Medieval Jainism

Author(s): Bhasker Anand Saletore
Publisher: Karnataka Publishing House
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011082/1

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D*******C DoCD000 lAla bahAdura zAstrI prazAsana akAdamI Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration pravApti saMkhyA Accession No. varga saMkhyA Class No. pustaka saMkhyA Book No. masUrI MUSSOORIE pustakAlaya LIBRARY 101559 12sal 294.4 Sal =*K********C GL 294.4 SAL 101559 LBSNAA

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM

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OTHER WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR Social & Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire (2 Volumes). Der Wert der Listschen Lehren fur die Losung der indischen Frage The Wild Tribes in Indian History. Ancient Karnataka, Volume I. History of Tuluva. The Sthanikas and Their Historical Importance. Maratha Dominion in Karnasaka (to be published shortly).

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By Courtesy A1 ysuru Archaeologual Dipl.] Gomatesvara at Sravana Belgola

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE BY BHASKER ANAND SALETORE M.A., Ph. D. (Lond.), D. Phil. (Giessen) Professor of History, Sir Parashurambhau College, Poona, and University Teacher in Ancient Indian History, Post-Graduate Department, Bombay University, Ir O SS KARNATAK PUBLISHING HOUSE BOMBAY

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[ All rights reserved by the Author ] Printed by M. N. KULKARNI at the KARNATAK PRINTING PRESS, Chira Bazar, Bombay, and published by him at the KARNATAK PUBLISHING Ilouse, Chira Bazar, Bombay 2.

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PREFACE When we met at Hampe (Vijayanagara) in December 1936 to commemorate the (traditional) date of the foundation of the Vijayanagara Empire, a few well-wishers desired that I should undertake the study of the Jainas under the mediaeval Hindu monarchs. I agreed to their proposal but it was only some months later that I could give the subject a concrete shape. Only two scholars deserve special mention in regard to the history of the Jainas in southern India-Mr. M. S. Ramaswami and Mr. Seshagiri Rao, whose excellent essays I have utilized in some places in my work. But I have followed an altogether new line of enquiry. Jainism is studied here from a non-religious standpoint; and the conspicuous part played by all sections of the people-kings, feudatories, nobles, priests, citizens, and women-is described with the aid of contemporary historical records. It will be seen from the following pages that the connecting link in the history of pre-Vijayanagara and Vijayanagara Jainism was the great Vijayanagara House. And so far as the religion itself is concerned, we may note that far from being a bundle of metaphysical beliefs, it was a faith that added in a large measure to the material prosperity of the land. It was not my intention to exhaust all the aspects of the subject. On the other hand, I have deliberately concentrated on some particular phases of the question, leaving others to those who may care to work on them. Notwithstanding many limitations, it is pleasing to observe that the old Jaina spirit of helping the cause of learning is

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still strong among some Jainas. This it was which has made two generous and kind-hearted Jaina gentlemen share a substantial part of the expenses of the work. In the true Jaina manner, they wish to remain anonymous. To them I wish to acknowledge herewith my profound obligation for their generous aid. I am equally grateful to Mr. M. N. Kulkarni of the Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay, but for whose kindness, promptness, and liberality, I am afraid this work would not have been printed so soon at all. The Index has been prepared by my younger brother Mr. G. N. Saletore, M.A., who, in spite of heavy postgraduate studies, has kindly come to my rescue. July the 14th, 1938. Purandharebagh, Poona 2. B. A. S.

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CONTENTS CHAPTER. I. PRELIMINARY REMARKS II. ROYAL BENEVOLENCE PRINCELY PATRONAGE III. IV. JAINA MEN OF ACTION V. WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH VI. POPULAR SUPPORT VII. CRITICAL TIMES VIII. VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE IX. STATE AID TO JAINISM X. JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS XI. ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE XII. JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE INDEX ILLUSTRATIONS GOMATESVARA AT SRAVANA BELGOLA.. GOMATESVARA AT KARKALA AT HIRIANGADI, A MANASTAMBHA NEAR KARKALA HOSABASTI AT MUDABIDRE CATURMUKHABASTI AT KARKALA 99 "" PAGE. 1 frontispiece facing p. 268 "3 87 101 154 172 216 283 298 311 322 366 389 99 352 "2

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ERRATA Page 4 52 69 93 Line For Read Last line M.A.R. for 1923, p. 23 M.A.R. for 1923, p. 26 Footnote E. C. II. Intr. p. 30. E. C. II. No. 67, p. 30 15 Morale Marale 29 Narasimharajapara Narasimharajapura 10-11 Bahumali Bahubali 8 Avyaka Avyakta Footnote E.C. IV. XII. Ci. 22. p.78 E.C. XII. Ck. 22. p. 1 Canna Bommara sa Cenna Bommarasa Footnote Samyak-Dharsana Samyak-Darsana Baciya Raja Baica Raja 110 220 314 15 317 320 11

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zrImatparamagambhIrasyAdvAdAmoghalAnchanam jIyAt trailokyAnAthasya zAsanaM jinazAsanam May the doctrine of Jina be victorious--the doctrine of the Lord of the three worlds, the unfailing characteristic of which is the glorious and most profound syad vada !

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THE KARNATAKA COUNTRY A jala-nidhi-parivestisid a Jambudvipa madhyado! Meru-nagam rajipud-endesag amarasamajade-sura-dhenu-devataru-pancakadim a-Merugiriya tenkana-dikkinolu-dharma-bhumi-Bharatakhandamirppud adarol-atiramaniyamada-nana-desam unf-a-desadolu Jinadharma-avasav-adatt amala vinayad agarav adattu Padmasanirppaa-sadmav-adatt ativisada-yaso-dhamav adattu vidya-dhana-janmasthanav-adatt asama-tarala-gambhira-sad-gehav-adatt enisalk intulla nana-mahimeyol esugam capu-Karnata-desamam. (By its roaring waves and dashing spray proclaiming that it had mountains and pearls was the ocean surrounding Jambudvipa, in the middle of which was mount Meru, south of which was the land of dharma Bharata-khanda. Among the many beautifui countries it contained, an abode of the Jina dharma. a mine of good discipline, like the dwelling of Padmasana (Brahma), having acquired great fame, the birth-place of learning and wealth, the home of unequalled splendid earnestness, thus distinguished in many ways was the lovely Karnata country.) Epigraphia Carnatica, VIII. Kuppatur stone inscription styled Sb. 261, dated A.D. 1408, pp. 41, 107 (text). See P. 309 of this work.

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CHAPTER 1. PRELIMINARY REMARKS Importance and nature of the subject - Introduction of Jainism into south and west India. THE history of mediaeval Jainism in southern and western 1 India, especially in the famous Empire of Vijayanagara, can be best understood only when it is studied in relation to the activities of its votaries in the ages preceding the rise of the sons of Sangama. It is essentially the history of a sect which having sought shelter in Karnataka from a grave calamity that had overtaken it in its own home in the north, rose to unrivalled brilliance in the land of its adoption not only in the fields of letters, arts, and religion but in the domain of politics as well. At the hands of writers on Indian history, however, the influence which this profound faith cast in the south has not received the attention it has deserved.1 Indeed, it may be said 1. One finds little about this subject in most of the modern works dealing with the history and religions of India. The Cambridge History of India, I, for example, has only a few lines on this question : pp. 166-167. Other writers like Glasenapp, Der Jainismus, and C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer (revised edition, Bangalore), have nothing more than the few well known facts to relate.

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM without any exaggeration that this subject has been almost ignored by historians of India. It is our purpose, therefore, to delineate in brief such of the important facts which are available in the numerous epigraphic records and literature of Karnasaka, the Telugu and Tamil lands, and which give us an idea of the remarkable contribution Jainism made to the stability and success of many kingdoms and notably of that most magnificent product of mediaeval Hindu statesmanship--the Empire of Vijayanagara. But it is necessary to bear in mind here a few considerations in regard to the subject before us. In the first place, while it is undoubtedly true that, as will be pointed out in the course of this treatise, Jainism claimed great antiquity in certain parts of southern India, where it made perceptible progress for some time, it always reckoned Karnataka as its home where both during the days of its highest splendour as well as in the period of its comparative insignificance, it never failed to receive the warmest hospitality and the sincerest devotion from the people. Hence the history of Jainism in southern India is primarily the history of that religion in Karnataka. This is the reason why, while studying the annals of Jainism under Vijayanagara, which was till the days of the famous Aravidu family thoroughly Karnataka in origin and culture, we should pay due attention to the part played by the followers of the Jina dharma in moulding the destiny of western and southern India in the pre-Vijayanagara days. We have, therefore, to acquaint ourselves with the facts relating to the advent of that religion into Karnataka, and the circumstances which led to its being a most potent factor in the history of western India till the fourteenth century A.D., before we deal with its progress and decay in the Vijayanagara Empire. This course of study will explain the widespread and abiding influence

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PRELIMINARY REMARKS which Jainism had in the land, and at the same time enable us to understand how it functioned throughout the history of the Hindu Empire of Vijayanagara. The advent of Jainism into Kamnasaka, and, therefore, into southern India, is connected with the immigration of Jainas under their celebrated leader Bhadrabahu, the last of the great srutakevalis, and his disciple the Mauryan Emperor Candragupta. Southern tradition, corroborated by literary and epigraphic evidence, relates that Bhadrabahu after predicting a twelve years' famine and drought in the north, led the migration of the Jaina sangha to the south. He was accompanied by Candragupta Maurya. On reaching Sravana Belgola, Bhadrabahu, perceiving that his end was drawing near, ordered the sangha to proceed on its way, and himself remained on the smaller hill called Kalbappu, Katavapra, Cikka Betta, at Sravana Belgola, where he was tended till his last moments by his royal disciple. The latter survived his teacher by twelve years, which were spent in penance on the hill, and then died there himself.1 Notwithstanding a few discrepancies between the traditional account of the migration and that left to us by early Jaina writers, it may be taken as an undisputed fact that the Jainas migrated to the fertile regions of Karnataka in the days of the first Ganadhara Bhadrabahu whose death, according to all Jaina authors from Hemacandra down to the most modern scholiast, took place in 170 A.V. or B.C. 297. 1. Charpentier discredits the account of the Digambaras and asserts that Bhadrabahu retired to Nepal in order to pass the remainder of his life in penance, leaving the succession to Sthulabhadra, a disciple of Bhadrabahu's own contemporary the highpriest Sambhutavijaya. Cam. His. of India, I, p. 165, 2. Jacobi, Kalpasutra, Intr., p. 13,

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM We owe this definiteness in regard to the Jaina migration to Karnataka to the researches of the late Mr. B. L. Rice and the late Praktana Vimarsa Vicaksana Mahamahopadhyaya R. Narasimhacarya. On the strength of the inscriptions on the summit of Candragiri itself and elsewhere, the writings of early Jaina writers like Harisena (A. D. 931), and mediaeval and later writers like Ratnanandi (circa a. D. 1450), Cida. nandakavi (A.D. 1680), and Devacandra (A.D. 1838), these scholars have shown that credence may certainly be given to the tradition of the migration of the Jainas to the south under the leadership of the fifth and the last of the great srutakevalis Bhadrabahu and his royal disciple.1 1. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 2-10 ; Narasimhacarya, Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, pp. 36-40. Smith accepted this tradition. Oxford History of India, pp. 75-76. Fleet tried to maintain that this Jaina tradition had no historical basis. Indian Antiquary, XXI, p. 156; Epigraphia Indica, IV, pp. 22-24, 339; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1909, p. 23; ibid for 1911, p. 816. But both Rice and Narasimhacarya have successfully proved that Fleet's contention was wrong. My. and Coorg, p. 7, n. (1); Ins. Sr. Bel.. Intr., p. 40, Dr. Shama Sastry, while squaring some synchronisms with the initial year of the Gupta era, viz., A. D. 200-201,--which, according to him, is the correct date, that given by Dr. Fleet, viz., A. D. 319-20 being wrong -opines that it was Bhadrabahu III, and Candragupta II, who came to Kalbappu. (Mysore Archaeological Report for 1923, p. 23).

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CHAPTER II. ROYAL BENEVOLENCE Royal patronage : Under the Gangas : The Ganga kingdom a creation of the Jaina sage Simhanandi--the story in connection with that sage and Madhava Kongunivarma I described and examined-Avinita 1-Durvinita-Sivamara Sripurusa Muttarasa Pethvikongumivarma II-Sivamara II Saigotta--Prince DuggamaraNitimarga 1-Marasimha Guttiya Ganga-Nitimarga, Racamalla III--Rakkasaganga, Racamalla, IV. The Kadamba patronage : Kakusthavarma - Mtgesavarma - Ravivarma - Harivarma-Devavarma. Rastrakuta patronage : Dantidurga, Khadgavaloka-Govinda III Prabhutayarsa-Kambha, Ranavaloka-Amoghavarsa I Nspatunga--Krsna Il-Krsna III-Indra IV. Western Calukya patrons : Tailapadeva IIJayasimha III - The great men in the age of this ruler : Vadiraja-An account of Vadiraja-his rival Vadi Rudragana Lakulisa Pandita-Other great Jaina teachers of this period identified Patronage by the Calukya monarchs continued : Somesvara I Trailokyamalla--A great Jaina teacher of his time : Vadibhasimha AjitasenaVikramaditya VI. Hoysala patrons : The Hoysala kingdom another Jaina creation-Relation between the Hoysalas and their predecessors the Western Calukyas Jainism as the connecting link between the Hoysala and the Vijayanagara

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM kingdoms--The birth-place of the Hoysalas a centre of Jainism--The story of the Jaina guru Sudatta who helped Sala to build a kingdom critically examined--Identification of Sudatta with the help of a contemporary stone epigraphDigression into the early history of the Hoysala family_.Vinayaditya II and his Jaina guru Santideva--Ereyanga and the sage GopanandiBallala 1-Visnuvardhana-Narasimha I Ballala 11-Narasimha III --Ramanatha. TROM a fugitive faith, Jainism became gradually the dominant religion of Karnataka ; and for nearly twelve centuries (second century A.D. till the thirteenth century) it guided the fortunes of some of the most powerful and well known Karnataka royal families. This particular aspect of Jainism deserves a passing explanation. That a religion which had made Karnataka its abode only a few generations before its great rival Buddhism had cast its sway practically over the same area, should have, in spite of the opposition it met from rival faiths, and notably from the rejuvenated forms of Hinduism, persisted to do a great deal of material and spiritual good to the country is, indeed, most remarkable, especially when we remember that its votaries did not show any signs of increasing in numbers and its royal patrons, particularly in the thirteenth century A.D. and after, did not always shower on it the patronage it had received in the early centuries of the Christian era. But this success of Jainism for over eleven centuries is to be attributed not 1. The various Edicts of Asoka, not to mention other important sources, are in themselves sufficient proof to demonstrate that Buddhism had taken deep roots in Karnataka in the Mauryan age. This question will be discussed by me in a separate dissertation. In the meanwhile read Rice, My & Coorg., pp 314 ; Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer, I, pp. 295-298.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE inerely to its inherent vitality, but also to other causes which transformed it from a mere tissue of teachings into a live force in Karnataka politics. Foremost among these causes is that relating to the new outlook Jaina leaders took on political life. They ceased to be merely exponents of dogmas; they turned themselves into creators of kingdoms. It may not be too much to say that Jainism in the pre-Vijayanagara days was an example of a religion which showed, at least so far as Karnataka was concerned, that religious tenets were to be subordinated to political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake. The practical effect of such a changed angle of vision on the part of the great Jaina teachers of the early centuries early centuries was profound. Four celebrated royal families in succession came forward as champions of Jainism ; and what the monarchs did, their minister-generals, feudatories, and commercial magnates imitated. Jainism, in short, received universal patronage from all ranks of people. And the Jaina leaders in tum reciprocated the trust and reverence which the princes and people reposed in them by contributing in a large measure to the philosophy, literature, and arts of the country. The earliest political creation of the Jina dharma was the Ganga kingdom of the south. The Gangas were a family of considerable antiquity. They belonged to the Iksvaku race and the Kanvayana gotra. Their early history in the north or north-east prior to their advent in the south does not concern us here. Somewhere in the second century A.D.1 they 1. The chronology of the Ganges is far from being settled. Of the scholars who have attempted to fix it,-Fleet, Rice, Narasimhacarya, Shama Sastry, and Govinda Pai.--the attempts of Fleet have to be abandoned, as he unfortunately took an assailable stand concerning the genuineness of many of the Ganga records. Rice placed Kongunivarma I in the end of the second

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM branched off in the southerly direction. Two princes of the Ganga family came to a particular city in the south, thereby opening a new age in the history of the country. For here century A.D (My. & Coorg., pp. 32, 49). Although the dates given by him to some of the later Ganga rulers, e.g., Durvinita whom he placed in A.D. 482-517... (Ibid, p. 49), as pointed out by Narasimhacarya, were wrong (Mysore Archeological Report for 1921, p. 28, where Narasimhacarya gives A.D. 605-650 as the dates of this ruler), yet we may accept, on the whole, the age (second century A. D.) given to the first historical figure in the Ganga history by Rice as correct. The following will, for the present, be enough to prove that Rice's calculations were valid. One of the Ganga kings whose date of coronation was fixed satisfactorily by Dr. Shama Sastry is king Avinita. This ruler was anointed to the throne while a boy in A. D. 475 (M. A. R. for 1924, p. 18). With this date we shall argue backwards in order to fix the age of Kongunivarma I. Between king Avinita and Kongunivarma I there were at least six monarchs Madhava, Kiriya (styled by Rice Madhava II), Harivarma, and his elder brothers Ayyavarma and Krsnavarma, his son Visnugopa, followed by, according to Rice, Prthviganga, and then Madhava II (called by Rice Madhava III). (Rice, ibid., p. 49; M. A. R. for 1924, p. 17). Suppose we allot thirty-five years to every one of these, we reach at the following dates : Madhava Kongunivarma I A.D. 230 Madhava A.D. 265 Ayyavarma A.D. 300 Krsnavarma A.D. 335 Harivarma A.D. 370(?) Visnugopa A.D. 405 Madhava A.D. 440 Avinita A.D. 475

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE in this city was effected the first political success of Jainism, when a renowned Jaina guru initiated one of them into the syad vada doctrine, and, as numerous epigraphs assert, " gave them a kingdom." The account of the victory which Jainism thus won is not given in any contemporary epigraph either of that celebrated Jaina guru or of his royal protege. But several later records both of the Gangas and of the other royal families and old Jaina works clearly and unanimously give the story thereby Now the Tamil Chronicle Kongudesa-rajakkal gives A.D. 189 as the date for the king Kongunivarma I. It asserts that he reigned for fifty-one years. (Rice, ibid., p. 32). If we take A.D. 189 as the initial year of that ruler, it may be maintained that he ruled from A. D. 189 till A. D. 250. The date A. D. 230 which we have given for that king on the basis of the date A.D. 475 given to king Avinita, would, then, fit in quite well within his reign. And Mr. Govinda Pai's dates circa A.D. 250A.D. 283 given to Kongunivarma I (Karnataka Historical Review, II, No. 1, p. 29) would be very near the correct date. Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao's dates for the same ruler, A.D. 340A.D.-400, (The Gangas of Talkad, pp. xi, 22) are far too arbitrary to be accepted. Narasimhacarya's discovery of many genuine Ganga records is of the greatest importance in this connection (M. A. R. for 1921, p. 17 ff.). But the dates A.D. 605650 given by him to king Durvinita--no doubt on a well' reasoned contemporaneity of that ruler with the famous poet Bharavi-seem to be rather unacceptable. (M.A.R. for 1921, p. 28). For if Dr. Shama Sastry is right in assuming that king Avinita was anointed to the throne in A.D. 475, it cannot be that Avinita's son and successor Durvinita came to the throne in A.D. 605 ! Dr. Sastry has shown that the date A.D. 478 given to Durvinita by Rice is correct. (M.A.R. for 1923, p. 27). Pending a detailed study of the Gangas, I tentatively accept Rice's chrono logy as correct in the main. On the Kadamba-Ganga synchronisms in the reign of king Avinita, read Moraes, Kadamba-kula, pp. 55-59.

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10 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM leaving no doubt in our minds concerning its veracity. The Ganga ruler who thus secured a kingdom was called Kongunivarma I, while his Jaina preceptor was Simhanandi Acarya. One of the earliest royal documents which hints at the aid received by the first historical figure in the Ganga genealogy, is the Kodunjeruvu grant of king Avinita (accession A.D. 475). This record merely states that the illustrious Kongunivarma was "famous for his valour and strength exhibited in rending asunder a pillar of stone with a single stroke of his sword."1 Neither in the above record nor in the next one styled the Bedirur grant of king Bhuvikrama, Srivallabha, and dated Saka 556 (A.D. 634-5), is there any explicit statement to the effect that Simhanandi Acarya gave Kongunivarma a kingdom. The Bedirur plates only repeat the fact of the great achievement of Kongunivarma as given in the grant of king Avinita mentioned above.? But in the damaged copper-plate grant of king Sivamara I, Petlivikonguni I, (A.D. 670-713...), it is clearly stated that Kongunivarma I, who was " possessed of renown for valour," " with his own sword at the suggestion of the Jaina teacher," whose name is lost in the record, cut evidently the stone pillar referred to in other epigraphs. The Udayendiran grant of king Hastimalla dated circa A.D. 920, affirms that the Ganga lineage obtained increase through the greatness of Simhanandi. The Kudlur plates of king Marasimha dated Saka 884 (A.D. 963) confirm the above, and assert that by favour of Simhanandi Acarya Kongunivarma obtained strength of 1. M. A. R. for 1924, p. 68. 2. Ibid. for 1925, pp. 85, 87. 3. Ibid., p. 91. 4. South Indian Inscriptions, II, p. 387 ; M. A, R. for 1921, p. 21.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 11 arm and valour and cut asunder the great stone pillar with a single stroke of his sword.1 The Humcca Pancabasti stone inscription dated A.D. 1077, while tracing the spiritual descent of Jaina gurus, asserts the following in connection with the great Jaina teacher Samantabhadra-In his line was Simhanandi Acarya who made the Ganga kingdom (Gangarajyamam madida Simhanandi-acaryar). 2 But the most admirable account of Simhanandi Acarya's great achievement is given in the stone inscription found near the Siddhesvara temple on Kallurgudda, Shimoga hobli, Mysore State. It is dated A.D. 1122 and, after describing the early history of the Ganga family, it narrates thus about king Padmanabha's two sons Dadiga and Madhava, who were sent to the south when their father was attacked by Mahipala of Ujjain: Continuing by daily journeys they came to a pleasant place, where they saw the extensive Perur (in the mod. Cuddapah district), a joy to the mind of the pure Laksmi ; and a hill covered with flowering mandara, nameru, and sandal trees. Seeing that Ganga Perur, they pitched their camp on the bank of a tank there, and seeing a caityalaya, with full of devotion walked round it three times, and giving praises, saw the voyager to the farthest shore of learning, the full moon to the ocean the Jina congregation, possessed of patience, and all the ten excellent qualities, his good life a secure wealth, rejoicing in the modest, his fame extending to the four oceans, keeping at a distance from the evil, a sun in the sky of the Kranur gana, devoted to the performance of the twelve kinds of penance, promoter of the Ganga kingdom (Ganga-rajya samuddharanam)-Sri-Simhanandi Acarya ; 1. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 19. 2. Epigraphia Carnatica, VII, Nr. 46, p. 139. See also Nr. 35, p. 138, where the same is repeated.

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12 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM and doing reverence to him through faith in the guru, made known to him all the object of their coming. On which he, taking them by the hand, made them proficient in the art of learning, and after some days causing by his faith the goddess Padmavati to appear, obtained a boon, and gave them a sword and the whole kingdom. The same stone inscription then continues thus :-While the munipati was looking on, Madhava, honoured by the learned, shouting struck with all his might a stone pillar, when it (the pillar) broke with a noise of cracking ; what cannot brave men do? Seeing that energy, the munipati, making a coronet of the petals of the karaaikara bound it on, blessing them (the two brothers) as honoured by the good, scattering grain (on them), giving them with a pleased mind the domain of all the earth, making his peacock fan a signal flag for them, and furnished them with numerous attendants, elephants, and horses. This interesting record further informs us about the advice which Simhanandi Acarya gave the two brothers : Having thus put them in possession of all the kingdom, he gave them the following advice--That if they failed in what they promised, if they did not approve of the Jina sasana, if they seized the wives of others, if they ate honey or flesh, if they formed relationship with the low, if they gave not of their wealth to the needy, and if they fled from the battlefield, then, their race would go to ruin ! The extent of the kingdom thus given to them by the great Acarya is next described in the same inscription. Having said the above, with the lofty Nandagiri as their fortress, Kuvalala as their city, the Ninety-six Thousand as their country, the blameless Jina their Lord, Victory their companion in the battle field, the Jina mata their faith, and with ever increasing greatness, the kings Dadiga and

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE Madhava ruled over the earth. The boundaries of their kingdom were the following on the north its frontiers touched Marandale, on the east Tonqanad, on the west, the ocean and the place called Ceram, and on the south, Kongu. Moreover, having subdued all the enemies that were within these limits, the Gangas made firm their dominion over so much, the circle of Gangavadi 96,000. It is this record which, as will be explained in a later context, states that Dadiga and Madhava erected a caityalaya on the hill Mandali (near Shimoga), according to the advice of the same Acarya, while out on an expedition to subdue the Konkana. That Simhanandi Acarya actually taught his royal disciples the syad vada doctrine is further proved by another record dated A.D. 1129, which informs us that "The sharp sword of meditation on the venerable Arhat, which cuts asunder the row of stone pillars the hostile army of the ghati sins, was vouchsafed by Simhanandi muni to his disciples also. Otherwise, how was the solid stone pillar, which barred the road to the entry of the goddess of sovereignty, capable of being cut asunder by him with his sword ? " 2 These records are of the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D.; the Gangas as a ruling power disappeared by the end of the eleventh century A.D. Notwithstanding this chronological discrepancy, it may be conceded that the above account of Simhanandi Acarya's having helped the first notable Ganga king in Karnataka, Kongunivarma, may be accepted as valid. In a later connection in the same Siddhesvara temple record, while dealing with the spiritual line of the Jaina gurus of the Sri Mula sangha, Kondakundanvaya, 1. E. C. VII, Sh. 4, p. 6. Cf. Sh. 39 dated A.D. 1122, and Sh. 56 dated A.D. 1125, pp. 17, 21. 2. Ibid, II, 67, pp. 25-26.

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14 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Kranur gana, and Mesapasana gaccha to which Simhanandi Acarya belonged, it is again said that that teacher was a dweller in the southern country and a promoter of the family of the chiefs of the Ganga territory, and lord of the Sri Mula sangha (daksina desavasi Ganga mahimandalikakula-samuddharanah Sri-Mulasanghanatho). Evidently this was but a continuation of the earlier tradition as recorded, for instance, in the Udayendiran plates of king Hastimalla mentioned above. Its validity is further proved by an inscription assigned to circa A. D. 1179 in which it is said that the Ganga kingdom was brought into existence by the lord of the sages Simhanandi of the celebrated Desika gana named after Kondakunda. 1 Before proceeding further with these records, we may note that as pointed out by the late Mr. Narasimhacarya, in an old commentary on the Jaina work Gommatasara, it is stated that, the Ganga family prospered by the blessings of the sage Simhanandi.2 The above inscriptions concerning Simhanandi Acarya and Kongunivarma I, contain two other details which are of some importance in the history of Jainism in the preVijayanagara days. The first relates to the position of the city of Perur where the Ganga princes met the Jaina guru. The Siddhesvara temple inscription clearly informs us that Perur was already a great Jaina centre in the days of Simhanandi Acarya. It contained a caityalaya where assembled the ocean of the Jina congregation to which Simhanandi him. self was the full-moon (Jina samaya-sudhambhodhi-samput. nacandraram). The other detail is more interesting. In the same epi. .1. E. C. II, 397, p. 169. 2. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 26.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 15 graph, as well as in others, we are told that Simhanandi Acarya gave, firstly, a sword, and, then, a kingdom to prince Madhava. With the sword the latter struck a stone pillar (sila stambha) which broke with the noise of cracking. It was as a reward for this brave act of the prince, that Simhanandi put on his head the coronet of karanikara flowers and gave him a kingdom. The incident of smiting the stone pillar preceded that of the gift of the kingdom. Now what was the stone pillar and the significance of its destruction ? Rice suggested long ago about this renowned but rather unintelligible feat thus--" It seems not improbable that the term should properly be sila stambha, the name given to the pillars on which the edicts of Asoka were inscribed. None has hitherto been found in the south, but no reason appears why one should not have been erected in this part of India, which Konguni I overthrew."2 But it was only thirteen years later in 1892 that Rice himself made his epoch-making discovery of Aoka's edicts at Malkalmuru in the Chitaldroog district. Although no edicts of Asoka have been found in the neighbourhood of Perur, yet it may not be wrong to assume that the reference to the sila stambha in the above records is to one of such monuments which Kongunivarma destroyed. It could not have been any ordinary 1. In the inscription edited by Rice it was read as Sila stam. bha. 2. Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, Intr. p. xlii. (1879). 3. The many royal grants we have cited above refer in unmistakable terms to the great achievement of Kongunivarma. The only exception is the Narasimharajapura grant of king Sripurusa (A.D. 726-776...), assigned to about A.D. 780, in which the destruction of the stone pillar is attributed to a predecessor of Kongunivarma I. This document relates that in the race of that fortunate one, who, intent on victory, cut off by order of a Nirgrantha (Jaina) sage a huge stone pillar with his

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16 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM pillar which that ruler broke with a single stroke of his sword. We have to assume that it may have been a monument which was not only literally large, but one the existence of which proved a barrier to the progress of that king. This latter supposition is based on the explicit statement in the inscription dated A.D. 1129 cited above which informs us that the stone pillar barred the road to the entry of the goddess of sovereignty. The reference here seems to be to the powerful hold which Buddhism had over that region prior to the age when Kongunivarma became master of Perur. Buddhist influence still held its own in the south for some time to come ; and it was evidently this which the great Jaina teacher overcame with the help of his royal disciple. Kongunivarma's demonstration of physical strength brought with it, indeed, "sovereignty" to the Jainas ; and the reward which he secured for this remarkable feat was a kingdom. 1 Whatever our difficulty in ascertaining the exact nature of the circumstances under which Simhanandi Acarya enabled Konguoivarma to acquire political power in the region (Continued from p. 15.) sword, was born the matchless Konguni Raja of the Kanvayana gotra (M.A.R. for 1920, p. 28). Since all records except this unanimously attribute the performance of the great deed only to Kongunivarma I, and to none else, we have to suppose that the scribe who composed the Narasimharajapura plates was not properly informed of the deeds of the earliest historical figure in the Ganga genealogy. Or a copper plate of Kongunivarma I, see M.A.R. for 1912-1913, pp. 33-34. 1. Mr. Hayavadana Rao asserts that the change in religion from Brahmanism to Jainism on the part of Kongunivarma " seems to have been insisted upon by the Acarya Simhanandi as a sine qua non for any interest in the two boy-princes Dadiga and Madhava." My. Gaz., II, p. 592. This is merely a conjecture.

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17 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE around Perur, there can be hardly any doubt that the aid which the great Jaina sage gave the Ganga ruler secured for Jainism royal patronage at the hands of the Ganga monarchs who, excepting in a few instances, fostered it with care for centuries after the time of Kongunivarma I. For instance, king Visnugopa is said to have set aside the Jina faith for that of Narayana (Visnu). But his son (or grandson) Tadangala Madhava, notwithstanding the fact of his having been a devotee of Triyambaka, carried on the earlier Ganga tradition of extending patronage to the Jainas. A copperplate grant found in the ruined basti at Nonamangala, MaJur taluka, and dated in his 13th regnal year, records the grant of the Kumarapura village and other specified land for the Arhat temple in the Perbbalal village. This was done at the instance of the Acarya Viradeva, who was proficient in his own doctrine and in other dogmas.3 That Tadangala Madhava should have done this is, indeed, noteworthy, specially when it is remembered that he is described as one who was "of widespread fame for his revival of Brahman endowments long since destroyed." In another record he is described as a "reviver of donations and sacrifices for longceased festivals of the gods and Brahman endowments, daily eager to extricate the ox of merit from the thick mire of 1. A damaged and undated stone inscription found near Icavadi, Shimoga hobli, is unique in the sense that it is the only record which gives the name of Nandibhattaraka of the Kranur gana as having been the teacher of the Ganga kings ruling over the southern country (M.A.R. for 1923, p. 115). We do not know whether this was the same Nandi muni who is mentioned in a record assigned to A.D. 700 (E. C. II, 111, p. 45). 2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 34. 3. E. C. X., Mr. 73, pp.172-173. Rice assigns this copperplate grant to circa A.D. 370. 4. Ibid., IX, DB. 67, p. 71.

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18 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the Kaliyuga in which it had sunk."1 These statements obviously refer to those days of Jaina ascendancy under the early Ganga monarchs when the Vedic ideas and Brahman superiority had been relegated into the background by the vigour and driving force of Jainism. King Tadangala Madhava's son and successor was Avinita. This ruler "like Vaivasvata Manu devoted to protecting the south in the maintenance of castes and religious orders, the friend of all ",2 was undoubtedly a Jaina. The Nonamangala copper-plate grant issued in the 1st regnal year of that monarch, amply proves this assertion. In this record king Avinita, who is called merely Srimat Kongunivarma Dharmamaharajadhiraja, in that year, on the advice of his preceptor the parama-arhat Vijayakirti, gave the Vennelkarani village (location specified) to the Uranur Arhat temple, and one-fourth of the karsapana (a copper coin 80 Tati in weight) of the outside customs to the Perur Evaniadigal's Arhat temple. The Uranur Arhat temple, we are informed in the same document, was established by Candranandi and others of the Sri Mula sangha. This copper-plate grant has been assigned to circa A. D. 425 by Rice. 3 1. E. C. IX, DB. 68, p. 72. 2. Ibid., DB. 68, p. 73. On his benevolent attitude towards the Brahmans, see ibid., DB. 67, p. 71. 3. Ibid, X., Mr. 72, pp. 171-172. See also Ramaswami Ayyangar, Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 110-111 (Madras, 1922). The Mercara plates of the same king, the genuineness of which has been questioned, also confirm the statement made above that he was a staunch follower of the Jina dharma. This copper-plate grant, assigned by Rice to A. D. 466, relates that that king gave the village of Badaneguppe (location given) to Candranandi Bhattaraka, who was the disciple of

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19 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE That king Durvinita, son and successor to king Avinita, was likewise a good Jaina is proved by a later record dated A. D. 1055-6 to be cited in a later context. Rice asserted that the celebrated Jaina grammarian Pujyapada was the spiritual guru of king Durvinita: This statement was based on the Hirematha copper-plate grant found at Hobburu, Tumkur taluka, and assigned by Rice to circa A. D. 700. In it king Durvinita is thus described -Sabdavatarakara-deva-Bharati-nivaddha Brhadp[k]atha which Rice interpreted thus" restricted to the path of greatness by the instruction of the divine who was the author of the Sabdavatara."1 The late Mr. Narasimhacarya denied that Pujyapada had anything to do with king Durvinita at all. He maintained that Sabdavatarakara Devabharati-nibaddha-Brhadkatha were two of the birudas of king Durvinita, meaning thereby that that ruler wrote the Sabdavatara, and translated into Sanskrit Gunadhya's Byhadkatha.2 This assertion rests on the Gummareddipura plates of king Durvinita, issued in his 40th regnal year. In this important record it is clearly stated thus-Sabdavatara-karena (Continued from p. 18.) Gunanandi Bhattaraka, through the offices of the minister of Akalavarsa Psthvivallabha. The grant was made on behalf of the Srivijaya basadi at Talavananagara. (E. C., I. Cg. 1, p. 51). The ruler mentioned here may have been Krsna I, the Rastrakuta monarch, who seems to have been the first to assume the name Akalavarsa. But what a minister of the latter had to do with king Avinita is not clear. On king Avinita's patronage of the Jainas, read Indian Antiquary, I, p. 136 ; Krishna Rao, Gangas of Talkad, p. 227. 1. E. C., XII. Tm. 23, p. 7; My. & Coorg., pp. 35, 196. 2. Karnataka Kavicarite, I. pp. 12-13.

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20 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Devabharati nibaddha Vaddakathena Kiratarjuniyenapancadasa-sarga-fikakarena Durvinita namadheyena. But our difficulty does not end here. While the Gummareddipura plates conclusively prove that king Durvinita was the author of a Sabdavatara, it cannot be maintained on the strength of this record that he was not the disciple of Pujyapada. We have to admit that there is no explicit reference in any inscription to the fact that Pujyapada was the guru of king Durvinita. The Kadagattur plates assigned by Rice to circa A. D. 482, no doubt, describe king Durvinita as one who walked according to the example of his guru (svaguru gunanugamina).2 But this does not show that Pujyapada was connected with king Durvinita. A solution of the problem lies in ascertaining a few details centring round Pujyapada. We know that this great teacher was the author of a work called sabdavatara. A later record found in the Pancabasti at Humcca, and assigned to A. D. 1530 on valid grounds, informs us that Pujyapada was the author of the following works--Nyayakumudacandrodaya, the nyasa on the sutras of Sakatayana, the nyasa named Jainendra " also the great nyasa called sabdavatara on the sutras of Panini," the Vaidya-sastra for the good of mankind, and a tika to the Tattvartha.8 Can we rely upon this record of the middle of the sixteenth century A. D. for determining something about a person who lived in the early centuries of the Christian era ? This will depend on our comparing some of the details given in the above inscription with those found in other records. An inscription dated A. D. 1163 informs us that Pujyapada 1. M.A.R. for 1912, pp. 31-32, 35. 2. E.C. XII. Mi. 110, p. 115. 3. Ibid., VIII, Nr. 46, p. 147 ; My & Coorg, p. 197.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE was so called because of his two feet being worshipped by the deities, that he had at first the name Devanandi, and that, on account of his towering intellect, he was also called Jinendrabuddhi. The same epigraph gives an account of his works. His Jainendra proclaimed to the learned his unequalled knowledge of grammar ; his great Sarvarthasiddhi his proficiency in philosophy ; his Jainabhiseka, his high poetic talent and subtle knowledge of prosody; and his Samadhisataka, his peace of mind.1 A later record dated A. D. 1432 gives us three additional details in regard to Pujyapada. He was unrivalled in the power of healing, and he visited Jina in Videha, while the touch of the water used for washing his feet indeed had the virtue of turning iron into gold.2 The above inscriptions, therefore, confirm the Pancabasti record in regard to the following points--That Pujyapada was the author of Jainendra, and that he was well versed in the science of medicine. Now we know from other sources that Pujyapada wrote an extensive commentary on the Tattvartha sutra of Umasvami, and the work Jainendra vyakarana.3 The Pancabasti inscription is the only source of information in regard to the other works which he wrote ---Nyayakumuda-candrodaya, the nyasa on the sutras of 1. E.C. II. 64, p. 17. Cf. Ibid., 254 dated A.D. 1398 which confirms the name Devanandi and Jinendrabuddhi given to him, and the derivation of the name Pujyapada. p. 110. 2. Ibid, 258, p., 117. Pujaypada's famous work on medicine was probably called Kalyanakaraka. This was rendered into Kannada by the poet Jagaddala Somanatha in about A. D. 1150. (Kavicarite, I, pp. 164-165. rev. ed) 3. Hiralal, A Catalogue of Mss. in the Central Provinces and Berat, Intr. p. XX.

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22 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Sakatayana, and the great sabdavatara.1 The fact of Pujyapada's having written the nyasa on Sakatayana's sutras is interesting. If corroborated by other sources it would mean that not only was sakatayana earlier than, or contemporary with, Pujyapada, but that the latter was perhaps the earliest commentator on Sakatayana's famous work on grammar, Sabdanusasana. One would then have altogether eight, and not seven, commentaries on Sakatayana's work.2 For our purpose we may note that Pujyapada who had written a nyasa on sakatayana's great work on grammar, could also have written another work on grammar called Sabdavatara himself. Turning to king Durvinita we find that we have valid reasons to assume that he was not an original writer on grammar. While there is clear evidence of his having written a commentary on the fifteenth sarga of Kiratarjuniya,3 nowhere is it said that he was a great grammarian. In the Nallala plates, for instance, issued by that monarch we have quite a number of details concerning his literary attainments. It is expressly said in this record that the king was an expert in the composition of various kinds of poetry, stories, and dramas, but nothing about his proficiency in grammar is mentioned in it. If king Durvinita 1. Parsvapandita in his Parsvanatha purana (composed in A. D. 1222) ascribes the following works to Pujyapada-- Kalyanakaraka, Jainendra, and Tatlvarthavitti. Kavicarite, 1. p. 325, n. (1). 2. Hiralal says that there are only seven important commentaries on Sakatayana's work discovered hitherto. He gives their names. Op. cit., Intr. p. xxv. 3. M.A.R. for 1918. p. 28; ibid., for 1920, p. 28; ibid for 1921, p. 20; ibid for 1924, p. 76 ; ibid for 1925, p. 88 ; ibid for 1927, p. 108. 4 Ibid., for 1926 p. 71.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 23 had been a great grammarian, the scribes who composed his inscriptions would never have failed to allude to it in their compositions. For instance, it is said of king sivamara that he was "a distinguished sailor able to reach the other side of the unfordable ocean of Panini's grammar."1 The absence of such a qualifying phrase in connection with king Durvinita suggests that he was not an original writer on grammar. How, then, is the statement made in the Gummareddipura plates that he was a Sabdavatarakara to be understood ? We know that he was a staunch Jaina, that he wrote a commentary on Kiratarjuniya, and that he translated into Sanskrit Gunadhya's BIhadkatha. It may not be too much to suppose that he put into Kannada the original Sabdavatara of Pujyapada, obviously as a mark of respect for his great guru. This would mean that we have to assign Pujyapada to the same age in which king Durvinita lived, viz., the latter half of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century A. D.2 King Sivamara I (A. D. 670-713) continued the Jaina traditions of the earlier rulers. That he was himself a Jaina is proved by one of his copper-plate grants 1. M.A.R. for 1927, p. 77. 2. This was precisely the date arrived at for Pujyapada by the late Mr. Narasimhacarya. Kavicarite, I. pp. 5-6. He likewise assigned king Durvinita to the first half of the sixth century A. D. M.A.R. for 1912, pp. 35-36. Two other works of Pujyapada are mentioned by Hiralal-Stavakacara and Upa. sakacara dealing with instructions for the conduct of a Jaina lay man. Hiralal, op. cit., pp. 628,696. On p. 706 Hiralal mentions Sarvarthasiddhi. On Pujyapada, read Kielhom, I. A., X., 75 ; Pathak, ibid, XLVIII, pp. 20, 512 ; Peterson, Report on Skt. Mss., II. pp. 67-74.

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24 MEDIEVAL JAINISM mentioned above, which relates that he gave as a gift some specified lands in the village of Kellipusugur (location given) for the services of a Jina temple to Candrasenacarya.1 Sripurusa Muttarasa, Prthvikonguni II (A.D. 726801), was a devout patron of Jainism. The Devarahalli plates dated A. D. 776 tell us that that monarch granted a village named Ponnalli in the Nirgunda country for the repairs of a Jina temple named Lokatilaka which had been caused to be erected by Kandacci. This lady was the daughter of Pallavadhiraja and the wife of Parama Gula, the Nirgunda Raja.2 King Sripurusa's reign extended till the year A. D. 801, when, as the stone inscription dated in that year and found in the Isvara temple, Basavatti village, Mysore district, informs us, that ruler, while in Talavanapura (Talakad), granted certain specified taxes on shepherds to some citizens (named). One of the clauses at the end of this record affirms that he who collected this tax would be guilty of killing Brahmans, destroying Benares, basadis, and tawny cows.3 Obviously to the royal patron of Jainism, destruction of basadis was a heinous crime. It is evidently from him that his sons Sivamara II, Saigotta, and Prince Duggamara learnt to show special favour to Jainism. For king Sivamara II was himself a staunch supporter of that religion. He built a basadi on the smaller hill at Sravana Belgola. The epigraph found on a boulder near the Candranathasvami basadi, records merely in Kannada the plain fact thus-Sivamarana basadi. On palae 1. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 92. 2. E. C. IV. Ng. 85, p. 135; My. & Coorg., p. 39. 3. M. A. R. for 1933, pp. 237-238.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE graphic grounds this record has been assigned to circa A.D. 810.1 King sivamara II, Saigotta's younger brother Duggamara Ereyappa was likewise a Jaina by persuasion. An undated stone inscription near the Anjaneya temple at Hebbalaguppe, Heggadedevana taluka, Mysore district, relates that sri Narasingere Appor Duggamara gave specified lands to the Jaina temple (koil-vasadi) of the locality. The inscription also supplies us with the name of the great architect (peruntacchan) Narayana, who built the basadi ; and tells us that the citizens of three villages (named) also gave lands equal to those granted by the Ganga prince, for the maintenance of the basadi.2 Prince Duggamara ruled for some time as a viceroy of Kovalanad under his father, and, then, on the latter's death, tried to establish himself against his elder brother. The Anjaneya temple record has been assigned to circa A. D. 825 by Dr. Krishna. 4 King sivamara II's reign was indeed an age of misfortune for the Ganga family. It was during his rule that the Rastrakutas cast their sway over Gangavaai Ninetysix Thousand, imprisoning him three times, and eventually permitting him to rule as their feudatory--the solitary instance of a Ganga monarch acknowledging an overlord ! This was in the latter part of the ninth century A. D. when the Rastrakutas under king Dhruva Nirupama, Dharavarsa, suc 1. E.C., II, Intr. p. 43; 415, text p. 180 ; M.A.R. for 1911, p 24. Rice asserts that he also erected a basadi in Kummadavada (mod. Kalbhavi in the Belgaum district), My & Coorg., p. 41. 2. M.A.R. for 1932, pp. 240-241. 3. Rice, My & Coorg., pp. 39, 55. 4. M.A.R. for 1932, p. 241.

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM cessfully intervened in the affairs of Karnataka. This intervention no doubt was highly detrimental to the continuance of the Ganga sovereignty, but it proved beneficial to the cause of Jainism. For the Rastrakutas now imitated the Gangas and in their turn took upon themselves the duty of protecting that religion. It is not that kings were wanting in the Ganga family who could outshine sivamara II, Saigotta, in his liberal attitude towards Jainism. A patron of that religion appeared in king Nitimarga I, Ereyanga Ranavikramayya, who, as is related in the Kuclur plates of king Marasimha, was "a bee at the pair of the lotus feet of the adorable Arhat-bhattaraka." The same record informs us that king Nitimarga's second son Bhutugendra, Gunaduttaranga, was also a devout Jaina (parama Jaina)2 These facts concerning both king Nitimarga I and Bhutugendra are confirmed by the Gattavadi plates dated A. D. 904.3 Some time elapses before we come across the next Ganga patron of Jainism. In king Marasimha Guttiya Ganga, Nolambakulantaka, who reigned from A.D. 961 till A.D. 974, we have a very fervent Jaina. The Kuge Brahmadeva pillar inscription on the Cikkabetta at sravana Belgola, dated A. D. 974, gives in detail the meritorious work of king Marasimha Guttiya Ganga on behalf of the syas vada doctrine. This elaborate inscription after enumerating all his military victories, affirms that he "maintained the doctrine of Jina," and caused to be erected at various places basadis and manastambhas. According to the same record, king Marasimha "having reverently carried out works of 1. Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 40-41. 2. M.A.R. for 1921, pp. 20-21. 3. E.C., XII, Nj. 269, p. 135.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE piety, one year later he relinquished the sovereignty, and observing the vow for three days with the rites of worship in the presence of the holy feet of Ajitasena Bhattaraka at Bankapura, accomplished samadhi."1 This was evidently the acknowledged method of sallekhana or death by starvation enjoined on the devotees of Jina.2 King Marasimha's benevolence consisted not merely in building basadis in many places but also in actively supporting renowned Jaina scholars. One of these was Munjarya Vadighangala Bhatta, the son of the Brahman scholar Sridhara Bhatta. The Kudlur plates of this Ganga monarch contain many details in regard to the great figure of Vadighangala Bhatta, the spiritual preceptor (sruta guru) of that ruler. Vadighangala Bhatta was a treasury of the jewels of wisdom, and a mine of the pearls of intellect. With very little effort and labour all learning came to him in a short time as though it had been made ready in his previous birth. He was well versed in the science of grammar, and seems to have composed himself "a grammatical system free from doubt." Moreover he was a great logician having mastered the three schools of logic and the Lokayata, Sankhya, and Bauddha systems of philosophy. In Jainism he became celebrated as Vadighangala. He was besides an eminent poet. The achievements of this great scholar are next enumerated in the same epigraph thus-His eloquence in the exposition of literature made king Ganga Gangeya, a cuckoo in the grove of delighters in all learning, his pupil ; his instruction in politics induced the learned men of Vallabha 1. E.C., II, 59, pp. 12-14. 2. On sallekhana as given by Samantabhadra in his Ratna. karanda read ibid., Intr. p. 69,

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Raja's capital to show him great honour which proclaimed to the world his greatness and remarkable scholarship ; and his counsel to Krsna Raja, which enabled him to conquer all regions, procured for him the king's esteem along with that of all his mandalikas and samantas. But Vadighangala Bhatta was as pious to the Brahmans as he was partial to the Jainas. We are further told in the same epigraph that he showed eager desire in doing good to others, his renunciation in the matter of seizing others' women and wealth, his love in hearing the stories of the good, his aversion in the matter of giving ear to evil report regarding the good, his intentions in worshipping the lotus feet of Jinesvara, his diligence in making gifts to sages and Brahmans, his full consciousness in protecting refugees, and his faculty of remembering the good done to him.1 To such a learned and pious scholar, king Marasimha gave on a specified day in Saka 884 (expired) the village named Bagiyur (location given) as a gift.2 1. This portion of the praise bestowed on Vadighangala Bhatta seems more appropriate to a ruler than to a pious Jaina. B. A. S. 2. M.A.R. for 1921, pp.23-24. A stone inscription found in the Sankhabasti at Laksmesvar, Miraj taluka, mentions the fact that king Marasimha Satyavakya Kongunivarma, also called Ganga Kandarpa, gave to a Jaina sage Jayadeva, the disciple of Ekadeva, specified land in Puligere (mod. Laksmesvar) for the worship and festivals of Jinendra in the Sankhabasti and Tirthabasti of that same city. Jinendra is called here the god of the king Ganga Kandarpa. The same record registers another grant of land by the feudatory of that king, Durgasakti of the Sendraka family, for the worship in the cait ya of Sankhabasti. (1.A., XII, pp. 109-110.) Fleet gives the date Saka 890 (A.D. 968-9) for this record but says on p. 102 that the date is expressed in words, and not in figures. It is evident that he has forced the date. See ibid., p. 103. This date cannot be reconciled with

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29 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE A mutilated stone inscription found in Angadi grama, Gonibidu hobli, Mudgere taluka, Mysore State, and assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 1040, relates that "celebrated through the munis of Gangavadi was king Racamalla." His guru was Vajrapani Pandita of the Dravilanvaya which belonged to the Mula sangha.1 This Racamalla was evidently Nitimarga III, Racamalla, Kacceya Ganga, for whom we have the date A. D., 920.2 The last prominent name in the Ganga genealogy is that of Rakkasa Ganga V, Permmanadi, Racamalla V, who ascended the throne in a.d. 984, and who endeavoured in vain to prop up the falling structure of Ganga dominion. The Pancabasti stone inscription examined in a later connection in this treatise, and dated A.D. 1077, informs us that the guru of Rakkasa Ganga Permmanaoi was Srivijayadeva, " in whom the former glory of both the learning and the penance of Hemasena muni have for a long time grown and greatly increased."+ Rakkasa Ganga was the patron of the famous the known dates of the early Ganga rulers. King Marasimha Ganga Kandarpa is called here the younger brother of king Harivarma who was the son of Madhava II. (ibid., pp. 107-108). We know from other records that Harivarma reigned from A.D. 247 till A.D. 266 (My. & Coorg., p. 49). Hence it is not possible to accept the date Saka 890 given to this inscription. But the title Satyavakya affixed to the name of Marasimha suggests that he came after Racamalla Satyavakya 1, who reigned in the beginning of the ninth century A.D. 1. E. C. VI, Mg. 18, p. 61. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 50. We could have identified Racamalla mentioned here with Racamalla IV but for the fact that, as we shall see in a later context, the guru of Racamalla IV was a celebrated Jaina teacher whose achievements we shall have to enumerate in some detail. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 47, 57. 4. E. C., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 138.

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30 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Kannada poet Nagavarma, the author of Cchandombudhi and the (Kannada) Kadambari.1 While the above royal patrons in the Ganga family are discernible in the documents issued by the monarchs themselves, other members of the same House, who were devotees of Jina, are found in the records of their feudatories whose contribution to the progress of Jainism will be dealt with presently. In the meantime we may note that the Ganga monarchs from the time of king Kongunivarma down to that of king Nitimarga III, Racamalla, notwithstanding their liberal attitude and patronage of the Hindus, still continued to foster the cause of Jainism to which alone their House had owed its origin as a political factor in the land. Long before the Ganga dominion had actually crumbled, as related above, Jainism had fortunately come under the aegis of two royal families, one of whom we have mentioned, the Rastrakutas, and the other, the Kadambas, about whom we have some interesting details in epigraphs. The Kadambas were essentially Brahmanical in religion. Yet the Kadamba family gave a few monarchs who were devout Jainas, and who were responsible for the gradual progress of that religion in Karnataka. The Kadambas were of indigenous origin. The founder of this line was one Mukkanna or Trinetra, although the actual greatness of the House is attributed to the famous Mayuravarma (middle of the third century A.D.). But it is only towards the end of the fourth century A.D. that we come across an avowed Jaina in the Kadarnba royal family. This was king Kakusthavarma who may have reigned towards the end of 1. Read Kavicarite, I. p. 54 seq., for a discussion on his date. See also E.C. II, Intr. R 75. 2. Rice, My & Coorg, p. 21; Moraes, Kadamba-kula, pp. 711,

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31 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE that period.1 A copper-plate grant dated in the 80th year of Kakusthavarma's victory, relates that that king gave to Srutakirti, who is called in the record senapati or gene. ral (?), the field called Badovaraksetra (location specified), which belonged to the holy Arhats. The record which opens with an invocation to Jinendra, closes with reverence to Rsabha.? What precisely is meant by the term senapati applied to srutakirti, and what was meant by the statement that that grant was awarded as a gift to Srutakirti for having saved himself, cannot be determined. Neither can we find out who was srutakirti.3 Future research may reveal the fact that Srutakirti was indeed a Jaina general. A later record of king Ravivarma says that " in former times the Bhoja priest srutakirti, the best among men, who was the receptacle of learning, who enjoyed the reward of many meritorious actions, and who was possessed of the qualities of performing many sacrifices and bestowing gifts and tenderness," had acquired the great favour of king Kakusthavarma. King Kakusthavarma's grandson was king Msgesavarma, who reigned in the fifth century A.D.5 A copper-plate grant 1. Rice, My & Coorg., p. 21. Moraes places king Kakusthavarma between A. D. 430 and A.D. 450, since, according to him, Mayuravarma founded the dynasty in A.D. 345. Kadamba-kula, pp. 71-72. Mr. Govinda Pai places Kakusthavarma between A.D. 265--A.D. 286. (Journal of Indian History, XIII, p. 165). 2. 1. A., VI p. 24. 3. A Srutakirti, author of Raghava-Pandaviya which could be read forwards and backwards, is mentioned as a colleague of Gandavimukta. But this Srutakirti belonged to the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. (E.C., II. Intr. p. 85. See also ibid., pp. 87, 88, for a later Srutakirti.) 4. 1. A., VI, p. 27. 5. Moraes places him between A.D. 475-A.D. 490. Kadambakula, p. 71.

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32 MEDIEVAL JAINISM dated in the 3rd year of his reign, and issued from his capital Vaijayanti, relates that king Mrgesa granted certain specified fields for the purpose of sweeping the Jinalaya, anointing the image in it with ghi, performing worship, repairing anything that may be broken and for decorating the image with flowers. This charter was written by the very pious Damakirti, the Bhojaka.1 Another grant issued by the same monarch in his 4th regnal year, is interesting in the sense that it mentions two sects of Jainas living in the city of Vaijayanti. The village (named and location specified) granted by that king was divided into three shares-the first for the holy Arhat, the second for the sake of the congregation of eminent ascetics called Svetapata (Svetapata maha-sramana sangha), who were intent on practising the true religion declared by the Arhat, and the third for the enjoyment of the congregation of the eminent ascetics called Nirgrantha (Nirgrantha maha-sramana-sangha.)2 The Svetapatas were no doubt the Svetambaras, while the Nirgranthas were those who wore no clothes at all, the Digambaras.3 The qualifying phrase used in connection with the Svetapatas, viz., that they practised the true religion (sad-dharma) is interesting. In the 8th year of king Mrgesavarma, according to another copper-plate grant, that king, "through devotion for the king his father who was dead," caused to be built a Jinalaya in the city of Palasika, and granted specified land to it. This gift was meant for supporting the Kurcakas, who were naked religious mendicants. The same Jaina priest Damakirti, the Bhojaka, mentioned above, and the minister-general Jiyanta were the principal grantees.4 1. I. A., VII, pp. 36-37. 2. Ibid., p. 38. 3. Ibid., p. 38, ns. 28 & 29. 4. Ibid., VI, p. 25.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 33 King Ravivarma succeeded king Mrgesavarma. The new king continued the wise policy of his father and maintained the Jina dharma. A copper-plate grant gives us an idea of the law passed by this ruler to further the cause of Jainism. "The lord Ravi established the ordinance at the mighty city of Palasika, that the glory of Jinendra, (the festival of) which lasts for eight days, should be celebrated regularly cvery year at the sull moon of (the month of) Kartika from the revenues of that village (Purukhetaka given to Damakirti's mother by king Msgesavarma) ; that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season ; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta (his praise in which it is said that he was) renowned in the world, who abounded in good penance, and whose sect was his authority for what he did, should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of the greatness; and that woi ship of Jinendra should be perpetually performed by the pious countrymen and citizens." The above mentioned village, we may add, was received by Damakirti's son Bandhusena, who gave it, through the favour of the king, to the inother of his father.1 In the reign of the same king his younger brother Bhanuvarma gave certain lands as a gift to the Jainas, in order that the ceremony of ablution might always be performed without fail on the days of the full moon. This land was situated in Palasika, and was received by the Bhojaka Pandara.2 King Ravivarma's son was Harivarma. According to a copper-plate grant dated in the 4th regnal year of king Harivarma, that ruler while on the hill of Uccasongi, on the .1. 1. A., VI, p. 27. See also ibid., pp. 29-30 for another grant by king Ravivarma to Jinendra. 2. Ibid., VI, p. 29. M. J. 2

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34 MEDIEVAL JAINISM advice of his father's brother Sivaratha, gave into the possession of the sect of Varisenacarya of the Kurcakas, the village of Vasuntavataka (location specified). The object of the grant was that it should provide annually, at the eight days' sacrifice, the perpetual anointing with clarified butter for the temple of Arhat which Mrgesa, the son of the General Simha of the lineage of Bharadvaja, had caused to be built at Palasika; and that whatever might remain after this was to be devoted to the purpose of feeding the whole sect. 1 The same monarch in his 5th regnal year at the request of king Bhanusakti of the Sendraka family, gave the village named Marade for the use of the holy people and for the celebration of the rites of the temple which was the property of the sect of Sramanas called Aharisti and the authority of which was superintended by the Acarya Dharmanandi. 2 The last prominent ruler in the main Kadamba line was Devavarma, descended in the family of king Krsnavarma I. Yuvaraja Devavarma, according to another copper-plate grant, gave a specified field in Siddakedara to the sect of the Yapaniyas for purposes of worship and repairs of the caityalaya (in that village). This grant was made by the Yuvaraja when he was at Triparvata.3 Having seen the condition of Jainism under the Kadambas, we may now see how it flourished under the Rastrakutas. We said in the preceding pages that it was in the reign of king Sivamara II, Saigotta, that the Rastrakuta hegemony over Gangavadi 96,000 was cast, and that the Rastrakutas continued the noble tradition of the Gangas of extending patronage to the Jina dharma. In the eight century A. D. 1. I. A., VI, p. 31. 2. Ibid., p. 32. 3. Ibid., VII, pp. 34-35.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 35 the Rastrakuta monarch Dantidurga Khadgavaloka, Vairamegha, honoured one of the greatest figures in all Jaina history-Akalankadeva. A later stone inscription dated A.D. 1129 referred to elsewhere in this treatise, contains some interesting details in regard to king Dantidurga and Akalankadeva. While describing the greatness of the latter, the record says "The following is represented to be his own description of the greatness of his extraordinary faultless learning: O king Sahasatunga, there are many kings with white parasols; but kings who are victorious in war and distinguished by liberality, like you, are hard to find. Just so, there are many scholars in the Kali age; but no poets, pre-eminent disputants, orators, and experts in researches in various sciences, like me. As you, O king, are well known in putting down the arrogance of all enemies, so am I famed on this earth as the destroyer of all the pride of scholars. If not, here I am, and here in your court good and great men are always present. Let him who has ability to speak, if versed in all sciences, dispute (with me). It was not with a mind influenced with self-conceit or filled with hatred, but through mere compassion for those people who, having embraced atheism, were perishing that, in the court of the shrewd king Himasitala, I overcame all the crowds of Bauddhas and broke Sugata with my foot.'" Since Akalankadeva is said in a small Sanskrit work called Akalankadevacarita to have defeated the Buddhists in Vikrama year 700, the identification of Sahasatunga with Dantidurga may be accepted as valid.2 1. E. C. II, 67, p. 27. 2. Ibid, Intr. pp. 48, 84. See also Altekar, Rastrakutas, p. 409. Dantidurga bore the biruda Sahasatunga obviously because of his great victories. Read Fleet, Dyn. Kan. Dts., pp. 32-33 (1st ed.)

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36 MEDIEVAL JAINISM If the above is allowed, then, we may attempt to fix the contemporaneity of another Jaina guru with a hitherto unidentified monarch in the following manner : The same record which speaks of Akalankadeva and king Dantidurga, informs us that the former's colleague was Puspasena muni whose disciple was Vimalacandra inuni. The inscription then continues thus---"For the following verse of his (Vimalacandra's), which caused grief to the hearts of hostile disputants, speaks of hanging up a notice (in public) -- At the gate of the large palace of Satrubhayankara, which is thronged with troops of horses and lordly clephants of various kings who are constantly passing (in and out), was eagerly put up by the high-minded Digambara Vimalacandra, a notice addressed to the Saivas, the Pasupatas, the sous of Tathagatha (i. e., the Buddha), Kapalikas, and the Kapilas.'"1 It must be confessed that the solitary biruda of Satrubhayankara given above does not enable us to identify with certainty the king referred to in the epigraph. But if, as said above, Akalankadeva was a contemporary of king Dantidurga, and, as we shall see, Paravadimalla lived in the age of king Krsna II, then, we may arrive at the age of the king who had the biruda of Satrubhayankara thus .. Between Akalankadeva and Paravadimalla there are only three nanies of Jaina gurus in the admirable account given in the above record : Puspasena, the colleague of Akalankadeva himself, Vimalacandra, and Indranandi. We know the date of Paravadimalla (A. D. 884). If we allot thirty-five years to the gurus that preceded him, we reach a. D. 850 as the date of Indranandi, and A. D. 815, of Vimalacandra. Now the only monarch by whose efforts, as the Manne plates dated A.D 802 tell us, "the Rastrakuta line rose above 1. E. C. II, 67 pp. 27-28.

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37 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE the rivalry of others ", was king Govinda III, Prabhutavarsa, (A. D. 779-?), who " though only one by his energy deprived of their glory the twelve famous kings who like a fire of the last day came upon him desiring to unite in acquiring the whole wide earth."1 King Govinda's magnificent military achievements may have indeed caused them to look upon him as the terror of the enemies (Satrubhayankara). The twelve famous kings mentioned above were led against the king by his own elder brother Kambha, Sthambha, Ranavaloka. This prince eventually submitted to king Govinda III, who placed him over Gangavadi 96,000 ;3 and he seems to have turned over a new leaf in his life. For we find him now as a patron of the Jina dharma. The Manne plates cited above, inform us that Sauca Kambhadeva, while ruling under his younger brother king Govinda III, (at the instance of his younger brother ?) granted the village of Pervadiyur (location given) together with a tithe of the produce of Padeyur, for the basadi erected in the western quarter of Manyapura by the victorious Mahasamanta Srivijaya.4 Then, again, an incomplete copper-plate dated A. D. 807 hailing from Chamarajanagara, informs us that Ranavaloka Kambharaja, when he was in his victorious camp at Talavananagara, granted at the request of his son Sankaragana, the village of Vadanaguppe (location specified) to the kind-hearted, pious and learned Vardhamana guru, the disciple of Elavacarya guru, who was the disciple of Kumaranandi Bhattaraka, of the Kondakundanvaya, for the 1. E. C., IX, NI. 61, p. 43. 2. For an account of his exploits read Rice, My. & Coorg, pp. 69-70; Altckar, op. cit., pp. 59, 71. 3. Rice, ibid, p. 69. 4. E. c. ibid, NI. 62, pp. 44-45.

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38 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Srivijaya basadi founded at Talavanapura. This basadi was probably the same which had been built by the Mahasamanta Srivijaya mentioned above. 1 The next prominent Rastrakuta ruler who extended his patronage to Jainism was Amoghavarsa I, Nrpatunga, Atisayadhavala (A.D. 815-877). From Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana (A.D. 898), we know that king Amoghavarsa I was the disciple of Jinasena, the author of the Sanskrit work Adipurana (A. D. 783).2 The Jaina leaning of king Amoghavarsa is further corroborated by Mahaviracarya, the author of the Jaina mathematical work Ganitasarasangraha, who relates that that monarch was a follower of the syad vada doctrine.3 King Amoghavarsa's son was Krsna II who was likewise a devout Jaina. We know this from the Jaina author 1. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 31. See E. C. II. 35, p. 8, where Ranavaloka Kambha is mentioned in a grant to a Jaina guru. It cannot be made out whether his wife was also a Jaina. A Srivijaya is mentioned as the author of the Kannada campu work Candraprabhapurana, by the later Jaina writers like Mangarasa (A. D. 1508) and Doddayya (A. D. 1550). The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified him with Srivijaya, the contemporary of king Govinda III, and, therefore, of Ranavaloka Kambha. (Kavicarite, I, pp. 13, 14). There is a Srivijaya Bhattaraka mentioned as the guru of Bhutuga Permanadi, "the sun to the lotus of the Ganga kula," in a record dated A.D. 1136. But the contents of this inscription, as related elsewhere, cannot be accepted without reservation. 2. Kavicarite, 1. p. 17. See also Fleet, Bombay Gazetteer, I. P. II., p. 200; I. A. XII., pp. 216-217, and Altekar, Rastrakutas., p. 88 where it is said that Jinasena claimed that he was the chief preceptor of king Amoghavarsa. 3. Fleet, Bom. Gaz., I. P. II; pp. 200-201. The edition and translation of this work by Prof. M. Rangacarya is inaccessible to me. B. A. S.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 39 Gunabhadra who, in the last five chapters of his teacher Jinasena's work Adipurana tells us that king Krsna II was his disciple. 1 King Krsna gave a grant to a basadi at Mulgund.2 To his reign we have to assign an incident mentioned in the Parsvanatha basti inscription of sravana Belgola. This interesting record is dated A.D. 1129, and it contains, among very many useful details, the fact that the following incident took place in the court of king Krsna. The Jaina teacher Paravadimalla, who was "skilled in crores of chains of arguments, eloquent among the learned," and "doubtless a god," " when asked for his name by Krsna Raja, he gave out to him the following derivation of his name-" The position other than the one taken up is para (the other) ; those who maintain it are paravadinah (maintainers of the other); he who wrestles with them is paravadimalla (the wrestler with the maintainers of the other) ; this name, good men say, is my name." 3 We do not know what reward the astounded monarch gave this remarkable Jaina teacher. This ruler, it may be noted in passing, has been identified with Krsna II.4 Of king Krsna III's great regard to the learned Jaina scholar Vadighangala Bhatta, we have already seen above on the strength of the Kuolur plates of king Marasimha. Vadighangala Bhatta's advice to king Krsna III (A.D. 939-968) enabled the latter, we may be permitted to repeat, to conquer all regions.5 It was this monarch who patronized the Kannada poet Ponna. or Ponnamayya, the author of the 1. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXII, p. 85 ; Altekar, op. cit., p. 99. 2. J. Bom. R. A. S., X. p. 192 ; Altekar, ibid, p. 312. 3. E. C. II. 67, p. 28. 4. Ibid., Intr. p. 48. 5. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 24, op. cit.

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40 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM famous santipurana and Jinaksaramale in Kannada, and who gave him the biruda of Ubhayakavicakravarti.1 King Krsna's younger brother was Khostiga, Nityavarsa, who seems to have been also a Jaina by persuasion. King Khottiga came to the throne in A. D. 968 and ruled till A. D. 971. The fact that he was a Jaina is proved by a record found in a ruined temple at Danavulapanu, Jammalamadugu taluka, Cuddapah district, which narrates that king Nityavarsa causcd the pedestal to be made for the bathing ceremony of the god santinatha.2 The last prominent name in the Rastrakuta House is that of king Indra IV. This expert in the game of polo died by the method of sallekhana at Sravana Belgola in A.D. 982. Two inscriptions prove this : one is the Gandhavarana basti inscription at Sravana Belgola and the other is Kamagandamanahalli stone inscription found in the Sira taluka. The former relates the following--That on the date (specified) having observed the vow with a peaceful mind, Indra Raja praised by the people, acquired all the great power of the king of gods (Indra). The latter inscription records the fact that with an undisturbed mind performing the vows, the world renowned Indra Raja gained the glory of king of all gods (Indra).3 Evidently the celebrated example set by the Emperor Candragupta Maurya was not forgotten by the Karnataka monarchs even in the tenth century A.D. Political events moved with swift rapidity in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D. The reign of king Krsna III witnessed the expansion of the Rastrakuta power from North Arcot to Tanjore. But the hegemony of the 1. Kavicarite, 1, pp. 40-41. 2. 331. of 1095; Rangacharya, Top List, I, p. 589. 3. E. C. II, 133, p. 63; E. C. XII, Si. 27, p. 92.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 41 Rastrakutas was destined to disappear, notwithstanding the gallant efforts made by the Ganga king Marasimha Guttiya Ganga, Nolambantakula, to prop the Rastrakuta power. In the first quarter of the ninth century A.D., as narrated above, it was the Rastrakutas who had given a longer lease to Ganga sovereignty; now it was the turn of the Gangas in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D. to reciprocate and to endeavour to prolong the Rastrakuta dominion. The Gangas and the Rastrakutas, however, were fighting a losing battle. They failed to see in the old power that reappeared with renewed vigour an invincible enemy. After an eclipse of 200 years the Western Calukyas suddenly made their appearance under king Tailapa Deva whose crushing defeat inflicted on the Rastrakutas under king Kakka or Kakkala in A.D. 973, practically brought the Rastrakuta power to an end.1 The hegemony of Karnataka once again passed hands, and the Western Calukyas now reigned supreme. But it has ever been a most salient and praiseworthy feature of Karnataka monarchy to continue the noble traditions of the country unimpaired. This explains why, so far as the Jina dharma is concerned, the Western Calukyas preferred to show it the same liberal attitude which the Gangas, the Kadambas, and the Rastrakutas had shown. No doubt in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D., the Western Calukyas had already given public expression to their Jaina tendency. For instance, in the 7th or 8th regnal year of the Western Calukya monarch Vinayaditya Satyasraya (A.D. 680-A.D. 696), a grant was made to the Jaina priest Udayadevapandita, also known as Niravadyapandita, who 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 72. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 123124. See also ibid, pp. 312-316 where he gives causes of Jaina prosperity.

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42 MEDIEVAL JAINISM belonged to the Devagana sect attached to the Mula sangha and the Sankhabasti at Puligere (mod. Laksmesvar). In the reign of the next monarch Vijayaditya Satyasraya (A.D. 696-A.D. 733), as recorded in a stone inscription of A, D. 739, the village of Kardama, south of Puligere, was given to the same priest who is called the priest of the king's father. Udayadevapandita is styled here also the house pupil of sri Pujyapada.1 When we come to the last quarter of the tenth century A. D., we find further proof of the Jaina leaning of the Western Calukya monarchs. King Tailapa Deva II himself seems to have had a strong attachment to the Jaina religion. This alone explains the existence of a stone inscription in the Cenna Parsva basadi at Kogali, Hadagalli taluka, Bellary district, dated Saka 914 (A. D. 992-3), in which reference is made to a victory of that king over the Cola ruler.2 King Tailapa Deva, it may be noted here, was the patron of the great Kannada poet Ranna, Kaviratna, who wrote the Ajitapurana in A. D. 993. It was from that monarch that Ranna received the title of Kavicakravarti.3 We may incidentally observe in this connection that in an inscription dated A. D. 993, and found in the Somasamudra village, Mysore district, violators of the bittuvatta or taxable land, under a tank granted as a gift, are ranked withi those who destroyed a basadi, Benares, a temple, and the tank for which the grant had been made. 4 King Tailapa Deva's son and successor was Satyasraya, 1. 1. A. XII. p. 112. 2. 36 of 1904. 3. Kavicarite, I, p. 63. See also E. C. II, Intr., p. 75 where it is wrongly said that Tailapa Deva was the III. of that name. 4. M. A. R. for 1931, p. 139.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 43 Isiva Becenga, who ruled from A. D. 997 till A. D. 1009.1 As will be shown in a later context, he constructed a monument (nisidhi) in honour of a Jaina guru who had died in the birth-place of the founders of a great line of kings who succeeded the Western Calukyas in Karnataka. Iriva Bedenga's guru was Vimalacandra Pandita Deva, the disciple (?) of Traikalamuni Bhattaraka of the Dravila sangha and the Pustaka gaccha. This guru seems to have died in about A.D. 990 when santiyabbe, a lay disciple of that teacher, set up a nisidhi in his memory. Direct proof of the patronage extended to the Jaina teachers by the later Western Calukya rulers is afforded in the epigraphs of the time of king Jayasimha III, who reigned from A. D. 1018 till A. D. 1042. There is every reason to believe that that ruler himself caused to be constructed a basadi at Balipura. This is inferred from a stone inscription in the Kattale basti at sravana Belgola dated A. D. 1100, in which the Jaina sage Maladhari Gunacandra is said to have been the worshipper at the feet of the god Mallikamoda santisa in Balipura. Since the title of Mallikamoda was a distinctive biruda of king Jayasimha II1,4 we are to suppose that the basadi of Mallikamoda Santisa was built by king Jayasimha himself or by some one in his name. The age in which king Jayasimha ruled produced a galaxy of great men both Jaina and Hindu. The most famous Jaina name is that of Vadiraja.s At the outset it may be 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 73. 2. E. C. VI. Mg. 11, p. 60. 3. Ibid, II., 69, p. 35. 4. Ibid., VII, Sk. 20(a), 125, 126, 153, text pp. 135, 234, 235, 260 ; II. p. 48, and ibid, n(2). 5. Another Vadiraja, chief disciple of Sripalayogindra, belonged to the village of Salya. He is mentioned in about A.D. 1200. E. C. V, Cn. 15, p. 193.

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44 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM said here that there are some statements in inscriptions as well as in literature concerning his guru and disciple which cannot be properly reconciled. Vadiraja's real name was Kanakasena Bhattaraka. He belonged to the Dramila gana, Nandi sangha, and the Arungalanvaya. In his Parsvanathacarila he tells us that he wrote it in saka 947 (A.D. 1025) in the reign of king Jayasimha, and that he himself was the disciple of Matisagara whose guru was Sripala.1 Only one inscription corroborates this statement made in the Parsvanathacarita concerning Matisagara's having been the guru of Vadiraja. This is the elaborate stone inscription in the Parsvanatha basti at Sravana Belgola dated A. D. 1129. Here we are told that Matisagara had two illustrious students Dayapala muni, the author of Rupasiddhi, and Vadiraja. But three other records--two of them nearer in time to Vadiraja than the above inscription, and one removed give Dayapala's other name, the title of his work, his qualifications, and expressly state that he was the disciple of Vadiraja, who himself in one record is made the disciple of Vimalacandra. While one stone inscription creates further confusion by making Dayapala the predecessor of Vadiraja, and the latter the guru of Oleyadeva ! These four records are the following--the Humcca Pancabasti inscription dated A.D. 1077, hailing from the Nagar taluka, Mysore State ; another record found in the same place which we shall style the II Pancabasti inscription, dated also in the same year; a third record found in the same place which will be called the III Pancabasti inscription and dated A. D. 1147; and the Gramadabasti stone 1. E. C. II. Intr. p. 84 ; M. A. R. for 1923, p. 16. 2. E. C., ibid., 67, p. 29.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 45 inscription found in Mandagadde hobli, Tirthahalli taluka, Mysore State, and dated A. D. 1103. The I and II Pancabasti records dated in the same year A. D. 1077, are elaborate inscriptions which gave us interesting facts. The former which is in Kannada states that after Munideva camc Vimalacandra whose disciple was Vadiraja, whom it makes the guru of king Racamalla and praises in the following terms-As by the side of the sun the moon cannot shine, so how can the chatterers called speakers in this world shine by the side of Vadiraja--thus esteemed was king Racamalla's guru Kanakasena Bhattaraka (Munidcunravarim Vimalacandrabhastarakara vara-sisyar adityana keladol candrodayam esayadavol i-dharamandaladol vadigal cmb-i-tuntukavadigal esedapare Vadirajana kelados ant-enisi Raya-Racamalladevarige gurugal enisida Kanakasenabhatlarakar). And then it asserts that Vadiraja's disciples were Dayapala and Puspasena Bhattaraka. About the former it narrates that Dayapala settled the declensions of words (Rupasiddhi) in his Prakriya to the Sabdanusasana. Vadiraja's celebrity was so great that the scribe after mentioning his disciple, again dwells on Vadiraja's unsurpassed talents thus-" The power of your good in prose and verse is felt as far as the tusks of the regent-elephants; having gained the title of Sarvajna-kalpam (like to the Omniscient), be not alarmed at the other chief speakers, for, lo ! if they refuse to give you the certificate (patra) of victory, you will tear and burn them up, they are no match for you, Vadiraja, thunderbolt to the mountain-chain the other speakers. Thus considered, the Sat-tarkka-sanmukha, the Jagadekamallavadi, Vadiraja ".1 The II Pancabasti record dated in the same year, repeats 1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 35, p. 138.

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46 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the above details concerning Vadiraja's royal patron; and gives his disciple's other name as Odeyadeva.1 Nothing is mentioned in this record about Vadiraja's guru, but the former is placed immediately after Akalankadeva. The III Pancabasti inscription is dated A. D. 1147. It likewise mentions Vadiraja after Akalankadeva, makes him king Racamalla's guru, and speaks of his disciple Opeyadeva Dayapala as the author of Rupasiddhi. The same cpithets concerning Vadiraja's learning as given above, are repeated, and it is said that " To gain the victory over the crowd of boasters in the assembly was a delight to Vadirajasuri, and to write and give him a certificate of victory was a delight to the Emperor Jayasimha."2 The Gramadabasti stone inscription dated A. D. 1103, howcver, irakcs Dayapala predecessor of Vadiraja, and places Opeyadeva next to Vadiraja. 3 1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 35 pp. 139-140. 2. Ibid, Nr. 37, p. 142. The statement in the translation, viz., that Vadiraja's disciples were Odeyadeva and Dayapala, seeins to be wrong. For the original (Ibid, p. 368, 11. 148150) does not warrant it. The word basiyam (1. 150) in the same may be translated "then ", and not "after they had passed away", as done by Rice. The latter construction violates the facts known about Vadiraja and his disciples in other records. Cf. Nr. 40, dated A. D. 1077, where Odeyadeva, who is called Srivijayadeva, is said to be the disciple of Vadiraja. Ibid, pp. 144, 372, 11. 42-43. This inscription gives the gana, sangha, and anvaya to which both belonged. 3. Ibid., Ti. 192, pp. 205, 388. The Saumynayaki temple stone inscription found at Belur, and dated A. D. 1136, has an entirely new account to give concerning Vadiraja. It gives the following succession of the gurus --Paravadimalla, Kanakasena Vadiraja, Srivijaya Bhattaraka, the Emperor Jayasingha's guru Vadiraja. E. C. V. Bl. 17, p. 51. We do not know how far

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 47 Whatever our difficulty in reconciling these statements concerning the guru and disciple of Vadiraja, the following facts stand out clearly from the above discussion 1. That Vadiraja's claims to greatness both in the field of letters and philosophy were undisputed; 2. That he received a certificate of victory (jayapatra) from the Western Calukya Emperor Jayasimha III; and 3. That he was the guru of the king Racamalla. The identity of the last named monarch must now be made. This is simplified when we have chronologically fixed Vadiraja in the age of the Emperor Jayasimha III, Jagadekamalla, during whose reign Vadiraja received the biruda of Jagadekamallavadi after the name of his royal patron. The king Racamalla referred to in the above inscriptions was no other than the Ganga ruler Racamalla IV, Satyavakya, who ascended the throne in A.D. 977,1 and who was the royal master of the great Jaina general Camunda Raya. We shall have to deal at some length with this famous Jaina general in a later context. We have merely stated above the fact that it was the Emperor Jayasimha who bestowed upon Vadiraja a unique title. We shall now give some interesting details about the latter's great qualifications and activities in the Calukyan court. The Parsvanatha basti inscription referred to above gives the following account of Vadiraja-" Speech which illumined the three worlds has issued only from two per this information concerning two Vadirajas in practically the same age, can be credited. On other Vadirajas, read ibid, Cn. 141, Cn; 149, pp. 175, 191; VI. Kd. 69, p. 13. An inscription dated A. D. 1145 heaps on Vadiraja the praise generally bestowed on Akalankadeva, probably much in the same strain as is done by the scribe of the Saumyanayaki temple inscription. 1. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 50; Krishna Rao, Gangas, p. 109.

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48 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM sons on this earth : one, the king of Jinas, the other, Vadi. raja. To be served by the wise is Vadiraja, the person of whose fame always covered the sky and was eager to outshinc the disc of the moon ; near whose ears glittered rows of the cauris of speech ; who had the honour of a worthy-to-be-worshipped lion throne (or of a seat worthyto-be-worshipped by king Jayasimha) ; and whose high excellence caused all the subjects the disputants to utter shouts of Victory ! Victory!' "In the victorious capital of the illustrious Calukya Emperor, which is the birth-place of Sarasvati, the drum of the victorious Vadiraja roams about making without a stick these sharp sounds (addressed to its master)-jahi or strike (the rival disputant) with rising pride in disputation ; jahihi or dismiss (the rival declaimer), with supreme pride in declamation ; jahahi or dismiss (the rival orator), impatient of his discourse ; jahihi or dismiss (the rival poet), with pride in clear, soft, and pleasant poetry.1 The king of serpents whose thousand tongues are well known, lives in Patala ; and Dhisana (Bihaspati) whose disciple is the bearer of the thunderbolt, i.e., Indra, does not stir out of heaven ; let these two live owing to the strength of their abodes; what other disputants do not give up their pride and bow in the king's court to the all-conquering Vadiraja ? "? And yet this mighty Jaina teacher met his match in the reign of the same monarch Jayasimha! It is in connection with his great rival who seems to have won success over 1. In Jaina and Lingayat literatures four kinds of scholars arc often mentioned, namely, kavi (poet), gamaki (declaimer), vadi (disputant), and vagmi (orator). This verse refers to the pre-eminence of Vadiraja in these four kinds of scholarship. E. C. II. p. 29. n.(5) 2. Ibid, 67, pp. 29-30.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 49 him, that we come across the other celebrities of the age of king Jayasimha. The only source of information for this part of our narrative is the Pancalingesvara temple stone inscription found at Shikarpur, Mysore State. In this record dated A. D. 1036 king Jayasimha is said to be in the residence of Pottalakere. It deals with the greatness of Vadi Rudraguna Lakulisvara Pandita, head of the Pancalinga matha of the Kalamukha order in the city of Balligame in Banavase 12,000. This learned man is said to have "crossed over to the farthest shore of the ocean of logic and other sciences", "to speakers a Rudra", a wild fire to the great forest of speakers ", " a submarine fire to the Bauddha ocean, a thunderbolt to the Mimamsaka mountain, a saw for cutting down the Lokayata great tree, a great kite to the Sankhya serpent", and an axe to the tree Advaita speakers." 66 66 The renowned contemporaries whom this celebrated Kalamukha scholar Lakulisvara Pandita defeated are next mentioned thus in the same reord. He is said to have been "a Trinetra in burning the Tripura Akalanka, displacer of Vadigharatta, a mill-stone to Madhava Bhatta, breaker of the pride of Jnanananda, a fierce fire of dissolution to Visvanala, a fire of the last day to Abhayacandra, a Sarabha to the lion Vadibha, (or to Vadibhasimha), sealer up of the mouth of Vadiraja, displacer of Ayavadi," and the sole able supporter of the Naiyayikas. Further down in the same epigraph Lakulisvara Pandita is said to be a falling star to the Digambara speakers.1 Some of the Jaina celebrities whom the Kalamukha teacher worsted may be identified. Of these the identity of 1. E. C. VII. Sk. 126, pp. 97-98.

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50 Tripura Akalanka and Abhayacandra is uncertain. It cannot be made out whether the latter is to be identified with Abhayacandradeva mentioned in a record dated A.D. 1398 as a guru who came after Maghanandi muni. But about the other names, some information is forthcoming in epigraphs. Vadiraja is of course the great figure whom we have described above. MEDIEVAL JAINISM As regards Vadibhasimha, we have ample evidence to prove that his other names were Vadigharatta and Ajitasena. For instance, the Parsvanatha basti inscription at Sravana Belgola gives us the following details about him :-Resplendent is Vadibhasimha Ajitasena, the head of a school, splitter up of the front globes of all the rutting lordly elephants the disputants, whose lotus feet were kissed by the tops of the glittering crowns worn on the bowing heads of all the kings. The same record gives further details concerning "the intensity of his indifference to the world." He was evidently the same Ajitasena Bhattaraka who is said to have been the guru of Camunda Raya,3 about whose great contribution to Jainism we shall presently describe in this treatise. And he is to be identified with the author of the work Gadyacintamani.+ The same Parsvanatha basti inscription refers to another Western Calukya monarch who has now to be identified. It says the following-" Alone fortunate is the sage, on whom the Pandya king, who had acquired superior knowledge through his favour, conferred the name Svami, and who had 1. E. C. II, 254, p. 111. 2. Ibid, 67, p. 31. 3. Ibid, Intr. pp. 45-46. 4. P. P. S. Shastri, A Catalogue of Mss., in the Tanjore Library, VII. Nos. 3993-4, pp. 2996-98.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 51 the celebrated title Sabda-caturmukha (conferred on him), in the court of the king Ahavamalla."1 Now who were these--the Jaina guru who secured the title of Sabda-caturmukha and the monarch merely called Ahavamalla ? From the manner in which the Jaina gurus are mentioned in the above epigraph, it is clear that the sage who secured the name Svami was the same as he who got the title sabda-caturmukha. We shall first identify the guru who got the title Sabda-caturmukha; next, the one who secured the title Svami ; and, finally, the king Ahavamalla. Sabda-caturmukha was the biruda of Ajitasena Bhattaraka. This is proved by the II and III Pancabasti stone inscriptions and the Gramadabasti record cited above. The II Pancabasti inscription dated A.D. 1077 tells us that after Vadiraja came Kamalabhadradeva who was followed by Ajitasenadeva. This last guru was known as Sabda-caturmukha, Tarkkika-cakravarti, and Vadibhasimha, and his colleagues (saha-dharmigalu) were Kumarasenadeva and Sreyamsadeva. The Gramadabasti record dated A.D. 1103 informs us that Vadiraja was succeeded by Odeyadeva (Dayapala) who was followed by Sreyamsapanaita, who was succeeded by Ajitasena muni who was followed by Kumarasena. Ajitasena is called in this inscription Tarkkika-cakravarti and 'adibla-pancanana.3 The III Pancabasti stone inscription dated A.D. 1147 confirms the evidence of the above two records. It informs us that Vadiraja was followed by Kamalabhadradeva after whom came Ajitasena Panaita known as Sabda-caturmukha, Tarkkika-cakravarti, and 1. E. C. II. 67, p. 30. 2. Ibid., VIII. Nr. 6, pp. 140, 365. 3. Ibid., Ti. 192, pp. 203, 688, 1. 40.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM Vadibhasimha. The colleagues of Ajitasena were Kumarasena and sreyamsadeva.1 The identity of Sabda-caturmukha with Ajitasena being thus settled, we may next proceed to identify the guru who received the name Svani. On the strength of the Parsvanatha basti stone inscription mentioned above, Svami was the same as Sabda-caturmukha. In other words, Ajitasena was also known by the name Svami. In this connection the Nanjedevaragudda stone inscription found at Sompur, Has. san taluka, is of some interest in spite of the slight discrepancy it contains. It is dated Saka 1114 (A.D. 1192-3). In the list of gurus mentioned in it, we are told that Vadiraja was succeeded by Santadeya from whom Sabda-brahmasvami came, and from the latter Ajitasena Pandita (sri Santadevarim Sabdabrahmasvaiidevarind Ajitasena-panditadevarim). In spite of the succession list being cicarly given here, it may be assumed that the scribe has erred in making Ajitasena Pandita successor to Sabdabrahmasvami which name itself, we suppose, is another variant of the name Sabda-caturmukha, i.e., of Ajitasena himself, as given in the Parsvanatha basti record mentioned above. We now come to the ruler Ahavamalla in whose court Ajitasena roceived the title of Sabda-caturnukha. In the Parsvanatha basti record cited above, the name of the guru immediately preceding that of Sabda-caturmukha-svami is that of santideva who was the guru of the Hoysala king Vinayaditya.3 As we shall point out prescntly, the state 1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 37, p. 142, In Nr. 39 dated about A.D. 1077 Ajitasena muni is placed after Vadiraja, obviously in point of spiritual and intellectual greatness, rather than of time. (See Ibid, p. 144). 2. M. A. R. for 1926, pp. 49, 51. 3. E. C. II, Intr., p. 30.

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53 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE ment that santideva was the spiritual teacher of king Vinayaditya is borne out by other inscriptions. Since we know that the Hoysala king Vinayaditya ruled from about A.D. 1047 till A.D. 1100,1 we may definitely assign santideva to the same age, viz., the first half of the eleventh century A.D. From the history of the later Western Calukyas we know that Ahavamalla was a distinctive biruda of two monarchs ---king Tailapa Deva II, who ruled from A.D. 973 till A.D. 997,2 and king Somesvara I, Trailokyamalla, who reigned from A.D. 1042 till A.D. 1068.3 Of these we have to eliminate king Tailapa Deva II whose leaning towards Jainism we have suggested in the previous pages. We are thus constrained to identify Ahavamalla mentioned in the Parsvanatha basti stone inscription with king Somesvara I, Trailokyamalla, Ahavamalla. We have now to see whether there is any evidence to prove that king Somesvara I was a Jaina. Two stone inscriptions found in the once great centre of Jainism Kogali, Bellary district, clearly demonstrate the fact that he was indeed a follower of the syad vada doctrine. One of them is an undated inscription found in the Cenna Parsva basti at Kogali. It records a gift of land to the same basti by the king Trailokyamalla, who was no other than king Somesvara 1.4 The other record was also found there but is dated Saka 977 (A.D. 1055-6); and it registers a gift by the same monarch to the Jaina sage Indrakirti. We may incidentally observe here that this record informs us that the Cenna Parsva basti was built by king Durvinita. This could only have been 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 97. 2. Ibid., p. 73. 3. Ibid. 4. 35 of 1914; Rice, My. & Courg, p. 74. 5. 37 of 1904.

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54 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the Ganga king of that name about whose benevolence to Jainism we have already given sufficient proof in the previous pages. It was during the reign of king Somesvara I that the earliest Kannada work on astrology called Jatakatilaka was written in A.D. 1049 by the Jaina priest Sridharacarya, who hailed from Narigunda in Beluvalanadu. As regards the name Pandya occurring in the Parsvanatha basti record, it is not improbable that it is to be identified with that of Tribhuvanamalla Pandya of the Ucchangi Pandya line, who was the contemporary of the Western Calukya kings Jayasimha III and Somesvara 1.2 But until further proof is secured, this will be only a conjecture. Vadigharatta mentioned in the above inscription was no other than Vadibhasimha Ajitasena. This is proved by the Gramadabasti inscription dated A.D. 1103 referred to above, which tells us that Ajitasena Pandita was known as Vadigharatta, and that he belonged to the Dravila sangha and the Arungalanvaya.3 King Somesvara I's eldest son and successor king Somes 1. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 59; Kavicarite I, pp. 75-76. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 150. A stone inscription near Bhadra in Bale-Honnur, Koppa taluka, gives us the interesting information that the Santara chief Mara was the chief disciple (agrasisya) of the great muni Vadibhasimha Ajitasena, and that the former erected a nisidhi, obviously on the death of the Jaina guru. This record is undated, but has been assigned to A.D. 1090 by Rice on valid grounds. (E. C. VI, Intr., p. 11. Kp. 3, p. 76.) The later Santaras bore the title Pandya (Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 140), but it cannot be made out whether this could be said of Mara as well. 3. E.C., VIII, Ti. 192, p. 205. After Ajitasena's time, the titles Vadibhasimha, Vadikolahala and Tarkkika-cakravarti became hereditary among the Jaina gurus. See E. C. V, Cn. 149, p. 191

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 55 vara II was likewise a devout Bhavya. According to the Bandanikebasti stone inscription dated A.D. 1075, king Somesvara II gave to the priest Kulacandradeva, the disciple of Paramananda Siddhanta of the Mula sangha and Kranur gana, specified land in Nagarkhanda, for the Santinatha basti which Bhara..... cakravarti had newly erected in Nagarkhanda, on the specified date. The donee's guru Paramananda is styled as one "who had gone to the farthest shore of the ocean of both siddhantas."1 Among the prominent Western Calukya monarchs after king Somesvara II mention must be made of a ruler whose identity is now settled with the help of inscriptions. A stone inscription in the Kattalebasti at Sravana Belgola, assigned to about A.D. 1100, relates the following--that Vasavacandra, whose intellect was well trained in the argument of the great syad vada doctrine, and who attained celebrity as Bala-Sarasvati in the middle of the Calukyan court, was the colleague of the lord of the sages of Vankapura, De. vendramunipa. The king in whose court Vasavacandra received the title of Bala-Sarasvati has now to be identified. This may be done with the aid of the above Kattalebasti record as well as with that of another stone inscription found in a ruined basti at Hale Belgola. The Kattalebasti record informs us that Vasavacandra was a colleague of the following learned Jaina scholars Prabhacandra, a great grammarian and logician, who was honoured by king Bhoja of Dhara ; Damanandi, (Continued from p. 54.) where these titles are applied to Sripala Pandita. As mentioned elsewhere in this treatise, the title Vadibhasimha was given to the Brahman orator Madhavabhatta by the Ganga king Harivarma, 1. Ibid., VII, Sk. 221, p. 131. 2. Ibid, II, 69, p. 35.

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56 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM a great Naiyayika scholar, who was "a grinding stone to the great disputant the vile Visnubhatta ; Maladharideva, also called Gunacandra ; Maghanandi Siddhantadeva, the head of the Vakra gaccha, and also a renowned grammarian; Jinacandra, "a Pujyapada in the Jainendra (grammar), a Bhattakalanka in the logic of all sects, a Bharavi in literature, great in poetry, disputation, and eloquence"; Devendra, Yasahkirti, who was honoured by the king of Simhala ; Trimustimuni," a wrestler with wicked hostile disputants, who was content with three fistfuls of food ", and who was the disciple of the eminent lord of ascetics Gopanandi ; Gandavimukta Maladhari Hemacandra, also known as Gaulamuni, who was likewise a disciple of Gopanandi; and Gauladeva Maladhari, "the destroyer of Cupid":1 In the above galactic circle of great Jaina scholars, who belonged to the Vakra gaccha, we have the fact of Vasavacandra's having been a colleague of Gopanandi. Now we know from the Hale Belgola stone inscription that Gopanandi, who will figure again presently, lived in A.D. 1094.3 Hence Vasavacandra is to be assigned also to the same age. The only Western Calukya monarch who reigned in this period was the famous Vikramaditya VI, Tribhuvanamalla, who ruled from A.D. 1074 till A.D. 1126.3 The Calukyan king referred to in the above Kattalebasti inscription, therefore, was no other than the same monarch. It has now to be proved that king Vikramaditya VI was himself a Jaina. The Badagiyara Honda stone inscription hailing from the Shikarpur taluka, Mysore State, and dated 1. E. C. II, 69, p. 35, op. cit. See also ibid., Intr. p. 80. 2. Ibid., V, Cn. 148, pp. 189-190. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 73.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 57 A.D. 1077, has to be utilized in this connection. According to this interesting record, king Vikramaditya VI, at the request of the Dandanayaka Barmmadeva,--to whom hij official Pratikantha Singayya had petitioned for the same purpose. --made on the specified date (which is given with full details), the gift of the village of Manevane (location given in detail), for the services of the god of the CalukyaGanga-Permmanadi Jinalaya which he had caused to be made in the royal city of Balligave, when he was a prince (kumara), for the offerings, food of the isis, repairs of the busadi, and for new works. This gift was made to the learned Jaina guru Ramasena, who was the disciple of Mahasenavrati, and who was said by all people to be in grammar Pujyapada, in lcgic Akalankadeva, and in poetry Samantabhadra. Ramasena belonged to the Mula sangha, Sena gana, and Pogari gaccha.? Two statements made in the above records may be noted here before we pass on to the narration of other details. One made in the Kattalebasti record that Prabhacandra, a colleague of Vasavacandra, was honoured by king Bhoja of Dhara ; and the other made in the Badagiyara Honda inscription that Vikramaditya VI was "to the lord Dhara the source of a great fever of terror."2 King Bhoja of Dhara who honoured Prabhacandra, and who was frightened by Vikramaditya (and later on routed) was no other than king Bhoja I, who has become renowned in history as the patron of learning. 3 From a later context we shall learn that it was the king 1. E.C. VII, Sk. 124, pp. 95-96. 2. Ibid., p. 96. 3. Read Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 82, seq., 250 ; E. C. II, Intr. p. 80.

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58 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Vikramaditya VI who built many basadis in the Belvola country.1 The Western Calukya dominion lasted in all six long centuries of glorious history. The rulers of this great House had begun to assert themselves somewhere in the fourth or fifth century A.D.; and while they were consolidating their conquests in the south-east, their original enemies the Rastrakutas wrested from their hands the north-western portions of the Western Calukyan Empire. This was in the latter part of the eighth century A.D. For two centuries (eighth till the tenth) the Rastrakutas, themselves of Karnataka stock,2 had put the Western Calukyas once again completely in the shade. In a.d. 973, however, the Western Calukyas once again regained their ascendancy and continued to rule for two centuries more.3 But towards the end of the twelfth century A.D., two new powers came to the forefront in the land one of them thoroughly Karnataka in stock, the Hoysalas, and the other, the Yadavas or Seunas, both of whom hemmed in the disputed dominions of the Western Calukyas, and thereby destroyed the latter who had been for a considerably long time the most potent factor in the annals of Karnataka. Of these new royal families, we are concerned here more with the Hoysalas than with the Yadavas who, after having asserted themselves first in the Seuna country in Central India, pushed their power till in the latter half of the 1. See below Chapter VI. 2. Cf. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 21-25; see also Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 66, and ibid., n. (1) for a different opinion referred to by Rice, which does not seem to be correct. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 62, seq. 72, seq. 78. 4. Ibid, pp. 108 109.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 59 twelfth century A.D. they collided with the Hoysalas, especially in the north-western regions of modern Mysore. But the Hoysalas never surrendered their sovereignty over Karnataka to their rivals the Yadavas. Originating in the days of despair when the country had witnessed the subversion of the ancient Ganga power by the invincible Rajendra Cola I, Gangaikonda, the great son of a great father, in A.D. 1004,2 the Hoysalas put forward the greatest claim at the hands of posterity by their expulsion of the Colas from the soil of Karnataka in A.D. 1116. Thenceforward the Hoysalas ruled over the country for three centuries, another great example of Karnataka statesmanship and Karnataka valour. Towards the middle of the fourteenth century A.D., however, the same danger which had overwhelmed their great rivals the Yadavas in the north now threatened them in the south. This was the Muhammadan menace under the onslaught of which the Hoysalas collapsed not before they had safely handed over the sacred trust of guarding the country's honour to their most magnificent successors--the monarchs of the famous Vijayanagara Empire. The Hoysala kingdom itself was a second supreme creation of Jaina wisdom, the first having been, as we saw in an earlier connection, that of the Gangas in the days of king Kongunivarma I. Twice, therefore, had Jainism, which for ages had stood for ahimsa, caused political regeneration in the land before the rise of Vijayanagara-once in the first or second century A.D., and, then again, in the eleventh century A.D. It was not merely to get the aid of the State that Jaina sages had helped statesmen to found king 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 78. 2. Ibid., p. 95; Saletore, The Wild Tribes in Indian History, pp. 79-80. 3. Rice, ibid., p. 94.

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM doms; the various Jaina centres of the south, and especially in Karnasaka, possessed some of the most superb intellectual prodigies India had ever producel. These spiritual leaders did not stand in constant need of royal benevolence : their vast congregations, as we shall presently point out in a later context, contained exceedingly wealthy communities which never allowed the Jina sasana to be overtaken by calamity ; and repeatedly Jaina gurus appeared to rekindle the smouldering fire of the Jina dharma. An explanation of this singular feature of Jainism seems to be that, as we saw at the beginning of this treatise, it was an example of a religion in the pre-Vijayanagara days which demonstrated the importance of the fact of even religious leaders aiding materially the creation of the proper political environment necessary for the resuscitation of the life in the country. It is precisely here that we see the importance of Jainism in the history of India : more than a faith which produced great leaders and writers in philosophy, and admirable men and women in the field of letters; and much more than a creed which added to the architectural and artistic splendour of India, Jainism was a religion which transmitted through the Hoysala rulers a message ta the monarchs of Vijayanagara which these latter kings of the mediaeval times, after a brilliant struggle in a period the intensity of which we can hardly now gauge, made the pivot of their existence, thereby opening once again another glorious chapter in the history of India.1 The birth-place of the Hoysalas was Sosevur (Skt. Sasakapura) which Rice had identified with Angali in the south of the Mudgere taluka, Kaqur district, Mysore State. 2 1. For a discussion of this point, see Saletore, Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire, I, pp. 243-246. 2. E. C. VI, Intr. p. 14.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 613 There is every reason to believe that Angali itself was a stronghold of Jainism in the middle of the tenth century A.D., when the first historical figure in the Hoysala House came into prominence in Karnataka. Two facts may be adduced in support of this statement-the first relates to the death of a Jaina guru at Angadi in the tenth century A.D., and the second, to the existence of Jaina basadis of a date earlier than that of the famous temple of Vasantika, the patron deity of the Hoysalas. An undated inscription found at Angadi tells us that on Vimalacandra Panaitadeva, the disciple of Maunibhattaraka of the Dravila sangha, Kondakundanvaya, and Pustaka gaccha, and the guru of sriman Iriva Bedenga, having performed the samnyasana rites, obtained inukti. At this a memorial in honour of the guru was set up. Rice assigned this record to about A.D. 998 on the assumption that the name Iriva Belenga mentioned in it was that of the Western Calukya ruler Satyasraya (A.D. 997 A.D.---1009).1 We are unable to identify Vimalacandra Panditadeva mentioned in the above record ; but this inscrip 1. E. C. VI, Intr. p. 13, where the record is dated about A.D. 998 ; but Mg. 11 is dated circa A.D. 990 Ibid, p. 60. Narasimhacarya is inclined to date it in circa A.D. 1000. M. A. R. for 1917, p. 7. Rice gives the name of the Jaina guru as Traikalamuni in the translation. But the original reads merely Maunibhattaraka. Ibid., text, p. 242. In a record dated A.N. 1163 a Tiaikalayogi is mentioned as the disciple of the monarchmonk Gollacarya. He belonged to the Desiya gana, a subdivision of the Nandi gana in the Mula sangha.. .E. C. II, 64, p. 17. In another record hailing from Sravana Belgola, a Traikalayogi, also of the Mula sangha, is spoken of. Ibid, 382, text, p. 171. There is a Mauni Acarya of the Navilur sangha in a record assigned to circa A.D. 700. Ibid., 106. p. 44. It cannot be made out with which of the three gurus the Maunibhattaraka of the above record is to be identified.

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612 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM tion is doubly important : Firstly, it tells us that in Angadi there lived a Jaina guru, evidently because it was a Jaina centre; and, secondly, it associates Angadi with the Western Calukyas in a period which saw the emergence of the Hoysalas as a political power. The other fact concerning Angadi is about the antiquity of the Jaina basadis of the place. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya has shown that the modern Vasantamma image in the temple at Angali cannot in any way be connected with the Vasantika of the Jainas and the early Hoysalas, and that the present goddess has been set up in the place of the original image. The same scholar wrote that at some distance from this temple are two ruined basadis standing in a line and facing north. These which contain scarcely any crnamentation in them, represent Hoysala structure of an earlier type.' Dr. Krishna supports this view, and opines that the basadis may belong to the tenth century A.D., informing us of the name of one of the basadis-Makara Jinalaya.? Here in Angali happened an incident which has become celebrated in the history of Karnataka. It concerns the activites of a Hoysala chief and a Jaina guru in the latter half of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. The story in brief is the following. In the town of Angadi there lived a Jaina guru by name Sudatta. On a ceriain occasion when the Hoysala chief went to worship at the temple of his family goddess Vasantikadevi at Sosevuru, and when he was being instructed by the Jaina guru there, a tiger bounded out of the forest, glaring with rage. The Jaina sage snatching hastily his rod handed it over to the 1. M. A. R. for 1917, p. 7. 2. Ibid for 1929, pp. 8-9.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 63 chief, and in the language of the latter exclaimed-poy Sala (Strike, Sala !). Whereupon Sala hit the tiger and killed it finishing it off perhaps with his dagger. From the rescucd Jaina guru's exclamation, the chief assumed the name Poysala which later on became Hoysala.1 An examination of some of the most important stone and copper-plate inscriptions ranging from the first quarter of the twelfth to the last quarter of the thirteenth century A.D., reveals a few interesting details which, notwithstanding their divergence, yet enable us to understand the significance of the account concerning the Jaina guru and his lay disiciple. In the inscriptions of king Vinayaditya l (...A.D. 1022),12 and in those of his son and successor NTpa Kama Hoysala (...-A.D. 1047)," no mention is made of the above account at all. This need not come in the way of our appreciating it, since the times of these rulers were taken up with their bitter struggle against the Colas and the feudatories of the latter, the Kongalvas, for 1. Rice, My & Coorg., p. 95. Such feats of courage and physical strength are met with even in our own days. It is reported that Ramu Jotiba Patil, a villager from Kolhapur, showed his bravery thus-A cowherd Goru Tukaram was grazing his cattle in the forest on the outskirts of the village Savarda, Panhala Mahal, Kolhapur State, in the evening of Sept. 20, 1937. Suddenly a tiger five feet and three inches long, attacked the villager biting at his thigh. Hearing his scream for help, Ramu Jotiba rushed at it and struck it with an ordinary bamboo stick. The brute turned on Ramu who at once came to grips with it. The animal was finally killed by the neighbouring villagers who had hurried to the scene with their scythes and 'axes. Ramu and Goru are reported to be making satisfactory progress in the Kolhapur State Hospital. (The Times of India, Bombay, Sept. 27th 1937). 2. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 51. 3. Ibid.

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64 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the hegemony of Karnataka. It is only when we come to the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D., when the Hoysala power was very firmly established in the country, and when, as a consequence of their political stability, a spirit of ornateness and robustness revealed itself in literature, and especially in architecture, that we have some details which we may now critically examine with the aid of epigraphs. These are the following-The Jaina sage and his identity, the status of the Hoysala chief, the weapon with which the latter killed the animal, the name of the goddess, and the identity of the animal which was killed. 1. THE JAINA SAGE. Excepting onc record of the eleventh century A.D., no other inscription of the eleventh and the twelfth century A.D., gives the name of the Jaina sage who helped Sala to found a kingdom. He is called Sudattamunipa in a stone inscription found on the bank of the river Dandavati in the Sohrab taluka, and assigned by Rice to A.D. 1208.2 Two stone inscriptions dated A.D. 1271 and A.D. 1284 respectively, and both sound in the Candrasale, Bellur grama, Nagamangala, tell us that king Sala having brought a certain accomplished muni (called in the records merely Siddhamunindra), established him in the abode of Vasantika in the prosperous Sasapura (sri-sampattiya Sasapura Vasantivasavalli Siddhamunindram), and there the munindra was engaged in properly giving instruction to Sala.3 1. Read Saletore, Wild Tribes., p. 80 where I made a mistake in asserting that it was the Cola general Aprameya who encountcred Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala line. This Hoysala ruler should have been, as Narasimhacarya pointed out, king Vinayaditya I. (M. A. R. for 1916, p. 51). 2. E. C. VIII. Sb. 28, p. 5 3. Ibid., IV. Ng. 38 and 39, pp. 122-123 ; text, pp. 347, 351 ; Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 95, n. (1).

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 65 No credence can be given to the statement made in the above twa Candrasale records that Sala brought the Jaina guru and established him in Sasapura (i. l., Sasakapura, or Angadi), since we definitely know that Angadi was already a Jaina centre in the tenth century A. D. But who was Sudatta and to which congregation did he belong ? No epigraph of the twelfth century A. D. gives his full name, and in no list of the spiritual succession of the many Jaina pontificates in the south do we come across the name Sudatta. We may conjecture that he belonged to the Kondakunda lineage to which Vimalacandra, the guru of the Western Calukya ruler Satyasraya Isiva Bedenga belonged, and may have been his colleague. Our surmise is supported by a stone inscription of the Vijayanagara times, the importance of which we shall describe in the subsequent pages of this treatise. This stone record was found in the Padmavati basti at Humcca, Nagar taluka, and assigned by Rice on valid grounds to A. D. 1530. In this important inscription which contains many details of historical value, after Pujyapadasvami comes Vardhamanasvami "by the power of whose learning and spell Hoysala brought into subjection the tiger and ruled the world. Instructors of the kings of the Hoysala line in conduct and learning, Vardhamanayogindra and others became their gurus." In the same record we are told that Vardhamana belonged to the Nandi sangha of the Kondakundanvaya.1 This piece of information, notwithstanding its being far removed in time from the age of the Hoysalas, is nevertheless substantiated by an earlier but undated stone inscription belonging to the Anjaneya temple but now found near the railway station of Sagarakatte, Mysore hobli. It relates 1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 46, p. 147. M. J. 3.

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66 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the following--That Sri Vadirajadeva's disciple Sri Vardhamanadeva--descended in the line of Santimuni, who belonged to the Dravila sangha, Arungalanvaya, and Nandi gana, and who took a prominent part in the Hoysala administration (Sri Vardhamandevaru Hoysala karaliyadalu agraganyaru), died by sarnyasana, and that the memorial (nisidhi) was set up by his colleague Kamaladeva.1 Dr. Krishna, who has edited this inscription in his Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Mysore for 1929, assigned it on palaeographical grounds to the last quarter of the eleventh century A. D., and remarked that it may belong to the reign of the Hoysala king Vinayaditya or to that of Visnuvardhana. He rightly identified Vadiraja mentioned in the above record with the famous contemporary of king Jayasimha III, about whom we have written a few details in the previous pages. But Dr. Krishna's inference that Vardhamanadeva lived in the middle of the eleventh century A. D. in the reign of king Vinayaditya whom he helped in the government of his kingdom, is not borne out by the evidence of numerous stone inscriptions of that monarch which, as will be stated at once, mention an altogether different Jaina priest as the guru of that Hoysala monarch. One detail about one of the gurus mentioned in the above record needs some explanation. It is about Santimuni. Vadiraja is said to have been born in the line of Santimuni (santimunigala sisya santati Sri Vadirajadevara). Hence Santimuni was far removed from Vadiraja. This guru cannot be definitely identified, but it is not improbable 1. M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 108-109. Vardhamanasvami mentioned here was not the same as his namesake spoken of in a record of A.D. 1265 of the reign of king Narasimha III. See below. 2. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 109.

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67 ROYAL BENEVOLENCE that, as related in one of the Parsvanatha basti records found at Sravana Belgola, and assigned on palaeographical grounds to circa A. D. 650, he may have been the same Santimuni who is described in that epigraph as "coral lipped", and as one "who renovated" the Jaina religion, "when the faith, which had greatly prospered at the time when the pair of the great sages Bhadrabahu and Candragupta shed lustre on it, became afterwards a little weak."1 If this identification is accepted, santimuni may indeed have lived ages before Vadiraja. Whatever our difficulty in identifying Santimuni, there is no doubt that Vardhamanadeva was the disciple of Vadiraja. Since we know that the latter lived in the first quarter of the eleventh century A. D., we may legitimately assign his disciple Vardhamana also to the same age. This admirably fits in with the date we have given to Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala House, and his preceptor Sudatta (i.e. Vardhamana himself), viz., the latter half of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. The phrase Hoysala karaliyadalu applied to Sudatta Vardhamana would, then, have to be interpreted in the sense that that guru was the chief person in the administration not only of the founder of the Hoysala line but also of his son and successor Vinayaditya I, and of the latter's successor Nspa Kama Hoysala. If Vardhamana had only aided Poysala in founding the royal House, that fact would have been expressed, as in the case of the illustrious Simhanandi Acarya, thus--that Vardhamanadeva had merely created (madida) the kingdom. But it was because Sudatta Vardhamana stabilized the Hoysala government in the reigns probabaly of three successive rulers that the phrase Haysala karaliyadalu agraganyaru is 1. E. C. II, 31, p. 7.

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM applied to him in the Sagarakatte record. Here it may not be out of place to remark that the reigns of all the first three Hoysala rulers-Poysala, Vinayaditya I, and Nrpa Kama--were shortlived. There is nothing strange that like the life of many an ascetic of India, and like that of many Jaina gurus as well, that of Vardhamanadeva, while it may have run into that of Vadiraja, may have, at the same time, covered that of the first three Hoysalas kings also. Whatever that may be, the fact that Vardhamanadeva had helped the continuance of the Hoysala rule in its early stages alone seems to be responsible for the deep-laid devotion which the Hoysala kings from Nrpa Kama onwards showed for the Jina dharma in their great Empire. 2. The Status of the chief Sala. We have elsewhere shown that Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala House, belonged to the race of hill tribes of Karnataka.1 The age in which Poysala appeared was one of humiliation' to Karnataka. As related above, it was the time of the Cola conquest of Gangavadi. The Ganga kingdom had been the creation of Jaina intellect. It is but natural that now when in the latter half of the tenth and beginning of the eleventh century A.D., the last remnant of Ganga rule had been wiped out by foreigners, Jaina wisdom should have again devised ways and means of rejuvenating political life in the country without which " renovation" of the Jina dharma would not have been lasting and great. There is no doubt Poysala was already a chieftain when he approached Sudatta Vardhamana for aid. All accounts concerning him confirm this. Here we may be permitted to discuss the importance of his name, since it helps us to 1. Saletore, Wild Tribes., pp. 79 seq.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 69 understand the part played by the Jaina guru. Rice wrote that the name Poysala occurred in a record of A.D. 1006 at Kaliur, on the opposite side of the river to Talakad.1 But the late Mr. Narasimhacarya discovered a stone inscription at Hosahalli near Marale, Chikamagalur taluka, of the time of the Nolamba king Anniga. In this undated record it is related that Arakella's son, distinguished by the title Samanta Rama and Nanni Kandarpa, and his grandson Poysalamaruga, fought with Anniga at Sirivura and fell, at which a certain Gavunda (named) by order of Arakella (with titles) attacked Anniga Maharaja but also fell. Then Arakella gave a grant to the relatives of the Gavunda. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified Arakella mentioned above with Sri Arakella spoken of in a damaged record found also at Morale,2 and Anniga, with Anniga, Bira Nolamba, the eldest son of Ayyappa; and rightly said that the above Hosahalli record may be dated to circa A.D. 950.3 Dr. Krishna while re-editing the Hosahalli record, confirms the date given to it by Mr. Narasimhacharya.4 Are we to identify Poysalamaruga mentioned above with Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala House? The answer is in the negative, but this does not mean that we have to discredit the account of Sudatta Vardhamana and Poysala." 1. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 95; E. C. III. Tn. 44. E. C. VI. Ck. 138, p. 221. 2. 3. M. A. R. for 1916 pp. 46-51. 4. Ibid. for 1932, p. 201. 5. This error is committed by Mr. Hayavadana Rao who calls Sala "the mythical founder of the Hoysala dynasty. As Romulus was to the Romans, so was Sala to the Hoysalas." He styles Sala "the eponymous hero Sala." And he confounds Poysala who fought against General Aprameya with "certain Poysala leaders." Mysore Gazetteer, II, P. II, pp. 1312-1313.

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70 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM On the other hand, the fact of the name Poysala occurring in a record in the neighbourhood of Talakad, the capital of the Gangas, and of the matrimonial alliance between a feudatory chief and a Poysala strongly suggests that the Hoysalas in the latter half of the tenth century A.D. were somehow associated with the ancient capital of the Gangas; and that by that time members of the Hoysala family had already made themselves prominent by taking part in the political struggle of the age. It is because of this that we find one member of the Hoysala family connected with the feudatory chief Arakella. Further, it was perhaps to test the ability of another member of that same family that the Jaina guru at Angali caused a tiger to bound forth from the adjoining forest. Sudatta Vardhamana had to satisfy himself that his lay disciple Sala had the grit in him to carve out a principality in the same manner Simhanandi Acarya had to be sure that Konguoivarma had the strength to build a kingdom. In both instances, the lay disciples had to do physical feats of extraordinary strength in order to win the support and guidance of their Jaina gurus : Poysala had to kill an animal, and Kongunivarma had to cut down a huge stone pillar with a single blow. The chief Sala, therefore, dropped his earlier name which is unfortunately not known to us for the present-and assumed the name Poy Sala! (Strike Sala !) arising out of the circumstance of his having killed an animal. Ever after this incident both he and his relatives must have adopted this name because of the great prominence into which he came after the performance of the remarkable deed, in about 1. The name Poysala was so great that even ordinary citizens used to prefix it to their names. For instance, in A.D. 1101 a Gauda called himself Poysala Gauda. E. C. V. Bl. 141,p. 93.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 71 the latter part of the tenth century A.D. This may account for the following related in the Kesava temple stone inscription found at Honnavara, Hassan taluka, and dated A.D. 1123 :"In that Yaduvamsa a king named Sala was hunting along the slopes of the Sahya mountains when in a certain place a tiger bounded out to devour a muni who was there doing penance. That muni in order to test his bravery, said poy Sala, on which he immediately killed the tiger with his dagger. The muni being pleased, conferred on him the tiger as a victorious crest and that exclamation as a victorious name."1 Hence Poy Sala was merely a name of victory (i pesare vijayanamam) which that chief adopted after the incident.2 The Dandavati river stone inscription cited above, affirms that Sudatta desired to give Sala the chief place in the world, and hence made the goddess Padmavati appear as a tiger whereupon the chief striking it, displayed his courage.3 3. The weapon with which Sala killed the animal. Here there is a diversity in the accounts. Some versions of the story give it as a dagger ; others, as that dated A.D. 1173, call it a cane (betta), or a cane rod (bettada sele), as in about A. D. 1220, or merely sele (Muni's rod) as in circa A.D. 1208, or a kuncada sele (or the rod of the yogi's fan), which is really a bunch of peacock's feathers, as 1. E. C., V.Hn. 65, pp. 18-19. 2. Ibid., Hn. 116, dated A.D. 1123, p. 33, Ibid., II. 132, p. 58; ibid., V. Bl. 171 of circa A.D. 1160, p. 100 where the exclamation adam poy Sala (hit it, Sala !) is given in full, and the interesting detail is added that before the tiger could step again, Sala had killed it. It may be remembered here that Angadi is on the slopes of the Western Ghats. 3. Ibid, VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5.

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM in A.D. 1255, or salaki (or an iron rod, i.e. a wooden stick as hard as iron), as in A.D. 1261.1 4. The name of the goddess. In this detail too the accounts differ. While most of the inscriptions give the name of the goddess as Vasantika, a few give it as Padmavati.? 5. The animal that was killed. This is another detail about which there is no unanimity in the epigraphs. For instance, in A.D. 1123, 1173, circa 1208, circa 1220, and 1234, it is called sardulam, but in the other records it is called puli3 (tiger). The former (sardulam) seems to be correct, and the latter, inadmissible. The numerous sculptures depicting this animal on stone inscriptions and on temple walls in Karnataka confirm this opinion.* 1. E. C. V, Ak. 71, p. 138, Bl. 112, p. 71 ; Cf. Ak. 82, of A.D. 1234, p. 143 ; VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5; V. Ak. 108, p. 156 ; Bl. 74, p. 61. 2. Ibid., VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5. Is it possible that this is the same goddess who appears so prominently in connection with the Santaras? It may be that Padmavati was only a Hinduized form of a Buddhist goddess of the Mahayana school, after she had passed through a period in the Jaina religion. This may account for the fact that Padmayati is associated with alchemy and such other arts. It is perhaps this Buddhist touch which is responsible for the introduction of the element of incantation in the story, as in A.D. 1173. (E. C. V. Ak. 71, p. 138. If these suggestions should lead one to further inquiry, perhaps one may discover at a future date that Angadi itself was a Buddhist centre before it passed into the hands of the Jainas ! 3. E. C. V, Hn. 116, p. 33; Bl. 112, p. 71 ; Ak. 7,1, p. 138, Ak. 82 p. 113; VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5. 4. Two scholars have independently arrived at this conclusion, and they give the significance of the Hoysala leader Sala killing the

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE With whatever scepticism the above story relating to the founder of the Hoysala House and his Jaina adviser is viewed, there is no denying the fact that the successors of Sala, especially from king Vinayaditya I onwards, gave unstinted patronage to the Jina dharma, even when one of them be. came a convert into Vaisnavism and thereby undermined the influence of Jainism as State religion in Karnataka. We have seen that the first three Hoysala rulers Sala, the founder, his son Vinayaditya I, and the latter's successor Nrpa Kama, were under the spiritual guidance of Sudatta Vardhamana ; and that it was this fact which was responsible for the statement made in the Sagarakatte stone inscription that that Jaina guru took a prominent part in the administration of the Hoysalas. The guru of king Vinayaditya II was Santideva. This is proved from two stone inscriptions. One of them is the Parsvanatha basti record found at sravana Belgola and dated A.D. 1129. This inscription which we have already cited describes Santideva thus--"Who is able to describe such and such' the ability of the ascetic Santideva, having worshipped whose pair of feet, the Poysala king Vinayaditya brought the goddess of wealth to the territory under his rule ? "1 santideva belonged to the same congregation to which (Continued from p. 72) animal. They say that it represents the Kadamba lion which was killed by Sala. R. N. Saletore, Vijayanagara Art (unpublished Ms.) pp. 477-8; George Moraes, Kadamba-kula, p. 378. For further notices on the Hoysala origin, read Kavicarite, I. pp. 332, 371. E. C. V. Intr. pp. 9-10, where Rice has summarized various accounts; ibid, XII, Tp. 42, dated A.D. 1229, p. 50; ibid., V, Hn. 84 of circa A.D. 1230, p. 126 ; ibid., IX, Bn. 6 dated A.D. 1253, p. 3 where a very intelligent account of Sala and the saradula is given ; ibid. XII, Tp. 40, of A.D. 1286, p. 49; My. and Coorg, p. 95, etc. 1. E C. II, 67, p. 30.

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74 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the illustrious Ajitasena was attached, for, as we have already seen, the latter is mentioned immediately next to Santideva under the title of Svama and Sabda-caturmukha. Santideva died in A.D. 1062, as is proved by the damaged stone inscription found at Angali and dated in that year. This epigraph informs us that king Vinayaditya Poysala's guru Santideva having performed the rites of sarnyasana, as a reward of his faith attained to the realm of nirvana. The king and the company of townsmen (devaru srimatu sa......ra nakara samuha tamma gurugalge) erected the monument for the departure of their guru santideva.1 The evidence of this inscription may be utilized to show that santideya had indeed become a sort of a national preceptor in the days of king Vinayaditya II. What king Vinayaditya did as a Jaina, obviously on the advice of his guru, is described in a stone record found in the Gandhavarana basti at Sravana Belgola, and dated A.D. 1131. King Vinayaditya "gladly made any number of tanks and temples, any number of Jaina shrines, any number of nadus, villages, and subjects. When it is said that king Vinayaditya Poysala alone excelled the celebrated Balindra, who can praise the greatness of that profound and brave king? The pits dug for bricks became tanks, the great mountains quarried for stone became level with the ground, the roads by which the mortar carts passed became ravines--thus did Poysala cause Jina temples (Jinaraja geham) to be erected."2 True to the liberal spirit which has always marked Karnataka monarchs throughout history, king Vinayaditya II extended his patronage to other Jaina leaders as well. A 1. E. C. VI, Mg. 17, pp. 61, 245. 2. Ibid., II, ,143, pp. 70-71.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 75 damaged stone inscription at Tolalu, Belur hobli, Hassan district, dated A.D. 1062, commemorates the gift of some land on the holy occasion of Uttarayana Sankramana, by the same king to the Jaina guru Abhayacandra of Belave. The latter belonged to the Mula sangha and to the spiritual lineage which claimed Gautama, Bhadrabahu, Puspadanta and Meghacandra as its own.1 Another stone inscription dated A.D. 1069 illustrates the care with which king Vinayaditya II looked after Jaina interests. It was found in the Parsvanatha basti at Mattavara, Chickmagalur taluka, and it relates the following--That the king who previous to the specified date had a channel turned and brought to the village of Mattara (i.e., Mattavara), was now pleased to visit that village again. And on that occasion he went to the basadi on the hill, and seeing the god there, asked (the people) "Why have you built the basadi on the hill (outside) instead of building it inside the village ?" To this Manikasetti replied respectfully--"We beg of your Lordship to build a basadi within the village and richly endow it with wealth and privileges. We are poor but there is no limit to your wealth. Your wealth is equal in quantity to the paddy grains grown by the hill chiefs." The king pleased with the speech of Manikasetti, smiled and said "Very well," and had the basadi built inside the village. He first got Manikasetti and other leaders of the town (named) to give specified land to the basadi, and he himself granted for the basadi at Mattavara paddy income (specified) of the village of Nadali. Moreover, the king ordered several houses to be constructed near the basadi, 1. M. A. R. for 1927, pp. 43-44 Abhayacandra's identity cannot be determined.

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76 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM giving the village the name of Rsihalli, and finally remitted many (specified) village taxes on its behalf.1 King Vinayraditya II was succeeded by his son Ereyanga, who had seen State service under the former as a yuvaraja. Since we know definitely that king Vinayaditya's rule lasted till A.D. 1101,2 we have to assume with Rice that king Ereyanga ruled in conjunction with his father, and that Ereyanga must have died before his father. 3 This difficulty in determining the dates of Ereyanga's rule need not hinder us from bringing to the forefront his Jaina guru Gopanandi. A stone inscription at Hale Belgola dated A.D. 1094 informs us that that Mahamandalesvara's gurut was Gopanandi about whom it gives the following details-- That Gopanandi was the head of the Desiya gana, Mula sangha, and Kondakundanvaya. His preceptor was Caturmukhadeva. "The celebrated Gopanandi accomplished what had been impossible for any one ; for he caused the Jina dharma which had for a long time been at standstill, to attain the prosperity and fame of the time of the Ganga kings." His qualifications and achievements are graphically described thus-He was like an infuriated elephant to the Sankhya, Bhautika, Bauddha, Vaisnava, and Carvvaka professors. While Jaimini bolted, Vaisesika turning round fled, Sugata (Buddha) instead of running beat his breast, Aksapada with affection came near, Lokayata attempted to leave, and Sankhya pushed away-Gopanandi, a lusty elephant like the elephants at the points of the compass, roamed through the paths of the six schools of logic. 1. M. A. R. for 1932, pp. 172-174. Dr. Krishna while reediting it dates it in A.D. 1069. But the late Mr. Narasimhacarya dated it in A.D. 1077. M.A.R. for 1916, pp. 51-52. 2. E. C. V, Bl. 141, p. 93. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 98.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 77 To this great Jaina logician, Tribhuvanamalla Ereyanga, while ruling the Gangamandala, granted Racanahalla and the Belgola 12 for the repairs of the basadis of the Kalbappu tirtha (of Belgola).1 Since the king was ruling the Gangavadi, and since the royal endowment affected all the basadis in the holy place round the Kalbappu hill (i.e., Katavapra or Candragiri) at Sravana Belgola, it is said in the epigraph that Gopanandi caused the Jina dharma to prosper through the wealth of the Ganga kings. We know that by this time the Ganga rule had disappeared; yet the benevolent precedent set up by the Gangas could never be obliterated from the mind of either the Jainas or the Karnataka monarchs.2 "" In an earlier context we have had an occasion to describe all the celebrated colleagues of Gopanandi, as given in the Kattalebasti record dated about A.D. 1100. This inscription, we may incidentally add, repeats the praise given to Gopanandi in the record dated A.D. 1094, and tells us that he caused the Jaina religion, which had for a long time been at a stand-still, to attain the prosperity and fame of the Ganga kings," thereby confirming the importance of that guru in the history of Jainism. King Ballala I, the eldest son of king Ereyanga, succeeded 1. E. C. V, Cn. 148, pp. 189-190. 2. On Katavapra, read Ibid., II, Intr. p. 4, seq. 66 3. Ibid., II, 69, pp. 34-35. In a record dated A.D. 1136, it is said that the guru of the head-jewel of the Yadava race, Ereyanga Deva, considered the jagad-guru, was Ajitasenasvami." (E. C. V, Bl 17, p. 51) Rice accepts this statement. (E. C. VI, Intr., p. 11). We know that Ereyanga ruled as a yuvaraja from A.D. 1063 till A.D. 1095. It cannot be made out how far the statement of the record dated A.D. 1136 regarding Ereyanga and Ajitasena is correct. Perhaps it may not be wrong to assume that on the death of Gopanandi, Ajitasena may have become the guru of Ereyanga. This requires confirmation.

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78 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the lattter and ruled from A.D. 1100 till A.D. 1106. The guru of this ruler was Carukirtimuni. Two stone inscriptions dated A.D. 1398 and A.D. 1432 respectively prove this. These are the Siddhesvara basti records of Sravana Belgola, which will be styled here the I and II of that name. The I. Siddhesvara basti inscription dated A.D. 1398 relates the following about Carukirti Panditadeva. He was the disciple of Srutakirtideva, a great disputant, and an "accomplisher of everything that had to be accomplished". This remarkable guru (Carukirti Panditadeya) was proficient in medicine as well. The same inscription continues to narrate the following--When king Ballala, encloser of the forces of strong (enemies), terrifier in war by his cavalry, was verily in a moribund condition through severe illness, he quickly restored him to health.1 The II Siddhesvara basti inscription dated A.D. 1432 repeats the praise given to him in the earlier record, adding that he was "a moon in increasing the volume of the ocean of grammar," and that he "published to the world the Sara-traya, as also the science of logic". "Even the air that had but touched his body cured disease ; was it much (then) that his medicine cured king Ballala of his disease ?" The short-lived reign of king Ballala I was followed by that of one of the most brilliant monarchs of Karnataka. This was the famous Visnuvardhana Bittiga Deva, whose initial year is still a matter of dispute. King Visnuvardhana was the liberator of Karnataka from the Cola dominion. Many of the notable victories which marked his rule were won by his great Jaina generals about whom we shall give a few details in the next chapter. King Visnuvar 1. E. C. II, 254, p. 113. 2. Ibid., 258, p. 118.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 79 dhana's reign was also important because of an event which had a profound effect on the whole history of Jainism in Karnataka and southern India. This was his conversion from Jainism into Vaisnavism under the influence of the great Acarya Ramanuja who, to escape persecution at the hands of a Cola king, had taken refuge in the Hoysala country. Rice placed this event before A.D. 1116, and attributed the series of extensive conquests to the new religion which king Visnu had embraced.1 Without entering into any discussion of this assertion of Rice, we may merely note that the Jaina propensity in the Hoysala mind was so great, and the memory of the indebtedness of the Hoysala rulers to Jaina intellect so profound, that even so late as A.D. 1125 king Visnuvardhana showed his devotion to a Jaina guru named Sripala Traividyavrati whose praise is described in the Bairadeva temple stone inscription dated in that year and found at Calya, Chamarajapattana taluka. In this record it is said that that Hoysala monarch-whose victories, by the way, over Adiyama, the Pallava Nrsimhavarma, the Kongas, Kalapala, and the ruler of Angara are mentioned,-caused to be made with devotion the Jaina abode at Calya. The donee is called a Sanmukha of the six schools of logic, a great disputant, bearing the hereditary titles of Vadibhasimha, Vadikolahala, and Tarkkika-cakravarti, and the promoter of his gana. To this learned Jaina sage king Visnu gave the village at Salya (Calya) with suitable donations for the repairs of the basadi and for the maintenance of the Jaina rsis.2 Another stone inscription at Belur dated A.D. 1129 1. Rice, My. and Coorg, p. 99. 2. E. C. V. Cn. 149, pp. 190-191. The Parsvanatha basti record of Sravana Belgola, however, places Sripala before Matisa

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80 MEDIEVAL JAINISM commemorates a gift to the basadi named Malli Jinalaya by the same monarch.1 This record, therefore, confirms the view that king Visnu was a devout Jaina even in A.D. 1129. Indeed, there is one more record which adds to the testimony that king Visnu, whatever his patronage to Vaisnavism may have been, continued till the end of his rule, to be a pious Bhavya. This inscription is the Parsvanatha basti record hailing from Bastihalli, near Halebid (i.e., Dorasamudra itself) and dated A.D. 1133. In connection with a famous Jaina temple in the Hoysala capital built by one of the many great Jaina generals of king Visnu, it relates that the latter christened his son prince Vijaya Narasimhadeva after the god Vijaya Parsvadeva, and granted the village of Javagal for a Jinalaya in the capital Dorasamudra which we shall describe in a later context.2 King Narasimha I who had been crowned from the day of his birth, ascended the throne on the death of his illustrious father king Visnu in A.D. 1141.3 The greatness of the Hoysala Empire was now maintained more by the reputation of the famous Visnuvardhana Deva and the loyalty of his generals rather than by any military prowess or political sagacity on the part of king Narasimha. One of the most capable generals of the age was the Jaina commander Hulla whose intense devotion to the Jina dharma, which we shall describe in detail presently, was, we may gara who was the guru of Vadiraja. It says that Sripala, though an expositor of all sciences, accepted also the title Traividya (versed in the three sciences of grammar, logic, and philosophy). (E. C. II, 67, p. 28.) How Sripala came to be assigned to this age cannot be made out. 1. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 43. 2. E. C. V, Bl. 124, p. 83. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 101. 4. Ibid.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE well assume, in no small measure responsible for the piety which king Narasimha showed to the Jaina religion. A stone inscription in the Bhanlarabasti at Sravana Belgola dated A.D. 1159, asserts that this king while on "an expedition for the conquest of the regions ", ascended the mountain Vindhyagiri (at Sravana Belgola), bowed to the lord Gommatesvara, saw the Caturvimsati basadi erected by his great general Hulla, and "lovingly bestowed upon it the second name of Bhavya-cudamani after Hulla's title Samyuktva-culamani." And for the maintenance of this splendid temple the monarch granted the village of Savaneru. This is repeated in another record found at the same place and dated in the same year. But beyond this the pleasure-seeking king Narasimha did nothing for the cause of Jainism.3 His son was the famous Ballala II, or Vira Ballala I, who ruled from A.D. 1173 till A.D. 1220. Once again Hoysala arms, as in the reign of the great king Visnu, spread far and wide, and once again did the Hoysala monarch show marked favour to the syad vada doctrine. King Ballala II's spiritual guru was Sripaladeva's disciple Vasupujyavrati of the Arungalanvaya and the Nandi sangha. We learn this from a stone record dated A.D. 1169.4 Two inscriptions dated A.D. 1174 and A.D. 1175 register the confirmation of the gift of Savaneru made by king Narasimha, by king Ballala II along with the gift of two villages at Bekka and Kaggere. This was done at the request of General Hulla. 1. E. C. II, 349, pp. ,153-154. 2. Ibid., 345, p. 149. 3. * Read, Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 102. 4. E. C. V, Ak. 1, p. 112. 5. Ibid., Cn. 146, p. 189; II, 240, p. 103.

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM But king Ballala II acceded as much to the request of his generals as to those of his citizens, when the question of the Jina dharma was concerned. A damaged stone inscription in the Anjaneya temple at Kalasapura, Kadur district, dated A.D. 1176, describes the construction of a Jaina temple (in Dorasamudra ?) called Vira Ballala Jinalaya by a rich merchant named Devisecti, at the request of his teacher Balacandramuni of the Desika gaccha and the Mula sangha. The king at the request of Devisetti, for the service of the basadi and the priests, and also for meeting the expenses of repairs, granted some villages and tolls (specified).1 It is not surprising that under such a benevolent monarch the capital Dorasamudra itself should have continued to be a stronghold of Jainism. We shall see that in the reign of king Visnuvardhana this well known city had already enjoyed the reputation of being a centre of the Bhavyas, chiefly due to the exertions of some of his most remarkable Jaina generals. That under king Ballala II the influence of Jainism in the capital did not in any way diminish is proved by the Nanjedeyaragulda stone inscription found in Sompur, Hassan district, and dated A.D. 1192. How powerful was the influence of the Jaina guru Sripaladeva is also seen from this record which enumerates the following--That in the capital Dorasamudra, respected throughout the kingdom, was the illustrious Vadibhasimha, Tarkkika-cakravarti, Sripala Traividyadeva and his disciples Marisetti, Kamisetti, Bharatisetti, and Rajasetti. These four commercial magnates together with the merchants from all countries and citizens caused to be erected in Dorasamudra a fine Jinalaya of the god Abhinava Santinathadeva, called Nagarajinalaya. 1. M. A. R. for 1923, pp. 39-40.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 83 The remarkable spirit of mutual confidence and respect which characterized the actions of Karnataka monarchs and citizens in those days is seen in the same epigraph which, after narrating that Sripaladeva's guru was Mallisena Maladhari, descended in the illustrious line of Bhadrabahu in the Irungulanvaya and the Nandi sangha, relates thusThat while the Kumara (prince, evidently Rajasetti) with all the Prabhu-gavundas and the Nad-gavundas was on a visit to the illustrious Pratapa-Cakravarti Vira Ballaladeva, he (the ruler) was pleased to see the eight-fold worship and free distribution of food to ascetics in the temple of the god Abhinava Santinathadeva. On this occasion the king, acting in accordance with the unanimous prayers of the Nadgavundas made a gift of the villages of Muccundi and Kadalahalli (location specified) to the guru Vajranandi Siddhantadeva on the date specified, for the repairs of the basti and the free gifts of food to the ascetics.1 After a series of political events of exceptional importance, the history of the Hoysalas rapidly moved to its close. The first step in this direction was the division of the Hoysala Empire in A.D. 1245 on the death of king Somesvara, the grandson of king Ballala II. The ancestral part of the ancient Karnataka Empire with its capital at Dorasamudra fell to the share of king Narasimha III, the son of king Somesvara by his queen Bijjala Rani ; while the Tamil districts in the south together with the Kolar province were given to king Ramanatha, another son of king Somesvara by his queen Devala Devi.? Both these rulersNarasimha III and Ramanatha--were devout Jainas. 1. M. A. R. for 1926, pp. 50-51. Dr. Shama Sastry writes that all vestiges of Jaina worship have disappeared on the hill where only Siva worship is conducted now. 2. Rice, My, & Coorg, p. 106.

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84 MEDIEVAL JAINISM About king Narasimha III's piety as a Jaina we have evidence in the Parsvanatha basti stone record found at Bastihalli near Halebid. This epigraph dated A.D. 1254 informs us that king Narasimha III having paid a visit to the Vijaya Parsva basadi at Dorasamudra built by General Boppa, made an offering to the god, saw the former sasana of the basadi and read the genealogy of his line. The king repaired an enclosure to the land presented to the god in the sasana by (his?) brother-in-law Padmi Deva, and made it over to the god of the basadi.1 This temple which king Narasimha now visited was the same temple which king Visnu had visited in A.D. 1133, and about which some interesting details will be mentioned in the next chapter. One year later on February the 25th A.D. 1255, when the king was just fifteen years old, on the occasion of his upanayanam ceremony, certain specified grants were made by him for the same temple, to provide offerings to the god Vijaya Parsva.2 The spiritual adviser of this king was Maghanandi Siddhanta of the Balatkara gana. This is gathered from the Bennegudda stone inscription at Halebid dated A.D. 1265, and the Nagara Jinalaya inscription at Sravana Belgola dated A.D. 1282. Of these the former is important because of the many details it contains about the Jaina gurus of the Balatkara gana attached to the Mula sangha. It enumerates the names of many gurus like Vardhamana and others who were the spiritual leaders of the Hoysala kings, and informs us that Maghanandi was the disciple of Kumudenduyogi. Maghanandi was the author of the four modern saras (abhinava-sara-catustaya), namely, Siddhantasara, Sravakacarasara, Padarthasara, and 1. E. C. V, Bl. 125, p. 84. 2. Ibid., Bl. 126, p. 84.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE 85 sastrasarasamuccaya. Maghanandi was the guru of Kumudacandra Pandita, who was also master of the four kinds of learning and a great debator. To Maghanandi king Narasimha on the specified date granted Kallangere (location given) together with fourteen hamlets (named) attached to it, for maintaining the Jaina temple called Trikuta-ratnatraya-santinatha-Jinalaya. This grant was made by the king in Kali-Hoysala-Jinalaya, and the temple which was endowed by him was also called Trikuta-ratnatraya-Nrsimha-Jinalaya, obviously as mark of esteem and loyalty to the king. It may also be observed here that this charity was established with the help of the Mahapradhana (with other titles) Someya Dandanayaka ; and the Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra granted specified money contributions and land for the consecration of the image of Santinatha.1 The Nagara Jinalaya stone inscription of A.D. 1282 is more explicit in regard to the official status of Maghanandi. He is styled in this record Mahamandalacarya, best of Acaryas, royal guru to the Hoysala king, and the emperor of philosophers.2 Since king Narasimha's reign lasted from A.D. 1254 till A.D. 1291,3 the reference here can be only to that ruler. King Narasimha's great rival was his own brother king Ramanatha, who ruled from A.D. 1254 till A.D. 1297,4 from his capital Kannanur (Vikramapura). Two undated inscriptions of king Ramanatha found in the great Jaina 1. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 49. 2. E. C., II, 334, pp. 141-142. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 97. 4. Ibid. 5. E. C. V, Intr. p. 26.

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86 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM centre Kogali, prove that he was a pious Jaina. These two records refer to the gifts of gold which he made for the god Cenna Parsva at Kogali.1 While we have ample proof to show that Jainism still predominated in Karnataka in the reign of the next and the last great Hoysala ruler Vira Ballala III, we are unable to determine how far he himself came under the influence of that religion. We shall see that there were profound causes for this apparent indifference to the syad vada doctrine on the part of this remarkable ruler. 1. 33 and 34 of 1904 ; Rangacharya, Top. List., I, pp. 192-193.

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CHAPTER III. PRINCELY PATRONAGE Ganga feudatories of the Pasindi family--The Nirgunda Raja-The Rastrakuta feudatory Caki Raja-The Cellapataka nobleman LokadityaThe Santara lords-The Kongalvas The Cangalvas Gollacarya-The Silaharas of Karhad -The Rattas of Saundatti-The nobles of Nagarakhanda-Kuci Raja, a Yadava noble. THE HE royal precedent of fostering Jainism having been thus set from early ages, there was nothing surprising in the nobles of Karnataka having taken to a similar liberal attitude towards it in their own provincial governments. From the eighth century A.D. onwards till the end of the thirteenth century, every attempt was made by the feudatories of the Karnataka monarchs to add to the strength of the Jina dharma. This had a most salutary effect on the people, and, as we shall presently see, it was partly responsible for the wide support which Jainism received from all quarters. The earliest example of feudatories who were devout Bhavyas is that of a branch of the ancient Ganga family itself. The Narasimharajapura plates of the Ganga king Sripurusa already referred to in an earlier context, relate that chief among that king's friends (anukulavarti) was Naga

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88 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM varma who belonged to the Pasindi Ganga family. Nagavarma, who was also known as Ganga Raja, together with his sister's brother named Tulu-adi, who was called "a sun to the Kadamba family", granted the village of Mallavalli situated in the Tagare country to the Jina caityalaya in the village of Tolla located in the same country. It is interesting to observe that a pious and virtuous (Brahman) of the Kausika-varsa by namje Manali Mane-odeyon made a grant of land (for the same purpose) and that the seventy-six pradhanar (nobles, lit. ministers) were witnesses to the grant.1 To the feudatories of the Gangas, no less than to the Gangas themselves, the Jaina gurus acted as political instructors. One such example of a guru is that of Vimalacandra Acarya, the disciple of Kirtinandi Acarya, of the original Mula sangha, Eregittur gana and the Pulikal gaccha. A copper plate grant dated A.D. 776 affirms that "By the religious instruction of this great isi (having become) the confounder of the Bana-kula" was Dundu, the Nirgunda Yuvaraja. The principality of Nirgunda may have been somewhere in the south-west of the Chitaldroog district.3 Among the Rastrakuta nobles was Caki Raja, who was the disciple of the Jain sage Arakirti whose guru was Vijayakirti of the Yapaniya-Nandi sangha and the Punnagavsksamula gana. This nobleman, who is styled in the Kadaba plates dated A.D. 812 which give us this information, an adhiraja of the entire (asesa) Gangamandala, applied to his lord king Govinda III, Prabhutavarsa, to bestow the village named Jalamangala (situation given) on the Jaina guru mentioned above for the Jinendra temple at Silagrama on the western 1. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 28. 2. E. C. IV, Ng. 85, p. 135. 3. Ibid., Intr. p. 9.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE side of the Rastrakuta capital Manyapura (mod. Manne in the Nelamangala taluka).1 The devotion of another Rastrakuta noble brings to light a Jaina author of considerable celebrity. This is Lokaditya, the son of Bankeyarasa, of the Celleketana (or Cellapataka) family. He was the governor of Bankapura in Vanavasa, under king Krsna II, Akalavarsa, and was a Jaina himself. Under his patronage Lokasena composed the Mahapuranasangraha in Saka 820 in the reign of the king Akalavarsa who ruled from A.D. 884 till A.D. 913. This is mentioned by Lokasena himself in the above Jaina work. We know that Lokaditya was placed over the same provincial capital in the same year from another Jaina author Gunabhadra's prasasti to the latter's Uttarapurana. From this work we learn that Lokasena was the chief disciple of Gunabhadra, and that Lokaditya caused the increase of the religion of Jinendra.3 These examples of genuine Jaina devotion pale into insignificance before the determined efforts of one great family whose pious exertions ranging over two centuries and more were greatly responsible for the firm stand Jainism made in southern India. The history of these powerful princes called the Santaras has yet to be written. They belonged to the Ugra-varsa, and appear for the first time in the seventh century A.D. in the reign of the Western Calukya king Vinaya. ditya. The founder of this line in the south was Jinadatta 1. E. c. XII, Gb. 61, pp. 30-31 ; ibid., Intr. p. 5. Was the Mahasamanta Gosgi mentioned in a stone record of circa A.D. 950 in Sravana Belgola, also a Jaina ? Ibid. II, Intr. p. 48; 152, p. 77. 2. Rangachary-Kuppuswami, Trien. Cat. of Skt. Mss. in the Madras Oriental Library for 1910-1913, p. 218. seq. 3. 1. A. XII, pp. 216-217 ; Fleet, Dyn. Kan. Dts., p. 411 ; Moraes, Kadamba-kula, p. 83.

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90 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Raya (ninth century A.D.) whose story is intimately connected with the alchemic powers of the (Buddhist and later on Jaina ?) goddess Padmavati of Patti Pombuccapura (mod. Humcca in the Nagar taluka).1 The Santaras ruled over the Santalige 1,000 which corresponded roughly with the modern Tirthahalli taluka and its neighbourhood. They were Jainas during the early part of their political career.2 Of the founder of the southern line of the santaras, Jinadatta Raya, it is said in a record assigned to A.D. 950, that he granted Kumbhasikepura for the anointing of Jina. The stone inscription speaks of the Jina temple at that place and at Polalu for which the merchants (Settis) (named) made an endowment.3 Some time after came Tolapurusa Vikrama santara, who in A.D 897 had a basadi made for Moni (Mauni ?) Siddhanta Bhattaraka of the Kondakundanvaya and endowed it with certain lands. He was the same Vikramaditya Santara who constructed the Guddada basti at Humcca and had it dedicated to Bahubali in the next year A.D. 898.5 Bhujabala Santara, who after his overlord the Western Calukya monarch Trailokyamalla Deva, had the second name of Trailokyamalla, so we gather from a stone inscription dated A.D. 1066, constructed a Jinalaya called Bhujabala santara Jinalaya in his capital at Pombucca, and granted the village of 1. On the Santaras, and the date of Jindatta Raya, read Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 138, seq; Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I, pp. 224, 225, n. (1). 2. Rice, ibid., pp. 138-139. 3. E. C. VII, Sk. 114, p. 37. 4. Ibid., VIII, Nr. 60, p. 154. 5. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 7. The reference given to E. C. VIII, Nr. 35, cannot be traced.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE Haravari to his guru Kanakanandideva.1 His brother Nanni Santara is said in A.D. 1077 to be "a worshipper of the feet of Jina." 2 We shall mention the charitable endowments which this prince made along with his wife and relatives, in a later context. In the meanwhile we may continue with the examples of other Santara princes and their ministers who were followers of the Jina dharma. In A.D. 1081 Nagularasa, the minister of Vira Santara, is described as "a fortress to the Jina dharma." 3 Tribuvanamalla santara, as is related in a record of A.D. 1103, laid the foundation stone of a basadi pronouncing the name of Vadigharatta Ajitasena Panaita, as a memorial for the death of Birabbarasi. This new basadi was built opposite to the Pancabasadi in Anandur in the capital Pombucca itself. It will be referred to again while dealing with the activities of Karnataka women.4 Bhujabala Ganga Permmali Barmma Deva in A.D. 1115 is said to have been the lay disciple of Municandra.5 And his son Nanniya Ganga in A.D. 1122 is styled as the lay disciple of Prabhacandra Siddhanta.8 This latter stone inscription found near the Siddhesvara temple on Kallurgudda in Shimoga, contains many interesting details about Bhujabala Ganga Barmma Deva's pious works as a Jaina. He had a basadi renovated in Ededore Seventy 1. E. C., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 137. 2. Ibid., Nr. 59, p. 154. 3. M. A. for 1931, pp. 198-199. 4. E. C. VIII, TI. 192, p. 205. 5. Ibid., VII, Sh. 60, p. 23. See also Sh. 64, dated circa A. D. 1112, p. 25. 6. Ibid., Sh. 4, p. 8. There is some confusion here. In some records (Sh. 60) Municandra Siddhanta is identified with Prabhacandra, while in others, he is not.

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92 MEDIEVAL JAINISM of the Mandali 1,000, giving it the name Pattadai basadi (the Crown basadi) and endowing with certain villages. About this same basadi the inscription says that it was one which Dadiga and Madhava (the latter being, as we have already seen, the founder of the ancient Ganga line in the south and the lay disciple of Simhanandi Acarya) had formerly established on the hill of Mandali, and for which the kings of the Ganga line had continued to provide the offerings, and which they had afterwards caused to be built of wood. Under Bhujabala Ganga Barmma Deva it became "the chief of all basadis hitherto existing or in future to be established in the Ededore Seventy." In A.D. 1122 his son Nanniya Ganga caused the Pattada basadi of Mandali, which his grand-father had erected, to be constructed of stone, and endowed it with lands and customs duties. In all Nanniya Ganga constructed twenty-five caityalayas for the promotion of the faith. The same Siddhesvara temple stone inscription is important from other points of view. It gives a resume of the history of the ancient kings who were patrons of Jainism, and especially of those rulers whose names are not directly mentioned in other records. After describing the origin of the Gangas from the time of Vrsabhatirtha, it relates that the Ganga line continued till the appearance of king Visnugupta. This Ganga ruler was the contemporary (and disciple?) of Nemisvaratirtha, and was in his capital at Ahicchatrapura, "when at the time of the nirvana of Nemisvaratirtha, he performed the aindradhvajapuja" at which he got from Devendra the latter's elephant Airavata. It was in the reign of king Visnugupta's sons Bhagadatta and Sridatta, that a division of the Ganga Empire was made. Prince Bhagadatta received the Kalinga country, while Prince Sridatta was given the lusty elephant (as an emblem) and the whole

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE 93 kingdom. In the line of Sridatta arose king Priyabandhuvarma during whose reign Parsya Bhattaraka is said to have obtained kevalajnana. At this Saudharmmendra came and performed kevalapuja, on which Priyabandhuvarma himself embraced Jainism. This uncommon account which is not supported by earlier versions, then continues to narrate the further history of the Ganga line in which Daaiga and Madhava, the sons of Padmanabha, were born. Their meeting with Simhanandi, which we have already commented upon, is next narrated ; and it is said that they constructed a caityalaya on the beautiful hill of Mandali, on the advice of Simhanandi Acarya. In their line arose king Avinita Ganga "in whose heart the supreme Jina foot-print was fixed as a rock of mount Meru." Then after many kings (named) came Marasimha's son Racamalla, who is called "a moon to the ocean--the Jina dharma"; and long afterwards we have two rulers--Rakkasa Ganga, the disciple of Anantavirya Siddhantadeva, and his younger brother Kali Ganga. It was during Kali Ganga's rule that Bhujabala Ganga Brahma (Barmma) Deva constructed the Pattada basadi on the Mandali hill in stone, as narrated above.? What seems clear from the long account given in the above Siddhesvara temple record is that, inspite of its many statements of doubtful authenticity, it nevertheless enables us to affirm that the early Ganga kings, notwithstanding the patronage which they extended to Brahmans, still professed the Jina faith. This conclusion is, as we have already noted, warranted by, for instance, the Narasimharajapara plates of Sivamara. And as for Nanniya Ganga, the fact that he was a Jaina is proved by the Icavadi stone inscription cited 1. E. C. VII, Sh. 4, pp. 4-9.

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94 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM elsewhere in this treatise, in which he is said to have constructed a basadi.1 About fifty years later (in A.D. 1173) Vira santara is called "a bee at the lotus feet of Jina.". But the santaras had by this time so got involved in the political complications of southern India that they gave up their earlier faith and took to a newer creed--Vira Saivism. What a profound effect this had on the life of Jainism will be seen in a later connection. We shall merely narrate here that in the thirteenth century A.D. the capital of the santaras was moved first to Kalasa in the Mudgere taluka and, then, to Karkala in Tuluva. We have elsewhere traced the introduction of Jainism into Tuluva. Notwithstanding their strong Saiva tendencies, the rulers of Karkala still continued to show marked favour to Jainism in the later ages. 4 Before we deal with the endeavours of two important feudatory families to further the cause of Jainism, mention may be made here of the work of Govadeva, the feudatory lord of Huliyerapura. His wife was the generous Santale who gave equal patronage to all the four samayas--the Jinasri-dharma, the Mahesvaragama, the Sad-Vaisnavasrita, and the Bauddha. gama. And his guru was Candrayanadeva of the Desiya gana. Govadeva seems to have had also another wife named Mahadevi Nayakiti. When Mahadevi died in A.D. 1160 he caused the Cenna Parsva basadi to be erected at Heggere, for which his son Bittideva gave specified lands and dues for its worship and gifts of food. Bittideva's guru, it may be noted, was Manikanandi Siddhantadeva. Prominent citi 1. M. A. R. for 1923, p. 115. 2. E. C. VII, Sh. 116, p. 38. 3. Saletore, Anct., Karn. I. pp. 404-405. 4. E. C. VI, Intr. p. 19; Mg. 67, p. 67. See below.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE 95 zens (named) made grants of specified land also for the same basadi.1 We may now pass on to the contribution of two powerful families which were instrumental in the propagation of the Jina faith in the south. These were the Kongalvas and the Cangalvas. Of these the former were more influential than the latter. The Kongalvas ruled over the Kongalnad 8,000 Province which comprised the Yelusavira country in the north of Coorg and the Arkalgul taluka in the south of the Hassan district of Mysorc. Although its early history can be traced to the time of the Ganga prince Ereyappa in about A.D. 880,2 yet Kongalnad as a political unit came into prominence only in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D., when in A.D. 1004 the great Tamil general named Pancava Maharaya received from his royal master Raja Raja as a reward for his services Malavvi (mod. Malambi in Coorg) along with the title of Ksatriyasikhamani-Kongalva.3 For one century the Kongalvas and their officials fostered the Jina dharma in their principality. In about A.D. 1050 we merely come across evidence of the devotion of a nobleman under Kongasva, by name Ayya of Kiviri, the lord of Maduvanganad, who keeping the vow (of sallekhana, evidently) for twelve days in the Cangalva basadi, expired. The same inscription speaks of Biliya Secti, who may have been the head of the merchant guild, as dying at the feet of all the yatis. That the Kongalvas themselves were Jainas there can be no doubt. In A.D. 1058 Rajendra Kongalva granted for the basadi (probably the Parsvanatha basadi at Mulluru, Nidutada hobli, Coorg) made by his father, lands in many speci. 1. E. C. XII, Ck. 21, pp. 77-78. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 144. 3. Ibid. 4. E. C. IX, Cg. 30, p. 172.

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96 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM fied villages. Rajendra Kongalvas mother Pocabbarasi showed her devotion on this occasion in a fitting manner, as we shall relate when describing the part played by women in the history of Jainism. Pocabbarasi's guru was Gunasena Pandita, the disciple of Puspasena of the Nandi sangha and the Irungulanvaya which latter is called in the record the great Arungalamnaya. He was a great grammarian, and he died in A.D. 1064.1 As to the guru of Rajendra Kongalva Adataraditya himself, we know that he was Gandavimukta Siddhantadeva of the Mula sangha, Kranur gana and Tagarigal gaccha. For his sake, as is related in a record dated A.D. 1079, the Kongalva ruler made a basadi named Adataraditya caityalaya and endowed it with lands. This inscription also gives the name of another guru called Prabhacandra Siddhanta who is called Ubhaya-siddhanta-ratnakara. It cannot be made out whether he was the same as Gandavimukta Siddhantadeva whose identity itself is uncertain." The Kongalvas did not disappear on the expulsion of the Colas by the Hoysalas in the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D., as Rice opined, but continued to exercise their sway till the last quarter of the same century, as pointed out by Narasimhacarya. In about A.D. 1100 the Kongalva chief Duddammallarasa granted the village of Aybavalli to Prabhacandradeva for the erection and repairs of a basadi.5 About fifteen years later Vira Kongalva Deva is mentioned as a lay disciple of Prabhacandra Siddhantadeva, the disciple of Meghacandra Traividya of the Desiya gana and the 1. E. C. IX, Cg. 34, p. 173. 2. Ibid. V, Ak. 99, p. 263. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 145. 4. M. A. R. for 1912-13, p. 32. 5. Ibid., p. 33.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE 97 Pustaka gaccha. The Kongalva chief caused the Satyavakya * Jinalaya to be built, and gave a specified village on its behalf to Prabhacandra Siddhanta.1 Like the Kongalvas the Cangalvas too showed marked savour to Jainism. These were lords, firstly, of the Canganad (mod. Hunsur taluka in the Mysore State) and, then, of the western part of the Mysore district and a part of Coorg. They were devoted Saivas,2 but there is evidence to show that in the last quarter of the eleventh century and the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D., the Cangalvas gave material support to the Jina dharma. In A.D. 1091 the Cangalva chief Mariyaperggade Pilduvayya gave specificd lands to Pilduvi isvaradeva for feeding the poor (aharadani bahe madalagi). Since the word aharadani is a Jaina technical term referring to the Jaina formula of gifts as expressed in their phrase aharabhaya bhaisajya-sastradana, it has been rightly inferred that the Cangalva chief mentioned here was a Jaina by persuasion.3 This conclusion concerning the Cangalvas is borne out by a record dated about A.D. 1100 which contains interesting details pertaining to the great Jaina centre Hanasoge (Panasoge) in the Yedatore taluka of the Mysore State. The epigraph under discussion relates that there were sixty-four basadis in that city attached to the Desiya gana, Hottage gaccha, Pustakanvaya, and Mula sangha. These had been set up by Rama, the son of Dasaratha, the elder brother of Laksmana and the husband of Sita, and born in the Iksvaku kula. And to the basadi of the Bandatirtha which had been constructed by Rama, the Gangas had given gifts. And 1. M. A. R. for 1912-13. p. 32. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 142. 3. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 95.

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98 MEDIEVAL JAINISM to the samc basadi Rajendra Cola Nanni Cangalva made gifts anew. The guru mentioned in the record is Jayakirtimuni, who was well known for his fasts and the candrayana rites. In this inscription it is said that for the four basadis of the Hottage gaccha in Panasoge and for those in TalaKaveri, that congregation (of the Hottage gaccha) alone was the head. And as regards the same Cangalva ruler, he is said to have constructed basadis belonging to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha in about A.D. 1025 and A.D. 1060.2 A solitary instance of a ruler who turned a recluse is mentioned in a record dated A.D. 1115. He is called Nutana Candila of the celebrated Golla country. The inscription relates that " for some reason" he became a munipa under the name of Gollacarya. Nothing can be determined about his identity for the present. Examples of noble families which gave unstinted help to Jainism may be continued. The Silaharas of Karhad were patrons of that religion. One of the centres of Jainism within their jurisdiction was Ekkasambuge (mod. Eksambi in the Chikkodi taluka of the Belgaum district). Here was the Nemisvara basti two stone inscriptions of which dated A.D. 1165 refer to the reign of Vijayaditya and to the erection of that basadi in that year by the general Kalana. The larger of these records is interesting in the sense that it gives the name of another Jaina congregation in Eksambi--the Punnagaveksamula gana of the Yapaniya sangha, and mentions also a Ratta chief called Kartavirya, who was a patron of Jainism. 1. E. C. IV, Yd. 26, 28, p. 56. 2. Ibid., Yd. 21, 23, p. 55. 3. Ibid., II, 127, p. 52.

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99 PRINCELY PATRONAGE The reason why the Nemisvara basadi in Ekkasambuge in the Kundi province was constructed is explained in the epigraph. General Kalana (descent stated) was leading a happy life with his wife, children, and friends. One day it occurred to him that the only thing that conduced to one's welfare here and hereafter was dharma, and he, therefore, built the Nemisvara basadi, and endowing it (with lands), made it over to the Mahamandalacarya Vijayakirti of the Punnagavrksamula gana, and disciple of Kalana's own guru Kumarakirti Traividya. The donee is described as one who was proficient in all sacred lore, including the Jaina doctrine characterized by the seven modes of argument, existence, nonexistence, etc., and adorned with the five maha-kalyanas, eight maha-pratiharyas, and the thirty-four atisayas. The basadi attained celebrity for the regular conduct of service, incessant gifts of food, and shelter given to ascetics and pious men. Hearing its fame, king Kartavirya of the Ratta family of Saundatti, visited it. The epigraph relates that the basadi was adorned with a lofty gopura, elegant female figures and other sculptures, and finials set with jewels. On the specified date (A.D. 1165) this Ratta king made a grant of land and dues to Vijayakirti to provide for worship, music, food for ascetics, and temple repairs. The protectors of this charity will figure in a later context. The fact that a Ratta king granted lands to a basadi constructed by a Silahara general and situated in the Silahara country is, indeed, worthy of notice. Nobles in Nagarakhanda were also responsible for the flourishing condition of Jainism in Karnataka. Of these mention may be made of the Nad-prabhu of Tevarateppa, 1. M. A. R. for 1916, pp. 48-49.

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100 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Loka Gavunda, whose royal master was Soyi Deva of the Kadamba kula. Loka Gavunda erected a Jinendra temple in A.D. 1171 and provided it with a tank, a well, a watershed for the temple as well as a satra. The name of the image set up was Ratnatraya. For the eight manner of ceremonies of this god Loka Gavunda gave specified lands to the guru Bhanukirti Siddhantadeva, the disciple of Municandradeva of the Mula sangha, Kranar gana and the Tintrini gaccha.1 The prominence to which Nagarakhanda reached as a Jaina centre will be described in connection with the activities of the noblcs of Karnataka in a later context. Towards the last quarter of the thirteenth century (A.D. 1271) we have Kuci Raja, a nobleman under the Yadava king Mahadeva Raya. Kuci Raja was the disciple of Padmasena Bhattaraka. He was placed over Betur in the middle of the Pandyadesa. Here he erected a Laksmi Jinalaya on the advice of his guru, and assigned to it lands, a shop, and gardens. This temple was attached to the Pogale gaccha of the Sena gana which belonged to the Mula sangha.2 1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 345, pp. 60-61. 2. Ibid., XI, Dg. 13, p. 28. On Kuci Raja's royal master, see ibid., Dg. 8, 97, pp. 26, 60. Dg. 13 speaks of Jinabhatyaraka as the Raja guru.

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CHAPTER IV. JAINA MEN OF ACTION Camunda Raya: his lineage, military achievements, literary works, benevolence as a JainaSantinatha, a poet-general-Ganga Raja: lineage, military victories, work as a Jaina--BoppaPunisa lineage, conquests, policy, work as a Jaina-Baladevanna-The brothers Mariyane and Bharata Eca-Visnu Bittimayya, the boygeneral-Deva Raja-Hulla--Santiyanna-Ministers Sivaraja and Somaya-General Recimayya-- The brothers Bharata and Bahubali-Minister Kammata Macayya-General Amrta. R ELIGIOUS principles unrelated to political power leave impermanent effects on society. Dogmas of moral existence, if they should have spiritual values, must be interpreted in terms of action. The Jaina sages throughout the period under review recognized this, and produced not merely devout Bhavyas who could perform the orthodox duties and gain for themselves salvation by the rite of sallekhana, but mighty leaders of armies as well who, while being sincere Jainas themselves, liberated their country from its enemies. The greatest claim of Jainism at the hands of posterity is that it gave to India men who turned it into a philosophy of action, and clearly showed the importance of the fact that ahimsa, which was the keynote of their great faith, instead of being an obstacle in the path of their

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102 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM country's liberation, was really an adjunct without which no freedom could be effected either in the field of religion or in that of politics. To the history of these celebrated Jaina generals we now tum in order to learn how this great religion proved to be a solvent of some of the most pressing problems which faced the statesmen of the times. The first great name in the constellation of brilliant Jaina generals we meet with is that of Camunda Raya, popularly known as Raya. A braver soldier, a more devout Jaina, and a more honest man than Camunda Raya Karnataka had never seen. Stone inscriptions of his own time and a work of his in Kannada are the sources of information for the life of this exceptionally remarkable general. Details about his lineage are gathered from his work called Camundarayapurana and from stone inscriptions of his ruler and himself. The work called Camundarayapurana deals with the history of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, and it was composed in A.D. 978. In this work Camunda Raya says that he belonged to the Brahma-Ksatra race, and that he was known as Brahma-Ksatra-sikhamani. His royal patron was Jagadekavira, Dharmavatara, Racamalla (IV).1 But he seems to have served under the Ganga king Marasimha as well. The age in which king Marasimha and his son and successor Racamalla IV lived was very precarious for the Gangas. Under the former the two formidable dangers to the Ganga kingdom were the Western Calukyas and the Nolambas, while there were other enemies who were equally troublesome. The Western Calukya opposition was led by prince Rajaditya, and the Nolamba menace by Nanni Nolamba, Nolamba Raja. The other enemies were the Pallavas 1. Kavicarite, I. p. 46. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 57.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 103 and a number of rulers whose identity it is not possible to determine at the present stage of our investigations. The credit of annihilating the Western Calukya danger under Rajaditya is to be attributed to Camunda Raya. In the fortress of Ucchangi, Rajaditya had shut himself up. This stronghold had become "renowned as the fortress which had previously proved impregnable even to Kaduvetti who quitted it after having surrounded and besieged it for a long time inspiring terror by his eminent prowess." The stone inscription which gives us these and other details, dated A.D. 974, was found on the Kuge Brahmadeva pillar on the Cikkabetta at Sravana Belgola. It relates that the storming of this famous fortress (by Camunda Raya) astonished the world. This is confirmed by Camunda Raya himself who in his work mentioned above tells us that for his brave fight against Rajaditya in the fortress of Ucchangi, he received the title of Ranarangasinga,2 which biruda had evidently been borne by the vanquished Rajaditya. For in the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription dated about A.D. 983, we have not only chat fact alluded to but also the confidence with which Camunda Raya encountered the enemy. It says thus--"Let the saline ocean be the moat, Trikuta the enclosure, Lanka the city, and the enemy of the gods (Ravana) the opposing king, yet, O king, Jagadekavira, I am able to conquer him by your majestic lustre--the dignified speech thus made by him was proved true in a moment in the war with Ranasinga." 3 The title Jagadekavira suggests that the victory was won in the reign of Racamalla IV. 1. E. C. II, 59, p. 12. 2. E. C, ibid., p. 45; Kavicarite, I., p. 47. 3. E. C. II, 281, p. 126.

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104 MEDIEVAL JAINISM The Nolambas seem to have been dealt with earlier. On the plain of Gonur their army was crushed. For the valour which Camunda Raya displayed in this war, he was given the title Viramartanda, while his overlord king Marasimha took to himself the biruda of Nolambakulantaka. The former fact we learn from the Camundarayapurana, and the latter, from the Kuge Brahmadeva pillar inscription.1 How his royal master praised him in this war with the Nolamba Raja is described in the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription.2 These facts prove the statement we have made that Camunda Raya had served also under king Marasimha. The other enemies in the reign of king Marasimha and of his son Racamalla IV were likewise formidable, but they too suffered the same fate at the hands of the indomitable Jaina general. For instance, there was a ruler named Vajvaladeva or Vajjala, who, as the above Kuge Brahmadeva pillar relates, was famous in the world," and "ready for war, having been encouraged" by some one whose name is effaced in the record.3 The Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription gives us the cause of the war with Vajvaladeva, and the latter's identity. This inscription says that Camunda Raya's lord Jagadekavira (i.e., Racamalla) by order of king Indra raised his arm to conquer Vajvaladeva, the younger brother of Patalamalla, "who had an army as terrible as the ocean agitated at the end of the world."4 King Indra referred to here was no other than the Rastrakuta monarch Indra IV. The situation seems to have been the following :--- 66 The Gangas had entered into a matrimonial alliance with the Rastrakutas for two generations since king Bhutuga's 1. E. C., II, Intr., p. 45; p. 12; Kavicarite, I, p. 47. 2. E. C. ibid., 281, p. 126. 3. Ibid., 59, pp. 12-13. 4. Ibid., 281, p. 126.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 105 time. This ruler's son Ereyappa had married the Rastrakuta king Amoghavarsa III's daughter Revakka and secured important principalities as his dowry.3 On the death of king Amoghavarsa III, the same Ganga king Bhutuga assisted king Krsna III, the son of king Amoghavarsa, to secure the Rastrakuta throne against an usurper named Lalliya. And king Bhutuga himself was assisted by king Krsna III to win his throne against his rival Ganga Permmali.4 This dynastic alliance, therefore, had proved to be of mutual advantage. On king Bhutuga's death, he was succeeded by king Marasimha who, in order to continue the policy of helping the Rastrakutas adopted by his father, assisted king Kannara (Krsna) III in the latter's sweeping conquests of the Tamil country. And when that Rastrakuta monarch died, and confusion cropped up in the Rastrakuta Empire, king Marsimha promoted the coronation ceremony of the last prominent Rastrakuta king Indra IV, the son of king Krsna III, and thereby struggled against odds to give a longer lease of life to the Rastrakuta power. But this was an insurmountable task, since the powerful enemies of the Rastrakutas and the Gangas,--the Western Calukyas,shattered the hopes of the two in A.D. 973 ; and king Indra IV, as elsewhere related in this treatise, died in A.D. 982 by the Jaina rite of sallekhana at Sravana Belgola. 1. See Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 44. seq., for earlier examples of the same. 2. Rice calls him the II, of that name on p. 45, ibid., but corrects his error on p. 67. 3. Epigraphia Indica, IV, p. 350. 4. Ibid., p. 249; V, p. 188. See also E. C., III. Md. 41 ; XI. Intr. p. 9. 5. E. I. IV, p. 280. 6. Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 45-46.

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106 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Therefore, the statement in the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription that by order of Indra Raja, (the Ganga ruler Racamalla) Jagadekavira raised his arm to conquer Vajvaladeva, obviously refers to another Rastrakuta-Ganga alliance after A.D. 974 which is the last year of king Marasimha, and probably the first regnal year of king Racamalla IV. It clearly shows that the Ganga power continued to be under the Rastrakuta hegemony in the last decade of the tenth century A.D. Now Vajvaladeva's eldest brother is said to be Patalamalla. The name Patalamalla is rather uncommon but it is similar to one of the titles assumed by the Sindas-Patalacakravartin.2 It is not improbable that Patalamalla was a Sinda chieftain. The following considerations will make this suggestion clear. The Sindas who ruled over the Sindavadi province comprising the modern districts of Shimoga, Chitaldroog, Bellary, Dharwar, and Bijapur,3 were under the Rastrakuta king Krsna III in A.D. 968.4 But in A.D. 992 they had come under the Western Calukya king Ahavamalla.5 The Sindas continued to be under the Western Calukyas till A.D. 1189 but for the short period of the Kalacuriya rule in A.D. 1180.6 We have to assume that, since the Western Calukyas were the enemies of the Rastrakutas whose power they had annihi. lated, as related above, they must have won over the Sindas to their side against the Rastrakutas. This accounts for the Sinda attack on the Rastrakutas, and the signal success Camunda Raya, under the Ganga king Jagadekavira Raca 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 50 2. Ibid., p. 147. 3. Ibid. 4. E. C. XI, Hk., 23, p. 118. 5. Ibid., Dg. 114, p. 72. 6. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 47.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 107 malla, won over them. It must be confessed that these assumptions rest on the supposed identity of Patalamalla with Patalacakravartin which has yet to be substantiated by historical data. Notwithstanding this one may observe that in the Khedaga battle, as the Camundarayapurana informs us, the army of Vajvaladeva met that of the Gangas under Camunda Raya. And the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription relates that " the hostile army routed by the elephant (Camunda Raya), Aled like a herd of deer before Jagadekavira's victorious elephant."1 For inflicting a crushing defeat on Vajvaladeva, the Raya obtained the title Samaradhurandhara from king Racamalla.2 Camunda Raya's literary work referred to above enables us to assert that he killed in action a chief named Tribhuvanavira in the fort of Bageyur, enabled Govindara to enter it, and secured for himself the biruda Vairikulakuladanda. Further he inflicted defeats on the warriors Raja, Basa, Sivara, Kunanka, and others in the fort of king Kama (a Kadamba ?), and won the title Bhujavikrama. And Maduracaya, also known as Caladanka Ganga and Gangarabhata, who had killed Camunda Raya's younger brother Nagavarma, suffered death at the hands of the Jaina general. We may incidentally note here another reason why Camunda Raya led the Ganga army against Caladanka Ganga. The Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription gives us the cause of the war against the latter. "He (Camunda Raya) at first frustrated the desire of king Caladanka Ganga wishing to seize by the prowess of his arm the goddess of the Ganga sovereignty," 1. E. C. II, 281, p. 127. 2. Ibid., Intr. p. 45; Kavicarite, I, p. 47.

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108 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM and (then) completely killed all the enemies.1 Hence both in the interests of the State as well as his own, Camunda Raya had to punish Caladanka Ganga. And for this victory over Maduracaya, Camunda Raya received the title Samara Parasurama. We may add here that in the same Kannada work given above, Camunda Raya tells us that because of his victory over a company of wrestlers, he was given the biruda of Pratipaksaraksasa, and for destroying heroes, Bhatamari, and for being the crest-jewel of warriors, Subhataculamani. The other side of this celebrated warrior is gleaned from the same Kannada work as well as from inscriptions. The Camundarayapurana relates that Camunda Raya from his never uttering an untruth even in jest, received the title Satya Yudhistira, from his steadfastness to good morals, the title Gunavankava, from his unswerving self-sacrifice the biruda Samyaktva-ratnakara, and from his never having coveted the wealth and wives of others, saucabharana. He seems to have possessed also the titles Gunaratnabhusana and Kavijanasekhara.3 General Camunda was the personification of liberality. It was because of his unparallelled benevolence that his royal master gave him the iitle of Raya. His preceptor was the celebrated Ajitasena about whom we have narrated a few details in the previous pages. This is proved by epigraphs and his own work Camundarayapurana. But he seems to 1. E. C. II, 281, p. 127 2. Ibid., Intr. 45, Kavicarite, I, p. 47. 3. Kavicarite, I, pp. 46-47. He seems to have had also the name Anna (lit. brother), obviously because of his affection and generosity. 4. Ibid, p. 46. 5. Ibid., p. 46.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 109 have come under the influence also of Nemicandra Siddhanta Cakravarti. We infer this from Nemicandra's work called Gommatasara in which Camunda Raya has been appreciatively mentioned.1 Cidananda Kavi, a Kannada author, in his Munivaisabhyudaya (circa A.D. 1680) confirms the fact tha: Nemicandra Siddhanta was the preceptor of Camunda Raya. Both the famous Jaina gurus may have been responsible for the uncommon liberality of Camunda Raya. An inscription dated about A.D. 1159, which will be examined in connection with another Jaina general, gives us the importance of Camunda Raya as a devout Jaina, thus--If it be asked who at the beginning were firm promoters of the Jina dharma --only Raya, the excellent minister of king Racamalla (is the reply).3 His endowments for the cause of Jainism have earned for him an undying name in the history of India. It was he who caused the colossal image of Gommata to be set up at Sravana Belgola. Inscriptions of the eleventh century A.D. and of a later date and the evidence of later Jaina writers confirm this assertion. We are indebted to the late Mr. Narasimhacarya for all details concerning the inscriptional and literary evidence dealing with the setting up of the famous statue of Gommata on the Doddabetta or larger hill at Sravana Belgola. This monolithic statue is about 57 feet high ; and the following account of Gommatesvara is given in an inscription found on the left hand side of the dvara 1. Gommatasara, Karma Kanda Gatha 966-972 ; see also E. C. II, Intr., p. 25. 2. E. C. ibid., p. 65 3. Ibid., 345, p. 148.

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110 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM palakas near the same image, and dated about A.D. 1180 : The honourable and high-souled Bahubali was the son of Puru. Having generously handed over the kingdom of the earth to his elder brother, who, on defeat in a regular handto-hand fight, unjustly left off speaking, and, when even the discus thrown by him proved a failure, was seized with shame, went forth and destroyed the enemy karma. The emperor Bharata, conqueror of all kings, son of Purudeva, caused to be made near Paudanapura, with joy of mind, an image 525 bows high, resembling the victorious-armed Bahumali-Kevali. After the lapse of time, a world terrifying mass of immeasurable kukkutasarpas (fowls with the head and neck of serpents) having sprung up in a region near that Jina, that enemy of sin obtained, indeed, the name Kukkutesvara. Afterwards that region became invisible to the common people, though seen even now by many skilled in charms (mantra-tantra). There might be heard the sound of the celestial drum, why say more, there might even be seen the details of divine worship ; those who have seen the brilliant charming mirror of the nails of that Jina's feet, can see the forms of their former births--the supernatural power of that god is renowned in the world. On hearing from people of the celebrated supernatural power of that Jina, a desire arose in his (i.e., Camunda Raya's) mind to see him, and when he prepared himself to go, he was told by his preceptors that the region of that city was distant and inaccessible ; whereupon saying, 'In that case I will cause to be made an image of that god,' Gomata (i.e., Camunda Raya) had this god made. Combining in himself learning, purity of faith, power, virtuous conduct, liberality, and courage, the moon of the Ganga family, Racamalla, was celebrated in the world. Was it not that king's matchless power, Camunda Raya (alias) Gomata, an equal of Manu, dihalli

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 111 hat thus caused this god to be made with great effort ?1 In the same inscription we have a lengthy account of the great inage itself which we abstain from citing. The above account of the setting up of the image of Gammatesvara as given in one of the inscriptions at Sravana Begola is repeated with a few additions and variations in sereral Kannada works like Bhujabalisataka by Doddayya of Periyapattana (circa A.D. 1550), Bhujabalicarite by Pancabana (A.D. 1614), Gommatesvaracarite by Anantakavi (circa A.D. 1780), Rajavalikathe by Devacandra (A.D. 1838), and in the Sthalapurana of Sravana Belgola.? The late Mr. Narasimhacarya, who collated the above references to Gommatesvara in Kannada literature, opined that the great statute was built in A.D. 983.3 But Dr. Shama Sastry has shown, on the evidence of a work called Bahubagcaritrasataka, attributed to Nemicandra, that the statue was constructed in A. D. 1028.4 Camunda Raya also constructed a basadi on the Cikka betta or smaller hill at Sravana Belgola. Here, we may observe, his son Jinadevanna, the lay disciple of Ajitasena, also caused to be made a basadi, " amidst the acclamation of all the people." This is related in a record of about A. D. 995.6 It was Camunda Raya who patronized Ratnakara, or Ranna, the well known Kannada author of Ajitanatha. purana, Sahasbhimarjuna, and Rannakanda. The first work ,1. E. C. II., 234, p. 98. See also ibid., Intr., p. 12. 2. Ibid., Intr., pp. 13-15. 3. Ibid., Intr., p. 15. 4. M. A. R. for 1928, 127-129. 5. E. C. II, Intr., 45 ; 122, p. 50. 6 Ibid., 121, p. 50.

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112 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM was composed in A.D. 993 under the patronage of Camundi Raya.1 We may note by the way that Camunda Raya's younger sister Pullavva died by the orthodox Jaina rite in the Cancranatha basadi at Vijayamangalam, Coimbatore district. A nisidhi (called here nisidika) was set up to commemorate the event.2 Great as the material contribution for the cause of Jina dharma by Camunda Raya certainly was, greater was the name which he left behind for posterity to follow. We shall revert to this point later on when we shall see how a samas line of kings took upon themselves a noble task which Camunda Raya had first shown to the country. Continuing the history of Jainism we find that there were other Jaina military leaders who were also to a large extent instrumental in the progress of Jainism in Karnataka. Gene. ral Santinatha was one of them. He was the minister-gereral to Rayadanda-Gopala Laksma, the right hand man of the Western Calukya monarch Somesvara II, and was himeelf a great poet. In a record dated A.D. 1068 we have many interesting details concerning General Santinatha. He was "the chief treasury officer of Banavasenad, and the bearer of the burden of its affairs, and the promoter of that kingdom." Dancanatha Santinatha is called in this record "a royal swan to the lotus the supreme Jina creed." The reason why he was so styled is given in the next sentence which reads thus"Many impurities having corrupted the nectar of the Jina 1. Kavicarite, I, pp. 62-63. M.A.R. for 1923, p. 16. On other Camunda Rayas in Karnataka history, read M. A. R. for 1931, p. 200. 2.597 of 1905; Rangacharya, Top. List., I, p. 545.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 113 marga, like water and milk, with the bill of good doctrinc he separated the water of evil deeds, and made the good creed which issued from the mouth of Jina to be imbibed by the Bhavyas with joy-hence was he called the royal swan to the lotus the supreme Jina creed." General Santinatha's guru was Vardhamanavrati of the Mula sangha, Desiya gana, and Kondkundanvaya. His father was called Govinda Raja, his elder brother Kannaparya, and his younger brother Vagbhusana Ravana. The inscription before us praises his qualities as a great poet. "A born poet, a skilful poet, an unassisted poet, a good poet, a beautiful poet, a poet banishing falsehood, a fortunate poet, a praised lord of poets," Santinatha had the title of Sarasvati-mukha-mukura. "Filled with beautiful taste, with imagination, and with truthful description did he compose the Sukumaracarita." His fame was unspotted, and his work for the Jina dharina lasting. With modesty he petitioned his immediate over-lord Laksma regarding a work of merit, thus-" With lines of temples of Jina, Rudra, Buddha and Hari decorated with gold and jewels, Balinagara is well known as a place of five mathas. To describe the glory of the Jina dharma in this royal city, purified by the dwellings of all the gods among the many countries is Jambudvipa, the... is the Bharata land ; in it is Kuntala country, in which like perpetual spring is Banavasenad, and in the Vanavasi country is Balipura, frequented by the Bhavyas, and in it the Santitirthesa temple praised by the gods. It is now built of wood ; to build it of stone would be a source of merit to you." Accordingly the provincial ruler Laksma ordered that the Jina temple was to be built of stone; and he as well as his suzerain lord the Western Calukyan king Somesvara II made suitable endowments of land for the

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114 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM basadi. It was named Mallikamoda Santinatha basadi, evidently in honour of the Western Calukyan ruler himself.1 The twelfth century saw a brilliant company of Jaina generals who were responsible for the political greatness of the times. One of the most famous monarchs of this age was the Hoysala Visnuvardhana Bittiga Deva. While deal. ing with the patronage which this ruler extended to Jainism in an earlier connection, it was remarked that his extensive conquests were the work of his remarkable generals. Indeed, it was the good fortune of king Visnu that he was surrounded by these custodians of Jina dharma and champions of Karnataka military prestige. There were eight Jaina generals under king Visnuvardhana-Ganga Raja, Boppa, Punisa, Baladeva, Mariyane, and the latter's brother Bharata, Eca, and Visnu. The first two inaugurated a series of brilliant campaigns which placed Karnataka once again among the premier powers of southern India. The age in which these lived may be termed an era of Karnataka expansion. We have shown above that the statement of Rice that king Visnu entered upon an extensive range of conquests after the year A.D. 1116, when he is supposed to have been converted into Vaisnavism under the influence of the great Ramanujacarya, is incompatible with the evidence of epigraphs which proves that even so late as A.D. 1133 that that monarch continued to be a devout follower of the Jina dharma. This was but inevitable when it is remembered that all his great generals were staunch Jainas. The preaching of philosophical tenets by one of the greatest of Vaisnava teachers did not come in the way of king Visnuvardhana's recognition of the fact that political considerations were 1. E. C. VII, Sk. 136 pp. 102-104. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 99, op. cit.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 115 undoubtedly of greater consequence to the State than those connected with one's own creed. The reign of his pleasureloving elder brother king Ballala I (A.D. 1100-A.D. 1106 ?) had been placid and uneventful but for the brave stand which that king together with his brothers Visnuvardhana and Udayaditya jointly had made against the attack on their capital Dorasamudra by the santara king Jagadeva, and for a sort of a punitive expedition which king Ballala I in A.D. 1104 led against the Cangalva chief.' More serious problems awaited solution at the hands of king Visnu. These problems concerned the north, west, south, and east of the Hoysala Empire. There were the stubborn Pandyas of Ucchangi in the north, and the Santaras in the north-west ; while in the west were the ancient Alupas of Tuluvanadu and the Kadambas under Masana. The south was disturbed by the actvities of the Kongalvas and the Cangalvas, instigated possibly by the Western Calukyas but certainly by the Colas which latter power, as we have seen, had created the Kongalva kingdom in Coorg. The Kongas and their allies the Pandyas, too, had to be reckoned with in the south. But the greatest danger was that of the Colas themselves who had occupied the capital of the ancient Gangas, Talakao, and practically wiped that power from the map of southern India. The greatness of king Visnuvardhana as a military genius consists in the fact that, while he realized the supreme need of dislodging the Colas from the seat of the Gangas, he saw the importance of annihilating the other enemies at the same time. Hence he concentrated measures which were directed against the enemies almost simultaneously, and had the pleasure of seeing all of them end in complete success for the 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 99.

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116 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Hoysala arms. But the work of destroying the enemics in the south, south-east, east, and west goes entirely to his greac Jaina generals whose history must now be described in some detail. The most famous name among them is that of Ganga Raja. Stone inscriptions dated A.D. 1118 and A.D. 1119 give us very many details relating to his pedigree, martial deeds. and pious acts as a Jaina. Ganga Raja was born "in a pure Dvija family of the Kaundinya gotra." His father was called Eca or Eciganka or Budhamitra, and his mother, Pocikabbe. Eca's father was known as Mara and mother Makanabbe. Ganga Raja was the youngest of their children, his eldest brother being Bamma, and the next whose name is not known but who married Jakkanabbe. Ganga Raja's wise was called Nagaladevi, or Laksmi, and their son was named Boppa alias Eca. We may observe here that Boppa was also the name of the son of Bamma and of his unknown younger brother. But, as we shall see, the Boppa known to history is the Boppa who was the son of Ganga Raja. Ganga Raja's parents were devout Jainas. This is proved by the Sravana Belgola stone inscriptions. Eca was "indeed a worthy person in the world," and "equal to Manu in purc conduct," as is related in a stone inscription dated A.D. 1120 and found in the mantapa of the Camundaraya basadi. The same inscription informs us that Kanakanandi of Mullur in Coorg was the guru of Ecaganka, while the latter's royal patron was the king Nppa Kama Hoysala. Of Pocikabbe we have the following in the same record-She alone was the fortunate possessor on earth of the wealth of pure virtues, so that the people of the whole world raised their hands saying"The assemblage of excellent virtues has assumed the shape of a woman." Further, "Pocikabbe alone in the world could

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 117 settle her mind in the belief that her body would be rendered fruitful by the praise of Jina and her wealth by the gratification (of the desires) of the sages." According to the same record she died in A.D. 1120 " by the perfection of the rite of sallekhana." That is to say, "adopting sarnyasana, observing the rule of lying on one side only, uttering the five salutations which were addressed to the five paramestis, (viz., the Jinas, the Siddhas, the Acaryas, the Upadhyayas, and the Sadhus, collectively known as the panca-paramestis), she went to the world of gods." It was then that her son Ganga Raja set up a suitable epitaph consecrating it with gifts, worship, anointment, etc.1 To such worthy parents was born Ganga Raja. The same Camundaraya basadi inscription gives us the full 'birudas of this remarkable Jaina military leader. They were the following-Obtainer of the band of five great instruments, Mahasamantadhipati, Mahapracanda Dandanayaka, terrifier of his enemies, purifier of his family, friend of the learned, a moon in raising the volume of the milk ocean the Jina dharma, a mine to the jewel perfect faith in Jainism, taker of delight in gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning, a joy to the hearts of the blessed, a purna-kumbha (vessel filled with water) for the coronation of the Hoysala Maharaja, a fountain pillar for supporting the mansion of dharma, a hero who keeps his word, chaser of his enemies, a mill-stone to traitors, possessor of these and many other titles, the Mahapradhana, Dandunayaka Ganga Raja. We have now to see how far these titles were justifiable in the light of the work which he did both as a commander 1. E. C. II, 118, pp. 48-49. 2. Ibid., 118, p. 49.

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118 MEDIAVAL JAINISM and a Jaina. In the above record this great general is merely called "a purna-kumbha for the coronation of the Hoysala Maharaja Visnuvardhana." But in another stone inscription dated A.D. 1115 and found also in the same Camunqaraya basadi, Ganga Raja is called "raiser up of the kingdom of Visnuvardhana Poysala Maharaja."1 These two statements are very suggestive. It must be confessed that the initial year of king Visnuvardhana's rule is not known. The earliest year of his reign is A.D. 1111.2 Since in A.D. 1115 Ganga Raja is explicitly stated to have raised aloft the kingdom of that ruler ; and since we know that king Visnuvardhana had a younger brother named Udayaditya, who is known to have died in A.D. 1123,3 it is not improbable that there may have been a contest between Visnuvardhana and Udayaditya on the death of their elder brother king Ballala I in about A.D. 1106, or another attack on the Hoysala throne by its many enemies like the Santaras or the Pandyas. Whatever that may be, the coronation of king Visnu seems to have taken place after A.D. 1115 ; and what is more important, it was the Jaina general Ganga Raja who was the chief supporter of that monarch on that important occasion. King Visnuvardhana had good reasons to be proud of his great Jaina general. Stone inscriptions at sravana Belgola and in the Narasimha temple at Belur give us many details about Ganga Raja's achievements, and reveal to us what an important part he played in the Hoysala administration. For instance in A.D. 1118 the following is said of him : "As the thunderbolt to the thunderbolt-bearer Indra, as the plough to the plough-bearer Balarama, as the discus to the discus 1. E. C. II, 127, p. 55. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 99. 3. Ibid., p. 97

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 119 bearer Visnu, as the spear to the spear-bearer Skanda, as the bow Gandiva to the owner of Gandiva Arjuna, even so does Ganga Raja conduct the affairs of king Visnu." And the engraver of this eulogy Vardhamanacari, himself "an ornament to the forehead of titled sculptors," asks the question"How can he, whose fame was brilliant like the waves of the Ganges, be described by people like us?"1 The epigraphs give not merely the above eulogy but Ganga Raja's military work as well. We said above that the most pressing political problem of the time was the expulsion of Colas from Talakad. King Visnu wisely entrusted this onerous task to the greatest Jaina general of the age Ganga Raja. The Cola power in Talakad was annihilated in A.D. 1117.2 This crowning victory of Ganga Raja was achieved only when he had met with and routed the three pillars of Cola strength in the Karnataka territory--the Samanta Adiyama in Talakad-itself ; the Samanta Dama or Damodara, who was stationed perhaps to the east of Talakad in the direction of Kanci ; and the Samanta Narasingavarma stationed on the Western Ghats. The ruler whom these and other Samantas obeyed was king Rajendra Cola II (A.D. 1070_A.D. 1117).3 Ganga Raja's success over the Samantas of king Rajendra Cola in Karnataka is thus described in the stone record found on the left of the dvarapalakas of Gommatesvara at sravana Belgola and dated about A.D. 1175 : "The great minister, Dandanayaka, a mill-stone to traitors (droharagharatta), Ganga Raja--when Cola's Samanta Adiyama, stationed as if a door in the camp of Talakalu, the fron 1. E. C. II, 73, p. 39. 2. Rice placed this event in A.D. 1116, My. & Coorg, pp. 98-99 ; and I followed him in my Wild Tribes, p. 82. But this date should be given up, as will be explained presently. 3. Rice, ibid., pp. 84, 91-93.

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120 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM tier of Gangavadinadu above the Ghats, refused to surrender the nadu which Cola had given, saying--' Fight and take it !'-marched (against him) with the desire of victory, and the two armies met..."1 Talakad fell into the hands of the daring Jaina general. We prove this from another record assigned to A.D. 1135 which says that he "seized Talakadu.". What happened to the chief city of the Gangas after its capture is related in a stone inscription found in the Narasimha temple at Belur and dated A.D. 1117. This epigraph suggests that the Hoysala monarch took a severe step against the ancient Ganga capital. For it says thus : That king Visnu "First taking into his arms the wealth of the Poysala kingdom which was his inheritance, as his power increased " captured Talakad, and "burnt the chief city of the Gangas." The effect such a stern step had on his enemy king Rajendra Cola is described further in the same epigraph. "Behold, in order that Rajendra Cala, disgusted at the water of the Kaveri suddenly becoming polluted, should be suddenly driven to the use of the water from the wells in the city, Visnu by the power of his arm threw the corpses of his army into the stream of the river, and caused his valour to shine forth."3 Since we know from other inscriptions that it was the Ganga general who actually stormed Talakad, we have to assume that he burnt the city after defeating the Cola Samanta Adiyama, at the orders of his monarch. This assumption is proved by the Alesandra stone record dated A.D. 1184 which states that "cutting down the hostile kings, he (Visnuvardhana) planted the fence of his valour all around, and burning Talakad (for manure), ploughed it 1. E. C. II, 240, p. 102. 2. Ibid., 384, p. 166. 3. Ibid., V., Bl. 58, p. 57.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 121 with the hoofs of his horses, rained on it with the stream of his might, and sowed it with the good seed of his glory, '1 But there cannot be any doubt about Ganga Raja's himself having stormed Talakad. The Kambadahalli stone record assigned to A.D. 1118 asserts that when king Visnuvardhana was ruling the kingdom, his senior Dandanayaka (priyadandanayaka) Ganga Raja, "when about to take Talakadu " (Talakadam koluvalli) asked for a boon which, as we shall see presently, the monarch granted him at once.2 Now as regards the date of the defeat of the Tamil general Adiyama, the Angali stone inscription recopied by Dr. Krishna, helps us to fix the exact date of the battle of Talakad. It relates that on Friday the 23rd of November, 1117, on an attack having been made at the orders of the Hoysala Bittideya (i.e., Visnuvardhana), by his general Bittideva Hoysala Sahani (obviously Ganga Raja), Adiyama fell on the Hoysala elephants and fought. On this occasion a Hoysala warrior named Basaya fought valiantly under the orders of the Hoysala general but died in the battle. The stone commemorates the death of this gallant Hoysala soldier.3 But the storming and burning of Talakad did not mean the final collapse of the Cala power in Karnataka. There were still two Cola Samantas who had to be beaten-Damodara " of the west," and Narasingavarma of the Ghats. The stone inscription found near the Gommatesvarasyami image at Sravana Belgola and dated about A.D. 1175, cited above, relates how General Ganga encountered both. "Is not Dama who, while the destructive point of the sharp sword in your 1. E. C. IV, Ng., 32, p. 120. 2. Ibid., Ng. 19, p. 116, text. p. 332. 3. M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 98-99. See E. C. ibid., Intr. p. 19; Yd. 6, p. 52 for Rice's date of the battle A.D. 1116.

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122 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM (Ganga Raja's) hand raised with the desire of victory was lifting up the skin of his back, fell in the direction of Kanci enough ? O Ganga, unable to expose his body to the turn of your sword once in battle, that Tigula (i.e., Tamil) Dama escaped and took refuge in the forest, and thinking of it again and again now, is frightened like the deer day and night causing palpitation in the hearts of his faithful wives. Having remained till now in Talakadu, astonishing people by his valour which put to flight many in any number of battles, the Samanta Damodara, turning now his back on the fight through great fear of the blows of Ganga Raja's sword, lives like a Saiva saint eating from a skull (or potsherd) from which (even) a dog will not eat."1 There remained still one champion of Cala imperialism in Karnataka-Narasingavarma. This Cola feudatory was at first defeated and then slain. We infer this from the above record as well as from the stone inscription found in the Aregallu basti. The former asserts that "Moreover, he (Ganga Raja) put to flight Narasingavarma and all the other Samantas of Cola above the Ghats and brought the whole nadu under the dominion of a single umbrella.". The other stone inscription dated about A.D. 1135 says that "making the abode of Yama a home for Narasinga, the general Ganga," "took Gangamandala and made it subject to the orders of king Visnu."3 The reward which Ganga Raja received at the hands of his royal master for thus asserting Hoysala supremacy in the east, will be presently mentioned. The Tamil hegemony over Karnataka, no doubt, once and for ever was ended ; but there remained other rulers who were 1. E. C. II, 240, p. 102. 2. Ibid., 3. Ibid., 384, p. 166.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 123 the allies or feudatories of the Tamil monarch, and whose existence was a menace to the growing Hoysala power. These were, among others, the rulers of the Kongudesa and Cengiri, and a chieftain whose name is effaced in the record but who seems to have been called Jam. ... The Gramadabasti stone inscription dated about A.D. 1135 cited above relates that after seizing Talakau, Ganga Raja took "possession similarly of Kongu, chasing away Jam..., pulling out Cengiri by the strength of his arm", and gave Gangavadi to his royal master, as related above. The Kongudesa comprised modern Salem, and was ruled over by the ancient Ceras, while Cengiri, as Rice correctly said, was the famous fortress of senji or Ginjee.2 But another danger which simultaneously threatened the Hoysala arms from the north also met with prompt action on the part of the Hoysala monarch. Here in the north lay the Empire of the Western Calukyas, the distinguished ruler of which Vikramaditya VI, Tribhuvanamalla, had successfully maintained the supremacy of his ancestors throughout the length and breadth of the Western Calukyan dominions. Visnuvardhana himself had acknowledged the supremacy of the Western Calukyan monarch at the beginning of his reign. But a clash between the Western Calukyas and the rising power of the Hoysalas was inevitable. And this was brought about perhaps by the Hoysalas themselves, who stormed a stronghold of a powerful feudatory and ally of the Western Calukyan monarch. The fortress of Ucchangi belonged to the Pandyas, the rulers of which from A.D. 1106 had become the masters of Nolambavali under king Vikramaditya VI. Sub 1. E. C. II, 384, p. 166; E. C. IV, Ng. 76 dated A.D. 1145, p. 31 2. Ibid., V, Intr., p. 13. (n).

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124 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM version of the Pandya power in the north was necessary for the Hoysalas, if the latter were to be a great imperial power. This was done by king Visnuvardhana in A.D. 1116 when in the great battle of Dumme, on the borders of the Shimoga and Chitaldroog districts, the Pandyas were attacked and defeated. The Pandya ruler who was defeated could only have been Tribhuvanamalla Pandya who ruled from A.D. 1101 till A.D. 1124.2 Since he is described in A.D. 1128 as "the rod in Tribhuvanamalla's right hand,"3 and since the Tribhuvanamalla referred to was no other than Vikramaditya VI, Tribhuvanamalla, (A.D. 1076-A.D. 1126),4 we shall not be wrong in believing that he was the Pandya ruler who was defeated by the Hoysala king. But the credit of inflicting this defeat on the Pandya ruler of Ucchangi goes to the brave prince of Orissa, Cama Deva, who was born in Karnasaka.5 We can only assume that it was to avenge this defeat which his trusted general had suffered at the hands of the Hoysalas that the Western Calukya monarch himself marched to the south and encamped at Kannegal in the Hassan district. But the Hoysala king had transferred his great Jaina general Ganga Raja from the southern command atonce to the northern scene of war. The Sasana basti stone inscription of sravana Belgola dated A.D. 1118 gives a spirited account of the battle which ended in a complete rout of the Western Calukyas. "When the army of the Calukyan Emperor Tribhuvanamalla Permmadi Deva, including twelve Samantas, was encamped at Kannegal, this Ganga Raja, saying 'Away with the desire to mount a horse, this will be a night battle for 1. E. C. VI, Cm. 99, p. 48. 2. Ibid., XI, Intr. pp. 16-17. 3. Ibid.. Dg. 90, p. 68; My. & Coorg., p. 76. 4. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 73. 5. Itid., p. 100.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 125 me' attacked and defeated with ease all the Samantas, so that people said that the sword in the arm of Ganga Dan. dhadhipa caused the men of the army who were entering the camp (savanga) (?) to enter more, carried off the collection of their stores and vehicles and presented them to his own lord, who, being pleased with the prowess of his arm, said, 'I am pleased, ask for a boon !" But unlike ordinary men Ganga Raja asked for a boon which we shall describe below.1 The importance of these victories won by General Ganga was incalculable. Inspite of the admirable campaigns of king Visnuvardhana's predecessors, the Hoysala kingdom in the early years of that king's reign still formed a part of the Western Calukyan Empire. As long as the Western Calukyan supremacy lasted, so long was a Hoysala Empire merely a dream. Further, the firm hold which the Colas had over Talakad likewise precluded any idea of a permanent Hoysala government in the south and the south-east. It was only when both these powers had been broken that king Visnuvardhana could think of " bringing all the parts of the compass under his command."2 The crushing defeat which the Jaina general Ganga Raja inflicted on the Cola Samantas at Talakad and over the Ghats in A.D. 1117, and the signal success which he won in the attack on the Western Calukyan Emperor himself in the next year, at once relieved the Hoysalas of the two worst enemies they had viz., the Colas and the Western Calukyas. How spontaneously these victories were reflected in the architecture and literature of the times is another story which is outside our purpose. Suffice it to say that they fully justified the praise given to the great 1. E. C. II, 73, p. 39. See also. ibid., 125, text., pp. 49-50. 2. Ibid., 1', Bl. 58, p. 57.

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126 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Jaina general as the "raiser up of the kingdom of Visnuvardhana Poysala Maharaja." His guru was Subhacandradeva, "an ocean of philosophy," disciple of Kukkutasana Maladharideva of the Pustaka gaccha and the Desiya gana. This we know from stone records dated about A.D. 1117 and A.D. 1118.1 To his guru, as one of these records relates, Ganga Raja gave the village of Parama in A.D. 1118, which his son Commander Eci Raja confirmed in the same year.2 In the capital Dorasamudra itself, as the epigraph on the pedestal of the image in the Parsvanathabasti at Bastihalli in Halebid says, Ganga Raja caused Jina images to be constructed. It is interesting to observe that in this record he is styled merely Senior Dandanayaka Gangappayya." Ganga Raja was first a loyal soldier and, then, a devout Jaina. In other words, he placed politics before religion. This may be proved by the following epigraphs which give us the standard of morality which he set before himself, and which tell us how after doing his duty as a gallant soldier, he asked his royal master for a reward. In an inscription commemorating his death, we have the seven standards of morality which Ganga Raja had placed before himself. "To be false in speech, one; to show fear in battle, two; to be addicted to others' wives, three; to give up refugees, four; to leave suppliants unsatisfied, five; to forsake those to whom he is bound, six; to live in treachery to his lord, seven ;-these are the seven narakas (hells), says Ganga." The great Jaina general made the opposite of every one of these seven narakas his principle of life. 1. E. C. II, 73, 74, pp. 39-40. 2. Ibid., 73, p. 40. 3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 44. 4. E. C. V, Bl. 124, pp. 82-83.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 127 When he brought the whole of Gangavadi under the supremacy of his royal master, "the grateful king Visnu, being pleased, said-'I am pleased ; ask for a boon.' Thereupon, though he knew that the king would give (anything that was asked), he did not ask like ordinary people for any other thing, but intent on the worship of Jina, asked for Govindavadi (i.e., Gangavadi) amidst the plaudits of the earth. The nobleminded (Ganga) granted it with joy for the worship of Gommatadeva, so that the assembly of sages, expressing approbation again and again, exclaimed, "This is excellent !"" It was after receiving Gangavali as a gift that Ganga Raja showed what a devout Jaina, who had done his duty to the State, could do for his religion. For, as all records of his own period inform us, Ganga Raja after securing this unparalleled gift from king Visnuvardhana, renovated all the basadis in Gangavali and restored them to their former condition. He had the enclosure made around Gommatadeva at Sravana Belgola. This work alone earned for him the following praise from the engraver Vardhamanacari A.D. 1118-- "Was not Ganga Raja a hundred-fold more fortunate than that former Raya (i.EUR., Camunda Raya) of the Gangas?" The next statement in thc same epigraph explains it thus-- "Wherever he marched, wherever he was encamped, wherever his eyes rested, wherever his mind was attached, there he had rich Jina temples made, and thus the country was everywhere brought through Ganga Raja to the condition in which it had been in days of yore." Indeed, the engraver, who we may well assume perhaps only voiced the popular sentiment, attributes extraordinary powers to the great Jaina general thus -The reason why the world extols the distinguished Jaina devotee Attimabbarasi is because the Godavari stopped flow 1. E. C. II, 73, p. 40.

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128 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM ing. Now thc Kaveri, though it swelled, sui rounded and pressed forward its waters (obviously during his attack on Talakad) did not touch the General Ganga. When this is said, how can the panegyrist adequately praise the greatness of his devotion ? "1 Lest this may be taken to be an exaggerated account of the munificence of the great Jaina general, we may cite the opinion of a later engraver who in A.D. 1184 wrote thus about him-By the restoration of numerous Jina temples, the rebuilding of ruined towns and general distribution of gifts, the Gangavadi 96,000 Province shone like Kopana through Ganga Dandanatha.? As regards the place assigned to Ganga Raja in the history of Jainism, we have the following estimate of that general in the record of about A.D. 1117--" The Kondakunda line of the Mula sangha is the most ancient in the Jina creed ; and the promoter of that line is undoubtedly the general Ganga Raja."3 And a later inscription dated A.D. 1159 in answer to the question-Who were at the beginning firm promoters of the Jina dharma ?, answers thus--"After him (Camunda Raya) only Gangana, praised by the learned, the excellent minister of king Visnu."* Both Ganga Raja's wife and his son were like him fervent Jainas. When the great general died in A.D. 1133, his eldest son Boppa, who was like his father also a military commander, erected a Jinalaya called after one of the titles of 1. E. C. II, Cf. No. 240, p. 102. 2. E. C. IV, Ng. 32, p. :20. In a record dated A.D. 1115 the same is said of Ganga Raja. Ibid., II, 127, p. 55. But this inscription is dated two years before the actual conquest of Talakad by Ganga Raja. I am unable to explain this discrepancy. 3. Ibid., II, 73, p. 39. 4. Ibid., 345, p. 148.

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129 JAINA MEN OF ACTION his noble father, Droharagharatta Jinalaya, in the centre of Dorasamudra itself. The stone inscription dated in that year and found in the Parsvanatha basti at Halebid, informs us that that Jinalaya which "even Jalajabhava (i.e., Brahma) could not excel in drawing, carving and moulding, and which hone like the silver mountain (Kailasa), an ornament to the earth," was erected as a memorial to Ganga Raja's death. It was consecrated by the learned Nayakirti Siddhanta Cakravarti, and attached to the Mula sangha, Desiya gana, Hanasoge bali, and the Pustaka gaccha. Further interesting details concerning that Jinataya and the ruler Visnuvardhana Deva are given in the same record. The Indrar or priests of the Droharagharatta Jinalaya which contained the image of Parsvanatha, took the consecrated food to king Visnuvardhana Deva, who was then at Bankapura, at a most opportune moment. It was just then that the Hoysala monarch had slain one of his enemies-Masana. the Kadamba general, and that a son was born to his queen Laksmi Mahadevi. And, as we related in an earlier connection, king Visnu "being filled with joy on account of both his victory and the birth of a son, seeing the priests who had brought the sandal water and consecrated food from the consecration of the god Parsva, he ordered them to approach, and rising to meet them, saluted them with joined hands to his forehead, and took the sandal water and consecrated food, saying, 'By the merit of the consecration of this god I have obtained both a victory and the birth of a son, and have been filled with joy.' He therefore gave to the god the name of Vijaya Parsva and to his son the name of Vijaya Nara 1. On Masana, read M. A. R. for 1916, p. 52 ; ibid., for ,1931, p. 100; ibid., for 1932, pp. 189-190 ; Moraes, KadambaKula, pp. 128-132.

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130 MEDIEVAL JAINISM simha Deva." It was to the Droharagharatta Jinalaya in Dorasamudra and for the prosperity of his son and for the promotion of universal peace that the same monarch, we may be permitted to repeat, gave the village of Javagal together with others to the god.1 Commander Boppa maintained the liberal traditions of his illustrious father. For in addition to the above Jinalaya at Dorasamudra, he built two more Jina temples. He erected the Santisvara basadi at Kambhadahalli, Nagamangala taluka. The name of the architect who designed it was Droharagharattacari. It cannot be made out whether this temple was constructed as a memorial to Boppa's father." As an inscription assigned to A.D. 1138 relates, he caused to be made the basadi of Trailokyaranjana, otherwise called Boppana-caityalaya. In this record General Boppa is described as "the learned son of the General Ganga", the affluent Ecana, friend of the learned, friend of the good." Learned works by Boppa, however, have not been discovered so far. 66 3yy But in regard to his martial nature we know a few details. He possessed the valiant qualities of his great father. He seems to have been entrusted with the work of subduing the Kongas. For in A.D. 1134 it is said that he attacked and put to flight the mighty enemies, and by force of arms subdued the Kongas.5 What influence the pious wife of Ganga Raja and the 1. E. C. V, Bl 24, pp. 82-83 2. M. A. R. for 1915, 51; E. C. II, Intr., p. 55. 3. E. C. II, 120, p. 49. The image of this temple seems to have been transferred at some later date to Sravana Belgola. Ibid., Intr., pp. 6, 55. 4. E. C. V, BI 124, p. 83. 5. Ibid., Cp. 248, p. 229, ibid., II, 384, p. 166.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 131 mother of Boppa wielded will be made clear in a later context. Ganga Raja's gallant comrade was General Punisa. He was descended from a family of ministers. His father was called Punisa Raja Dandadhisa, and he had the biruda of Sakala-sasana-vacaka-cakravarti (Universal emperor of those who read (interpreted] the orders of the king). To Punisa Raja Camupa and his wife Pocale were born three sonsCavana or Cama Raja, Korapa or Kumarayya, and Nakana or Nagadeva. The children of the eldest Cavana by his wives Arasikabbe and Caundale were Punisamayya and Bittiga respectively. Of these the former Punisamayya is the general in question, and he was the Sandhi-vigrahika (Minister for Peace and War) of the king Visnuvardhana. This pedigree of General Punisa is repeated in two inscriptions--one dated A.D. 1117 and found in the Parsvanatha basti at Chamarajanagara, and the other undated record found on the capital of the pillar in the Kesava temple at Belur.1 General Punisa's conquests did not certainly open an epoch in the history of Karnataka as those of Ganga Raja had done. Nevertheless his victories were very important, since they gave to the Hoysalas the key to the south and prepared the way for the sweeping campaigns of king Visnuvardhana Deva. We have to remember the policy of that ruler which we have outlined in the previous pages. The great enemy of the Hoysalas in the south were the Colas. While General Ganga Raja was actively engaged in subverting the Cola power in Talakao, Punisa was deputed to the south there to crush the allies of the Tamil monarch--the Kongalvas, the Kodagas, the Todas, and the Keralas. And in the same year (A.D. 1117) when Ganga Raja stormed Talakad, General Punisa also conquered the gateway to the south-Niladri (mod. 1. E. C. IV, Ch. 83, p. 10; M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 83-84.

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132 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Niligiris). The Chamarajanagara Parsvanatha basti record dated A.D. 1117 gives the following graphic account of Punisa's success in the south--The Mahapradhana, Dandanayaka Punisa frightened the Toda, drove the Kongas underground, slaughtered the Poluvas, put to death the Maleyalas, terrified king Kala and entering the Nila mountain offered up its peak to the Laksmi of victory. On king Visnu once giving the order, Punisa seized Niladri and pursuing the Maleyalas, captured their forces and became the master of Kerala, and then again showed himself in the Bayalnad (plain county). But like Ganga Raja Punisa was large-hearted. True to the Jina dharma, both looked upon humanity with an impartial eye. The above Chamarajanagara Parsvanatha basti inscription has the following interesting account to give of Punisa's broad-mindedness-The ruined trader, the cultivator with no seed, the ousted Kirata (chief) with no power left, who had become his servant, he gave them all what they had lost and supported them--the Dandanatha Punisa.2 And when about four years later (A.D. 1121) the Calukya Hemmali Deva's son Soyi Deva made certain grants to the god Jayangondesvara in Brahmasamudra, General Punisa was present along with General Ganga Raja, their monarch king Visnuvardhana Deva, the queen Mahadevi santaladevi, and the four ministers.3 Obviously to Punisa endowments to non-Jaina deities were as sacred as those to the Jaina gods themselves. But it must be remembered that so far as the cause of the Jina dharma was concerned, Punisa was a second Ganga Raja. The above Chamarajanagara Parsvanatha basti record says 1. E. C. IV, Ch. 83, p. 10. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., V, Cp. 260, p. 235.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 133 that "Without room for any fear, in the manner of the Gangas, he decorated (alankarisidan) the basadis of the Gangavadi 96,000." In the same record we are told that he granted lands for the basadis known as the Trikuta basadis which he had caused to be constructed in Arakottara in the Edenad.1 The Parsvanatha basadis at Chamarajanagara and at Bastihalli in Dorasamudra owed their existence to his generosity. To a great Jina temple erected by his wife in the Hoysala capital Dorasamudra, as we shall narrate in the next chapter, he gave the two villages of Manikavolal and Mavinakere in Modurnad as gifts. Further, to all the basadis in Manikavolal he made specified endowments of land and money. These gifts may be assigned to about A.D. 1117.3 General Punisamayya's guru was Ajitasena Panditadeva whose identity cannot be determined. We may now mention the other six Jaina generals of king Visnuvardhana. In about A.D. 1120 we have commander Baladevanna. He was the third son of king Aditya (or Arasaditya) and Acambike, his elder brothers being Pamparaya and Harideva. This stone inscription found at Sravana Belgola styles Baladevanna "the virtuous leader of the assemblage of ministers." The three brothers were ornaments of the Karnataka family, renowned in the world, uncles of Maciraja, fiercely valorous to enemies, devoted to the feet of Jina, and possessed of great fortitude. Baladevanna was the chief of all ministers, subduer of enemies, eschewer of 1. E. C., IV, Ch. 83, p. 10. 2. M. A. R. for 1908, p. 9; ibid., for 1916, p. 53 ; ibid., for 1934, p. 84. 3. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32. See E. C. IV, Kr. 37, p. 105 where an incorrect rendering of the record is given. 4. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 53 ; ibid., for 1920, p. 32.

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134 MEDIEVAL JAINISM others' wives, a necklace to Sarasvati, of well known pure fame, of a celebrated noble form, and worshipper of the feet of Jinendra.1 His military achievements, however, are not known to us. Under king Visnuvardhana were two famous brothers, one of whom continued to guide the affairs of the Hoysala Empire in the reign of king Visnuvardhana's son and successor king Narasimha I. These were Mariyane Dancanayaka and Bharatesvara Dandanayaka, descended from Dakarasa of the Bharadvaja gotra. They were connected by marriage with the family of Ganga Raja as well as with the royal Hoysala House itself. For the Alesandra stone inscription of A.D. 1184 contains the interesting information that Ganga Raja was the brother-in-law of the senior Mariyane Dandanayaka, whom we shall style the I of that name. Further, according to the same lithic record Ganga Raja's son Boppadeva alias Eca's brothers-in-law were Mariyane Dandanayaka (II) and Bharatesvara (I).2 Now Mariyane Dandanayaka II's three beautiful daughters Padmaladevi, Cavaladevi, and Boppadevi," skilled in art, singing, and dancing ", according to the Brahmesvara temple stone inscription at Sindhagiri dated about A.D. 1103, had been married in one pavilion in Saka 1025 (A.D. 1103) to king Ballala 1.4 It may have been the same Senior Mariyane Dandanayaka, as the late Mr. Narasimhacarya suggested, who may have set up the image of 1. E. C. II, 221, p. 95 ; ibid., Intr., p. 58, and r.. (1) for other Baladevas. 2. Ibid., IV, Ng. 32, p. 120. 3. E. C. VI. Cm., 160, 56-57. The date circa A.D. 1103 is to be found in the earlier part of the record, the concluding portions of which are built into the ground. Ibid., p. 56, (n. 1). 4. Ibid., Cm. 160.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 135 Jina in the basti at Hatna, Tiptur taluka, along with the merchants of Belgere-pattana.1 Mariyane Dandanayaka II and Bharatesvara I had served first under king Visnuvardhana and then under his son king Narasimha I. The Brahmesvara temple record styles them as those who under king Visnu held the rank of great ministers of the whole kingdom, and "a rank descending from the line of the capturer of Kanci, Vikrama Ganga Visnuvardhana"; as those who were "the jewelled earrings to the Laksmi the pure syad vada; rejoicing in daily anointings and festivals of the Jina puja, delighting in the four manner of gifts, (and) eyes to the doctrine of Akalanka." Of these two brothers Mariyane II won greater fame at the hands of king Visnuvardhana. For the Brahmesvara temple record says that Mariyane II was like the pattada-ane (State elephant) to king Visnuvardhana; while the Alesandra inscription informs us that, looking upon Mariyane as his pattadaane, king Visnu appointed him as the commander of his army.2 Both the brothers held the offices of Sarvadhikari, Manikabhandhari, and Pranadhikari (Commanders of the Life Guards) under the same monarch.3 Another record in the Sindhagiri Brahmesvara temple dated A.D. 1137 praises General Bharata thus-All his wealth for the Jina mandiras, all his love for the subjects, all his good-will for the worship of Jina Raja, all his generosity for the company of the good, 1. M. A. R. for 1918, pp. 21, 45. Hatna in the Nagamangala taluka was a Jaina centre. The Virabhadra temple at this place was a Jaina basadi dedicated to Parsvanatha. Virabhadra is now made to stand on a Jaina pedestal! M. A. R. for 1919, p. 16. 2. E. C. VI, Cm. 160, op. cit., ibid., IV. Ng. 32, p. 121. 3. Ibid., IV, Ng. 32, p. 121.

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136 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM all his gifts for holy munindras, did he divide with great joy, the Camupa Bharata. That this praise given to General Bharata was not unfounded is borne out by a stone record dated about A.D. 1160, which tells us that he erected Jaina images in Sravana Belgola, built eighty new basadis and renovated 200 old ones in Gangavadi "so that they met one's gaze wherever one looked."? From many records we know that his guru was Gandavimuktavrati, the disciple of Maghanandi of the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. We may incidentally note in this connection that the same Jaina sage was the guru of Bharata's elder brother Mariyane II ;4 while the guru of Bharata's wife (the junior) Hariyale was Maghanandi himself." We may digress here a little in order to narrate a few more details about this illustrious family of the Jaina general who continued to serve under the next Hoysala ruler king Narasimha I. An inscription at Kambhadahalli rclates that the brothers received a grant from this king in A.D. 1145.6 It was they who, while continuing in their hereditary office of great ministers, gave king Narasimha I 500 honnu as a gift obtaining in retum a renewal of the grant of their ancestral estates of Sindagere, Baggavasli, and Dadiganakese.8 Bharata II and Bahubali, the sons of Mariyane II (?), while serving under king Narasinga I's son and successor king Ballala II, obtained in A.D. 1184 a reconfirmation of their ancestral ,1. E. C. VI, Cm. 161, p. 58. 2. Ibid., II, 265, 267, pp. 122-123. 3. Ibid., VI, Cm. 161, p. 58. 4. Ibid., II, 64, p. 18. 5. Ibid., VI, Cm., 160, p. 57, IV, Ng. 32, p. 121. 6. M. A. R. for 1915, p. 51. 7. Cf. E. C. VI, Cm. 160, op. cit. 8. Ibid., IV, Ng. 32, pp. 121-122.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 137 estates; and they themselves made certain specified grants for the new basadi which they had caused to be constructed at Anuvasamudra and for the old basadi at Cakeyanahalli. These grants were made over by them in A.D. 1184 to the priest Devacandra Pandita, the disciple's disciple of Gandavimuktadeva, of the Savanta basadi of Kollapura (mod. Kolhapur) attached to the Mula sangha and the Ingulesvara bali.1 To the great circle of Jaina military leaders of the reign of king Visnuvardhana Deva belonged three other generals-Boppa, Eca, and Immadi Bittimayya. Of these we have already seen a few details concerning General Boppa, the eldest son of Ganga Raja. Boppa's wife was Baganabbe, the lay disciple of Bhanukirti Deva. Their son was Eca who also rose to be a Dandadhisa. About him it is said in A.D. 1134 that he made Jina temples in Sravana Belgola look like those in the tirtha of Kopana and other places. Like his father Boppa, General Eca was a large-hearted Jaina. This accounts for the specified grant of land which he made in the same year, along with his father and mother, for the god Mulasthana Gangesvara of Belgali, in the presence of fifty families of the locality and the local officer Perggade Somayya. He died in A.D. 1135 by the rite of sallekhana 'after living for a long time in happiness, delighting in bestowing gifts and rejoicing in the advancement of the Jina dharma."s 1. E. C. IV, Ng. 32, pp 121-122. 2. Ibid., V, p. 229. 3. Ibid., II, 384. This inscription makes Eca son of General Bamma and Baganabbe, and Bamma himself brother of Ganga Raja. Ibid. Read, ibid., Intr. p. 57. As in the case of Mariyanes and Bharatesvaras, there is some discrepancy in the lithic records concerning these two generals of king Visnu.

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138 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Another distinguished Jaina military leader under king Visnuvardhana Deva was Immadi Dancanayaka Bittimayya. The Belur Saumyanayaki temple record dated A. D. 1136 contains a very interesting account of this remarkable boygeneral. He too belonged to a well known family of hereditary ministers. His father was called Cinna Raja Dandudhisa, the son of the celebrated Udayaditya and Santiyakka. Cinna Raja " bore the burden of king Ereyanga's territory". To him and his wife Caudale were born several daughters and two sons Udayana and Visnu. Of these Visnu, who "daily increased in size and glory like the new moon," was more fortunate than his elder brother Udayana. On his growing up with indications of all good qualities, as a reward to the household of an hereditary minister and a meritorious family, the Hoysala king Visnu treating him like a son, himself had his upanayanam performed with great festivities. And when he was seven or eight years of age, and was proficient in all the sciences of arms, obtaining for him a virgin-jewel, the daughter of his own chief minister (unnamed in the epigraph), king Visnu himself lifted up a golden kalasa and pouring water on his head, gave away the virgin, thus providing him with a marriage of unimagined happiness. And at the age of ten or eleven, Visnu having become as sharp as kusa grass in intelligence, and perfect in the four tests of character--viz., loyalty, disinterestedness, continence, and courage, the king noting this and praising him with his own hand invested him with the title of MahapracandaDandanayaka, with double confidence, and giving him all authority, he (the young Visnu) became the Sarvadhikari and Sakala-janopakari. The young Visnu, also known as Immali Dandanayaka Bittimayya, proved his mettle in a brilliant campaign in the

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 139 south directed against the Kongudesa which evidently had failed to pay the annual tribute. The same epigraph gives us further interesting details in regard to the expedition, and the reason which made the king entrust this lad with the great duty of completely subduing the Kongudesa. "Among the titled Marayas (i.e., Maharayas or lords) who is there in the world like you ? Bring quickly the tribute from Kongu !" On the king thus ordering, the boy-general in half a paksa put to flight Cengiri, burnt his city, plundered his territory, took an astonishing amount of tribute and brought it with a troop of lusty elephants. But the conquest of Cengiri, which must have reverted to its independent state after the expedition led against it by General Ganga Raja mentioned in a previous page, was only the prelude to the conquest of the Kongudesa. The more experienced generals were doubtful about the boy-commander's ability. They said half in jest and half in admiration, "This boy will take Kongu--will he not ? He will bring in the troop of elephants with his golden smile--will he not ?" Their anxiety and fear was but natural. A confederacy of the Cola, Cera, Pandya and Pallava kings had been formed, and the Hoysala king had sent his boy-commander against them! But young Visnu was equal to the great task. In half a month he completed an expedition of victory directed against the south. The hostile kings who had assembled on the seashore were routed, their troop of elephants brought to his ruler, Kongu subdued, and Rayarajapura burnt. And in the region of the south, adorned by the Sahya mountains, General Bittimayya erected pillars of victory to commemorate the victories he had won for his royal master. This "right hand man" to king Visnuvardhana was, however, a devout Jaina. When his youth had matured, having gained experience of all public affairs, and having made many

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140 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM gifts in the great holy places, he erected a Jinalaya in the capital Dorasamudra itself, and like other loyal and dutiful citizens, christened it after his royal master-Visnuvardhana Jinalaya. General Immali Bittimayya's guru was the learned Sripala Traividyadeva, a great logician and a Vadibhasimha. The engraver of this record asks the question-" The commentaries he (Sripala) had made in prose, verse, and precept, embodying the rules of the six systems of logic, for the refutation of opponents, who can describe?" General Bittimayya gave the village of Bijavolal (location given) which he had received as a gift from king Visnu, and other lands which he had bought from citizens (named), to his guru for the worship of the god in the basadi and for its repairs and for food of the isis.1 We now come to the reign of the next Hoysala monarch Narasimha I (A.D. 1141--A.D. 1173). His age like that of his illustrious father became famous because of the activities of four Jaina generals and two ministers, one of whom, so far as the history of Jainism is concerned, ranked with Ganga Raja and Camunda Raya. These were Commanders Deva Raya, Hulla, santiyanna, and isvara, while the ministers were Sivaraja and Someya. The great minister-general Deva Raja belonged to the Kausika gotra. His guru was Municandra Bhattaraka who is described as one adorned with the jewels of the thirty-six qualities and devoted to the five kinds of observances. Deva Raja was "a jewelled vase shining on the pinnacle of the Hoysala kingdom." And king Narasimha pleased with his 1. E. C. V, Bl. 17, pp. 48-51. It cannot be made out whether Immadi Bittimayya is identical with Bittimayya mentioned in the reign of king Narasimha. See E. C. IV, Intr. p. 21, where reference is given to Kp. 32 which is wrong.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 141 mcritorious wisdom and his faithfulness, bestowed on him Suranahalli, where that devout Jaina general crected a Jaina caityalaya for which the monarch granted money payments. This temple was made over to Deva Raja's guru Municandradeva, and the village of Suranahalli rechristened by the king Parvapura. A more celebrated Jaina devotee and general was Hulla. Details about the family to which this remarkable commander belonged are met with in stone records but with this peculiarity : whereas the lithic records found at Sravana Belgola uniformly give the names of his parents in one manner, other epigraphs, like that found in the Nagamangala taluka, have different names to give concerning them. All records, however, tell us that the family to which Hulla belonged was called the Vaji kula. In the sravana Belgola records ranging from A.D. 1159 till A.D. 1163, his father's name is given as "the blameless " Yaksaraja or Jakkaraja and his mother's, "the well-behaved " Lokambike. Hulla's wife was called Padmavati, and his younger brothers Laksmana and Amara.? But the Madesvara temple stone inscription found in Nagamangala and dated A.D. 1164, while confirming the name of the family to which Hulla belonged, says that Kantimayya, Hariyanna, and Hulla, and their younger sister Duggale were the children of Madhusudana and Muddiyakke. It cannot be made out whether these latter names were the popular names of the parents of Hulla. Leaving aside this divergence in epigraphic evidence concerning the parents of Hulla, we find that both as a great minister-general and a patron of Jainism he attained wide 1. E. C. IV, Ng. 76, p. 132. 2. Ibid. II, 64, 345, 349, pp. 147-9, 153. 3. Ibid., IV Ng. 30, p. 119.

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142 MEDIEVAL JAINISM celebrity in the land. He was not merely a pious Jaina; epigraphs praise him as a practical statesman. He held the posts of Great Minister, Senior Treasurer, Sarvadhikari, and General. He was the honourable minister who managed the affairs of his royal master. He was cleverer than Yogandharayana in the management of affairs, and superior even to Brhaspati in the knowledge of politics. It is not surprising that such an eminent statesman should have served under three successive monarchs-Visnuvardhana, Narasimha, and Ballala II.5 Minister-general Hulla's lasting contribution for the cause of Jina dharma was the construction of the famous Caturvimsati Jinalaya at Sravana Belgola. Since the record dated A.D. 1159 mentions some details concerning this temple, it must have been completed by that year. Together with its enclosures, dancing halls, two fine strongly built large Jaina dwellings at the side, and mansions with doorways resplendent with various elegant ornaments of foliage and figures, this matchless temple of Caturvimsati Tirthankaras," when completed (obviously in the year A.D. 1159) presented the appearance of a charming ornament of Gommatapura. Such a piece of devotional and architectural beauty could not go unnoticed by the Hoysala monarch Narasimha II. When that ruler was going on an expedition for the conquest of regions, he saw, "with great regard the Jinas, Gummata, 1. He is not to be confounded with Hullarasa, a Calukya headjewel, the son of Nagarasa who was the son of Muddarasa, mentioned in a record dated A. D. 1079. E. C. V, Cn. 145, p. 188. 2. Ibid. II, 64, p. 18. 3. Ibid. II, 345, p. 147. 4. Ibid., II, 349, p. 153. 5. Ibid., Intr., 58; 101, 147.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 143 and Parsvanatha and this temple of Caturvimsati Tirthankaras," did obeisance to the Jina images, and gladly granted as a permanent endowment the village of Savaneru for the worship and offerings in the temple. Indeed, the king was so charmed with this Jinalaya that, as we noticed in an earlier connection, he lovingly gave it the second name of Bhavyaculamani after Hulla's own title Samyaktva-culamani. And General Hulla made the Mahamandalacarya Nayakirti Siddhanta Cakravarti the Acarya of the Caturvimsati basadi, and directed that from the money which the Acarya obtained from the village of Savaneru, the latter was to meet the cost of repairs of the basadis of the Sravana Belgola sthana, the worship and enjoyments of the gods, and the gifts of food to the assembly of ascetics. In about A.D. 1175 the same village of Savaneru and two others called Bekka and Kaggere were received by General Hulla from king Ballala II, and made over to the same Jinalaya and for the worship of Gommatesvara and Parsvadeva.? Before we pass on to the history of other basadis which were carefully looked after by General Hulla we may mention a word about his gurus. The Mangayibasti record dated A.D. 1159 tells us that Hulla rejoiced in bowing at the feet of Maladharisvamis ; while one of the inscriptions on the Doddabetta dated about A.D. 1175 explicitly states that he was the lay disciple of Nayakirti Siddhantadeva. The former 1. E. C. II, 345, 349, pp. 148-9, 153. In the later record dated about A.D. 1175, it is said that while returning from the conquest of the regions, king Narasimha visited the Caturvimsati basadi. E. C. ibid, 240, p. 103. This point will not be discussed here. 2. E. C. II, 240, p. 103 ; see also ibid. V, Cn. 146, pp. 188-189. 3. Ibid., II, 349, p. 153. 4. Ibid., 240, p. 103.

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144 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM was also known as Kukkutasana Maladharideva, and was merely his vrata guru. Sravana Belgola was not the only centre that tasted the generosity of General Hulla. Three prominent strongholds of Jainism owed their prosperous condition to the liberality and devotion of that general. These were Kellangere, Bankapura, and Kopana. Inscriptions dated A.D. 1159 and 1163 tell us in what manner he strengthened the cause of the Jina dharma in these three well known places. In the mahatirtha of Kopana, " after paying much gold," he purchased from the residents of that tirtha (specified vitti of land) which he lovingly granted "amidst the plaudits of the whole world " for the assembly of the twenty-four Jina sages in that centre. The same record tells us what he did at Bankapura. Here he renovated beautifully Uppattayta's great Jina temple which had gone to complete ruin. Moreover in that same place he rebuilt "as high as Kailasa " the Jina temple which had completely been ruined and which had been built by a former chieftain named Kalivita.2 At Kellangere General Hulla's munificence likewise showed itself. Kellangere was an original holy place (adi-tirtha). It had been founded by the Gangas and praised by the whole world. But after a lapse of time only the name remained ! 3 1. E. C. II 345, p. 148. 2. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified Kalivita with the Mahasamanta Kalivitta of the Callaketana family, the governor of Banavase under the Rastrakuta king Krsna III, mentioned in a record of A.D. 945. E. C. II, p. 148, n. (2). Cf. Fleet, Dyn., Kan. Dts., p. 420, (2nd Ed.). 3. The reason seems to be that like many a Jaina centre, it passed into the hands of the Brahmans. For in A.D. 1174 it is called the immemorial agrahara Kellangere alias Hariharapura. E. C. V, Ak. 112, p. 161.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 145 Here General Hulla caused to be erected a splendid Jina temple," from the base to the pinnacle so as to stand to the end of time." Here too he built five great basadis "desirous of the five maha-kalyanas " (i.e., birth, anointment, renunciation, enlightenment, and liberation). All these details are mentioned in a record dated about A.D. 1159.1 Another .inscription dated A.D. 1163 has further information to give concerning General Hulla's work at the same centre. In this year he caused to be made, as an act of reverence, an epitaph to his guru the Mahamandalacarya Devakirtideva, who had built the Pratapapura basadi at Kellangere. This basadi was attached to the Rupanarayana basadi of Kollapura, and to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. General Hulla had this basadi of Pratapapura renovated ; and built an almshouse at Jinanathapura, a village about a mile to the north of Sravana Belgola.2 How did General Hulla pass his daily life? "Delighting in restoration of Jina temples, in assemblies for Jina worship, in gifts to groups of ascetics, in devotion to the praise of Jina's feet, in hearing holy puranas of Jina, the General Hulla praised by the blessed, passes his time every day."'3 And his place in the history of Jainism is thus described : The firm promoters of the Jina doctrine were only three at the beginning Camunda Raya, and after him only Gangana, "and after him again only Hulla, the excellent minister of king Nosimha." If any other had (such claim), the engraver of this record dated about A.D. 1159 has the courage to ask, why not name him ? Indeed, Hulla was a modern Ganga 1. E. C. II, Intr., p. 70, n. (1) ; 345, pp. 148-149. 2. Ibid., 64, pp. 18-19, and p. 19, n. (2) 3. Ibid., 345, op. cit.

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146 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Dancanayaka ;1 and "a moon in causing to swell the ocean of gifts to all the Jina temples in the Ganga country." The third Jaina general under king Narasimha was Santiyanna. He was the son of Parisanna and Bammaladevi. This lady was the daughter of Mariyane Dandanayaka II. She is said in the lithic record dated A.D. 1159 to have been like Attimabbe in devotion. Her husband is called a Great Minister and Treasurer of the pattisa (a kind of spear). It is said of him that in the war with Ahumalla he destroyed the hostile forces which came close but died in the battle for his royal master king Narasimha. On this occasion Karigunda in Nirgundanad was granted (evidently to santiyanna) together with the lordship (of the same). This was obviously as war-relief to the son of the loyal general Parsvadeva who had died in State service. Santiyanna was the lay disciple of Mallasena Pandita, who was the disciple of Vasupujya Siddhantadeva. On being raised to the rank of a Dandanayaka, and on receiving the lordship of Karigunda, Santiyanna constructed a basadi there and granted specific lands for the same. On this occasion Malla Gauda and all the subjects were present, and they too granted the dues on the ferry in that village and the kalavatta (or share of grain at the threshing floor) for the temple repairs, god's worship, and gifts of food for the sages in that basadi. These gifts were made over by the citizens to Mallasena Pandita.3 Another Jaina general of the reign of king Narasimha was isvara Camupati. He was the son of the Great Minister. Sarvadhikari, and Senapati-dandanayaka Ereyangamayya. isvara Camupati repaired the basadi on the Mandara hill, 1. E. C. II, 64, p. 18 op. cit. 2. Ibid., 349, p. 153. 3. Ibid., V, Ak., 141, pp. 174-176.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 147 Tumkur taluka. We shall describe the pious deeds of his wife in the next chapter. These details are related in the stone record found in the same basadi and dated about A.D. 1160.1 The two great Jaina ministers of king Narasimha in A.D. 1165 were Herggade Sivaraja and Herggade Someya, who granted in that year certain specified taxes to the Hoysala Jirdalaya of Manikavolal in order to provide for gifts of food to ascetics (in that temple).2 As we remarked while dealing with the question of royal patronage, the reign of the next Hoysala monarch Ballala II opened another glorious chapter in the history of the land. Once again the military prestige of the Hoysalas rested to a very large extent on the prowess of the Jaina generals and ministers. Chief among them was the General Vasudhaikabandhava (Sole Friend of the World) Recimayya, the son of Narayana and Nagambika. He had seen State service first as a minister under the Kalacuriyas. It was le who had obtained the seven-fold wealth of empire for the Kalacuriya king Bijjaladeva (A. D. 1156-A. D. 1167), and "caused the same seven-fold wealth to be visibly enjoyed by the line of kings who succeeded that emperor ". Recimayya, who was a Great Minister, Master over 72 officials, and Mahapracanda-dundanayaka, delighted in council, policy, bravery, fortune and good character. On his arm "the vine the kingdom of the Kalacuriya kings might spread." He was so liberal that he "shone as the only kalpadruma in the world." Indeed, what Ganga Raja had done for the whole of the Jaina world, Reca did for the province under him : he set up a standard of liberality 1. E. C. XII. Tm. 38, p. 10. 2. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32.

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148 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM which was all his own. It was from the Kalacuriya kings that Recarasa had received the beautiful province of Nagarakhanda which he "ruled with exceeding glory." The stone inscription found in the old Jina basti (modem Cenna Basavanna temple) at Chikkamagadi, Shikarpur taluka, and assigned to A.D. 1182, dealing with this minister-general, does not enlighten us as to how he came to exchange his royal masters and serve under the Hoysala king Ballala II. We are to suppose that when Recarasa found that the Kalacuriya Empire was, like the Western Calukya dominion, crumbling before the attacks of the invincible Ballala 11,2 he thought it wise to enter the service of the Hoysala monarch. For the cause of the Jina dharma, General Recarasa's efforts were unending. The above Chikkamagali stone inscription informs us that he once came to Maguli for the purpose of worshipping Jinesvara, together with the king Boppa Deva and Sankara Samanta. Having done obeisance to the Jina, Reca Dandadhisa inspected the Jina temple built by sankara Samanta, and being greatly pleased, praised it, and granted the village of Talave to it for three generations. Further down in the same record it is said that the god in that basadi was called Ratnatraya, and that the priest who received the grant was Bhanukirti Siddhantadeva of the Kranur gaao. and the Tintrinaka gaccha and Nunna varsa. But of all his endowments the most permanent was the construction of the Sahasrakuta Jinalaya in the rajadhani of Arasiyakere. A stone inscription found in this basadi 1. E. C. VII, Sk. 197, p. 125. See also ibid., II, Intr., p. 62. 2. Read Rice, My & Coorg., pp. 102-103 for an account of king Ballala's victories.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 149 informs us that Recarasa, the eminent councillor of the Kalacuriya kula, hearing of the steadfastness of the Jaina citizens of Arasiyakere, and their ability to maintain dharma, "taking refuge at the lotus feet of that Ballala" (i. e., king Ballala II), set up in that city the image of Sahasrakuta Jina, and for the eight kinds of ceremonies of that god, for the livelihood of the priests and servants and repairs of the basadi, obtaining the village of Handarahalu from king Ballala, granted it to his own guru Sagaranandi Siddhantadeva of the Desiya gana and the Ingulesvara bali. We shall see that the city which General Recarasa thus adorned with a basadi was a well known Jaina centre. He also set up in about the same year A. D. 1200 the god santinatha at Sravana Belgola, and made over the basadi to the same guru mentioned above. From this epigraph we learn that Sagaranandi Siddhantadeva, the disciple of subhacandra Siddhantadeva was connected with the Savanta basadi of Kollapura which belonged to the same sangha, gana, and lineage." We have had an occasion of mentioning the two brothers Bharata and Bahubali who had taken service under the king Ballala. Buci Raja was another well known Jaina general of the same ruler Ballala II. He was the Great Minister for Peace and War, skilled in both Kannada and Sanskrit, and he could compose poetry in both the languages. On the coronation of the king in A. D. 1173, Buci Raja erected the Trikuta Jinalaya in Malikali in Sigenad, and granted that village itself for the worship, offerings, and gifts of that temple. His guru is mentioned as Vasupujya Siddhantadeva, the 1. E. C. V, Ak. 77, pp. 140-141. 2. Ibid., II, 380, p. 164.

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150 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM disciple of Sripala Traividya of the Arungulanvaya and the Dramila sangha.1 An equally conspicuous example of a liberal State servant was minister Candramauli, the son of Sambhudeva and Akkavve. He was praised by learned men versed in music (Bharata sastra), Agamas, logic, grammar, Upanisads, Puranas, dramas, and poetry. Indeed, he was " praised by all the learned men without exception ". He was of "established merit," an ornament of ministers, a councillor, and " the rod in the celebrated king Ballala's right hand." Himself a staunch Saivite, Candramauli was nevertheless benevolent towards the Jina dharma. When his wife, whose work we shall describe presently, erected a Jinalaya in Sravana Belgola, it was he who begged his royal master to grant him the village of Bammeyanahalli to provide for its worship. Of course the great councillor's request was, as we shall see, granted in A. D. 1182.2 The reign of king Ballala II could also boast of other well known Jaina ministers. Nagadeva was one of them. He was the son of the minister Bammadeva who himself belonged to a famous family of State officials. Nagadeva was the Patjanasvami of king Ballala, and was "a protector of Jina temples". His guru was Nayakirti Siddhantadeva who will be mentioned again in the following pages of this treatise. Nagadeva caused to be made in A. d. 1195 a dancing hall and a stone pavement in front of the god Parsva at Sravana Belgola. As an act of reverence in memory of the departed Nayakirti Siddhanta, he caused an epitaph to be made in the same year. Nagadeva's lasting work for the cause of the Jina dharma was the construction of 1. E. C., V, Hn., 119, p. 35. 2. Ibid., Cn., 150, pp. 192-193.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 151 the Nagara Jinalaya at the same great centre, for which he left munificent gifts. This monument seems to have been originally called Srinilaya and it was placed in the charge of certain men who will figure later on.1 66 The Great Minister Mahadeva Dandanatha came also of an illustrious family of State officials. His wife was Lokaladevi, an equal to Attimabbe in devotion to the Jina dharma. And his guru was Sakalacandra Bhattaraka, the disciple of Kulabhusana Traividya Vidyadhara, of the Kranur gana and the Tintrinika gaccha. Mahadeva Dandanatha erected in A. D. 1198 a splendid Jina temple" in Uddhare called Eraga Jinalaya for the worship and repairs of which he gave, in the presence of the Mahamandalesvara Ekkalarasa and others, specified lands. And the Pattanasvami Setti and others (citizens) and oilmongers gave specified customs dues. The Mahamandalesvara Ekkalarasa and his retinue added to this benevolent deed by granting the ancient dues on sheep and cattle in and around Uddhare.2 In about A. D. 1200 mention is made of the Great Minister, Sarvadhikari, Superintendent of Ceremonies, Kammata Macayya, who together with his father-in-law Ballayya granted the tax on oil mills for the Paravadimalla Jinalaya in Kumbeyanahalli. 3 Towards the end of the reign of king Ballala II there appears General Amrta. He came of a Sudra stock, the names of his parents being Hariyama Setti and Suggavve. Amrta or Amitayya had three younger brothers named Kallayya, Masanayya, and Basavayya. Amrta was a Great minister, Sarvadhikari, Mahapayasam (master of the 1. E. C., II, 335, p. 143. 2. Ibid., VIII, Sb. 140, p. 20. 3. Ibid., V, Cn. 151, p. 193.

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152 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM robes ?), and Birudanamottadistayakam (master of the company of the titled). His birth place was Lokkundi which was, as we know from other records, one of the capitals of king Ballala II. Nayakirti Panditadeva, the disciple of Jinacandra, was the spiritual guru of Amsta Dandanayaka. Together with his three brothers, Amstayya set up in A. D. 1203 the Yekkoti Jinalaya in Okkalugere ; and in the presence of certain Nayakas (named) and all the citizens and farmers, made a grant of land for the eight kinds of ceremonies of the god santinatha and for gifts of food for ascetics. But General Amota was liberal towards the non-Jainas as well. It was he who set up a temple and built an agrahara in his birth-place Lokkundi in A. D. 1203, and established the god Amstesvara in Amstapura, Tarikere taluka, as is related in a record dated A. D. 1206.2 The benevolent work of the Minister for Peace and War Ecana also falls within the reign of king Ballala II. Ecana in about A. D. 1205 caused a Jinalaya to be constructed. It had not its like anywhere in Belagavattinaa, and this made that centre equal to Kopana. An unidentifiable patron of Jainism may be mentioned here. In an inscription found on the pedestal of the Caturvimsati Tirthankara basadi at Kopana, it is said that the image was caused to be made by Bopana, whose descent is stated, and who was the disciple of Maghanandi Siddhantadeva ; and that it was presented by him to the basadi of the Mula sangha and Desiya gana at Kopana erected by Madhava Dancanayaka at the conclusion of some obser 1. E. C. VI, Kd., 36, p. 8. 2. Ibid., Kd. 36, op. cit. ; Tk. 42, pp. 109-110. 3. Ibid., VIII, Sk. 317, p. 154.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION 153 vances. The identity of this general is uncertain ; but if the supposition of the late Mr. Narasimhacarya that the Maghanandi mentioned here was perhaps the sage of that name mentioned in a Sravana Belgola record dated A. D. 1283, is accepted, then, we may place Madhava Dandanayaka in the reign of king Narasimha III (A.D. 1254-A.D. 1291).1 In the reign of the last great Hoysala ruler Vira Ballala III, we have a prominent Jaina general named Keteya Danpanayaka. He is mentioned as a Great Minister, General, and Sarvadhikari in A. D. 1332 under that Hoysala ruler. He made in that year a grant of the excise revenue of Kondatur and another village the name of which is effaced in the inscription, for the basadi of Kolugana in Edenad.2 1. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 83; E. C. V, Hn. 61, pp. 17-18; Rice, My & Coorg., p. 97. Whether this Madhava Dandanayaka was the same as his namesake, who was the brother of Raja Jai Bhattayya Nayaka mentioned in a record of A.D. 1218 (Hn. 61 op. cit.) is uncertain. 2. E. C. IV, Ch. 182, p. 22.

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CHAPTER V. WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH Women in Karnataka history-Ladies of the Nirgunda family as champions of Jina dharmaA woman administrator-Attimabbe--Other examples of austere Jaina ladies --Their devotion and charity exemplified-Kadamba queensNagarakhanda ladies--Wives of generals-Hoysala Queen Santaladevi-Wives of feudatories, officials, and citizens. TVTOMEN have never been a negligible factor in the W history of mediaeval Karnalaka. The vitality which characterized Karnataka's glorious epoch that culminated in the establishment of the Vijayanagara Empire, was to an appreciable extent due to the integrity, patriotism, and intelligence of Karnataka women to whom love for the land and their dharma was of primary importance. Their devotion, service, and determination made them take an active part in some of the most important affairs of the day. But we are concerned here only with their great work for the cause of the anekantamata. While studying this aspect of the question it is interesting to note that the women who figured most conspicuously as champions of the Jina dharma, were drawn from all sections of the people, notably from the royalty, the nobility, and the houses of the great ministers and generals. So early as A. D. 776 we have an instance of a noble

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 155 lady of the Nirgunda family championing the cause of the Jina dharma. She was Kandacchi, the wife of Parama Gula, who was the son of Dundu, the Nirgunda Yuvaraja about whose instruction in politics at the hand of Vimalacandra Acarya we have already mentioned above. This lady was the daughter of Maruvarma, who belonged to the Sagarakula, and his wife (unnamed) who was the daughter of Pallavadhiraja. Kandacchi ever promoting works of merit," caused to be constructed a Jina temple named Lokatilaka adorning the northern side of Sripura. For the repairs, worship, and other works of merit connected with it, the village of Poonalli along with other lands, in the Nirgunda country, was granted by the Ganga monarch Sripurusa, on the application of Kandacchi's husband Parama Gula, Prthvi Nirgunda Raja. We may observe here that to this royal grant made in A.D. 776 the witnesses were the eighteen officials.1 " In the first quarter of the tenth century A. D. figures a remarkable Jaina woman administrator and champion of Jainism. This was during the reign of the Rastrakuta monarch Krsna III in A. D. 911, when the Mahasamanta Kalivittarasa of the Kalki-devaysar-anvaya was the official placed over the Banavase 12,000 province. In that year Sattarasa Nagarjuna, the Nal-gavunda of the Nagarakhanda 70, died. The Government appointed Sattarasa Nagarjuna's wife Jakkiyabbe in her husband's place as the Nal-gavunda of the Nagarakhanda 70. This lady who was 'skilled in ability for good government, faithful to the Jinendra sasana, (and) rejoicing in her beauty", protected the Nagarakhanda 70. And "though a woman, in the pride of her own heroic bravery", committed an act which won for her still greater 1. E. C. IV. Ng. 85, pp. 135-36. 66

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156 MEDIEVAL JAINISM renown in the eyes of the Jaina world. When she was thus ruling her principality, "bodily disease having made inroads," she decided that worldly enjoyments were insipid ; and sending for her daughter, made over to her posterity, and freeing herself from the entanglements of the chain of desires, while in the holy place of Bandanike, in full faith performed the vow of sallekhana and died in the basadi of that city. It cannot be made out whether she is the same Jakkiyabbe who in a record discovered in the Ramesvara temple at Chikka Hanasoge, Yedatore taluka, is said to have been the wife of the great warrior Nagakumara, and to have gladly gone to the other world, having realized the loathsome nature of this body. In this record she is praised as a devoted Sravaki who excelled even Rohini by her good qualities. If the identification of the Jakkiyabbe mentioned in this record with her namesake spoken of in the above inscription dated A.D. 911 is accepted, then, the epigraph found in Chikka Hanasoge should be dated to a period after A. D. 911 and not in A. D. 900, as has been done.2 To the tenth century A. D. belongs the most celebrated name amongst women in Jaina history. It is that of Attimabbe who was the daughter of General Mallappa, and the wife of Nagadeva and the mother of Paduvela Taila. General Mallappa was a commander under the Western Calukya ruler Tailapa (A.D. 973-A.D. 997). Attimabbe was an ideal devotee. She had 1,000 copies of Ponna's Santipurana made at her own expense, and 1,500 images 1. E. C., VII. Sk. 219, pp. 130-131. For the date see the text, p. 298. It cannot be made out why the date A. D. 918 is given by Rice, when the text says-Saka-nypa kalatita Samvatasarangalenfunuramuvattanalkaneya Prajapatisamvatsara, etc, which corresponds to A.D. 911. Swamikannu, Indian Ephemeris, V, pp. 224. 2. M. A. R. for 1912-3, p. 38.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 157 of gold and jewels.1 We have seen that some women devotees have been compared to Attimabbe in their piety. In A.D. 968 during the reign of the Rastrakuta king Kottigadeva, Nityavarsa, Pandiga, born in the line of the Western Calukya king Vikramaditya, was placed over the Kadambalige 1,000. His wife was Jakkisundari, who caused a basadi to be built in the famous Kakambal. For the temple thus erected, Pandiga granted the villages of Madalur and Malagavadi to the priest Ramacandra Bhalara, the disciple of Astopavasa Bhalara alias the Kavali-gana-acarya. Towards the end of the same century we have the example of a very austere Jaina lady. She was Pambabbe, the elder sister of Bhutuga (the Ganga king?) and the senior consort of Padiyara Dorapayya. She was the disciple of Nanabbe-kanti who was herself the disciple of Abhinandi Panditadeva of the Desiya gana. Pambabbe having made her head bald (by plucking out the hair), performed penance for thirty years, and observing the five vows expired in A. D. 971. The scribe tells us that when the earth honoured her as Bhutuga's elder sister, saying "Jiya! What are our commands?", she replied-"All that I have received is truely renounced as if never received! "3 But women also could actively promote the cause of the Jina dharma. Padmavatiyakka was the lay disciple of the priest Abhayacandra. On his death some time in A.D. 1078, she completed at a cost of seventy gadyana the construction of the basadi which he had left half built, and erected an enclosure to the shrine of the god with a wooden 1. Rice, Karnataka Sabdanusasanam, Intr., pp. 28-29; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1883, pp. 301-2. 2. E. C. XI, Cd. 74, p. 16. 3. Ibid., VI, Kd. 1, p. 1.

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158 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM pillar. Three respectable citizens and two managers of the temples were the witnesses to this charitable deed.1 Turning to the other parts of Karnataka we find the same devotion and patronage of the Jina dharma among the royal ladies. The Kongalvas, as we have already seen, had set an example for the people to follow. Pocabbarasi was the mother of Rajendra Kongalva. In about A. D. 1050 she had a basadi constructed, and an image of her guru Gunasena Pandita of the Dravila sangha, the Tavula-gana, and Irungulanvaya, and presented lands to the basadi in the prescribed manner in A. D. 1058.2 In about the same year (A.D. 1050--A.D. 1051) there were two examples of Jaina devotion. The lord of Madhuvankanao Ayya of Kaviri, performing the vow for twelve days in the Cangalva basadi died. His sons Baki and Buki set up a memorial stone. Daya-tigamati had become famous in the country as the "benefactress of others." She died in the orthodox Jaina manner. Unable to hear this news, Jakkiyabbe, the mantraki of Candiyabbe Gavunni, and the wife of the Sravaka Edaya, obtaining the consent of her relatives, performed the sainyasana and died.3 But constructive work could certainly be done by the royal ladies of Karnataka. The Kadamba queen Malala Devi, the senior consort of the Kadamba ruler Karti Deva, had in A. D. 1077 the Parsvadeva-caityalaya in Kuppatur consecrated at the hands of Padmanandi Siddhantadeva. This sage belonged to the Mula sangha and the Tintrinika gaccha. For this Jinayala she obtained from the king 1. M. A. R. for 1926, p. 42. The date of this record is based on the name Bhasa mentioned in it. 2. E. C. IX, Cg., 35, 37, pp. 173-174. 3. Ibid., Cg., 30, 31, pp. 172-173.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 159 Siddani, "the most beautiful place in Edenad." What is interesting to observe is not the construction of the Jinalaya but the fact that the Kadamba queen after worshipping all the Brahmans of the immemorial agrahara of Kuppatur, had the Jinalaya christened Brahma Jinalaya by them, and had the satisfaction of seeing not only endowments made by them but also by the priests of the Kotisvara Mulasthana and of the eighteen temples in the neighbourhood of Kuppatur. The donee Padmanandi Acarya was the priest of the Bandanike tirtha and of all the other caityalayas.1 Equally interesting examples of royal devotion are met with in the history of Nagarakhanda in the Banavase 12,000 province. These substantiate the statement that was made above concerning the ideal which Karnataka women had placed before them. We have alrcady seen that the santaras were devout Jainas. A great name in this royal house was that of Cattaladevi, the grand-daughter of Rakkasa Ganga, and the queen of the Pallava king Kaduvetti. She seems to have lost both her husband and her son Goggi, on which she attached herself to Taila, Goggiga, Odduga, and Barma ---the four sons of her younger sister who had been married to the Santara king but who was also dead. She spoke of these children as if they were her own, and to gether with them constructed Jinalayas at Pombucchapura, the capital of the Santaras. One of these was the Pancakuta or Panca basadi, known also as urvitilakam (An Ornament to the World). It is in regard to the construction of this basadi that we have the following statements madeThinking on the text-Dharma is the first concern--and aying 'Let me make a memorial for the departure of Arumulideva, Gavabbarasi, Virala Devi, and Rajadityadeva' 1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 262, pp. 41-42.

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160 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Cattaladevi undertook the task of making the Pancabasadi in A.D. 1077. This Santara lady's other meritorious works were the following-the construction of tanks, wells, basadis, temples, watersheds, sacred bathing places, satras, groves, and bestowing gifts of food, medicine, learning and shelter. We may observe here that Cattaladevi's preceptor was Srivijaya Bhattaraka, also known as Pandita Parijata, who was proficient in all the Sastras and Agamas, and who was the head of the Nandi gana of the Arungulanvaya of the Nidambare tirtha of the Tiyan-gudi. He was also the guru of Rakkasa Ganga, the father of Cattaladevi, and of Bira Deva and Nanni Santara.1 66 In a later record dated A. D. 1103 we learn that the same Santara lady, who is called a cow of plenty to the glorious Jina congregation," along with her own sons Bhujabala Santara, Nanni Santara, and Vikrama Santara, granted specified lands to the same Pancabasadi. And opposite to that Jinalaya, in Anandur, she and Tribhuvanamalla Santara, as a memorial for the death of Birabbarasi, laid the foundation stone of another basadi, pronouncing the name of Vadigharatta Ajitasena Pandita.2 Ladies of the Ganga royal family were also noted for their liberal endowments for the cause of the Jina dharma. For instance, in about A. D. 1112 Ganga Mahadevi, the pattada mahadevi (crowned queen) of Bhujabala Ganga Hemmadi Mandhatabhupa, the king of Gangavadi and MeghuttiMandali 1,000, was one of such patrons of the anekantamata. She is styled in this record as a female bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra." Her husband king Hemma had another consort named Bacaladevi who erected in Bannikere 66 1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 35, pp. 137-138; Nr. 39, 40, pp. 143-4. 2. Ibid., T1. 192, pp 204-205.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 161 a beautiful Jina temple. She was the disciple of subhacandradeva of the Desiya gana. For this caityalaya which was an ornament in the Mandali 1,000, her husband, Ganga Mahadevi, and the principal officers together with the Nadprabhus, gave as a gift the village of Budanagere in the same province and certain lands in Bannikere along with specified money payments. King Hemmali, we may observe by the way, himself was a Jaina. It was he who had built a Jina temple at Kuntalapura attached to the Kranur gana of the Mesapasana gaccha and the Mula sangha. His guru was Prabhacandra Siddhantadeva. And one of his sons Satya Ganga in A.D. 1112 had built the Ganga Jinalaya in the Kuruli tirtha granting lands to it to his guru Madhavacandradeva. These details are gathered from records dated A. D. 1112, 1113, and 1115. With such relatives who were devout Jinas, it is no wonder that Catcaladevi's benevolent deeds should have been so successfully carried out. Another santara princess who promoted the cause of the anekantamata was Pampa devi, the daughter of king Taila and the elder sister of Vikramaditya santara. Epigraphs highly praise this lady. "All the world filled with newly raised towers of painted caityalayas, the ears of all the elephants at the points of the compass filled with the sounds of trumpets and drums in Jina festivals, all the sky filled with flags for Jina worship Pampadevi shone everywhere with the glory of the Arhad sasana. Considering the stories of Jinanatha in the well-known Mahapurana her earrings. the bestowal of the four kinds of gifts to Jina munis her bracelets, devotion and praise of Jinapati her beautiful necklace, could king Taila's daughter care for the weight of ornaments on her person?" In one month she herself caused 1. E. C. VIII, Nr, Sh. 60, 64, 97, pp. 22-25, 35. M. J. 6

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162 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM to be made Sasanadevate in the same manner as the famous urvitilakam had been constructed. Pampadevi's foremost desire was the following--the performance of the asta-vidharccane, the mahabhisekam, and caturbhakti. Her daughter was Bacaladevi who was reckoned to be a second Attimabbe. This devout and generous lady "was ever regular in morning worship at sunrise of the feet of Arhan." Both mother and daughter, so we are informed in the inscription dated A. D. 1147, were the disciples of the illustrious Vadibhasimha Ajitasena Pandita. They and Vikrama Sanlara had the northern pallasale to the Urvitilakam constructcd. We cannot make out whether Bacaladevi mentioned here was identical with her namesake to be mentioned later 01, who was one of the two consorts of the Ganga king Bhujabala Permmadideva. The credit of maintaining the unekantamata was also shared by the wives of the grcat Jaina generals. Foremost among them was the wife of the celebrated Jaina general Ganga Raja, Lakkale or Laksmimati. She was styled Laksmimati Danqanayakiti. And she was the disciple of Subhacandra, who is described as "a Siddhanandi in philosophy." Lakkale is described in a record assigned to A. D. 1118 as "the lady of policy in business," and " the lady of victory in battle," to her husband Ganga Raja. She caused a new Jinalaya to be built in Sravana Belgola in about the same year. It was to some of the Jina temples erected by her that Ganga Raja, as we related in an earlier context, granted liberal endowments. Like her husband Lakkale bestowed the gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and 1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 37, pp. 141-142. 2. Ibid., II, 130, pp. 57-58. 3. Ibid., II, 73, op. cit.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITII 163 learning, and acquired thereby the name of being "a mine of auspiciousness."1 Indeed, such was her unparalleled devotion that the scribe who wrote the epigraph dated A. D. 1121 asks the question--"Can other women in the world equal Laksmiyambike, wife of Ganga Raja, in skill, beauty, and deep devotion to God?" In that same year, however, Laksmimati Dandanayakiti adopting the sainyasana ended her life by samadhi; and her husband as an act of reverence, set up an epitaph (at Sravana Belgola) and consecrated it with great gifts and worship.2 Ganga Raja, as we have already seen, had an elder brother whose wife was called Jakkanabbe. This lady too was called Dandanayakiti, obviously, as the late Mr. Narasimhacarya suggested, after her husband's title.? Jakkanabbe was also the disciple of Subhacandradeva. She was the mother of General Boppa. After observing the vow known as moksutilaka, she caused the god to be carved on the boulder Nombare (Nombare-nayanade devaru) and had it consecrated at Sravana Belgola in about A.D. 1120. In that same year a tank was built there by her. In A. D. 1123 she is praised in very high terms. She "was always admired and praised by the whole earth as one who with the greatest reverence caused the worship of Jina to be performed, and as the possessor of pure conduct and many qualities."'5 The same name Jakkiyabbe was also borne by the wife of another remarkable Jaina general Punisamayya. This lady is likewise styled a Dandanayakiti ; and a record assign 1. E. C. II, 127, p. 56. 2. Ibid., 128, p. 56. 3. Ibid., Intr., p. 54. 4. Ibid., 367, 384, 400, pp. 160, 161, 170. 5. Ibid., 117, p. 48.

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164 MEDIEVAL JAINISM ed to A.D. 1117 informs us that she constructed a stone basadi in Basti Hosakote, Krishnarajapete taluka, to the north of which her husband built the Mulasthana basadi attached to the Visnuvardhana Poysala Jinalaya. It was to this basadi which he built that, as narrated in another context, he granted specified villages. Another stone inscription found in the same place (Basti Hosakote), we may incidentally note, asserts that the only women who could compare with her were Sita and Rukmini.' The history of a Jina temple in Sembur (mod. Sambanur) in the Davanagere taluka, brings to light the devotion of another Jaina patroness. She was the Senior Dandanayakiti Kaliyakka, the wife of Surya Dancanayaka. This official was a minister-general under the viceroy Pandya in the reign of the Western Calukyan monarch Tribhuvanamalla Permmadi Deva. The Senior Dandanayakiti having made a vow in A. D. 1128 constructed a beautiful Jina temple in Sembur, and for the company of Parsvadeva, the service of the god, and livelihood of the priests, gave specified lands as gifts to santisayana Pandita. In A. D. 1139 we are introduced to three noble ladies whose pious deeds centred round the great stronghold Uddhare. The events to be narrated took place in the reign of the king Marasinga of the Gangavamsa, who ruled over the Kuntala visaya in which was situated Uddhare. Under him was his son Ekkala, while the suzerain lord was the Western Calukyan monarch Jagadekamalla (II, Permma) (A.D. 1138--A.D. 1150). The younger sister of king Marasinga was Suggiyabbarasi, whose guru was Maghanandi. She gave gifts of food to Jaina sages and decorated the Panca basadi in Uddhare, 1. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32. 2. E. C. XI, Dg. 90, pp. 68-69.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 165 granting lands in Savanabili for the same. After some time that estate was added to by Kanakiyabbarasi. Of this lady it is said that wherever there was no Jina temple, there she provided a Jina mandira; and wherever the Jina munis had no place which produced an income, she gave them grants. Mention made in the same epigraph of Santiyakka, whose father was Koti Setti and mother Boppavve. Her uncle was Boppa Dandanayaka, and her husband was also called Koti Setti. This person who made the basadi in Uddhare, is styled the "supporter of the Jina dharma." King Ekkala mentioned above, we may note in passing, was the disciple of Bhanukirti Siddhantadeva of the Tintrinika gaccha and the Kranur gana. He is said to have constructed the Kanaka Jinalaya in Uddhare, and given it over to the charge of his guru along with specific lands.1 To this period belongs the saintly figure of Santaladevi, the queen of the Hoysala king Visnuvardhanadeva. Lithic records found at Sravana Belgola and elsewhere eulogize the beauty, skill, piety, and devotion of this remarkable queen. She was the eldest daughter of the Senior Perggade Marasingayya, a staunch Saivite, and the virtuous Macikabbe, an ardent Jaina! Her younger brother was Dudda Mahadeva, while her uncle was the Perggade Singimayya.2 An expert in singing, instrumental music, and dancing, she was also renowned for her beauty. An inscription dated A. D. 1123 praises her beauty in two exquisite verses. Her guru was Prabhacandra Siddhantadeva, the disciple of Meghacandra Traividyadeva, of the Pustaka gaccha and the Desiya gana.4 1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 232, pp. 35-36. 2. Ibid., II, 132, pp. 60, 73. 3. Ibid., 131, p. 58, text, p. 57. 4. Ibid., 132, p. 60. He died in A.D. 1145. Ibid., 140, p. 67.

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166 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Queen santaladevi's work to promote the cause of the Jina dharma was lasting. She was the cause of the elevation of the four samayas (or creeds), and she delighted in gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning, and in the narration of stories relating to Jainism. It was she who had the image of Santi Jinendra at Sravana Belgola made in A.D. 1123. In the same year she caused to be erected the Savatigandhavarana basadi in the same holy place; and with the permission of king Visnuvardhana, granted the village of Mottenavile (situation specified) to her guru for the worship of the god and food for ascetics in the same basadi. To this gift was added in the same year specified lands below the Gangasamudra.? To the same basadi she (called in this record Cantaladevi) gave the village of Kava. nahalli (location specified), along with her younger brother Dudda Mahadeva, in order to meet the expenses of the god in the Vira Kongalva Jinalaya (the situation of which is indistinct in the record).2 All this work earned for her deserved praise. She was the "crest jewel of perfect faith," and "a rampart to the Jina faith."3 True to the instruction of the Jina dharma, she died by the orthodox manner of sallekhana in A. D. 1131 at the holy place of Sivaganga (thirty miles to the north-west of Bangalore). The inscription dated in that year continues to narrate that on her death, her parents too died. Of the death of her mother, we have some details. "The queen has attained to the state of the gods; I cannot remain (behind)", thus saying her mother Macikabbe, coming to 1. E. C. II, 131, 132, pp. 60, 75. 2. M. A. R. for 1927, p. 104. 3. E. C. II, pp. 60, 75. Read also M. A. R. for 1917, p. 10, for the work she did in Santigrama, according to tradition.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 167 Belgola, adopted severe samnyasana, and renouncing the world died. The half closed eyes, the repetition of the five expressions, the method of meditating on Jinendra, the dignity of taking leave of relations, indicating sainyasana, Macikabbe fasting cheerfully for one month, easily attained the state of the gods by samadhi in the presence of all the blessed, among whom were Prabhacandra Siddhantadeva, Vardhamanadeva, and Ravicandradeva. If the queen santaladevi was an austere follower of the Jina dharma, her mother was a still more puritan devotec ; and it is not surprising that the engraver Bokimayya should inform us that " the whole world is extolling her (Macikabbe) and that it is impossible for the panegyrist to describe her."'! The noble example set by the queen Santaladevi and her mother Macikabbe could not but have had a profound effect on the women of the times. Royal ladies showed how firm was the hold which the Jina dharma had on the Hoysala House. King Visnuvardhanadeva's daughter was Hariyabbarasi, who is called "the eldest younger sister of Kumara Ballala Deva," (i. e., king Narasimha I). She was a devout Jaina, and the wife of the lord (vibhu) Singha, and the lay disciple of Gandavimukta Siddhantadeva. In Hantiyur in Kodanginal she caused to be erected in A. D. 1129 a lofty caityalaya with gopuras surmounted by rounded pinnacles which were set with all manner of jewels. And to provide for the repairs, etc., of this temple, she obtained land freed by the Hoysala king her father, from Cinna of Gutti and the fisherman Bamma at a special price, granting it to her guru named above. Other examples of unvarnished devotion among royal 1. E. C. II, 143, pp. 73-74. 2. Ibid., VI, Mg., 22, pp. 62-63.

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168 MEDIEVAL JAINISM ladies may also be given here. Jakkavve or Jakkale was the wife of Cavimayya, the Great Minister and Senior Betelbearer of king Narasimhadeva. Hearing that Heragu was praised by all as a good place, she had a basadi built there dedicated to Cenna Parsvanatha to which she granted land, after having made an application for the same to the Hoysala king Narasimha, in the presence of all the chiefs of that locality. Her guru was the learned Nayakirti Siddhanta deva, who was "skilled in all grammar, in logic, in poetry, in composing verse with purpose, in philosophy. in religious lore, in worldly wisdom, in all arts, (and) in agreeable speech. "1 Maciyakke, the wife of the Commander isvara, who has already figured in the above pages, was another lady who set a good example. She was the daughter of Sahani Bitiiga, and the disciple of Gandavimuktadeva. She was considered to be the protector of the creeds of the four castes. In the holy place of Mayadavolal she had a Jina mandira made for which she presented a tank called Padmavatikere along with specified land in about A. D. 1160.2 To the same reign of king Narasimha is to be assigned the work of Siriyadevi, one of the wives of the feudatory Samanta Gova about whom too we have narrated a few details in the preceding pages. From the pedestal of the Visnu image in the Ranganatha temple at Huliyur, Chikamagalur taluka, we leam that she caused a Jina image to be constructed in the basadi at Huliyur obviously at the instance of her guru Candrayanadeva.3 11002 1. E. C. V, Hn. 57, p. 16. 2. Ibid., XII, Tm. 38, p. 10. 3. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 45. this Hindu temple. There is no Jaina image now in

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 169 Lest it may be supposed that the example thus set by the noble ladies had hardly any effect on the mass of the people, we may proceed to give a few instances of Jina devotees among the citizens of the Hoysala Empire. A rare type of a strict adherent of the Jina dharma was Haryyale who, as is related in a record assigned to A.D. 1174, called her son Bhuvaya Nayaka, and said--"Even in your dream think not of me but think of dharma. Always perform dharma, for by doing so you will reap the rewards (named)--thus, Bhuvaya Nayaka, do I beseech you. That both you and I may obtain boundless merit, make a Jina temple, Bhuvi Deva. Always honour the friends of my god, and take special care of your junior uncle." After this, anointing Jinapati, she received the sandal water with the resolve to wash away her sins. Then, in the presence of the feet of Jinendra, repeating with a loud voice the five words, without forgetting them, Haryyale, by means of the tomb died.1: And like her in the same year died Hariharadevi, the disciple of Candrayanadeva.? In the succeeding generations, too, it was the ladies of the higher rank that set the example. The Senior Herggaditi Acaladevi was the wife of the Saivite General Candramauli. She had become pre-eminent for the four traditional gifts she gave. The learned Nayakirti was her guru. She had a fine Jinalaya dedicated to Parsvanatha constructed in Sravana Belgola ; and it was to this temple, as we saw in an earlier context, that on the application of Candramauli the king Ballala gave the village of Bammeyanahalli. And the merchants (nanadesis) together with the representatives of the nadu and the nagara (the city corporation) likewise 1. E. C. XII, Tp. 93, p. 60. 2. Ibid., Tp. 94, p. 61.

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170 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM granted specified money dues for the maintenance of the temple. These gifts were received by Nayakirti's disciple Balacandradeva in A.D. 1182.1 In the same year the Hoysala king added the village of Bekka to the above gift.2 Somaladevi was the wife of the devout Jaina minister Ecana. She too had a basadi erected in A.D. 1207 in Belagavattinad for the worship of which she granted specified lands.? The sincerity of purpose which lay behind the lives of the common people is seen in the numerous cases of self immolation by the rite of samadhi towards the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century A.D. In about A.D. 1190 santiyakka. or santale, the daughter of Sankaya Nayaka and Muddavve, and the disciple of Nayakirti, attained salvation by this method. Ten years later Malavve, on hearing the news of the death of her daughter-in-law Caundiyakka, displayed the six virtues of devotion allowed for the females, and died by the same manner (in circa A.D. 1200)." Jakkave, the disciple of Kamalasenadeva, in A.D. 1206, followed suit according to the prescribed method." About six years later (in A.D. 1212) another woman of the same name but the daughter of Mandana Mudda, and the wife of the renowned Bharata, won celebrity in a like manner. "Through imbibing the 1. E. C. II, 327, pp. 136-139 ; see also 331, p. 140; V, Cn. 150, pp. 192-193, op. cit. 2. Ibid., II, 256, p. 115. 3. Ibid. VII, Sk. 320, p. 115. 4. Ibid., Sk. 200, p. 127. 5. Ibid., XII, Gb. 5, p. 17. 6. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 126. This corrects M. A. R. for 1911, p. 46.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 171 nectar of Jina teaching, having given up the false impressions of the mind, and being filled with desire to attain to the purity set forth in the doctrine, having given up all, saying, 'Not so much as a gain is mine', Jakkavve thinking on her god, came to a decision. Thus placing herself at the lotus feet of Jina, fixing her eyes on the tip of the nose, and listening to the words of the Agama, with ears and eyes having completed samnyasana, by the rite of samadhi", Jakkavve died. 1 1. E. C. VII, Sk. 196, p. 123.

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CHAPTER VI. POPULAR SUPPORT The policy of the Jaina leaders explained-- The importance of the commercial classes called Vira Banajigas-Harmonious relations between the Jainas and the non-Jainas Examples of devotion among citizens-- Prominent Jaina centres enumerated : Sravana BelgolaPaudanapura-Kopana--Digression : Identification of Konkinapulo with Kopana-Cikka Hanasoge - Pombucca - Kellengare -- Balligame - Kuppatur - Uddhare - Heggare - Sringeri - Kolhapur -- Bandanike - Dorasamudra-Arasiyakere--The Jainas as town-planners. [VER since the advent of Jainism into southern India, Jaina gurus had striven as much for their ancient religion as for the interests of the country. And in this they had wisely had recourse to a policy which appealed to all classes of people. From the foregoing pages it must have been apparent to the reader that the methods adopted by the Jaina sages to gain their ends were, indeed, well devised and comprehensive. By playing the part of king-makers, they had secured for generations royal patronage. Winning over the feudal lords and the great commanders assured them of success in the various provincial seats over which these high officials were placed. And the next element to be brought within the fold of the Jina dharma was the popu

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173 lace. Here too the Jaina leaders showed the practical side of their philosophical teachings by securing the allegiance of the most important section of the middle classes-the Vira Banajigas and the commercial classes, whose financial aid was of inestimable value for the cause of the anekantamata. With the immense wealth of which the Vira Banajigas were the traditional custodians, the Jina sages had magnificent Jinalayas and images constructed. The spectacular effect of these noble monuments together with the active support which kings, feudatories, royal ladies, and generals gave Jainism, must have been greatly responsible for the popularity and strength of that religion throughout the land. But the most practical means which they adopted to win for themselves the allegiance and devotion of the masses was that relating to the four gifts of learning, food, medicine and shelter-the primary needs of humanity. The insistence of these gifts on the part of the richer sections of the people must have had the inevitable effect of drawing to the Jina fold the larger sections of the populace among whom Jainism had made rapid strides from the ninth onwards till the fourteenth century A.D. POPULAR SUPPORT Profound Jaina teachers had certainly contributed to the strength of the Jina dharma in the early centuries of the Christian era. But it is only when we come to the ninth century and after that we meet with the widespread prevalence of the anekantamata. This will be evident when we have narrated a few details concerning some of the most important Jaina centres. Among these figures Cikka Hanasoge a lithic record of which assigned to A.D. 910 refers to a remarkable citizen. It was in the reign of Ereya, evidently the Ganga king Ereyappa, when a Jaina teacher named Elacarya, who subsisted on water for one month, died by samadhi. It is in connection with the death of this teacher that we come

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174 MEDIEVAL JAINISM across Astopavasa Kalnele Devar who set a nisidhi in memory of his guru. This person is described as having been a moving tirtha suggesting thereby that he was a citizen of exceptional piety.1 Evidence concerning the genuine endeavours made by the people to perpetuate the Jina dharma became more and more prominent in the succeeding generations. In about A.D. 1060 during the reign of the king Kacchara Kandarpa Senamara, Niravadyayya was granted Mahendravolalu. This citizen was the disciple of Mahadeva Bhalara of the Devagana and the Pasananvaya. Niravadyayya erected a Jinalaya after his own name on the Melasa rock, and bestowed on it the village he had received from the king. And the representatives of the adjoining country called the Edemale 1,000 granted each from their paddy fields a specified measure of rice.2 The real clue to the understanding of the high position which Jainism held in the land is seen in the ardour and devotion of the commercial classes. One of the powerful officials of the king Vira Santara Deva in A.D. 1062 was the Pattanasvami (Lord Mayor) Nokkayya Setti. This commercial magnate constructed the Pattanasvami Jinalaya in Humcca for the worship, etc., he presented the village called Molakere had bought from the king for 100 gadyanas. The donee is called the Sahudharma Sakalacandradeva, but Nokkayya's guru was Divakaranandideva. Nokayya, who had the title of Samyaktva-varasi, had images of the Jina gods in of which which he 1. M. A. R. for 1913-1914, p. 38. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified the guru mentioned here with his namesake spoken of in another record as having been the disciple of Sridharadeva. 2. E. C. VI. Cm, 75, pp. 43-44.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 175 gold, silver, precious stone, and the five metals constructed in Mahura, together with five large tanks named Santagere, Molagere, Pattanasvamigere, and Talavindegere. Further by spending 100 gadyanas he made the Ugure stream enter the Pagimagala tank. The beneficial works of Nokkayya Setti, therefore, were not confined merely to works of religious merit but to those which brought much material good to the people. The king rewarded such benevolent persons. And, as the same epigraph relates, Nokkayya was presented with a badge (patta) of gold by his king for his good works. And another inscription dated about A.D. 1077 relates that he was styled " a portable tirtha in the middle of the forest the Santali country", a Kanina in making gifts of food. shelter, medicine, and learning", and an occan of good character. This latter record informs us that he erected another Jina temple also in Humcca, called the Tirthada basadi, for which the next Santara ruler Tailapa Deva granted the village of Bijakana Bayal as an endowment. It is from this record that we learn that this guru Divakaranandi, who possessed the five mahakalyanas, the eight mahapratiharyas, and the thirty-four latisaysas, who was well versed in both Siddhantas, wrote a vitti in Kannada to the Tattvarthasutra.3 The importance of the commercial classes is also seen from the fact that well known Jina temples were entrusted to their charge. For instance in A.D. 1195 the Nagara Jinalaya at Sravana Belgola, which had been constructed by the minister Nagadeva, was placed in the custody of the Vira Banajigas 1 & 2. E. C. VIII, Nr. 58, pp. 153-154. 3. Ibid. Nr. 57, P. 153.

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176 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM of the locality. This is proved by the concluding lines of the epigraph which run thus--"The merchants who were the protectors of that Jinalaya, born in the eminent line of Khandali and Mulabhadra, devoted to truth and purity, possessed of the lion's valour, skilled in conducting various kinds of trade with many seaports, adorned with the famous three jewels (viz., samyak-jnana (right knowledge), samyakdarsana (right faith), and samyak-carita (right conduct)), the merchants residing at the holy Belgola acquired celebrity on earth."1 For more than a century this noble monument continued to be under the protection of the Jaina merchants of the same tirtha. This is proved by the records dated A.D. 1279 and A.D. 1288. In the former it is said that the Pujaris of the Nakhara Jinalaya, agreeing among themselves, gave a deed to all the merchants of Belgola in which the priests promised the merchants to carry on all the services in the Nagara Jinalaya "agreeable to the scale fixed by the merchants." The latter epigraph dated A.D. 1288 is more explicit on the question of the direct control exercised by the merchants of Sravana Belgola in the management of the Nagara Jinalaya. All the jewel merchants of that place and Jinanathapura agreeing among themselves, signed a deed by which they unanimously gave for the repairs of the temple of the god Adi of the same Jinalaya, certain specified duties. The penalty imposed on those who violated this agreement and the signatures of the merchants clearly prove the corporate nature of the deed. The penalty is expressed thus--"If one denies or conceals (his income) in this matter, his race shall be childless; he shall be a traitor to the god, a traitor to 1 E. C. II, 335, p. 143. See also ibid., Intr., p. 33, n. (1).

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POPULAR SUPPORT 177 the king, and a traitor to the creed." The deed was signed by all merchants, and it included their sign-manual-Sri Gommata.1 Piety sometimes was combined with learning. There were two brothers named Maci Setti and Kali Setti in the reign of king Ballala I. The elder Maci secti was learned in logic and grammar, able in commentating, supremely wise in all the sayings of the scriptures, and celebrated for devoting his wealth to works of piety. His equal in liberality was his younger brother Kali setti. For the Nakhara Jinalaya of Belgola they granted lands (specified) together with customs dues in A.D. 1078, and to these the settis of the locality added further grants of land. 2 The good feeling that existed between the followers of the Jina dharma and those who belonged to the other religions which must have been apparent to the reader from the preceding pages, is further borne out by the following instances of devout Jainas helping the benevolent work of Brahmans. Padmoja, who is described as "the frontal ornament of sculptors, a bee at the lotus feet of the Sarasvati gana, and a worshipper of the feet of Jina", was the official who advertised the grant of land for a satra (alms house) made by Divakara Sarvatithya, the chief of the Brahmans of the agrahara of Isavura in Hosavur in A.D. 1080.3 About the same year Bineya Bammu Secti built and endowed a Jinalaya in Sikarpura, and erected a satta for the thousand Brahmans of an agrahara the name of which is effaced in the record.4 1. E. C. II, 336, p. 144. 2. Ibid., XII, Tp. 101, pp. 61-62. 3. Ibid, VII. Sk. 293, p. 149. 4. Ibid, Sk. 8, p. 39.

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178 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Such spontaneous liberality was appreciated by the State. The following example further proves our assertion. Nokkayya was the son of Poleyamma and Keleyabbe. Once when he was in Tattekere, the king Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmadi Deva paid a visit to that town in A.D. 1085, and gave him the whole of the government of that city. The great minister, Senior Perggade Nokkayya, who was the disciple Prabhacandra Siddhantadeva of the Mesapasana gaccha, enlarged a tank, formed paddy fields, erected a temple, and established places for distribution of food. He built a basadi with the big tank of Tattakere surrounding it. His elder son Gujjana was opposed to it; but on the latter's death, Nokka Perggade erected two Jina basadis in Harige and Nelavatti. And when Nokka's second son Jinadeva too died, the ruler Ganga Permmadi himself, as a reward for Nokka's liberality and boldness, for the two basadis which the latter had built, granted the following royal rewards--- the royal insignia of two horses, canopy, camaras, and big drums, along with the gavundavrtti of eight specified villages, twenty horses, and 500 slaves together with the fixed rent of the villages, (named), free of all imposts, as a perpetual gift. The Great Minister Perggade Nokkayya's liberality was now doubled. He erected four basadis and granted specified lands for the Sthanapati of the Jina settlements belonging to the Gana gaccha. And once again the generous monarch granted the shop-tax and customs dues of Tattekere to his 1. He is not the same as Pattanasvami Nokkayya mentioned above, since the latter is called the son of Ammana. E. C. VIII. Nr. 57, p. 153. Moreover the difference in the names of their gurus is to be also noted in this connection.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 179 liberal minister.1 Not officials alone but merchants of the royal household and other high dignitaries as well were responsible for the continuance of the Jina dharma. Bhujabala Ganga Permmali, Bamma Gavunda, Bittideva, and the Nad-prabhu whose name is not given in the record dated A.D. 1111, granted specified land for a basadi in Shimoga along with six houses and an oil mill.2 Their work was insignificant when compared with what the royal merchants (raja-sresthi) Poysala setti and the graceful and sagacious Nemi setti did in A.D. 1117. They were the royal merchants to king Poysala, and were famous as "the warm supporters of the Jina dharma (which) spread widely (over the earth)." For the Jina temple and a mandara (which was a car-like structure sculptured on all sides with fifty-two Jaina figures, supposed to represent the island of Nandisvara) which their mothers Macikabbe and Santikabbe had caused to be constructed, Poysala Setti and Nemi setti made suitable gifts.3 Some interesting details concerning Hoysala sctti are available in epigraphs. He had the title of Tribhuvanamalla Caladanka Rava, and his wife was called Cattikabbe. This lady was a devout Jaina who delighted in the four kinds of gifts. When in about A.D. 1130 her husband, after bestowing the title Caladanka Rava Hoysala Setti on Malli Setti of the Passport Department (yundigeya) of Ayyavole, died by the rite of sallekhana, she caused an cpitaph to be made as an act of reverence to her husband and her son Bucana. 1. E. C. VII. Sh. 10, pp. 11-12. 2. Ibid, Sh. 89, pp. 34-35. 3. Ibid, II., 137, p. 64, and ibid, n. 1. 4. Ibid, II, 159, p. 78. See also ibid. Intr. p. 55 ; 402 dated A.D. 1138 where Hoysala Setti's son is mentioned. Ibid. p. 170.

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180 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM The ordinary title Caladanka, however, was borne by other merchants as well. Thus in A.D. 1120 Caladankavara Hede Jiya along with two merchants who bore the same name Maci setti, and another merchant called Madi setti, repaired a pit to the right of Gommatesvara at Sravana Belgola granting dues for the same. The commercial classes were not the only adherents of the Jina dharma. The agricultural sections of the people too were devout Bhavyas. When in A.D. 1154 Parisvasena Bhattaraka repaired the ruined basti of santinatha at Holalkere, and when the grants made by Voddama Gauda and others had been interrupted, it was that Gauda's sons (named) and others who petitioned the government official Pratapa Nayaka, after paying 100 gadyanas, to grant the lands behind the Hiriyakere tank and the tribute from the houses of the citizens for the worship and offerings of the santinatha basadi.2 But it must be confessed that from the practical point of view thc piety of the Vira Banajigas was more important for the cause of Jainism than the devotion of the Gaudas. This will be evident when we examine a few inscriptions of the latter half of the twelfth century. The earliest among these is that dated A.D. 1165 relating to the construction of a Jinalaya by the Silahara general Kalana mentioned in an carlier connection. The protectors of the public charity made by the Ratta king Kartavirya and others, were the Vira Bananju merchants and their leaders, the 500 Svamis of Ayyavole and the 1,700 Gavare, Mummuridanta, Ubhaya-nanadesis, and the Tala-samasta of Ekkasambuge who, in addition to the above duty, unanimously agreed to 1. E. C. II, 377, p. 162. 2. Ibid, XI, Hk. 1, p. 115.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 181 pay certain specified dues for the worship, etc., in the basadi.1 For the worship of the splendid Jina temple at Magudi constructed by Sankara Samanta in about A.D. 1182 which we mentioned in connection with Reca Dandanatha's endowments, the Bananju of the four places and the Mummuri Danda granted certain specified dues on the value of the treasures brought by all the merchants of various countries.2 And in A.D. 1195 a dancing hall and a stone pavement in front of the god Kamatha-Parsvadeva at sravana Belgola, we may be permitted to repeat, constructed by the Pattanasvami Nagadeva were likewise entrusted to the charge of the merchants born in the eminent line of Khandali and Mulabhadra, and skilled in conducting various kinds of trade with many ports, but residing at sravana Belgola.3 The popularity of the Jina dharma among the masses is seen from the many examples of devotion met with in the lithic records. In A.D. 1199 the god Mallikamoda Santinatha of the Hiriya basadi at Balligame stood in need of voluntary aid. Heggade Hiriyanna, the Adhikari of the city, and a few others (named) granted certain customs dues to the priest Padmanandideva for the worship in the basadi. This was in the reign of king Ballala II.4 Honni setti and other Bhavyas of Santigrama in the Hassan district, in the reign of the same monarch, set up in about A.D. 1200 the image of Sumati Bhattaraka of the Ingulesvara bali and the Desiya gana. Malli setti had the outer wall of the Adisvara basadi of Nittur in the Gubbi taluka, adorned with 1. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 49. 2. E, C. VII. SK. 197, p. 127. 3. Ibid, II. 335, p. 143. 4. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 46. 5. Ibid for 1917, p. 60

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182 MEDIEVAL JAINISM images all round in about A.D. 1219.1 In the thirteenth century A.D., too, the ardour of the citizens for the cause of the anekantamata never flagged. Paduma Setti was a typical Bhavya. Possessed of all good qualities, he was devoted to stories relating to the Sad-dharma (i.e., Jainism), delighting in the four kinds of gifts. His son was Gommata Setti, who in A.D. 1131 gave specified sum of money for the worship of Gommatadeva at Sravana Belgola. This was in the reign of the Hoysala king Narasimha II.2 Gangeyana Mara's charitable endowments were more creditable. He was the disciple of Nemi Pandita of the Vanadabali, Pustaka gaccha, and the Mula sangha. His great work was the construction of the Parsva Jinalaya at the top of the rock to the south of the Badara tank on the inaccessible hillfortress of Nidugal which had the other name of Kalanjana. This basadi was also named Jogavattige basadi. For the daily worship and distribution of food in this basadi, Gangeyana Mara and his wife Bacale obtaining lands from their royal master the Cola ruler Irungola Deva, granted them, while some of the neighbouring cultivators granted specified betel leaves, arecanuts, and oil for the same purpose.3 Purchasing land and freeing it from all obligations and bestowing it as charitable endowments for the Jaina institutions was a noteworthy feature of the times. Having purchased specified lands at Mattiyakere from the Mahamanda 1. E. C. XII Gb. 8, p. 17. 2. Ibid, II. 186, p. 90. 3. Ibid, XII. Pg. 52, pp. 124-125. The image of Parsvanatha in the same Parsvanatha basadi on the Nidugal fort was constructed by the Bhavyas of Bellumbatte, who were also the disciples of the same Nemicandra Bhattaraka. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 45.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 183 lacarya Nayakirtideva's disciple Candraprabhadeva, Sambhudeva and three others (named) granted the same for the milk offerings of Gommatadeva and the twenty-four Tirthankaras at Sravana Belgola in A.D. 1273 in the reign of the Hoysala king Narasimha III.1 Likewise in A.D. 1280 in the reign of the same monarch, all the farmers of Arakottara having freed the basadi of that locality from all the obligations of money payments, granted the water-rate, alms, housetax, poll-tax, the nicandi, and other dues for the same basadi.2 The same procedure was adopted in A.D. 1282 when all the jewel merchants (manikya nagarangal) of Belgola desired to make some endowments. Together with the royal guru Nemicandra Pandita's disciple Balacandradeva, these merchants, who bclonged to the Balatkara gana, and who were the disciples of the Mahamandalacarya Maghanandi, purchased wet land from Balacandradeva, and gave it along with other lands for the worship of the god Adi of the Nagara Jinalaya.? If there were devout Bhavyas who could purchase lands and give them for the offerings in a basadi, there were also austere Jainas who could lay down their lives in the orthodox manner. Soma Gauda was the eldest son of Masana Gauda of Cikka Muguli, and the disciple of sreyamia Bhattaraka of the Pustaka gaccha and the Hanasoge bali. When Soma Gauda died in A.D. 1280 by samadhi, his son Heggade Gauda not only set up a memorial stone but also gave lands (specified) for the eight kinds of worship in the local basadi.4 1. E. C. II. 246, p. 104. 2. Ibid, IV. Ch. 84, p. 10. 3. Ibid., II. 334, pp. 141-142. 4. Ibid, VI. Cm. 2, p. 35. For an earlier example in A.D. 1132, see ibid., VIII, Sb. 97, p. 14.

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184 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM In the reign of the next monarch Ballala III, whose age heralds the Vijayanagara epoch, a large section of the people was still devoted to the anekantamata. Bahubali Setti and Parisetti had constructed the Ekkoti Jinalaya which contained the god Padmaprabha. A tank was needed for the Jinalaya and lands to meet the expenses of worship. And Areya Mareya Nayaka built the tank, while the lands below it were given as a gift to the basadi by various Nayakas (named) of Kabbalu, along with the Jaina gurus Nemicandra Panaita and Balacandra mentioned above. These latter, we may note by the way, were the disciples of the rajagutu Nayakirti. But we are unable to determine whether Nayakirti was the rajaguru of king Ballala III. These details are gathered from a stone record dated only in the cyclic year Srimukha Vaisakha.? Nemicandra mentioned above may be identified with his namesake spoken of in an undated and defaced inscription found at Tolalu. In this record it is said that the village of Navilur was granted to that Jaina guru, for the services in the basadi at the same place, by Hiriya Mudda Gavunda, Bili Gaunda, and fifty-two residents of that locality.2 Turning now to the various centres in and outside Karnataka from where Jainism radiated, we find that, while most of them completely passed into the hands of the votaries of other religions, a few continued to remain strongholds of Jainism throughout all the ages. In the centres which fell into the hands of the non-Jainas, only mutilated Jaina images and broken slabs bear silent testimony to the once prosperous condition of Jainism in the country. The centres of Jainism may be divided into two groups--the major centres 1. M. A. R. for 1927, P. 46. 2. Ibid, p. 44.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 185 and the minor places of Jaina influence. We shall first enumerate the major Jaina strongholds, and then pass on to the description of the lesser places of importance. From the earliest times when Jainism had first made its appearance in the south, it had followed a policy of widespread diffusion which soon secured for it great strongholds in the centre, north, south and west of modern Mysore. These were the following places-Sravana Belgola, Paudanapura, Kopana, Punnad, Hanasoge, Talakad, Humcca, Balligame, Kuppatur, and Vanavase. Of these two were undoubtedly renowned as maha-tirthas-Sravana Belgola and Kopana, while Paudanapura seems to have been one of the earliest places associated with the statue of Gommatesvara. The reader must have already surmised from the introductory remarks to this work that the traditions of the great Srutakevali Bhadrabahu are connected with Sravana Belgola and Punnad. The populous and wealthy region to which the entire sangha was directed, as is related in the earliest rock inscription at Candragiri assigned to A.D. 600, could have been no other than the northern part of Punnad itself." In Kittur (Kirtipura), the capital of Punnad, Vasupujyadeva of the Tintrinika gaccha, consecrated an image of Parsvanatha in A.D. 1179.3 As regards Paudanapura we base our remarks concerning its importance on the Sravana Belgola inscription dated A.D. 1180 cited already in connection with the activities of Cam 1. E. C. II. 1, 2, 31, pp. 1, 2, 7. Read also M. A. R. for 1912, pp. 3-9. 2. E. C. II, 1, p. 1; Saletore, Ancient Kingdom of Punnatta in the Indian Culture, III, pp. 303-317. 3. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 37. But all traces of Jainism in Punnad have been obliterated.

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186 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM unda Raya. Whilc narrating the history of the great image which that Minister-General had caused to be built, it was said that the Emperor Bharata, the son of Purudeva, caused to be made near Paudanapura an image of 525 bows in length, resembling the form of the victorious-armed Bahubali-kevali ; *that after a lapse of time, a world-terrifying mass of innumerable kukkutasarpas grew around it ; and that Camunda Raya, on being advised that that place was inaccessible, determined to construct another image of similar proportions at Sravana Belgola.! The Paudanapura mentioned here could have been no other than Podan, modern Bodhan, a village lying in Lat. 18deg 40' and Long. 77deg 53' in the Nizamabad district of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. It was the capital of the Rascrakuta ruler Indravallabha, Nityavarsa, Indra IV. (A.D. 915--A.D. 917). This village is now strewn with an array of antiquitics, both Jaina and Brahmanical, which undoubtedly go to prove the antiquity of the place." This fact of its having been the capital of the Rastrakuta king in the first quarter of the tenth century A.D., and the fact that in one of the Sravana Belgola inscriptions it is said to have contained an image of Gommatesvara, suggest that long before the days of king Indravallabha, it had already come into prominence as a great Jaina centre. But in the reign of that Rastrakuta king, a Vaisnavite temple was built there.3 Perhaps it is this fact of the rajadhani of Bodhana having completely passed into the hands of non-Jainas, which explains why in the same age Camunda Raya was informed that it was "an inaccessible" place. 1. E. C. II, 234, p. 98 op. cit. 2 & 3. Narsimhacarya, Hyderabad Archaological Series, No. 7, pp. 1, 4, Seq.

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187 POPULAR SUPPORT Next in importance to Sravana Belgola was the mahatirtha of Kopana (mod. Kopbal in the south-west of the Nizam's Dominions). This place has not yet been properly surveyed and examined. However the researches conducted since the days of Rice, enable us to give a meagre account of the maha-tirtha of Kopana. From the seventh century A.D. till the sixteenth century Kopana was reckoned to be a holy place of the Jainas. But there are valid grounds to assume that it was a place of considerable importance to the Buddhist world before it sprang into fame as a maha-tirtha of the Jainas. Like some other holy places it passed from the hands of the Buddhists into those of the Jainas only to come into the custody of the Hindus afterwards. The word Kopana has been derived from kuppe (hill, heap, elevated spot) + ane (situation, direction), signifying thereby its location on a hill top. This derivation seems to be correct in view of the fact that in some records to be cited pre 1. This is admitted by Mr. C. Krishnama Charlu who, on behalf of the Government of H. E. H. Nizam, conducted the first official survey of Kopana, although just before him, Mr. Panduranga B. Desai, M.A., had made personal investigations on his own initiative and discovered many interesting inscriptions in Kopbal and its neighbourhood. Mr. Charlu's results are embodied in Hyderabad Archaological Series, No. 12. The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal : while Mr. Desai's in the Karnataka Historical Review, II, pp. 11-15. The late Mr. N. B. Shastry of Kopbal is said to have written an excellent paper on the antiquities of Kopbal, which seems to have been forwarded to the Hyderabad Archaological Dept. This, however, is not accessible to me. The researches of Fleet and Narasimhacarya should also be noted in this connection. 2. Desai, K. H. R. II, p. 15. But ane, according to Kesiraja, also means sparsane, touch. Sabdamanidarpana, p. 314, (Kittel's ed. Mangalore, 1899).

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188 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM sently Kopana is styled the hill of Kopana. The modern name Kopbal seems to have been in vogue in very early times, since in an inscription also to be cited anon, it is called Kuppal. The identification of modern Kopbal with Kopana was first made by Rice, and it has been confirmed by recent scholars.1 It was the same scholar who provisionally identified Kopana with Konkinapulo mentioned by Yuan Chwang (A.D. 635-A.D. 643).2 Rice gave no reasons for identifying Kopana with Konkinapulo ;3 but we are now in a position to state that his identification was correct. Yuan Chwang went from the Dravida country northwards into a jungle and passing through an isolated city and a small town, after a journey of above 2.000 li towards the north-west, reached Konkinapulo. He describes the country as being above 5,000 li, and its capital above 30 li in circuit. It contained more than 100 Buddhist monasteries and above 10,000 Brethren who were students of both the Vehicles. Close to the capital was a large monastery with above 300 Brethren--all men of great distinction. In the temple of this monastery was a tiara of Prince Sarvarthasiddha (i.e., Gautama Buddha) ; in the temple of another 1. E. C. I. p. 15; Desai., ibid., p. 13; Charlu H. A. S. No. 12, p. 1. 2 E. C. V, Intr. p. 15. 3. On Konkinapulo, read Burnell, 1. A., VIII, 145-6; see also his Elements of South Indian Palaeography, p. 33, ns. (1) and (2) (2nd ed.) ; Fleet, 1. A., XXII, p. 113 seq. ; Burgess refuting Fleet, ibid., XXIII. p. 28; Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, II, p. 253, n. (46); Rice, Karnataka Sabdanusasanam Intr. p. 15, ns. (2) and (3); My. Gazetteer, II, p. 206; read also Jl. of the Bom. R. A. S.; XI. p. 270, where the city of Konguna is mentioned in A.D. 1157 ; Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, II, pp. 237-239. 4. Watters, Yuan Chwang, II. p. 238,

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POPULAR SUPPORT 189 monastery near the capital was a sandalwood image of Maitreya. To the north of the capital was a wood of tala trees above 30 li in circuit in which was a tope where the past Four Buddhas had sat and walked for exercise. Near the capital on the east side was a tope which had associations with Buddha's preaching. To the south-west of the capital was an Asoka's tope at the spot where the (ar hat) Sronavimsatikoti made miraculous exhibitions and many converts, and beside the tope the remains of a monastery built by that Arhat.1 From the above the following may be deduced : (a) That in the second half of the seventh century A.D. Konkinapulo was noted for the many relics of Buddhism ; (6) That, on the whole, it contained many monasteries, which are styled by the Chinese traveller Buddhist monasteries; and (c) That in its neighbourhood, as distinct from the monasteries, was an Asokan tope. Now it is precisely in the village of Kopbal that the socalled Gavimatha and Palkigundu Edicts of Asoka have been discovered.2 And it is only fifty-four miles as the crow flies that another Edict of Asoka--the Maski Edict--was discovered; while ninety-four miles from Kopbal was found the Erraguli Edict of Asoka. These discoveries of Asoka's Edicts in and around Kopbal prove beyond doubt that that place was of considerable importance in the days of the Mauryan Emperor. And they fully justify the epithets--adi-tirtha 1. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 237. 2. Turner, The Gavimatha and Palkigundu Edicts of Asoka, Hyderabad Archaeological Series, No. 10. 3. Charlu, The Kannada Inscription at Kopbal, p. 1.

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190 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM and maha-tirtha given to it in epigraphs.1 As regards the second point mentioned above, viz., that Kopbal contained many monasteries, tradition current at Kopbal today asserts that there were not less than 772 basadis in that place. Hence current tradition connects Kopbal, not with Buddhism, but with Jainism. And, finally, Yuan Chwang speaks of the many relics of Buddhism at Kopana. These no doubt have yet to be discovered ; but the many ruins pertaining not only to Buddhism as narrated above, but also to Brahmanism and Jainism, that are found in and around Kopbal justify the statement of the Chinese traveller that that centre was noted for its sanctity.3 But here some objection may be raised against our assumptions. Firstly, as regards the name. Yuan Chwang gives it as Kongkin (kan) napulo which may have been another rendering of Kopanapura. Secondly, the Chinese traveller does not give any detail concerning one special feature of Kopana-the hill-top and the dolmens in that village.4 While he speaks of the fertile nature of the country, the swarthy complexion of the people, of their rude and rough ways, and of their addition to intellectual and moral acquisitions," he 1. Charlu, The Kannada Inscription at Kopbal, p. 3. 2. This detail we owe to Mr. N. S. Rajapurohit and the late Mr. N. B. Shastry. See Charlu, Kannada Inscrs., p. 14. 3 Mr. Desai speaks of the Brahman inscriptions K. H. R. II, p. 12. 4. These dolmens are called Moreyana angali, meaning not, as Mr. Charlu says, " the shops of the Mauryas ", (Kann. Inscr., p. 1). but as Mr. Desai correctly says "the stalls of the pygmies" called Morayas, K. H. R. II, p. 15. In support of Mr. Desai, read Rice, E. C. XI, Intr. p. 32. 5. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 238.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 191 says nothing about the little detail of the dolmens which would have settled once for ever the identity of Konkinapulo. However we may all the same observe that, both on the strength of his own statements and on that of the lithic records, the description of the holy place as given by Yuan Chwang seems to point to a Jaina centre rather than to a Buddhist stronghold. In the first place, the Chinese pilgrim uses an epithet in regard to Sronavimsatikoti which is striking. He calls him Arhat Sronavimsatikoti, and he tells us that the latter constructed an image of Maitreya in Konkinapulo; that near the Asokan tope was the spot where the same Arhat made miraculous exhibitions; that there were the remains of a monastery built by that Arhat; and that there was a tope in the neighbourhood of Konkinapulo which contained the relics of Sronavimsatikoti. This Arhat Sronavimsatikoti was no other than the bhiksu Srotavimsatikoti," who is said to have been born in a place which lay south-west of the capital of I-lan-na-po-fa-to country. While it is certainly admitted that the term Arhat was commonly applied in Buddhist canonical literature to Buddha himself and to transcendental beings, it cannot be understood how the Chinese traveller came to transform his bhiksu into an Arhat. The only supposition is that, notwithstanding his close observation of the Digambara and Svetambara Jainas in other parts of the country,+ Yuan Chwang seems in this one 3 1. Waters, op. cit., II, p. 237. 2. On the wrong use of this name by the Chinese traveller, read Watters, ibid, II, pp. 180, 238. 3. Watters, ibid., II. pp. 178 180. 4. Watters, ibid., II. pp. 2, 154, 155, 252. On the term Arhat used in regard to Buddha, read Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, Part I, p. 2. See also ibid., pp. 63, 105, 138, 264, where the term is used in regard to laymen, the real Brahman, and priests of God. (S. B. E. Vol. II).

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192 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM instance to have confounded the Jainas with the Buddhists of Kopanapura. This supposition is strengthened when we note that in the seventh century A.D. Kopana was essentially a Jaina tirtha. Epigraphic evidence proves this. In the Halageri stone inscription of the Western Calukyan king Vijayaditya (A.D. 696-A.D. 733) mention is made of this great Jaina sanctuary.1 A rapid survey of the epigraphs and one or two notices in literature conclusively shows that Kopana remained a great tirtha for the Jainas from the seventh till the sixteenth century A.D. In the Ganjam plates issued by the Ganga king Marasinga Ereyappa, and assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 800, we have one of the witnesses styled thus-Madhava of Kuppal.? This may be taken to be the earliest variant of the name by which Kopana is known to-day-Kopbal. As Rice pointed out long ago, Kopana is mentioned by the Rastrakuta monarch Nspatunga (A.D. 814A.D. 877) in his Kavirajamarga, as one of the four cities in which the pith of the Kannada language was spoken. In this connection it is interesting to observe that in one of the stone inscriptions discovered near the grave of Kadalaralinga in the Maunakote at Kopbal, in the characters of the same century (the ninth century A.D.), mention is made of the Rastrakuta dynasty and of the monarch Nrpatunga. Another stone 1. We owe this to the labours of Mr. P. B. Desai, K. H. R., II, no. 1, p. 48. 2. E. C. IV Sr. 160, p. 143. 3. Ibid., I. Intr. p. 15; Kavirajamarga, Pithika, V, 37 Sce also Charlu, Kannada Ins., p. 2; E. I. XII. 148. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya disproved Fleet's contention that Kavisvara, and not Nppatunga, was the author of Kavirajamarga. (I. A. XXIII 258). Read Kavicarite I, pp. 14, 17-20. 4. Desai, K. H. R., II, no. 2, p. 12.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 193 inscription on the rocky side of Candramabandi or Vantikola in the same place, records the death of Sarvanandi, the disciple of Ekkacattugada Bhatara in Saka 803 (A.D. 881).2 To this period (the ninth century) may be assigned the death of Sukumarasena muni on the hill of Kopana (Kopanadri), mentioned by Camunda Raya in his Camundaraya Purana.2 When we come to the tenth century A.D., we find Kopanapura the seat of a branch of the Silaharas. It remained so till the thirteenth century A.D. From the inscriptions discovered at Cinnamalti and Bankur in the Gulbarga district and in Salotgi and Muttagi in the Bijapur district, we learn that the Selalas or Silaharas of this branch styled themselves Kopanapuravaradhisvara and Jimutavahananvaya.3 The eleventh century A.D. saw Kopana becoming still more conspicuous. This was because in addition to its having been a holy place, it was the seat of a great battle. Some pilgrims from eri Kopana tirtha visited Sravana Belgola in about A... 1. Desai, K. H. R. II, p. 13. A Sarbanandi, the disciple of Paraviyaguru of Cikur, is mentioned in a stone record assigned to about A.D. 750 by Narasimhacarya. E. C. II 36, p. 8. 2. This was first pointed out by Rice, Karnataka Sabdenusasana, Intr. p. 15, nos. (1) and (2). Then Narasimhacarya referred to it quoting the passage in Kavicarite, I. p. 48, n. (1) Mr. N. S. Rajapurohit also has come across this passage, and has added to it notices in Ajita Purana. So we are informed about Mr. Rajapurohit by Charlu, Kannada Ins., p. 14. For another inscription assigned to the tenth century A.D. mentioning the guru Jatasinganandi and his disciple Cavayya, see Charlu, ibid, p. 8. 3. Only one inscription hailing from Salotgi was noticed by earlier scholars, the others were discovered by Mr. Desai. KielhornSastri, E. I. IV, p. 59; Desai, K. H. R. II, no. 1, p. 48; Charlu, ibid., p. 2. MJ. 7

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194 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM 1000.1 It is in connection with the redoubtable Cola king Rajadhiraja's and his younger brother Rajendradeva's conAlicts with the Western Calukyan king Somesvara Ahavamalla that we learn about the importance of this place. In one stone inscription it is called "the beautiful great tirtha of Koppam."2 This name was rightly identified by Rice with Kopana. Here was fought a great battle between the Cola king Rajadhiraja Deva and the Western Calukyan king Somesvara Ahavamalla. The former was an irresistible warrior and had a great many victories to his crcdit. But he was an enemy of the Jainas, and a ruler of blood-thirsty disposition. The anti-Jaina propensity in king Rajadhiraja is proved beyond doubt by the Annigere stone inscription of Dharwar which calls him a wicked Cola who had abandoned the religious observances of his family, penetrated into the Belgola Country and burnt the Jaina temples crected there by Ganga Permmali (i.e., the Western Calukyan ruler Vikramaditya VI, who was the younger son of king Somesvara I by a Ganga princess3). The blood-thirsty disposition of the Cola ruler is attested by the Somesvara temple 1. E. C. II, 475, p. 88. 2. Ibid, IX. Intr. p. 16. n. (3) And again in My & Coorg., p. 90. Mr. Charlu seems to suggest that Messrs Kielhorn and Sastri were the first to identify this place. Kannada Ins., p. 2. This is wrong. It cannot be made out how Mr. Charlu failed to notice the works of Rice. Koppam was wrongly identified by Hultzsch with Kuppam and Koppa. South Indian Inscriptions, I. p. 134 ; II, p. 232. Ricc refers to this wrong identification. E. C. IV, Intr. p. 15, and n. (1). Mr. Charlu rejects it. Kannada Ins., pp. 3-4. 3. Fleet, Dyn. Kan. Dts., p. 441 ; Rice, E. C. IX, Intr. p. 17, My & Coorg., p. 90. Rice is incorrect when he calls Ganga Permmadi a Ganga king. Sec E. C. VII. Intr. pp. 19, 166 ; Sk. 83, p. 57 ; Hl. 14, p. 161.

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195 record found in Gangavara, Devanahalli taluka, Mysore state, and dated A.D. 1046.1 In the great battle of Koppam which Rice assigns to A.D. 1052, king Rajadhiraja was killed by the Western Calukyan king Somesvara Ahavamalla. But the valiant younger brother of that Cola ruler by name Rajendradeva retrieved the prestige of the Tamil army, and inflicted such a crushing defeat on the Western Calukyan king that the latter retreated in order.2 It is in connection with the great victory won by Rajendradeva that we learn that Koppam was a beautiful tirtha,"3 66 POPULAR SUPPORT Its situation is given in another lithic record dated A.D. 1054 which, while repeating the earlier details of Rajendradeva's having terrified Ahavamalla at Koppam, informs us that that place was on the bank of the great river. The "great river" (Peraru) mentioned here has been identified with Hirehalla on the right bank of which Kopana is situated.' 1. E. C. IX. Bn. 108, p. 21; My & Coorg., pp. 90-91. According to E. C. VII. Sk. 118, text, p. 218, the death of Rajadhiraja is to be placed in Saka. 976=A.D. 1054. 2. Ibid, IX. Bn. 108, op. cit. 3. Ibid., X. Kl. 107, p. 35; ibid, Intr. p. 15. 4. We owe this accurate detail to Mr. Charlu. Kannada Ins., p. 5. But Mr. Charlu himself says that Kopbal is situated on the left bank of the same stream! Ibid, p. 1. If this identification of Peraru is correct, it will be a unique instance of a mere halla, or stream, called by the name of "great river" ! The difficulty may be solved thus: the greatness of the tirtha has been transferred to the stream itself. Usually the Krsna, called Kana-bemna in Kharavela's Hathigumpha Cave inscription (E.I. XX, p. 87), Kara-bena in the Nasik cave inscription, no. 10 (E. I. VIII, p. 78), and Krsna-benna in a Western Calukyan inscription of king Vinayaditya dated A.D. 692 (which will be edited soon by Mr. D. B. Diskalkar of Satara), is called Perddore which name, as Rice has pointed out, has been sometimes

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196 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Inscriptions assigned to the same century (the eleventh century A.D.) reveal the names of Jaina gurus and their disciples, and show the great popularity of Kopana. For instance, a stone inscription of the first year of king Vikramaditya informs us that Simhanandi Acarya died by sarnyasana. The lay disciples of the latter (four in all) are named, while Simahanandi Acarya's disciple Kalyanakirti is extolled as one who had observed the candrayana, and through whose administering of the law of Jina (Jina sasana) many effected the karma ksaya (destruction of the evil effect of human action). Kalyanakirti is said to have built the Jinendra caityalaya at the spot where his guru Simhanandi Acarya had died, and also consecrated the image of Santinatha in the village of Buccukundi. It is conjectured that the king Vikramaditya mentioned here was the Western Calukyan monarch Vikramaditya V who reigned from A.D. 1009 till A.D. 1017.2 This is inadmissible. It is more probable that the name refers to king Vikramaditya VI of the same dynasty, whose benevolent work as a Jaina we have already noted in this treatise Evidence is not wanting to prove that Kopana continued to be a great Jaina centre in the twelfth century A.D. In about A.D. 1112 Kopana tirtha is said to be " distinguished given to the Tungabhadra, and in two instances to Laksmanatirtha. E. C. X. Intr. p. 18 n. (1). For other notices of the battle of Koppam, read S. I. I., III, no. 55; ibid, VII. no. 827 E. I. XII p. 297 ; E. C. IV. Ch. 69, p. 8. 1. Charlu, Kannada Inscr., p. 9. Mr. Desai also notices the same but makes Ravicandra, Gunacandra ; Abhayacandra, Kavicandra ; and Desanacandra,Ajayanandi respectively. K. H. R. II. no 2, p. 14. 2. Charlu, ibid, p. 9.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 197 among the millions of Jaina sacred places."1 We have seen in connection with the great Jaina general Ganga Raja that, as is related in an epigraph dated A.D. 1115, his liberality converted Gangavadi 96,000 into Kopana.The same is repeated in another stone inscription dated A.D. 1133.3 Of his grandson Eca Dandadhipa it is also said in A.D. 1134 that he made Jaina temples in Belgola like those in the tirthas of Kopana and other places. Another record dated A.D. 1135 of the same general, while repeating the above fact, calls Kopana an original tirtha (Kopana-adi-tirthadalu). As is related in a record dated A.D. 1159 it was General Hulla that, as we noted in an earlier context, granted gifts to the assembly of twenty-four Jaina sages in the great holy place of Kopana (Kopana maha-tirtha).6 Gangavadi 96,000 shining like Kopana through the liberality of Ganga Raja is again mentioned in A.D. 1184.? The wealth and sanctity of the place is further attested by a stone inscription found on the pedestal of a Jaina image in the Candranatha basti at Kopbal itself which calls it Sri-Kopana tirtha.S Belagavattinad is compared to Kopana in about A.D. 1205 because of the charitable work done by Ecana. The wealthy Kopana had in about A.D. 1206 a Senabova named 1. E. C. VII. Sh. 64, p. 25. 2. Ibid, II, 127, op. cit. 3. Ibid, V. Bl. 124, p. 82. 4. Ibid, V. Ch. 248, p. 229. 5. Ibid, II. 284, p. 166, text p. 172. Cf. Charlu, op. cit., p. 2. 6. E. C. II. 345, p. 148. 7. Ibid, IV. Ng. 32, p. 120. 8. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 83. See also Charlu, ibid, pp. 11-12. 9. E. C. VII. Sk, 317, p. 154.

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198 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Sateya who wrote the stone inscription of that date. Stone inscriptions found at Kopbal, and assigned to the thirteenth century A.D., mention the names of Santaladevi basadi, the Arasiya basadi, the Tirthada basadi, and the Timmabbarasiya basadi at the same place.2 That Kopana did not lose its fame and importance in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries A.D. is proved by later epigraphs. In about A.D. 1400 Candrakirtideva, Master of all Arts (sakala-kala-pravina) and the chief disciple of Subhacandradeva, of the Mula sangha and the Ingulesvara bali, caused an image of Candraprabha to be set up "intending it for his own tomb."3 Under the Vijayanagara Emperor Krsna Deva Raya the Great, Kopana was styled a sima. It had been assigned by that monarch to the Treasurer Timmappayya for his nayakship. But in this age or before one of the famous Jaina shrines at that place had been turned into a saivite temple. This is concluded from the same record dated A.D. 1521 in which the Treasurer Timmappayya is said to have granted the village Hiriyasindogi to the Cenna Kesava god of Kopana. It has been surmised that this temple of Cenna Kesava was originally a Jaina temple from the fact that the temple still contains Jaina sculptures." One of the greatest scholars of the sixteenth century, by name Vadi Vidyananda, is said to 1. E. C. IX, Cg. 45, p. 175. 2. Desai, K. H. R. II. no. 2, p. 12. Charlu, ibid. p. 14. where Mr. Charlu has based his remarks on the admirable note on Kopana supplied to him by the late Mr. N. B. Shastry of that place. 3. E. C. IV. Ch. 151, p. 20. 4. Desai, ibid, p. 12; Charlu, ibid, p. 10. 5. Desai, ibid.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 199 have won distinction thus in about A.D. 1530--In Kopana and other tirthas he held great festivals with immense wealth, and by means of the rite of dehajna in order to gain the reward of salvation, became famous. We shall see in a later context that in the first quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. Kopana still boasted of traders and merchants. So that our account of Kopana may be brought down to the eighteenth century A.D., we may mention here that, according to a stone inscription of Kopbal assigned to that century, Vardhamanadeva, the disciple of Devendrakirti Bhattaraka, had the image of Cchaya Candranatha made and set up there. 2 There were other prominent Jaina centres as well. Cikka Hanasoge in the Yedatore taluka, which figures conspicuously in records ranging from the ninth century A.D. till the first quarter of the twelfth century,3 had at one time sixty-four basadis. To-day, however, it is filled with ruins amidst which may be seen the beautiful basti built in the fine Calukyan style. In about A.D. 1080 a relative of Damanandi Bhattaraka, the senior guru of Divakaranandi Siddhantadeva of the Pustaka gaccha, is said to have been the head of all the basadis of the Cangalvatirtha of Panasoge, and of the Abbe basadi as well as of the basadi of Balivane of Torenad. It is interesting to note here that in an inscription assigned to the eleventh century and found in the Tirthada basadi in the 1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 46, p. 147. See below Chapter on Jaina Celebrities in Vijayanagara. 2. Charlu, Kannada Insc., p. 8. For another Kopbal, see M. A. R. for 1924, p. 1. 3. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 26. 4. Ibid. for 1912-3, p. 18. 5. E. C. IV. Yd. 23, p. 55.

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200 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM same centre, it is said that that basadi had been originally endowed by Ramaswami of the Mula sangha, Desiya gana, and Pustaka gaccha, and the son of Dasaratha, and the elder brother of Laksmana, and the husband of Sita and descended in the line of Iksvaku. The same basadi was afterwards successively endowed by the Sakas, Nalas, Vikramaditya, the Gangas, and the Cangalvas, and then renovated by Samayabharana Bhanukirti Pandita, the disciple of Nagacandradeva of the Balatkara gana. We have had an occasion of noting the work of the Cangalva king Rajendra Cola Nanni Cangalvadeva in Hanasoge in an earlier context.? An equally well known place in the ninth and tenth centuries was Pombucca (mod. Humcca), twenty-two miles to the north of Tirthahalli in Nagar taluka. We have already narrated how from the days of the founder of the santara line, Jinadatta Raya, in the ninth century A.D. and afterwards, Humcca was a Jaina centre. The most ancient temple in that place is called the Paliyakka basadi constructed in about A.D. 878. The large Jaina matha and the Jaina temples dedicated to Parsvanatha and Padmavati--the latter being the original and presiding deity of the locality, and the finely executed Pancakuta basadi attract even today large numbers of Jaina pilgrims from all parts of India. The Pancakuta basadi was no other than the famous urvitilakam which we described while dealing with the charitable endowments of the santara princesses 1. M. A. R. for 1912-3, p. 50. CI. E. C. IV. Yd. 25, p. 56. Rama, the son of Dasaratha, is also mentioned in connection with another Jaina temple described elsewhere in this treatise. 2. E. C. IV. Yd. 26, 28, p. 56, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 6-7.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 201 Cattaladevi and Pampadevi. In the course of the description of the benevolent work of General Hulla, it was remarked that one of the centres where he built five great basadis was Kellangere. This, we may be permitted to repeat, was an original holy place (adi-tirtha) formerly founded by the Gangas.2 Evidence of the centre having been founded by the Gangas, however, is not forthcoming in history. But all the same there cannot be any doubt that the antiquity of Kellangere can be carried to at least two centuries earlier than the age of General Hulla. We prove this by the Lakkanna Biranna stone inscription found at Bastihalli, Halebid, and dated A.D. 952, in which the following is narrated-That in the reign of the Ganga king Bhutuga (A.D. 938-A.D. 953), Ballappa captured Kellangere with the aid of archers. Moni (Mauni ?) Bhattaraka, the disciple of Gunasagara of the lineage of Kondakunda, was then in Kellangere. When Ballappa besieged that centre, Moni Bhattaraka, so it is said in the record, "gained the approval and affection of the world," on which Kiriya Moni Bhatar, the disciple of Abhayacandra Pandita, erected a monument for him. It cannot be made out whether we are to infer that the (senior) Moni Bhattaraka valiantly withstood the attack on Kellangere by Ballappa, and that he died in its defence. This doubt arises from two considerations--the fact of the death of Moni Bhattaraka having been made immediately after the attack on that town by Ballappa ; and secondly, from the opening lines of the praise bestowed on the Jaina guru, viz., that praise was not to be given to the effeminate but (only) to the beloved, the treasury of virtues-Moni in Kel 1. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 7. See above Ch. V. 2. E. C. II. 345, op. cit.

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202 langere.1 Let us now pass on to the other great centre-Balligame. Throughout the eleventh century A.D. Balligame figures as a prominent Jaina centre, although during the same age it was the home of all the different religious creeds. And of the various religious organizations that had made Balligame their home, no doubt the Kalamukha order deserves the highest praise. It is in connection with one of the greatest figures in Kalamukha history, Vadi Rudraguna Lakulisvara Pandita, that, as we said in the above pages, we come across statements pertaining to Jainas in Balligame. In all likelihood the three great Jaina teachers Abhayacandra, Vadibhasimha Vadigharatta Ajitasena, and Vadiraja-whom Lakulisvara Pandita defeated in disputation-, excluding others whose identity is still unknown, could only have been worsted by the great Kalamukha teacher either in the court of the Western Calukyan ruler Jayasimhadeva at Pattalakere or in Balligame itself. We presume that it was in the latter city that the disputation took place on the following grounds-In the first place, Balligame by virtue of its having been the centre of the then existing creeds was pre-eminently suited to be the meeting ground of all the religious disputants. But a more valid reason in support of our assumption is that supplied by the stone inscription dated A.D. 1048, that is to say, only twelve years after the above inscription relating to the achievements of Lakulisvara Pandita. The lithic record found in the Somesvara temple at Shikarpur, opens in the acknowledged Jaina manner. It deals with the work of the Mahamandalesvara Camunda Rayarasa, who was the MEDIEVAL JAINISM 1. E. C. V. BL. 123, p. 80. See also Rice's note on pinigalam, ibid, p. n. (3)

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203 POPULAR SUPPORT viceroy of Banavasepura under the Western Calukyan king Trailokyamalla Somesvara I (A.D. 1042--A.D. 1068). While in the royal city of Balligame in A.D. 1048, the Mahamandalasvara Camunda Rayarasa granted specified land in the same capital for the worship of a basadi of Kesavanandi Astopavasi Bhalara. This Jaina guru was the disciple of Meghanandi Bhattaraka of the Balagara gana connected with Jajahuti Santinatha. We shall mention later on the place occupied by the Mahamandalesvara Camunda Rayarasa in the history of Jainism." We may well assume that Balligame which possessed a basadi in A.D. 1048 may have been a Jaina centre in the days of Vadi Rudraguna Lakulisvara Pandita. Our surmise is further strengthened by the lithic record dated A.D. 1068 which we have already cited above in connection with General Santinatha. The work of that Jaina General may be recalled here ; and we may observe that in Baligrama was the ancient Mallikamoda santitirthesa basadi which was built of wood and which in that year General Santinatha rebuilt in stone. The Jaina guru who received a specified grant from the Mahamandalesvara Laksmarasa, the viceroy of the Banavase 12,000 province, was Maghanandi Bhattaraka who belonged to the Desiya gana and Talakolanvaya. The concluding lines of the record are all defaced ;? but they prove all the same that in earlier times Jagadekamalla Deva (evidently Jayasimha III, Jagadekamalla, who ruled from A.D. 1018 till A.D. 1042, and after him the Western Calukyan king Ganga Permmali Vikramaditya' VI, both of whom have figured in this treatise), gave grants to the basadi in Balligame. The statement that " from of old" some land belonged to Nandana basadi (at Baldi 1. E. C. VII. Sk. 120, p. 91. See also I. A. IV, p. 181 ; Moraes, op. cit. pp. 116-117. 2. E. C. VII, Sk. 136, pp. 103-104.

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204 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM game) appearing in the same epigraph, is a further proof that that centre belonged to the Jainas in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D.1 Balligame remained a Jaina stronghold in the eleventh and twelfth centuries A.D. We have to recount here the donations given to the Calukya-Ganga-Permmadi Jinalaya in Balligame by the king Vikramaditya VI, as recorded in a stone inscription dated A.D. 1077 cited by us already." As regards the importance of the same city in the reign of the Hoysala king Vira Ballala, we know from a lithic record dated A.D. 1199 that certain officers of the provincial government of Nagarakhanda and Jiddulige 70, during the regime of 'Dandanayaka Malliyanna remitted certain specified dues to Padmanandideva. The object of this endowment was the continuation of the eight-fold worship of the god Mallikamoda Santinatha in the Hiriya (i.e., senior, in other words, ancient) basadi of the capital city of Balligame.3 Like many a great Jaina centre Balligame today possesses no traces of Jaina worship except broken Jaina images. Another stronghold of the anekantamata which was as well known as the former was Kuppatur in the Sohrab taluka. This place figures in inscriptions of the eleventh 1. E. C. VII. Sk. 136, pp. 103-104. 2. Ibid., VII. Sk. 124, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 46. Dr. Krishna gives the text and translation of this inscription in full, and opines that the record may be assigned to the reign of king Ballala III, and that Padmanandideva mentioned here may be identified with his namesake who died in A.D. 1313. (M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 128-130) Another Padmanandideva has figured in a record of A.D. 1077 cited above. 4. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 15.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 205 and thirtcenth centuries A.D. It was here that in A.D. 1077 the Kadamba queen Malala Devi constructed the Parsvadeva caityalaya which we have described above. To the same Tintrinika gaccha to which Malala Devi's guru Padmanandi Siddhantadeva belonged,1 was attached Parvata, a Jaina guru, who is said to have had something to do with the consecration of the same Jina temple. The same Jaina order held possession of the Kuppatur basadi in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. Savanta Muddayya, who will figure in a later context, is said to have constructed a basadi in Kuppatur in about A.D. 1207.3 In the Banavasenad were also other great seats of Jainism which have been mentioned in contemporary records. We have, for instance, Uddhare which was one of the ornaments of the Jiddulige country. Reference already has been made to the Kanaka Jinalaya, Panca basadi, and the splendid Eraga Jinalaya in that famous town, as gathered from records dated A.D. 1139 and A.D. 1198 respectively.4 Heggare (about seven miles from Huliyur) in the Chitaldroog district was likewise noted for its Jaina structures. The Cenna Parsva basadi of this locality was constructed in A.D. 1160 by Samanta Gova, as related in an earlier context." It is a simple but elegant specimen of Hoysala architecture. Here in A.D. 1163 died by the orthodox sarnyasana rites Meghacandra Bhattaraka, the disciple of Manikyanandi 1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 262, pp. 41-42, op. cit. 2. M. A. R. for 1911, pp. 40-41. 3. Ibid., p. 47. See ibid., p. 20 for ruins of Jina images in Kuppatur. 4. E. C. VIII. Sb. 233, p. 35 ; Sb. 140, p. 200, op. cit. 5. Ibid., XII. Ck. 21, pp. 77-78, op. cit. 6. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 19.

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206 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Siddhantadeva of the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. And when in A.D. 1279 Candrakirti, who belonged to the same Jaina congregation, but who was the disciple of Maladhari Balacandra Ravula, died by the same method, all the chief Bhavyas of Heggare had a monument made in his name.2 Another seat of Jainism was sringeri. The one prominent basadi in this well known seat of Advaitism was the Parsvanatha basti. It cannot be made out when it was constructed. But by the middle of the twelfth century A.D. it had already becoine popular. For in A.D. 1149 certain donors who belonged to the Kranur gana, are mentioned in a damaged record of that date found in the Parsvanatha basadi.? The basadi built in memory of Mari Setti, who was descended from Vijaya Narayana setti of Nidugod, in A.D. 1160, must have been a separate temple. To this basadi certain lands and customs ducs were granted by the Banajamu (i.e., the Vira Banajigas) and the Nanadesis. Dr. Krishna mentions another inscription which contains only a salutation to Parsvanatha, and belongs to the same date as that found in the Parsvanatha basadi.5 To the same age should be assigned the importance of Kolhapur as a Jaina centre. The credit of turning it into a tirtha for the Jainas is to be given to the great philosopher Maghanandimuni, the disciple of Kulacandradeva. This we infer from a stone inscription dated A.D. 1163 of the 1. E. C. XII. Ck. 23, p. 78. 2. Ibid., Ck. 24, p. 79. 3. M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 113-114. 4. Ibid., for 1933, p. 123. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya opined that this was the earliest record found in Sringeri. M.A.R. for 1916, pp. 17, 83. But in view of the inscription dated A.D. 1149 cited above, that opinion is untenable. 5. M. A. R. for 1933, p. 125.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 207 time of Maghanandi himself. The same source speaks of Pratapapura of Kellangere which belonged to the Rupanarayana basadi of Kollapura of the Pustaka gaccha, the Desiya gana, and the Mula sangha. A later record dated about A.D. 1200 informs us that Maghanandi Siddhantadeva was connected with the Savanta basadi of Kollapura. This basadi belonged to the same Jaina congregation as the previous one.? Neither Kolhapur nor Sringeri was so conspicuous as Bandanike, one of the most well known centres of Jainism. Today Bandanike (mod. Bandalike) is a village overgrown with teak trees, with a number of mutilated Jaina figures lying all about. But Bandanike, called in later records Bandhavanagara and Bandhavapura, was a seat of the Bhavyas so early as A.D. 902, when it was called a tirtha. In this year Bittayya, the Perggade of the Nadu in the province governed by Lokateyarasa, caused to be built in that holy place a basadi for which the viceroy and others granted specific villages as a gift. The interest of this stone inscription lies also in the fact that both Bittayya and his wife, who was the gamundi of Bharangiyur, renounced the world, evidently after the construction of the basadi. These events took place in the reign of the Rastrakuta king Krsna II, Akalavarsa.3 Bandanike sprang into fame under the scions of the Kadamba family. It was the capital of Boppa (or Brahma) Deva. The god santinatha of this city is praised thus in 1. E. C. II. 64, op. cit. 2. Ibid., II. 386, p. 164. See also ibid., Intr. pp. 61, 74, 85. 3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 38. Dr. Krishna speaks of a record dated A.D. 918 found in the same place Bandanike (M. A. R. for 1931, p. 66) which I am unable to trace.

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208 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM a record assigned to A.D. 1182 :-"With however much milk he is bathed, it disappears; though garlanded with flowers down to his feet, they vanish ; though bathed with hot water, he on the contrary becomes cold--is this not sufficient to describe the greatness of Santinatha ?" The Acarya of this temple of Santinatha was Bhanukirti Siddhanta of the Kra. nur gana, Tintrinika gaccha, and Nunna-varsa. He was the disciple of the learned Municandra, who had published commentaries, made the science of grammar his own, adopted the rules of logic, explained poems and dramas, and despised the god of love. It was to this same Bhanukirti that, as we related above, the General Reca had granted a specified village as a gift. The basadi of Ratnatraya of Magunai, of which Bhanukirti was the priest, we may note, was the creation of Sankara Samanta, the first person in the kingdom of the ruler Boppa Deva. The temple thus built was so beautiful that it was praised by Suryabharana, the Tripurantaka Suri of Balipura. And to both the Bhavyas and the devout followers of Siva it was a source of joy ! It was to see this lovely Jinalaya that Reca Dandadhisa had come all the way from his own city, as we narrated in an earlier connection. 1 Bandanike is called a tirtha in A.D. 1075 when the Western Calukyan monarch Somesvara had made specified gifts to the santinatha basadi.2 The same epithet is given to it in A.D. 1204 when Kavade Boppa was its ruler. This officer is called "half a Reca in promoting the Jina dharma in the world." He belonged to the trading class, as his name Kavanya Boppa Setti implies. He erected a mantapa for the god santinatha. But he was not the only person who 1. E. C. VII. Sk. 197, p. 126, op. cit. 2. Ibid., Sk. 225, pp. 132-133.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 209 was responsible for the prosperity of Bandanike as a centre of Jainism. subhacandra Pandita, the disciple of Lalitakirti Siddhanta, "raised up the tirtha of Bandanike as its favourite acarya", and he obtained the parupatya (or management) of the Santinatha tirtha. And the Hoysala king Ballala Deva's celebrated (Brahman ?) minister Malla "protected this Bandanike with affection." The remarkable spirit of goodwill which prevailed in the land in those days is seen in the manner in which provision was made for the worship and ceremonies of the god santinatha of Bandanike to be described later on. The santinatha basadi of Bandhavanagara figures also in A.D. 1207, when king Brahma of the Kadamba family ruled over it. The Jaina priest in charge of the basadi in that year was Anantakirti Bhattaraka of the Kranur gana and the Tintrinika gaccha. Mudda Savanta, also called Savanta Muddayya, was his disciple. He was an ornament to the kingdom of Ballala Deva, a pious and liberal Jaina, and a worthy successor of Reca Camupati. He erected a basadi at Magundi and granted lands to it. We have already seen how the same Savanta built a basadi at Kuppatur.2 Five years later in A.D. 1213 subhacandradeva, the disciple of Lalitakirtimuni, died by the orthodox manner in the same holy place.3 The Jainas could also boast of another great stronghold of theirs in the famous capital of the Hoysala rulers--Dorasamudra itself. This city comes into prominence as a Jaina centre from the time of the ruler Ballala II. To the reign of this monarch we have to assign a stone record found in the 1. M. A. R. for 1911, pp. 46-47. 2. Ibid. 3. E. C. VII. Sk. 226, p. 133.

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210 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM same capital, in which the death by sallekhana of the Jaina merchant Nami Setti is registered. The main ground on which this inscription is placed in the early years of the king Ballala II is the fact that Nami Setti is mentioned as the disciple of the Jaina guru Nayakirti. Dr. Krishna rightly identifies Nayakirti with his namesake spoken of in a sravana Belgo!a record. But we have to fix the date of Nayakirti in order to prove the validity of our assertion that Nami Setti died in the reign of king Ballala II. This can be done by ascertaining a few facts concerning Nayakirtideva. From the epigraphic evidence cited in connection with the great Jaina generals in the previous pages, it may be recalled here that Nayakirti figures in many of the Hoysala records. This guru was the disciple of Gunacandra and the colleague of Manikyanandi. Both these pupils of Gunacandra were great philosophers. Nayakirti was "an emperor of philosophy", while Manikyanandi was one who " had reached the other shore of the ocean of philosophy". Nayakirti was "superior to the lord of Khacchara (Jimutavahana) and Bali in liberality, was superior to Meru and the famous Kailasa in weight (dignity), was the guru of the praiseworthy Irungola, and a true guru of the whole world." He belonged to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. He is highly praised as one who was proficient in literature, the Jaina scriptures, and as "a crest jewel of good conduct." For he was one who "destroyed the three salyas,2 the three garavas, and the three dandas.* The same 1. M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 78-79. 2-4. The three Salyas are the following--mithya-salya (falsehood), maya-salya (fraud), and nindana-salya (covetousness). The three guravas are the following panca-suna (cutting, grinding, cooking, carrying of water, sweeping); stri-mohadi (love of woman, etc.); and parigraha (land, house, cattle, grain, bipeds,

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POPULAR SUPPORT 211 epigraph tells us that he died in Saka 1099 (A.D. 11761177). On the strength of these facts, we may assign the event mentioned concerning Nami setti to a period before A.D. 1177 in the reign of king Ballala II or earlier. That quarter of Dorasamudra which contained Jaina temples was called Bastihalli. The basadis which lie in ruins in this village, as well as the inscriptions in its neighbourhood, enable us to conclude that Bastihalli was, indeed, a prosperous centre of Jainism under the Hoysalas. In A.D. 1236 the guru Sakalacandramuni, a disciple of Bahubali Siddhanta of the Desiya gana and the Mula sangha, after wandering through villages, cities, and hamlets, and causing Jainism to spread, at last died in the caityagriha of the village of Bilica (in modern Basavapattana of the Channagiri taluka ?) after starving himself for three days. At this all the Jaina citizens (Bhavya-nagarangal) of the capital Dorasamudra erected a monument in his memory." From the statement made above concerning this guru, it is not improbable that he had popularized Jainism in the country. Of the three temples now existing in Bastihalli--the Parsvanatha, Adinatha, and santinatha--we have a few details quadrupeds, conveyance, bed, servants, vessels). The three dandas which are hurtful are--acts of body, speech, and mind. E.C., II, p. 22, ns. 1-3. 1. E. C. II, 66, pp. 22-23. On the basis of this the date given to inscription number 182 (circa A.D. 1200), p. 90 (ibid) should be changed to an earlier date. See also 187, 333, pp. 91, 140. In the latter record we are introduced to the solitary figure of Somesvara described as a son of Vira Ballala a statement which is not met with elsewhere. Nayakirti's charter to the Jain merchants of Belgola is also to be noted in this record.

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212 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM about the last one.1 An inscription on the pcdestal of the image in the santinatha temple relates that in A.D. 1257 Vijayanna (descent stated) of Kothanadu and the Jaina merchants of Dorasamudra erected the temple of santinatha. It was attached to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. The donors obtained the village of Hiraguppe (location specified) from the king Narasimha Deva III in A.D. 1257, and gave it over to Nayakirti Siddhanta and his descendants.2 The Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra witnessed a remarkable spectacle in A.D. 1274. Balacandra Panditadeva of the Desiya gana and the Ingulesvara bali and the Sri-samudaya, was a learned and austere guru. He had become famous in the world for his teachings on penance. When he made comments on the Saracatusga and other works, his diksa guru Nemicandra Bhattaraka listened. Once Balacandra announced to the four castes thus" At noon (on the date specified) I shall enter the tomb", and he commanded them thus"You should all obtain dharma ; you must forgive me!" Having performed all the rites of sarinyasana, seated on palyankasana (or couch), praising the forms of the pancaparamestis, in a manner that gained the approval of his own and other sects, he suffered perfect entombment. At which all the Bhavyas of Dorasamudra performing all the ceremonies suitable for the occasion, as a memorial for his departure, made images of that guru and of the pancaparamestis, and setting them up, extended his merit.3 Five years later (A.D. 1279) another great Jaina guru died 1. For a detailed account' read M. A. R. for 1930, pp. 52, 55, 59. 2. Ibid., for 1911, p. 49. 3. E. C., V. Bl. 131, p. 87.

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POPULAR SUPPORT 213 amidst equally orthodox circumstances. This was Abhayacandra Siddhantadeva who, both according to the above records and the one under review, was the sruta guru of Balacandra Panditadeva. It is said of Abhayacandra that with the pramana-dvayi he expounded prosody, logic, vocabulary, grammar, philosophy, and rhetoric. He was a great disputant. On the night of the date specified (A.D. 1279) knowing it was his time for the tomb, forsaking all food, purifying his body, without fear, so that all the world applauded, taking to the palyankasana, as if saying, "I will certainly show my brightness in heaven", Abhayacandra, the great Siddhantika, died. And once again all the Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra raised a high monument for him in reverence.1 And twenty years after his death, the pious Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra once again lost an equally remarkable Jaina teacher. He was Ramacandra Maladharideva, the senior disciple of Balacandra Panditadeva. The epigraph gives a unique account of this austere guru. "In walking he did not swing his arms; he did not go the length of a yoke without looking well before him ; women and gold he never touched ; rough words he never spoke ; night and day he never forgot himself and uttered boastful words ; (and he) never fell into the net of ignorance". Ramacandra Maladharideva discoursed to his beloved pupil Subhacandradeva on the sreyomarga. Like his great guru Balacandra, Ramacandra informed the four castes of the exact time of his death ; and commanding them to cultivate dharma, and having performed all the rites of samnyasana from his palyankasana, he died in A.D. 1300. And once again the Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra had images of their leader made together with 1. E. C. V 133, p. 88.

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214 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM those of the pancaparamestis, and they undertook to spread his merit and fame.1 The thirteenth century saw other prosperous Jaina centres. For instance, there was Arasiyakere. This city was one of the most famous spots in Karnataka. Here was the Sahasrakuta Jinalaya about which we have already mentioned a few details while dealing with General Reca. The above inscription dated A.D. 1220 which commemorates the setting up of the Sahashrakuta Jina image by General Reca, gives us an admirable account of the citizens of that rajadhani. Here lived both Brahmans and Jainas in the utmost freedom and goodwill. "To those who properly observe, in the celebrated Arasiyakere the Brahmans were versed in the Vedas ; the guards, brave; the traders, wealthy ; the fourth caste, of unshaken speech ; the women, beautiful; the labourers, submissive; the woods, full of fruits; the gardens, full of flowers." With lotuses covered with bees, with groves filled with parrots and cuckoos, with tanks overflowing, pervaded with the perfume of gandhasali rice, filled with flower, sugarcane and wells, having lofty and handsome temples, crowded with an increasing population, and ornament to the earth-who can describe Arasiyakere? The Jaina dharma and all other dharmas are cultivated without opposition by the thousand families of the good in Arasiyakere. The Bhavyas who aided those thousand families are described thus-Their speech, a home of truth ; their conduct, according to Jina dharma ; in worship of the two feet of Jina, fourfold of Indra ; their (material) greatness, equal to that of Kubera ; their gifts bestowed upon only the worthy ; in acquiring wealth, giving pleasure to all ; on whatever side observed this was 1. E. C., V. BI 134, p. 89.

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215 POPULAR SUPPORT the case who then can compare with the Bhavyas of Arasiyakere ?1 Such were the Jains of Karnataka who made our land rich and prosperous in the medieval times. 1. E. C., V, Bl. 77, op. cit. See also M. A. R. for 1918, p. 28, for a short note on the Sahasrakuta temple.

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CHAPTER VII. CRITICAL TIMES Importance of the 8th and 9th centuries in Jaina history--The identity of the Ajivikas with the Jainas disprovedStages in the spread of Jainism I. The age of Samantabhadra-II. Akalanka-III. Vajranandi--The establishment of the Dravida Sangha-Other gurus who spread Jainism-Kanakanadi & Gunasena--Elacarya - Jaina centres in the Tamil land and Travancore, the Andhradesa and Karnataka from the early times till the rise of Vijayanagara-Contribution of Jainism to the history and culture of the Tamil land, the Andhradesa and Karnataka--Literature --Grammar -- Mathematics -- Astrology -- Medicine-Arts and Architecture Contribution to the culture of India the four gifts-Ahimsatoleration General causes of the decline of Jainism in the Tamil and Telugu lands and Karnataka- The work of the Saiva and Vaisnava saints in the Tamil land. THE eighth and ninth centuries of the Christian era were ages of Jaina diffusion in the south. But this expan sion brought it into conflict with certain forces which proved detrimental to its life not only in the new kingdoms over which it spread, but also in the land of its domicile where undoubtedly it had moulded the destinies of the people for centuries. In the previous pages we saw the history of

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CRITICAL TIMES 217 some of the major centres of Jainism. Here we shall be concerned with the account of some of the minor seats of that religion which will enable us to understand the story of its struggle in the south, and to appreciate the stand it took in the age when the great mediaeval Empire of Vijayanagara was founded. There is every reason to believe that the anekantamata radiated to the southern centres from its strongholds in Karnataka. But it must be admitted at the same time that considerable uncertainty prevails in regard to the question of the exact age when Jainism was introduced in the Tamil land, and the names of the great teachers who were instrumental in propagating the tenets of the Jina dharma." We meet with many references to Jainism and to a sect which has been identified with a sect of that religion, in certain works ascribed to the early period of Tamil literature. Mr. Ramaswami Ayyangar pointed out long ago detailed references to Jainism in the famous Tamil works which belong to the so-called sangham age, viz., Toskap 1. Devacandra's statement that Visakhamuni, the immediate disciple of Bhadrabahu (who is supposed to have died in B.C. 297), travelled in the Cola and Pandya lands and spread the Jina dharma, as given in his Rajavasikathe, is rightly doubted by Mr. M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar (Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 20, 32), because Devacandra's testimony is not supported by any other source. But Mr. Ramaswami assumes that the lithic record in the Brahmi script, found in the Ramnad and Madura districts, and assigned by the Madras Government Epigraphist to the beginning of the third century B.C. (Ep. Report of the Southern Circle for 1907, pp. 60-61), probably were Jaina inscriptions ; and that the Jaina Sages may have commenced their preaching of the Jina doctrine in the Tamil land in that remote age. Studies, pp. 33-35.

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218 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM piyam, Kural, Manimekhalai, and Silappadikaram. It is interesting to note that, according to some scholars, the author of Tolkappiyam was himself a Jaina ;' that Valluvar, the author of Kural, was likewise a follower of Arhat, ;3 and that Ilangovadigal, the author of Manimekhalai, and the author of Naladiyar were both Jainas. The Kural, we may note by the way, contains undoubted references to Jainism.5 A prominent sect met with in early Tamil literature has been identified with one of the Jaina sects. Thus, for instance, in the work called Manimekhalai we have the teachings of the Ajivikas in detail. These Ajivikas or naked ascetics are supposed by some to be no other than one sect 1. Ramaswami Ayyangar, Studies., pp. 36-50. Other scholars of late including S. K. Ayyangar and C. S. Srinivasachari, have noted a few references to the same after him. Sec for the remarks of these two scholars. Jainacarya Sri Atmananda Centenar y Commemoration volume, (Bombay, 1936). 2. Vaiyapuri Pillai, Sen Tamil, XVIII for 1919-1920, p. 339. 3. Seshagiri Shastry, Essay on Tamil Literature, p. 43; Ramaswami, ibid, p. 41. 4. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 46, 56. 5. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 41-42. Mr. V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar has unsuccessfully tried to show that the cpithets inalarmisai, yekkinan, aindavittan, and aravaliyantanamwhich Ramaswami, following Seshagiri Shastry, showed to be Jaina epithets (Studies, p. 41)--were Vedic ideas. Studies in Tamil Literature, pp. 136-37. Prof. A. N. Upadhye merely follows Ramaswami Ayyangar where he maintains that the Kural contains many Jaina indications, and that the commentator of Nilakesi calls the Kural" our own Bible" (emmothu). Upadhye, Pravacanasara, Intr. pp. xx, seq. See Ramaswami, Studies., pp. 41 43. 6. S. K. Ayyangar, Manimekhalai in its Historical Setting, Bk. xxvii pp. 193-4. See also ibid, Intr. p. xxii, and pp. 55, 55n(i), 56, 57. Cf. Silappadikaram, Canto XXVII, II. 99-100.

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CRITICAL TIMES 219 of Jainas identical with the Ksapanakas Yapaniyas, Nagna (or naked), and Bhagna (wounded) beggars mentioned in literature and epigraphic records.1 But the Ajivikas were not Jainas; and it is doubtful whether they can be identified with the Yapaniyas mentioned in Jaina literature and in stone inscriptions. In the first place, we may note that the Ajivikas are mentioned as distinct from the Jainas in Buddhist literature. Secondly, in 1. Rice, E. C. X. Kl. 28, p. 7. The Ajivika sect was founded by Gosala, a contemporary of Mahavira and Gautama. Charpentier is of opinion that the Ajivikas were older than Gosala, himself. J. R. A. S. for 1913, pp. 669-674. But there is nothing new in this opinion, for Monier Williams expressed it long ago. J. R. A. S. XX, p. 277. (O.S.). Ramaswami makes Gosala a quondam disciple of Mahavira, Studies ; p. 7. The Ajivikas mentioned in the Edicts of Asoka, have been variously identified with Buddhist Bhiksus, Jaina mendicants, and even with Vaisnavites ! Read Hultzsch, Inscriptions of Asoka (Corpus Insc. Int dicarum, Vol. I.), pp. 136, and ibid, n(3), 181. They figure in Buddhist literature. Cowell, The Jataka ; I, pp. 124 ; 206, 229, 307 ; II. pp. 181, 187 ; III. p. 159; V. p. 8, 42, 45; VI. pp. 115, 119, 121 ; Geiger, Mahavamso, p. 75, and ibid, n (2) ; Neumann, Digha Nikaya, pp. 2,248, and ibid, n(139) ; A. Banerjee Sastri, J. Bihar Or. R. S. XII, p. 532-562. For a full note on the Ajivikas read Hoernle's admirable account in Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, I., pp. 259-268. Read also Benimadhab Barua, A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, Ch. XXI, pp. 297-318 (Calcutta, 1921) [I owe this reference to Dr. Barua's work to Dr. S. M. Katre). Amulya Candra Sen, Schools and Sects in Jaina literature (Visvabharati Studies. No.3). On their identification with the Vaisnavas, read Buhler, I. A. XX, pp. 316 seq. This is rejected by D. R. Bhandarkar, J. Bom. R. A. S., XXI, pp. 399 seq; 1. A. XLI, pp. 88, 286 seq. 2. Read Majjhima Nikaya. I. pp. 238, 524 ; Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, I pp. 71, 219-220, 227, 232 (S.B.E.II) I owe these references to my wife.

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220 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the account of the Jaina scholars as given in the Sthananga, Uttaradhyayana, and other Jaina Sutras, no mention is made of Markali Gosala at all. On the other hand, we have the names of seven leaders of the Jaina schism during and after the time of the great Mahavira. The Sthanangasutra, for instance, speaks of Jamali who preached the doctrine of work in unlimited time ; Tisygupta, the doctrine of the soul's extension ; Asadhacarya, the doctrine of Avyaka ; Asamitra, the doctrine of momentary existence ; Ganga, the doctrine of double sensation ; Aulukya alias Rohagupta (who was called Kanada in Brahmanic literature) the doctrine of three or six categories ; Gosta Mahila, the doctrine of no bondage. Further, the so-called naked ascetics seem to have seceded from the Brahmanical faith. For in the Visnu Putana it is said that those who seceded from their original belief are said to be naked, because they have thrown off the garment of the Vedas. This seems to point to a Hindu origin of the Ajivikas. But the reason why they have been confounded with the Jainas is that like the Digambaras they went about naked. Thus in the immortal hymns called the Tevaram of the great Saiva saints Tirujnanasambandhar and Appar, the Jainas are described as naked ascetics who pulled out their hair from their heads and stood unabashed before women. Among Hindu writers the naked ascetics are said to have been known by the name Siddhas, a term which is not uncommon among the Jainas too. The naked wandering ascetics 1. The Sthananga Sutta, pp. 468 469 quoted by Dr. Shama Sastry in M. A. R. for 1927, p. 23. These sutras are assigned by Dr. Sastry to the sixth century A.D. Ibid, p. 22. 2. Wilson, Visnu Putana, p. 341. 3. Ramaswami, Studies ; p. 69 where in n. (7) reference to the original is given.

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CRITICAL TIMES 221 whom the queen Vilasavati, desirous of getting a child with a mind prostrate in adoration prays and whom Bana calls by the name Siddha, were no doubt Ajivikas.2 A certain amount of reproach was attached to them. This will be evident from Kautalya's Arthasastra in which it is said that a person who entertains in a dinner dedicated to the gods or ancestors, Buddhists, Ajivikas, Sudras, and exiled persons (pravrajita), will be fined 100 pana.2 From the Tamil classic Manimekhalai it is clear that the Ajivikas were not the same as the Jainas. For Manimekhalai after listening to the essence of the teaching of Markali and finding it self-contradictory, passed on to the teaching of the Nirgrantha,3 thereby showing that the teaching of the latter was quite distinct from that of the former. Moreover, in a record dated A.D. 1162 the naked (magna) ascetics are spoken of as distinct from the bhagna (wounded) ascetics and the Ksapanakas, Ekadandis, and others, proving that the people did not associate the Asivikas or naked ascetics with the Jainas at all. And, finally, the State in southern and western India differentiated between the Ajivikas and the Jainas. In the Tamil stone inscriptions discovered in Karnataka the Ajivikas were taxed per capita, while the Jainas like other citizens were taxed per house. In the Tamil records the Ajivikas are styled Asuvimakkal. In an inscription dated A.D. 1072 of the 3rd regnal year of the king Rajendra Cola, the inhabitants of the Eighteen visaya, the Valangai sec 1. Kadambari, p. 56 (Ridding). Even modern scholars have confounded the Digambaras with the Ajivikas. Takakusu commits such an error. 1-T sing's Travels., p. 2. 2. Kautilya, Arthasastra, p. 224. 3. S. K. Ayyangar, Manimekhalai, p. 194. 4. E. C. VII. SK. 102, p. 73.

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222 MEDIAVAL JAINISM tions, and the Padangondu, enacted certain measures among which was one which declared that the Asuvimakkal should pay one kasu each for the minor tolls ; and that if they failed to do so, they should pay an additional kasu." In about A.D. 1291 in the 37th year of another Tamil monarch Jayangonda Cala, a tax on Ajivikas is mentioned.2 A nobleman called Sikka Devanna Dannayaka Annamalai Devar is said to have remitted, among other taxes, the tax on the Ajivikas, for the worship of a certain god in order to invoke success for the arms of the king Ramanatha Devar.3 We may contrast these instances with those mentioned in the famous record dated A.D. 1368 which will be examined in minute detail in a later context, in which the following is stated :--That out of the money levied at the rate of one hana a year for every house according to the door from the Jainas throughout the whole kingdom, a certain amount was to be set apart for the bodyguard of the holy place of Belgola. These facts are enough to demonstrate that the people as well as the State in mediaeval India distinguished the Ajivikas from the Jainas. As regards the identification of the Ajivikas and the Yapaniyas, it may be observed that this, too, is untenable. The Yapiniyas were an unorthodox Jaina sect with the appearance of the Digambaras but with the observances of the Svetambaras." In the epigraphic notices we have of this sect, 1. E. C. X. Mg. 49 (a), p. 87. 2. Ibid, Kl. 28, p. 7. 3. Ibid. Kl. 18, P. 4. 4. Ibid, II, 344, p. 146. 5. Read Luders' detailed note on them in E. I. IV, pp. 338339, where reference is given to Bhadrabahu carita, IV. v. 133, seq., which describes the origin of their sangha as well. See also Zeitschrift der Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, XXXVIII, p. 39 seq.

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CRITICAL TIMES 223 especially, in Karnataka, the Yapaniyas are never confounded with the Ajivikas at all. How the Yapiniyas have figured in Palasika in the days of the Kadamba king Mfgesavarma (fifth century A.D.) and Devavarma has already been noticed in connection with the patronage extended to Jainism by the Kadamba monarchs. We have likewise seen that Salagrama to the west of Manyapura was a centre of the Yapaniya Nandi sangha, which belonged to the Punnagaviksamula, in the first quarter of the ninth century A.D., during the rule of the Rastrakuta king Govinda Prabhutavarsa.2 And, further, the Ekkasambuge stronghold of the same sect in the reign of the silahara king Vijayaditya in A.D. 1165 has also been dwelt upon.3 This digression is necessary if we are to invalidate the alleged identity between the Ajivikas and the Jainas on the one hand, and the Ajivikas and the Yapaniyas on the other. The spread of Jainism in the Tamil land, therefore, is not to be traced to the advent of the Ajivikas in the south, but to the activities of the celebrated Jaina teachers whose great 1. For further notices, See Bombay Gaz., II, Pt. II, 288; 1. A. VII 38 ; J. Bom. R. A. S. XII, p. 332. 2. E. C. XII. Gb. 1, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1916, pp. 48-49. 4. As regards the identification of the Ajivikas with the Ksapanakas, it may be noted that Ksapanaka is said, according to tradition, to have been one of the nine jewels in the court of king Vikramaditya. (Satiscandra Vidyabhusana referred to by Hiralal, Cat. of MSS in the C. P. etc., p. xiii.) Since the identity of king Vikramaditya himself is a matter of uncertainty, nothing can be said about Ksapanaka and the creed he promulgated. In a kadita found in the Sringeri matha, Bharatitirtha Sripada of Sringeri is said to have defeated the Ksapanakas whom Dr. Krishna identifies with the Jainas. M. A. R. for 1933, p. 219.

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224 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM achievements in the field of religion and philosophy brought the Tamil land into close touch with Karnataka.1 Prominent among the Jaina gurus who were responsible for the diffusion of Jainism in the Tamil country were Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Kanaksena, and Gunanandi. Samantabhadra is a celebrated name in Jainism. Devacandra in his Rajavalikathe (A.D. 1838) tells us that Samantabhadra performed penance in the village of Manuvaka.? This statement of a later writer is insufficient to assert that Samantabhadra was a Kannadiga. No original Kannada work of this great Jaina teacher is available ; but his commentaries in Kannada to Sanskrit and Prakrit works have been discovered.3 The date of this renowned teacher is still unsettled. He may have lived in the earlier part of the second century A.D. This supposition is based on the following considerations. In the first place, it may be observed that in Jaina literary accounts, there is no unanimity at all concerning Samantabhadra's date. In the Viravamsavali of the svetambaras, Samantabhadra is said to have been the sixteenth Pontiff (from ?), who lived in 889 after Nirvana which corresponds, according to Hiralal, to A.D. 419 as the date of that Jaina guru. But, according to another Jaina tradition, 1. Ramaswami assumes on the strength of the statements made in the Mahavamso (pp. 49, seq), that Jainism---which, according to him must have been introduced in Ceylon in the fifth century B.C.,-must have left its trace also in the extreme south of India at the same time. Studies ; p. 33. These assumptions do not rest on sure grounds. 2. Kavicarite, I, pp. 2, 4. 3. Ibid, I. p. 4. 4. Hiralal, Cat. of MSS., Intr. p. xi.

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CRITICAL TIMES 225 Samantabhadra lived in Saka 60 (A.D. 138).1 Credence may be given to the tradition that Samantabhadra lived in the second century A.D., when we examine the pontifical pedigrees of the Jaina gurus as given in the epigraphs ranging from the beginning of the twelfth to the fifteenth century A.D. Thus in a record dated A.D. 1129 we have three names in succession without their relationship being explainod : Bhadrabahu, Kondakunda, and next to him Samantabhadra, thus showing that in regard to spiritual greatness these three names come one after the other. Ir another record dated A.D. 1163 it is said that in the line of Bhadrabahu arose Kondakunda, who was also called Padmanandi, Umasvati, and Gtdhrapincchacarya. His disciple was Balakapinccha. "In such a line of great acaryas arose (with praise) Samantabhadra " after whom came Pujyapada. The same is repeated in a later record of A.D. 1398 in which we are told that Kondakunda wrote the Tattvarthasutra, and that Samantabhadra's disciple Sivakotisuri "ornamented the Tattvarthasutra", evidently meaning thereby that he wrote a commentary on that work. Then, again. 1. Bhandarkar, Report on Skt. MSS. for 1883-1884 p. 320. Rice also placed Samantabhadra in the second century A.D. My & Coorg, p. 203. But Narasimhacarya maintained that Samantabhadra may have lived in circa. 400. (Kavicarite, I, p. 4). 2. E. C. II. 67, p. 25. 3. Ibid, 64, p. 17. 4. Ibid, 254, p. 110. If we are to rely upon this inscription, and there is no reason why we should doubt its authenticitythen, Sivakoti was the earliest Jaina scholar to write a commentary on the Tattvarthasutra. Hence Prof. Upadhye's remark that Pujyapada-who, as pointed out elsewhere in this treatise, can sometime after Samantabhadra,-- was the earliest Digambara commentator on Tattvarthasutra (Pravacanasata. Intr. p. xxi) has to be modified.

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226 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM in an inscription of A.D. 1432 we have the fact of Samanta. bhadra's being mentioned immediately after Balakapinccha.! Although the above records unmistakably point out to the proximity in time of Samantabhadra to Balakapinccha, who was the disciple of Konakunda, yet they do not assert that Samantabhadra was the immediate disciple of Balakapinccha. This is not surprising when we know that Balakapinccha had a famous disciple called Gunanandi, as is proved by epigraphs dated A.D. 1115 and A.D. 1176.2 Nevertheless it may not be too much to assume that Samantabhadra was near enough in time to that Jaina teacher. This explains why he is placed immediately after Balakapinccha in the records cited above. But the difficulty concerning Sainantabhadra's date is not thereby solved. For the date of neither Kondakunda nor Balakapinccha is known. Professor Upadhye after a caresul discussion of all available evidence places Kondakunda at the beginning of the Christian era... On the basis of this 1. E. C. II. 258, p. 117. But in this inscription Umasvali. muni is said to be born in the line of Kondakunda, which, as pointed out by Narasimhacarya, is not borne out by other records. Ibid, p. 117, n(1). 2. E. C. II. 66, 127, pp. 51-52. 3. The same conclusion was arrived at by Ramaswami. Studies, p. 43. Professor Upadhye relates that a Jaina Kannada magazine called Vivekabhudaya, I. pp. 3-4, has discovered the village where Kondakunda lived. It is identified with Kondakund about four or five miles from the Guntakal railway station. Pravacanasara, p. xxiii, n(2). But this discovery is not new. It was made long ago in the Epigraphical Report of the Southern Circle for 1916, p. 134, where it was said that Kondakunda's village was called Konakonala, Konakuntla, or Konkakunda. This suggests that we have to look for the domicile of the great Jaina teacher in an essentially Karnataka locality, and not in

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CRITICAL TIMES 227 date it may be argued that Kondakunda's immediate disciple Balakapinccha may be placed in the middle of the same century. Admitting that one or two names intervened between Balakapinccha and Samantabhadra, it is not Kanci, as suggested by Prof. Upadhye. (Op. cit., p. xxiii). Among the arguments advanced by this learned writer in order to arrive at the conclusion, we may notc two :- The spelling of the name Kondakunda, and the name of the great guru being associated with the Dravida sangha. As regards the first supposition, it may be observed that konda means a hill in Kannada. (Kittel, Kannada-English Dicty. p. 485), and kunda, means a hole in the ground, a pit. (Kittel, ibid., p. 437), while kunda means a pillar of bricks. (Kittel, ibid., p. 441). The first of the name (konda) is Kannada, as is proved by the names Konqabhacta (a male person), Kondaganale (a village), Konpakuru (village) Konali (a village), Kondalinad (district), Kondanad (a province), Konqamma (a female person), etc. (E. C. IV. Yd. 54, pp. 60-61 ; VIII. Sb. 559, p. 89; VI. Mg. 76, pp. 282-3; V. BI. 136, p. 90; VII. Sk. 129, p. 99; V. Ag. 22, p. 249). These and other names beginning with konda appear in numerous Kannada inscriptions. As regards the second half of the name kunda, it is undoubtedly earlier and more common than kunda. (On Konpakunda, see, E. C. V. Bl. 124, p. 83) Inscriptions give us the names of villages and centres that bore the name kunda. Thus in a record assigned to A.D. 900 we have the peak of Kunda (kundasila) situated to the west of Nimbagrama in the village of Sandhikavata. Here on the hill of the Kunda many companies of Jaina sages (bahavo munipungavah) attained siddhi, and here Candrasena, the disciple of Srisena obtained mukti in about A.D. 900 (E. C. IX Cp. 69, p. 145, text, p. 323). A number of Jaina devotees (among whom are mentioned two Jaina women) died in the orthodox manner here. This place seems to have been called also Kirukunda. (E. C. IX. Cp. 70 dated circa A.D., 900, ibid page).

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228 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM arbitrary to assume that Samantabhadra, who, as related above, is always spoken of in inscriptions as having come almost soon after Balakapinccha, lived in the first quarter of the second century A.D. From epigraphs as well as literature we know that Samanbhadra visited kancipura. Thus the record dated A.D. 1129 already referred to above, gives the following graphic description of the career of Samantabhadra :-"At first the drum was beaten by me within the city of Pataliputra, afterwards Now to the word konda, we have a fort of Konda (Kondadakote), which is unidentifiable, where the founder of the Santara line, Jinadatta Raya, is said to have defeated and put to Alight Kara and Karadusana(E. C. VIII. Nr. 35, p. 134. Nr. 48, 151). A Kunda village in Agumbesime is mentioned in A.D. 1681 (Ibid., TL. 89, p. 181). Kundagatta was in the Hodinad sime (Ibid. IV. Ch. 77. p. 9). These examples show beyond doubt that for the origin of the words konda, kunda or konda, we need not look for it in the Tamil land, but only in Karnasaka. Then there is the other argument that Kondakunda's name is associated with the Dravida sangha. Since this sangha, as has been amply proved in this treatise, was established after the original Mula sangha had been divided into four sanghas, and that long after Kondakunda's time, one cannot maintain at all that Kondakunda's having been associated with the Dravida sangha means that he belonged to the Tamil land. Further, there is one more argument-Kondakunda's association with a king who is supposed to have belonged to the Pallava dynasty. This, as Prof. Upadhye himself admits (Pravacanasara, Intr. pp. xxiii-xxiv) is a hollow argument. All these considerations lead us to the conclusion that Kondakunda must have been a Kannadiga, hailing from the village of Konakonala in the neighbourhood of Guntakal. 1. Ramaswami in another connection asserts that the Jainas had penetrated into the extreme south under Kondakunda in the first century A.D. Studies, p. 44.

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229 CRITICAL TIMES in the city of Malava, Sindhu, and Thakka, at kancipura, and at Vaidisa. I have now arrived at Karahataka, which is full of soldiers, rich in learning, and crowded (with people). Desirous of disputation, O King, I exhibit the sporting of a tiger. When the disputant Samantabhadra stands in thy court, O King, even the tongue of Dhurjati (Siva), who talks clearly and skilfully, turns back quickly towards the nape of the neck. What hope can there be for others ? "1 So far as the above record is concerned, Samantabhadra went from Kancipura to Karahataka. This epigraph does not tell us what he did at Kancipura, although in an earlier context it narrates that Samantabhadra was skilful in reducing to ashes the disease bhasmaka (morbid appetite).? Further details of this disease and the name of the Tamil king who became his disciple are given in Jaina literature and epigraphs, with no doubt some discrepancies. For instance, Prabhacandra in his Aradhanakathakosa makes Samantabhadra, a victim to the bhasmaka disease, roam from Kanci to Paundrapura, Dasapura, and Benares where he performed the miracle of bringing out Parsvanatha from, an image of Siva and converted the king Sivakoti into Jainism. But Karnataka tradition as recorded by Devacandra in his Rajavalikathe has a different version to give of the same story. Unable to get himself cured of the morbid disease, Samantabhadra approached his guru (whose name is unfortunately not given) with a request to permit him to end his life by sallekhana. But the guru, foreseeing that Samantabhadra was destined to be a great promoter of the faith, refused to give him permission, and directed him to go to any place where he might appease his hunger and take diksa 1. & 2. E. C. II. 67, p. 25. 3. Prabhacandra cited by Harilal, Cat. of MSS., p. X.

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230 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM again. Then Samantabhadra went to Kanci where lived king Sivakoti, whose devotion consisted, among other things, of daily distributing twelve khandugas of rice in the temple of Bhimalinga. Samantabhadra assured the king that he would make the god accept the food ; and one day while alone in the temple, ate up all the twelve khandugas of rice. On opening the temple doors the astonishing king found that all the food was gone! The next day Samantabhadra left a quarter, and on the following day half of the food, explaining that the god had granted it for prasada. But the suspicions of the king being arcused, he had the temple surrounded with his troops with orders to burst open the door. At this Samantabhadra was so frightened that he prayed to the Tirthankaras, whereupon Candraprabha appeared in his full glory in the place of Bhimalinga. Samantabhadra at once threw open the doors, and the bewildered king fell at his feet begging for instruction in the Jina faith. Making over his kingdom to his son, the king took diksa and became known as Sivakoti Acarya.1 From the above it is clear that sivakoti was king of Kanci and not of Benares, as is narrated by Prabhacandra. But it must be confessed that the age and identity of this king, as well as that of the king of Karahataka, mentioned in one of the records cited above, will remain unsettled for want of sufficient data. All the same it may be suggested that it was in the second century A.D. that the tenets of the anekantamata were spread to the great city of Kanci ; and 1. Devacandra cited by Narasimhacarya, Kavicarite, I. pp.24; E. C. II. Intr. p. 83, n(4). 2. Probably the north Indian tradition associated Sivakoti with Benares. Hiralal refers to Brahma Nemidatta who is said to have noticed it. Cat. of MSS. p. xix.

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231 CRITICAL TIMES lhat, as an inscription of A.D. 1129 relates, it was through Samantabhadia that "the auspicious Jaina faith became again and again auspicious on all sides."1 Even so late as A.D. 1432 he is called "the promulgator of the doctrine of Jina."2 It was also in the Tamil land that another celebrated Jaina preceptor won a great victory, thereby planting firmly thc Jina faith in the southern parts of the country. This was the famous Akalankadeva about whose personal history no particulars are available. Jaina tradition relates that he was the son of a Brahman named Purusottama, who was the minister to the king subhatunga of Manyakheta. This is related in the Aradhanakathakosa by Prabhacandra, versified by Brahma Nemidatta.But Akalankadeva himself in his Rajavarlika tells us that he was the son of a certain king called Laghu Havva.* An equally inconclusive detail is in regard to the king in whose court Akalanka won a great victory. While there can be no doubt that he did win a notable victory in disputation, there is some discrepancy concerning the kingdom over which the monarch ruled. The earliest reference to the victory is in a stone inscription assigned to the tenth century A.D. In this record we are told that after Gunanandi Sabdabrahma same Akalankasimhasana, who defeated the Bu dhists and the Sankhyas in a religious dispute. The name of the place where the dispute was held is not given in the record. Gunanandi mentioned in this inscription was pro 1. E. C. II 67, p. 25. 2. Ibid, 258, p. 117. 3. Hiralal, Cat. of MSS., Intr. p. xxvi. 4. Ibid, p. xxvii. 5. M. A. R. for 1923, s. 15,

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232 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM bably the disciple of Balakapinccha. He is described in a record of A.D. 1115 as "an emperor of good conduct, proficient in logic, grammar, and the other sciences, a master of literature, a lion in smiting the herd of intoxicated elephants, the false disputants, etc."1 As regards Akalanka's great powers, we have a graphic account of this teacher in a record dated A.D. 1129. "Who can comprehend (the greatness of) the blessed Akalankadeva, by whom Tara that had become secretly manifest in a pot as her abode was overcome along with the Bauddhas... in the dust of whose lotus feet Sugata (i.e., Buddha) performed an ablution as if in expiation of his sins ?" In the court of a king called Sahasatunga, Akalanka, as we have already seen above, while describing his own greatness said that it was not influenced by self-conceit or hatred, but through inere compassion that he overcame all the crowds of Bauddhas and broke Sugata with his foot, and that he achieved this fact in the court of the shrewd king Himasitala.? Numerous epigraphs, which are not cited here, refer to this victory won by Akalankadeva. But the identity of the king Himasitala is still a matter of uncertainty. Wilson made him a Pallava king and assigned him to A.D. 788. The same scholar is responsible for the assertion that Akalanka studied Buddhism in the Buddhist college at Ponataga Nagaram near Trivatur.4 But Brahma Nemidatta informs us that 1. E. C. II, 127, p. 52 ; Cf. 66 of A.D.., 1176 p. 21. 2. Ibid., II, 67, op. cit. 3. Wilson, Mackenzie Collection, Intr. p. 40. How Prof. S. K. Ayyangar came to date this event in A.D. 855 is unintelligible. Ancient India, p. 269. 4. Wilson, ibid., Rice, My. Ins., Intr. p. 56; Pampa Rama. yana, Intr. p. 3. (1832); Karnataka Sabdanusasana, Intr. pp. 9-10, 24-25.

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CRITICAL TIMES 233 Himasitala was the king of Kalinga ;1 while a later Sanskrit work entitled Bhuvanapradipika written in A.D. 1808 by Ramakssna sastri, makes Himasitala a Jaina king of Tundiradesa, and a descendant of Lokapala, born in the line of Gunapala. We are told in this work that Himasitala ruled in Kali 1125 Pingala.2 Without discussing this question further, it may be observed that the contemporaneity of Akalanka with king Himasitala (A.D. 788) and with the Rastrakuta monarch Sahasa. tunga Dantidurga, suggests that Akalanka's great victory over the Buddhists may have been won in the latter part of the eighth century A.D. This period, therefore, reckoning from the time of Samantabhadra may be said to be the second phase in the progress of Jainism in the south.3 The third stage in the growth of Jainism in the Tamil country is reached when we come to the age of the Jaina sage Vajranandi. Devasena in his historical work dealing with the origin of the various Jaina sanghas, called Darsanasara, composed in Vikrama Samyat 900 (A.D. 933), tells us 1. Harilal, Cat. of MSS., p. xxvi. 2. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 68. But this writer is unreliable. Among the other wrong statements he makes are the following That Camunda Raya built the statue of Gomata in Kali 600 ; that Vinayaditya Ballala built Yadavapuri (Dorasamudra ?) in Saka 778; and that Vijayanagara was founded in Saka 1093 by the Narapati kings. 3. This explains why Akalanka is styled in A.D. 1163 as one " through whom the Jaina doctrine, which had been stainless from the beginning, became respondent without any stain". (E. C. II. 64, p. 17.) We may note in this connection that Rice placed Akalanka in the eighth or ninth century A.D. (My. & Coorg., p. 203); while Pathak assigning the same date to the Jaina guru, identified Sahasatunga with the Rastrakuta king Krsna I. (J. Bom. R.A.S. XVIII. p. 219).

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234 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM that the Dravida sangha was established in Madura by Vajranandi. This piece of information is interesting, since it furnishes an additional detail concerning the famous sanghas established in Karnataka and the south. The division of the original (Sri Mula) sangha, which was attached to the lineage of Kondakunda, into the four famous branches of Deva, Nandi, Simha, and Sena was, according to the inscription dated A.D. 1398, the work of Ardhabali, who didi so in order to minimize the hatred and other evils that might arise owing to the nature of the times. He is mentioned in the same record as having come after Gunabhadra, the disciple of Jinasenacarya. A later record dated A.D. 1432 mercly states that the division of the original sangha took place after the death of Akalanka.? The institution of the Dravida sangha was, we may presume, in honour of the Tamil people among whom Jainism must have made considerable progress since the time of Samantabhadra. That is to say, the Dravida gana, which, according to Devasena, was established by Pujypada, and of which that celebrated grammarian was the first acarya,4 must have had, in the course of the four or five centuries from Puiyapada to Vajranandi, such an enormous following that the latter Jaina preceptor sound it advisable to raise it to the dignity of a sangha. Whatever that may be, the identity of Vajranandi deserves some notice. The inscription dated A.D. 1129 referred to above, places Vajranandi immediately after 1. Devasena, Darsanasara, p. 24, referred to by Upadhye, Pravacanasara, Intr. p. xxi. On the date of Darsanasara, read Hiralal, op. cit., p. 652. 2. E. C. II. 254, pp. 109, 110. 3. Ibid, 258, p. 117. 4. Hiralal, ibid, p. xxx.

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CRITICAL TIMES 235 Vakragriva, and tells us that Vajranandi was the author of Navastotra, "an elegant work embodying the variety of the teachings of all the Arhats." With the help of the above facts, we argue thus in order to ascertain the date when Vajranandi established the Dravida sangha in Madura : (a) The four sanghas were, according to the record dated A.D. 1432, divided after Akalanka's death. Since Akalanka is assigned to the latter part of the eighth century A.D., we have to suppose that the division into the four sanghas took place after the eighth century A.D. (6) The four sanghas were the creation of Ardhabali who is placed after Gunabhadra. Now Gunabhadra was the disciple of Jinasena of the Sena gana ; and we know the date of both these scholars. From the prasasti of the work called Jayadhavala-tika begun by his guru Virasena, we know that Jinasena II completed it in Saka 760 (A.D. 838) during the reign of the Rastrakuta king Amoghavarsa 1.2 Jinasena's disciple Gunabhadra wrote the Uttarapurana which he completed in Saka 820 (A.D. 898).3 We may therefore, legitimately place Gunabhadra's successor Ardhabali in about A.D. 900. This would mean that the division of the original sangha into the four branches by Ardhabali took place in the last quarter of the ninth century or in the first quarter of the tenth century A.D. (c) The fact of Devasena's mentioning the establishment of the Dravida sangha suggests that that sangha was founded 1. E. C. II. 67, pp. 25-26. 2. Hiralal, Cat. of MSS., Intr. p. xxiii. This Jinasena is to be distinguished from Jinasena I, the author of Harivamsa. Ibid, p. xxii. 3. Hiralal, ibid, p. xxiv.

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236 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM either during his life time or just before him. Since the Dravida sangha was not included among the four songhas into which Ardhabali divided the original Mula sangha, it may be inferred that it was a later creation. The validity of the above assumptions will be clear on examining the following points-Firstly, when we ascertain the sangha to which the Dravida sangha was attached ; and, Secondly, the name of the successors of Ardhabali who were directly responsible for the growth of the Dravida sangha. As regards the first point, it may be observed that the Dravida sangha to which was attached the Irungulanvaya from which hailed many great Jaina gurus, was itself a subdivision of the Nandi sangha. Epigraphic evidence proves this. An inscription assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 1050 speaks of Gunasena Pandita as having belonged to the Dravida sangha (of the) Nandi sangha and Irungulanvaya.1 This is further proved by a record dated A.D. 1064 which registered the death of the same guru whose preceptor we are told in the same inscription was Puspasena. Gunasena is called the lord of the great Irungulanvaya of the Nandi sangha of the Dravida gana.2 Instances may be multiplied to prove this further.3 Now in regard to the successors of Ardhabali who were 1. E. C., IX, Cg. 37, p. 174. See also ibid., Cg. 38 dated about the same year. 2. Ibid., Cg. 34, p. 173. 3. See Ibid., IV. Gu. 27 of A.D. 1196, p. 40; V. Hn. 131 of circa A.D. 1117, p. 37 ; Hn. 128 undated, p. 80 (translit) ; Ak. 1 of A.D. 1169, p. 112 ; Ak. 141 of A.D. 1159, p. 175; VI. Mg. 18 of circa A.D. 1040, p. 61 where Dravila sangha is said to belong to the Mula sangha ; VIII Nr. 36 of A.D. 1077, p. 139; Nr. 37. of A.D. 1147, p. 142 ; Nr. 39 of circa A.D. 1077, p. 143 ; Nr. 40, of A.D. 1077, p. 144 ; XI, Dg. 90, p. 69.

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CRITICAL TIMES 237 directly associated with the Dravida sangha. Although convention and respect for the memory of the great leaders of the past made the scribes of some inscriptions associate the names of Bhadrabahu, Kondakunda, and Samantabhadra with the origin of the Dravida sangha, yet we know from inscriptions that only four Jaina preceptors were primarily connected with the Dravida sangha. These were Bhutabali, Puspadanta, Vajranandi, and Patrakesarisvami. Thus in a record of A.D. 1160 we have the following :-"... Arungulanvaya of the Dravida sangha which had come down increasing from Bhutabali and Puspadanta Bhattaraka, from Samantabhadrasvami and Akalankadeva, from Vakragrivacarya, from Vajranandi Bhattaraka ", and others down to Vasupujyasvami. The same with slight variations is repeated in a record dated A.D. 1169.2 The first two Bhutabali and Puspadanta were the disciples of Ardhabali. This is proved by the record of A.D. 1398 which asserts that Ardhabali "shonc with his two disciples Puspadanta and Bhutabali."3 Therefore, it was the immediate disciples of Ardhabali who were responsible for the growth of the Dravida sangha. And as regards Patrakesarisvami, who is called in a record of A.D. 1136 the head of the Dramila sangha, we know from the inscription of A.D. 1129 that he came after Vajranandi, and that by the grace of Padmavati he refuted the trailaksana theory. Hence it is clear from the above facts that, in spite of the occasional reference to the earlier preceptors like Bhadrabahu, etc., the institution of the four sanghas from the ori 1. E. C. VI, Kd. 69, p. 13. 2. Ibid., V. Ak. 1, p. 112. 3. Ibid., II. 254, p. 110. 4. Ibid., V, B1, 17, p. 51.

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238 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM ginal Mula sangha was the work of Ardhabali ; that the Dravida sangha was a sub-division of the Nandi sangha which was most famous of the four sanghas, that the prosperity of the Dravida sangha is to be attributed to the activities of the two disciples of Ardhabali--Bhutabali and Puspadanta ;' and that the establishment of the Dravida sangha at Madura was the work of Vajranandi in the last quarter of the ninth or in the first quarter of the tenth century A.D.2 Two other names are associated with the spread of Jainism in the Tamil land-Kanakasena and Gunasena. Kanakasena was connected with Dharmapuri (Taglur in the Salem district). A stone inscription dated saka 815 (A.D. 893) relates that a nobleman in the reign of Mahendrarajadhiraja Nolamba gave a grant to the basadi at Dharmapuri and to Kanakasena Bhattaraka. A Gunasena also figures in the 1. E. C. II, 67. p. 26 ; Pathak, J. Bom. R. A. S., XVIII, p. 232. 2. On Vakragriva, the predecessor of Vajranandi, read E. C, II, 67, p. 26; IV. Ng. 100, pp. 139-141, V. Bl. 17 p. 51 ; Ak. 1, p. 112; Ak. 141, p. 175 ; VI. Kd. 69, p. 13; M.A.R., for 1926, p. 51. A disciple of Vajranandi by name Mugulina Parsvadeva is mentioned in a record the cyclic year of which cannot be determined. E.C., V. Hn. 128, p. 8. (translit.) These conclusions based upon epigraphic records invalidate the assertion made in the Digambara Darsana (J. Bom. R. A. S., XVII. p. 74) that Vajranandi founded the Dramila sangha at Madura in Vikrama year 526 (A.D. 470). This has been implicitly followed by Ramaswami, Studies, p. 52: P. T. Srinivasa Aivangar, History of the Tamils, p. 247 ; Ramachandra Dikshitar, Studies in Tamil Lit., pp. 21-22. Further we may note that the assertion made in the Digambara Darsana that Vajranandi was the disciple of Pujyapada is altogether unsupported by the many epigraphic records which we have examined in detail. 3. 304 of 1901; Rangacharya, Top. List, II, p. 1211. See also 61 & 63 of 1900 ; Rangacharya, ibid., II, 990, 1003.

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239 CRITICAL TIMES records of the south, and especially in the reign of a king called Varaguna Vikramaditya. These two preceptors are mentioned in other records as well.2 But neither of them can be identified with the meagre data before us. A Kanakasenamuni, the guru of Baladevamuni, is mentioned in a record assigned to circa A.D. 650. In what way he was connected with the Tamil land, cannot be determined. As regards Gunasena, we have two Jaina preceptors of that name. There was Gunasena-guruvar, who was the disciple of Moniguruvar of Agali, and who died in about A.D. 700.4 A more conspicuous Gunasena was the disciple of Puspasena. This guru hailed from Mulluru in Coorg, and, as we have already seen, died in A.D. 1064.5 Likewise unidentifiable is the name of Elacarya, who is supposed by some to have been the author of the Tamil classic Kural. It is related in Jaina tradition that Elacarya after composing this work, gave it to his disciple Tiruva!luvar, who introduced it to the Sangham at Madura. This has to be given up for the following reasons--In the first place, the identity of Elacarya himself is by no means settled. There are at least three Jaina gurus of that name. Jaina tradition relates that elacarya was another name of Kondakundacarya.? But, as Prof. Upadhye has pointed out, there is no basis for asserting that Kondakundacarya was ever called 1. 330 of 1908 ; Rangacharya, op. cit., II, p. 995 ; III, p. 1696. 2. Rangacharya, ibid., II, p. 1003. 3. E. C., II. Intr. p. 72; 2, p. 2. 1. Ibid., II, 8, p. 3. 5. Ibid., I. Cg. 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, pp. 65-67 6. Upadhye, Pravancanasara, pp. xx-xxi. 7. 1. A., XII. p. 20; Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 31. n (1).

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240 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Elacarya. Moreover, the intimate association of the Jaina gurus with the Tamil people seems to have begun only after the time of Samantabhadra. Hence we cannot conceive of Kondakundacarya visiting the south in order to inspire a great Tamil poet to present his work to the Sangham at Madura. A second Elacarya has already figured in the above pages. He was the disciple of Sridharadeva, and is supposed to have lived in circa A.D. 910.2 This age would be too late for Elacarya, the contemporary of Tiruvalluvar, whose lowest age, according to some, is the sixth or seventh century A.D. Then there is another Elacarya, mentioned in a record assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 1060. Nothing more is known about this person than that his lay disciple was Bindayya. Secondly, the name as it appears in Tamil literature and in Ceylon chronicles is not elacarya but Elesingha, Elala, and Alara. It is said that the profound scholarship of Tiruvalluvar attracted the notice of Elesingha, a great merchant who carried an overseas trade. This merchant accepted Tiruvalluvar as his preceptor ; and at the former's request Tiruvalluvar composed the great Kural. According to the Ceylonese chronicles it was Elera or Alara (which word seems to have been a corruption of the Tamil Elela), a Cola nobleman, who invaded Ceylon, slew the local ruler Asela, and ruler over that island from B.C. 145 to B.C. 101.6 The Tamil 1. Upadhye, op. cit., pp. xx-xxi. 2. See also E. C., Yd. 28, p. 56. But Rice assigns this record to circa A.D. 1100. 3. Dikshitar, Studies in Tamil Literature, p. 38. 4. E. C., IV. Ng. 67, p. 129. 5. Dikshitar, ibid., p. 128. 6. Geiger, Mahavamso, Intr. p. xxxvii (1912, ed) ; Dikshitar, ibid., pp. 129-130.

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CRITICAL TIMES 241 tradition, therefore, makes Elesingha a merchant ; the Ceylonese chronicles, a ruler ; and the Jaina tradition, a sage !1 Although the linking up of the name of Elacarya with Tiruvalluvar has to be rejected, yet it cannot be denied that after Samantabhadra's time, and especially after the foundation of the Dravida sangha at Madura by Vajranandi, Jainism had made rapid progress and established many centres in the Tamil land.2 The Tamil works Pattinapalai, Silappadikaram, and Manimekhalai contain interesting details of the Jainas in the Tamil land. The great centres were at Madura, Kaveripumpattinam (mod. Kaveripattnam in the siyali taluka), and Uraiyur on the banks of the Kaveri. The Pattinappalai speaks of the Jaina and Buddhist temples being in one quarter of the city of Pugar (i.e., Kaveripumpattinam), while in another the Brahmans with plaited hair performed sacrifices and raised volumes of smoke. The other classics relate that the Jainas, who were called by the name Ni(r)granthas, lived outside the town in their cool cloisters, the walls of which were exceedingly high and painted red and 1. Mr. K. V. Subramanya Aiyer doubts whether Manu-Cola of the Periyapuranam, Elesingha of the Tamil tradition, and Elera of the Mahavamso were not identical ! Historical Sketches, p. 186. 2. Of these Kaveripumpattinam and Uraiyur were well known Cola capitals, the former owing to its foundation to the king Kari. kala Cola. The inscriptions in Uraiyur date only to the eleventh century A.D. But the dates of Karikala Cola are unknown, although he has been placed in the earlier half of the sixth century A.D. (Subrahmanya Aiyer, Historical Sketches, pp. 1. n. 1; 188, 190-191). If this is accepted, it seems as if we are to place the Silappadikaram, which speaks of that city as being a centre of Jainism, also in the same century. 3. Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid., p. 198.

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242 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM which were surrounded by little flower gardens. Their temples were situated at places where two or three roads met. They preached their doctrines from raised platforms ; and they conducted monasteries for nuns. These details perhaps refer to Madura. In the Manimekhalai we have a detailed exposition of the Nirgrantha philosophy as preached in Madura. Manimekhalai dissatisfied with the teachings of Markali, turns to the Nirgrantha and asks him to describe to her his deity, his teachings, his authoritative texts, and his idea of bondage and nirvana. And then the Nirgrantha relates in detail the six sections of his teachings,-dharmastikaya adharmustikaya, kala, akasa, jiva, and paramanus, with good and bad deeds, and the release (vidu). Although no conclusion has been arrived at concerning the age to which Manimekhalai can be assigned, yet it may be presumed that the account of the Jaina philosophy as given in that work was in vogue in the south somewhere in the 1. Ramaswami, Studies, p. 17. 2. For a detailed account read Kanakasabhai, The Tamils 18,000 Years Ago, pp. 215-216, Ramaswami, ibid., pp. 50-51, S. K. Ayyangar, Manimekhalai in Ils Historical Setting, pp. 196-197. 3. Dr. S. K. Ayyangar is inclined to place this work in the second century A.D. Beginnings of South Indian History, pp. 168-192 ; Ancient India, pp. 360, 380-382. This conclusion of Dr. Ayyangar was long ago controverted and disproved by M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar, who has amply demonstrated that Manimekhalai belongs to the sixth or seventh century A.D. Studies, pp. 149-153. Dr. Ayyangar has failed to meet these arguments. Read his Manimekhalai, pp. xxvi--xxix. Ramaswami Ayyangar's conclusion is supported by Prof. Jacobi who also opined that Manimekhalai was to be assigned to the sixth century A.D. Read Jacobi in S. K. Ayyangar's Alanimekhalai, Intr. p. xxxiv.

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243 CRITICAL TIMES fifth or sixth century A.D.1 Circumstances narrated elsewhere in this treatise point to a bitter campaign which the saiva saints launched against the teachers of the anekantamata in the south. This may have been in the tenth and eleventh century A.D., when as a result of the Saivite revival the influence of the Jainas in Madura was once and for ever shattered. But there were other parts of the southern peninsula where Jainism continued to live long after the days of the great Jnanasamandhar and other well known saiva saints. One of these was Vallimalai, near Tiruvallam in the Wandiwash taluka of the North Arcot district. Kannada rccords in the Grantha characters prove the importance of this place as a Jaina stronghold in the ninth and tenth century A.D. The Ganga king Racamalla Satyavakya I, the son of Ranavikrama (i.c., Vijayaditya, Ranavikrama) and grandson of king Sripurusa, built a basadi on Vallimalai.? Another record also in Kannada but in Grantha characters mentions the setting up of an image of Devasena, the pupil of Bhavanandi. Devasena was the guru of an unidentified Bana king. The work of setting up the above image was done by a Jaina sage cailed Aryanandi, also known as Ajjanandi. It cannot be made out whether this was the samc Ajjanandi who is called "the glorious" in a Vatteluttu inscription in characters of the tenth or eleventh cen 1. About a century later Sulamani, a celebrated Jaina work, may have been composed by Tolamolitteva in the reign, it is said, of Sendan (Jayanta), the grandson of Kadungon. M. Srinivasa Ayyangar, Tamil Studies, p. 219. 2. 91 of 1889; 6 of 1895. 3. 7 of 1895 Rangachari, Top. List, I, p. 120. 4. 8 of 1895

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244 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM tury A.D., commemorating the setting up of another image in Karungalakkudi in the Madura taluka.1 Ajjanandi's name is also connected with Peccipallam, the Vatteluttu inscriptions of which mention not only that Jaina guru but, as we said in an earlier context, Gunanandi and Kanakasena. This village of Peccipallam in the Madura taluka as well as Kilavalavu, Settipodavu near Kilakkuli, Muttupatti, and Alagarkoil also in the same taluka, were Jaina centres in the early centuries of the Christian era. Remains of Jaina basadis, rows of Jaina sculptures, and caverns with Brahmi and Vatteluttu inscriptions, point to the strong Jaina influence in these parts of the Tamil land. 3 More important than any of the above was Kuranli in the Venbunadu. It was also called Tirukkuranni and Kurandi Tirukkattambal}i in early inscriptions. A number of inscriptions in the Vatteluttu characters reveal the importance of this place in the eighth and ninth century A.D. Many Jaina teachers whose identity cannot be determined at present, are said to have presided over the congregation at Kurandi. Thus, Gunasenapperiyadigal, the disciple of Vartamanava Panditar, was the guru of this centre in about the ninth century A.D. Another teacher of this centre was Abhinandana Bhatara, the disciple of Arimandala 1. 562 of 1911. Ajjanandi's domicile seems to have been Peccipallam itself where a Vatteluttu inscription records that his mother Gunamatiyar caused a Jaina image to be set up. (64 of 1910). Ajjanandi is also mentioned in records found at Anamalai, Madura taluka. (67-74 of 1905). 2. 65-69 of 1910. 3. Ep. Rep. of the S. Circle for 1910, pp. 78-80. 4. 330-332 of 1908. See also 69 of 1910.

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CRITICAL TIMES 245 Bhatara. Kanakanandi is called the servant of Tirukkurandi in a Vatteluttu record found there. Two Vatteluttu inscriptions found at Muttupatti are of some interest in this connection. One informs us that Kanakavira Periyadigal, the disciple of Gunasenadevar, who was the disciple of Kuranci Atta-upavasi-bhatara of Venbunalu, caused a Jaina image to be constructed in the name of the inhabitants of Kuyirkuli (mod. Kilakkuli).3 And another relates that Maghanandi, the disciple of Kurandi Asta-upavasi-bhatara, caused to be constructed another image also in the name of the inhabitants of that nadu.' A third Vatteluttu record found at Pallimadam in the Ramnad district, registers the gift of fifty-five sheep by satetangari for a lamp to the temple (basadi) of Tirukattambal}ideva at Kurandi." Some more instances may be given of the widespread influence of Jainism in the southern peninsula. Taglur (Dharmapuri) in the Salem district was a Jaina stronghold in the ninth century A.D. in the days of the Nolambas. In saka 800 (A.D. 878) the Pallava Mahendra Nolamba made a grant to a basadi in Taglur. It was in the reign of the same ruler in Saka 815 (A.D. 893) that a citizen named Nandiyanna receiving the village of Mullapalli from the king gave it as a gift to Kanakasena Siddhanta, the disciple of Vinayasena Siddhanta of the Pogariya 1. 63 of 1910. 2.68 of 1910. 3. 61 of 1910. 4. 62 of 1910, 5. 428 of 1914. For some more instances, see 430, 431 of 1914; Ep. Rep. of S. Circle for 1915, pp. 100-101; Rangacharya, Top. List, III, p. 1163. 6. 348 of 1901 ; Rangacharya, ibid, II. p. 1212.

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246 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM gana, Senanvaya, and Mula sangha, for the repairs of the basadi.1 In the ninth century Jainism flourished also in some parts of the Travancore State. Of these mention may be made of Citaral where Tirucchanattumalai was known as the mountain of the Caranas or sramanas (i.e., the Jainas). This place which seems to have been originally Buddhist, witnessed the gift of some golden ornaments to the goddess Bhagavati by Gunandangi Kurattiga!, the disciple of Arittanemi Bhatara of Perayakuli. This was in the 28th regnal year of king Vikrama Varaguna (ninth century (A.D.) 2 That in the tenth and eleventh century A.D. there were Jainas throughout the Cola and Pandya countries and the Tondaimandalam is proved by a record of the Cola king Raja Raja Deva I dated in his 24th regnal year (A.D. 1009), in which the State dealt with defaulters of land revenue held by the Brahmans, the Vaikhanasas, and the Jainas in the three provinces mentioned above. The monarch empowered the villagers to confiscate and sell the lands of those whose taxes were unpaid for full two years.3 This epigraph clearly shows that the great Cola king made no distinction betwecn the Jainas and the other subjects of his Empire. Vilappakkam in the North Arcot district was a Jaina locality in the same age (the tenth century A.D.) Here was Aristanenipinarar of Tiruppanamalai, thc guru of the Jainas. One of his lay disciples (a woman) sank a well 1. 304 of 1901, E. I. X. pp. 54.70 ; see also 305 of 1901 for other examples. 2. Travancore Manual. II. pp. 194-5 For the Buddhist ante. cedents of the temple, read ibid., pp. 224-225. 3. 29 of 1893; Rangacharya, Top List., I. p. 69.

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CRITICAL TIMES 247 in that village in the 38th regnal year of the Cola king Parantaka I (A.D. 945 ?).1 It cannot be made out whether the Jaina guru Aristanemi mentioned here was identical with his namesake hailing from Kadaikottur, and who was said to have been the pupil of Paravadimalla of Tirumala, in a Tamil-Grantha record found in Tirumalai in the North Arcot district.2 But we know that Tirumalai was, indeed, a Jaina centre in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. An inscription found there, and dated in the 21st regnal year of king Raja Raja I (A.D. 1006), affirms that a Jaina sage named Gunaviramuni built a sluice called after (his?) Jaina teacher Ganisekhara who was skilled in all elegant arts. Another record but of the 12th regnal year of king Rajendra Deva I (A.D. 1024) records the gift of money for the lamp and worship in the Jaina temple on the Tirumalai (hill) by the wife of a merchant of Malliyur. The Jaina temple, it is interesting to note, had been founded by the Cola king's aunt Kundavi.4 A Jaina image of Arhat was set up here at Tirumalai by a lady of Ponnur in the 12th regnal year of Rajanarayana Sambuvaraya (who was perhaps the contemporary of the Cola king Raja Raja III).5 Vedal called Vida! alias Madevi Arindamangalam, also in the North Arcot district, contained a Jaina basadi. The locality was called Vidarpatti in a record dated in the 14th regnal year of a Pallava king named merely Nandi, 1. 53 of 1900; Rangacharya, Top List, I, p. 57. 2. 88 of 1887 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I, pp. 80-81. 3. 82 of 1887 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I, p. 80 where Rangacharya has a note on Gunavira. 4. 80 of 1887; S. 1. I., I, pp. 95 99; E. I. IX. pp. 229-223. 5. 85 of 1887. 6. 8? of 1908.

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248 MEDIEVAL JAINISM who may be identified with the Pallava king Nandipottarasar (Nandivarma III, the Ganga Pallava king?). the 50th regnal year of this ruler a Yaksi named Ponniyakkiyar and a Jaina sage called Naganandi were carved on a boulder on Tiruppanamalai.1 In There was a temple called Nakhara Jinalaya at Mudigondacolapuram, Coimbatore district, dedicated to Candraprabhasvami. In Saka 1031 (A.D. 1109) a village in Hadinadu was granted for the repairs and worship in this temple by some person.2 Kumbanur in Venbuvalanadu was a prosperous Jaina centre in the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D. This is inferred from a record dated in the 48th regnal year of the Cola king Kulottunga Cola Deva (I?) (A.D. 1126), in which twenty-five Jainas of Kumbanur granted, among other precious gifts, specified land for the site of a basadi, and a watershed for the use of Jaina devotees.3 We have ample evidence of the prevalence of Jainism in the thirteenth century during the reign of the king Raja Raja III. Some of the records show the good feelings that existed between the Jainas and the Brahmans. Thus, an inscription dated in the 11th regnal year of that monarch (A.D. 1227) registers the grant of land and a tank by the residents of the devadana village of Sattamangalam and those living in the Pallicchandam (i.e., the basadi) of the same village. But nothing more can be gathered about the 1. 10 of 1895; E. I. IV, pp. 136-137. A Kanakavira-kuratti, the disciple of Gunakirti Bhattaraka, is mentioned in a record of Vedal. (84 of 1908). 2. 10 of 1910. 3. 397 of 1914; Rangacharya, Top List, II, p. 1161.

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CRITICAL TIMES 249 Jaina temple from the same record. In the thirty-seventh year of the same king (A.D. 1253) Pramaladevi built the steps leading to the shrine of the Jaina temple called Karika. lacola, which had been constructed on behalf of Matisagaradeva, in the village of Kanupartipadu in the Nellore district.? We may assign to the reign of the same Cola monarch the building of a basadi called Viravira Jinalaya (mod. Ponninatha basadi) in the village of Pundi in the North Arcot district. The record contains only the names of the village given as a gift and of the ruler called Sambuvaraya.? Thc ruler sambuvaraya mentioned here may be identificd with Rajagambhira sambuvaraya, a contemporary of king Raja Raja III, spoken of in a record dated A.D. 1258.4 From the numerous epigraphs which clearly prove the popularity of Jainism in the Tamil land long after the days of Jnanasambhandhar and the other great saiva saints of the south, we may now turn to the Telugu land where we shall rapidly review the epigraphs dealing with the spread of Jain 1. 466 of 1912 ; Rangacharya, Top List, II, p. 1431. It cannot be made out whether Vadhula Sri Krisnasuri mentioned in a record dated A.D. 1234, was a Jaina. (26 of 1896) 2. Rangacharya, ibid. II, p. 1117. It cannot be made out whether the two records dated in the 18th and 20th regnal years of a Raja Raja Deva in the Jina temple at Tirupparuttikuntu, Conjeeveram taluka, Chingleput district, have to be assigned to the reign of the same monarch. (40 and 44 of 1890). What seems evident is that that village possessed a basadi in the eleventh and twelfth century A.D. (See also 43 of 1890 dated in the 21st year of an unidentified Kulottunga Cola Deva). 3. 58 of 1900. 4. 93 of 1887 ; S. I. I., p. 108; Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 79. See also 89 of 1887 which calls him Attimakkan Sambukula Perumal. Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 81. On modern Jaina settlements in the Tamil land, read Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 78-79.

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250 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM ism. There may be some justification for the view that Jainisin in the Andhradesa can be traced to the pre-Mauran days, when we consider the notices of Jaina tradition that Mahavira prcached Jainism in Kalinga. The Haribhadriyav;lti says that Mahavira went to Kalinga where his father's friend was ruling. That this tradition has some semblance of truth in it, and that Jainism must have made some headway in the days of king Kharavela is proved by the Hathigumpha record of that powerful monarch (first half of the second century B.C.) In this inscription it is said that that monarch set up an image of Jina in Kalinga which had been taken away by king Nanda. Further we are told in the same inscription that in the thirteenth regnal year of king Kharavela on the Kumari hill where the Wheel of Conquest had been well revolved (i.e., the religion of Jina had been preached), the great conqueror Kharavela offered maintenances, China cloths, and white cloths to the monks who (by thcir austerities) had extinguished the round of lives, and to the preachers on the religious life and conduct at the nisidhi. King Kharavela himself, therefore, was a devout Jaina. As a layman he was devoted to worship, and he realized the nature of jiva and deha. He ordered an assemblage of all the wise ascetics and sages from all quarters. And to this Great Council (sariighayana) came sramanas of good deeds and those who followed the injunctions. And near the Relic Depository of the Avhat on the top of the hill (evidently on the Kumari) he caused to be built (a grcat basadi) with 1. Seshagiri Rao, Andhra-Karnataka Jainism, pp. 3-4. (Madras, 1922). 2. Read Journal of the Bihar & Orissa Research Society; XIII, p. 223. 3. Cited in E. 1. XX, p. 88, n (10).

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CRITICAL TIMES 251 stones brought from many miles and quarried from excellent mines for the queen Sindhula. But that was not all. His crowning achievement as a Jaina was the compilation (upadhyati) of the Amgas (of the 64 letters) which was undertaken by him in his 13th year.1 This great work was done at a cost of seventy-five hundred thousand (gold pieces).2 No wonder this great monarch, who was the descendant of the royal sage Vasu, and who has " 'been seeing, hearing, and realizing blessings (kalyanas) ", is called the King of Peace, the King of Prosperity, the King of Monks, and the King of dharma.3 The advent and success of Jainism in the Andhradesa in the second century B.C. is thus proved beyond doubt. But it is only from the seventh century A.D. onwards that we have definite evidence of the widespread influence of that religion. The credit of fostering the anekantamata goes to the Eastern Calukya monarchs some of whom were Jaina by persuasion. Ayyana Mahadevi, the queen of king Visnuvardhana III of that family, renewed in Saka 684 (A.D. 762) an earlier grant of a village named Musunikunda (location given) to the Jaina temple Nadumba basadi at Bijavada through the teacher Kalibhadracarya of the Kavaruri gana and the Sanghanvaya.* Then we have king Amma II, Vijayaditya VI (A.D. 945A.D. 970), who, according to an undated copper-plate grant, gave a village (named) to the Jaina teacher Arhanandi of the Valahari gana and the Addakali gaccha. The grant was made for repairing the dining-hall of the basadi called Sarvalo 1. On the Amigas, read J. L. Jaini, Gommatasara, Intr. p. 12. 2. On this great work read Jayaswal-Banerjee, E. I. IX. p. 77. 3. Ibid, pp. 88-89. 4. Ep. Rep. of S. Circle for 1917-1918, p. 116; Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 20, 56.

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252 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM kasraya Jinabhuvana in Kalacumbharru in the Attilinanqu province. The grant was made at the instance of a lady (Sravaki), named Camekamba of the Pattavardhika lineage, a pupil of Arhanandi.1 The same king granted another village named Malliyapundi in the Ongole taluka, to the Jaina temple called Katakabharana, obviously in the same village. This temple had been constructed by Duggaraja, the great-grandson of Krsnaraja. And in the reign of the same ruler it was presided over by the guru Dhiradeva, the disciple of Divakara of the Yapaniya sangha and Nandi gaccha.2 King Amma II granted gifts to basadis in other places as well, as for instance to the two temples at Vijayavatika, also called Bijavada, (mod. Bezwada) according to an undated inscription of that ruler. It is not unlikely that one of these two temples was the same to which the Queen Ayyana Mahadevi had given a grant in the eighth century A.D.4 Danayulapadu in the Jammalamadugu taluka, Cuddapah district, possessed a basadi which was patronized by the Rastrakuta monarch Nityavarsa (i.e., Indra IV). This ruler caused a pedestal to be made for the bathing ceremony of the god santinatha." Ramatirtha near Vizianagaram was likewise a prominent locality of the Jainas. A Kannada inscription of the reign of the Eastern Calukyan king Vimaladitya (accession A.D. 1. E. 1. VII. pp. 177-192 ; Rangacharya, Top List, II. p. 907 ; Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 20-21. 2. E. I. IX, pp. 47 seg ; Rangacharya, ibid, p. 793. Butterworth-Chetty, Nellore Ins. I. pp. 167-175. 3. C. P. 8 of 1908-9; Rangacharya, ibid, pp. 8778. 4. Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1917-1918, p. 116, op. cit., Seshagiri Rao, ibid, p. 20. 5. 331 of 1905 ; Rangacharya, ibid., II, p. 589.

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CRITICAL TIMES 253 1022) records that the guru of that ruler, by name the Traikalayogi Siddhanta Desiganacarya, visited Ramatirtha.1 In the reign of the Eastern Ganga king Anantavarmadeva, the merchant Kannama Nayaka constructed a basadi called Rajaraja Jinalaya at Bhogapura in the Bimilapatam taluka of the Vizagapatam district. And in Saka 1109 (A.D. 1187) he gave some specified land to that temple with the consent of the mercantile leaders of the district.2 Tadpatri in the Anantpur district seems to have been associated with Jainism in Saka 1120 (A.D. 1198). For a Jaina record of that date mentions the donor, Udayaditya, the son of Somadeva and Kancaladevi, as residing at Tatipara (Tadpatri). But no traces of the Jaina settlement are visible there now.3 Penugonda in the same district contained the Parsvanatha basadi. An inscription mentions Jinabhusana Bhattaraka, but nothing beyond this can be gathered about the temple.^ The Bellary district was dotted with many Jaina settlements the chief of which was Kogali. The ancient Cenna Parsva temple at this place which, as we saw in the preceding pages, had received patronage at the hands of the Western 1. Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., 19-20. Seshagiri Rao also gives evidence from later Kaifiyuts to show that Warangal (ancient Ekasilanagara) was once a Jaina centre. Ibid. pp. 17-18. The reference given to Ep. Rep. S. circle for 1917-18 cannot be traced. But on king Vimaladitya's accession read I. A., XIV. p. 56; XXIII, p. 131; Kielhorn's Southern List, No. 569. 2. 363 of 1905. 3. This record was found in the Ramesvara temple at Tadpatri. 338 of 1892. 4. 345 of 1901. Seshagiri Rao mentions other localities in the Anantapur district where traces of Jainism have been found. Seshagiri Rao, ibid., p. 34.

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1, 3 254 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Calukyan monarch Somesvara I (A.D. 1042--A.D. 1068), also received a gift of gold from the Hoysala king Vira Ramanathadeva (A.D. 1257-A.D. 1295).1 Sogi in the Hadagalli taluka of the same district, which received a gift of land from the Hoysala king Visnuvardhana, was evidently another seat of the Jainas.2 And a yet third centre was Kotluru in the Rayadurga taluka.3 Although the strongholds of Jainism in the Andhra and the Tamil provinces were less numerous and less powerful than those in Karnataka, yet they have left abiding marks on the culture of the Tamil and Andhra peoples. Before we deal with this side of the question, we may conclude our account of the widespread domicile of Jainism in Karnataka where Jainism manfully struggled against odds to retain its hold on the people. But we shall restrict ourselves to the minor centres of the anekantamata. Chief among these were Tolla or Tollar and Mulivalli, both of which have already been referred to above while dealing with one of the Ganga kings and his feudatories. The Narasimharajapura plates of the Ganga king Sripurusa, assigned to the close of the eighth century A.D., mention the cediya or caitya in the Tolla village situated in the Tagarenad. This is corroborated by two inscriptions at the end of the same grant, but of the reign of king sivamara (II). One of these commemorates the gift of a village (named) to the same caitya by the governor Viltarasa, while the other 1. 33 & 34 of 1904. 2. 453 of 1914. 3. For an account of this place, read Ballary Gazetteer, I pp. 290-291. For further rernarks Jainism in the Telugu land, and Seshagiri Rao, op cit., pp. 12-18, 34-35, 37-9; Rangacharya, Top. List, II, p. 1672. 4. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 28, op. cit.

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CRITICAL TIMES 255 registers the gift of land to the caitya of Mulivalli (mod. Mallavalli) by Vijayasakti-arasa. There is every reason to believe that the famous Nandi Hill once contained a Jinalaya of great antiquity. As in Other places, the original Jina image gave place to that of Gopalasvami, all vestiges of Jainism having been lost. These suppositions are based on a beautifully carved boulder with characters of the Ganga period (eighth century A.D.), which gives us the following interesting account of the Nandi Hill. It opens with an invocation to the adorable Vrsabha, the most excellent of the holy Jainas. And then it directly dcals with the antiquities of the Jinalaya on the Nandi Hill thus :-In former times, in the Dvaparayuga of thc Kali-avasarppini, by Ramasvami, the Maharatha son of Dasaratha. sun in the sky of the Solar racc, (to wit) by Purusottama, who for the purpose of bringing the world into good order desired to be incarnated as a man--, was the caityabhavana of the adorable Arhat, the lofty one, the omniscient, established. Afterwards by the mother of the Panlavas, Kuntidevi, was it rebuilt ancw. The hill itself is praised thus to the ornament of the carth goddess, a path to the attainment of svarga and moksa, like the jewel in the head of (the serpent) Dharanendra, who bears up the world, the best of mountains, purified by the presence of the Jainendra caitya, a supreme tirtha (parama lirtha), having caves suited for the residence of groups of great ssis intent upon the performance of penance, by name 1. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 28, op. cit. 2. Two other instances of Jaina temples which have passed hands are those of Cikka Magadi and Terakanambi. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 19; ibid for 1912, p. 24.

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256 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Srikunda (stops here). The plain and direct manner in which the caitya on the Nandi Hill is connected with the hero of the Ramayana and with Kuntidevi suggests that the Jainendra caitya was, indeed, an institution of some antiquity; and the simple but deserving praise bestowed on Karnataka's most famous hill station" shows that the Jains were endowed with a remarkable aptitude for turning splendid spots into supremely holy places. A modern insignificant village which was once a prominent seat of the Jainas (in the ninth century A.D.) was Laksmidevihalli in the Arasiyakere taluka. This village had a basadi called Biduga Jinalaya to which belonged a Jaina nun called Paramabbe Kantiyar.3 Jambukhandi seems to have been also associated closely with the Jainas in the early part of the tenth century A.D. A Jaina priest called Aryadeva is called a Jambukhindiganasthana in the Gokak copper-plate dated A.D. 923.4 At Hullela, Malavalli taluka, Nolamayya having renounccd wealth and every kind of attachment, expired according to the orthodox manner in about A.D. 950.5 Hole Narasipura was noted for its Jaina devotees. Inscriptions assigned to the middle of the tenth century A.D. contain some details pertaining to the places of Jaina influence in Hole Narasipura. In about A.D. 950 a citizen whose name is 1. E. C. X. C. 29, pp. 204-205. Was Srikunda an earlier name of the Nandi Hill, or was it in any way connected with Kondakundacarya ? 2. Rice, E. C. X. Intr. pp. 9-10. 3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 28. 4. K. H. R. I., No. 2, pp. 43-44. 5. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 30.

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CRITICAL TIMES 257 cffaced in the record but who was a Gorava, consecrated an image of Candranatha in the basla of that name at Buvinahalli, Hunsur taluka. The Ankanathesvara and Subrahmanya temples at Ankanathapura in the same taluka of Hole Narasipura, seem to have been once Jaina temples. This is shown by the fact that inscriptions commemorating the death of Jaina nuns are found around the temples. One of such devotees was Camakabbe, who is described as a supporter of the Jaina assembly (sramana sangha) and of the four samayas. Varuna in the Mysore taluka at the close of the ninth century A.D. was a seat of a minor branch of the Western Calukyas. It contained a large number of Jaina temples the ruins of which lie to the west of the village. Six mutilated images of Jaina deities have been found in that villagc.2 Manne in the Nelamangala taluka and Ummattur in the Chamarajanagara taluka once boasted of devoted Bhavyas in circa A.D. 1000. In the former place the Saina nun Marabbe Kantiyar, the disciple of Devendra Bhattaraka, and in the latter, prince Sindayya, the son of the chieftain of Sottiyur, died in the orthodox manner about that date. An important Jaina settlement in the eleventh century A.D. was Kalasatavadu (mod. Kalasavali), four miles to the south of Seringapatam. From two metallic images found at Sravana Belgola we learn that they formed the property of the Tirthada basadi at Kalasatavadu. Both the images were the gifts of two Jaina nuns (named) to the basadi. A cart-load of metallic images at the place corroborates the view that it was, indeed, a prosperous Jaina 1. M. A. R. for 1913-14, p. 31. 2. Ibid for 1916, pp. 26-27. 3. Ibid for 1917, p. 39. J. M. 9

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258 MEDIEVAL JAINISM settlement in the eleventh century A.D.1 In the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D. we have Talatala mentioned as an important Jaina locality, probably because of its association with the guru of the great Jaina general Ganga Raja. An inscription found in the Kallubasti at Kanegrama, Tirthahalli taluka, and assigned to about A.D. 1093 by Rice, relates the following-That Maladharideva, who by the severity of his penance had his body covered with dust which was never removed, "being like iron a long time rusty, and having become like a white ant-hill," belonged to the Talatala basadi which was attached to the Lokiyabbe basadi. It was at the Talatala basadi on the date specified, that his disciple Subhacandradeva died in the orthodox manner.2 1. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 35. 2. E. C. VIII TI. 199, p. 207. We suppose the Subhacandradeva mentioned here was the guru of General Ganga Raja and the disciple of the celebrated Gandavimukta Maladharideva. There was another teacher of the same name, who was the disciple of Maladhari Ramacandradeva. We presume that the record in question refers to Subhacandra, the guru of Ganga Raja, on the following considerations :-The praise given in the above Tirthahalli record to Maladharideva agrees with that given to him in a Sravana Belgola record which, among other things, says that the "dirt on Maladharideva's body, which was overgrown with an ant-hill, looked as if it were a close-fitting armour of black iron that had not yet been doffed." It is this latter record from Sravana Belgola which tells us that Subhacandra died in Saka 1045 Subhakt (A.D. 1123). (E. C. II. 117, p. 47). This date cannot be reconciled with the date of the Tirthahalli inscription which gives merely the cyclic year Angirasa, and the details Pusymasa, Bahula saptami, Adityavara, for the death of Subhacandra. (E. C. VIII. Tl. 199, text, p. 694). These details are insufficient to fix the date, but they may stand for A.D. 1092, Thursday (and not Sunday), Dec. the 23rd. Swamikannu, Ind. Ephem., III. p. 187.

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CRITICAL TIMES 259 The well known Camundi Hill near Mysore was once a Jaina tirtha. It was called Marbala tirtha in A.D. 1127. The name Marbala or Mabbala seems to have been Sanskritized into Mahabalesvara. Jaina cpitaphs of the same age commemorate the death of Jaina devotees.1 In about A.D. 1131 Saliyur (mod. Salur), Shikarpur hobli, contained a temple called Brahma Jinalaya for which a merchant named Bhadraraya Setti made a specified grant. His guru Kulacandra Pandita belonged to the Mesapasana gaccha. It is interesting to note that the above Jinalaya is said to have belonged to the immemorial agrahara of the Thousand (Brahmans) of Saliyur.2 Kaidala in Murugarenad in A.D. 1151 was proud of its Jina temples among which may be mentioned the Bhima Jinalaya. It was constructed by the generous Samanta Guli Buca (or Baci), the ruler of Maruganrenad. We shall have to refer again to this worthy scion of Manyakhedapura. The Bhima Jinalaya, we may note, was erected by him in the name of his wife Bhimale, who was a devout Jaina. The god in the temple was called Cenna Parsvadeva. Liberal endowments were made by him to the temple.3 Elamballi in the Sohrab taluka owed its Jinalaya to the piety of Deki Setti, "a greater supporter of the Jina faith". This Jinalaya was called the santinatha basadi, for the gifts of food of which Deki Secti made specified gifts of land. His guru was the santinathaghtika-sthana-mandalacarya Bhanukirti Siddhanta, the disciple of Municandradeva of the Tintrinika gaccha. 1. M. A. R. for 1912, p. 37. 2. Ibid for 1930, pp. 246-7. 3. E. C. XII. Tm. 9, p. 4. 4. Ibid, VIII. Sb. 384, p. 68. Cf. VII. Sk. 197, p. 125.

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260 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Nitturu in the Gubbi taluka also contained a basadi called the santisvara basadi. It is dated to about the middle of the twelfth century A.D.' Pious Bhavyas lived in Nitluru, as is shown by the nisidhi stones commemorating their death.2 At the beginning of the thirteenth century A.D. Hiriya Mahalige possessed the Panca basadi, which in about A.D. 1200 was repaired by a devout citizen. Along with the nad people, he endowed it with three villages which had been originally given to it by a king (unnamed).3 The Jinalaya in Kuntalapura in circa A.D. 1204 was likewise endowed with lands by the farmers and the Great Minister Hiriya Hedeya Asavara Marayya. This latter official conducted an enquiry, "defaced by force the stone sasana which had been written", and then along with the nad people gave a grant to the "excellent acarya" of Kuntalapura, Nemicandra Bhattaraka. The reason why the enquiry was conducted and why Savanta Marayya forcibly removed the existing stone sasana was probably because it was a forged document detrimental to the interests of the Jina temple and the sangha at Kuntalapura. Jidduligenad and Eaenad contained many Jinendra temples in about A.D. 1208. They were the outcome of the liberality of Nemi Setti of the Nunna varsa. It was he who had caused the santinatha Jinalaya to be built at Kodanki, which, we may note by the way, is called in the record "a mine of the gems of learned men and beautiful women". Liberal endowments were made to this temple by Nemi Setti.5 1. M. A. R. for 1919, p. 11. 2. Ibid for 1930, p. 257. 3. E. C, VII. Sk. 227, p. 133. See also Sk. 232, ibid page. 4. Ibid, VII. Sh. 65, p. 26. 5. Ibid, VIII, Sb. 28, pp. 5-6.

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CRITICAL TIMES 261 Kottagere, Kunigal taluka, contains now a ruined Jina temple. But an inscription on the pedestal of a Jina image lying there states that the image of santinatha was caused to be made in about A.D. 1250 by Maghanandideya, the disciple of Haricandradeva, of Heragu, who belonged to the Mula sangha and the Ingulesvara bali.1 The god Prasanna Parsva of the Brahma Jinalaya of Jogamattige in Tailangere (in the Sira taluka ?) received in A.D. 1277 a gift of 2,000 arecanuts in a specified village from Kalli Setti, the disciple of Balendu Maladharideva of the Ingulesvara bali, as a permanent gift. This record tells us that the donee Cellapille's father Dipanayaka belonged to the Jina Brahmans of Bhuvalokanathapura in the Bhuvalokanathavisaya of the Ponnara-mativisaya which lay to the north of the southern Madhura in the southern Pandyadesa. The interest of this record lies in the fact that a class of Jainas called Jina Brahmans lived in a part of the Tamil land. Dipanayaka is expressly stated in the record to have belonged to the Dyetreyasakha of the Yajurveda, Vasistha gotra, and the Kaundinya- Maitra-VarunaVasistha pravara.? Kalasa in the Mudgere taluka possessed a temple of Jinesvara in the same year A.D. 1277. And it also received specified gifts of rice from a citizen called Madhava Setti.3 The Gandha-guli of the Honneyanahalli basadi in the Hunsar taluka was constructed in A.D. 1303 by Padmanandi Bhattaraka, the disciple of Bahubali Maladharideva of Hanasoge. 4 1. M. A. R. for 1919, p. 33. 2. E. C. XII. Si. 32, p. 93. 3. Ibid., VI. Mg. 67, p. 72. 4. Ibid, IV. Hs, 14, p. 84.

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262 By the middle of the fourteenth century A.D. Jainism had travelled to the province of Tuluva, where in the centres of Varanga, Kervase, Nalluru, Mudubidre, and Barakuru, it steadily rose into prominence till, as we shall relate in a later context, it gave once again strong impetus to the political events of the times. We have described the rise of Jainism in Tuluva in detail elsewhere.' MEDIEVAL JAINISM In various other localities like Javagal, Marati, Hanci, saligrama, Tekal, Lakavalli, Eleyur, Ramapura, Kallahalli, Kummanahalli, Sakkarepattana, and Hosaholalu,2 abundant traces of Jaina influence and culture have been found, thereby adding to the overwhelming testimony of epigraphs and literature that throughout the great extent of Karnataka Jainism continued for ages to be a great factor in the life of the people. What was the contribution of Jainism to the history and culture of the three large provinces of Karnataka, the Tamil land and the Andhradesa during these centuries of its widespread influence? An answer to this question would mean a separate dissertation on the subject. But in order to complete our narrative of the history of Jainism in the mediaeval times, we may briefly allude to some salient facts which may enable us to form an adequate estimate of the great part played by this religion in the history of the country. One of the best claims of Jainism at the hands of posterity is that it contributed to the literature of all the three pro 1. Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I., pp. 404-415. 2. M. A. R. for 1911, pp. 3,6,19; ibid for 1912, pp. 16, 36; ibid for 1913-4, p. 7; ibid for 1916, p. 8; ibid for 1917, pp. 9, 44; ibid for 1918, p. 5; ibid for 1925, p. 93; ibid for 1928, pp. 87-8; ibid for 1931, p. 25; ibid for 1933, p. 13.

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CRITICAL TIMES 263 vinces mentioned above. The Jaina teachers as the intellectual custodians of the Andhradesa, the Tamil land, and Karnataka most assiduously cultivated the vernaculars of the people, and wrote in them great works of abiding value to the country. Purism was the keynote of their compositions, although almost all the early Jaina writers were profound Sanskrit scholars. With them originated some of the most renowned classics in Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. It has been rightly opined that the Jainas gave to the Tamil people their didactic classics like the Kural and Naladiyar ; major kavyas like Silappadikaram, Manimekhalai, and Cintamani, minor kavyas like Nilakesi, Perunkathai (or Brhadkatha) Nagakumarakavya, Culamani, and quite a number of other works as well.1 To the Andhradesa and Karnasaka, among other precious gifts, the Jainas gave the campu kavyas or poems in a variety of composite metres interspersed with paragraphs in prose. When Nannaya, the author of the famous Telugu Mahabharata, to stem the tide of the naturalized Kannadiga Pampa's Bharata, which had won great celebrity in the Vengimanqala, prepared a Telugu Brahman counterpart of the same story, he adopted the campu style which was the gift of the Jainas to Karnasaka.2 An example of a Jaina scholar in the capital of the Telugu king in the first quarter of the fourteenth century A.D. is that of Ayyaparya, the author of the Sanskrit work called Jainendra-kalyanabhyudaya. He wrote his work in A.D. 1319 at Ekasilanagara (Warangal) in the reign of king Rudradeva. He was the disciple of Dharasenacarya, and was of the Kasyapa gotra 1. Read Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 76-77, 81-104 ; Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 198. 2. Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 100-103

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264 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM and the Jainalapaka lineage.? But neither in the Tamil nor in Telugu literature was the influence of the Jainas so profound and of such lasting value as in that of Karnataka, where from the early centuries of the Christian era till the twelfth century A.D. they created literature and fostered it with unrivalled care and devotion. It is not our aim, however, to give in this section even a brief account of the galaxy of great Jaina literary men who adorned the courts of imperial and provincial rulers during the first twelve centuries of the Christian era. We shall restrict ourselves to the enumeration of a few outstanding names in order to complete the topic of the indebtedness of southern India to the Jainas in the literary field. The earliest names of the great Jainas who in some manner or other added to Kannada literature were those of Samantabhadra, Kaviparamesthi, and Pujyapada. Omitting equally great names, we may pass on to Srivardhadeva alias Tembaluracarya's celebrated work known as Cudamani or Culamani which, according to Bhattakalanka's Karnalaka-sabdanusasana, was the finest work in Kannada. The Cudamani contained 96,000 verses and was a commentary on the Tattvarthamahasutra.3 The stone inscription which gives us a few details about Srivardhadeva, also tells us that just before him was Cintamani, whose work also bore the same name as himself. It is curious that these two works-Culamani, and Cintamana-should also be found in Tamil literature.5 1. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 57. 2. Kavicarite, I. pp. 1-7. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 198 ; Kavicarile, I, p. 8. n. (1) 4. E. C. II. 67, p. 26. My. & Coorg, p. 198. 5. Ramaswami, Studies., pp. 94, 103, Rangacharya, Top. List., I. p. 80. Rice cites the opinion of Caldwell that Cintamani is undoubtedly the greatest epic poem in Tamil, and the oldest Tamil composition of any length now extant. (Rice, ibid, p. 198).

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CRITICAL TIMES 265 Among the Jaina kings of Karnataka who have left evidence of their literary works, we may mention the followingthe Gana kings Durvinita and Sivamara I. The former was the author of the prominent works in Sanskrit which we have already discussed in the previous pages. The Rastrakuta monarch Nrpatunga in his well known work Kavirajamarga refers to king Durvinita as a Kannada poet.1 King Sivamara I was the author of the Kannada Gajasastra or science of elephants.2 Unique is the name of Adipampa, better known as Pampa, the author of Adipurana and Bharata (or Vikramarjunavijaya) (A.D. 941). As the author of these two Kannada masterpieces in the campu style, Pampa's services for the cause of Indian culture can hardly be over-estimated. Born in the Vengimandala, it was Pampa, as we have just now said, who was primarily responsible for Nannaya Bhatta's great work Bharata. That a Telugu scholar, the son of a Telugu Brahman (Abhiramadevaraya), who had espoused the cause of Jainism, and who was born in one of the agraharas of Vengimandala, but who was the protege of the Western Calukyan tuler Arikesari of Puligere, should have produced a Kannada masterpiece which had won for itself unvarnished celebrity in the Andhradesa for about a century, was sufficient humiliation to the proud Andhras, whose great poet Nannaya produced in about A.D. 1053 the Telugu counterpart of Pampa's magnificent work in Pampa's own style, at the instance of the Rajahmundry king Rajaraja Narendra.3 1. Kavicarite, I. p. 13. 2. Ibid. I, p. 17; Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 198. 3. Seshagiri Rao. op. cit., pp. 19, 100-128. Nannaya's great work corresponds to Pampa's work only in regard to three parvas. Ibid., p. 103.

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266 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Not only men but Jaina women, too, have added to Kannada literature. The greatest name among them was Kanti who, along with Abhinava Pampa, was one of the gems that adorned the court of the Hoysala king Ballala I (A.D. 1100A.D. 1106). She was a redoubtable orator and a poet who completed the unfinished poems of Abhinava Pampa in the open court of that ruler.? None among the Jaina authors has made himself so endearing to the Kannadigas as Andayya (circa A.D. 1235), whose exquisite Kabbigarakava is a triumph of Jaina ideas of purism in Kannada.? Lest it may be supposed that Kannada Jainas were given only to writing on purely literary matters, we shall give some examples of Jaina authors who have left useful works in other departments of thought. Indeed, there were few subjects of practical importance which the Jainas of Karnataka did not tackle. In the field of grammar, mathematics, astrology, and medicine, we have valuable works written by them. Of Pujyapada's great work in grammar mention has already been made. Towards the middle of the twelfth century A.D. lived Nagavarma (II), who wrote the three well known works on Kannada grammar- Kavyavalokana, Karnatakabhasabhusana, and Vastukosa.3 In about A.D. 1260 appeared Kesiraja with his sabdamanidar pana in Kannada. On mathematics we have Rajaditya's V yavaharagaaita, Ksetraganita, Lilavati. Vyavahararatna, Citrahasuge, Jainagaaitasutratikodaharana, and other works. As we narrated while dealing with the 1. Read Kavicarite, I. pp. 110-11 for details about her life. 2. Ibid, I, pp. 367-368. 3. Ibid, I. pp. 144-9. 4. Ibid, I. pp. 386-7. 5. Ibid, I. pp. 122-3.

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CRITICAL TIMES 267 history of the Western Calukyan king Somesvara I, it was during his reign that Sridharacarya of Narigunda composed the first Kannada work on astrology called Jatakatilaka. The reason why he composed it is given thus--That learned men told him that no one till that time had written a work in Kannada on astrology, and that, therefore, he was to write it. 1 Pujyapada, as we have already seen, had set an example in the field of medicine, although it must be admitted that there is no evidence to show that the work which he wrote was in Kannada. Another Jaina writer, who also wrote on medicine, was Pujyapada's sister's son Nagarjuna, a famous alchemist and Tantric scholar. In the ninth century A.D. during the reign of the Rastrakuta king Amoghavarsa I, Nopatunga (A.D. 815-A.D. 877), Ugraditya wrote Kalyanakaraka, a work on medicine that contains at the end a long discourse on the uselessness of flesh diet which the author, true to his Jaina feeling and conviction, is said to have delivered in the court of that Rastrakuta king. These writers may or may not have written their works in Kannada. But Kirtivarma in about A.D. 1125 wrote in Kannada Go-vaidya, a treatise dealing with the diseases of cattle. Jagaddala Samanta in circa A.D. 1150 wrote his Karnataka Kalyanakaraka which was a Kannada rendering of Pujyapada's Kalyanakaraka." The Jainas have influenced not only the literature but the culture of southern India as well. In five spheres of south Indian life have they left indelible marks which it may not 1. Karicarite I, pp. 75-76 ; II, pp. 3-5; M. A. R. for 1911, p. 59, op. cit. 2. Kavicarite, I. pp. 11-12. Was he the same as Nagarjuna of the Buddhist tradition, or the second of that name? 3. M. A. R. for 1922, p. 23. 4. Kavicarite, I. p. 165; II. pp. 15-16.

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268 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM be out of place to recount here. Prominent among these are those relating to the construction of temples, statues, and image worship. It has been surmised that the Saivites of the Tamil land borrowed the custom of having a niche in their great temples for every one of the sixty-three Nayanars or Saiva devotees, after the manner of the Jainas who worshipped their twenty-four Tirthankaras in their basadis. This imitation of Jaina mode of worship seems to have come, especially after Appar and the great Tirujnanasambandhar, when a pe. riod of miracles and piety was inaugurated and the Tamil country was studded with temples. In Karnataka, too, the Jainas were primarily responsible for the architectural greatness of the Kannadigas. It is not unlikely that the perfection to which the Hoysala architecture attained, especially in the matter of the construction of temples, has really to be traced to those early days of Jaina ascendency in Karnataka, when the Jainas gave expression to their sense of expansion and permanence in their statues, temples, and pillars which contain in them so much of delicacy of detail coupled with depth of devotion, and simplicity of style with grandeur of vision.2 Three huge monolithic colossi of Gommata exist ; one at sravana Belgola, as we have already scen above, the second at Karkala, and the third at Venuru, both in Tuluva. Of these the one at Karkala (41 feet 5 inches in height) was built in A.D. 1432 by Vira Pandya, a ruler of that city, and that at Venuru in A.D. 1. Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 77-78. 2. One of the most beautiful Hoysala temples is that of Hoysalesvara in Halebid. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 193. The Annual Reports of the Mysore Archaeological Survey contain full details of most of the Hoysala temples.

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By Courtesy 1. G S.] Gomatesvara at Karkala (p. 268) R 'ourter, rg 57

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CRITICAL TIMES 269 1604 by another local chieftain called Timmaraja. The exquisite Jaina temples and manasthambhas are to be found at Sravana Belgola, Mudubidre and Karkala." In another direction, too, the Jainas have added to the culture of the Hindus. The followers of the syad vada doctrine were primarily the people who made it one of their cardinal principles to give the four gifts of food, protection, medicine, and learning to the needy (ahara-abhaya-bhaisajya-sastradana). This must have been by far the most potent factor in the propagation of the Jina dharma. And it was to counteract the effect of these gifts that the Hindu religious leaders of the south opened their mathas or monasteries, dharmasalas or alm-houses, and pathasalas or halls of learning.3 Another substantial contribution to the culture of the land by the Jainas is in regard to the cult of ahimsa. For the first time in the history of southern India, the Jainas showed how the highest moral principles could be made to serve the material ends of the State. Right conduct meant for them not only adherence to the principles of ahimsa and the other tenets of their faith, but also steadfastness in their duty to their king, who was the embodiment of their country's honour. The history of the many Jaina generals and ministers, which we have outlined above, amply proves this statement. The respect for the life of living beings which the Jainas showed in their daily lives is said to have influenced the Hindus of the 1. See below. Rice (My. & Coorg, pp. 140-141) gives the name of the ruler as Pandya and the date A D. 1603. Both details arc incorrect. 2. For further details, see below Chapter XII. 3. Ramaswami, Studies, p. 78. Benoy Kumar Sarkar classiies these four gifts under the term "positivism of the Jainas." Read Sarkar, Creative India froin Mohenjo Daro to the Age of RamakTsna-Vivekananda, pp. 41-44. (Lahore, 1937).

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270 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM south who, stopping animal sacrifices in their Vedic ceremonies and rites, promulgated the cult of ahimsa in their literature. The principle of ahimsa was partly responsible for the greatest contribution of the Jainas to Hindu culture--that relating to toleration. Whatever may be said concerning the rigidity with which they maintained their religious tenets, and the tenacity and skill with which they met and defeated their opponents in religious disputations, yet it cannot be denied that the Jainas fostered the principle of toleration more sincerely and at the same time more successfully than any other community in India. In fact, as we shall presently see, it is this feature of toleration which is the connecting link in the history of pre-Vijayanagara and Vijayanagara Jainism. And nothing is more regrettable than that in the matter of showing tolerance to the followers of their rival creeds, especially to the Jainas, the Hindus of southern India should have been so ungenerous as to have had recourse to a method of retaliation and revenge which was so alien to the proverbially hospitable nature of the Hindus. In order to elucidate this statement we have to review briefly the condition of Jainism in the age immediately preceding the rise of Vijayanagara. Three general causes brought about the decline of Jainism in southern India before the founders of Vijayanagara rose to power. In the first place, the long intervals that elapsed between the periods of Jaina revival were to a large extent responsible for the gradual downfall of Jainism. After Kondakundacarya (the first century A.D.) caine Samantabhadra (the second century A.D.) who, as related above, was the great promoter of the Jina faith. The next stage in the Jaina revival is reached 1. Ramaswami, Studies., pp. 76-77

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CRITICAL TIMES 271 about the middle of the seventh century A.D. under Santisena." The fourth stage is seen with Gopanandi (A.D. 1094), who caused a revival of the Jina dharma.2 In the twelfth century (A.D. 1123) it is said that the doctrine of Jinendra which shone formerly through Maladharideva, again shone now with the greatness of Candrakirti Bhattaraka. And, as will be pointed out anon, it will be only in the middle of the sixteenth century A.D. that the next wave of Jaina revival will be seen. Between these periods of revival there was a wide gap during which the cause of Jainisrn suffered considerable hardships at the hands of rival religious creeds. Closely allied to the above was the fact that the Jainas failed to produce successively leaders who could so associate religion with politics as to bring both to the forefront simultaneously. It is not too much to suppose that had Jainism produced another Simhanandi, especially in the eighth and ninth century A.D. when it was beset with insurmountable difficulties, the course of political events in southern, especially in western, India would have been changed. The great leaders whom Jainism gave to the country were mostly buried in their theological works; and their indifference to the material changes that took place around them, and particularly those relating to the rise of rival religious sects, was not a little responsible for the steady decline of Jainism as a powerful element in the religious and political history of the land. Finally, the Hindu revival in southern and western India was the greatest blow to the anekantamata. We shall deal with this point presently. 1. E. C. II, p. 7 op. cit. 2. Ibid, V. Cn. 148, op. cit. 3. Ibid, II, 117, p. 46.

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272 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM The different provinces of the Andhradesa, Karnataka, and the Tamil land, however, had their own specific causes which contributed to the decline of Jainism. Of these we may dispense with those relating to the Telugu land where Jainism was never so deeply rooted as in the south, and especially in Karnataka. However, we may observe that the continued support which the Eastern Calukyas always gave Jainism, especially at Bezwada, was promptly counterbalanced by the Paricchedi-Pasupati rulers of that same city, who were the avowed followers of the Hindu dharma. These and the Kota kings of Dhanyakataka and the Kakatiyas of Warangal, as Seshagiri Rao has so well shown, were responsible for the disappearance of Jainism from the Andhradesa. The worst time the Jainas had in thc Telugu land was in the reign of king Ganapatideva, the Kakatiya ruler of Warangal (A.D. 1199- A.D. 1260), when, as a result of the defeat in a religious disputation at the hands of Tikkana Somayya, the author of the Telugu Mahabharata, the Jainas lost all their prestige and power. The evil days on which Jainism fell in the Tamil land were due to the appearance of the saiva and Vaisnava saints long before the local rulers had driven it into the background in the Andhradesa. The Saiva Nayanars and the Vaisnava Alvars had recourse to six methods, which they seem to have borrowed from the Jainas themselves, to subvert the religion of the latter in the Tamil land. Firstly, the Saivas and the Vaisnavas counteracted the universal effect of the most potent 1. Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 21-29. If it is true that Tikkana was the minister of Mahamandalesvara Madhurantaka Pottapi Cola Tilakanarayana Manuma Reddi, as Seshagiri Rao asserts, then he may be placed in about A.D. 1243. For a record dated $. 1165 mentions a gift by a citizen in the reign of that Nellore seudatory. Rangacharya, Top List, II. p. 1143.

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CRITICAL TIMES 273 weapon of the Jainas as expressed in their well known giftsahara-abhaya-bhaisajya-sastra-dana, by adopting the same policy to meet their own ends. This is proved by the stories of the saiva saints Ileyandakulimaranayanar, Mukhanayanar, and very many others. Secondly, the Saiva saints discarded caste system, in imitation of the Jainas, and recruited into their fold people of the lower social grades. This accounts for the inclusion of the fisherman saint Atibhaktanayanar in the list of the sixty-three saints. Thirdly, the Saiva saints aimed at the highest altruistic principles, also in imitation of the Jainas.3 Fourthly, the Saiva saints composed hymns in honour of the local deities, and especially of Siva, obviously after the manner of the Jainas, who worshipped their Tirthankaras in their basadis. Fifthly, the Saiva saints instituted the hierarchy of sixty-three saints exactly as the Jainas had done with their sixty-three personages called Trisasti-Salaka-purusuas. And, finally, the Saivas secured the political patronage of the State by winning over the good grace of kings, precisely as the Jainas had done in the early periods of their history. And in this campaign of exterminating the Jainas the lcading part was taken by Pille Nayanar, better known by his name Tirujnanasambandhar Murti Nayanar. A few details in connection with this celebrated figure are essential for fixing chronologically the downfall of the Jainas in the Tamil country. These details are gathered mostly from the well known Periyapuranam or the Tiruttondarpurana, composed 1. Dr. Shama Sastry was the first to draw attention to this. M.A.R. for 1925, p. 10. 2. Ibid, p. 9, 10. 3. Ibid, p. 11. 4. Ibid, p. 6.

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274 MEDIEVAL JAINISM by Seikkilar in a.d. 1150 in the reign of king Anapaya Cola (Kulottunga Cola Deva II). Pille Nayanar was a Brahman born in siyali in the Tanjore district. Of his many contemporaries we may mention Kun Pandya, the king of Madura ; Jinasena, a great Jaina teacher ; Vadibhasimha, a celebrated Jaina scholar who disputed with Pille Nayanar on the merits of saivism ; and Vagasa, also called Appar or Dharmasena. Of these we have to eliminate the last named Nayanar, since his name does not help us to fix the date of Tirujnanasambandhar. It must be confessed at the outset that in spite of our eliminating Appar, there are considerable difficulties centring round the date of Tirujnanasambandhar. While some maintain that this latter great saiva saint is to be placed in the seventh century A.D., others would assign him to a later age. The former view is based on the contemporaneity of Sambandhar with Siruttonda Paranjoti, the Brahman commander of the Pallava king Narasimhavarma I, and, secondly, on that of the Pandya king Nequmaran. The advocates of this view argue thus : From Sambandhar's hymns it is learnt that he was a great friend of Siruttonda.2 Siruttonda or Dabhrabhakta was the general who was present at the conquest of Vatapi or Badami, the Western Calukyan capital, by the Pallava king Narasimhavarma 1. Rice assigned the composition of this great work to the eleventh century A.D. E. C. IV. Intr. p. 34. See also I.A., XVIII, p. 259; S. I. I., II, p. 153. But Rangacharya has pointed out that Sekkilar should be assigned to the age of king Kulottunga Cola Deva II. Top. List, II p. 1349. See also Ramaswami, Studies, p. 61 where it is rightly said that Sekkilar composed the work in A.D. 1150. 2. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 65 ; S. I. I; II. p. 172 ; Rangacharya, ibid, II. p. 1323 ; Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1913, p. 87.

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CRITICAL TIMES 275 1.1 Since the burning of Vatapi by Narasimhavarma I (A.D. 630-A.D. 668) has been assigned to A.D. 642 by some scholars, 2 it is surmised that that is also the age in which Tirujnanasambandhar lived. The above conclusion seems to receive support when we take into account a few facts about the Pandya king whom the great saiva saint converted from Jainism into Saivism. All Saiva accounts agree that this conversion, indeed, took place. The king who was converted, however, is given the following names--Ninrasir Nedumaran, Maravarman, "the Great Maran who fought the battle of Nelveli and won lasting fame in it", as the Periyapurana puts it, Kubja Pandya, Sundara Pandya, or Kun Pandya. Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer identified "the Great Maran" with Arikesari, the contemporary of Hiuen Tsiang. Both he and Mr. Ramaswami Ayyangar would, therefore, place Tirujnanasambandhar in the seventh century A.D.* This, however, does not solve the difficulty. On the other hand, it makes the question more complicated. If the identification of Nedumaran with the victor of the battle of Nelveli, i.e., with Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman, whom the Velvikkuli plates make the victor of the same battle," 1. Periyapurana, p. 452 (Madras, 1923); Subrahmanya Aiyer, Sketches, p. 39; Heras, Studies in Pallav History, p. 38; S. K. Ayyangar, Beginnings of S. Indian History, p. 183. 2. Ramaswami, ibid, p. 65 : Dubreuil Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 70, where the date of the Pallava king is given. Dr. Shama Sastry places him about A.D. 634. M.A.R. for 1925, p. 11. 3. Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 62-63; Subrahmanya Aiyer, Sketches, p. 40; S. K. Ayyangar, Beginnings, pp. 277-278; M.A.R. for 1925, p. 11, K. A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Pandyas of Madura, p. 53. 4. Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid, pp. 122-3, 126-7; Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 65-66. 5. Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid, p. 123.

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276 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM is accepted, then, we cannot assign either Arikesari Maravarman or his supposed contemporary Jnanasambandhar, to the scventh century A.D. at all. The following reasons will make our statement clear. Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman, according to the combined genealogy of the bigger sinnmanur and the Velvikkudi plates as given by Venkayya," was the father of Sadaiyan Koccadaiyan Ranadhira. We have clsewhere shown that the age of the latter Pandya ruler can be fixed only after studying the Alupa-Pandya relations; that Sadaiyan Ranadhira lived in A.D. 794-A.D. 800; and that his father Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman has to be assigned to A.D. 783.2 That is to say, the victor of the battle of Nelveli should be assigned to the last quarter of the eighth century A.D. And if his identification with Kun Pandya of Madura is accepted, then, it follows that his contemporary Tirujnanasambandhar is likewise to be assigned to the latter part of the eighth century A.D. We may verify this conclusion of ours by noting the date of another contemporary of Tirujnanasambadhar-Jinasena. Basing his remarks on Karnataka Cakravarti's statement in the latter's work entitled Trisastipuratanacarite, Dr. Shama Sastry identified Jinasena mentioned by Cakravarti with Jinasena, the author of Bihadharivainsapurana. Now the date of the latter work as given by Jinasena is Saka 705 (A.D. 782). Hence if we accept the unanimous Saivite tradition - ---- --- 1. Venkayya, Ep. Rep. S. Circle, for 1908, p. 66. 2. Salctore. Ancient Karnataka, I. pp. 214-219, 223. The name Arikesari Parankusa Maravarman given by me should be corrected as Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman. A. K., I, pp. 215, 217, 219. 3. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 12. On Jinasena, read Kamta Prasad Jain, 1. 11. Q., V, pp. 547-48.

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CRITICAL TIMES 277 that Jinasena was the contemporary of Sambandhar, we can place the latter only in A.D. 783 which is the date we arrived at for another contemporary of Sambandhar, "the great Maran who had won the battle of Nelveli", i.e., Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman. Therefore, Tirujnanasambandhar and Kun Pandya alias Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman are to be placed in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D.1 But this not only goes against the orthodox Tamil opinion in regard to the antiquity of Tirujnanasambandhar, but also violates the date we have given to Vajranandi, the organizer of the Dravida sangha. For if Tirujnanasambandhar lived in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D., then, it cannot be that Vajranandi established the Dravida sangha in the latter half of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century A.D. No Dravida sangha could possibly have been established at Madura after the signal success which Tirujnanasambandhar had won over the Jainas in that city. The date given to Vajranandi can hardly be altered without disturbing the chronological facts centring round it ; but the date assigned to Tirujnanasambandhar can be shifted, as it would then fit in with the activities of the Jainas who were his contemporaries. For, as shown by Dr. Shama Sastry, a celebrated Jaina teacher called Vadibhasimha is said to have disputed with Sambandhar on the merits of Saivism.? We have seen that the only famous Vadibhasimha 1. This is also the conclusion arrived at by Dr. Shama Sastry, who placed Sambandhar in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D. He supports it by discovering the date of another contemporary of the great Saiva saint, Haradattacarya, viz. A.D. 877. (M. A. R. for 1925, pp. 12-13). 2. M. A. R. ibid, p. 8.

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278 MEDIEVAL JAINISM known to Jaina history was Ajitasena, who was the contemporary of Vadiraja, Camunda Raya, and the Western Calukyan ruler Somesvara I. We have assigned Vadibhasimha Ajitasena to the last quarter of the tenth and the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. If Vadibhasimha of the Tiruttondar tradition is identical with Ajitasena Vadibhasimha, then, the great Saiva contemporary of that Jaina teacher, Tirujnanasambandhar, has to be assigned also to the last quarter of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. This would mean that Tirujnanasambandhar lived one century after Vajranandi ; and that it was during the last quarter of the tenth and the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. that Jainism in the Tamil land received its death-blow at the hands of the great Tamil saint.1 Whether this is acceptable to orthodox Tamil opinion or not, it seems certain that, while Tirujnanasambandhar was actively engaged in wiping out Jainism from Madura, Tirunavukkarasar, or Vagisa, or Dharmasena, or more popularly known as Appar, another renowned contemporary of Tirujnanasambandhar, was busy uprooting the anekantamata in the Pallava kingdom; and the Vaisnava saint Tirumangai Alvar sang terrible invectives against it in Alinadu in the 1. It is said that the Tevaram (or Devaram) hymns contain many details of the Jaina ascetics on the eight hills surrounding Madura, such as Anamali, Pasumalai, etc, (Ramaswami, Studies., p. 68). It is precisely here at Anamali, etc, in the district of Madura and its neighbourhood that, as related above, stone inscriptions in the Vatteluttu characters have been found dealing with the Jaina sages and their disciples. These inscriptions while confirming the existence of the Jainas in Madura in the tenth and cleventh century A.D., incidentally prove that the Tevaram itself was written in that age.

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CRITICAL TIMES 279 north-eastern part of the Cola country. The great Nayanars and the Alvars have left behind them, however, in their hymns evidence of their utter contempt for Jainism.2 But what is surprising is not that contemporary Saiva and Vaisnava saints should have pictured darkly the Jainas in their religious works, but that the traditionally generous Hindu mind should have portrayed in a series of frescoes on the walls of the Golden Lily Tank of the well known Minaksi temple at Madura, the darker and sadder side of the struggle between the vanquished Jaina leaders and the exultant Hindu reformers of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Here on the walls of the same temple are found paintings depicting the persecution and impaling of the Jainas at the instance of Tirujnanasambandhar. And what is still more unfortunate is that even now the whole tragedy is gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at that famous Madura temple !3 Such vengeance did not characterize the reappearance of Hindu reformers in Karnataka. Here the downfall of Jainism was brought about by four important factors which were peculiar to Karnataka. In the first place, the political downfall of the royal patrons who had for centuries fostered 1. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 62-67, 71. Ramaswami says that Appar converted the Pallava king Mahendravarma II, the son of Narasimhavarma I, from Jainism. (Ibid, p. 66). But this is extremely doubtful, since we are not sure that Mahendravarma II ever ruled at all. For in the Velurpalaiyam plates which give the genealogy of the Pallava rulers (Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1911, p. 61), he is not mentioned. Even if he did, his reign was very short (Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 70; Subrahmanya Aiyer, Sketches, p. 42.) 2. Read Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 61, see, 67-70 ; Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid, p. 38, n. (3) 3. Ramaswami, ibid, p. 79.

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280 MEDIEVAL JAINISM the cause of Jainism was a grcat blow to that rcligion. With the simultaneous collapse of the Rastrakuta and Ganga kingdoms towards the end of the tenth century A.D., Jainism received a shock from the effects of which it never recovered. Secondly, the indifference of the Jaina leaders to the revivals of Hinduism, especially to that form called Vira saivism, was detrimental to the interests of the Jaina faith. The work of reviving this particular form of Saivism fell to the lot of the great Basava, who rekindled in the middle of the twelfth century A.D. the Saivacara or Jangama faith which was a revolt against Brahmanism. Jainism failed to produce teachers who could understand the full import of this new religious revival the champions of which did for Karnataka what the Nayanars had done for the Tamil land. This profoundly affected the life of the anekantamata, as is evident from the next cause relating to the conversion of the feudatory families from Jainism into Vira saivism. Basava's violent methods of winning a prominent place for the Saiyacara,? were less successful than the peaceful policy adopted by his successors, who converted the santaras, the Cangalvas, the Bhairava Oleyars of Karkala, the kings of Coorg, and other rulers of the minor states from Jainism into Vira Saivism.* How these royal personages and feudatorics were converted into Vira saivism is best illustrated by the account of the famous Vira Saiva teacher Ekanta Ramayya about whom Kesiraja Camupa relates thus in a stone record dated about A.D. 1195 : 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 72. 2. Ibid, p. 206. 3. Ibid, pp. 79-80. 4. Ibid. pp. 139; 206-207; E. C. IX Intr. p. 20.

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CRITICAL TIMES 281 A fervent disciple of siva, Ekanta Ramayya after visiting all Saivite holy places, came to 'Puligere. Here he was inspired by the local deity (god) Somanatha to wage a crusade against Jainism. Ramayya, therefore, went to Abbalur, a stronghold of Jainism. On the Jainas maintaining the superiority of the anekantamata over Saivism, Ramayya challenged them by saying that, as a proof of the superiority of his own creed, he would cut off his own head but with the aid of Siva regain life. The Jainas on hearing this promiscd to embrace Saivism, if he succeeded in carrying out his wager. And they wrote on an ole (palmyra leaf) to that effect. Forthwith Ramayya had his head cut off, and given as an offering to siva. In seven days' time Ramayya regained his head. He then routed the Jainas, and broke their images, at which they complained to the king Bijjala (A.D. 1156-A.D. 1167). The king sent for Ramayya who showed him the written promise of the Jainas, and who once again challenged that, if they demolished their seven hundred basadis, he would again perform the same feat he had once done, and (in seven days' time) regain life. The Jainas were afraid to take up the challenge. But king Bijjala gave Ramayya a Jayapatra (certificate of victory) granting along with it certain specified villages to Ramayya's deity Somanatha of Puligere. The fame of Ramayya then spread to the Calukyan court, and king Somesvara IV (A.D. 1182--A.D. 1189) likewise granted the village of Abbalur to the same deity. Likewise the Kadamba king Kamadeva (A.D. 1181-A.D.1203) granted the village of Mallavalli to the same god.1 1. E. I., V. p. 245; Kavicarite, I. pp. 297-298. See also Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 114-115; Moraes, Kadamba-Kula, pp. 252-254.

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282 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM And the fourth cause which hastened the decline of Jainism was conversion of the trading classes called the Vira Banajigas from Jainism into Vira saivism. This was a stroke of diplomatic skill which told at once on the life of the anekantamata in Karnataka. The Vira Banajigas had been for ages the most powerful and wealthy section of the middle classes in Karnataka. Their devotion and riches had enabled the Jainas to add to the architectural beauty of Karnataka, and to maintain the prestige and splendour of Jainism in the land. When the followers of Basava weaned the trading classes from the anekantamata, the mainstay of Jainism in Karnataka disappeared, and it fell back on the other sections of the people who could never extend to it the assurance born of wealth which the Vira Banajigas alone could give. 1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 206.

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CHAPTER VIII. VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE Jainism and Hindu dharma-A sketch of the history of toleration in Karnataka-Vijayanagara makes history by deciding great cases in A.D. 1363 & 1368 Political significance of the royal decision of 1368-Examples to prove the permanent effects of the royal decree of 1368 from cases throughout the history of the Vijayanagara Empire. TN the year of the foundation of the Vijayanagara Empire . (A.D. 1346) Jainism stood baffled but not beaten. It had been steadily driven from the premier place it had occupied in the Tamil and Telugu land, and even in Karnataka, and compelled to occupy a secondary position, especially in the last province, from which it apparently seemed that it had no means of escape. The age in which the Vijayanagara Empire was established was the most critical in the history of the country. It was also a perilous time for the followers of the syad vada doctrine. For without leaders who could grasp the situation in the country as a Simhanandi had done in the early days, Jainism was likewise without a message for the people who were now faced with problems infinitely more complex and more difficult than any which the Gangas and the other early rulers had to 1. Read Saletore, Social & Political Life, I, pp. 1-22.

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284 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM solve. It was during such a period in its history that Vijayanagara stepped forth as the protector of Jainism, and enabled it to continue its useful existence for centuries to come. In early times, as the reader must have gathered from the foregoing pages, it was Jainism that had more than once recreated political life and thereby made it possible for the Hindu dharma to consolidate its position. Now in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D., it was the turn of the Hindu dharma, first, to regain its own vitality, and, then, to repay the debt it owed to Jainism by coming to its succour. And the champions of the Hindu dharma, as the monarchs of Vijayanagara undoubtedly were, did this by laying down a policy of toleration which was unparalleled in the history of the land. The introduction of such a policy, however, was not an innovation of the rulers of Vijayanagara. To the Hindu monarchs of the south, especially of Karnataka, toleration was a vital principle and not a matter of political expediency. It was their most precious gift to humanity. The early monarchs of Karnataka as well of the Tamil land had bequeathed to the rulers of Vijayanagara a noble tradition. We have ample instances to show how the Gangas, the Western Calukyas, and the other kings of Karnataka and of the Tamil land, notwithstanding their Hindu propensities, gave munificent grants to Jaina institutions, and treated the Jainas and the Brahmans in an impartial manner. The Jaina leaders theinselves reciprocated this in an admirable way. The great name that is met with in this connection is that of Camunda 1. The intolerance shown to the Jainas in the days of Tirujnanasambandhar was an exception. The Tamil kings, especially in the Sangham age, were noted for their liberal views. Ramaswami, Studies, p. 46.

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 285 Raya. When in A.D. 1048 he granted specified land to the Jaina sages in charge of the Jajahuti santinatha basadi in Belligamc, as narrated already in an earlier context, he ordered that in the Banavasenad the Jaina habitation, Visnu habitation, isvara habitation, and a habitation for the muni ganas should be constructed. And this the sculptor Nagavarma caused to be made.1 Like him there were Hindu noblemen, too, who made no distinction between the votaries of the two faiths. Bammarasa, the viceroy of the Nolambavadi 32,000 province, granted in A.D. 1109 to the Jinalaya and to the god Sarppesvara certain money dues and other gifts, impartially. Few citizens could rival those of Balligame for an enlightened outlook on religious creeds. Hospitable to strangers, of one speech, prudent, devoted to dharma, and honour, the citizens of that famous centre were famous as worshippers of Hari, Hara, Pankajasana (Brahma), Jina, and other gods. The record dated A.D. 1129 which contains this information, tells us that they built in that city the temples of Hari, Hara, Kamalaksa, Vitaraga, and Buddha.? An instance of a chieftain who made no distinction between his own and other faiths is that of Visnuvardhana, who belonged to the Mitra kula and Adala varsa. In about A.D. 1140 he constructed siva temples and Jinalayas within his jurisdiction. The Jainas showed how they could suit themselves to the changing circumstances of the times by inserting in a purely Jaina inscription (dated A.D. 1151) the following 1. E. C. VII. Sk. 120, p. 91, op. cit. 2. Ibid, XI. Dg. 12, p. 27 3. Ibid, VII, Sk. 100, p. 69. 4. Ibid, IX, Nl. 84, pp. 48-49.

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286 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM addressed to non-Jaina deities :-" Victorious, though without words, are the sayings uttered by the Tirthankaras. Obeisance to the universal spirit of Jina, who is Siva, Dhatri (Brahma), Sugata (Buddha), and Visnu." The grant to which this unusually liberal mode of obeisance was prefixed was made by that generous feudatory of Marugarenad, Samanta Baci Raja, who has already been referred to in this treatise. This nobleman constructed not only Jinalayas but temples of Visnu and Siva as well. It is not surprising that such a liberal person should have been styled as the "promoter of the dharma of the four samayas."1 This catholic attitude on the part of the feudatories had the most salutary effect on other nobles. Hoysala Goidi setti, "worshipper of the feet of Jinendra ", was the nad-prabhu of Mandali 1,000. In about A.D. 1180 while in the company of his sons Balla Gauda and Boppa Gauda, he heard the recital of Siva dharma, and at once granted specified land for the worship of the Siddhesvara of Mandali.2 Samanta Gova, whose benefactions we have already described, is said to have been the supporter of the four samayas---Mahesvara, Bauddha, Vaisnava, and Arhat. This is related in records dated A.D. 1160, 1180, 1181, and 1187.: The uncommonly cordial relations which prevailed between the Brahmans and the Jainas are shown by a record dated A.D. 1204 which informs us that all the Brahmans of the five agraharas of Nagarakhanda, along with the officials placed over the district, heads of the merchant guilds, and representatives of the citizens and cultivators (all named), joined together and made specified grants for the worship 1. E. C. XII. Tm. 9, p. 3 ; My. & Coorg, p. 203. 2. Ibid, VII. Sh. 40, p. 18. 3. Ibid, XII. Ck. 13, 14, 20, 21, pp. 74-77.

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 287 of god santinatha of Bandanike.1 Bettarasa Dannayaka seems to have been impelled by a similar motive when in A.D. 1249 he deposited specified gold, and made grants of land in the presence of all the Brahmans, heads of the merchant guilds, and citizens, in order to meet the expenses of worship in the five mathas (named), the two basadis, and all the temples of Balari.? Thus we find that till the middle of the thirteenth century A.D., every section of the people in Karnataka had given sufficient evidence of its benevolent attitude towards the Jainas. That even those who had espoused the cause of Vira saivism should have been liberal towards the Jainas, shows how deep toleration had taken root in the country. From the last quarter of the thirteenth century A.D. for one hundred years onwards, however, the question of extending patronage to religious creeds of one denomination or the other paled into insignificance before the greater question of defending the country's honour against the invading Muhammadans.3 When once the southward march of the relentless enemy was stopped, and the kingdom of Vijayanagara established (A.D. 1346), its monarchs found time to deal equitably with religious and cultural problems of the day. It was during the reign of king Harihara Raya in A.D. 1363-- only seventeen years after the unfurling of the Vijayanagara banner at the great capital on the banks of the Tungabhadra --that a civil case arose which showed that the destiny of the Jainas was safe in the hands of the new monarchs. Virupaksa Odeyar, the son of the Vijayanagara king Harihara Raya, was the viceroy over the Malerajya. He had 1. E. C. VII. Sk. 225, p. 133. 2. Ibid, VI. Cm, 20, p. 37. 3. Saletore, Social & Political Life., I. p. 4 seq.

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288 MEDIEVAL JAINISM a difficult issue to decide. It was in regard to the boundaries of the land that belonged to the ancient Parsvanatha basadi of Tadatala in Heddurna". The temple acarayas supported by the people of the Heddurnad disputed with the Jaina suris in regard to the land in question. The State ordered an enquiry to be held in the Araga cavadi (i.e., the public hall of Araga, the capital of the Maleraja province. The Mahapradhana Naganna and various arasus (noblemen, all of whom are named ) together with the leaders of the Jainas called Mallappa, summoned the elders of the three cities and the Eighteen Kampanas of Araga ; and having made the nud people agree, they fixed the boundaries of the land (specified) according to former custom as those of the temple endowment of Parsvanatha. This decision was forthwith engraved on stone by the orders of the elders and the noblemen assembled there.! Five years later (A.D. 1368) a very great question presented itself before the Vijayanagara monarch Bukka Raya I. The stone inscription dated A.D. 1368 relates that a dispute arose between the Jainas and the Srivaisnavas (called in this record the Bhaktas). And the Jainas of all the nadus (districts) including Anegondi, Hosapattana, Penugonda, and the city of Kalleha (the last named district being in the modern Magadi taluka), petitioned to the king Bukka Raya about the injustice done to them by the Bhaktas (Bhaktaru maluva annyayangajanu binnaham madalagi). The monarch (evidently after due enquiry) "taking the hand of the Jainas and placing it in the hands of the Srivaisnavas of the eighteen nalus, (in the presence of) including all the acaryas of the places, the chief of which are Kovil (i.e., Srirangam), Tirumale (i.e., Tirupati), Peruma!-Kovil (i.e., Kanci) and Tirunarayanakote 1. E. C. VIII. TI. 197, pp. 206-207.

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 289 (i.c., Melkote), all the satvikas, mostikas, those of the holy service, of the holy feet and of the holy water ; the fortyeight people; the Savanta-bovas and the Tirukula (i.e., Holeyas) and Jambavakula (i.e., Madigas)--and declaring (at the same time) that there was no difference between the Vaisnava darsana (or faith) and the Jaina darsana, decreed as follows " This Jaina darsana is, as before, entitled to the pancamahasabda (the five great musical instruments) and the kalasa (or vase). If loss or advancement should be caused to the Jaina darsana through the Bhaktas, the Vaisnavas will kindly dcem it as loss or advancement caused to their own (darsana). The Srivaisnavas will to this effect kindly set up a sasana in all the bastis of the kingdom. For as long as the sun and moon endure, the Vaisnava creed will continue to protect the Jaina darsana. The Vaisnavas and the Jainas are one (body); they must not be viewed difserent. Tatayya of Tirumale, by consent of the blessed people (the Jainas) of the whole kingdom, will, out of the money levied at the rate of one hana for every house according to the door from the Jainas throughout the whole kingdom, for the bodyguard to be appointed by the Vaisnavas at the holy place of Belgola, appoint twenty servants as a bodyguard for the god, and with the remainder of the money have the dilapidated Jinalayas whitewashed. In this manner, for as long as the sun and moon last, they will without failure pay every year and acquire fame and merit. He who transgresses this rule shall be a traitor to the king, a traitor to the sangha, and the samudaya.'". The epigraph after holding out a curse to those who intended to destroy this piece of charity, concludes thusBusuvi Setti, the good son of Harvi setti of Kalleha (i.e., J. M. 10

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290 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM mod. Kalya, where the record was found) having made petition to the king Bukka Raya, sent for Tatayya of Tirumale, and had the sasana renovated. And both (the Jaina and the Vaisnava) samayas uniting bestowed thc dignity of sangha-nayaka on Basuvi Secti.1 An analysis of this Great Charter which king Bukka Raya gave to the Jainas of the Empire reveals the following : 1. That in the year of the construction of the great city of Vijayanagara (A.D. 1368)2 the Jainas were distributed throughout the Vijayanagara kingdom, but that those at Ancgundi (the parent city of the Empire), Hosapattana, Penugonda and Kalleha were the most prominent ; 2. That certain rights and privileges of these Bhavyas in that year or before had been questioned by the Srivaisnavas of the eighteen nadus ; 3. That the dispute was of such great importance that it was referred, not to the local provincial authority, or to the heads of both thc religious communities, but directly to the Vijayanagara king himself ; 4 That the king gave an equitable judgment in favour of the Jainas (evidently after due consultation), and in the presence of all the leaders of both the communities and even of those of the lower sections of the society like the Tirukula: and the Madigas; 5. That this judgment was accepted without a murmur by the entire people ; 6. That copies of this momentous decision were inscribed 1. E. C. II. 334, pp. 146-147 ; IX. Ma. 18, pp. 53-54. 2. It is wrong to maintain that the city of Vijayanagara existed before A.D. 1368 when its construction was begun. Read Saletore S. P. Life. I. pp. 83-105. 3. Tirukula, Srikula, in modern parlance Harijan.

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 291 on stone not only at Sravana Belgola but also at Kalleha, and "in all the bastis of the kingdom", by the Srivaisnavas themselves, at the royal bidding ; and 7. That, finally, to the generous Jaina merchant Busuvi setti, who was instrumental in publishing a copy of the royal decree at Kalleha, both the Jainas and the Srivaisnavas jointly conferred the title of sangha-nayaka (Champion of the Creeds). History knows no more exemplary and equitable decision in religious dispute than the above which king Bukka Raya gave to the Jainas in A.D. 1368. Bukka Raya was a plain monarch, but the judgment which he gave was learned ; he was not committed to any religious creed, but by his equity he had saved a religion from persecution ; he was reckoned to be the Defender of the Hindu dharma, but he had now become Protector of the Jina faith ; he had given a decision in favour of a minority community ; but it was not by violating the fundamental rights of the larger sections of the Srivaisnavas. The wisdom of the monarch is seen not only in the fact that he ordered the representatives of both the parties but of all sections of the people to assemble before him before he arrived at his decision. Further, the onus of appointing the bodyguard of twenty servants for the god at Sravana Belgola rested on the Srivaisnavas themselves, whose revered leader Tatayya of Tirumale was charged with a specific duty which he could perform only with the co-operation of the Bhavyas themselves ! Thus did the able monarch Bukka Raya lay down a great principle for his successors to follow. What was the political significance of this celebrated judgment ? In order to answer this we must recount the event of A.D. 1363 narrated above. The Taqatala Parsvadeva basti boundary dispute must have clearly shown to the Vija

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292 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM yanagara monarch in which quarter the danger lay. Any false step in the direction of maintaining the prestige of one community at the expense of another would have precipitated matters to a crisis in the very commencement of the political career of the sons of Sangama involving thereby the ruin of their cherished ambition. King Bukka Raya adopted, therefore, an admirable plan. By a royal decree he appointed twenty bodyguards for the god at Sravana Belgola, and, at the same time, ordered the renovation of all the dilapidated Jina temples in the kingdom. He had honoured the famous god at Sravana Belgola, and thereby the Jaina religion. Jainism was saved, and its prestige guaranteed in the Vijayanagara Empire. By restoring to the Jainas their ancient privileges king Bukka Raya removed a source of discontent in a community which, although politically shorn of its ancient power, yet could have turned itself into a seditious section, especially in the precarious period of the fourteenth century A.D. That it did not do so but continued to remain perfectly loyal throughout the Vijayanagara age is in itself sufficient testimony of king Bukka Raya's far-sighted political wisdom. The Jainas could never forget the service which this monarch had done for their faith ; and it is pleasing to note that only fifteen years after that famous judgment, there should appear the remarkable Jaina general Irugappa whose history we shall describe to some extent presently. A few instances will show that the magnificent example thus set by king Bukka Raya had a permanent effect on the wide outlook of the people of the Vijayanagara Empire. Thus, for instance, an inscription of about A.D. 1397 recounting the martial deeds of a famous colleague of General Irugappa, by name Gunna Dandanatha, begins in this unique manner after praising the temple of the god Kesava at Belur

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 293 He whom the Saivas worship as siva, the Vedantins as Brahma, the Bauddhas as Buddha, the Naiyayikas skilled in proof as Kartta, the followers of Jina sasana as Arhat, Mimamsakas as Karma ; that God Kesava ever grant your desires !1 Evidently the people of Karnataka looked upon all the different religious creeds in the same impartial and sympathetic manner as king Bukka Raya had done in A.D. 1368. Nothing proves better the cosmopolitan outlook of the people of Vijayanagara and the abiding effect which king Bukka Raya's laudable example had on them, than the JodiKempanapura (Chamarajanagara taluka) inscription, assigned to A.D. 1400, which deals with a great Vira Saiva scholar named Ekanta Basavesvara. He was the descendant of that famous Ekanta Ramayya who has already been described in this treatise. One of the birudas of Ekanta Basavesvara was that he was "an able refuter of the anekantamata." But such was the good feeling between the Vira Saivas and the Jainas in the Vijayanagara Empire that one of the imprecatory sentences at the end of the above grant says that those who violated it were traitors even to the Jaina religion !2 Indeed, the opening lines of another inscription dated A.D. 1411 reveals the large-heartedness of the people of Vijayanagara. For this record says thus :-Be it well with the subjects : may kings protect the earth in the ways of justice ! May fortune ever be to cows and Brahmans ! May all the world be happy !" Other inscriptions may also be cited in this connection. The record dated A.D. 1472 relating to the Jinalayas in Idugani, about which we shall mention some 1. E. C. V. Bl. 3, p. 43. 2. M. A. R. for 1917, p. 61. 3. E. C. XI. Cd. 14, p. 5.

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294 MEDIEVAL JAINISM details, opens with obeisance to Parisva-Tirthesvara, praise of the Jina sasana, obeisance to the pancaparamestis, and to Sambhu-all in the same breath !1 In the sixteenth century A.D., too, we have the same generous sentiments expressed in epigraphs. The record dated A.D. 1530, for instance, is a fine specimen of the spirit of the times. It begins in the following manner :- 'Having the supreme profound syad vada as a fruit-bearing token, may it prevail, the doctrine of the Lord of the three worlds, the Jina doctrine! Obeisance to Adi Varaha! May he grant prosperity, in whose tight embrace the Earth ever rejoices! Obeisance to Sambhu, his lofty head kissed by the camaralike crescent moon, the original foundation pillar of the city of the three worlds!" Then, again, in A.D. 1598 obeisance to Vitaraga is followed by the praise of the Jina sasana and of Sambhu.3 It was said above that the admirable decision of the king Bukka Raya had a lasting effect on the people of Vijayanagara. The truth of this statement is borne out by the following epigraph dated A.D. 1638 in which we have an excellent account of the harmonious feelings between the Vira saivas and the Jainas. This record which begins with the praise of the Jina doctrine ends with the praise of Siva! It falls within the reign of Venkatadri Nayaka of Belur, and may be taken to typify the state of affairs in the last days of the Vijayanagara Empire. The question was a very grave one. Iluccappa Deva, a Vira Saiva, had stamped a linga on the pillars of the Vijaya Parsva basadi of Haleyabidu (i.e., evidently Halebidu, the famous capital of the Hoysalas); and 1. E. C. VIII, Sa. 60, p. 103. 2. Ibid., VI, Kp. 47, p 84. 3. Ibid., Kp. 50, p. 86.

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 295 Vijayappa, a Jaina, had erased that linga stamp. On this Padmanna setti, the son of Devappa setti of Hasana, and all the other Jainas of the Belur kingdom, petitioned to the leaders of the Vira saivas, by name Basavadeva of Halebilu, Pattadadeva of Puspagiri, and the other leaders of the Devaprthvimaha-mahattu of the Desabhaga. The plaintiff was not an ordinary Jaina merchant. He was a worshipper at the lotus feet of Arhat Paramesvara, sun in the sky of the syad vada creed, delighter in the gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning, repairer of ruined Jina temples, purified by the Jaina consecrated water, and adorned with rectitude and many other virtues. On receiving the petition from this worthy and influential Jaina leader of Hasana, the Maha-mahattu of Halebidu and of the Desabhaga assembled together, and after due deliberation, made an ordinance (katlu malisida vivara) thus : "llaving (first) causcd vibhuti (ashes) and vilya (betel leaf) to be offered (these being the Vira Saiva modes of salutation), you (the Jainas) may perform the worship, decorations, illuminations, ablutions, and other Jaina ceremonies of this Vijaya Parsvanatha (basadi of Halebidu) according to former custom, as long as sun and moon endure". But the sanction of the State had to be received for legalizing the ordinance thus passed by the general assembly of the Vira Saiva elders. Hence they approached the chief minister Krsnappayya, who is highly praised as a learned man and an able minister, and as the rod in the right hand of the ruler Venkatadri Nayaka of Belur. And they requested him to give effect to their united decision. The chief minister "taking this work of merit in hand", and in conformity with the immemorial Karnataka custom of inscribing a meritorious work on behalf of the State, had the work dedicated "for the prosperity of the Empire of Venkatadri Nayakayya

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296 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM of Belur", and caused it to be observed in future. And, then, the Maha-mahattu had this stone sasana duly written and presented to the leaders of the Jainas. The benevolent Vira Saivas were not content with this formal method of giving the Jainas a charter of good will. All future injustice to the Jainas, especially on the part of the Vira Saivas themselves, had to be guarded against. And hence the following clause was inserted at the end of the sasana, thereby showing that the Vira saivas could be models of equity in matters of religious disputes. "Whoso opposes this Jina dharma is excommunicated from the feet of his Maha-mahattu, is a traitor to Siva, and the Jangamas, unfaithful to the vibhuti-rudraksa, and to the linga at the holy places of Kasi and Ramesvara." And so that none might question the validity of this important decision, the leaders of the Vira Saivas appended their signatures to the grant with a good wish that the Jaina religion might prosper--"The approval (or signature) of the Maha-mahattu. May it increase, the Jina sasana!" The importance of this record lies in the fact that it affirms the legal method prevalent in the early days of the Vijayanagara Empire when, as we saw while describing the Tadatala Parsvanatha basadi land dispute, the rulers had already set in the following precedent :-That all questions, especially those pertaining to the privileges and beliefs of communities, should be settled in the presence, and with the approval, of the leaders of both the parties, and the sanction of the State obtained at the end. And so far as the Jainas are concerned. the settlement of A.D. 1638 proves bevond doubt that the assurance given to them by king Bukka Raya in A.D. 1368 had come to stay, not 1. E. C. V, Bl. 128, pp. 84-86.

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VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE 297 merely in the circles of the Srivaisnavas but also in those of the Vira saivas. The little principality of Belur (Velapuri), over which king Venkatadri ruled in A.D. 1638, had come into existence in the days of Era Kisnappa Nayaka, the Hadapa (or betel-pouch bearer) of Krsna Deva Raya the Great of Vijayanagara. And it is especially gratifying to observe that the Vijayanagara example of justice should have been copied by one of its feudatories, and maintained with equity even in an age when the once-powerful Vijayanagara authority was on the decline and the fortunes of the great mediaeval House eclipsed by political calamities. We may appreciate this better when we remember that Velapuri, only six years after the above judgment by the Maha-mahattu had been given, became the seat of king Ranga Raya (III), the last of the noteworthy Vijayanagara monarchs, with the aid of one of his powerful vassal Sivappa Nayaka of Bednur.2 1. E. C. V, Intr., p. 33. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 122. On the harmonious relations that existed among the other communities the Brahmans, the Sthanikas, the Pancalas, the Settis, etc., in the Vijayanagara age, read Saletore, S. P. Life., II., pp. 355-356, 358

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CHAPTER IX. STATE AID TO JAINISM Vijayanagara inonarchs Defenders of All Faiths-Their attitude towards Jainism explained-Work by Queen Bhima Devi-King Deva Raya I--King Deva Raya II-Emperor Krsna Deva Raya-Position of Jainism in the capital --Work of General Irugappa --Examples of nobles who helped the cause of Jainism. THE sincerity of purpose which generally lay behind the . actions of the Hindu monarchs of Vijayanagara is seer not only in the assurance which they publicly gave to the reli gious bodies, but also in the honest attempts which they made to promote the material interests of religions which they did not profess. These Champions of the Hindu dharma were truly Defenders of all Faiths. The fact that the kingdon of Vijayanagara had come into existence solely to save the Ilindu religion and culture from destruction,' did not prevent the monarchs of Vijayanagara from giving their whole-hearted help to non-Hindu religions. On the other hand, it was their proud boast--and we may at once observe that thi: was not unjustifiable at all that they were the Champions of the sakalavarnasrama of the people. We have else where sufficiently shown how faithfully they carried out this promise of theirs to protect the dharma of all the sections of the people. 1. Read Saletore, S. P. Life, I. p. 13, seq ; 245. 2. Ibid., II. p. 24 seq.

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STATE AID TO JAINISM 299 And in regard to Jainism their attitude was by no means different. It is evident that the noble example of king Bukka Raya I exercised a great influence on his successors. Hence we find that kings and queens and members of the royal family gave unstinted patronage to the cause of the anekantamata in the Empire. And it is interesting to note in this connection that the impulse to support the cause of the Jina dharma came from the queens of Vijayanagara, one of whom was a Jaina herself. This was Bhima Devi, who was the queen of Deva Raya I. Her spiritual guru was Panaitacarya ; and in about A.D. 1410 she caused an image of santinathasvami to be made in the Mangayi basadi at Sravana Belgola. This temple, we may note by the way, had been built in about A.D. 1325, by Mangayi of Belgola, "a crest jewel of royal dancing girls", and a lay disciple of Abhinava Carukirti Panaita, of the same place. But about the identity of Panditacarya, however, no details are forthcoming." Queen Bhima Devi may have been responsible for the generous attitude of king Deva Raya I towards the Jaina gurus. Evidence from two inscriptions definitely points to the high favour in which that monarch held the Jina faith and its champions. The Padmavati basti inscription of Humcca cited elsewhere in this treatise, contains the statement that Dharmabhusana guru, the chief disciple of Vardhamana muni, and a great orator, was served by munis and rajas. Dharmabhusana "had his two feet illumined by the crown of the rajadhiraja paramesvara, the king Deva Raya."4 From the 1. E. C. II., Intr. p. 29; 337, p. 144. 2. Ibid., 33a, p. 145. 3. There is an Abhinava Panditacarya mentioned in circa A.D. 1311. Ibid, 495, pp. 133-4. 4. Ibid., VIII. Nr. 46, p. 148.

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300 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM royal titles given to the ruler in this record, it is clear that the reference is only to king Deva Raya I of Vijayanagara. But about the identity of Dharmabhusana, we have no definite data. However, we may fix his date by determining the date of his guru Vardhamana whom we have assigned to the year A.D. 1378, on the basis of the facts mentioned in the same Padmavati record and discussed by us elsewhere.? If we allot twenty-five years to Vardhamana, we arrive at A.D. 1403 which may be the date of Dharmabhusana (II). This falls within the reign of king Bukka Raya II, the father of king Deva Raya I. And there is nothing unusual in Dharmabhusana's having won special respect from king Deva Raya 1. What seems certain is that the Vijayanagara ruler showed his great concern about the famous centre of the Jainas--Sravana Belgala. Hence about A.D. 1420 he ordered the gift of the village Belame in Mepinad for a vrtti for the worship of Gummalasvami of Belgola. And the great minister Baica Dannaya 1. There were two Dharmabhusanas in the Jaina spiritual lists. A damaged record of A.D. 1372 tells us that Subhakirtideva's disciple was Dharmabhusana (I) whose disciple was Amarakirti whose disciple was Dharmabhusana (II) whose praise (?) seems to be recorded. Vardhamana Svami caused an epitaph to be made in that year. (E. C. II, 274, p. 125). Another record found at Humcca gives the following fact--that Amarakirti's beloved disciple was Dharmabhusana Bhattaraka. (M. A. R. for 1934, p. 176). Dr. Krishna assigned this record to the age of king Deva Raya I, and placed Dharmabhusana in the fifteenth century. The two records of Belgola and Humcca, therefore, agree in making Dharmabhusana (II) the disciple of Amarakirti, while the Padmavati basti record clearly says that Dharmabhusana was the chief disciple (maukhamukhya) of Vardhamana. This discrepancy cannot be solved for the present. 2. Saletore, Karnataka Hist. Rev. IV. pp. 77-86.

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STATE AID TO JAINISM 301 ka carried out at once the royal behest.: Obviously in imitation of his noble father, Prince Harihara, as we shall narrate in a latter context, gave munificent gifts to the basadi at Kanakagiri. The next monarch who continued the tradition of the carly Vijayanagara rulers of bestowing patronage on the Jaina institutions was king Deva Raya II (AD. 1419 A.D. 1446). In A.D. 1424 he made over the village of Varanga in Tuluva to the basadi of Varanga Neminatha of the same place.? Of Krsqa Deva Raya the Great it may truly be said that he made no distinction between the different faiths in his Empire. His large-hearted benevolence was primarily responsible for the gifts he made to the Jaina temples in two distant provinces of his Empire. He gave gists of two villages to the basadi of Trailokyanatha at Tirupparuttikunru, Conjeeverain taluka, Chingleput district, once in the cyclic ycar Dhatri (corresponding to the Saka year 1438= A.D. 1516), and then again in Saka 1440 (A.D. 1519). In A.D. 1528 the same monarch gave a gift to the basadi at Cippagiri, Aluru taluka, Bellary district, and had the endowment recorded on the walls of the sinaller Venkataramana temple of that place. 4 Before we proceed to describe the cfforts made by the nobles and generals of Vijayanagara to help the cause of the anekantamata in the great city of Vijayanagara and outside, 1. E. C., V. Mj. 58, p. 273. 2. Sewell, Lists of Antiquities., C. P. No. 89; Rangacharya, Top. List., II., p. 875. 3. 188 of 1901 ; 45 of 1890 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 375 ; Swamikannu, Ind. Ephem. V. pp. 234, 240. 4. Bellary Gazetteer, I. p. 210 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I, p. 258 ; Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., p. 35.

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302 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM we may explain the position of that religion in the famous capital itself. Here it is necessary to observe that the accounts of foreign travellers do not enlighten us on this question at all. But we have to depend upon the numerous epigraphs which contain, as usual, valuable details concerning Jainism in the city of Vijayanagara. The initiative of aiding the Jina faith was taken by the Vijayanagara generals and the royal ladies of the court. It was here in the capital that the Jaina General Irugappa Danpanayaka built a basadi which we shall mention at once. The queens of Vijayanagara were not slow in bestowing their patronage on these Jaina institutions in the capital. An inscription in that city tells us that Bukkayve, the queen of Vira Harihara Raya (i.e., Harihara Raya II) gave a gift to the basadi built by General Irugappa, in the cyclic year isvara. This cyclic year corresponds to the saka year 1319 (A.D. 1397) 2 Among the monarchs Deva Raya II stands high in the estimation of the Jainas for having built a basadi in the capital itself. An inscription in a ruined basadi in that city dated saka 1348 Parabhava (A.D. 1426) records the building of a caityalaya to Parsvanatha at the orders of that monarch in the Pansupari street of the capital.3 King Deva Raya II's act of benevolence needs comment. He gave concrete expression to the feeling of reciprocal goodwill which king Bukka Raya had so admirably shown in A.D. 1368. To the Jainas -- --- - - 1. Read Saletore, S. P. Life, II. p. 27 seq. 2. 501 of 1907 ; Rangacharya, Top. List., I, p. 313 ; Swamikannu, op. cit., IV. p. 396. 3. 32 of 1889; $. I. I. I, 153, pp. 160-167 ; Rangacharya, ibid., I. p. 312 ; Ramaswami, Studies, p. 118. It is wrong to say that king Deva Raya I. built this temple (V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, Indian Historical Quarlerly, XIII, p. 259.).

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STATE AID TO JAINISM 303 his action gave one more proof that the Vijayanagara monarchs were more than ever sincere to promote the cause of the Jina dharma. Unlike the measures he had taken on behalf of his Muhammadan subjects, for whose sake he had ordered a copy of the Quran to be placed by the side of his throne, 1 this step in connection with the Jainas had no political significance, since the latter never assumed at any time, either in the reign of that monarch or in that of his predecessors, such proportions as to threaten the internal stability of the Empire. We may, therefore, assume that the construction of the Parsvanatha basadi in the capital was obviously meant to satisfy the religious need of the time, and especially to demonstrate once again the validity of one of the birudas borne by the Emperors of Vijayanagara, viz., that they were the Protectors of sakalavarnasrama dharma. In addition to these Jina temples we have a ruined basadi in the capital to the south of Hampe. Unfortunately the record which was found here is damaged and no details can be made out of it. The fact that the Sanskrit portions of two fragments of a sculptured piece of black granite discovered in the north-west of the famous Mahanavami Dibba in the capital, refer thrice to the death of a Jaina guru named Maladharideva,' suggests that there must have been another Jinalaya near that well known platform about which, too, unfortunately no details are known. As to the identity of Maladharideva, we have likewise no clue. In the history of Jainism in the great capital much credit is to be given to General Irugappa, the most prominent Jaina general of the age. From an inscription dated A.D. 1422 1. Saletore, S. P. Lise., I. p. 439. 2. 42 of 1889. 3. 545 of 1893.

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304 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM found at Sravana Belgola, we gather many details about the parentage of this Dandanayaka. He belonged to a line of loyal State servants. His grandfather was Baica Dandesa, the Mahapradhana of king Bukka Raya. Of uncommon liberality, forbearance, and learning, Baica Dandesa was noted for his policy which was "worthy to be approved by all." He had three sons--the eldest General Mangappa, "who was honoured in the world for his virtues ", General Irugappa, and Bukkanna. General Mangappa was a devout Jaina. The record calls him "a supporting tree to the creeper) dharma", and "an adherent of the Jainagama". By his wife Janaki he had two sons-General Baicappa and General Irugappa. The latter is the subject of our remarks. The same inscription bestows much praise on General Irugappa. About his martial disposition, it says that "when on the march of the General prince Irugappa, the rays of the sun were obstructed by the clouds of dust raised by the fierce blows of the hoofs of his charging mares, the lotuses the hands of his enemies closed (i.e. in submission)." As regards his general character, the same epigraph narrates the following--"As soon as General Irugendra was born on carth, his friend though devoid of wealth, was supplied with abundant wealth, and his enemy, though possessed of wealth, was deprived of it." Then, again, "Abundance of food, protection from danger, medicine, and learning became his daily gifts ; injury to others, falsehood, passion for the wives of others, theft and greed kept away at a distance from him." He was a devout Jaina." His liberality (was directed) towards the path of dharma, his ears towards listening to the fame of Jinendra ; his tongue towards praising His virtues ; his bodily health towards bowing to Him ; his nose towards the excessive fragrance of His lotus feet ; and his everything

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STATE AID TO JAINISM 305 to His service."1 Shorn of the metaphors, the above description of General Irugappa enables us to conclude that he was dutiful to his ruler, generous to the worthy, considerate to the needy, and devout to Jina. We have now to see whether the praise thus given to him was in any way justifiable. General Irugappa appears for the first time in A.D. 1382 when he made a gift of land to the. ancient Trailokyanatha basadi at Tirupparuttikunru in the Chingleput district. This was during the reign of king Harihara Raya II. The gift was made, we may observe, for the merit of Prince Bukka Raya, in the cyclic year Dundubhi corresponding to Saka 1304 (A.D. 1382).2 We are to suppose from this that General Irugappa first saw State service under Prince Bukka, the future Bukka Raya, and the son of king Harihara Raya II, in the Chingleput district. Our assumption is proved by another record dated only in the cyclic year Prabhava and found in the same basadi, in which it is said that the mantapa in front of the same basadi was built by General Irugappa at the instance of his guru Puspasenas. The cyclic year Prabhava corresponds to saka 1309, and we have, therefore, to suppose that General Irugappa's official connection with the south lasted till A.D. 1387. While the Jaina general was thus adding to the prosperity of a Jaina institution which, since the days of the famous Cola monarch Raja Raja, had received patronage at the hands of the southern rulers, certain domestic events neces 1. E. C. II, 253, pp. 106-108. 2. 41 of 1890 ; S. I. I. I., p. 156; Rangacharya, Top. List., I., p. 375 : Swamikannu op. cit. V. p. 366. 3. 42 of 1880; E. I. VII. p. 116 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I p. 375 ; Swamikannu, op. cit., IV. p. 376. 4. 17 of 1889; S. 1. 1. I., 152, pp. 155-160. Sewell commits an error when he makes Irugappa the son of Baicayya. Historical

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306 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM sitated General Irugappa's presence at the capital where we find him now as the Minister of king Harihara Raya II. It is enough to note that here in the capital he built the caityalaya of Kunthu (or Kunqu) Jinanatha which was completed on February the 16th A.D. 1386. This is the temple which is wrongly called nowadays the Ganigitti temple! The Jaina teacher Simhanandi mentioned in this inscription was perhaps the same Simhanandi Acarya whose name appears in a record assigned to A.D. 1400 at Sravana Belgola. There was another side to the remarkable Jaina statesman. Irugappa was an engineer as well. In A.D. 1394 he built the sluice of the tank at Kunigal. The inscription found on the same sluice gives us the interesting information that he was a Sanskrit scholar, too, and that he wrote the Sanskrit work called Nanartharatnakara. This versatile statesman was the minister of king Harihara Raya II in A.D. 1403.3 But he continued to serve also in the reign of king Deva Raya II.4 The Sravana Belgola inscription dated A.D. 1422 cited above informs us that in that year General Irugappa, in the presence of the Jaina guru srutamuni, granted the village of Belgula (Belgola itself) for the worship of Gummalesvara." Our surmise Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 203 (Ed. by S. K. Aiyangar, Madras, 1932). This work is incomplete, for it has not taken into account a number of inscriptions pertaining to the history of Vijayanagara and early times. 1. E. C. II. 276, p. 125. 2. M. A. R. for 1919, pp. 13, 33; E. C. II. p. Intr. p. 64; Rangacharya, Top. List., I. p. 311. 3. E. C. XII. Si 95, p. 101. 4. Ibid, II. Intr. p. 64. 5. Ibid, II. 253, op. cit.

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STATE AID TO JAINISM 307 that General Irugappa served under king Deva Raya II is further proved by a stone inscription of A.D. 1442 in which that Jaina Commander is described to be the viceroy of Gove (Goa) along with Candragutti. This damaged record mentions an attack on Banavasi by Mallalegade Bamma Gauda, and the success that attended the arms of the loyal citizens. 1 Thus we find that General Irugappa's record as a trusted general, a clever engineer, and a successful viceroy lasted over a period of fifty-nine years (A.D. 1383-A.D. 1442). No Jaina statesman, it may not be too much to say, in the history of southern India had such a long period of approved State service to his credit as General Irugappa. His elder brother General Baicappa was also a devout Jaina. The sravana Belgola record dated A.D. 1422 calls him Bhavyagrani (Leader of the Bhavyas). And along with his younger brother he was reckoned to be "a purifier of the path of the dharma" (pavitriksta-dharma-marggan).2 In about A.D. 1420 Baica Dannayaka was the Mahapradhana of king Deva Raya II. It was while he was working in this capacity that he carried out the royal order and provided a vitti for the worship of Gummatasvami of Belgola, granting the village of Belame, as already related above.3 Some of General Irugappa's colleagues were also Jainas, Thus we have in about A.D. 1400 the Brahman Kuci Raja, who was the disciple of Candrakiritideva. This Jaina has already figured in our description of Kopana.4 1. E. C. II., VI. Sb. 498, p. 82. 2. Ibid. II. 253, p. 108, text, p. 110. 3. Ibid. V. Mj. 58, op. cit. 4. Ibid, IV. Ch. 151, 152, op. cit.

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308 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Another well known Jaina official of the age of General Irugappa was the Mahapradhana Gopa Camupa, who was placed in charge of the famous hill-fortress of Nidugal. He is described as "a full moon in raising the tide of the ocean of the Jaina sangha (Jainendra-samayambudhi-vardhana purna-candra) in an undated and incomplete record, thereby suggesting that he materially added to the cause of Jainism. Rice doubtfully assigned this record to A.D. 1410,4 obviously on the assumption that he is mentioned as ruling the great Nidugal hill-fortress during the reign of king Deva Raya I. We have some interesting details about this military officer. These are gathered from a stone inscription dated A.D. 1408. He belonged to a line of benevolent Jainas. His father was called Siriyanna sripati, the lord of Bandhavapura, and a disciple of santisvara. And Sriyanna's father was Gopa Mahaprabhu, the governor of Kuppatur. Gopa shone as purified by the Jina dharma, his blameless career like steps to paradise. We shall have to see in some detail about the well known city of Bandhavapura in the Vijayanagara times. Gopa Camupa, the subject of our discussion, was a Gauda ; and his guru was Siddhantacarya of the Mula sangha and Desiya gana. This inscription relates that by the instruction in Jinendra dharma of his guru Siddhantadeva, accompanied by numerous lucid comments, Gopanna became a good servant of the faith. He constructed a Jinalaya in Kuppalur which he richly endowed. The Malenad Mahaprabhu Gopanna had two wives named Gopayi and Padmayi, who in devotion to Jina dharma were equal to their husband. The moment came for Gopa Mahaprabhu to show to the world his worth as a true Jaina. 1. E. C. XI. Hr. 28, pp. 107-108.

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STATE AID TO JAINISM 309 After having enjoyed the society of his wives for many days, he abandoned family pleasures To the Brahmans he gave gifts of gold, cows, grain, and the like. He discarded the pleasures of the mind and the palate, repeated the praises and prayers of the Jina dharma, and taking the hand of moksa Laksmi with great joy went to heaven (on the date specified in detail), amidst the plaudits of all the good. But his wives were not a whit behind him in their devotion to the Jina dharma. Seeing that, they made at once all gifts to Brahmans, with pure mind reverence to the lotus feet of Siddhantacarya, and thinking of the great Vitaraga, went to heaven.1 Now this record is dated A.D. 1408 ; and it cannot be that Gopa Mahaprabhu was the commandant of the Nidugal fortress in A.D. 1410, as suggested by Ricc. Hence we have to suppose that Gopa Mahaprabhu was placed over that hill-fortress prior to A.D. 1408. Gopa Mahaprabhu seems to have been a great patriot. This alone explains why the scribe who mentions his death, eulogizes the land of Karnataka as a country that was distinguished in many ways and in beauty beyond description." We may mention two more names of high officials of this age in order to complete the account of men of action of early Vijayanagara history. One is that of Masanahalli Kampana Gauda, the great lord of Bayinad. He was the disciple of Panaitadeva. In A.D. 1424 he granted the village of Totahalli situated in his own Bayinad for the worship of Gummatanathasvami of Belgola.3 The other example is that of Vallabharajadeva Maha-arasu, the grandson of the 1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 261, pp. 41-42. 2. See motto at the beginning of this work. 3. E. C. IV. Hg. 1, p. 65.

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310 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Mahamandalesvara Sripati Raja, and the son Rajayyadeva Maha-arasu. The solicitude which the Vijayanagara officials felt for Jainism even in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. is seen in the inscription relating to that high official. When Cinnavara Govinda Sctti, the son of Gutti Haradare Setti, petitioned in A.D. 1579 to Vallabharajadeva that the manya lands of the god of Heggara basadi should be maintained, "in order to comply with his petition", Vallabharaja granted specific lands in Heggare for the god Jina of that locality in the Budihalsime.1 1. E. C. IV, XII. Ci. 22, p. 78.

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CHAPTER X. JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS Causes which made Jainism prominent at the provincial courts-The Cangalvas and their work -The Sangitapura rulers and their ministersAn enemy of Jainism-Examples of noble ladies who were patrons of Jainism. WE may now turn our attention to the condition of Jainism in the various provincial seats of the Vijayanagara Empire. Much of the splendour of Jainism which had characterized its advent and spread in the royal capitals in earlier times, now in the Vijayanagara age is to be seen in the capitals of the provincial viceroys rather than in the great city of Vijayanagara itself. This phenomenon was due to the following causes. Firstly, the capital of the Vijayanagara Empire was no more a mere centre of royal strength, as the early Karnataka capitals had been, but the bulwark of the entire people of southern India-Hindu as well as Jaina-against the attacks of the enemies of their dharma. The nature of the capital, therefore, had changed. While it certainly welcomed all sects and creeds with equal generosity, it could not think of devoting its attention to the cause of any one religion in particular. For political necessity had eclipsed religious needs; and the Emperors of Vijayanagara let all faiths in their great capital follow their own way, while they themselves were busy guarding the frontiers of their Empire against the ever watch

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312 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM ful enemy in the north. To Jainism which for ages had been accustomed to complete royal acquiescence, this attitude on the part of the Emperors of Vijayanagara was not particularly encouraging. Hence Jainism gradually allowed its hold on the great capital to slip, and wisely had recourse to a policy of seeking protection in the provincial courts which still preserved, to some extent, the nature of the earlier Karnataka rajadhanis. There was another reason which made Jainism more conspicuous in the seats of the viceroys than in the city of Vijayanagara. The broadmindedness and farsighted policy of universal toleration which the monarchs of Vijayanagara extended to all faiths in the capital, attracted to it in large numbers learned men belonging to the different religions. The city of Vijayanagara became the meeting place of philosophers and poets of the Empire. It was unfortunate that the anekantamata had now no champion of the Vadiraja or Ajitasena type, who could successfully withstand the disputation of the non-Jaina religious teachers in the capital. Excepting in one famous instance, Jainism was practically without leaders in the city of Vijayanagara. This shortcoming told not a little on its career in the capital, and was responsible for the stubborn stand it took in the provincial seats. But this was a misfortune in disguise. The provincial viceroys unhampered by the political questions which faced their suzerains in the City of Victory, could devote themselves whole-heartedly to religious and cultural questions. Coupled with this was the fact that the Central Government never interfered with the domestic affairs of the provincial viceroys. These reasons enabled the latter to play the role of Defenders of the Jina dharma, and to bestow on it the care and patronage which it could not expect at the hands

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 313 of the Emperors at the capital. This was of great advantage for the cause of Jainism, since had it made the City of Victory its sole strength, the anekantamata would have collapsed with the destruction of that city. That it did not do so but continued its useful career is due to the benevolent attitude of some of the Vijayanagara viceroys. There were two classes of feudatories who actively supported the doctrine of syad vada. One class was made up of the great feudatories like the Kongalvas, the Cangalvas, the Saluvas of Sangitapura, the kings of Gerasoppe, and the Bhairarasa Odeyars of of Karkala. And the other class comprised lesser feudatories of the type of the lords of Avalinad, the Mahaprabhus of Kuppatur, Morasunad, Bidirur, Bagunjisime, Nuggehalli, and others. In addition to these mention must be made of the marked exertions of feudal ladies for the cause of the Jina dharma. There is nothing strange in the Kongalvas and the Cangalvas having maintained the prestige of the anekantamata. We have already given sufficient proof of their zeal in this direction in the pre-Vijayanagara days. Notwith. standing the fact of their having been converted into the Vira Saiva faith, they continued to be patrons of Jainism in the Vijayanagara age. Thus, for instance, in A.D. 1390, a Kongalva ruler whose name ends in. ..lli Deva, restored the Candranatha basadi at Mulluru. ..... This king was the disciple of Vijayakirtideva, whose guru was the Arya Subhendu. Both the guru and the disciple belonged to the Pustaka gaccha. On the Kongalva ruler restoring the basadi, his queen Suguni Devi by her bodyguard Vijaya. deva set up the god Candranatha and made specific grants of land for his worship.1 F 1. E, C., IX. Cg. 39, p. 174.

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314 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Whatever may have been the success which Vira saivism scored in the royal House of the Canga vas of Canganad, it is evident that so late as the sixteenth century A.D., there were staunch supporters of the Jina dharma in Nanjarayapastana, In A.D. 1509, for instance, Cenna Bommarasa, a minister of the Cangalva king, and one who was descended from a line of ministers beginning with the supporter and promoter of Jainism (Jina dharma sahaya pratipalakar) Bommaya mantri, is callcd "the crest jewel of perfect faith in Jainism." We do not know in what manner he advanced the cause of the Jina dharma in the Cangalva principality. But the assemblage of the blessed sravakas of Nanjarayapattana caused the ballivada (? arbour) of Gummatasvami of sravana Belgola to be renovated. Since the name of the minister Canna Bommarasa is coupled with the assemblage of the Jaina citizens of that Cangalva city, we have to assume that he was partly responsible for the renovation of the arbour at Belgola. The history of the Cangalvas in the sixtecnth century is particularly interesting because of the attempts probably made by them to reconcile the Vira Saivas and the Jainas in Canganad, and because of the charitable deeds of a Canga!va nobleman. Dr. Shama Sastry, while examining the temples in the Hunsur taluka, discovered in a cave near the Anjaneya temple at the foot of the hill in Beltadapura, some remarkable double lingas which were not found anywhere in the Mysore State. He discovered to the left of the serpent hoods a figure of Ucchistha Ganapati or Sakti Ganapati, with a nude female carved on its lap. And a nude squatting figure with the name written below was also found by him.? 1. E. C. IX., II. 228, pp. 96-97. 2. M. A. R. for 1924, pp. 1-2.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 315 He rightly commented on these double lingas by saying that the association of Jina images with Saivite lingas pointed to the reconciliation effected between the Jainas and the Lingayats during the rule of the Cangalvas in the second half of the sixteenth century A.D.1 A notable figure in the annals of the Cangalva kings is that of General Mangarasa. An able commander, Mangarasa was also a clever Kannada poet and a pation of Jainism. He was the son of the Mahaprabhu Vijayapala, the viceroy of Kallahalli, and the minister of the Cangalva king. His mother's name was Devile.? Both Vijayapala and Devile were pious Jainas. The martial activities of Mangarasa are mentioned in connection with the foundation of the city of Bettadapura. It is related in a manuscript dealing with the origin of this city, that Mangarasa was instrumental in the subjugation of the wild tribes called the Bedars and in the building of the city of Beltadapura, during the rule of the Cangalva king Vikramaraya. This Canga!va ruler, we may incidentally note, built the trikul acala Jina basadi at Cikka Hanasoge. Mangarasa is said to have fortified Kallahalli, Cilukunda, Mallarajapatlana, Palupare, and other centres. He con 1. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 15. 2. Copies of inscriptions said to be dated Saka 1535 (A.D. 1613) give the names Vijayaraja and Kusumajammanni as the parents of Mangarasa, and relate that Vijayaraja was the son of king Madhavarajendra of Cangaladesa. (M. A. R. for 1925 p. 14). 3. M. 4. R. for 1925, pp. 14-15. This Ms. is supposed to be based on a stone inscription found at Tunga. But the fact of Mangarasa's having been the minister of Vikrama is confirmed by Mangarasa's own work to be mentioned presently.

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316 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM structed several tanks and Jaina temples. He built Yamagumba basadi in which he set up the images of Parsvanatha, Padmavati, and Cannigabrahmaraya." His works have earned for him a high place in Kannada literature. He wrote JayanTpakavya, Prabhanjanacarite, Sripalacarite, Nemijinesasangati, Samyuktvakaumudi and a work on cookery called Supasastra. His date is fixed by the fact that he wrote his Samyuktvakaumudi in Saka A.D. 1431 (A.D. 1509).2 That the Cangalvas continued to be devotees of the syad vada doctrine is borne out by a record dated Saka 1489 (A.D. 1557), which registers the grant of a village by the Cangalva king Vikramaraya to a learned Brahman named Narasibhatta. The grant begins with the usual praise of the Jina sasana. The work of the Cangalva kings to promote the interests of the anekantamata was no doubt creditable ; but in reality it could not stand comparison with the indefatigable attempts of the rulers of three provincial capitals, who were nainly responsible for the prosperous condition of Jainism in the western parts of Karnataka. These were the rulers of Sangitapura, Gerasoppe, and Karkala. Of these we shall mention here some details about only one centre--Sangita. pura, reserving for a latter context those in regard to Gerasoppe and Karkala. From the latter half of the fifteenth till the latter half of the sixteenth century A.D., the rulers of Sangitapura figure as champions of Jainism. Sangitapura, 1. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 14. 2. Kavicarite, II. pp. 179-188. 3. M. A. R. for 1925, pp. 93-94. The dating of this record is irregular. For the Saka 1489 corresponds to Prabhava, and not to Sarvajit, as given in the grant.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 317 or better known as Haduhalli, was one of the chicf cities of Tuluva. The kings of this city belonged to the Kasyapa gotra and the Soma varsa. An inscription dated A.D. 1488 describes Sangitapura thus-In the Taulavadesa, the abode of fortune, having splendid caityalayas, a place of descent in the female line, inhabited by happy, generous, and pleasure-loving people, filled with elephants, horses, and powerful warriors, poets, disputers, orators, and declaimers, a place for the production of elegant literature, renowned for all the fine arts, was Sangitapura. There are good reasons to believe that the praise thus given to the city, particularly in regard to the company of learned men, was not extravagant. We shall have an occasion of referring presently to the learned circles of Sangitapura. The same epigraph cited above gives the name of the Mahamandalesvara Saluvendra as the king of Sangitapura in A.D. 1488. "Devoted to the pair of feet of Candraprabha Jina," this ruler with "his mind a casket for the three jewels", promoted the cause of the Jina dharma by constructing beautiful and lofty caityalayas, with glorious mantapas, maha-stambhas of bell-metal, pleasure groves for the town, many images of metal and stone, provision for temple ceremonies, daily gifts, worship, and gifts of learning. It was thus that king Saluvendra maintained royal dignity and dharma (antu raja-dharmam palisuttam).3 His minister was Padma, or Padmana, who was also of 1. It is now in the North Kanara district. 2. Ratna-traya which are samyak-dharsana (purity in sight) samyak-jnana (purity in thought), and samyak--carita (purity in conduct). 3. E. C. VIII. Sa. 163, p. 123-124.

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318 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the royal stock. In the same year A.D. 1488 king Saluvendra gave Minister Padmana the village of Ogeyakere which the latter, saying that he had enough for his family, donated for the cause of the Jina dharma. And ten years later (A.D. 1498) Padma built a caityalaya in a new village called Padmakarapura, had the god Parsvanatha set up there, and endowed it with the shares of the village which he had got as a royal gift. This was done at the instance of the Mahamandalesvara Indagarasa Odeyar.? The Mahamandalesvara Indagarasa was the son of the Mahamandalesvara Sangi Raja, whose elder son seems to have been king Saluyendra mentioned above. Indagarasa was also known as Immadi Saluvendra, and was noted for his martial activities. An epigraph dated A.D. 1491 speaks in highly eulogistic terms of his warlike deeds, and informs us that "he won the goddess of valour". It was he who restored the ancient grants of land made to the Vardhamanasvami basadi of Bidiru (i.e., Venupura).2 The next prominent names we meet with in the Saluva genealogy, so far as the history of Jainism is concerned, are those of Saluva Malli Raya, Saluva Deva Raya, and Saluva Krsna Deva, the son of Padmamba, who was the sister of the second ruler Deva Raya. These names are mentioned in a record dated about A.D. 1530. All these three kings of Sangitapura were patrons of the most celebrated Jaina orator of the Vijayanagara ageVadi Vidyananda. As we shall see later on, king Saluva Malli Raya had in his court an assembly of enlightened men whom Vadi Vidyananda defeated. The same success met the Jaina teacher in the learned as 1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 123, p. 124. 2. Ibid., Sa. 164, p. 125.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 319 sembly of king Saluva Deva Raya ; while king Saluva Klsna Raja worshipped the great Jaina orator.1 It is not to be imagined that Jainism which received such support from the rulers of Sangitapura and other provincial capitals, had not enemies who tried to crush that religion. One such enemy of the anekantamata was the chief of Srisaila (Kurnool district). He was a pious Vira Saiva chief, and the son of Santa. An inscription dated Saka 1433 (A.D. 1512) commemorates the many gifts of this chief to the well known temple of Srisala. It is said that one of the pious deeds of this chief was the beheading of the svetambara Jainas ! 2 We do not know what action the Vijayanagara Government took against this zealous champion of Vira Saivism, especially in an age which had produced the great Kisna Deva Raya. However, chiefs of this type were not the rule in the Vijayanagara Empire. On the other hand, the sympathetic, and, in many instances, sustained aid given by the many great nobles for the welfare of the Jina dharma, was in a large measure responsible for its success in the different parts of the Vijayanagara Empire. Inscriptions ranging from the middle of the fourtecnth to the early part of the seventeenth century A.D., reser in copious terms to the endeavours made by the nobles and citizens on behalf of the syad vada doctrine. But before we describe these records, it may be interesting to observe how noble ladies gave expression to their devotion to thc Jina dharma. In this connection we have to remember the lead given to the ladies of the Empire by the members of the imperial family which we have already described above. 1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 46, pp. 146-149. 2. 16 of 1915; Rangacharya, Top List, II, p. 953.

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320 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM The ladies of the Sohrab noble family were orthodox Jainas. Laksmi Bommakka, the daughter of Sohrab Vira Gauda, and the wise of the Alva-mahaprabhu Tavanidhi Brahma Gauda of Sohrab, was one of these. Her guru was Simhanandi Acarya, the head of the Balatkara gana. In A.D. 1372 she died by the rites of samadhi. The record commemorating her death praises her highly for her virtues and charitable deeds as a Jaina. She was not the only lady who lived an exemplary life. Mecakka vied with her in devotion and service. This lady was the daughter of Baciya Raja of Uddhare, and the wise of the Sohrab Mahaprabhu Deva Raja. In A.D. 1405 she too died in the orthodox manner.2 About fisty years later Bhagirathi, the daughter of the mahaprabhu Bullappa, also hailing from the same Sohrab province, gave similar expression to her orthodox convictions and expired. We shall have to revert to her father the Mahaprabhu Bul?appa, who was placed over the Nagarakhanda principality, later on while dealing with that province.3 Towards the middle of the sixteenth century we have the noble lady Kalala Devi, the ruler of the Bagunjisime, and the younger sister of the Karkala king Bhairarasa Odeyar. In A.D. 1530 she made special provision for the continuance of the Jina dharma in the territory over which she ruled "in her own right ". Bagunji itself was a centre of the Bhavyas. The god Parsva-Tirthankara of Kallabasti in that principality, was the family god of Kalala Devi. It was on the death of her daughter Rama Devi that Kalala Devi made grants (specified in detail) for the daily worship 1. E.C. VIII. Sb. 199, pp. 31-32. 2. Ibid, Sb. 51, p. 9. 3. Ibid, Sb. 331, p. 59.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 321 and provisions of her family god. But this was done in the constitutional manner of the land. The grant was made in the presence of the former ministers of the Bagunjisime, the Brahmans, the cultivators, the nad representatives, and others. This done, she obtained the sanction of the Karkala king for the same, and then had the stone sasana engraved. It is interesting to note that on this occasion she added specified lands as gifts to the grant which a boatman named Voliya had made some time ago also to the same Kalla basadi. Kalala Devi's anxiety to endaw the Kalla basadi with grants was not merely an expression of outward piety. She was a broadminded ruler who believed in universal toleration. It is this which explains why the charter commemorating her gifts to the same basadi begins with an invocation to the syad vada doctrine in the usual Jaina manner, and also with an obeisance to Adi Varaha sambhu.1 1. E.C. VI. Kp. 47, p. 84. M. J. 11.

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CHAPTER XI. THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE Why Jainism held its own in the various cities The history of Jainism in the different cities of the Vijayanagara Empire from the fourteenth till the seventeenth century A.D. N EITHER in the great capital nor in the provincial seats I was the influence of Jainism so markedly felt as in the different cities of the Vijayanagara Empire where the citizens accorded to it a most cordial reception. This could not be otherwise when the Vijayanagara monarchs themselves, in spite of their having been committed to a policy of upholding the Hindu dharina, had nevertheless championed the cause of the syad vada doctrine, and when the provincial rulers had showed their great anxiety to preserve the prestige of the Jina dharma in the various parts of the Empire. Thus guided by the imperial and feudal rulers, the citizens were not slow to give Jainism every support they could give in their towns and villages. The history of the Jaina religion, therefore, assumes a different phase in the Vijayanagara age. It is no more the religion of the royalty it had been in the days of the early Karnataka kings. Notwithstanding the unreserved patronage given to it by the Vijayanagara monarchs, and the encouragement shown to it by the feudal nobles, Jainism realized that its fortune was now cast with the common people. And

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!!! THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 323 like all institutions which mirrored the political vicissitudes through which the Vijayanagara Empire passed, Jainism, too, reflected the changing fortunes of that great mediaeval organization. It was in the middle of the fourteenth century that king Bukka Raya had publicly laid down a policy of impartiality to all the religions. And it was also in this century that the growing Empire of Vijayanagara invigorated itself after a series of successful campaigns against its enemies. Both these features are visible in the history of Jainism in the mediaeval ages. During the fourteenth century Jainism was popular throughout the Empire, and everywhere the people, obviously in imitation of the example set by king Bukka Raya in A.D. 1368, nourished the cause of the Jina dharma, in spite of their being the followers of an avowedly non-Jaina faith. The Vijayanagara Empire matured in the fifteenth century, and reached its height in the sixteenth century. It was during the fifteenth century that Jainism permeated the people and the powerful principalities of the Empire. The glorious age of Krsna Deva Raya the Great and Acyuta Raya marked the hey-day of the Vijayanagara Empire ; and curiously enough it was also the period when Jainism produced its most renowned exponent in the person of Vadi Vidyananda. The seventeenth century witnessed the waning of the Vijayanagara authority ; and at the same time the retreat of Jainism from the strongholds it possessed in the many provincial seats to its original home Sravana Belgola and the more distant province of Tuluva. Like the fate of the Hindu dharma, that of the syad vada, too, was linked intimately with the fortunes of the Vijayanagara House.. If we examine the history of Jainism in Belgola, Kalleha, Hosapattana, Harave, Maleyur, Hunsur, Avali, Sohrab, Hire Cauti, Kuppatur, Uddhare, Huligere, Rayadurga, and

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324 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Danavulapalu, we shall find that in the fourteenth century it was still characterized by that robustness which had marked its career in the early times. Sravana Belgola naturally led all the other centres in sanctity and power. Pious people from different parts of the Vijayanagara Empire reckoned it to be the most celebrated place of pilgrimage. Haleya Masanaya was evidently one such pilgrim.1 Prominent nobles also visited Belgola. Thus in A.D. 1398 Hariyana and Manikadeva were the disciples of the great (Carukirti) Panditadeva of that centre. These two nobles are called "the rulers of that region ", probably meaning thereby that they were in some manner connected with the region around Sravana Belgola.2 The year A.D. 1400 was, for some reasons unknown to us, memorable in the history of Sravana Belgola. For it is in that year that, as is proved by the many epigraphs of that date, quite a number of pilgrims visited Sravana Belgola.3 The great interest which the pontificate of Sravana Belgola took in purely political matters is seen in the manner it published news of the events concerning the whole Empire. When king Harihara Raya II died in A.D. 1404 this event was recorded in a stone inscription dated in that year at Sravana Belgola. And when king Deva Raya II died in A.D. 1446, that fact also was commemorated in two epigraphs of the same date in the same holy place.5 Information is not forthcoming to show why these events should 1. E.C. II., 311, p. 130. 2. Ibid., 171-173, 499, pp. 124-125, 134. 3. Ibid, 329, p. 140. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid, 328, 330, pp. 139-140. Was it so because of the Jaina propensities of these rulers ?

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 325 have been so scrupulously inscribed at Sravana Belgola. It may be that because that that locality being a celebrated place of pilgrimage, attracted a huge concourse of people. Thus in about A.D. 1407 six persons including those of the ojakula, visited Sravana Belgola.1 Mayanna of Gangavati, a lay disciple of Candrakirti, and one who had become famous as "the crest jewel of pure faith", purchasing some specified land under the Gangasamudra tank of Belgola in A.D. 1409, granted it for the worship of Gummatasvami. This was done in the presence of the Jaina jewel merchants and two Gaudas (named) of the locality.2 The next year Bastayi, a lay disciple of Panditadeva, caused an image of Vardhamanasvami to be made at Sravana Belgola. This may have been in imitation of the generous action of the Vijayanagara queen Bhima Devi mentioned in an earlier context.3 In about A.D. 1417 Kariya Gummata Setti went to Belgola with a group of pilgrims from Biliti, and honoured the sangha on the conclusion of the ratnatraya observance (Nompi) in the presence of the god Gummatasvami. + One noteworthy feature in connection with Sravana Belgola is its intimate relationship with Marwar in the Vijayanagara age. Agasuje Jagad of the Mula sangha hailing from Marwar, caused an image of a god to be constructed at Belgola in about A.D. 1486.5 Two years later Gomata Bhupala Prajansavala, and Brahmacari of the Kadika family belonging to Purasthana, came on a pilgrimage to Belgola with 1. E. C. II, 497, p. 134. 2. Ibid, 255, p. 115. 3. Ibid, 338, p. 144, Op. cit., 4. Ibid, 232, p. 97. See also nos. 229, 233 ibid. 5. Ibid, 202, p. 93.

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326 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM their brothers and sons.1 And in A.D. 1490 Brahmadharmaruci-Brahmagunasagara Pandita, the lay disciple of Abhayacandra Bhattaraka, came also from Marwar to Belgola.2 The influx of the northern Jaina merchants into the Vijayanagara Empire during the fourteenth century and earlier, may have been partly responsible for the institution of an official enquiry under the orders of the Emperor Deva Raya II concerning the distinction between the Uttarapathanagaresvaradevatopasakas and the southern Jaina and nonJaina merchants to be mentioned in a later context. The year A.D. 1500 was eventful in the annals of Sravana Belgola, and, therefore, of Jainism. For in that year was made the mahabhiseka (great anointment) of Gummatasvami for which the guru Panditadeva gave certain specified grant.3 About that same time Naga Gonda of Belgulanadu and the Gavudagal of Muttaga Honnenahall-all of whom were the disciples of Panaitadeva, granted specified lands for the basadi which had been built by Mangayi.4 We have already seen that Kalleha was an important Jaina centre. It is mentioned in connection with the great controversy between the Jainas and the Srivaisnavas which the king Bukka Raya settled in A.D. 1368. We see its importance since the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. when Payi Secti, the son of Naga Setti of Kalleha, a most pious Jaina, and one who had the biruda of Samyaktva-culamani (crest jewel of firm faith in Jainism), expired by the orthodox manner of samadhi at Belgola. He was the disciple of Abhinava Panditacarya of 1. E. C. II, 192, p. 91. 2. Ibid, 203, p. 93. 3. Ibid, 231, p. 97. 4. Ibid, 395, p. 169.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 327 the Mula sangha. The inscription commemorates also the fact that Payi thetti gained happy samadhi as a result of having offered the campaka tree for the worship of Gummatanathasvami. One of the early capitals of the Vijayanagara rulers was Hosapattana. This city was also a well known stronghold of the Jainas. It is like Kalleha referred to in connection with the great controversy mentioned above. Mayana and Makana erected a monument in memory of the raja guru Laksmisena Bhattaraka at Hosapattana. These were two brothers of the Vaisya caste hailing from Balagara. Cayana was a disciple of the guru Amarakirti, and a worshipper at the Sankha basadi at Huligere. The event recorded in this inscription took place in the reign of king Bukka Raya. A similar stone to commemorate the death of the guru Manasena was erected by his disciple Maya setti and others in A.D. 1405.3 The Chamarajanagara taluka contained some noteworthy cities in the Vijayanagara times. The town of Chamarajanagara itself possessed the Parsvanatha basadi. Here in the fourteenth century A.D. expired by the orthodox manner Boppayya, the disciple of Amarakirti of the Kranur gana. In A.D. 1517 the Mahaprabhu Virayya Nayaka, of Arikuthara, the son of Kamaya Nayaka, endowed this basadi with a gift. Harave in the same taluka contained the caityalaya of Ad: 1. E. C. II. 495, pp. 133-4. 2. M. A. R. for 1927, pp. 61-62. 3. Ibid, p. 62. See also p. 63 for a nisidhi erected on the death of Maunapacarya. Dr. Sastry has identified Hosapottana with Sakkarepattana. 4. Ibid for 1931, p. 42. 5. Ibid for 1912, p. 51.

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328 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Paramesvara. It was set up in A.D. 1482 by Devarasa, the accountant of the Mahamandlesvara Someraya Odeyar. On Devarasa constructing this caityalaya with a kitchen attached to it, his master Someraya Odeyar granted specified land to it for the daily worship in that temple, and for the daily distribution of food. And his son Nanjeraja Odeyar purchased land in Harave and gave it as a gift to the basadi. This caused a citizen named Candappa, the son of Devappa of Harave, to give a similar gift to the basadi. But the lands which Candappa gave were a part of his inherited property. Hence he had to give it with the consent of his wife, sons, and heirs. That was not all. Candappa had received as a gift some land from the chiefs of TagNur. This too in the same year he presented to the god Adi Paramesvara --who is called the family god of this citizen-, again with the full approval of his relations and heirs." Maleyur in the same taluka was another stronghold of Jainism. Here on the hill called Kanakagiri were famous basadis of the gods Vijayanatha and Candraprabha. In A.D. 1355 a Telugu by name Adidasa caused an image of Vijayadeva to be made. He was the disciple of Hemmacandra who belonged to the Hanasoge bali, and of Lalitakirti Bhattaraka. The image, we are told, was made" for the purpose of their tomb ". This latter guru Lalitakirti Bhattaraka was probably identical with his namesake who is said to have belonged to the Desiya gana, Pustaka gaccha, and the Hanasoge bali, in a record assigned to the fourteenth century A.D., and found on the pedestal of an image of 1. E. C. IV, Ch. 185, p. 22. 2. Ibid, Ch. 189, p. 23. 3. Ibid, Ch. 153, p. 20.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 329 Parsvanatha in Terakanambi.1 There was a very learned guru in Maleyur in about A.D. 1380. He was Bahubali Pandita the disciple of Nayakirtivrati. Bahubali was a poet in two languages, omniscient in the science of astrology, and "an emperor of all learning." He was attached to the Pustaka gaccha.2 Kanakagiri attracted learned men from distant parts. Candrakirtideva of Kopana already mentioned in connection with the latter mahatirtha, was one of them. He was the guru of the General Kuci Raja, and he visited Kanakagiri in about A.D. 1400. His guru was Subhacandra of the Ingulesvara bali. It was Candrakirti who in the same year caused an image of Candraprabha to be set up at Kanakagiri, "intending it for his own tomb ".3 Prince Harihara Raya's gifts to the temple at Kanakagiri deserve special notice. He was the son of the Emperor Deva Raya I. His gift of the village of Maleyur itself together with all lands and taxes pertaining thereto, with its hamlets of Hunsurapura, for the offerings, decorations, and processions of the god Vijayanatha of Kanakagiri made in A.D. 1422, was commemorated in two inscriptions-one a stone inscription and the other a copper-plate grant. These two inscriptions begin in the orthodox Jaina manner by invoking the syad vada doctrine, and one of them ends with the accredited royal sign-manual-Virupaksa-written in Kannada. In the stone record the god is called Sri Vijayadeva, while in the copperplate grant, Sri Vijayanathadeva. The gift in the copperplate grant was made in the presence of the god Triyambaka. This latter consideration may have led Rice to assert that 1. M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 169-170. 2. E. C. IV. Ch. 157, p. 21. 3. Ibid, Ch. 151, p. 20.

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330 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM "This village (of Maleyur) would therefore seem to have been no longer exclusively Jaina.1 But such an assumption cannot be maintained. The god Vijayanatha, as we have remarked above, was set up by a Jaina devotee in A.D. 1355. And Kanakagiri, as will be proved by the following inscriptions, remained a Jaina centre till the first quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. In A.D. 1518 Municandradeva died in Kanakagiri. He had belonged to the Kalor gana and the Mula sangha. On his death, his disciples Adidasa and Vrsabhadasa caused suitable memorials to be made on that hill. Adidasa had his guru's footprints inscribed through Avujaana, while Vlsabhadasa, who seems to have been the chief disciple of Municandra, had a tomb constructed for the latter with a verse which was the work of Vidyanandopadhyaya.2 Indeed, Kanakagiri continued to be a Jaina stronghold till the modern times. For it was in A.D. 1813 that Bhattakalanka, the head of the Desiya gana, and lord of the secure throne in Kanakagiri, died on that hill.3 Ravanduru in the Hunsur taluka, Mysore State, seems to have had an ancient basadi. We infer this from the inscription dated A.D. 1384 in which the death of Srutakirtideva, the chief disciple of Prabhendu, of the Ingulesvara bali, is recorded. His disciple Adidevamuni and Sumati Tirthankara, along with the Bhavyas of the Srutagana, set up a memorial on his behalf. And at the same time they repaired that caityalaya. The last statement that they repaired the caityalaya 1. E. C. IV, Intr. p. 24 ; Ch. 144, 159, pp. 19, 21 ; text pp. 55, 59. 2. Ibid, Ch. 147, 148, 161, pp. 19-21. 3. Ibid, Ch. 146, 150, pp. 19-20.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 331 suggests that it must have existed there for a considerable time. 1 There was another locality in the Hunsur taluka which was associated with the Jainas. This was the village of Anevalu. Here Honnana Gauda, the son of Cikkana Gauda of Anevalu, erected the Brahmadeva and Padmavati basadi in that village. The basadi was constructed in order that his parents and his own son Bommana Gauda might obtain merit.2 The image of Ananta with a fragmentary inscription containing the name Ananta and the cyclic year Pramoda, assigned to A.D. 1433, also lends support to the view that Anevalu was, indeed, a Jaina locality.3 But a better known centre of Jainism was the Avalinad. This region which has figured so prominently in the history of mediaeval Jainism, owed its greatness to the untiring zeal of its noblemen, noblewomen, and its citizens, from the middle of the fourteenth till the first quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. One special feature of Avalinad is that most of the records found here are memorial stones. Thus, for instance, on the death of Kama Gauda, the disciple of Ramacandra Maladharideva, in A.D. 1353, after doing the five salutations (panca-namaskaradim), the people set up a nisidhi to perpetuate his memory.4 When in the next year A.D. 1354 Mala Gauda showed likewise his devotion to Jina, his wife Cennakka, however, committed sahagamana.s Canda Gauda's younger brother (unnamed in the record), and a lay disciple Siddhantadeva, by means of the sarnya 1. E.C. IV, Hs. 123, p. 95. 2. Ibid, Hs. 61, 62, p. 90. 3. Ibid, Hs. 60, p. 90. 4. Ibid, VIII. Sb. 110, text p. 42. 5. Ibid, Sb. 104, p. 15.

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332 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM sana gained svarga in about A.D. 1366.1 From that date for about fifty-five years this orthodox manner of renouncing life seems to have been very popular with the Gaudas of Avalinad.2 It may be remembered here that the Mahaprabhus of Avalinad themselves had set a noble example to their subjects in this matter. Beci Gauda, the son of the Mahaprabhu of Avalinad Canda Gauda, was the disciple of Ramacandra Maladharideva. In about A.D. 1376 he performed the five obeisances and expired. On this his junior wife Muddi Gaundi performed sahagamana. And the Avali Prabhus (noblemen, several of whom are named) set up a suitable monument to make permanent the devotion of the two to the Jina faith.3 The niece of the ruling Mahaprabhu Beca Gauda, by name Kami Gaundi, went to svarga by sarnyasana in A.D. 1395. She was a disciple of the raja guru Siddhantiyati.+ There was another case of self-immolation in Avalinad in A.D. 1398 when the wife of the ruling Mahaprabhu Canda Gauda, named Canda Gaundi, the disciple of Vijayakirti committed a similar act of devotion. Haruva Gauda was the son of the ruling Mahaprabhu Rama Gauda. He too in A.D. 1408 died in the same manner. His guru was Munibhadradeva. Gunasena Siddhanta is mentioned in connection with the death by samadhi of Kali Gaunni, the wife of the ruling Mahaprabhu Ayappa Gaunna, in circa A.D. 1417.7 These examples of devotion viewed from the modern 1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 102, p. 15. 2. Ibid, Sb. 106-120, p. 16, text, pp. 41-46. 3. Ibid, Sb. 106, pp. 15-16. 4. Ibid, Sb. 103, p. 15. 5. Ibid, Sb. 105, p. 15. text, pp. 40-41. 6. Ibid, Sb. 107, p. 16. 7. Ibid, Ti. 121, p. 186.

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'THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 333 standpoint may appear to be relics of fanaticism. But to the people of the mediaeval times the only mode of expressing one's devotion was to abide by the strictest injunctions of one's faith. The Jaina leaders, we may observe by the way, had showed throughout the history of Jainism that selfabstinence was the only way to salvation. The people and princes of Avalinad merely followed the precept of the Jaina teachers in this respect. The few examples of extreme devotion we have given above are noteworthy from another point of view. The Mahaprabhus of Avalinad by their steadfastness to the service of the Jina dharma, had raised religious zeal to a height which it rarely attained anywhere in those days. But Avalinad was not the only part of the Sohrab taluka where the Bhavyas followed unswervingly the tenets of the anekantamata. Kuppatur, Uddhare, and Huligere were also well known as prominent Jaina centres. In Kuppatur lived the famous Srutamuni whose disciple was Devacandra, "praised by the good chief poets." Both belonged to the Desiya gana. Devacandra, who had restored a Jaina temple at Kuppatur, died in A.D. 1367.1 By A.D. 1402 Kuppatur had become a famous place. It was the best place in the whole of Nagarakhanda. Here was a Jaina caityalaya which had received a sasana from the Kadambas. In that caityalaya was "the famous Candraprabha, a relative (bandhava) of Parsvanatha, serving as guru the pandita whom his father Durgesa had pointed out."2 1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 260, p. 40. 2. The date of this record is not clear. Rice dates it to A.D. 1342 or A.D. 1402. The cyclic year Citrabhanu and a few details given in it are not verifiable. (Ibid, Sb. 263, pp. 42-43, text,' p. 111.).

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334 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM When the Malanad Mahaprabhu Gopanna died in A.D. 1408, as noted by us in a previous page, Kuppatur was already turned into a fine place--the pride of the Jainas. The inscription dated A.D. 1408 which informs us this, praises it in high terms. It relates that shining in beauty beyond all countries was the entire Karnataka province, and in that Karnataka country was the famous Guttinad which contained Eighteen Kampanas, in which the most famous nad was Nagarakhanda to which Kuppatur was an ornament, with its caityalayas, lotus ponds, pleasure gardens, and fields of gandhasali rice. Indeed, the Jainas had turned it into a charming city, for the stone inscription tells us that it was to the Bhavyas that it owed its grandeur :-Bhavya-jana-dharmavasadim santatam sale caityalayadinde pu-golagalind-udyanadim gandha-sali-lasat-ksetra nikayadinde ramaniyam bettu-vibhrajikum pu-late pu-gida pu-mara salind allalli-keri-kerigalol-caityalayada munde tumbiya jalam madav ere-merevav a-parimaladolu." This inscription enables us to assert with certainty that the Jainas, who had already won renown as king-makers, were also well known as builders of towns. In fact, much of the commercial, and not a little of the aesthetic, greatness of the cities of the Vijayanagara Empire, especially those in Karnataka, was due to the industrious and artistic attempts of these people who, we may well imagine from the manner in which in our own days they have amply demonstrated in the matter of adding to the material progress of towns and corporations, must have expended a substantial part of their immense wealth, in the name of the Jina dharma, to satisfy the aesthetic needs of the mediaeval cities. The few notices of other mediaeval cities gathered from stone 1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 261, text p. 108.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 335 inscriptions, as we shall presently see, only prove that the description of Kuppatur as given in the above record was by no means conventional praise. 1 In the Sohrab taluka there were other centres of Jainism. Tavanidhi (mod. Tavanandi) was one such place. Here was the well known basadi of Santi Tirthankara. In A.D. 1372 Bommana, the son of Tavanidhi Madi Gauda, and the disciple of Madhavacandra Maladharideva, died by the rites of samadhi.2 It is not unlikely that the Aluva Maha. prabhu Tavanidhi Bomma Gauda himself was a disciple of that guru. Whether this is permissible or not, we know that Tavanidhi Bomma Gauda died by the samnyasana rites in A.D. 1379.3 There is every reason to believe that such a course of action was directed by the Jaina priests themselves. We prove this from the example of Tamma Gauda of Sohrab, evidently a nobleman, who died of consumption. He had been to Nagileyakoppa below the Ghats in A.D. 1394, in order to take medicine, but this was of no avail. The inscription relates that at this, directed by his guru Siddhantadeva, he repeated the five obeisances and died in the prescribed manner. We now come to Uddhare (mod. Udri), a great city also in the Sohrab taluka. It continued to be a Jaina seat from the Hoysala times. In Uddhare lived the Jaina lead 1. The Jainas also constructed basadis. Nagi Setji and Seni Setti, "of prosperous Banavasi", constructed a basadi probably at Hire Cauti in the Sohrab taluka in the reign of king Bukka Raya I. The basadi was dedicated to Santi Jinesvara, but the year cannot be made out. M. A. R. for 1928. p. 84. 2. E. C. VIII. Sb. 200, p. 32. An official of the house of the Mahaprabhu Tavanidhi Bomma, was also a disciple of this guru, Ibid. 3. Ibid, Sb. 196, p. 31. 4. Ibid, Sb. 52, p. 9, a E.C. VIII.S

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336 MEDIEVAL JAINISM er Baicapa in the reign of king Harihara Raya II. The few incidents in the life of Baicapa, who is called in the record "celebrated", show that he had set an example of an ideal and patriotic subject. The inscription dated A.D. 1380 tells us that the Governor Madhava Raya placed over the Banavase 12,000 province, was faced with a crisis. Some base persons born in the Konkana country, had risen against him. An encounter between the State troops and the rebels took place; and in the engagement Baicapa greatly distinguished himself by slaying many of the Konkanigas, but lost his life. Such was the sense of duty which characterized this loyal citizen that the epigraph comments thus on his death-Doing his master's service to the end, and driving back the hostile force, Baicapa went to the feet of Jina.1 66 Baicapa's son was Siriyanna, who was likewise a devout Jaina. If the father had died in the service of the State, the son wished to end his life for the cause of the Jina dharma. Even though Siriyanna was living a happy life with his wife Varadambike, yet he requested his guru Munibhadra to grant him "the happy state". And at that favoured time", so the record assigned to A.D. 1400 informs us, when the rain of flowers was falling, and with a noise like thunder the sounds of great drums (bheri, dundhubi, and maha-muraja) were rolling, singing songs to himself, the sadhu Siriyanna swiftly clung to the feet of Jina.2 Uddhare was, indeed, celebrated in the fourteenth cen 1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 152, p. 22. 2. Ibid, Sb. 153, p. 22. The Erega Jinalaya of Uddhare was later on converted into a Saiva temple. M. A. R. for 1931 pp. 65- 66.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 337 66 tury AD. For a whole line of Jaina gurus were called by the name of this city-Acaryas of the Uddhare-vamsa. This we know from a record dated A.D. 1388 which tells us that Munibhadradeva belonged to the Uddhare-vamsa. It was he who had the Hisugal basadi made, and the Mulugunda Jinendra temple extended. And when Harihara Raya was established in Vijayanagari, the elders of the Sena gana bowed down to the virtues of that yati." This seems to have been done because they were anticipating his end. For the inscription continues to relate that after performing his penance, elucidating his chosen agama, practising the prescribed rites, the great Munibhadradeva with all the rites of samnyasana died. And his disciple Varisasenadeva set up a nisidhi to commemorate the event.1 About another Jaina centre Huligere, also in the Sohrab taluka, we have interesting details in a record dated A.D. 1383. These concern the broadmindedness of the important commercial magnates called the Salu-mules or Associations of Merchants. It was only in the previous year (A.D. 1382) that the Salu-mules and Vira Banajigas of the city of Vijayanagara, Hastinavati, Dorasamudra, Udayagiri, Adavani, and quite a number of other places, had assembled together in the courtyard of the great temple of Virupaksa in the capital and conferred the title of Mayor of the Earth (Prthvi-setti) upon the distinguished Minister-General of king Harihara Raya II, Muda Dannayaka.2 And now in A.D. 1383 a huge concourse of Salu-mules met at Huligere. These came from Edenad (in Gutti), Kondarade, in Nagarakhanda, Hanugal, the Cikka Jigalige and 1. E.C. VIII. Sb. 146, p. 21. 2. Ibid, V. Bl. 75, p. 63; Saletore, S.P. Life, II. pp. 107, 113,

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338 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Hiriya Jigalige Four Hundred, Bala-Caugala-nad, Hosanao, Kambunalige, Aidavalige, Hiriya Mahalige, Cikka Mahalige, Jambeyahalinad, Hedanad, Kuncinad, Hosanad, Balenad, the Gutti Eighteen Kampana, Vokhaligerenad, Honnattinau. Esad...yanad, Halasige, Honnale, Ingundi, and other places. In their assembly they agreed among themselves to give to the Sankala basadi at Huligere a sasana embodying an umbali gift of seventy varaha for a palanquin and other items in the basadi. And the Minister-General Muda also joined them on this occasion.1 The above is significant from two points of view. In the first place, we have the fact of the universal support which the people gave to the Sankala basadi of Huligere. And, secondly, it suggests that the Salu-mules and the Banajigas, who had by this time embraced the Vira Saiva creed, still looked upon their earlier faith with great reverence and contributed towards its prosperity in the kingdom. Leaving these cities in the southern and western part of Karnataka, we may mention one or two important centres in the Bellary and Cuddapah districts. These were Rayadurga and Danavulapadu. The former was a stronghold of the Mula sangha. In A.D. 1355 a Jaina merchant named Bhogaraja constructed the image of santinatha Jinesvara. He was the disciple of Maghanandi whose guru was Amarakirti of the Sarasvata gaccha, Balatkara gana, and the Kondakundanvaya. This was in the reign of king Harihara Raya 1.2 The names of Candrabhuti of the Mula sangha, and Candrendra, Badayya, and Timmanna of the Yapaniya sangha, carved on the pedestal of the Rasa Siddha images found at Rayadurga, merely confirm the fact that 1. E. C., VIII. Sb. 428, p. 75. 2. 111 of 1913; Rangacharya, Top. List, I. p. 317,

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 339 it was a centre of the Jainas. As regards the other locality, Danavulapalu, which has already figured in these pages, we learn that in Saka 1319 (A.D. 1397-8), a misidhi of a merchant was constructed there, thereby showing its importance as a commercial seat of the Jainas.? The history of the spread of Jainism in the fifteenth century only confirms the statement we have made elsewhere concerning the steady popularity of that religion in Karna. taka. Well known cities like Mattavara, Vanavasa, Gerasoppe, Bharangi, Mudubidre, Kollapura, Bandanike, Pavaguda and Melukote now rose into prominence as strongholds of Jainism. Unlike most of the centres of the fourteenth century, these cities were, on the whole, destined to play a decisive part in the history of the syad-vada doctrine. The Parsvanatha basadi of Mattavara in the Chikkamagalur taluka, Kadur district, which had already come into prominence in the days of the Hoysala king Vinayaditya, continued to attract Jainas at the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. In about A.D. 1400 the fame of Mattavara was noised about because of the activities of a Jaina nun. She was Cataveganti of the village called Marula-Jina-Jakavehatti. In the Parsvanatha basadi of Mattavara she performed tapas and died. To commemorate this event, Mara, the son of Abeya Macara, set up a nisidhi.3 Vijayamangalam in the Coimbatore district which, as already noted, was associated with the memory of Pullappa, the pious younger sister of the famous Camunda Raya, contained the Candranatha basadi. This temple received a gift of land from the Vijayanagara prince Harihara 1. 109 of 1913; Rangacharya, Top. List., I. p. 317. 2. 336 of 1909 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 590. 3. M. A. R. for 1932, p. 171.

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340 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Raya, the son of king Deva Raya I, in A.D. 1412.1 The well known city of Vanavasa (Banavase) was the headquarters of a branch of the Balatkara gana. It was from here that Vardhamanasvami, described as "the moon in causing to swell the ocean the Tattvartha," and Vanavasasvami, another Jaina guru, hailed, as mentioned in records dated A.D. 1372 and 1400 respectively, cited already by us in an earlier context.2 More famous than the above was the city of Gerasoppe (in the mod. Honnavara taluka, Bombay Presidency), which played a very significant part in the history of the western part of Karnataka in the fifteenth and sixteenth century A.D. The rulers of Gerasoppe were matrimonially connected with the House of Sangitapura and that of Karkala. They as well as their citizens were responsible for raising the name of Gerasoppe in the Jaina world. Gerasoppe springs into fame in the middle of the fourteenth century due to the activities of its wealthy citizens, although as a political unit it had already made a name for itself earlier. In those ages it belonged to Tuluva, its rulers themselves being of Tuluva origin. In the Vardhamana basadi inscription of that city, it is called an ornament to the face of the Nagiri countryNagiradesavemba lalana mukhakke vesedirp-i Gerasoppe.3 A prominent Jaina leader of Gerasoppe was Ramana. He was the son of Somana Dannayaka and the brother of Kamana Dannayaka. Somana Danqanayaka was one of the generals of the chieftain of Candavuru, by name Basavadeva, who had become conspicuous in the history of Tuluva.+ Since Somara was said to have belonged to the Ksa1.596 of 1905 ; Rangacharya, Top. List. I. p. 545. 2. E. C. II. 274, 275, p. 125, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1928, p. 97. 4. Read Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I. p. 286.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 341 triya kula, Ramana also claimed Ksatriya descent. The damaged record which gives us these details describes thus the citizens of Gerasoppe :--A Gerasoppeya maha-janamgala gunagal ent-endode adarolu nanajati paradar agrani samyaktvarada-7-Jainar-padevar Jaina-marggasraya jalanidhi samvardhita purna-candrar mundamam krodhadhi... madudgha-perkulan-ivar-billu. And one of these Jaina citizens was Ilonnapa Setti who was related to the family of Ramana. It was this Honnapa setti and others, whose names are effaced in the record, who gave some grant to the Vardhamana basadi of Gerasoppe.1 Another Jaina citizen of that centre was Yojana Secti, whose wife was Ramakka. This lady had built the Anantatirtha caityalaya at Gerasoppe. She is highly praised in thc inscription for her virtues. She was especially known for her four kinds of gists (catur-vidha-dana). On her death in A.D. 1392 a memorial stone was set up near the Vardhamana basadi at Gerasoppe.? To this age (the latter part of the fourteenth century A.D.) we have to assign the activities of two commercial leaders of Gerasoppe-Ajana, the son of Kallappa sresthi and of Mamamba, and Kallappa Sresthi, the son of ojana. These were the disciples of Devendra Suri whose guru was Lalitakirti Bhattaraka of the Desiya gana and Ghanasoka bali. Ajana and Kallappa sesti caused an image of Mudejina to be made in the Nagarakeri basadi of that city.3 This record is undated. But we may assign it to the fourteenth century A.D. on the following grounds. Lalitakirti, who has been mentioned herc, was perhaps no other than 1. M. A. R. for 1928, p. 97. 2. Ibid, pp. 97-98. 3. Ibid, p. 95.

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342 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the guru of that name whom we have already placed in the fourteenth century. The name Ghanasoka bali is evidently another name for the Panasoge (or Hanasoge) bali to which Lalitakirti belonged.1 To the latter part of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D., belong the following epigraphs dealing with a devout queen of Gerasoppe. She was santaladevi, the daughter of Bommana setti, and the queen of Haivannarasa. This ruler was the son of king Mangaraja. santaladevi was a very pious lady, who died in the orthodox manner in about A.D. 1405.2 The ruler Mangaraja mentioned above is called the sonin-law of king Haiveyaraja in the Jvalamukhi temple record of Gerasoppc. He is to be identified with Mangabhupa who married Jakkabbarasi, the daughter of Haivannarasa and Honnabbarasi, mentioned in the record standing close to Nagarakeri in Gerasoppe. This latter record dated A.D. 1421 also informs us that Mangaraja's brother-in-law Padmannarasa granted land valued at four honnu for the service of the god Parsvanatha and for the repairs of the 1. Dr. Shama Sastry assigns this record to the latter part of the sixteenth century A.D., on the assumption that the names Kallappa and Ajana are identical with those found in an inscription No. 112 (M. A. R. for 1928, p. 102). This is inadmissible. No. 112 does not contain the names Kallappa and Ajana, but No. 105, p. 99, does. Secondly, the names Ajana and Kallappa as given in No. 107 are those of commercial magnates; while in No. 105 Kallapparasa is called the ruler of Irandur and Ajanrpa, king of Kuntalanadu. If these rulers were identical, one cannot understand why their status should have been omitted by the scribes. 2. This date is based on that of the death of Mangaraja in A.D. 1405. M.A.R. for 1928, pp. 99-100.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 343 basadi. The gift was made for the peace of the departed queen Tangaladevi.1 An ardent ruler of Gerasoppe in A.D. 1523 was Immadi Deva Raya Odeyar. He was the son of Bhairavamba and of the Pandya king who is unnamed in the record. Immati Deva Raya is called the popular Devabhupa. The record makes him the ruler of the Nagiri (i.e., Gerasoppe), Haive, Tulu, Konkana, and other kingdoms. He granted in A.D. 1523 specified lands in the village of Banduvala for the worship and festivals of the god Candranatha in the Sankha Jina basadi of Laksmanesvara. This charity, it may be observed, was to be carried out by the school of Candraprabhadeva of the Desiya gana. The cosmopolitan nature of the people is seen in the concluding lines of the epigraph which declare that he who violated the grant was to be considered guilty of the slaughter of sages on the urjanta hill, the slaughter of cows on the banks of the Ganges and the Godavari, and as having violated the charities carried on at Sriparvata and Tirumale. Excepting Urjanta (Girnar), the other places are usually associated with the Brahmans.2 The close contact between Gerasoppe and other kingdoms seen in the above records, is further corroborated by another inscription found on the Govardhanagiri fort, and assigned to A.D. 1560. This record gives us very many details relating to the commercial magnates of Gerasoppe. The ruler mentioned in this inscription is Deva Raya whom we identify with Immadi Deva Raya on the following grounds. In the first place, in the Sode Jaina matha copper plate ins 1. M. A. R. for 1928, pp. 94-95. 2. This copper-plate grant was found in the Jaina basadi of Sode. M.A.R. for 1916, p. 69,

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344 MEDIEVAL JAINISM cription Immadi Deva Raya is said to have ruled over the prosperous city of Ksemapura which was another name for Gerasoppe. In the Govardhanagiri record, too, he is said to be the ruler of Gerasoppe. The genealogy of the ruler as given in the Sode matha grant and in the Govardhanagiri inscription is identical. In the former it is said that the queen Bhairavamba had a brother named Saluva Malla, that her son by the Pandya king was Immadi Deva Raya. In the Govardhanagiri record it is stated that king Bhairava had three younger brothers named Bhairava, Amba, and Saluva Malla who was the greatest. Their sister, who is unnamed in the Govardhanagiri record, had a son named Deva Raya who had a sister, the mother of Saluva Malla (II) and of Bhairava (II). Further in both the records Saluva Immadi Deva Raya is said to be ruling over the Haiva, Tulu, Konkana, and other countries, the Sode matha grant adding the name Nagirirajya. And, finally, both are essentially Jaina records.2 The Govardhanagiri inscription is of much importance also from the point of view of the chief city itself, its rich commercial leaders, and the public charities they did in the name of the Jina dharma. The Jaina citizens had made 1. The descent of the rulers of the Gerasoppe, Sangitapura, and probably of Karkala principalities, was according to the female succession (aliya-santana kattu), through sister's son. 2. Perhaps it is not unlikely that the rulers of Gerasoppe, held sway over Sangitapura at this time. The similarity in their names, the Saluva family to which they belonged, and the law of succession in the female line which governed themall these point to it. The Gerasoppe, Karkala, and Sangitapura rulcrs were dynastically connected with each other. See Rangacharya, Top. List, II. p. 852. But this point is beside our purpose,

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 345 the city of Gerasoppe prosperous and beautiful. Thus is it described in the record : On the southern bank of the great lotus the Jambu-dvipa is the Bharata country, in which, on the eastern shore of the western ocean is the great Taulava country. In it on the south bank of the Ambu river, shining like the Sripundra (or central sectarian mark on the forehead of the Srivaisnavas) is Ksemapura, like Purandara's (Indra's) city, with glittering gopuras (or temple towers) with fine Jina cait yalayas, king's palaces, abodes of yogis, lines of merchants' houses, with crowds of people devoted to acts of merit and liberality, groups of gurus and yatis, bands of poets, learned men, multitudes of excellent Bhavyas--what city in the world was so celebrated as Gerasoppe? The great city of Gerasoppe had reason to be proud of its kings and commercial leaders. The king Immadi Deva Raya was "a master of all royal wisdom", and "skilled in the seven kinds of strategems." This description of the Gerasoppe ruler enables us to identify him with king Saluva Deva Raya, who is mentioned in the Kannada-Sanskrit record on the base of the Santi Jina image, now deposited in the Madras Museum, as a great lover of sahitya. The image of santi Jina, we may note by the way, was set up by him. Saluva Immali Deva Raya was proud of his great commercial magnate Ambavana Sresthi. In the long genealogical account of this important person, these following facts seem to be noteworthy_That Ambavana sresthi's ancestors traced their descent from a general who was in the service of the Candavuru king Kama Deva, by name Kameya Dannayaka ; that one of Ambavana's ancestors named 1. 526 of 1913 ; Rangacharya, Top. List, II. p. 987,

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346 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Yojana Sresthi (1) built the Anantanatha caityalaya at Gerasoppe, while another Narasana Nayaka constructed the Parsvanathesvara basadi at Magodu ; that another person called Mabu Gauda built a caityalaya at Bankanabasilu ; that Yojana sresthi (II) built a two-storeyed caityalaya of Nemisvara and Gummatanatha in Gerasoppe ; and that another relative of theirs, the celebrated Kancadhikari, the chief of the settis of Bhattakala, built a caityalaya in a place the name of which is effaced in the record. Ambavana sresthi who is called a royal sresthi in the record, was the son of Nagappa Sresthi (II). He was matrimonially connected with Yojana sreshti (II) mentioned above. His wife was Devarasi. In connection with these two we have a typical instance of how citizens constructed public buildings in those days. These two-Ambavana sresthi and his wife, one day came to the Nemi Jina caityalaya at Gerasoppe, and heard with reverence the dharma from Abhinava Samantabhadramuni. They then decided to acquire merit by constructing a manastambha in front of the Nemisvara basadi built by their grandfather Yojana sresthi. Then going home, with the approval of their brothers Kotana setti and Malli Setti, and their other relatives, they made known their intention as to this work of merit to their ruler Deva Bhupa. And with the approval of the king and that of the sanghas (which are unfortunately not named), on a propitious day they carried out their promise and had a pillar of bell-metal made. Meanwhile, to Devarasi twin daughters, Padmarasi and Devarasi, were born ; and taking that as an auspicious omen, they had the bell-metal pillar which had been made, set up in front of the caityalaya. And upon the pillar they fixed a golden kalasa of the same height as that of the twins Padmarasi and Devarasi. The manasthambha

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 347 thus created is highly praised in the record as a mast to the great ship the dharma, and a rod for the umbrella the pure dharma. It was constructed on the instruction of Abhinava Samantabhadramuni.1 Great credit must be given to the endeavours of Ambavana Sresthi and the other commercial leaders, who tried to stabilize the prestige of the Jina dharma in this age. We can only imagine that there must have been keen rivalry between these patrons of Jainism and the champions of Vaisnavism like Giriyana setti and Vaduga Tammappa Senabova, who in A.D. 1562 and A.D. 1598 respectively had constructed the Hanumantesvara and Tiruvangalanatha temples, the former on Govardhanagiri itself and the latter in Gerasoppe. These two Hindu leaders lived in the reign of the next Gerasoppe ruler the queen Saluva Cenna Bhairadeviyamma, who is called in one of the records a Mahamandalesvara, and who permitted the Tiruvangalanatha temple to be built in her name.2 That the Jaina magnates of Gerasoppe were very influential in the middle of the sixteenth century, can be determined from the reference made to their generosity in the inscriptions at Sravana Belgola. Indeed, this contact between Gerasoppe and Sravana Belgola seems to have been established in early days as well. For instance, in about A.D. 1412 Gummatana, the disciple of Hiriya Ayya of Gerasoppe, paid a visit to Gummatanatha at sravana Belgola, and repaired the stone work of the Cikka basti or the smaller hill, the three bastis, at the north gate, and the Mangayi bastiin all five bastis, and made a gift of food to one group which 1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 55, pp. 100-102. 2. Ibid, Sa. 57, p. 102 ; M. A. R. for 1928, pp. 102, 108,

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348 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM is not named in the inscription.1 In A.D. 1539 four incidents of a similar nature relating to the citizens of Gerasoppe and Sravana Belgola are narrated in stone inscriptions found in the latter centre. All these refer to the settlement of a legal dispute between the citizens of the two places. Thus, in that year Cavudi Setti of Gerasoppe having caused the mortgage on the land of Kambhayya, the son of Agani Bommayya, to be released, the latter caused certain permanant charities to be endowed in front of the Tyagada Brahma temple at Sravana Belgola. In the same year Cikkana, the son of Dodda Devappa, gave a dharma sadhana (charity deed) to Cavudi Setti of Gerasoppe. This was because the latter had relieved the former of his financial difficulty. Cikkana promised to carry on permanently the gift of food to one group at Sravana Belgola. Further, Bommana, the son of Kavi, gave a charity deed to Cavuli Setti for the same purpose. but with the stipulation that Bommana would carry on the gift of food to one group only for six months. And the flower-seller Cennayya also gave to Cavuli Setti a similar pledge which is however effaced.2 Is the mention of these legal deeds in Sravana Belgola, pertaining to a wealthy citizen of Gerasoppe, merely accidental? We think not. There must have been a cause of great rejoicing on the part of the citizens of Gerasoppe which prompted them to show particular favour to the people of sravana Belgola. We have to find out what was that cause of rejoicing. It could only have been that relating to such a function like the anointing ceremony of the god Gummatanatha at Sravana Belgola. An event of this 1. E. C. II. 342, p. 145. 2. Ibid, 224, 227, p. 96.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 349 type actually took place about this time, and its credit goes to the Gerasoppe ruler Saluva Immadi Deva Raya. The Govardhanagiri record cited above tells us that by king Deva Raya, lord of Ksemapura, was performed in the Kali yuga, what had been done by the great Indra, the worldastounding head-anointing ceremony of Gummatadhiea, in the same manner as if it were his birth-anointing.1 We have no direct information as to the exact date of the performance of this ceremony in the Govardhanagiri record. But on the basis of the four cases of mortgage deeds by Cavuli setti of Gerasoppe, we may safely infer that the head-anointing ceremony of Gummatanatha by king Deva Raya took place in A.D. 1539 which certainly falls within his reign. To express his joy at such an event of universal importance, Cavudi setti may have released the mortgage deeds of his debtors in Sravana Belgola. The Jaina gurus of Gerasoppe, it may not be out of place to note here, wielded considerable influence in this age. Their relationship with the well known pontifical seats of Tuluva will be pointed out later on. For the present we may note that in A.D. 1583 they were reckoned to be rather wealthy too. This may account for the fact that Virasenadeva, the disciple of Gunabhadradeva of Gerasoppe, purchased wet land of the sowing capacity of nine khandugas from the Danivasa chief Cennavira Odeyar, for a sum of thirty-two varahas. Two years later (A.D. 1585) the same Jaina priest Virasena bought for thirty varahas another plot of land situated in scaladala also from the same chief. And in A.D. 1585 once again Virasena purchased from the same Danivasa chief specified wet land for forty varahas. The reason why these 1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 55, p. 101. 2. M. A. R. for 1931, pp. 106-112. See E. C. VI. Kp. 21-24, pp. 79 for an incomplete account of some of these transactions,

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350 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM monetary transactions were made is not apparent. We may now continue to narrate a few details about the other Jaina centres in the fifteenth century A.D. Bharangi was one of them. Like Kuppatur and Gerasoppe, this city owed its greatness to the industrial activities of "wise Bhavyas, learned men, just men, and wealthy men, so that it seemed to be the abode of the goddess of fortune." It was one of the foremost cities of Nagarakhanda, and it boasted of the great temple Parsva Jinesa. The Vijayanagara official placed over this city was Gopa Gauda, whose father was Bulla Gauda. The guru of the latter was Abhayacandra Siddhantadeva who is called in the record tayarajagurumandalacarya, mahavadivadisvara, tayavadipitamaha, and one who was fully versed in Siddhanta. "His mind was bent on shutting up the Bauddha speakers. Having overcome the Sankhyas, the Yaugas, the Carvakas, the Bauddhas, the Bhattas, and the Prabhakas, what other speakers can withstand him ? ", asks the scribe of the record. But he was not the guru of Gopana Gauda whose spiritual teachers were Panditacarya and Srutamunipa. The work these two Jaina gurus did is given in the epigraph thus "One (Panditacarya) to tum Gopana from evil ways, and the other (srutamuni) to lead him into good ways." Having enjoyed all the good of this world, and desiring the good of the next, Gopana died by the rite of samadhi in A.D. 1415.1 Prabhu Gopana's laudable example was followed by his son Bulla (II). The guru of this official was Abhayacandra, who was the disciple of Devacandramuni whose guru was Srutamuni mentioned above. From this record we learn that the spiritual adviser of Bharangi belonged to the Mula sangha, Nandi gana, Pustaka gaccha, and Desiya gana. Bullappa 1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 329, p. 58.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 351 (II) made gifts of land and constructed ponds (dirghika). Having realized that his end was approaching, he performed all the appointed ceremonies relating to the pancaparamesthis, and beginning with the prayer of 35 syllables, he came down to 16, then to 6, to 5, to 4, to 2, and stopped at 1, when merely moving his tongue, he went to svarga.1 Two villages Saraguru and Varakodu in the Mysore district became rather noteworthy in the first quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. Saraguru possessed the Pancabasadi about which we have no details. But we suppose that that basadi was under the Bayinad chief Masanahalli Kampana Gauda. This chief was a Mahaprabhu, and he granted in A.D. 1424 the village of Totahalli, along with many specified taxes, for the decorations of Gummatanathasvami of Belgola.2 The inscriptions of Varakonu dated A.D. 1425 and A.D. 1431, are interesting in the sense that they deal with the performance of a vrata called Ananta nompi by the Jainas of that place. 3 Morasunalu A.D. 1426 contained the Cokkamayya Jinalaya for which the ruler of that nad Kariyappa Dandanayaka granted lands which are effaced in the record. But we know from it that that official was the disciple of Subhacandra Siddhanta of the Pustaka gaccha.* Infinitely greater in importance than the above seats of Jainism was Mudubidre, one of the cities of Tuluva. We have elsewhere traced the advent of Jainism into this city in the reign of the Hoysala king Ballala Deva I (A.D. 1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 330, text, 11. 25-28, p. 156. 2. Ibid, IV. Hg. 1, p. 65. 3. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32. 4. E. C. IX., Bn. 82, p. 17.

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352 MEDTAEVAL JAINISM 1100-A.D-1106).1 In the thirteenth century A.D. Mudubidre possessed the Parsvanatha basadi which received royal patronage from the Alupa kings of Tuluva.? But it is only in the fifteenth century that it sprang into fame in the times of the Vijayanagara monarchs. A stone inscription dated Saka 1351 (A.D. 1429) of the reign of the Emperor Deva Raya II relates that Venupura, (i. e., Mudubidre) was a city distinguished for its Bhavyas, who followed the right path, who gladly performed deeds of virtue, and who were eager to hear stories relating to the Jina dharma. The local ruler Bhairarasa, who was matrimonially connected with the kings who ruled over the Gerasoppe-Nagiri kingdom, made at the instance of his guru Virasenamuni certain specified offerings in the Candra Jina mandira at Mudubidre.3 In A.D. 1451-2 a mukha-mantapa called Bhairadevi mantapa was built to the Hosa basti during the reign of the Vijayanagara Emperor Mallikarjuna Immadi Deva Raya (A.D. 1446-A.D. 1467), when the viceroy over the Barakuru-rajya was Gopana Odeyar. And the same basadi received a grant of land from the viceroy Vitgharasa Odeyar during the reign of the Emperor Virupaksa in A.D. 1472-3.5 1. Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I, pp. 410-411. Mr. V. Lokanatha Sastri of Mudubidre in his book Mudubidreya carite (p. 20, Mangalore, 1937) says that the date of the construction of the age of Parsvanatha is given in an inscription on its base, as Saka 636 (A.D. 714). I do not know how far this is accurate information. This date, if true, violates all contemporary history of Jainism not only in Tuluva but in Karnataka as well. 2. Saletore, ibid, p. 413. 3. 33 of 1901; S. I. I, VII, pp. 94-98. 4. 29 of 1901. 5. 30 of 1901; for a detailed account of Mudubidre, read Hultzsch, Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1901, p. 3 seq.

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By Courtesy I'. 6. S.] Hosabasti at Mudabidre (p. 352) By Courtesy I'. G. S.) Caturmukhabasti at Karkala (p. 363)

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 353 Mudubidre to-day contains a fast dwindling Jaina population, but it is still held in the highest veneration by the Jaina world. It is called Jaina Kasi, and has the other names of Venupura (or Vamsapura) and Vratapura. There are in all eighteen basadis in this small town, and among them the most famous is the Guru basadi. This basadi is reputed to possess the famous manuscripts called Dhavala, Mahadhavala and Jayadhavala. It is for this reason also called the Siddhanta basadi.1 The Hosa basadi referred to above is also known as the Tribhuvantilakacudamani basadi ; and because of its 1.000 pillars and other architectural attractions, still continues to draw lovers of art.2 Another centre of Jainism in Tuluva was Basaruru. The settis, or heads of the commercial guilds, of Basaruru in Saka 1353 (A.D. 1421-2), during the reign of the Emperor Deva Raya II, gave specified gifts in kind for the Jaina basadi of that town. This basadi was probably dedicated to Candranatha. For during the reign of the same monarch a money gift of twenty-four gad yanas was made to it. Turning from the province of Tuluva to the northern parts of Karnasaka, we find that Kolhapur (Kollapura) owed its greatness to the renowned guru Maghanandi. We have already seen that Kollapura had become well known in the twelfth and thirteenth century A.D. It continued to be a great seat of Jainism in the middle of the fifteenth century A.D. In about A.D. 1440 the guru of that centre was 1. Buchanan noted it. A Journey through Madras, etc., II. p. 254. 2. Cf. B. Nemiraja Heggade, Tulunadina basadigalu, p. 3. (Manglore, 1925) ; Lokanatha Sastri, op. cit., pp. 20-21. 3. Rangacharya, Top. List., II, p. 850. 4. Ibid. M, J. 12

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354 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Jinasena Bhattaraka Pattacarya. Along with the people of that city and his sangha, he went to sravana Belgola in that year.1 The hill called Nidugallu in the Pavaguda taluka, Mysore State, once contained a basadi. Here in A.D. 1232 Nemi Panaita's son (unnamed) had received the land belonging to it. This locality continued to be dear to the Jainas, in spite of the fact that the land around the basadi had passed into the hands of the Hindus in the middle of the fifteenth century. This is proved by the fact that in about A.D. 1450 the hill is called the gudda which belonged to Vrsabhasena Bhattaraka of the Mula sangha. One of his lay disciples called Candavve, the wife of the Vaisya Bimi setti, died there, and a nisidhi was set up to commemorate the event.3 Towards the last quarter of the fifteenth century A.D., we find Iduvani, Huligere, Vogeyakere, Hole Narasipura, and even Melukote figuring as prominent Jaina centres. That Iduvani (or Idugani) owed its caityalayas to the piety of its local ruler is clear from a record dated A.D. 1472 which informs us that Parisva Gauda, who was devoted to the four kinds of gifts, had the Parsvanatha basadi constructed in that city. And his lord the Mahaprabhu Bhairana Nayaka granted various lands for the daily worship and the many kinds of worship (named) of the god. And Parisva Gauda and other Gaudas made suitable grants for the same purpose.4 Like Parisva Gauda was Padumana setli who, during the 1. E. C. II. 496, p. 134. 2. Ibid, XII. Pg. 51, p. 124. 3. Ibid, Pg. 56, p. 126. See also Pg. 55 dated A.D. 1487 to note the Saivite temple on the hill. 4. Ibid, VIII. Sa. 60, p. 103.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 355 rule of king Indagarasa Odeyar of the Saluva family, constructed the caityalaya of Parsvatirthesvara at Vogeyakese. And by means of a dharma-sasana-patra gave munificent endowments for the basadi.1 Hole Narasipura in A.D. 1490 was a Jaina locality. Two images in marble of Candraprabha and Parsvanatha were presented in that year to the temple by a disciple of Bhallaraka Jinasatvadeva of the Mula sangha. More interesting than the above is the information relating to the Vaisnava centre Melukote where had lived the great Ramanujacarya. In a record dated A.D. 1471 this centre is called the earthly Vaikuntha, the Vardhamanaksetra, the eight-fold residence of Narayanaparvata, and the Yatigiristhana. The epithet Vardhamana ksetra applied to this place undoubtedly proves that Melukote was once reckoned to be a place of pilgrimage by the Jainas. But like many other strongholds of Jainism, Melukote must have passed into the custody of the Hindus, on the decline of the Jina dharma in it. In the sixteenth century A.D. there seems to have been no extension of Jaina influence anywhere in southern or western India. The two most important sects of Hinduism --Saivism and Vaisnavism, especially the latter, had so completely regained their ascendancy that any substantial recovery of Jainism was well nigh impossible in the Vijayanagara Empire. Nevertheless it is interesting to observe that in this century which produced Krsna Deva Raya the Great, the greatest champion of Hinduism, was also born the most remarkable leader of the Jainas, Vadi Vidyananda. In addi 1. E. C. VIII, Sa. 163, p. 124. 2. M. A. R. for 1913-14, p. 50. 3. E. C. IV. Intr. p. 24; Ng. 78, p. 133.

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356 MEDI.EVAL JAINISM tion to the well known city from which this celebrated Jaina teacher hailed, there were others which we may now describe in chronological order. Towards the beginning of the sixteenth century three places continued to be Jaina centres---Kopana, Narasimharajapura, and Sringeri. Kopana had, as we have already seen, won for itself a name as the mahatirtha of the Jainas. It continued to be a commercial town of some standing. This is gathered from the fact that commercial leaders named Gummata Setti, Danada setti, and a third one whose name is effaced in the record, went on a visit from Kopana to Sravana Belgola in about A.D. 1536.1 Of the other centres, there is every reason to believe that Sringeri was a more ancient Jaina stronghold than Narasimharajapura. The history of the latter place dates back to the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. We gather this from an epigraph on the image of Santinatha in the santinatha basadi in that place, assigned to A.D. 1300. This image was caused to be made by Candiyakka, the lay disciple of Cagiyabbeganti of Uddhare. Narasimharajapura was a prosperous Jaina centre at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Two inscriptions on the pedestal of the Caturvimsati Tirthankara and the Ananta Tirthankara images in the Candranatha basadi at the same place, contain the following information-That Doddana setti, the son of Bogara Devi Setti, had the former image presented to the Candranatha basadi at Narasimharajapura; while Gummana setti, the son of Nemi Setti, had the latter image presented to the basadi at Singanagadde which lies to the west of Narasimharajapura. 1. E. C. II, 191, p. 91. 2. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 84.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 357 Both the inscriptions have been assigned to A.D. 1500.1 We may note here by the way that the fine image of Candraprabha in the Candranatha basadi, about two and a half feet high, representing a seated boy of about eight years, and made of white marble, as Dr. Krishna relates, is said to have been found near Tadasa, four miles away, in the Bhadra, and brought to the basadi for worship. The image is said to bear even now the marks of having been in water for a long time.2 But the basadis in the renowned Advaita centre of Sringer were, as we have already seen in the previous pages, of an earlier date. At least we know that the Parsvanatha basadi of Sringeri certainly existed in Sringeri in the twelfth century A.D. The fact that this basadi is in the centre of the Sringeri town,3 suggests that the Jaina influence in this stronghold of Advaitism must have been rather powerful in the early days. In the first quarter of the sixteenth century, Sringeri continued to attract devout Jaina pilgrims to it. In A.D. 1523 Devana Setti (descent stated) presented an image of Anantnatha to the Parsvanatha basadi of Sringeri. And in the same year Bommara Setti (descent stated) presented an image of Candranatha to the same basadi. Maddagiri had a basadi in about A.D. 1531. It received specified land from Govi Danimayya's wife Jayama. Nothing more can be made about this basadi excepting the fact that 1. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 84. 2. Ibid for 1931, p. 12. Dr. Krishna also relates that a group of Jaina buildings near the Jvalamalini temple to the south-west of Narasimharajapura, are almost entirely of wood and earth. Ibid. 3. Ibid for 1931, p. 15. 4. Ibid for 1933, p. 124. signed this record to A.D. 1583. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya asIbid for 1916, p. 84.

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358 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM the damaged record gives the name of the guru as Mallinathadeva.1 From another damaged record dated A.D. 1533-4, evidently of the reign of the Emperor Acyuta Deva Raya, we gather that Jinendramangalam alias Kuruvaoimidi...in Mutturukurram and Anjukcttai in the same Kurram were Jaina centres. The inscription containing these details was found in front of the Jaina Malavanatha temple at Hanumantaguni, Tiruvadani taluka, Ramnad district.2 But these centres in the Tamil land were not in such a thriving condition as those in Karnataka. The basadi of Kurugodu, for instance, received a gift of land from Rama Rajayya, the elder brother of Lingarajayya, and the grandson of Rama Raja Odeyar. This was made for the merit of his father Mallaraja Oleyar during the reign of the Emperor Sadasiva Raya.3 Panditayya, the son of the chief of Brahmans Cikamayya, and a disciple of Carukirti Panaitadeva, caused in A.D. 1585 the images of Adisvara, santisvara, and Candranatha to be set up in the Adinatha basadi at Cikka Hanasoge,4 thereby showing that Cikka Hanasoge was still reckoned as a Jaina centre in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D.5 But more prominent than any of the strongholds in the northern parts of Karnataka were those in Tuluva to which we must now revert. In addition to the important cities 1. E. C. XII. Si. 14, p. 105. 2.408 of 1907 ; Rangacharya, Top. List., II, p. 1196. 3 63 of 1904 ; Rangacharya, ibid., I, p. 269. 4. M. A. R. for 1913-14, pp. 50-51. 5. See also 59 of 1896, for a gift of land at the request of two Jaina priests Guru Vira Pandita and Kamalavahana Pandita. This was in A.D. 1517. Was Nagarcoil in the south in any way connected with Jainism ?

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 359 like Sangitapura, Mudubidre, and Gerasoppe which we have already described, there were many smaller places of the Jainas in Tuluva, as, for instance, Barakuru, Mulki, PadaPanamburu, Hattiangali and Kapu. The Adi Paramesvara basadi of Barakuru, which city was one of the capitals of Tuluva, received material aid from the santara king Bhairava in A.D. 1408.1 To the same basadi Carukirti Panditadeva made a grant in A.D. 1499-1500.2 The basadis at Mulki and Pada-Panamburu in the Mangalore taluka, were not of much consequence. The Bailangali basadi at the latter place seems to have received a gift from a nobleman in A.D. 1542-3.3 The basadi of Lokanathesvara at Hattiangadi, however, was more important. It received a grant from a Vijayanagara viceroy in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D.+ It is not improbable that the locality around Hattiangadi was of some antiquity.s Perhaps equally important as Hattiangadi was Kapu in the Uaipi taluka. This little town was the seat of a petty chieftain who had the title of Heggade. In A.D. 1556 Madda Heggade of the Pangala lineage was a staunch upholder of the Jina dharma It was he who gave in that year the village of Mallaru to Devacandradeva, the disciple of Municandradeva whose guru was Abhinavavadikirtideva of the Kranar gana. This gift was made for the offerings of Jinapa Dharmanatha (the fifteenth Tirthankara) of Kapu. What strikes us is not so much the patronage which the petty ruler of Kapu gave to the basadi of Jinapa Dharmanatha, as the manner in which he associated his own 1-2. Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I, p. 415. 3. 82-84 of 1901. 4. Rangacharya, Top. List., II, p. 851. 5. Saletore, ibid, I, pp. 405-406.

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360 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM little town with the great Jaina centre of Belgola, Kopana, and Urjantagiri. This is revealed in the concluding lines of the grant which contain the imprecation that any Jaina who violated the charity would incur the sin of breaking the images of Gummatanatha of Belgola, Candranatha of Kopana, and Nemisvara of Urjantagiri, and other Jaina images. The definite reference to three well known centres-Kopana, Belgola, and Ujjantagiri-suggests that the people of Kapu were very well acquainted with those places of pilgrimage. While the concluding lines of the same grant which relate that if the violator was a Saiva, he would incur the sin of breaking a crore of lingas at Parvata, Gokarna, and elsewhere, and if a Vaisnava, of breaking as many images at Tirumale and other Vaisnava holy places, show that the chieftain of Kapu was prepared to appeal to the better instincts of his non-Jaina subjects who might be inclined to harm his charity.1 Next to Mudubidre the most important Jaina centre in Tuluva was Karkala. The history of this principality of Karkala is interwoven with that of the santaras of Patti Pombuccapura on the Ghats. The first prominent figure in the santara House was Jinadatta, who, as we have already noted above, is reputed to have brought with him the image of the Jaina goddess Padmavati.2 Jinadatta Raya founded the santara kingdom in the ninth century A.D.3 with Patti Pombuccapura as his capital ; and he moved down in the same century to Kalasa (in the Mudgere taluka) in the south after extending his kingdom. Here at Kalasa the Santara rulers gave expression to their tolerant 1. E.I. XX, pp. 95-97. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 138. 3. Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I. pp. 224-225, 225, n. (1).

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 361 views. This is seen, for instance, from a record dated A.D. 1277 of the time of the senior crowned queen Kalala Maha. devi, when on the great days of the gods Kalasanatha and Jinesvara, a citizen named Madhava, the son of Kala sesti, made a specified grant of rice and land to the gods.? The Santaras moved their capital from Kalasa still further down to Karkala somewhere at the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. One of the chiefs who materially contributed to the spread of Jainism in this age in Tuluva was Lokanatharasa. He was the disciple of Carukirti Panditadeva, who had, among other titles, that of Ballasarayacittacamatkara. During the regime of Lokanatharasa in Saka 1256 (A.D. 1334), his elder sisters Bommaladevi and Somaladevi, along with some prominent State officials among whom figured Allappa Adhikari, gave specified grants to the basadi of Santinatha at Karkala which had been built by Kumudacandra Bhattarakadeva, the chief disciple of Bhanukirti Maladharideva of the Mula sangha and the Kranur gana. Since Lokanatharasa bears the birudas of samastabhuvanasraya, sri-pithvivallabha, and maharajadhiraja, which were usually assumed only by independent monarchs, we are to suppose that he exercised some independent sway in the Karkala region in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D.2 Sometime after him the Karkala rulers came gradually under the influence of the Lingayat faith. But they continued to be warm supporters of the Jina dharma. We prove this from records ranging from the middle of the fif 1. E.C. VI. Mg. 67, p. 72. 2. 71 of 1901 ; S.I.I., VII, 247, pp. 124-125. 3. See E.C. VI. Mg. 39-42, 50, 54, 60, pp. 68-70 for examples to prove that the Bhairava rulers of Karkala were Saivas.

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362 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM teenth to the end of the sixteenth century A.D. The credit of turning the mind of the Karkala rulers to the syad vada doctrine goes to the Jaina gurus of Hanasoge. It was at the instance of Lalitakirti Maladharideva Bhattaraka of Hanasoge that king Vira Pandya, the son of Bhairavendra, caused to be constructed and set up the colossal image of Gomata at Karkala, to which reference has already been made, on Wednesday the 13th A.D. 1432.Probably it is the same guru who is mentioned in another inscription dated Saka 1379 (A.D. 1457-8) which records a gift of paddy to the Hire Nemisvara basadi at Hiriangali, one of the suburbs of Karkala. In this record Lalitakirti is said to have belonged to the Kalorgana.2 The same guru was likewise responsible for the munificence of the merchants of Hiriangadi, who in A.D. 1475-76 built a mukha-mantapa to the Tirthankara basadi of that place.3 We may recount here the patronage given to Jainism by the queen Kalala Devi in A.D.1530 mentioned in connection with the activities of women in Karnataka.+ But much of the importance of Karkala was due not only to the patronage of its rulers but to the large-heartedness of its citizens as well. In Saka 1501 (A.D. 1579) some Sravakas of Karkala gave as a gift money for the study of the scriptures in the Ammanavara basadi at Hiriangali. Lalitakirti Bhattaraka is said to have been the vicara-karta (superintendent) of the charities. This guru could not have been 1. 1. 1., XXIII, p. 119 ; E. C. I, p. 19 (rev. ed.); E. 1., VII, pp. 109, seq; 63 & 64 of 1901. 2. 70 of 1901. 3. 66 of 1901.. 4. E. C. VI. Kp. 47, op. cit. 5. 67 of 1901.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 363 the one mentioned above, but probably one of the pontiffs at Karkala itself who bore the title of Lalitakirti. The construction of the well known Caturmukha basadi at Karkala was the work of the ruler Immadi Bhairavendra Odeyar, who called himself the ruler of Patti Pombuccapura. This basadi was completed on Wednesday the 16th March A.D. 1586.1 It cannot be made out whether he is the same Bhairarasa Odeyar who is mentioned in a damaged record dated only in the cyclic year Vilambi, and found in the Hire Nemisvara basadi at Hiriangadi. But he is evidently the same ruler who in A.D. 1598 granted specified lands for the god Parsvanatha of the Sadhana caityalaya at Koppa. This god had been set up by a citizen named Pandya Nayaka, who had himself granted some lands to provide for the offerings of the god.3 With the seventeenth century A.D., however, we move along the downward career of the Vijayanagara Empire. In a sense this age is also one of comparative insignificance in the history of Jainism in southern India. However, the anekantamata had taken deep roots in Tuluva. That is the reason why we see Venuru, a little village in the Karkala taluka, figuring as the headquarters of a line of petty chiefs and at the same time as the seat of Jainism. It was here at Venuru that, as mentioned by us above, a gigantic image of Gomata was set up in A.D. 1604 at the orders of Timmaraja, the brother of a ruler called Pandya of the family of Camunda Raya, on the advice of Carukirti Pandita of Belgola. Thus did the distant province of Tuluva vindi 1. 62 of 1901 ; E. I. VIII, pp. 122-138. 2. 69 of 1901. 3. E, C. VI, Kp. 50, p. 86. 4. E. 1. VIII, pp. 109-113; E. C. I, pp. 19-20 (rev. ed.); Rice, My & Coorg, p. 141.

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364 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM sate her honour in the Jaina world by possessing two out of the three famous colossi of Gomata.1 Reverting to Karnataka proper we find that Melige was of some consequence to the Jainas in the first quarter of the seventeenth century A.D. Melige was in the Kodurpal in the Avanyadesa over which the Vijayanagara viceroy Bommana Heggade ruled in A.D. 1610, in the reign of the Emperor Venkatapati Deva. In this city of Melige was the royal sresthi Vardhamana whose son Bommana sresthi erected the Ananta Jina temple, probably at the instance of his guru Visalakirti Bhatyaraka, whose guru was Devendra Bhattaraka of the Balatkara gana.2 An interesting fact in the history of Jainism in the seventeenth century A.D. is that connected with the famous Hindu centre of Belur. This city which has become celebrated in the history of Indian architecture as the home of some of the most beautiful Hindu temples in the country, seems to have been dear also to the Jainas. When exactly it was turned into a centre of the anekantamata is not known. But there is every reason to believe that from the beginning of the fourteenth till the middle of the seventeenth century A.D., Belur protected the interests of the Jina dharma. It boasted of the Parsvanatha, Adinathesvara, and santinathesvara 1. Tuluva to-day possesses about 180 basadis out of which Mudubidre and Karkala claim 18 each, Bantavala 3, Haduhalli (Sangitapura) 9, Gerasoppe 4, Venuru 8, Mulki-Hosangadi 8, and other places 101, excluding the 11 recently constructed basadis. 18 basadis have fallen completely in ruins. These are the basadis at Nerambadi Hole, Mogaru, Desil, Siradi, Yenugallu, Kannarpali, Panja, Cekkangadi, Bandali, Kombaru, Nandavara, Uccila, Ullala, and Mulki-Hosangadi, Nemiraja Heggade, op. cit., p. 3. 2. E. C. VIII. TI. 166, p. 196, 197,

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VO THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 365 basadis which have yielded interesting epigraphs relating to the Jaina gurus of the first quarter of the fourteenth century A.D. Belur was the head quarters of the Ingulesvara bali and the Syi samudaya attached to the Mula sangha and the Desiya gana.2 How influential the Jaina sestis, or commercial leaders of Belur were has already been seen while describing the admirable manner in which the grave dispute between the Lingayats and the Jainas was settled in A.D. 1638, during the regime of Venkatadri Nayaka of Belur.3 Towards the close of the Vijayanagara age, we have a Jaina priest called Laksmisena Bhattaraka, who styled himself the Lord of the spiritual thrones of Dilli, Kollapura, Jaina Kasi, and Penugonda. It was a lay disciple of this guru by name Sakkare Setti, who had the Vimalanatha caityalaya at Nagamangala constructed in A.D. 1680.4 How far the claims put forward by the scribe on behalf of Laksmisena Bhattaraka as regards the lordship of the spiritual thrones of the places mentioned above, are valid, cannot be determined at present. But Penugonda was, indeed, a Jaina centre. Here was the Parsvanatha basadi. Near about it is a nisidhi of Nagayya, the disciple of Jinabhusana Bhaltaraka." We shall prove in the next chapter that Penugonda had further claims to be called a home of the Jainas. 1. See above. Chapter VI. Popular Support. 2. E. C. V. BI 134, op. cit. 3. Ibid, Bl. 128, op. cit. 4. Ibid, IV. Ng. 43, p. 125. 5. 345 of 1901.

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CHAPTER XII. JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE Features of Jaina architecture-Jaina contribution to Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Kannada literature --Examples of Jaina writers ranging from the carly fourteenth till the middle of the seventeenth century. IVIIDESPREAD as the domicile of Jainism certainly was in the Vijayanagara Empire, it must be admitted that so far as political power was concerned, the anekantamata had judiciously given the place of prominence to the Hindu dharma. And while the Hindu dharma under Vijayanagara succeeded for nearly three centuries in upholding its prestige and the honour of the land, Jainism had retired into the background to devote itself exclusively for the cause of Peace and Learning. Its success was ensured in this field. For more than any other faith, Jainism was essentially a religion which had advocated Peace. And in the Tamil land, the Andhradesa, and Karnataka it had for centuries, as we have already seen, carefully created and fostered literature, arts, and science. The fact that its leaders had occasionally rejuvenated political life was incidental ; their primary concern lay in advancing the cause of Peace and Knowledge, while that of their lay disciples, in giving a practical expression to the Jaina ideal of human brotherhood in the shape

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 367 of the four well known gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning. But it should not be understood by this that Jainism contributed nothing for the material welfare of the country. In addition to the kingdoms it had founded or helped to stabilize, it had substantially added to the commercial development of the land. We may remember here the fact that the famous trading classes of Karnataka, the Vira Banajigas, before and even after their conversion into the Vira saiva faith, were responsible for the prosperous condition of the many cities of the Vijayanagara Empire. And during the early period of Vijayanagara expansion, it was the Jaina generals like Irugappa who had helped the Hindu cause in southern India. An equally substantial part of the work of the Jainas was that concerning arts, literature, and media cine in the respective fields of which they have left evidence of their sincere desire to promote Knowledge and the welfare of humanity. We have had an occasion of briefly alluding to the contribution of the Jainas to the aichitecture of the pre-Vijayanagara period. Some of the marked features which distinguish the southern from the northern school of architectural design are those relating to the basadis, the tombs, and the pillars. The Jainas of the south, who belonged mostly to the Digambara sect, added one speciality in the matter of building basadis (Skt. vasati, a temple which contained an image of one of the twenty-four Tirthankaras), and images, which has become famous in the history of Indian architecture. They constructed huge monolithic statues of Bahubali, as already mentioned by us, at sravana Belgola, Karkala, and Venuru. These statutes possess certain peculiarities. Entirely naked, they face the north, with a remarkably severe face with twigs or creeping plants (called madhavi, known in Kannada as kala

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368 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM gulagunji) twisted round their arms and legs in the manner found in cave temples, and a serpent (kukkuta-sarpa) at their feet.1 They represent the ideal sainyasin who stood in meditation until the ant-hills arose at his feet and creeping plants grew round his limbs. The Digambaras call him Gomata, Gummata, or Dorbali--a figure who is not at all prominent in the pantheon of the svetambaras of the north. Of the basadis built in the Vijayanagara age those at Mudubidre deserve a passing note. These basadis are much plainer structures than Hindu temples, with their pillars that look like logs of wood, their angles partially chambered off, suggesting that their originals were built of wood. This supposition is strengthened by the fact that there is epigraphic evidence which we have already cited in the previous pages, that shows that the earlier basadis were built of wood. Fergusson rightly remarks that nothing can exceed the richness or variety with which the temples of Mudubidre are carved. Their ornamentation is almost fantastic, and no two pillars are alike in design and beauty.2 The eighteen basadis of Mudubidre are not the only specimens of the architectural skill of the Jainas of the Vijayanagara age. The five-pillared shrine opposite the basadi at Guruvayinakere in Tuluva, about which unfortunately no details are available in epigraphs, is said to be unique in the history of the southern Jaina architectural school. This fivepillared shrine with access to the upper chambers, is so unlike the four-pillared pavilions of the Hindu temples common in southern India. At the base of the temple are a number 1. Of the three famous statues that at Venuru is, I think, uncommonly serene and smiling. 2. Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, II. pp. 76-79. (rev. ed.)

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 369 of stones bearing images of serpents some of which have five or seven heads.1 The second noteworthy feature of Jaina architecture concerns the pillars which are found attached to the basadis. They are admittedly the most elegant and graceful architectural specimens found in Tuluva. They appear to be the counterparts of the dipastambhas found in the Hindu temples ; but in reality are the descendants of the Buddhist pillars which bore, in most instances, emblems, or statues, or figures of animals. The Jainas of the south introduced two kinds of pillars--the Brahmadevastambhas, bearing figures of the god Brahma, and the manastambhas, which bear a small pavilion on the capital. The Brahmadevastambhas are best seen at Mudubidre, and the manastambhas, at Guruvayinakere and Haleangadi. These latter starting from a square at the base change into an octagon, and thence into a polygonal figure approaching a circle, with a wide spreading capital of the most elaborate design above. One singularity of the pillars, especially those found at Mudubidre, may be mentioned here. They have on the lower or square part curious interlaced basket patterns which, according to Fergusson, are similar to those found in Irish Mss. and the ornaments of the Irish cresses. Such interlaced work was equally common in Armenia and up the Danube in Central Europe. But how it came to be introduced into Tuluva is not known.3 A third peculiarity of the Jaina architecture of the Vijayanagara age is that relating to the tombs of priests and merchants in the neighbourhood of Mudubidre. Varying 1. Fergusson, op. cit. II, pp. 76-79, 2. E. I. VIII, p. 123 ; Fergusson ibid. II, p. 81. 3. Fergusson, ibid, II, pp. 79-82.

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370 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM much in size and magnificence, some being from three to five or seven storeys in height, they are not ornamented like the storeys of the Dravidian temples with tumulated cells, but finish with the domical roof, with divisions of each storey into a sloping roof after the style of the pagodas of Kathamanqu, China, and Tibet. Such tombs are unknown to other parts of India. 1 These novelties in design and structure are the gifts of the Jainas of the mediaeval times to the history of Indian architecture. Turning to the sphere of literature and religion, we find that there was a feeble echo of the revival of Jainism in the middle of the sixteenth century A.D. This is not surprising when we remember that Jainism had often given ample proof of its vitality in the course of its history. The various Jaina teachers whom we have mentioned in our review of Jainism under Vijayanagaia were no doubt partly responsible for the continuance of that religion in the Vijayanagara age. In addition to these there were other teachers some of whom deserve special mention. Bahubali Panditadeva, the disciple of Nayakirtideva, was one such remarkable Jaina teacher. We shall presently refer to the contribution of this learned Jaina guru for the cause of Kannada literature. But more conspicuous than him were the teachers who spread the name of the Jina dharma even in the court of the Sultans of Delhi. Details about these, and about another celebrated figure to be mentioned presently, are met with in the Padmayati basti record. This long and interesting inscription contains a detailed account of many Jaina gurus, three of whom fall within our period-Simhakirti, Visalakirti, and Vadi Vidyananda. We have discussed in full the history of 1. Fergusson, op. cit., II, pp. 79-82.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 371 the two former Jaina gurus elsewhere.1 Here it is sufficient to narrate the following--That Simhakirti, the great logician, is said to have won renown in the court of the Delhi Sultan Mahamuda who was no other than Sultan Muhammad Tuglag. The Jina teacher is expressly stated to have defeated the company of Bauddha and other speakers in the Delhi court. This success of Simhakirti in the court of the Delhi Sultan may be placed between A.D. 1326 and A.D. 1337. His successor Visaiakirti was a foremost orator, learned in the Paragama, chief head of the Balatkara gana, a great ascetic, and one who received reverence from Sikandara Suritrana. He defeated great speakers in the assembly of Virupaksa Raya, the ruler of Vidyanagara, for which he received a certificate of victory (jayapatra) which was regarded by the learned and even by kings to be an original sasana of Sarasvati. In the city of Devappa Dandanatha called Araga, he expounded the great Jina dharma, and won reverence even from the Brahmans. The last named general was the son of the Vijayanagara viceroy Srigirinatha. Devappa Danqanatha was the viceroy of Araga from A.D. 1463 till at least A.D. 1468. The Vijayanagara ruler mentioned in the Padmavati basti record was no other than Virupaksa Raya, who reigned from A.D. 1467 till A.D. 1478. And Sikandara Suritrana in whose court Visalakirti defeated opponents was Sultan Sikandar Sur, who ruled for a brief period in A.D. 1554. Visalakirti seems to have have lived to a ripe old age of eighty years.2 But Visalakirti's immediate disciple Vidyananda, better known by his celebrated name of Vadi Vidyananda, was the greatest figure in the history of Jainism in the Vijayanagara 1. Saletore, K. H. R. IV. pp. 77-86. 2. Ibid, pp. 79-81.

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372 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM age. The Padmavati basti record contains a great many details about this remarkable Jaina teacher. He belonged to the Nandi sangha of the Kondakundanvaya in which Kondakunda himself, Samantabhadra, Pujyapada, Vardhamana, Vadiraja, and other illustrious gurus had shone. His qualifications are enumerated thus :--"The impression of Vidyananda-svami's irreproachable reasoning is ever pleasing to the minds of poets, appearing like Bana's prose expressed poem." Then again, "Is it Vani, or Caturanana, or is it Vacaspati, or else is it the glory of the learned, Sahasravadana, or is it Ananta himself ?-thus do the learned express their doubts in the assembly when Vidya. nandamuni is making the Buddhesabhavana-vyakhyana." Further, Vidyanandaryya is victorious in the world," the summit of dharma." And, then, again, "Omniscient in the three Agamas, adorned with the qualities of poetry, skilled in (making) many commentaries, a great gale to the cloud (opponent) speakers."1 Vadi Vidyananda's achievements were many. In purely religious spheres, he performed great works of merit. In Kopana and other tirthas with immense wealth, by the rite of dehajna, in order to gain reward of salvation, he held great festivals and distinguished himself. At the two feet of Gummata in Belgola, with affection he poured out like rain to the Jaina sangha a mahakala of cloths, ornaments, gold, and silver. And to the gana munis devoted to the discussion of the Yogagama in Gerasoppe, he undertook with great cagerness the business of supporting as if he were the chief guru, and thereby distinguished himself. His work in the field of learning was equally great and last 1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 46, pp. 149-150.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 373 ing. The same Padmayati basti record gives us many details of his success at the various provincial and imperial courts. In the assembly of the Nanjarayapattana king, Nanja Deva, he completely stopped the breath of the great (Saiva) teacher called Nandanamalli Bhatta, and won renown. Destroying the European faith at the court of the Agent of Sriranganagara (Sriranganagara Karyyana Perangiya mataman asidu) in a learned assembly, he brought Sarada into his power. Then, in the undisturbed court of the Satavendra (or santavendra), Raja Kesarivikrama, he uttered a poem which was noised throughout the world. Moreover, in the assembly of the enlightened men who formed the court of the king Salva Malli Raya, he excused the language of those in authority. In the court of another ruler called Gurunspala, which resembled an ear of the ocean-girdled earth, he composed an able Karnataka work and gained fame. In the court of king Saluva Deva Raya, equal in good fortune to Vasava (Indra), he was victorious in proving the doctrines of all the speakers to be false, and in pleasing that king. In the learned assembly of the Nagiri kingdom, he made the company of the learned to sip the immeasurable sweetness of the nectar of his speech. In the court of king Narasimha of Bilige, who was courageous as Kalasodbhava (Agastya), he elucidated the Jina darsana. In the court of the ruler of Karkalanagara, the great king Bhairava, he expounded the most excellent Jina dharma, so as to attract the mind, and distinguished himself. And likewise in the assembly of the Bhavyajana of the town of Bidire, whose hearts were adorned with wisdom and pure character, he explained the established faith. Vadi Vidyananda was worshipped with devotion by the king Saluva Krsna Deva, who was the sister's son of the king Deva Raya, and the moon to the ocean Padmamba. And in the great imperial capital of Vijayanagara of Krsna Deva

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374 Raya, the son of Saluva Narasimha, he wiped out the company of speakers of other creeds by the power of his speech. There is another reference to the imperial capital in a later context, where it is said that in the court of Vidyanagari of the victorious lord Krsna Raya, defeating the company of the learned, like a lion (overcoming) an elephant, with the talons of his just argument, and his lucid intelligence, Vidyanandamuni gained world-wide fame. No Jaina guru in the Vijayanagara age had a more glorious list of achievements than Vadi Vidyananda. We have shown elsewhere that the various rulers mentioned in this record were, indeed, historical personages; and that on the strength of this and other inscriptions, we could date the many triumphs of Vadi Vidyananda between the years A.D. 1502 and A.D. 1530.1 MEDIEVAL JAINISM What concerns us, in addition to the details relating to the remarkable personality of Vadi Vidyananda, is the fact that the Padmavati basti record should mention the names of various provincial seats which were centres of Jaina learning. Some of them, it must be confessed, cannot be identified for want of definite data. But there cannot be any doubt that in addition to the courts of the Saluva kings of Sangitapura, Deva Raya, Sangi Raya, and Krsna Raja, and those of Gerasoppe and Karkala, there were other courts as well where Jainism was honoured--that of the unidentified Satavendra king Kesarivikrama, of the king Gurunrpala, and of the king Narasimha of Bilige. There is one statement in the above record which is of particular interest. It is that concerning Vadi Vidyananda's success in Sriranganagara (i.e., Seringapatam). Here Vadi 1. See my paper entitled Vadi Vidyananda-a Renowned Jaina Guru published in the Jaina Antiquary, IV, pp. 1-21.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 375 Vidyananda defeated a European champion of Christianity. We are in the dark as to the identity of the learned European who was thus vanquished; but there can hardly be any doubt as to this success of the great Jaina priest in that city. It is remarkable that Vadi Vidyananda should have mastered the tenets of Christianity, and met and defeated an expounder of that faith in a viceregal city of Vijayanagara. With him we come to the climax in the history of Jaina theology and oratory, precisely at the same time we reach the zenith in the annals of the Vijayanagara Empire. But Jaina genius had already expressed itself in other branches of knowledge. To literature and medicine its contribution was truly profound. For well nigh two centuries the Jainas had been driven into the background by the Vira Saivas who had dominated Kannada literature. In spite of this the Jainas managed to come into light, and succeeded in adding quite a good deal to the wealth of the Kannada language. One of the earliest names we meet with in the Vijayanagara age is that of Bahubali Pandita, the disciple of Nayakirtideva. This guru, as we have already seen, has been referred to in a record found in the Meleyur Parsvanatha basadi, Chamarajanagara, and assigned to A.D. 1380. We said that this inscription calls him an emperor of all learning, and one who was proficient not only in astrology but in two languages.1 We know that in Saka 1274 (A.D. 1352) he wrote the Dharmanathapurana concerning the fifteenth Tirthankara. He had the biruda of Ubhaya-bhasacakravarti,2 obviously because of his proficiency in Sanskrit and Kannada 1. E. C. IV. Ch. 157, op. cit. 2. Kavicarite, I. pp. 414-415 ; II. pp. 35-36.

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376 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Near to him in time is to be placed Kesavavarni, who wrote a Kannada vrtti to the Gommatasara in Saka 1281 (A.D. 1359), at the command of Dharmabhusana Bhattaraka. He likewise wrote a vrtti in Kannada to Amitagatisravakacara, and a commentary in the same language to Saratraya. It was for this that he received the title of Saratrayavedi.1 To this age (circa A.D. 1365) belonged Abhinava Srutamuni, who is credited with writing a Kannada commentary on Mallisena's Sajjanacittavallabha.2 Next to him we find Madhura (circa A.D. 1385). He belonged to the Vaji vamsa, and he was the author of Dharmanathapurana, and an astaka praising Gummata. Since he had as one of his many birudas the one styled Bhunathasthanacudamani, it has been surmised that he was the court poet of king Harihara Raya II (A.D. 1377-A.D. 1404).3 Towards the end of the fourteenth century A.D. is to be placed Ayatavarma, the author of the Ratnakaranda in Kannada, describing the ratnatraya of the Jainas.4 Candrakirti, who wrote the Paramagamasara, and another author called Jinacarya, may also be assigned to the same age.5 In the first quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. there appears Bhaskara, a native of Penugonda. He was the son of Basavanka, and he belonged to the Visvamitra gotra. He wrote the Jivandharacarite in Saka 1345 (A.D. 1424). He tells us that he rendered into Kannada the Sanskrit work of the same name which had been composed by Vadibhasimha, who could have been no other than the 1. Kavicarite, I, pp. 415-416. 2. Ibid, I, pp. 422-443. 3. Ibid, I, pp. 427-433. 4. Ibid, I, pp. 440-441; II, pp. 38-39. 5. Ibid, I, pp. 442, 447; II, pp. 38-40. 6. Ibid, II, p. 47.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 377 great guru Ajitasena Vadibhasimha. Fifteen years later Kalyanakirti came with his five works -- Jnanacandrabhyudaya, Kamanakathe, Anuprekse, Jinastuti, and Tattvabhedastaka. His guru was Lalitakirti who belonged to the Desiya gana. Kalyanakirti informs us that he wrote the Jnanancandrabhyudaya in Saka 1362 (A.D. 1439), and Kamanakathe at the instance of king Pandya Raya, the son of the Tuluva lord Bhairava, and the disciple of Lalitakirti.? This Pandya Raya, the son of king Bhairava, was no other than Vira Pandya, who had caused the famous image of Gomata to be constructed at Karkala. All names of Jaina authors are put into the shade by Mallinatha Suri Kolacala, the celebrated commentator of Kalidasa's works. This learned man was one of the judical officers of Emperor Vira Pratapa Praudha Deva Raya of Vijayanagara (A.D. 1419-A.D 1446). We prove this from Mallinatha Suri's interesting work Vaisyavarrsasudharnava, which was written under the orders of that monarch. The object of this work was to determine whether or not the words such as Vaisya, Nagara-Vanik, Vaaija, Vani, Vyapari, Uruja, Tritiyajati, Svajatiyabhedaja, Uttarapathanagaresvardevatopasaka, etc., found in an inscription at Kanci, meant a Vaisya as distinct from one who was styled a Komati.? This official 1. Kavicarite, II, p. 84. 2. M. A. R. for 1927, p. 26; 399 of 1926 ; Kuppuswami Sastri, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Skt. Mss. in the Govt. Oriental Mss. Library, Madras, XXI, pp. 8212-8215 where Mallinatha's family history is given by one of his descendants called Padayojana. See also K. P. Trivedi, Bhatti-Kavya, Introduction, pp. XXIV-XXV, where Mallinatha is placed in the fifteenth century. (Bombay Skt Series. LVI, 1898); and also Prataparudrayo'sobhusana, Intr. pp. 1-2. (Baroda Or. Ser.) ; N. Venkataramanayya, Vijayanagara, Origin of the City and the Empire, pp. 181-182,

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378 MEDIEVAL JAINISM enquiry conducted in the reign of the Emperor Deva Raya II, shows that the Vijayanagara Government bestowed the greatest care on minute social distinctions affecting the public life of its citizens; and that it entrusted such work to the most highly qualified and learned men in its service. In the middle of the same century, we have Jinadevanna, who wrote Srenikacarite in A.D. 1444, and Vijayanna, who wrote Dvadasanuprekse. The latter work was written at the command of the Honnabandi Deva Raja, the king of the Belvulanad in Kuntala. Vijayanna seems to have written his work in the Santinatha basadi of Vemmanabhavi in the same nadu.1 Their contemporary was Vidyananda, who is not to be confounded with the celebrated orator we have described above. Vidyananda was the author of a Kannada commentary on (his own) Sanskrit work called Prayascitta. He was the son (? disciple) of Brahmasuri alias Bommarasa Upadhyaya, and probably a native of Kanakagiri in Maleyur. He mentions Vijayakirti as the guru who taught him from his boyhood.2 where Dr. Ramanayya wrongly identifies the Vijayanagara ruler mentioned in Mallinatha's work with king Deva Raya I. How he came to make the author of Vaisyavamsasudharnava Mallinatha II cannot be understood. Neither how Dr. Ramanayya failed to refer to Dr. Shama Sastry's citation of Mallinatha and the latter's work in his Mysore Archaeological Report. We may observe here that the name Suri stamps Mallinatha as a Jaina, although his magnificent commentaries make him a most extraordinary Jaina with an uncommonly non-sectarian outlook. Evidently to Mallinatha Suri Knowledge was the first concern, and Religion, the next. 1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 86-89. 2. Ibid, II, p. 96.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 379 Another "son" of Bommarasa seems to have been Terakanambi Bommarasa, the author of Sanatkumaracarite and Jivandharacarite (A.D. 1485). An interesting fact is mentioned by him in his works. This relates to Vadibhasimha Nemicandra, one of the gurus of his teacher's preceptor's guru. It is said that Nemicandra won a certificate of victory in the assembly of learned men in the court of the Vijayanagara monarch Deva Raya II.1 About the year A.D. 1500 Kotisvara composed his Jivandharasatpadi at the orders of his royal master king Sangama of Sangitapura. Kotisvara came of a good stock. His father Tammana setti was the general of the city of Baiduru (mod. Bainduru) in Tuluya, and his mother Ramakka. And he was the son-in-law of Kamana Setti, the royal merchant of the court of Sangitapura. His preceptor was Prabhacandra, the disciple of Panditayogi of Belgola. Two more Jaina writers may be assigned to the same age (A.D. 1500) -Yasahkirti, who wrote a commentary on Dharmasarmabhyudaya, and who was the disciple of Lalitakirti, and Subhacandra, who wrote Narapingali.? More famous names appear in the sixteenth century A.D. In A.D. 1508 we have Mangarasa, who has already figured in connection with the history of the Cangalva kings in the Vijayanagara age.4 The celebrated Vadi Vidyananda seems to have written a 1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 128-130. 2. Ibid, II, p. 145. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya wrote on the strength of an inscription found at Bilige, that Srutakirti was the preceptor of king Sangama. 3. Ibid, II, p. 172. 4. Ibid, II, pp. 179-188, op. cit.

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380 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM work in Kannada called Kavyasara.1 Equally remarkable names from the point of view of Kannada literature are those of Salva and Doddayya. The former was the author of Bharata, Saradavilasa and Nemisvaracarite, and a work on medicine to be mentioned presently. He was the son of Dharmacandra, and the disciple of Srutakirti. His royal patron was the king Salva Malla of the Nagirirajya. Both king Salva Malla and his sister Maladevi's son by Santadancesa, by name Salva Deva, were the patrons at whose orders Salva wrote the Kannada Bharata. From the works of Salva we learn that his patron Salva Malla had, among others, the following birudasJinadharmadhvaja, Samyaktva-cudamani and Jinadevarathayatraprabhavaka.2 As regards Doddayya, we know that he belonged to the Atreya gotra, and that his father was the learned nobleman Devappa, who was the best of the accountants at the court of the Cangalva king Viruparajendra of Piriyapattana. Devappa himself was credited with proficiency in the exposition of the Jina purana. Doddayya's guru was Panditamuni. His only work was Candraprabhacarite dealing with the life of the eighth Tirthankara Candraprabha. The well known city of Venupura (Mudubidre) in Tuluva produced Ratnakaranandi, who is known by his great work Trilokasataka comprising 10,000 verses, which he finished in nine months in the Saka year 1479 (A.D. 1557). He wrote it at the command of his moksa guru Hassanatha. His other works were Bharatesvaracarite and an anthology of poems known as Padajati, which latter composition has made him 1. Kavicarite, II, p. 229. 2. Ibid, II, p. 244. 3. Ibid, II, pp. 251-252,

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 381 famous in Kannada literature. 1 Another prominent writer connected with Muqubidre was Nemanna, the disciple of Silabodhi. In A.D. 1559 he wrote Jnanabhaskaracarite. He took diksa and joined the group of Sravakas who had renovated the Hiriya basadi at Mudubidre.2 The cordial relations which prevailed between the different communities under Vijayanagara, which we have already referred to above, are further seen in connection with the work of Bahubali, who wrote the Nagakumaracarite (circa A.D. 1560). In this work he tells the following--That the guru of Sringeri Narasimhayati, called also Narasimha Bharati, was in the temple called Sarvatobhadra in that city ; and that the protector of this head of the Sringeri pontificate was the ruler of the south, Aritaya-ganderadavani, a devotee of Jina, Bhairavendra, ruling from his throne at Kelavane (Kervase ?).3 Now we know from independent evidence that Narasimha Bharati mentioned here was not the first of that name, who was the contemporary of the king Harihara Raya II.4 The Sringeri guru spoken of here must have been the second of that name, who was the contemporary of the Emperor Sri Ranga Raya, I. And, as regards Bhairavendra mentioned by Bahubali, we may identify him with Bhairarasa Odeyar of Karkala. This supposition is based on the Harihara matha inscription dated A.D. 1573 which contains the interesting information that Bhairarasa, Narasimha Bharati of Sringeri, the Emperor Sri Ranga Raya I, and Madhava Sarasvati, the head of the Hariharapura matha, were all 1. Kavicarite, II. pp. 276-280. Devacandra has some interesting details to give concerning him. Ibid, p. 276. 2. Ibid, II, p. 281. 3. Ibid, II, pp. 287-288. 4. 369 of 1927 ; M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 116-126.

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382 MEDIEVAL JAINISM contemporaries.1 There are two more details concerning Bahubali which may be noted. He relates that Lalitakirti, while expounding the Jina purana in the court of king Bhairavendra looked at him as if to enquire whether Bahubali could not put into verse the Sripancami story. It was this which made Bahubali write the story of Nagakumara.2 The Jaina guru spoken of here is to be identified with his namesake who has already figured as the vicarakarta of the public charities at Hiriangadi in A.D. 1579 in the previous pages. Another detail corroborates the statement we have made regarding Sringeri being a Jaina centre. At the end of his work Bahubali prays that the god Brahma on the Brahma pillar in front of the Parsvanatha basadi situated on the southern bank of the lake which lay near the hill Kundadri in Karnataka, may protect it. We know from the opening lines of his work that Sringeri itself was situated to the south of the hill Kundadri. This statement referring to the Parsvanatha basadi only confirms the epigraphic evidence we have cited above in regard to the Jaina influence at Sringeri in the sixteenth century. A.D. Quite a number of Jaina literary men are met with in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. Some are insignificant like Srutakirti, the author of Vijayakumariyacarite, and the disciple of Akalanka guru of Kanakagiri.5 But others were well known like Doddananka. This writer was the son of Bettada Gummi Setti of Nitturu. He wrote 1. M. A. R. for 1932, pp. 203-205. 2. Kavicarite, II, p. 288. 3. Ibid, II, p. 290. 4. Ibid, II, p. 287. 5. Ibid, II, p. 299.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 383 Candraprabhasat padi in Saka 1500 (A.D. 1578).1 What an abiding influence the efforts of the early Vijayanagara monarchs must have had in bringing the various communities on the platform of mutual goodwill and sympathy, and of especially inculcating the spirit of toleration in the minds of the Jainas and the Hindus, is seen from the writings of Padmarasa, the talented son of the scholar Padmanoopadhyaya. Padmarasa wrote the Sringarakathe in the Candranatha basadi of Kelasuru alias Cchatratrayapura in Saka 1521 (A.D. 1599). In this work Padmarasa, who was the disciple of Bhattakalanka, and who traced his descent from Brahmasuri Panaita, who was well versed in the Jaina sastras, logic, and grammar, praises Siva, Parvati, and Ganesa at the beginning of his work. Evidently Padmarasa, like Mallinatha Suri Kolacala, was an exceedingly broadminded and generous writer. To the year A.D. 1600 may be assigned six authorsVardhamana, Hamsaiaja, Devottama, Payanavrati, Sringarakavi, and Brahmakavi. The versatile Vardhamana was the disciple of Davendrakirti. He belonged to the lineage which had produced the celebrated Vadi Vidyananda. It was he who composed the Pancabasti record which we have utilized in connection with our remarks on many of the Jaina gurus of the mediaeval times. The fact that this record contains verses in Sanskrit and Kannada shows that Vardhamana was well versed in both the languages.3 Hamsaraja was also called sringarakavi, and his guru was also styled Devendrakirti, but probably hailing from Sravana Belgola. 1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 303-4 ; M. A. R. for 1913-14, p. 58. 2. Kavicarite, II, pp. 315-316. 3. E. C. IV, Nr. 36, pp.146-150; Kavicarite, II, pp. 316-317.

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384 MEDIAEVAL JAINISM Hamsaraja's work was called Ratnakaradhisvarasataka (circa A.D. 1600).1 A grammarian and a lexicographer, Devottama wrote the Nanartharatnakara assigned to circa A.D. 1600.2 Another lexicographer was his contemporary Sringarakavi, the author of the Karnataka Sanjivana.3 It was asserted in the last chapter that Penugonda was a centre of the Bhavyas. The life of Payanavrati, also called Parsvavarni, bears this out. This writer hailed from Nandiyapura near Penugonda. He started life as a teacher of the Jina dharma to the Bhavyas. From his childhood he showed signs of being a clever poet ; and in his fifty-fifth year he took diksa at the hands of Laksmisenamuni of the Sena gana in the Parsvanatha basadi of Penugonda. It was because of this that he was called Parsvavarni. His work is styled Samyaktvakaumudi. Brahmakavi is remembered only because of his Vajrakumaracarite.5 That Srirangapaytana contained, indeed, a Jaina temple is proved by the life of Payanamuni, who wrote the Sanatkumaracarite in the Adi Jinesa basadi of srirangapattana in about A.D. 1606.6 With him were other well known Jaina writers of the first half of the seventeenth century A.D. The most important among them was Pancabana. It is interesting to note that his guru was the Sthanika Cannapayya. Pancabana was a 1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 328-329. 2. Ibid, II, pp. 330-331. 3. Ibid, II, pp. 338-339. Santarasa, who wrote the Yogaratnakara, also belonged to the same age. But nothing is known of him. Ibid., p. 340. 4. Ibid, II, pp. 332-333. 5. Ibid, II, p. 341. 6. Ibid, II, p. 352.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 385 native of Sravana Belgola ; and in his work Bhujabalcarite (A.D. 1614) he tells us that the famous head anointing cere: mony of Gommatanatha was performed in A.D. 1612.1 And the head-anointing ceremony of the other famous statue of Gommata of Karkala was performed by the king Immadi Bhairavendra of Karkala in A.D. 1646. This we gather from Candrama's Karkala Gommatesvaracarite, which was written at the command of Lalitakirti and under the patronage of the same ruler Bhairavendra.? One of the last Jaina literary writers who falls within the limits of our study is Devarasa (circa A.D. 1650). In his Gurudattacarite he tells us that near the town of Pugatataka in Karnataka, was a hill which contained the basadi of Parsvajina. On this hill, the author narrates, the famous Jina sage Pujyapada has conducted experiments in alchemy (Siddharasa).3 The Jainas have written not only on purely literary and theological subjects but also on those pertaining to medicine. The Vijayanagara age, it may be observed here, contained quite a number of clever physicians--both Brahman and Jaina--who have been noticed in literature and records. A peculiarity of the Jainas is that they have left evidence of their knowledge of medicine in literary works. In the early Vijayanagara period the most well known 1. Kavicarite, II. pp. 351-359. 2. Ibid, II. pp. 371-372. 3. Ibid, II. pp. 391-392. Payanavarni, the disciple of Panditacarya and a native of Sravana Belgola, composed in Kannada in A.D. 1659 jnanacandracarite. This story, according to the author, was originally written in Praksit by Vasavacandra, and subsequently rendered into Kannada sat padi by Pujyapadayogi, and Payanavarni wrote in the sangat ya metre basing it on the sat padi work. M. A. R. for 1919, p. 53. M.J. 13.

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386 MEDIEVAL JAINISM Jaina author was Mangaraja I (circa a.d. 1360). He was the official placed over the city of Muguli which was the capital of Devalige in the Hoysala kingdom. His guru was Pujyapadamuni, who may have been the same scholar who rendered into Kannada Vasavacandra's work in Prakrit. Whatever that may be, Mangaraja I's great work was called Khagendramanidarpana. He was awarded quite a number of titles among which were the following---Akhilavidyajalanidhi, Sahityavaidyambunidhi, and Bhisagvaratilaka. His work deals with poisons, and he tells us that he has utilized Pujyapada's celebrated work on medicine, while delineating the portion on the conduct of a thousand immoveable kinds of poisons. 1 From Mangaraja I to the next Jaina writer on medicine Sridharadeva (circa A.D. 1500) is, indeed, a wide gap which cannot be easily explained. Sridharadeva's work was called Vaidyamita which was written at the instance of Municandra. Bacarasa was another Jaina author on medicine. He too belonged to the same age. He was the son of Camundaraya, and was known as Sujanaikabandhava. His work was known as Asvavaidya (circa A.D. 1500), which deals with all details concerning horses and their ailments.:: The author of the famous Bharata mentioned above, Salya, is also noted for his work called Vaidyasangatya.+ Padmana Pandita, the son of Deparasa of Kanakapura, seems to have followed the lead of Bacarasa. For Padmarasa wrote in A.D. 1627 Hayasarasamuccaya dealing mi 1. Kavicarite, I. pp. 417-422. 2. Ibid, II. p. 166. 3. Ibid, II. p. 171. 4. Ibid, II. p. 250.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 387 nutely with the forms, kinds, ailments, etc., of horses. This work was written at the command of Camaraja, the king of Mysore, and is therefore, also known as Camarajiya.1 With him the long list of eminent Jaina writers who have contributed to literature and science is brought to an end, at least so for as the Vijayanagara age is concerned. 1. Kavicarite II, pp. 368-369.

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Abbalur, 281. Abeya Macara, 339. Abhinava Pampa, 266. Abhiramadevaraya, 265. INDEX Acaladevi, Senior Herggaditi, 169. Acyuta Raya, king, 323, 358. Adala-vamsa, 285. Adavani, 337. Adi Dasa, 328, 330. Adi (Pampa), 265. Adipurana, 38, 265, Adi tirtha, 189--190. Kopana. See also Aditya (Arasaditya), king, 133. Adharmastikaya, tenet, 292. Advaitism, 49, 206, 357. Agali, 239. Agama, 160, 171. Agani Bommayya, 348. Agasuje Jagad, 325. Agastya, sage, 373. Agrahara Kellangere (Hari harapura, 144 (n). Agrahara of Kuppatur, 159. Agrahara Isavura, 177. Agrahara of the Thousand of Saliyur, 259. Agumbesime, 228 (n). Aharadani, formula, 97. Aharisti, a sect, 34. Ahavamalla, king, 51, 52, 53, 106. Ahumalla, chief, 146. Ahicchatrapura capital), 92. Aidavalige, 338. Ajana, 341, 342(n). Ajanrpa, 342 (n). Ajitapurana, 42. Ajitanathapurana, 111. Ajivikas, a sect, 218, 219, 219 (n) 220, 221, 221 (n), 222, 223, (Ganga Akalankade vacarita, 35. Akalavarsaprthvivallabha, king, see Krsna I Akalavarsa (II), king, 89. Akasa, tenet, 242. Akhilavidyajalanidhi, 386. Akkavve, 150, Aksapada, philosopher, 76. Alagarkoil, 244. Alara, 240. Alinadu, 278. Allappa Adhikari, 361. Alupas, the, 115, 352. Alupa-Pandya relations, the, 276. Aluru taluka, 301. Alvars, the, (Vaisnava saints), 272, 279. Amara, 141. Amba, 344. Ambavana Setti, 345-7. Ambu, river, the, 345. Amgas, the, 251, 251(n). Amitagatisravakacara, (Kannada work), vrtti to, 376. Amma II, Vijayaditya VI, king, 251, 252. Ammana, 178. Amoghavarsa Atisayadhavala, 38 (n), 235. 267. Amoghavarsa III, king, 105. Amrtapura, 152. Anamalai, hills, 244 (n), 278 (n). Anandur, 91, 160. Anantakavi, author, 111. Anantanompi, 351. I, Nrpatunga, king, 38, Anantapur district, 253, 253 (n). Anantavarmadeva, king, 253. Anapaya Cola (Kulottunga Cola Deva II), king, 274, Andayya, author, 266.

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390 Andhradesa, see Telugu land. Anegondi, Anegundi, 288, 290. Anekantamata, the, 154, 160162, 173, 182, 184, 204, 217, 243, 251, 254, 278, 2812, 293, 299, 301, 312-3, 316, 333, 363-4, 366. Anevalu, 331. Angadi, village, see also Sasakapura, 29, 60-62, 65, 70, 71 (n), 72 (n), 74. Angara, chief, 79. Anjukottai, 358. INDEX Anniga Bira Nolamba, king, 69. Anuprekse, 377. Anvaya- Arungula, see below Irungala, 44, 54, 66, 81, 96, 150-160. Dravila, 29. Irungala, 83, 96, 158. Jainalapaka, 264. Jimutavahana, 193. Kalkidevaysar, 155. Kandali, 176, 181. Kondakunda, 13, 37, 61, 65, 76, 90, 113, 128, 201, 338, 372. Mulabhadra, 176, 181. Pasana, 174. Pattavardhika, 252. Pusta, 97. Sangha, 251. Sena, 246. Talakola, 203. Appar, saint, 220, 268, 274, 278, 279(n). See also Dharmasena and Vagisa. Aradhanakosa, 229, 231. Araga, 288, 334, 371. Arekella Sri, chief, 69, 70. Arakottara, 133, 183. Arasikabbe, 131. Arasiyakere, town, 148, 149, 214, 215. Arasiyakere taluka, 256. Aravidu, royal family, 2. Areya Mareya Nayaka, 184. Arhad Sasana, 161. Arhat Sronavimsatikoti, 189, 191. Arhats, the, 31, 235. Arikesari, Western Calukya king, 265. Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman, Pandyan king, 275, 276, 276 (n), 277. See also Kun Pandya. Arikuthara, 327. Arkalgud taluka, 95. Armenia, 369. Arthasastra of Kautalya, 221. Arumulideva, 159. Asadacarya, 220. Asamitra, 220. Asela, 240. Asoka Emperor, 6(n), 15, 189. Asuvimakkal, see also Ajivikas, the, 221, 222. Asvavaidya, 386. Atibhaktanayanar, saint, 273. Attilinandu, province, 252. Attimabbe, 127, 146, 151, 156, 157, 162. Attimakkan Sambukula Perumal, king, 249 (n). Aulukya Rohagupta, Kanada, 220. Avali, province, 313, 323, 331-3. Avanyadesa, 364. Avinita, king, 8 (n), (n), 10, 18, 19 (n), 93. Avujanna 330. Avyakta, tenet, 220. Ayatavarma, author, 376. Aybavalli, 96. Ayya, 95, 158. Ayyana Mahadevi, queen, 251-2. Ayyaparya, author, 263. Ayyappa, chief, 69. Ayyangar, S. K., Dr., scholar, 218 (n), 232 (n), 242 (n). Ayyavarma, king, 8 (n). Ayyavole, 179. Ayyavole, 500 Svamis of, 180.

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Bacaladevi, 160, 162. Bacale, 182. Bacarasa, author, 386. Badami, 274. Badaneguppe, 18 (n). Badara tank, 182. Badayya, 338. INDEX Badavaraksetra, 31 Baganabbe, 137 137 (n). Bagavalli, 136. Bagiyur, 28, 107. Bagunje, 313, 320-1. Bahubali colossi, 367. See also Gummata. Bahubalicaritra salaka, 111. Bahubali kevali, 90, 110, 186. Bahubali Setti, 184. Baica Raja, 320. Baicayya, 305 (n). Baiduru, Bainduru, 379. Baki, 158. Bala-Caugalanad, 338. Balagara, 327. Balari, 287. Bale-Honnur, 54 (n). Balenad, 338. Bali, king, 210. Bali Ghanasoka, 341, 342. See also Hanasoge below. Hanasoge, 129, 183, 328, 342. Ingalesvara, Ingulesvara, 137, 149, 181, 198, 212, 261, 329, 330, 365. Panasoge 342. See above Hanasoge. Vanada, 182. Baligrama, 43, 113, 208. Balipura, 208. Balinagara, 113. Balla Gauda, 286. Ballala I, king, 77, 78, 115, 118, 134, 177, 266, 351. Ballala II, Vira Ballala, king, 81-83, 136, 142, 143, 147, 148, 148 (n), 149-152, 169, 181, 209-211, 211(n). Ballala III, king, 86, 153, 184, 204, (n). 391 Ballappa, 201. Ballayya, 151. Balligame, 49, 57, 185, 202-204, 285. Bamma, 167. Bammadeva, minister, 150. Bammaladevi, 146. Baminarasa, 285. Bammeyanahalli, 150, 169. Bana, author, 221, 372. Banakula, 88. Bananju, Banajamu, 181, 206. See also Vira Banajigas. Banavasenad 12000, 49, 112-3, 155, 159, 203, 205, 285, 336. Banavasepura, 144(n), 203, 340. Banavasi, 307, 335 (n). Bandadi, 364 (n). Bandanike (Bandalike), a tirtha, 156, 159, 207-9, 287, 339. Bandhavangara, Bandhavapura, see above Bandanike, 207, 209, 308. Banduvala, 343. Bankanabalilu, 346. Bankapura, 27, 89, 129, 144. Bankeyarasa, 89. Bankur, 193. Bannikere, 160-1. Bantavala, 364 (n). Barakuru, 262, 359. Barakuru-rajya, 352. Barma, 159. Basa, 107. Basadi Abbe, 199. Abhinava Santinatha, 83. Adataraditya, 96. Adi Jinesa, 384. Adinatha, 211, 358. Adinathesvara, 364. Adi Paramesvara, 327-8, 359. Adisvara, 181. Ammanavara, 362. Ananta Jina, 364. Anantanatha, 346. Anantatirtha, 341. Arasiya, 198.

Page #411
392 Aregalla, 122. Arhat, 17, 34. Bailangadi, 359. Balivane, 199. Bandatirtha, 97. Bhavyacudamani, 81, 143. See also Caturvimsati below. Bhima Jinalaya, 259. Bhujabala Santara Jinalaya, 90. Biduga Jinalaya, 256. Brahma Jinalaya, 159, 259, 261. Cakeyanahalli, 137. Calukya-Ganga Permmanadi Jinalaya, 57. Camundaraya, 116. Candra Jinamandira, 352. Candranatha, 112, 197, 257, 313, 339, 353, 356, 357, 383. Candranthasvami, 24, Candraprabha, 328. Cangalva, 95, 158. Caturmukha, 363. Caturvimsati, 81, 143. Caturvimsati Tirthankara INDEX Jinalaya, 142, 143. Caturvimsati Tirthankara, of Kopana, 152. Cenna Parsva, 42, 53, 94, 205, 253. Cenna Parsvanatha, 168. Cikka, 347. Cikkamagadi, 148. Cippagiri, 301. Cokkamayya Jinalaya, 351. Droharagharatta 129, 130. Jinalaya, Ekkoti Jinalaya, 184. Erega Jinalaya, 151, 336 (n), 205. Gandhavarana, 40, 74. Ganga Jinalaya, 162. Guddada, 90. Guru, 353. Guruvayinakere, 368. Harige, 178. Heggara, 310. Hire Cauti, 335(n). Hire Nemisvara, 362, 363. Hiriya, 181, 204, 381. Hisugal, 337. Honneyanahalli, 261. Hosa, 352, 353. Hosakote, 164. Jainendra Caitya, 255, 256. Jajahuti Santinatha, 203, 285. Jina Caityalaya, 88. Jinendra, 88, 196. Jogavattige, 182. Kalbappu tirtha, 77. Kali Hoysala, 85. Kalla, 320, 321. Kallu, 258. Kanakagiri, 301. Kanaka Jinalaya, 195, 205. Katakabharana, 252. Katna, 135. Kattale, 43, 55. Kesava Astopavasa Bhalara, 203. Kolugana, 153. Kumbhasikepura, 90. Kuntalapura, 161, 260. Kunthu (Kundu) Jinanatha, 306. Kuppatur, 205, 308. Kurugodu, 358. Laksmi Jinalaya, 100. Lokanathesvara, 359. Lokatilaka, 24, 155. Lokiyabbe, 258. Mabu Gauda, 346. Magudi, 181. Makara Jinalaya, 62. Maleyur Parsvanatha, 375. Malli, 80. Mallikamoda Santinatha (Santitirthesa), 114, 203. Mandara, 146. Mangayi, 299, 326, 347. Manikavolal, 133, 147. Mari Setti, 206. Mayadavolal, 168. Mulasthana, 164.

Page #412
INDEX 393 svajinalaya, 182. Mulugunda, 39, 337. Nadumba, 251. Nagara Jinalaya (Srinilaya), 82, 151, 175, 183. Nagarakeri, 341. Nakhara Jinalaya, 176, 177, 248. Nandana, 203. Nandi Hill, 255, 256. Nelavatti, 178. Nemi Jina caityalaya, 346. Nemisvara, 98, 99. Niravadyayya, 174, Padmavati, 65, 331. Paliyakka, 200. Panca, ii, 20, 21, 91, 160, 164, 205, 260, 351. Pancakuta, Panca, or Urviti lakam, 159, 160, 162, 200. Paravadimalla, 151. Parsvadeva, 158, 205. Parsvajina, 385. Parsvajinesa, 350. Parsvanatha, 44, 75, 95, 126, 129, 131, 133, 135 (n), 169, 182, 206, 211, 253, 288, 302-3, 327, 339, 352, 354, 357, 364, 365, 382, 384. Parsvanathesvara, 346. Parsyatirthesvara, 355. Pattada, 92, 93. Pattanasvami, 174. Peruru Evani Adigal Arhat, 18. Polalu, 90. Ponninatha. 249. See also Viravira Jinalaya below. Pratapapura, 145. Rajaraja, 253. Ratnatraya, 148, 208. Ravanduru, 330. Rupanarayana, 145, 207. Sadhana, 363. Sahasrakuta, 148, 149, 214, 215 (n). Sankala, 338. Sankha, 28 (n), 42, 327, 343. Santaladevi, 198. Santi 335 (n'). Santinatha, 55, 180, 209, 211 2, 259, 260, 356, 361, 378. Santinathesvara, 364. Santitirthankara, 335. Santisvara, 130, 260. Santitirthesa, 113. Sarvalokasraya, 251-2. Satyavakya, 97. Savanta, 137, 149, 207. Savatigandhavarana, 166. Siddhanta, 353. Sikarpura, 177. Singanagadde, 356. Sode Jaina matha, 343, 343 (n). Sravana Belgola sthana, 143, 150. Srivijaya 19(n), 38. Tagdur, 245. Tadatala Parsvanatha, 258, 288, 291, 296. Timmabbarasiya, 198. Tirtha, 28 (n), 175, 198, 199, 257. Tirthankara, 362. Tirupparuttikunru, 249(n). Trailokyanatha, 301-305. Trailokyaranjana (Boppana. caitya), 130. Tribhuvanatilakacudamani, See Hosabasadi. Trikuta, 133, 149. Trikutacala, 315. Trikutaratnatraya - Nrsimha Jinalaya, also called Triku taratnatraya Santinatha, 85. Uranur Arhat, 18. Urvitilakam, see above under Pancakuta. Vadigharatta Ajitasena Pan dita, 91, 160. Vallimalai, 243. Varanga Neminatha, 301. Vardhamanasvami, 318, 340, 341. Vedal, 247. Vijayanatha, 328. on

Page #413
394 INDEX Vijaya Parsvanatha, 84, 294, Belur kingdom, 295. 295. Belvola country, 58. Vimalanatha, 365. Belvulanad, 378. Vira Ballala, 82. Benares, 24, 42, 229, 230, Vira Kongalva, 166. 230(n), 296. Viravira, 249. Bettada Gummi Setti, 382. Visnuvardhana, 140, 164. Bettadapura, 314-5. Yamagumbha, 316. Betur, 100. Yekkoti, 152. Bezwada, 252, 272. Basaruru, 353. Bhadra, village, 54 (n). Basava, the great, 280, 282. Basavadeva Setti, 295. Bhadra, river, 357. Bhadraraya Setti, 259. Basavadeva, chief, 340. Bhagadatta, mythical Ganga Basavanka, 376. Basavatti, 24. prince, 92. Basavayya, 151. Bhagirathi, 320. Basavapattana, 211. Bhagna, a sect, 219, 220. Basaya, 121. Bhairarasa Odeyar, Tuluva Bastayi, 325. king, 320-1, 344, 352, 363, Bastihalli, 80, 84, 126, 133, 201, 373, 377, 381. 211. Bhairava, Santara king, 359. Bastihosakote, 164. Bhairava II, king, 344. Basavi (Busuyi) Setti Sangha- Bhairava Odeyars, the, 280, nayaka, 289-291. 313, 361(n). Bauddha system, the, 27, 71, 371. Bhairavamba, 343, 344. Bauddhas, the, 35, 49, 293, 350. Bhairavendra, king, 362, 381, Bauddhagama, samaya, 94. 382, 385. Bayalnad, 132. Bhaktas, the, see under SriBayinad, 309, 351. vaisnavas. Bedars, 315. Bhanusakti, king, 34. Bednur, 297. Bhanuvarma. king, 33. Bekka, village, 81, 143, 170. Bharangi, 339, 350. Belagavattinad, 152, 170, 197. Bharangiyur, 207. Belame, 300, 307, Bharata, king, 110, 186. Belare, 75. Bharata, country, 113, 345. Belgali, 137. Bharata, 263, 380, 386. Belgaum district, 25, 25(n), 98. Bharata (Vikramarjuniya ViBelgerepattana, 135. jaya), 265. Belgola 12 division, 77. Bharatesvaracarita, 380. Belgulanadu, 326. Bharatatirtha Sripada, 223 (1). Bellary district, 42, 53, 106, Bharatisetti, 82. 253, 301, 338. Bellumbatte, 182. Bharavi, poet, 9 (n). Bellur, 64. Bhasa, poet, 158 (n). Belur, 46 (n), 120, 131, 138, Bhaskara, author, 376. 292, 294-7, 364-5. Bhattas, the, 350. Bhautika, philosophical system, Belur hobli, 75. Bhattakala, 82-eda, 223 (n). 76.

Page #414
INDEX 395 see, 13, 179. Booysala Bhavyas, the, 82, 101, 113, 180- 2, 206-8, 212, 214-5, 257, 260, 290, 291, 320, 330, 333-5, 350, 352, 384. Bhavyajana, 373. Bhiksus, the, 219 (n Bhima Devi, queen, 299, 3 Bhisagvaratilaka, 386. Bhogaraja, 338. Bhogapura, 253. Bhoja, king, 55, 57. Bhujabalacarite, 385. Bhujabala Ganga Barmma (Brahma) Deva, king, 91-3. Bhujabala Ganga Hemmadi Mandhata, 160. Bhujabala Permmadideva, king, 162. Bhujabala, Santara king, 90, 160. Bhujabalasataka, 111. Bhutuga, king, 104-5, 157, 201. Bhutugendra Gunaduttaranga, king, 26. Bhutuga Permanadi, king, 38 (n). Bhuvalokanathapura, 261. Bhuvalokanathavisaya, 261. Bhuvanapradipika, 233. Bhuvaya Nayaka, 169. Bhuvi Deva, 169. Bhuvikrama, king, 10. Bidire, 373. See also Mudubi dire. Bidiru, 318. See also Venu pura and Mudubidire. Bidirur, 313. Biditi, 325. Bijakanabayal, 175. Bijapur district, 106, 193. Bijavada, 251-2. Bijavolal, 140. Bijjala, king, 147, 281. Bijjala Rani, queen, 83. Bilica (Basavapattana), 211. Bili Gaunda, 184. Bilige, 373-4, 379 (n'). Biliya Setti, 95. Bimilapatam taluka, 253. Bindayya, 240. Bineya Bammu Setti, 177. Birabbarasi, queen, 91, 160. Bira Deva, 160. Bittayya, 207. Bittideva, chief, 94, 179. Bittiga (Ganga), 131. Bittigadeva, see Visnuvardhana Hoysala king. Bogara Devi Setti, 356. Bombay Presidency, 340. Bommala Devi, 361. Bommana, 335, 348. Bommana Gauda, 331. Bominana Setti, 342, 357, 364. Bommarasa, 379. Bopana, 152. Boppa (Brahma) Deva, ruler, 207-9. Boppa Devi, 131. Boppa Gauda, 286. Boppavve, 165. Boppayya, 327. Brhat katha. See Vaddakatha Brahmacari, 325. Brahmakavi, 383-4. Brahma-ksatra race, 102. Brahma Nemidatta, 230(n), 231. Brahmasuri (Bommarasa Upa. dhyaya), 378. Brahmans, the, 18 (n), 24, 93, 159, 171, 214, 246, 248, 284, 286-7, 293, 297(n), 309, 321. Brahmanism, 190, 280. Brahmasamudra, 132. Brhaspati, 142. Bucana, 179. Bucsukundi, 196. Budanagere, 161. Buddha, the great, 36, 113, 189. 191, 285, 293. Buddhas, the Four, 189. Buddhism, 6, 16, 189, 190. Buddhists, the, 187, 192, 221, 231-3. Budihalsime, 310. Buki, 158.

Page #415
396 INDEX Bukka Raya I, king, 288, 290 4, 296, 299, 302, 304, 323, 326-7, 335 (n). Bukka Raya II, 300, 305. Bukkavve, queen, 302. Bulla II, 350. Bulla Gauda, 350. Burgess, J., scholar, 188 (n). Buvinhalli, 257. Cagiyabbeganti, 356. Caki Raja, noble, 88. Caladanka Ganga, 107. Caladanka Hede Jiya, 180. Caldwell, scholar, 264 (n). Calukya empire, the Western, 58, 123, 125, 148. Calukyas, the Eastern, 272. Calukyas, the Western, 41-3, 53, 55, 62, 102, 105, 106, 115. 123, 125, 284. Calukyas, the Western (minor branch), 257. Calya, 79. See also Salya. Cama Deva, 124. Camakabbe, 257. Camaraja, king, 387. Camekamba, 252. Campaka, 327. Camundarayapurana, 102, 104, 107-8, 193. Camundi Hill, 259. Canda Gaunda, 331, 332. Canda Gaundi, 332. Candappa, 328. Candavve, 354 Candavuru, 340, 345. Candiyabbe Gavundi, 158. Candiyakka, 356. Candragiri Hill, 4, 185. Candragupta II, king, 4 (n). Candragupta Maurya, king, 3, 40, 67. Candragutti, 307. Candrama, author, 385. Chandramabandi (Vontikola), 193. Candramuli, minister, 150. Candraprabha, the Eight Tir thankara, 380. Candraprabhacarite, 380. Candraprabhapurana, 38 (n). Candraprabhasat padi, 383. Candrasale, the, 64, 65. Candrayana rites, 98, 196. Candrendra, 338. Cangaldesa, 315 (n). Cangalva, chief, 97-8, 115, 379. Cangalvas, the, 95, 97, 115, 200, 280, 313-6. Cangalva tirtha, 199. Canganad, 97, 314. Cannagiri taluka, 211. Caranas, the, 246. Carvakas, the, 350. Carvaka philosophy, 76. Cataveganti, 339. Cattaladevi, 159-161, 201. Cattikabbe, 179. Caturbhakti, 162. Caudale, 138. Caundale, 131. Caundiyakka, 170. Cavaladevi, 134. Cavana (Cama') Raja, 131. Cayimayya, great minister, 168. Cavudi Setti, 348-9. Cayana, 327. Cekkangadi, 364 (n). Celleketana (Cellapataka) family, 89, 144 (n). Cellapille, 261. Cengiri, country, 123, 139. Cengiri, ruler, 139. Cenna Bommarasa, minister, 314. Cennakka, 331. Cennavira Odeyar, chief, 349. Cennayya, 348 Ceram, country, 13. Ceras, the, 123. Ceras, the rulers, 139. Ceylon, 224, 240. Chamarajanagara, 131, 133, 327, 375. Chamarajanagara taluka, 79, 257, 293, 327.

Page #416
Charlu, C. R. K. scholar, 187 (n), 190, 193 (n), 194 (n), 195 (n), 198 (n). Charpentier, J., scholar, 3(n), 219 (n). Chikamagalur taluka, 69, 75, 168, 339. Chikkodi taluka, 98. China, 370 Chingleput district, 249 (n), 301, 305. INDEX Chitaldroog district, 15, 88, 106, 124, 205. Christianity, 375. Cidanandakavi, author, 4, 109. Cikkamayya, 358. Cikka Betta, 3, 26, 103, 111. See also Kalbappu. Cikka Hanasoge, 156, 173, 199, 315, 358. Cikka Jigalige, 337. Cikka Magadi, 225 (n). Cikka Mahalige, 338. Cikka Muguli, 183. Cikkana, 348. Cikkana Gauda, 331. Cikur, 193 (n). Cilukunda, 315. Cinna, 167. Cinnamalli, 193. Cinnavara Govinda Setti, 310. Cintamani, 263, 264, 264 (n). Citaral, 246. Citrahasuge, 266. Coimbatore district, 112, 248, 339. Cola country, 217 (n), 246, 279. Colas, the, 63, 96, 115, 119, 119 (n), 120-3, 125, 131. Conjeeveram taluka, 24 (n), 301. Coorg, 95, 97 115-6, 239, 280. Cudamani (Culamani), 263. 264. Cuddapah district, 11, 40, 252. 338. Dadiga, prince, 11, 13, 16 (n), 92-3, 397 Dadiganakere, 136. Dakarasa, 134. Damakirti, the Bhojaka, 32. Danada Setti, 356. Danavulapadu, 40, 252, 323, 338-9. Dandanayaka--- Amrta, 151-2. Aprameya Cola, 64 (n), 69 (n). Bahubali, 136, 149. Baica I, 300-4. Baica II, 307, 336. Baladeva, 114, 133. Bamma, elder brother Ganga Raja, 116, 137(n). Barmmadeva, 57. Bettarasa, 287. of Bharata, Bharatesvara I, 114, 134-6, 149, 170. Bharata II, 136, 149. Bharatesvaras, the, 137 (n). Bhujabala Permmadi Bitti deva, 179. Bittideva Hoysala Sahani, 121. See Ganga Raja below. Bittimayya, 140 (n). Bommana Heggade, 364. Boppa, 84, 114, 116, 130-1, 134, 137, 148, 163, 165. Buci Raja, 149. Budhamitra, see Eciganka. Bukkana, 304. Camunda Raya, 47, 50, 1024, 106-8, 108 (n), 109-112, 127, 128, 140, 145, 185-6, 193, 223 (n), 278, 284-5, 339, 363, 386. Candramauli, 169. Cinna Raja, 138. Dabhrabhakta. See also Siruttonda. Devappa, 371. Deva Raya, 140. Eca I, 116. Eca II, 114, 116, 137, 197. Eca III, 137 (n). Ecana, 130, 197.

Page #417
398 INDEX Eciganka, 116. Eci Raja, 126. Ereyangamayya, 146. Ganga Raja, 114, 116-9, 121- 132, 134, 137, 137(n), 139- 140, 145-7, 162-3, 197, 258, 258(n). Gopa, 308. Gunda, 292. Fulla, 80-1, 140-5, 197, 201. Immadi Bittimayya, Visnu, 137-140, 140 (n). Irugappa, Irugendra, 292, 302-8, 367. Isvara, 140, 146, 168. Jiyanta, 32. Kalana, 98-9, 180. Kamana, 340. Kameya, 345. Kariyappa, 351. Kesiraja, 280. Keteya, 153. Kuci Raja, 307, 329. Madhava, 152-3, 153 (n). Mahadeva, 151. Mallappa, 156. Malliyanna, 204. Mangappa, 304. Mangarasa, 38(n), 315, 315(n), 316, 379. Mariyane, 114, 134-7, 137 (n), 146. Masana, 129. Mudda, 337-8. Pancava Maharaya, 95. Parsvadeva, 146. Punisa I (grandfather), 131. Punisa II, 114, 131-2, 163 Reca, Recarasa, 147-9, 181, 197, 208, 209, 214. Santa, 380. Santinatha, 112-3, 203. Santiyanna, 140, 146. Sikka Devanna Annamalai devar, 222. Simha, 34. Somana, 340. Someya, 85. Surya, 164. Viliharasa 352. Dandavati, river, 64, 71. Danivasa, 349. Dantidurga, king, 35, 35(n), 36. Danube, the, 369. Darsanasara, 233. Dasaratha, Emperor, 97, 200, 200 (n), 255. Dasapura, 229. Davanagere, 164. Daya-tigamati, 158. Deki Setti, 259. Delhi, 365, 371. Deparasa, 386. Desabhaga, 295. Desai, P. B., scholar, 187 (n), 190 (n), 193 (n). Desil, 364 (n). Deva Bhupa, 346. Devacandra, author, 4, 111, 224, 229. Devala Devi, queen, 83. Devanahalli taluka, 195. Devanna Setti, 357. Devappa, 380. Devappa Setti, 295. Devaprthvimaharnahattu, 295. Deva Raja, minister, 140-1. Devarasa, 328, 385. Deva Raya I, king, 299, 300, 300 (n), 302 (n), 308, 329, 340, 378. Deva Raya II, king, 301-2, 306 7, 324, 326, 352-3, 377-9. Deva Raya, Saluva king, 343 Pevalignalli , 357. Del 349, 32, Saluva 1: 372-9. Devarasi, 346. Devavarma, king, 34, 223. Devile, 315. Devisetti, 82. Devottama, 383-4. Dhanyakataka, 272. Dhara, 55, 57, 85. Dharansndra, 255. Dharmanathapurana, 375-6.

Page #418
INDEX 399 Eighteen visaya, the, 221 Ekanta Basavesvara, 293. Ekanta Ramayya, 280-1, 293. Ekasilanagara (Warangal), 263. Ekkala, king, 164-5. Ekkasambuge (Eksambi), 98. 223. Ekkasambuge Talasamasta, 180 Elacarya, see Kundakunda. Ela, Elesinga, Elacarya, Elela, 240, 241 (n). Elamballi, 259. Eleyur, 262. Erad .. yanad, 338. Era Krsnappa Nayaka, 297. Ereyanga Hoysala' Yuvaraja, prince, 76, 77, 77 (n), 138. Ereyappa, Ganaga king, (Niti margga II), 95, 105, 173. Europe Central, 369 Dharmapuri, 238. Dharmasarmabhyudaya, 379. Dharmasena, tenet, 242. Dharmasena, see Appar above. Dharwar, district, 1 Dhavala, 353. Dhinasa (Brhaspati), 48. Dhruva Nirupama Dharavarsa, king, 25. Digambara sect, 32, 36, 191, 220-22, 367-8. Digambara darsana, 238 (n). Diksitar, V. V. R. Scholar, 218(n). Dipanayaka, 261. Diskalkar, D. B., scholar, 195(n). Divakarasarvatithya, 177. Dodda Betta (Hill), 109, 143. Dodda Devappa, 348. Doddananka, author, 382. Doddana Setti, 356. Doddayya, author, 38 (n), 111, 380. Dorasamudra, 80, 82-5, 115, 126, 129-130, 133, 140, 212-3, 337. Dravida country, 188. Droharagharattacari, 130. Dudda Mahadeva, 165-6 Duddammallarasa, chief, 96. Duggale, 141. Duggamara Sri Narasingere Appor, prince, 24-5. Duggaraja, king, 252. Dumme, battle of, 124. Dundu Nirgunda Yuvaraja, 88, 155. Durgasakti, chief, 28 (n). Durgesa, 333. Durvinita, king, 8 (n), 9 in), 19 -20, 22-23 (n), 53, 265. Dvadasanuprekse, 378. Dyetreyasakha, 261. Ecana, minister, 152, 170, 197. Ededore Seventy, 91-2. Edemale 1,000, 174. Edenad, 133, 153, 159, 260, 337. Fergusson, J. scholar, 368. Fleet, J. F., Dr. scholar, 4(n), 7(n), 28(n), 187(n), 188 (n), 192(n). Gaccha Addakali, 251. Desika, 82. Gana, 178. Hottage, 97-8. Mesapasana, 14, 161, 178, 259. Nandi, 252. Pogale, 100. Pogari, 57. Pulikal. 88. Pustaka, 42, 61, 97-8, 120, 129. 136, 145, 165, 182, 183, 199, 200, 206-7, 210, 212, 313, 328-9, 350-1. Sarasvata, 338. Tagarigal, 96. Tintrinika, 100, 148, 151, 158, 165, 185, 208, 209, 259. Vakra, 56. Gadyacintamani, 50.

Page #419
400 INDEX Gajasastra, 265. Gana-- Balagara, 203. Balatkara, 84, 183, 200, 320, 338, 340, 364, 371. Desiya, 14, 61, 76, 94, 96-8, 113, 126, 129, 136, 145, 149, 152, 157-161, 165, 181, 200, 203, 206, 207, 210-12, 308, 320, 330, 333, 341, 343, 350, 365, 377. Deva, 42, 174. Dramila, ' Dravida, 44, 234 236. Eregittur, 88. Kalor, 330, 362. Kavaruri, 251. Kranur, 11, 14, 17 (n), 55, 96, 100, 148, 151, 161, 165, 206, 208, 209, 327, 359, 361. Nandi, 61 (n), 66, 160, 350. Pogariya, 245-6. Punnagavrksamula, 88, 98-9, 223. Sarasvati, 177. Sena, 57, 100, 235, 337, 384. Sruta, 330. Tavula, 158. Valahari, 251. Ganapatideva, king, 272. Gandhagudi, 261. Gandiva, Arjuna, epic hero, Ganga, philosopher, 200. Ganga Gangeya, king, see Bhutuga, king, Ganga Mahadevi, 160-1. Ganga Raja, see Nagavarma. Gangasamudra, 166, 325. Gangas, the 7, 7(n), 9, 9(n), 13, 26, 34, 41, 70, 77, 88, 92-3, 97, 102, 104, 105, 120, 127, 133, 144, 200, 201, 283, 284. Gangavadi, 96,000, 12-3, 25, 29, 34, 37, 68, 77, 123, 128, 133, 136, 160, 197. Gangavara, 195. Gangavati, 325. Ganges, the, 119, 343. Gangeyana Mara, 182. Ganitasarasangraha, 38. Gaudas, 180, 325, 326, 332, 354. Gautama, 219(n). Gavabbarasi, 159. Gavare 1,700, 180. Gavunda, 69. Gerasoppe, 313, 316, 339-350, 359, 364 (n), 372, 374. Gerasoppe-Nagiri kingdom, 352. Ghats, the western, 120, 122, 125, 335, 360. Giriyana Setti, 347. Girnar, 343. Godavari, the, 127, 343. God (Hindu) - Adi Varaha, 294, 321. Amrtesvara, 152. Balarama, 118. Brahma, 191 (n), 2 Caturanana, 372. Cenna Kesava, 198. Dhatri (Brahma), 286. Dhurjati, see Siva below. Ganesa, 383. Hara, 285. Hari, 113, 285. Hoysalesvara, 268(n). Indra, (Devendra), 40, 48, 92, 118, 214. Jalajabhava (Brahma), 129. Jayangondesvara, 132. Kesava, 292, 293. Mulasthana Gangesvara, 137. Narayana, 17. Pilduvi Isyaradeva, 97. Purusottama, 255. Purandara (Indra), 345. Rudra, 49, 113. Sahasravandana, 372. Sakti Ganapati, 314. Sambhu, 294, 321. Sanmukha, 79. Sauddharmendra, 93. Siva, 229, 281, 286, 293, 294, 296, 383. 119.

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INDEX 401 Skanda, 119. Somanatha, 281. Triyambaka, 17, 329. Ucchista Ganapati, 314. See Sakti Ganapathi. Vasava (Indra), 373. Virabhadra, 135 (n). Visnu, 17, 119, 168, 286. Yama, 122. God (Jaina) -- Abhinava Santinathadeva. 82. Adi, 176, 183. Adisvara, 358. Ananta, 331, 372. Anantanatha, 357. Ananta Tirthankara, 367. Arhat (Arhant), 13, 32, 162, 189, 191, 191 (n), 218, 247, 293. Arhat Paramesyara, 295. Candranatha, 257, 313, 343, 358, 360. Candraprabha, 198, 329, 333, 355, 357, Candraprabha Jina, 317. Candraprabhasvami. 248. Candraprabha Tirthankara, Gummatanathasvami, 309, 327, 351. Gummatasvami, 300, 307, 314, 325-6. Jina, 12, 21, 26-7, 30, 90-1, 93-4, '110,' 113,' 117, 127, 133-5, 142, 145, 148, 163, 171, 177, 214, 250, 286, 305, 310, 331, 336, 381. Jinanatha, 161. Jinapa Dharmanatha, 359. Jinapati, 169. Jina Raja, 135. Jinendra, 28 (n), 31, 33, 134, 160, 167, 169, 271, 286, 304. Jinesvara, 28, 148, 261, 361. Kalasanatha, 361. Kamalaksa, 285. Kamatha Parsvadeva, 181. Mallikamoda Santinatha, 43, 181, 204, Mudejina, 341. Nemisvara, 346, 360. Padmaprabha, 184. Parisya Tirthesvara, 294. Parsva, 129, 150. Parsvadeva, 143, 164. Parsvanatha, 129, 185, 200, 206, 229, 316, 318, 333, 342, 352, 355, 363. Parsva Tirthankara, 320. Prasanna Parsva, 261. Rasa Siddha, 338. Ratnatraya, 100. Ravi, 33. Santi Jina, 345. Santi Jinendra, 166. Santinatha, 40, 85, 149, 152, 196, 207-9, 252, 261, 287, 356. Santinatha Jinesvara, 338. Santinathasvami, 299. Santisvara, 358. Sarppesvara, 285. Siddhesvara, 286. Vardhamanasvami, 325. Vijayadeva, 329, 330. Vijaya Parsva, 80, 84, 129. C230brahmat Tirthar Cannigabrahmaraya, 316. Caturvimsati Tirthankara, 356. Cchaya Candranatha, 199. Cenna Parsvadeva, 86, 259. Dorbali, see Gomata, Gum mata below. Gomata, Gummata, colossi, 268, 364. Gomata, Karkala, 362, 377. Gomata, Sravana Belgola, 109-111, 119, 121, 180, 185 6, 233(n), 360, 368. Gomata, Venuru, 363, 385. Gommata, 127, 142, 182-3, 372. Gommatesvara, 91, 143, 306. Gummata, 376. Gummatadhisa, 349. Gummatanatha, 346-9, 385.

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402 INDEX 360. 0 Vitaraga, 285, 294, 309. Goddesses Bhagavati, 246. Laksmi, ii, 135. Manimekhalai, 221. Padmavati, 12, 71, 72 (n). 89, 200, 237, 316, Parvati, 383. Sarada, 373. Sarasvati, 48, 134, 371. Tara, 232. Vani, 372. Vasantikadevi, 61-2, 64, 72. Goggiga, Goggi, 159. Gokarna, 360. Golden Lily Tank, 279. Gollacarya, royal hermit, 98. See also Nutana Candila. Golla country, 98. Gomata Bhupala Prajansavala, 325. Gommatapura (Sravana Bel- gola), 142. Gommatasara, 14, 109. Gommatasara, a Kannada vitti to, 376. Gommata Setti, 182. Goinmatesvaracarite, 111. Gonibidu hobli, 29. Gonur, battle of, 104. Gopa Gauda, 350. Gopanna Odeyar, 352. Gopayi, 308. Gorava, 257. Goru Tukaram, 63(n). Gosala, see Markali below. Gosta Mahila, 220. Gotra Atreya, 94. Bharadvaja, 134. Kanyayana, 7, 16(n). Kasyapa, 263, 317. Kaundinya, 116. Vasista, 261. Visvamitra, 376. Gova Deva, chief, 94. Go-Vaidya, 267. Govardhanagiri, fort, 343, 347. Gove, Goa, 307. Govi Danimayya, 357. Govinda Pai, M., scholar 7(n), 9(n), 31(n). Govinda, Prabhutavarsa, III, king, 37, 88, 223. Govindara, 107. Govinda Raja 113. Govindavadi (Gangayadi), 127. Gubbi taluka, 181, 260. Gujjana, 178. Gulbarga district, 193. Gummana Setti, 356. Gummatastaka, 376. Gummatana, 347. Gummata Setti, 356. Gunabhadra, author, 3 Gunadhya, author, 19, 23 Gunamatiyar, 244(n). Gunasena, 236. Gunapala, king, 164. Guntakal, 226(n), 228(n). Guru (Jaina) -- Abhayacandra, 49, 50, 75, 75(n), 157, 196(n), 202, 350. Abhayachandra Bhattaraka, 326. Abhayacandra Pandita, 201. Abhayacandra Siddhantade va the great, 213, 350. Abhinandana Bhatara, 244. Abhinandi Panditadeva, 157. Abhinava Carukirti Pandila, 299. Abhinava Panditacarya, 299(n), 326. Abhinava Samantabhadra, 346. Abhinava Srutamuni, 376. Abhinava Vadikirtideva, 359. Adidevamuni, 330. Ajayanandi, 196(n). Ajita Bhattaraka, 27. Ajitasena the great, see Vadi bhasimha below. Ajitasena, 111. Ajitasena Pandita, 133. Ajjanandi, see Aryanandi be low.

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INDEX Siddhantadeva, Akalankadeva, the great guru, 35, 36, 46-7(n), 57, 135, 224, 231-233 (n), 234-5, 382. Amarakirti, 300(n), 327, 338. Anantakirti, 209. Anantavirya 93. Arakirti, 88. Ardhabali, 234-8. Arhanandi, 251-8. Arhat Bhattaraka, 26. Arimandala Bhatara, 244-5. Aristanemi, Arittanemi, Aristanemi Pidarar, 246-7. Aryadeva, 256. Aryanandi, 243-244 (n) Arya Subhendu, 313. Astopavasa Bhalara, Kavaligana Acarya, 157. Astopavasa Kalnele Devar, a moving tirtha, 174. Atta Upavasa Bhatara of Kurandi, 245. Ayavadi, 49. Bahubali, 381-2. Bahubali Maladharideva, 261. Bahubali Pandita, 329, 370, 375. Bahubali Siddhanta, 211. Balacandra, 82, 170, 183-4, 212-3. Balakapinccha, 226-8, 232. Balendu Maladharideva, 261. Bandhusena, 33. Bhadrabahu, the great srutakevalin, 3, 3(n), 4, 67, 75, 83, 185, 217(n), 225, 237. Bhadrabahu III, 4(n). Bhanukirtideva, 137, 208. Bhanukirti Maladharideva, 361. Bhanukirti Siddhanta, 100, 148, 165, 208, 259. Bhattakalanka, 56, 264, 330, 383. Bhattaraka Jina Satvadeva 355. Bhavanandi, 243. Bhutabali, 237-8. 403 Brahmadharmaruci...Brah magunasagara, 326. Brahmasuri Pandita, 383. Candrabhuti, 338. Candrakirti, 198, 206, 271, 307, 325, 329, 363, 376. Candranandi, 18, 18(n). Candraprabha deva, 183, 343. Candrasena, 24, 226-7(n). Candrayanadeva, 94, 168-9. Carukirti Panditadeva, 78, 324, 358-9, 361. Caturmukhadeva, 76. Cavayya, 193 (n). Damakirti, 33. Damanandi, 55, 199. Desanacandra, 196(n). Devacandra, 217(n), 333, 350, 318(n), 359. Devacandra Pandita, 137. Devakirtideva, 145. Devanandi, see Pujayada. Devasena, 233-5, 243. Devendra Bhattaraka, 56, 199, 257, 341, 364, 383. Dharmabhusana I, 299 55, 300(n). Dharmabhusana II, 300, 300(n), 376. Dharmacandra, 380. Dharmanandi, 34. Dharasenacarya, 263. Dhiradeva, 252. Divakaranandi, 174-5, 199, 252. Ekadeva, 28(n). Elacarya, 37, 173, 239-41. Ekkacattugada Bhatara, 193. Gandavimukta 31, 137, 168, 258(n). Gandavimukta Maladharideva Hemacandra, 56. See also Gaulamuni. Gandavimukta Siddhanta deva, 96, 167. Gandavimuktavrati, 136. Gauladeva Maladharideva, 56. Gautama Kevalin, 75.

Page #423
404 INDEX Gopanandi, 56, 76-77 (n), 271. Gunabhadra, 38, 89, 234-5, 349. Gunacandra, 196(n), 210. Gunakirti, 248(n). Gunanandi, 19(n), 224, 226, 231, 244. Gunanandi Sabdabrahma, 231. Gunandangi Kurattigal, 246. Gunasagara, 201. Gunasena, 96, 158, 236, 238-9, 332. Gunasena-pperiyadigal, 244-5. Gunavira, 247(n). Gunasekhara, 247. Hamsanatha, 380. Haricandradeya, 261. Hemacandra, 328. Hemasena, 29. Indrakirti, 53. Indranandi, 36. Jatasinganandi, 193(n). Jayadeva, 28(n) Jayakirti, 98. Jinabhattaraka, 100(n). Jinabhusana, 253, 365. Jinacandra, 56, 152. Jinacarya, 376 Jinasena I, 38, 38(n), 39, 234, 235, 235(n), 274, 276, 276(n), 277. Jinasena II, 235, 235(n). Jinasena Bhattaraka Patta carya, 354. Jinendrabuddhi, see Pujya pada. Jnanananda, 49. Kalibhadracarya, 251. Kalyanakirti, 196, 377. Kamalabhadradeva, 51, 66. Kamalasenadeva, i70. Kamalavahana Pandita, 358(n). Kanakanandi, 116, 245. Kanakasena, 224, 238-9, 244-5. Kanakasena, 44. See also Vadiraja the great. Kanakavirakuratti, 248(n). Kanakaviraperiyadigal, 245. Kavicandra, 196(n). Kaviparamesti, 264. Kiriya Moni Bhatara, 201. Kirtinandi, 88. Kondakundacarya, the great, 14. 225-228(n), 234, 237, 239-240, 256(n), 270, 372. Kukkutasana Maladharideva, 126, 143-4. Kulabhusana Traividya Vid yadhara, 151. Kulacandra, 55, 206, 259. Kumaradatta, 33. Kumarakirti Traividya, 99. Kumaranandi, 37. Kumarasena, 51. Kumudacandra, 361. Kumudendu, 84. Lalitakirti, 209, 328, 341, 342, 362, 377, 379, 382, 385. Laksmisena, 327, 365, 384. Lokasena, 89. Madhavacandra, 161. Madhavacandra Maladhari deva, 335. Madhava Sarasvati, 381. Maghanandi, 50, 56, 84-5, 136, 152, 153, 164, 183, 203, 206-7, 245, 261, 338, 353. Mahadeva Bhalara. 174. Mahasena vrati, 57. Mahaviracarya, 38. Maladharideva, 258, 271, 303. Maladhari Balacandra Ra vula, 206. Maladhari Gunacandra, 43, 56. Maladhari Ramacandradeva, 258(n). Maladharisvami, 143. Mallasena Pandita. 146. Mallinathadeva, 358. Mallisena, 376. Mallisena Maladhari, 83. 362 22 Sena, 326

Page #424
Manasena, 327. Manikanandi Siddhanta, 94. Manikyanandi, 210, 205-6. Matisagara, 44, 79-80(n), 249. INDEX Maunapacarya, 327(n). Mauni acarya, 61, 61(n). Meghacandra, 75, 96, 165, 205. Meghanandi, 203. Moni Bhattaraka, 201. Moni Guruvar, 239. Moni Siddhanta, 90. Mugulina 238(n). Munibhadra, 332, 336-7. Municandra, 9, 91(n), 100, 140, 141, 208, 259, 330, 359, 386. Parsvadeva, Munideva, 45. Nagacandra, 200. Naganandi, 248. Nandibhattaraka, 17(n). Nayakirti Siddhanta Cakravarti, 129, 143, 150, 152, 168-170, 182-4, 210-211(n), 212, 329, 370. Nemicandra Bhattaraka, 182 (n), 212, 260. Nemicandra Pandita, 184, 354. Nemicandra Siddhanta CakT ravarti, 109. Nemisvaratirtha, 92. Niravadya Pandita, Udaya Panditadeva. Odeyadeva Dayapala, 46, 46(n), 51. Padmanandi, 158, 159, 181, 204, 204(n), 205, 261. Padmasena, 100. Panditacarya, 299, 350. Panditadeva, 309, 325-6. Pandita muni, 379-380. Paramananda, 55. Paravadimalla, 36, 39, 46(n), 247. Paraviya, 193 (n). see 405 Parisvasena, 180. Parvata, 205. Parsvabhattaraka, 93. Patrakesarisvami, 237. Prabhacandra, 55, 57, 91(n), 96, 161, 165, 167, 178, 22931, 379. Prabhendu, 330. Pujyapada, the great, 19 23(n), 42, 56-7, 65, 225, 234, 238 (n), 264, 266-7, 272, 385-6. Puspadanta, 75, 237-8. Puspasena, 36, 45, 96, 236, 239, 305. Ramachandra Bhalara, 157. Ramacandra Maladharideva, 213, 331-2. Ramasena, 57. Ratnakaranandi, 380. Ravicandra, 167, 196(n). Sabdabrahmasvami, 52. Sagaranandi Siddhantadeva, 149. Sakalacandradeva, 174, 151, 211. Samantabhadra, the great, 11, 27(n), 57, 224-225(n)-231, 233-4, 237, 240-1, 264, 270, 372. Samayabharana Bhanukirti Pandita, 200. Sambhudeva, 183. Sambhutavijaya, 3(n). Santideva, Santamuni, 52-3, 66-7, 73-4. Santisayana Pandita, 164. Santisena, 271. Santisarva, 308. Sarvanandi, Sarbanandi, 193, 193 (n). Sarvatobhadra, 381. Siddhanandi, 162. Siddhantacarya, 308-9, 331-2, 335. Silabodhi, 381. Simhakirti, 370-1.

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406 INDEX Simhanandi Acarya, the great, 10-16(n), 67, 70, 92 3, 196, 271, 283, 305, 320. Sivakotisuri, 225. Sreyamsa Bhattaraka, 183. Sreyamsa Deva, 51. Sridharacarya, 174(n), 240, 267, 386. Sripala, 79(n), 80(n)-83. Sripala Pandita, 54--55(n). Sripala Traividya, 43(n), 79, 82, 140, 150. Srisena, 226-7(n). Srivarddhadeva, 264. Srivijayadeva, 29, 38, 38(n), 46(n), 160. Srutakirti, the Bhoja priest, 31. Srutakirti, 31(n), 78, 330, 379(n), 380, 382. Srutamuni, 306, 3 Sthulabhadra, 3(n). Subhacandradeva, 126, 161-3, 198, 209, 213, 258, 258(n), 329, 351 379. Subhakirtideva 300(n). Sudatta Vardhamana, 62, 64-5, 67-71, 73. Sukumarasena, 193. Sumati Bhattaraka, 181. Sumati Tirthankara, 330. Suryabharana, 208. Tiruppanamalai, 246. Traikalamuni, 43, 61 (n). Traikalayogi Siddhanta, 253. Trimustimuni, 56. Tripura Akalanka, 49-50. Udayapandita, 41-2. Umasvati, 226(n). Vadibhasimha Ajitasena, 52(n), 54, 54(n), 77(n), 108, 162, 202, 274, 277-8, 312, 376-7. Vadibhasimha Nemicandra, 379. Vadigharatta, see above Vadi bhasimha Ajitasena, 50, 54. Vadiraja the great, 43-43(n) 46(n)-47(n)-52 (n), 66-8, 79-80(n), 202, 278, 312, 372. Vadi Vidyananda, 198, 318, 323, 355, 370, 371-375, 383. Vadhula Srikrsna suri, 249(n). Visvanala, 49. Vajranandi Siddhantadeva, 83, 133, 234-5, 237-8(n), 241, 277-8. Vajranandi Pandita, 29. Vakragriva, 235, 238(n). Vanavasasvami, 340. Vardhamana, 37, 65-66(n)68, 84, 113, 167, 196, 299 300(n), 340, 372, 383. Varisena, 34, 337. Vartamana Panditar, 244. Vasavacandra, 55-7, 385(n) 386. Vasupujya, 81, 146, 149, 185. Vidyanandopadhyaya, 330. Vijayakirti, 18, 88, 99, 313, 332, 378. Vimalacandra, 36, 43-5, 61, 65, 88, 155. Vinayasena Siddhanta, 245. Viradeva, 17. Vira Pandita, 358(n). Virasena, 235, 349, 352. Visakhamuni, 217(n). Visalakirti, 364, 370-1. Vrsabhasena, 354. Gurunrpala, king 373-4. Guruvayinakere, 368-9. Gutti, 167, 337-8. Gutti Haradare Setti, 310. Guttinad, 334. Hadagalli taluka, 92, 254. Hadinadu, 248. Haduhalli, see Sangitapura. Haiva, Haive, 343-4. Haivannarasa, 342. Halcangadi, 369. Hale Belgola, 55-6, 76.

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INDEX 407 Halebidu, 80, 84, 126, 129, 201. 268(n), 294-5. Haleya Masanayya, 324. Halsige, 338. Hampe, 303. Hamsaraja, 383-4. Hanasoge, Panasoge, 97-8, 185, ,,199-200, 261, 362. Hanci Saligrama, 262. Handarahalu, 149. Hantiyur, 167. Hanugal, 337. Haradattacarya, 277(n). Haravari, 91. Harave, 323, 328. Haribhadriyavrtti, 250. Harideva, 133. Hariharadevi, 169 Hariharapura matha, 381. Harihara Raya I, king, 338. Raya 1, king, 338. Harihara Raya (prince and king), II, 287, 301, 302, 305-6, 324, 329, 336-7, 339, 376, 381. Harisena, author, 4. Harivarma, king, 8(n), 28-29 (n), 33. Hariyabbarasi, 167. Hariyale, 136. Hariyama Setti, 151. Hariyanna, 141, 324. Haruva Gauda, 332, Harvi Setti, 289. Haryyale, 169. Hasana, 295. Hasan taluka, 71, 75, 82, 95, 124, 181. Hastimalla, king, 1 Ilastinavati, 337. Hatna, 135(n). Hattiangadi, 359. Hayasarasamuccaya, 386. Hayavadana Rao C, scholar, 16(n), 69(n). Hebbalaguppe, 25. Hedanad, 338. Heddurnad, 288. Heggadedevana taluka, 25. Heggade Gauda, 183. Heggare, 94, 205-6. Hemacandra, author, 3. Hemma, 160. Hemmadi, king, 161. Hemmadi Deva, Calukya king, 132. Heragu, 168, 261. Herggade (Perggade) - Bittayya, 207. Lokateyarasa, 207. Marasingayya, 165. Mariya Pilduvayya, chief, 97. Nokkayya, 178. Singimayya, 165. Sivaraja, 147. Somayya, 137. Someya, 147. Flimasitala, king, 35, 232-3. Hindus, the, 30, 187, 270, 354-5. Hindu dharma, 277, 284, 291, 322-3, 366. Hinduism, 6, 280, 355. Hiraguppe, 212. Hiralal, scholar, 23(n), 230(n). Hire Cauti, 323. Hiriya Ayya, 347. Hiriya Hedeya Asavara Mar ayya, 260. Hiriya Jigalige, 400, 338. Iliriyakere tank, 180. Hiriya Mahalige, 260, 338. Hiriya Mudda Gavunda, 184 Hiriya sindogi, 198. Hiriyangadi, 362-3, 382. Hiuen Tsiang, Chinese pilgrim, 275. Hobbur, 19. Hodinad sime, 228(n). Holalkere, 180. Hole Narsipura, 256-7, 354-5. Holeyas, the, 289. Ilonnabandi Deva Raya, 378. Honnale, 338. Honnana Gauda, 331. Honnapa Setti, 341. Honnattinad, 338. Honnavara, 71, 340. 14.

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408 INDEX Honni Setti, 181. Horanad, 338. Hosahalli, 69. Hosaholalu, 262. Hosanad, 338. Hosapattana, 288, 290, 323, 327, 327(n). Hosavur, 177. Hoysalas, the 58-9, 61-2, 65, 69(n), 70, 73, 83, 96, 123, 131, 147, 211, 294 Hoysala Empire, 80, 83, 115, 120, 134, 169, 386. Hoysala Goidi Setti, 286. Hoysala Setti, 197(n). Huccappa Deva, 294. Huligere, 323, 327, 333, 337-8, 354. Huliyarapura, 94. Huliyur, 168, 205. Hullarasa, 142(n). Hullela, 256. Humcca, 11, 20, 90, 91, 159, 174-5, 185, 200, 299-300(n), 360, 363. Hunsur, 323, 329. Hunsur taluka, 257 330, 331. Icaladala, 349. Icavadi, 17(n). Idugani, Iduvani, 293, 354. Iksvaku kula, 97, 200. I-lan-na-po-fa-to, country, 191. Ilanggovadigal, author, 218. Ileyandakudimaranayanar, Immadi Bhairavendra, king, 383, 385. Immadi Deva Raya, king, 343-5. Indagarasa (Immadi Saluven dra), prince, 318, 355. India, 3, 15, 101, 109, 224, 370. Indrar, priests, 129. Indra IU, king, 40, 104-6, 186, 252. Ingundi, 338. Irandur, 342(n). Irish Mss., 369. Iriya Bedenga, 42-3, 61, 65. Irungola, 182, 210. Jacobi H. Dr., scholar, 242(n). Jagaddala Somanatha, author, 21(n), 267. Jagadekamalla II, Permma, king, 164. Jagadekamalla (Jayasimha III), king, 203. Jagadekavira Racamalla IV, 102-4, 106-7. Jagadeva, Santara king, ,,115. Jaimini, philosopher, 76. J ainabhiseka, 21. Jainaganitasutratikodaharana, 266. Jainas, the, 3-4, 33, 62, 98, 147, 156, 160, 186-7, 192, 214. 220-3, 246, 248, 252, 254, 256, 267-73, 277-8, 284-92, 294-6, 300, 302-3, 314-5, 326, 331, 334-335(n), 339, 351, 354-6, 359, 364-5, 367-8, 370, 375, 383. Jainendra, 20-1, 56. See Jai nendra V yakarana. Tainendrakalyanabhyudaya, 263. Jainendrav yakaranu, 20, 21. Jainism, 1-3 and passim. Jakkabbarasi, 342. Jakkanabbe, Danadanayakiti, 116, 163. Jakkavve, 168, 170-1. Jakkisundari, 157. Jakkiyabbe, Dandanayakiti, 155-6, 158, 163. Jalamangala, 88. Jam...., chief, 123. Jamali, 220. Jambavakula, 289. Jambeyahalli, 338. Jambudvipa, 113, 345. Jambukhandi, Jambukindi. 256. Jammalamadugu taluka, 40, 252. Janaki, 304. Jakkabharas; and pass sain dakudima author, 2. 191.

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INDEX 409 Jangamas, see Vira Saivas Kadur district, 60, 82, 339. below. Kaduvetti, king, 103, 159. Jatakatilaka, 54, 267. Kaggere, 143. Javagal, 80, 130, 262. Kaidala, 259. Jayadhavala, 353. Kailasa, 129, 144, 210. Jayadhavalatika, 235. Kakambal, 157. Jayama, 357. Kakatiyas, the, 272. Jayangonda Cola, king, 222. Kakka, Kakkala, king, 41 Jayantpakavya, 316. Kakusthavarma king, 30.1. Jayasimha III, king, 43, 44, Kalacumbarru, 252. 46-9, 54, 66, 202. Kala, king, 132. Jiddulige, 70, 204-5, 260. Kala, tenet, 242. Jimutavahana, Khacchara lord, Kalacuriyas, the, 147-9. 210. Kalala Mahadevi, queen, 320-1, Jina Brahmans, 261. 361-2. Jinadatta Raya, king, 89-90(n), Kalamukha order, 49, 202. 200, 228(n), 360. Kalapala, king, 79. Jinadeva, 178. Kalasa, 94, 261, 360-1. Jinadevanna, 111, 378. Kalasapura, 82. Jinadevarathayatraprabhavaka, Kalasatavadu, 257. 380. Kala Setti, 361. Jina dharma, 2, 33-4 and passim Kalasodbhava (Agastya), 373, Jinaksaramale, 40. Kalbappu, see Cikka Betta, 77. Jinanathapura, 145, 176. Kaliyakke, Senior DandanayaTinapurana, 380, 382. kiti, 164. Jinastuti, 377. Kalidasa, poet, 377. Jinendramangalam (Kuruvadi- Kali Ganga, 93. midi), 358. Kali Gaundi, 332. Jiva, tenet, 242. Kalinga, 92, 250. Jivandharacarite, 376, 379. Kali Setti, 177. Jivand harasat padi, 379. Kalivita, 144, 144(n). Inanabhaskaracarite, 381. Kaliur, 69. Inanacandrabhyudaya, 377. Kaliyuga, 18, 35. I nanacandracarite, 385(n). Kallahalli, 262, 315. Jnanasambandhar, see Tiru- Kallangere, 85. jnanasambandhar below. Kallappa, 342(n). Jodi Kempanapura, 293. Kallappa Sresthi, 341. Jogamattige, 261. Kallayya, 151. Kabbalu, ,184. Kalleha, 288-91, 323, 326-7. Kabbigarakava, 266. Kalli Setti, 261. Kacchara Kandarpa Senamara Kallurgudda, 11, 91. Niravadyayya, king, 174. Kalya, 290. Kadaikottur, 247. Kalyanakaraka, 21(n), 267. Kadalahalli, 83. Kamadeva, king, 281, 345. Kadambalige, 1,000, 157. Kama Gauda, 331. Kadambas, the, 30, 34, 41, 115. Kamanakathe, 377. Kadika, family, 325. Kamana Setti, 379. Kadungon king, 243(n). Kamayya Nayaka, 327.

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410 INDEX Kambadahalli, 130, 136. 119, 121, 124, 158, 184, 214-5, Kambha, Sthambha, Ranavalo- 217, 221, 223, 225, 228(n), ko, Sauca, king, 37, 38(n). 234, 254, 262-5, 268, 272, Kambhayya, 348. 279-80, 282-3, 287, 293, 309, Kami Gaundi, 332. 316, 334, 338-40, 352(n), 353, Kami Setti, 82. 358, 364, 366-7, 385. Kambunalige, 338. Karnatakabhasabhusana, 266. Kammata Macayya, 151. Karnatakacakravarti, author, Kana-bemna, see Krsna river 276. below. Kanakagiri, 328-30, 378, 382. Karnatakakalyanakaraka, 267. Karnatakasabdanusasana, 264. Kanakapura, 386. Kanakiyabbarasi, 165. Karnatakasanjivana, 384. Kancaladevi, 253. Kartavirya, king, 98-99, 180. kanci, 119, 135, 228-30, 377. Karungalakkudi, 244. Kandacci, 24, 155. Katavapra, see Cikka Betta, Kanegrama, 258. 77(n). Kanina, 175. Kathamandu, 370. Kannadigas, the, 266, 268. Katre, Dr. S. M., scholar, Kannama Nayaka, 253. 219(n). Kannanur (Vikramapura), 85. Kaundinya - Maitra - Varuna - Kannaparya, 113. Vasista-pravara, 261. Kannarpadi, 364(n). Kausika-vamsa, 88. Kannegal, 124. Kavade Boppa, 208. Kanti, author, 266. Kavanahalli, 166. Kantimayya, 141. Kaveri, the, 120, 128, 241. Kanupartipadu, 249. Kaveripumpattinam, 241, 241 Kapalikas, the, 36. (n). Kapilas, the, 36. Kavi, 348. Kapu, 359-60. Kavirajamarga, 192, 265. Kara, 228. Kaviri, 158. Karadusana, 228(n). Kardama, 42. Kavisvara, author, 192(n). Kavyasara, 380. Karahataka, Karhad, 98, 229-30. Kavyavalokana, 266. Karigunda, 146. Kelasuru (Cchatratrayapura), Karikala, Cola, king, 241(n), 383. 249(n). Kelavanc, (Kervase ?), 38,1. Kariya Gummata, 325. Keleyabbe, 178. Karkala, 94, 268-9, 280, 313, Kellangere, 144-5, 201-2, 207. 316, 344(n), 360-4 (n), 38 Kellipusugur, 24. 373, 374, 377, 381, 385. Kerala, 132. Karkala Ilouse of, 340. Keralas, the, 131. Karkala Gommatesvaracarite, Kervase, 262. Kesayavarni, author, 376. Karkala taluka, 363. Kesiraja, author, 187(n), 266. Karnataka, 4, 6, 6(n), 7, 26, 41, Khagendramanidarpana, 386. 43, 58-9, 61-2, 64, 68, 72-3, Kharavela, king, 250. 78, 86-7, 99, 102, 112, 114, Khedaga, battle of, 107. 385.

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INDEX 411 Khottiga, Nityavarsa, king, 40, 157. Kielhorn, scholar, 194(n). hilakkudi, 244. Kilavalavu, 244. Kiraia, chici, 132. Kiratarjuniya (commentary to XV Sarga), 20, 22, 23. Kirtideva, king, 158. Kirtivarma, 267. Kittur (Kirtipura), 185. Kaviri, 95. Kodagas, the, 131. Kodanginad, 167. Kodanki, 260. Kodurpal, 364. Kogali, 42, 53, 86, 253. Kolar, Kuvalala, ,12. Kolar province, 83. Kolhapur Kollapura, 137, 145, 149, 206-1, 339, 353, 365. Kolhapur State, 63(n). Komati, 377. Kombaru, 364(n). Konakonala, Konakunda, Kona kuntla, 226(n), 228(n). Konali, 226-7(n). Konda, fort, 228(n). Kondabhatta, 226-7(n). Kondaganale, 226-7(n). Kondakuru, 226-7(n). Kondalinad, 226-7(n). Kondamma, 226-7(n). Kondanad, 226-7(n). Kondarade, 337. Kongalnad, 8,000 province, 95. Kongalvas, the, 63, 95-7, 115, 131, 158, 313. Kongas, the, 79, 115, 130, 132. Kongu, ruler of, 139. Kongu, 13, 123, 139. Kongudesa rajakkal, 9(n). Konguna, 188. See also Kopa na. Kongunivarma I, king, 7(n), 8(n), 9(n), 10-15(n)-16(n). 17, 30, 59, 70. Konkana, 13, 336, 343-4. Konkanigas, the, 336. Konkinapulo, 188, 188(n), 189-191. Kopana Kopbal, 128, 137, 144, 152, 185, 187-188(n)-199(n), 307, 329, 356, 360, 372. Kopbal, Koppa, 363. Koppam, 194(n), 195-6(n). Koppa taluka, 54(n). Korapa (Kumarayya), 131. Kota, kings, 272. Kotana Setti, 346. Kothanadu, 212. Koti Setti, 165. Kotisvara, 379. Kottagere, 261. Kotturu, 254. Kovalanad, 25. Krishna, M. H. Dr., scholar 25, 62, 66, 69, 76(n), 121, 204(n), 207(n), 210, 223(n), 300(n), 357, 357(n). Krishna Rao, B. V., scholar, 9(n). Krishna, river, the, 195(n). Krsna, I, Akalavarsa, king, 19(n), 233(n). Krsna II, king, 28, 36, 38-9, 89, 207. Krsna III, king, 39-40, 105-6, 144(n), 155. Krsnaraja, king, 252. Krsna Raja, Saluya, king 374. Krsna Deva Raya, the great, 198, 297, 301, 319, 323, 355, 373-4. Krsnappayya, 295. Krishnarajapete taluka, 164. Krsnavarma, king, 8(n), 34. Ksapanakas, a sect, 219, 221, 223(n). Ksemapura, Gerasoppe, 344-5. 349. Ksetraganita. 266. Kubera, 214. Kubja, Sundara, Kun Pandya, king, 274, 275-7.

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412 Kuci Raja, 100, 100 (n). Kukkutesvara (Bahubali), 110. Kulottunga Coladeva, king, unidentified, 249(n). Kulottunga Cola Deva, I, king, 248. INDEX Kulottunga Cola Deva, II, king, 274(n). Kumarapura, 17. Kumari hill, 250. Kumbanur, 248. Kumbeyanahalli, 151. Kumbhasikepura, 90. Kummadavad (Kalbhavi), 25, 25(n). Kummanahalli, 262. Kunanka, 107. Kuncinad, 338. Kunda, 228(n). Kundadri, 382. Kundagatta, 228(n). Kundasila, Kirukunda, 226(n). Kundavi 247. rukurandi, 244-5. Kurcakas, a sect, 32, 34. Kurnool district, 319. Kuruli tirtha, 161. Kusumajammanni, 315(n), Kuyirkudi, 245. 19 Kundi province, 99. Kunigal, 306. Kunigal taluka, 261. Kuntala, 378. Kuntala country, 113, 342 (n). Kuntalapura, 260. Kuntalavisaya, 164. Kuntidevi, the epic queen, 255. Kuppal, see Kopana above. Kuppatur, 158-9, 185, 204-5(n), 209, 308, 313, 323, 333-5, 350. Kural, 218, 218(n), 239-40, 263. Kurandi, Tirukkattamballi, Ti Laksmana, epic hero, 97, 200. Laksmana, 141. Laksmanesvara, 343. Laksmanatirtha, 195-6(n). Laksmesvara, 28. Laksmi, 116. Laksmi Bommakka, 320. Laksmidevihalli, 256. Laksmi Mahadevi, queen, 129. Lalliya, usurper, 105. Lanka, 103. Lilavati, 266. Lingarajayya, 358. Lokaditya, 89. Loka Gavunda, 100. Lokaladevi, 151. Lokambike, 141. Lokanatharasa, 361. Laghu Havva, king, 231. Lakkavalli, 262. Lakkale, Laksmimati, 162-3. Laksma, Gopala, Rayadanda, 112-3. Lokanatha Sastri V. scholar, 352(n). Lokapala, 233. Lokayata, system of philosophy, 27, 49, 76. Lokkundi, 152. Mabu Gauda, 346. Macikabbe, 165-7, 179. Maciraja, 133. Maciyakka, 168. Maci Setti, 177, 180. Madalur, 157. Madda Heggade, 359. Maddagiri, 357. Madhava, 192, 361. Madhava Bhatta, 49. Madhava I, 92-3. See Kongunivarma I, king, above. Madhava II, king, 28-9(n). Madhava Kiriya, 8(n). Madhavarajendra, king, 315(n). Madhava Raya, governor, 336. Madhava Setti, 261. Madhura, author, 376. Madhuracaya (Caladanka, Gangarabhata), 107-8. Madhusudana, 141. Madigas, 289-90,

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8. INDEX 413 Madi Setti, 180. Mahavira, the Great, 219(n), Madras Museum, 345. 220, 250. Madura, 234, 238-243, 274, Mahayana school, 72(n). 276-9. Mahendrarajadhiraja Nolamba, Madura district, 217(n). king, 238. Madura taluka, 244, 244(n). Mahendravarma, II, king, 279. Maduvankanad, 95, 158. Mahendravolalu, 174. Magadi, 148. Mahesvaragama samaya, 94. Magadi, taluka, 28 Mahipala, king, 11. Magodu, 346. Mahura, 175. Magundi, 208-9. Maitreya, 189, 191. Mahabharata (Telugu), Makana, 327. 272. Makanabbe, 116. Mahadeva Raya, king, 100. Maladevi, queen, 380. Mahadevi, 94. Malagavadi, 157. Maha-dhavala, 353. Mala Gauda, 331. Maha-mahattu, 295-7. Malala Devi, queen, 158, 205. Mahamandalesvara Malaya, 229. Camunda Raya, 202-3. Malavalli, 88. Ekkalarasa, 151. Malavalli taluka, 256. Madhurantaka Pottappi Cola Malavve, 170. Tilaka Narayana Manuma Malavvi (Malambi), 95. Reddi, 272. Malenad, 308. Saluvendra, 317. Maleyalas, the, 132. Sangi Raja, 318. Maleyarajya, 287-8. Somaraya Odeyar, 328. Maleyur, 323, 328, 330, 378. Sripati Raya, 310. Malla, minister, 209. Mahaprabhu Malla Gaunda, 146. Avalinad, 332-3. Mallalegade Bamma Gauda, Ayappa Gaunda, 332. 307. Canda Gaunda, 332. Mallappa, 288. Becca Gaunda, 332. Mallaraja, 358. Bhairana Nayaka, 354. Mallarajapattana, 315. Bullappa, 320. Mallaru, 359. Deva Raja, 320. Mallavalli, 281. Gopa, 308-9, 334. Mallikarjuna, Immadi Deva Rama Gauda, 332. Raya, king, 352. Tavanidhi Brahma (Bomma) Mallinatha Suri Kolacala, 377, Gauda, 320, 335, 335(n). 277(n), 378(n), 383. Vijayapala, 315. Mallinatha II, 377-8(n). Virayya Nayaka, 327. Malli Setti, 181, 179, 346. Mahapradhana Naganna, 288. Malliyapundi 252. Mahapurana, 161. Malliyur, 247. Mahapuranasangraha, 89. Malur, taluka, 17. Mahasamanta Mamamba, 341. Gosgi, 89(n). Manali Mane Odeyon, 88. Kalivitta, 144(n), 155. Mandagadde hobli, 45. Srivijaya, 37-8. Mandali hill, 13, 92-3.

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414 INDEX Mandali 1,000, 92, 161, 286. Mandana Mudda, 1 Manevane, 57. Mangalore taluka, 359. Mangaraja, poet, 38(n), 315, 315(n), 316, 379, 386. Mangaraja, king, Mangabhupa, 342, 342(n) Mangayi, 299, 326. Manikadeva, 324. Maniksetti, 75. Manikavolal, 133. Manimekhalai, 218, 221, 241-2, 242(n), 263. Manne, 257. Manu, 110, 116. Manu-Cola, 241. Manuvaka, 224. Manykheda, Manykheta, 231, 259. Manyapura, 37, 89, 223. Mara, Santara chief, 54(n) Mara, 116, 339. Marabbe Kantiyar, 257. Marade, 34. Marale, 69. Marandale, 13. Marasimha, king, 10, 26-28(n) 29(n), 39, 41, 93, 102, 104, 105. Marasinga, chief, 164. Marasinga, Ereyappa, king, 192. Marati, 262. Marbala tirtha, 259. Marikali, 149. Mari Setti, 82. Markali, 219(n), 220-1, 242. See also Gosala. Marugarenad, 286. Marula-Jina-Jakavehatti, 339. Maruvarma, 155. Marwar, 325-6. Masana, 115, 129(1) Masana Gauda, 183. Masanahalli Kampana Gauda, 309,351. Masanayya, 151. Mattavara, 75, 339. Mattiyakere, 182. Manuakote, 192. Mauryas, the, 190(n). Mavinakere, 133. Mayanna, 325. Mayana, 327. Maya Setti, 327. Mayurvarma, king 30, 31(n). Mecakka, 320. Meghutti Mandalai, 1,000, 160. Melasa rock, 174. Melige, 364. Melukote, 289, 339, 354-5. Mepinad 300. Meru mountain, 93, 210. Mimamsaka system, 49, 293. Miraj taluka, 28. Mitra kula, 285. Modurnad, 133. Mogaru, 364(n). Molagere tank, 175. Molakalmuru, 15. Molakere, 174. Monier Williams, scholar, 219(n). Moraes, G. M., scholar, 31(n), 72-3(n). Morasunad, 313, 351. Morayas, the, 190(n). Mottenavile, 166. Mrgesavarma, king, 31-4, 223. Muccundi, 83. Muddarasa, 142(n). Muddavve, 170. Muddiyakka, 141, Mudgere taluka, 29, 60, 94, 261, 360. Mudigondacolapuram, 248. Mudubidre, 262, 269, 339, 351 3, 359-60, 364(n), 368-9, 380-1. Muguli, 386. Muhammadans, the, 287, 303. Mukhanayanar, saint, 273. Mukkanna Trinetra, king, 30. Mulevalli, Mallavalli, 254-5. Mulki, 359.

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Mulki-Hosangadi, 364(n). Mullapalli, 245. Mulluru, 95, 116, 239, 313. Mummuridanda, 180-1. Munivamsabhyudaya, 109. Munjaraya Vadighangala Bhatta, See vadighangala Bhatta. Murgarenad, 259. Musunikunda, 251. Muttaga Honnenahalli, 326. Muttagi, 193. Muttupatti, 244-5. Muttukurram, 358. INDEX Mysore, 59, 95, 185, 259, 387. Mysore district, 24, 25, 42, 97, 351. Mysore hobli, 65. Mysore taluka, 257. Mysore State, 11, 29, 44, 49, 56, 60, 97, 195, 314, 330, 354. Nadali, 75. Nagadeva, 156. Naga Gonda, 326. Naga Setti, 326. Nagakumara, warrior, 156. Nagakumaracarite, 381. Nagakumarakavya, 263. Nagaladevi, 116. Nagamangala taluka, 64, 130, 135(n), 141, 365. Nagambika, 147. Nagappa Sresthi II, 346. Nagarakeri, 342. Nagarakhanda, 55, 70, 99, 100, 148, 155, 159, 204, 286, 320, 333-4, 337, 350. Nagarcoil, 358(n). Nagarjuna, 267(n). Nagarasa, 142 (n). Nagar taluka, 44, 65, 90, 200. Nagavarma (Camunda Raya's scholar, 267, younger brother), 107. Nagavarma of the Pasindi Ganga family, 87-8. Nagavarma, I, poet, 30. Nagavarma, II, author, 266. 415 Nagavarma, sculptor, 285. Nagayya, 365. Nagileykoppa, 335. Nagirirajya, 340, 343, 344, 373, 380. Nagi Setti, 335(n) Nagna a sect, 219, 221. Nagularasa, minister, 91. Naiyayikas,, the, 293. Nakana (Nagadeva), 131. Naladiyar, 218, 263: Nalas, the, 200. Nalluru, 262. Nami Setti, 210-1. Nanabbekanti, 157. Nanadesis, 206. Nanartharatnakara, 306, 384. Nanda, king, 250. Nandanmalli Bhatta, 373. Nandagiri hill, 12. Nandavara, 364(n). Nandi hill, 255-6. Nandipottarasar (Nandivarma III, Nandi) king, 247-8. Nandiyanna, 245. Nandiyapura 384. Nanjadeva, king, 373. Nanjaraja Odeyar, 328. Nanjarajapattana, 314, 373. Nannayya, author, 263, 265 (n). Nanni Nolamba, king, 102, 104. Nanni Santara, king, 91, 160. Nanniya Ganga, king, 91-3. Narapingali, 379. Narasana Nayaka, 346. Narasibhatta, 316. Narasimha, king of Bilige. 373-4. Narasimha I, king, 80-1, 129130, 134, 135-6, 140, 142, 143 (n), 145-7, 168, 274-5, 279. Narasimha II, king, 142, 153, 167, 182. Narasimha III, king, 66(n), 93-5, 183, 212. Narasimhasarya R. scholar, 4, 4(n), 7(n), 8(n) 9(n), 19,

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416 INDEX Nittur, 181, 260, 382. Nizamabad, 186. Nizam's Dominions, 186-7. Nolamayya, 256. Nolambas, the, 102, 104, 245. Noiambavadi 32,00 Nombare, 163. Nonamangala, 17. North Arcot, 40, 243, 246-7, 249. Nrpa Kama, Hoysala king, 63, 67-8, 73, 116. Nrpatunga, king, 192, 192(n), 265. Nrsimhavarma, king, 79. Ivuggehalli, 313. Nunna vamsa. 148, 208, 260. Nutana Candila, chief, 98. Nyayakumudacandrodaya, 20, 21. 23(n), 38(n), 62, 04(n) 69, 76(n), 96, 109, 111, 144(n), 153, 163, 174(n), 187(n), 192 (n), 193(n) 206(n) 225(n), 226(n), 357(n), 379(n). Narasimha Bharati, Sringeri guru, 381. Narasimharajapura, 356, 357(n) Narayana, 147. Narayana, architect, 25. Narayanaparyata, see Melu kote. Narigunda, 267. Navastotta, 235. Navilur, 184. Nayanars, saints, 268, 272, 279. 80. Nedumaran, king, 274-5. Nelamangala taluka, 89, 257. Nellore district, 249. Nelveli, battle of, 275-7. Nemanna, author, 381. Nemicandra, 111. Nemijinesasangati 316. Nemisvarcarite, 380. Nemi Setti, 179, 260, 356. Nerambadi hole, 364(n). Nidambare tirtha, 160. Nidugallu (Kalanjana fort- ress), 182, 182(n), 308-9, 354. Nidugod, 206. Nidutada hobli, 95. Niladri, 131-2. Nilakesi, 218(n), 263. Nimbagrama, 226-7(n). Niravadyayya, 174. Nirgrantha, 221, 241-2. Nirgrantha, philosophy, 242.. Nirgunda country, 24, 88, 146, 155. Nirgunda Yuvaraja, 155. Nirvana, 224. Nitimarga I, Ereyanga, I, king, 26. Nitimarga III, Racamalla, king, 29-30. Odduga, 159. Ogeyakere, 318. Ojekula, 325. Ojana, 341. Okkalugere, 152. Ongole taluka, 252. Orissa, 124. Padajoti, 380. Padangondu, 222. Pada-Panamburu, 359. Padarthasara, 84. Padayojana, 377(n). Padeyur, 37. Padiyara Dorapayya, 157. Padmakarapura, 318. Padmaladevi, 134. Padmamba, queen, 373. Padma (Padmana), minister, 317-8. Padmanabha, king, 11, 93. Padmana Pandita, author, 386. Padmannarasa, 342. Padmanna Setti, 295. Padmanopadhyaya, 383. Padmarasa, author, 383, 386. Padmarasi, 346.

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Padmavati. 141. Padmavatiyakka, Padmayi, 308. Padmavatiyakere, Padmi Deva, 84. Padmaja, architect, 177. Paduma Setti, 182. Padumana Setti, 354. Paduvela Taila, 156. Pagimagala tank, 175. Palisaka, 32-4, 223, Palkigundi Asokan Edict, 189. Pallavadhiraja, 24, 155. 157. 168. Pallava Mahendra Nolamba, 245. Pallavas, the 139, 279(n). Pallimadam, 245. Palupare, 315. Pambakke, 157. INDEX Pampa, author, 263, 265 (n). Pampadevi, princess, 161-2, 201. Pamparaya 133. Pancabana, author, 384. Pancalas, the 297. Pancalinga matha 49. Pandara, a Bhojaka, 33. Pandavas, the 255. Pandiga, 157. Panditacarya, author, 385(n). Panditayya, 358. Pandya country, 217(n), 246. Pandya, Nayaka, 363. Pandya, ruler, 50, 54, 269, 363, 377. 417 Paricchedi Pasupati dynasty, 272. Parisanna, 146. Parisetti, 184. Parisva Gauda, 354. Parsvanathacarite, 44. Parvapura, 141. Parvata, 360. Pasindi Ganga family, 86. Pasumalai hills, 278(n). Pasupatas, the, 36. Patala, 48. Pandya viceroy, 164. Pandyas, the, 115, 118, 123-4. Pandyas, southern, 139. Pangala lineage, 359. Panja, 364(n). Panhala mahal, 63 (n). Panini, 20, 23. Parama village, 126. Paramabbe Kantiyar, 256. Paramagamasara, 376. Parma Gula, chief, 24, 155. Paramanu, tenet, 242. Parantaka I, king, 247. Patalamalla, chief, 104, 106-7. Pataliputra, 228. Pathak, K. B., scholar, 233 (n), Patil Ramu Jotiba, 63(n). Pattadeva, 295. Pattalakere, 202. Pattanasvamigere, 175. Pattanasvami Nagadeva, minister, 150,175, 181. Nokkayya, 174-5, 178(n). Setti, 151. Pattinapalai, 241. Patti Pombuccapura. See Humcca above. Paudanapura, 110, 185-6, 229. Pavaguda, 339. Pavaguda taluka, 354. Payannavrati, (Parsvarani), author, 383-4. Payanavarni, author, 385(n). Payi Setti, 326-7. Peccipalam, 244. Penugonda, 253, 288, 290, 365, 376, 384. Peraru (Hirehalla), river, 195, 195(n). Perayakundi, 246. Perbbolal, 17. Perddore, see Krsna, river. Periyapattana, 111, 380. Periyapuranam, 275. Perumal Kovil (Kanchi), 288. Perunkathai (Brhadkatha) 263. Peruru, Ganga city, 11, 14-5,17. Pervadiyur, 37.

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418 INDEX Pille Nayanar, see Tiru- 47, 93, 102-3, 106-7, 109-110, jnanasambandhar. 159-160. Pocabbarasi, queen, 96, 158. Racamalla V, king, 28-29, 45-7, Pocale, 131. 243. Pocikabbe, 116. Raja, warrior, 107. Poleyamma, 178. Rajadhiraja I, king, 194-195(n). Poluvas, the, 132. Rajaditya, author, 266. Ponataga Nagaram, 232. Rajaditya, king, 102-3, 159. Ponna, Ponnamayya, poet, 39, Rajagambhira Sambuvaraya, 156. 247, 249. Ponnalli, 24, 155. Raja Jai Bhattaya, 153(n). Ponnaramativisaya, 261. Rajapurohit, N. S., scholar, 190 Ponniyakiyar, 248. (n), 193(n). Ponnur, 247. Raja Raja, I, king, 95, 264, Pottalakere, 49. 247, 249(n), 305. Poysala, 63-4, 67-69(n)-70(n). Raja Raja III, king, 247-9. Poysala chiel, 70. Rajarajanarendia, king, 265. Poysala Gauda, 70(n). Raja Setti, 82. Poysalamaruga, 69. Rajavalikathe, 111, 117(n), Poysala Setti, 179. 224, 229. Prabhakas, the, 350. Rajavartika, 231. Prabhanjanacarite, 316. Rajayyadeva Maha-arasu, 310. Pramaladevi, 249. Rajendra Cola I, king, 69, 194Pratapa Nayaka, 180. 5, 221, 247. Pratapapura, 207. Rajendra Cola II, king, 112, Pratikantha Singayya, 57. 119-120. Prayascitta, 378. Rajendra Cola Nenni Cangalva, Priyabandhuvarma, mythical king, 200. king, 93. Rajendra Kongalva, king, 95-6, Prthiviganga, king, 8(n'). 158. Pugar (Kaveripumpattinam), Rakkasa Ganga, see above Ra241. camalla V. Pugatataka, 385. Rama, epic, hero, 97, 200(n'), Puligere (Laksmesvar), 28(n), 255. 42, 265, 281. Ramadevi, 320. Pullappa, 339. Ramakka, 379. Pullavva, 112. Ramakrsna sastri, author, 233. Pundi, 249. Ramana, 340-1. Punnad, 185, 185(n). Ramanatha, king, 83, 254. Purasthana, 325. Puru, king, 110, 186. Ramanujacarya, the great, 79, Purukhetaka, 33. 114, 355, Purusottama, 231. Ramapura, 262. Puspagiri, 295. Rama Rajayya, 358. Ramaswami, Ayyangar, M. S., Quran, 303. scholar 217, 217(n), 218(n), 219(n), 224(n), 228(n), Racamalla IV, king 29, 29(n), 242(n), 275, 279(n).

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INDEX 419 CO Ramatirtha, 252-3. Ramayana, 256. Ramesvara, 296. Ramnad district, 217(n), 245, 358. Ranasinga, king, 103. Rangacarya, V scholar, 38(n), 247(n), 274(n). Ranna, Ratna, poet, 4 Rannakanda, 111. Rastrakutas, the, 25, 58, 104-6, 192. Ralnakaranda, 27(n), 376. Ratnakaradhisvarasataka, 38 Ratnanandi, author, 4. Rattas of Saundatti, 98-9. Ravana, 103. Ravanduru, 330. Ravivarma, king, 31,33. Raya, see Camunda Raya. Rayadurga, 323, 338. Rayadurga taluka, 254. Rayarajapura, 139. Revakka, princess, 105. Rice B. L., scholar, 4, 4(n), 7(n), 8(n), 9(n), 15, 17(n), 18, 18(n), 19, 20, 25(n), 29, 54(n), 61, 61(n), 64-5, 69, 72-3(n), 17(n), 79, 96, 114, 119, (n), 123, 156(n), 187-8, 192, 193(n), 194(n), 19 5(n), 202(n), 225(n), 23 (n), 240, 258, 264 (n), 269 (n), 274(n), 308-9, 329. Rohini, 156. Romans, the, 69(n). Romulus, 69(n). Rsabha, 31. Rsihalli, 75. Rudradeva, king, 263 Rukmini, 164. Rupasiddhi, 44. Sabdamanidarpana, 266. Sabdanusasana, 22 Sabdavatara, 19, 2 Sadasiva Raya, king Sadaiyan Koccadaiyyan Rana dhira, king 276. Sagarakatte, 65. Sagarakula, 155. Sahani Bittiga, 168. Sahya mountains, 139. Sahasabhimarjuna, 111. Sahasatunga, see Dantidurga, king, 35, 232, 233(n). Sahityavaid yambudhi, 386. Saivas, the, 36, 97, 293, 360. Saivism, 274-5, 277, 281, 355. Sajjanacittavallabha, Kannada vrtti to, 376. Sakas, the, 200. Sakatayana, author, 20, 22, 22(n). Sakkarepattana, 262, 327(n). Sakkara Setti, 365. Sala (Hoysala chief), 63-4 69(n), 70-71(n)-73(n). Salagrama, 223. Salem, 123. Salem district, 245. Saletore, R. N., scholar, 72 73(n). Saleya Senabova, 198. Saliyur, 259. Salotgi, 193-3(n). Salu Mules, 337-8. Saluva Cenna Bhairadevi, queen, 347. Saluva Deva Raya, king, 318-9, 345, 373. Saluva Immadi Deva Raya, king, 344-5, 349. Saluva Krsna Raya, king, 318-9, 373. Saluva Malla, king, 344, 380. Saluva Malli Raya, 318, 373. Saluva Narasimha Raya, 374. Saluvas, the, 313, 344(n), 355, 374. Salva, author, 380, 386. Salva Deva, 380. Salya, 43(n), 79. Samanta Adiyama, 79, 119-121. Baci Raja, 286, a. 'king, 358.

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420 INDEX Dama (Damodara), 121-122. Sankaragana, king, 37. Gova, 168, 205, 286. Sankaya Nayaka, 170. Guli Buca (Baci), 259. Sankhya, philosophy, 27, 49, 76. Marayya, 260. Sankhyas, the, 231, 350. Muddayya, 205, 209. Santa, Saluva chief. 319. Narasimhavarma, 1 Santagere, 175. Sankara, 148, 181, Santaladevi, queen, 132, 165-7, Samadhisataka, 21. 342. Samayas, the four, 94, 116, 257, Santale, 94. 286. Santalige, 1,000, 90, 175. Sambhudeva, 150. Santaras, the, 54 (n), 89-90(n)Samyaktvakaumudi, 316, 384. 91, 94, 115, 118, 159, 360-1. Sanatkumaracarite, 379. Santarasa, author, 384(n). Sangama, chief 1, 292. Santavendra, see Satavendra Sangama, Saluva ruler, 379. below. 9(n). Santigrama, 166(n), 181. Sangha Santikabbe, 179. Deva, 234. Santinatha tirtha, 209. Dramila (Dravida), 43, 54, Santipurana, 40, 156. 61, 66, 150, 158, 227, 228- Santiyakka, 138, 165, 170. (n), 234 8(n), 241, 277. Saracatustaya, 212. Mula, 13-4, 18, 29, 12, 55, 57, Saradavilasa, 380. 61(n), 75, 76, 82, 84, 96.- Saraguru, 351. 7, 100, 113, 128-9, 137, 152, Saralraya, Kannada vitti to, 158, 161, 182, 198, 200, 376. 207, 211, 228(n), 234, Sarkar, B. K., scholar, 269(n). 236-6(n), 238, 246, 261, Sarvarthasiddha (Gautama 308, 325, 327, 330, 338, Buddha), prince, 188. 350, 354, 355, 361, 365. Nandi, 44, 65, 81, 83, 96, 234, Sarvarthasiddhi, 21, 23(n). Sasapura, Sasakapura, (Anga236, 238, 372. di), (Sosevuru), 60, 62, 6:1-5. Navilur, 61(n). Sastrasarasamuccaya, 85. Nirgrantha, 32. Sastri, H. K., scholar, 194 (n). Sena, 234. Satavendra, king, 373-4. Simha, 234. Satrubhayankara, king, 36. Sramana, 257. Sattamangala, 248. Svetapata, 32. Sattangari, 245. Yapaniya Nandi, 88, 223. Sattarasa Nagarjuna, 155. Yapaniya, 98, 252, 338. Satya Ganga, prince, 161. Sangham the, 217, 239-240, 284. Savanabili, 165. (n). Savaneru, 81, 143, Sanghayana (the Great Coun- Savarda, 63(n). cil of Kharavela), 250. Sekkilar, 274, 274(n). Sangi Raja, king, 374. Selaras, the, (Silaharas), 98, Sangitapura (Haduhalli), 313, 193. 316-9, 344(n), 359, 364 (n), Sembur, (mod. Sambanur). 164, 374, 379, Sendan (Jayanta), 243(n).

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INDEX 421 Sendraka, dynasty, 28(n). Sendrakas, the 34. Seni Setti, 355(n). Senji (Ginjee), 123. Seringapatam (Srirangapatta na), 257, 374, 384. Seshagiri Rao, scholar, 253(n), 272, 272(n). Settipodavu, 244. Seuna country, see Yadavas below. Sewell, R., scholar, 305(n). Shastri Seshagiri, scholar, 218(n). Shastry, N. B., scholar, 187(n), 190 (n), 198(n). Shastry Dr. R. Shama, scholar, 4(n), 7(n), 8(n), 9(n), 83 (n), 111, 220(n), 273(n), 275 (n), 276-277 (n), 314, 327, 342(n). Shikarpur, 49, 202. Shikarpur hobli, 259. Shikarpur taluka, 56, 148. Shimoga hobli, 11, 17(n). Shimoga district, 106, 124. Shimoga town, 13, 91, 179. Siddakedara, 34. Siddani, 159. Siddhantas, 175. Siddhantasara, 84. Siddhas, the, 117, 220-1. Sigenad, 149. Sikandara Suritrana, see Sultan Sikandar. Silappadikaram, 218, 241, 241 (n), 263. Simhala, 56. Sindagere, 136. Sindavadi province, 106. Sindas, the, 106. Sindayya, prince, 257. Sindhagiri, 134. Sindhu, city, 229. Sindula, queen, 251. Singanagadde, 356. Singha (vibhu), 167. Siradi, 364(n). Sira taluka, 40. Sirivura, 69. Siriyadevi, 168 Siriyanna (Srir 08. Siriyanna, 336. Siruttonda Panjoti, comman der 274. Sita, epic heroine, 97, 164, 200. Siya dharma, 286. . Sivaganga, 166. Sivakoti, king, 225(n), 229 230(n). Sivamara I, king, 10, 23, 265. Sivamara II, king, 24-6, 34, 254. Sivappa Nayaka, king, 297. Sivara, warrior, 107 Sivaraja, minister, 140. Sivaratha, 34. Siyali, 274. Siyali taluka, 241. Sogi, 254. Sohrab, 320, 232, 335. Sohrab taluka, 64, 204, 259, 333, 335-335(n), 337. Sohrab Vira Gauda, 320, Soma Gauda, 183, 253. Somoladevi, 170, 361. Somasamudra, 42. Soma vamsa, 317. Somesvara, Hoysala king, 83, 211(n). Somesvara I, Western Calukyan king 53-4, 194-5, 203, 208, 254, 267. Somesvara II, Western Calu kyan king, 54, 55, 112-3. Somesvara IV, Western Caluis kyan king, 281. Someya, minister, 140. Sompur, 82. Sottiyur, 257. Southern India, 89, 94, 114-5, 267, 307, 311, 363, 367-8. Southern Madura, 261. Southern Pandyadesa, 261. Soyi Deva, king, 100, 132. Sramanas, the, 246. Sravaka Edaya, 158,

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422 INDEX Sravakacara, 23(n). Sravakacarasara, 84. Sravakas, the, 314, 362, 381. Sravana Belgola, 3, 24, 26, 39-40, 43-4, 55, 61(n), 74, 77-79(n), 81, 84, 89(n), 103, 105, 109, 111, 118-9, 121, 124, 127, 130(n), 133, 136-7, 1412, 144-4, 149, 153, 162-3 1656, 169, 175-7, 180-3, 185-7, 193, 210, 211(n), 222, 257, 268-9, 289, 291-2, 299-300, 304, 306, 307, 309, 314, 323-6, 347-9, 351, 354, 356, 363, 367, 372, 379, 383 385, 385(n). Srenikacarite, 378. Sridatta, mythical king, 92-3. Sridharabhatta, 27. Srikula (Tirikula), 289-290(n). Srikunda, 256, 256(n). Sringarakathe, 383. Sringara kavi, author, 383-4. Sringeri, 206, 206(n), 207, 3567, 382. Sringeri matha, 223(n), 381. Srinivasacari, C. S., scholar, 218(n). Sripalacarite, 316. Sriparvata, 343. Sripura, 155. Sripurusa Muttarasa, king, 15(n), 21, 87, 243, 254. Srirangam, (Kovil), 288, 374. Sriranga Raya I, king, 381. Sriranga Raya III, king 297. Srisaila, 319. Srivaisnavas, the, 288-291, 297, 326, 345. Sronavimsatikoti, 191. Sthalapurana of Sravana Belgola, 111. Sthanangasutra, 220. Sthanika Cannappayya, 384. Sthanikas, the, 297(n). Subhatunga, king, 231. Subrahmanya Aiyar K. V., scholar, 241, 275. 1 Sudras, the, 221. Sugata, 35, 76, 232, 286. See also Buddha. Suggavve, 151. Suggiyabbarasi, 164. Suguni Devi, queen, 313. Sukumaracarita, 113. Sulamani, 243 (n). See Cudamani. also Sultan Muhammad Tuglaq, 371. Sultan Sikandara Sur, 371. Sundara Pandya, king, 275. Supasastra, 316. Suranahalli (Parvapura), 141. Svetambaras, the 32, 191, 224, 319, 368. Syad vada doctrine, 269, 273, 283, 294-5, 313, 319, 321-3, 329, 339, 362. Tadangala Madhava, king, 17-8. Tadatala, 288. Tadasa, 357. Tadpatri, 253. Tagarenad, 88, 254. Tagdur (Dharmapuri), 254, 328. Tailangere, 261. Tailapa Deva, I, king, 41, 156, 159, 161. Tailapa Deva II, king, 42, 53. Tailapa Deva III, 42(n). Tailapa Deva, Santara king, 175. Takakusu, J., scholar, 221. Talakad, 69, 70, 115, 119-123, 125, 128, 131, 185. Tala Kaveri, 98. Talavananagara, (Talavana pura), 24, 37-8. Talare, 148. Talavindegere, 175. Tamil land, the, 217, 223-4, 228 (n), 231, 233, 238-9, 241, 244, 249, 249(n), 254, 261-3, 272-3, 278, 280, 283-4, 358, 366. Tamma Gauda, 335.

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423 INDEX Tammana Setti, 379. Terakanambi, 255(n), 329. Terkanambi Bommarasa, Tangaladevi, queen, 343. Tanjore, 40. author, 379. Tanjore district, 274. Tevaram, hymns, 220, 278(n). Tarikere taluka, 152. Tevarateppa, 99. Tatayya, 289-91. Thakka city, 229. Tathagata, 36. Tibet, 370. Tattekere, 178. Tikkana Somayya, author, 272, Tattvabhedastaka, 377. 272(n). Taltvartha, 20, 340. Timmanna, 338. Tattvartha, tika to, 21. Timmappayya, 198. Tattvarthasutra, vitti to, 175. Timmaraja, chieftain, 269, 363. Tattvarthasutra, 21, 225, 225- Tiptur taluka, 135. (n). Tirthahalli taluka, 45, 90, 200, Tattvarthamahasutra, 264. 258. Tayanidhi, 335. Tirthankaras, the twenty-four, Tavanidhi Madi Gauda, 335. 24, 102, 230, 273, 286, 367. Teka, 262. Tirucchanattamalai, 246. Telugu land, 249-251, 254, 262 Tirujnanasambandhar, Jnana. 3, 272, 283, 366. sambandhar, Sambandhar, Temple 220, 243, 268, 273-4, 276-7, Anajaneya, 25, 65, 82, 314. 277(n), 278-9, 284(n). Ankanathesvara, 257. Tirumala, 247. Bhimalinga, 230. Tirumalai, 247. Cenna Basavanna, 148. Tirumale (Tirupati), 288-9, Ganigitti, 306. 291, 343, 360. Hanumantesvara, 347. Tirumangai Alvar, saint, 278. Isvara, 24. Tirunarayanakote, 288. Jvalamalini, 357. Tirunavukarasar, see Vagisa. Kesava, 71, 131. Tirupanamalai, 248. Kotisvara, Mulasthana, 159. Tirupparuttikunru, 301, 305. Malavanatha, 358 Tiruttondar, 278. Minaksi, 279. Tiruvadani taluka, 358. Narasimha, 120. Tiruvallam, 243. Ramesvara, 156. Tiruvalluvar, 239-41. Ranganatha, 168. Tisyagupta, 220. Saumyanayaki, 138. Tiyangudi, 160. Siddesvara, 11, 13-4, 91. Todas, the, 131-2. Somesvara, 202, Tolalu, 75, 184. Srisaila, 319. Tolka piyam, 217-8. Subrahmanya, 257. Tolla, 88, 254. Tirukattamballideva, 245. Tolamattiteva, author, 243(n). Tiruvangalanatha, 347. Tondanad, 13. Tyagada Brahma, 348. Torenad, 199. Vasantika, 61. Totahalli, 309, 351. Venkataramana, 301, Travancore State, 246. Virabhadra, 135(n Tribhuvanamalla Pandya, king, Virupaksa, 337. 54, 124,

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424 INDEX Tribhuvanamalla Permmadi Deva, king, 124, 164, 178. Tribhuvanamalla Santara, king, 91, 160. Tribhuvanamalla, see Vikrama ditya VI, king. Tribhuvanavira, chief 107. Trikuta, hill, 103. Trilokasataka, 380. Triparvata, 34. Trisastipuratanacarite, 276. Trivatur, 232. Tulu-adi, 88. Tuluva, 94, 115, 262, 268, 301, 323, 340, 343-5, 349, 351-2 (n)-353, 358, 360-1, 363, 364(n), 368-9, 379-80. Tumkur taluka, 19, 147. Tundiradesa, 233. Tunga, 315(n). Tungabhadra, the, 195(n), 287. Ubhayananadesis, the, 180. Ucchangi, fortress, 33, 103, 115, 123-4. Ucchangi Pandya line, the, 54. Ucchasringi, see Ucchangi, fortress above. Uccila, 364(n). Udyaditya, king, 115, 118, 138, 253. Udayagiri, 337. Udayana, 138. Uddhare, 151, 164, 205, 320, 323, 333, 335-6(n), 356. Uddhare vamsa, 337. Udipi taluka, 359. Ugraditya, author, 267. Ugra vamsa, 89. Ugure, 175. Ujjain, 11. Ujjantagiri, Urjjantagiri, 343, 360. Ullala, 364(n). Umasvami, author, 21. Ummattur, 257. Upadhye A. N., scholar, 281(n). 225-7(n),-228(n), 239. Upasakacara, 23(n) Uppattayta, 144. Uraiyur, 241-241(n). Uttaradhyayanasutra, 220. Uttarapathanagaresvara devatopasakas, 326. Uttarapurana, 38, 89, 235. Vacaspati, 372. Vadanaguppe, 37. Vaddakatha (Brhat katha), 19, 20, 21. Vadighangala Bhatta, 27-28(n), 39. Vadi Rudragana Lakulisvara Pandita, 49, 202-3. Vaduga Tammappa Senabova, 347. Vagbhusana Ravana, 113. Vagisa, 274, 278. See also Ap par, Dharmasena and Tiru navukarasar, above. Vaidisa, 229. Vaid yamrta, 386. Vaid yasangat ya, 386. Vaid yasastra, 20. Vaijayanti, see Banavase above and Vanavasa below. Vaikhanasas, the, 246. Vaikuntha, 355. See Melukote above. Vaisesika, philosopher, 76. Vaisnava, philosophy, 76, 360. Vaisnavas, the, 219(n), 289. Vaisnava darsana, 289. Vaisnava samaya, 290. Vaisnavism, 73, 79-80, 114, 289, 347, 355. Vaisya Bimi Setti, 354. Vaisyavamsasudharnava, 377. Vaivasvata Manu, 18. Vaji kula, 141, 376. Vajrakumaracarite, 384. Vajvaladeva, chief 104, 106-7. Vallabharaja king, 27-8. Vallabharajadeva, Maha-arasu, official, 309-310. Vallimalai, 243. Valluvar, author, 218.

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INDEX 425 Vamsapura, See Mudubidre. Vijayaditya Silahara, king, 98, Vanavasa, city, 32, 185, 339- 223. 340. Vijayaditya Ranavikrama GanVanavasa country, 89, 113. ga, king, 243. Vankapura, 55. See Bankapura. Vijayakumariyacarite, 382. Vantikola, 193. Vijayamangalam, 112, 339. Varadambike, 336. Vijayanagara city, 59-60, 233, Varaguna Vikramaditya Pan- 287, 290(n), 301-2, 305-6(n), dya, king, 239, 246. 311-2, 337, 366, 370, 373, Varakodu, 351. 375. Varanga. 262, 301. Vijayanagara Empire, 1-3-59, Vardhamanacari, architect, 119, 154, 217, 270, 283-4, 287, 127. 290, 292-4, 296, 298-9, 311, Vardhamanaksetra, 355. See 319, 322-4, 326, 334, 355, Melukote. 363, 366-7, 375, 381. Vardhamanasresthi, 364, Vijayanna, 212. Varuna, 257. Vijayanna, author, 378. Vastukosa, 266. Vijaya Narayana Setti, 206. Vasu, royal hermit, 251. Vijayappa, 295. Vatapi, 274-5. See Badami. Vijayaraja, 315(n). Vedal (Vidal Madevi Arinda- Vijayasaktiarasa, governor, 255, mangalam), 247. Vijayavatika (Bijavada), 252. Vedantins, the, 293. Vikramaditya, unidentified, Vedas, the, 220. king, 157. Velapuri, 297. See also Belur. Vikramaditya VI, Western Vemmanabhavi, 378. Calukya king, 24, 56-8, 105, Venbunadu, 245. 123-4, 178, 194 (n), 196, Venbuyalandu, 248. 203-4. Vengimandala, 263, Vikramaditya, Canglava king, Venkatadri Nayaka, king, 294-5, 315, 315(n), 316. 297, 365. Vikramaditya, Santara king, Venkatapati Deva, king, 364. 90, 160-2. Venkataramanayya N., Dr. Vikramaditya, king of Ujjain, scholar, 377-8(n). 200, 223(n) Venkayya, V., scholar, 276. Vilappakkam, 246. Vennelkarani, 18. Vimaladitya, Eastern Calukya Venupura, 318, 352-3, 380. Sce king, 252, 253(n). also Mudubidre. Vinayaditya, I, Hoysala king, Venuru, 268, 363-4(n), 367-8- 63-4(n), 67-8, 73, 233(n'). (n). Vinayaditya II, Hoysala king, Vidarpatti, 247. 52-3, 66, 73-6, 339. Videha, 21. Vinayaditya Satyasraya, WestVidu, tenet, 242. ern Calukya king, 41, 89, Vidyanagara, see Vijaya- 195(n). nagara. Vindhyagiri (at Siavana BelVidyananda, author, 378. gola), 81. Vijayadeva, bodyguard, 313. Vira Bananju, 173, 175, 180, Vijayaditya Satyasraya, W. 282, 337-8, 367. Calukyan king, 42, 192. Vira Kongalvadeva, king, 96.

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426 INDEX Vira Pandya, king, 268, 362. Vira Santaradeva, king, 91, 94, 174. Vira Saivas, Lingaits, the, 94 280, 295-7, 313-15, 319, 338, 365 367, 375. Saivacara (Jangama) faith, 280, 361. Virala Devi, 159. Viravamsavali, 224. Virupaksa Odeyar, viceroy, 287. Virupaksa Raya, king, 352, 371. Viruparajendra, 380. Visnubhatta, 56. Visnugopa, king, 8(n), 17. Visnugupta, mythical king, 92. Visnupurana, 220. Visnuvardhana Deva, Hoysala king, 66, 78-82, 84, 114-5, 118-129, 131-5, 137(n)-138 140, 142, 165-6, 179, 254. Visnuvardhana III, Eastern Calukya king, 251. Visnuvardhana, chiestain, 285. Vittarasa, governor, 254. Vizagapatam district, 253. Vizianagaram, 252. Voddama Gauda, 180. Vogeyakere, 354-5. Vokkaligerenad, 338. Voliya, 321. Vratapura, 353. See Mudu bidre. Vrasabhadasa, 330. Vrsabhatirthakara, 92, 255. Vyavaharaganita, 266. Wandiwash taluka, 243. Warangal (Ekasilanagara), 253 (n), 272. Western Ghats, 71(n), 119. Western India, 355. Yadavas, (Seunas) 58, 59. Yadava (Seuna) country, 58. Yadavapuri, (Dorasumdra), 233(n). Yaduvamsa, 71. Yajurveda, 261. Yaksaraja (Jakkaraja), 141. Yapaniyas, a sect, 34, 219, 222, 223. See also Yapaniya sangha and Yapaniya Nandi sangha. Yasahkirti, author, 379. Yatigiristhana, 355. See Melu kote. Yaugas, the 350. Yedatore taluka, 97, 156, 199. Yelusavira country, 95. Yenugallu, 364 (n). Yogandharayana, king, 142. Yogaratnakara, 384(n). Yojana Setti, 341. Yojana Sresti, I, 346. Yojana Sresti, II, 346. Yuan Chwang, pilgrim, 188, 189, 190, 191.

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