Authors by centuries events
Somadevasuri (950 A.D.)
Yasastilaka-campa, (completed in 959 A.D.) Nitivakyāmsta
Dhanapala (a Svetambara)
Tilakamañjart (970 A.D. or 1018-1055 A.D.) Païalacchināmamala (completed in 972 A.D.)
Rşabha-pancasika (completed in 972 A.D.)
Cămunda Rāya Erected the statue of (bet. 974 & 984 A.D.) Gommata in Sravana
Belagola in about 980 A.D. Camunda-rāya-purāņa (in Kanarese in 978 A.D.) Caritrasāra
Devasena (894.933 A.D.)
Darsanasāra (933 A.D.) (Pkt.) Srāvakācāra (933 A.D.) (Pkt.) Āradhanāsāra (Pkt.) Tattvasāra (Pkt.) Alapa-paddhati Sobhana-stuti
Sobhana (2nd half of the 10th cent. A.D.) Śricandra Amitagati (10th + 11th cent. A.D.)
Puspadanta
Kathakosa (Apa) Subhāşitaratnasamdoha, (994 A.D.), Vardhamananiti (1011 A.D.) Dharmapartkşă (1014 A.D.) Yogasara, Dvåtrmsika Nayakumāra-cariu (Apa) Jasaharacariu (Apa) Tisatthimahāpurasagunalańkāra Josodhara-carita Bhavisatta-kaha
Vadiraja Sari Dhanapala (a Digambara) Rajasekhara (10th cent. A.D.)
Karparamañjari

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Chronology | Historical Authors by centuries events
Works
Vrtta-jati-samuccaya
Virahanka (10th cent. A.D.)
Nemicandra Davvasamgaha (Pkt.) Siddhānta
Gommațasāra (or Cakravartı (10th- Pancasamgraha) (Pkt.), 11th cent. A.D.) Labdhisāra, Trilokasăra,
Kşapanåsāra (or
Pratişthānapata) Vardhamāna Sari | Ācāradinakara Dhavala-kavi (10th-) Harivamsapurana 11th cent. A.D.)
Samkhitta-tarangavalkaha
(10th cent. A.D.)
The Struggle for Empire : 1000-1390 A.D.
Works
Chronology | Historical] Authors by centuries events
11th cent. A.D.
Jinacandra Gani (also Devagupta) (1015 A.D.):
Navapaya (Pkt.) (1015 A.D.)
Pārsvanātha-carita.
Vadirāja Sari (1025 A.D.)
Rişțasamuccaya, Arghakanda
Durgadeva (1089 vs = 1032 A.D.) Santi Suri (died in 1040 A.D.)
Jivaviyāra (Pkt.)
Nayanandi Sudarsanacarita (Apa) (1044 A.D.) Abhayadeva Jaya-tihuyaņa-stotra (1060/1070 A.D.) Commentaries of the
Agama texts. Kanakamara Muni Karakanda-cariu (Apa) (1065 A.D.) Sadharana
Vilasavaïkaha (1123 vs = 1066 A.D.)

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208
PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events 11th cent. A.D.
Śricandra (1072 A.D.)
Sanatkumaracarita (Pkt.)
Devendra Gani (1073 A.D.)
Sukhabodha, commentary on the Uttaradhyayana. sutra
Gunacandra Gani (1082 A.D.) Nemicandra (or Devendra Gani (1085 A.D.)
Mahāviracariyam (written in 1082 A.D.) Mahavira cariyam (Pkt.) (written in 1085 A.D.)
Jinadatta Sari (1075-1154 A.D.)
Upadesa-rasayana-rāsa Kalasvardpa-kulakam (Apa), Caccarf (Apa) See 12th cent. entry.
Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.)
Kathănaka-kosa
Jinesvara (1092 A.D.)
Neminathacarita (Skt.)
Surācārya (11th cent. A.D.) Odeyadeva Vadibha-simha (beginning of 11th cent. A.D.)
Ksatracadamani Gadyacadamaņi
Haricandra (a Digambara)
Jivandharacampa
Dhanesvara (1100 A.D.)
Vägbhata
Vikrama
Şurasundaricariyam (Pkt.) Satruñjaya-Mahatmya Neminirvăņa (in 15 cantos) Nemidata Paüma-siri-cariu (Apa) Gathalaksana Adinathacarita
Dhahila
12th cent. A.D.
Nanditadhya Vardhamana (1103 A.D.) Devacandra (1103 A.D.) Santi Sari (1104 A.D.)
santinatha-carita (Pkt.)
The period of two
Prthvicandracarita (Pkt.)

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Works
Chronology | Historical Authors by centuries events
12th cent. A.D. Chalukya
kings:
Devabhadra (1108 A.D.)
Pārsvanātha-carita (Pkt.)
Jinavallabha Ullásikkama-thaya (Pkt.) Jayasimha (died in 1110 A.D. Siddharāja Maladhari Hema- | Jivasamāsa (1107 A.D.) (1094-1143 candra (1107, 1113 Bhavabhāvana (Pkt.) A.D.) and A.D.)
(composed in 1113 A.D.) Kumāra
Nemináthacarita pala (11431174 A.D.)
Municandra Sari Găthākosa (Pkt.) (died in 1122 A.D.)
Yasascandra (1124 A.D.)
Mudrita-kumuda-candraprakarana
Śricandra (1137 A.D.)
Munisuvrata-svāmi. carita (Pkt.)
Lakşaņagani (1143 A.D.)
Supāsanahacariyam (Pkt.)
Commentators.
Malayagiri (bet. 1150 & 1160 A.D.)
Haribhadra (1159 A.D.)
Neminaha-cariu (Apa), Mallinaha-carita, Sanat-kumara-carita (Apa) Candraprabha-carita
Somaprabhācārya (second half of the 12th cent. A.D.)
Sumatinatha-carita (Pkt.), Saktimukhavalı, Satār. tha-kāvya, Kumārapalapratibodha (1184 A.D.)
Hemacandra Hemacandra initiated (1088-1172 A.D.) Kumarapala (1143-1174 A.D.) into Jainism
Haima-sabdanusāsana (or Siddhahemacandra) Dhấtupẫha : Dhấtupārāyana, Dhātumala, Una disatra-vrtti, Lingānusāsana, Abhidhănacintamani, Namamala, Namamalasega, Anekārtha. samgraha, Anekārthaseşa, Nighantu-beşa.

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210
PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events 12th cent. A.D.
Śeşa-samgraha, Sesasamgraha-sároddhārā, Dešinamamala (or Desi. sabda-samgraha), Ekaksara-namamala, Chandonusāsana, Kávyānušāsana with Alankāracudamani, Pramānamimāmsā, Balabala-sätra-brhad. vrtti, Yoga-sastra, Kumārapala-carita (or Dvyāśraya-kavya); Trişasti-salaka-puruşacarita, Vibhramasutra, Vitarăga-stotra (or Mahāvíra-stotra), Dvātrimsika Ayogavyavaccheda, Anyayogavyavaccheda etc.
Prabuddha-rauhineya (in six acts).
Rāmabhadra Muni (1185 A.D.) Devasari (vs. 1254=1197 A.D.) Dharmavardhana (1200 A.D.)
Siri-paüma-ppaha-sāmicariyam Şad.bháşa-nirmita. pārsva-jina-stavana
Pandava-carita
Maladhari Devaprabha Sari (1200 A.D.)
Krsnadāsa (?)
Vimala-purāņa
Haricandra
Dharma-sarmabhyudaya
Jivandhara-campa Vardhamana Suri | Vasupujya-caritra
Manorama-kaha Yaśahpala Moharāja-parājaya Balacandra Karuna-vajrāyudha Meghaprabhācārya Dharmabhyudaya , Viraganin
Ajiya-santi-thaya (Pkt.) Jayasekhara Ajita-santi-stava (Skt.) Bhāvaprabha Suri | Nemibhaktāmara Suprabhācārya Vairagyasāra (Apa)

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Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events
13th cent. A.D.
Pārsvadeva (1210 A.D.)
Sangita-samaya-sāra, Sangita-ratnakara
Māņikyacandra (1217 A.D.)
Pārsvanatha-carita, śāntinātha-carita,
Amarakirti
Chakkammuvaeso (1218 A.D.)
(=Şat-karmopadesa), Āsādhara (1st half | Dharmāmsta (wrote a of the 13 cent. A.D.) comm. on 1243 A.D.) Jayasimha Sari Hammira-mada-mardana (bet. 1219 and (1229 A.D.) 1299 A.D.)
Devendra Sari (bet. 1241 and 1251 A.D.)
Vandāru-vștti (a comm. on Śrāddha-pratikramana-8Qtra), Suddhapancasika (an extract from Digthivāya in 50 stanzas), Upamiti-bhavaprapanca-katha-säroddhāra, Karmagrantha.
Prabhacandra and Prabhāvakacarita (written PradyumnasOri in 1250 by Prabha, and (1250-1277 A.D.) revised by Pradyumna
in 1277 A.D.)
Prabhacandra
Comm. on Tattvartha. dhigama, Comm. on Samayasāra, Comm. on Pujyapada's Samadhisataka, Comm. on Samantabhadra's Ratnakāranda-svayambhustotra.
Pārsvanatha-carita
Bhāvadeva Sari (1255 A.D.)
Dharmaghoşa (died 1270 A.D.)
Yamaka-stuti Catırvimsati-jina-stuti
Dharmakumára (1277 A.D.)
Salibhadra-carita (revised by Pradyumna Sari)

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events 13th cent. A.D.
Deva Sari (1284 A.D.)
Santinātha-carita
Hastimalla
Vikrānta-kaurava (1290 A.D.)
(six acts) Mallisena
Syadvāda-manjari (1292 A.D.)
(written in 1292 A.D.) with Jinaprabha (a comm. on the 32 Sari
verses of Hema's Anya
yoga-vyava-cchedika). Maladhări
Mrgavati-caritra Devaprabha (13th cent.) Ajitaprabha (?) Şantinatha-caritra Asaga (?)
Santi-purāna Dharmasāgara Gurvāvali-satra Ganin
(a list of the teachers of
Tapăgaccha) Dharmakumăra Salibhadracaritra Ramacandra Nirbhaya-bhima-vyayoga Vijayapala
Draupadi-svayamvara Udayaprabha Suri Maithili-kalyāna (in five
acts), Suksta-kirti kallolini.
Dharmaghoga Işimandala (Pkt.) (13/14 cent A.D.) Ratnakara (?) Vitarăgastotra (or
Ratnakara-panca
vimšatika). Devanandin
Siddhipriya-stotra Mahāvíra-stava (Pkt.)
Nemi-jina-stava Jayatilaka Sari Catur-hārāvali-citra
stava,
Malaya-sundari-caritra. Candramahattara Panca-samgraha Siva sarma Sari Karmapraksti (in 475
gathās) Abul Rahman Sandesa-rasaka Ācārya Nemicandral Siri-Ananta-natha-jinaSari
cariu.

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Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events
Works
14th cent. A.D.
Merutunga (1305/ 1306 A.D.)
Mahăpuruşa-caritra (Rşabha, Nemi, Santi, Paráva and Mahavira). Prabandha-cintamani (completed in 1306 A.D.)
Kavidarpaņa (1308 A.D.)
Mahesvara Sari (earlier than 1309 A.D.)
Therāvali Samyama-manjari (Apa) in 35 dohās.
Jinapadma (1325-1344 A.D.)
Şad-bhāşā-vibhāşitaśantinătha-stavana
Jinaprabha Sari (bet. 1326 and 1337 A.D.)
Caturvimšati-jina-stuti Tirthakalpa (kalpapradipa vividha)
Jayakirti (by 1337 A.D.)
Silovaesamala (in 116 Pkt. stanzas) (a commentary by Somatilaka was written in 1337 A.D.)
Jayavallabha (1336 ?) Rajasekhara (1348 A.D.)
Vajjalagga (written before 1336 A.D.) Prabandhakośa (written in 1348 A.D.) Anta-katha-samgraha Śantināthacaritra
Munibhadra (1359 A.D.)
Nayacandra (1365-1478 A.D.)
Rambhamañjari
Ratnasekhara (1371 A.D.)
Sripalacaritam, Gunasthanakramaroha, (vs. 1449) Chandahkoša Jina-stotra-ratna-kosa
Muni Sundara Sari (died in 1379 A.D.) Dharmacakra (14th cent. A.D.) Pingalācārya
Malaya-sundari-kathoddhāra. Prakrtapingala.

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Works
Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events
15th cent. A.D.
Caritrasundara Mahipalacaritra (1420 A.D.)
Kalakācāryakathānaka
Siladata Jinamaņdana Kumarapalacarita Upadhyāya (1435/36 A.D.) Simhasena
Mehesara-cariu (Apa) (or Raidhu) (1439 A.D.) Jinahamsa
Rayaņa-sehara-naravas(1440 or 1445 A.D.) kaha Somacandra
Kathămahodadhi (1448 A.D.) Udayadharma Dharma-kalpa-druma (1450 A.D.) Subhasila gani Bharadadi-katha (1452 A.D.)
(1452 A.D.) Panca-satl-prabodha
sambandha. Jñanasāgara Sari Ratnacadakatha (mid or second half of the 15th cent. A.D.) Sakalakirti
Pārsvanathacarita, (died in 1464 A.D.) Santinatha-carita,
Harivamsa (in 39 sargas) Srutasagara
Jainendra-yajña-vidhi, (1495 A.D.)
Tattvārtha-dipika,
$at-prabhfta Māņikyasundara Mahabala-Malaya
sundarf-katha Bhāvadeva Sari Kalakācārya-kathanaka Jinakirti
Campaka-sresthi-katha (15th Dent. A.D.) naka, Palagopala
kathānaka. Dana-kalpa-druma,
Ambada-caritra Nemidatta (1530
Aradhanakathakosa A.D.) Subhacandra | Pandava-purana (or Jaina (1551 A.D.)
Mahabharata written in
1551 A.D.) Padmasundara Parávanātha-carita (1565 A.D.)
16th cent. A.D
Akbar the great 1556-1605

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Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events
Works
16th cent. A.D.
Dharmasagara (1573 A.D.)
Devavijaya Gamin (1596 A.D.)
Kupakşa-kausikasahasra-kirana (Pkt.) written in 1573 A.D. Rāmacaritra (completed in 1596 A.D.) Pārsvanatha-carita
Udayavira (1597 A.D.) Sànticandra ganin (16th cent. A.D.) Siddhicandra Upadhyāya (honoured by Akbar)
Rşabha-stava Ajita-sånti-stava Bhănucandracarita
Kathāratnakara
17th cent. A.D.
Pandavacaritra (Prose)
Hemavijaya (1600 A.D.) Deva vijaya Ganin (1603 A.D.) Yasovijaya (1624. 1688 A.D.)
Adhyātma-pariksa (Pkt., Jñāna-bindu-prakarana, Jñaņasāra (or Aştaka. prakarana). Gatha-sahasri
Samayasundara (1630 A.D.)
Vinayavijaya (1649 A.D.)
Tarangalola (in 1643 A.D.) Lokaprakaśa (an encyclopaedic work). Candralekhăsaţtakam
Rudradāsa (1660 A.D.)
Dharma-samgraha
Mănavijaya (1681 A.D.) Märkandeya (17th cent. A.D.)
Vilăsavati
Bhavavaira gya-satakam
Vijaya DharmasQri Pramāņa-paribhāṣā,
Jaina-tattva-jñana, Muni Nyāyavijaya Adhyatma-tattvaloka,
Nyāya-kusumāñjali Ghanaśyāma Anandasundari (1700-1750 A.D.) Rāmapāņivāda Usăniruddho (Pkt.)
Kamsavaho (Pkt.)
18th cent. A.D.

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Chronology Historical Authors by centuries events
18th cent. A.D.
19th cent. A.D.
Dates
by
centuries
B.C.
1500-900 B.C.
PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
900-600 B.C.
600-100 B.C.
Sepoy Mutiny
1857-1862 A.D.
Viśveśvara (18th cent. A.D.)
Yasovijaya (=Atmārāmji) 1837-1897 A.D.)
Chronological Development of Jaina Logic
(based on S.C. Vidyabhuṣaṇa's A History of Indian Logic including his dates) compiled by Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Vijaya Dharma Suri (18681922 A.D.)
Ancient Indian Logic
Origin of Indian logic in Vedic literature: knowledge, action and worship.
Brāhmaṇa, Aranyaka and Upanisad. Origin of atma vidya, 'self-realisation' and its development
Origin of Anutkşikl Vidya (650 B.C.)
Works
Birth of Indian logic: Carvaka (650 B.C.),
Śrngāramañjarī
Yasovijaya-jainagranthamala, Aitihäsika-Rasasamgraha, Jaina-tattva-jñāna (published in 1917).
Jain Logic
Mahavira Svāmi 4599-527 B.C. or 659-587 B.C.). The birth of Jaina logic as can be gleaned from Jain Canons.
Indrabhuti Gautama
(607-515 B.C.)
Buddhist Logic
Gautama Buddha (570-490 B.C.)
Origin of the Buddhist
logic (490-76 B.C.)

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217
Bhadrabahu I (433-357 B.C.)
Kapila (650-575 B.C.), Dattatreya (650 B.C.) Punarvasu Atreya (550 B.C.) Sulabha (550-500 B.C.), Astāvakra (550-500 B.C.), Medhatithi Gautama (550 B.C.)
Pali Tripitaka. Origin of different samghas. Suttanipäta, Vinayapitaka
Bhadrabahu II (1st cent. B.C.)
-
A.D.
1st cent.
Nyāyaśāstra
Division of Svetām. Origin of Hinayāna bara and Digambara) and Mahāyāna sects
(78). Milinda Panha (100)
2nd cent.
Akşapada Gautama's Nyayasutra (150)
3rd cent.
Umāsvāti/Umāsvāmi Nagarjuna (or 5th cent. A.D.) (250-320)
4th cent.
Āryadeva (320 520)
5th cent.
Vatsyāyana's Nyayabhasya (500)
(Bhadrabahu II (450-520)] Siddhasena Divakara (480-550), Jinabhadra Gani (484-588)
Maitreya (400), Arya Asanga (405470) Vasubandhu (410-490). Dinnäge (450-520)
6th cent.
7th cent.
Uddhyotakara's Nyaya-värttika (600 or 635)
Siddhasena Gani Paramartha (498(600), Samanta 569), Sankara bhadra (600) Svāmi (500)
Dharmapala (600635), Acārya Silabhadra (695) Dharmakirti (635650), Devendra Bodhi (650),
Sakyabodhi (675) Akalankadeva Vinitadeva (700), (750) Vidyānanda Ravigupta (725), (800) Manikya- Jinendrabodhi nandi (800) (725), Santarak.
şita (749), Kamalaśila (750)
8th cent.

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
9th cent. Vacaspati Misra's Prabhācandra Kalyāna Rakşita
Nydya-vārttika- (825) Mallavadin (829), Dharmotatparyaţika (841) (827) Rabhasanandi ttarācārya (857),
(850)
Muktakumbha (900), Arcata (900),
Asoka (900) 10th cent. Udayanācārya's Amrtacandra-sûri Candrašomin
Nyaya-värttika- (905), Devasena (925), Prabhakara tatparyaţika
Bhattāraka (899. Gupta (940), Parisuddhi, Kusu- 1950), Pradyumna Acārya Jetāri māñjali, Atmatattva- | Suri (980),
(940-980), Jina viveka (984), Jayan. Abhayadeva Sari (940), Ratnakați tabhatta's Nyāya- (1000), Laghu-Sam. |(940-1000), Ratna mañjart (10th cent.) antabhadra (1000), Vajra (979-1040)
Kalyānacandra
(1000). 11th cent.
Ananta Virya Jina Mitra (1025), (1039), Deva Sari Danaśila (1025), (1086-1169) Jñana-ári Mitra
(1040), Ratnakara Santi (1040), Jñana Sri Bhadra (1050), Yamari (1050), Sankarananda (1050), Subhakara Gupta (1080), Mokşakara Gupta (1100).
12th cent. Śaśadhara (1125), Hemacandra
Varadaraja (1150), ((1088-1172), Ballabhacārya Candraprabha (1200), Ganesa's Sari (1102), Nemi. Nyayalılavati candra (1150), (1200), Gangesa Ananda Sari and Upadhyāya's Amaracandra Tattvacintamani Sari (1093-1135), (1200)
Haribhadra Sari (1120), Pārsva. deva Gaņi (1133), Śri Candra (11371165), Devabhadra (1150), Candra. sena Sari (1150), Ratnaprabha Suri (1181), Tilaka. cārya (1180-1240).

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BANERJEE: DEVELOPMENT OF JAIN LITERATURE
13th cent. Vardhamana Upadhyaya (1250), Kesava Miśra
(1275), Tarkabhāṣā Pakṣadhara Miśra (1275), Vasudeva Miśra (1275),
Rucidatta Miśra (1275).
14th cent. Bhagiratha (1400), Mahesa Thakura (1400)
15th cent. Śri Kantha (1409), Abhaya Tilakopā. dhyaya (1409), Sankara Miśra (1450), Vacaspati
Miśra (1450),
Misaru Miśra (1475), Vasudeva
Sarvabhauma
(1450-1525), Raghunatha Siromani (14771547), Haridasa
Nyayalankara Bhattacārya (14801540)
16th cent. Durgadatta (1550), Janakinätha Sarma (1550),
Kaṇāda Tarkavāgiśa (1560), Rāmakṛṣṇa Bhaṭṭācārya (1560), Devanatha Thakura (1562), Mathuranatha Tarkavāgisa (1570), Guņānanda
Vidyāvāgisa (1570), Kṛṣṇadāsa Särvabhauma (1575),
Madhusudana Thakura (1575)
Mallişena Suri (1292)
Rajasekhara Suri (1348), Jñāna. candra (1350)
Gunaratna (1409), Śrutasagara Gani (1493).
Dharmabhusaṇa
(1600)
219

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
17th cent. Annambhatta Yasovijaya Gani
(1623), Jaga disa (1608-1688), Tarkalankara Vinaya-vijaya (1625), Harirăma |(1613-1681) (1625), Rājacada. mani (1630), Visvanatha Nyāyapancānana (1634), Govinda (1650) Gopinātha Mauni (1650), Raghunatha (1650), Gadadhara Bhattācārya (1650), Śri Krşña Nyāya. lankāra (1650), Ramabhadra (1660), Nfsimha (1675), Ramadeva Ciranjiva (1700), Ramarudra Tarkavāgisa (1700), Jayarāma Tarka. lankāra (1700)
18th cent. Gaurikānta Sarva.
bhauma (1725), Rudrarāma (1750), ‘Buno' Rāmanātha (1780), Kroņakānta Vidyāvāgiša (1780), Mahadeva Puntam. kara (1790).
19th cent. Raghunatha Sastri
(Parvata) (1815)

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221
Chronological Development of the
Srāvaka Literature (mainly based on Rober Williams' Jaina Yoga)
compiled by Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Śvetāmbara
Digambara
Works
Vațţakera
Malacāra
Chrono logy by centuries 1st cent. A.D. 2nd cent. A.D. 3rd cent.
Kundakunda
Căritra-prabhrta (Pkt.)
4th cent. 5th cent.
Umāsvāti Umāsvămi Śrävaka-prajñapti (5th cent. A.D.) (5th cent. A.D.) | Tattvārtha-sätra
Karttikeya Dvadaśānuprekşa Samantabhadra Ratna-karanda.
(450 A.D.) śrāvakācāra Haribhadra
Pancasaka Virahanka (529 A.D.)
Pujyapada Sarvārthasiddhi.
6th cent.
7th cent. 8th cent.
Haribhadrasari (yakini-putra) (705-775 A.D.) Siddhasena Gani
Ratnasāra Dharmabindu, Lalitavistara, Āvasyaka-bhasya Tattvārthasatraţika Adipurana
9th cent.
10th cent.
Jinasena (late 9th cent. A.D.) Devasena (early 10th cent. A.D.) Somadeva (959 A.D.)
Bhava-samgraha
Yasas-tilaka
Dhanapala (970 A.D.)
Śravaka-vidhi
Amitagati (993 A.D.) Camundarāja (1000 A.D.)
Subhaşitąratna. sandoha-Śrāvakācāra Caritrasāra.

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
11th cent.
Amstacandra
Puruşārtha-siddhyu. paya Śrāvaka-dharmadohaka
Devagupta (1016 A.D.) Santisuri (1040 A.D.)
Navapada-prakarana (with commentary) Dharma-ratna. prakarana
Abhayadeva (bet. 1061 and 1068)
Upāsakadaśa-ţika (1061 A.D.) Pañcasakatika (1068 A.D.) Pravacana-săroddhāra
12th cent.
Srāvakācāra Pañcasaka-tika Dharmabindu-ţika Yogaśästra
Nemicandra (late 11th cent.)
Vasunandi
(1100 A.D.) Yasodeva (1116 A.D.) Municandra (1122 A.D.) Hemacandra (1088-1172 A.D.) Siddhasena Suri (1185 A.D.)
Padmanandin Āsādhara (1240 A.D.) Maghanandin
(1260 A.D.) Devendra (1270 A.D.)
Pravacanasāroddhāra. tika Dharma-rasāyana Sāgāra-dharmāmpta
13th cent.
Śrāvakācāra
Dharmaghosa (1270 A.D.)
Sraddha-dina-krtya, Vandāru-vrtti-tika, Bhăşya-traya Sraddha-jita-kalpa, Sanghăcăra. Śrāvakācāra
GunabhUşana (1300 A.D.)
Jinadatta Sari (1300 A.D.) Jinadatta
Caitya-vandanakulaka. Viveka-vilasa
14th cent.
15th cent.
Padmanandin Yamadeva Sakalakirti
Paja-prakarana Srāvakācāra Bhāva-samgraha Prasnottara-sravaka. cara Acara-dinakara
Vardhamana (1411 A.D.)

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223
Ācāropadeśa Śraddhaguņa-śreņi. şamgraha. Sraddha-vidhi
16th cent.
Caritrasundara (1430 A.D.) Jinamandana (1441 A.D.) Ratnasekhara (1450 A.D.)
Medhăvin (1504 A.D.) Brahmanemi datta (1530 A.D.) Rajamalla (1584 A.D.) Sivakoti Somasena
(1610 A.D.) Yašovijaya (1624-1688 A.D.)
Dharma-samgrahasrāvakācāra. Dharma-piyusaśrāvakācāra Lāți-samhita
17th cent.
Ratnamala Traivarnikācāra
Dharmasamgraha. tika
Chronological Development of
the Kathānaka Literature compiled by Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Author
Works
Chronology by centuries
Contents and comments
1st cent. A.D.
(?
Kalakācārya- It is the story of Kalaka kathănaka who transferred the date (Pkt.)
of paryuşana festival from the fifth to the fourth of the first half of the month of Bhadra. It is recited by the monks at the end of the Kalpa.
sutra Brhatkathakosa More than 157 tales (composition 931- 32 A.D.) (Skt.) Kathakoşa (Ap) | 53 tales
10th cent. Harişenācārya
Śricandra (941-996 A.D.)
Bhadreśvara (1064-94 A.D.)
Kathavalı (Pkt.) It narrates the accounts
of 63 Salakāpuruşa.

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PROLEGOMENA TO PRAKRITICA et JAINICA
Dhanapala, a Tilaka-mañjarf It was composed in Svetambara Jain (wrote in 970 A.D.) about 970 A.D. under
Muñja Vakpatiraja of
Dhārā. 11th cent. Devendragani | Kathāmaņikoşa 41 chapters (1073 A.D.) (Pkt.) (or Ākhyāna
maņikosa) Kathakośa (last quarter of the 27 Stories
11th cent.) Jineśvara Sari Kathakoşa (Pkt.) 239 gathās (1092 A.D.) Soddhala Udayasundari.
katha (composed bet. 1026 &1050
A.D.) 12th cent. Devabhadra Kathakoşa/or Stories in Prakrit (1101 A.D.) Kathāratnakoşa and Sanskrit.
(Pkt. + Skt.) Vinayacandra Kathānakakoşa (140 gathās
(1109 A.D.) (Pkt.) 13th cent. Bhavadevasdri Kalakācārya- 102 gathās
(1255 A.D.) kathanaka (Pkt.)
Dharmaghoga Kathārņava (Pkt.) (208/218 gathas 14th cent. Merutunga Prabandha Divided into five
cintamani (com. prakasas pleted in 1306
A.D.) Maladhari Antarakatha. 100 stories Rājasekhara samgraha/or (1348 A.D.) Kathāsamgraha
(Skt.) Rajasekhara Prabandhakoşa 124 stories (prabandhas)
Sari (1348 A.D.) (Skt.) 15th cent. Jinasāgara Karparaprakarapa 150 stories
(1435 A.D.) Aka (Skt. + Pkt.) Somacandra Kathamahodadhi 157 stories (1448 A.D.) (Pkt. + Skt.) Udayadharma Dharmakalpa. (1450 A.D:) druma (Skt.) Subhasila Kathakoga/or (1452 A.D.) Bharatadi.katha It contains many (Pkt.)
stories and its vrtti is written in Sanskrit.

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225
?
Sarvasundara Kathāsamgraha (1453 A.D.) Naracandra Suri | Kathāratna- 15 tarangas (1463 A.D.) sāgara Pancasati
600 stories. These Prabandha-sam. stories are of the bandha
nature of fantastic (1464 A.D.) fairy-tales. Jinakirti Campaka-śreşthi(mid 15th cent.) kathānaka (Skt.)
Palagopala
kathānaka (Skt.) Padmanandin Kathārņava (1496 A.D.) Nemidatta Ārādhanākoşa (1530 A.D.) Śrutasāgara Kathākoşa (Skt.) (mid 16th cent.) Hemavijaya. Kathāratnākara 258 stories in 10 gaņi(1600 A.D.) (Skt., Pkt. Apa. | tarangas; mostly of Guj + Old Hindi) fools, rogues and
artful women.
16th cent.
17th cent.
Kathakosa Collection of popular (Skt. + Pkt.) tales Uttamakumăra- Stories are allegorical carita-kathā (Skt.) and didactic. Pāpabuddhi- Allegorical and didactic Dharma-buddhi- stories kathānaka (Skt.) Samyaktva. 27 stories kaumudi (Skt. with Pkt. gāthās) Kathakosa Ref. found in Jaina
Sāhitya Itihăsa p. 168 Kathākosa (trs. by C.H. Tawney,
London, 1895). Kathā maho- 179 verses. Its commendadhi (Skt.) tary contains 150 tales. Kathăratnākara (Skt.) Upadeśamala Kathāsamāsa Kathāsamgraha Kathakoşa
Uttamarşi
Jinabhadra Sarvanandi Anandasundara Somasundara Gani
Aghatakumāra katha

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"WE ASTATIC SOCIE?

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