Medieval Jainism

Author(s): Bhasker Anand Saletore
Publisher: Karnataka Publishing House
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011082/1

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लाल बहादुर शास्त्री प्रशासन अकादमी
Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration
प्रवाप्ति संख्या Accession No.
वर्ग संख्या Class No. पुस्तक संख्या Book No.
मसूरी MUSSOORIE
पुस्तकालय LIBRARY
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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM

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OTHER WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR
Social & Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire
(2 Volumes). Der Wert der Listschen Lehren für die Lösung der
indischen Frage The Wild Tribes in Indian History. Ancient Karnāțaka, Volume I. History of Tuluva. The Sthānikas and Their Historical Importance. Maratha Dominion in Karnāšaka (to be published
shortly).

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By Courtesy A1 ysuru Archæologual Dipl.]
Gomateśvara at Sravana Belgola

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MEDIAEVAL JAINISM
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE
BY
BHASKER ANAND SALETORE
M.A., Ph. D. (Lond.), D. Phil. (Giessen) Professor of History, Sir Parashurambhau College, Poona, and University Teacher in Ancient Indian History,
Post-Graduate Department, Bombay University,
Ir
O
SS
KARNATAK PUBLISHING HOUSE
BOMBAY

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[ All rights reserved by the Author ]
Printed by M. N. KULKARNI at the KARNATAK PRINTING PRESS, Chira Bazar, Bombay, and published by him at the KARNATAK PUBLISHING Ilouse,
Chira Bazar, Bombay 2.

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PREFACE
When we met at Hampe (Vijayanagara) in December 1936 to commemorate the (traditional) date of the foundation of the Vijayanagara Empire, a few well-wishers desired that I should undertake the study of the Jainas under the mediæval Hindu monarchs. I agreed to their proposal but it was only some months later that I could give the subject a concrete shape. Only two scholars deserve special mention in regard to the history of the Jainas in southern India-Mr. M. S. Ramaswami and Mr. Seshagiri Rao, whose excellent essays I have utilized in some places in my work. But I have followed an altogether new line of enquiry. Jainism is studied here from a non-religious standpoint; and the conspicuous part played by all sections of the people-kings, feudatories, nobles, priests, citizens, and women-is described with the aid of contemporary historical records. It will be seen from the following pages that the connecting link in the history of pre-Vijayanagara and Vijayanagara Jainism was the great Vijayanagara House. And so far as the religion itself is concerned, we may note that far from being a bundle of metaphysical beliefs, it was a faith that added in a large measure to the material prosperity of the land. It was not my intention to exhaust all the aspects of the subject. On the other hand, I have deliberately concentrated on some particular phases of the question, leaving others to those who may care to work on them.
Notwithstanding many limitations, it is pleasing to observe that the old Jaina spirit of helping the cause of learning is

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still strong among some Jainas. This it was which has made two generous and kind-hearted Jaina gentlemen share a substantial part of the expenses of the work. In the true Jaina manner, they wish to remain anonymous. To them I wish to acknowledge herewith my profound obligation for their generous aid. I am equally grateful to Mr. M. N. Kulkarni of the Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay, but for whose kindness, promptness, and liberality, I am afraid this work would not have been printed so soon at all.
The Index has been prepared by my younger brother Mr. G. N. Saletore, M.A., who, in spite of heavy postgraduate studies, has kindly come to my rescue.
July the 14th, 1938. Purandharebagh, Poona 2.
B. A. S.

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CONTENTS
CHAPTER.
I.
PRELIMINARY REMARKS
II.
ROYAL BENEVOLENCE PRINCELY PATRONAGE
III.
IV.
JAINA MEN OF ACTION
V. WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH
VI. POPULAR SUPPORT
VII. CRITICAL TIMES
VIII. VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE
IX. STATE AID TO JAINISM
X. JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS
XI.
ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE
XII. JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA
EMPIRE
INDEX
ILLUSTRATIONS
GOMATESVARA AT ŚRAVANA BELGOLA..
GOMATESVARA AT KĀRKAĻA
AT HIRIANGADI,
A MĀNASTAMBHA
NEAR KĀRKAĻA
HOSABASTI AT MŪDABIDRE
CATURMUKHABASTI AT KARKAĻA
99
""
PAGE.
1
frontispiece
facing p. 268
"3
87
101
154
172
216
283
298
311
322
366
389
99
352
"2

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ERRATA
Page
4
52
69
93
Line For
Read Last line M.A.R. for 1923, p. 23 M.A.R. for 1923, p. 26 Footnote E. C. II. Intr. p. 30. E. C. II. No. 67, p. 30 15 Morale
Marale 29 Narasimharājapara Narasimharājapura 10-11 Bāhumali
Bāhubali 8 Avyaka
Avyakta Footnote E.C. IV. XII. Ci. 22. p.78 E.C. XII. Ck. 22. p. 1
Canna Bommara sa Cenna Bommarasa Footnote Samyak-Dharsana
Samyak-Darsana Baciya Raja
Baica Raja
110
220
314
15
317
320
11

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श्रीमत्परमगम्भीरस्याद्वादामोघलान्छनम् जीयात् त्रैलोक्यानाथस्य शासनं जिनशासनम्
May the doctrine of Jina be victorious—the doctrine of the Lord of the three worlds, the unfailing characteristic of which is the glorious and most profound syād vāda !

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THE KARNATAKA COUNTRY
A jala-nidhi-pariveştisid à Jambūdvipa madhyado! Mēru-nagam rājipud-endesag amarasamājade-sura-dhēnu-dēvataru-pañcakadim a-Mērugiriya tenkaņa-dikkinoļu-dharma-bhūmi-Bharatakhandamirppud adarol-atiramaniyamāda-nānā-deśam unf-a-deśadoļu Jinadharma-āvāsav-ādatt amaļa vinayad āgārav ādattu Padmāsanirppaā-sadmav-ādatt ativisada-yaso-dhāmav ādattu vidyā-dhana-janmasthānav-ādatt asama-tarala-gambhira-sad-gēhav-ādatt enisalk intulla nānā-mahimeyol esugam capu-Karnăţa-dēśamam.
(By its roaring waves and dashing spray proclaiming that it had mountains and pearls was the ocean surrounding Jambūdvīpa, in the middle of which was mount Meru, south of which was the land of dharma Bharata-khanda. Among the many beautifui countries it contained, an abode of the Jina dharma. a mine of good discipline, like the dwelling of Padmāsana (Brahma), having acquired great fame, the birth-place of learning and wealth, the home of unequalled splendid earnestness, thus distinguished in many ways was the lovely Karnāța country.)
Epigraphia Carnatica, VIII. Kuppatūr stone inscription styled Sb. 261, dated A.D. 1408, pp. 41, 107 (text). See
P. 309 of this work.

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CHAPTER 1.
PRELIMINARY REMARKS
Importance and nature of the subject - Introduction of Jainism into south and west India.
THE history of mediæval Jainism in southern and western 1 India, especially in the famous Empire of Vijayanagara, can be best understood only when it is studied in relation to the activities of its votaries in the ages preceding the rise of the sons of Sangama. It is essentially the history of a sect which having sought shelter in Karnāțaka from a grave calamity that had overtaken it in its own home in the north, rose to unrivalled brilliance in the land of its adoption not only in the fields of letters, arts, and religion but in the domain of politics as well. At the hands of writers on Indian history, however, the influence which this profound faith cast in the south has not received the attention it has deserved.1 Indeed, it may be said
1. One finds little about this subject in most of the modern works dealing with the history and religions of India. The Cambridge History of India, I, for example, has only a few lines on this question : pp. 166-167. Other writers like Glasenapp, Der Jainismus, and C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer (revised edition, Bangalore), have nothing more than the few well known facts to relate.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM without any exaggeration that this subject has been almost ignored by historians of India. It is our purpose, therefore, to delineate in brief such of the important facts which are available in the numerous epigraphic records and literature of Karnāšaka, the Telugu and Tamil lands, and which give us an idea of the remarkable contribution Jainism made to the stability and success of many kingdoms and notably of that most magnificent product of mediæval Hindu statesmanship—the Empire of Vijayanagara.
But it is necessary to bear in mind here a few considerations in regard to the subject before us. In the first place, while it is undoubtedly true that, as will be pointed out in the course of this treatise, Jainism claimed great antiquity in certain parts of southern India, where it made perceptible progress for some time, it always reckoned Karnātaka as its home where both during the days of its highest splendour as well as in the period of its comparative insignificance, it never failed to receive the warmest hospitality and the sincerest devotion from the people. Hence the history of Jainism in southern India is primarily the history of that religion in Karnataka. This is the reason why, while studying the annals of Jainism under Vijayanagara, which was till the days of the famous Āravidu family thoroughly Karnataka in origin and culture, we should pay due attention to the part played by the followers of the Jina dharma in moulding the destiny of western and southern India in the pre-Vijayanagara days. We have, therefore, to acquaint ourselves with the facts relating to the advent of that religion into Karnātaka, and the circumstances which led to its being a most potent factor in the history of western India till the fourteenth century A.D., before we deal with its progress and decay in the Vijayanagara Empire. This course of study will explain the widespread and abiding influence

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PRELIMINARY REMARKS which Jainism had in the land, and at the same time enable us to understand how it functioned throughout the history of the Hindu Empire of Vijayanagara.
The advent of Jainism into Kamnāšaka, and, therefore, into southern India, is connected with the immigration of Jainas under their celebrated leader Bhadrabāhu, the last of the great śrutakevalis, and his disciple the Mauryan Emperor Candragupta. Southern tradition, corroborated by literary and epigraphic evidence, relates that Bhadrabāhu after predicting a twelve years' famine and drought in the north, led the migration of the Jaina sangha to the south. He was accompanied by Candragupta Maurya. On reaching Sravaņa Belgoļa, Bhadrabāhu, perceiving that his end was drawing near, ordered the sangha to proceed on its way, and himself remained on the smaller hill called Kalbappu, Kațavapra, Cikka Betta, at Sravaņa Belgola, where he was tended till his last moments by his royal disciple. The latter survived his teacher by twelve years, which were spent in penance on the hill, and then died there himself.1
Notwithstanding a few discrepancies between the traditional account of the migration and that left to us by early Jaina writers, it may be taken as an undisputed fact that the Jainas migrated to the fertile regions of Karnātaka in the days of the first Ganadhara Bhadrabāhu whose death, according to all Jaina authors from Hemacandra down to the most modern scholiast, took place in 170 A.V. or B.C. 297.
1. Charpentier discredits the account of the Digambaras and asserts that Bhadrabahu retired to Nepāl in order to pass the remainder of his life in penance, leaving the succession to Sthūlabhadra, a disciple of Bhadrabähu's own contemporary the highpriest Sambhūtavijaya. Cam. His. of India, I, p. 165,
2. Jacobi, Kalpasūtra, Intr., p. 13,

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM
We owe this definiteness in regard to the Jaina migration to Karnāțaka to the researches of the late Mr. B. L. Rice and the late Prāktana Vimarśa Vicakşaņa Mahāmahopädhyāya R. Narasimhācārya. On the strength of the inscriptions on the summit of Candragiri itself and elsewhere, the writings of early Jaina writers like Harişeņa (A. D. 931), and mediæval and later writers like Ratnanandi (circa a. D. 1450), Cidā. nandakavi (A.D. 1680), and Devacandra (A.D. 1838), these scholars have shown that credence may certainly be given to the tradition of the migration of the Jainas to the south under the leadership of the fifth and the last of the great śrutakevalis Bhadrabāhu and his royal disciple.1
1. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, pp. 2-10 ; Narasimhācārya, Inscriptions at Sravana Belgola, pp. 36-40. Smith accepted this tradition. Oxford History of India, pp. 75-76. Fleet tried to maintain that this Jaina tradition had no historical basis. Indian Antiquary, XXI, p. 156; Epigraphia Indica, IV, pp. 22-24, 339; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1909, p. 23; ibid for 1911, p. 816. But both Rice and Narasimhācārya have successfully proved that Fleet's contention was wrong. My. and Coorg, p. 7, n. (1); Ins. Sr. Bel.. Intr., p. 40, Dr. Shama Sastry, while squaring some synchronisms with the initial year of the Gupta era, viz., A. D. 200-201,—which, according to him, is the correct date, that given by Dr. Fleet, viz., A. D. 319-20 being wrong -opines that it was Bhadrabāhu III, and Candragupta II, who came to Kalbappu. (Mysore Archæological Report for 1923, p. 23).

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CHAPTER II. ROYAL BENEVOLENCE
Royal patronage : Under the Gangas : The Ganga kingdom a creation of the Jaina sage Simhanandi--the story in connection with that sage and Madhava Kongunivarmā I described and examined-Avinīta 1-Durvinita-Sivamāra
Sripuruşa Muttarasa Pệthvikongumivarmā II-Sivamāra II Saigotta--Prince DuggamāraNitimārga 1-Mārasimha Guttiya Ganga-Nītimārga, Rācamalla III--Rakkasaganga, Rācamalla, IV. The Kadamba patronage : Kākusthavarmā - Mțgesavarmā - Ravivarmā - Harivarmā-Devavarmā. Rāştrakūta patronage : Dantidurga, Khadgāvaloka-Govinda III Prabhūtayarsa-Kambha, Ranāvaloka-Amoghavarsa I Nspatunga—Krşņa Il-Krşņa III-Indra IV. Western Cālukya patrons : Tailapadeva IIJayasimha III - The great men in the age of this ruler : Vadirāja-An account of Vădirāja-his rival Vadi Rudragana Lākulisa Pandita-Other great Jaina teachers of this period identified Patronage by the Cālukya monarchs continued : Someśvara I Trailokyamalla--A great Jaina teacher of his time : Vādībhasimha AjitasenaVikramāditya VI. Hoysala patrons : The Hoysala kingdom another Jaina creation-Relation between the Hoysalas and their predecessors the Western Calukyas Jainism as the connecting link between the Hoysala and the Vijayanagara

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM
kingdoms—The birth-place of the Hoysalas a centre of Jainism—The story of the Jaina guru Sudatta who helped Sala to build a kingdom critically examined—Identification of Sudatta with the help of a contemporary stone epigraphDigression into the early history of the Hoysala family_.Vinayāditya II and his Jaina guru Sāntideva—Ereyanga and the sage GopanandiBallāla 1-Vişnuvardhana-Narasimha I Ballāla 11–Narasimha III --Rāmanātha.
TROM a fugitive faith, Jainism became gradually the
dominant religion of Karnāțaka ; and for nearly twelve centuries (second century A.D. till the thirteenth century) it guided the fortunes of some of the most powerful and well known Karnataka royal families. This particular aspect of Jainism deserves a passing explanation. That a religion which had made Karnāțaka its abode only a few generations before its great rival Buddhism had cast its sway practically over the same area, should have, in spite of the opposition it met from rival faiths, and notably from the rejuvenated forms of Hinduism, persisted to do a great deal of material and spiritual good to the country is, indeed, most remarkable, especially when we remember that its votaries did not show any signs of increasing in numbers and its royal patrons, particularly in the thirteenth century A.D. and after, did not always shower on it the patronage it had received in the early centuries of the Christian era. But this success of Jainism for over eleven centuries is to be attributed not
1. The various Edicts of Asoka, not to mention other important sources, are in themselves sufficient proof to demonstrate that Buddhism had taken deep roots in Karnātaka in the Mauryan age. This question will be discussed by me in a separate dissertation. In the meanwhile read Rice, My & Coorg., pp 314 ; Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer, I, pp. 295-298.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE inerely to its inherent vitality, but also to other causes which transformed it from a mere tissue of teachings into a live force in Karnātaka politics. Foremost among these causes is that relating to the new outlook Jaina leaders took on political life. They ceased to be merely exponents of dogmas; they turned themselves into creators of kingdoms. It may not be too much to say that Jainism in the pre-Vijayanagara days was an example of a religion which showed, at least so far as Karnāțaka was concerned, that religious tenets were to be subordinated to political exigencies when the question of rejuvenating life in the country was at stake. The practical effect of such a changed angle of vision on the part of the great Jaina teachers of the early centuries
early centuries was profound. Four celebrated royal families in succession came forward as champions of Jainism ; and what the monarchs did, their minister-generals, feudatories, and commercial magnates imitated. Jainism, in short, received universal patronage from all ranks of people. And the Jaina leaders in tum reciprocated the trust and reverence which the princes and people reposed in them by contributing in a large measure to the philosophy, literature, and arts of the country.
The earliest political creation of the Jina dharma was the Ganga kingdom of the south. The Gangas were a family of considerable antiquity. They belonged to the Ikşvāku race and the Kānvāyana gotra. Their early history in the north or north-east prior to their advent in the south does not concern us here. Somewhere in the second century A.D.1 they
1. The chronology of the Ganges is far from being settled. Of the scholars who have attempted to fix it,-Fleet, Rice, Narasimhacarya, Shama Sastry, and Govinda Pai.--the attempts of Fleet have to be abandoned, as he unfortunately took an assailable stand concerning the genuineness of many of the Ganga records. Rice placed Kongunivarmā I in the end of the second

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM branched off in the southerly direction. Two princes of the Ganga family came to a particular city in the south, thereby opening a new age in the history of the country. For here
century A.D (My. & Coorg., pp. 32, 49). Although the dates given by him to some of the later Ganga rulers, e.g., Durvinita whom he placed in A.D. 482-517... (Ibid, p. 49), as pointed out by Narasimhacarya, were wrong (Mysore Archeological Report for 1921, p. 28, where Narasimhacarya gives A.D. 605-650 as the dates of this ruler), yet we may accept, on the whole, the age (second century A. D.) given to the first historical figure in the Ganga history by Rice as correct.
The following will, for the present, be enough to prove that Rice's calculations were valid. One of the Ganga kings whose date of coronation was fixed satisfactorily by Dr. Shama Sastry is king Avinīta. This ruler was anointed to the throne while a boy in A. D. 475 (M. A. R. for 1924, p. 18). With this date we shall argue backwards in order to fix the age of Kongunivarmā I. Between king Avinita and Konguņivarmā I there were at least six monarchs Mādhava, Kiriya (styled by Rice Madhava II), Harivarmā, and his elder brothers Ayyavarmā and Krşnavarmā, his son Vişnugopa, followed by, according to Rice, Přthvīganga, and then Mādhava II (called by Rice Madhava III). (Rice, ibid., p. 49; M. A. R. for 1924, p. 17). Suppose we allot thirty-five years to every one of these, we reach at the following dates :
Mādhava Konguņivarmā I A.D. 230
Mādhava A.D. 265
Ayyavarmā
A.D. 300
Krsnavarma
A.D. 335
Harivarmā A.D. 370(?)
Vişnugopa A.D. 405
Madhava A.D. 440
Avinita A.D. 475

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE in this city was effected the first political success of Jainism, when a renowned Jaina guru initiated one of them into the syād vāda doctrine, and, as numerous epigraphs assert, “ gave them a kingdom."
The account of the victory which Jainism thus won is not given in any contemporary epigraph either of that celebrated Jaina guru or of his royal protégé. But several later records both of the Gangas and of the other royal families and old Jaina works clearly and unanimously give the story thereby
Now the Tamil Chronicle Kongudeśa-rājakkaļ gives A.D. 189 as the date for the king Konguņivarmā I. It asserts that he reigned for fifty-one years. (Rice, ibid., p. 32). If we take A.D. 189 as the initial year of that ruler, it may be maintained that he ruled from A. D. 189 till A. D. 250. The date A. D. 230 which we have given for that king on the basis of the date A.D. 475 given to king Avinīta, would, then, fit in quite well within his reign. And Mr. Govinda Pai's dates circa A.D. 250A.D. 283 given to Konguņivarmā I (Karnataka Historical Review, II, No. 1, p. 29) would be very near the correct date. Mr. B. V. Krishna Rao's dates for the same ruler, A.D. 340A.D.-400, (The Gangas of Talkad, pp. xi, 22) are far too arbitrary to be accepted. Narasimhacarya's discovery of many genuine Ganga records is of the greatest importance in this connection (M. A. R. for 1921, p. 17 ff.). But the dates A.D. 605650 given by him to king Durvinita—no doubt on a well' reasoned contemporaneity of that ruler with the famous poet Bhāravi-seem to be rather unacceptable. (M.A.R. for 1921, p. 28). For if Dr. Shama Sastry is right in assuming that king Avinita was anointed to the throne in A.D. 475, it cannot be that Avinita's son and successor Durvinita came to the throne in A.D. 605 ! Dr. Sastry has shown that the date A.D. 478 given to Durvinita by Rice is correct. (M.A.R. for 1923, p. 27). Pending a detailed study of the Gangas, I tentatively accept Rice's chrono logy as correct in the main. On the Kadamba-Ganga synchronisms in the reign of king Avinita, read Moraes, Kadamba-kula, pp. 55-59.

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10
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM leaving no doubt in our minds concerning its veracity. The Ganga ruler who thus secured a kingdom was called Konguņivarmă I, while his Jaina preceptor was Simhanandi Acārya. One of the earliest royal documents which hints at the aid received by the first historical figure in the Ganga genealogy, is the Kodunjeruvu grant of king Avinīta (accession A.D. 475). This record merely states that the illustrious Kongunivarmā was “famous for his valour and strength exhibited in rending asunder a pillar of stone with a single stroke of his sword."1
Neither in the above record nor in the next one styled the Bedirur grant of king Bhūvikrama, Srivallabha, and dated Saka 556 (A.D. 634-5), is there any explicit statement to the effect that Simhanandi Ācārya gave Konguņivarmā a kingdom. The Bedirür plates only repeat the fact of the great achievement of Konguņivarmā as given in the grant of king Avinīta mentioned above.?
But in the damaged copper-plate grant of king Sivamāra I, Pętlivikonguni I, (A.D. 670-713...), it is clearly stated that Konguņivarmā I, who was " possessed of renown for valour," " with his own sword at the suggestion of the Jaina teacher," whose name is lost in the record, cut evidently the stone pillar referred to in other epigraphs. The Udayendiran grant of king Hastimalla dated circa A.D. 920, affirms that the Ganga lineage obtained increase through the greatness of Simhanandi. The Kūdlūr plates of king Mārasimha dated Saka 884 (A.D. 963) confirm the above, and assert that by favour of Simhanandi Ācārya Konguņivarmā obtained strength of
1. M. A. R. for 1924, p. 68. 2. Ibid. for 1925, pp. 85, 87. 3. Ibid., p. 91.
4. South Indian Inscriptions, II, p. 387 ; M. A, R. for 1921, p. 21.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE
11
arm and valour and cut asunder the great stone pillar with a single stroke of his sword.1 The Humcca Pañcabasti stone inscription dated A.D. 1077, while tracing the spiritual descent of Jaina gurus, asserts the following in connection with the great Jaina teacher Samantabhadra-In his line was Simhanandi Ācārya who made the Ganga kingdom (Gangarājyamam mādida Simhanandi-ācāryar). 2
But the most admirable account of Simhanandi Ācārya's great achievement is given in the stone inscription found near the Siddheśvara temple on Kallūrgudda, Shimoga hobli, Mysore State. It is dated A.D. 1122 and, after describing the early history of the Ganga family, it narrates thus about king Padmanābha's two sons Dadiga and Madhava, who were sent to the south when their father was attacked by Mahipāla of Ujjain: Continuing by daily journeys they came to a pleasant place, where they saw the extensive Perur (in the mod. Cuddapah district), a joy to the mind of the pure Lakşmi ; and a hill covered with flowering mandāra, namēru, and sandal trees. Seeing that Ganga Perūr, they pitched their camp on the bank of a tank there, and seeing a caityālaya, with full of devotion walked round it three times, and giving praises, saw the voyager to the farthest shore of learning, the full moon to the ocean the Jina congregation, possessed of patience, and all the ten excellent qualities, his good life a secure wealth, rejoicing in the modest, his fame extending to the four oceans, keeping at a distance from the evil, a sun in the sky of the Krāņūr gana, devoted to the performance of the twelve kinds of penance, promoter of the Ganga kingdom (Ganga-rajya samuddharanam)-Śri-Simhanandi Acārya ;
1. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 19.
2. Epigraphia Carnatica, VII, Nr. 46, p. 139. See also Nr. 35, p. 138, where the same is repeated.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM and doing reverence to him through faith in the guru, made known to him all the object of their coming. On which he, taking them by the hand, made them proficient in the art of learning, and after some days causing by his faith the goddess Padmavati to appear, obtained a boon, and gave them a sword and the whole kingdom.
The same stone inscription then continues thus :-While the munipati was looking on, Mādhava, honoured by the learned, shouting struck with all his might a stone pillar, when it (the pillar) broke with a noise of cracking ; what cannot brave men do? Seeing that energy, the munipati, making a coronet of the petals of the karaạikāra bound it on, blessing them (the two brothers) as honoured by the good, scattering grain (on them), giving them with a pleased mind the domain of all the earth, making his peacock fan a signal flag for them, and furnished them with numerous attendants, elephants, and horses.
This interesting record further informs us about the advice which Simhanandi Ācārya gave the two brothers : Having thus put them in possession of all the kingdom, he gave them the following advice—That if they failed in what they promised, if they did not approve of the Jina śāsana, if they seized the wives of others, if they ate honey or flesh, if they formed relationship with the low, if they gave not of their wealth to the needy, and if they fled from the battlefield, then, their race would go to ruin !
The extent of the kingdom thus given to them by the great Ācārya is next described in the same inscription. Having said the above, with the lofty Nandagiri as their fortress, Kuvalāla as their city, the Ninety-six Thousand as their country, the blameless Jina their Lord, Victory their companion in the battle field, the Jina mata their faith, and with ever increasing greatness, the kings Dadiga and

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE Madhava ruled over the earth. The boundaries of their kingdom were the following on the north its frontiers touched Marandale, on the east Tonqanad, on the west, the ocean and the place called Ceram, and on the south, Kongu. Moreover, having subdued all the enemies that were within these limits, the Gangas made firm their dominion over so much, the circle of Gangavādi 96,000. It is this record which, as will be explained in a later context, states that Dadiga and Mädhava erected a caityālaya on the hill Mandaļi (near Shimoga), according to the advice of the same Ācārya, while out on an expedition to subdue the Konkaņa.
That Simhanandi Acārya actually taught his royal disciples the syād vāda doctrine is further proved by another record dated A.D. 1129, which informs us that “The sharp sword of meditation on the venerable Arhat, which cuts asunder the row of stone pillars the hostile army of the ghāti sins, was vouchsafed by Simhanandi muni to his disciples also. Otherwise, how was the solid stone pillar, which barred the road to the entry of the goddess of sovereignty, capable of being cut asunder by him with his sword ? " 2
These records are of the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D.; the Gangas as a ruling power disappeared by the end of the eleventh century A.D. Notwithstanding this chronological discrepancy, it may be conceded that the above account of Simhanandi Ācārya's having helped the first notable Ganga king in Karnāțaka, Konguņivarmā, may be accepted as valid. In a later connection in the same Siddhesvara temple record, while dealing with the spiritual line of the Jaina gurus of the Sri Mula sangha, Kondakundānvaya,
1. E. C. VII, Sh. 4, p. 6. Cf. Sh. 39 dated A.D. 1122, and Sh. 56 dated A.D. 1125, pp. 17, 21.
2. Ibid, II, 67, pp. 25-26.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Krāņūr gaņa, and Meşapāşaņa gaccha to which Simhanandi Ācārya belonged, it is again said that that teacher was a dweller in the southern country and a promoter of the family of the chiefs of the Ganga territory, and lord of the Sri Mula sangha (dakşiņa deśavāsi Ganga mahimandalikakula-samuddharaṇaḥ Sri-Mülasanghanātho). Evidently this was but a continuation of the earlier tradition as recorded, for instance, in the Udayendiran plates of king Hastimalla mentioned above. Its validity is further proved by an inscription assigned to circa A. D. 1179 in which it is said that the Ganga kingdom was brought into existence by the lord of the sages Simhanandi of the celebrated Deśika gana named after Kondakunda. 1
Before proceeding further with these records, we may note that as pointed out by the late Mr. Narasimhacarya, in an old commentary on the Jaina work Gommațasāra, it is stated that, the Ganga family prospered by the blessings of the sage Simhanandi.2
The above inscriptions concerning Simhanandi Acārya and Konguņivarmă I, contain two other details which are of some importance in the history of Jainism in the preVijayanagara days. The first relates to the position of the city of Perür where the Ganga princes met the Jaina guru. The Siddheśvara temple inscription clearly informs us that Perür was already a great Jaina centre in the days of Simhanandi Ācārya. It contained a caityālaya where assembled the ocean of the Jina congregation to which Simhanandi him. self was the full-moon (Jina samaya-sudhămbhodhi-sampūt. nacandraram).
The other detail is more interesting. In the same epi.
.1. E. C. II, 397, p. 169. 2. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 26.

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15 graph, as well as in others, we are told that Simhanandi Ācārya gave, firstly, a sword, and, then, a kingdom to prince Madhava. With the sword the latter struck a stone pillar (šīlā stambha) which broke with the noise of cracking. It was as a reward for this brave act of the prince, that Simhanandi put on his head the coronet of karanikära flowers and gave him a kingdom. The incident of smiting the stone pillar preceded that of the gift of the kingdom. Now what was the stone pillar and the significance of its destruction ? Rice suggested long ago about this renowned but rather unintelligible feat thus—“ It seems not improbable that the term should properly be śilā stambha, the name given to the pillars on which the edicts of Asoka were inscribed. None has hitherto been found in the south, but no reason appears why one should not have been erected in this part of India, which Konguņi I overthrew.”2 But it was only thirteen years later in 1892 that Rice himself made his epoch-making discovery of Aoka's edicts at Malkālmūru in the Chitaldroog district. Although no edicts of Asoka have been found in the neighbourhood of Perür, yet it may not be wrong to assume that the reference to the silā stambha in the above records is to one of such monuments which Kongunivarmă destroyed. It could not have been any ordinary
1. In the inscription edited by Rice it was read as Sila stam. bha.
2. Rice, Mysore Inscriptions, Intr. p. xlii. (1879).
3. The many royal grants we have cited above refer in unmistakable terms to the great achievement of Kongunivarma. The only exception is the Narasimharajapura grant of king Sripuruşa (A.D. 726-776...), assigned to about A.D. 780, in which the destruction of the stone pillar is attributed to a predecessor of Konguņivarmā I. This document relates that in the race of that fortunate one, who, intent on victory, cut off by order of a Nirgrantha (Jaina) sage a huge stone pillar with his

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM pillar which that ruler broke with a single stroke of his sword. We have to assume that it may have been a monument which was not only literally large, but one the existence of which proved a barrier to the progress of that king. This latter supposition is based on the explicit statement in the inscription dated A.D. 1129 cited above which informs us that the stone pillar barred the road to the entry of the goddess of sovereignty. The reference here seems to be to the powerful hold which Buddhism had over that region prior to the age when Konguņivarmā became master of Perür. Buddhist influence still held its own in the south for some time to come ; and it was evidently this which the great Jaina teacher overcame with the help of his royal disciple. Konguņivarmā's demonstration of physical strength brought with it, indeed, “sovereignty” to the Jainas ; and the reward which he secured for this remarkable feat was a kingdom. 1
Whatever our difficulty in ascertaining the exact nature of the circumstances under which Simhanandi Ācārya enabled Konguộivarmā to acquire political power in the region
(Continued from p. 15.) sword, was born the matchless Konguņi Rājā of the Kāņvāyana gotra (M.A.R. for 1920, p. 28). Since all records except this unanimously attribute the performance of the great deed only to Konguņivarma I, and to none else, we have to suppose that the scribe who composed the Narasimharājapura plates was not properly informed of the deeds of the earliest historical figure in the Ganga genealogy. Or a copper plate of Konguņivarmā I, see M.A.R. for 1912-1913, pp. 33-34.
1. Mr. Hayavadana Rao asserts that the change in religion from Brahmanism to Jainism on the part of Konguņivarmā “ seems to have been insisted upon by the Acārya Simhanandi as a sine qua non for any interest in the two boy-princes Dadiga and Mädhava.” My. Gaz., II, p. 592. This is merely a conjecture.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE around Perür, there can be hardly any doubt that the aid which the great Jaina sage gave the Ganga ruler secured for Jainism royal patronage at the hands of the Ganga monarchs who, excepting in a few instances, fostered it with care for centuries after the time of Kongunivarmā I. For instance, king Vişnugopa is said to have set aside the Jina faith for that of Nārāyaṇa (Vişnu). But his son (or grandson) Tadangala Madhava, notwithstanding the fact of his having been a devotee of Triyambaka, carried on the earlier Ganga tradition of extending patronage to the Jainas. A copperplate grant found in the ruined basti at Noņamangala, MaJūr tāluka, and dated in his 13th regnal year, records the grant of the Kumārapura village and other specified land for the Arhat temple in the Perbbaļal village. This was done at the instance of the Ācārya Viradeva, who was proficient in his own doctrine and in other dogmas.3 That Tadangala Mādhava should have done this is, indeed, noteworthy, specially when it is remembered that he is described as one who was "of widespread fame for his revival of Brahman endowments long since destroyed.” In another record he is described as a "reviver of donations and sacrifices for longceased festivals of the gods and Brahman endowments, daily eager to extricate the ox of merit from the thick mire of
1. A damaged and undated stone inscription found near Icavādi, Shimoga hobli, is unique in the sense that it is the only record which gives the name of Nandibhattāraka of the Krānür gana as having been the teacher of the Ganga kings ruling over the southern country (M.A.R. for 1923, p. 115). We do not know whether this was the same Nandi muni who is mentioned in a record assigned to A.D. 700 (E. C. II, 111, p. 45).
2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 34.
3. E. C. X., Mr. 73, pp.172-173. Rice assigns this copperplate grant to circa A.D. 370.
4. Ibid., IX, DB. 67, p. 71.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM
the Kaliyuga in which it had sunk."1 These statements obviously refer to those days of Jaina ascendancy under the early Ganga monarchs when the Vedic ideas and Brahman superiority had been relegated into the background by the vigour and driving force of Jainism.
King Tadangala Mādhava's son and successor was Avinita. This ruler "like Vaivasvata Manu devoted to protecting the south in the maintenance of castes and religious orders, the friend of all ",2 was undoubtedly a Jaina. The Noņamangala copper-plate grant issued in the 1st regnal year of that monarch, amply proves this assertion. In this record king Avinita, who is called merely Śrīmat Konguņivarmā Dharmamahārājādhirāja, in that year, on the advice of his preceptor the parama-arhat Vijayakīrti, gave the Vennelkarani village (location specified) to the Uranür Arhat temple, and one-fourth of the kārşāpaņa (a copper coin 80 Tati in weight) of the outside customs to the Perūr Evāniadigal's Arhat temple. The Uranür Arhat temple, we are informed in the same document, was established by Candranandi and others of the Śrī Mūla sangha. This copper-plate grant has been assigned to circa A. D. 425 by Rice. 3
1. E. C. IX, DB. 68, p. 72.
2. Ibid., DB. 68, p. 73. On his benevolent attitude towards the Brahmans, see ibid., DB. 67, p. 71.
3. Ibid, X., Mr. 72, pp. 171-172. See also Ramaswami Ayyangar, Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 110-111 (Madras, 1922). The Mercara plates of the same king, the genuineness of which has been questioned, also confirm the statement made above that he was a staunch follower of the Jina dharma. This copper-plate grant, assigned by Rice to A. D. 466, relates that that king gave the village of Badaneguppe (location given) to Candranandi Bhattāraka, who was the disciple of

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE That king Durvinīta, son and successor to king Avinīta, was likewise a good Jaina is proved by a later record dated A. D. 1055-6 to be cited in a later context.
Rice asserted that the celebrated Jaina grammarian Pūjyapāda was the spiritual guru of king Durvinita: This statement was based on the Hirematha copper-plate grant found at Hobbūru, Tumkur tāluka, and assigned by Rice to circa A. D. 700. In it king Durvinīta is thus described
-Sabdāvatārakāra-deva-Bhārati-nivaddha Brhadp[k]atha which Rice interpreted thus" restricted to the path of greatness by the instruction of the divine who was the author of the Sabdāvatāra."1
The late Mr. Narasimhacarya denied that Pūjyapada had anything to do with king Durvinīta at all. He maintained that Sabdāvatārakära Devabhārati-nibaddha-Brhadkatha were two of the birudas of king Durvinīta, meaning thereby that that ruler wrote the Sabdāvatāra, and translated into Sanskrit Guņādhya's Byhadkathā.2
This assertion rests on the Gummareddipura plates of king Durvinīta, issued in his 40th regnal year. In this important record it is clearly stated thus-Sabdāvatāra-kāreņa
(Continued from p. 18.) Gunanandi Bhattāraka, through the offices of the minister of Akālavarşa Pșthvivallabha. The grant was made on behalf of the Srivijaya basadi at Talavananagara. (E. C., I. Cg. 1, p. 51). The ruler mentioned here may have been Krşņa I, the Rāştrakūta monarch, who seems to have been the first to assume the name Akālavarşa. But what a minister of the latter had to do with king Avinita is not clear. On king Avinīta's patronage of the Jainas, read Indian Antiquary, I, p. 136 ; Krishna Rao, Gangas of Talkad, p. 227.
1. E. C., XII. Tm. 23, p. 7; My. & Coorg., pp. 35, 196. 2. Karnataka Kavicarite, I. pp. 12-13.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Devabhārati nibaddha Vaddakathena Kirātārjunīyenapañcadaśa-sarga-fīkākāreņa Durvinīta nāmadheyena.
But our difficulty does not end here. While the Gummareddipura plates conclusively prove that king Durvinīta was the author of a Sabdāvatāra, it cannot be maintained on the strength of this record that he was not the disciple of Pūjyapāda. We have to admit that there is no explicit reference in any inscription to the fact that Pūjyapāda was the guru of king Durvinīta. The Kadagattūr plates assigned by Rice to circa A. D. 482, no doubt, describe king Durvinīta as one who walked according to the example of his guru (svaguru guṇānugāminā).2 But this does not show that Pūjyapāda was connected with king Durvinīta.
A solution of the problem lies in ascertaining a few details centring round Pūjyapāda. We know that this great teacher was the author of a work called sabdāvatāra. A later record found in the Pañcabasti at Humcca, and assigned to A. D. 1530 on valid grounds, informs us that Pūjyapāda was the author of the following works--Nyāyakumudacandrodaya, the nyāsa on the sūtras of Sākațāyana, the nyāsa named Jainendra " also the great nyāsa called śabdāvatāra on the sūtras of Pāņini," the Vaidya-śāstra for the good of mankind, and a ţikā to the Tattvārtha.8
Can we rely upon this record of the middle of the sixteenth century A. D. for determining something about a person who lived in the early centuries of the Christian era ? This will depend on our comparing some of the details given in the above inscription with those found in other records. An inscription dated A. D. 1163 informs us that Pujyapāda
1. M.A.R. for 1912, pp. 31-32, 35. 2. E.C. XII. Mi. 110, p. 115. 3. Ibid., VIII, Nr. 46, p. 147 ; My & Coorg, p. 197.

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was so called because of his two feet being worshipped by the deities, that he had at first the name Devanandi, and that, on account of his towering intellect, he was also called Jinendrabuddhi. The same epigraph gives an account of his works. His Jainendra proclaimed to the learned his unequalled knowledge of grammar ; his great Sarvārthasiddhi his proficiency in philosophy ; his Jainābhişeka, his high poetic talent and subtle knowledge of prosody; and his Samādhisataka, his peace of mind.1 A later record dated A. D. 1432 gives us three additional details in regard to Pūjyapāda. He was unrivalled in the power of healing, and he visited Jina in Videha, while the touch of the water used for washing his feet indeed had the virtue of turning iron into gold.2
The above inscriptions, therefore, confirm the Pañcabasti record in regard to the following points—That Pūjyapāda was the author of Jainendra, and that he was well versed in the science of medicine. Now we know from other sources that Pūjyapāda wrote an extensive commentary on the Tattvārtha sūtra of Umāsvāmi, and the work Jainendra vyäkaraṇa.3 The Pañcabasti inscription is the only source of information in regard to the other works which he wrote ---Nyāyakumuda-candrodaya, the nyāsa on the sütras of
1. E.C. II. 64, p. 17. Cf. Ibid., 254 dated A.D. 1398 which confirms the name Devanandi and Jinendrabuddhi given to him, and the derivation of the name Pūjyapāda. p. 110.
2. Ibid, 258, p., 117. Pūjaypāda's famous work on medicine was probably called Kalyānakāraka. This was rendered into Kannada by the poet Jagaddaļa Somanātha in about A. D. 1150. (Kavicarite, I, pp. 164-165. rev. ed)
3. Hiralal, A Catalogue of Mss. in the Central Provinces and Berat, Intr. p. XX.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Sākatāyana, and the great sabdāvatāra.1 The fact of Pūjyapāda's having written the nyāsa on Säkatāyana's sūtras is interesting. If corroborated by other sources it would mean that not only was sākatāyana earlier than, or contemporary with, Pūjyapāda, but that the latter was perhaps the earliest commentator on Sākațāyana's famous work on grammar, Sabdānuśāsana. One would then have altogether eight, and not seven, commentaries on Sākatāyana's work.2 For our purpose we may note that Pujyapāda who had written a nyāsa on sākatāyana's great work on grammar, could also have written another work on grammar called Sabdāvatāra himself.
Turning to king Durvinīta we find that we have valid reasons to assume that he was not an original writer on grammar. While there is clear evidence of his having written a commentary on the fifteenth sarga of Kirātārjuniya,3 nowhere is it said that he was a great grammarian. In the Nallāļa plates, for instance, issued by that monarch we have quite a number of details concerning his literary attainments. It is expressly said in this record that the king was an expert in the composition of various kinds of poetry, stories, and dramas, but nothing about his proficiency in grammar is mentioned in it. If king Durvinita
1. Pārsvapandita in his Pārsvanātha purāņa (composed in A. D. 1222) ascribes the following works to Pūjyapāda-- Kalyanakāraka, Jainendra, and Tatlvārthavịtti. Kavicarite, 1. p. 325, n. (1).
2. Hiralal says that there are only seven important commentaries on Sākatāyana's work discovered hitherto. He gives their names. Op. cit., Intr. p. xxv.
3. M.A.R. for 1918. p. 28; ibid., for 1920, p. 28; ibid for 1921, p. 20; ibid for 1924, p. 76 ; ibid for 1925, p. 88 ; ibid for 1927, p. 108.
4 Ibid., for 1926 p. 71.

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23
had been a great grammarian, the scribes who composed his inscriptions would never have failed to allude to it in their compositions. For instance, it is said of king sivamāra that he was “a distinguished sailor able to reach the other side of the unfordable ocean of Pāņini's grammar."1 The absence of such a qualifying phrase in connection with king Durvinīta suggests that he was not an original writer on grammar.
How, then, is the statement made in the Gummareddipura plates that he was a Sabdávatārakära to be understood ? We know that he was a staunch Jaina, that he wrote a commentary on Kirätārjuniya, and that he translated into Sanskrit Guņādhya's BỊhadkathā. It may not be too much to suppose that he put into Kannada the original Sabdāvatāra of Pūjyapāda, obviously as a mark of respect for his great guru. This would mean that we have to assign Pūjyapāda to the same age in which king Durvinīta lived, viz., the latter half of the fifth and the beginning of the sixth century A. D.2
King Sivamāra I (A. D. 670-713) continued the Jaina traditions of the earlier rulers. That he was himself a Jaina is proved by one of his copper-plate grants
1. M.A.R. for 1927, p. 77.
2. This was precisely the date arrived at for Pūjyapāda by the late Mr. Narasimhacarya. Kavicarite, I. pp. 5-6. He likewise assigned king Durvinita to the first half of the sixth century A. D. M.A.R. for 1912, pp. 35-36. Two other works of Pujyapāda are mentioned by Hiralal-Stāvakācāra and Upā. sakācāra dealing with instructions for the conduct of a Jaina lay man. Hiralal, op. cit., pp. 628,696. On p. 706 Hiralal mentions Sarvärthasiddhi. On Pūjyapāda, read Kielhom, I. A., X., 75 ; Pathak, ibid, XLVIII, pp. 20, 512 ; Peterson, Report on Skt. Mss., II. pp. 67-74.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM
mentioned above, which relates that he gave as a gift some specified lands in the village of Kellipusugur (location given) for the services of a Jina temple to Candrasenācārya.1
Śrīpuruşa Muttarasa, Pṛthvikonguni II (A.D. 726801), was a devout patron of Jainism. The Devarahalli plates dated A. D. 776 tell us that that monarch granted a village named Ponnalli in the Nirgunda country for the repairs of a Jina temple named Lokatilaka which had been caused to be erected by Kandacci. This lady was the daughter of Pallavādhiraja and the wife of Parama Gūla, the Nirgunda Rājā.2 King Śrīpuruşa's reign extended till the year A. D. 801, when, as the stone inscription dated in that year and found in the Isvara temple, Basavaṭṭi village, Mysore district, informs us, that ruler, while in Talavanapura (Talakāḍ), granted certain specified taxes on shepherds to some citizens (named). One of the clauses at the end of this record affirms that he who collected this tax would be guilty of killing Brahmans, destroying Benares, basadis, and tawny cows.3 Obviously to the royal patron of Jainism, destruction of basadis was a heinous crime.
It is evidently from him that his sons Sivamāra II, Saigotta, and Prince Duggamara learnt to show special favour to Jainism. For king Sivamāra II was himself a staunch supporter of that religion. He built a basadi on the smaller hill at Sravana Belgola. The epigraph found on a boulder near the Candranāthasvāmi basadi, records merely in Kannada the plain fact thus-Sivamarana basadi. On palæ
1. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 92.
2. E. C. IV. Ng. 85, p. 135; My. & Coorg., p. 39. 3. M. A. R. for 1933, pp. 237-238.

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graphic grounds this record has been assigned to circa A.D. 810.1
King śivamāra II, Saigoțța's younger brother Duggamāra Ereyappa was likewise a Jaina by persuasion. An undated stone inscription near the Añjaneya temple at Hebbalaguppe, Heggadedevana tāluka, Mysore district, relates that śri Narasingere Appor Duggamāra gave specified lands to the Jaina temple (koil-vasadi) of the locality. The inscription also supplies us with the name of the great architect (peruntacchan) Nārāyaṇa, who built the basadi ; and tells us that the citizens of three villages (named) also gave lands equal to those granted by the Ganga prince, for the maintenance of the basadi.2 Prince Duggamāra ruled for some time as a viceroy of Kovalanād under his father, and, then, on the latter's death, tried to establish himself against his elder brother. The Añjaneya temple record has been assigned to circa A. D. 825 by Dr. Krishna. 4
King śivamāra II's reign was indeed an age of misfortune for the Ganga family. It was during his rule that the Rāştrakūtas cast their sway over Gangavāại Ninetysix Thousand, imprisoning him three times, and eventually permitting him to rule as their feudatory—the solitary instance of a Ganga monarch acknowledging an overlord ! This was in the latter part of the ninth century A. D. when the Rāştrakūtas under king Dhruva Nirūpama, Dhārävarşa, suc
1. E.C., II, Intr. p. 43; 415, text p. 180 ; M.A.R. for 1911, p 24. Rice asserts that he also erected a basadi in Kummadavāda (mod. Kalbhāvi in the Belgaum district), My & Coorg., p. 41.
2. M.A.R. for 1932, pp. 240-241. 3. Rice, My & Coorg., pp. 39, 55. 4. M.A.R. for 1932, p. 241.

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MEDIÆVÁL JAINISM cessfully intervened in the affairs of Karnātaka. This intervention no doubt was highly detrimental to the continuance of the Ganga sovereignty, but it proved beneficial to the cause of Jainism. For the Răştrakūtas now imitated the Gangas and in their turn took upon themselves the duty of protecting that religion.
It is not that kings were wanting in the Ganga family who could outshine śivamāra II, Saigotta, in his liberal attitude towards Jainism. A patron of that religion appeared in king Nītimārga I, Ereyanga Raņavikramayya, who, as is related in the Küçlür plates of king Mārasimha, was “a bee at the pair of the lotus feet of the adorable Arhat-bhattāraka.” The same record informs us that king Nītimārga's second son Bhūtugendra, Gunaduttaranga, was also a devout Jaina (parama Jaina)2 These facts concerning both king Nitimārga I and Bhūtugendra are confirmed by the Gattavādi plates dated A. D. 904.3
Some time elapses before we come across the next Ganga patron of Jainism. In king Mārasimha Guttiya Ganga, Nolambakulāntaka, who reigned from A.D. 961 till A.D. 974, we have a very fervent Jaina. The Kūge Brahmadeva pillar inscription on the Cikkabetta at śravana Belgola, dated A. D. 974, gives in detail the meritorious work of king Mārasimha Guttiya Ganga on behalf of the syās vāda doctrine. This elaborate inscription after enumerating all his military victories, affirms that he "maintained the doctrine of Jina,” and caused to be erected at various places basadis and mänastambhas. According to the same record, king Mārasimha “having reverently carried out works of
1. Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 40-41. 2. M.A.R. for 1921, pp. 20-21. 3. E.C., XII, Nj. 269, p. 135.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE piety, one year later he relinquished the sovereignty, and observing the vow for three days with the rites of worship in the presence of the holy feet of Ajitasena Bhattāraka at Bankāpura, accomplished samādhi."1 This was evidently the acknowledged method of sallekhanā or death by starvation enjoined on the devotees of Jina.2
King Mārasimha's benevolence consisted not merely in building basadis in many places but also in actively supporting renowned Jaina scholars. One of these was Muñjārya Vădighangala Bhatta, the son of the Brahman scholar Sridhara Bhatta. The Kūdlūr plates of this Ganga monarch contain many details in regard to the great figure of Vādighangala Bhatta, the spiritual preceptor (śruta guru) of that ruler. Vädighangala Bhatta was a treasury of the jewels of wisdom, and a mine of the pearls of intellect. With very little effort and labour all learning came to him in a short time as though it had been made ready in his previous birth. He was well versed in the science of grammar, and seems to have composed himself “a grammatical system free from doubt.” Moreover he was a great logician having mastered the three schools of logic and the Lokāyata, Sãnkhya, and Bauddha systems of philosophy. In Jainism he became celebrated as Vādighangala. He was besides an eminent poet.
The achievements of this great scholar are next enumerated in the same epigraph thus-His eloquence in the exposition of literature made king Ganga Gāngeya, a cuckoo in the grove of delighters in all learning, his pupil ; his instruction in politics induced the learned men of Vallabha
1. E.C., II, 59, pp. 12-14.
2. On sallekhanā as given by Samantabhadra in his Ratna. karaņda read ibid., Intr. p. 69,

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Rāja's capital to show him great honour which proclaimed to the world his greatness and remarkable scholarship ; and his counsel to Krşņa Rāja, which enabled him to conquer all regions, procured for him the king's esteem along with that of all his mandalikas and sãmantas.
But Vādighangala Bhatta was as pious to the Brahmans as he was partial to the Jainas. We are further told in the same epigraph that he showed eager desire in doing good to others, his renunciation in the matter of seizing others' women and wealth, his love in hearing the stories of the good, his aversion in the matter of giving ear to evil report regarding the good, his intentions in worshipping the lotus feet of Jineśvara, his diligence in making gifts to sages and Brahmans, his full consciousness in protecting refugees, and his faculty of remembering the good done to him.1
To such a learned and pious scholar, king Mārasimha gave on a specified day in Saka 884 (expired) the village named Bagiyūr (location given) as a gift.2
1. This portion of the praise bestowed on Vādighangala Bhatta seems more appropriate to a ruler than to a pious Jaina. B. A. S.
2. M.A.R. for 1921, pp.23-24. A stone inscription found in the Sankhabasti at Lakşmeśvar, Miraj tāluka, mentions the fact that king Mārasimha Satyavākya Konguņivarmā, also called Ganga Kandarpa, gave to a Jaina sage Jayadeva, the disciple of Ekadeva, specified land in Puligere (mod. Lakşmeśvar) for the worship and festivals of Jinendra in the Sankhabasti and Tirthabasti of that same city. Jinendra is called here the god of the king Ganga Kandarpa. The same record registers another grant of land by the feudatory of that king, Durgaśakti of the Sendraka family, for the worship in the cait ya of Sankhabasti. (1.A., XII, pp. 109-110.) Fleet gives the date Saka 890 (A.D. 968-9) for this record but says on p. 102 that the date is expressed in words, and not in figures. It is evident that he has forced the date. See ibid., p. 103. This date cannot be reconciled with

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE A mutilated stone inscription found in Angadi grāma, Gönibidu hobļi, Mūdgere tāluka, Mysore State, and assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 1040, relates that "celebrated through the munis of Gangavādi was king Rācamalla.” His guru was Vajrapāņi Pandita of the Draviļānvaya which belonged to the Mūla sangha.1 This Rācamalla was evidently Nītimārga III, Rācamalla, Kacceya Ganga, for whom we have the date A. D., 920.2
The last prominent name in the Ganga genealogy is that of Rakkasa Ganga V, Permmānadi, Rācamalla V, who ascended the throne in a.d. 984, and who endeavoured in vain to prop up the falling structure of Ganga dominion. The Pañcabasti stone inscription examined in a later connection in this treatise, and dated A.D. 1077, informs us that the guru of Rakkasa Ganga Permmānaời was Śrīvijayadeva, “ in whom the former glory of both the learning and the penance of Hemasena muni have for a long time grown and greatly increased.”+ Rakkasa Ganga was the patron of the famous
the known dates of the early Ganga rulers. King Mārasimha Ganga Kandarpa is called here the younger brother of king Harivarmā who was the son of Mādhava II. (ibid., pp. 107-108). We know from other records that Harivarmā reigned from A.D. 247 till A.D. 266 (My. & Coorg., p. 49). Hence it is not possible to accept the date Saka 890 given to this inscription. But the title Satyavākya affixed to the name of Mārasimha suggests that he came after Rācamalla Satyavākya 1, who reigned in the beginning of the ninth century A.D.
1. E. C. VI, Mg. 18, p. 61.
2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 50. We could have identified Rācamalla mentioned here with Rācamalla IV but for the fact that, as we shall see in a later context, the guru of Rācamalla IV was a celebrated Jaina teacher whose achievements we shall have to enumerate in some detail.
3. Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 47, 57. 4. E. C., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 138.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Kannada poet Nāgavarmā, the author of Cchandombudhi and the (Kannada) Kādambarī.1
While the above royal patrons in the Ganga family are discernible in the documents issued by the monarchs themselves, other members of the same House, who were devotees of Jina, are found in the records of their feudatories whose contribution to the progress of Jainism will be dealt with presently. In the meantime we may note that the Ganga monarchs from the time of king Konguņivarmā down to that of king Nītimārga III, Rācamalla, notwithstanding their liberal attitude and patronage of the Hindus, still continued to foster the cause of Jainism to which alone their House had owed its origin as a political factor in the land.
Long before the Ganga dominion had actually crumbled, as related above, Jainism had fortunately come under the aegis of two royal families, one of whom we have mentioned, the Rāştrakūtas, and the other, the Kadambas, about whom we have some interesting details in epigraphs. The Kadambas were essentially Brahmanical in religion. Yet the Kadamba family gave a few monarchs who were devout Jainas, and who were responsible for the gradual progress of that religion in Karnāțaka. The Kadambas were of indigenous origin. The founder of this line was one Mukkaņņa or Trinetra, although the actual greatness of the House is attributed to the famous Mayūravarmā (middle of the third century A.D.). But it is only towards the end of the fourth century A.D. that we come across an avowed Jaina in the Kadarnba royal family. This was king Kākusthavarmā who may have reigned towards the end of
1. Read Kavicarite, I. p. 54 seq., for a discussion on his date. See also E.C. II, Intr. R 75.
2. Rice, My & Coorg, p. 21; Moraes, Kadamba-kula, pp. 711,

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE that period.1 A copper-plate grant dated in the 80th year of Kākusthavarmā's victory, relates that that king gave to Śrutakirti, who is called in the record senāpati or gene. ral (?), the field called Badovarakşetra (location specified), which belonged to the holy Arhats. The record which opens with an invocation to Jinendra, closes with reverence to Rşabha.? What precisely is meant by the term senapati applied to śrutakirti, and what was meant by the statement that that grant was awarded as a gift to Srutakirti for having saved himself, cannot be determined. Neither can we find out who was śrutakirti.3 Future research may reveal the fact that Srutakīrti was indeed a Jaina general. A later record of king Ravivarmā says that “ in former times the Bhoja priest śrutakirti, the best among men, who was the receptacle of learning, who enjoyed the reward of many meritorious actions, and who was possessed of the qualities of performing many sacrifices and bestowing gifts and tenderness,” had acquired the great favour of king Kākusthavarmā.
King Käkusthavarma's grandson was king Msgesavarmā, who reigned in the fifth century A.D.5 A copper-plate grant
1. Rice, My & Coorg., p. 21. Moraes places king Kākusthavarmă between A. D. 430 and A.D. 450, since, according to him, Mayūravarmā founded the dynasty in A.D. 345. Kadamba-kula, pp. 71-72. Mr. Govinda Pai places Kākusthavarmă between A.D. 265—A.D. 286. (Journal of Indian History, XIII, p. 165).
2. 1. A., VI p. 24.
3. A Srutakirti, author of Rāghava-Pāndaviya which could be read forwards and backwards, is mentioned as a colleague of Gandavimukta. But this Srutakirti belonged to the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. (E.C., II. Intr. p. 85. See also ibid., pp. 87, 88, for a later Srutakirti.)
4. 1. A., VI, p. 27.
5. Moraes places him between A.D. 475-A.D. 490. Kadambakula, p. 71.

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dated in the 3rd year of his reign, and issued from his capital Vaijayanti, relates that king Mrgesa granted certain specified fields for the purpose of sweeping the Jinālaya, anointing the image in it with ghi, performing worship, repairing anything that may be broken and for decorating the image with flowers. This charter was written by the very pious Dāmakirti, the Bhojaka.1 Another grant issued by the same monarch in his 4th regnal year, is interesting in the sense that it mentions two sects of Jainas living in the city of Vaijayanti. The village (named and location specified) granted by that king was divided into three shares-the first for the holy Arhat, the second for the sake of the congregation of eminent ascetics called Svetapata (Svetapata maha-śramana sangha), who were intent on practising the true religion declared by the Arhat, and the third for the enjoyment of the congregation of the eminent ascetics called Nirgrantha (Nirgrantha maha-śramaṇa-sangha.)2 The Svetapatas were no doubt the Svetambaras, while the Nirgranthas were those who wore no clothes at all, the Digambaras.3 The qualifying phrase used in connection with the Svetapatas, viz., that they practised the true religion (sad-dharma) is interesting. In the 8th year of king Mrgeśavarmā, according to another copper-plate grant, that king, "through devotion for the king his father who was dead," caused to be built a Jinalaya in the city of Paläsikā, and granted specified land to it. This gift was meant for supporting the Kūrcakas, who were naked religious mendicants. The same Jaina priest Dāmakīrti, the Bhojaka, mentioned above, and the minister-general Jiyanta were the principal grantees.4
1. I. A., VII, pp. 36-37. 2. Ibid., p. 38.
3. Ibid., p. 38, ns. 28 & 29. 4. Ibid., VI, p. 25.

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King Ravivarmā succeeded king Mrgeśavarmā. The new king continued the wise policy of his father and maintained the Jina dharma. A copper-plate grant gives us an idea of the law passed by this ruler to further the cause of Jainism. "The lord Ravi established the ordinance at the mighty city of Palāsikā, that the glory of Jinendra, (the festival of) which lasts for eight days, should be celebrated regularly cvery year at the sull moon of (the month of) Kārtika from the revenues of that village (Purukhetaka given to Dāmakirti's mother by king Msgesavarmā) ; that ascetics should be supported during the four months of the rainy season ; that the learned men, the chief of whom was Kumaradatta (his praise in which it is said that he was) renowned in the world, who abounded in good penance, and whose sect was his authority for what he did, should according to justice enjoy all the material substance of the greatness; and that woi ship of Jinendra should be perpetually performed by the pious countrymen and citizens." The above mentioned village, we may add, was received by Dāmakīrti's son Bandhuşeņa, who gave it, through the favour of the king, to the inother of his father.1
In the reign of the same king his younger brother Bhānuvarmā gave certain lands as a gift to the Jainas, in order that the ceremony of ablution might always be performed without fail on the days of the full moon. This land was situated in Palāsikā, and was received by the Bhojaka Paņdara.2
King Ravivarmā's son was Harivarmă. According to a copper-plate grant dated in the 4th regnal year of king Harivarmā, that ruler while on the hill of Uccaśộngi, on the
.1. 1. A., VI, p. 27. See also ibid., pp. 29-30 for another grant by king Ravivarmā to Jinendra.
2. Ibid., VI, p. 29. M. J. 2

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advice of his father's brother Sivaratha, gave into the possession of the sect of Varişenācārya of the Kurcakas, the village of Vasuntavāṭaka (location specified). The object of the grant was that it should provide annually, at the eight days' sacrifice, the perpetual anointing with clarified butter for the temple of Arhat which Mrgesa, the son of the General Simha of the lineage of Bharadvaja, had caused to be built at Palāsikā; and that whatever might remain after this was to be devoted to the purpose of feeding the whole sect. 1 The same monarch in his 5th regnal year at the request of king Bhanusakti of the Sendraka family, gave the village named Marade for the use of the holy people and for the celebration of the rites of the temple which was the property of the sect of Śramaņas called Aharişți and the authority of which was superintended by the Acārya Dharmanandi. 2
The last prominent ruler in the main Kadamba line was Devavarmā, descended in the family of king Kṛṣṇavarmā I. Yuvarajā Devavarmā, according to another copper-plate grant, gave a specified field in Siddakedara to the sect of the Yapaniyas for purposes of worship and repairs of the caityalaya (in that village). This grant was made by the Yuvaraja when he was at Triparvata.3
Having seen the condition of Jainism under the Kadambas, we may now see how it flourished under the Răşṭrakutas. We said in the preceding pages that it was in the reign of king Sivamāra II, Saigoṭṭa, that the Rāṣṭrakūta hegemony over Gangavāḍi 96,000 was cast, and that the Rāṣṭrakūtas continued the noble tradition of the Gangas of extending patronage to the Jina dharma. In the eight century A. D.
1. I. A., VI, p. 31.
2. Ibid., p. 32.
3. Ibid., VII, pp. 34-35.

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the Rāṣṭrakūta monarch Dantidurga Khaḍgāvaloka, Vairamegha, honoured one of the greatest figures in all Jaina history-Akalankadeva. A later stone inscription dated A.D. 1129 referred to elsewhere in this treatise, contains some interesting details in regard to king Dantidurga and Akalankadeva. While describing the greatness of the latter, the record says "The following is represented to be his own description of the greatness of his extraordinary faultless learning: O king Sahasatunga, there are many kings with white parasols; but kings who are victorious in war and distinguished by liberality, like you, are hard to find. Just so, there are many scholars in the Kali age; but no poets, pre-eminent disputants, orators, and experts in researches in various sciences, like me. As you, O king, are well known in putting down the arrogance of all enemies, so am I famed on this earth as the destroyer of all the pride of scholars. If not, here I am, and here in your court good and great men are always present. Let him who has ability to speak, if versed in all sciences, dispute (with me). It was not with a mind influenced with self-conceit or filled with hatred, but through mere compassion for those people who, having embraced atheism, were perishing that, in the court of the shrewd king Himaśītala, I overcame all the crowds of Bauddhas and broke Sugata with my foot.'" Since Akalankadeva is said in a small Sanskrit work called Akalankadevacarita to have defeated the Buddhists in Vikrama year 700, the identification of Sahasatunga with Dantidurga may be accepted as valid.2
1. E. C. II, 67, p. 27.
2. Ibid, Intr. pp. 48, 84. See also Altekar, Rāştrakutas, p. 409. Dantidurga bore the biruda Sahasatunga obviously because of his great victories. Read Fleet, Dyn. Kan. Dts., pp. 32-33 (1st ed.)

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM If the above is allowed, then, we may attempt to fix the contemporaneity of another Jaina guru with a hitherto unidentified monarch in the following manner : The same record which speaks of Akalankadeva and king Dantidurga, informs us that the former's colleague was Puspasena muni whose disciple was Vimalacandra inuni. The inscription then continues thus-—"For the following verse of his (Vimalacandra's), which caused grief to the hearts of hostile disputants, speaks of hanging up a notice (in public) — At the gate of the large palace of Satrubhayankara, which is thronged with troops of horses and lordly clephants of various kings who are constantly passing (in and out), was eagerly put up by the high-minded Digambara Vimalacandra, a notice addressed to the Saivas, the Pasupatas, the sous of Tathāgatha (i. e., the Buddha), Kāpālikas, and the Kāpilas.'"1
It must be confessed that the solitary biruda of Satrubhayankara given above does not enable us to identify with certainty the king referred to in the epigraph. But if, as said above, Akalankadeva was a contemporary of king Dantidurga, and, as we shall see, Paravādimalla lived in the age of king Krşņa II, then, we may arrive at the age of the king who had the biruda of Satrubhayankara thus .. Between Akalankadeva and Paravādimalla there are only three nanies of Jaina gurus in the admirable account given in the above record : Puspasena, the colleague of Akalankadeva himself, Vimalacandra, and Indranandi. We know the date of Paravādimalla (A. D. 884). If we allot thirty-five years to the gurus that preceded him, we reach a. D. 850 as the date of Indranandi, and A. D. 815, of Vimalacandra.
Now the only monarch by whose efforts, as the Manne plates dated A.D 802 tell us, "the Rāştrakūta line rose above
1. E. C. II, 67 pp. 27-28.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE the rivalry of others ”, was king Govinda III, Prabhūtavarşa, (A. D. 779-?), who " though only one by his energy deprived of their glory the twelve famous kings who like a fire of the last day came upon him desiring to unite in acquiring the whole wide earth."1 King Govinda's magnificent military achievements may have indeed caused them to look upon him as the terror of the enemies (Satrubhayankara).
The twelve famous kings mentioned above were led against the king by his own elder brother Kambha, Sthambha, Raņāvaloka. This prince eventually submitted to king Govinda III, who placed him over Gangavādi 96,000 ;3 and he seems to have turned over a new leaf in his life. For we find him now as a patron of the Jina dharma. The Manne plates cited above, inform us that Sauca Kambhadeva, while ruling under his younger brother king Govinda III, (at the instance of his younger brother ?) granted the village of Pervādiyur (location given) together with a tithe of the produce of Padeyūr, for the basadi erected in the western quarter of Mānyapura by the victorious Mahāsāmanta Srivijaya.4 Then, again, an incomplete copper-plate dated A. D. 807 hailing from Chāmarājanagara, informs us that Raņāvaloka Kambharāja, when he was in his victorious camp at Taļavananagara, granted at the request of his son Sankaragaņa, the village of Vadanaguppe (location specified) to the kind-hearted, pious and learned Vardhamāna guru, the disciple of Eļavācārya guru, who was the disciple of Kumāranandi Bhațţāraka, of the Kondakundānvaya, for the
1. E. C., IX, NI. 61, p. 43.
2. For an account of his exploits read Rice, My. & Coorg, pp. 69-70; Altckar, op. cit., pp. 59, 71.
3. Rice, ibid, p. 69. 4. E. c. ibid, NI. 62, pp. 44-45.

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Śrīvijaya basadi founded at Talavanapura. This basadi was probably the same which had been built by the Mahāsamanta Śrīvijaya mentioned above. 1
The next prominent Răştrakūta ruler who extended his patronage to Jainism was Amoghavarsa I, Nṛpatunga, Atiśayadhavala (A.D. 815-877). From Gunabhadra's Uttarapurāna (A.D. 898), we know that king Amoghavarṣa I was the disciple of Jinasena, the author of the Sanskrit work Adipurāna (A. D. 783).2 The Jaina leaning of king Amoghavarsa is further corroborated by Mahāvīrācārya, the author of the Jaina mathematical work Ganitasarasangraha, who relates that that monarch was a follower of the syād vāda doctrine.3
King Amoghavarşa's son was Kṛṣṇa II who was likewise a devout Jaina. We know this from the Jaina author
1. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 31. See E. C. II. 35, p. 8, where Raṇāvaloka Kambha is mentioned in a grant to a Jaina guru. It cannot be made out whether his wife was also a Jaina. A Śrīvijaya is mentioned as the author of the Kannaḍa campu work Candraprabhapurāna, by the later Jaina writers like Mangarasa (A. D. 1508) and Doddayya (A. D. 1550). The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified him with Srivijaya, the contemporary of king Govinda III, and, therefore, of Raṇāvaloka Kambha. (Kavicarite, I, pp. 13, 14). There is a Śrīvijaya Bhaṭṭāraka mentioned as the guru of Bhūtuga Permānadi, "the sun to the lotus of the Ganga kula," in a record dated A.D. 1136. But the contents of this inscription, as related elsewhere, cannot be accepted without reservation.
2. Kavicarite, 1. p. 17. See also Fleet, Bombay Gazetteer, I. P. II., p. 200; I. A. XII., pp. 216-217, and Altekar, Răştrakūtas., p. 88 where it is said that Jinasena claimed that he was the chief preceptor of king Amoghavarsa.
3. Fleet, Bom. Gaz., I. P. II; pp. 200-201. The edition and translation of this work by Prof. M. Rangacarya is inaccessible to me. B. A. S.

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Guņabhadra who, in the last five chapters of his teacher Jinasena's work Adipurāņa tells us that king Krşņa II was his disciple. 1 King Krşņa gave a grant to a basadi at Mulgund.2 To his reign we have to assign an incident mentioned in the Pārsvanātha basti inscription of śravana Belgola. This interesting record is dated A.D. 1129, and it contains, among very many useful details, the fact that the following incident took place in the court of king Krşņa. The Jaina teacher Paravādimalla, who was "skilled in crores of chains of arguments, eloquent among the learned," and “doubtless a god," " when asked for his name by Krşņa Rājā, he gave out to him the following derivation of his name-" The position other than the one taken up is para (the other) ; those who maintain it are paravādinah (maintainers of the other); he who wrestles with them is paravādimalla (the wrestler with the maintainers of the other) ; this name, good men say, is my name." 3 We do not know what reward the astounded monarch gave this remarkable Jaina teacher. This ruler, it may be noted in passing, has been identified with Krşņa II.4
Of king Krşņa III's great regard to the learned Jaina scholar Vādighangala Bhatta, we have already seen above on the strength of the Kūờlur plates of king Mārasiṁha. Vādighangala Bhatta's advice to king Krşņa III (A.D. 939-968) enabled the latter, we may be permitted to repeat, to conquer all regions.5 It was this monarch who patronized the Kannada poet Ponna. or Ponnamayya, the author of the
1. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, XXII, p. 85 ; Altekar, op. cit., p. 99.
2. J. Bom. R. A. S., X. p. 192 ; Altekar, ibid, p. 312. 3. E. C. II. 67, p. 28. 4. Ibid., Intr. p. 48. 5. M. A. R. for 1921, p. 24, op. cit.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM famous śāntipurāna and Jinākşaramāle in Kannada, and who gave him the biruda of Ubhayakavicakravarti.1
King Krşņa's younger brother was Khostiga, Nityavarşa, who seems to have been also a Jaina by persuasion. King Khottiga came to the throne in A. D. 968 and ruled till A. D. 971. The fact that he was a Jaina is proved by a record found in a ruined temple at Dānavulapāņu, Jammalamadugu tāluka, Cuddapah district, which narrates that king Nityavarşa causcd the pedestal to be made for the bathing ceremony of the god śāntinātha.2
The last prominent name in the Rāşțrakūta House is that of king Indra IV. This expert in the game of polo died by the method of sallekhanā at Śravaņa Belgoļa in A.D. 982. Two inscriptions prove this : one is the Gandhavāraṇa basti inscription at Sravana Belgola and the other is Kāmagandamanahalli stone inscription found in the Sīra tāluka. The former relates the following—That on the date (specified) having observed the vow with a peaceful mind, Indra Rājā praised by the people, acquired all the great power of the king of gods (Indra). The latter inscription records the fact that with an undisturbed mind performing the vows, the world renowned Indra Rājā gained the glory of king of all gods (Indra).3
Evidently the celebrated example set by the Emperor Candragupta Maurya was not forgotten by the Karnātaka monarchs even in the tenth century A.D.
Political events moved with swift rapidity in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D. The reign of king Krşņa III witnessed the expansion of the Rāştrakūta power from North Arcot to Tanjore. But the hegemony of the
1. Kavicarite, 1, pp. 40-41. 2. 331. of 1095; Rangacharya, Top List, I, p. 589. 3. E. C. II, 133, p. 63; E. C. XII, Si. 27, p. 92.

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Rāṣṭrakūtas was destined to disappear, notwithstanding the gallant efforts made by the Ganga king Marasimha Guttiya Ganga, Nolambāntakula, to prop the Rāṣṭrakūṭa power. In the first quarter of the ninth century A.D., as narrated above, it was the Rāṣṭrakūtas who had given a longer lease to Ganga sovereignty; now it was the turn of the Gangas in the last quarter of the tenth century A.D. to reciprocate and to endeavour to prolong the Rāṣṭrakūta dominion.
The Gangas and the Raṣṭrakūtas, however, were fighting a losing battle. They failed to see in the old power that reappeared with renewed vigour an invincible enemy. After an eclipse of 200 years the Western Calukyas suddenly made their appearance under king Tailapa Deva whose crushing defeat inflicted on the Raṣṭrakūtas under king Kakka or Kakkala in A.D. 973, practically brought the Rāṣṭrakūṭa power to an end.1 The hegemony of Karnataka once again passed hands, and the Western Calukyas now reigned supreme.
But it has ever been a most salient and praiseworthy feature of Karnataka monarchy to continue the noble traditions of the country unimpaired. This explains why, so far as the Jina dharma is concerned, the Western Câlukyas preferred to show it the same liberal attitude which the Gangas, the Kadambas, and the Rāṣṭrakūṭas had shown. No doubt in the last quarter of the seventh century A.D., the Western Calukyas had already given public expression to their Jaina tendency. For instance, in the 7th or 8th regnal year of the Western Calukya monarch Vinayaditya Satyāśraya (A.D. 680-A.D. 696), a grant was made to the Jaina priest Udayadevapaṇḍita, also known as Niravadyapandita, who
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 72. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 123124. See also ibid, pp. 312-316 where he gives causes of Jaina prosperity.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM belonged to the Devagaņa sect attached to the Mūla sangha and the Sankhabasti at Puligere (mod. Lakşmeśvar). In the reign of the next monarch Vijayāditya Satyāśraya (A.D. 696-A.D. 733), as recorded in a stone inscription of A, D. 739, the village of Kardama, south of Puligere, was given to the same priest who is called the priest of the king's father. Udayadevapandita is styled here also the house pupil of śri Pūjyapāda.1
When we come to the last quarter of the tenth century A. D., we find further proof of the Jaina leaning of the Western Cālukya monarchs. King Tailapa Deva II himself seems to have had a strong attachment to the Jaina religion. This alone explains the existence of a stone inscription in the Cenna Pārsva basadi at Kögalī, Hadagalli täluka, Bellary district, dated Saka 914 (A. D. 992-3), in which reference is made to a victory of that king over the Cola ruler.2 King Tailapa Deva, it may be noted here, was the patron of the great Kannada poet Ranna, Kaviratna, who wrote the Ajitapurāņa in A. D. 993. It was from that monarch that Ranna received the title of Kavicakravarti.3 We may incidentally observe in this connection that in an inscription dated A. D. 993, and found in the Somasamudra village, Mysore district, violators of the bittuvațța or taxable land, under a tank granted as a gift, are ranked withi those who destroyed a basadi, Benares, a temple, and the tank for which the grant had been made. 4
King Tailapa Deva's son and successor was Satyāśraya,
1. 1. A. XII. p. 112. 2. 36 of 1904.
3. Kavicarite, I, p. 63. See also E. C. II, Intr., p. 75 where it is wrongly said that Tailapa Deva was the III. of that name.
4. M. A. R. for 1931, p. 139.

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43 Isiva Beçenga, who ruled from A. D. 997 till A. D. 1009.1 As will be shown in a later context, he constructed a monument (nisidhi) in honour of a Jaina guru who had died in the birth-place of the founders of a great line of kings who succeeded the Western Cālukyas in Karnāțaka. Iriva Bedenga's guru was Vimalacandra Pandita Deva, the disciple (?) of Traikalamuni Bhattāraka of the Drāviļa sangha and the Pustaka gaccha. This guru seems to have died in about A.D. 990 when śāntiyabbe, a lay disciple of that teacher, set up a nisidhi in his memory.
Direct proof of the patronage extended to the Jaina teachers by the later Western Cālukya rulers is afforded in the epigraphs of the time of king Jayasiṁha III, who reigned from A. D. 1018 till A. D. 1042. There is every reason to believe that that ruler himself caused to be constructed a basadi at Balipura. This is inferred from a stone inscription in the Kattale basti at śravana Belgoļa dated A. D. 1100, in which the Jaina sage Maladhāri Gunacandra is said to have been the worshipper at the feet of the god Mallikāmoda śāntīša in Balipura. Since the title of Mallikāmoda was a distinctive biruda of king Jayasimha II1,4 we are to suppose that the basadi of Mallikāmoda Säntisa was built by king Jayasiṁha himself or by some one in his name.
The age in which king Jayasimha ruled produced a galaxy of great men both Jaina and Hindu. The most famous Jaina name is that of Vădirāja.s At the outset it may be
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 73. 2. E. C. VI. Mg. 11, p. 60. 3. Ibid, II., 69, p. 35.
4. Ibid., VII, Sk. 20(a), 125, 126, 153, text pp. 135, 234, 235, 260 ; II. p. 48, and ibid, n(2).
5. Another Vādirāja, chief disciple of Sripālayôgindra, belonged to the village of Salya. He is mentioned in about A.D. 1200. E. C. V, Cn. 15, p. 193.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM said here that there are some statements in inscriptions as well as in literature concerning his guru and disciple which cannot be properly reconciled. Vādirāja's real name was Kanakasena Bhattāraka. He belonged to the Drāmiļa gana, Nandi sangha, and the Arungalānvaya. In his Pārsvanāthacarila he tells us that he wrote it in śaka 947 (A.D. 1025) in the reign of king Jayasimha, and that he himself was the disciple of Matisāgara whose guru was Śrīpāla.1
Only one inscription corroborates this statement made in the Pārsvanathacarita concerning Matisāgara's having been the guru of Vădirāja. This is the elaborate stone inscription in the Pārsvanātha basti at Śravaņa Belgoļa dated A. D. 1129. Here we are told that Matisāgara had two illustrious students Dayapāla muni, the author of Rūpasiddhi, and Vādirāja.
But three other records--two of them nearer in time to Vādirāja than the above inscription, and one removed give Dayapāla's other name, the title of his work, his qualifications, and expressly state that he was the disciple of Vādirāja, who himself in one record is made the disciple of Vimalacandra. While one stone inscription creates further confusion by making Dayapāla the predecessor of Vādirāja, and the latter the guru of Oļeyadeva !
These four records are the following—the Humcca Pañcabasti inscription dated A.D. 1077, hailing from the Nagar tāluka, Mysore State ; another record found in the same place which we shall style the II Pañcabasti inscription, dated also in the same year; a third record found in the same place which will be called the III Pañcabasti inscription and dated A. D. 1147; and the Grāmadabasti stone
1. E. C. II. Intr. p. 84 ; M. A. R. for 1923, p. 16. 2. E. C., ibid., 67, p. 29.

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inscription found in Mandagadde hobļi, Tīrthahaļļi tāluka, Mysore State, and dated A. D. 1103.
The I and II Pañcabasti records dated in the same year A. D. 1077, are elaborate inscriptions which gave us interesting facts. The former which is in Kannada states that after Munideva camc Vimalacandra whose disciple was Vādirāja, whom it makes the guru of king Rācamalla and praises in the following terms-As by the side of the sun the moon cannot shine, so how can the chatterers called speakers in this world shine by the side of Vădirāja—thus esteemed was king Rācamalla's guru Kanakasena Bhattāraka (Munidcunravarim Vimalacandrabhasțārakara vara-śişyar adityana keladoļ candrodayam esayadavol i-dharāmaņdaladol vădigal cmb-i-tunțukavādigaļ esedapare Vădirājana kelados ant-enisi Rāya-Rācamalladēvarige gurugal enisida Kanakasēnabhatļārakar). And then it asserts that Vādirāja's disciples were Dayapāla and Puşpasena Bhațțāraka. About the former it narrates that Dayapāla settled the declensions of words (Rūpasiddhi) in his Prakriya to the Sabdānuśāsana. Vādirāja's celebrity was so great that the scribe after mentioning his disciple, again dwells on Vādirāja's unsurpassed talents thus-“ The power of your good in prose and verse is felt as far as the tusks of the regent-elephants; having gained the title of Sarvajña-kalpam (like to the Omniscient), be not alarmed at the other chief speakers, for, lo ! if they refuse to give you the certificate (patra) of victory, you will tear and burn them up, they are no match for you, Vādirāja, thunderbolt to the mountain-chain the other speakers. Thus considered, the Şat-tarkka-șāņmukha, the Jagadekamallavādi, Vădirāja ".1
The II Pañcabasti record dated in the same year, repeats
1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 35, p. 138.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the above details concerning Vădirāja's royal patron; and gives his disciple's other name as Odeyadeva.1 Nothing is mentioned in this record about Vădirāja's guru, but the former is placed immediately after Akalankadeva.
The III Pañcabasti inscription is dated A. D. 1147. It likewise mentions Vādirāja after Akalankadeva, makes him king Rācamalla's guru, and speaks of his disciple Opeyadeva Dayapāla as the author of Rūpasiddhi. The same cpithets concerning Vădirāja's learning as given above, are repeated, and it is said that “ To gain the victory over the crowd of boasters in the assembly was a delight to Vadirajasūri, and to write and give him a certificate of victory was a delight to the Emperor Jayasimha."2
The Grāmadabasti stone inscription dated A. D. 1103, howcver, irakcs Dayapāla predecessor of Vādirāja, and places Opeyadeva next to Vādirāja. 3
1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 35 pp. 139-140.
2. Ibid, Nr. 37, p. 142. The statement in the translation, viz., that Vädirāja's disciples were Odeyadeva and Dayapāla, seeins to be wrong. For the original (Ibid, p. 368, 11. 148150) does not warrant it. The word basiyam (1. 150) in the same may be translated "then ", and not "after they had passed away", as done by Rice. The latter construction violates the facts known about Vădirāja and his disciples in other records. Cf. Nr. 40, dated A. D. 1077, where Odeyadeva, who is called Srivijayadeva, is said to be the disciple of Vādīrāja. Ibid, pp. 144, 372, 11. 42-43. This inscription gives the gana, sangha, and anvaya to which both belonged.
3. Ibid., Ti. 192, pp. 205, 388. The Saumynāyaki temple stone inscription found at Belur, and dated A. D. 1136, has an entirely new account to give concerning Vădirāja. It gives the following succession of the gurus --Paravādimalla, Kanakasena Vādirāja, Srivijaya Bhattāraka, the Emperor Jayasingha's guru Vādirāja. E. C. V. Bl. 17, p. 51. We do not know how far

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Whatever our difficulty in reconciling these statements concerning the guru and disciple of Vadiraja, the following facts stand out clearly from the above discussion
1. That Vādiraja's claims to greatness both in the field of letters and philosophy were undisputed;
2. That he received a certificate of victory (jayapatra) from the Western Calukya Emperor Jayasimha III; and 3. That he was the guru of the king Racamalla.
The identity of the last named monarch must now be made. This is simplified when we have chronologically fixed Vādirāja in the age of the Emperor Jayasimha III, Jagadekamalla, during whose reign Vädirāja received the biruda of Jagadekamallavadi after the name of his royal patron. The king Racamalla referred to in the above inscriptions was no other than the Ganga ruler Racamalla IV, Satyavākya, who ascended the throne in A.D. 977,1 and who was the royal master of the great Jaina general Camuṇḍa Rāya. We shall have to deal at some length with this famous Jaina general in a later context.
We have merely stated above the fact that it was the Emperor Jayasimha who bestowed upon Vädirāja a unique title. We shall now give some interesting details about the latter's great qualifications and activities in the Calukyan court. The Parsvanatha basti inscription referred to above gives the following account of Vadirāja-" Speech which illumined the three worlds has issued only from two per
this information concerning two Vädirājas in practically the same age, can be credited. On other Vädirājas, read ibid, Cn. 141, Cn; 149, pp. 175, 191; VI. Kd. 69, p. 13. An inscription dated A. D. 1145 heaps on Vādirāja the praise generally bestowed on Akalankadeva, probably much in the same strain as is done by the scribe of the Saumyanāyaki temple inscription.
1. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 50; Krishna Rao, Gangas, p. 109.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM sons on this earth : one, the king of Jinas, the other, Vādi. rāja. To be served by the wise is Vādirāja, the person of whose fame always covered the sky and was eager to outshinc the disc of the moon ; near whose ears glittered rows of the cauris of speech ; who had the honour of a worthy-to-be-worshipped lion throne (or of a seat worthyto-be-worshipped by king Jayasimha) ; and whose high excellence caused all the subjects the disputants to utter shouts of Victory ! Victory!'
“In the victorious capital of the illustrious Cālukya Emperor, which is the birth-place of Sarasvati, the drum of the victorious Vādirāja roams about making without a stick these sharp sounds (addressed to its master)-jahi or strike (the rival disputant) with rising pride in disputation ; jahihi or dismiss (the rival declaimer), with supreme pride in declamation ; jahāhi or dismiss (the rival orator), impatient of his discourse ; jahihi or dismiss (the rival poet), with pride in clear, soft, and pleasant poetry.1 The king of serpents whose thousand tongues are well known, lives in Pātāļa ; and Dhişaņa (Bịhaspati) whose disciple is the bearer of the thunderbolt, i.e., Indra, does not stir out of heaven ; let these two live owing to the strength of their abodes; what other disputants do not give up their pride and bow in the king's court to the all-conquering Vădirāja ? "?
And yet this mighty Jaina teacher met his match in the reign of the same monarch Jayasimha! It is in connection with his great rival who seems to have won success over
1. In Jaina and Lingāyat literatures four kinds of scholars arc often mentioned, namely, kavi (poet), gamaki (declaimer), vādi (disputant), and vāgmi (orator). This verse refers to the pre-eminence of Vădirāja in these four kinds of scholarship. E. C. II. p. 29. n.(5)
2. Ibid, 67, pp. 29-30.

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him, that we come across the other celebrities of the age of king Jayasimha. The only source of information for this part of our narrative is the Pañcalingeśvara temple stone inscription found at Shikarpur, Mysore State. In this record dated A. D. 1036 king Jayasimha is said to be in the residence of Poṭṭalakere. It deals with the greatness of Vādi Rudraguna Lakuliśvara Pandita, head of the Pañcalinga matha of the Kālāmukha order in the city of Balligame in Banavase 12,000. This learned man is said to have "crossed over to the farthest shore of the ocean of logic and other sciences", "to speakers a Rudra", a wild fire to the great forest of speakers ", " a submarine fire to the Bauddha ocean, a thunderbolt to the Mimāmsaka mountain, a saw for cutting down the Lokayata great tree, a great kite to the Sankhya serpent", and an axe to the tree Advaita speakers."
66
66
The renowned contemporaries whom this celebrated Kālāmukha scholar Lakuļiśvara Pandita defeated are next mentioned thus in the same reord. He is said to have been "a Trinetra in burning the Tripura Akalanka, displacer of Vädigharaṭṭa, a mill-stone to Madhava Bhatta, breaker of the pride of Jñānānanda, a fierce fire of dissolution to Viśvānala, a fire of the last day to Abhayacandra, a Sarabha to the lion Vādībha, (or to Vadībhasimha), sealer up of the mouth of Vadirāja, displacer of Ayavādi," and the sole able supporter of the Naiyayikas. Further down in the same epigraph Lakuliśvara Pandita is said to be a falling star to the Digambara speakers.1
Some of the Jaina celebrities whom the Kālāmukha teacher worsted may be identified. Of these the identity of
1. E. C. VII. Sk. 126, pp. 97-98.

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Tripura Akalanka and Abhayacandra is uncertain. It cannot be made out whether the latter is to be identified with Abhayacandradeva mentioned in a record dated A.D. 1398 as a guru who came after Maghanandi muni. But about the other names, some information is forthcoming in epigraphs. Vädiraja is of course the great figure whom we have described above.
MEDIEVAL JAINISM
As regards Vādībhasimha, we have ample evidence to prove that his other names were Vädigharaṭṭa and Ajitasena. For instance, the Pārsvanatha basti inscription at Sravana Belgola gives us the following details about him :-Resplendent is Vādībhasimha Ajitasena, the head of a school, splitter up of the front globes of all the rutting lordly elephants the disputants, whose lotus feet were kissed by the tops of the glittering crowns worn on the bowing heads of all the kings. The same record gives further details concerning "the intensity of his indifference to the world." He was evidently the same Ajitasena Bhaṭṭāraka who is said to have been the guru of Camuṇḍa Raya,3 about whose great contribution to Jainism we shall presently describe in this treatise. And he is to be identified with the author of the work Gadyacintamani.+
The same Pārśvanātha basti inscription refers to another Western Calukya monarch who has now to be identified. It says the following-" Alone fortunate is the sage, on whom the Pandya king, who had acquired superior knowledge through his favour, conferred the name Svami, and who had
1. E. C. II, 254, p. 111.
2. Ibid, 67, p. 31.
3. Ibid, Intr. pp. 45-46.
4. P. P. S. Shastri, A Catalogue of Mss., in the Tanjore Library, VII. Nos. 3993-4, pp. 2996-98.

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51 the celebrated title Śabda-caturmukha (conferred on him), in the court of the king Ahavamalla."1
Now who were these--the Jaina guru who secured the title of Sabda-caturmukha and the monarch merely called Ahavamalla ? From the manner in which the Jaina gurus are mentioned in the above epigraph, it is clear that the sage who secured the name Svāmi was the same as he who got the title sabda-caturmukha. We shall first identify the guru who got the title Sabda-caturmukha; next, the one who secured the title Svāmi ; and, finally, the king Ahavamalla.
Sabda-caturmukha was the biruda of Ajitasena Bhattāraka. This is proved by the II and III Pañcabasti stone inscriptions and the Grāmadabasti record cited above. The II Pañcabasti inscription dated A.D. 1077 tells us that after Vădirājā came Kamalabhadradeva who was followed by Ajitasenadeva. This last guru was known as Śabda-caturmukha, Tārkkika-cakravarti, and Vädibhasimha, and his colleagues (saha-dharmigaļu) were Kumārasenadeva and Śreyāṁsadeva. The Grāmadabasti record dated A.D. 1103 informs us that Vādirāja was succeeded by Odeyadeva (Dayapāla) who was followed by Śreyāṁsapaņạita, who was succeeded by Ajitasena muni who was followed by Kumārasena. Ajitasena is called in this inscription Tārkkika-cakravarti and 'adibla-pañcānana.3 The III Pañcabasti stone inscription dated A.D. 1147 confirms the evidence of the above two records. It informs us that Vădirāja was followed by Kamalabhadradeva after whom came Ajitasena Paņạita known as Sabda-caturmukha, Tārkkika-cakravarti, and
1. E. C. II. 67, p. 30. 2. Ibid., VIII. Nr. 6, pp. 140, 365. 3. Ibid., Ti. 192, pp. 203, 688, 1. 40.

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Vādībhasimha. The colleagues of Ajitasena were Kumārasena and śreyāṁsadeva.1
The identity of Sabda-caturmukha with Ajitasena being thus settled, we may next proceed to identify the guru who received the name Svāni. On the strength of the Pārsvanātha basti stone inscription mentioned above, Svāmi was the same as Sabda-caturmukha. In other words, Ajitasena was also known by the name Svāmi. In this connection the Nañjedevaragudda stone inscription found at Sompūr, Has. san täluka, is of some interest in spite of the slight discrepancy it contains. It is dated Saka 1114 (A.D. 1192-3). In the list of gurus mentioned in it, we are told that Vādirāja was succeeded by Sāntadeya from whom Sabda-brahmasvāmi came, and from the latter Ajitasena Pandita (śrī Śäntadēvarim Sabdabrahmasvāiidēvarind Ajitasena-panditadēvarim). In spite of the succession list being cicarly given here, it may be assumed that the scribe has erred in making Ajitasena Pandita successor to Sabdabrahmasvāmi which name itself, we suppose, is another variant of the name Sabda-caturmukha, i.e., of Ajitasena himself, as given in the Pārsvanātha basti record mentioned above.
We now come to the ruler Ahavamalla in whose court Ajitasena roceived the title of Sabda-caturnukha. In the Pārśvanātha basti record cited above, the name of the guru immediately preceding that of Sabda-caturmukha-svāmi is that of śāntideva who was the guru of the Hoysala king Vinayāditya.3 As we shall point out prescntly, the state
1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 37, p. 142, In Nr. 39 dated about A.D. 1077 Ajitasena muni is placed after Vādirāja, obviously in point of spiritual and intellectual greatness, rather than of time. (See Ibid, p. 144).
2. M. A. R. for 1926, pp. 49, 51. 3. E. C. II, Intr., p. 30.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE ment that sāntideva was the spiritual teacher of king Vinayāditya is borne out by other inscriptions. Since we know that the Hoysala king Vinayāditya ruled from about A.D. 1047 till A.D. 1100,1 we may definitely assign śāntideva to the same age, viz., the first half of the eleventh century A.D. From the history of the later Western Cālukyas we know that Ahavamalla was a distinctive biruda of two monarchs ---king Tailapa Deva II, who ruled from A.D. 973 till A.D. 997,2 and king Someśvara I, Trailokyamalla, who reigned from A.D. 1042 till A.D. 1068.3 Of these we have to eliminate king Tailapa Deva II whose leaning towards Jainism we have suggested in the previous pages. We are thus constrained to identify Āhavamalla mentioned in the Parśvanātha basti stone inscription with king Someśvara I, Trailokyamalla, Āhavamalla.
We have now to see whether there is any evidence to prove that king Someśvara I was a Jaina. Two stone inscriptions found in the once great centre of Jainism Kögaļi, Bellary district, clearly demonstrate the fact that he was indeed a follower of the syād vāda doctrine. One of them is an undated inscription found in the Cenna Pārśva basti at Kogaļī. It records a gift of land to the same basti by the king Trailokyamalla, who was no other than king Someśvara 1.4 The other record was also found there but is dated Saka 977 (A.D. 1055-6); and it registers a gift by the same monarch to the Jaina sage Indrakirti. We may incidentally observe here that this record informs us that the Cenna Pārsva basti was built by king Durvinīta. This could only have been
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 97. 2. Ibid., p. 73. 3. Ibid. 4. 35 of 1914; Rice, My. & Courg, p. 74. 5. 37 of 1904.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the Ganga king of that name about whose benevolence to Jainism we have already given sufficient proof in the previous pages. It was during the reign of king Someśvara I that the earliest Kannada work on astrology called Jätakatilaka was written in A.D. 1049 by the Jaina priest Sridharācārya, who hailed from Narigunda in Beļuvalanādu.
As regards the name Pāņdya occurring in the Pārśvanātha basti record, it is not improbable that it is to be identified with that of Tribhuvanamalla Pāņdya of the Ucchangi Pāņdya line, who was the contemporary of the Western Cālukya kings Jayasimha III and Someśvara 1.2 But until further proof is secured, this will be only a conjecture.
Vādigharațţa mentioned in the above inscription was no other than Vădibhasimha Ajitasena. This is proved by the Grāmadabasti inscription dated A.D. 1103 referred to above, which tells us that Ajitasena Pandita was known as Vādigharațţa, and that he belonged to the Drāviļa sangha and the Arungaļānvaya.3
King Someśvara I's eldest son and successor king Somes
1. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 59; Kavicarite I, pp. 75-76.
2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 150. A stone inscription near Bhadrā in Bāļe-Honnūr, Koppa tāluka, gives us the interesting information that the Sāntara chief Māra was the chief disciple (agraśişya) of the great muni Vādībhasimha Ajitasena, and that the former erected a nisidhi, obviously on the death of the Jaina guru. This record is undated, but has been assigned to A.D. 1090 by Rice on valid grounds. (E. C. VI, Intr., p. 11. Kp. 3, p. 76.) The later Säntaras bore the title Pāņdya (Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 140), but it cannot be made out whether this could be said of Māra as well.
3. E.C., VIII, Ti. 192, p. 205. After Ajitasena's time, the titles Vādībhasimha, Vādikolāhala and Tārkkika-cakravarti became hereditary among the Jaina gurus. See E. C. V, Cn. 149, p. 191

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55 vara II was likewise a devout Bhavya. According to the Bandaņikebasti stone inscription dated A.D. 1075, king Someśvara II gave to the priest Kulacandradeva, the disciple of Paramānanda Siddhānta of the Müla sangha and Krāņūr gana, specified land in Nāgarkhanda, for the Šāntinātha basti which Bhara..... cakravarti had newly erected in Nāgarkhanda, on the specified date. The donee's guru Paramānanda is styled as one “who had gone to the farthest shore of the ocean of both siddhāntas."1
Among the prominent Western Cālukya monarchs after king Someśvara II mention must be made of a ruler whose identity is now settled with the help of inscriptions. A stone inscription in the Kattalebasti at Sravana Belgoļa, assigned to about A.D. 1100, relates the following--that Vāsavacandra, whose intellect was well trained in the argument of the great syād vāda doctrine, and who attained celebrity as Bāla-Sarasvati in the middle of the Cālukyan court, was the colleague of the lord of the sages of Vankāpura, De. vendramunipa.
The king in whose court Vāsavacandra received the title of Bāla-Sarasvati has now to be identified. This may be done with the aid of the above Kattalebasti record as well as with that of another stone inscription found in a ruined basti at Hale Belgoļa. The Kattalebasti record informs us that Väsavacandra was a colleague of the following learned Jaina scholars Prabhācandra, a great grammarian and logician, who was honoured by king Bhoja of Dhārā ; Dāmanandi,
(Continued from p. 54.) where these titles are applied to Sripāla Pandita. As mentioned elsewhere in this treatise, the title Vädibhasimha was given to the Brahman orator Mādhavabhatta by the Ganga king Harivarmā,
1. Ibid., VII, Sk. 221, p. 131. 2. Ibid, II, 69, p. 35.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM a great Naiyāyika scholar, who was “a grinding stone to the great disputant the vile Vişnubhațţa ; Maladhārideva, also called Guņacandra ; Māghanandi Siddhāntadeva, the head of the Vakra gaccha, and also a renowned grammarian; Jinacandra, “a Pūjyapāda in the Jainendra (grammar), a Bhattākalanka in the logic of all sects, a Bhāravi in literature, great in poetry, disputation, and eloquence"; Devendra, Yasahkirti, who was honoured by the king of Simhaļa ; Trimuștimuni,“ a wrestler with wicked hostile disputants, who was content with three fistfuls of food ”, and who was the disciple of the eminent lord of ascetics Gopanandi ; Gandavimukta Maladhāri Hemacandra, also known as Gauļamuni, who was likewise a disciple of Gopanandi; and Gauļadeva Maladhāri, “the destroyer of Cupid":1
In the above galactic circle of great Jaina scholars, who belonged to the Vakra gaccha, we have the fact of Vāsavacandra's having been a colleague of Gopanandi. Now we know from the Haļe Belgoļa stone inscription that Gopanandi, who will figure again presently, lived in A.D. 1094.3 Hence Vāsavacandra is to be assigned also to the same age. The only Western Cālukya monarch who reigned in this period was the famous Vikramāditya VI, Tribhuvanamalla, who ruled from A.D. 1074 till A.D. 1126.3 The Cālukyan king referred to in the above Kattalebasti inscription, therefore, was no other than the same monarch.
It has now to be proved that king Vikramāditya VI was himself a Jaina. The Badagiyara Honda stone inscription hailing from the Shikarpur tāluka, Mysore State, and dated
1. E. C. II, 69, p. 35, op. cit. See also ibid., Intr. p. 80. 2. Ibid., V, Cn. 148, pp. 189-190. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 73.

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57 A.D. 1077, has to be utilized in this connection. According to this interesting record, king Vikramāditya VI, at the request of the Dandanāyaka Barmmadeva,--to whom hij official Pratikantha Singayya had petitioned for the same purpose. --made on the specified date (which is given with full details), the gift of the village of Manevane (location given in detail), for the services of the god of the CālukyaGanga-Permmänadi Jinālaya which he had caused to be made in the royal city of Balligāve, when he was a prince (kumāra), for the offerings, food of the îşis, repairs of the busadi, and for new works. This gift was made to the learned Jaina guru Rāmasena, who was the disciple of Mahāsenavrati, and who was said by all people to be in grammar Pūjyapāda, in lcgic Akalankadeva, and in poetry Samantabhadra. Rāmasena belonged to the Müla sangha, Sena gana, and Pogari gaccha.?
Two statements made in the above records may be noted here before we pass on to the narration of other details. One made in the Kattalebasti record that Prabhācandra, a colleague of Vasavācandra, was honoured by king Bhoja of Dhārā ; and the other made in the Baďagiyara Honda inscription that Vikramaditya VI was “to the lord Dhārā the source of a great fever of terror."2 King Bhoja of Dhārā who honoured Prabhācandra, and who was frightened by Vikramāditya (and later on routed) was no other than king Bhoja I, who has become renowned in history as the patron of learning. 3
From a later context we shall learn that it was the king
1. E.C. VII, Sk. 124, pp. 95-96. 2. Ibid., p. 96.
3. Read Ganguly, History of the Paramara Dynasty, p. 82, seq., 250 ; E. C. II, Intr. p. 80.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Vikramāditya VI who built many basadis in the Belvola country.1
The Western Cālukya dominion lasted in all six long centuries of glorious history. The rulers of this great House had begun to assert themselves somewhere in the fourth or fifth century A.D.; and while they were consolidating their conquests in the south-east, their original enemies the Rāştrakūțas wrested from their hands the north-western portions of the Western Cālukyan Empire. This was in the latter part of the eighth century A.D. For two centuries (eighth till the tenth) the Rāştrakūtas, themselves of Karnātaka stock,2 had put the Western Cālukyas once again completely in the shade. In a.d. 973, however, the Western Cālukyas once again regained their ascendancy and continued to rule for two centuries more.3
But towards the end of the twelfth century A.D., two new powers came to the forefront in the land one of them thoroughly Karnāțaka in stock, the Hoysalas, and the other, the Yādavas or Seuņas, both of whom hemmed in the disputed dominions of the Western Cālukyas, and thereby destroyed the latter who had been for a considerably long time the most potent factor in the annals of Karnāțaka. Of these new royal families, we are concerned here more with the Hoysalas than with the Yādavas who, after having asserted themselves first in the Seuņa country in Central India, pushed their power till in the latter half of the
1. See below Chapter VI.
2. Cf. Altekar, op. cit., pp. 21-25; see also Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 66, and ibid., n. (1) for a different opinion referred to by Rice, which does not seem to be correct.
3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 62, seq. 72, seq. 78. 4. Ibid, pp. 108 109.

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twelfth century A.D. they collided with the Hoysalas, especially in the north-western regions of modern Mysore.
But the Hoysalas never surrendered their sovereignty over Karnāțaka to their rivals the Yādavas. Originating in the days of despair when the country had witnessed the subversion of the ancient Ganga power by the invincible Rājendra Coļa I, Gangaikonda, the great son of a great father, in A.D. 1004,2 the Hoysalas put forward the greatest claim at the hands of posterity by their expulsion of the Coļas from the soil of Karnāțaka in A.D. 1116. Thenceforward the Hoysalas ruled over the country for three centuries, another great example of Karnātaka statesmanship and Karnāțaka valour. Towards the middle of the fourteenth century A.D., however, the same danger which had overwhelmed their great rivals the Yādavas in the north now threatened them in the south. This was the Muhammadan menace under the onslaught of which the Hoysalas collapsed not before they had safely handed over the sacred trust of guarding the country's honour to their most magnificent successors—the monarchs of the famous Vijayanagara Empire.
The Hoysala kingdom itself was a second supreme creation of Jaina wisdom, the first having been, as we saw in an earlier connection, that of the Gangas in the days of king Konguņivarmā I. Twice, therefore, had Jainism, which for ages had stood for ahimsā, caused political regeneration in the land before the rise of Vijayanagara-once in the first or second century A.D., and, then again, in the eleventh century A.D. It was not merely to get the aid of the State that Jaina sages had helped statesmen to found king
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 78.
2. Ibid., p. 95; Saletore, The Wild Tribes in Indian History, pp. 79-80.
3. Rice, ibid., p. 94.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM doms; the various Jaina centres of the south, and especially in Karnāšaka, possessed some of the most superb intellectual prodigies India had ever producel. These spiritual leaders did not stand in constant need of royal benevolence : their vast congregations, as we shall presently point out in a later context, contained exceedingly wealthy communities which never allowed the Jina śāsana to be overtaken by calamity ; and repeatedly Jaina gurus appeared to rekindle the smouldering fire of the Jina dharma. An explanation of this singular feature of Jainism seems to be that, as we saw at the beginning of this treatise, it was an example of a religion in the pre-Vijayanagara days which demonstrated the importance of the fact of even religious leaders aiding materially the creation of the proper political environment necessary for the resuscitation of the life in the country. It is precisely here that we see the importance of Jainism in the history of India : more than a faith which produced great leaders and writers in philosophy, and admirable men and women in the field of letters; and much more than a creed which added to the architectural and artistic splendour of India, Jainism was a religion which transmitted through the Hoysala rulers a message ta the monarchs of Vijayanagara which these latter kings of the mediæval times, after a brilliant struggle in a period the intensity of which we can hardly now gauge, made the pivot of their existence, thereby opening once again another glorious chapter in the history of India.1
The birth-place of the Hoysalas was Sosevur (Skt. Saśākapura) which Rice had identified with Angaļi in the south of the Mūdgere tāluka, Kaqur district, Mysore State. 2
1. For a discussion of this point, see Saletore, Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire, I, pp. 243-246.
2. E. C. VI, Intr. p. 14.

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613 There is every reason to believe that Angaļi itself was a stronghold of Jainism in the middle of the tenth century A.D., when the first historical figure in the Hoysala House came into prominence in Karnāțaka. Two facts may be adduced in support of this statement-the first relates to the death of a Jaina guru at Angadi in the tenth century A.D., and the second, to the existence of Jaina basadis of a date earlier than that of the famous temple of Vāsantikā, the patron deity of the Hoysalas. An undated inscription found at Angadi tells us that on Vimalacandra Paņạitadeva, the disciple of Maunibhattāraka of the Drāviļa sangha, Kondakundānvaya, and Pustaka gaccha, and the guru of śrimān Iriva Bedenga, having performed the samnyasana rites, obtained inukti. At this a memorial in honour of the guru was set up. Rice assigned this record to about A.D. 998 on the assumption that the name Iriva Beļenga mentioned in it was that of the Western Cālukya ruler Satyāśraya (A.D. 997 A.D.---1009).1 We are unable to identify Vimalacandra Panditadeva mentioned in the above record ; but this inscrip
1. E. C. VI, Intr. p. 13, where the record is dated about A.D. 998 ; but Mg. 11 is dated circa A.D. 990 Ibid, p. 60. Narasimhacarya is inclined to date it in circa A.D. 1000. M. A. R. for 1917, p. 7. Rice gives the name of the Jaina guru as Traikālamuni in the translation. But the original reads merely Maunibhattāraka. Ibid., text, p. 242. In a record dated A.N. 1163 a Tiaikālayogi is mentioned as the disciple of the monarchmonk Gollācārya. He belonged to the Desiya gana, a subdivision of the Nandi gaña in the Mūla sangha.. .E. C. II, 64, p. 17. In another record hailing from Sravana Belgola, a Traikālayogi, also of the Mūla sangha, is spoken of. Ibid, 382, text, p. 171. There is a Mauni Acārya of the Navilur sangha in a record assigned to circa A.D. 700. Ibid., 106. p. 44. It cannot be made out with which of the three gurus the Maunibhattāraka of the above record is to be identified.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM
tion is doubly important : Firstly, it tells us that in Angadi there lived a Jaina guru, evidently because it was a Jaina centre; and, secondly, it associates Angadi with the Western Cālukyas in a period which saw the emergence of the Hoysalas as a political power.
The other fact concerning Angadi is about the antiquity of the Jaina basadis of the place. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya has shown that the modern Vasantammā image in the temple at Angaļi cannot in any way be connected with the Vāsantikā of the Jainas and the early Hoysalas, and that the present goddess has been set up in the place of the original image. The same scholar wrote that at some distance from this temple are two ruined basadis standing in a line and facing north. These which contain scarcely any crnamentation in them, represent Hoysala structure of an earlier type.' Dr. Krishna supports this view, and opines that the basadis may belong to the tenth century A.D., informing us of the name of one of the basadis-Makara Jinālaya.?
Here in Angaļi happened an incident which has become celebrated in the history of Karnāțaka. It concerns the activites of a Hoysala chief and a Jaina guru in the latter half of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. The story in brief is the following. In the town of Angadi there lived a Jaina guru by name Sudatta. On a ceriain occasion when the Hoysala chief went to worship at the temple of his family goddess Vāsantikādevi at Sosevūru, and when he was being instructed by the Jaina guru there, a tiger bounded out of the forest, glaring with rage. The Jaina sage snatching hastily his rod handed it over to the
1. M. A. R. for 1917, p. 7. 2. Ibid for 1929, pp. 8-9.

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chief, and in the language of the latter exclaimed-poy Sala (Strike, Sala !). Whereupon Sala hit the tiger and killed it finishing it off perhaps with his dagger. From the rescucd Jaina guru's exclamation, the chief assumed the name Poysala which later on became Hoysala.1
An examination of some of the most important stone and copper-plate inscriptions ranging from the first quarter of the twelfth to the last quarter of the thirteenth century A.D., reveals a few interesting details which, notwithstanding their divergence, yet enable us to understand the significance of the account concerning the Jaina guru and his lay disiciple. In the inscriptions of king Vinayāditya l (...A.D. 1022),12 and in those of his son and successor NȚpa Kāma Hoysala (...-A.D. 1047)," no mention is made of the above account at all. This need not come in the way of our appreciating it, since the times of these rulers were taken up with their bitter struggle against the Colas and the feudatories of the latter, the Kongāļvas, for
1. Rice, My & Coorg., p. 95. Such feats of courage and physical strength are met with even in our own days. It is reported that Rāmu Jotiba Patil, a villager from Kolhapur, showed his bravery thus-A cowherd Goru Tukaram was grazing his cattle in the forest on the outskirts of the village Savarda, Panhala Mahal, Kolhapur State, in the evening of Sept. 20, 1937. Suddenly a tiger five feet and three inches long, attacked the villager biting at his thigh. Hearing his scream for help, Rāmu Jotiba rushed at it and struck it with an ordinary bamboo stick. The brute turned on Rāmu who at once came to grips with it. The animal was finally killed by the neighbouring villagers who had hurried to the scene with their scythes and 'axes. Rāmu and Goru are reported to be making satisfactory progress in the Kolhapur State Hospital. (The Times of India, Bombay, Sept. 27th 1937).
2. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 51. 3. Ibid.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the hegemony of Karnāțaka. It is only when we come to the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D., when the Hoysala power was very firmly established in the country, and when, as a consequence of their political stability, a spirit of ornateness and robustness revealed itself in literature, and especially in architecture, that we have some details which we may now critically examine with the aid of epigraphs. These are the following-The Jaina sage and his identity, the status of the Hoysala chief, the weapon with which the latter killed the animal, the name of the goddess, and the identity of the animal which was killed.
1. THE JAINA SAGE. Excepting onc record of the eleventh century A.D., no other inscription of the eleventh and the twelfth century A.D., gives the name of the Jaina sage who helped Sala to found a kingdom. He is called Sudattamunipa in a stone inscription found on the bank of the river Dandāvati in the Sohrab tāluka, and assigned by Rice to A.D. 1208.2 Two stone inscriptions dated A.D. 1271 and A.D. 1284 respectively, and both sound in the Candraśāle, Beļļūr grāma, Nāgamangala, tell us that king Sala having brought a certain accomplished muni (called in the records merely Siddhamunīndra), established him in the abode of Vāsantikā in the prosperous Śaśapura (śri-sampattiya Śaśapura Väsantivāsavalli Siddhamunindram), and there the munindra was engaged in properly giving instruction to Sala.3
1. Read Saletore, Wild Tribes., p. 80 where I made a mistake in asserting that it was the Coļa general Aprameya who encountcred Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala line. This Hoysala ruler should have been, as Narasimhacarya pointed out, king Vinayāditya I. (M. A. R. for 1916, p. 51).
2. E. C. VIII. Sb. 28, p. 5
3. Ibid., IV. Ng. 38 and 39, pp. 122-123 ; text, pp. 347, 351 ; Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 95, n. (1).

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65 No credence can be given to the statement made in the above twa Candraśāle records that Sala brought the Jaina guru and established him in Śaśapura (i. l., Śaśākapura, or Angadi), since we definitely know that Angadi was already a Jaina centre in the tenth century A. D.
But who was Sudatta and to which congregation did he belong ? No epigraph of the twelfth century A. D. gives his full name, and in no list of the spiritual succession of the many Jaina pontificates in the south do we come across the name Sudatta. We may conjecture that he belonged to the Kondakunda lineage to which Vimalacandra, the guru of the Western Cālukya ruler Satyāśraya Isīva Bedenga belonged, and may have been his colleague. Our surmise is supported by a stone inscription of the Vijayanagara times, the importance of which we shall describe in the subsequent pages of this treatise. This stone record was found in the Padmavati basti at Humcca, Nagar tāluka, and assigned by Rice on valid grounds to A. D. 1530. In this important inscription which contains many details of historical value, after Pūjyapadasvāmi comes Vardhamānasvāmi "by the power of whose learning and spell Hoysala brought into subjection the tiger and ruled the world. Instructors of the kings of the Hoysala line in conduct and learning, Vardhamanayogindra and others became their gurus." In the same record we are told that Vardhamāna belonged to the Nandi sangha of the Kondakundānvaya.1
This piece of information, notwithstanding its being far removed in time from the age of the Hoysalas, is nevertheless substantiated by an earlier but undated stone inscription belonging to the Añjaneya temple but now found near the railway station of Sāgarakațțe, Mysore hobļi. It relates
1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 46, p. 147. M. J. 3.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the following—That Sri Vādirājadeva's disciple Sri Vardhamānadeva—descended in the line of Sāntimuni, who belonged to the Drāviļa sangha, Arungalānvaya, and Nandi gana, and who took a prominent part in the Hoysala administration (Sri Vardhamandēvaru Hoysala kārāliyadalu agraganyaru), died by sarnyasana, and that the memorial (niśidhi) was set up by his colleague Kamaladeva.1
Dr. Krishna, who has edited this inscription in his Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of Mysore for 1929, assigned it on palæographical grounds to the last quarter of the eleventh century A. D., and remarked that it may belong to the reign of the Hoysala king Vinayāditya or to that of Vişnuvardhana. He rightly identified Vadirāja mentioned in the above record with the famous contemporary of king Jayasimha III, about whom we have written a few details in the previous pages. But Dr. Krishna's inference that Vardhamānadeva lived in the middle of the eleventh century A. D. in the reign of king Vinayāditya whom he helped in the government of his kingdom, is not borne out by the evidence of numerous stone inscriptions of that monarch which, as will be stated at once, mention an altogether different Jaina priest as the guru of that Hoysala monarch.
One detail about one of the gurus mentioned in the above record needs some explanation. It is about Säntimuni. Vadiraja is said to have been born in the line of Sāntimuni (śāntimunigala śişya santati Sri Vadirājadēvara). Hence Sāntimuni was far removed from Vădirāja. This guru cannot be definitely identified, but it is not improbable
1. M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 108-109. Vardhamanasvāmi mentioned here was not the same as his namesake spoken of in a record of A.D. 1265 of the reign of king Narasimha III. See below.
2. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 109.

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE that, as related in one of the Pārsvanātha basti records found at Śravana Belgoļa, and assigned on palæographical grounds to circa A. D. 650, he may have been the same Säntimuni who is described in that epigraph as "coral lipped”, and as one "who renovated" the Jaina religion, “when the faith, which had greatly prospered at the time when the pair of the great sages Bhadrabāhu and Candragupta shed lustre on it, became afterwards a little weak."1 If this identification is accepted, santimuni may indeed have lived ages before Vādirāja.
Whatever our difficulty in identifying Sāntimuni, there is no doubt that Vardhamānadeva was the disciple of Vādirāja. Since we know that the latter lived in the first quarter of the eleventh century A. D., we may legitimately assign his disciple Vardhamāna also to the same age. This admirably fits in with the date we have given to Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala House, and his preceptor Sudatta (i.e. Vardhamāna himself), viz., the latter half of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. The phrase Hoysala kārāliyadalu applied to Sudatta Vardhamāna would, then, have to be interpreted in the sense that that guru was the chief person in the administration not only of the founder of the Hoysala line but also of his son and successor Vinayāditya I, and of the latter's successor Nșpa Kāma Hoysala. If Vardhamāna had only aided Poysala in founding the royal House, that fact would have been expressed, as in the case of the illustrious Simhanandi Ācārya, thus—that Vardhamānadeva had merely created (mādida) the kingdom. But it was because Sudatta Vardhamāna stabilized the Hoysala government in the reigns probabaly of three successive rulers that the phrase Haysala kārāliyadalu agraganyaru is
1.
E. C. II, 31, p. 7.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM applied to him in the Sāgarakațțe record. Here it may not be out of place to remark that the reigns of all the first three Hoysala rulers-Poysala, Vinayāditya I, and Nrpa Kāma--were shortlived. There is nothing strange that like the life of many an ascetic of India, and like that of many Jaina gurus as well, that of Vardhamānadeva, while it may have run into that of Vādirāja, may have, at the same time, covered that of the first three Hoysalas kings also. Whatever that may be, the fact that Vardhamānadeva had helped the continuance of the Hoysala rule in its early stages alone seems to be responsible for the deep-laid devotion which the Hoysala kings from Nrpa Kāma onwards showed for the Jina dharma in their great Empire.
2. The Status of the chief Sala. We have elsewhere shown that Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala House, belonged to the race of hill tribes of Karnāțaka.1 The age in which Poysala appeared was one of humiliation' to Karnātaka. As related above, it was the time of the Cola conquest of Gangavādi. The Ganga kingdom had been the creation of Jaina intellect. It is but natural that now when in the latter half of the tenth and beginning of the eleventh century A.D., the last remnant of Ganga rule had been wiped out by foreigners, Jaina wisdom should have again devised ways and means of rejuvenating political life in the country without which “ renovation" of the Jina dharma would not have been lasting and great.
There is no doubt Poysala was already a chieftain when he approached Sudatta Vardhamāna for aid. All accounts concerning him confirm this. Here we may be permitted to discuss the importance of his name, since it helps us to
1. Saletore, Wild Tribes., pp. 79 seq.

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understand the part played by the Jaina guru. Rice wrote that the name Poysala occurred in a record of A.D. 1006 at Kaliur, on the opposite side of the river to Talakad.1 But the late Mr. Narasimhacarya discovered a stone inscription at Hosahalli near Marale, Chikamagaļūr tāluka, of the time of the Nolamba king Anniga. In this undated record it is related that Arakella's son, distinguished by the title Sāmanta Rāma and Nanni Kandarpa, and his grandson Poysalamäruga, fought with Anniga at Sirivura and fell, at which a certain Gāvuṇḍa (named) by order of Arakella (with titles) attacked Aņņiga Mahārāja but also fell. Then Arakella gave a grant to the relatives of the Gavuṇḍa.
The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified Arakella mentioned above with Sri Arakella spoken of in a damaged record found also at Morale,2 and Anniga, with Anniga, Bīra Nolamba, the eldest son of Ayyappa; and rightly said that the above Hosahalli record may be dated to circa A.D. 950.3 Dr. Krishna while re-editing the Hosahalli record, confirms the date given to it by Mr. Narasimhacharya.4
Are we to identify Poysalamäruga mentioned above with Poysala, the founder of the Hoysala House? The answer is in the negative, but this does not mean that we have to discredit the account of Sudatta Vardhamana and Poysala."
1. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 95; E. C. III. Tn. 44. E. C. VI. Ck. 138, p. 221.
2.
3. M. A. R. for 1916 pp. 46-51.
4. Ibid. for 1932, p. 201.
5. This error is committed by Mr. Hayavadana Rao who calls Sala "the mythical founder of the Hoysala dynasty. As Romulus was to the Romans, so was Sala to the Hoysalas." He styles Sala "the eponymous hero Sala." And he confounds Poysala who fought against General Aprameya with "certain Poysala leaders." Mysore Gazetteer, II, P. II, pp. 1312-1313.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM On the other hand, the fact of the name Poysala occurring in a record in the neighbourhood of Talakād, the capital of the Gangas, and of the matrimonial alliance between a feudatory chief and a Poysala strongly suggests that the Hoysalas in the latter half of the tenth century A.D. were somehow associated with the ancient capital of the Gangas; and that by that time members of the Hoysala family had already made themselves prominent by taking part in the political struggle of the age. It is because of this that we find one member of the Hoysala family connected with the feudatory chief Arakella. Further, it was perhaps to test the ability of another member of that same family that the Jaina guru at Angaļi caused a tiger to bound forth from the adjoining forest. Sudatta Vardhamāna had to satisfy himself that his lay disciple Sala had the grit in him to carve out a principality in the same manner Simhanandi Ācārya had to be sure that Konguộivarmā had the strength to build a kingdom. In both instances, the lay disciples had to do physical feats of extraordinary strength in order to win the support and guidance of their Jaina gurus : Poysala had to kill an animal, and Konguņivarmā had to cut down a huge stone pillar with a single blow.
The chief Sala, therefore, dropped his earlier name which is unfortunately not known to us for the present-and assumed the name Poy Sala! (Strike Sala !) arising out of the circumstance of his having killed an animal. Ever after this incident both he and his relatives must have adopted this name because of the great prominence into which he came after the performance of the remarkable deed, in about
1. The name Poysala was so great that even ordinary citizens used to prefix it to their names. For instance, in A.D. 1101 a Gauda called himself Poysala Gauda. E. C. V. Bl. 141,p. 93.

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the latter part of the tenth century A.D. This may account for the following related in the Keśava temple stone inscription found at Honnavara, Hassan tāluka, and dated A.D. 1123 :"In that Yaduvamsa a king named Sala was hunting along the slopes of the Sahya mountains when in a certain place a tiger bounded out to devour a muni who was there doing penance.
That muni in order to test his bravery, said poy Sala, on which he immediately killed the tiger with his dagger. The muni being pleased, conferred on him the tiger as a victorious crest and that exclamation as a victorious name."1 Hence Poy Sala was merely a name of victory (i pesare vijayanāmam) which that chief adopted after the incident.2 The Daņdāvatī river stone inscription cited above, affirms that Sudatta desired to give Sala the chief place in the world, and hence made the goddess Padmāvati appear as a tiger whereupon the chief striking it, displayed his courage.3
3. The weapon with which Sala killed the animal. Here there is a diversity in the accounts. Some versions of the story give it as a dagger ; others, as that dated A.D. 1173, call it a cane (betta), or a cane rod (bettada sele), as in about A. D. 1220, or merely sele (Muni's rod) as in circa A.D. 1208, or a kuñcada sele (or the rod of the yogi's fan), which is really a bunch of peacock's feathers, as
1. E. C., V.Hn. 65, pp. 18-19.
2. Ibid., Hn. 116, dated A.D. 1123, p. 33, Ibid., II. 132, p. 58; ibid., V. Bl. 171 of circa A.D. 1160, p. 100 where the exclamation adam poy Sala (hit it, Sala !) is given in full, and the interesting detail is added that before the tiger could step again, Sala had killed it. It may be remembered here that Angadi is on the slopes of the Western Ghats.
3. Ibid, VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM in A.D. 1255, or salāki (or an iron rod, i.e. a wooden stick as hard as iron), as in A.D. 1261.1
4. The name of the goddess. In this detail too the accounts differ. While most of the inscriptions give the name of the goddess as Vāsantikā, a few give it as Padmavati.?
5. The animal that was killed.
This is another detail about which there is no unanimity in the epigraphs. For instance, in A.D. 1123, 1173, circa 1208, circa 1220, and 1234, it is called śārdūlam, but in the other records it is called puli3 (tiger). The former (śārdülam) seems to be correct, and the latter, inadmissible. The numerous sculptures depicting this animal on stone inscriptions and on temple walls in Karnāțaka confirm this opinion.*
1. E. C. V, Ak. 71, p. 138, Bl. 112, p. 71 ; Cf. Ak. 82, of A.D. 1234, p. 143 ; VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5; V. Ak. 108, p. 156 ; Bl. 74, p. 61.
2. Ibid., VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5. Is it possible that this is the same goddess who appears so prominently in connection with the Sāntaras? It may be that Padmāvati was only a Hinduized form of a Buddhist goddess of the Mahāyāna school, after she had passed through a period in the Jaina religion. This may account for the fact that Padmāyati is associated with alchemy and such other arts. It is perhaps this Buddhist touch which is responsible for the introduction of the element of incantation in the story, as in A.D. 1173. (E. C. V. Ak. 71, p. 138. If these suggestions should lead one to further inquiry, perhaps one may discover at a future date that Angadi itself was a Buddhist centre before it passed into the hands of the Jainas !
3. E. C. V, Hn. 116, p. 33; Bl. 112, p. 71 ; Ak. 7,1, p. 138, Ak. 82 p. 113; VIII, Sb. 28, p. 5.
4. Two scholars have independently arrived at this conclusion, and they give the significance of the Hoysala leader Sala killing the

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ROYAL BENEVOLENCE With whatever scepticism the above story relating to the founder of the Hoysala House and his Jaina adviser is viewed, there is no denying the fact that the successors of Sala, especially from king Vinayāditya I onwards, gave unstinted patronage to the Jina dharma, even when one of them be. came a convert into Vaişņavism and thereby undermined the influence of Jainism as State religion in Karnataka. We have seen that the first three Hoysala rulers Sala, the founder, his son Vinayāditya I, and the latter's successor Nrpa Kāma, were under the spiritual guidance of Sudatta Vardhamana ; and that it was this fact which was responsible for the statement made in the Sāgarakatte stone inscription that that Jaina guru took a prominent part in the administration of the Hoysalas.
The guru of king Vinayāditya II was Sāntideva. This is proved from two stone inscriptions. One of them is the Pārśvanātha basti record found at śravana Belgola and dated A.D. 1129. This inscription which we have already cited describes Sāntideva thus—“Who is able to describe such and such' the ability of the ascetic Sāntideva, having worshipped whose pair of feet, the Poysala king Vinayāditya brought the goddess of wealth to the territory under his rule ? "1
śāntideva belonged to the same congregation to which
(Continued from p. 72) animal. They say that it represents the Kadamba lion which was killed by Sala. R. N. Saletore, Vijayanagara Art (unpublished Ms.) pp. 477-8; George Moraes, Kadamba-kula, p. 378. For further notices on the Hoysala origin, read Kavicarite, I. pp. 332, 371. E. C. V. Intr. pp. 9-10, where Rice has summarized various accounts; ibid, XII, Tp. 42, dated A.D. 1229, p. 50; ibid., V, Hn. 84 of circa A.D. 1230, p. 126 ; ibid., IX, Bn. 6 dated A.D. 1253, p. 3 where a very intelligent account of Sala and the śāradūla is given ; ibid. XII, Tp. 40, of A.D. 1286, p. 49; My. and Coorg, p. 95, etc.
1. E C. II, 67, p. 30.

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74
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the illustrious Ajitasena was attached, for, as we have already seen, the latter is mentioned immediately next to Santideva under the title of Svāmå and Sabda-caturmukha. Säntideva died in A.D. 1062, as is proved by the damaged stone inscription found at Angaļi and dated in that year. This epigraph informs us that king Vinayāditya Poysala's guru Sāntideva having performed the rites of sarnyasana, as a reward of his faith attained to the realm of nirvāņa. The king and the company of townsmen (dēvaru śrīmatu sa......ra nakara samüha tamma gurugalge) erected the monument for the departure of their guru sāntideva.1 The evidence of this inscription may be utilized to show that śāntideya had indeed become a sort of a national preceptor in the days of king Vinayāditya II.
What king Vinayāditya did as a Jaina, obviously on the advice of his guru, is described in a stone record found in the Gandhavāraṇa basti at Sravana Belgoļa, and dated A.D. 1131. King Vinayāditya “gladly made any number of tanks and temples, any number of Jaina shrines, any number of nādus, villages, and subjects. When it is said that king Vinayāditya Poysala alone excelled the celebrated Balīndra, who can praise the greatness of that profound and brave king? The pits dug for bricks became tanks, the great mountains quarried for stone became level with the ground, the roads by which the mortar carts passed became ravines—thus did Poysala cause Jina temples (Jinarāja geham) to be erected.”2
True to the liberal spirit which has always marked Karnāțaka monarchs throughout history, king Vinayāditya II extended his patronage to other Jaina leaders as well. A
1. E. C. VI, Mg. 17, pp. 61, 245. 2. Ibid., II, ,143, pp. 70-71.

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75 damaged stone inscription at Toļaļu, Belūr hobli, Hassan district, dated A.D. 1062, commemorates the gift of some land on the holy occasion of Uttarāyaṇa Sankramana, by the same king to the Jaina guru Abhayacandra of Belave. The latter belonged to the Mūla sangha and to the spiritual lineage which claimed Gautama, Bhadrabāhu, Puşpadanta and Meghacandra as its own.1
Another stone inscription dated A.D. 1069 illustrates the care with which king Vinayāditya II looked after Jaina interests. It was found in the Pārsvanātha basti at Mattāvara, Chickmagaļūr tāluka, and it relates the following--That the king who previous to the specified date had a channel turned and brought to the village of Mattara (i.e., Mattāvara), was now pleased to visit that village again. And on that occasion he went to the basadi on the hill, and seeing the god there, asked (the people) “Why have you built the basadi on the hill (outside) instead of building it inside the village ?” To this Māņikaśețţi replied respectfully—“We beg of your Lordship to build a basadi within the village and richly endow it with wealth and privileges. We are poor but there is no limit to your wealth. Your wealth is equal in quantity to the paddy grains grown by the hill chiefs.”
The king pleased with the speech of Māņikasetti, smiled and said "Very well," and had the basadi built inside the village. He first got Māņikaśețți and other leaders of the town (named) to give specified land to the basadi, and he himself granted for the basadi at Mattāvara paddy income (specified) of the village of Nadali. Moreover, the king ordered several houses to be constructed near the basadi,
1. M. A. R. for 1927, pp. 43-44 Abhayacandra's identity cannot be determined.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM giving the village the name of Rşihalli, and finally remitted many (specified) village taxes on its behalf.1
King Vinayrāditya II was succeeded by his son Ereyanga, who had seen State service under the former as a yuvarāja. Since we know definitely that king Vinayāditya's rule lasted till A.D. 1101,2 we have to assume with Rice that king Ereyanga ruled in conjunction with his father, and that Ereyanga must have died before his father. 3
This difficulty in determining the dates of Ereyanga's rule need not hinder us from bringing to the forefront his Jaina guru Gopanandi. A stone inscription at Hale Belgola dated A.D. 1094 informs us that that Mahāmandaleśvara's gurut was Gopanandi about whom it gives the following details-- That Gopanandi was the head of the Desiya gana, Mūla sangha, and Kondakundānvaya. His preceptor was Caturmukhadeva. “The celebrated Gopanandi accomplished what had been impossible for any one ; for he caused the Jina dharma which had for a long time been at standstill, to attain the prosperity and fame of the time of the Ganga kings.” His qualifications and achievements are graphically described thus-He was like an infuriated elephant to the Sānkhya, Bhautika, Bauddha, Vaişnava, and Cärvvāka professors. While Jaimini bolted, Vaišeşika turning round fled, Sugata (Buddha) instead of running beat his breast, Akşapāda with affection came near, Lokāyata attempted to leave, and Sänkhya pushed away-Gopanandi, a lusty elephant like the elephants at the points of the compass, roamed through the paths of the six schools of logic.
1. M. A. R. for 1932, pp. 172-174. Dr. Krishna while reediting it dates it in A.D. 1069. But the late Mr. Narasimhacarya dated it in A.D. 1077. M.A.R. for 1916, pp. 51-52.
2. E. C. V, Bl. 141, p. 93. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 98.

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77
To this great Jaina logician, Tribhuvanamalla Ereyanga, while ruling the Gangamandala, granted Rācanahalla and the Belgola 12 for the repairs of the basadis of the Kalbappu tirtha (of Belgola).1 Since the king was ruling the Gangavāḍi, and since the royal endowment affected all the basadis in the holy place round the Kalbappu hill (i.e., Katavapra or Candragiri) at Sravana Belgola, it is said in the epigraph that Gopanandi caused the Jina dharma to prosper through the wealth of the Ganga kings. We know that by this time the Ganga rule had disappeared; yet the benevolent precedent set up by the Gangas could never be obliterated from the mind of either the Jainas or the Karnataka monarchs.2
""
In an earlier context we have had an occasion to describe all the celebrated colleagues of Gopanandi, as given in the Kattalebasti record dated about A.D. 1100. This inscription, we may incidentally add, repeats the praise given to Gopanandi in the record dated A.D. 1094, and tells us that he caused the Jaina religion, which had for a long time been at a stand-still, to attain the prosperity and fame of the Ganga kings," thereby confirming the importance of that guru in the history of Jainism.
King Ballāļa I, the eldest son of king Ereyanga, succeeded
1. E. C. V, Cn. 148, pp. 189-190.
2. On Katavapra, read Ibid., II, Intr. p. 4, seq.
66
3. Ibid., II, 69, pp. 34-35. In a record dated A.D. 1136, it is said that the guru of the head-jewel of the Yadava race, Ereyanga Deva, considered the jagad-guru, was Ajitasenasvāmi." (E. C. V, Bl 17, p. 51) Rice accepts this statement. (E. C. VI, Intr., p. 11). We know that Ereyanga ruled as a yuvarāja from A.D. 1063 till A.D. 1095. It cannot be made out how far the statement of the record dated A.D. 1136 regarding Ereyanga and Ajitasena is correct. Perhaps it may not be wrong to assume that on the death of Gopanandi, Ajitasena may have become the guru of Ereyanga. This requires confirmation.

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the lattter and ruled from A.D. 1100 till A.D. 1106. The guru of this ruler was Cārukīrtimuni. Two stone inscriptions dated A.D. 1398 and A.D. 1432 respectively prove this. These are the Siddheśvara basti records of Śravaņa Belgola, which will be styled here the I and II of that name. The I. Siddheśvara basti inscription dated A.D. 1398 relates the following about Cărukīrti Panditadeva. He was the disciple of Srutakirtideva, a great disputant, and an "accomplisher of everything that had to be accomplished". This remarkable guru (Cārukīrti Panditadeya) was proficient in medicine as well. The same inscription continues to narrate the following—When king Ballāļa, encloser of the forces of strong (enemies), terrifier in war by his cavalry, was verily in a moribund condition through severe illness, he quickly restored him to health.1 The II Siddheśvara basti inscription dated A.D. 1432 repeats the praise given to him in the earlier record, adding that he was “a moon in increasing the volume of the ocean of grammar," and that he “published to the world the Sāra-traya, as also the science of logic”. “Even the air that had but touched his body cured disease ; was it much (then) that his medicine cured king Ballāļa of his disease ?”
The short-lived reign of king Ballāļa I was followed by that of one of the most brilliant monarchs of Karnataka. This was the famous Vişnuvardhana Bițțiga Deva, whose initial year is still a matter of dispute. King Vişnuvardhana was the liberator of Karnāțaka from the Cola dominion. Many of the notable victories which marked his rule were won by his great Jaina generals about whom we shall give a few details in the next chapter. King Vişnuvar
1. E. C. II, 254, p. 113. 2. Ibid., 258, p. 118.

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79
dhana's reign was also important because of an event which had a profound effect on the whole history of Jainism in Karnataka and southern India. This was his conversion from Jainism into Vaisnavism under the influence of the great Acarya Rāmānuja who, to escape persecution at the hands of a Cola king, had taken refuge in the Hoysala country. Rice placed this event before A.D. 1116, and attributed the series of extensive conquests to the new religion which king Vişņu had embraced.1
Without entering into any discussion of this assertion of Rice, we may merely note that the Jaina propensity in the Hoysala mind was so great, and the memory of the indebtedness of the Hoysala rulers to Jaina intellect so profound, that even so late as A.D. 1125 king Vişnuvardhana showed his devotion to a Jaina guru named Srīpāla Traividyavrati whose praise is described in the Bairadeva temple stone inscription dated in that year and found at Calya, Chamarajapaṭṭana tāluka. In this record it is said that that Hoysala monarch-whose victories, by the way, over Adiyama, the Pallava Nṛsimhavarmā, the Kongas, Kalapāla, and the ruler of Angara are mentioned,-caused to be made with devotion the Jaina abode at Calya. The donee is called a Sanmukha of the six schools of logic, a great disputant, bearing the hereditary titles of Vädibhasimha, Vädikolahala, and Tarkkika-cakravarti, and the promoter of his gana. To this learned Jaina sage king Visņu gave the village at Salya (Calya) with suitable donations for the repairs of the basadi and for the maintenance of the Jaina rşis.2 Another stone inscription at Belur dated A.D. 1129
1. Rice, My. and Coorg, p. 99.
2. E. C. V. Cn. 149, pp. 190-191. The Parsvanatha basti record of Sravana Belgola, however, places Sripāla before Matisā

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commemorates a gift to the basadi named Malli Jinalaya by the same monarch.1 This record, therefore, confirms the view that king Vişņu was a devout Jaina even in A.D. 1129. Indeed, there is one more record which adds to the testimony that king Vişņu, whatever his patronage to Vaisnavism may have been, continued till the end of his rule, to be a pious Bhavya. This inscription is the Pärśvanatha basti record hailing from Bastihalli, near Halebiḍ (i.e., Dorasamudra itself) and dated A.D. 1133. In connection with a famous Jaina temple in the Hoysala capital built by one of the many great Jaina generals of king Vişņu, it relates that the latter christened his son prince Vijaya Narasimhadeva after the god Vijaya Parsvadeva, and granted the village of Javagal for a Jinalaya in the capital Dorasamudra which we shall describe in a later context.2
King Narasimha I who had been crowned from the day of his birth, ascended the throne on the death of his illustrious father king Vişņu in A.D. 1141.3 The greatness of the Hoysala Empire was now maintained more by the reputation of the famous Vişņuvardhana Deva and the loyalty of his generals rather than by any military prowess or political sagacity on the part of king Narasimha. One of the most capable generals of the age was the Jaina commander Hulla whose intense devotion to the Jina dharma, which we shall describe in detail presently, was, we may
gara who was the guru of Vadirāja. It says that Sripāla, though an expositor of all sciences, accepted also the title Traividya (versed in the three sciences of grammar, logic, and philosophy). (E. C. II, 67, p. 28.) How Sripala came to be assigned to this age cannot be made out.
1. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 43.
2. E. C. V, Bl. 124, p. 83. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 101. 4. Ibid.

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well assume, in no small measure responsible for the piety which king Narasimha showed to the Jaina religion. A stone inscription in the Bhanļārabasti at Sravana Belgola dated A.D. 1159, asserts that this king while on “an expedition for the conquest of the regions ", ascended the mountain Vindhyagiri (at Sravana Belgola), bowed to the lord Gommateśvara, saw the Caturvimšati basadi erected by his great general Hulla, and "lovingly bestowed upon it the second name of Bhavya-cūdāmaņi after Hulla's title Samyuktva-cūļāmani.” And for the maintenance of this splendid temple the monarch granted the village of Savanēru. This is repeated in another record found at the same place and dated in the same year. But beyond this the pleasure-seeking king Narasimha did nothing for the cause of Jainism.3
His son was the famous Ballāļa II, or Vīra Ballāļa I, who ruled from A.D. 1173 till A.D. 1220. Once again Hoysala arms, as in the reign of the great king Vişņu, spread far and wide, and once again did the Hoysala monarch show marked favour to the syād vāda doctrine. King Ballāļa II's spiritual guru was Sripaladeva's disciple Vasupūjyavrati of the Arungaļānvaya and the Nandi sangha. We learn this from a stone record dated A.D. 1169.4 Two inscriptions dated A.D. 1174 and A.D. 1175 register the confirmation of the gift of Savanēru made by king Narasimha, by king Ballāļa II along with the gift of two villages at Bekka and Kaggere. This was done at the request of General Hulla.
1. E. C. II, 349, pp. ,153-154. 2. Ibid., 345, p. 149. 3. · Read, Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 102. 4. E. C. V, Ak. 1, p. 112. 5. Ibid., Cn. 146, p. 189; II, 240, p. 103.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM But king Ballāļa II acceded as much to the request of his generals as to those of his citizens, when the question of the Jina dharma was concerned. A damaged stone inscription in the Añjaneya temple at Kalasāpura, Kadūr district, dated A.D. 1176, describes the construction of a Jaina temple (in Dorasamudra ?) called Vīra Ballāļa Jinälaya by a rich merchant named Deviseçti, at the request of his teacher Bālacandramuni of the Deśika gaccha and the Mūla sangha. The king at the request of Devisetti, for the service of the basadi and the priests, and also for meeting the expenses of repairs, granted some villages and tolls (specified).1
It is not surprising that under such a benevolent monarch the capital Dorasamudra itself should have continued to be a stronghold of Jainism. We shall see that in the reign of king Vişnuvardhana this well known city had already enjoyed the reputation of being a centre of the Bhavyas, chiefly due to the exertions of some of his most remarkable Jaina generals. That under king Ballāļa II the influence of Jainism in the capital did not in any way diminish is proved by the Nañjedeyaraguļda stone inscription found in Sompür, Hassan district, and dated A.D. 1192. How powerful was the influence of the Jaina guru Sripāladeva is also seen from this record which enumerates the following—That in the capital Dorasamudra, respected throughout the kingdom, was the illustrious Vādībhasimha, Tārkkika-cakravarti, Sripāla Traividyadeva and his disciples Mārisețți, Kāmisețți, Bharatiśețți, and Rājasetti. These four commercial magnates together with the merchants from all countries and citizens caused to be erected in Dorasamudra a fine Jinālaya of the god Abhinava Sāntināthadeva, called Nagarajinālaya.
1. M. A. R. for 1923, pp. 39-40.

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83
The remarkable spirit of mutual confidence and respect which characterized the actions of Karnātaka monarchs and citizens in those days is seen in the same epigraph which, after narrating that Sripāladeva's guru was Mallisena Maladhāri, descended in the illustrious line of Bhadrabāhu in the Irunguļānvaya and the Nandi sangha, relates thusThat while the Kumāra (prince, evidently Rājaśetti) with all the Prabhu-gāvundas and the Nād-gāvundas was on a visit to the illustrious Pratāpa-Cakravarti Vira Ballāļadeva, he (the ruler) was pleased to see the eight-fold worship and free distribution of food to ascetics in the temple of the god Abhinava Sāntināthadeva. On this occasion the king, acting in accordance with the unanimous prayers of the Nädgāvundas made a gift of the villages of Muccundi and Kadalahaļļi (location specified) to the guru Vajranandi Siddhāntadeva on the date specified, for the repairs of the basti and the free gifts of food to the ascetics.1
After a series of political events of exceptional importance, the history of the Hoysalas rapidly moved to its close. The first step in this direction was the division of the Hoysala Empire in A.D. 1245 on the death of king Someśvara, the grandson of king Ballāļa II. The ancestral part of the ancient Karnāțaka Empire with its capital at Dorasamudra fell to the share of king Narasimha III, the son of king Someśvara by his queen Bijjala Rāņi ; while the Tamil districts in the south together with the Kolār province were given to king Rāmanātha, another son of king Someśvara by his queen Devala Devi.? Both these rulersNarasimha III and Rāmanātha—were devout Jainas.
1. M. A. R. for 1926, pp. 50-51. Dr. Shama Sastry writes that all vestiges of Jaina worship have disappeared on the hill where only Siva worship is conducted now.
2. Rice, My, & Coorg, p. 106.

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About king Narasimha III's piety as a Jaina we have evidence in the Parsvanatha basti stone record found at Bastihalli near Halebid. This epigraph dated A.D. 1254 informs us that king Narasimha III having paid a visit to the Vijaya Pārsva basadi at Dorasamudra built by General Boppa, made an offering to the god, saw the former sasana of the basadi and read the genealogy of his line. The king repaired an enclosure to the land presented to the god in the sasana by (his?) brother-in-law Padmi Deva, and made it over to the god of the basadi.1 This temple which king Narasimha now visited was the same temple which king Visņu had visited in A.D. 1133, and about which some interesting details will be mentioned in the next chapter. One year later on February the 25th A.D. 1255, when the king was just fifteen years old, on the occasion of his upanayanam ceremony, certain specified grants were made by him for the same temple, to provide offerings to the god Vijaya Pārsva.2
The spiritual adviser of this king was Maghanandi Siddhanta of the Balātkāra gana. This is gathered from the Bennegudda stone inscription at Halebid dated A.D. 1265, and the Nagara Jinālaya inscription at Sravana Belgola dated A.D. 1282. Of these the former is important because of the many details it contains about the Jaina gurus of the Balātkāra gana attached to the Mula sangha. It enumerates the names of many gurus like Vardhamana and others who were the spiritual leaders of the Hoysala kings, and informs us that Maghanandi was the disciple of Kumudenduyogi. Māghanandi was the author of the four modern säras (abhinava-sara-catuṣṭaya), namely, Siddhantasära, Srāvakācārasāra, Padarthasara, and
1. E. C. V, Bl. 125, p. 84.
2. Ibid., Bl. 126, p. 84.

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85 śāstrasārasamuccaya. Māghanandi was the guru of Kumudacandra Pandita, who was also master of the four kinds of learning and a great debator.
To Māghanandi king Narasimha on the specified date granted Kallangere (location given) together with fourteen hamlets (named) attached to it, for maintaining the Jaina temple called Trikūţa-ratnatraya-śāntinātha-Jinālaya. This grant was made by the king in Kali-Hoysala-Jinālaya, and the temple which was endowed by him was also called Trikūta-ratnatraya-Nrsimha-Jinālaya, obviously as mark of esteem and loyalty to the king. It may also be observed here that this charity was established with the help of the Mahapradhāna (with other titles) Someya Dandanāyaka ; and the Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra granted specified money contributions and land for the consecration of the image of Sāntinātha.1
The Nagara Jinālaya stone inscription of A.D. 1282 is more explicit in regard to the official status of Māghanandi. He is styled in this record Mahāmandalācārya, best of Ācāryas, royal guru to the Hoysala king, and the emperor of philosophers.2 Since king Narasimha's reign lasted from A.D. 1254 till A.D. 1291,3 the reference here can be only to that ruler.
King Narasimha's great rival was his own brother king Rāmanātha, who ruled from A.D. 1254 till A.D. 1297,4 from his capital Kaņņanūr (Vikramapura). Two undated inscriptions of king Rāmanātha found in the great Jaina
1. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 49. 2. E. C., II, 334, pp. 141-142. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 97. 4. Ibid. 5. E. C. V, Intr. p. 26.

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centre Kōgaļi, prove that he was a pious Jaina. These two records refer to the gifts of gold which he made for the god Cenna Pārśva at Kõgaļī.1
While we have ample proof to show that Jainism still predominated in Karnātaka in the reign of the next and the last great Hoysala ruler Vira Ballāļa III, we are unable to determine how far he himself came under the influence of that religion. We shall see that there were profound causes for this apparent indifference to the syād vāda doctrine on the part of this remarkable ruler.
1. 33 and 34 of 1904 ; Rangacharya, Top. List., I, pp. 192-193.

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CHAPTER III.
PRINCELY PATRONAGE
Ganga feudatories of the Pasindi family--The Nirgunda Rāja-The Rāṣṭrakūta feudatory Caki Rāja-The Cellapatāka nobleman LokādityaThe Santara lords-The Kongalvas The Cangāļvas Gollācārya-The Silahāras of Karhāḍ -The Rattas of Saundatti-The nobles of Nāgarakhanda-Kūci Rāja, a Yadava noble.
THE
HE royal precedent of fostering Jainism having been thus set from early ages, there was nothing surprising in the nobles of Karnataka having taken to a similar liberal attitude towards it in their own provincial governments. From the eighth century A.D. onwards till the end of the thirteenth century, every attempt was made by the feudatories of the Karnataka monarchs to add to the strength of the Jina dharma. This had a most salutary effect on the people, and, as we shall presently see, it was partly responsible for the wide support which Jainism received from all quarters.
The earliest example of feudatories who were devout Bhavyas is that of a branch of the ancient Ganga family itself. The Narasimharajapura plates of the Ganga king Śrīpuruşa already referred to in an earlier context, relate that chief among that king's friends (anukulavarti) was Naga

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM varmā who belonged to the Pasiņdi Ganga family. Nāgavarmā, who was also known as Ganga Rāja, together with his sister's brother named Tulu-adi, who was called "a sun to the Kadamba family", granted the village of Mallavaļļi situated in the Tagare country to the Jina caityalaya in the village of Toļļa located in the same country. It is interesting to observe that a pious and virtuous (Brahman) of the Kausika-varśa by namje Manaļi Mane-odeyon made a grant of land (for the same purpose) and that the seventy-six pradhānar (nobles, lit. ministers) were witnesses to the grant.1
To the feudatories of the Gangas, no less than to the Gangas themselves, the Jaina gurus acted as political instructors. One such example of a guru is that of Vimalacandra Ācārya, the disciple of Kīrtinandi Ācārya, of the original Mūla sangha, Eregittūr gaña and the Pulikal gaccha. A copper plate grant dated A.D. 776 affirms that “By the religious instruction of this great își (having become) the confounder of the Bāņa-kula” was Dundu, the Nirgunda Yuvarāja. The principality of Nirgunda may have been somewhere in the south-west of the Chitaldroog district.3
Among the Rāştrakūta nobles was Cāki Rāja, who was the disciple of the Jain sage Arakīrti whose guru was Vijayakirti of the Yāpaņiya-Nandi sangha and the Punnāgavşkşamūla gana. This nobleman, who is styled in the Kadaba plates dated A.D. 812 which give us this information, an adhirāja of the entire (aśeşa) Gangamandala, applied to his lord king Govinda III, Prabhūtavarşa, to bestow the village named Jālamangala (situation given) on the Jaina guru mentioned above for the Jinendra temple at Silāgrāma on the western
1. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 28. 2. E. C. IV, Ng. 85, p. 135. 3. Ibid., Intr. p. 9.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE side of the Rāştrakūta capital Mānyapura (mod. Manne in the Nelamangala tāluka).1
The devotion of another Rāştrakūta noble brings to light a Jaina author of considerable celebrity. This is Lokāditya, the son of Bankeyarasa, of the Cellekētana (or Cellapatāka) family. He was the governor of Bankāpura in Vanavāsa, under king Krşņa II, Akālavarşa, and was a Jaina himself. Under his patronage Lokasena composed the Mahāpurāņasangraha in Saka 820 in the reign of the king Akālavarşa who ruled from A.D. 884 till A.D. 913. This is mentioned by Lokasena himself in the above Jaina work. We know that Lokāditya was placed over the same provincial capital in the same year from another Jaina author Guņabhadra's prasasti to the latter's Uttarapurāņa. From this work we learn that Lokasena was the chief disciple of Guņabhadra, and that Lokāditya caused the increase of the religion of Jinendra.3
These examples of genuine Jaina devotion pale into insignificance before the determined efforts of one great family whose pious exertions ranging over two centuries and more were greatly responsible for the firm stand Jainism made in southern India. The history of these powerful princes called the Säntaras has yet to be written. They belonged to the Ugra-varśa, and appear for the first time in the seventh century A.D. in the reign of the Western Cālukya king Vinayā. ditya. The founder of this line in the south was Jinadatta
1. E. c. XII, Gb. 61, pp. 30-31 ; ibid., Intr. p. 5. Was the Mahāsāmanta Gosgi mentioned in a stone record of circa A.D. 950 in Sravana Belgoļa, also a Jaina ? Ibid. II, Intr. p. 48; 152, p. 77.
2. Rangachary-Kuppuswami, Trien. Cat. of Skt. Mss. in the Madras Oriental Library for 1910-1913, p. 218. seq.
3. 1. A. XII, pp. 216-217 ; Fleet, Dyn. Kan. Dts., p. 411 ; Moraes, Kadamba-kula, p. 83.

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Rāya (ninth century A.D.) whose story is intimately connected with the alchemic powers of the (Buddhist and later on Jaina ?) goddess Padmāvati of Pațți Pombuccapura (mod. Humcca in the Nagar tāluka).1 The Sāntaras ruled over the Šāntalige 1,000 which corresponded roughly with the modern Tīrthahalli tāluka and its neighbourhood. They were Jainas during the early part of their political career.2 Of the founder of the southern line of the śāntaras, Jinadatta Rāya, it is said in a record assigned to A.D. 950, that he granted Kumbhasikepura for the anointing of Jina. The stone inscription speaks of the Jina temple at that place and at Polalu for which the merchants (Seţțis) (named) made an endowment.3
Some time after came Tolāpuruşa Vikrama śāntara, who in A.D 897 had a basadi made for Moni (Mauni ?) Siddhanta Bhattāraka of the Kondakundānvaya and endowed it with certain lands. He was the same Vikramaditya Sāntara who constructed the Guddada basti at Humcca and had it dedicated to Bāhubali in the next year A.D. 898.5 Bhujabala Sāntara, who after his overlord the Western Cālukya monarch Trailokyamalla Deva, had the second name of Trailokyamalla, so we gather from a stone inscription dated A.D. 1066, constructed a Jinālaya called Bhujabala śāntara Jinālaya in his capital at Pombucca, and granted the village of
1. On the Sāntaras, and the date of Jindatta Rāya, read Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 138, seq; Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I, pp. 224, 225, n. (1).
2. Rice, ibid., pp. 138-139. 3. E. C. VII, Sk. 114, p. 37. 4. Ibid., VIII, Nr. 60, p. 154.
5. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 7. The reference given to E. C. VIII, Nr. 35, cannot be traced.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE Haravari to his guru Kanakanandideva.1 His brother Nanni Säntara is said in A.D. 1077 to be "a worshipper of the feet of Jina." 2 We shall mention the charitable endowments which this prince made along with his wife and relatives, in a later context.
In the meanwhile we may continue with the examples of other Säntara princes and their ministers who were followers of the Jina dharma. In A.D. 1081 Nagularasa, the minister of Vīra Sāntara, is described as "a fortress to the Jina dharma." 3 Tribuvanamalla śāntara, as is related in a record of A.D. 1103, laid the foundation stone of a basadi pronouncing the name of Vādigharațța Ajitasena Paņạita, as a memorial for the death of Bīrabbarasi. This new basadi was built opposite to the Pañcabasadi in Anandur in the capital Pombucca itself. It will be referred to again while dealing with the activities of Karnātaka women.4 Bhujabala Ganga Permmāļi Barmma Deva in A.D. 1115 is said to have been the lay disciple of Municandra.5 And his son Nanniya Ganga in A.D. 1122 is styled as the lay disciple of Prabhācandra Siddhānta.8
This latter stone inscription found near the Siddheśvara temple on Kallūrgudda in Shimoga, contains many interesting details about Bhujabala Ganga Barmma Deva's pious works as a Jaina. He had a basadi renovated in Ededore Seventy
1. E. C., VIII, Nr. 35, p. 137. 2. Ibid., Nr. 59, p. 154. 3. M. A. for 1931, pp. 198-199. 4. E. C. VIII, TI. 192, p. 205.
5. Ibid., VII, Sh. 60, p. 23. See also Sh. 64, dated circa A. D. 1112, p. 25.
6. Ibid., Sh. 4, p. 8. There is some confusion here. In some records (Sh. 60) Municandra Siddhānta is identified with Prabhācandra, while in others, he is not.

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of the Mandali 1,000, giving it the name Paṭṭadai basadi (the Crown basadi) and endowing with certain villages. About this same basadi the inscription says that it was one which Dadiga and Madhava (the latter being, as we have already seen, the founder of the ancient Ganga line in the south and the lay disciple of Simhanandi Acārya) had formerly established on the hill of Mandali, and for which the kings of the Ganga line had continued to provide the offerings, and which they had afterwards caused to be built of wood. Under Bhujabala Ganga Barmma Deva it became "the chief of all basadis hitherto existing or in future to be established in the Eḍedore Seventy." In A.D. 1122 his son Nanniya Ganga caused the Pattada basadi of Mandali, which his grand-father had erected, to be constructed of stone, and endowed it with lands and customs duties. In all Nanniya Ganga constructed twenty-five caityalayas for the promotion of the faith.
The same Siddheśvara temple stone inscription is important from other points of view. It gives a resumé of the history of the ancient kings who were patrons of Jainism, and especially of those rulers whose names are not directly mentioned in other records. After describing the origin of the Gangas from the time of Vṛşabhatirtha, it relates that the Ganga line continued till the appearance of king Visņugupta. This Ganga ruler was the contemporary (and disciple?) of Nemiśvaratirtha, and was in his capital at Ahicchatrapura, "when at the time of the nirvana of Nemiśvaratirtha, he performed the aindradhvajapūjā" at which he got from Devendra the latter's elephant Airavata. It was in the reign of king Visnugupta's sons Bhagadatta and Śrīdatta, that a division of the Ganga Empire was made. Prince Bhagadatta received the Kalinga country, while Prince Śrīdatta was given the lusty elephant (as an emblem) and the whole

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kingdom. In the line of Sridatta arose king Priyabandhuvarmā during whose reign Pārśya Bhattāraka is said to have obtained kevaļajñāna. At this Saudharmmendra came and performed kevalapūjā, on which Priyabandhuvarmā himself embraced Jainism.
This uncommon account which is not supported by earlier versions, then continues to narrate the further history of the Ganga line in which Daạiga and Mādhava, the sons of Padmanābha, were born. Their meeting with Simhanandi, which we have already commented upon, is next narrated ; and it is said that they constructed a caityālaya on the beautiful hill of Mandali, on the advice of Simhanandi Ācārya. In their line arose king Avinīta Ganga "in whose heart the supreme Jina foot-print was fixed as a rock of mount Meru." Then after many kings (named) came Mārasimha's son Rācamalla, who is called "a moon to the ocean—the Jina dharma"; and long afterwards we have two rulers--Rakkasa Ganga, the disciple of Anantavīrya Siddhāntadeva, and his younger brother Kali Ganga. It was during Kali Ganga's rule that Bhujabala Ganga Brahma (Barmma) Deva constructed the Pațţada basadi on the Mandali hill in stone, as narrated above.?
What seems clear from the long account given in the above Siddheśvara temple record is that, inspite of its many statements of doubtful authenticity, it nevertheless enables us to affirm that the early Ganga kings, notwithstanding the patronage which they extended to Brahmans, still professed the Jina faith. This conclusion is, as we have already noted, warranted by, for instance, the Narasimharājapara plates of Sivamāra. And as for Nanniya Ganga, the fact that he was a Jaina is proved by the Icavādi stone inscription cited
1. E. C. VII, Sh. 4, pp. 4-9.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM elsewhere in this treatise, in which he is said to have constructed a basadi.1
About fifty years later (in A.D. 1173) Vīra śāntara is called "a bee at the lotus feet of Jina.". But the śāntaras had by this time so got involved in the political complications of southern India that they gave up their earlier faith and took to a newer creed—Vīra Saivism. What a profound effect this had on the life of Jainism will be seen in a later connection. We shall merely narrate here that in the thirteenth century A.D. the capital of the śāntaras was moved first to Kalasa in the Mūdgere tāluka and, then, to Kārkaļa in Tuļuva. We have elsewhere traced the introduction of Jainism into Tuļuva. Notwithstanding their strong Saiva tendencies, the rulers of Kārkaļa still continued to show marked favour to Jainism in the later ages. 4
Before we deal with the endeavours of two important feudatory families to further the cause of Jainism, mention may be made here of the work of Govadeva, the feudatory lord of Huliyerapura. His wife was the generous Santale who gave equal patronage to all the four samayas—the Jinaśri-dharma, the Maheśvarāgama, the Sad-Vaişņavāśrita, and the Bauddhā. gama. And his guru was Candrayāṇadeva of the Desiya gana. Govadeva seems to have had also another wife named Mahādevī Nāyakiti. When Mahādevī died in A.D. 1160 he caused the Cenna Pārśva basadi to be erected at Heggere, for which his son Bittideva gave specified lands and dues for its worship and gifts of food. Bițțideva's guru, it may be noted, was Māņikanandi Siddhāntadeva. Prominent citi
1. M. A. R. for 1923, p. 115. 2. E. C. VII, Sh. 116, p. 38. 3. Saletore, Anct., Karn. I. pp. 404-405. 4. E. C. VI, Intr. p. 19; Mg. 67, p. 67. See below.

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zens (named) made grants of specified land also for the same basadi.1
We may now pass on to the contribution of two powerful families which were instrumental in the propagation of the Jina faith in the south. These were the Kongālvas and the Cangāļvas. Of these the former were more influential than the latter. The Kongāļvas ruled over the Kongalnād 8,000 Province which comprised the Yēļusāvira country in the north of Coorg and the Arkalgūļ tāluka in the south of the Hassan district of Mysorc. Although its early history can be traced to the time of the Ganga prince Ereyappa in about A.D. 880,2 yet Kongalnād as a political unit came into prominence only in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D., when in A.D. 1004 the great Tamil general named Pancava Mahārāya received from his royal master Rāja Rāja as a reward for his services Mālavvi (mod. Mālambi in Coorg) along with the title of Ksatriyaśikhāmani-Kongālva.3
For one century the Kongāļvas and their officials fostered the Jina dharma in their principality. In about A.D. 1050 we merely come across evidence of the devotion of a nobleman under Kongăsva, by name Ayya of Kiviri, the lord of Maduvanganād, who keeping the vow (of sallekhanā, evidently) for twelve days in the Cangāļva basadi, expired. The same inscription speaks of Bīļiya Seçți, who may have been the head of the merchant guild, as dying at the feet of all the yatis.
That the Kongāļvas themselves were Jainas there can be no doubt. In A.D. 1058 Rajendra Kongāļva granted for the basadi (probably the Pārsvanātha basadi at Mulļūru, Nidutada hõbļi, Coorg) made by his father, lands in many speci.
1. E. C. XII, Ck. 21, pp. 77-78. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 144. 3. Ibid. 4. E. C. IX, Cg. 30, p. 172.

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fied villages. Rājendra Kongālvas mother Põcabbarasi showed her devotion on this occasion in a fitting manner, as we shall relate when describing the part played by women in the history of Jainism.
Pocabbarasi's guru was Gunasena Pandita, the disciple of Puspasena of the Nandi sangha and the Irunguļānvaya which latter is called in the record the great Aruñgaļāmnāya. He was a great grammarian, and he died in A.D. 1064.1
As to the guru of Rājendra Kongāļva Adatarāditya himself, we know that he was Gandavimukta Siddhāntadeva of the Mūla sangha, Krāņür gana and Tagarigal gaccha. For his sake, as is related in a record dated A.D. 1079, the Kongāļva ruler made a basadi named Adațarāditya caityālaya and endowed it with lands. This inscription also gives the name of another guru called Prabhācandra Siddhänta who is called Ubhaya-siddhānta-ratnākara. It cannot be made out whether he was the same as Gandavimukta Siddhāntadeva whose identity itself is uncertain.”
The Kongāļvas did not disappear on the expulsion of the Colas by the Hoysalas in the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D., as Rice opined, but continued to exercise their sway till the last quarter of the same century, as pointed out by Narasimhacarya. In about A.D. 1100 the Kongälva chief Duddammallarasa granted the village of Aybavalli to Prabhācandradeva for the erection and repairs of a basadi.5 About fifteen years later Vīra Kongāļva Deva is mentioned as a lay disciple of Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva, the disciple of Meghacandra Traividya of the Desiya gana and the
1. E. C. IX, Cg. 34, p. 173. 2. Ibid. V, Ak. 99, p. 263. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 145. 4. M. A. R. for 1912-13, p. 32. 5. Ibid., p. 33.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE
97 Pustaka gaccha. The Kongāļva chief caused the Satyavākya · Jinālaya to be built, and gave a specified village on its behalf to Prabhācandra Siddhānta.1
Like the Kongāļvas the Cangāļvas too showed marked savour to Jainism. These were lords, firstly, of the Canganäd (mod. Huņsūr tāluka in the Mysore State) and, then, of the western part of the Mysore district and a part of Coorg. They were devoted Saivas,2 but there is evidence to show that in the last quarter of the eleventh century and the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D., the Cangāļvas gave material support to the Jina dharma. In A.D. 1091 the Cangāļva chief Mariyapērggade Pilduvayya gave specificd lands to Pilduvi īśvaradeva for feeding the poor (āhāradāni bahe mādalāgi). Since the word āhāradāni is a Jaina technical term referring to the Jaina formula of gifts as expressed in their phrase āhārābhaya bhaişajya-śāstradāna, it has been rightly inferred that the Cangāļva chief mentioned here was a Jaina by persuasion.3
This conclusion concerning the Cangāļvas is borne out by a record dated about A.D. 1100 which contains interesting details pertaining to the great Jaina centre Hanasoge (Panasoge) in the Yedatore tāluka of the Mysore State. The epigraph under discussion relates that there were sixty-four basadis in that city attached to the Deśiya gana, Hottage gaccha, Pustakānvaya, and Mula sangha. These had been set up by Rāma, the son of Dasaratha, the elder brother of Lakşmaņa and the husband of Sītā, and born in the Ikşvāku kula. And to the basadi of the Bandatīrtha which had been constructed by Rāma, the Gangas had given gifts. And
1. M. A. R. for 1912-13. p. 32. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 142. 3. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 95.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM to the samc basadi Rājendra Coļa Nanni Cangāļva made gifts anew. The guru mentioned in the record is Jayakirtimuni, who was well known for his fasts and the candrāyaṇa rites. In this inscription it is said that for the four basadis of the Hottage gaccha in Panasoge and for those in TaļaKāverī, that congregation (of the Hottage gaccha) alone was the head. And as regards the same Cangāļva ruler, he is said to have constructed basadis belonging to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha in about A.D. 1025 and A.D. 1060.2
A solitary instance of a ruler who turned a recluse is mentioned in a record dated A.D. 1115. He is called Nutana Candila of the celebrated Golla country. The inscription relates that " for some reason” he became a munipa under the name of Gollācārya. Nothing can be determined about his identity for the present.
Examples of noble families which gave unstinted help to Jainism may be continued. The Silahāras of Karhād were patrons of that religion. One of the centres of Jainism within their jurisdiction was Ekkasambuge (mod. Eksambi in the Chikkodi tāluka of the Belgaum district). Here was the Nemīśvara basti two stone inscriptions of which dated A.D. 1165 refer to the reign of Vijayāditya and to the erection of that basadi in that year by the general Kāļana. The larger of these records is interesting in the sense that it gives the name of another Jaina congregation in Eksambi—the Punnāgavękşamūla gana of the Yāpaņīya sangha, and mentions also a Raţta chief called Kārtavīrya, who was a patron of Jainism.
1. E. C. IV, Yd. 26, 28, p. 56. 2. Ibid., Yd. 21, 23, p. 55. 3. Ibid., II, 127, p. 52.

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PRINCELY PATRONAGE The reason why the Nemīśvara basadi in Ekkasambuge in the Kūņdi province was constructed is explained in the epigraph. General Kāļana (descent stated) was leading a happy life with his wife, children, and friends. One day it occurred to him that the only thing that conduced to one's welfare here and hereafter was dharma, and he, therefore, built the Nemiśvara basadi, and endowing it (with lands), made it over to the Mahāmaņdalācārya Vijayakīrti of the Punnāgavřkşamūla gana, and disciple of Kāļana's own guru Kumārakīrti Traividya. The donee is described as one who was proficient in all sacred lore, including the Jaina doctrine characterized by the seven modes of argument, existence, nonexistence, etc., and adorned with the five mahā-kalyānas, eight mahā-pratihāryas, and the thirty-four atiśayas. The basadi attained celebrity for the regular conduct of service, incessant gifts of food, and shelter given to ascetics and pious men.
Hearing its fame, king Kārtavīrya of the Ratta family of Saundatti, visited it. The epigraph relates that the basadi was adorned with a lofty gopura, elegant female figures and other sculptures, and finials set with jewels. On the specified date (A.D. 1165) this Ratta king made a grant of land and dues to Vijayakīrti to provide for worship, music, food for ascetics, and temple repairs. The protectors of this charity will figure in a later context. The fact that a Ratta king granted lands to a basadi constructed by a Silahāra general and situated in the Silahāra country is, indeed, worthy of notice.
Nobles in Nāgarakhanda were also responsible for the flourishing condition of Jainism in Karnāțaka. Of these mention may be made of the Nād-prabhu of Tevarateppa,
1. M. A. R. for 1916, pp. 48-49.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Loka Gāvunda, whose royal master was Soyi Deva of the Kādamba kula. Loka Gāvunda erected a Jinendra temple in A.D. 1171 and provided it with a tank, a well, a watershed for the temple as well as a satra. The name of the image set up was Ratnatraya. For the eight manner of ceremonies of this god Loka Gāvunda gave specified lands to the guru Bhānukirti Siddhāntadeva, the disciple of Municandradeva of the Mūla sangha, Krāņār gana and the Tintriņi gaccha.1 The prominence to which Nāgarakhanda reached as a Jaina centre will be described in connection with the activities of the noblcs of Karnāțaka in a later context.
Towards the last quarter of the thirteenth century (A.D. 1271) we have Kūci Rāja, a nobleman under the Yādava king Mahādeva Rāya. Kūci Rāja was the disciple of Padmasena Bhattāraka. He was placed over Betür in the middle of the Pāņdyadeśa. Here he erected a Lakşmi Jinālaya on the advice of his guru, and assigned to it lands, a shop, and gardens. This temple was attached to the Pogale gaccha of the Sena gaṇa which belonged to the Müla sangha.2
1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 345, pp. 60-61.
2. Ibid., XI, Dg. 13, p. 28. On Kūci Rāja's royal master, see ibid., Dg. 8, 97, pp. 26, 60. Dg. 13 speaks of Jinabhatýāraka as the Rāja guru.

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CHAPTER IV.
JAINA MEN OF ACTION
Cămunda Rāya: his lineage, military achievements, literary works, benevolence as a JainaSāntinātha, a poet-general-Ganga Rāja: lineage, military victories, work as a Jaina--BoppaPunisa lineage, conquests, policy, work as a Jaina-Baladevanna-The brothers Mariyāne and Bharata Eca-Vişņu Bittimayya, the boygeneral-Deva Rāja-Hulla--Santiyanna-Ministers Sivarāja and Somaya-General Recimayya— The brothers Bharata and Bahubali-Minister Kammata Mācayya-General Amṛta.
R
ELIGIOUS principles unrelated to political power leave impermanent effects on society. Dogmas of moral
existence, if they should have spiritual values, must be interpreted in terms of action. The Jaina sages throughout the period under review recognized this, and produced not merely devout Bhavyas who could perform the orthodox duties and gain for themselves salvation by the rite of sallekhanā, but mighty leaders of armies as well who, while being sincere Jainas themselves, liberated their country from its enemies. The greatest claim of Jainism at the hands of posterity is that it gave to India men who turned it into a philosophy of action, and clearly showed the importance of the fact that ahimsa, which was the keynote of their great faith, instead of being an obstacle in the path of their

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM country's liberation, was really an adjunct without which no freedom could be effected either in the field of religion or in that of politics. To the history of these celebrated Jaina generals we now tum in order to learn how this great religion proved to be a solvent of some of the most pressing problems which faced the statesmen of the times.
The first great name in the constellation of brilliant Jaina generals we meet with is that of Cāmunda Rāya, popularly known as Rāya. A braver soldier, a more devout Jaina, and a more honest man than Cāmuṇda Rāya Karnāțaka had never seen. Stone inscriptions of his own time and a work of his in Kannada are the sources of information for the life of this exceptionally remarkable general. Details about his lineage are gathered from his work called Cāmuņdarāyapurāna and from stone inscriptions of his ruler and himself. The work called Cāmundarāyapurāņa deals with the history of the twenty-four Tirthankaras, and it was composed in A.D. 978. In this work Cāmunda Rāya says that he belonged to the Brahma-Kşatra race, and that he was known as Brahma-Kşatra-śikhāmaņi. His royal patron was Jagadekavīra, Dharmāvatāra, Rācamalla (IV).1 But he seems to have served under the Ganga king Mārasimha as well.
The age in which king Mārasimha and his son and successor Rācamalla IV lived was very precarious for the Gangas. Under the former the two formidable dangers to the Ganga kingdom were the Western Cālukyas and the Nolambas, while there were other enemies who were equally troublesome. The Western Cālukya opposition was led by prince Rājāditya, and the Noļamba menace by Nanni Nolamba, Noļamba Rāja. The other enemies were the Pallavas
1. Kavicarite, I. p. 46. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 57.

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103 and a number of rulers whose identity it is not possible to determine at the present stage of our investigations. The credit of annihilating the Western Cālukya danger under Rājāditya is to be attributed to Cāmunda Rāya. In the fortress of Ucchangi, Rājāditya had shut himself up. This stronghold had become “renowned as the fortress which had previously proved impregnable even to Kāduvetti who quitted it after having surrounded and besieged it for a long time inspiring terror by his eminent prowess.” The stone inscription which gives us these and other details, dated A.D. 974, was found on the Kūge Brahmadeva pillar on the Cikkabețţa at Śravana Belgola. It relates that the storming of this famous fortress (by Cāmunda Rāya) astonished the world. This is confirmed by Cāmunda Rāya himself who in his work mentioned above tells us that for his brave fight against Rājāditya in the fortress of Ucchangi, he received the title of Raņarangasinga,2 which biruda had evidently been borne by the vanquished Rājāditya. For in the Tyāgada Brahmadeva pillar inscription dated about A.D. 983, we have not only chat fact alluded to but also the confidence with which Cảmunda Rāya encountered the enemy. It says thus—"Let the saline ocean be the moat, Trikūța the enclosure, Lankā the city, and the enemy of the gods (Rāvana) the opposing king, yet, О king, Jagadekavīra, I am able to conquer him by your majestic lustre—the dignified speech thus made by him was proved true in a moment in the war with Ranasinga.” 3 The title Jagadekavira suggests that the victory was won in the reign of Rācamalla IV.
1. E. C. II, 59, p. 12. 2. E. C, ibid., p. 45; Kavicarite, I., p. 47. 3. E. C. II, 281, p. 126.

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The Nolambas seem to have been dealt with earlier. On the plain of Gōnur their army was crushed. For the valour which Camuṇḍa Raya displayed in this war, he was given the title Viramärtäṇḍa, while his overlord king Marasimha took to himself the biruda of Nolambakulāntaka. The former fact we learn from the Camuṇḍarāyapurāṇa, and the latter, from the Kuge Brahmadeva pillar inscription.1 How his royal master praised him in this war with the Nolamba Rāja is described in the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription.2 These facts prove the statement we have made that Cămunda Raya had served also under king Marasimha.
The other enemies in the reign of king Mārasimha and of his son Rācamalla IV were likewise formidable, but they too suffered the same fate at the hands of the indomitable Jaina general. For instance, there was a ruler named Vajvaladeva or Vajjala, who, as the above Kūge Brahmadeva pillar relates, was famous in the world," and "ready for war, having been encouraged" by some one whose name is effaced in the record.3 The Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription gives us the cause of the war with Vajvaladeva, and the latter's identity. This inscription says that Camuṇḍa Rāya's lord Jagadekavīra (i.e., Rācamalla) by order of king Indra raised his arm to conquer Vajvaladeva, the younger brother of Pātāļamalla, "who had an army as terrible as the ocean agitated at the end of the world."4 King Indra referred to here was no other than the Rāṣṭrakūṭa monarch Indra IV. The situation seems to have been the following :---
66
The Gangas had entered into a matrimonial alliance with the Rāştrakūtas for two generations since king Bhūtuga's
1. E. C., II, Intr., p. 45; p. 12; Kavicarite, I, p. 47. 2. E. C. ibid., 281, p. 126.
3. Ibid., 59, pp. 12-13.
4. Ibid., 281, p. 126.

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105 time. This ruler's son Ereyappa had married the Rāştrakūta king Amoghavarşa III's daughter Rēvakka and secured important principalities as his dowry.3 On the death of king Amoghavarşa III, the same Ganga king Bhūtuga assisted king Krşņa III, the son of king Amoghavarşa, to secure the Rāştrakūta throne against an usurper named Lalliya. And king Bhūtuga himself was assisted by king Krşņa III to win his throne against his rival Ganga Permmāļi.4 This dynastic alliance, therefore, had proved to be of mutual advantage.
On king Bhūtuga's death, he was succeeded by king Mārasimha who, in order to continue the policy of helping the Rāştrakūtas adopted by his father, assisted king Kannara (Krşņa) III in the latter's sweeping conquests of the Tamil country. And when that Rāştrakūta monarch died, and confusion cropped up in the Rāştrakūta Empire, king Mārsimha promoted the coronation ceremony of the last prominent Rāştrakūta king Indra IV, the son of king Krşņa III, and thereby struggled against odds to give a longer lease of life to the Rāştrakūta power. But this was an insurmountable task, since the powerful enemies of the Rāştrakūtas and the Gangas,—the Western Cālukyas,shattered the hopes of the two in A.D. 973 ; and king Indra IV, as elsewhere related in this treatise, died in A.D. 982 by the Jaina rite of sallekhanā at Śravana Belgoļa.
1. See Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 44. seq., for earlier examples of the same.
2. Rice calls him the II, of that name on p. 45, ibid., but corrects his error on p. 67.
3. Epigraphia Indica, IV, p. 350.
4. Ibid., p. 249; V, p. 188. See also E. C., III. Md. 41 ; XI. Intr. p. 9.
5. E. I. IV, p. 280. 6. Rice, My. & Coorg., pp. 45-46.

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Therefore, the statement in the Tyagada Brahmadeva pillar inscription that by order of Indra Rāja, (the Ganga ruler Rācamalla) Jagadekavira raised his arm to conquer Vajvaladeva, obviously refers to another Räṣṭrakūta-Ganga alliance after A.D. 974 which is the last year of king Mārasimha, and probably the first regnal year of king Rācamalla IV. It clearly shows that the Ganga power continued to be under the Răştrakūta hegemony in the last decade of the tenth century A.D.
Now Vajvaladeva's eldest brother is said to be Pātāļamalla. The name Pātāļamalla is rather uncommon but it is similar to one of the titles assumed by the Sindas-Pātāļacakravartin.2 It is not improbable that Pātāļamalla was a Sinda chieftain. The following considerations will make this suggestion clear. The Sindas who ruled over the Sindavādi province comprising the modern districts of Shimoga, Chitaldroog, Bellary, Dharwar, and Bijapur,3 were under the Rāṣṭrakūta king Kṛṣṇa III in A.D. 968.4 But in A.D. 992 they had come under the Western Calukya king Ahavamalla.5 The Sindas continued to be under the Western Calukyas till A.D. 1189 but for the short period of the Kalacuriya rule in A.D. 1180.6 We have to assume that, since the Western Calukyas were the enemies of the Raṣṭrakūtas whose power they had annihi. lated, as related above, they must have won over the Sindas to their side against the Rāṣṭrakūtas. This accounts for the Sinda attack on the Räṣṭrakūtas, and the signal success Camuṇḍa Rāya, under the Ganga king Jagadekavīra Rāca
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 50
2. Ibid., p. 147.
3. Ibid.
4. E. C. XI, Hk., 23, p. 118. 5. Ibid., Dg. 114, p. 72.
6. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 47.

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107 malla, won over them. It must be confessed that these assumptions rest on the supposed identity of Pātāļamalla with Pātālacakravartin which has yet to be substantiated by historical data.
Notwithstanding this one may observe that in the Khēdaga battle, as the Cāmundarāyapurāņa informs us, the army of Vajvaļadeva met that of the Gangas under Cāmunda Rāya. And the Tyāgada Brahmadeva pillar inscription relates that " the hostile army routed by the elephant (Cāmunda Raya), Aled like a herd of deer before Jagadekavīra's victorious elephant."1 For inflicting a crushing defeat on Vajvaladeva, the Rāya obtained the title Samaradhurandhara from king Racamalla.2
Cāmunda Rāya's literary work referred to above enables us to assert that he killed in action a chief named Tribhuvanavīra in the fort of Bāgeyūr, enabled Govindara to enter it, and secured for himself the biruda Vairikulaküladanda. Further he inflicted defeats on the warriors Rāja, Bāsa, Sivara, Kūņānka, and others in the fort of king Kāma (a Kādamba ?), and won the title Bhujavikrama. And Madurācaya, also known as Caladanka Ganga and Gangarabhata, who had killed Cāmunda Rāya's younger brother Nägavarmā, suffered death at the hands of the Jaina general. We may incidentally note here another reason why Cāmunda Rāya led the Ganga army against Caladanka Ganga. The Tyāgada Brahmadeva pillar inscription gives us the cause of the war against the latter. “He (Cāmunda Raya) at first frustrated the desire of king Caladanka Ganga wishing to seize by the prowess of his arm the goddess of the Ganga sovereignty,"
1. E. C. II, 281, p. 127. 2. Ibid., Intr. p. 45; Kavicarite, I, p. 47.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM and (then) completely killed all the enemies.1 Hence both in the interests of the State as well as his own, Cāmunda Rāya had to punish Caladanka Ganga. And for this victory over Madurācaya, Cāmunda Rāya received the title Samara Paraśurāma. We may add here that in the same Kannada work given above, Cāmunda Rāya tells us that because of his victory over a company of wrestlers, he was given the biruda of Pratipakşarākşasa, and for destroying heroes, Bhatamāri, and for being the crest-jewel of warriors, Subhatacūļāmaņi.
The other side of this celebrated warrior is gleaned from the same Kannada work as well as from inscriptions. The Cāmundarāyapurāņa relates that Cāmunda Rāya from his never uttering an untruth even in jest, received the title Satya Yudhiştira, from his steadfastness to good morals, the title Guņavaňkāva, from his unswerving self-sacrifice the biruda Samyaktva-ratnākara, and from his never having coveted the wealth and wives of others, saucābharana. He seems to have possessed also the titles Gunaratnabhūşana and Kavijanasekhara.3
General Cāmunda was the personification of liberality. It was because of his unparallelled benevolence that his royal master gave him the iitle of Rāya. His preceptor was the celebrated Ajitasena about whom we have narrated a few details in the previous pages. This is proved by epigraphs and his own work Cāmundarāyapurāņa. But he seems to
1. E. C. II, 281, p. 127 2. Ibid., Intr. 45, Kavicarite, I, p. 47.
3. Kavicarite, I, pp. 46-47. He seems to have had also the name Anņa (lit. brother), obviously because of his affection and generosity.
4. Ibid, p. 46. 5. Ibid., p. 46.

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109 have come under the influence also of Nemicandra Siddhānta Cakravarti. We infer this from Nemicandra's work called Gommațasāra in which Cāmunda Rāya has been appreciatively mentioned.1 Cidānanda Kavi, a Kannada author, in his Munivaisābhyudaya (circa A.D. 1680) confirms the fact tha: Nemicandra Siddhānta was the preceptor of Cāmunda Răya.
Both the famous Jaina gurus may have been responsible for the uncommon liberality of Cāmunda Rāya. An inscription dated about A.D. 1159, which will be examined in connection with another Jaina general, gives us the importance of Cāmunda Rāya as a devout Jaina, thus--If it be asked who at the beginning were firm promoters of the Jina dharma --only Rāya, the excellent minister of king Rācamalla (is the reply).3
His endowments for the cause of Jainism have earned for him an undying name in the history of India. It was he who caused the colossal image of Gommața to be set up at Śravana Belgoļa. Inscriptions of the eleventh century A.D. and of a later date and the evidence of later Jaina writers confirm this assertion. We are indebted to the late Mr. Narasimhacarya for all details concerning the inscriptional and literary evidence dealing with the setting up of the famous statue of Gommata on the Doddabetta or larger hill at Śravaņa Belgoļa. This monolithic statue is about 57 feet high ; and the following account of Gommateśvara is given in an inscription found on the left hand side of the dvāra
1. Gommațasāra, Karma Kāņda Gāthā 966-972 ; see also E. C. II, Intr., p. 25.
2. E. C. ibid., p. 65 3. Ibid., 345, p. 148.

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pālakas near the same image, and dated about A.D. 1180 :
The honourable and high-souled Bāhubali was the son of Puru. Having generously handed over the kingdom of the earth to his elder brother, who, on defeat in a regular handto-hand fight, unjustly left off speaking, and, when even the discus thrown by him proved a failure, was seized with shame, went forth and destroyed the enemy karma. The emperor Bharata, conqueror of all kings, son of Purudeva, caused to be made near Paudanapura, with joy of mind, an image 525 bows high, resembling the victorious-armed Bāhumali-Kēvali. After the lapse of time, a world terrifying mass of immeasurable kukkuțasarpas (fowls with the head and neck of serpents) having sprung up in a region near that Jina, that enemy of sin obtained, indeed, the name Kukkuteśvara. Afterwards that region became invisible to the common people, though seen even now by many skilled in charms (mantra-tantra). There might be heard the sound of the celestial drum, why say more, there might even be seen the details of divine worship ; those who have seen the brilliant charming mirror of the nails of that Jina's feet, can see the forms of their former births--the supernatural power of that god is renowned in the world. On hearing from people of the celebrated supernatural power of that Jina, a desire arose in his (i.e., Cāmunda Raya's) mind to see him, and when he prepared himself to go, he was told by his preceptors that the region of that city was distant and inaccessible ; whereupon saying, 'In that case I will cause to be made an image of that god,' Gomața (i.e., Câmunda Rāya) had this god made. Combining in himself learning, purity of faith, power, virtuous conduct, liberality, and courage, the moon of the Ganga family, Rācamalla, was celebrated in the world. Was it not that king's matchless power, Cāmunda Rāya (alias) Gomața, an equal of Manu,
dihalli

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111 hat thus caused this god to be made with great effort ?1 In the same inscription we have a lengthy account of the great inage itself which we abstain from citing.
The above account of the setting up of the image of Gammateśvara as given in one of the inscriptions at Śravana Begoļa is repeated with a few additions and variations in sereral Kannada works like Bhujabaliśataka by Doddayya of Periyapattana (circa A.D. 1550), Bhujabalicarite by Pañcabāņa (A.D. 1614), Gommațeśvaracarite by Anantakavi (circa A.D. 1780), Rājāvaļīkathe by Devacandra (A.D. 1838), and in the Sthalapurāņa of Sravana Belgoļa.?
The late Mr. Narasimhacarya, who collated the above references to Gommateśvara in Kannada literature, opined that the great statute was built in A.D. 983.3 But Dr. Shama Sastry has shown, on the evidence of a work called Bāhubağcaritraśataka, attributed to Nemicandra, that the statue was constructed in A. D. 1028.4
Cāmunda Rāya also constructed a basadi on the Cikka betta or smaller hill at Śravaņa Belgoļa. Here, we may observe, his son Jinadēvaņņa, the lay disciple of Ajitasena, also caused to be made a basadi, " amidst the acclamation of all the people.” This is related in a record of about A. D. 995.6
It was Cāmunda Rāya who patronized Ratnākara, or Ranna, the well known Kannada author of Ajitanātha. purāna, Sāhasbhimārjuna, and Rannakanda. The first work
,1. E. C. II., 234, p. 98. See also ibid., Intr., p. 12. 2. Ibid., Intr., pp. 13-15. 3. Ibid., Intr., p. 15. 4. M. A. R. for 1928, 127-129. 5. E. C. II, Intr., 45 ; 122, p. 50. 6 Ibid., 121, p. 50.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM was composed in A.D. 993 under the patronage of Cāmundı Rāya.1
We may note by the way that Cāmunda Rāya's younger sister Pullavva died by the orthodox Jaina rite in the Cancranātha basadi at Vijayamangalam, Coimbatore district. A nisidhi (called here nisidikā) was set up to commemorate the event.2
Great as the material contribution for the cause of Jina dharma by Cāmunda Rāya certainly was, greater was the name which he left behind for posterity to follow. We shall revert to this point later on when we shall see how a samas line of kings took upon themselves a noble task which Cāmunda Rāya had first shown to the country.
Continuing the history of Jainism we find that there were other Jaina military leaders who were also to a large extent instrumental in the progress of Jainism in Karnāțaka. Gene. ral Sāntinātha was one of them. He was the minister-gereral to Rāyadanda-Gopāla Lakşma, the right hand man of the Western Cālukya monarch Someśvara II, and was himeelf a great poet. In a record dated A.D. 1068 we have many interesting details concerning General Sāntinātha. He was “the chief treasury officer of Banavasenād, and the bearer of the burden of its affairs, and the promoter of that kingdom." Dançanātha Sāntinātha is called in this record “a royal swan to the lotus the supreme Jina creed." The reason why he was so styled is given in the next sentence which reads thus“Many impurities having corrupted the nectar of the Jina
1. Kavicarite, I, pp. 62-63. M.A.R. for 1923, p. 16. On other Cāmunda Rāyas in Karnātaka history, read M. A. R. for 1931, p. 200.
2.597 of 1905; Rangacharya, Top. List., I, p. 545.

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113 mārga, like water and milk, with the bill of good doctrinc he separated the water of evil deeds, and made the good creed which issued from the mouth of Jina to be imbibed by the Bhavyas with joy-hence was he called the royal swan to the lotus the supreme Jina creed."
General Sāntinātha's guru was Vardhamānavrati of the Mula sangha, Desiya gana, and Kondkundānvaya. His father was called Govinda Rāja, his elder brother Kannapārya, and his younger brother Vāgbhūşaņa Rāvana.
The inscription before us praises his qualities as a great poet. “A born poet, a skilful poet, an unassisted poet, a good poet, a beautiful poet, a poet banishing falsehood, a fortunate poet, a praised lord of poets," Sāntinātha had the title of Sarasvatī-mukha-mukura. “Filled with beautiful taste, with imagination, and with truthful description did he compose the Sukumāracarita." His fame was unspotted, and his work for the Jina dharina lasting. With modesty he petitioned his immediate over-lord Lakşma regarding a work of merit, thus-“ With lines of temples of Jina, Rudra, Buddha and Hari decorated with gold and jewels, Balinagara is well known as a place of five mathas. To describe the glory of the Jina dharma in this royal city, purified by the dwellings of all the gods among the many countries is Jambudvīpa, the... is the Bharata land ; in it is Kuntala country, in which like perpetual spring is Banavasenād, and in the Vanavāsi country is Balipura, frequented by the Bhavyas, and in it the Sāntitīrtheśa temple praised by the gods. It is now built of wood ; to build it of stone would be a source of merit to you." Accordingly the provincial ruler Lakşma ordered that the Jina temple was to be built of stone; and he as well as his suzerain lord the Western Cālukyan king Someśvara II made suitable endowments of land for the

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM basadi. It was named Mallikāmoda Sāntinātha basadi, evidently in honour of the Western Cālukyan ruler himself.1
The twelfth century saw a brilliant company of Jaina generals who were responsible for the political greatness of the times. One of the most famous monarchs of this age was the Hoysala Vişnuvardhana Bittiga Deva. While deal. ing with the patronage which this ruler extended to Jainism in an earlier connection, it was remarked that his extensive conquests were the work of his remarkable generals. Indeed, it was the good fortune of king Vişnu that he was surrounded by these custodians of Jina dharma and champions of Karnāțaka military prestige. There were eight Jaina generals under king Vişnuvardhana-Ganga Rāja, Boppa, Punisa, Baladeva, Mariyāne, and the latter's brother Bharata, Eca, and Vişņu. The first two inaugurated a series of brilliant campaigns which placed Karnāțaka once again among the premier powers of southern India.
The age in which these lived may be termed an era of Karnāțaka expansion. We have shown above that the statement of Rice that king Vişņu entered upon an extensive range of conquests after the year A.D. 1116, when he is supposed to have been converted into Vaişņavism under the influence of the great Rāmānujācārya, is incompatible with the evidence of epigraphs which proves that even so late as A.D. 1133 that that monarch continued to be a devout follower of the Jina dharma. This was but inevitable when it is remembered that all his great generals were staunch Jainas. The preaching of philosophical tenets by one of the greatest of Vaişņava teachers did not come in the way of king Vişnuvardhana's recognition of the fact that political considerations were
1. E. C. VII, Sk. 136 pp. 102-104. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 99, op. cit.

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115 undoubtedly of greater consequence to the State than those connected with one's own creed. The reign of his pleasureloving elder brother king Ballāļa I (A.D. 1100-A.D. 1106 ?) had been placid and uneventful but for the brave stand which that king together with his brothers Vişnuvardhana and Udayāditya jointly had made against the attack on their capital Dorasamudra by the śāntara king Jagadeva, and for a sort of a punitive expedition which king Ballāļa I in A.D. 1104 led against the Cangaļva chief.' More serious problems awaited solution at the hands of king Vişņu. These problems concerned the north, west, south, and east of the Hoysala Empire. There were the stubborn Pāņdyas of Ucchangi in the north, and the Sāntaras in the north-west ; while in the west were the ancient Alupas of Tuļuvanādu and the Kādambas under Masaņa. The south was disturbed by the actvities of the Kongāļvas and the Cangāļvas, instigated possibly by the Western Cālukyas but certainly by the Coļas which latter power, as we have seen, had created the Kongāļva kingdom in Coorg. The Kongas and their allies the Pāņdyas, too, had to be reckoned with in the south. But the greatest danger was that of the Colas themselves who had occupied the capital of the ancient Gangas, Talakāờ, and practically wiped that power from the map of southern India.
The greatness of king Vişnuvardhana as a military genius consists in the fact that, while he realized the supreme need of dislodging the Colas from the seat of the Gangas, he saw the importance of annihilating the other enemies at the same time. Hence he concentrated measures which were directed against the enemies almost simultaneously, and had the pleasure of seeing all of them end in complete success for the
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 99.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Hoysala arms. But the work of destroying the enemics in the south, south-east, east, and west goes entirely to his greac Jaina generals whose history must now be described in some detail.
The most famous name among them is that of Ganga Rāja. Stone inscriptions dated A.D. 1118 and A.D. 1119 give us very many details relating to his pedigree, martial deeds. and pious acts as a Jaina. Ganga Rāja was born "in a pure Dvija family of the Kauņdinya gotra." His father was called Ēca or Ēciganka or Budhamitra, and his mother, Põcikabbe. Ēca's father was known as Māra and mother Mākaņabbe. Ganga Rāja was the youngest of their children, his eldest brother being Bamma, and the next whose name is not known but who married Jakkaņabbe. Ganga Rāja's wise was called Nāgalādevī, or Lakşmi, and their son was named Boppa alias Ēca. We may observe here that Boppa was also the name of the son of Bamma and of his unknown younger brother. But, as we shall see, the Boppa known to history is the Boppa who was the son of Ganga Räja.
Ganga Rāja's parents were devout Jainas. This is proved by the Śravaņa Belgoļa stone inscriptions. Ēca was "indeed a worthy person in the world,” and “equal to Manu in purc conduct," as is related in a stone inscription dated A.D. 1120 and found in the manțapa of the Cāmundarāya basadi. The same inscription informs us that Kanakanandi of Mulļūr in Coorg was the guru of Ecaganka, while the latter's royal patron was the king Nppa Kāma Hoysala. Of Pocikabbe we have the following in the same record-She alone was the fortunate possessor on earth of the wealth of pure virtues, so that the people of the whole world raised their hands saying"The assemblage of excellent virtues has assumed the shape of a woman.” Further, “Pocikabbe alone in the world could

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117 settle her mind in the belief that her body would be rendered fruitful by the praise of Jina and her wealth by the gratification (of the desires) of the sages.” According to the same record she died in A.D. 1120 “ by the perfection of the rite of sallekhanā.” That is to say, "adopting sarnyasana, observing the rule of lying on one side only, uttering the five salutations which were addressed to the five parameştis, (viz., the Jinas, the Siddhas, the Ācāryas, the Upādhyāyas, and the Sadhus, collectively known as the pañca-parameştis), she went to the world of gods.” It was then that her son Ganga Rāja set up a suitable epitaph consecrating it with gifts, worship, anointment, etc.1
To such worthy parents was born Ganga Rāja. The same Cāmundarāya basadi inscription gives us the full 'birudas of this remarkable Jaina military leader. They were the following-Obtainer of the band of five great instruments, Mahāsāmantādhipati, Mahāpracanda Danďanāyaka, terrifier of his enemies, purifier of his family, friend of the learned, a moon in raising the volume of the milk ocean the Jina dharma, a mine to the jewel perfect faith in Jainism, taker of delight in gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning, a joy to the hearts of the blessed, a pūrņa-kumbha (vessel filled with water) for the coronation of the Hoysala Mahārāja, a fountain pillar for supporting the mansion of dharma, a hero who keeps his word, chaser of his enemies, a mill-stone to traitors, possessor of these and many other titles, the Mahāpradhāna, Dandunāyaka Ganga Rāja.
We have now to see how far these titles were justifiable in the light of the work which he did both as a commander
1. E. C. II, 118, pp. 48-49. 2. Ibid., 118, p. 49.

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and a Jaina. In the above record this great general is merely called “a pūrņa-kumbha for the coronation of the Hoysala Mahārāja Vişnuvardhana." But in another stone inscription dated A.D. 1115 and found also in the same Cāmuṇqarāya basadi, Ganga Rāja is called “raiser up of the kingdom of Vişnuvardhana Poysala Mahārāja."1 These two statements are very suggestive. It must be confessed that the initial year of king Vişnuvardhana's rule is not known. The earliest year of his reign is A.D. 1111.2 Since in A.D. 1115 Ganga Rāja is explicitly stated to have raised aloft the kingdom of that ruler ; and since we know that king Vişnuvardhana had a younger brother named Udayāditya, who is known to have died in A.D. 1123,3 it is not improbable that there may have been a contest between Vişnuvardhana and Udayāditya on the death of their elder brother king Ballāļa I in about A.D. 1106, or another attack on the Hoysala throne by its many enemies like the Sāntaras or the Pāņdyas. Whatever that may be, the coronation of king Vişņu seems to have taken place after A.D. 1115 ; and what is more important, it was the Jaina general Ganga Rāja who was the chief supporter of that monarch on that important occasion.
King Vişnuvardhana had good reasons to be proud of his great Jaina general. Stone inscriptions at śravana Belgola and in the Narasimha temple at Belúr give us many details about Ganga Rāja's achievements, and reveal to us what an important part he played in the Hoysala administration. For instance in A.D. 1118 the following is said of him : “As the thunderbolt to the thunderbolt-bearer Indra, as the plough to the plough-bearer Balarāma, as the discus to the discus
1. E. C. II, 127, p. 55. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 99. 3. Ibid., p. 97

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119 bearer Vişnu, as the spear to the spear-bearer Skanda, as the bow Gāņdiva to the owner of Gāņdiva Arjuna, even so does Ganga Rāja conduct the affairs of king Vişnu." And the engraver of this eulogy Vardhamānācāri, himself “an ornament to the forehead of titled sculptors," asks the question“How can he, whose fame was brilliant like the waves of the Ganges, be described by people like us?”1
The epigraphs give not merely the above eulogy but Ganga Rāja's military work as well. We said above that the most pressing political problem of the time was the expulsion of Coļas from Talakād. King Vişņu wisely entrusted this onerous task to the greatest Jaina general of the age Ganga Rāja. The Coļa power in Talakad was annihilated in A.D. 1117.2 This crowning victory of Ganga Rāja was achieved only when he had met with and routed the three pillars of Coļa strength in the Karnāțaka territory—the Samanta Adiyama in Talakād-itself ; the Sämanta Dama or Damodara, who was stationed perhaps to the east of Talakād in the direction of Kañci ; and the Samanta Narasingavarmā stationed on the Western Ghats. The ruler whom these and other Sämantas obeyed was king Rajendra Cola II (A.D. 1070_A.D. 1117).3 Ganga Rāja's success over the Sämantas of king Rājendra Cola in Karnāțaka is thus described in the stone record found on the left of the dvărapălakas of Gommateśvara at śravana Belgoļa and dated about A.D. 1175 : “The great minister, Dandanāyaka, a mill-stone to traitors (droharagharațța), Ganga Rāja—when Coļa's Sämanta Adiyama, stationed as if a door in the camp of Talakāļu, the fron
1. E. C. II, 73, p. 39.
2. Rice placed this event in A.D. 1116, My. & Coorg, pp. 98-99 ; and I followed him in my Wild Tribes, p. 82. But this date should be given up, as will be explained presently.
3. Rice, ibid., pp. 84, 91-93.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM tier of Gangavādinādu above the Ghats, refused to surrender the nādu which Coļa had given, saying—' Fight and take it !'-marched (against him) with the desire of victory, and the two armies met..."1 Talakād fell into the hands of the daring Jaina general. We prove this from another record assigned to A.D. 1135 which says that he “seized Talakādu.”.
What happened to the chief city of the Gangas after its capture is related in a stone inscription found in the Narasimha temple at Belūr and dated A.D. 1117. This epigraph suggests that the Hoysala monarch took a severe step against the ancient Ganga capital. For it says thus : That king Vişņu "First taking into his arms the wealth of the Poysala kingdom which was his inheritance, as his power increased " captured Talakād, and "burnt the chief city of the Gangas." The effect such a stern step had on his enemy king Rājendra Cola is described further in the same epigraph. “Behold, in order that Rajendra Cala, disgusted at the water of the Kāverī suddenly becoming polluted, should be suddenly driven to the use of the water from the wells in the city, Vişņu by the power of his arm threw the corpses of his army into the stream of the river, and caused his valour to shine forth.”3 Since we know from other inscriptions that it was the Ganga general who actually stormed Talakād, we have to assume that he burnt the city after defeating the Coļa Samanta Adiyama, at the orders of his monarch.
This assumption is proved by the Aļēsandra stone record dated A.D. 1184 which states that "cutting down the hostile kings, he (Vişnuvardhana) planted the fence of his valour all around, and burning Talakād (for manure), ploughed it
1. E. C. II, 240, p. 102. 2. Ibid., 384, p. 166. 3. Ibid., V., Bl. 58, p. 57.

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121 with the hoofs of his horses, rained on it with the stream of his might, and sowed it with the good seed of his glory, '1 But there cannot be any doubt about Ganga Rāja's himself having stormed Talakād. The Kambadahaļļi stone record assigned to A.D. 1118 asserts that when king Vişnuvardhana was ruling the kingdom, his senior Danďanāyaka (priyadandanāyaka) Ganga Rāja, “when about to take Talakādu " (Talakādam koļuvalli) asked for a boon which, as we shall see presently, the monarch granted him at once.2
Now as regards the date of the defeat of the Tamil general Adiyama, the Angaļi stone inscription recopied by Dr. Krishna, helps us to fix the exact date of the battle of Talakād. It relates that on Friday the 23rd of November, 1117, on an attack having been made at the orders of the Hoysala Bittideya (i.e., Vişnuvardhana), by his general Biţtideva Hoysala Sāhaņi (obviously Ganga Rāja), Adiyama fell on the Hoysala elephants and fought. On this occasion a Hoysala warrior named Bāsaya fought valiantly under the orders of the Hoysala general but died in the battle. The stone commemorates the death of this gallant Hoysala soldier.3
But the storming and burning of Talakād did not mean the final collapse of the Caļa power in Karnātaka. There were still two Cola Sāmantas who had to be beaten-Dämodara “ of the west," and Narasingavarmā of the Ghats. The stone inscription found near the Gommateśvarasyāmi image at Śravana Belgoļa and dated about A.D. 1175, cited above, relates how General Ganga encountered both. “Is not Dāma who, while the destructive point of the sharp sword in your
1. E. C. IV, Ng., 32, p. 120. 2. Ibid., Ng. 19, p. 116, text. p. 332.
3. M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 98-99. See E. C. ibid., Intr. p. 19; Yd. 6, p. 52 for Rice's date of the battle A.D. 1116.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM (Ganga Rāja's) hand raised with the desire of victory was lifting up the skin of his back, fell in the direction of Kañci enough ? O Ganga, unable to expose his body to the turn of your sword once in battle, that Tiguļa (i.e., Tamil) Dāma escaped and took refuge in the forest, and thinking of it again and again now, is frightened like the deer day and night causing palpitation in the hearts of his faithful wives. Having remained till now in Talakādu, astonishing people by his valour which put to flight many in any number of battles, the Sämanta Damodara, turning now his back on the fight through great fear of the blows of Ganga Rāja's sword, lives like a Saiva saint eating from a skull (or potsherd) from which (even) a dog will not eat.”1
There remained still one champion of Cala imperialism in Karnātaka-Narasingavarmā. This Cola feudatory was at first defeated and then slain. We infer this from the above record as well as from the stone inscription found in the Aregallu basti. The former asserts that “Moreover, he (Ganga Räja) put to flight Narasingavarma and all the other Sämantas of Cola above the Ghats and brought the whole nādu under the dominion of a single umbrella.". The other stone inscription dated about A.D. 1135 says that "making the abode of Yama a home for Narasinga, the general Ganga," "took Gangamandala and made it subject to the orders of king Vişņu."3 The reward which Ganga Rāja received at the hands of his royal master for thus asserting Hoysala supremacy in the east, will be presently mentioned.
The Tamil hegemony over Karnataka, no doubt, once and for ever was ended ; but there remained other rulers who were
1. E. C. II, 240, p. 102. 2. Ibid., 3. Ibid., 384, p. 166.

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123 the allies or feudatories of the Tamil monarch, and whose existence was a menace to the growing Hoysala power. These were, among others, the rulers of the Kongudeśa and Cengiri, and a chieftain whose name is effaced in the record but who seems to have been called Jam. ... The Grāmadabasti stone inscription dated about A.D. 1135 cited above relates that after seizing Talakāų, Ganga Rāja took “possession similarly of Kongu, chasing away Jam..., pulling out Cengiri by the strength of his arm", and gave Gangavādi to his royal master, as related above. The Kongudeśa comprised modern Salem, and was ruled over by the ancient Ceras, while Cengiri, as Rice correctly said, was the famous fortress of señji or Ginjee.2
But another danger which simultaneously threatened the Hoysala arms from the north also met with prompt action on the part of the Hoysala monarch. Here in the north lay the Empire of the Western Cālukyas, the distinguished ruler of which Vikramaditya VI, Tribhuvanamalla, had successfully maintained the supremacy of his ancestors throughout the length and breadth of the Western Cālukyan dominions. Vişnuvardhana himself had acknowledged the supremacy of the Western Cālukyan monarch at the beginning of his reign. But a clash between the Western Cālukyas and the rising power of the Hoysalas was inevitable. And this was brought about perhaps by the Hoysalas themselves, who stormed a stronghold of a powerful feudatory and ally of the Western Cālukyan monarch. The fortress of Ucchangi belonged to the Pāņdyas, the rulers of which from A.D. 1106 had become the masters of Noļambavāļi under king Vikramāditya VI. Sub
1. E. C. II, 384, p. 166; E. C. IV, Ng. 76 dated A.D. 1145,
p. 31
2. Ibid., V, Intr., p. 13. (n).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM version of the Pāņdya power in the north was necessary for the Hoysalas, if the latter were to be a great imperial power. This was done by king Vişnuvardhana in A.D. 1116 when in the great battle of Dumme, on the borders of the Shimoga and Chitaldroog districts, the Pāņdyas were attacked and defeated. The Pāņdya ruler who was defeated could only have been Tribhuvanamalla Pāņdya who ruled from A.D. 1101 till A.D. 1124.2 Since he is described in A.D. 1128 as “the rod in Tribhuvanamalla's right hand,"3 and since the Tribhuvanamalla referred to was no other than Vikramaditya VI, Tribhuvanamalla, (A.D. 1076-A.D. 1126),4 we shall not be wrong in believing that he was the Pāņdya ruler who was defeated by the Hoysala king. But the credit of inflicting this defeat on the Pandya ruler of Ucchangi goes to the brave prince of Orissa, Cāma Deva, who was born in Karnāšaka.5
We can only assume that it was to avenge this defeat which his trusted general had suffered at the hands of the Hoysalas that the Western Cālukya monarch himself marched to the south and encamped at Kaņņēgāl in the Hassan district. But the Hoysala king had transferred his great Jaina general Ganga Rāja from the southern command atonce to the northern scene of war. The Sāsana basti stone inscription of śravaņa Belgoļa dated A.D. 1118 gives a spirited account of the battle which ended in a complete rout of the Western Calukyas. “When the army of the Cālukyan Emperor Tribhuvanamalla Permmādi Deva, including twelve Sämantas, was encamped at Kaņņēgāl, this Ganga Rāja, saying ‘Away with the desire to mount a horse, this will be a night battle for
1. E. C. VI, Cm. 99, p. 48. 2. Ibid., XI, Intr. pp. 16-17. 3. Ibid.. Dg. 90, p. 68; My. & Coorg., p. 76. 4. Rice, My. & Coorg., p. 73. 5. Itid., p. 100.

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125 me' attacked and defeated with ease all the Sämantas, so that people said that the sword in the arm of Ganga Dan. dhādhipa caused the men of the army who were entering the camp (savanga) (?) to enter more, carried off the collection of their stores and vehicles and presented them to his own lord, who, being pleased with the prowess of his arm, said, 'I am pleased, ask for a boon !" But unlike ordinary men Ganga Rāja asked for a boon which we shall describe below.1
The importance of these victories won by General Ganga was incalculable. Inspite of the admirable campaigns of king Vişnuvardhana's predecessors, the Hoysala kingdom in the early years of that king's reign still formed a part of the Western Cālukyan Empire. As long as the Western Cālukyan supremacy lasted, so long was a Hoysala Empire merely a dream. Further, the firm hold which the Coļas had over Talakād likewise precluded any idea of a permanent Hoysala government in the south and the south-east. It was only when both these powers had been broken that king Vişnuvardhana could think of " bringing all the parts of the compass under his command."2 The crushing defeat which the Jaina general Ganga Rāja inflicted on the Cola Sämantas at Talakād and over the Ghats in A.D. 1117, and the signal success which he won in the attack on the Western Cālukyan Emperor himself in the next year, at once relieved the Hoysalas of the two worst enemies they had viz., the Colas and the Western Cālukyas. How spontaneously these victories were reflected in the architecture and literature of the times is another story which is outside our purpose. Suffice it to say that they fully justified the praise given to the great
1. E. C. II, 73, p. 39. See also. ibid., 125, text., pp. 49-50. 2. Ibid., 1', Bl. 58, p. 57.

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Jaina general as the "raiser up of the kingdom of Vişņuvardhana Poysala Mahārāja."
His guru was Subhacandradeva, "an ocean of philosophy," disciple of Kukkuṭāsana Maladhärideva of the Pustaka gaccha and the Deśiya gana. This we know from stone records dated about A.D. 1117 and A.D. 1118.1 To his guru, as one of these records relates, Ganga Rāja gave the village of Parama in A.D. 1118, which his son Commander Eci Rāja confirmed in the same year.2 In the capital Dorasamudra itself, as the epigraph on the pedestal of the image in the Parsvanathabasti at Bastihalli in Halebid says, Ganga Rāja caused Jina images to be constructed. It is interesting to observe that in this record he is styled merely Senior Danḍanayaka Gangappayya."
Ganga Rāja was first a loyal soldier and, then, a devout Jaina. In other words, he placed politics before religion. This may be proved by the following epigraphs which give us the standard of morality which he set before himself, and which tell us how after doing his duty as a gallant soldier, he asked his royal master for a reward. In an inscription commemorating his death, we have the seven standards of morality which Ganga Rāja had placed before himself. "To be false in speech, one; to show fear in battle, two; to be addicted to others' wives, three; to give up refugees, four; to leave suppliants unsatisfied, five; to forsake those to whom he is bound, six; to live in treachery to his lord, seven ;-these are the seven narakas (hells), says Ganga." The great Jaina general made the opposite of every one of these seven narakas his principle of life.
1. E. C. II, 73, 74, pp. 39-40.
2. Ibid., 73, p. 40.
3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 44.
4. E. C. V, Bl. 124, pp. 82-83.

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127 When he brought the whole of Gangavādi under the supremacy of his royal master, “the grateful king Vişnu, being pleased, said-'I am pleased ; ask for a boon.' Thereupon, though he knew that the king would give (anything that was asked), he did not ask like ordinary people for any other thing, but intent on the worship of Jina, asked for Govindavādi (i.e., Gangavādi) amidst the plaudits of the earth. The nobleminded (Ganga) granted it with joy for the worship of Gommaţadeva, so that the assembly of sages, expressing approbation again and again, exclaimed, “This is excellent !"" It was after receiving Gangavāļi as a gift that Ganga Rāja showed what a devout Jaina, who had done his duty to the State, could do for his religion. For, as all records of his own period inform us, Ganga Rāja after securing this unparalleled gift from king Vişnuvardhana, renovated all the basadis in Gangavāļi and restored them to their former condition. He had the enclosure made around Gommaţadeva at Śravaņa Belgoļa. This work alone earned for him the following praise from the engraver Vardhamānācāri A.D. 1118-- “Was not Ganga Rāja a hundred-fold more fortunate than that former Rāya (i.€., Cāmunda Rāya) of the Gangas?” The next statement in thc same epigraph explains it thus-- "Wherever he marched, wherever he was encamped, wherever his eyes rested, wherever his mind was attached, there he had rich Jina temples made, and thus the country was everywhere brought through Ganga Rāja to the condition in which it had been in days of yore.” Indeed, the engraver, who we may well assume perhaps only voiced the popular sentiment, attributes extraordinary powers to the great Jaina general thus
-The reason why the world extols the distinguished Jaina devotee Attimabbarasi is because the Godavari stopped flow
1.
E. C. II, 73, p. 40.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM ing. Now thc Kāveri, though it swelled, sui rounded and pressed forward its waters (obviously during his attack on Talakād) did not touch the General Ganga. When this is said, how can the panegyrist adequately praise the greatness of his devotion ? "1
Lest this may be taken to be an exaggerated account of the munificence of the great Jaina general, we may cite the opinion of a later engraver who in A.D. 1184 wrote thus about him-By the restoration of numerous Jina temples, the rebuilding of ruined towns and general distribution of gifts, the Gangavādi 96,000 Province shone like Kopaņa through Ganga Dandanātha.?
As regards the place assigned to Ganga Rāja in the history of Jainism, we have the following estimate of that general in the record of about A.D. 1117—“ The Kondakunda line of the Müla sangha is the most ancient in the Jina creed ; and the promoter of that line is undoubtedly the general Ganga Rāja."3 And a later inscription dated A.D. 1159 in answer to the question-Who were at the beginning firm promoters of the Jina dharma ?, answers thus—“After him (Cāmūnda Rāya) only Gangana, praised by the learned, the excellent minister of king Vişņu."*
Both Ganga Rāja's wife and his son were like him fervent Jainas. When the great general died in A.D. 1133, his eldest son Boppa, who was like his father also a military commander, erected a Jinālaya called after one of the titles of
1. E. C. II, Cf. No. 240, p. 102.
2. E. C. IV, Ng. 32, p. :20. In a record dated A.D. 1115 the same is said of Ganga Rāja. Ibid., II, 127, p. 55. But this inscription is dated two years before the actual conquest of Talakād by Ganga Rāja. I am unable to explain this discrepancy.
3. Ibid., II, 73, p. 39. 4. Ibid., 345, p. 148.

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JAINA MEN OF ACTION his noble father, Droharagharațța Jinālaya, in the centre of Dorasamudra itself. The stone inscription dated in that year and found in the Pārsvanātha basti at Haļebid, informs us that that Jinālaya which "even Jalajabhava (i.e., Brahmā) could not excel in drawing, carving and moulding, and which hone like the silver mountain (Kailāsa), an ornament to the earth,” was erected as a memorial to Ganga Rāja's death. It was consecrated by the learned Nayakīrti Siddhānta Cakravarti, and attached to the Müla sangha, Desiya gana, Hanasoge baļi, and the Pustaka gaccha.
Further interesting details concerning that Jinātaya and the ruler Vişnuvardhana Deva are given in the same record. The Indrar or priests of the Droharagharațţa Jinālaya which contained the image of Pārsvanātha, took the consecrated food to king Vişnuvardhana Deva, who was then at Bankāpura, at a most opportune moment. It was just then that the Hoysala monarch had slain one of his enemies-Masana. the Kadamba general, and that a son was born to his queen Lakşmi Mahādevī. And, as we related in an earlier connection, king Vişņu "being filled with joy on account of both his victory and the birth of a son, seeing the priests who had brought the sandal water and consecrated food from the consecration of the god Pārśva, he ordered them to approach, and rising to meet them, saluted them with joined hands to his forehead, and took the sandal water and consecrated food, saying, ‘By the merit of the consecration of this god I have obtained both a victory and the birth of a son, and have been filled with joy.' He therefore gave to the god the name of Vijaya Pārśva and to his son the name of Vijaya Nara
1. On Masaņa, read M. A. R. for 1916, p. 52 ; ibid., for ,1931, p. 100; ibid., for 1932, pp. 189-190 ; Moraes, KadambaKula, pp. 128-132.

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simha Deva." It was to the Droharagharatta Jinālaya in Dorasamudra and for the prosperity of his son and for the promotion of universal peace that the same monarch, we may be permitted to repeat, gave the village of Javagal together with others to the god.1
Commander Boppa maintained the liberal traditions of his illustrious father. For in addition to the above Jinālaya at Dorasamudra, he built two more Jina temples. He erected the Santiśvara basadi at Kambhadahalli, Nāgamangala täluka. The name of the architect who designed it was Droharagharaṭṭācāri. It cannot be made out whether this temple was constructed as a memorial to Boppa's father." As an inscription assigned to A.D. 1138 relates, he caused to be made the basadi of Trailokyarañjana, otherwise called Boppaṇa-caityalaya. In this record General Boppa is described as "the learned son of the General Ganga", the affluent Ēcana, friend of the learned, friend of the good." Learned works by Boppa, however, have not been discovered so far.
66
3יי
But in regard to his martial nature we know a few details. He possessed the valiant qualities of his great father. He seems to have been entrusted with the work of subduing the Kongas. For in A.D. 1134 it is said that he attacked and put to flight the mighty enemies, and by force of arms subdued the Kongas.5
What influence the pious wife of Ganga Raja and the
1. E. C. V, Bl 24, pp. 82-83
2. M. A. R. for 1915, 51; E. C. II, Intr., p. 55.
3. E. C. II, 120, p. 49. The image of this temple seems to have been transferred at some later date to Sravana Belgola. Ibid., Intr., pp. 6, 55.
4. E. C. V, BI 124, p. 83.
5. Ibid., Cp. 248, p. 229, ibid., II, 384, p. 166.

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131 mother of Boppa wielded will be made clear in a later context.
Ganga Rāja's gallant comrade was General Puņisa. He was descended from a family of ministers. His father was called Punisa Rāja Daņdādhiša, and he had the biruda of Sakala-śāsana-vācaka-cakravarti (Universal emperor of those who read (interpreted] the orders of the king). To Punisa Rāja Camūpa and his wife Põcale were born three sonsCāvana or Cāma Rāja, Korāpa or Kumārayya, and Nākaņa or Nägadeva. The children of the eldest Cāvana by his wives Arasikabbe and Caundale were Puņisamayya and Bițţiga respectively. Of these the former Puņisamayya is the general in question, and he was the Sandhi-vigrahika (Minister for Peace and War) of the king Vişnuvardhana. This pedigree of General Punisa is repeated in two inscriptions--one dated A.D. 1117 and found in the Pārsvanātha basti at Chāmarājanagara, and the other undated record found on the capital of the pillar in the Keśava temple at Belūr.1
General Puņisa's conquests did not certainly open an epoch in the history of Karnāțaka as those of Ganga Rāja had done. Nevertheless his victories were very important, since they gave to the Hoysalas the key to the south and prepared the way for the sweeping campaigns of king Vişnuvardhana Deva. We have to remember the policy of that ruler which we have outlined in the previous pages. The great enemy of the Hoysalas in the south were the Coļas. While General Ganga Rāja was actively engaged in subverting the Coļa power in Talakāờ, Puņisa was deputed to the south there to crush the allies of the Tamil monarch—the Kongāļvas, the Kodagas, the Todas, and the Keraļas. And in the same year (A.D. 1117) when Ganga Rāja stormed Talakād, General Punisa also conquered the gateway to the south-Nīlādri (mod.
1. E. C. IV, Ch. 83, p. 10; M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 83-84.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Niligiris). The Chāmarājanagara Pārsvanātha basti record dated A.D. 1117 gives the following graphic account of Punisa's success in the south--The Mahāpradhāna, Dandanayaka Punisa frightened the Toda, drove the Kongas underground, slaughtered the Põluvas, put to death the Maleyāļas, terrified king Kāla and entering the Nīla mountain offered up its peak to the Lakşmi of victory. On king Vişņu once giving the order, Puņisa seized Nīlādri and pursuing the Maleyāļas, captured their forces and became the master of Keraļa, and then again showed himself in the Bayalnād (plain county).
But like Ganga Rāja Puņisa was large-hearted. True to the Jina dharma, both looked upon humanity with an impartial eye. The above Chāmarājanagara Pārsvanātha basti inscription has the following interesting account to give of Punisa's broad-mindedness-The ruined trader, the cultivator with no seed, the ousted Kirāta (chief) with no power left, who had become his servant, he gave them all what they had lost and supported them—the Dandanātha Punisa.2 And when about four years later (A.D. 1121) the Cālukya Hemmāļi Deva's son Soyi Deva made certain grants to the god Jayangondeśvara in Brahmasamudra, General Punisa was present along with General Ganga Rāja, their monarch king Vişnuvardhana Deva, the queen Mahādevī śāntāladevī, and the four ministers.3 Obviously to Punisa endowments to non-Jaina deities were as sacred as those to the Jaina gods themselves.
But it must be remembered that so far as the cause of the Jina dharma was concerned, Puņisa was a second Ganga Rāja. The above Chamarājanagara Pārsvanātha basti record says
1. E. C. IV, Ch. 83, p. 10. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid., V, Cp. 260, p. 235.

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133 that “Without room for any fear, in the manner of the Gangas, he decorated (alankarisidan) the basadis of the Gangavādi 96,000.” In the same record we are told that he granted lands for the basadis known as the Trikūta basadis which he had caused to be constructed in Arakoțţāra in the Edenad.1 The Pārsvanātha basadis at Chāmarājanagara and at Bastihaļļi in Dorasamudra owed their existence to his generosity. To a great Jina temple erected by his wife in the Hoysala capital Dorasamudra, as we shall narrate in the next chapter, he gave the two villages of Mānikavolal and Māvinakere in Mödūrnād as gifts. Further, to all the basadis in Mānikavoļal he made specified endowments of land and money. These gifts may be assigned to about A.D. 1117.3
General Punisamayya's guru was Ajitasena Panditadeva whose identity cannot be determined.
We may now mention the other six Jaina generals of king Vişnuvardhana. In about A.D. 1120 we have commander Baladevaņņa. He was the third son of king Aditya (or Arasāditya) and Acāmbike, his elder brothers being Pamparāya and Harideva. This stone inscription found at Sravaņa Belgoļa styles Baladevaņņa “the virtuous leader of the assemblage of ministers." The three brothers were ornaments of the Karnāțaka family, renowned in the world, uncles of Mācirāja, fiercely valorous to enemies, devoted to the feet of Jina, and possessed of great fortitude. Baladevanna was the chief of all ministers, subduer of enemies, eschewer of
1. E. C., IV, Ch. 83, p. 10.
2. M. A. R. for 1908, p. 9; ibid., for 1916, p. 53 ; ibid., for 1934, p. 84.
3. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32. See E. C. IV, Kr. 37, p. 105 where an incorrect rendering of the record is given.
4. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 53 ; ibid., for 1920, p. 32.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM others' wives, a necklace to Sarasvatī, of well known pure fame, of a celebrated noble form, and worshipper of the feet of Jinendra.1 His military achievements, however, are not known to us.
Under king Vişnuvardhana were two famous brothers, one of whom continued to guide the affairs of the Hoysala Empire in the reign of king Vişnuvardhana's son and successor king Narasimha I. These were Mariyāne Dançanāyaka and Bharateśvara Dandanāyaka, descended from Dākarasa of the Bharadvāja gotra. They were connected by marriage with the family of Ganga Rāja as well as with the royal Hoysala House itself. For the Aļēsandra stone inscription of A.D. 1184 contains the interesting information that Ganga Rāja was the brother-in-law of the senior Mariyāne Dandanāyaka, whom we shall style the I of that name. Further, according to the same lithic record Ganga Rāja's son Boppadeva alias Ēca's brothers-in-law were Mariyāne Dandanāyaka (II) and Bharateśvara (I).2 Now Mariyāne Danďanāyaka II's three beautiful daughters Padmaladevi, Cāvaladevi, and Boppadevī,“ skilled in art, singing, and dancing ", according to the Brahmeśvara temple stone inscription at Sindhagiri dated about A.D. 1103, had been married in one pavilion in Śaka 1025 (A.D. 1103) to king Ballāļa 1.4 It may have been the same Senior Mariyāne Dandanāyaka, as the late Mr. Narasimhacarya suggested, who may have set up the image of
1. E. C. II, 221, p. 95 ; ibid., Intr., p. 58, and r.. (1) for other Baladevas.
2. Ibid., IV, Ng. 32, p. 120.
3. E. C. VI. Cm., 160, 56-57. The date circa A.D. 1103 is to be found in the earlier part of the record, the concluding portions of which are built into the ground. Ibid., p. 56, (n. 1).
4. Ibid., Cm. 160.

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Jina in the basti at Hatņa, Tiptur tāluka, along with the merchants of Belgere-pattana.1
Mariyane Dandanayaka II and Bharateśvara I had served first under king Vişņuvardhana and then under his son king Narasimha I. The Brahmeśvara temple record styles them as those who under king Visņu held the rank of great ministers of the whole kingdom, and "a rank descending from the line of the capturer of Kañci, Vikrama Ganga Vişņuvardhana"; as those who were "the jewelled earrings to the Laksmi the pure syad vada; rejoicing in daily anointings and festivals of the Jina pūjā, delighting in the four manner of gifts, (and) eyes to the doctrine of Akalanka." Of these two brothers Mariyane II won greater fame at the hands of king Visnuvardhana. For the Brahmeśvara temple record says that Mariyane II was like the paṭṭada-ane (State elephant) to king Viṣṇuvardhana; while the Alesandra inscription informs us that, looking upon Mariyāne as his paṭṭadaāne, king Vişņu appointed him as the commander of his army.2
Both the brothers held the offices of Sarvadhikāri, Māņikabhandhari, and Prāṇādhikari (Commanders of the Life Guards) under the same monarch.3 Another record in the Sindhagiri Brahmeśvara temple dated A.D. 1137 praises General Bharata thus-All his wealth for the Jina mandiras, all his love for the subjects, all his good-will for the worship of Jina Raja, all his generosity for the company of the good,
1. M. A. R. for 1918, pp. 21, 45. Hatņa in the Nāgamangala tāluka was a Jaina centre. The Virabhadra temple at this place was a Jaina basadi dedicated to Pārsvanatha. Virabhadra is now made to stand on a Jaina pedestal! M. A. R. for 1919, p. 16. 2. E. C. VI, Cm. 160, op. cit., ibid., IV. Ng. 32, p. 121. 3. Ibid., IV, Ng. 32, p. 121.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM all his gifts for holy munindras, did he divide with great joy, the Camūpa Bharata. That this praise given to General Bharata was not unfounded is borne out by a stone record dated about A.D. 1160, which tells us that he erected Jaina images in Śravana Belgola, built eighty new basadis and renovated 200 old ones in Gangavādi “so that they met one's gaze wherever one looked."?
From many records we know that his guru was Gandavimuktavrati, the disciple of Māghanandi of the Deśiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. We may incidentally note in this connection that the same Jaina sage was the guru of Bharata's elder brother Mariyāne II ;4 while the guru of Bharata's wife (the junior) Hariyale was Māghanandi himself."
We may digress here a little in order to narrate a few more details about this illustrious family of the Jaina general who continued to serve under the next Hoysala ruler king Narasimha I. An inscription at Kambhadahaļļi rclates that the brothers received a grant from this king in A.D. 1145.6 It was they who, while continuing in their hereditary office of great ministers, gave king Narasimha I 500 honnu as a gift obtaining in retum a renewal of the grant of their ancestral estates of Sindagere, Baggavasli, and Dadiganakese.8 Bharata II and Bāhubali, the sons of Mariyāne II (?), while serving under king Narasinga I's son and successor king Ballāļa II, obtained in A.D. 1184 a reconfirmation of their ancestral
,1. E. C. VI, Cm. 161, p. 58. 2. Ibid., II, 265, 267, pp. 122-123. 3. Ibid., VI, Cm. 161, p. 58. 4. Ibid., II, 64, p. 18. 5. Ibid., VI, Cm., 160, p. 57, IV, Ng. 32, p. 121. 6. M. A. R. for 1915, p. 51. 7. Cf. E. C. VI, Cm. 160, op. cit. 8. Ibid., IV, Ng. 32, pp. 121-122.

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137
estates; and they themselves made certain specified grants for the new basadi which they had caused to be constructed at Aṇuvasamudra and for the old basadi at Cakeyanahalli. These grants were made over by them in A.D. 1184 to the priest Devacandra Pandita, the disciple's disciple of Gaṇḍavimuktadeva, of the Savanta basadi of Kollapura (mod. Kolhapur) attached to the Mula sangha and the Inguleśvara bali.1
To the great circle of Jaina military leaders of the reign of king Visnuvardhana Deva belonged three other generals-Boppa, Eca, and Immadi Biṭṭimayya. Of these we have already seen a few details concerning General Boppa, the eldest son of Ganga Rāja. Boppa's wife was Bāganabbe, the lay disciple of Bhanukirti Deva. Their son was Eca who also rose to be a Danḍādhisa. About him it is said in A.D. 1134 that he made Jina temples in Sravana Belgola look like those in the tirtha of Kopana and other places. Like his father Boppa, General Eca was a large-hearted Jaina. This accounts for the specified grant of land which he made in the same year, along with his father and mother, for the god Mūlasthāna Gangesvara of Belgali, in the presence of fifty families of the locality and the local officer Perggade Sōmayya. He died in A.D. 1135 by the rite of sallekhanā 'after living for a long time in happiness, delighting in bestowing gifts and rejoicing in the advancement of the Jina dharma."s
1. E. C. IV, Ng. 32, pp 121-122.
2. Ibid., V, p. 229.
3. Ibid., II, 384. This inscription makes Eca son of General Bamma and Bāgaṇabbe, and Bamma himself brother of Ganga Rāja. Ibid. Read, ibid., Intr. p. 57. As in the case of Mariyanes and Bharatesvaras, there is some discrepancy in the lithic records concerning these two generals of king Visņu.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Another distinguished Jaina military leader under king Vişnuvardhana Deva was Immadi Dançanāyaka Bittimayya. The Belūr Saumyanāyaki temple record dated A. D. 1136 contains a very interesting account of this remarkable boygeneral. He too belonged to a well known family of hereditary ministers. His father was called Ciņņa Rāja Dandudhiša, the son of the celebrated Udayāditya and Sāntiyakka. Ciņņa Rāja “ bore the burden of king Ereyanga's territory”. To him and his wife Caudale were born several daughters and two sons Udayana and Vişņu.
Of these Vişnu, who "daily increased in size and glory like the new moon," was more fortunate than his elder brother Udayaņa. On his growing up with indications of all good qualities, as a reward to the household of an hereditary minister and a meritorious family, the Hoysala king Vişņu treating him like a son, himself had his upanayanam performed with great festivities. And when he was seven or eight years of age, and was proficient in all the sciences of arms, obtaining for him a virgin-jewel, the daughter of his own chief minister (unnamed in the epigraph), king Vişnu himself lifted up a golden kalaśa and pouring water on his head, gave away the virgin, thus providing him with a marriage of unimagined happiness.
And at the age of ten or eleven, Vişnu having become as sharp as kuśa grass in intelligence, and perfect in the four tests of character--viz., loyalty, disinterestedness, continence, and courage, the king noting this and praising him with his own hand invested him with the title of MahapracandaDandanayaka, with double confidence, and giving him all authority, he (the young Vişnu) became the Sarvädhikāri and Sakala-janopakāri.
The young Vişnu, also known as Immaļi Dandanāyaka Bițțimayya, proved his mettle in a brilliant campaign in the

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139 south directed against the Kongudeśa which evidently had failed to pay the annual tribute. The same epigraph gives us further interesting details in regard to the expedition, and the reason which made the king entrust this lad with the great duty of completely subduing the Kongudeśa. "Among the titled Mārāyas (i.e., Mahārāyas or lords) who is there in the world like you ? Bring quickly the tribute from Kongu !" On the king thus ordering, the boy-general in half a pakșa put to flight Cengiri, burnt his city, plundered his territory, took an astonishing amount of tribute and brought it with a troop of lusty elephants.
But the conquest of Cengiri, which must have reverted to its independent state after the expedition led against it by General Ganga Rāja mentioned in a previous page, was only the prelude to the conquest of the Kongudeśa. The more experienced generals were doubtful about the boy-commander's ability. They said half in jest and half in admiration, “This boy will take Kongu—will he not ? He will bring in the troop of elephants with his golden smile—will he not ?” Their anxiety and fear was but natural. A confederacy of the Cola, Cera, Pandya and Pallava kings had been formed, and the Hoysala king had sent his boy-commander against them! But young Vişņu was equal to the great task. In half a month he completed an expedition of victory directed against the south. The hostile kings who had assembled on the seashore were routed, their troop of elephants brought to his ruler, Kongu subdued, and Rāyarājapura burnt. And in the region of the south, adorned by the Sahya mountains, General Bittimayya erected pillars of victory to commemorate the victories he had won for his royal master.
This "right hand man” to king Vişnuvardhana was, however, a devout Jaina. When his youth had matured, having gained experience of all public affairs, and having made many

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM gifts in the great holy places, he erected a Jinālaya in the capital Dorasamudra itself, and like other loyal and dutiful citizens, christened it after his royal master-Vişnuvardhana Jinālaya. General Immaļi Bittimayya's guru was the learned Sripāla Traividyadeva, a great logician and a Vādībhasimha. The engraver of this record asks the question-" The commentaries he (Srīpāla) had made in prose, verse, and precept, embodying the rules of the six systems of logic, for the refutation of opponents, who can describe?” General Bittimayya gave the village of Bījavoļal (location given) which he had received as a gift from king Vişnu, and other lands which he had bought from citizens (named), to his guru for the worship of the god in the basadi and for its repairs and for food of the işis.1
We now come to the reign of the next Hoysala monarch Narasimha I (A.D. 1141—A.D. 1173). His age like that of his illustrious father became famous because of the activities of four Jaina generals and two ministers, one of whom, so far as the history of Jainism is concerned, ranked with Ganga Rāja and Cāmunda Rāya. These were Commanders Deva Rāya, Huļļa, śāntiyaņņa, and iśvara, while the ministers were Sivarāja and Someya.
The great minister-general Deva Rāja belonged to the Kausika gotra. His guru was Municandra Bhațţāraka who is described as one adorned with the jewels of the thirty-six qualities and devoted to the five kinds of observances. Deva Raja was “a jewelled vase shining on the pinnacle of the Hoysala kingdom.” And king Narasimha pleased with his
1. E. C. V, Bl. 17, pp. 48-51. It cannot be made out whether Immadi Bittimayya is identical with Bittimayya mentioned in the reign of king Narasimha. See E. C. IV, Intr. p. 21, where reference is given to Kp. 32 which is wrong.

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141 mcritorious wisdom and his faithfulness, bestowed on him Sūranahalli, where that devout Jaina general crected a Jaina caityālaya for which the monarch granted money payments. This temple was made over to Deva Rāja's guru Municandradeva, and the village of Sūranahaļļi rechristened by the king Parvapura.
A more celebrated Jaina devotee and general was Hulļa. Details about the family to which this remarkable commander belonged are met with in stone records but with this peculiarity : whereas the lithic records found at Śravaņa Belgoļa uniformly give the names of his parents in one manner, other epigraphs, like that found in the Nāgamangala tāluka, have different names to give concerning them. All records, however, tell us that the family to which Huļļa belonged was called the Vāji kula. In the śravaņa Belgoļa records ranging from A.D. 1159 till A.D. 1163, his father's name is given as "the blameless ” Yakşarāja or Jakkarāja and his mother's, “the well-behaved ” Lokāmbike. Huļļa's wife was called Padmāvati, and his younger brothers Lakşmaņa and Amara.? But the Madeśvara temple stone inscription found in Nāgamangala and dated A.D. 1164, while confirming the name of the family to which Huļļa belonged, says that Kaņțimayya, Hariyaņņa, and Huļļa, and their younger sister Duggale were the children of Madhusudana and Muddiyakke. It cannot be made out whether these latter names were the popular names of the parents of Huļļa.
Leaving aside this divergence in epigraphic evidence concerning the parents of Hulla, we find that both as a great minister-general and a patron of Jainism he attained wide
1. E. C. IV, Ng. 76, p. 132. 2. Ibid. II, 64, 345, 349, pp. 147-9, 153. 3. Ibid., IV Ng. 30, p. 119.

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celebrity in the land. He was not merely a pious Jaina; epigraphs praise him as a practical statesman. He held the posts of Great Minister, Senior Treasurer, Sarvadhikārī, and General. He was the honourable minister who managed the affairs of his royal master. He was cleverer than Yogandharāyaṇa in the management of affairs, and superior even to Bṛhaspati in the knowledge of politics. It is not surprising that such an eminent statesman should have served under three successive monarchs-Vişņuvardhana, Narasimha, and Ballāļa II.5
Minister-general Hulla's lasting contribution for the cause of Jina dharma was the construction of the famous Caturvimśati Jinālaya at Sravana Belgola. Since the record dated A.D. 1159 mentions some details concerning this temple, it must have been completed by that year. Together with its enclosures, dancing halls, two fine strongly built large Jaina dwellings at the side, and mansions with doorways resplendent with various elegant ornaments of foliage and figures, this matchless temple of Caturvimśati Tīrthankaras," when completed (obviously in the year A.D. 1159) presented the appearance of a charming ornament of Gommatapura.
Such a piece of devotional and architectural beauty could not go unnoticed by the Hoysala monarch Narasimha II. When that ruler was going on an expedition for the conquest of regions, he saw, "with great regard the Jinas, Gummata,
1. He is not to be confounded with Hullarasa, a Cāļukya headjewel, the son of Nāgarasa who was the son of Muddarasa, mentioned in a record dated A. D. 1079. E. C. V, Cn. 145, p. 188.
2. Ibid. II, 64, p. 18.
3. Ibid. II, 345, p. 147.
4. Ibid., II, 349, p. 153. 5. Ibid., Intr., 58; 101, 147.

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143 and Pārsvanātha and this temple of Caturvimśati Tīrthankaras," did obeisance to the Jina images, and gladly granted as a permanent endowment the village of Savaneru for the worship and offerings in the temple. Indeed, the king was so charmed with this Jinālaya that, as we noticed in an earlier connection, he lovingly gave it the second name of Bhavyacūļāmaņi after Huļļa's own title Samyaktva-cūļāmaņī. And General Hulļa made the Mahāmandalācārya Nayakirti Siddhānta Cakravarti the Ācārya of the Caturvimšati basadi, and directed that from the money which the Ācārya obtained from the village of Savaneru, the latter was to meet the cost of repairs of the basadis of the Sravana Belgoļa sthāna, the worship and enjoyments of the gods, and the gifts of food to the assembly of ascetics. In about A.D. 1175 the same village of Savaneru and two others called Bekka and Kaggere were received by General Hulļa from king Ballāļa II, and made over to the same Jinālaya and for the worship of Gommateśvara and Pārsvadeva.?
Before we pass on to the history of other basadis which were carefully looked after by General Huļļa we may mention a word about his gurus. The Mangãyibasti record dated A.D. 1159 tells us that Hulla rejoiced in bowing at the feet of Maladhārisvāmis ; while one of the inscriptions on the Doddabețţa dated about A.D. 1175 explicitly states that he was the lay disciple of Nayakīrti Siddhāntadeva. The former
1. E. C. II, 345, 349, pp. 148-9, 153. In the later record dated about A.D. 1175, it is said that while returning from the conquest of the regions, king Narasimha visited the Caturvimsati basadi. E. C. ibid, 240, p. 103. This point will not be discussed here. 2. E. C. II, 240, p. 103 ; see also ibid. V, Cn. 146, pp. 188-189. 3. Ibid., II, 349, p. 153. 4. Ibid., 240, p. 103.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM was also known as Kukkuţāsana Maladhārideva, and was merely his vrata guru.
Śravana Belgoļa was not the only centre that tasted the generosity of General Hulļa. Three prominent strongholds of Jainism owed their prosperous condition to the liberality and devotion of that general. These were Kellangere, Bankāpura, and Kopana. Inscriptions dated A.D. 1159 and 1163 tell us in what manner he strengthened the cause of the Jina dharma in these three well known places. In the mahātīrtha of Kopaņa, " after paying much gold,” he purchased from the residents of that tīrtha (specified vịtti of land) which he lovingly granted “amidst the plaudits of the whole world ” for the assembly of the twenty-four Jina sages in that centre.
The same record tells us what he did at Bankāpura. Here he renovated beautifully Uppațţāyta's great Jina temple which had gone to complete ruin. Moreover in that same place he rebuilt “as high as Kailāsa " the Jina temple which had completely been ruined and which had been built by a former chieftain named Kalivița.2
At Kellangere General Huļļa's munificence likewise showed itself. Kellangere was an original holy place (ādi-tīrtha). It had been founded by the Gangas and praised by the whole world. But after a lapse of time only the name remained ! 3
1. E. C. II 345, p. 148.
2. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified Kalivița with the Mahāsāmanta Kalivitta of the Callaketana family, the governor of Banavase under the Rāstrakūta king Krsna III, mentioned in a record of A.D. 945. E. C. II, p. 148, n. (2). Cf. Fleet, Dyn., Kan. Dts., p. 420, (2nd Ed.).
3. The reason seems to be that like many a Jaina centre, it passed into the hands of the Brahmans. For in A.D. 1174 it is called the immemorial agrahāra Kellangere alias Hariharapura. E. C. V, Ak. 112, p. 161.

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145 Here General Hulļa caused to be erected a splendid Jina temple," from the base to the pinnacle so as to stand to the end of time.” Here too he built five great basadis “desirous of the five mahā-kalyānas " (i.e., birth, anointment, renunciation, enlightenment, and liberation). All these details are mentioned in a record dated about A.D. 1159.1 Another .inscription dated A.D. 1163 has further information to give concerning General Hulļa's work at the same centre. In this year he caused to be made, as an act of reverence, an epitaph to his guru the Mahāmaņdalācarya Devakīrtideva, who had built the Pratāpapura basadi at Kellangere. This basadi was attached to the Rūpanārāyaṇa basadi of Kollāpura, and to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. General Hulļa had this basadi of Pratāpapura renovated ; and built an almshouse at Jinanāthapura, a village about a mile to the north of Śravana Belgoļa.2
How did General Hulla pass his daily life? “Delighting in restoration of Jina temples, in assemblies for Jina worship, in gifts to groups of ascetics, in devotion to the praise of Jina's feet, in hearing holy purāņas of Jina, the General Huļļa praised by the blessed, passes his time every day."'3 And his place in the history of Jainism is thus described : The firm promoters of the Jina doctrine were only three at the beginning Cāmunda Rāya, and after him only Gangana, "and after him again only Huļļa, the excellent minister of king Nộsimha." If any other had (such claim), the engraver of this record dated about A.D. 1159 has the courage to ask, why not name him ? Indeed, Huļļa was a modern Ganga
1. E. C. II, Intr., p. 70, n. (1) ; 345, pp. 148-149. 2. Ibid., 64, pp. 18-19, and p. 19, n. (2) 3. Ibid., 345, op. cit.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Dançanāyaka ;1 and "a moon in causing to swell the ocean of gifts to all the Jina temples in the Ganga country.”
The third Jaina general under king Narasimha was Santiyanna. He was the son of Pārişanna and Bammaladevi. This lady was the daughter of Mariyāne Dandanāyaka II. She is said in the lithic record dated A.D. 1159 to have been like Attimabbe in devotion. Her husband is called a Great Minister and Treasurer of the pattisa (a kind of spear). It is said of him that in the war with Ahumalla he destroyed the hostile forces which came close but died in the battle for his royal master king Narasimha. On this occasion Karigunda in Nirgundanād was granted (evidently to śāntiyanna) together with the lordship (of the same). This was obviously as war-relief to the son of the loyal general Pārsvadeva who had died in State service. Sāntiyaņņa was the lay disciple of Mallaşena Pandita, who was the disciple of Vasupujya Siddhāntadeva. On being raised to the rank of a Daņdanāyaka, and on receiving the lordship of Karigunda, Sāntiyaņņa constructed a basadi there and granted specific lands for the same. On this occasion Malla Gauda and all the subjects were present, and they too granted the dues on the ferry in that village and the kaļavatta (or share of grain at the threshing floor) for the temple repairs, god's worship, and gifts of food for the sages in that basadi. These gifts were made over by the citizens to Mallaşeņa Pandita.3
Another Jaina general of the reign of king Narasimha was īśvara Camūpati. He was the son of the Great Minister. Sarvadhikāri, and Senāpati-dandanāyaka Ereyangamayya. īśvara Camūpati repaired the basadi on the Mandāra hill,
1. E. C. II, 64, p. 18 op. cit. 2. Ibid., 349, p. 153. 3. Ibid., V, Ak., 141, pp. 174-176.

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147 Tumkur tāluka. We shall describe the pious deeds of his wife in the next chapter. These details are related in the stone record found in the same basadi and dated about A.D. 1160.1
The two great Jaina ministers of king Narasimha in A.D. 1165 were Hērggade Śivarāja and Hērggade Someya, who granted in that year certain specified taxes to the Hoysala Jirdālaya of Māņikavoļal in order to provide for gifts of food to ascetics (in that temple).2
As we remarked while dealing with the question of royal patronage, the reign of the next Hoysala monarch Ballāļa II opened another glorious chapter in the history of the land. Once again the military prestige of the Hoysalas rested to a very large extent on the prowess of the Jaina generals and ministers. Chief among them was the General Vasudhaikabandhava (Sole Friend of the World) Rēcimayya, the son of Nārāyana and Nāgāmbikā. He had seen State service first as a minister under the Kalacuriyas. It was le who had obtained the seven-fold wealth of empire for the Kaļacuriya king Bijjaladeva (A. D. 1156-A. D. 1167), and “caused the same seven-fold wealth to be visibly enjoyed by the line of kings who succeeded that emperor ". Rēcimayya, who was a Great Minister, Master over 72 officials, and Mahāpracanda-dundanāyaka, delighted in council, policy, bravery, fortune and good character. On his arm “the vine the kingdom of the Kaļacuriya kings might spread." He was so liberal that he "shone as the only kalpadruma in the world." Indeed, what Ganga Rāja had done for the whole of the Jaina world, Rēca did for the province under him : he set up a standard of liberality
1. E. C. XII. Tm. 38, p. 10. 2. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32.

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which was all his own.
It was from the Kaļacuriya kings that Rēcarasa had received the beautiful province of Nāgarakhanda which he “ruled with exceeding glory.” The stone inscription found in the old Jina basti (modem Cenna Basavanna temple) at Chikkamāgadi, Shikārpur tāluka, and assigned to A.D. 1182, dealing with this minister-general, does not enlighten us as to how he came to exchange his royal masters and serve under the Hoysala king Ballāļa II. We are to suppose that when Rēcarasa found that the Kaļacuriya Empire was, like the Western Cālukya dominion, crumbling before the attacks of the invincible Ballāļa 11,2 he thought it wise to enter the service of the Hoysala monarch.
For the cause of the Jina dharma, General Rēcarasa's efforts were unending. The above Chikkamāgaļi stone inscription informs us that he once came to Māguļi for the purpose of worshipping Jineśvara, together with the king Boppa Deva and Sankara Sāmanta. Having done obeisance to the Jina, Rēca Daņdādhīša inspected the Jina temple built by śankara Sämanta, and being greatly pleased, praised it, and granted the village of Taļave to it for three generations. Further down in the same record it is said that the god in that basadi was called Ratnatraya, and that the priest who received the grant was Bhānukīrti Siddhāntadeva of the Krāņūr gaạo. and the Tintriņāka gaccha and Nunna varsa.
But of all his endowments the most permanent was the construction of the Sahasrakūta Jinalaya in the rājadhāni of Arasiyakere. A stone inscription found in this basadi
1. E. C. VII, Sk. 197, p. 125. See also ibid., II, Intr., p. 62.
2. Read Rice, My & Coorg., pp. 102-103 for an account of king Ballāļa's victories.

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149 informs us that Rēcarasa, the eminent councillor of the Kaļacuriya kula, hearing of the steadfastness of the Jaina citizens of Arasiyakere, and their ability to maintain dharma, "taking refuge at the lotus feet of that Ballāļa” (i. e., king Ballāļa II), set up in that city the image of Sahasrakūta Jina, and for the eight kinds of ceremonies of that god, for the livelihood of the priests and servants and repairs of the basadi, obtaining the village of Handarahāļu from king Ballāļa, granted it to his own guru Sāgaranandi Siddhāntadeva of the Desiya gana and the Inguleśvara baļi. We shall see that the city which General Rēcarasa thus adorned with a basadi was a well known Jaina centre.
He also set up in about the same year A. D. 1200 the god śāntinātha at Śravana Belgoļa, and made over the basadi to the same guru mentioned above. From this epigraph we learn that Sāgaranandi Siddhāntadeva, the disciple of śubhacandra Siddhāntadeva was connected with the Sāvanta basadi of Kollāpura which belonged to the same sangha, gaña, and lineage.”
We have had an occasion of mentioning the two brothers Bharata and Bāhubali who had taken service under the king Ballāļa.
Būci Rāja was another well known Jaina general of the same ruler Ballāļa II. He was the Great Minister for Peace and War, skilled in both Kannada and Sanskrit, and he could compose poetry in both the languages. On the coronation of the king in A. D. 1173, Būci Rāja erected the Trikūta Jīnālaya in Māļikali in Sigenād, and granted that village itself for the worship, offerings, and gifts of that temple. His guru is mentioned as Vasupūjya Siddhāntadeva, the
1. E. C. V, Ak. 77, pp. 140-141. 2. Ibid., II, 380, p. 164.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM disciple of Śrīpāla Traividya of the Arunguļānvaya and the Dramila sangha.1
An equally conspicuous example of a liberal State servant was minister Candramauļi, the son of Sambhudeva and Akkavve. He was praised by learned men versed in music (Bhārata śāstra), Āgamas, logic, grammar, Upanişads, Purāņas, dramas, and poetry. Indeed, he was “ praised by all the learned men without exception ". He was of “established merit,” an ornament of ministers, a councillor, and " the rod in the celebrated king Ballāļa's right hand.” Himself a staunch Saivite, Candramauļi was nevertheless benevolent towards the Jina dharma. When his wife, whose work we shall describe presently, erected a Jinālaya in Śravaņa Belgoļa, it was he who begged his royal master to grant him the village of Bammeyanahalļi to provide for its worship. Of course the great councillor's request was, as we shall see, granted in A. D. 1182.2
The reign of king Ballāļa II could also boast of other well known Jaina ministers. Nāgadeva was one of them. He was the son of the minister Bammadeva who himself belonged to a famous family of State officials. Nāgadeva was the Patjanasvāmi of king Ballāļa, and was “a protector of Jina temples". His guru was Nayakirti Siddhāntadeva who will be mentioned again in the following pages of this treatise. Nāgadeva caused to be made in A. d. 1195 a dancing hall and a stone pavement in front of the god Pārsva at Śravaņa Belgola. As an act of reverence in memory of the departed Nayakirti Siddhānta, he caused an epitaph to be made in the same year. Nagadeva's lasting work for the cause of the Jina dharma was the construction of
1. E. C., V, Hn., 119, p. 35. 2. Ibid., Cn., 150, pp. 192-193.

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the Nagara Jinalaya at the same great centre, for which he left munificent gifts. This monument seems to have been originally called Śrīnilaya and it was placed in the charge of certain men who will figure later on.1
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The Great Minister Mahadeva Daṇḍanatha came also of an illustrious family of State officials. His wife was Lōkaladevi, an equal to Attimabbe in devotion to the Jina dharma. And his guru was Sakalacandra Bhaṭṭāraka, the disciple of Kulabhūṣaṇa Traividya Vidyadhara, of the Krāṇur gana and the Tintriņika gaccha. Mahadeva Dandanatha erected in A. D. 1198 a splendid Jina temple" in Uddhare called Eraga Jinalaya for the worship and repairs of which he gave, in the presence of the Mahamaṇḍaleśvara Ekkalarasa and others, specified lands. And the Pattanasvāmi Setți and others (citizens) and oilmongers gave specified customs dues. The Mahamanḍaleśvara Ekkalarasa and his retinue added to this benevolent deed by granting the ancient dues on sheep and cattle in and around Uddhare.2
In about A. D. 1200 mention is made of the Great Minister, Sarvadhikari, Superintendent of Ceremonies, Kammata Macayya, who together with his father-in-law Ballayya granted the tax on oil mills for the Paravadimalla Jinālaya in Kumbeyanahalli. 3
Towards the end of the reign of king Ballāļa II there appears General Amṛta. He came of a Sūdra stock, the names of his parents being Hariyama Setți and Suggavve. Amṛta or Amitayya had three younger brothers named Kallayya, Masaṇayya, and Basavayya. Amṛta was a Great minister, Sarvadhikari, Mahāpāyasam (master of the
1. E. C., II, 335, p. 143.
2. Ibid., VIII, Sb. 140, p. 20.
3. Ibid., V, Cn. 151, p. 193.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM robes ?), and Birudanamottadişțāyakam (master of the company of the titled). His birth place was Lokkundi which was, as we know from other records, one of the capitals of king Ballāļa II. Nayakīrti Panditadeva, the disciple of Jinacandra, was the spiritual guru of Amsta Dandanāyaka. Together with his three brothers, Amstayya set up in A. D. 1203 the Yekkoți Jinālaya in Okkalugere ; and in the presence of certain Nāyakas (named) and all the citizens and farmers, made a grant of land for the eight kinds of ceremonies of the god śāntinātha and for gifts of food for ascetics.
But General Amộta was liberal towards the non-Jainas as well. It was he who set up a temple and built an agrahāra in his birth-place Lokkuņdi in A. D. 1203, and established the god Amsteśvara in Amstapura, Tarikere tāluka, as is related in a record dated A. D. 1206.2
The benevolent work of the Minister for Peace and War Ēcaņa also falls within the reign of king Ballāļa II. Ecaņa in about A. D. 1205 caused a Jinälaya to be constructed. It had not its like anywhere in Beļagavattināà, and this made that centre equal to Kopaņa.
An unidentifiable patron of Jainism may be mentioned here. In an inscription found on the pedestal of the Caturvimšati Tīrthankara basadi at Kopana, it is said that the image was caused to be made by Bopaña, whose descent is stated, and who was the disciple of Māghanandi Siddhāntadeva ; and that it was presented by him to the basadi of the Mūla sangha and Deśiya gana at Kopaņa erected by Mādhava Dançanāyaka at the conclusion of some obser
1. E. C. VI, Kd., 36, p. 8. 2. Ibid., Kd. 36, op. cit. ; Tk. 42, pp. 109-110. 3. Ibid., VIII, Sk. 317, p. 154.

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153 vances. The identity of this general is uncertain ; but if the supposition of the late Mr. Narasimhacarya that the Māghanandi mentioned here was perhaps the sage of that name mentioned in a Sravana Belgoļa record dated A. D. 1283, is accepted, then, we may place Madhava Dandanāyaka in the reign of king Narasimha III (A.D. 1254-A.D. 1291).1
In the reign of the last great Hoysala ruler Vīra Ballāļa III, we have a prominent Jaina general named Kēteya Daņpanāyaka. He is mentioned as a Great Minister, General, and Sarvādhikāri in A. D. 1332 under that Hoysala ruler. He made in that year a grant of the excise revenue of Kondatur and another village the name of which is effaced in the inscription, for the basadi of Kolugāņa in Edenād.2
1. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 83; E. C. V, Hn. 61, pp. 17-18; Rice, My & Coorg., p. 97. Whether this Mādhava Dandanāyaka was the same as his namesake, who was the brother of Rāja Jai Bhattayya Nāyaka mentioned in a record of A.D. 1218 (Hn. 61 op. cit.) is uncertain.
2. E. C. IV, Ch. 182, p. 22.

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CHAPTER V.
WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH
Women in Karnātaka history-Ladies of the Nirgunda family as champions of Jina dharmaA woman administrator-Attimabbe--Other examples of austere Jaina ladies --Their devotion and charity exemplified-Kadamba queensNāgarakhanda ladies--Wives of generals-Hoysala Queen Sāntaladevi-Wives of feudatories, officials, and citizens.
TVTOMEN have never been a negligible factor in the
W history of mediæval Karnāļaka. The vitality which characterized Karnātaka's glorious epoch that culminated in the establishment of the Vijayanagara Empire, was to an appreciable extent due to the integrity, patriotism, and intelligence of Karnāțaka women to whom love for the land and their dharma was of primary importance. Their devotion, service, and determination made them take an active part in some of the most important affairs of the day. But we are concerned here only with their great work for the cause of the anekāntamata. While studying this aspect of the question it is interesting to note that the women who figured most conspicuously as champions of the Jina dharma, were drawn from all sections of the people, notably from the royalty, the nobility, and the houses of the great ministers and generals.
So early as A. D. 776 we have an instance of a noble

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lady of the Nirgunda family championing the cause of the Jina dharma. She was Kandacchi, the wife of Parama Gūla, who was the son of Dundu, the Nirgunda Yuvaraja about whose instruction in politics at the hand of Vimalacandra Acarya we have already mentioned above. This lady was the daughter of Maruvarma, who belonged to the Sagarakula, and his wife (unnamed) who was the daughter of Pallavādhirāja. Kandacchi ever promoting works of merit," caused to be constructed a Jina temple named Lokatilaka adorning the northern side of Sripura. For the repairs, worship, and other works of merit connected with it, the village of Poonalli along with other lands, in the Nirgunda country, was granted by the Ganga monarch Śrīpuruşa, on the application of Kandacchi's husband Parama Gula, Pṛthvi Nirgunda Rāja. We may observe here that to this royal grant made in A.D. 776 the witnesses were the eighteen officials.1
"
In the first quarter of the tenth century A. D. figures a remarkable Jaina woman administrator and champion of Jainism. This was during the reign of the Rāṣṭrakūta monarch Kṛṣṇa III in A. D. 911, when the Mahāsāmanta Kaliviṭṭarasa of the Kāļki-devaysar-anvaya was the official placed over the Banavase 12,000 province. In that year Sattarasa Nagarjuna, the Nal-gāvunda of the Nagarakhanda 70, died. The Government appointed Sattarasa Nagarjuna's wife Jakkiyabbe in her husband's place as the Nal-gāvuṇḍa of the Nagarakhanda 70. This lady who was 'skilled in ability for good government, faithful to the Jinendra śāsana, (and) rejoicing in her beauty", protected the Nāgarakhaṇḍa 70. And "though a woman, in the pride of her own heroic bravery", committed an act which won for her still greater
1. E. C. IV. Ng. 85, pp. 135-36.
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renown in the eyes of the Jaina world. When she was thus ruling her principality, "bodily disease having made inroads," she decided that worldly enjoyments were insipid ; and sending for her daughter, made over to her posterity, and freeing herself from the entanglements of the chain of desires, while in the holy place of Bandaņike, in full faith performed the vow of sallekhanā and died in the basadi of that city. It cannot be made out whether she is the same Jakkiyabbe who in a record discovered in the Rameśvara temple at Chikka Hanasoge, Yedatore tāluka, is said to have been the wife of the great warrior Nāgakumāra, and to have gladly gone to the other world, having realized the loathsome nature of this body. In this record she is praised as a devoted Srāvaki who excelled even Rohiņi by her good qualities. If the identification of the Jakkiyabbe mentioned in this record with her namesake spoken of in the above inscription dated A.D. 911 is accepted, then, the epigraph found in Chikka Hanasoge should be dated to a period after A. D. 911 and not in A. D. 900, as has been done.2
To the tenth century A. D. belongs the most celebrated name amongst women in Jaina history. It is that of Attimabbe who was the daughter of General Mallappa, and the wife of Nāgadeva and the mother of Paduveļa Taila. General Mallappa was a commander under the Western Cālukya ruler Tailapa (A.D. 973-A.D. 997). Attimabbe was an ideal devotee. She had 1,000 copies of Ponna's Säntipurāņa made at her own expense, and 1,500 images
1. E. C., VII. Sk. 219, pp. 130-131. For the date see the text, p. 298. It cannot be made out why the date A. D. 918 is given by Rice, when the text says-Saka-nypa kālātita Samvatasarangalenfunūramūvattanālkaneya Prajāpatisamvatsara, etc, which corresponds to A.D. 911. Swamikannu, Indian Ephemeris, V, pp. 224.
2. M. A. R. for 1912-3, p. 38.

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of gold and jewels.1 We have seen that some women devotees have been compared to Attimabbe in their piety.
In A.D. 968 during the reign of the Răştrakūta king Kottigadeva, Nityavarsa, Paṇḍiga, born in the line of the Western Cälukya king Vikramaditya, was placed over the Kadambalige 1,000. His wife was Jakkisundari, who caused a basadi to be built in the famous Kākambāļ. For the temple thus erected, Pandiga granted the villages of Madalur and Malagavāḍi to the priest Ramacandra Bhaļāra, the disciple of Aṣṭopavāsa Bhalara alias the Kavali-gaṇa-ācārya.
Towards the end of the same century we have the example of a very austere Jaina lady. She was Pambabbe, the elder sister of Bhutuga (the Ganga king?) and the senior consort of Padiyara Dōrapayya. She was the disciple of Nāṇabbe-kanti who was herself the disciple of Abhinandi Panditadeva of the Desiya gana. Pambabbe having made her head bald (by plucking out the hair), performed penance for thirty years, and observing the five vows expired in A. D. 971. The scribe tells us that when the earth honoured her as Bhūtuga's elder sister, saying "Jīya! What are our commands?", she replied-"All that I have received is truely renounced as if never received! "3
But women also could actively promote the cause of the Jina dharma. Padmavatiyakka was the lay disciple of the priest Abhayacandra. On his death some time in A.D. 1078, she completed at a cost of seventy gadyāna the construction of the basadi which he had left half built, and erected an enclosure to the shrine of the god with a wooden
1. Rice, Karnataka Sabdānusāsanam, Intr., pp. 28-29; Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1883, pp. 301-2.
2. E. C. XI, Cd. 74, p. 16.
3. Ibid., VI, Kd. 1, p. 1.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM pillar. Three respectable citizens and two managers of the temples were the witnesses to this charitable deed.1
Turning to the other parts of Karnāțaka we find the same devotion and patronage of the Jina dharma among the royal ladies. The Kongāļvas, as we have already seen, had set an example for the people to follow. Pocabbarasi was the mother of Rājendra Kongāļva. In about A. D. 1050 she had a basadi constructed, and an image of her guru Gunasena Pandita of the Drāviļa sangha, the Tavuļa-gana, and Irunguļānvaya, and presented lands to the basadi in the prescribed manner in A. D. 1058.2
In about the same year (A.D. 1050—A.D. 1051) there were two examples of Jaina devotion. The lord of Madhuvankanāờ Ayya of Kaviri, performing the vow for twelve days in the Cangāļva basadi died. His sons Baki and Buki set up a memorial stone. Dāya-tigamati had become famous in the country as the “benefactress of others.” She died in the orthodox Jaina manner. Unable to hear this news, Jakkiyabbe, the mantraki of Candiyabbe Gāvuņņi, and the wife of the Śravaka Edaya, obtaining the consent of her relatives, performed the sainyasana and died.3
But constructive work could certainly be done by the royal ladies of Karnāțaka. The Kādamba queen Māļala Devi, the senior consort of the Kādamba ruler Kārti Deva, had in A. D. 1077 the Pārsvadeva-caityālaya in Kuppațūr consecrated at the hands of Padmanandi Siddhāntadeva. This sage belonged to the Múla sangha and the Tintrinīka gaccha. For this Jināyala she obtained from the king
1. M. A. R. for 1926, p. 42. The date of this record is based on the name Bhāsa mentioned in it.
2. E. C. IX, Cg., 35, 37, pp. 173-174. 3. Ibid., Cg., 30, 31, pp. 172-173.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 159 Siddani, “the most beautiful place in Edenād.” What is interesting to observe is not the construction of the Jinālaya but the fact that the Kādamba queen after worshipping all the Brahmans of the immemorial agrahāra of Kuppațūr, had the Jinālaya christened Brahma Jinālaya by them, and had the satisfaction of seeing not only endowments made by them but also by the priests of the Kotīśvara Mūlasthāna and of the eighteen temples in the neighbourhood of Kuppaţūr. The donee Padmanandi Ācārya was the priest of the Bandaņike tirtha and of all the other caityālayas.1
Equally interesting examples of royal devotion are met with in the history of Nāgarakhanda in the Banavase 12,000 province. These substantiate the statement that was made above concerning the ideal which Karnāțaka women had placed before them. We have alrcady seen that the śāntaras were devout Jainas. A great name in this royal house was that of Cattaladevī, the grand-daughter of Rakkasa Ganga, and the queen of the Pallava king Kāduvețţi. She seems to have lost both her husband and her son Goggi, on which she attached herself to Taila, Goggiga, Odduga, and Barma ---the four sons of her younger sister who had been married to the Santara king but who was also dead. She spoke of these children as if they were her own, and to gether with them constructed Jinālayas at Pombucchapura, the capital of the Sāntaras. One of these was the Pañcakūța or Pañca basadi, known also as ūrvitilakam (An Ornament to the World). It is in regard to the construction of this basadi that we have the following statements madeThinking on the text-Dharma is the first concern--and aying 'Let me make a memorial for the departure of Arumulideva, Gāvabbarasi, Virala Devī, and Rājādityadeva'
1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 262, pp. 41-42.

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Cattaladevi undertook the task of making the Pañcabasadi in A.D. 1077. This Santara lady's other meritorious works were the following-the construction of tanks, wells, basadis, temples, watersheds, sacred bathing places, satras, groves, and bestowing gifts of food, medicine, learning and shelter. We may observe here that Caṭṭaladevi's preceptor was Śrīvijaya Bhaṭṭāraka, also known as Pandita Pārijāta, who was proficient in all the Sastras and Agamas, and who was the head of the Nandi gana of the Arunguļānvaya of the Nidambare tirtha of the Tiyan-gudi. He was also the guru of Rakkasa Ganga, the father of Catṭaladevi, and of Bira Deva and Nanni Sāntara.1
66
In a later record dated A. D. 1103 we learn that the same Santara lady, who is called a cow of plenty to the glorious Jina congregation," along with her own sons Bhujabala Sāntara, Nanni Santara, and Vikrama Sāntara, granted specified lands to the same Pañcabasadi. And opposite to that Jinālaya, in Anandūr, she and Tribhuvanamalla Santara, as a memorial for the death of Birabbarasi, laid the foundation stone of another basadi, pronouncing the name of Vādigharaṭṭa Ajitasena Pandita.2
Ladies of the Ganga royal family were also noted for their liberal endowments for the cause of the Jina dharma. For instance, in about A. D. 1112 Ganga Mahadevi, the pattada mahadevi (crowned queen) of Bhujabala Ganga Hemmāḍi Māndhātabhūpa, the king of Gangavāḍi and MeghutțiMandali 1,000, was one of such patrons of the anekantamata. She is styled in this record as a female bee at the lotus feet of Jinendra." Her husband king Hemma had another consort named Bacaladevi who erected in Bannikere
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1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 35, pp. 137-138; Nr. 39, 40, pp. 143-4. 2. Ibid., T1. 192, pp 204-205.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 161 a beautiful Jina temple. She was the disciple of śubhacandradeva of the Desiya gana. For this caityālaya which was an ornament in the Mandaļi 1,000, her husband, Ganga Mahādevī, and the principal officers together with the Nādprabhus, gave as a gift the village of Būdanagere in the same province and certain lands in Bannikere along with specified money payments. King Hemmāļi, we may observe by the way, himself was a Jaina. It was he who had built a Jina temple at Kuntalāpura attached to the Krāņūr gana of the Meşapāşaņa gaccha and the Mūla sangha. His guru was Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva. And one of his sons Satya Ganga in A.D. 1112 had built the Ganga Jinālaya in the Kuruļi tirtha granting lands to it to his guru Mādhavacandradeva. These details are gathered from records dated A. D. 1112, 1113, and 1115. With such relatives who were devout Jinas, it is no wonder that Cațçaladevi's benevolent deeds should have been so successfully carried out.
Another śāntara princess who promoted the cause of the anekāntamata was Pampā devī, the daughter of king Taila and the elder sister of Vikramāditya śāntara. Epigraphs highly praise this lady. “All the world filled with newly raised towers of painted caityalayas, the ears of all the elephants at the points of the compass filled with the sounds of trumpets and drums in Jina festivals, all the sky filled with flags for Jina worship Pampādevi shone everywhere with the glory of the Arhad śāsana. Considering the stories of Jinanātha in the well-known Mahāpurāņa her earrings. the bestowal of the four kinds of gifts to Jina munis her bracelets, devotion and praise of Jinapati her beautiful necklace, could king Taila's daughter care for the weight of ornaments on her person?” In one month she herself caused
1. E. C. VIII, Nr, Sh. 60, 64, 97, pp. 22-25, 35. M. J. 6

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM to be made Šāsanadevate in the same manner as the famous ūrvitilakam had been constructed. Pampädevi's foremost desire was the following—the performance of the aşta-vidhārccane, the mahābhişekam, and caturbhakti. Her daughter was Bacaladevi who was reckoned to be a second Attimabbe. This devout and generous lady "was ever regular in morning worship at sunrise of the feet of Arhan.” Both mother and daughter, so we are informed in the inscription dated A. D. 1147, were the disciples of the illustrious Vädībhasimha Ajitasena Pandita. They and Vikrama Śānlara had the northern paļļaśāle to the Ürvitilakam constructcd. We cannot make out whether Bācaladevi mentioned here was identical with her namesake to be mentioned later 01, who was one of the two consorts of the Ganga king Bhujabala Permmādideva.
The credit of maintaining the unekāntamata was also shared by the wives of the grcat Jaina generals. Foremost among them was the wife of the celebrated Jaina general Ganga Rāja, Lakkale or Lakşmīmati. She was styled Lakşmīmati Daņqanāyakiti. And she was the disciple of Subhacandra, who is described as “a Siddhanandi in philosophy.” Lakkale is described in a record assigned to A. D. 1118 as “the lady of policy in business," and " the lady of victory in battle,” to her husband Ganga Rāja. She caused a new Jinalaya to be built in Sravana Belgola in about the same year. It was to some of the Jina temples erected by her that Ganga Rāja, as we related in an earlier context, granted liberal endowments. Like her husband Lakkale bestowed the gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and
1. E. C. VIII, Nr. 37, pp. 141-142. 2. Ibid., II, 130, pp. 57-58. 3. Ibid., II, 73, op. cit.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITII 163 learning, and acquired thereby the name of being “a mine of auspiciousness."1 Indeed, such was her unparalleled devotion that the scribe who wrote the epigraph dated A. D. 1121 asks the question--"Can other women in the world equal Lakşmīyāmbike, wife of Ganga Rāja, in skill, beauty, and deep devotion to God?” In that same year, however, Lakşmīmati Dandanāyakiti adopting the sainyasana ended her life by samādhi; and her husband as an act of reverence, set up an epitaph (at Śravaņa Belgola) and consecrated it with great gifts and worship.2
Ganga Räja, as we have already seen, had an elder brother whose wife was called Jakkanabbe. This lady too was called Dandanāyakiti, obviously, as the late Mr. Narasimhacarya suggested, after her husband's title.? Jakkaņabbe was also the disciple of Subhacandradeva. She was the mother of General Boppa. After observing the vow known as mokşutilaka, she caused the god to be carved on the boulder Nombare (Nõmbare-nayaņade dēvaru) and had it consecrated at Sravaņa Belgoļa in about A.D. 1120. In that same year a tank was built there by her. In A. D. 1123 she is praised in very high terms. She “was always admired and praised by the whole earth as one who with the greatest reverence caused the worship of Jina to be performed, and as the possessor of pure conduct and many qualities."'5
The same name Jakkiyabbe was also borne by the wife of another remarkable Jaina general Punisamayya. This lady is likewise styled a Dandanāyakiti ; and a record assign
1. E. C. II, 127, p. 56. 2. Ibid., 128, p. 56. 3. Ibid., Intr., p. 54. 4. Ibid., 367, 384, 400, pp. 160, 161, 170. 5. Ibid., 117, p. 48.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM ed to A.D. 1117 informs us that she constructed a stone basadi in Basti Hosakote, Krishnarājapēte tāluka, to the north of which her husband built the Mülasthāna basadi attached to the Vişnuvardhana Poysala Jinalaya. It was to this basadi which he built that, as narrated in another context, he granted specified villages. Another stone inscription found in the same place (Basti Hosakoțe), we may incidentally note, asserts that the only women who could compare with her were Sītā and Rukmiņi.'
The history of a Jina temple in Sembūr (mod. Sambanūr) in the Dāvanagere täluka, brings to light the devotion of another Jaina patroness. She was the Senior Dandanāyakiti Kāļiyakka, the wife of Sūrya Dançanāyaka. This official was a minister-general under the viceroy Pandya in the reign of the Western Cālukyan monarch Tribhuvanamalla Permmādi Deva. The Senior Daņdanāyakiti having made a vow in A. D. 1128 constructed a beautiful Jina temple in Sembūr, and for the company of Pārsvadeva, the service of the god, and livelihood of the priests, gave specified lands as gifts to śāntīšayana Pandita.
In A. D. 1139 we are introduced to three noble ladies whose pious deeds centred round the great stronghold Uddhare. The events to be narrated took place in the reign of the king Mārasinga of the Gangavamsa, who ruled over the Kuntala vişaya in which was situated Uddhare. Under him was his son Ekkala, while the suzerain lord was the Western Cālukyan monarch Jagadekamalla (II, Permma) (A.D. 1138—A.D. 1150). The younger sister of king Mārasinga was Suggiyabbarasi, whose guru was Māghanandi. She gave gifts of food to Jaina sages and decorated the Pañca basadi in Uddhare,
1. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32. 2. E. C. XI, Dg. 90, pp. 68-69.

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granting lands in Savanabili for the same. After some time that estate was added to by Kanakiyabbarasi. Of this lady it is said that wherever there was no Jina temple, there she provided a Jina mandira; and wherever the Jina munis had no place which produced an income, she gave them grants. Mention made in the same epigraph of Santiyakka, whose father was Kōti Sețți and mother Boppavve. Her uncle was Boppa Daṇḍanāyaka, and her husband was also called Kōți Seţţi. This person who made the basadi in Uddhare, is styled the "supporter of the Jina dharma." King Ekkala mentioned above, we may note in passing, was the disciple of Bhanukirti Siddhantadeva of the Tintriņika gaccha and the Krāṇur gana. He is said to have constructed the Kanaka Jinalaya in Uddhare, and given it over to the charge of his guru along with specific lands.1
To this period belongs the saintly figure of Santaladevi, the queen of the Hoysala king Viṣṇuvardhanadeva. Lithic records found at Sravana Belgola and elsewhere eulogize the beauty, skill, piety, and devotion of this remarkable queen. She was the eldest daughter of the Senior Perggade Mārasingayya, a staunch Saivite, and the virtuous Macikabbe, an ardent Jaina! Her younger brother was Dudda Mahādeva, while her uncle was the Perggade Singimayya.2 An expert in singing, instrumental music, and dancing, she was also renowned for her beauty. An inscription dated A. D. 1123 praises her beauty in two exquisite verses. Her guru was Prabhācandra Siddhantadeva, the disciple of Meghacandra Traividyadeva, of the Pustaka gaccha and the Desiya gana.4
1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 232, pp. 35-36.
2. Ibid., II, 132, pp. 60, 73.
3. Ibid., 131, p. 58, text, p. 57.
4. Ibid., 132, p. 60. He died in A.D. 1145. Ibid., 140, p. 67.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Queen śāntaladevi's work to promote the cause of the Jina dharma was lasting. She was the cause of the elevation of the four samayas (or creeds), and she delighted in gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning, and in the narration of stories relating to Jainism. It was she who had the image of Sānti Jinendra at Sravana Belgoļa made in A.D. 1123. In the same year she caused to be erected the Savatigandhavāraṇa basadi in the same holy place; and with the permission of king Vişnuvardhana, granted the village of Mottēnavile (situation specified) to her guru for the worship of the god and food for ascetics in the same basadi. To this gift was added in the same year specified lands below the Gangasamudra.? To the same basadi she (called in this record Cantaladevi) gave the village of Kāva. nahaļļi (location specified), along with her younger brother Dudda Mahādeva, in order to meet the expenses of the god in the Vīra Kongāļva Jinālaya (the situation of which is indistinct in the record).2 All this work earned for her deserved praise. She was the "crest jewel of perfect faith,” and "a rampart to the Jina faith."3
True to the instruction of the Jina dharma, she died by the orthodox manner of sallekhana in A. D. 1131 at the holy place of Sivaganga (thirty miles to the north-west of Bangalore). The inscription dated in that year continues to narrate that on her death, her parents too died. Of the death of her mother, we have some details. “The queen has attained to the state of the gods; I cannot remain (behind)”, thus saying her mother Mācikabbe, coming to
1. E. C. II, 131, 132, pp. 60, 75. 2. M. A. R. for 1927, p. 104.
3. E. C. II, pp. 60, 75. Read also M. A. R. for 1917, p. 10, for the work she did in Säntigrāma, according to tradition.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 167 Belgola, adopted severe samnyasana, and renouncing the world died. The half closed eyes, the repetition of the five expressions, the method of meditating on Jinendra, the dignity of taking leave of relations, indicating sainyasana, Mācikabbe fasting cheerfully for one month, easily attained the state of the gods by samādhi in the presence of all the blessed, among whom were Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva, Vardhamānadeva, and Ravicandradeva. If the queen śāntaladevi was an austere follower of the Jina dharma, her mother was a still more puritan devotec ; and it is not surprising that the engraver Bökimayya should inform us that " the whole world is extolling her (Mācikabbe) and that it is impossible for the panegyrist to describe her."'!
The noble example set by the queen Sāntaladevi and her mother Mācikabbe could not but have had a profound effect on the women of the times. Royal ladies showed how firm was the hold which the Jina dharma had on the Hoysala House. King Vişnuvardhanadeva's daughter was Hariyabbarasi, who is called "the eldest younger sister of Kumāra Ballāļa Deva,” (i. e., king Narasimha I). She was a devout Jaina, and the wife of the lord (vibhu) Singha, and the lay disciple of Gandavimukta Siddhāntadeva. In Hantiyūr in Kodangināļ she caused to be erected in A. D. 1129 a lofty caityalaya with gõpuras surmounted by rounded pinnacles which were set with all manner of jewels. And to provide for the repairs, etc., of this temple, she obtained land freed by the Hoysala king her father, from Cinna of Gutti and the fisherman Bamma at a special price, granting it to her guru named above.
Other examples of unvarnished devotion among royal
1. E. C. II, 143, pp. 73-74. 2. Ibid., VI, Mg., 22, pp. 62-63.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM ladies may also be given here. Jakkavve or Jakkale was the wife of Cāvimayya, the Great Minister and Senior Betelbearer of king Narasimhadeva. Hearing that Heragu was praised by all as a good place, she had a basadi built there dedicated to Cenna Pārsvanātha to which she granted land, after having made an application for the same to the Hoysala king Narasimha, in the presence of all the chiefs of that locality. Her guru was the learned Nayakirti Siddhanta deva, who was "skilled in all grammar, in logic, in poetry, in composing verse with purpose, in philosophy. in religious lore, in worldly wisdom, in all arts, (and) in agreeable speech. "1
Māciyakke, the wife of the Commander īśvara, who has already figured in the above pages, was another lady who set a good example. She was the daughter of Sähani Bițiiga, and the disciple of Gandavimuktadeva. She was considered to be the protector of the creeds of the four castes. In the holy place of Māyadavolal she had a Jina mandira made for which she presented a tank called Padmāvatīkere along with specified land in about A. D. 1160.2
To the same reign of king Narasimha is to be assigned the work of Siriyādevī, one of the wives of the feudatory Sāmanta Göva about whom too we have narrated a few details in the preceding pages. From the pedestal of the Vişņu image in the Ranganātha temple at Huļiyūr, Chikamagaļūr tāluka, we leam that she caused a Jina image to be constructed in the basadi at Huļiyūr obviously at the instance of her guru Candrāyaṇadeva.3
11002
1. E. C. V, Hn. 57, p. 16. 2. Ibid., XII, Tm. 38, p. 10.
3. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 45. this Hindu temple.
There is no Jaina image now in

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 169 Lest it may be supposed that the example thus set by the noble ladies had hardly any effect on the mass of the people, we may proceed to give a few instances of Jina devotees among the citizens of the Hoysala Empire. A rare type of a strict adherent of the Jina dharma was Haryyale who, as is related in a record assigned to A.D. 1174, called her son Bhūvaya Nāyaka, and said—“Even in your dream think not of me but think of dharma. Always perform dharma, for by doing so you will reap the rewards (named)—thus, Bhūvaya Nāyaka, do I beseech you. That both you and I may obtain boundless merit, make a Jina temple, Bhūvi Deva. Always honour the friends of my god, and take special care of your junior uncle.” After this, anointing Jinapati, she received the sandal water with the resolve to wash away her sins. Then, in the presence of the feet of Jinendra, repeating with a loud voice the five words, without forgetting them, Haryyale, by means of the tomb died.1: And like her in the same year died Hariharadevi, the disciple of Candrāyaṇadeva.?
In the succeeding generations, too, it was the ladies of the higher rank that set the example. The Senior Hērggaditi Acaladevi was the wife of the Saivite General Candramauļi. She had become pre-eminent for the four traditional gifts she gave. The learned Nayakīrti was her guru. She had a fine Jinālaya dedicated to Pārsvanātha constructed in Sravaņa Belgola ; and it was to this temple, as we saw in an earlier context, that on the application of Candramauļi the king Ballāļa gave the village of Bammeyanahaļļi. And the merchants (nänādesis) together with the representatives of the nādu and the nagara (the city corporation) likewise
1. E. C. XII, Tp. 93, p. 60. 2. Ibid., Tp. 94, p. 61.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM granted specified money dues for the maintenance of the temple. These gifts were received by Nayakīrti's disciple Bālacandradeva in A.D. 1182.1 In the same year the Hoysala king added the village of Bekka to the above gift.2
Somaladevi was the wife of the devout Jaina minister Ecana. She too had a basadi erected in A.D. 1207 in Belagavattinād for the worship of which she granted specified lands.?
The sincerity of purpose which lay behind the lives of the common people is seen in the numerous cases of self immolation by the rite of samadhi towards the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century A.D. In about A.D. 1190 śāntiyakka. or śāntale, the daughter of Sankaya Nāyaka and Muddavve, and the disciple of Nayakirti, attained salvation by this method. Ten years later Māļavve, on hearing the news of the death of her daughter-in-law Caundiyakka, displayed the six virtues of devotion allowed for the females, and died by the same manner (in circa A.D. 1200)." Jakkave, the disciple of Kamalasenadeva, in A.D. 1206, followed suit according to the prescribed method.“ About six years later (in A.D. 1212) another woman of the same name but the daughter of Mandaņa Mudda, and the wife of the renowned Bharata, won celebrity in a like manner. “Through imbibing the
1. E. C. II, 327, pp. 136-139 ; see also 331, p. 140; V, Cn. 150, pp. 192-193, op. cit.
2. Ibid., II, 256, p. 115. 3. Ibid. VII, Sk. 320, p. 115. 4. Ibid., Sk. 200, p. 127. 5. Ibid., XII, Gb. 5, p. 17.
6. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 126. This corrects M. A. R. for 1911, p. 46.

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WOMEN AS DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH 171 nectar of Jina teaching, having given up the false impressions of the mind, and being filled with desire to attain to the purity set forth in the doctrine, having given up all, saying, 'Not so much as a gain is mine', Jakkavve thinking on her god, came to a decision. Thus placing herself at the lotus feet of Jina, fixing her eyes on the tip of the nose, and listening to the words of the Āgama, with ears and eyes having completed samnyasana, by the rite of samādhi”, Jakkavve died. 1
1. E. C. VII, Sk. 196, p. 123.

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CHAPTER VI.
POPULAR SUPPORT
The policy of the Jaina leaders explained-- The importance of the commercial classes called Vira Banajigas-Harmonious relations between the Jainas and the non-Jainas Examples of devotion among citizens— Prominent Jaina centres enumerated : Śravana BelgolaPaudanapura-Kopana--Digression : Identification of Konkinapulo with Kopaņa-Cikka Hanasoge – Pombucca – Kellengare — Baļļigāme - Kuppatūr - Uddhare – Heggare - Sringeri - Kolhapur -- Bandanike - Dorasamudra-Arasiyakere—The Jainas as town-planners.
[VER since the advent of Jainism into southern India,
Jaina gurus had striven as much for their ancient religion as for the interests of the country. And in this they had wisely had recourse to a policy which appealed to all classes of people. From the foregoing pages it must have been apparent to the reader that the methods adopted by the Jaina sages to gain their ends were, indeed, well devised and comprehensive. By playing the part of king-makers, they had secured for generations royal patronage. Winning over the feudal lords and the great commanders assured them of success in the various provincial seats over which these high officials were placed. And the next element to be brought within the fold of the Jina dharma was the popu

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lace. Here too the Jaina leaders showed the practical side of their philosophical teachings by securing the allegiance of the most important section of the middle classes-the Vira Banajigas and the commercial classes, whose financial aid was of inestimable value for the cause of the anekantamata. With the immense wealth of which the Vira Banajigas were the traditional custodians, the Jina sages had magnificent Jinālayas and images constructed. The spectacular effect of these noble monuments together with the active support which kings, feudatories, royal ladies, and generals gave Jainism, must have been greatly responsible for the popularity and strength of that religion throughout the land. But the most practical means which they adopted to win for themselves the allegiance and devotion of the masses was that relating to the four gifts of learning, food, medicine and shelter-the primary needs of humanity. The insistence of these gifts on the part of the richer sections of the people must have had the inevitable effect of drawing to the Jina fold the larger sections of the populace among whom Jainism had made rapid strides from the ninth onwards till the fourteenth century A.D.
POPULAR SUPPORT
Profound Jaina teachers had certainly contributed to the strength of the Jina dharma in the early centuries of the Christian era. But it is only when we come to the ninth century and after that we meet with the widespread prevalence of the anekantamata. This will be evident when we have narrated a few details concerning some of the most important Jaina centres. Among these figures Cikka Hanasōge a lithic record of which assigned to A.D. 910 refers to a remarkable citizen. It was in the reign of Ereya, evidently the Ganga king Ereyappa, when a Jaina teacher named Elācārya, who subsisted on water for one month, died by samadhi. It is in connection with the death of this teacher that we come

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across Aştopavāsa Kalnele Devar who set a nisidhi in memory of his guru. This person is described as having been a moving tirtha suggesting thereby that he was a citizen of exceptional piety.1
Evidence concerning the genuine endeavours made by the people to perpetuate the Jina dharma became more and more prominent in the succeeding generations. In about A.D. 1060 during the reign of the king Kacchara Kandarpa Senamāra, Niravadyayya was granted Mahendravoļalu. This citizen was the disciple of Mahadeva Bhaļāra of the Devagana and the Pāṣāṇānvaya. Niravadyayya erected a Jinalaya after his own name on the Melasa rock, and bestowed on it the village he had received from the king. And the representatives of the adjoining country called the Eḍemale 1,000 granted each from their paddy fields a specified measure of rice.2
The real clue to the understanding of the high position which Jainism held in the land is seen in the ardour and devotion of the commercial classes. One of the powerful officials of the king Vira Santara Deva in A.D. 1062 was the Pattaṇasvāmi (Lord Mayor) Nokkayya Setți. This commercial magnate constructed the Pattanasvāmi Jinālaya in Humcca for the worship, etc., he presented the village called Molakere had bought from the king for 100 gadyānas. The donee is called the Sahudharma Sakalacandradeva, but Nokkayya's guru was Divakaranandideva. Nokayya, who had the title of Samyaktva-vārāsi, had images of the Jina gods in
of which
which he
1. M. A. R. for 1913-1914, p. 38. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya identified the guru mentioned here with his namesake spoken of in another record as having been the disciple of Sridharadeva. 2. E. C. VI. Cm, 75, pp. 43-44.

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175 gold, silver, precious stone, and the five metals constructed in Māhura, together with five large tanks named Santagere, Molagere, Pațțaņasvāmigere, and Talaviņdegere. Further by spending 100 gadyānas he made the Ugure stream enter the Pāgimagala tank. The beneficial works of Nokkayya Setti, therefore, were not confined merely to works of religious merit but to those which brought much material good to the people.
The king rewarded such benevolent persons. And, as the same epigraph relates, Nokkayya was presented with a badge (pațța) of gold by his king for his good works. And another inscription dated about A.D. 1077 relates that he was styled " a portable tirtha in the middle of the forest the Santali country", a Kānina in making gifts of food. shelter, medicine, and learning", and an occan of good character. This latter record informs us that he erected another Jina temple also in Humcca, called the Tirthada basadi, for which the next Säntara ruler Tailapa Deva granted the village of Bījakana Bayal as an endowment. It is from this record that we learn that this guru Divākaranandi, who possessed the five mahākalyāṇas, the eight mahāpratihāryas, and the thirty-four latiśaysas, who was well versed in both Siddhāntas, wrote a vịtti in Kannada to the Tattvārthasūtra.3
The importance of the commercial classes is also seen from the fact that well known Jina temples were entrusted to their charge. For instance in A.D. 1195 the Nagara Jinālaya at Śravana Belgoļa, which had been constructed by the minister Nāgadeva, was placed in the custody of the Vīra Baņajigas
1 & 2. E. C. VIII, Nr. 58, pp. 153-154. 3. Ibid. Nr. 57, P. 153.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM of the locality. This is proved by the concluding lines of the epigraph which run thus—“The merchants who were the protectors of that Jinālaya, born in the eminent line of Khandali and Mülabhadra, devoted to truth and purity, possessed of the lion's valour, skilled in conducting various kinds of trade with many seaports, adorned with the famous three jewels (viz., samyak-jñāna (right knowledge), samyakdarśana (right faith), and samyak-carita (right conduct)), the merchants residing at the holy Belgoļa acquired celebrity on earth."1
For more than a century this noble monument continued to be under the protection of the Jaina merchants of the same tīrtha. This is proved by the records dated A.D. 1279 and A.D. 1288. In the former it is said that the Pūjāris of the Nakhara Jinalaya, agreeing among themselves, gave a deed to all the merchants of Belgoļa in which the priests promised the merchants to carry on all the services in the Nagara Jinālaya “agreeable to the scale fixed by the merchants."
The latter epigraph dated A.D. 1288 is more explicit on the question of the direct control exercised by the merchants of Śravaņa Belgoļa in the management of the Nagara Jinālaya. All the jewel merchants of that place and Jinanāthapura agreeing among themselves, signed a deed by which they unanimously gave for the repairs of the temple of the god Ādi of the same Jinālaya, certain specified duties. The penalty imposed on those who violated this agreement and the signatures of the merchants clearly prove the corporate nature of the deed. The penalty is expressed thus—“If one denies or conceals (his income) in this matter, his race shall be childless; he shall be a traitor to the god, a traitor to
1 E. C. II, 335, p. 143. See also ibid., Intr., p. 33, n. (1).

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POPULAR SUPPORT
177 the king, and a traitor to the creed." The deed was signed by all merchants, and it included their sign-manual-Śri Gommaţa.1
Piety sometimes was combined with learning. There were two brothers named Māci Sețți and Kāli Sețţi in the reign of king Ballâļa I. The elder Māci seçți was learned in logic and grammar, able in commentating, supremely wise in all the sayings of the scriptures, and celebrated for devoting his wealth to works of piety. His equal in liberality was his younger brother Kāli šețţi. For the Nakhara Jinalaya of Belgoļa they granted lands (specified) together with customs dues in A.D. 1078, and to these the settis of the locality added further grants of land. 2
The good feeling that existed between the followers of the Jina dharma and those who belonged to the other religions which must have been apparent to the reader from the preceding pages, is further borne out by the following instances of devout Jainas helping the benevolent work of Brahmans. Padmoja, who is described as "the frontal ornament of sculptors, a bee at the lotus feet of the Sarasvati gana, and a worshipper of the feet of Jina", was the official who advertised the grant of land for a satra (alms house) made by Divākara Sarvātithya, the chief of the Brahmans of the agrahāra of Isavura in Hosavūr in A.D. 1080.3 About the same year Biņeya Bammu Seçți built and endowed a Jinālaya in Sikārpura, and erected a satta for the thousand Brahmans of an agrahāra the name of which is effaced in the record.4
1. E. C. II, 336, p. 144. 2. Ibid., XII, Tp. 101, pp. 61-62. 3. Ibid, VII. Sk. 293, p. 149. 4. Ibid, Sk. 8, p. 39.

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Such spontaneous liberality was appreciated by the State. The following example further proves our assertion. Nokkayya was the son of Poleyamma and Keleyabbe. Once when he was in Taţtekere, the king Tribhuvanamalla Ganga Permmādi Deva paid a visit to that town in A.D. 1085, and gave him the whole of the government of that city. The great minister, Senior Pērggade Nokkayya, who was the disciple Prabhācandra Siddhāntadeva of the Meşapāşaņa gaccha, enlarged a tank, formed paddy fields, erected a temple, and established places for distribution of food. He built a basadi with the big tank of Tațţakere surrounding it. His elder son Gujjana was opposed to it; but on the latter's death, Nokka Perggade erected two Jina basadis in Harige and Nelavatti. And when Nokka's second son Jinadeva too died, the ruler Ganga Permmadi himself, as a reward for Nokka's liberality and boldness, for the two basadis which the latter had built, granted the following royal rewards--- the royal insignia of two horses, canopy, cámaras, and big drums, along with the gāvundavrtti of eight specified villages, twenty horses, and 500 slaves together with the fixed rent of the villages, (named), free of all imposts, as a perpetual gift.
The Great Minister Pērggade Nokkayya's liberality was now doubled. He erected four basadis and granted specified lands for the Sthanāpati of the Jina settlements belonging to the Gaņa gaccha. And once again the generous monarch granted the shop-tax and customs dues of Taţtekere to his
1. He is not the same as Pațțaņasvāmi Nokkayya mentioned above, since the latter is called the son of Ammana. E. C. VIII. Nr. 57, p. 153. Moreover the difference in the names of their gurus is to be also noted in this connection.

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liberal minister.1
Not officials alone but merchants of the royal household and other high dignitaries as well were responsible for the continuance of the Jina dharma. Bhujabala Ganga Permmāļi, Bamma Gāvunda, Biţtideva, and the Nād-prabhu whose name is not given in the record dated A.D. 1111, granted specified land for a basadi in Shimoga along with six houses and an oil mill.2 Their work was insignificant when compared with what the royal merchants (rāja-śreşthi) Poysala setti and the graceful and sagacious Nēmi setti did in A.D. 1117. They were the royal merchants to king Poysala, and were famous as "the warm supporters of the Jina dharma (which) spread widely (over the earth).” For the Jina temple and a mandāra (which was a car-like structure sculptured on all sides with fifty-two Jaina figures, supposed to represent the island of Nandīśvara) which their mothers Mācikabbe and Sāntikabbe had caused to be constructed, Poysala Setti and Nēmi sețți made suitable gifts.3
Some interesting details concerning Hoysala ścţti are available in epigraphs. He had the title of Tribhuvanamalla Caladanka Rāva, and his wife was called Cattikabbe. This lady was a devout Jaina who delighted in the four kinds of gifts. When in about A.D. 1130 her husband, after bestowing the title Caladanka Rāva Hoysala Setti on Malli Sețţi of the Passport Department (yundigeya) of Ayyāvole, died by the rite of sallekhanā, she caused an cpitaph to be made as an act of reverence to her husband and her son Būcaņa.
1. E. C. VII. Sh. 10, pp. 11-12. 2. Ibid, Sh. 89, pp. 34-35. 3. Ibid, II., 137, p. 64, and ibid, n. 1.
4. Ibid, II, 159, p. 78. See also ibid. Intr. p. 55 ; 402 dated A.D. 1138 where Hoysala Setti's son is mentioned. Ibid. p. 170.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM The ordinary title Caladanka, however, was borne by other merchants as well. Thus in A.D. 1120 Caladankavāra Hede Jiya along with two merchants who bore the same name Māci setti, and another merchant called Madi setti, repaired a pit to the right of Gommateśvara at Śravana Belgoļa granting dues for the same.
The commercial classes were not the only adherents of the Jina dharma. The agricultural sections of the people too were devout Bhavyas. When in A.D. 1154 Pārīśvasena Bhattāraka repaired the ruined basti of śāntinātha at Holalkere, and when the grants made by Voddama Gauda and others had been interrupted, it was that Gauda's sons (named) and others who petitioned the government official Pratāpa Nāyaka, after paying 100 gadyānas, to grant the lands behind the Hiriyakere tank and the tribute from the houses of the citizens for the worship and offerings of the śāntinātha basadi.2
But it must be confessed that from the practical point of view thc piety of the Vira Banajigas was more important for the cause of Jainism than the devotion of the Gaudas. This will be evident when we examine a few inscriptions of the latter half of the twelfth century. The earliest among these is that dated A.D. 1165 relating to the construction of a Jinālaya by the Silahāra general Kālana mentioned in an carlier connection. The protectors of the public charity made by the Ratta king Kārtavirya and others, were the Vira Baņañju merchants and their leaders, the 500 Svāmis of Ayyāvole and the 1,700 Gavare, Mummuridanța, Ubhaya-nānādesis, and the Tāļa-samasta of Ekkasambuge who, in addition to the above duty, unanimously agreed to
1. E. C. II, 377, p. 162. 2. Ibid, XI, Hk. 1, p. 115.

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181 pay certain specified dues for the worship, etc., in the basadi.1 For the worship of the splendid Jina temple at Māgudi constructed by Sānkara Sāmanta in about A.D. 1182 which we mentioned in connection with Rēca Dandanātha's endowments, the Baņañju of the four places and the Mummuri Danda granted certain specified dues on the value of the treasures brought by all the merchants of various countries.2 And in A.D. 1195 a dancing hall and a stone pavement in front of the god Kamatha-Pārsvadeva at śravana Belgoļa, we may be permitted to repeat, constructed by the Pațţaņasvāmi Nāgadeva were likewise entrusted to the charge of the merchants born in the eminent line of Khandali and Mūlabhadra, and skilled in conducting various kinds of trade with many ports, but residing at śravana Belgoļa.3
The popularity of the Jina dharma among the masses is seen from the many examples of devotion met with in the lithic records. In A.D. 1199 the god Mallikāmoda Sāntinātha of the Hiriya basadi at Balligāme stood in need of voluntary aid. Heggade Hiriyaņņa, the Adhikari of the city, and a few others (named) granted certain customs dues to the priest Padmanandideva for the worship in the basadi. This was in the reign of king Ballāļa II.4 Honni śeţți and other Bhavyas of Sāntigrāma in the Hassan district, in the reign of the same monarch, set up in about A.D. 1200 the image of Sumati Bhattāraka of the Inguleśvara baļi and the Desiya gana. Malli setti had the outer wall of the Ādīśvara basadi of Nițțūr in the Gubbi tāluka, adorned with
1. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 49. 2. E, C. VII. SK. 197, p. 127. 3. Ibid, II. 335, p. 143. 4. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 46. 5. Ibid for 1917, p. 60

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images all round in about A.D. 1219.1
In the thirteenth century A.D., too, the ardour of the citizens for the cause of the anekantamata never flagged. Paduma Setti was a typical Bhavya. Possessed of all good qualities, he was devoted to stories relating to the Sad-dharma (i.e., Jainism), delighting in the four kinds of gifts. His son was Gommata Setţi, who in A.D. 1131 gave specified sum of money for the worship of Gommaţadeva at Śravana Belgola. This was in the reign of the Hoysala king Narasimha II.2
Gangeyana Māra's charitable endowments were more creditable. He was the disciple of Nēmi Pandita of the Vāṇadabali, Pustaka gaccha, and the Mula sangha. His great work was the construction of the Pārśva Jinālaya at the top of the rock to the south of the Badara tank on the inaccessible hillfortress of Niḍugal which had the other name of Kāļāñjana. This basadi was also named Jõgavattige basadi. For the daily worship and distribution of food in this basadi, Gangeyana Māra and his wife Bacale obtaining lands from their royal master the Cola ruler Irungoļa Deva, granted them, while some of the neighbouring cultivators granted specified betel leaves, arecanuts, and oil for the same purpose.3
Purchasing land and freeing it from all obligations and bestowing it as charitable endowments for the Jaina institutions was a noteworthy feature of the times. Having purchased specified lands at Mattiyakere from the Mahāmaṇḍa
1. E. C. XII Gb. 8, p. 17.
2. Ibid, II. 186, p. 90.
3. Ibid, XII. Pg. 52, pp. 124-125. The image of Pārsvanǎtha in the same Pārśvanatha basadi on the Nidugal fort was constructed by the Bhavyas of Bellumbatte, who were also the disciples of the same Nemicandra Bhatṭāraka. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 45.

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183 lācārya Nayakirtideva's disciple Candraprabhadeva, Sambhudeva and three others (named) granted the same for the milk offerings of Gommaţadeva and the twenty-four Tirthankaras at Śravaņa Belgoļa in A.D. 1273 in the reign of the Hoysala king Narasimha III.1 Likewise in A.D. 1280 in the reign of the same monarch, all the farmers of Arakoţtāra having freed the basadi of that locality from all the obligations of money payments, granted the water-rate, alms, housetax, poll-tax, the nicandi, and other dues for the same basadi.2
The same procedure was adopted in A.D. 1282 when all the jewel merchants (māņikya nagarangal) of Belgoļa desired to make some endowments. Together with the royal guru Nēmicandra Pandita's disciple Bāļacandradeva, these merchants, who bclonged to the Balātkāra gaña, and who were the disciples of the Mahamandalācārya Māghanandi, purchased wet land from Bālacandradeva, and gave it along with other lands for the worship of the god Ādi of the Nagara Jinālaya.?
If there were devout Bhavyas who could purchase lands and give them for the offerings in a basadi, there were also austere Jainas who could lay down their lives in the orthodox manner. Soma Gauda was the eldest son of Masaņa Gauda of Cikka Muguļi, and the disciple of śreyāmía Bhattāraka of the Pustaka gaccha and the Hanasõge baļi. When Soma Gauda died in A.D. 1280 by samadhi, his son Heggade Gauda not only set up a memorial stone but also gave lands (specified) for the eight kinds of worship in the local basadi.4
1. E. C. II. 246, p. 104. 2. Ibid, IV. Ch. 84, p. 10. 3. Ibid., II. 334, pp. 141-142.
4. Ibid, VI. Cm. 2, p. 35. For an earlier example in A.D. 1132, see ibid., VIII, Sb. 97, p. 14.

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In the reign of the next monarch Ballāļa III, whose age heralds the Vijayanagara epoch, a large section of the people was still devoted to the anekāntamata. Bāhubali Sețți and Pārisetti had constructed the Ekköți Jinālaya which contained the god Padmaprabha. A tank was needed for the Jinālaya and lands to meet the expenses of worship. And Areya Māreya Nāyaka built the tank, while the lands below it were given as a gift to the basadi by various Nāyakas (named) of Kabbālu, along with the Jaina gurus Nēmicandra Paņạita and Bälacandra mentioned above. These latter, we may note by the way, were the disciples of the rājagutu Nayakirti. But we are unable to determine whether Nayakirti was the rājaguru of king Ballāļa III. These details are gathered from a stone record dated only in the cyclic year Srimukha Vaišākha.?
Nēmicandra mentioned above may be identified with his namesake spoken of in an undated and defaced inscription found at Toļalu. In this record it is said that the village of Navilūr was granted to that Jaina guru, for the services in the basadi at the same place, by Hiriya Mudda Gāvunda, Bili Gaunda, and fifty-two residents of that locality.2
Turning now to the various centres in and outside Karnātaka from where Jainism radiated, we find that, while most of them completely passed into the hands of the votaries of other religions, a few continued to remain strongholds of Jainism throughout all the ages. In the centres which fell into the hands of the non-Jainas, only mutilated Jaina images and broken slabs bear silent testimony to the once prosperous condition of Jainism in the country. The centres of Jainism may be divided into two groups—the major centres
1. M. A. R. for 1927, P. 46. 2. Ibid, p. 44.

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185
and the minor places of Jaina influence. We shall first enumerate the major Jaina strongholds, and then pass on to the description of the lesser places of importance.
From the earliest times when Jainism had first made its appearance in the south, it had followed a policy of widespread diffusion which soon secured for it great strongholds in the centre, north, south and west of modern Mysore. These were the following places-Śravana Belgola, Paudanapura, Kopaṇa, Punnaḍ, Hanasoge, Talakad, Humcca, Balligāme, Kuppatur, and Vanavase. Of these two were undoubtedly renowned as mahā-tirthas-Sravana Belgola and Kopana, while Paudanapura seems to have been one of the earliest places associated with the statue of Gommatesvara. The reader must have already surmised from the introductory remarks to this work that the traditions of the great Śrutakevali Bhadrabahu are connected with Sravana Belgola and Punnaḍ. The populous and wealthy region to which the entire sangha was directed, as is related in the earliest rock inscription at Candragiri assigned to A.D. 600, could have been no other than the northern part of Punnaḍ itself." In Kittur (Kirtipura), the capital of Punnaḍ, Vasupūjyadeva of the Tintriņika gaccha, consecrated an image of Pārsvanatha in A.D. 1179.3
As regards Paudanapura we base our remarks concerning its importance on the Sravana Belgola inscription dated A.D. 1180 cited already in connection with the activities of Cam
1. E. C. II. 1, 2, 31, pp. 1, 2, 7. Read also M. A. R. for 1912, pp. 3-9.
2. E. C. II, 1, p. 1; Saletore, Ancient Kingdom of Punnatta in the Indian Culture, III, pp. 303-317.
3. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 37. But all traces of Jainism in Punnaḍ have been obliterated.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM uņda Rāya. Whilc narrating the history of the great image which that Minister-General had caused to be built, it was said that the Emperor Bharata, the son of Purudeva, caused to be made near Paudanapura an image of 525 bows in length, resembling the form of the victorious-armed Bāhubali-kevaļi ; •that after a lapse of time, a world-terrifying mass of innumerable kukkuțasarpas grew around it ; and that Cāmunda Rāya, on being advised that that place was inaccessible, determined to construct another image of similar proportions at Sravaņa Belgoļa.!
The Paudanapura mentioned here could have been no other than Podan, modern Bodhan, a village lying in Lat. 18° 40' and Long. 77° 53' in the Nizāmabād district of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions. It was the capital of the Rāşçrakūta ruler Indravallabha, Nityavarşa, Indra IV. (A.D. 915--A.D. 917). This village is now strewn with an array of antiquitics, both Jaina and Brahmanical, which undoubtedly go to prove the antiquity of the place.” This fact of its having been the capital of the Rāşțrakūta king in the first quarter of the tenth century A.D., and the fact that in one of the Śravaņa Belgoļa inscriptions it is said to have contained an image of Gommateśvara, suggest that long before the days of king Indravallabha, it had already come into prominence as a great Jaina centre. But in the reign of that Rāştrakūta king, a Vaişņavite temple was built there.3 Perhaps it is this fact of the rājadhāni of Bodhana having completely passed into the hands of non-Jainas, which explains why in the same age Cāmunda Rāya was informed that it was “an inaccessible" place.
1. E. C. II, 234, p. 98 op. cit.
2 & 3. Narsimhacarya, Hyderabad Archäological Series, No. 7, pp. 1, 4, Seq.

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POPULAR SUPPORT Next in importance to Sravana Belgola was the mahātirtha of Kopaņa (mod. Kopbal in the south-west of the Nizam's Dominions). This place has not yet been properly surveyed and examined. However the researches conducted since the days of Rice, enable us to give a meagre account of the mahā-tirtha of Kopaņa. From the seventh century A.D. till the sixteenth century Kopana was reckoned to be a holy place of the Jainas. But there are valid grounds to assume that it was a place of considerable importance to the Buddhist world before it sprang into fame as a mahā-tirtha of the Jainas. Like some other holy places it passed from the hands of the Buddhists into those of the Jainas only to come into the custody of the Hindus afterwards.
The word Kopaņa has been derived from kuppe (hill, heap, elevated spot) + ane (situation, direction), signifying thereby its location on a hill top. This derivation seems to be correct in view of the fact that in some records to be cited pre
1. This is admitted by Mr. C. Krishnama Charlu who, on behalf of the Government of H. E. H. Nizam, conducted the first official survey of Kopaņa, although just before him, Mr. Panduranga B. Desai, M.A., had made personal investigations on his own initiative and discovered many interesting inscriptions in Kopbal and its neighbourhood. Mr. Charlu's results are embodied in Hyderabad Archäological Series, No. 12. The Kannada Inscriptions of Kopbal : while Mr. Desai's in the Karnataka Historical Review, II, pp. 11-15. The late Mr. N. B. Shastry of Kopbal is said to have written an excellent paper on the antiquities of Kopbal, which seems to have been forwarded to the Hyderabad Archäological Dept. This, however, is not accessible to me. The researches of Fleet and Narasimhacarya should also be noted in this connection.
2. Desai, K. H. R. II, p. 15. But ane, according to Kesirāja, also means sparsane, touch. Sabdamaņidarpaņa, p. 314, (Kittel's ed. Mangalore, 1899).

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sently Kopaņa is styled the hill of Kopana. The modern name Kopbal seems to have been in vogue in very early times, since in an inscription also to be cited anon, it is called Kuppāl. The identification of modern Kopbal with Kopaņa was first made by Rice, and it has been confirmed by recent scholars.1
It was the same scholar who provisionally identified Kopana with Konkinapulo mentioned by Yuan Chwang (A.D. 635-A.D. 643).2 Rice gave no reasons for identifying Kopana with Konkinapulo ;3 but we are now in a position to state that his identification was correct. Yuan Chwang went from the Drāvida country northwards into a jungle and passing through an isolated city and a small town, after a journey of above 2.000 li towards the north-west, reached Konkinapulo. He describes the country as being above 5,000 li, and its capital above 30 li in circuit. It contained more than 100 Buddhist monasteries and above 10,000 Brethren who were students of both the Vehicles. Close to the capital was a large monastery with above 300 Brethren—all men of great distinction. In the temple of this monastery was a tiara of Prince Sarvārthasiddha (i.e., Gautama Buddha) ; in the temple of another
1. E. C. I. p. 15; Desai., ibid., p. 13; Charlu H. A. S. No. 12, p. 1.
2 E. C. V, Intr. p. 15.
3. On Konkinapulo, read Burnell, 1. A., VIII, 145-6; see also his Elements of South Indian Palaeography, p. 33, ns. (1) and (2) (2nd ed.) ; Fleet, 1. A., XXII, p. 113 seq. ; Burgess refuting Fleet, ibid., XXIII. p. 28; Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, II, p. 253, n. (46); Rice, Karnataka Sabdānuśāsanam Intr. p. 15, ns. (2) and (3); My. Gazetteer, II, p. 206; read also Jl. of the Bom. R. A. S.; XI. p. 270, where the city of Konguna is mentioned in A.D. 1157 ; Journal of the Bombay Historical Society, II, pp. 237-239.
4. Watters, Yuan Chwang, II. p. 238,

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189 monastery near the capital was a sandalwood image of Maitreya. To the north of the capital was a wood of tāla trees above 30 li in circuit in which was a tope where the past Four Buddhas had sat and walked for exercise. Near the capital on the east side was a tope which had associations with Buddha's preaching. To the south-west of the capital was an Asoka's tope at the spot where the (ar hat) Śroņavimśatikoți made miraculous exhibitions and many converts, and beside the tope the remains of a monastery built by that Arhat.1
From the above the following may be deduced :
(a) That in the second half of the seventh century A.D. Konkinapulo was noted for the many relics of Buddhism ;
(6) That, on the whole, it contained many monasteries, which are styled by the Chinese traveller Buddhist monasteries; and
(c) That in its neighbourhood, as distinct from the monasteries, was an Aśokan tope.
Now it is precisely in the village of Kopbal that the socalled Gavimatha and Pālkigundu Edicts of Asoka have been discovered.2 And it is only fifty-four miles as the crow flies that another Edict of Asoka—the Maski Edict—was discovered; while ninety-four miles from Kopbal was found the Erraguļi Edict of Asoka. These discoveries of Asoka's Edicts in and around Kopbal prove beyond doubt that that place was of considerable importance in the days of the Mauryan Emperor. And they fully justify the epithets—ādi-tirtha
1. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 237.
2. Turner, The Gavimatha and Palkigundu Edicts of Asoka, Hyderabad Archæological Series, No. 10.
3. Charlu, The Kannada Inscription at Kopbal, p. 1.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM and mahā-tirtha given to it in epigraphs.1
As regards the second point mentioned above, viz., that Kopbal contained many monasteries, tradition current at Kopbal today asserts that there were not less than 772 basadis in that place. Hence current tradition connects Kopbal, not with Buddhism, but with Jainism.
And, finally, Yuan Chwang speaks of the many relics of Buddhism at Kopaņa. These no doubt have yet to be discovered ; but the many ruins pertaining not only to Buddhism as narrated above, but also to Brahmanism and Jainism, that are found in and around Kopbal justify the statement of the Chinese traveller that that centre was noted for its sanctity.3
But here some objection may be raised against our assumptions. Firstly, as regards the name. Yuan Chwang gives it as Kongkin (kan) napulo which may have been another rendering of Kopaņapura. Secondly, the Chinese traveller does not give any detail concerning one special feature of Kopaņa-the hill-top and the dolmens in that village.4 While he speaks of the fertile nature of the country, the swarthy complexion of the people, of their rude and rough ways, and of their addition to intellectual and moral acquisitions," he
1. Charlu, The Kannada Inscription at Kopbal, p. 3.
2. This detail we owe to Mr. N. S. Rajapurohit and the late Mr. N. B. Shastry. See Charlu, Kannada Inscrs., p. 14.
3 Mr. Desai speaks of the Brahman inscriptions K. H. R. II, p. 12.
4. These dolmens are called Moreyana angaļi, meaning not, as Mr. Charlu says, " the shops of the Mauryas ", (Kann. Inscr., p. 1). but as Mr. Desai correctly says "the stalls of the pygmies” called Morayas, K. H. R. II, p. 15. In support of Mr. Desai, read Rice, E. C. XI, Intr. p. 32.
5. Watters, op. cit., II, p. 238.

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says nothing about the little detail of the dolmens which would have settled once for ever the identity of Konkinapulo.
However we may all the same observe that, both on the strength of his own statements and on that of the lithic records, the description of the holy place as given by Yuan Chwang seems to point to a Jaina centre rather than to a Buddhist stronghold. In the first place, the Chinese pilgrim uses an epithet in regard to Śronavimśatikoți which is striking. He calls him Arhat Śroṇavimśatikoți, and he tells us that the latter constructed an image of Maitreya in Konkinapulo; that near the Aśokan tope was the spot where the same Arhat made miraculous exhibitions; that there were the remains of a monastery built by that Arhat; and that there was a tope in the neighbourhood of Konkinapulo which contained the relics of Śronavimśatikoți. This Arhat Śroṇavimśatikoți was no other than the bhiksu Šrotavimśatikoti," who is said to have been born in a place which lay south-west of the capital of I-lan-na-po-fa-to country. While it is certainly admitted that the term Arhat was commonly applied in Buddhist canonical literature to Buddha himself and to transcendental beings, it cannot be understood how the Chinese traveller came to transform his bhiksu into an Arhat. The only supposition is that, notwithstanding his close observation of the Digambara and Svetambara Jainas in other parts of the country,+ Yuan Chwang seems in this one
3
1. Waters, op. cit., II, p. 237.
2. On the wrong use of this name by the Chinese traveller, read Watters, ibid, II, pp. 180, 238.
3. Watters, ibid., II. pp. 178 180.
4. Watters, ibid., II. pp. 2, 154, 155, 252. On the term Arhat used in regard to Buddha, read Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, Part I, p. 2. See also ibid., pp. 63, 105, 138, 264, where the term is used in regard to laymen, the real Brahman, and priests of God. (S. B. E. Vol. II).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM instance to have confounded the Jainas with the Buddhists of Kopaņapura.
This supposition is strengthened when we note that in the seventh century A.D. Kopana was essentially a Jaina tirtha. Epigraphic evidence proves this. In the Halagēri stone inscription of the Western Cālukyan king Vijayāditya (A.D. 696-A.D. 733) mention is made of this great Jaina sanctuary.1
A rapid survey of the epigraphs and one or two notices in literature conclusively shows that Kopaņa remained a great tirtha for the Jainas from the seventh till the sixteenth century A.D. In the Ganjam plates issued by the Ganga king Mārasinga Ereyappa, and assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 800, we have one of the witnesses styled thus-Mādhava of Kuppal.? This may be taken to be the earliest variant of the name by which Kopana is known to-day-Kopbal. As Rice pointed out long ago, Kopaņa is mentioned by the Rāştrakūta monarch Nspatunga (A.D. 814A.D. 877) in his Kavirājamärga, as one of the four cities in which the pith of the Kannada language was spoken. In this connection it is interesting to observe that in one of the stone inscriptions discovered near the grave of Kādalaralinga in the Maunakõțe at Kopbal, in the characters of the same century (the ninth century A.D.), mention is made of the Rāştrakūta dynasty and of the monarch Nrpatunga. Another stone
1. We owe this to the labours of Mr. P. B. Desai, K. H. R., II, no. 1, p. 48.
2. E. C. IV Sr. 160, p. 143.
3. Ibid., I. Intr. p. 15; Kavirājamārga, Pithika, V, 37 Sce also Charlu, Kannada Ins., p. 2; E. I. XII. 148. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya disproved Fleet's contention that Kaviśvara, and not Nppatunga, was the author of Kavirājamārga. (I. A. XXIII 258). Read Kavicarite I, pp. 14, 17-20.
4. Desai, K. H. R., II, no. 2, p. 12.

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inscription on the rocky side of Candramabandi or Vanţikola in the same place, records the death of Sarvanandi, the disciple of Ekkacațțugada Bhatāra in Saka 803 (A.D. 881).2 To this period (the ninth century) may be assigned the death of Sukumārasena muni on the hill of Kopaņa (Kopaņādri), mentioned by Cāmunda Rāya in his Cāmundarāya Purāņa.2
When we come to the tenth century A.D., we find Kopaņapura the seat of a branch of the Silahāras. It remained so till the thirteenth century A.D. From the inscriptions discovered at Cinnamalți and Bankūr in the Gulbarga district and in Salotgi and Muttagi in the Bijapur district, we learn that the Seļaļas or Silahāras of this branch styled themselves Kopanapuravarādhiśvara and Jimūtavāhanānvaya.3
The eleventh century A.D. saw Kopana becoming still more conspicuous. This was because in addition to its having been a holy place, it was the seat of a great battle. Some pilgrims from éri Kopaņa tirtha visited Sravana Belgola in about A...
1. Desai, K. H. R. II, p. 13. A Sarbanandi, the disciple of Paraviyaguru of Cikūr, is mentioned in a stone record assigned to about A.D. 750 by Narasimhacarya. E. C. II 36, p. 8.
2. This was first pointed out by Rice, Karnāțaka Sabdēnuśāsana, Intr. p. 15, nos. (1) and (2). Then Narasimhacarya referred to it quoting the passage in Kavicarite, I. p. 48, n. (1) Mr. N. S. Rajapurohit also has come across this passage, and has added to it notices in Ajita Purāņa. So we are informed about Mr. Rajapurohit by Charlu, Kannada Ins., p. 14. For another inscription assigned to the tenth century A.D. mentioning the guru Jatāsinganandi and his disciple Cavayya, see Charlu, ibid, p. 8.
3. Only one inscription hailing from Salotgi was noticed by earlier scholars, the others were discovered by Mr. Desai. KielhornSastri, E. I. IV, p. 59; Desai, K. H. R. II, no. 1, p. 48; Charlu, ibid., p. 2. MJ. 7

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM 1000.1 It is in connection with the redoubtable Coļa king Rājādhirāja's and his younger brother Rājendradeva's conAlicts with the Western Cālukyan king Someśvara Āhavamalla that we learn about the importance of this place. In one stone inscription it is called "the beautiful great tirtha of Koppam."2 This name was rightly identified by Rice with Kopaņa. Here was fought a great battle between the Cola king Rājādhirāja Deva and the Western Cālukyan king Someśvara Ahavamalla. The former was an irresistible warrior and had a great many victories to his crcdit. But he was an enemy of the Jainas, and a ruler of blood-thirsty disposition. The anti-Jaina propensity in king Rājādhirāja is proved beyond doubt by the Aņņigere stone inscription of Dharwar which calls him a wicked Cola who had abandoned the religious observances of his family, penetrated into the Belgoļa Country and burnt the Jaina temples crected there by Ganga Permmāļi (i.e., the Western Cālukyan ruler Vikramāditya VI, who was the younger son of king Someśvara I by a Ganga princess3). The blood-thirsty disposition of the Coļā ruler is attested by the Someśvara temple
1. E. C. II, 475, p. 88.
2. Ibid, IX. Intr. p. 16. n. (3) And again in My & Coorg., p. 90. Mr. Charlu seems to suggest that Messrs Kielhorn and Sastri were the first to identify this place. Kannada Ins., p. 2. This is wrong. It cannot be made out how Mr. Charlu failed to notice the works of Rice. Koppam was wrongly identified by Hultzsch with Kuppam and Koppa. South Indian Inscriptions, I. p. 134 ; II, p. 232. Ricc refers to this wrong identification. E. C. IV, Intr. p. 15, and n. (1). Mr. Charlu rejects it. Kannada Ins., pp. 3-4.
3. Fleet, Dyn. Kan. Dts., p. 441 ; Rice, E. C. IX, Intr. p. 17, My & Coorg., p. 90. Rice is incorrect when he calls Ganga Permmādi a Ganga king. Sec E. C. VII. Intr. pp. 19, 166 ; Sk. 83, p. 57 ; Hl. 14, p. 161.

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record found in Gangavara, Devanahalli tāluka, Mysore state, and dated A.D. 1046.1 In the great battle of Koppam which Rice assigns to A.D. 1052, king Rājādhirāja was killed by the Western Calukyan king Someśvara Ahavamalla. But the valiant younger brother of that Cola ruler by name Rajendradeva retrieved the prestige of the Tamil army, and inflicted such a crushing defeat on the Western Cälukyan king that the latter retreated in order.2 It is in connection with the great victory won by Rajendradeva that we learn that Koppam was a beautiful tirtha,"3
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Its situation is given in another lithic record dated A.D. 1054 which, while repeating the earlier details of Rajendradeva's having terrified Ahavamalla at Koppam, informs us that that place was on the bank of the great river. The "great river" (Pērāru) mentioned here has been identified with Hirehalla on the right bank of which Kopaṇa is situated.'
1.
E. C. IX. Bn. 108, p. 21; My & Coorg., pp. 90-91. According to E. C. VII. Sk. 118, text, p. 218, the death of Rajadhiraja is to be placed in Šaka. 976=A.D. 1054.
2. Ibid, IX. Bn. 108, op. cit.
3. Ibid., X. Kl. 107, p. 35; ibid, Intr. p. 15.
4. We owe this accurate detail to Mr. Charlu. Kannaḍa Ins., p. 5. But Mr. Charlu himself says that Kopbal is situated on the left bank of the same stream! Ibid, p. 1. If this identification of Pērāru is correct, it will be a unique instance of a mere halla, or stream, called by the name of "great river" ! The difficulty may be solved thus: the greatness of the tirtha has been transferred to the stream itself. Usually the Krsna, called Kaña-bemna in Khāravela's Hathigumpha Cave inscription (E.I. XX, p. 87), Kara-beņā in the Nasik cave inscription, no. 10 (E. I. VIII, p. 78), and Kṛṣṇa-beṇnā in a Western Cälukyan inscription of king Vinayaditya dated A.D. 692 (which will be edited soon by Mr. D. B. Diskalkar of Satara), is called Pērddore which name, as Rice has pointed out, has been sometimes

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Inscriptions assigned to the same century (the eleventh century A.D.) reveal the names of Jaina gurus and their disciples, and show the great popularity of Kopaņa. For instance, a stone inscription of the first year of king Vikramaditya informs us that Simhanandi Ācārya died by sarnyasana. The lay disciples of the latter (four in all) are named, while Simahanandi Ācārya's disciple Kalyānakirti is extolled as one who had observed the candrayana, and through whose administering of the law of Jina (Jina śāsana) many effected the karma kşaya (destruction of the evil effect of human action). Kalyāṇakirti is said to have built the Jinendra caityālaya at the spot where his guru Simhanandi Ācārya had died, and also consecrated the image of Sāntinātha in the village of Buccukundi. It is conjectured that the king Vikramāditya mentioned here was the Western Calukyan monarch Vikramāditya V who reigned from A.D. 1009 till A.D. 1017.2 This is inadmissible. It is more probable that the name refers to king Vikramaditya VI of the same dynasty, whose benevolent work as a Jaina we have already noted in this treatise
Evidence is not wanting to prove that Kopaņa continued to be a great Jaina centre in the twelfth century A.D. In about A.D. 1112 Kopaņa tirtha is said to be “ distinguished
given to the Tungabhadrā, and in two instances to Lakşmaņatirtha. E. C. X. Intr. p. 18 n. (1). For other notices of the battle of Koppam, read S. I. I., III, no. 55; ibid, VII. no. 827 E. I. XII p. 297 ; E. C. IV. Ch. 69, p. 8.
1. Charlu, Kannada Inscr., p. 9. Mr. Desai also notices the same but makes Ravicandra, Guņacandra ; Abhayacandra, Kavicandra ; and Desaņacandra,Ajayanandi respectively. K. H. R. II. no 2, p. 14.
2. Charlu, ibid, p. 9.

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197 among the millions of Jaina sacred places."1 We have seen in connection with the great Jaina general Ganga Rāja that, as is related in an epigraph dated A.D. 1115, his liberality converted Gangavādi 96,000 into Kopana.The same is repeated in another stone inscription dated A.D. 1133.3 Of his grandson Eca Daņdādhipa it is also said in A.D. 1134 that he made Jaina temples in Belgoļa like those in the tirthas of Kopaņa and other places. Another record dated A.D. 1135 of the same general, while repeating the above fact, calls Kopaña an original tirtha (Kopana-ādi-tirthadalu). As is related in a record dated A.D. 1159 it was General Hulļa that, as we noted in an earlier context, granted gifts to the assembly of twenty-four Jaina sages in the great holy place of Kopana (Kopaņa mahā-tirtha).6 Gangavādi 96,000 shining like Kopana through the liberality of Ganga Rāja is again mentioned in A.D. 1184.? The wealth and sanctity of the place is further attested by a stone inscription found on the pedestal of a Jaina image in the Candranātha basti at Kopbal itself which calls it Śri-Kopaņa tirtha.S
Beļagavattinād is compared to Kopana in about A.D. 1205 because of the charitable work done by Ecaņa. The wealthy Kopana had in about A.D. 1206 a Senabova named
1. E. C. VII. Sh. 64, p. 25. 2. Ibid, II, 127, op. cit. 3. Ibid, V. Bl. 124, p. 82. 4. Ibid, V. Ch. 248, p. 229. 5. Ibid, II. 284, p. 166, text p. 172. Cf. Charlu, op. cit., p. 2. 6. E. C. II. 345, p. 148. 7. Ibid, IV. Ng. 32, p. 120. 8. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 83. See also Charlu, ibid, pp. 11-12. 9. E. C. VII. Sk, 317, p. 154.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Sāteya who wrote the stone inscription of that date. Stone inscriptions found at Kopbal, and assigned to the thirteenth century A.D., mention the names of Sāntaladevī basadi, the Arasiya basadi, the Tirthada basadi, and the Timmabbarasiya basadi at the same place.2
That Kopana did not lose its fame and importance in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries A.D. is proved by later epigraphs. In about A.D. 1400 Candrakīrtideva, Master of all Arts (sakala-kalā-pravīņa) and the chief disciple of Subhacandradeva, of the Mūla sangha and the Inguļeśvara baļi, caused an image of Candraprabha to be set up "intending it for his own tomb."3 Under the Vijayanagara Emperor Kṛṣṇa Deva Rāya the Great, Kopana was styled a simā. It had been assigned by that monarch to the Treasurer Timmappayya for his nāyakship. But in this age or before one of the famous Jaina shrines at that place had been turned into a saivite temple. This is concluded from the same record dated A.D. 1521 in which the Treasurer Timmappayya is said to have granted the village Hiriyasindogi to the Cenna Keśava god of Kopaņa. It has been surmised that this temple of Cenna Keśava was originally a Jaina temple from the fact that the temple still contains Jaina sculptures." One of the greatest scholars of the sixteenth century, by name Vādi Vidyānanda, is said to
1. E. C. IX, Cg. 45, p. 175.
2. Desai, K. H. R. II. no. 2, p. 12. Charlu, ibid. p. 14. where Mr. Charlu has based his remarks on the admirable note on Kopaña supplied to him by the late Mr. N. B. Shastry of that place.
3. E. C. IV. Ch. 151, p. 20. 4. Desai, ibid, p. 12; Charlu, ibid, p. 10. 5. Desai, ibid.

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199 have won distinction thus in about A.D. 1530—In Kopaņa and other tirthas he held great festivals with immense wealth, and by means of the rite of dehājñā in order to gain the reward of salvation, became famous. We shall see in a later context that in the first quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. Kopaņa still boasted of traders and merchants. So that our account of Kopaņa may be brought down to the eighteenth century A.D., we may mention here that, according to a stone inscription of Kopbal assigned to that century, Vardhamānadeva, the disciple of Devendrakirti Bhattāraka, had the image of Cchāyā Candranātha made and set up there. 2
There were other prominent Jaina centres as well. Cikka Hanasõge in the Yedatore tāluka, which figures conspicuously in records ranging from the ninth century A.D. till the first quarter of the twelfth century,3 had at one time sixty-four basadis. To-day, however, it is filled with ruins amidst which may be seen the beautiful basti built in the fine Călukyan style. In about A.D. 1080 a relative of Dāmanandi Bhattāraka, the senior guru of Divākaranandi Siddhāntadeva of the Pustaka gaccha, is said to have been the head of all the basadis of the Cangāļvatirtha of Panasõge, and of the Abbe basadi as well as of the basadi of Baļivane of Torenād. It is interesting to note here that in an inscription assigned to the eleventh century and found in the Tīrthada basadi in the
1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 46, p. 147. See below Chapter on Jaina Celebrities in Vijayanagara.
2. Charlu, Kannada Insc., p. 8. For another Kopbal, see M. A. R. for 1924, p. 1.
3. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 26. 4. Ibid. for 1912-3, p. 18. 5. E. C. IV. Yd. 23, p. 55.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM same centre, it is said that that basadi had been originally endowed by Rāmaswāmi of the Müla sangha, Deśiya gana, and Pustaka gaccha, and the son of Dasaratha, and the elder brother of Lakşmaņa, and the husband of Sītā and descended in the line of Ikşvāku. The same basadi was afterwards successively endowed by the Sakas, Nalas, Vikramāditya, the Gangas, and the Cangāļvas, and then renovated by Samayābharaṇa Bhānukirti Pandita, the disciple of Nāgacandradeva of the Balātkāra gana. We have had an occasion of noting the work of the Cangāļva king Rājendra Cola Nanni Cangāļvadeva in Hanasõge in an earlier context.?
An equally well known place in the ninth and tenth centuries was Pombucca (mod. Humcca), twenty-two miles to the north of Tīrthahalli in Nagar tāluka. We have already narrated how from the days of the founder of the śāntara line, Jinadatta Rāya, in the ninth century A.D. and afterwards, Humcca was a Jaina centre. The most ancient temple in that place is called the Pāliyakka basadi constructed in about A.D. 878. The large Jaina matha and the Jaina temples dedicated to Pārsvanātha and Padmāvati—the latter being the original and presiding deity of the locality, and the finely executed Pañcakūta basadi attract even today large numbers of Jaina pilgrims from all parts of India. The Pañcakūta basadi was no other than the famous ūrvītilakam which we described while dealing with the charitable endowments of the śāntara princesses
1. M. A. R. for 1912-3, p. 50. CI. E. C. IV. Yd. 25, p. 56. Rāma, the son of Daśaratha, is also mentioned in connection with another Jaina temple described elsewhere in this treatise.
2. E. C. IV. Yd. 26, 28, p. 56, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 6-7.

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201 Cattaladevi and Pampādevī.
In the course of the description of the benevolent work of General Hulla, it was remarked that one of the centres where he built five great basadis was Kellangere. This, we may be permitted to repeat, was an original holy place (ädi-tīrtha) formerly founded by the Gangas.2 Evidence of the centre having been founded by the Gangas, however, is not forthcoming in history. But all the same there cannot be any doubt that the antiquity of Kellangere can be carried to at least two centuries earlier than the age of General Hulla. We prove this by the Lakkanna Biraņņa stone inscription found at Bastihaļļi, Haļebid, and dated A.D. 952, in which the following is narrated-That in the reign of the Ganga king Bhūtuga (A.D. 938-A.D. 953), Ballappa captured Kellangere with the aid of archers. Moni (Mauni ?) Bhațţāraka, the disciple of Guņasāgara of the lineage of Kondakunda, was then in Kellangere. When Ballappa besieged that centre, Moni Bhattáraka, so it is said in the record, “gained the approval and affection of the world," on which Kiriya Moni Bhatar, the disciple of Abhayacandra Pandita, erected a monument for him. It cannot be made out whether we are to infer that the (senior) Moni Bhattāraka valiantly withstood the attack on Kellangere by Ballappa, and that he died in its defence. This doubt arises from two considerations—the fact of the death of Moni Bhattāraka having been made immediately after the attack on that town by Ballappa ; and secondly, from the opening lines of the praise bestowed on the Jaina guru, viz., that praise was not to be given to the effeminate but (only) to the beloved, the treasury of virtues-Moni in Kel
1. M. A. R. for 1929, p. 7. See above Ch. V. 2. E. C. II. 345, op. cit.

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langere.1
Let us now pass on to the other great centre-Balligame. Throughout the eleventh century A.D. Balligāme figures as a prominent Jaina centre, although during the same age it was the home of all the different religious creeds. And of the various religious organizations that had made Balligame their home, no doubt the Kāļāmukha order deserves the highest praise. It is in connection with one of the greatest figures in Kālāmukha history, Vadi Rudraguna Lakuliśvara Pandita, that, as we said in the above pages, we come across statements pertaining to Jainas in Balligăme. In all likelihood the three great Jaina teachers Abhayacandra, Vādibhasimha Vädigharatța Ajitasena, and Vādiraja-whom Lakulīśvara Pandita defeated in disputation-, excluding others whose identity is still unknown, could only have been worsted by the great Kālāmukha teacher either in the court of the Western Calukyan ruler Jayasimhadeva at Patţalakere or in Balligame itself.
We presume that it was in the latter city that the disputation took place on the following grounds-In the first place, Balligame by virtue of its having been the centre of the then existing creeds was pre-eminently suited to be the meeting ground of all the religious disputants. But a more valid reason in support of our assumption is that supplied by the stone inscription dated A.D. 1048, that is to say, only twelve years after the above inscription relating to the achievements of Lakuliśvara Pandita. The lithic record found in the Somesvara temple at Shikarpur, opens in the acknowledged Jaina manner. It deals with the work of the Mahamaṇḍaleśvara Cămuṇḍa Rayarasa, who was the
MEDIEVAL JAINISM
1. E. C. V. BL. 123, p. 80. See also Rice's note on pinigalam, ibid, p. n. (3)

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POPULAR SUPPORT viceroy of Banavasepura under the Western Cālukyan king Trailokyamalla Someśvara I (A.D. 1042—A.D. 1068). While in the royal city of Balligāme in A.D. 1048, the Mahāmandalaśvara Cāmunda Rāyarasa granted specified land in the same capital for the worship of a basadi of Keśavanandi Aştopavāsi Bhaļāra. This Jaina guru was the disciple of Meghanandi Bhattāraka of the Baļagāra gaña connected with Jajāhuti Sāntinātha. We shall mention later on the place occupied by the Mahāmandaleśvara Cāmunda Rāyarasa in the history of Jainism." We may well assume that Balligāme which possessed a basadi in A.D. 1048 may have been a Jaina centre in the days of Vādi Rudraguna Lakuļīśvara Pandita.
Our surmise is further strengthened by the lithic record dated A.D. 1068 which we have already cited above in connection with General Sāntinātha. The work of that Jaina General may be recalled here ; and we may observe that in Baligrāma was the ancient Mallikāmoda śāntitīrtheśa basadi which was built of wood and which in that year General Sāntinātha rebuilt in stone. The Jaina guru who received a specified grant from the Mahāmandaleśvara Lakşmarasa, the viceroy of the Banavase 12,000 province, was Māghanandi Bhațțāraka who belonged to the Desiya gana and Tālakolānvaya. The concluding lines of the record are all defaced ;? but they prove all the same that in earlier times Jagadekamalla Deva (evidently Jayasimha III, Jagadekamalla, who ruled from A.D. 1018 till A.D. 1042, and after him the Western Cālukyan king Ganga Permmāļi Vikramāditya' VI, both of whom have figured in this treatise), gave grants to the basadi in Balligāme. The statement that " from of old” some land belonged to Nandana basadi (at Baldi
1. E. C. VII. Sk. 120, p. 91. See also I. A. IV, p. 181 ; Moraes, op. cit. pp. 116-117.
2. E. C. VII, Sk. 136, pp. 103-104.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM gāme) appearing in the same epigraph, is a further proof that that centre belonged to the Jainas in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D.1
Balligāme remained a Jaina stronghold in the eleventh and twelfth centuries A.D. We have to recount here the donations given to the Cālukya-Ganga-Permmādi Jinālaya in Balligãme by the king Vikramaditya VI, as recorded in a stone inscription dated A.D. 1077 cited by us already.” As regards the importance of the same city in the reign of the Hoysala king Vira Ballāļa, we know from a lithic record dated A.D. 1199 that certain officers of the provincial government of Nāgarakhanda and Jidduļige 70, during the régime of 'Dandanayaka Malliyanna remitted certain specified dues to Padmanandideva. The object of this endowment was the continuation of the eight-fold worship of the god Mallikāmoda Säntinātha in the Hiriya (i.e., senior, in other words, ancient) basadi of the capital city of Balligāme.3 Like many a great Jaina centre Baļļigāme today possesses no traces of Jaina worship except broken Jaina images.
Another stronghold of the anekāntamata which was as well known as the former was Kuppațūr in the Sohrab tāluka. This place figures in inscriptions of the eleventh
1. E. C. VII. Sk. 136, pp. 103-104. 2. Ibid., VII. Sk. 124, op. cit.
3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 46. Dr. Krishna gives the text and translation of this inscription in full, and opines that the record may be assigned to the reign of king Ballāļa III, and that Padmanandideva mentioned here may be identified with his namesake who died in A.D. 1313. (M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 128-130) Another Padmanandideva has figured in a record of A.D. 1077 cited above.
4. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 15.

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205
and thirtcenth centuries A.D. It was here that in A.D. 1077 the Kadamba queen Māļala Devi constructed the Pārsvadeva caityālaya which we have described above. To the same Tintriņīka gaccha to which Māļala Devi's guru Padmanandi Siddhāntadeva belonged,1 was attached Parvata, a Jaina guru, who is said to have had something to do with the consecration of the same Jina temple. The same Jaina order held possession of the Kuppațūr basadi in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. Sāvanta Muddayya, who will figure in a later context, is said to have constructed a basadi in Kuppaţūr in about A.D. 1207.3
In the Banavasenād were also other great seats of Jainism which have been mentioned in contemporary records. We have, for instance, Uddhare which was one of the ornaments of the Jidduļige country. Reference already has been made to the Kanaka Jinälaya, Pañca basadi, and the splendid Eraga Jinālaya in that famous town, as gathered from records dated A.D. 1139 and A.D. 1198 respectively.4
Heggare (about seven miles from Huļiyūr) in the Chitaldroog district was likewise noted for its Jaina structures. The Cenna Pārsva basadi of this locality was constructed in A.D. 1160 by Sāmanta Gova, as related in an earlier context." It is a simple but elegant specimen of Hoysala architecture. Here in A.D. 1163 died by the orthodox sarnyasana rites Meghacandra Bhattāraka, the disciple of Māņikyanandi
1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 262, pp. 41-42, op. cit. 2. M. A. R. for 1911, pp. 40-41.
3. Ibid., p. 47. See ibid., p. 20 for ruins of Jina images in Kuppațūr.
4. E. C. VIII. Sb. 233, p. 35 ; Sb. 140, p. 200, op. cit. 5. Ibid., XII. Ck. 21, pp. 77-78, op. cit. 6. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 19.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Siddhāntadeva of the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. And when in A.D. 1279 Candrakīrti, who belonged to the same Jaina congregation, but who was the disciple of Maladhāri Bālacandra Rāvula, died by the same method, all the chief Bhavyas of Heggare had a monument made in his name.2
Another seat of Jainism was śringeri. The one prominent basadi in this well known seat of Advaitism was the Pārsvanātha basti. It cannot be made out when it was constructed. But by the middle of the twelfth century A.D. it had already becoine popular. For in A.D. 1149 certain donors who belonged to the Krāņūr gaņa, are mentioned in a damaged record of that date found in the Pārsvanātha basadi.? The basadi built in memory of Māri Šețţi, who was descended from Vijaya Nārāyaṇa śețți of Nidugod, in A.D. 1160, must have been a separate temple. To this basadi certain lands and customs ducs were granted by the Baņajamu (i.e., the Vīra Banajigas) and the Nānādesis. Dr. Krishna mentions another inscription which contains only a salutation to Pārsvanātha, and belongs to the same date as that found in the Pārsvanātha basadi.5
To the same age should be assigned the importance of Kolhāpur as a Jaina centre. The credit of turning it into a tīrtha for the Jainas is to be given to the great philosopher Māghanandimuni, the disciple of Kulacandradeva. This we infer from a stone inscription dated A.D. 1163 of the
1. E. C. XII. Ck. 23, p. 78. 2. Ibid., Ck. 24, p. 79. 3. M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 113-114.
4. Ibid., for 1933, p. 123. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya opined that this was the earliest record found in Sringeri. M.A.R. for 1916, pp. 17, 83. But in view of the inscription dated A.D. 1149 cited above, that opinion is untenable.
5. M. A. R. for 1933, p. 125.

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207 time of Māghanandi himself. The same source speaks of Pratāpapura of Kellangere which belonged to the Rūpanārayaņa basadi of Kollāpura of the Pustaka gaccha, the Deśiya gana, and the Mūla sangha. A later record dated about A.D. 1200 informs us that Māghanandi Siddhāntadeva was connected with the Sāvanta basadi of Kollāpura. This basadi belonged to the same Jaina congregation as the previous one.?
Neither Kolhāpur nor Sringeri was so conspicuous as Bandaņike, one of the most well known centres of Jainism. Today Bandaņike (mod. Bandalike) is a village overgrown with teak trees, with a number of mutilated Jaina figures lying all about. But Bandanike, called in later records Bāndhavanagara and Bāndhavapura, was a seat of the Bhavyas so early as A.D. 902, when it was called a tīrtha. In this year Bițțayya, the Pērggade of the Nādu in the province governed by Lõkateyarasa, caused to be built in that holy place a basadi for which the viceroy and others granted specific villages as a gift. The interest of this stone inscription lies also in the fact that both Bittayya and his wife, who was the gāmundi of Bhārangiyūr, renounced the world, evidently after the construction of the basadi. These events took place in the reign of the Rāşțrakūta king Krşņa II, Akālavarşa.3
Bandaņike sprang into fame under the scions of the Kādamba family. It was the capital of Boppa (or Brahma) Dēva. The god śāntinātha of this city is praised thus in
1. E. C. II. 64, op. cit. 2. Ibid., II. 386, p. 164. See also ibid., Intr. pp. 61, 74, 85.
3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 38. Dr. Krishna speaks of a record dated A.D. 918 found in the same place Bandaņike (M. A. R. for 1931, p. 66) which I am unable to trace.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM a record assigned to A.D. 1182 :-“With however much milk he is bathed, it disappears; though garlanded with flowers down to his feet, they vanish ; though bathed with hot water, he on the contrary becomes cold—is this not sufficient to describe the greatness of Sāntinātha ?” The Acārya of this temple of Säntinātha was Bhānukirti Siddhānta of the Krā. ņūr gana, Tintriņika gaccha, and Nunna-varśa. He was the disciple of the learned Municandra, who had published commentaries, made the science of grammar his own, adopted the rules of logic, explained poems and dramas, and despised the god of love. It was to this same Bhanukirti that, as we related above, the General Rēca had granted a specified village as a gift. The basadi of Ratnatraya of Māguņại, of which Bhānukirti was the priest, we may note, was the creation of Sankara Sämanta, the first person in the kingdom of the ruler Boppa Deva. The temple thus built was so beautiful that it was praised by Sūryābharaṇa, the Tripurāntaka Sūri of Balipura. And to both the Bhavyas and the devout followers of Śiva it was a source of joy ! It was to see this lovely Jinālaya that Rēca Daņdādhisa had come all the way from his own city, as we narrated in an earlier connection. 1
Bandaņike is called a tirtha in A.D. 1075 when the Western Cālukyan monarch Someśvara had made specified gifts to the śāntinātha basadi.2 The same epithet is given to it in A.D. 1204 when Kavade Boppa was its ruler. This officer is called “half a Rēca in promoting the Jina dharma in the world.” He belonged to the trading class, as his name Kavaṇya Boppa Sețți implies. He erected a mantapa for the god śāntinātha. But he was not the only person who
1. E. C. VII. Sk. 197, p. 126, op. cit. 2. Ibid., Sk. 225, pp. 132-133.

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was responsible for the prosperity of Bandaņike as a centre of Jainism. śubhacandra Pandita, the disciple of Lalitakirti Siddhānta, "raised up the tīrtha of Bandanike as its favourite ācārya”, and he obtained the pārupatya (or management) of the Säntinātha tirtha. And the Hoysala king Ballāļa Deva's celebrated (Brahman ?) minister Malla “protected this Bandaņike with affection.” The remarkable spirit of goodwill which prevailed in the land in those days is seen in the manner in which provision was made for the worship and ceremonies of the god śāntinātha of Bandaņike to be described later on.
The śāntinātha basadi of Bāndhavanagara figures also in A.D. 1207, when king Brahma of the Kādamba family ruled over it. The Jaina priest in charge of the basadi in that year was Anantakirti Bhațțāraka of the Krāņür gana and the Tintriņika gaccha. Mudda Sāvanta, also called Sāvanta Muddayya, was his disciple. He was an ornament to the kingdom of Ballāļa Deva, a pious and liberal Jaina, and a worthy successor of Rēca Camūpati. He erected a basadi at Māgundi and granted lands to it. We have already seen how the same Sāvanta built a basadi at Kuppațūr.2 Five years later in A.D. 1213 śubhacandradeva, the disciple of Lalitakirtimuni, died by the orthodox manner in the same holy place.3
The Jainas could also boast of another great stronghold of theirs in the famous capital of the Hoysala rulers--Dorasamudra itself. This city comes into prominence as a Jaina centre from the time of the ruler Ballăļa II. To the reign of this monarch we have to assign a stone record found in the
1. M. A. R. for 1911, pp. 46-47. 2. Ibid. 3. E. C. VII. Sk. 226, p. 133.

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same capital, in which the death by sallekhanā of the Jaina merchant Nāmi Sețţi is registered. The main ground on which this inscription is placed in the early years of the king Ballāļa II is the fact that Nāmi Sețţi is mentioned as the disciple of the Jaina guru Nayakirti. Dr. Krishna rightly identifies Nayakirti with his namesake spoken of in a śravaņa Belgo!a record. But we have to fix the date of Nayakirti in order to prove the validity of our assertion that Nāmi Setti died in the reign of king Ballāļa II.
This can be done by ascertaining a few facts concerning Nayakirtideva. From the epigraphic evidence cited in connection with the great Jaina generals in the previous pages, it may be recalled here that Nayakīrti figures in many of the Hoysala records. This guru was the disciple of Guņacandra and the colleague of Mānikyanandi. Both these pupils of Guņacandra were great philosophers. Nayakīrti was “an emperor of philosophy", while Māņikyanandi was one who " had reached the other shore of the ocean of philosophy”. Nayakīrti was "superior to the lord of Khacchara (Jimūtavāhana) and Bali in liberality, was superior to Meru and the famous Kailāsa in weight (dignity), was the guru of the praiseworthy Irungoļa, and a true guru of the whole world." He belonged to the Desiya gaña and the Pustaka gaccha. He is highly praised as one who was proficient in literature, the Jaina scriptures, and as “a crest jewel of good conduct." For he was one who “destroyed the three śalyas,2 the three gāravas, and the three dandas.* The same
1. M. A. R. for 1929, pp. 78-79.
2-4. The three Salyas are the following--mithyā-salya (falsehood), māyā-salya (fraud), and nindāna-salya (covetousness). The three gūravas are the following pañca-sunā (cutting, grinding, cooking, carrying of water, sweeping); stri-mohādi (love of woman, etc.); and parigraha (land, house, cattle, grain, bipeds,

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211 epigraph tells us that he died in Saka 1099 (A.D. 11761177). On the strength of these facts, we may assign the event mentioned concerning Nămi sețți to a period before A.D. 1177 in the reign of king Ballāļa II or earlier.
That quarter of Dorasamudra which contained Jaina temples was called Bastihaļļi. The basadis which lie in ruins in this village, as well as the inscriptions in its neighbourhood, enable us to conclude that Bastihalļi was, indeed, a prosperous centre of Jainism under the Hoysalas. In A.D. 1236 the guru Sakalacandramuni, a disciple of Bāhubali Siddhānta of the Desiya gana and the Müla sangha, after wandering through villages, cities, and hamlets, and causing Jainism to spread, at last died in the caityagriha of the village of Biļicā (in modern Basavapațțaņa of the Channagiri tāluka ?) after starving himself for three days. At this all the Jaina citizens (Bhavya-nagarangal) of the capital Dorasamudra erected a monument in his memory." From the statement made above concerning this guru, it is not improbable that he had popularized Jainism in the country.
Of the three temples now existing in Bastihaļļi—the Pārsvanátha, Ādinātha, and śāntinātha—we have a few details
quadrupeds, conveyance, bed, servants, vessels). The three daņdas which are hurtful are—acts of body, speech, and mind. E.C., II, p. 22, ns. 1-3.
1. E. C. II, 66, pp. 22-23. On the basis of this the date given to inscription number 182 (circa A.D. 1200), p. 90 (ibid) should be changed to an earlier date. See also 187, 333, pp. 91, 140. In the latter record we are introduced to the solitary figure of Somesvara described as a son of Vira Ballāļa a statement which is not met with elsewhere. Nayakirti's charter to the Jain merchants of Belgola is also to be noted in this record.

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about the last one.1 An inscription on the pcdestal of the image in the śāntinātha temple relates that in A.D. 1257 Vijayaņņa (descent stated) of Kothanādu and the Jaina merchants of Dorasamudra erected the temple of śāntinātha. It was attached to the Desiya gana and the Pustaka gaccha. The donors obtained the village of Híraguppe (location specified) from the king Narasimha Deva III in A.D. 1257, and gave it over to Nayakīrti Siddhānta and his descendants.2
The Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra witnessed a remarkable spectacle in A.D. 1274. Bālacandra Panditadeva of the Deśiya gana and the Inguleśvara baļi and the Sri-samudāya, was a learned and austere guru. He had become famous in the world for his teachings on penance. When he made comments on the Sāracatuşğa and other works, his dikşā guru Nemicandra Bhattāraka listened. Once Bālacandra announced to the four castes thus" At noon (on the date specified) I shall enter the tomb", and he commanded them thus“You should all obtain dharma ; you must forgive me!" Having performed all the rites of sarinyasana, seated on palyankāsana (or couch), praising the forms of the pañcaparameştis, in a manner that gained the approval of his own and other sects, he suffered perfect entombment. At which all the Bhavyas of Dorasamudra performing all the ceremonies suitable for the occasion, as a memorial for his departure, made images of that guru and of the pañcaparameştis, and setting them up, extended his merit.3
Five years later (A.D. 1279) another great Jaina guru died
1. For a detailed account' read M. A. R. for 1930, pp. 52, 55, 59.
2. Ibid., for 1911, p. 49. 3. E. C., V. Bl. 131, p. 87.

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213 amidst equally orthodox circumstances. This was Abhayacandra Siddhāntadeva who, both according to the above records and the one under review, was the śruta guru of Bălacandra Panditadeva. It is said of Abhayacandra that with the pramāņa-dvayi he expounded prosody, logic, vocabulary, grammar, philosophy, and rhetoric. He was a great disputant. On the night of the date specified (A.D. 1279) knowing it was his time for the tomb, forsaking all food, purifying his body, without fear, so that all the world applauded, taking to the palyankāsana, as if saying, “I will certainly show my brightness in heaven", Abhayacandra, the great Siddhāntika, died. And once again all the Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra raised a high monument for him in reverence.1
And twenty years after his death, the pious Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra once again lost an equally remarkable Jaina teacher. He was Rāmacandra Maladhārideva, the senior disciple of Bālacandra Panditadeva. The epigraph gives a unique account of this austere guru. “In walking he did not swing his arms; he did not go the length of a yoke without looking well before him ; women and gold he never touched ; rough words he never spoke ; night and day he never forgot himself and uttered boastful words ; (and he) never fell into the net of ignorance". Rāmacandra Maladhārideva discoursed to his beloved pupil Subhacandradeva on the śreyomärga. Like his great guru Bālacandra, Rāmacandra informed the four castes of the exact time of his death ; and commanding them to cultivate dharma, and having performed all the rites of samnyasana from his palyankāsana, he died in A.D. 1300. And once again the Jaina citizens of Dorasamudra had images of their leader made together with
1. E. C. V 133, p. 88.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM those of the pañcaparameșțis, and they undertook to spread his merit and fame.1
The thirteenth century saw other prosperous Jaina centres. For instance, there was Arasiyakere. This city was one of the most famous spots in Karnāțaka. Here was the Sahasrakūta Jinālaya about which we have already mentioned a few details while dealing with General Rēca. The above inscription dated A.D. 1220 which commemorates the setting up of the Sahashrakūta Jina image by General Rēca, gives us an admirable account of the citizens of that rājadhāni. Here lived both Brahmans and Jainas in the utmost freedom and goodwill. “To those who properly observe, in the celebrated Arasiyakere the Brahmans were versed in the Vedas ; the guards, brave; the traders, wealthy ; the fourth caste, of unshaken speech ; the women, beautiful; the labourers, submissive; the woods, full of fruits; the gardens, full of flowers.” With lotuses covered with bees, with groves filled with parrots and cuckoos, with tanks overflowing, pervaded with the perfume of gandhaśāli rice, filled with flower, sugarcane and wells, having lofty and handsome temples, crowded with an increasing population, and ornament to the earth-who can describe Arasiyakere? The Jaina dharma and all other dharmas are cultivated without opposition by the thousand families of the good in Arasiyakere. The Bhavyas who aided those thousand families are described thus-Their speech, a home of truth ; their conduct, according to Jina dharma ; in worship of the two feet of Jina, fourfold of Indra ; their (material) greatness, equal to that of Kubera ; their gifts bestowed upon only the worthy ; in acquiring wealth, giving pleasure to all ; on whatever side observed this was
1. E. C., V. BI 134, p. 89.

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the case who then can compare with the Bhavyas of Arasiyakere ?1
Such were the Jains of Karnataka who made our land rich and prosperous in the medieval times.
1.
E. C., V, Bl. 77, op. cit. See also M. A. R. for 1918, p. 28, for a short note on the Sahasrakūta temple.

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Importance of the 8th and 9th centuries in Jaina history—The identity of the Ajīvikas with the Jainas disprovedStages in the spread of Jainism I. The age of Samantabhadra-II. Akalanka-III. Vajranandi—The establishment of the Drāvida Sangha-Other gurus who spread Jainism-Kanakanadi & Gunaseña--Eļācārya - Jaina centres in the Tamil land and Travancore, the Andhradeśa and Karnātaka from the early times till the rise of Vijayanagara-Contribution of Jainism to the history and culture of the Tamil land, the Andhradeśa and Karnāṭaka—Literature --Grammar -- Mathematics -- Astrology — Medicine-Arts and Architecture Contribution to the culture of India the four gifts-Ahimsatoleration General causes of the decline of Jainism in the Tamil and Telugu lands and Karnāțaka- The work of the Saiva and Vaisnava saints in the Tamil land.
THE eighth and ninth centuries of the Christian era were
ages of Jaina diffusion in the south. But this expan
sion brought it into conflict with certain forces which proved detrimental to its life not only in the new kingdoms over which it spread, but also in the land of its domicile where undoubtedly it had moulded the destinies of the people for centuries. In the previous pages we saw the history of

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217 some of the major centres of Jainism. Here we shall be concerned with the account of some of the minor seats of that religion which will enable us to understand the story of its struggle in the south, and to appreciate the stand it took in the age when the great mediæval Empire of Vijayanagara was founded.
There is every reason to believe that the anekāntamata radiated to the southern centres from its strongholds in Karnātaka. But it must be admitted at the same time that considerable uncertainty prevails in regard to the question of the exact age when Jainism was introduced in the Tamil land, and the names of the great teachers who were instrumental in propagating the tenets of the Jina dharma." We meet with many references to Jainism and to a sect which has been identified with a sect of that religion, in certain works ascribed to the early period of Tamil literature. Mr. Ramaswami Ayyangar pointed out long ago detailed references to Jainism in the famous Tamil works which belong to the so-called sangham age, viz., Toskāp
1. Devacandra's statement that Vísākhamuni, the immediate disciple of Bhadrabāhu (who is supposed to have died in B.C. 297), travelled in the Cola and Pandya lands and spread the Jina dharma, as given in his Rājāvasikathe, is rightly doubted by Mr. M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar (Studies in South Indian Jainism, pp. 20, 32), because Devacandra's testimony is not supported by any other source. But Mr. Ramaswami assumes that the lithic record in the Brahmi script, found in the Ramnad and Madura districts, and assigned by the Madras Government Epigraphist to the beginning of the third century B.C. (Ep. Report of the Southern Circle for 1907, pp. 60-61), probably were Jaina inscriptions ; and that the Jaina Sages may have commenced their preaching of the Jina doctrine in the Tamil land in that remote age. Studies, pp. 33-35.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM piyam, Kural, Manimekhalai, and Silappadikāram. It is interesting to note that, according to some scholars, the author of Toļkāppiyam was himself a Jaina ;' that Vaļļuvar, the author of Kural, was likewise a follower of Arhat, ;3 and that Iļangõvadigal, the author of Manimekhalai, and the author of Nāladiyar were both Jainas. The Kural, we may note by the way, contains undoubted references to Jainism.5
A prominent sect met with in early Tamil literature has been identified with one of the Jaina sects. Thus, for instance, in the work called Manimekhalai we have the teachings of the Ājīvikas in detail. These Ājīvikas or naked ascetics are supposed by some to be no other than one sect
1. Ramaswami Ayyangar, Studies., pp. 36-50. Other scholars of late including S. K. Ayyangar and C. S. Srinivasachari, have noted a few references to the same after him. Sec for the remarks of these two scholars. Jainācārya Sri Atmānanda Centenar y Commemoration volume, (Bombay, 1936).
2. Vaiyapuri Pillai, Sen Tamil, XVIII for 1919-1920, p. 339.
3. Seshagiri Shastry, Essay on Tamil Literature, p. 43; Ramaswami, ibid, p. 41.
4. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 46, 56.
5. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 41-42. Mr. V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar has unsuccessfully tried to show that the cpithets inalarmiśai, yekkinän, aindavittān, and arāvāliyantanamwhich Ramaswami, following Seshagiri Shastry, showed to be Jaina epithets (Studies, p. 41)--were Vedic ideas. Studies in Tamil Literature, pp. 136-37. Prof. A. N. Upadhye merely follows Ramaswami Ayyangar where he maintains that the Kural contains many Jaina indications, and that the commentator of Nilakesi calls the Kural" our own Bible" (emmothu). Upadhye, Pravacanasāra, Intr. pp. xx, seq. See Ramaswami, Studies., pp. 41
43.
6. S. K. Ayyangar, Manimekhalai in its Historical Setting, Bk. xxvii pp. 193-4. See also ibid, Intr. p. xxii, and pp. 55, 55n(i), 56, 57. Cf. Silappadikāram, Canto XXVII, II. 99-100.

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219 of Jainas identical with the Kşapanakas Yāpaniyas, Nagna (or naked), and Bhagna (wounded) beggars mentioned in literature and epigraphic records.1
But the Ājivikas were not Jainas; and it is doubtful whether they can be identified with the Yāpaniyas mentioned in Jaina literature and in stone inscriptions. In the first place, we may note that the Ājīvikas are mentioned as distinct from the Jainas in Buddhist literature. Secondly, in
1. Rice, E. C. X. Kl. 28, p. 7. The Ajivika sect was founded by Gosala, a contemporary of Mahāvīra and Gautama. Charpentier is of opinion that the Ajīvikas were older than Gosala, himself. J. R. A. S. for 1913, pp. 669-674. But there is nothing new in this opinion, for Monier Williams expressed it long ago. J. R. A. S. XX, p. 277. (O.S.). Ramaswami makes Gośala a quondam disciple of Mahāvīra, Studies ; p. 7. The Ajivikas mentioned in the Edicts of Asoka, have been variously identified with Buddhist Bhiksus, Jaina mendicants, and even with Vaisnavites ! Read Hultzsch, Inscriptions of Asoka (Corpus Insc. Int dicarum, Vol. I.), pp. 136, and ibid, n(3), 181. They figure in Buddhist literature. Cowell, The Jataka ; I, pp. 124 ; 206, 229, 307 ; II. pp. 181, 187 ; III. p. 159; V. p. 8, 42, 45; VI. pp. 115, 119, 121 ; Geiger, Mahāvamso, p. 75, and ibid, n (2) ; Neumann, Digha Nikāya, pp. 2,248, and ibid, n(139) ; A. Banerjee Sastri, J. Bihar Or. R. S. XII, p. 532-562. For a full note on the Ajivikas read Hoernle's admirable account in Hastings, Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, I., pp. 259-268. Read also Benimadhab Barua, A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, Ch. XXI, pp. 297-318 (Calcutta, 1921) [I owe this reference to Dr. Barua's work to Dr. S. M. Katre). Amulya Candra Sen, Schools and Sects in Jaina literature (Visvabhārati Studies. No.3). On their identification with the Vaişņavas, read Bühler, I. A. XX, pp. 316 seq. This is rejected by D. R. Bhandarkar, J. Bom. R. A. S., XXI, pp. 399 seq; 1. A. XLI, pp. 88, 286 seq.
2. Read Majjhima Nikaya. I. pp. 238, 524 ; Rhys Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha, I pp. 71, 219-220, 227, 232 (S.B.E.II) I owe these references to my wife.

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the account of the Jaina scholars as given in the Sthānănga, Uttarādhyāyana, and other Jaina Sutras, no mention is made of Markali Gośala at all. On the other hand, we have the names of seven leaders of the Jaina schism during and after the time of the great Mahāvira. The Sthănângasūtra, for instance, speaks of Jamali who preached the doctrine of work in unlimited time ; Tişygupta, the doctrine of the soul's extension ; Āşādhācārya, the doctrine of Avyaka ; Āsāmitra, the doctrine of momentary existence ; Ganga, the doctrine of double sensation ; Aulukya alias Rohagupta (who was called Kanāda in Brahmanic literature) the doctrine of three or six categories ; Goşta Mahila, the doctrine of no bondage.
Further, the so-called naked ascetics seem to have seceded from the Brahmanical faith. For in the Vişnu Putāna it is said that those who seceded from their original belief are said to be naked, because they have thrown off the garment of the Vedas. This seems to point to a Hindu origin of the Ājivikas.
But the reason why they have been confounded with the Jainas is that like the Digambaras they went about naked. Thus in the immortal hymns called the Tēvāram of the great Saiva saints Tirujñānasambandhar and Appar, the Jainas are described as naked ascetics who pulled out their hair from their heads and stood unabashed before women. Among Hindu writers the naked ascetics are said to have been known by the name Siddhas, a term which is not uncommon among the Jainas too. The naked wandering ascetics
1. The Sthānānga Sütta, pp. 468 469 quoted by Dr. Shama Sastry in M. A. R. for 1927, p. 23. These sūtras are assigned by Dr. Sastry to the sixth century A.D. Ibid, p. 22.
2. Wilson, Vişnu Putāna, p. 341.
3. Ramaswami, Studies ; p. 69 where in n. (7) reference to the original is given.

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221 whom the queen Vilāsavati, desirous of getting a child with a mind prostrate in adoration prays and whom Bāņa calls by the name Siddha, were no doubt Ājīvikas.2 A certain amount of reproach was attached to them. This will be evident from Kautalya's Arthaśāstra in which it is said that a person who entertains in a dinner dedicated to the gods or ancestors, Buddhists, Ājīvikas, Śūdras, and exiled persons (pravrajita), will be fined 100 pana.2
From the Tamil classic Manimekhalai it is clear that the Ājīvikas were not the same as the Jainas. For Manimekhalai after listening to the essence of the teaching of Markali and finding it self-contradictory, passed on to the teaching of the Nirgrantha,3 thereby showing that the teaching of the latter was quite distinct from that of the former.
Moreover, in a record dated A.D. 1162 the naked (magna) ascetics are spoken of as distinct from the bhagna (wounded) ascetics and the Kşapanakas, Ekadaņdis, and others, proving that the people did not associate the Asīvikas or naked ascetics with the Jainas at all.
And, finally, the State in southern and western India differentiated between the Ajīvikas and the Jainas. In the Tamil stone inscriptions discovered in Karnātaka the Ājīvikas were taxed per capita, while the Jainas like other citizens were taxed per house. In the Tamil records the Ājīvikas are styled Āśuvimakkaļ. In an inscription dated A.D. 1072 of the 3rd regnal year of the king Rājendra Cola, the inhabitants of the Eighteen vişaya, the Vaļangai sec
1. Kadambari, p. 56 (Ridding). Even modern scholars have confounded the Digambaras with the Ajīvikas. Takakusu commits such an error. 1-T sing's Travels., p. 2.
2. Kautilya, Arthaśāstra, p. 224. 3. S. K. Ayyangar, Manimekhalai, p. 194. 4. E. C. VII. SK. 102, p. 73.

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tions, and the Padangondu, enacted certain measures among which was one which declared that the Āśuvimakkaļ should pay one kāśu each for the minor tolls ; and that if they failed to do so, they should pay an additional kāśu." In about A.D. 1291 in the 37th year of another Tamil monarch Jayangonda Caļa, a tax on Ājīvikas is mentioned.2 A nobleman called Sikka Dēvaņņa Daņņāyaka Aņņāmalai Devar is said to have remitted, among other taxes, the tax on the Ājivikas, for the worship of a certain god in order to invoke success for the arms of the king Rāmanātha Devar.3 We may contrast these instances with those mentioned in the famous record dated A.D. 1368 which will be examined in minute detail in a later context, in which the following is stated :--That out of the money levied at the rate of one haņa a year for every house according to the door from the Jainas throughout the whole kingdom, a certain amount was to be set apart for the bodyguard of the holy place of Belgoļa. These facts are enough to demonstrate that the people as well as the State in mediæval India distinguished the Ājīvikas from the Jainas.
As regards the identification of the Ājīvikas and the Yāpaniyas, it may be observed that this, too, is untenable. The Yāpiņiyas were an unorthodox Jaina sect with the appearance of the Digambaras but with the observances of the Svetāmbaras." In the epigraphic notices we have of this sect,
1. E. C. X. Mg. 49 (a), p. 87. 2. Ibid, Kl. 28, p. 7. 3. Ibid. Kl. 18, P. 4. 4. Ibid, II, 344, p. 146.
5. Read Lüders' detailed note on them in E. I. IV, pp. 338339, where reference is given to Bhadrabāhu carita, IV. v. 133, seq., which describes the origin of their sangha as well. See also Zeitschrift der Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, XXXVIII, p. 39 seq.

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223 especially, in Karnāțaka, the Yāpaniyas are never confounded with the Ājīvikas at all. How the Yāpiņiyas have figured in Palāśika in the days of the Kādamba king Mfgeśavarmā (fifth century A.D.) and Devavarmā has already been noticed in connection with the patronage extended to Jainism by the Kādamba monarchs. We have likewise seen that Śālagrāma to the west of Mānyapura was a centre of the Yāpaņiya Nandi sangha, which belonged to the Punnāgavíkşamūla, in the first quarter of the ninth century A.D., during the rule of the Rāştrakūta king Govinda Prabhūtavarşa.2 And, further, the Ekkasambuge stronghold of the same sect in the reign of the silahāra king Vijayāditya in A.D. 1165 has also been dwelt upon.3
This digression is necessary if we are to invalidate the alleged identity between the Ājīvikas and the Jainas on the one hand, and the Ājīvikas and the Yāpaņiyas on the other. The spread of Jainism in the Tamil land, therefore, is not to be traced to the advent of the Ājīvikas in the south, but to the activities of the celebrated Jaina teachers whose great
1. For further notices, See Bombay Gaz., II, Pt. II, 288; 1. A. VII 38 ; J. Bom. R. A. S. XII, p. 332.
2. E. C. XII. Gb. 1, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1916, pp. 48-49.
4. As regards the identification of the Ajīvikas with the Kşapaņakas, it may be noted that Kşapanaka is said, according to tradition, to have been one of the nine jewels in the court of king Vikramāditya. (Satiscandra Vidyābhusana referred to by Hiralal, Cat. of MSS in the C. P. etc., p. xiii.) Since the identity of king Vikramāditya himself is a matter of uncertainty, nothing can be said about Kşapaņaka and the creed he promulgated. In a kadita found in the Sringeri matha, Bhāratitirtha Sripada of Sringeri is said to have defeated the Kșapaņakas whom Dr. Krishna identifies with the Jainas. M. A. R. for 1933, p. 219.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM achievements in the field of religion and philosophy brought the Tamil land into close touch with Karnāțaka.1 Prominent among the Jaina gurus who were responsible for the diffusion of Jainism in the Tamil country were Samantabhadra, Akalanka, Kanaksena, and Gunanandi.
Samantabhadra is a celebrated name in Jainism. Devacandra in his Rājāvaļikathe (A.D. 1838) tells us that Samantabhadra performed penance in the village of Maņuvaka.? This statement of a later writer is insufficient to assert that Samantabhadra was a Kannadiga. No original Kannada work of this great Jaina teacher is available ; but his commentaries in Kannada to Sanskrit and Prakrit works have been discovered.3
The date of this renowned teacher is still unsettled. He may have lived in the earlier part of the second century A.D. This supposition is based on the following considerations. In the first place, it may be observed that in Jaina literary accounts, there is no unanimity at all concerning Samantabhadra's date. In the Viravamśävaļī of the śvetämbaras, Samantabhadra is said to have been the sixteenth Pontiff (from ?), who lived in 889 after Nirvana which corresponds, according to Hiralal, to A.D. 419 as the date of that Jaina guru. But, according to another Jaina tradition,
1. Ramaswami assumes on the strength of the statements made in the Mahāvamso (pp. 49, seq), that Jainism---which, according to him must have been introduced in Ceylon in the fifth century B.C.,-must have left its trace also in the extreme south of India at the same time. Studies ; p. 33. These assumptions do not rest on sure grounds.
2. Kavicarite, I, pp. 2, 4. 3. Ibid, I. p. 4. 4. Hiralal, Cat. of MSS., Intr. p. xi.

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225
Samantabhadra lived in Saka 60 (A.D. 138).1
Credence may be given to the tradition that Samantabhadra lived in the second century A.D., when we examine the pontifical pedigrees of the Jaina gurus as given in the epigraphs ranging from the beginning of the twelfth to the fifteenth century A.D. Thus in a record dated A.D. 1129 we have three names in succession without their relationship being explainod : Bhadrabāhu, Kondakunda, and next to him Samantabhadra, thus showing that in regard to spiritual greatness these three names come one after the other. Ir another record dated A.D. 1163 it is said that in the line of Bhadrabāhu arose Kondakunda, who was also called Padmanandi, Umāsvāti, and Gțdhrapiñcchācārya. His disciple was Balākapiñccha. "In such a line of great ācāryas arose (with praise) Samantabhadra ” after whom came Pūjyapāda. The same is repeated in a later record of A.D. 1398 in which we are told that Kondakunda wrote the Tattvārthasūtra, and that Samantabhadra's disciple Sivakotisūri “ornamented the Tattvārthasūtra”, evidently meaning thereby that he wrote a commentary on that work. Then, again.
1. Bhandarkar, Report on Skt. MSS. for 1883-1884 p. 320. Rice also placed Samantabhadra in the second century A.D. My & Coorg, p. 203. But Narasimhacarya maintained that Samantabhadra may have lived in circa. 400. (Kavicarite, I, p. 4).
2. E. C. II. 67, p. 25. 3. Ibid, 64, p. 17. 4. Ibid, 254, p. 110. If we are to rely upon this inscription,
and there is no reason why we should doubt its authenticitythen, Sivakoti was the earliest Jaina scholar to write a commentary on the Tattvārthasūtra. Hence Prof. Upadhye's remark that Pujyapada-who, as pointed out elsewhere in this treatise, can sometime after Samantabhadra,-- was the earliest Digambara commentator on Tattvārthasūtra (Pravacanasāta. Intr. p. xxi) has to be modified.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM in an inscription of A.D. 1432 we have the fact of Samanta. bhadra's being mentioned immediately after Balākapiñccha.!
Although the above records unmistakably point out to the proximity in time of Samantabhadra to Balākapiñccha, who was the disciple of Konakunda, yet they do not assert that Samantabhadra was the immediate disciple of Balākapiñccha. This is not surprising when we know that Balākapiñccha had a famous disciple called Gunanandi, as is proved by epigraphs dated A.D. 1115 and A.D. 1176.2 Nevertheless it may not be too much to assume that Samantabhadra was near enough in time to that Jaina teacher. This explains why he is placed immediately after Baläkapiñccha in the records cited above.
But the difficulty concerning Sainantabhadra's date is not thereby solved. For the date of neither Kondakunda nor Balãkapiñccha is known. Professor Upadhye after a caresul discussion of all available evidence places Kondakunda at the beginning of the Christian era... On the basis of this
1. E. C. II. 258, p. 117. But in this inscription Umāsvāli. muni is said to be born in the line of Kondakunda, which, as pointed out by Narasimhacarya, is not borne out by other records. Ibid, p. 117, n(1).
2. E. C. II. 66, 127, pp. 51-52.
3. The same conclusion was arrived at by Ramaswami. Studies, p. 43. Professor Upadhye relates that a Jaina Kannada magazine called Vivekābhūdaya, I. pp. 3-4, has discovered the village where Kondakunda lived. It is identified with Kondakund about four or five miles from the Guntakal railway station. Pravacanasāra, p. xxiii, n(2). But this discovery is not new. It was made long ago in the Epigraphical Report of the Southern Circle for 1916, p. 134, where it was said that Kondakunda's village was called Konakonala, Konakunțla, or Konkakunda. This suggests that we have to look for the domicile of the great Jaina teacher in an essentially Karnātaka locality, and not in

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227 date it may be argued that Kondakunda's immediate disciple Balākapiñccha may be placed in the middle of the same century. Admitting that one or two names intervened between Balākapiñccha and Samantabhadra, it is not
Kañci, as suggested by Prof. Upadhye. (Op. cit., p. xxiii). Among the arguments advanced by this learned writer in order to arrive at the conclusion, we may notc two :- The spelling of the name Kõndakunda, and the name of the great guru being associated with the Drāvida sangha.
As regards the first supposition, it may be observed that kõnda means a hill in Kannada. (Kittel, Kannada-English Dicty. p. 485), and kunda, means a hole in the ground, a pit. (Kittel, ibid., p. 437), while kunda means a pillar of bricks. (Kittel, ibid., p. 441). The first of the name (konda) is Kannada, as is proved by the names Konqabhaçța (a male person), Kondaganale (a village), Koņpakūru (village) Konali (a village), Kondalinād (district), Kondanād (a province), Konqamma (a female person), etc. (E. C. IV. Yd. 54, pp. 60-61 ; VIII. Sb. 559, p. 89; VI. Mg. 76, pp. 282-3; V. BI. 136, p. 90; VII. Sk. 129, p. 99; V. Ag. 22, p. 249). These and other names beginning with konda appear in numerous Kannada inscriptions. As regards the second half of the name kunda, it is undoubtedly earlier and more common than kunda. (On Koņpakunda, see, E. C. V. Bl. 124, p. 83) Inscriptions give us the names of villages and centres that bore the name kunda. Thus in a record assigned to A.D. 900 we have the peak of Kunda (kundašila) situated to the west of Nimbagrāma in the village of Sandhikavāța. Here on the hill of the Kunda many companies of Jaina sages (bahavo munipungavāh) attained siddhi, and here Candraşeņa, the disciple of Srişeņa obtained mukti in about A.D. 900 (E. C. IX Cp. 69, p. 145, text, p. 323). A number of Jaina devotees (among whom are mentioned two Jaina women) died in the orthodox manner here. This place seems to have been called also Kirukunda. (E. C. IX. Cp. 70 dated circa A.D., 900, ibid page).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM arbitrary to assume that Samantabhadra, who, as related above, is always spoken of in inscriptions as having come almost soon after Balākapiñccha, lived in the first quarter of the second century A.D.
From epigraphs as well as literature we know that Samanbhadra visited kañcipura. Thus the record dated A.D. 1129 already referred to above, gives the following graphic description of the career of Samantabhadra :-“At first the drum was beaten by me within the city of Pāțaļiputra, afterwards
Now to the word konda, we have a fort of Konda (Kondadakote), which is unidentifiable, where the founder of the Sāntara line, Jinadatta Rāya, is said to have defeated and put to Alight Kara and Karadūşaņa(E. C. VIII. Nr. 35, p. 134. Nr. 48, 151). A Kunda village in Agumbesīme is mentioned in A.D. 1681 (Ibid., TL. 89, p. 181). Kundagatta was in the Hodinād sime (Ibid. IV. Ch. 77. p. 9).
These examples show beyond doubt that for the origin of the words konda, kunda or konda, we need not look for it in the Tamil land, but only in Karnāšaka.
Then there is the other argument that Kondakunda's name is associated with the Drāvida sangha. Since this sangha, as has been amply proved in this treatise, was established after the original Mula sangha had been divided into four sanghas, and that long after Kondakunda's time, one cannot maintain at all that Kondakunda's having been associated with the Drāvida sangha means that he belonged to the Tamil land.
Further, there is one more argument-Kondakunda's association with a king who is supposed to have belonged to the Pallava dynasty. This, as Prof. Upadhye himself admits (Pravacanasāra, Intr. pp. xxiii-xxiv) is a hollow argument. All these considerations lead us to the conclusion that Kondakunda must have been a Kannadiga, hailing from the village of Konakonala in the neighbourhood of Guntakal.
1. Ramaswami in another connection asserts that the Jainas had penetrated into the extreme south under Kondakunda in the first century A.D. Studies, p. 44.

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CRITICAL TIMES in the city of Māļava, Sindhu, and Thakka, at kañcipura, and at Vaidisa. I have now arrived at Karahāțaka, which is full of soldiers, rich in learning, and crowded (with people). Desirous of disputation, O King, I exhibit the sporting of a tiger. When the disputant Samantabhadra stands in thy court, O King, even the tongue of Dhūrjați (Siva), who talks clearly and skilfully, turns back quickly towards the nape of the neck. What hope can there be for others ? "1
So far as the above record is concerned, Samantabhadra went from Kañcipura to Karahāțaka. This epigraph does not tell us what he did at Kañcipura, although in an earlier context it narrates that Samantabhadra was skilful in reducing to ashes the disease bhasmaka (morbid appetite).? Further details of this disease and the name of the Tamil king who became his disciple are given in Jaina literature and epigraphs, with no doubt some discrepancies. For instance, Prabhācandra in his Ārādhanakathākośa makes Samantabhadra, a victim to the bhasmaka disease, roam from Kañci to Paundrapura, Dašapura, and Benares where he performed the miracle of bringing out Pārsvanātha from, an image of Siva and converted the king Sivakoti into Jainism.
But Karnāțaka tradition as recorded by Devacandra in his Rājāvaļikathe has a different version to give of the same story. Unable to get himself cured of the morbid disease, Samantabhadra approached his guru (whose name is unfortunately not given) with a request to permit him to end his life by sallekhanā. But the guru, foreseeing that Samantabhadra was destined to be a great promoter of the faith, refused to give him permission, and directed him to go to any place where he might appease his hunger and take dīksā
1. & 2. E. C. II. 67, p. 25. 3. Prabhācandra cited by Harilal, Cat. of MSS., p. X.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM again. Then Samantabhadra went to Kañci where lived king Śivakoti, whose devotion consisted, among other things, of daily distributing twelve khandugas of rice in the temple of Bhimalinga. Samantabhadra assured the king that he would make the god accept the food ; and one day while alone in the temple, ate up all the twelve khandugas of rice. On opening the temple doors the astonishing king found that all the food was gone! The next day Samantabhadra left a quarter, and on the following day half of the food, explaining that the god had granted it for prasāda. But the suspicions of the king being arcused, he had the temple surrounded with his troops with orders to burst open the door. At this Samantabhadra was so frightened that he prayed to the Tirthankaras, whereupon Candraprabha appeared in his full glory in the place of Bhimalinga. Samantabhadra at once threw open the doors, and the bewildered king fell at his feet begging for instruction in the Jina faith. Making over his kingdom to his son, the king took dikşā and became known as Sivakoți Ācārya.1
From the above it is clear that śivakoti was king of Kañci and not of Benares, as is narrated by Prabhācandra. But it must be confessed that the age and identity of this king, as well as that of the king of Karahātaka, mentioned in one of the records cited above, will remain unsettled for want of sufficient data. All the same it may be suggested that it was in the second century A.D. that the tenets of the anekāntamata were spread to the great city of Kañci ; and
1. Devacandra cited by Narasimhacarya, Kavicarite, I. pp.24; E. C. II. Intr. p. 83, n(4).
2. Probably the north Indian tradition associated Sivakoti with Benares. Hiralal refers to Brahma Nemidatta who is said to have noticed it. Cat. of MSS. p. xix.

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CRITICAL TIMES lhat, as an inscription of A.D. 1129 relates, it was through Samantabhadia that "the auspicious Jaina faith became again and again auspicious on all sides."1 Even so late as A.D. 1432 he is called “the promulgator of the doctrine of Jina.”2
It was also in the Tamil land that another celebrated Jaina preceptor won a great victory, thereby planting firmly thc Jina faith in the southern parts of the country. This was the famous Akalankadeva about whose personal history no particulars are available. Jaina tradition relates that he was the son of a Brahman named Puruşottama, who was the minister to the king śubhatunga of Mānyakheța. This is related in the Ārādhanakathākośa by Prabhācandra, versified by Brahma Nemidatta.But Akalankadeva himself in his Rājavārlika tells us that he was the son of a certain king called Laghu Havva.*
An equally inconclusive detail is in regard to the king in whose court Akalanka won a great victory. While there can be no doubt that he did win a notable victory in disputation, there is some discrepancy concerning the kingdom over which the monarch ruled. The earliest reference to the victory is in a stone inscription assigned to the tenth century A.D. In this record we are told that after Guñanandi Sabdabrahmä сame Akalankasimhāsana, who defeated the Bu dhists and the Sānkhyas in a religious dispute. The name of the place where the dispute was held is not given in the record. Gunanandi mentioned in this inscription was pro
1. E. C. II 67, p. 25. 2. Ibid, 258, p. 117. 3. Hiralal, Cat. of MSS., Intr. p. xxvi. 4. Ibid, p. xxvii. 5. M. A. R. for 1923, s. 15,

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM bably the disciple of Baläkapiñccha. He is described in a record of A.D. 1115 as “an emperor of good conduct, proficient in logic, grammar, and the other sciences, a master of literature, a lion in smiting the herd of intoxicated elephants, the false disputants, etc."1
As regards Akalanka's great powers, we have a graphic account of this teacher in a record dated A.D. 1129. “Who can comprehend (the greatness of) the blessed Akalankadeva, by whom Tārā that had become secretly manifest in a pot as her abode was overcome along with the Bauddhas... in the dust of whose lotus feet Sugata (i.e., Buddha) performed an ablution as if in expiation of his sins ?” In the court of a king called Sāhasatunga, Akalanka, as we have already seen above, while describing his own greatness said that it was not influenced by self-conceit or hatred, but through inere compassion that he overcame all the crowds of Bauddhas and broke Sugata with his foot, and that he achieved this fact in the court of the shrewd king Himaśītala.?
Numerous epigraphs, which are not cited here, refer to this victory won by Akalankadeva. But the identity of the king Himaśītala is still a matter of uncertainty. Wilson made him a Pallava king and assigned him to A.D. 788. The same scholar is responsible for the assertion that Akalanka studied Buddhism in the Buddhist college at Ponataga Nagaram near Trivātur.4 But Brahma Nemidatta informs us that
1. E. C. II, 127, p. 52 ; Cf. 66 of A.D.., 1176 p. 21. 2. Ibid., II, 67, op. cit.
3. Wilson, Mackenzie Collection, Intr. p. 40. How Prof. S. K. Ayyangar came to date this event in A.D. 855 is unintelligible. Ancient India, p. 269.
4. Wilson, ibid., Rice, My. Ins., Intr. p. 56; Pampa Rāmā. yana, Intr. p. 3. (1832); Karnātaka Sabdānuśāsana, Intr. pp. 9-10, 24-25.

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233 Himaśītala was the king of Kalinga ;1 while a later Sanskrit work entitled Bhuvanapradipikā written in A.D. 1808 by Rāmaksşņa śāśtri, makes Himaśītala a Jaina king of Tundiradeśa, and a descendant of Lokapāla, born in the line of Guņapāla. We are told in this work that Himaśītala ruled in Kali 1125 Pingaļa.2
Without discussing this question further, it may be observed that the contemporaneity of Akalanka with king Himaśītala (A.D. 788) and with the Rāşțrakūta monarch Sähasa. tunga Dantidurga, suggests that Akalanka's great victory over the Buddhists may have been won in the latter part of the eighth century A.D. This period, therefore, reckoning from the time of Samantabhadra may be said to be the second phase in the progress of Jainism in the south.3
The third stage in the growth of Jainism in the Tamil country is reached when we come to the age of the Jaina sage Vajranandi. Devasena in his historical work dealing with the origin of the various Jaina sanghas, called Darśanasāra, composed in Vikrama Samyat 900 (A.D. 933), tells us
1. Harilal, Cat. of MSS., p. xxvi.
2. M. A. R. for 1918, p. 68. But this writer is unreliable. Among the other wrong statements he makes are the following That Cāmunda Rāya built the statue of Gomaţa in Kali 600 ; that Vinayāditya Ballāļa built Yādavapuri (Dorasamudra ?) in Saka 778; and that Vijayanagara was founded in Saka 1093 by the Narapati kings.
3. This explains why Akalanka is styled in A.D. 1163 as one " through whom the Jaina doctrine, which had been stainless from the beginning, became respondent without any stain". (E. C. II. 64, p. 17.) We may note in this connection that Rice placed Akalanka in the eighth or ninth century A.D. (My. & Coorg., p. 203); while Pathak assigning the same date to the Jaina guru, identified Sāhasatunga with the Rāşțrakūta king Krşņa I. (J. Bom. R.A.S. XVIII. p. 219).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM that the Drāvida sangha was established in Madura by Vajranandi. This piece of information is interesting, since it furnishes an additional detail concerning the famous sanghas established in Karnāțaka and the south. The division of the original (Śrī Mūla) sangha, which was attached to the lineage of Kondakunda, into the four famous branches of Deva, Nandi, Simha, and Sena was, according to the inscription dated A.D. 1398, the work of Ardhabali, who didi so in order to minimize the hatred and other evils that might arise owing to the nature of the times. He is mentioned in the same record as having come after Gunabhadra, the disciple of Jinasenācārya. A later record dated A.D. 1432 mercly states that the division of the original sangha took place after the death of Akalanka.?
The institution of the Drāvida sangha was, we may presume, in honour of the Tamil people among whom Jainism must have made considerable progress since the time of Samantabhadra. That is to say, the Drāvida gana, which, according to Devasena, was established by Pūjypāda, and of which that celebrated grammarian was the first ācārya,4 must have had, in the course of the four or five centuries from Pūiyapāda to Vajranandi, such an enormous following that the latter Jaina preceptor sound it advisable to raise it to the dignity of a sangha. Whatever that may be, the identity of Vajranandi deserves some notice. The inscription dated A.D. 1129 referred to above, places Vajranandi immediately after
1. Devasena, Darśanasāra, p. 24, referred to by Upadhye, Pravacanasāra, Intr. p. xxi. On the date of Darśanasāra, read Hiralal, op. cit., p. 652.
2. E. C. II. 254, pp. 109, 110. 3. Ibid, 258, p. 117. 4. Hiralal, ibid, p. xxx.

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235 Vakragriva, and tells us that Vajranandi was the author of Navastotra, “an elegant work embodying the variety of the teachings of all the Arhats.”
With the help of the above facts, we argue thus in order to ascertain the date when Vajranandi established the Drāvida sangha in Madura :
(a) The four sanghas were, according to the record dated A.D. 1432, divided after Akalanka's death. Since Akalanka is assigned to the latter part of the eighth century A.D., we have to suppose that the division into the four sanghas took place after the eighth century A.D.
(6) The four sanghas were the creation of Ardhabali who is placed after Guņabhadra. Now Guņabhadra was the disciple of Jinasena of the Sena gana ; and we know the date of both these scholars. From the praśasti of the work called Jayadhavala-țīkā begun by his guru Vīrasena, we know that Jinasena II completed it in Saka 760 (A.D. 838) during the reign of the Rāştrakūta king Amoghavarsa 1.2 Jinasena's disciple Gunabhadra wrote the Uttarapurāna which he completed in Saka 820 (A.D. 898).3 We may therefore, legitimately place Guņabhadra's successor Ardhabali in about A.D. 900. This would mean that the division of the original sangha into the four branches by Ardhabali took place in the last quarter of the ninth century or in the first quarter of the tenth century A.D.
(c) The fact of Devasena's mentioning the establishment of the Drāvida sangha suggests that that sangha was founded
1. E. C. II. 67, pp. 25-26.
2. Hiralal, Cat. of MSS., Intr. p. xxiii. This Jinasena is to be distinguished from Jinasena I, the author of Harivamśa. Ibid, p. xxii.
3. Hiralal, ibid, p. xxiv.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM either during his life time or just before him. Since the Drāvida sangha was not included among the four songhas into which Ardhabali divided the original Mūla sangha, it may be inferred that it was a later creation.
The validity of the above assumptions will be clear on examining the following points-Firstly, when we ascertain the sangha to which the Drāvida sangha was attached ; and, Secondly, the name of the successors of Ardhabali who were directly responsible for the growth of the Drāvida sangha.
As regards the first point, it may be observed that the Drāvida sangha to which was attached the Irunguļānvaya from which hailed many great Jaina gurus, was itself a subdivision of the Nandi sangha. Epigraphic evidence proves this. An inscription assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 1050 speaks of Gunasena Pandita as having belonged to the Drāvida sangha (of the) Nandi sangha and Irunguļānvaya.1 This is further proved by a record dated A.D. 1064 which registered the death of the same guru whose preceptor we are told in the same inscription was Puşpasena. Gunasena is called the lord of the great Irungūļānvaya of the Nandi sangha of the Drāvida gana.2 Instances may be multiplied to prove this further.3
Now in regard to the successors of Ardhabali who were
1. E. C., IX, Cg. 37, p. 174. See also ibid., Cg. 38 dated about the same year.
2. Ibid., Cg. 34, p. 173.
3. See Ibid., IV. Gu. 27 of A.D. 1196, p. 40; V. Hn. 131 of circa A.D. 1117, p. 37 ; Hn. 128 undated, p. 80 (translit) ; Ak. 1 of A.D. 1169, p. 112 ; Ak. 141 of A.D. 1159, p. 175; VI. Mg. 18 of circa A.D. 1040, p. 61 where Draviļa sangha is said to belong to the Mūla sangha ; VIII Nr. 36 of A.D. 1077, p. 139; Nr. 37. of A.D. 1147, p. 142 ; Nr. 39 of circa A.D. 1077, p. 143 ; Nr. 40, of A.D. 1077, p. 144 ; XI, Dg. 90, p. 69.

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237 directly associated with the Drāvida sangha. Although convention and respect for the memory of the great leaders of the past made the scribes of some inscriptions associate the names of Bhadrabāhu, Kondakunda, and Samantabhadra with the origin of the Drāvida sangha, yet we know from inscriptions that only four Jaina preceptors were primarily connected with the Drāvida sangha. These were Bhūtabali, Puşpadanta, Vajranandi, and Patrakesarisvāmi. Thus in a record of A.D. 1160 we have the following :-“... Arunguļānvaya of the Drāvida sangha which had come down increasing from Bhūtabali and Puşpadanta Bhattāraka, from Samantabhadrāsvāmi and Akalankadeva, from Vakragrivācārya, from Vajranandi Bhațțāraka ", and others down to Vasupūjyasvāmi. The same with slight variations is repeated in a record dated A.D. 1169.2 The first two Bhūtabali and Puşpadanta were the disciples of Ardhabali. This is proved by the record of A.D. 1398 which asserts that Ardhabali “shonc with his two disciples Puşpadanta and Bhūtabali."3 Therefore, it was the immediate disciples of Ardhabali who were responsible for the growth of the Drāvida sangha. And as regards Patrakesarisvāmi, who is called in a record of A.D. 1136 the head of the Dramiļa sangha, we know from the inscription of A.D. 1129 that he came after Vajranandi, and that by the grace of Padmavati he refuted the trailaksana theory.
Hence it is clear from the above facts that, in spite of the occasional reference to the earlier preceptors like Bhadrabāhu, etc., the institution of the four sanghas from the ori
1. E. C. VI, Kd. 69, p. 13. 2. Ibid., V. Ak. 1, p. 112. 3. Ibid., II. 254, p. 110. 4. Ibid., V, B1, 17, p. 51.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM ginal Mula sangha was the work of Ardhabali ; that the Drāvida sangha was a sub-division of the Nandi sangha which was most famous of the four sanghas, that the prosperity of the Drāvida sangha is to be attributed to the activities of the two disciples of Ardhabali--Bhūtabali and Puşpadanta ;' and that the establishment of the Drāvida sangha at Madura was the work of Vajranandi in the last quarter of the ninth or in the first quarter of the tenth century A.D.2
Two other names are associated with the spread of Jainism in the Tamil land-Kanakasena and Gunasena. Kanakasena was connected with Dharmapuri (Tagļūr in the Salem district). A stone inscription dated śaka 815 (A.D. 893) relates that a nobleman in the reign of Mahendrarājādhirāja Noļamba gave a grant to the basadi at Dharmapuri and to Kanakasena Bhattāraka. A Gunasena also figures in the
1. E. C. II, 67. p. 26 ; Pathak, J. Bom. R. A. S., XVIII, p. 232.
2. On Vakragriva, the predecessor of Vajranandi, read E. C, II, 67, p. 26; IV. Ng. 100, pp. 139-141, V. Bl. 17 p. 51 ; Ak. 1, p. 112; Ak. 141, p. 175 ; VI. Kd. 69, p. 13; M.A.R., for 1926, p. 51. A disciple of Vajranandi by name Mugulina Pārsvadeva is mentioned in a record the cyclic year of which cannot be determined. E.C., V. Hn. 128, p. 8. (translit.) These conclusions based upon epigraphic records invalidate the assertion made in the Digambara Darśana (J. Bom. R. A. S., XVII. p. 74) that Vajranandi founded the Dramila sangha at Madura in Vikrama year 526 (A.D. 470). This has been implicitly followed by Ramaswami, Studies, p. 52: P. T. Srinivasa Aivangar, History of the Tamils, p. 247 ; Ramachandra Dikshitar, Studies in Tamil Lit., pp. 21-22. Further we may note that the assertion made in the Digambara Darsana that Vajranandi was the disciple of Pūjyapāda is altogether unsupported by the many epigraphic records which we have examined in detail.
3. 304 of 1901; Rangacharya, Top. List, II, p. 1211. See also 61 & 63 of 1900 ; Rangacharya, ibid., II, 990, 1003.

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CRITICAL TIMES records of the south, and especially in the reign of a king called Varaguņa Vikramāditya. These two preceptors are mentioned in other records as well.2
But neither of them can be identified with the meagre data before us. A Kanakasenamuni, the guru of Baladevamuni, is mentioned in a record assigned to circa A.D. 650. In what way he was connected with the Tamil land, cannot be determined. As regards Gunasena, we have two Jaina preceptors of that name. There was Gunasena-guruvar, who was the disciple of Moniguruvar of Agaļi, and who died in about A.D. 700.4 A more conspicuous Gunasena was the disciple of Puşpasena. This guru hailed from Mulļūru in Coorg, and, as we have already seen, died in A.D. 1064.5
Likewise unidentifiable is the name of Ēlācārya, who is supposed by some to have been the author of the Tamil classic Kural. It is related in Jaina tradition that Elācārya after composing this work, gave it to his disciple Tiruva!ļuvar, who introduced it to the Sangham at Madura. This has to be given up for the following reasons--In the first place, the identity of Elācārya himself is by no means settled. There are at least three Jaina gurus of that name. Jaina tradition relates that ēlācārya was another name of Kondakundācārya.? But, as Prof. Upadhye has pointed out, there is no basis for asserting that Kondakundācārya was ever called
1. 330 of 1908 ; Rangacharya, op. cit., II, p. 995 ; III, p. 1696. 2. Rangacharya, ibid., II, p. 1003. 3. E. C., II. Intr. p. 72; 2, p. 2. 1. Ibid., II, 8, p. 3. 5. Ibid., I. Cg. 34, 35, 37, 38, 41, pp. 65-67 6. Upadhye, Pravancanasāra, pp. xx-xxi. 7. 1. A., XII. p. 20; Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 31. n (1).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Elācārya. Moreover, the intimate association of the Jaina gurus with the Tamil people seems to have begun only after the time of Samantabhadra. Hence we cannot conceive of Kondakundācārya visiting the south in order to inspire a great Tamil poet to present his work to the Sangham at Madura. A second Elācārya has already figured in the above pages. He was the disciple of Sridharadeva, and is supposed to have lived in circa A.D. 910.2 This age would be too late for Ēlācārya, the contemporary of Tiruvalluvar, whose lowest age, according to some, is the sixth or seventh century A.D. Then there is another Elācārya, mentioned in a record assigned by Rice to circa A.D. 1060. Nothing more is known about this person than that his lay disciple was Bindayya.
Secondly, the name as it appears in Tamil literature and in Ceylon chronicles is not ēlācārya but Elesingha, Elala, and Aļāra. It is said that the profound scholarship of Tiruvaļļuvar attracted the notice of Elesingha, a great merchant who carried an overseas trade. This merchant accepted Tiruvalluvar as his preceptor ; and at the former's request Tiruvalluvar composed the great Kural. According to the Ceylonese chronicles it was Eļēra or Aļāra (which word seems to have been a corruption of the Tamil Elēla), a Cola nobleman, who invaded Ceylon, slew the local ruler Asēla, and ruler over that island from B.C. 145 to B.C. 101.6 The Tamil
1. Upadhye, op. cit., pp. xx-xxi.
2. See also E. C., Yd. 28, p. 56. But Rice assigns this record to circa A.D. 1100.
3. Dikshitar, Studies in Tamil Literature, p. 38. 4. E. C., IV. Ng. 67, p. 129. 5. Dikshitar, ibid., p. 128.
6. Geiger, Mahavamso, Intr. p. xxxvii (1912, ed) ; Dikshitar, ibid., pp. 129-130.

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tradition, therefore, makes Elesingha a merchant ; the Ceylonese chronicles, a ruler ; and the Jaina tradition, a sage !1
Although the linking up of the name of Elācārya with Tiruvaļļuvar has to be rejected, yet it cannot be denied that after Samantabhadra's time, and especially after the foundation of the Drāvida sangha at Madura by Vajranandi, Jainism had made rapid progress and established many centres in the Tamil land.2
The Tamil works Pattinapālai, Silappadikāram, and Maņimekhalai contain interesting details of the Jainas in the Tamil land. The great centres were at Madura, Kāveripūmpațținam (mod. Kāveripațțņam in the siyāļi tāluka), and Uraiyūr on the banks of the Kāverī. The Pațținappālai speaks of the Jaina and Buddhist temples being in one quarter of the city of Pugār (i.e., Kaveripūmpațținam), while in another the Brahmans with plaited hair performed sacrifices and raised volumes of smoke. The other classics relate that the Jainas, who were called by the name Ni(r)granthas, lived outside the town in their cool cloisters, the walls of which were exceedingly high and painted red and
1. Mr. K. V. Subramanya Aiyer doubts whether Manu-Cola of the Periyapurānam, Elesingha of the Tamil tradition, and Elēra of the Mahavamso were not identical ! Historical Sketches, p. 186.
2. Of these Kāveripūmpattinam and Uraiyūr were well known Cola capitals, the former owing to its foundation to the king Kari. kāla Cola. The inscriptions in Uraiyur date only to the eleventh century A.D. But the dates of Karikāla Coļa are unknown, although he has been placed in the earlier half of the sixth century A.D. (Subrahmanya Aiyer, Historical Sketches, pp. 1. n. 1; 188, 190-191). If this is accepted, it seems as if we are to place the Silappadikāram, which speaks of that city as being a centre of Jainism, also in the same century.
3. Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid., p. 198.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM which were surrounded by little flower gardens. Their temples were situated at places where two or three roads met. They preached their doctrines from raised platforms ; and they conducted monasteries for nuns. These details perhaps refer to Madura.
In the Manimekhalai we have a detailed exposition of the Nirgrantha philosophy as preached in Madura. Manimekhalai dissatisfied with the teachings of Markali, turns to the Nirgrantha and asks him to describe to her his deity, his teachings, his authoritative texts, and his idea of bondage and nirvāņa. And then the Nirgrantha relates in detail the six sections of his teachings,-dharmāstikāya adharmūstikāya, kāla, ākāsa, jīva, and paramāņus, with good and bad deeds, and the release (vidu).
Although no conclusion has been arrived at concerning the age to which Manimekhalai can be assigned, yet it may be presumed that the account of the Jaina philosophy as given in that work was in vogue in the south somewhere in the
1. Ramaswami, Studies, p. 17.
2. For a detailed account read Kanakasabhai, The Tamils 18,000 Years Ago, pp. 215-216, Ramaswami, ibid., pp. 50-51, S. K. Ayyangar, Manimekhalai in Ils Historical Setting, pp. 196-197.
3. Dr. S. K. Ayyangar is inclined to place this work in the second century A.D. Beginnings of South Indian History, pp. 168-192 ; Ancient India, pp. 360, 380-382. This conclusion of Dr. Ayyangar was long ago controverted and disproved by M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar, who has amply demonstrated that Manimekhalai belongs to the sixth or seventh century A.D. Studies, pp. 149-153. Dr. Ayyangar has failed to meet these arguments. Read his Manimekhalai, pp. xxvi--xxix. Ramaswami Ayyangar's conclusion is supported by Prof. Jacobi who also opined that Manimekhalai was to be assigned to the sixth century A.D. Read Jacobi in S. K. Ayyangar's Alanimekhalai, Intr. p. xxxiv.

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CRITICAL TIMES fifth or sixth century A.D.1
Circumstances narrated elsewhere in this treatise point to a bitter campaign which the saiva saints launched against the teachers of the anekāntamata in the south. This may have been in the tenth and eleventh century A.D., when as a result of the Saivite revival the influence of the Jainas in Madura was once and for ever shattered. But there were other parts of the southern peninsula where Jainism continued to live long after the days of the great Jñānasamandhar and other well known saiva saints.
One of these was Vallimalai, near Tiruvallam in the Wandiwash tāluka of the North Arcot district. Kannada rccords in the Grantha characters prove the importance of this place as a Jaina stronghold in the ninth and tenth century A.D. The Ganga king Rācamalla Satyavākya I, the son of Ranavikrama (i.c., Vijayāditya, Raņavikrama) and grandson of king Śrīpuruşa, built a basadi on Vallimalai.? Another record also in Kannada but in Grantha characters mentions the setting up of an image of Devasena, the pupil of Bhavānandi. Devasena was the guru of an unidentified Bāņa king. The work of setting up the above image was done by a Jaina sage cailed Aryanandi, also known as Ajjanandi. It cannot be made out whether this was the samc Ajjanandi who is called “the glorious" in a Vatteluttu inscription in characters of the tenth or eleventh cen
1. About a century later Sūļāmaņi, a celebrated Jaina work, may have been composed by Tõlāmoļittēva in the reign, it is said, of Sendan (Jayanta), the grandson of Kadungon. M. Srinivasa Ayyangar, Tamil Studies, p. 219.
2. 91 of 1889; 6 of 1895. 3. 7 of 1895 Rangachari, Top. List, I, p. 120. 4. 8 of 1895

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM tury A.D., commemorating the setting up of another image in Karungālakkudi in the Madura tāluka.1
Ajjanandi's name is also connected with Pēccipalļam, the Vațțeluttu inscriptions of which mention not only that Jaina guru but, as we said in an earlier context, Guņanandi and Kanakasena. This village of Pēccipalļam in the Madura tāluka as well as Kilavaļavu, Settipodavu near Kilakkuļi, Muttupatti, and Aļagārkoil also in the same tāluka, were Jaina centres in the early centuries of the Christian era. Remains of Jaina basadis, rows of Jaina sculptures, and caverns with Brahmi and Vațţeluttu inscriptions, point to the strong Jaina influence in these parts of the Tamil land. 3
More important than any of the above was Kuranļi in the Vēņbunādu. It was also called Tirukkuraņņi and Kurandi
Tirukkāțțambal}i in early inscriptions. A number of inscriptions in the Vatteluttu characters reveal the importance of this place in the eighth and ninth century A.D. Many Jaina teachers whose identity cannot be determined at present, are said to have presided over the congregation at Kurandi. Thus, Gunasenapperiyadigal, the disciple of Vartamānava Panditar, was the guru of this centre in about the ninth century A.D. Another teacher of this centre was Abhinandana Bhatāra, the disciple of Arimandala
1. 562 of 1911. Ajjanandi's domicile seems to have been Pēccipallam itself where a Vatteluttu inscription records that his mother Guņamatiyar caused a Jaina image to be set up. (64 of 1910). Ajjanandi is also mentioned in records found at Anamalai, Madura tāluka. (67-74 of 1905).
2. 65-69 of 1910. 3. Ep. Rep. of the S. Circle for 1910, pp. 78-80. 4. 330-332 of 1908. See also 69 of 1910.

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Bhatāra. Kanakanandi is called the servant of Tirukkurandi in a Vatteluttu record found there. Two Vatteluttu inscriptions found at Muttupatti are of some interest in this connection. One informs us that Kanakavīra Periyadigal, the disciple of Gunasenadevar, who was the disciple of Kuraņçi Ațţa-upavāsi-bhatāra of Vēņbunāļu, caused a Jaina image to be constructed in the name of the inhabitants of Kuyirkuļi (mod. Kiļakkuļi).3 And another relates that Māghanandi, the disciple of Kurandi Aşta-upavāsi-bhatāra, caused to be constructed another image also in the name of the inhabitants of that nādu.' A third Vațțeluttu record found at Paļļimadam in the Rāmnad district, registers the gift of fifty-five sheep by śātetangāri for a lamp to the temple (basadi) of Tirukāțțambal}ideva at Kurandi.“
Some more instances may be given of the widespread influence of Jainism in the southern peninsula. Tagļūr (Dharmapuri) in the Salem district was a Jaina stronghold in the ninth century A.D. in the days of the Noļambas. In saka 800 (A.D. 878) the Pallava Mahendra Noļamba made a grant to a basadi in Tagļūr. It was in the reign of the same ruler in Saka 815 (A.D. 893) that a citizen named Nandiyaņņa receiving the village of Müllapalli from the king gave it as a gift to Kanakasena Siddhānta, the disciple of Vinayasena Siddhānta of the Pogariya
1. 63 of 1910. 2.68 of 1910. 3. 61 of 1910. 4. 62 of 1910,
5. 428 of 1914. For some more instances, see 430, 431 of 1914; Ep. Rep. of S. Circle for 1915, pp. 100-101; Rangacharya, Top. List, III, p. 1163.
6. 348 of 1901 ; Rangacharya, ibid, II. p. 1212.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM gana, Senānvaya, and Müla sangha, for the repairs of the basadi.1
In the ninth century Jainism flourished also in some parts of the Travancore State. Of these mention may be made of Citaral where Tirucchāṇattumalai was known as the mountain of the Cāraņas or śramaņas (i.e., the Jainas). This place which seems to have been originally Buddhist, witnessed the gift of some golden ornaments to the goddess Bhagavati by Guņandāngi Kurattiga!, the disciple of Arittanemi Bhațāra of Pērāyakuļi. This was in the 28th regnal year of king Vikrama Varaguņa (ninth century (A.D.) 2
That in the tenth and eleventh century A.D. there were Jainas throughout the Coļa and Pāņdya countries and the Tondaimaņdalam is proved by a record of the Cola king Rāja Rāja Deva I dated in his 24th regnal year (A.D. 1009), in which the State dealt with defaulters of land revenue held by the Brahmans, the Vaikhānasas, and the Jainas in the three provinces mentioned above. The monarch empowered the villagers to confiscate and sell the lands of those whose taxes were unpaid for full two years.3 This epigraph clearly shows that the great Coļa king made no distinction betwecn the Jainas and the other subjects of his Empire.
Vilappākkam in the North Arcot district was a Jaina locality in the same age (the tenth century A.D.) Here was Aristanenipiņārar of Tiruppānamalai, thc guru of the Jainas. One of his lay disciples (a woman) sank a well
1. 304 of 1901, E. I. X. pp. 54.70 ; see also 305 of 1901 for other examples.
2. Travancore Manual. II. pp. 194-5 For the Buddhist ante. cedents of the temple, read ibid., pp. 224-225.
3. 29 of 1893; Rangacharya, Top List., I. p. 69.

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247 in that village in the 38th regnal year of the Coļa king Parāntaka I (A.D. 945 ?).1 It cannot be made out whether the Jaina guru Ariştanemi mentioned here was identical with his namesake hailing from Kadaikottur, and who was said to have been the pupil of Paravādimalla of Tirumala, in a Tamil-Grantha record found in Tirumalai in the North Arcot district.2
But we know that Tirumalai was, indeed, a Jaina centre in the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. An inscription found there, and dated in the 21st regnal year of king Rāja Rāja I (A.D. 1006), affirms that a Jaina sage named Gunavīramuni built a sluice called after (his?) Jaina teacher Gaņisekhara who was skilled in all elegant arts. Another record but of the 12th regnal year of king Rājendra Deva I (A.D. 1024) records the gift of money for the lamp and worship in the Jaina temple on the Tirumalai (hill) by the wife of a merchant of Malliyūr. The Jaina temple, it is interesting to note, had been founded by the Cola king's aunt Kundavi.4 A Jaina image of Arhat was set up here at Tirumalai by a lady of Ponnūr in the 12th regnal year of Rājanārāyaṇa Sambuvarāya (who was perhaps the contemporary of the Cola king Rāja Rāja III).5
Vēdal called Vida! alias Mādevi Arindamangalam, also in the North Arcot district, contained a Jaina basadi. The locality was called Vidārpațţi in a record dated in the 14th regnal year of a Pallava king named merely Nandi,
1. 53 of 1900; Rangacharya, Top List, I, p. 57. 2. 88 of 1887 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I, pp. 80-81.
3. 82 of 1887 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I, p. 80 where Rangacharya has a note on Guņavira.
4. 80 of 1887; S. 1. I., I, pp. 95 99; E. I. IX. pp. 229-223. 5. 85 of 1887. 6. 8? of 1908.

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who may be identified with the Pallava king Nandipottarasar (Nandivarmā III, the Ganga Pallava king?). the 50th regnal year of this ruler a Yakşi named Ponniyakkiyār and a Jaina sage called Nāganandi were carved on a boulder on Tiruppanamalai.1
In
There was a temple called Nakhara Jinalaya at Mudigondacolapuram, Coimbatore district, dedicated to Candraprabhasvāmi. In Saka 1031 (A.D. 1109) a village in Hadināḍu was granted for the repairs and worship in this temple by some person.2
Kumbanur in Vēņbuvalanāḍu was a prosperous Jaina centre in the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D. This is inferred from a record dated in the 48th regnal year of the Cola king Kulottunga Cola Deva (I?) (A.D. 1126), in which twenty-five Jainas of Kumbanur granted, among other precious gifts, specified land for the site of a basadi, and a watershed for the use of Jaina devotees.3
We have ample evidence of the prevalence of Jainism in the thirteenth century during the reign of the king Rāja Rāja III. Some of the records show the good feelings that existed between the Jainas and the Brahmans. Thus, an inscription dated in the 11th regnal year of that monarch (A.D. 1227) registers the grant of land and a tank by the residents of the devadāna village of Sattamangalam and those living in the Pallicchandam (i.e., the basadi) of the same village. But nothing more can be gathered about the
1. 10 of 1895; E. I. IV, pp. 136-137. A Kanakavira-kuratti, the disciple of Guṇakirti Bhaṭṭāraka, is mentioned in a record of Vedal. (84 of 1908).
2. 10 of 1910.
3. 397 of 1914; Rangacharya, Top List, II, p. 1161.

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249 Jaina temple from the same record. In the thirty-seventh year of the same king (A.D. 1253) Pramaladevi built the steps leading to the shrine of the Jaina temple called Karikā. lacoļa, which had been constructed on behalf of Matisāgaradeva, in the village of Kanupartipādu in the Nellore district.?
We may assign to the reign of the same Cola monarch the building of a basadi called Vīravīra Jinālaya (mod. Ponninātha basadi) in the village of Pūņdi in the North Arcot district. The record contains only the names of the village given as a gift and of the ruler called Sambuvarāya.?
Thc ruler śambuvarāya mentioned here may be identificd with Rājagambhira sambuvarāya, a contemporary of king Rāja Rāja III, spoken of in a record dated A.D. 1258.4
From the numerous epigraphs which clearly prove the popularity of Jainism in the Tamil land long after the days of Jñānasambhandhar and the other great saiva saints of the south, we may now turn to the Telugu land where we shall rapidly review the epigraphs dealing with the spread of Jain
1. 466 of 1912 ; Rangacharya, Top List, II, p. 1431. It cannot be made out whether Vādhūla Sri Krişnasūri mentioned in a record dated A.D. 1234, was a Jaina. (26 of 1896)
2. Rangacharya, ibid. II, p. 1117. It cannot be made out whether the two records dated in the 18th and 20th regnal years of a Rāja Rāja Deva in the Jina temple at Tirupparuttikunțu, Conjeeveram tāluka, Chingleput district, have to be assigned to the reign of the same monarch. (40 and 44 of 1890). What seems evident is that that village possessed a basadi in the eleventh and twelfth century A.D. (See also 43 of 1890 dated in the 21st year of an unidentified Kulottunga Cola Deva).
3. 58 of 1900.
4. 93 of 1887 ; S. I. I., p. 108; Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 79. See also 89 of 1887 which calls him Attimakkan Sambukula Perumāļ. Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 81. On modern Jaina settlements in the Tamil land, read Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 78-79.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM ism. There may be some justification for the view that Jainisin in the Andhradeśa can be traced to the pre-Mauran days, when we consider the notices of Jaina tradition that Mahāvīra prcached Jainism in Kalinga. The Hāribhadrīyav;lti says that Mahāvīra went to Kalinga where his father's friend was ruling. That this tradition has some semblance of truth in it, and that Jainism must have made some headway in the days of king Khāravela is proved by the Hāthigumpha record of that powerful monarch (first half of the second century B.C.) In this inscription it is said that that monarch set up an image of Jina in Kalinga which had been taken away by king Nanda. Further we are told in the same inscription that in the thirteenth regnal year of king Khāravela on the Kumāri hill where the Wheel of Conquest had been well revolved (i.e., the religion of Jina had been preached), the great conqueror Khāravela offered maintenances, China cloths, and white cloths to the monks who (by thcir austerities) had extinguished the round of lives, and to the preachers on the religious life and conduct at the nisidhi.
King Khāravela himself, therefore, was a devout Jaina. As a layman he was devoted to worship, and he realized the nature of jīva and deha. He ordered an assemblage of all the wise ascetics and sages from all quarters. And to this Great Council (sariighayana) came śramaņas of good deeds and those who followed the injunctions. And near the Relic Depository of the Avhat on the top of the hill (evidently on the Kumāri) he caused to be built (a grcat basadi) with
1. Seshagiri Rao, Andhra-Karnataka Jainism, pp. 3-4. (Madras, 1922).
2. Read Journal of the Bihar & Orissa Research Society; XIII, p. 223.
3. Cited in E. 1. XX, p. 88, n (10).

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stones brought from many miles and quarried from excellent mines for the queen Sindhula. But that was not all. His crowning achievement as a Jaina was the compilation (upādhyati) of the Amgas (of the 64 letters) which was undertaken by him in his 13th year.1 This great work was done at a cost of seventy-five hundred thousand (gold pieces).2 No wonder this great monarch, who was the descendant of the royal sage Vasu, and who has " 'been seeing, hearing, and realizing blessings (kalyāņas) ", is called the King of Peace, the King of Prosperity, the King of Monks, and the King of dharma.3
The advent and success of Jainism in the Andhradeśa in the second century B.C. is thus proved beyond doubt. But it is only from the seventh century A.D. onwards that we have definite evidence of the widespread influence of that religion. The credit of fostering the anekantamata goes to the Eastern Calukya monarchs some of whom were Jaina by persuasion. Ayyana Mahadevi, the queen of king Visnuvardhana III of that family, renewed in Saka 684 (A.D. 762) an earlier grant of a village named Musunikunda (location given) to the Jaina temple Nadumba basadi at Bījavāda through the teacher Kalibhadracārya of the Kavaruri gana and the Sanghanvaya.*
Then we have king Amma II, Vijayaditya VI (A.D. 945A.D. 970), who, according to an undated copper-plate grant, gave a village (named) to the Jaina teacher Arhanandi of the Valahari gana and the Adḍakali gaccha. The grant was made for repairing the dining-hall of the basadi called Sarvalo
1. On the Amigas, read J. L. Jaini, Gommaṭasāra, Intr. p. 12. 2. On this great work read Jayaswal-Banerjee, E. I. IX. p. 77. 3. Ibid, pp. 88-89.
4. Ep. Rep. of S. Circle for 1917-1918, p. 116; Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 20, 56.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM kāśraya Jinabhuvana in Kaļacumbharru in the Attilināņqu province. The grant was made at the instance of a lady (Śrāvaki), named Cāmekāmbā of the Pațțavardhika lineage, a pupil of Arhanandi.1
The same king granted another village named Malliyapūņdi in the Ongole tāluka, to the Jaina temple called Kațakābharaṇa, obviously in the same village. This temple had been constructed by Duggarāja, the great-grandson of Krşnarāja. And in the reign of the same ruler it was presided over by the guru Dhīradeva, the disciple of Divākara of the Yāpaniya sangha and Nandi gaccha.2 King Amma II granted gifts to basadis in other places as well, as for instance to the two temples at Vijayavātikā, also called Bijavāda, (mod. Bezwada) according to an undated inscription of that ruler. It is not unlikely that one of these two temples was the same to which the Queen Ayyaņa Mahādevi had given a grant in the eighth century A.D.4
Dānayulapādu in the Jammalamadugu tāluka, Cuddapah district, possessed a basadi which was patronized by the Rāşțrakūta monarch Nityavarşa (i.e., Indra IV). This ruler caused a pedestal to be made for the bathing ceremony of the god śāntinātha."
Rāmatirtha near Vizianagaram was likewise a prominent locality of the Jainas. A Kannada inscription of the reign of the Eastern Cālukyan king Vimalāditya (accession A.D.
1. E. 1. VII. pp. 177-192 ; Rangacharya, Top List, II. p. 907 ; Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 20-21.
2. E. I. IX, pp. 47 seg ; Rangacharya, ibid, p. 793. Butterworth-Chetty, Nellore Ins. I. pp. 167-175.
3. C. P. 8 of 1908-9; Rangacharya, ibid, pp. 8778.
4. Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1917-1918, p. 116, op. cit., Seshagiri Rao, ibid, p. 20.
5. 331 of 1905 ; Rangacharya, ibid., II, p. 589.

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1022) records that the guru of that ruler, by name the Traikālayogi Siddhanta Desigaṇācārya, visited Rāmatirtha.1
In the reign of the Eastern Ganga king Anantavarmadeva, the merchant Kannama Nayaka constructed a basadi called Rājarāja Jinālaya at Bhogapura in the Bimilapatam tāluka of the Vizagapatam district. And in Saka 1109 (A.D. 1187) he gave some specified land to that temple with the consent of the mercantile leaders of the district.2
Taḍpatri in the Anantpur district seems to have been associated with Jainism in Saka 1120 (A.D. 1198). For a Jaina record of that date mentions the donor, Udayāditya, the son of Somadeva and Kañcalādevī, as residing at Tāţipara (Tāḍpatri). But no traces of the Jaina settlement are visible there now.3
Penugonda in the same district contained the Pārsvanatha basadi. An inscription mentions Jinabhūṣaṇa Bhaṭṭāraka, but nothing beyond this can be gathered about the temple.^
The Bellary district was dotted with many Jaina settlements the chief of which was Kōgalī. The ancient Cenna Pārsva temple at this place which, as we saw in the preceding pages, had received patronage at the hands of the Western
1. Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., 19-20. Seshagiri Rao also gives evidence from later Kaifiyuts to show that Warangal (ancient Ekasilanagara) was once a Jaina centre. Ibid. pp. 17-18. The reference given to Ep. Rep. S. circle for 1917-18 cannot be traced. But on king Vimaladitya's accession read I. A., XIV. p. 56; XXIII, p. 131; Kielhorn's Southern List, No. 569.
2. 363 of 1905.
3. This record was found in the Rämeśvara temple at Tädpatri. 338 of 1892.
4. 345 of 1901. Seshagiri Rao mentions other localities in the Anantapur district where traces of Jainism have been found. Seshagiri Rao, ibid., p. 34.

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1,
3
254
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Cālukyan monarch Someśvara I (A.D. 1042—A.D. 1068), also received a gift of gold from the Hoysala king Vira Rāmanāthadeva (A.D. 1257-A.D. 1295).1 Sõgi in the Hadagalli tāluka of the same district, which received a gift of land from the Hoysala king Vişnuvardhana, was evidently another seat of the Jainas.2 And a yet third centre was Koțļūru in the Rāyadurga tāluka.3
Although the strongholds of Jainism in the Andhra and the Tamil provinces were less numerous and less powerful than those in Karnāțaka, yet they have left abiding marks on the culture of the Tamil and Andhra peoples. Before we deal with this side of the question, we may conclude our account of the widespread domicile of Jainism in Karnātaka where Jainism manfully struggled against odds to retain its hold on the people. But we shall restrict ourselves to the minor centres of the anekāntamata.
Chief among these were Tolļa or Tolļar and Mūlivaļļi, both of which have already been referred to above while dealing with one of the Ganga kings and his feudatories. The Narasimharājapura plates of the Ganga king Srīpuruşa, assigned to the close of the eighth century A.D., mention the cediya or caitya in the Tolļa village situated in the Tagarenād. This is corroborated by two inscriptions at the end of the same grant, but of the reign of king sivamāra (II). One of these commemorates the gift of a village (named) to the same caitya by the governor Viļţarasa, while the other
1. 33 & 34 of 1904. 2. 453 of 1914.
3. For an account of this place, read Ballary Gazetteer, I pp. 290-291. For further rernarks Jainism in the Telugu land, and Seshagiri Rao, op cit., pp. 12-18, 34-35, 37-9; Rangacharya, Top. List, II, p. 1672.
4. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 28, op. cit.

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255 registers the gift of land to the caitya of Mülivaļļi (mod. Mallavalli) by Vijayasakti-arasa.
There is every reason to believe that the famous Nandi Hill once contained a Jinālaya of great antiquity. As in Other places, the original Jina image gave place to that of Gopālasvāmi, all vestiges of Jainism having been lost. These suppositions are based on a beautifully carved boulder with characters of the Ganga period (eighth century A.D.), which gives us the following interesting account of the Nandi Hill. It opens with an invocation to the adorable Vrşabha, the most excellent of the holy Jainas. And then it directly dcals with the antiquities of the Jinālaya on the Nandi Hill thus :-In former times, in the Dvāpārayuga of thc Kali-avasarppiņi, by Rāmasvāmi, the Mahāratha son of Dasaratha. sun in the sky of the Solar racc, (to wit) by Puruşottama, who for the purpose of bringing the world into good order desired to be incarnated as a man--, was the caityabhavana of the adorable Arhat, the lofty one, the omniscient, established. Afterwards by the mother of the Pāņļavas, Kuntidevī, was it rebuilt ancw.
The hill itself is praised thus to the ornament of the carth goddess, a path to the attainment of svarga and mokşa, like the jewel in the head of (the serpent) Dharanendra, who bears up the world, the best of mountains, purified by the presence of the Jainendra caitya, a supreme tīrtha (parama lirtha), having caves suited for the residence of groups of great sșis intent upon the performance of penance, by name
1. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 28, op. cit.
2. Two other instances of Jaina temples which have passed hands are those of Cikka Māgadi and Terakanāmbi. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 19; ibid for 1912, p. 24.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Śrīkunda (stops here).
The plain and direct manner in which the caitya on the Nandi Hill is connected with the hero of the Rāmāyaṇa and with Kuntidevi suggests that the Jainendra caitya was, indeed, an institution of some antiquity; and the simple but deserving praise bestowed on Karnāțaka's most famous hill station” shows that the Jains were endowed with a remarkable aptitude for turning splendid spots into supremely holy places.
A modern insignificant village which was once a prominent seat of the Jainas (in the ninth century A.D.) was Lakşmidevihalļi in the Arasiyakere tāluka. This village had a basadi called Biduga Jinālaya to which belonged a Jaina nun called Paramabbe Kantiyar.3
Jambukhandi seems to have been also associated closely with the Jainas in the early part of the tenth century A.D. A Jaina priest called Aryadeva is called a Jambukhindiganasthāna in the Gokak copper-plate dated A.D. 923.4
At Hullēla, Malavaļļi tāluka, Noļamayya having renounccd wealth and every kind of attachment, expired according to the orthodox manner in about A.D. 950.5
Hoļe Narasīpura was noted for its Jaina devotees. Inscriptions assigned to the middle of the tenth century A.D. contain some details pertaining to the places of Jaina influence in Hole Narasīpura. In about A.D. 950 a citizen whose name is
1. E. C. X. C. 29, pp. 204-205. Was Srikunda an earlier name of the Nandi Hill, or was it in any way connected with Kondakundācārya ?
2. Rice, E. C. X. Intr. pp. 9-10. 3. M. A. R. for 1911, p. 28. 4. K. H. R. I., No. 2, pp. 43-44. 5. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 30.

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cffaced in the record but who was a Gorava, consecrated an image of Candranātha in the baslå of that name at Būvinahaļli, Hunsur tāluka. The Ankanātheśvara and Subrahmanya temples at Ankanāthapura in the same tāluka of Hoļe Narasipura, seem to have been once Jaina temples. This is shown by the fact that inscriptions commemorating the death of Jaina nuns are found around the temples. One of such devotees was Cāmakabbe, who is described as a supporter of the Jaina assembly (śramaņa sangha) and of the four samayas.
Varuņa in the Mysore tāluka at the close of the ninth century A.D. was a seat of a minor branch of the Western Cālukyas. It contained a large number of Jaina temples the ruins of which lie to the west of the village. Six mutilated images of Jaina deities have been found in that villagc.2
Manne in the Nelamangala tāluka and Ummattūr in the Chāmarājanagara tāluka once boasted of devoted Bhavyas in circa A.D. 1000. In the former place the Saina nun Mārabbe Kantiyar, the disciple of Devendra Bhattāraka, and in the latter, prince Sindayya, the son of the chieftain of Sottiyur, died in the orthodox manner about that date.
An important Jaina settlement in the eleventh century A.D. was Kaļasatavādu (mod. Kalasavāļi), four miles to the south of Seringapatam. From two metallic images found at Sravaņa Belgoļa we learn that they formed the property of the Tīrthada basadi at Kaļasatavādu. Both the images were the gifts of two Jaina nuns (named) to the basadi. A cart-load of metallic images at the place corroborates the view that it was, indeed, a prosperous Jaina
1. M. A. R. for 1913-14, p. 31. 2. Ibid for 1916, pp. 26-27. 3. Ibid for 1917, p. 39.
J. M. 9

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settlement in the eleventh century A.D.1
In the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D. we have Talatāļa mentioned as an important Jaina locality, probably because of its association with the guru of the great Jaina general Ganga Rāja. An inscription found in the Kallubasti at Kanegrāma, Tirthahalli tāluka, and assigned to about A.D. 1093 by Rice, relates the following-That Maladharideva, who by the severity of his penance had his body covered with dust which was never removed, "being like iron a long time rusty, and having become like a white ant-hill," belonged to the Talatāla basadi which was attached to the Lokiyabbe basadi. It was at the Talatāļa basadi on the date specified, that his disciple Subhacandradeva died in the orthodox manner.2
1. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 35.
2. E. C. VIII TI. 199, p. 207. We suppose the Subhacandradeva mentioned here was the guru of General Ganga Rāja and the disciple of the celebrated Gandavimukta Maladhärideva. There was another teacher of the same name, who was the disciple of Maladhari Rāmacandradeva. We presume that the record in question refers to Subhacandra, the guru of Ganga Rāja, on the following considerations :-The praise given in the above Tirthahalli record to Maladharideva agrees with that given to him in a Sravana Belgola record which, among other things, says that the "dirt on Maladhärideva's body, which was overgrown with an ant-hill, looked as if it were a close-fitting armour of black iron that had not yet been doffed." It is this latter record from Sravana Belgola which tells us that Subhacandra died in Saka 1045 Subhakt (A.D. 1123). (E. C. II. 117, p. 47). This date cannot be reconciled with the date of the Tirthahalli inscription which gives merely the cyclic year Angirasa, and the details Puşymäsa, Bahuļa saptami, Adityavāra, for the death of Subhacandra. (E. C. VIII. Tl. 199, text, p. 694). These details are insufficient to fix the date, but they may stand for A.D. 1092, Thursday (and not Sunday), Dec. the 23rd. Swamikannu, Ind. Ephem., III. p. 187.

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The well known Cāmundi Hill near Mysore was once a Jaina tirtha. It was called Marbala tirtha in A.D. 1127. The name Marbala or Mabbala seems to have been Sanskritized into Mahābaleśvara. Jaina cpitaphs of the same age commemorate the death of Jaina devotees.1
In about A.D. 1131 Śāliyür (mod. Sālūr), Shikārpur hobļi, contained a temple called Brahma Jinalaya for which a merchant named Bhadrarāya Setți made a specified grant. His guru Kulacandra Pandita belonged to the Meşapāsaņa gaccha. It is interesting to note that the above Jinālaya is said to have belonged to the immemorial agrahāra of the Thousand (Brahmans) of Sāliyūr.2
Kaidāļa in Murugarenād in A.D. 1151 was proud of its Jina temples among which may be mentioned the Bhima Jinālaya. It was constructed by the generous Sämanta Gūļi Būca (or Bāci), the ruler of Maruganrenād. We shall have to refer again to this worthy scion of Mānyakhedapura. The Bhima Jinalaya, we may note, was erected by him in the name of his wife Bhīmale, who was a devout Jaina. The god in the temple was called Cenna Pārsvadeva. Liberal endowments were made by him to the temple.3
Elambaļļi in the Sohrab tāluka owed its Jinālaya to the piety of Deki Setti, “a greater supporter of the Jina faith". This Jinālaya was called the śāntinātha basadi, for the gifts of food of which Deki Seçţi made specified gifts of land. His guru was the śāntināthaghţika-sthāna-mandalācārya Bhānukirti Siddhānta, the disciple of Municandradeva of the Tintriņīka gaccha.
1. M. A. R. for 1912, p. 37. 2. Ibid for 1930, pp. 246-7. 3. E. C. XII. Tm. 9, p. 4. 4. Ibid, VIII. Sb. 384, p. 68. Cf. VII. Sk. 197, p. 125.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Nittūru in the Gubbi tāluka also contained a basadi called the śāntiśvara basadi. It is dated to about the middle of the twelfth century A.D.' Pious Bhavyas lived in Nițļūru, as is shown by the nisidhi stones commemorating their death.2
At the beginning of the thirteenth century A.D. Hiriya Mahāļige possessed the Pañca basadi, which in about A.D. 1200 was repaired by a devout citizen. Along with the nād people, he endowed it with three villages which had been originally given to it by a king (unnamed).3
The Jinālaya in Kuntalāpura in circa A.D. 1204 was likewise endowed with lands by the farmers and the Great Minister Hiriya Hedeya Asavara Mārayya. This latter official conducted an enquiry, "defaced by force the stone śäsana which had been written", and then along with the nād people gave a grant to the “excellent ācārya" of Kuntalāpura, Nemicandra Bhațțāraka. The reason why the enquiry was conducted and why Sāvanta Mārayya forcibly removed the existing stone śāsana was probably because it was a forged document detrimental to the interests of the Jina temple and the sangha at Kuntaläpura.
Jidduļigenād and Eạenād contained many Jinendra temples in about A.D. 1208. They were the outcome of the liberality of Nemi Sețți of the Nunna varśa. It was he who had caused the śāntinātha Jinālaya to be built at Kodanki, which, we may note by the way, is called in the record "a mine of the gems of learned men and beautiful women”. Liberal endowments were made to this temple by Nemi Śețți.5
1. M. A. R. for 1919, p. 11. 2. Ibid for 1930, p. 257. 3. E. C, VII. Sk. 227, p. 133. See also Sk. 232, ibid page. 4. Ibid, VII. Sh. 65, p. 26. 5. Ibid, VIII, Sb. 28, pp. 5-6.

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261 Kottagere, Kūņigal tāluka, contains now a ruined Jina temple. But an inscription on the pedestal of a Jina image lying there states that the image of śāntinātha was caused to be made in about A.D. 1250 by Māghanandideya, the disciple of Haricandradeva, of Heragu, who belonged to the Mūla sangha and the Inguļeśvara baļi.1
The god Prasanna Pārsva of the Brahma Jinālaya of Jõgamațtige in Tailangere (in the Sīrā tāluka ?) received in A.D. 1277 a gift of 2,000 arecanuts in a specified village from Kalli Sețți, the disciple of Bāļendu Maladhārideva of the Inguļeśvara baļi, as a permanent gift. This record tells us that the donee Cellapiļle's father Dipanāyaka belonged to the Jina Brahmans of Bhuvalokanāthapura in the Bhuvalokanāthavişaya of the Ponnara-mativişaya which lay to the north of the southern Madhura in the southern Pāndyadesa. The interest of this record lies in the fact that a class of Jainas called Jina Brahmans lived in a part of the Tamil land. Dipanāyaka is expressly stated in the record to have belonged to the Dyetreyaśākha of the Yajurveda, Vāśiştha gotra, and the Kauņdinya- Maitra-VaruņaVāśiştha pravara.?
Kalasa in the Mūdgere tāluka possessed a temple of Jineśvara in the same year A.D. 1277. And it also received specified gifts of rice from a citizen called Mādhava Setti.3
The Gandha-guļi of the Honnēyanahaļļi basadi in the Huņsār tāluka was constructed in A.D. 1303 by Padmanandi Bhattāraka, the disciple of Bāhubali Maladhārideva of Hanasõge. 4
1. M. A. R. for 1919, p. 33. 2. E. C. XII. Si. 32, p. 93. 3. Ibid., VI. Mg. 67, p. 72. 4. Ibid, IV. Hs, 14, p. 84.

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By the middle of the fourteenth century A.D. Jainism had travelled to the province of Tuluva, where in the centres of Varanga, Kerväśe, Nalluru, Mūḍubidre, and Bārakūru, it steadily rose into prominence till, as we shall relate in a later context, it gave once again strong impetus to the political events of the times. We have described the rise of Jainism in Tuluva in detail elsewhere.'
MEDIEVAL JAINISM
In various other localities like Javagaļ, Marați, Hañci, sāligrāma, Tēkāļ, Lakavalli, Eleyūr, Rāmapura, Kallahalli, Kummanahalli, Sakkarepaṭṭaṇa, and Hosaholalu,2 abundant traces of Jaina influence and culture have been found, thereby adding to the overwhelming testimony of epigraphs and literature that throughout the great extent of Karnataka Jainism continued for ages to be a great factor in the life of the people.
What was the contribution of Jainism to the history and culture of the three large provinces of Karnāṭaka, the Tamil land and the Andhradeśa during these centuries of its widespread influence? An answer to this question would mean a separate dissertation on the subject. But in order to complete our narrative of the history of Jainism in the mediæval times, we may briefly allude to some salient facts which may enable us to form an adequate estimate of the great part played by this religion in the history of the country.
One of the best claims of Jainism at the hands of posterity is that it contributed to the literature of all the three pro
1. Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I., pp. 404-415.
2. M. A. R. for 1911, pp. 3,6,19; ibid for 1912, pp. 16, 36; ibid for 1913-4, p. 7; ibid for 1916, p. 8; ibid for 1917, pp. 9, 44; ibid for 1918, p. 5; ibid for 1925, p. 93; ibid for 1928, pp. 87-8; ibid for 1931, p. 25; ibid for 1933, p. 13.

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263 vinces mentioned above. The Jaina teachers as the intellectual custodians of the Andhradeśa, the Tamil land, and Karnātaka most assiduously cultivated the vernaculars of the people, and wrote in them great works of abiding value to the country. Purism was the keynote of their compositions, although almost all the early Jaina writers were profound Sanskrit scholars. With them originated some of the most renowned classics in Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. It has been rightly opined that the Jainas gave to the Tamil people their didactic classics like the Kural and Náladiyār ; major kāvyas like Silappadikāram, Manimekhalai, and Cintāmaņi, minor kävyas like Nilakesi, Perunkathai (or Brhadkathā) Nāgakumārakāvya, Cüļāmani, and quite a number of other works as well.1
To the Andhradeśa and Karnāšaka, among other precious gifts, the Jainas gave the campū kāvyas or poems in a variety of composite metres interspersed with paragraphs in prose. When Nannaya, the author of the famous Telugu Mahābhārata, to stem the tide of the naturalized Kannadiga Pampa's Bhārata, which had won great celebrity in the Vengimaņqala, prepared a Telugu Brahman counterpart of the same story, he adopted the campū style which was the gift of the Jainas to Karnāšaka.2 An example of a Jaina scholar in the capital of the Telugu king in the first quarter of the fourteenth century A.D. is that of Ayyapārya, the author of the Sanskrit work called Jainendra-kalyāņābhyudaya. He wrote his work in A.D. 1319 at Ekaśīlanagara (Warangal) in the reign of king Rudradeva. He was the disciple of Dharasenācārya, and was of the Kāśyapa gotra
1. Read Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 76-77, 81-104 ; Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 198.
2. Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 100-103

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM and the Jainālapāka lineage.?
But neither in the Tamil nor in Telugu literature was the influence of the Jainas so profound and of such lasting value as in that of Karnāțaka, where from the early centuries of the Christian era till the twelfth century A.D. they created literature and fostered it with unrivalled care and devotion. It is not our aim, however, to give in this section even a brief account of the galaxy of great Jaina literary men who adorned the courts of imperial and provincial rulers during the first twelve centuries of the Christian era. We shall restrict ourselves to the enumeration of a few outstanding names in order to complete the topic of the indebtedness of southern India to the Jainas in the literary field. The earliest names of the great Jainas who in some manner or other added to Kannada literature were those of Samantabhadra, Kaviparameşthi, and Pūjyapāda. Omitting equally great names, we may pass on to Śrīvardhadeva alias Tembaļūrācārya's celebrated work known as Cūdāmaņi or Cūlāmaņi which, according to Bhattākalanka's Karnāļaka-sabdānuśasana, was the finest work in Kannada. The Cūdāmaņi contained 96,000 verses and was a commentary on the Tattvārthamahāsūtra.3 The stone inscription which gives us a few details about Srivardhadeva, also tells us that just before him was Cintāmaṇī, whose work also bore the same name as himself. It is curious that these two works-Cüļāmaņi, and Cintāmāņā-should also be found in Tamil literature.5
1. M. A. R. for 1913-4, p. 57. 2. Kavicarite, I. pp. 1-7. 3. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 198 ; Kavicarile, I, p. 8. n. (1) 4. E. C. II. 67, p. 26. My. & Coorg, p. 198. 5. Ramaswami, Studies., pp. 94, 103, Rangacharya, Top. List., I. p. 80. Rice cites the opinion of Caldwell that Cintāmaņi is undoubtedly the greatest epic poem in Tamil, and the oldest Tamil composition of any length now extant. (Rice, ibid, p. 198).

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Among the Jaina kings of Karnāṭaka who have left evidence of their literary works, we may mention the followingthe Gana kings Durvinīta and Sivamāra I. The former was the author of the prominent works in Sanskrit which we have already discussed in the previous pages. The Răştrakūṭa monarch Nṛpatunga in his well known work Kavirājamārga refers to king Durvinīta as a Kannada poet.1 King Sivamāra I was the author of the Kannada Gajaśāstra or science of elephants.2
Unique is the name of Adipampa, better known as Pampa, the author of Adipurana and Bharata (or Vikramārjunavijaya) (A.D. 941). As the author of these two Kannada masterpieces in the campu style, Pampa's services for the cause of Indian culture can hardly be over-estimated. Born in the Vengimaṇḍala, it was Pampa, as we have just now said, who was primarily responsible for Nannaya Bhatta's great work Bharata. That a Telugu scholar, the son of a Telugu Brahman (Abhiramadevaraya), who had espoused the cause of Jainism, and who was born in one of the agrahāras of Vengimaṇḍala, but who was the protégé of the Western Cälukyan tuler Arikesari of Puligere, should have produced a Kannada masterpiece which had won for itself unvarnished celebrity in the Andhradeśa for about a century, was sufficient humiliation to the proud Andhras, whose great poet Nannaya produced in about A.D. 1053 the Telugu counterpart of Pampa's magnificent work in Pampa's own style, at the instance of the Rajahmundry king Rājarāja Narendra.3
1. Kavicarite, I. p. 13.
2. Ibid. I, p. 17; Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 198.
3. Seshagiri Rao. op. cit., pp. 19, 100-128. Nannaya's great work corresponds to Pampa's work only in regard to three parvas. Ibid., p. 103.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Not only men but Jaina women, too, have added to Kannada literature. The greatest name among them was Kanti who, along with Abhinava Pampa, was one of the gems that adorned the court of the Hoysala king Ballāļa I (A.D. 1100A.D. 1106). She was a redoubtable orator and a poet who completed the unfinished poems of Abhinava Pampa in the open court of that ruler.?
None among the Jaina authors has made himself so endearing to the Kannadigas as Āņdayya (circa A.D. 1235), whose exquisite Kabbigarakāva is a triumph of Jaina ideas of purism in Kannada.?
Lest it may be supposed that Kannada Jainas were given only to writing on purely literary matters, we shall give some examples of Jaina authors who have left useful works in other departments of thought. Indeed, there were few subjects of practical importance which the Jainas of Karnataka did not tackle. In the field of grammar, mathematics, astrology, and medicine, we have valuable works written by them. Of Pujyapāda's great work in grammar mention has already been made. Towards the middle of the twelfth century A.D. lived Nāgavarmā (II), who wrote the three well known works on Kannada grammar- Kavyāvalokana, Karnāțakabhāṣābhuşaņa, and Vastukośa.3 In about A.D. 1260 appeared Keśirāja with his sabdamanidar pana in Kannada. On mathematics we have Rājāditya's V yavahāragaạita, Kșetraganita, Lilāvati. Vyavahāraratna, Citrahasuge, Jainagaạitasūtraţikodāharana, and other works. As we narrated while dealing with the
1. Read Kavicarite, I. pp. 110-11 for details about her life. 2. Ibid, I, pp. 367-368. 3. Ibid, I. pp. 144-9. 4. Ibid, I. pp. 386-7. 5. Ibid, I. pp. 122-3.

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history of the Western Cālukyan king Someśvara I, it was during his reign that Sridharācārya of Narigunda composed the first Kannada work on astrology called Jätakatilaka. The reason why he composed it is given thus—That learned men told him that no one till that time had written a work in Kannada on astrology, and that, therefore, he was to write it. 1
Pūjyapāda, as we have already seen, had set an example in the field of medicine, although it must be admitted that there is no evidence to show that the work which he wrote was in Kannada. Another Jaina writer, who also wrote on medicine, was Pūjyapāda's sister's son Nāgārjuna, a famous alchemist and Tantric scholar. In the ninth century A.D. during the reign of the Rāştrakūta king Amoghavarşa I, Nộpatunga (A.D. 815-A.D. 877), Ugrāditya wrote Kalyāṇakāraka, a work on medicine that contains at the end a long discourse on the uselessness of flesh diet which the author, true to his Jaina feeling and conviction, is said to have delivered in the court of that Raştrakūta king. These writers may or may not have written their works in Kannada. But Kirtivarmā in about A.D. 1125 wrote in Kannada Go-vaidya, a treatise dealing with the diseases of cattle. Jagaddala Sāmanta in circa A.D. 1150 wrote his Karnataka Kalyānakāraka which was a Kannada rendering of Pūjyapāda's Kalyāņakāraka."
The Jainas have influenced not only the literature but the culture of southern India as well. In five spheres of south Indian life have they left indelible marks which it may not
1. Karicarite I, pp. 75-76 ; II, pp. 3-5; M. A. R. for 1911, p. 59, op. cit.
2. Kavicarite, I. pp. 11-12. Was he the same as Nāgārjuna of the Buddhist tradition, or the second of that name?
3. M. A. R. for 1922, p. 23. 4. Kavicarite, I. p. 165; II. pp. 15-16.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM be out of place to recount here. Prominent among these are those relating to the construction of temples, statues, and image worship. It has been surmised that the Saivites of the Tamil land borrowed the custom of having a niche in their great temples for every one of the sixty-three Nāyanārs or Saiva devotees, after the manner of the Jainas who worshipped their twenty-four Tirthankaras in their basadis. This imitation of Jaina mode of worship seems to have come, especially after Appar and the great Tirujñānasambandhar, when a pe. riod of miracles and piety was inaugurated and the Tamil country was studded with temples.
In Karnāțaka, too, the Jainas were primarily responsible for the architectural greatness of the Kannadigas. It is not unlikely that the perfection to which the Hoysala architecture attained, especially in the matter of the construction of temples, has really to be traced to those early days of Jaina ascendency in Karnātaka, when the Jainas gave expression to their sense of expansion and permanence in their statues, temples, and pillars which contain in them so much of delicacy of detail coupled with depth of devotion, and simplicity of style with grandeur of vision.2 Three huge monolithic colossi of Gommaţa exist ; one at śravana Belgola, as we have already scen above, the second at Kārkaļa, and the third at Veņūru, both in Tuļuva. Of these the one at Kārkaļa (41 feet 5 inches in height) was built in A.D. 1432 by Vira Pāņdya, a ruler of that city, and that at Vēņūru in A.D.
1. Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 77-78.
2. One of the most beautiful Hoysala temples is that of Hoysaleśvara in Haļebid. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 193. The Annual Reports of the Mysore Archæological Survey contain full details of most of the Hoysala temples.

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By Courtesy 1. G S.]
Gomatesvara at Kārkala (p. 268)
R
'ourter, rg 57

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269 1604 by another local chieftain called Timmarāja. The exquisite Jaina temples and manasthambhas are to be found at Śravana Belgoļa, Mūdubidre and Kārkaļa.”
In another direction, too, the Jainas have added to the culture of the Hindus. The followers of the syād vāda doctrine were primarily the people who made it one of their cardinal principles to give the four gifts of food, protection, medicine, and learning to the needy (āhāra-abhaya-bhaişajya-śāstradāna). This must have been by far the most potent factor in the propagation of the Jina dharma. And it was to counteract the effect of these gifts that the Hindu religious leaders of the south opened their mațhas or monasteries, dharmaśālas or alm-houses, and pāțhaśālas or halls of learning.3
Another substantial contribution to the culture of the land by the Jainas is in regard to the cult of ahimsā. For the first time in the history of southern India, the Jainas showed how the highest moral principles could be made to serve the material ends of the State. Right conduct meant for them not only adherence to the principles of ahimsā and the other tenets of their faith, but also steadfastness in their duty to their king, who was the embodiment of their country's honour.
The history of the many Jaina generals and ministers, which we have outlined above, amply proves this statement. The respect for the life of living beings which the Jainas showed in their daily lives is said to have influenced the Hindus of the
1. See below. Rice (My. & Coorg, pp. 140-141) gives the name of the ruler as Pāņdya and the date A D. 1603. Both details arc incorrect.
2. For further details, see below Chapter XII.
3. Ramaswami, Studies, p. 78. Benoy Kumar Sarkar classiies these four gifts under the term “positivism of the Jainas.” Read Sarkar, Creative India froin Mohenjo Daro to the Age of RāmakȚşņa-Vivekānanda, pp. 41-44. (Lahore, 1937).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM south who, stopping animal sacrifices in their Vedic ceremonies and rites, promulgated the cult of ahimsă in their literature.
The principle of ahimsā was partly responsible for the greatest contribution of the Jainas to Hindu culture—that relating to toleration. Whatever may be said concerning the rigidity with which they maintained their religious tenets, and the tenacity and skill with which they met and defeated their opponents in religious disputations, yet it cannot be denied that thẽ Jainas fostered the principle of toleration more sincerely and at the same time more successfully than any other community in India. In fact, as we shall presently see, it is this feature of toleration which is the connecting link in the history of pre-Vijayanagara and Vijayanagara Jainism. And nothing is more regrettable than that in the matter of showing tolerance to the followers of their rival creeds, especially to the Jainas, the Hindus of southern India should have been so ungenerous as to have had recourse to a method of retaliation and revenge which was so alien to the proverbially hospitable nature of the Hindus.
In order to elucidate this statement we have to review briefly the condition of Jainism in the age immediately preceding the rise of Vijayanagara. Three general causes brought about the decline of Jainism in southern India before the founders of Vijayanagara rose to power. In the first place, the long intervals that elapsed between the periods of Jaina revival were to a large extent responsible for the gradual downfall of Jainism. After Kondakundācārya (the first century A.D.) caine Samantabhadra (the second century A.D.) who, as related above, was the great promoter of the Jina faith. The next stage in the Jaina revival is reached
1. Ramaswami, Studies., pp. 76-77

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271 about the middle of the seventh century A.D. under Säntisena." The fourth stage is seen with Gopanandi (A.D. 1094), who caused a revival of the Jina dharma.2 In the twelfth century (A.D. 1123) it is said that the doctrine of Jinendra which shone formerly through Maladhārideva, again shone now with the greatness of Candrakirti Bhațţāraka. And, as will be pointed out anon, it will be only in the middle of the sixteenth century A.D. that the next wave of Jaina revival will be seen. Between these periods of revival there was a wide gap during which the cause of Jainisrn suffered considerable hardships at the hands of rival religious creeds.
Closely allied to the above was the fact that the Jainas failed to produce successively leaders who could so associate religion with politics as to bring both to the forefront simultaneously. It is not too much to suppose that had Jainism produced another Simhanandi, especially in the eighth and ninth century A.D. when it was beset with insurmountable difficulties, the course of political events in southern, especially in western, India would have been changed. The great leaders whom Jainism gave to the country were mostly buried in their theological works; and their indifference to the material changes that took place around them, and particularly those relating to the rise of rival religious sects, was not a little responsible for the steady decline of Jainism as a powerful element in the religious and political history of the land.
Finally, the Hindu revival in southern and western India was the greatest blow to the anekāntamata. We shall deal with this point presently.
1. E. C. II, p. 7 op. cit. 2. Ibid, V. Cn. 148, op. cit. 3. Ibid, II, 117, p. 46.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM The different provinces of the Andhradeśa, Karnātaka, and the Tamil land, however, had their own specific causes which contributed to the decline of Jainism. Of these we may dispense with those relating to the Telugu land where Jainism was never so deeply rooted as in the south, and especially in Karnāțaka. However, we may observe that the continued support which the Eastern Cālukyas always gave Jainism, especially at Bezwada, was promptly counterbalanced by the Paricchedi-Pasupati rulers of that same city, who were the avowed followers of the Hindu dharma. These and the Kota kings of Dhānyakațaka and the Kākatīyas of Warangal, as Seshagiri Rao has so well shown, were responsible for the disappearance of Jainism from the Andhradeśa. The worst time the Jainas had in thc Telugu land was in the reign of king Ganapatideva, the Kākatiya ruler of Warangal (A.D. 1199- A.D. 1260), when, as a result of the defeat in a religious disputation at the hands of Tikkana Somayya, the author of the Telugu Mahābhārata, the Jainas lost all their prestige and power.
The evil days on which Jainism fell in the Tamil land were due to the appearance of the saiva and Vaişņava saints long before the local rulers had driven it into the background in the Andhradeśa. The Saiva Nāyanārs and the Vaişnava Āļvārs had recourse to six methods, which they seem to have borrowed from the Jainas themselves, to subvert the religion of the latter in the Tamil land. Firstly, the Saivas and the Vaişņavas counteracted the universal effect of the most potent
1. Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., pp. 21-29. If it is true that Tikkana was the minister of Mahāmandalesvara Madhurāntaka Pottapi Coļa Tilakanārāyana Manuma Reddi, as Seshagiri Rao asserts, then he may be placed in about A.D. 1243. For a record dated $. 1165 mentions a gift by a citizen in the reign of that Nellore seudatory. Rangacharya, Top List, II. p. 1143.

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weapon of the Jainas as expressed in their well known giftsāhāra-abhaya-bhaişajya-śāstra-dāna, by adopting the same policy to meet their own ends. This is proved by the stories of the saiva saints Iļeyāņdakuļimāranāyanār, Mūkhanayanār, and very many others. Secondly, the Saiva saints discarded caste system, in imitation of the Jainas, and recruited into their fold people of the lower social grades. This accounts for the inclusion of the fisherman saint Atibhaktanāyanār in the list of the sixty-three saints. Thirdly, the Saiva saints aimed at the highest altruistic principles, also in imitation of the Jainas.3 Fourthly, the Saiva saints composed hymns in honour of the local deities, and especially of Siva, obviously after the manner of the Jainas, who worshipped their Tirthankaras in their basadis. Fifthly, the Saiva saints instituted the hierarchy of sixty-three saints exactly as the Jainas had done with their sixty-three personages called Trişaşți-Salāka-puruşuas. And, finally, the Saivas secured the political patronage of the State by winning over the good grace of kings, precisely as the Jainas had done in the early periods of their history.
And in this campaign of exterminating the Jainas the lcading part was taken by Pille Nāyanār, better known by his name Tirujñānasambandhar Mūrti Nāyanár. A few details in connection with this celebrated figure are essential for fixing chronologically the downfall of the Jainas in the Tamil country. These details are gathered mostly from the well known Periyapurāņam or the Tiruttoņdarpurāna, composed
1. Dr. Shama Sastry was the first to draw attention to this. M.A.R. for 1925, p. 10.
2. Ibid, p. 9, 10. 3. Ibid, p. 11. 4. Ibid, p. 6.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM by Sēikkilār in a.d. 1150 in the reign of king Anapāya Cola (Kulottunga Coļa Deva II). Pille Nāyanār was a Brahman born in siyāļi in the Tanjore district. Of his many contemporaries we may mention Kūn Pāņdya, the king of Madura ; Jinasena, a great Jaina teacher ; Vādībhasimha, a celebrated Jaina scholar who disputed with Pille Nāyanār on the merits of saivism ; and Vāgāśa, also called Appar or Dharmasena. Of these we have to eliminate the last named Nāyanār, since his name does not help us to fix the date of Tirujñānasambandhar.
It must be confessed at the outset that in spite of our eliminating Appar, there are considerable difficulties centring round the date of Tirujñānasambandhar. While some maintain that this latter great saiva saint is to be placed in the seventh century A.D., others would assign him to a later age. The former view is based on the contemporaneity of Sambandhar with Siruttonda Parañjoti, the Brahman commander of the Pallava king Narasimhavarmā I, and, secondly, on that of the Pāņdya king Nequmārān.
The advocates of this view argue thus : From Sambandhar's hymns it is learnt that he was a great friend of Siruttoņda.2 Siruttoņda or Dabhrabhakta was the general who was present at the conquest of Vātāpi or Bādāmi, the Western Cālukyan capital, by the Pallava king Narasimhavarmā
1. Rice assigned the composition of this great work to the eleventh century A.D. E. C. IV. Intr. p. 34. See also I.A., XVIII, p. 259; S. I. I., II, p. 153. But Rangacharya has pointed out that Sēkkilār should be assigned to the age of king Kulottunga Cola Deva II. Top. List, II p. 1349. See also Ramaswami, Studies, p. 61 where it is rightly said that Sēkkilār composed the work in A.D. 1150.
2. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 65 ; S. I. I; II. p. 172 ; Rangacharya, ibid, II. p. 1323 ; Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1913, p. 87.

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1.1 Since the burning of Vātāpi by Narasimhavarmā I (A.D. 630-A.D. 668) has been assigned to A.D. 642 by some scholars, 2 it is surmised that that is also the age in which Tirujñānasambandhar lived.
The above conclusion seems to receive support when we take into account a few facts about the Pāņdya king whom the great saiva saint converted from Jainism into Saivism. All Saiva accounts agree that this conversion, indeed, took place. The king who was converted, however, is given the following names—Ninrasir Nedumārān, Māravarman, “the Great Māran who fought the battle of Nelvēli and won lasting fame in it", as the Periyapurāna puts it, Kubja Pāņdya, Sundara Pāņdya, or Kūn Pāņdya. Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Aiyer identified "the Great Māran" with Arikesari, the contemporary of Hiuen Tsiang. Both he and Mr. Ramaswami Ayyangar would, therefore, place Tirujñānasambandhar in the seventh century A.D.*
This, however, does not solve the difficulty. On the other hand, it makes the question more complicated. If the identification of Nedumāran with the victor of the battle of Nelvēli, i.e., with Arikesari Asamasaman Māravarman, whom the Vēlvikkuļi plates make the victor of the same battle,"
1. Periyapurāņa, p. 452 (Madras, 1923); Subrahmanya Aiyer, Sketches, p. 39; Heras, Studies in Pallav History, p. 38; S. K. Ayyangar, Beginnings of S. Indian History, p. 183.
2. Ramaswami, ibid, p. 65 : Dubreuil Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 70, where the date of the Pallava king is given. Dr. Shama Sastry places him about A.D. 634. M.A.R. for 1925, p. 11.
3. Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 62-63; Subrahmanya Aiyer, Sketches, p. 40; S. K. Ayyangar, Beginnings, pp. 277-278; M.A.R. for 1925, p. 11, K. A. Nilakantha Sastri, The Pāņdyas of Madura, p. 53.
4. Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid, pp. 122-3, 126-7; Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 65-66.
5. Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid, p. 123.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM is accepted, then, we cannot assign either Arikesari Māravarman or his supposed contemporary Jñānasambandhar, to the scventh century A.D. at all.
The following reasons will make our statement clear. Arikesari Asamasaman Māravarman, according to the combined genealogy of the bigger siņņmanūr and the Vēļvikkudi plates as given by Venkayya," was the father of Sadaiyan Koccadaiyan Ranadhira. We have clsewhere shown that the age of the latter Pāņdya ruler can be fixed only after studying the Alupa-Pāndya relations; that Sadaiyan Ranadhira lived in A.D. 794-A.D. 800; and that his father Arikesari Asamasaman Māravarman has to be assigned to A.D. 783.2 That is to say, the victor of the battle of Nelvēli should be assigned to the last quarter of the eighth century A.D. And if his identification with Kūn Pāņdya of Madura is accepted, then, it follows that his contemporary Tirujñānasambandhar is likewise to be assigned to the latter part of the eighth century A.D.
We may verify this conclusion of ours by noting the date of another contemporary of Tirujñānasambadhar-Jinasena. Basing his remarks on Karnāțaka Cakravarti's statement in the latter's work entitled Trişaștipurātanacarite, Dr. Shama Sastry identified Jinasena mentioned by Cakravarti with Jinasena, the author of Bịhadharivainsapurāņa. Now the date of the latter work as given by Jinasena is Saka 705 (A.D. 782). Hence if we accept the unanimous Saivite tradition
-
----
---
1. Venkayya, Ep. Rep. S. Circle, for 1908, p. 66.
2. Salctore. Ancient Karnataka, I. pp. 214-219, 223. The name Arikesari Paränkusa Māravarman given by me should be corrected as Arikesari Asamasaman Māravarman. A. K., I, pp. 215, 217, 219.
3. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 12. On Jinasena, read Kamta Prasad Jain, 1. 11. Q., V, pp. 547-48.

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that Jinasena was the contemporary of Sambandhar, we can place the latter only in A.D. 783 which is the date we arrived at for another contemporary of Sambandhar, "the great Māran who had won the battle of Nelvēli”, i.e., Arikesari Asamasaman Māravarman. Therefore, Tirujñānasambandhar and Kün Pāņdya alias Arikesari Asamasaman Māravarman are to be placed in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D.1
But this not only goes against the orthodox Tamil opinion in regard to the antiquity of Tirujñānasambandhar, but also violates the date we have given to Vajranandi, the organizer of the Drāvida sangha. For if Tirujñānasambandhar lived in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D., then, it cannot be that Vajranandi established the Drāvida sangha in the latter half of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century A.D. No Drāvida sangha could possibly have been established at Madura after the signal success which Tirujñānasambandhar had won over the Jainas in that city.
The date given to Vajranandi can hardly be altered without disturbing the chronological facts centring round it ; but the date assigned to Tirujñānasambandhar can be shifted, as it would then fit in with the activities of the Jainas who were his contemporaries. For, as shown by Dr. Shama Sastry, a celebrated Jaina teacher called Vādībhasimha is said to have disputed with Sambandhar on the merits of Saivism.? We have seen that the only famous Vādībhasimha
1. This is also the conclusion arrived at by Dr. Shama Sastry, who placed Sambandhar in the latter half of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century A.D. He supports it by discovering the date of another contemporary of the great Saiva saint, Haradattācārya, viz. A.D. 877. (M. A. R. for 1925, pp. 12-13).
2. M. A. R. ibid, p. 8.

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known to Jaina history was Ajitasena, who was the contemporary of Vadirāja, Camunda Raya, and the Western Calukyan ruler Someśvara I. We have assigned Vādībhasimha Ajitasena to the last quarter of the tenth and the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. If Vādībhasimha of the Tiruttonḍar tradition is identical with Ajitasena Vādibhasimha, then, the great Saiva contemporary of that Jaina teacher, Tirujñānasambandhar, has to be assigned also to the last quarter of the tenth and the beginning of the eleventh century A.D. This would mean that Tirujñānasambandhar lived one century after Vajranandi ; and that it was during the last quarter of the tenth and the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. that Jainism in the Tamil land received its death-blow at the hands of the great Tamil saint.1
Whether this is acceptable to orthodox Tamil opinion or not, it seems certain that, while Tirujñānasambandhar was actively engaged in wiping out Jainism from Madura, Tirunavukkarasar, or Vāgīśa, or Dharmasena, or more popularly known as Appar, another renowned contemporary of Tirujñānasambandhar, was busy uprooting the anekantamata in the Pallava kingdom; and the Vaisnava saint Tirumangai Alvar sang terrible invectives against it in Alinaḍu in the
1. It is said that the Tēvāram (or Devaram) hymns contain many details of the Jaina ascetics on the eight hills surrounding Madura, such as Anamali, Pasumalai, etc, (Ramaswami, Studies., p. 68). It is precisely here at Anamali, etc, in the district of Madura and its neighbourhood that, as related above, stone inscriptions in the Vatteluttu characters have been found dealing with the Jaina sages and their disciples. These inscriptions while confirming the existence of the Jainas in Madura in the tenth and cleventh century A.D., incidentally prove that the Tēvāram itself was written in that age.

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279 north-eastern part of the Coļa country. The great Nāyanārs and the Aļvars have left behind them, however, in their hymns evidence of their utter contempt for Jainism.2 But what is surprising is not that contemporary Saiva and Vaişnava saints should have pictured darkly the Jainas in their religious works, but that the traditionally generous Hindu mind should have portrayed in a series of frescoes on the walls of the Golden Lily Tank of the well known Minākşi temple at Madura, the darker and sadder side of the struggle between the vanquished Jaina leaders and the exultant Hindu reformers of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Here on the walls of the same temple are found paintings depicting the persecution and impaling of the Jainas at the instance of Tirujñānasambandhar. And what is still more unfortunate is that even now the whole tragedy is gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at that famous Madura temple !3
Such vengeance did not characterize the reappearance of Hindu reformers in Karnataka. Here the downfall of Jainism was brought about by four important factors which were peculiar to Karnāțaka. In the first place, the political downfall of the royal patrons who had for centuries fostered
1. Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 62-67, 71. Ramaswami says that Appar converted the Pallava king Mahendravarma II, the son of Narasimhavarmā I, from Jainism. (Ibid, p. 66). But this is extremely doubtful, since we are not sure that Mahendravarma II ever ruled at all. For in the Vēlūrpālaiyam plates which give the genealogy of the Pallava rulers (Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1911, p. 61), he is not mentioned. Even if he did, his reign was very short (Dubreuil, Ancient History of the Deccan, p. 70; Subrahmanya Aiyer, Sketches, p. 42.)
2. Read Ramaswami, ibid, pp. 61, see, 67-70 ; Subrahmanya Aiyer, ibid, p. 38, n. (3)
3. Ramaswami, ibid, p. 79.

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the cause of Jainism was a grcat blow to that rcligion. With the simultaneous collapse of the Rāşțrakūta and Ganga kingdoms towards the end of the tenth century A.D., Jainism received a shock from the effects of which it never recovered. Secondly, the indifference of the Jaina leaders to the revivals of Hinduism, especially to that form called Vira saivism, was detrimental to the interests of the Jaina faith. The work of reviving this particular form of Saivism fell to the lot of the great Basava, who rekindled in the middle of the twelfth century A.D. the Saivācāra or Jangama faith which was a revolt against Brahmanism. Jainism failed to produce teachers who could understand the full import of this new religious revival the champions of which did for Karnāțaka what the Nāyanārs had done for the Tamil land.
This profoundly affected the life of the anekāntamata, as is evident from the next cause relating to the conversion of the feudatory families from Jainism into Vīra saivism. Basava's violent methods of winning a prominent place for the Saiyācāra,? were less successful than the peaceful policy adopted by his successors, who converted the śāntaras, the Cangāļvas, the Bhairava Oļeyars of Kārkaļa, the kings of Coorg, and other rulers of the minor states from Jainism into Vira Saivism.*
How these royal personages and feudatorics were converted into Vīra saivism is best illustrated by the account of the famous Vira Saiva teacher Ekānta Rāmayya about whom Keśirāja Camūpa relates thus in a stone record dated about A.D. 1195 :
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 72. 2. Ibid, p. 206. 3. Ibid, pp. 79-80. 4. Ibid. pp. 139; 206-207; E. C. IX Intr. p. 20.

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281 A fervent disciple of siva, Ekānta Rāmayya after visiting all Saivite holy places, came to 'Puligere. Here he was inspired by the local deity (god) Somanātha to wage a crusade against Jainism. Rāmayya, therefore, went to Abbalūr, a stronghold of Jainism. On the Jainas maintaining the superiority of the anekāntamata over Saivism, Rāmayya challenged them by saying that, as a proof of the superiority of his own creed, he would cut off his own head but with the aid of Śiva regain life. The Jainas on hearing this promiscd to embrace Saivism, if he succeeded in carrying out his wager. And they wrote on an ole (palmyra leaf) to that effect. Forthwith Rāmayya had his head cut off, and given as an offering to śiva. In seven days' time Rāmayya regained his head. He then routed the Jainas, and broke their images, at which they complained to the king Bijjala (A.D. 1156-A.D. 1167). The king sent for Rāmayya who showed him the written promise of the Jainas, and who once again challenged that, if they demolished their seven hundred basadis, he would again perform the same feat he had once done, and (in seven days' time) regain life. The Jainas were afraid to take up the challenge. But king Bijjala gave Rāmayya a Jayapatra (certificate of victory) granting along with it certain specified villages to Rāmayya's deity Somanātha of Puligere. The fame of Rāmayya then spread to the Cālukyan court, and king Someśvara IV (A.D. 1182—A.D. 1189) likewise granted the village of Abbalūr to the same deity. Likewise the Kādamba king Kāmadeva (A.D. 1181-A.D.1203) granted the village of Mallavalļi to the same god.1
1. E. I., V. p. 245; Kavicarite, I. pp. 297-298. See also Ramaswami, Studies, pp. 114-115; Moraes, Kadamba-Kula, pp. 252-254.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM And the fourth cause which hastened the decline of Jainism was conversion of the trading classes called the Vira Banajigas from Jainism into Vira saivism. This was a stroke of diplomatic skill which told at once on the life of the anekāntamata in Karnātaka. The Vira Banajigas had been for ages the most powerful and wealthy section of the middle classes in Karnāțaka. Their devotion and riches had enabled the Jainas to add to the architectural beauty of Karnāțaka, and to maintain the prestige and splendour of Jainism in the land. When the followers of Basava weaned the trading classes from the anekāntamata, the mainstay of Jainism in Karnāțaka disappeared, and it fell back on the other sections of the people who could never extend to it the assurance born of wealth which the Vīra Banajigas alone could give.
1. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 206.

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CHAPTER VIII.
VIJAYANAGARA'S PLEDGE
Jainism and Hindu dharma-A sketch of the history of toleration in Karnāțaka-Vijayanagara makes history by deciding great cases in A.D. 1363 & 1368 Political significance of the royal decision of 1368-Examples to prove the permanent effects of the royal decree of 1368 from cases throughout the history of the Vijayanagara Empire.
TN the year of the foundation of the Vijayanagara Empire
. (A.D. 1346) Jainism stood baffled but not beaten. It had been steadily driven from the premier place it had occupied in the Tamil and Telugu land, and even in Karnāțaka, and compelled to occupy a secondary position, especially in the last province, from which it apparently seemed that it had no means of escape. The age in which the Vijayanagara Empire was established was the most critical in the history of the country. It was also a perilous time for the followers of the syād vāda doctrine. For without leaders who could grasp the situation in the country as a Simhanandi had done in the early days, Jainism was likewise without a message for the people who were now faced with problems infinitely more complex and more difficult than any which the Gangas and the other early rulers had to
1. Read Saletore, Social & Political Life, I, pp. 1-22.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM solve. It was during such a period in its history that Vijayanagara stepped forth as the protector of Jainism, and enabled it to continue its useful existence for centuries to come.
In early times, as the reader must have gathered from the foregoing pages, it was Jainism that had more than once recreated political life and thereby made it possible for the Hindu dharma to consolidate its position. Now in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D., it was the turn of the Hindu dharma, first, to regain its own vitality, and, then, to repay the debt it owed to Jainism by coming to its succour. And the champions of the Hindu dharma, as the monarchs of Vijayanagara undoubtedly were, did this by laying down a policy of toleration which was unparalleled in the history of the land. The introduction of such a policy, however, was not an innovation of the rulers of Vijayanagara. To the Hindu monarchs of the south, especially of Karnāțaka, toleration was a vital principle and not a matter of political expediency. It was their most precious gift to humanity. The early monarchs of Karnāțaka as well of the Tamil land had bequeathed to the rulers of Vijayanagara a noble tradition. We have ample instances to show how the Gangas, the Western Cālukyas, and the other kings of Karnāțaka and of the Tamil land, notwithstanding their Hindu propensities, gave munificent grants to Jaina institutions, and treated the Jainas and the Brahmans in an impartial manner. The Jaina leaders theinselves reciprocated this in an admirable way. The great name that is met with in this connection is that of Cāmunda
1. The intolerance shown to the Jainas in the days of Tirujñānasambandhar was an exception. The Tamil kings, especially in the Sangham age, were noted for their liberal views. Ramaswami, Studies, p. 46.

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Rāya. When in A.D. 1048 he granted specified land to the Jaina sages in charge of the Jajāhuti śāntinātha basadi in Belligāmc, as narrated already in an earlier context, he ordered that in the Banavasenād the Jaina habitation, Vişnu habitation, iśvara habitation, and a habitation for the muni ganas should be constructed. And this the sculptor Nāgavarmā caused to be made.1
Like him there were Hindu noblemen, too, who made no distinction between the votaries of the two faiths. Bammarasa, the viceroy of the Noļambavādi 32,000 province, granted in A.D. 1109 to the Jinālaya and to the god Sarppeśvara certain money dues and other gifts, impartially.
Few citizens could rival those of Balligāme for an enlightened outlook on religious creeds. Hospitable to strangers, of one speech, prudent, devoted to dharma, and honour, the citizens of that famous centre were famous as worshippers of Hari, Hara, Pankajāsana (Brahmā), Jina, and other gods. The record dated A.D. 1129 which contains this information, tells us that they built in that city the temples of Hari, Hara, Kamalākşa, Vītarāga, and Buddha.?
An instance of a chieftain who made no distinction between his own and other faiths is that of Vişnuvardhana, who belonged to the Mitra kula and Adala varśa. In about A.D. 1140 he constructed śiva temples and Jinālayas within his jurisdiction.
The Jainas showed how they could suit themselves to the changing circumstances of the times by inserting in a purely Jaina inscription (dated A.D. 1151) the following
1. E. C. VII. Sk. 120, p. 91, op. cit. 2. Ibid, XI. Dg. 12, p. 27 3. Ibid, VII, Sk. 100, p. 69. 4. Ibid, IX, Nl. 84, pp. 48-49.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM addressed to non-Jaina deities :-“ Victorious, though without words, are the sayings uttered by the Tīrthankaras. Obeisance to the universal spirit of Jina, who is Śiva, Dhātri (Brahmā), Sugata (Buddha), and Vişnu.” The grant to which this unusually liberal mode of obeisance was prefixed was made by that generous feudatory of Marugarenād, Samanta Băci Rāja, who has already been referred to in this treatise. This nobleman constructed not only Jinalayas but temples of Vişņu and Siva as well. It is not surprising that such a liberal person should have been styled as the "promoter of the dharma of the four samayas."1
This catholic attitude on the part of the feudatories had the most salutary effect on other nobles. Hoysala Goidi setti, "worshipper of the feet of Jinendra ", was the nād-prabhu of Mandali 1,000. In about A.D. 1180 while in the company of his sons Balla Gauda and Boppa Gauda, he heard the recital of Śiva dharma, and at once granted specified land for the worship of the Siddheśvara of Mandali.2
Sämanta Gova, whose benefactions we have already described, is said to have been the supporter of the four samayas---Māheśvara, Bauddha, Vaişnava, and Arhat. This is related in records dated A.D. 1160, 1180, 1181, and 1187.:
The uncommonly cordial relations which prevailed between the Brahmans and the Jainas are shown by a record dated A.D. 1204 which informs us that all the Brahmans of the five agraharas of Nāgarakhanda, along with the officials placed over the district, heads of the merchant guilds, and representatives of the citizens and cultivators (all named), joined together and made specified grants for the worship
1. E. C. XII. Tm. 9, p. 3 ; My. & Coorg, p. 203. 2. Ibid, VII. Sh. 40, p. 18. 3. Ibid, XII. Ck. 13, 14, 20, 21, pp. 74-77.

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of god śāntinātha of Bandaņike.1
Bettarasa Daņņāyaka seems to have been impelled by a similar motive when in A.D. 1249 he deposited specified gold, and made grants of land in the presence of all the Brahmans, heads of the merchant guilds, and citizens, in order to meet the expenses of worship in the five mathas (named), the two basadis, and all the temples of Balāri.?
Thus we find that till the middle of the thirteenth century A.D., every section of the people in Karnāțaka had given sufficient evidence of its benevolent attitude towards the Jainas. That even those who had espoused the cause of Vira saivism should have been liberal towards the Jainas, shows how deep toleration had taken root in the country. From the last quarter of the thirteenth century A.D. for one hundred years onwards, however, the question of extending patronage to religious creeds of one denomination or the other paled into insignificance before the greater question of defending the country's honour against the invading Muhammadans.3
When once the southward march of the relentless enemy was stopped, and the kingdom of Vijayanagara established (A.D. 1346), its monarchs found time to deal equitably with religious and cultural problems of the day. It was during the reign of king Harihara Rāya in A.D. 1363— only seventeen years after the unfurling of the Vijayanagara banner at the great capital on the banks of the Tungabhadrā --that a civil case arose which showed that the destiny of the Jainas was safe in the hands of the new monarchs. Vīrūpākṣa Odeyar, the son of the Vijayanagara king Harihara Rāya, was the viceroy over the Malerājya. He had
1. E. C. VII. Sk. 225, p. 133. 2. Ibid, VI. Cm, 20, p. 37. 3. Saletore, Social & Political Life., I. p. 4 seq.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM a difficult issue to decide. It was in regard to the boundaries of the land that belonged to the ancient Pārsvanātha basadi of Tadatāla in Heddūrnā”. The temple ācārayas supported by the people of the Heddūrnād disputed with the Jaina sūris in regard to the land in question. The State ordered an enquiry to be held in the Arāga cāvadi (i.e., the public hall of Āraga, the capital of the Malerāja province. The Mahāpradhāna Nāgaņņa and various arasus (noblemen, all of whom are named ) together with the leaders of the Jainas called Mallappa, summoned the elders of the three cities and the Eighteen Kampaņas of Āraga ; and having made the nūd people agree, they fixed the boundaries of the land (specified) according to former custom as those of the temple endowment of Pārsvanātha. This decision was forthwith engraved on stone by the orders of the elders and the noblemen assembled there.!
Five years later (A.D. 1368) a very great question presented itself before the Vijayanagara monarch Bukka Rāya I. The stone inscription dated A.D. 1368 relates that a dispute arose between the Jainas and the Srivaişņavas (called in this record the Bhaktas). And the Jainas of all the nādus (districts) including Ānegondi, Hosapattana, Penugoņda, and the city of Kalleha (the last named district being in the modern Māgadi tāluka), petitioned to the king Bukka Rāya about the injustice done to them by the Bhaktas (Bhaktaru māļuva annyāyangajanu binnaham mādalāgi). The monarch (evidently after due enquiry) “taking the hand of the Jainas and placing it in the hands of the Śrīvaişņavas of the eighteen nāļus, (in the presence of) including all the acāryas of the places, the chief of which are Kõvil (i.e., Śrīrangam), Tirumale (i.e., Tirupati), Perumā!-Kovil (i.e., Kañci) and Tirunārāyaṇakoțe
1. E. C. VIII. TI. 197, pp. 206-207.

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289
(i.c., Mēlkõțe), all the sātvikas, moștikas, those of the holy service, of the holy feet and of the holy water ; the fortyeight people; the Sāvanta-bovas and the Tirukula (i.e., Holeyas) and Jāmbavakula (i.e., Mādigas)—and declaring (at the same time) that there was no difference between the Vaişņava darsana (or faith) and the Jaina darśana, decreed as follows
“ This Jaina darśana is, as before, entitled to the pañcamahāśabda (the five great musical instruments) and the kalasa (or vase). If loss or advancement should be caused to the Jaina darśana through the Bhaktas, the Vaisnavas will kindly dcem it as loss or advancement caused to their own (darśana). The Śrīvaişņavas will to this effect kindly set up a śāsana in all the bastis of the kingdom. For as long as the sun and moon endure, the Vaişnava creed will continue to protect the Jaina darśana. The Vaişņavas and the Jainas are one (body); they must not be viewed difserent. Tātayya of Tirumale, by consent of the blessed people (the Jainas) of the whole kingdom, will, out of the money levied at the rate of one hana for every house according to the door from the Jainas throughout the whole kingdom, for the bodyguard to be appointed by the Vaişņavas at the holy place of Belgoļa, appoint twenty servants as a bodyguard for the god, and with the remainder of the money have the dilapidated Jinālayas whitewashed. In this manner, for as long as the sun and moon last, they will without failure pay every year and acquire fame and merit. He who transgresses this rule shall be a traitor to the king, a traitor to the sangha, and the samudāya.'”.
The epigraph after holding out a curse to those who intended to destroy this piece of charity, concludes thusBusuvi Setti, the good son of Harvi setti of Kalleha (i.e.,
J. M. 10

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM mod. Kalya, where the record was found) having made petition to the king Bukka Rāya, sent for Tātayya of Tirumale, and had the sāsana renovated. And both (the Jaina and the Vaişņava) samayas uniting bestowed thc dignity of sangha-nāyaka on Basuvi Seçti.1
An analysis of this Great Charter which king Bukka Rāya gave to the Jainas of the Empire reveals the following :
1. That in the year of the construction of the great city of Vijayanagara (A.D. 1368)2 the Jainas were distributed throughout the Vijayanagara kingdom, but that those at Ancgundi (the parent city of the Empire), Hosapattaņa, Penugonda and Kalleha were the most prominent ;
2. That certain rights and privileges of these Bhavyas in that year or before had been questioned by the Śrīvaişņavas of the eighteen nādus ;
3. That the dispute was of such great importance that it was referred, not to the local provincial authority, or to the heads of both thc religious communities, but directly to the Vijayanagara king himself ;
4 That the king gave an equitable judgment in favour of the Jainas (evidently after due consultation), and in the presence of all the leaders of both the communities and even of those of the lower sections of the society like the Tirukula: and the Mādigas;
5. That this judgment was accepted without a murmur by the entire people ;
6. That copies of this momentous decision were inscribed
1. E. C. II. 334, pp. 146-147 ; IX. Ma. 18, pp. 53-54.
2. It is wrong to maintain that the city of Vijayanagara existed before A.D. 1368 when its construction was begun. Read Saletore S. P. Life. I. pp. 83-105.
3. Tirukula, Srikula, in modern parlance Harijan.

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291 on stone not only at Śravana Belgoļa but also at Kalleha, and "in all the bastis of the kingdom", by the Śrīvaişņavas themselves, at the royal bidding ; and
7. That, finally, to the generous Jaina merchant Busuvi sețți, who was instrumental in publishing a copy of the royal decree at Kalleha, both the Jainas and the Srivaişnavas jointly conferred the title of sangha-nāyaka (Champion of the Creeds).
History knows no more exemplary and equitable decision in religious dispute than the above which king Bukka Rāya gave to the Jainas in A.D. 1368. Bukka Rāya was a plain monarch, but the judgment which he gave was learned ; he was not committed to any religious creed, but by his equity he had saved a religion from persecution ; he was reckoned to be the Defender of the Hindu dharma, but he had now become Protector of the Jina faith ; he had given a decision in favour of a minority community ; but it was not by violating the fundamental rights of the larger sections of the Śrivaisnavas. The wisdom of the monarch is seen not only in the fact that he ordered the representatives of both the parties but of all sections of the people to assemble before him before he arrived at his decision. Further, the onus of appointing the bodyguard of twenty servants for the god at Śravaņa Belgoļa rested on the Srivaişņavas themselves, whose revered leader Tātayya of Tirumale was charged with a specific duty which he could perform only with the co-operation of the Bhavyas themselves ! Thus did the able monarch Bukka Rāya lay down a great principle for his successors to follow.
What was the political significance of this celebrated judgment ? In order to answer this we must recount the event of A.D. 1363 narrated above. The Taqatāla Pārsvadeva basti boundary dispute must have clearly shown to the Vija

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM yanagara monarch in which quarter the danger lay. Any false step in the direction of maintaining the prestige of one community at the expense of another would have precipitated matters to a crisis in the very commencement of the political career of the sons of Sangama involving thereby the ruin of their cherished ambition. King Bukka Rāya adopted, therefore, an admirable plan. By a royal decree he appointed twenty bodyguards for the god at Sravana Belgoļa, and, at the same time, ordered the renovation of all the dilapidated Jina temples in the kingdom. He had honoured the famous god at Śravaņa Belgola, and thereby the Jaina religion. Jainism was saved, and its prestige guaranteed in the Vijayanagara Empire. By restoring to the Jainas their ancient privileges king Bukka Rāya removed a source of discontent in a community which, although politically shorn of its ancient power, yet could have turned itself into a seditious section, especially in the precarious period of the fourteenth century A.D. That it did not do so but continued to remain perfectly loyal throughout the Vijayanagara age is in itself sufficient testimony of king Bukka Rāya's far-sighted political wisdom. The Jainas could never forget the service which this monarch had done for their faith ; and it is pleasing to note that only fifteen years after that famous judgment, there should appear the remarkable Jaina general Irugappa whose history we shall describe to some extent presently.
A few instances will show that the magnificent example thus set by king Bukka Rāya had a permanent effect on the wide outlook of the people of the Vijayanagara Empire. Thus, for instance, an inscription of about A.D. 1397 recounting the martial deeds of a famous colleague of General Irugappa, by name Guņņa Daņdanātha, begins in this unique manner after praising the temple of the god Keśava at Bēlur

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293 He whom the Saivas worship as śiva, the Vedāntins as Brahmā, the Bauddhas as Buddha, the Naiyāyikas skilled in proof as Karttā, the followers of Jina śāsana as Arhat, Mīmāmsakas as Karma ; that God Keśava ever grant your desires !1 Evidently the people of Karnātaka looked upon all the different religious creeds in the same impartial and sympathetic manner as king Bukka Rāya had done in A.D. 1368.
Nothing proves better the cosmopolitan outlook of the people of Vijayanagara and the abiding effect which king Bukka Rāya's laudable example had on them, than the JõdiKempaņapura (Chāmarājanagara tāluka) inscription, assigned to A.D. 1400, which deals with a great Vira Saiva scholar named Ekānta Basaveśvara. He was the descendant of that famous Ekānta Rāmayya who has already been described in this treatise. One of the birudas of Ekānta Basaveśvara was that he was “an able refuter of the anekāntamata.” But such was the good feeling between the Vīra Śaivas and the Jainas in the Vijayanagara Empire that one of the imprecatory sentences at the end of the above grant says that those who violated it were traitors even to the Jaina religion !2
Indeed, the opening lines of another inscription dated A.D. 1411 reveals the large-heartedness of the people of Vijayanagara. For this record says thus :-Be it well with the subjects : may kings protect the earth in the ways of justice ! May fortune ever be to cows and Brahmans ! May all the world be happy !" Other inscriptions may also be cited in this connection. The record dated A.D. 1472 relating to the Jinālayas in Idugaņi, about which we shall mention some
1. E. C. V. Bl. 3, p. 43. 2. M. A. R. for 1917, p. 61. 3. E. C. XI. Cd. 14, p. 5.

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details, opens with obeisance to Pārīśva-Tirtheśvara, praise of the Jina śāsana, obeisance to the pañcaparameṣṭis, and to Sambhu-all in the same breath !1
In the sixteenth century A.D., too, we have the same generous sentiments expressed in epigraphs. The record dated A.D. 1530, for instance, is a fine specimen of the spirit of the times. It begins in the following manner :- 'Having the supreme profound syad vāda as a fruit-bearing token, may it prevail, the doctrine of the Lord of the three worlds, the Jina doctrine! Obeisance to Adi Varaha! May he grant prosperity, in whose tight embrace the Earth ever rejoices! Obeisance to Sambhu, his lofty head kissed by the camaralike crescent moon, the original foundation pillar of the city of the three worlds!" Then, again, in A.D. 1598 obeisance to Vitaraga is followed by the praise of the Jina śāsana and of Sambhu.3
It was said above that the admirable decision of the king Bukka Raya had a lasting effect on the people of Vijayanagara. The truth of this statement is borne out by the following epigraph dated A.D. 1638 in which we have an excellent account of the harmonious feelings between the Vira saivas and the Jainas. This record which begins with the praise of the Jina doctrine ends with the praise of Siva! It falls within the reign of Venkatadri Nayaka of Belur, and may be taken to typify the state of affairs in the last days of the Vijayanagara Empire. The question was a very grave one. Iluccappa Deva, a Vīra Saiva, had stamped a linga on the pillars of the Vijaya Pārsva basadi of Haleyabīḍu (i.e., evidently Halebidu, the famous capital of the Hoysalas); and
1. E. C. VIII, Sa. 60, p. 103.
2. Ibid., VI, Kp. 47, p 84. 3. Ibid., Kp. 50, p. 86.

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295 Vijayappa, a Jaina, had erased that linga stamp. On this Padmaņņa sețți, the son of Devappa sețţi of Hāsana, and all the other Jainas of the Belūr kingdom, petitioned to the leaders of the Vira saivas, by name Basavadeva of Halebīļu, Pațțadadeva of Puşpagiri, and the other leaders of the Devaprthvimahā-mahattu of the Deśabhāga. The plaintiff was not an ordinary Jaina merchant. He was a worshipper at the lotus feet of Arhat Parameśvara, sun in the sky of the syād vāda creed, delighter in the gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning, repairer of ruined Jina temples, purified by the Jaina consecrated water, and adorned with rectitude and many other virtues. On receiving the petition from this worthy and influential Jaina leader of Hāsana, the Mahā-mahattu of Haļebīdu and of the Deśabhāga assembled together, and after due deliberation, made an ordinance (katļu māļisida vivara) thus : “llaving (first) causcd vibhūti (ashes) and viļya (betel leaf) to be offered (these being the Vira Saiva modes of salutation), you (the Jainas) may perform the worship, decorations, illuminations, ablutions, and other Jaina ceremonies of this Vijaya Pārśvanātha (basadi of Halebidu) according to former custom, as long as sun and moon endure”.
But the sanction of the State had to be received for legalizing the ordinance thus passed by the general assembly of the Vira Saiva elders. Hence they approached the chief minister Krşņappayya, who is highly praised as a learned man and an able minister, and as the rod in the right hand of the ruler Venkatādri Nāyaka of Belür. And they requested him to give effect to their united decision. The chief minister "taking this work of merit in hand", and in conformity with the immemorial Karnāțaka custom of inscribing a meritorious work on behalf of the State, had the work dedicated "for the prosperity of the Empire of Venkatādri Näyakayya

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM of Belür", and caused it to be observed in future. And, then, the Mahā-mahattu had this stone śāsana duly written and presented to the leaders of the Jainas.
The benevolent Vira Saivas were not content with this formal method of giving the Jainas a charter of good will. All future injustice to the Jainas, especially on the part of the Vira Saivas themselves, had to be guarded against. And hence the following clause was inserted at the end of the śāsana, thereby showing that the Vira śaivas could be models of equity in matters of religious disputes. “Whoso opposes this Jina dharma is excommunicated from the feet of his Mahā-mahattu, is a traitor to Śiva, and the Jangamas, unfaithful to the vibhūti-rudrākṣa, and to the linga at the holy places of Kāśī and Rāmeśvara.” And so that none might question the validity of this important decision, the leaders of the Vira Saivas appended their signatures to the grant with a good wish that the Jaina religion might prosper—“The approval (or signature) of the Mahā-mahattu. May it increase, the Jina śāsana!”
The importance of this record lies in the fact that it affirms the legal method prevalent in the early days of the Vijayanagara Empire when, as we saw while describing the Tadatāļa Pārsvanātha basadi land dispute, the rulers had already set in the following precedent :-That all questions, especially those pertaining to the privileges and beliefs of communities, should be settled in the presence, and with the approval, of the leaders of both the parties, and the sanction of the State obtained at the end. And so far as the Jainas are concerned. the settlement of A.D. 1638 proves bevond doubt that the assurance given to them by king Bukka Rāya in A.D. 1368 had come to stay, not
1. E. C. V, Bl. 128, pp. 84-86.

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297 merely in the circles of the Śrīvaisnavas but also in those of the Vira śaivas. The little principality of Belür (Velāpuri), over which king Venkatādri ruled in A.D. 1638, had come into existence in the days of Era Kışņappa Nāyaka, the Hadapa (or betel-pouch bearer) of Krşņa Deva Rāya the Great of Vijayanagara. And it is especially gratifying to observe that the Vijayanagara example of justice should have been copied by one of its feudatories, and maintained with equity even in an age when the once-powerful Vijayanagara authority was on the decline and the fortunes of the great mediæval House eclipsed by political calamities. We may appreciate this better when we remember that Velāpuri, only six years after the above judgment by the Maha-mahattu had been given, became the seat of king Ranga Rāya (III), the last of the noteworthy Vijayanagara monarchs, with the aid of one of his powerful vassal Śivappa Nāyaka of Bednür.2
1. E. C. V, Intr., p. 33.
2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 122. On the harmonious relations that existed among the other communities the Brahmans, the Sthānikas, the Pañcālas, the Sețţis, etc., in the Vijayanagara age, read Saletore, S. P. Life., II., pp. 355-356, 358

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CHAPTER IX.
STATE AID TO JAINISM
Vijayanagara inonarchs Defenders of All Faiths-Their attitude towards Jainism explained-Work by Queen Bhīmā Devi-King Deva Rāya I--King Deva Rāya II-Emperor Krşņa Deva Rāya-Position of Jainism in the capital --Work of General Irugappa --Examples of nobles who helped the cause of Jainism.
THE sincerity of purpose which generally lay behind the
. actions of the Hindu monarchs of Vijayanagara is seer not only in the assurance which they publicly gave to the reli gious bodies, but also in the honest attempts which they made to promote the material interests of religions which they did not profess. These Champions of the Hindu dharma were truly Defenders of all Faiths. The fact that the kingdon of Vijayanagara had come into existence solely to save the Ilindu religion and culture from destruction,' did not prevent the monarchs of Vijayanagara from giving their whole-hearted help to non-Hindu religions. On the other hand, it was their proud boast--and we may at once observe that thi: was not unjustifiable at all that they were the Champions of the sakalavarnāśrama of the people. We have else where sufficiently shown how faithfully they carried out this promise of theirs to protect the dharma of all the sections of the people.
1. Read Saletore, S. P. Life, I. p. 13, seq ; 245. 2. Ibid., II. p. 24 seq.

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299 And in regard to Jainism their attitude was by no means different. It is evident that the noble example of king Bukka Rāya I exercised a great influence on his successors. Hence we find that kings and queens and members of the royal family gave unstinted patronage to the cause of the anekāntamata in the Empire. And it is interesting to note in this connection that the impulse to support the cause of the Jina dharma came from the queens of Vijayanagara, one of whom was a Jaina herself. This was Bhimā Devī, who was the queen of Deva Rāya I. Her spiritual guru was Panạitācārya ; and in about A.D. 1410 she caused an image of śāntināthasvāmi to be made in the Mangāyi basadi at Sravana Belgoļa. This temple, we may note by the way, had been built in about A.D. 1325, by Mangāyi of Belgola, “a crest jewel of royal dancing girls”, and a lay disciple of Abhinava Cărukīrti Panạita, of the same place. But about the identity of Panditācārya, however, no details are forthcoming."
Queen Bhīmā Devī may have been responsible for the generous attitude of king Deva Rāya I towards the Jaina gurus. Evidence from two inscriptions definitely points to the high favour in which that monarch held the Jina faith and its champions. The Padmāvati basti inscription of Humcca cited elsewhere in this treatise, contains the statement that Dharmabhūşaņa guru, the chief disciple of Vardhamāna muni, and a great orator, was served by munis and rājas. Dharmabhūşaņa “had his two feet illumined by the crown of the rājādhirāja parameśvara, the king Deva Rāya.”4 From the
1. E. C. II., Intr. p. 29; 337, p. 144. 2. Ibid., 33a, p. 145.
3. There is an Abhinava Panditācārya mentioned in circa A.D. 1311. Ibid, 495, pp. 133-4.
4. Ibid., VIII. Nr. 46, p. 148.

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300
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM royal titles given to the ruler in this record, it is clear that the reference is only to king Deva Rāya I of Vijayanagara. But about the identity of Dharmabhūşaņa, we have no definite data. However, we may fix his date by determining the date of his guru Vardhamāna whom we have assigned to the year A.D. 1378, on the basis of the facts mentioned in the same Padmāvati record and discussed by us elsewhere.? If we allot twenty-five years to Vardhamāna, we arrive at A.D. 1403 which may be the date of Dharmabhūşaņa (II). This falls within the reign of king Bukka Rāya II, the father of king Deva Rāya I. And there is nothing unusual in Dharmabhūşana's having won special respect from king Deva Rāya 1. What seems certain is that the Vijayanagara ruler showed his great concern about the famous centre of the Jainas--Sravana Belgaļa. Hence about A.D. 1420 he ordered the gift of the village Belame in Mepinād for a vrtti for the worship of Gummaļasvāmi of Belgoļa. And the great minister Baica Daņņāya
1. There were two Dharmabhūşaņas in the Jaina spiritual lists. A damaged record of A.D. 1372 tells us that Subhakirtideva's disciple was Dharmabhūşana (I) whose disciple was Amarakirti whose disciple was Dharmabhūşaņa (II) whose praise (?) seems to be recorded. Vardhamāna Svāmi caused an epitaph to be made in that year. (E. C. II, 274, p. 125). Another record found at Humcca gives the following fact—that Amarakirti's beloved disciple was Dharmabhūşana Bhattāraka. (M. A. R. for 1934, p. 176). Dr. Krishna assigned this record to the age of king Deva Rāya I, and placed Dharmabhūşaņa in the fifteenth century. The two records of Belgola and Humcca, therefore, agree in making Dharmabhūşana (II) the disciple of Amarakirti, while the Padmāvati basti record clearly says that Dharmabhūşaņa was the chief disciple (maukhamukhya) of Vardhamāna. This discrepancy cannot be solved for the present.
2. Saletore, Karnataka Hist. Rev. IV. pp. 77-86.

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301 ka carried out at once the royal behest.: Obviously in imitation of his noble father, Prince Harihara, as we shall narrate in a latter context, gave munificent gifts to the basadi at Kanakagiri.
The next monarch who continued the tradition of the carly Vijayanagara rulers of bestowing patronage on the Jaina institutions was king Deva Rāya II (AD. 1419 A.D. 1446). In A.D. 1424 he made over the village of Varanga in Tuļuva to the basadi of Varanga Neminātha of the same place.?
Of Krşqa Deva Rāya the Great it may truly be said that he made no distinction between the different faiths in his Empire. His large-hearted benevolence was primarily responsible for the gifts he made to the Jaina temples in two distant provinces of his Empire. He gave gists of two villages to the basadi of Trailokyanātha at Tirupparuttikuņru, Conjeeverain tāluka, Chingleput district, once in the cyclic ycar Dhātri (corresponding to the Saka year 1438= A.D. 1516), and then again in Saka 1440 (A.D. 1519). In A.D. 1528 the same monarch gave a gift to the basadi at Cippagiri, Alūru tāluka, Bellary district, and had the endowment recorded on the walls of the sinaller Venkataramaņa temple of that place. 4
Before we proceed to describe the cfforts made by the nobles and generals of Vijayanagara to help the cause of the anekāntamata in the great city of Vijayanagara and outside,
1. E. C., V. Mj. 58, p. 273.
2. Sewell, Lists of Antiquities., C. P. No. 89; Rangacharya, Top. List., II., p. 875.
3. 188 of 1901 ; 45 of 1890 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 375 ; Swamikannu, Ind. Ephem. V. pp. 234, 240.
4. Bellary Gazetteer, I. p. 210 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I, p. 258 ; Seshagiri Rao, op. cit., p. 35.

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302
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM we may explain the position of that religion in the famous capital itself. Here it is necessary to observe that the accounts of foreign travellers do not enlighten us on this question at all. But we have to depend upon the numerous epigraphs which contain, as usual, valuable details concerning Jainism in the city of Vijayanagara. The initiative of aiding the Jina faith was taken by the Vijayanagara generals and the royal ladies of the court. It was here in the capital that the Jaina General Irugappa Daņpanāyaka built a basadi which we shall mention at once. The queens of Vijayanagara were not slow in bestowing their patronage on these Jaina institutions in the capital. An inscription in that city tells us that Bukkayve, the queen of Vira Harihara Rāya (i.e., Harihara Rāya II) gave a gift to the basadi built by General Irugappa, in the cyclic year īśvara. This cyclic year corresponds to the saka year 1319 (A.D. 1397) 2
Among the monarchs Deva Rāya II stands high in the estimation of the Jainas for having built a basadi in the capital itself. An inscription in a ruined basadi in that city dated saka 1348 Parābhava (A.D. 1426) records the building of a caityālaya to Pārsvanātha at the orders of that monarch in the Pānsupāri street of the capital.3 King Deva Rāya II's act of benevolence needs comment. He gave concrete expression to the feeling of reciprocal goodwill which king Bukka Rāya had so admirably shown in A.D. 1368. To the Jainas
--
---
-
-
1. Read Saletore, S. P. Life, II. p. 27 seq.
2. 501 of 1907 ; Rangacharya, Top. List., I, p. 313 ; Swamikannu, op. cit., IV. p. 396.
3. 32 of 1889; $. I. I. I, 153, pp. 160-167 ; Rangacharya, ibid., I. p. 312 ; Ramaswami, Studies, p. 118. It is wrong to say that king Deva Raya I. built this temple (V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, Indian Historical Quarlerly, XIII, p. 259.).

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303 his action gave one more proof that the Vijayanagara monarchs were more than ever sincere to promote the cause of the Jina dharma. Unlike the measures he had taken on behalf of his Muhammadan subjects, for whose sake he had ordered a copy of the Quran to be placed by the side of his throne, 1 this step in connection with the Jainas had no political significance, since the latter never assumed at any time, either in the reign of that monarch or in that of his predecessors, such proportions as to threaten the internal stability of the Empire. We may, therefore, assume that the construction of the Pārsvanātha basadi in the capital was obviously meant to satisfy the religious need of the time, and especially to demonstrate once again the validity of one of the birudas borne by the Emperors of Vijayanagara, viz., that they were the Protectors of sakalavarṇāśrama dharma.
In addition to these Jina temples we have a ruined basadi in the capital to the south of Hampe. Unfortunately the record which was found here is damaged and no details can be made out of it. The fact that the Sanskrit portions of two fragments of a sculptured piece of black granite discovered in the north-west of the famous Mahānavami Dibba in the capital, refer thrice to the death of a Jaina guru named Maladhārideva,' suggests that there must have been another Jinālaya near that well known platform about which, too, unfortunately no details are known. As to the identity of Maladhārideva, we have likewise no clue.
In the history of Jainism in the great capital much credit is to be given to General Irugappa, the most prominent Jaina general of the age. From an inscription dated A.D. 1422
1. Saletore, S. P. Lise., I. p. 439. 2. 42 of 1889. 3. 545 of 1893.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM
found at Sravana Belgoļa, we gather many details about the parentage of this Daņdanāyaka. He belonged to a line of loyal State servants. His grandfather was Baica Dandeśa, the Mahāpradhāna of king Bukka Rāya. Of uncommon liberality, forbearance, and learning, Baica Daņdeśa was noted for his policy which was “worthy to be approved by all." He had three sons--the eldest General Mangappa, “who was honoured in the world for his virtues ", General Irugappa, and Bukkaņņa. General Mangappa was a devout Jaina. The record calls him “a supporting tree to the creeper) dharma", and "an adherent of the Jaināgama”. By his wife Jānaki he had two sons-General Baicappa and General Irugappa. The latter is the subject of our remarks.
The same inscription bestows much praise on General Irugappa. About his martial disposition, it says that “when on the march of the General prince Irugappa, the rays of the sun were obstructed by the clouds of dust raised by the fierce blows of the hoofs of his charging mares, the lotuses the hands of his enemies closed (i.e. in submission).” As regards his general character, the same epigraph narrates the following—“As soon as General Irugendra was born on carth, his friend though devoid of wealth, was supplied with abundant wealth, and his enemy, though possessed of wealth, was deprived of it.” Then, again, “Abundance of food, protection from danger, medicine, and learning became his daily gifts ; injury to others, falsehood, passion for the wives of others, theft and greed kept away at a distance from him." He was a devout Jaina." His liberality (was directed) towards the path of dharma, his ears towards listening to the fame of Jinendra ; his tongue towards praising His virtues ; his bodily health towards bowing to Him ; his nose towards the excessive fragrance of His lotus feet ; and his everything

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305 to His service."1 Shorn of the metaphors, the above description of General Irugappa enables us to conclude that he was dutiful to his ruler, generous to the worthy, considerate to the needy, and devout to Jina.
We have now to see whether the praise thus given to him was in any way justifiable. General Irugappa appears for the first time in A.D. 1382 when he made a gift of land to the. ancient Trailokyanātha basadi at Tirupparuttikuņru in the Chingleput district. This was during the reign of king Harihara Rāya II. The gift was made, we may observe, for the merit of Prince Bukka Rāya, in the cyclic year Dundubhi corresponding to Saka 1304 (A.D. 1382).2 We are to suppose from this that General Irugappa first saw State service under Prince Bukka, the future Bukka Rāya, and the son of king Harihara Rāya II, in the Chingleput district. Our assumption is proved by another record dated only in the cyclic year Prabhava and found in the same basadi, in which it is said that the manţapa in front of the same basadi was built by General Irugappa at the instance of his guru Puşpasenas. The cyclic year Prabhava corresponds to śaka 1309, and we have, therefore, to suppose that General Irugappa's official connection with the south lasted till A.D. 1387.
While the Jaina general was thus adding to the prosperity of a Jaina institution which, since the days of the famous Coļa monarch Rāja Rāja, had received patronage at the hands of the southern rulers, certain domestic events neces
1. E. C. II, 253, pp. 106-108.
2. 41 of 1890 ; S. I. I. I., p. 156; Rangacharya, Top. List., I., p. 375 : Swamikannu op. cit. V. p. 366.
3. 42 of 1880; E. I. VII. p. 116 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I p. 375 ; Swamikannu, op. cit., IV. p. 376.
4. 17 of 1889; S. 1. 1. I., 152, pp. 155-160. Sewell commits an error when he makes Irugappa the son of Baicayya. Historical

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306
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM sitated General Irugappa's presence at the capital where we find him now as the Minister of king Harihara Rāya II. It is enough to note that here in the capital he built the caityālaya of Kunthu (or Kunqu) Jinanātha which was completed on February the 16th A.D. 1386. This is the temple which is wrongly called nowadays the Gāņigitti temple! The Jaina teacher Simhanandi mentioned in this inscription was perhaps the same Simhanandi Ācārya whose name appears in a record assigned to A.D. 1400 at Sravana Belgoļa.
There was another side to the remarkable Jaina statesman. Irugappa was an engineer as well. In A.D. 1394 he built the sluice of the tank at Kūņigal. The inscription found on the same sluice gives us the interesting information that he was a Sanskrit scholar, too, and that he wrote the Sanskrit work called Nānārtharatnākara.
This versatile statesman was the minister of king Harihara Raya II in A.D. 1403.3 But he continued to serve also in the reign of king Deva Rāya II.4 The Śravana Belgoļa inscription dated A.D. 1422 cited above informs us that in that year General Irugappa, in the presence of the Jaina guru śrutamuni, granted the village of Belguļa (Belgoļa itself) for the worship of Gummałeśvara.“ Our surmise
Inscriptions of Southern India, p. 203 (Ed. by S. K. Aiyangar, Madras, 1932). This work is incomplete, for it has not taken into account a number of inscriptions pertaining to the history of Vijayanagara and early times.
1. E. C. II. 276, p. 125.
2. M. A. R. for 1919, pp. 13, 33; E. C. II. p. Intr. p. 64; Rangacharya, Top. List., I. p. 311.
3. E. C. XII. Si 95, p. 101. 4. Ibid, II. Intr. p. 64. 5. Ibid, II. 253, op. cit.

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307 that General Irugappa served under king Deva Rāya II is further proved by a stone inscription of A.D. 1442 in which that Jaina Commander is described to be the viceroy of Gove (Goa) along with Candragutti. This damaged record mentions an attack on Banavasi by Mallalegade Bamma Gauda, and the success that attended the arms of the loyal citizens. 1
Thus we find that General Irugappa's record as a trusted general, a clever engineer, and a successful viceroy lasted over a period of fifty-nine years (A.D. 1383-A.D. 1442). No Jaina statesman, it may not be too much to say, in the history of southern India had such a long period of approved State service to his credit as General Irugappa.
His elder brother General Baicappa was also a devout Jaina. The śravana Belgola record dated A.D. 1422 calls him Bhavyāgrani (Leader of the Bhavyas). And along with his younger brother he was reckoned to be “a purifier of the path of the dharma” (pavitriksta-dharma-mārggan).2 In about A.D. 1420 Baica Daņņāyaka was the Mahapradhāna of king Deva Rāya II. It was while he was working in this capacity that he carried out the royal order and provided a vítti for the worship of Gummațasvāmi of Belgoļa, granting the village of Beļame, as already related above.3
Some of General Irugappa's colleagues were also Jainas, Thus we have in about A.D. 1400 the Brahman Kūci Rāja, who was the disciple of Candrakiritideva. This Jaina has already figured in our description of Kopaņa.4
1. E. C. II., VI. Sb. 498, p. 82. 2. Ibid. II. 253, p. 108, text, p. 110. 3. Ibid. V. Mj. 58, op. cit. 4. Ibid, IV. Ch. 151, 152, op. cit.

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308
MEDIEVAL JAINISM Another well known Jaina official of the age of General Irugappa was the Mahāpradhāna Gopa Camūpa, who was placed in charge of the famous hill-fortress of Nidugal. He is described as "a full moon in raising the tide of the ocean of the Jaina sangha (Jainendra-samayāmbudhi-vardhana pūrņa-candra) in an undated and incomplete record, thereby suggesting that he materially added to the cause of Jainism. Rice doubtfully assigned this record to A.D. 1410,4 obviously on the assumption that he is mentioned as ruling the great Nidugal hill-fortress during the reign of king Deva Rāya I.
We have some interesting details about this military officer. These are gathered from a stone inscription dated A.D. 1408. He belonged to a line of benevolent Jainas. His father was called Siriyaņņa śripati, the lord of Bāndhavapura, and a disciple of śāntīśvara. And Sriyanna's father was Gopa Mahaprabhu, the governor of Kuppațūr. Gopa shone as purified by the Jina dharma, his blameless career like steps to paradise. We shall have to see in some detail about the well known city of Bandhavapura in the Vijayanagara times. Gopa Camūpa, the subject of our discussion, was a Gauda ; and his guru was Siddhāntācārya of the Mūla sangha and Desiya gana. This inscription relates that by the instruction in Jinendra dharma of his guru Siddhāntadeva, accompanied by numerous lucid comments, Gopaņņa became a good servant of the faith. He constructed a Jinālaya in Kuppaļūr which he richly endowed.
The Malenād Mahaprabhu Gopaņņa had two wives named Gopāyi and Padmāyi, who in devotion to Jina dharma were equal to their husband. The moment came for Gopa Mahaprabhu to show to the world his worth as a true Jaina.
1. E. C. XI. Hr. 28, pp. 107-108.

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309 After having enjoyed the society of his wives for many days, he abandoned family pleasures To the Brahmans he gave gifts of gold, cows, grain, and the like. He discarded the pleasures of the mind and the palate, repeated the praises and prayers of the Jina dharma, and taking the hand of mokşa Lakşmi with great joy went to heaven (on the date specified in detail), amidst the plaudits of all the good. But his wives were not a whit behind him in their devotion to the Jina dharma. Seeing that, they made at once all gifts to Brahmans, with pure mind reverence to the lotus feet of Siddhāntācārya, and thinking of the great Vītarāga, went to heaven.1
Now this record is dated A.D. 1408 ; and it cannot be that Gopa Mahaprabhu was the commandant of the Nidugal fortress in A.D. 1410, as suggested by Ricc. Hence we have to suppose that Gopa Mahāprabhu was placed over that hill-fortress prior to A.D. 1408.
Gopa Mahāprabhu seems to have been a great patriot. This alone explains why the scribe who mentions his death, eulogizes the land of Karnāțaka as a country that was distinguished in many ways and in beauty beyond description.”
We may mention two more names of high officials of this age in order to complete the account of men of action of early Vijayanagara history. One is that of Masanahalļi Kampaņa Gauda, the great lord of Bayinād. He was the disciple of Panạitadeva. In A.D. 1424 he granted the village of Tõțahalli situated in his own Bayinād for the worship of Gummațanāthasvāmi of Belgoļa.3 The other example is that of Vallabharājadeva Mahā-arasu, the grandson of the
1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 261, pp. 41-42. 2. See motto at the beginning of this work. 3. E. C. IV. Hg. 1, p. 65.

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Mahamandaleśvara Śrīpati Rāja, and the son Rajayyadeva Mahā-arasu. The solicitude which the Vijayanagara officials felt for Jainism even in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. is seen in the inscription relating to that high official. When Cinnavara Govinda Scțți, the son of Gutti Haradare Setți, petitioned in A.D. 1579 to Vallabharājadeva that the manya lands of the god of Heggara basadi should be maintained, "in order to comply with his petition", Vallabharāja granted specific lands in Heggare for the god Jina of that locality in the Būdihālsīme.1
1. E. C. IV, XII. Ci. 22, p. 78.

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CHAPTER X.
JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS
Causes which made Jainism prominent at the provincial courts-The Cangalvas and their work -The Sangitapura rulers and their ministersAn enemy of Jainism-Examples of noble ladies who were patrons of Jainism.
WE
may now turn our attention to the condition of Jainism in the various provincial seats of the Vijayanagara Empire. Much of the splendour of Jainism which had characterized its advent and spread in the royal capitals in earlier times, now in the Vijayanagara age is to be seen in the capitals of the provincial viceroys rather than in the great city of Vijayanagara itself. This phenomenon was due to the following causes. Firstly, the capital of the Vijayanagara Empire was no more a mere centre of royal strength, as the early Karnataka capitals had been, but the bulwark of the entire people of southern India-Hindu as well as Jaina-against the attacks of the enemies of their dharma. The nature of the capital, therefore, had changed. While it certainly welcomed all sects and creeds with equal generosity, it could not think of devoting its attention to the cause of any one religion in particular. For political necessity had eclipsed religious needs; and the Emperors of Vijayanagara let all faiths in their great capital follow their own way, while they themselves were busy guarding the frontiers of their Empire against the ever watch

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM ful enemy in the north. To Jainism which for ages had been accustomed to complete royal acquiescence, this attitude on the part of the Emperors of Vijayanagara was not particularly encouraging. Hence Jainism gradually allowed its hold on the great capital to slip, and wisely had recourse to a policy of seeking protection in the provincial courts which still preserved, to some extent, the nature of the earlier Karnātaka rājadhānis.
There was another reason which made Jainism more conspicuous in the seats of the viceroys than in the city of Vijayanagara. The broadmindedness and farsighted policy of universal toleration which the monarchs of Vijayanagara extended to all faiths in the capital, attracted to it in large numbers learned men belonging to the different religions. The city of Vijayanagara became the meeting place of philosophers and poets of the Empire. It was unfortunate that the anekāntamata had now no champion of the Vădirāja or Ajitasena type, who could successfully withstand the disputation of the non-Jaina religious teachers in the capital. Excepting in one famous instance, Jainism was practically without leaders in the city of Vijayanagara. This shortcoming told not a little on its career in the capital, and was responsible for the stubborn stand it took in the provincial seats.
But this was a misfortune in disguise. The provincial viceroys unhampered by the political questions which faced their suzerains in the City of Victory, could devote themselves whole-heartedly to religious and cultural questions. Coupled with this was the fact that the Central Government never interfered with the domestic affairs of the provincial viceroys. These reasons enabled the latter to play the rôle of Defenders of the Jina dharma, and to bestow on it the care and patronage which it could not expect at the hands

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313
of the Emperors at the capital. This was of great advantage for the cause of Jainism, since had it made the City of Victory its sole strength, the anekāntamata would have collapsed with the destruction of that city.
That it did not do so but continued its useful career is due to the benevolent attitude of some of the Vijayanagara viceroys. There were two classes of feudatories who actively supported the doctrine of syad vāda. One class was made up of the great feudatories like the Kongālvas, the Cangāļvas, the Sāļuvas of Sangītapura, the kings of Gērasoppe, and the Bhairarasa Odeyars of of Kārkaļa. And the other class comprised lesser feudatories of the type of the lords of Āvaļinād, the Mahāprabhus of Kuppațūr, Morasunād, Bidirūr, Bäguñjisīme, Nuggehalli, and others. In addition to these mention must be made of the marked exertions of feudal ladies for the cause of the Jina dharma.
There is nothing strange in the Kongaļvas and the Cangāļvas having maintained the prestige of the anekāntamata. We have already given sufficient proof of their zeal in this direction in the pre-Vijayanagara days. Notwith. standing the fact of their having been converted into the Vira Saiva faith, they continued to be patrons of Jainism in the Vijayanagara age. Thus, for instance, in A.D. 1390, a Kongāļva ruler whose name ends in. ..lli Deva, restored the Candranātha basadi at Muļļūru. ..... This king was the disciple of Vijayakīrtideva, whose guru was the Arya Subhendu. Both the guru and the disciple belonged to the Pustaka gaccha. On the Kongāļva ruler restoring the basadi, his queen Suguņi Devi by her bodyguard Vijaya. deva set up the god Candranātha and made specific grants of land for his worship.1
F
1. E, C., IX. Cg. 39, p. 174.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Whatever may have been the success which Vira saivism scored in the royal House of the Cangā vas of Canganād, it is evident that so late as the sixteenth century A.D., there were staunch supporters of the Jina dharma in Nañjarāyapastaņa, In A.D. 1509, for instance, Cenna Bommarasa, a minister of the Cangāļva king, and one who was descended from a line of ministers beginning with the supporter and promoter of Jainism (Jina dharma sahāya pratipālakar) Bommaya mantri, is callcd “the crest jewel of perfect faith in Jainism.” We do not know in what manner he advanced the cause of the Jina dharma in the Cangāļva principality. But the assemblage of the blessed śrāvakas of Nañjarāyapattana caused the ballivāda (? arbour) of Gummațasvāmi of śravaņa Belgoļa to be renovated. Since the name of the minister Canna Bommarasa is coupled with the assemblage of the Jaina citizens of that Cangāļva city, we have to assume that he was partly responsible for the renovation of the arbour at Belgoļa.
The history of the Cangāļvas in the sixtecnth century is particularly interesting because of the attempts probably made by them to reconcile the Vira Saivas and the Jainas in Canganād, and because of the charitable deeds of a Cangā!va nobleman. Dr. Shama Sastry, while examining the temples in the Hunsūr tāluka, discovered in a cave near the Añjaneya temple at the foot of the hill in Beļţadapura, some remarkable double lingas which were not found anywhere in the Mysore State. He discovered to the left of the serpent hoods a figure of Ucchiştha Ganapati or Sakti Ganapati, with a nude female carved on its lap. And a nude squatting figure with the name written below was also found by him.?
1. E. C. IX., II. 228, pp. 96-97. 2. M. A. R. for 1924, pp. 1-2.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 315 He rightly commented on these double lingas by saying that the association of Jina images with Saivite lingas pointed to the reconciliation effected between the Jainas and the Lingāyats during the rule of the Cangāļvas in the second half of the sixteenth century A.D.1
A notable figure in the annals of the Cangāļva kings is that of General Mangarasa. An able commander, Mangarasa was also a clever Kannada poet and a pation of Jainism. He was the son of the Mahaprabhu Vijayapāla, the viceroy of Kallahalli, and the minister of the Cangāļva king. His mother's name was Dēvile.? Both Vijayapāla and Dēvile were pious Jainas.
The martial activities of Mangarasa are mentioned in connection with the foundation of the city of Bețţadapura. It is related in a manuscript dealing with the origin of this city, that Mangarasa was instrumental in the subjugation of the wild tribes called the Bēdars and in the building of the city of Beļtadapura, during the rule of the Cangāļva king Vikramarāya. This Cangā!va ruler, we may incidentally note, built the trikūļ ācala Jina basadi at Cikka Hanasõge.
Mangarasa is said to have fortified Kallahalli, Cilukunda, Mallarājapatļaņa, Pālupāre, and other centres. He con
1. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 15.
2. Copies of inscriptions said to be dated Saka 1535 (A.D. 1613) give the names Vijayarāja and Kusumājammanņi as the parents of Mangarasa, and relate that Vijayarāja was the son of king Madhavarājendra of Cangāļadeśa. (M. A. R. for 1925 p. 14).
3. M. 4. R. for 1925, pp. 14-15. This Ms. is supposed to be based on a stone inscription found at Tunga. But the fact of Mangarasa's having been the minister of Vikrama is confirmed by Mangarasa's own work to be mentioned presently.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM structed several tanks and Jaina temples. He built Yamagumba basadi in which he set up the images of Pārsvanātha, Padmāvatī, and Cannigabrahmarāya."
His works have earned for him a high place in Kannada literature. He wrote JayanȚpakāvya, Prabhañjanacarite, Śrīpālacarite, Nemijineśasangati, Samyuktvakaumudi and a work on cookery called Süpaśāstra. His date is fixed by the fact that he wrote his Samyuktvakaumudi in Saka A.D. 1431 (A.D. 1509).2
That the Cangāļvas continued to be devotees of the syād vāda doctrine is borne out by a record dated Saka 1489 (A.D. 1557), which registers the grant of a village by the Cangāļva king Vikramarāya to a learned Brahman named Narasībhatta. The grant begins with the usual praise of the Jina śāsana.
The work of the Cangāļva kings to promote the interests of the anekāntamata was no doubt creditable ; but in reality it could not stand comparison with the indefatigable attempts of the rulers of three provincial capitals, who were nainly responsible for the prosperous condition of Jainism in the western parts of Karnāțaka. These were the rulers of Sangitapura, Gērasoppe, and Kārkaļa. Of these we shall mention here some details about only one centre—Sangīta. pura, reserving for a latter context those in regard to Gērasoppe and Kārkaļa. From the latter half of the fifteenth till the latter half of the sixteenth century A.D., the rulers of Sangītapura figure as champions of Jainism. Sangītapura,
1. M. A. R. for 1925, p. 14. 2. Kavicarite, II. pp. 179-188.
3. M. A. R. for 1925, pp. 93-94. The dating of this record is irregular. For the Saka 1489 corresponds to Prabhava, and not to Sarvajit, as given in the grant.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 317 or better known as Hāduhalli, was one of the chicf cities of Tuļuva. The kings of this city belonged to the Kaśyapa gotra and the Soma varśa. An inscription dated A.D. 1488 describes Sangītapura thus-In the Tauļavadeśa, the abode of fortune, having splendid caityālayas, a place of descent in the female line, inhabited by happy, generous, and pleasure-loving people, filled with elephants, horses, and powerful warriors, poets, disputers, orators, and declaimers, a place for the production of elegant literature, renowned for all the fine arts, was Sangitapura.
There are good reasons to believe that the praise thus given to the city, particularly in regard to the company of learned men, was not extravagant. We shall have an occasion of referring presently to the learned circles of Sangītapura.
The same epigraph cited above gives the name of the Mahāmandaleśvara Sāluvendra as the king of Sangītapura in A.D. 1488. “Devoted to the pair of feet of Candraprabha Jina,” this ruler with “his mind a casket for the three jewels", promoted the cause of the Jina dharma by constructing beautiful and lofty caityālayas, with glorious mantapas, mahā-stambhas of bell-metal, pleasure groves for the town, many images of metal and stone, provision for temple ceremonies, daily gifts, worship, and gifts of learning. It was thus that king Sāluvendra maintained royal dignity and dharma (antu rāja-dharmam pälisuttam).3
His minister was Padma, or Padmaņa, who was also of
1. It is now in the North Kanara district.
2. Ratna-traya which are samyak-dharśana (purity in sight) samyak-jñāna (purity in thought), and samyak--cārita (purity in conduct).
3. E. C. VIII. Sa. 163, p. 123-124.

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318
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the royal stock. In the same year A.D. 1488 king Sāļuvendra gave Minister Padmaņa the village of Ogeyakere which the latter, saying that he had enough for his family, donated for the cause of the Jina dharma. And ten years later (A.D. 1498) Padma built a caityālaya in a new village called Padmākarapura, had the god Pārsvanātha set up there, and endowed it with the shares of the village which he had got as a royal gift. This was done at the instance of the Mahāmandaleśvara Indagarasa Odeyar.?
The Mahāmandaleśvara Indagarasa was the son of the Mahāmaņdaleśvara Sangi Rāja, whose elder son seems to have been king Sāluyendra mentioned above. Indagarasa was also known as Immadi Sāluvendra, and was noted for his martial activities. An epigraph dated A.D. 1491 speaks in highly eulogistic terms of his warlike deeds, and informs us that "he won the goddess of valour". It was he who restored the ancient grants of land made to the Vardhamanasvāmi basadi of Bidiru (i.e., Veņupura).2
The next prominent names we meet with in the Sāluva genealogy, so far as the history of Jainism is concerned, are those of Sāluva Malli Rāya, Sāluva Deva Rāya, and Sāluva Krşņa Deva, the son of Padmāmbā, who was the sister of the second ruler Deva Rāya. These names are mentioned in a record dated about A.D. 1530. All these three kings of Sangitapura were patrons of the most celebrated Jaina orator of the Vijayanagara ageVādi Vidyānanda. As we shall see later on, king Sāluva Malli Rāya had in his court an assembly of enlightened men whom Vädi Vidyānanda defeated. The same success met the Jaina teacher in the learned as
1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 123, p. 124. 2. Ibid., Sa. 164, p. 125.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 319 sembly of king Sāluva Deva Rāya ; while king Sāluva Kļşņa Rāja worshipped the great Jaina orator.1
It is not to be imagined that Jainism which received such support from the rulers of Sangītapura and other provincial capitals, had not enemies who tried to crush that religion. One such enemy of the anekāntamata was the chief of Srisaila (Kurnool district). He was a pious Vira Saiva chief, and the son of Santa. An inscription dated Saka 1433 (A.D. 1512) commemorates the many gifts of this chief to the well known temple of Śrīšala. It is said that one of the pious deeds of this chief was the beheading of the śvetāmbara Jainas ! 2 We do not know what action the Vijayanagara Government took against this zealous champion of Vira Saivism, especially in an age which had produced the great Kịşņa Deva Rāya.
However, chiefs of this type were not the rule in the Vijayanagara Empire. On the other hand, the sympathetic, and, in many instances, sustained aid given by the many great nobles for the welfare of the Jina dharma, was in a large measure responsible for its success in the different parts of the Vijayanagara Empire. Inscriptions ranging from the middle of the fourtecnth to the early part of the seventeenth century A.D., reser in copious terms to the endeavours made by the nobles and citizens on behalf of the syäd vāda doctrine. But before we describe these records, it may be interesting to observe how noble ladies gave expression to their devotion to thc Jina dharma. In this connection we have to remember the lead given to the ladies of the Empire by the members of the imperial family which we have already described above.
1. E. C. VIII. Nr. 46, pp. 146-149. 2. 16 of 1915; Rangacharya, Top List, II, p. 953.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM The ladies of the Sohrab noble family were orthodox Jainas. Lakşmi Bommakka, the daughter of Sohrab Vira Gauda, and the wise of the Aļva-mahaprabhu Tavanidhi Brahma Gauda of Sohrab, was one of these. Her guru was Simhanandi Ācārya, the head of the Balātkāra gana. In A.D. 1372 she died by the rites of samadhi. The record commemorating her death praises her highly for her virtues and charitable deeds as a Jaina.
She was not the only lady who lived an exemplary life. Mecakka vied with her in devotion and service. This lady was the daughter of Baciya Rāja of Uddhare, and the wise of the Sohrab Mahāprabhu Deva Rāja. In A.D. 1405 she too died in the orthodox manner.2 About fisty years later Bhāgīrathi, the daughter of the mahāprabhu Buļļappa, also hailing from the same Sohrab province, gave similar expression to her orthodox convictions and expired. We shall have to revert to her father the Mahaprabhu Bul?appa, who was placed over the Nāgarakhanda principality, later on while dealing with that province.3
Towards the middle of the sixteenth century we have the noble lady Kāļala Devī, the ruler of the Bāguñjisīme, and the younger sister of the Kārkaļa king Bhairarasa Odeyar. In A.D. 1530 she made special provision for the continuance of the Jina dharma in the territory over which she ruled "in her own right ". Bāguñji itself was a centre of the Bhavyas. The god Pārsva-Tīrthankara of Kallabasti in that principality, was the family god of Kāļala Dēvi. It was on the death of her daughter Ramā Devī that Kāļala Devi made grants (specified in detail) for the daily worship
1. E.C. VIII. Sb. 199, pp. 31-32. 2. Ibid, Sb. 51, p. 9. 3. Ibid, Sb. 331, p. 59.

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JAINISM AT THE PROVINCIAL COURTS 321 and provisions of her family god. But this was done in the constitutional manner of the land. The grant was made in the presence of the former ministers of the Bāguñjisīme, the Brahmans, the cultivators, the nãd representatives, and others. This done, she obtained the sanction of the Kārkaļa king for the same, and then had the stone śāsana engraved. It is interesting to note that on this occasion she added specified lands as gifts to the grant which a boatman named Voļiya had made some time ago also to the same Kalla basadi.
Kāļala Devi's anxiety to endaw the Kalla basadi with grants was not merely an expression of outward piety. She was a broadminded ruler who believed in universal toleration. It is this which explains why the charter commemorating her gifts to the same basadi begins with an invocation to the syād vāda doctrine in the usual Jaina manner, and also with an obeisance to Ādi Varāha sambhu.1
1. E.C. VI. Kp. 47, p. 84. M. J. 11.

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CHAPTER XI.
THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE
Why Jainism held its own in the various cities The history of Jainism in the different cities of the Vijayanagara Empire from the fourteenth till the seventeenth century A.D.
N EITHER in the great capital nor in the provincial seats
I was the influence of Jainism so markedly felt as in the different cities of the Vijayanagara Empire where the citizens accorded to it a most cordial reception. This could not be otherwise when the Vijayanagara monarchs themselves, in spite of their having been committed to a policy of upholding the Hindu dharına, had nevertheless championed the cause of the syād vāda doctrine, and when the provincial rulers had showed their great anxiety to preserve the prestige of the Jina dharma in the various parts of the Empire. Thus guided by the imperial and feudal rulers, the citizens were not slow to give Jainism every support they could give in their towns and villages.
The history of the Jaina religion, therefore, assumes a different phase in the Vijayanagara age. It is no more the religion of the royalty it had been in the days of the early Karnāțaka kings. Notwithstanding the unreserved patronage given to it by the Vijayanagara monarchs, and the encouragement shown to it by the feudal nobles, Jainism realized that its fortune was now cast with the common people. And

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 323 like all institutions which mirrored the political vicissitudes through which the Vijayanagara Empire passed, Jainism, too, reflected the changing fortunes of that great mediæval organization. It was in the middle of the fourteenth century that king Bukka Raya had publicly laid down a policy of impartiality to all the religions. And it was also in this century that the growing Empire of Vijayanagara invigorated itself after a series of successful campaigns against its enemies. Both these features are visible in the history of Jainism in the mediæval ages. During the fourteenth century Jainism was popular throughout the Empire, and everywhere the people, obviously in imitation of the example set by king Bukka Rāya in A.D. 1368, nourished the cause of the Jina dharma, in spite of their being the followers of an avowedly non-Jaina faith. The Vijayanagara Empire matured in the fifteenth century, and reached its height in the sixteenth century. It was during the fifteenth century that Jainism permeated the people and the powerful principalities of the Empire. The glorious age of Krşņa Deva Rāya the Great and Acyuta Rāya marked the hey-day of the Vijayanagara Empire ; and curiously enough it was also the period when Jainism produced its most renowned exponent in the person of Vādi Vidyānanda. The seventeenth century witnessed the waning of the Vijayanagara authority ; and at the same time the retreat of Jainism from the strongholds it possessed in the many provincial seats to its original home Sravana Belgoļa and the more distant province of Tuļuva. Like the fate of the Hindu dharma, that of the syād väda, too, was linked intimately with the fortunes of the Vijayanagara House..
If we examine the history of Jainism in Belgoļa, Kalleha, Hosapattana, Harave, Maleyür, Huņsūr, Avali, Sohrāb, Hire Çauti, Kuppațūr, Uddhare, Huligere, Rāyadurga, and

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324
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Dänavulapāļu, we shall find that in the fourteenth century it was still characterized by that robustness which had marked its career in the early times. Śravaņa Belgoļa naturally led all the other centres in sanctity and power. Pious people from different parts of the Vijayanagara Empire reckoned it to be the most celebrated place of pilgrimage. Hāleya Masaņaya was evidently one such pilgrim.1 Prominent nobles also visited Belgoļa. Thus in A.D. 1398 Hariyana and Māņikadeva were the disciples of the great (Cārukīrti) Panditadeva of that centre. These two nobles are called "the rulers of that region ", probably meaning thereby that they were in some manner connected with the region around Śravana Belgoļa.2
The year A.D. 1400 was, for some reasons unknown to us, memorable in the history of Śravaņa Belgoļa. For it is in that year that, as is proved by the many epigraphs of that date, quite a number of pilgrims visited Śravaņa Belgoļa.3
The great interest which the pontificate of Sravana Belgola took in purely political matters is seen in the manner it published news of the events concerning the whole Empire. When king Harihara Rāya II died in A.D. 1404 this event was recorded in a stone inscription dated in that year at Sravana Belgoļa. And when king Deva Rāya II died in A.D. 1446, that fact also was commemorated in two epigraphs of the same date in the same holy place.5 Information is not forthcoming to show why these events should
1. E.C. II., 311, p. 130. 2. Ibid., 171-173, 499, pp. 124-125, 134. 3. Ibid, 329, p. 140. 4. Ibid.
5. Ibid, 328, 330, pp. 139-140. Was it so because of the Jaina propensities of these rulers ?

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 325 have been so scrupulously inscribed at Sravana Belgola.
It may be that because that that locality being a celebrated place of pilgrimage, attracted a huge concourse of people. Thus in about A.D. 1407 six persons including those of the õjakula, visited Sravana Belgola.1 Mãyanna of Gangavati, a lay disciple of Candrakīrti, and one who had become famous as “the crest jewel of pure faith”, purchasing some specified land under the Gangasamudra tank of Belgola in A.D. 1409, granted it for the worship of Gummațasvāmi. This was done in the presence of the Jaina jewel merchants and two Gaudas (named) of the locality.2 The next year Bastāyi, a lay disciple of Panditadeva, caused an image of Vardhamānasvāmi to be made at Śravana Belgola. This may have been in imitation of the generous action of the Vijayanagara queen Bhīmā Devī mentioned in an earlier context.3 In about A.D. 1417 Kariya Gummata Sețți went to Belgoļa with a group of pilgrims from Biļiti, and honoured the sangha on the conclusion of the ratnatraya observance (Nompi) in the presence of the god Gummatasvāmi. +
One noteworthy feature in connection with Sravana Belgola is its intimate relationship with Mārwār in the Vijayanagara age. Agaşuje Jagad of the Mūla sangha hailing from Mārwār, caused an image of a god to be constructed at Belgoļa in about A.D. 1486.5 Two years later Gomața Bhūpāla Prajansavāla, and Brahmacāri of the Kadika family belonging to Purasthāna, came on a pilgrimage to Belgoļa with
1. E. C. II, 497, p. 134. 2. Ibid, 255, p. 115. 3. Ibid, 338, p. 144, Op. cit., 4. Ibid, 232, p. 97. See also nos. 229, 233 ibid. 5. Ibid, 202, p. 93.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM their brothers and sons.1 And in A.D. 1490 Brahmadharmaruci-Brahmaguņasāgara Pandita, the lay disciple of Abhayacandra Bhattāraka, came also from Mārwār to Belgoļa.2 The influx of the northern Jaina merchants into the Vijayanagara Empire during the fourteenth century and earlier, may have been partly responsible for the institution of an official enquiry under the orders of the Emperor Deva Raya II concerning the distinction between the Uttarapathanagareśvaradevatopāsakas and the southern Jaina and nonJaina merchants to be mentioned in a later context.
The year A.D. 1500 was eventful in the annals of Sravana Belgoļa, and, therefore, of Jainism. For in that year was made the mahābhişeka (great anointment) of Gummatasvāmi for which the guru Panditadeva gave certain specified grant.3 About that same time Nāga Gonda of Belguļanādu and the Gavudagal of Muttaga Honnēnahall-all of whom were the disciples of Paņạitadeva, granted specified lands for the basadi which had been built by Mangāyi.4
We have already seen that Kalleha was an important Jaina centre. It is mentioned in connection with the great controversy between the Jainas and the Srivaişņavas which the king Bukka Rāya settled in A.D. 1368. We see its importance since the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. when Pāyi Seçţi, the son of Nāga Sețţi of Kalleha, a most pious Jaina, and one who had the biruda of Samyaktva-cūļāmani (crest jewel of firm faith in Jainism), expired by the orthodox manner of samadhi at Belgola. He was the disciple of Abhinava Panditācārya of
1. E. C. II, 192, p. 91. 2. Ibid, 203, p. 93. 3. Ibid, 231, p. 97. 4. Ibid, 395, p. 169.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 327 the Müla sangha. The inscription commemorates also the fact that Payi þetti gained happy samadhi as a result of having offered the campaka tree for the worship of Gummațanāthasvāmi.
One of the early capitals of the Vijayanagara rulers was Hosapattana. This city was also a well known stronghold of the Jainas. It is like Kalleha referred to in connection with the great controversy mentioned above. Māyana and Mākaņa erected a monument in memory of the rāja guru Lakşmīsena Bhattāraka at Hosapattana. These were two brothers of the Vaisya caste hailing from Balagāra. Cāyana was a disciple of the guru Amarakīrti, and a worshipper at the Sankha basadi at Huligere. The event recorded in this inscription took place in the reign of king Bukka Rāya. A similar stone to commemorate the death of the guru Manasena was erected by his disciple Māya sețți and others in A.D. 1405.3
The Chāmarājanagara tāluka contained some noteworthy cities in the Vijayanagara times. The town of Chāmarājanagara itself possessed the Pārsvanātha basadi. Here in the fourteenth century A.D. expired by the orthodox manner Boppayya, the disciple of Amarakirti of the Krānür gana. In A.D. 1517 the Mahāprabhu Vīrayya Nāyaka, of Arikuthāra, the son of Kāmaya Nāyaka, endowed this basadi with a gift.
Harave in the same tāluka contained the caityālaya of Ad:
1. E. C. II. 495, pp. 133-4. 2. M. A. R. for 1927, pp. 61-62.
3. Ibid, p. 62. See also p. 63 for a nisidhi erected on the death of Maunapācārya. Dr. Sastry has identified Hosapottana with Sakkarepattana.
4. Ibid for 1931, p. 42. 5. Ibid for 1912, p. 51.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Parameśvara. It was set up in A.D. 1482 by Devarasa, the accountant of the Mahāmandleśvara Somerāya Odeyar. On Devarasa constructing this caityālaya with a kitchen attached to it, his master Somerāya Odeyar granted specified land to it for the daily worship in that temple, and for the daily distribution of food. And his son Nañjerāja Odeyar purchased land in Harave and gave it as a gift to the basadi. This caused a citizen named Candappa, the son of Devappa of Harave, to give a similar gift to the basadi. But the lands which Candappa gave were a part of his inherited property. Hence he had to give it with the consent of his wife, sons, and heirs. That was not all. Candappa had received as a gift some land from the chiefs of TagŅūr. This too in the same year he presented to the god Ādi Parameśvara —who is called the family god of this citizen-, again with the full approval of his relations and heirs."
Maleyür in the same tāluka was another stronghold of Jainism. Here on the hill called Kanakagiri were famous basadis of the gods Vijayanātha and Candraprabha. In A.D. 1355 a Telugu by name Adidāsa caused an image of Vijayadeva to be made. He was the disciple of Hemmacandra who belonged to the Hanasõge bali, and of Lalitakirti Bhattāraka. The image, we are told, was made" for the purpose of their tomb ". This latter guru Lalitakīrti Bhattāraka was probably identical with his namesake who is said to have belonged to the Deśiya gaña, Pustaka gaccha, and the Hanasõge baļi, in a record assigned to the fourteenth century A.D., and found on the pedestal of an image of
1. E. C. IV, Ch. 185, p. 22. 2. Ibid, Ch. 189, p. 23. 3. Ibid, Ch. 153, p. 20.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE
329
Pārsvanatha in Terakaṇāmbi.1
There was a very learned guru in Maleyur in about A.D. 1380. He was Bahubali Pandita the disciple of Nayakīrtivrati. Bahubali was a poet in two languages, omniscient in the science of astrology, and "an emperor of all learning." He was attached to the Pustaka gaccha.2
Kanakagiri attracted learned men from distant parts. Candrakirtideva of Kopana already mentioned in connection with the latter mahātirtha, was one of them. He was the guru of the General Kūci Rāja, and he visited Kanakagiri in about A.D. 1400. His guru was Subhacandra of the Inguleśvara bali. It was Candrakirti who in the same year caused an image of Candraprabha to be set up at Kanakagiri, "intending it for his own tomb ".3
Prince Harihara Raya's gifts to the temple at Kanakagiri deserve special notice. He was the son of the Emperor Deva Raya I. His gift of the village of Maleyur itself together with all lands and taxes pertaining thereto, with its hamlets of Huņsūrapura, for the offerings, decorations, and processions of the god Vijayanatha of Kanakagiri made in A.D. 1422, was commemorated in two inscriptions-one a stone inscription and the other a copper-plate grant. These two inscriptions begin in the orthodox Jaina manner by invoking the syād vāda doctrine, and one of them ends with the accredited royal sign-manual-Virūpākṣa-written in Kannada. In the stone record the god is called Śrī Vijayadeva, while in the copperplate grant, Śrī Vijayanāthadeva. The gift in the copperplate grant was made in the presence of the god Triyambaka. This latter consideration may have led Rice to assert that
1. M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 169-170.
2. E. C. IV. Ch. 157, p. 21.
3. Ibid, Ch. 151, p. 20.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM “This village (of Maleyūr) would therefore seem to have been no longer exclusively Jaina.1
But such an assumption cannot be maintained. The god Vijayanātha, as we have remarked above, was set up by a Jaina devotee in A.D. 1355. And Kanakagiri, as will be proved by the following inscriptions, remained a Jaina centre till the first quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. In A.D. 1518 Municandradeva died in Kanakagiri. He had belonged to the Kālor gana and the Mūla sangha. On his death, his disciples Ādidāsa and Vrşabhadāsa caused suitable memorials to be made on that hill. Adidāsa had his guru's footprints inscribed through Āvujaạna, while Vļşabhadāsa, who seems to have been the chief disciple of Municandra, had a tomb constructed for the latter with a verse which was the work of Vidyānandopadhyāya.2
Indeed, Kanakagiri continued to be a Jaina stronghold till the modern times. For it was in A.D. 1813 that Bhattākalanka, the head of the Deśiya gana, and lord of the secure throne in Kanakagiri, died on that hill.3
Rāvandūru in the Huņsūr tāluka, Mysore State, seems to have had an ancient basadi. We infer this from the inscription dated A.D. 1384 in which the death of Srutakirtideva, the chief disciple of Prabhendu, of the Inguleśvara bali, is recorded. His disciple Adidevamuni and Sumati Tīrthankara, along with the Bhavyas of the Srutagana, set up a memorial on his behalf. And at the same time they repaired that caityālaya. The last statement that they repaired the caityālaya
1. E. C. IV, Intr. p. 24 ; Ch. 144, 159, pp. 19, 21 ; text pp. 55, 59.
2. Ibid, Ch. 147, 148, 161, pp. 19-21. 3. Ibid, Ch. 146, 150, pp. 19-20.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 331 suggests that it must have existed there for a considerable time. 1
There was another locality in the Hunsūr tāluka which was associated with the Jainas. This was the village of Ānevāļu. Here Honnaņa Gauda, the son of Cikkaņa Gauda of Anevāļu, erected the Brahmadeva and Padmavati basadi in that village. The basadi was constructed in order that his parents and his own son Bommaņa Gauda might obtain merit.2 The image of Ananta with a fragmentary inscription containing the name Ananta and the cyclic year Pramoda, assigned to A.D. 1433, also lends support to the view that Ānevāļu was, indeed, a Jaina locality.3
But a better known centre of Jainism was the Āvaļinād. This region which has figured so prominently in the history of mediaeval Jainism, owed its greatness to the untiring zeal of its noblemen, noblewomen, and its citizens, from the middle of the fourteenth till the first quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. One special feature of Āvaļinād is that most of the records found here are memorial stones. Thus, for instance, on the death of Kāma Gauda, the disciple of Rāmacandra Maladhārideva, in A.D. 1353, after doing the five salutations (pañca-namaskāradim), the people set up a nisidhi to perpetuate his memory.4 When in the next year A.D. 1354 Mala Gauda showed likewise his devotion to Jina, his wife Cennakka, however, committed sahagamana.s Canda Gauda's younger brother (unnamed in the record), and a lay disciple Siddhāntadeva, by means of the sarnya
1. E.C. IV, Hs. 123, p. 95. 2. Ibid, Hs. 61, 62, p. 90. 3. Ibid, Hs. 60, p. 90. 4. Ibid, VIII. Sb. 110, text p. 42. 5. Ibid, Sb. 104, p. 15.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM sana gained svarga in about A.D. 1366.1 From that date for about fifty-five years this orthodox manner of renouncing life seems to have been very popular with the Gaudas of Āvaļinād.2
It may be remembered here that the Mahāprabhus of Āvaļinād themselves had set a noble example to their subjects in this matter. Beci Gauda, the son of the Mahāprabhu of Āvaļinād Canda Gauda, was the disciple of Rāmacandra Maladhārideva. In about A.D. 1376 he performed the five obeisances and expired. On this his junior wife Muddi Gaundi performed sahagamana. And the Āvaļi Prabhus (noblemen, several of whom are named) set up a suitable monument to make permanent the devotion of the two to the Jina faith.3 The niece of the ruling Mahāprabhu Beca Gauda, by name Kāmi Gaundi, went to svarga by sarnyasana in A.D. 1395. She was a disciple of the rāja guru Siddhāntiyati.+ There was another case of self-immolation in Āvaļinād in A.D. 1398 when the wife of the ruling Mahāprabhu Canda Gauda, named Canda Gaundi, the disciple of Vijayakirti committed a similar act of devotion. Hāruva Gauda was the son of the ruling Mahāprabhu Rāma Gauda. He too in A.D. 1408 died in the same manner. His guru was Munibhadradeva. Gunasena Siddhānta is mentioned in connection with the death by samādhi of Kāļi Gauņņi, the wife of the ruling Mahaprabhu Ayappa Gauņņa, in circa A.D. 1417.7
These examples of devotion viewed from the modern
1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 102, p. 15. 2. Ibid, Sb. 106-120, p. 16, text, pp. 41-46. 3. Ibid, Sb. 106, pp. 15-16. 4. Ibid, Sb. 103, p. 15. 5. Ibid, Sb. 105, p. 15. text, pp. 40-41. 6. Ibid, Sb. 107, p. 16. 7. Ibid, Ti. 121, p. 186.

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'THE ANEKĀNTAMATA İN THE EMPIRE 333 standpoint may appear to be relics of fanaticism. But to the people of the mediaeval times the only mode of expressing one's devotion was to abide by the strictest injunctions of one's faith. The Jaina leaders, we may observe by the way, had showed throughout the history of Jainism that selfabstinence was the only way to salvation. The people and princes of Āvaļinād merely followed the precept of the Jaina teachers in this respect. The few examples of extreme devotion we have given above are noteworthy from another point of view. The Mahāprabhus of Āvaļinād by their steadfastness to the service of the Jina dharma, had raised religious zeal to a height which it rarely attained anywhere in those days.
But Āvaļinād was not the only part of the Sohrāb tāluka where the Bhavyas followed unswervingly the tenets of the anekāntamata. Kuppațūr, Uddhare, and Huligere were also well known as prominent Jaina centres. In Kuppațūr lived the famous Śrutamuni whose disciple was Devacandra, "praised by the good chief poets." Both belonged to the Desiya gaņa. Devacandra, who had restored a Jaina temple at Kuppațūr, died in A.D. 1367.1 By A.D. 1402 Kuppațūr had become a famous place. It was the best place in the whole of Nāgarakhanda. Here was a Jaina caityālaya which had received a śāsana from the Kadambas. In that caityālaya was “the famous Candraprabha, a relative (bāndhava) of Pārsvanātha, serving as guru the pandita whom his father Durgesa had pointed out."2
1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 260, p. 40.
2. The date of this record is not clear. Rice dates it to A.D. 1342 or A.D. 1402. The cyclic year Citrabhānu and a few details given in it are not verifiable. (Ibid, Sb. 263, pp. 42-43, text,' p. 111.).

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM When the Malanād Mahaprabhu Gopaņņa died in A.D. 1408, as noted by us in a previous page, Kuppaţūr was already turned into a fine place—the pride of the Jainas. The inscription dated A.D. 1408 which informs us this, praises it in high terms. It relates that shining in beauty beyond all countries was the entire Karnāțaka province, and in that Karnāțaka country was the famous Guttinād which contained Eighteen Kampaņas, in which the most famous nād was Nāgarakhanda to which Kuppațūr was an ornament, with its caityālayas, lotus ponds, pleasure gardens, and fields of gandhaśāli rice. Indeed, the Jainas had turned it into a charming city, for the stone inscription tells us that it was to the Bhavyas that it owed its grandeur :-Bhavya-jana-dharmāvāsadim santatam sale caityalayadinde pū-goļagaļind-udyānadim gandha-śāli-lasat-kşetra nikayadinde ramaniyam bettu-vibhrājikum pū-late pü-gida pū-mara sālind allalli-kēri-kērigalol-caityālayada munde tumbiya jālam madav ēre-merevav ā-parimaladolu."
This inscription enables us to assert with certainty that the Jainas, who had already won renown as king-makers, were also well known as builders of towns. In fact, much of the commercial, and not a little of the æsthetic, greatness of the cities of the Vijayanagara Empire, especially those in Karnāțaka, was due to the industrious and artistic attempts of these people who, we may well imagine from the manner in which in our own days they have amply demonstrated in the matter of adding to the material progress of towns and corporations, must have expended a substantial part of their immense wealth, in the name of the Jina dharma, to satisfy the aesthetic needs of the mediaeval cities. The few notices of other mediaeval cities gathered from stone
1. E. C. VIII. Sb. 261, text p. 108.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 335 inscriptions, as we shall presently see, only prove that the description of Kuppațūr as given in the above record was by no means conventional praise. 1
In the Sohrāb täluka there were other centres of Jainism. Tavanidhi (mod. Tavanandi) was one such place. Here was the well known basadi of Santi Tīrthankara. In A.D. 1372 Bommaņa, the son of Tavanidhi Mādi Gauda, and the disciple of Madhavacandra Maladhārideva, died by the rites of samadhi.2 It is not unlikely that the Aļuva Mahā. prabhu Tavanidhi Bomma Gauda himself was a disciple of that guru. Whether this is permissible or not, we know that Tavanidhi Bomma Gauda died by the samnyasana rites in A.D. 1379.3 There is every reason to believe that such a course of action was directed by the Jaina priests themselves. We prove this from the example of Tamma Gauda of Sohrāb, evidently a nobleman, who died of consumption. He had been to Nagileyakoppa below the Ghats in A.D. 1394, in order to take medicine, but this was of no avail. The inscription relates that at this, directed by his guru Siddhāntadeva, he repeated the five obeisances and died in the prescribed manner.
We now come to Uddhare (mod. Udri), a great city also in the Sohrāb tāluka. It continued to be a Jaina seat from the Hoysala times. In Uddhare lived the Jaina lead
1. The Jainas also constructed basadis. Nāgi Setji and Seni Sețți, "of prosperous Banavasi”, constructed a basadi probably at Hire Cauti in the Sohrab täluka in the reign of king Bukka Rāya I. The basadi was dedicated to Sānti Jineśvara, but the year cannot be made out. M. A. R. for 1928. p. 84.
2. E. C. VIII. Sb. 200, p. 32. An official of the house of the Mahāprabhu Tavanidhi Bomma, was also a disciple of this guru, Ibid.
3. Ibid, Sb. 196, p. 31. 4. Ibid, Sb. 52, p. 9,
a E.C. VIII.S

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er Baicapa in the reign of king Harihara Raya II. The few incidents in the life of Baicapa, who is called in the record "celebrated", show that he had set an example of an ideal and patriotic subject. The inscription dated A.D. 1380 tells us that the Governor Madhava Raya placed over the Banavase 12,000 province, was faced with a crisis. Some base persons born in the Konkaṇa country, had risen against him. An encounter between the State troops and the rebels took place; and in the engagement Baicapa greatly distinguished himself by slaying many of the Konkanigas, but lost his life. Such was the sense of duty which characterized this loyal citizen that the epigraph comments thus on his death-Doing his master's service to the end, and driving back the hostile force, Baicapa went to the feet of Jina.1
66
Baicapa's son was Siriyanna, who was likewise a devout Jaina. If the father had died in the service of the State, the son wished to end his life for the cause of the Jina dharma. Even though Siriyanna was living a happy life with his wife Varadāmbike, yet he requested his guru Munibhadra to grant him "the happy state". And at that favoured time", so the record assigned to A.D. 1400 informs us, when the rain of flowers was falling, and with a noise like thunder the sounds of great drums (bhēri, dundhubi, and maha-muraja) were rolling, singing songs to himself, the sadhu Siriyaņņa swiftly clung to the feet of Jina.2
Uddhare was, indeed, celebrated in the fourteenth cen
1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 152, p. 22.
2. Ibid, Sb. 153, p. 22. The Erega Jinalaya of Uddhare was later on converted into a Saiva temple. M. A. R. for 1931 pp. 65- 66.

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THE ANEKANTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE
337
66
tury AD. For a whole line of Jaina gurus were called by the name of this city-Acaryas of the Uddhare-vamsa. This we know from a record dated A.D. 1388 which tells us that Munibhadradeva belonged to the Uddhare-vamśa. It was he who had the Hisugal basadi made, and the Mulugunda Jinendra temple extended. And when Harihara Rāya was established in Vijayanagari, the elders of the Sena gana bowed down to the virtues of that yati." This seems to have been done because they were anticipating his end. For the inscription continues to relate that after performing his penance, elucidating his chosen agama, practising the prescribed rites, the great Munibhadradeva with all the rites of samnyasana died. And his disciple Värisasenadeva set up a nisidhi to commemorate the event.1
About another Jaina centre Huligere, also in the Sohrab täluka, we have interesting details in a record dated A.D. 1383. These concern the broadmindedness of the important commercial magnates called the Salu-mūles or Associations of Merchants. It was only in the previous year (A.D. 1382) that the Salu-mules and Vira Banajigas of the city of Vijayanagara, Hastināvati, Dorasamudra, Udayagiri, Ādavāni, and quite a number of other places, had assembled together in the courtyard of the great temple of Virupaksa in the capital and conferred the title of Mayor of the Earth (Pṛthvi-setti) upon the distinguished Minister-General of king Harihara Rāya II, Muda Danṇāyaka.2 And now in A.D. 1383 a huge concourse of Salu-mūles met at Huligere. These came from Edenaḍ (in Gutti), Kondarade, in Nagarakhaṇḍa, Hänugal, the Cikka Jigalige and
1. E.C. VIII. Sb. 146, p. 21.
2. Ibid, V. Bl. 75, p. 63; Saletore, S.P. Life, II. pp. 107,
113,

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338
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Hiriya Jigaļige Four Hundred, Bāļa-Caugala-näd, Hosanāò, Kambunāļige, Aidāvaļige, Hiriya Mahaļige, Cikka Mahālige, Jambeyahaļinād, Hedanād, Kuncinād, Hošanād, Baļenād, the Gutti Eighteen Kampaņa, Vokhaligerenād, Honnattināų. Esad...yanād, Halasige, Honnāle, Ingundi, and other places. In their assembly they agreed among themselves to give to the Sankala basadi at Huligere a śāsana embodying an umbali gift of seventy varāha for a palanquin and other items in the basadi. And the Minister-General Muda also joined them on this occasion.1
The above is significant from two points of view. In the first place, we have the fact of the universal support which the people gave to the Sankala basadi of Huligere. And, secondly, it suggests that the Sālu-müles and the Banajigas, who had by this time embraced the Vira Saiva creed, still looked upon their earlier faith with great reverence and contributed towards its prosperity in the kingdom.
Leaving these cities in the southern and western part of Karnāțaka, we may mention one or two important centres in the Bellary and Cuddapah districts. These were Rāyadurga and Dänavulapādu. The former was a stronghold of the Mūla sangha. In A.D. 1355 a Jaina merchant named Bhogarāja constructed the image of śāntinātha Jineśvara. He was the disciple of Māghanandi whose guru was Amarakirti of the Sārasvata gaccha, Balātkāra gana, and the Kondakundānvaya. This was in the reign of king Harihara Rāya 1.2 The names of Candrabhūti of the Müla sangha, and Candrendra, Bādayya, and Timmaņņa of the Yāpaņīya sangha, carved on the pedestal of the Rasa Siddha images found at Rāyadurga, merely confirm the fact that
1. E. C., VIII. Sb. 428, p. 75. 2. 111 of 1913; Rangacharya, Top. List, I. p. 317,

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA İN THE EMPIRE 339 it was a centre of the Jainas. As regards the other locality, Dānavulapāļu, which has already figured in these pages, we learn that in Saka 1319 (A.D. 1397-8), a miśidhi of a merchant was constructed there, thereby showing its importance as a commercial seat of the Jainas.?
The history of the spread of Jainism in the fifteenth century only confirms the statement we have made elsewhere concerning the steady popularity of that religion in Karnā. taka. Well known cities like Mattāvara, Vanavāsa, Gērasoppe, Bhārangi, Mūdubidre, Kollāpura, Bandaņike, Pāvagūda and Melukõte now rose into prominence as strongholds of Jainism. Unlike most of the centres of the fourteenth century, these cities were, on the whole, destined to play a decisive part in the history of the syād-vāda doctrine.
The Pārsvanātha basadi of Mattāvara in the Chikkamagaļūr tāluka, Kadūr district, which had already come into prominence in the days of the Hoysala king Vinayāditya, continued to attract Jainas at the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D. In about A.D. 1400 the fame of Mattāvara was noised about because of the activities of a Jaina nun. She was Caţaveganti of the village called Marula-Jina-Jakavehatti. In the Pārsvanātha basadi of Mattāvara she performed tapas and died. To commemorate this event, Māra, the son of Abeya Mācara, set up a nisidhi.3
Vijayamangalam in the Coimbatore district which, as already noted, was associated with the memory of Pullappa, the pious younger sister of the famous Cāmunda Rāya, contained the Candranātha basadi. This temple received a gift of land from the Vijayanagara prince Harihara
1. 109 of 1913; Rangacharya, Top. List., I. p. 317. 2. 336 of 1909 ; Rangacharya, ibid, I. p. 590. 3. M. A. R. for 1932, p. 171.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Rāya, the son of king Deva Rāya I, in A.D. 1412.1
The well known city of Vanavāsa (Banavase) was the headquarters of a branch of the Balātkāra gaña. It was from here that Vardhamānasvāmi, described as “the moon in causing to swell the ocean the Tattvārtha," and Vanavāsasvāmi, another Jaina guru, hailed, as mentioned in records dated A.D. 1372 and 1400 respectively, cited already by us in an earlier context.2
More famous than the above was the city of Gērasoppe (in the mod. Honnāvara tāluka, Bombay Presidency), which played a very significant part in the history of the western part of Karnāțaka in the fifteenth and sixteenth century A.D. The rulers of Gērasoppe were matrimonially connected with the House of Sangitapura and that of Kārkaļa. They as well as their citizens were responsible for raising the name of Gērasoppe in the Jaina world. Gērasoppe springs into fame in the middle of the fourteenth century due to the activities of its wealthy citizens, although as a political unit it had already made a name for itself earlier. In those ages it belonged to Tuļuva, its rulers themselves being of Tuluva origin. In the Vardhamāna basadi inscription of that city, it is called an ornament to the face of the Nagiri countryNagiradeśavemba lalana mukhakke vesedirp-i Gērasoppe.3
A prominent Jaina leader of Gērasoppe was Rāmaņa. He was the son of Somana Daņņāyaka and the brother of Kāmaņa Daņņāyaka. Somaņa Daņqanāyaka was one of the generals of the chieftain of Candāvūru, by name Basavadeva, who had become conspicuous in the history of Tuļuva.+ Since Somara was said to have belonged to the Ksa1.596 of 1905 ; Rangacharya, Top. List. I. p. 545. 2. E. C. II. 274, 275, p. 125, op. cit. 3. M. A. R. for 1928, p. 97. 4. Read Saletore, Ancient Karnātaka, I. p. 286.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 341 triya kula, Rāmaņa also claimed Kşatriya descent. The damaged record which gives us these details describes thus the citizens of Gērasoppe :—Ā Gerasoppeya mahā-janamgala gunagal ent-endode adaroļu nānājāti paradar agranī samyaktvarāda-7-Jainar-padevar Jaina-mārggāśraya jalanidhi samvardhita pürna-candrar mundamam krodhādhi... mādudgha-perkuļan-ivar-biļļu. And one of these Jaina citizens was Ilonnapa Setti who was related to the family of Rāmaņa. It was this Honnapa sețți and others, whose names are effaced in the record, who gave some grant to the Vardhamāna basadi of Gērasoppe.1
Another Jaina citizen of that centre was Yojana Seçți, whose wife was Rāmakka. This lady had built the Anantatirtha caityālaya at Gērasoppe. She is highly praised in thc inscription for her virtues. She was especially known for her four kinds of gists (catur-vidha-dāna). On her death in A.D. 1392 a memorial stone was set up near the Vardhamāna basadi at Gērasoppe.?
To this age (the latter part of the fourteenth century A.D.) we have to assign the activities of two commercial leaders of Gērasoppe-Ajana, the son of Kallappa śreşthi and of Māmāmbā, and Kallappa Śreşthi, the son of õjaņa. These were the disciples of Devendra Sūri whose guru was Lalitakirti Bhattāraka of the Deśiya gaña and Ghanaśoka baļi. Ajana and Kallappa śesti caused an image of Mūdejina to be made in the Nagarakēri basadi of that city.3
This record is undated. But we may assign it to the fourteenth century A.D. on the following grounds. Lalitakirti, who has been mentioned herc, was perhaps no other than
1. M. A. R. for 1928, p. 97. 2. Ibid, pp. 97-98. 3. Ibid, p. 95.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the guru of that name whom we have already placed in the fourteenth century. The name Ghanaśoka bali is evidently another name for the Panasõge (or Hanasõge) bali to which Lalitakirti belonged.1
To the latter part of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century A.D., belong the following epigraphs dealing with a devout queen of Gērasoppe. She was sāntaladevi, the daughter of Bommaņa śețți, and the queen of Haivannarasa. This ruler was the son of king Mangarāja. śāntaladevi was a very pious lady, who died in the orthodox manner in about A.D. 1405.2
The ruler Mangarāja mentioned above is called the sonin-law of king Haiveyarāja in the Jvālāmukhi temple record of Gērasoppc. He is to be identified with Mangabhūpa who married Jakkabbarasi, the daughter of Haivannarasa and Honnabbarasi, mentioned in the record standing close to Nagarakēri in Gērasoppe. This latter record dated A.D. 1421 also informs us that Mangarāja's brother-in-law Padmaņņarasa granted land valued at four honnu for the service of the god Pārsvanātha and for the repairs of the
1. Dr. Shama Sastry assigns this record to the latter part of the sixteenth century A.D., on the assumption that the names Kallappa and Ajana are identical with those found in an inscription No. 112 (M. A. R. for 1928, p. 102). This is inadmissible. No. 112 does not contain the names Kallappa and Ajana, but No. 105, p. 99, does. Secondly, the names Ajana and Kallappa as given in No. 107 are those of commercial magnates; while in No. 105 Kallapparasa is called the ruler of Irandur and Ajanrpa, king of Kuntalanādu. If these rulers were identical, one cannot understand why their status should have been omitted by the scribes.
2. This date is based on that of the death of Mangarāja in A.D. 1405. M.A.R. for 1928, pp. 99-100.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 343 basadi. The gift was made for the peace of the departed queen Tangaladevi.1
An ardent ruler of Gērasoppe in A.D. 1523 was Immadi Deva Rāya Odeyar. He was the son of Bhairavāmbã and of the Pāņdya king who is unnamed in the record. Immaţi Deva Rāya is called the popular Devabhūpa. The record makes him the ruler of the Nagiri (i.e., Gērasoppe), Haive, Tuļu, Konkaņa, and other kingdoms. He granted in A.D. 1523 specified lands in the village of Banduvāla for the worship and festivals of the god Candranātha in the Sankha Jina basadi of Lakşmaņeśvara. This charity, it may be observed, was to be carried out by the school of Candraprabhadeva of the Desiya gana. The cosmopolitan nature of the people is seen in the concluding lines of the epigraph which declare that he who violated the grant was to be considered guilty of the slaughter of sages on the ürjanta hill, the slaughter of cows on the banks of the Ganges and the Godāvarī, and as having violated the charities carried on at Sriparvata and Tirumale. Excepting Ürjanta (Girnar), the other places are usually associated with the Brahmans.2
The close contact between Gērasoppe and other kingdoms seen in the above records, is further corroborated by another inscription found on the Govardhanagiri fort, and assigned to A.D. 1560. This record gives us very many details relating to the commercial magnates of Gērasoppe. The ruler mentioned in this inscription is Deva Rāya whom we identify with Immadi Deva Rāya on the following grounds. In the first place, in the Sode Jaina matha copper plate ins
1. M. A. R. for 1928, pp. 94-95.
2. This copper-plate grant was found in the Jaina basadi of Sode. M.A.R. for 1916, p. 69,

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cription Immaḍi Deva Raya is said to have ruled over the prosperous city of Kşemapura which was another name for Gerasoppe. In the Govardhanagiri record, too, he is said to be the ruler of Gerasoppe. The genealogy of the ruler as given in the Sode matha grant and in the Govardhanagiri inscription is identical. In the former it is said that the queen Bhairavamba had a brother named Saluva Malla, that her son by the Pandya king was Immaḍi Deva Raya. In the Govardhanagiri record it is stated that king Bhairava had three younger brothers named Bhairava, Amba, and Saluva Malla who was the greatest. Their sister, who is unnamed in the Govardhanagiri record, had a son named Deva Raya who had a sister, the mother of Saluva Malla (II) and of Bhairava (II). Further in both the records Sāluva Immaḍi Deva Raya is said to be ruling over the Haiva, Tulu, Konkaņa, and other countries, the Sode matha grant adding the name Nagirirajya. And, finally, both are essentially Jaina records.2
The Govardhanagiri inscription is of much importance also from the point of view of the chief city itself, its rich commercial leaders, and the public charities they did in the name of the Jina dharma. The Jaina citizens had made
1. The descent of the rulers of the Gerasoppe, Sangitapura, and probably of Karkala principalities, was according to the female succession (aliya-santāna kaṭṭu), through sister's son. 2. Perhaps it is not unlikely that the rulers of Gerasoppe, held sway over Sangitapura at this time. The similarity in their names, the Saluva family to which they belonged, and the law of succession in the female line which governed themall these point to it. The Gerasoppe, Kārkaļa, and Sangitapura rulcrs were dynastically connected with each other. See Rangacharya, Top. List, II. p. 852. But this point is beside our purpose,

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the city of Gērasoppe prosperous and beautiful. Thus is it described in the record :
On the southern bank of the great lotus the Jambū-dvipa is the Bharata country, in which, on the eastern shore of the western ocean is the great Tauļava country. In it on the south bank of the Ambū river, shining like the Śrīpuņdra (or central sectarian mark on the forehead of the Śrīvaişņavas) is Kşemapura, like Purandara's (Indra's) city, with glittering gopuras (or temple towers) with fine Jina cait yālayas, king's palaces, abodes of yogis, lines of merchants' houses, with crowds of people devoted to acts of merit and liberality, groups of gurus and yatis, bands of poets, learned men, multitudes of excellent Bhavyas—what city in the world was so celebrated as Gērasoppe?
The great city of Gērasoppe had reason to be proud of its kings and commercial leaders. The king Immadi Deva Rāya was "a master of all royal wisdom", and "skilled in the seven kinds of strategems." This description of the Gērasoppe ruler enables us to identify him with king Sāluva Deva Raya, who is mentioned in the Kannada-Sanskrit record on the base of the Sānti Jina image, now deposited in the Madras Museum, as a great lover of sāhitya. The image of śānti Jina, we may note by the way, was set up by him.
Sāluva Immaļi Děva Rāya was proud of his great commercial magnate Ambavana Śreşthi. In the long genealogical account of this important person, these following facts seem to be noteworthy_That Ambavana śreşthi's ancestors traced their descent from a general who was in the service of the Candāvūru king Kāma Deva, by name Kāmeya Daņņāyaka ; that one of Ambavana's ancestors named
1. 526 of 1913 ; Rangacharya, Top. List, II. p. 987,

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346
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Yojana Sreşthi (1) built the Anantanātha caityälaya at Gērasoppe, while another Narasaņa Nāyaka constructed the Pārsvanātheśvara basadi at Māgõdu ; that another person called Mābu Gauda built a caityālaya at Bankanabasilu ; that Yojana śreşthi (II) built a two-storeyed caityālaya of Nemīśvara and Gummațanātha in Gērasoppe ; and that another relative of theirs, the celebrated Kañcadhikäri, the chief of the settis of Bhattakaļa, built a caityālaya in a place the name of which is effaced in the record.
Ambavana śreşthi who is called a royal śresthi in the record, was the son of Nāgappa Sreşthi (II). He was matrimonially connected with Yojana śreşhti (II) mentioned above. His wife was Devarasi. In connection with these two we have a typical instance of how citizens constructed public buildings in those days. These two-Ambavana śreşthi and his wife, one day came to the Nemi Jina caityālaya at Gērasoppe, and heard with reverence the dharma from Abhinava Samantabhadramuni. They then decided to acquire merit by constructing a mānastambha in front of the Nemīśvara basadi built by their grandfather Yojana śreşthi. Then going home, with the approval of their brothers Kotana setti and Malli Setti, and their other relatives, they made known their intention as to this work of merit to their ruler Deva Bhūpa. And with the approval of the king and that of the sanghas (which are unfortunately not named), on a propitious day they carried out their promise and had a pillar of bell-metal made. Meanwhile, to Devarasi twin daughters, Padmarasi and Devarasi, were born ; and taking that as an auspicious omen, they had the bell-metal pillar which had been made, set up in front of the caityālaya. And upon the pillar they fixed a golden kalasa of the same height as that of the twins Padmarasi and Devarasi. The mänasthambha

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 347 thus created is highly praised in the record as a mast to the great ship the dharma, and a rod for the umbrella the pure dharma. It was constructed on the instruction of Abhinava Samantabhadramuni.1
Great credit must be given to the endeavours of Ambavana Sreşthi and the other commercial leaders, who tried to stabilize the prestige of the Jina dharma in this age. We can only imagine that there must have been keen rivalry between these patrons of Jainism and the champions of Vaişņavism like Giriyaņa setti and Vaduga Tammappa Senabova, who in A.D. 1562 and A.D. 1598 respectively had constructed the Hanumanteśvara and Tiruvangaļanātha temples, the former on Govardhanagiri itself and the latter in Gērasoppe. These two Hindu leaders lived in the reign of the next Gērasoppe ruler the queen Säluva Cenna Bhairādeviyamma, who is called in one of the records a Mahāmandalesvara, and who permitted the Tiruvangaļanātha temple to be built in her name.2
That the Jaina magnates of Gērasoppe were very influential in the middle of the sixteenth century, can be determined from the reference made to their generosity in the inscriptions at Sravana Belgoļa. Indeed, this contact between Gērasoppe and Sravana Belgoļa seems to have been established in early days as well. For instance, in about A.D. 1412 Gummațaņa, the disciple of Hiriya Ayya of Gērasoppe, paid a visit to Gummațanātha at śravana Belgoļa, and repaired the stone work of the Cikka basti or the smaller hill, the three bastis, at the north gate, and the Mangāyi bastiin all five bastis, and made a gift of food to one group which
1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 55, pp. 100-102. 2. Ibid, Sa. 57, p. 102 ; M. A. R. for 1928, pp. 102, 108,

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348
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM is not named in the inscription.1
In A.D. 1539 four incidents of a similar nature relating to the citizens of Gērasoppe and Sravana Belgoļa are narrated in stone inscriptions found in the latter centre. All these refer to the settlement of a legal dispute between the citizens of the two places. Thus, in that year Cavudi Śețți of Gērasoppe having caused the mortgage on the land of Kambhayya, the son of Agani Bommayya, to be released, the latter caused certain permanant charities to be endowed in front of the Tyāgada Brahmā temple at Sravana Belgoļa. In the same year Cikkaņa, the son of Dodda Devappa, gave a dharma sādhana (charity deed) to Cavudi Setti of Gērasoppe. This was because the latter had relieved the former of his financial difficulty. Cikkaņa promised to carry on permanently the gift of food to one group at Śravaņa Belgoļa. Further, Bommana, the son of Kavi, gave a charity deed to Cavuļi Sețți for the same purpose. but with the stipulation that Bommana would carry on the gift of food to one group only for six months. And the flower-seller Cennayya also gave to Cavuļi Sețți a similar pledge which is however effaced.2
Is the mention of these legal deeds in Śravaņa Belgola, pertaining to a wealthy citizen of Gērasoppe, merely accidental? We think not. There must have been a cause of great rejoicing on the part of the citizens of Gērasoppe which prompted them to show particular favour to the people of śravaņa Belgola. We have to find out what was that cause of rejoicing. It could only have been that relating to such a function like the anointing ceremony of the god Gummațanātha at Sravana Belgoļa. An event of this
1. E. C. II. 342, p. 145. 2. Ibid, 224, 227, p. 96.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 349 type actually took place about this time, and its credit goes to the Gērasoppe ruler Sāluva Immadi Deva Rāya. The Govardhanagiri record cited above tells us that by king Deva Rāya, lord of Kşemapura, was performed in the Kali yuga, what had been done by the great Indra, the worldastounding head-anointing ceremony of Gummațādhiếa, in the same manner as if it were his birth-anointing.1 We have no direct information as to the exact date of the performance of this ceremony in the Govardhanagiri record. But on the basis of the four cases of mortgage deeds by Cavuļi sețți of Gērasoppe, we may safely infer that the head-anointing ceremony of Gummațanātha by king Deva Rāya took place in A.D. 1539 which certainly falls within his reign. To express his joy at such an event of universal importance, Cavudi sețți may have released the mortgage deeds of his debtors in Sravana Belgoļa.
The Jaina gurus of Gērasoppe, it may not be out of place to note here, wielded considerable influence in this age. Their relationship with the well known pontifical seats of Tuļuva will be pointed out later on. For the present we may note that in A.D. 1583 they were reckoned to be rather wealthy too. This may account for the fact that Vīrasenadeva, the disciple of Gunabhadradeva of Gērasoppe, purchased wet land of the sowing capacity of nine khandugas from the Dāniväsa chief Cennavira Odeyar, for a sum of thirty-two varāhas. Two years later (A.D. 1585) the same Jaina priest Vīrasena bought for thirty varāhas another plot of land situated in scaladāļa also from the same chief. And in A.D. 1585 once again Virasena purchased from the same Dānivāsa chief specified wet land for forty varāhas. The reason why these
1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 55, p. 101.
2. M. A. R. for 1931, pp. 106-112. See E. C. VI. Kp. 21-24, pp. 79 for an incomplete account of some of these transactions,

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350
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM monetary transactions were made is not apparent.
We may now continue to narrate a few details about the other Jaina centres in the fifteenth century A.D. Bhārangi was one of them. Like Kuppațur and Gērasoppe, this city owed its greatness to the industrial activities of “wise Bhavyas, learned men, just men, and wealthy men, so that it seemed to be the abode of the goddess of fortune." It was one of the foremost cities of Nāgarakhanda, and it boasted of the great temple Pārsva Jineśa. The Vijayanagara official placed over this city was Gopa Gauda, whose father was Bulļa Gauda. The guru of the latter was Abhayacandra Siddhāntadeva who is called in the record tāyarājagurumandalācārya, mahāvādivadiśvara, tāyavādipitāmaha, and one who was fully versed in Siddhānta. “His mind was bent on shutting up the Bauddha speakers. Having overcome the Sänkhyas, the Yaugas, the Cārvākas, the Bauddhas, the Bhāțțas, and the Prābhākas, what other speakers can withstand him ? ”, asks the scribe of the record.
But he was not the guru of Gopaņa Gauda whose spiritual teachers were Panditācārya and Srutamunipa. The work these two Jaina gurus did is given in the epigraph thus "One (Panditācārya) to tum Gopaña from evil ways, and the other (śrutamuni) to lead him into good ways.” Having enjoyed all the good of this world, and desiring the good of the next, Gopaņa died by the rite of samādhi in A.D. 1415.1
Prabhu Gopaņa's laudable example was followed by his son Bulla (II). The guru of this official was Abhayacandra, who was the disciple of Devacandramuni whose guru was Srutamuni mentioned above. From this record we learn that the spiritual adviser of Bhārangi belonged to the Mūla sangha, Nandi gaña, Pustaka gaccha, and Desiya gana. Buļļappa
1. E. C. VIII. Sa. 329, p. 58.

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THE ANEKÄNTAMATA IN THE ÉMPIRE 351 (II) made gifts of land and constructed ponds (dirghikā). Having realized that his end was approaching, he performed all the appointed ceremonies relating to the pañcaparameşthis, and beginning with the prayer of 35 syllables, he came down to 16, then to 6, to 5, to 4, to 2, and stopped at 1, when merely moving his tongue, he went to svarga.1
Two villages Saragūru and Varaködu in the Mysore district became rather noteworthy in the first quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. Saragūru possessed the Pañcabasadi about which we have no details. But we suppose that that basadi was under the Bayinād chief Masanahalli Kampana Gauda. This chief was a Mahāprabhu, and he granted in A.D. 1424 the village of Tõtahalli, along with many specified taxes, for the decorations of Gummațanāthasvāmi of Belgola.2 The inscriptions of Varaköņu dated A.D. 1425 and A.D. 1431, are interesting in the sense that they deal with the performance of a vrata called Ananta nompi by the Jainas of that place. 3
Morasunāļu A.D. 1426 contained the Cokkamayya Jinālaya for which the ruler of that nād Kariyappa Dandanāyaka granted lands which are effaced in the record. But we know from it that that official was the disciple of Subhacandra Siddhānta of the Pustaka gaccha.*
Infinitely greater in importance than the above seats of Jainism was Mūdubidre, one of the cities of Tuļuva. We have elsewhere traced the advent of Jainism into this city in the reign of the Hoysala king Ballāla Deva I (A.D.
1. E. C. VIII, Sb. 330, text, 11. 25-28, p. 156. 2. Ibid, IV. Hg. 1, p. 65. 3. M. A. R. for 1920, p. 32. 4. E. C. IX., Bn. 82, p. 17.

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352
MEDTÆVAL JAINISM 1100-A.D-1106).1 In the thirteenth century A.D. Mūdubidre possessed the Pārsvanātha basadi which received royal patronage from the Alupa kings of Tuļuva.? But it is only in the fifteenth century that it sprang into fame in the times of the Vijayanagara monarchs. A stone inscription dated Saka 1351 (A.D. 1429) of the reign of the Emperor Deva Rāya II relates that Venupura, (i. e., Mūdubidre) was a city distinguished for its Bhavyas, who followed the right path, who gladly performed deeds of virtue, and who were eager to hear stories relating to the Jina dharma. The local ruler Bhairarasa, who was matrimonially connected with the kings who ruled over the Gērasoppe-Nagiri kingdom, made at the instance of his guru Vīrasenamuni certain specified offerings in the Candra Jina mandira at Mūdubidre.3 In A.D. 1451-2 a mukha-mantapa called Bhairādevi mantapa was built to the Hosa basti during the reign of the Vijayanagara Emperor Mallikārjuna Immadi Deva Rāya (A.D. 1446-A.D. 1467), when the viceroy over the Bārakūru-rājya was Gopana Odeyar. And the same basadi received a grant of land from the viceroy Vițgharasa Odeyar during the reign of the Emperor Virūpākşa in A.D. 1472-3.5
1. Saletore, Ancient Karnātaka, I, pp. 410-411. Mr. V. Lokanatha Sāstri of Mūdubidre in his book Mūdubidreya carite (p. 20, Mangalore, 1937) says that the date of the construction of the
age of Pārsvanātha is given in an inscription on its base, as Saka 636 (A.D. 714). I do not know how far this is accurate information. This date, if true, violates all contemporary history of Jainism not only in Tuļuva but in Karnātaka as well.
2. Saletore, ibid, p. 413. 3. 33 of 1901; S. I. I, VII, pp. 94-98. 4. 29 of 1901.
5. 30 of 1901; for a detailed account of Mūdubidre, read Hultzsch, Ep. Rep. S. Circle for 1901, p. 3 seq.

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By Courtesy I'. 6. S.]
Hosabasti at Mudabidre (p. 352)
By Courtesy I'. G. S.)
Caturmukhabasti at Kārkaļa (p. 363)

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Mūdubidre to-day contains a fast dwindling Jaina population, but it is still held in the highest veneration by the Jaina world. It is called Jaina Kāśi, and has the other names of Venupura (or Vamśapura) and Vratapura. There are in all eighteen basadis in this small town, and among them the most famous is the Guru basadi. This basadi is reputed to possess the famous manuscripts called Dhavaļa, Mahādhavala and Jayadhavala. It is for this reason also called the Siddhānta basadi.1 The Hosa basadi referred to above is also known as the Tribhuvantilakacūdāmaņi basadi ; and because of its 1.000 pillars and other architectural attractions, still continues to draw lovers of art.2
Another centre of Jainism in Tuļuva was Basarūru. The settis, or heads of the commercial guilds, of Basarūru in Śaka 1353 (A.D. 1421-2), during the reign of the Emperor Deva Rāya II, gave specified gifts in kind for the Jaina basadi of that town. This basadi was probably dedicated to Candranātha. For during the reign of the same monarch a money gift of twenty-four gad yāņas was made to it.
Turning from the province of Tuļuva to the northern parts of Karnāšaka, we find that Kolhāpur (Kollāpura) owed its greatness to the renowned guru Māghanandi. We have already seen that Kollāpura had become well known in the twelfth and thirteenth century A.D. It continued to be a great seat of Jainism in the middle of the fifteenth century A.D. In about A.D. 1440 the guru of that centre was
1. Buchanan noted it. A Journey through Madras, etc., II. p. 254.
2. Cf. B. Nemiraja Heggade, Tuļunādina basadigaļu, p. 3. (Manglore, 1925) ; Lokanatha Sastri, op. cit., pp. 20-21.
3. Rangacharya, Top. List., II, p. 850. 4. Ibid. M, J. 12

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354
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Jinasena Bhattāraka Pattācārya. Along with the people of that city and his sangha, he went to śravana Belgoļa in that year.1
The hill called Nidugallu in the Pāvagūda tāluka, Mysore State, once contained a basadi. Here in A.D. 1232 Nemi Paņạita's son (unnamed) had received the land belonging to it. This locality continued to be dear to the Jainas, in spite of the fact that the land around the basadi had passed into the hands of the Hindus in the middle of the fifteenth century. This is proved by the fact that in about A.D. 1450 the hill is called the gudda which belonged to Vrşabhasena Bhațțāraka of the Müla sangha. One of his lay disciples called Candavve, the wife of the Vaiśya Bimi sețţi, died there, and a nisidhi was set up to commemorate the event.3
Towards the last quarter of the fifteenth century A.D., we find Iduvaņi, Huligere, Vogeyakere, Hole Narasīpura, and even Melukõțe figuring as prominent Jaina centres. That Iduvaņi (or Idugani) owed its caityālayas to the piety of its local ruler is clear from a record dated A.D. 1472 which informs us that Pārīśva Gauda, who was devoted to the four kinds of gifts, had the Pārsvanātha basadi constructed in that city. And his lord the Mahāprabhu Bhairana Nāyaka granted various lands for the daily worship and the many kinds of worship (named) of the god. And Pārīśva Gauda and other Gaudas made suitable grants for the same purpose.4
Like Pāriśva Gauda was Padumaņa setļi who, during the
1. E. C. II. 496, p. 134. 2. Ibid, XII. Pg. 51, p. 124.
3. Ibid, Pg. 56, p. 126. See also Pg. 55 dated A.D. 1487 to note the Saivite temple on the hill.
4. Ibid, VIII. Sa. 60, p. 103.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 355 rule of king Indagarasa Odeyar of the Säluva family, constructed the caityālaya of Pārsvatirtheśvara at Vogeyakese. And by means of a dharma-śāsana-patra gave munificent endowments for the basadi.1
Hole Narasīpura in A.D. 1490 was a Jaina locality. Two images in marble of Candraprabha and Pārsvanātha were presented in that year to the temple by a disciple of Bhaļļāraka Jinasatvadeva of the Mūla sangha.
More interesting than the above is the information relating to the Vaişņava centre Mēlukote where had lived the great Rāmānujācārya. In a record dated A.D. 1471 this centre is called the earthly Vaikuntha, the Vardhamānakşetra, the eight-fold residence of Nārāyaṇaparvata, and the Yatigiristhāna. The epithet Vardhamāna kşetra applied to this place undoubtedly proves that Mēlukote was once reckoned to be a place of pilgrimage by the Jainas. But like many other strongholds of Jainism, Mēluköte must have passed into the custody of the Hindus, on the decline of the Jina dharma in it.
In the sixteenth century A.D. there seems to have been no extension of Jaina influence anywhere in southern or western India. The two most important sects of Hinduism --Saivism and Vaişņavism, especially the latter, had so completely regained their ascendancy that any substantial recovery of Jainism was well nigh impossible in the Vijayanagara Empire. Nevertheless it is interesting to observe that in this century which produced Krşņa Deva Rāya the Great, the greatest champion of Hinduism, was also born the most remarkable leader of the Jainas, Vādi Vidyānanda. In addi
1. E. C. VIII, Sa. 163, p. 124. 2. M. A. R. for 1913-14, p. 50. 3. E. C. IV. Intr. p. 24; Ng. 78, p. 133.

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356
MEDI.EVAL JAINISM tion to the well known city from which this celebrated Jaina teacher hailed, there were others which we may now describe in chronological order.
Towards the beginning of the sixteenth century three places continued to be Jaina centres---Kopana, Narasimharājapura, and Sringeri. Kopaņa had, as we have already seen, won for itself a name as the mahātīrtha of the Jainas. It continued to be a commercial town of some standing. This is gathered from the fact that commercial leaders named Gummata Setti, Danada setti, and a third one whose name is effaced in the record, went on a visit from Kopana to Sravana Belgoļa in about A.D. 1536.1
Of the other centres, there is every reason to believe that Sringeri was a more ancient Jaina stronghold than Narasimharājapura. The history of the latter place dates back to the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. We gather this from an epigraph on the image of Sāntinātha in the śāntinātha basadi in that place, assigned to A.D. 1300. This image was caused to be made by Candiyakka, the lay disciple of Cagiyabbeganti of Uddhare. Narasimharājapura was a prosperous Jaina centre at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Two inscriptions on the pedestal of the Caturvimšati Tirthankara and the Ananta Tīrthankara images in the Candranātha basadi at the same place, contain the following information-That Doddana setti, the son of Bögāra Devi Setti, had the former image presented to the Candranātha basadi at Narasimharājapura; while Gummana setti, the son of Nemi Sețţi, had the latter image presented to the basadi at Singanagadde which lies to the west of Narasimharājapura.
1. E. C. II, 191, p. 91. 2. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 84.

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Both the inscriptions have been assigned to A.D. 1500.1 We may note here by the way that the fine image of Candraprabha in the Candranatha basadi, about two and a half feet high, representing a seated boy of about eight years, and made of white marble, as Dr. Krishna relates, is said to have been found near Taḍasa, four miles away, in the Bhadra, and brought to the basadi for worship. The image is said to bear even now the marks of having been in water for a long time.2
But the basadis in the renowned Advaita centre of Sringer were, as we have already seen in the previous pages, of an earlier date. At least we know that the Parsvanatha basadi of Sringeri certainly existed in Sringeri in the twelfth century A.D. The fact that this basadi is in the centre of the Sringeri town,3 suggests that the Jaina influence in this stronghold of Advaitism must have been rather powerful in the early days. In the first quarter of the sixteenth century, Sringeri continued to attract devout Jaina pilgrims to it. In A.D. 1523 Devana Sețţi (descent stated) presented an image of Anantnatha to the Parsvanatha basadi of Sringeri. And in the same year Bommara Setți (descent stated) presented an image of Candranatha to the same basadi.
Maddagiri had a basadi in about A.D. 1531. It received specified land from Govi Danimayya's wife Jayama. Nothing more can be made about this basadi excepting the fact that
1. M. A. R. for 1916, p. 84.
2. Ibid for 1931, p. 12. Dr. Krishna also relates that a group of Jaina buildings near the Jvālāmālinī temple to the south-west of Narasimharajapura, are almost entirely of wood and earth. Ibid.
3. Ibid for 1931, p. 15.
4. Ibid for 1933, p. 124. signed this record to A.D. 1583.
The late Mr. Narasimhacarya asIbid for 1916, p. 84.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM the damaged record gives the name of the guru as Mallināthadeva.1
From another damaged record dated A.D. 1533-4, evidently of the reign of the Emperor Acyuta Deva Rāya, we gather that Jinendramangalam alias Kuruvaờimidi...in Muttūrukurram and Añjukcţtai in the same Kurram were Jaina centres. The inscription containing these details was found in front of the Jaina Malavanātha temple at Hanumantaguņi, Tiruvādāni tāluka, Rāmnād district.2
But these centres in the Tamil land were not in such a thriving condition as those in Karnāțaka. The basadi of Kurugodu, for instance, received a gift of land from Rāma Rājayya, the elder brother of Lingarājayya, and the grandson of Rāma Rāja Odeyar. This was made for the merit of his father Mallarāja Oļeyar during the reign of the Emperor Sadāśiva Rāya.3
Panditayya, the son of the chief of Brahmans Cikamayya, and a disciple of Cārukīrti Panạitadeva, caused in A.D. 1585 the images of Ādiśvara, śāntīśvara, and Candranātha to be set up in the Ādinātha basadi at Cikka Hanasõge,4 thereby showing that Cikka Hanasõge was still reckoned as a Jaina centre in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D.5
But more prominent than any of the strongholds in the northern parts of Karnāțaka were those in Tuļuva to which we must now revert. In addition to the important cities
1. E. C. XII. Si. 14, p. 105. 2.408 of 1907 ; Rangacharya, Top. List., II, p. 1196. 3 63 of 1904 ; Rangacharya, ibid., I, p. 269. 4. M. A. R. for 1913-14, pp. 50-51.
5. See also 59 of 1896, for a gift of land at the request of two Jaina priests Guru Vira Pandita and Kamalavāhana Pandita. This was in A.D. 1517. Was Nagarcoil in the south in any way connected with Jainism ?

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359
like Sangitapura, Mūdubidre, and Gērasoppe which we have already described, there were many smaller places of the Jainas in Tuļuva, as, for instance, Bārakūru, Mülki, PadaPanambūru, Hațțiangaļi and Kāpu. The Adi Paramesvara basadi of Bārakūru, which city was one of the capitals of Tuluva, received material aid from the śāntara king Bhairava in A.D. 1408.1 To the same basadi Cărukīrti Panditadeva made a grant in A.D. 1499-1500.2 The basadis at Mülki and Pada-Panambūru in the Mangalore tāluka, were not of much consequence. The Bailangaļi basadi at the latter place seems to have received a gift from a nobleman in A.D. 1542-3.3 The basadi of Lokanātheśvara at Hattiangadi, however, was more important. It received a grant from a Vijayanagara viceroy in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D.+ It is not improbable that the locality around Hațţiangadi was of some antiquity.s
Perhaps equally important as Hațțiangadi was Kāpu in the Uạipi tāluka. This little town was the seat of a petty chieftain who had the title of Heggade. In A.D. 1556 Madda Heggade of the Pāngāļa lineage was a staunch upholder of the Jina dharma It was he who gave in that year the village of Mallāru to Devacandradeva, the disciple of Municandradeva whose guru was Abhinavavādikīrtideva of the Krāņār gana. This gift was made for the offerings of Jinapa Dharmanātha (the fifteenth Tīrthankara) of Kāpu. What strikes us is not so much the patronage which the petty ruler of Kāpu gave to the basadi of Jinapa Dharmanātha, as the manner in which he associated his own
1-2. Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I, p. 415. 3. 82-84 of 1901. 4. Rangacharya, Top. List., II, p. 851. 5. Saletore, ibid, I, pp. 405-406.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM little town with the great Jaina centre of Belgoļa, Kopaņa, and Ürjantagiri. This is revealed in the concluding lines of the grant which contain the imprecation that any Jaina who violated the charity would incur the sin of breaking the images of Gummațanātha of Belgola, Candranātha of Kopana, and Nemīśvara of Ürjantagiri, and other Jaina images. The definite reference to three well known centres-Kopaña, Belgola, and Ujjantagiri-suggests that the people of Kāpu were very well acquainted with those places of pilgrimage. While the concluding lines of the same grant which relate that if the violator was a Saiva, he would incur the sin of breaking a crore of lingas at Parvata, Gokarna, and elsewhere, and if a Vaişņava, of breaking as many images at Tirumale and other Vaişņava holy places, show that the chieftain of Kāpu was prepared to appeal to the better instincts of his non-Jaina subjects who might be inclined to harm his charity.1
Next to Mūdubidre the most important Jaina centre in Tuļuva was Kārkaļa. The history of this principality of Kārkaļa is interwoven with that of the śāntaras of Pațți Pombuccapura on the Ghats. The first prominent figure in the śāntara House was Jinadatta, who, as we have already noted above, is reputed to have brought with him the image of the Jaina goddess Padmāvati.2 Jinadatta Rāya founded the śāntara kingdom in the ninth century A.D.3 with Patti Pombuccapura as his capital ; and he moved down in the same century to Kalasa (in the Mūdgere tāluka) in the south after extending his kingdom. Here at Kalaša the Sāntara rulers gave expression to their tolerant
1. E.I. XX, pp. 95-97. 2. Rice, My. & Coorg, p. 138. 3. Saletore, Ancient Karnatāka, I. pp. 224-225, 225, n. (1).

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 361 views. This is seen, for instance, from a record dated A.D. 1277 of the time of the senior crowned queen Kāļala Mahā. devī, when on the great days of the gods Kalašanātha and Jineśvara, a citizen named Madhava, the son of Kāla šesti, made a specified grant of rice and land to the gods.?
The Sāntaras moved their capital from Kalaša still further down to Kārkaļa somewhere at the beginning of the fourteenth century A.D. One of the chiefs who materially contributed to the spread of Jainism in this age in Tuļuva was Lokanātharasa. He was the disciple of Cărukirti Panditadeva, who had, among other titles, that of Ballasarāyacittacamatkāra. During the regime of Lokanātharasa in Śaka 1256 (A.D. 1334), his elder sisters Bommaladevi and Somaladevī, along with some prominent State officials among whom figured Allappa Adhikāri, gave specified grants to the basadi of Santinātha at Kārkaļa which had been built by Kumudacandra Bhațţārakadeva, the chief disciple of Bhānukirti Maladhārideva of the Müla sangha and the Krāņūr gana. Since Lokanātharasa bears the birudas of samastabhuvanāśraya, śri-pịthvīvallabha, and mahārājādhirāja, which were usually assumed only by independent monarchs, we are to suppose that he exercised some independent sway in the Kārkaļa region in the middle of the fourteenth century A.D.2
Sometime after him the Kārkaļa rulers came gradually under the influence of the Lingāyat faith. But they continued to be warm supporters of the Jina dharma. We prove this from records ranging from the middle of the fif
1. E.C. VI. Mg. 67, p. 72. 2. 71 of 1901 ; S.I.I., VII, 247, pp. 124-125.
3. See E.C. VI. Mg. 39-42, 50, 54, 60, pp. 68-70 for examples to prove that the Bhairava rulers of Kārkala were Saivas.

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362
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM teenth to the end of the sixteenth century A.D. The credit of turning the mind of the Kārkaļa rulers to the syād vāda doctrine goes to the Jaina gurus of Hanasõge. It was at the instance of Lalitakīrti Maladhārideva Bhattāraka of Hanasõge that king Vira Pāņdya, the son of Bhairavendra, caused to be constructed and set up the colossal image of Gomața at Kārkaļa, to which reference has already been made, on Wednesday the 13th A.D. 1432.Probably it is the same guru who is mentioned in another inscription dated Saka 1379 (A.D. 1457-8) which records a gift of paddy to the Hire Nemīśvara basadi at Hiriangaļi, one of the suburbs of Kārkaļa. In this record Lalitakirti is said to have belonged to the Kālorgana.2 The same guru was likewise responsible for the munificence of the merchants of Hiriangadi, who in A.D. 1475-76 built a mukha-manțapa to the Tirthankara basadi of that place.3
We may recount here the patronage given to Jainism by the queen Kāļala Devi in A.D.1530 mentioned in connection with the activities of women in Karnāțaka.+
But much of the importance of Kārkaļa was due not only to the patronage of its rulers but to the large-heartedness of its citizens as well. In Saka 1501 (A.D. 1579) some Srāvakas of Kārkaļa gave as a gift money for the study of the scriptures in the Ammanavara basadi at Hiriangaļi. Lalitakīrti Bhattāraka is said to have been the vicāra-kartā (superintendent) of the charities. This guru could not have been
1. 1. 1., XXIII, p. 119 ; E. C. I, p. 19 (rev. ed.); E. 1., VII, pp. 109, seq; 63 & 64 of 1901.
2. 70 of 1901. 3. 66 of 1901.. 4. E. C. VI. Kp. 47, op. cit. 5. 67 of 1901.

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 363 the one mentioned above, but probably one of the pontiffs at Kārkaļa itself who bore the title of Lalitakīrti.
The construction of the well known Caturmukha basadi at Kārkaļa was the work of the ruler Immadi Bhairavendra Odeyar, who called himself the ruler of Pațți Pombuccapura. This basadi was completed on Wednesday the 16th March A.D. 1586.1 It cannot be made out whether he is the same Bhairarasa Odeyar who is mentioned in a damaged record dated only in the cyclic year Viļambi, and found in the Hire Nemīśvara basadi at Hiriangadi. But he is evidently the same ruler who in A.D. 1598 granted specified lands for the god Pārsvanātha of the Sadhana caityālaya at Koppa. This god had been set up by a citizen named Pāņdya Nāyaka, who had himself granted some lands to provide for the offerings of the god.3
With the seventeenth century A.D., however, we move along the downward career of the Vijayanagara Empire. In a sense this age is also one of comparative insignificance in the history of Jainism in southern India. However, the anekāntamata had taken deep roots in Tuļuva. That is the reason why we see Vēņūru, a little village in the Kārkaļa tāluka, figuring as the headquarters of a line of petty chiefs and at the same time as the seat of Jainism. It was here at Vēņūru that, as mentioned by us above, a gigantic image of Gomata was set up in A.D. 1604 at the orders of Timmarāja, the brother of a ruler called Pāņdya of the family of Cāmunda Rāya, on the advice of Cärukirti Pandita of Belgoļa. Thus did the distant province of Tuļuva vindi
1. 62 of 1901 ; E. I. VIII, pp. 122-138. 2. 69 of 1901. 3. E, C. VI, Kp. 50, p. 86.
4. E. 1. VIII, pp. 109-113; E. C. I, pp. 19-20 (rev. ed.); Rice, My & Coorg, p. 141.

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364
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM sate her honour in the Jaina world by possessing two out of the three famous colossi of Gomața.1
Reverting to Karnāțaka proper we find that Mēļige was of some consequence to the Jainas in the first quarter of the seventeenth century A.D. Mēļige was in the Kõdurpāļ in the Āvanyadeśa over which the Vijayanagara viceroy Bommaņa Heggade ruled in A.D. 1610, in the reign of the Emperor Venkatapati Deva. In this city of Mēļige was the royal śreşthi Vardhamāna whose son Bommaņa śreşthi erected the Ananta Jina temple, probably at the instance of his guru Višalakirti Bhatýäraka, whose guru was Devendra Bhattāraka of the Balātkāra gana.2
An interesting fact in the history of Jainism in the seventeenth century A.D. is that connected with the famous Hindu centre of Bēlūr. This city which has become celebrated in the history of Indian architecture as the home of some of the most beautiful Hindu temples in the country, seems to have been dear also to the Jainas. When exactly it was turned into a centre of the anekāntamata is not known. But there is every reason to believe that from the beginning of the fourteenth till the middle of the seventeenth century A.D., Bēlūr protected the interests of the Jina dharma. It boasted of the Pārsvanātha, Adinātheśvara, and śāntinātheśvara
1. Tuluva to-day possesses about 180 basadis out of which Mūdubidre and Kārkaļa claim 18 each, Banțavāļa 3, Hāduhalli (Sangitapura) 9, Gērasoppe 4, Veņūru 8, Mülki-Hosangadi 8, and other places 101, excluding the 11 recently constructed basadis. 18 basadis have fallen completely in ruins. These are the basadis at Nerambadi Hole, Mogaru, Desil, Sirādi, Yeņugallu, Kannarpāļi, Pañja, Cekkangadi, Bandāļi, Kombāru, Nandāvara, Uccila, Ullala, and Mülki-Hosangadi, Nemirāja Heggade, op. cit., p. 3.
2. E. C. VIII. TI. 166, p. 196, 197,

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THE ANEKĀNTAMATA IN THE EMPIRE 365 basadis which have yielded interesting epigraphs relating to the Jaina gurus of the first quarter of the fourteenth century A.D. Bēlür was the head quarters of the Inguleśvara bali and the Śyi samudāya attached to the Müla sangha and the Dēsiya gana.2 How influential the Jaina śestis, or commercial leaders of Bēlūr were has already been seen while describing the admirable manner in which the grave dispute between the Lingāyats and the Jainas was settled in A.D. 1638, during the regíme of Venkatādri Nāyaka of Bēlür.3
Towards the close of the Vijayanagara age, we have a Jaina priest called Lakşmisena Bhattāraka, who styled himself the Lord of the spiritual thrones of Dilli, Kollāpura, Jaina Kāśi, and Penugonda. It was a lay disciple of this guru by name Sakkare Sețţi, who had the Vimalanātha caityalaya at Nāgamangala constructed in A.D. 1680.4 How far the claims put forward by the scribe on behalf of Lakşmīsena Bhattāraka as regards the lordship of the spiritual thrones of the places mentioned above, are valid, cannot be determined at present. But Penugonda was, indeed, a Jaina centre. Here was the Pārsvanātha basadi. Near about it is a nisidhi of Nāgayya, the disciple of Jinabhūşaņa Bhaltāraka.“ We shall prove in the next chapter that Penugonda had further claims to be called a home of the Jainas.
1. See above. Chapter VI. Popular Support. 2. E. C. V. BI 134, op. cit. 3. Ibid, Bl. 128, op. cit. 4. Ibid, IV. Ng. 43, p. 125. 5. 345 of 1901.

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CHAPTER XII.
JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA
EMPIRE
Features of Jaina architecture-Jaina contribution to Sanskrit, Prakrit, and Kannada literature --Examples of Jaina writers ranging from the carly fourteenth till the middle of the seventeenth century.
IVIIDESPREAD as the domicile of Jainism certainly was
in the Vijayanagara Empire, it must be admitted that so far as political power was concerned, the anekāntamata had judiciously given the place of prominence to the Hindu dharma. And while the Hindu dharma under Vijayanagara succeeded for nearly three centuries in upholding its prestige and the honour of the land, Jainism had retired into the background to devote itself exclusively for the cause of Peace and Learning. Its success was ensured in this field. For more than any other faith, Jainism was essentially a religion which had advocated Peace. And in the Tamil land, the Andhradeśa, and Karnataka it had for centuries, as we have already seen, carefully created and fostered literature, arts, and science. The fact that its leaders had occasionally rejuvenated political life was incidental ; their primary concern lay in advancing the cause of Peace and Knowledge, while that of their lay disciples, in giving a practical expression to the Jaina ideal of human brotherhood in the shape

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 367 of the four well known gifts of food, shelter, medicine, and learning.
But it should not be understood by this that Jainism contributed nothing for the material welfare of the country. In addition to the kingdoms it had founded or helped to stabilize, it had substantially added to the commercial development of the land. We may remember here the fact that the famous trading classes of Karnāțaka, the Vira Banajigas, before and even after their conversion into the Vira śaiva faith, were responsible for the prosperous condition of the many cities of the Vijayanagara Empire. And during the early period of Vijayanagara expansion, it was the Jaina generals like Irugappa who had helped the Hindu cause in southern India. An equally substantial part of the work of the Jainas was that concerning arts, literature, and media cine in the respective fields of which they have left evidence of their sincere desire to promote Knowledge and the welfare of humanity.
We have had an occasion of briefly alluding to the contribution of the Jainas to the aichitecture of the pre-Vijayanagara period. Some of the marked features which distinguish the southern from the northern school of architectural design are those relating to the basadis, the tombs, and the pillars. The Jainas of the south, who belonged mostly to the Digambara sect, added one speciality in the matter of building basadis (Skt. vasati, a temple which contained an image of one of the twenty-four Tīrthankaras), and images, which has become famous in the history of Indian architecture. They constructed huge monolithic statues of Bāhubali, as already mentioned by us, at śravaņa Belgoļa, Kārkaļa, and Vēņūru. These statutes possess certain peculiarities. Entirely naked, they face the north, with a remarkably severe face with twigs or creeping plants (called mādhavī, known in Kannada as kāļa

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM
gulaguñji) twisted round their arms and legs in the manner found in cave temples, and a serpent (kukkuța-sarpa) at their feet.1 They represent the ideal sainyäsin who stood in meditation until the ant-hills arose at his feet and creeping plants grew round his limbs. The Digambaras call him Gomata, Gummața, or Dorbali—a figure who is not at all prominent in the pantheon of the śvetāmbaras of the north.
Of the basadis built in the Vijayanagara age those at Mūdubidre deserve a passing note. These basadis are much plainer structures than Hindu temples, with their pillars that look like logs of wood, their angles partially chambered off, suggesting that their originals were built of wood. This supposition is strengthened by the fact that there is epigraphic evidence which we have already cited in the previous pages, that shows that the earlier basadis were built of wood. Fergusson rightly remarks that nothing can exceed the richness or variety with which the temples of Mūdubidre are carved. Their ornamentation is almost fantastic, and no two pillars are alike in design and beauty.2
The eighteen basadis of Mūdubidre are not the only specimens of the architectural skill of the Jainas of the Vijayanagara age. The five-pillared shrine opposite the basadi at Guruvāyinakere in Tuļuva, about which unfortunately no details are available in epigraphs, is said to be unique in the history of the southern Jaina architectural school. This fivepillared shrine with access to the upper chambers, is so unlike the four-pillared pavilions of the Hindu temples common in southern India. At the base of the temple are a number
1. Of the three famous statues that at Vēņūru is, I think, uncommonly serene and smiling.
2. Fergusson, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, II. pp. 76-79. (rev. ed.)

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 369 of stones bearing images of serpents some of which have five or seven heads.1
The second noteworthy feature of Jaina architecture concerns the pillars which are found attached to the basadis. They are admittedly the most elegant and graceful architectural specimens found in Tuļuva. They appear to be the counterparts of the dipastambhas found in the Hindu temples ; but in reality are the descendants of the Buddhist pillars which bore, in most instances, emblems, or statues, or figures of animals. The Jainas of the south introduced two kinds of pillars—the Brahmadevastambhas, bearing figures of the god Brahmā, and the mānastambhas, which bear a small pavilion on the capital. The Brahmadevastambhas are best seen at Mūdubidre, and the mānastambhas, at Guruvāyinakere and Haļeangadi. These latter starting from a square at the base change into an octagon, and thence into a polygonal figure approaching a circle, with a wide spreading capital of the most elaborate design above.
One singularity of the pillars, especially those found at Mūdubidre, may be mentioned here. They have on the lower or square part curious interlaced basket patterns which, according to Fergusson, are similar to those found in Irish Mss. and the ornaments of the Irish cresses. Such interlaced work was equally common in Armenia and up the Danube in Central Europe. But how it came to be introduced into Tuļuva is not known.3
A third peculiarity of the Jaina architecture of the Vijayanagara age is that relating to the tombs of priests and merchants in the neighbourhood of Mūdubidre. Varying
1. Fergusson, op. cit. II, pp. 76-79, 2. E. I. VIII, p. 123 ; Fergusson ibid. II, p. 81. 3. Fergusson, ibid, II, pp. 79-82.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM much in size and magnificence, some being from three to five or seven storeys in height, they are not ornamented like the storeys of the Dravidian temples with tumulated cells, but finish with the domical roof, with divisions of each storey into a sloping roof after the style of the pagodas of Kāthamaņqu, China, and Tibet. Such tombs are unknown to other parts of India. 1
These novelties in design and structure are the gifts of the Jainas of the mediæval times to the history of Indian architecture. Turning to the sphere of literature and religion, we find that there was a feeble echo of the revival of Jainism in the middle of the sixteenth century A.D. This is not surprising when we remember that Jainism had often given ample proof of its vitality in the course of its history. The various Jaina teachers whom we have mentioned in our review of Jainism under Vijayanagaia were no doubt partly responsible for the continuance of that religion in the Vijayanagara age. In addition to these there were other teachers some of whom deserve special mention. Bāhubali Panditadeva, the disciple of Nayakīrtideva, was one such remarkable Jaina teacher. We shall presently refer to the contribution of this learned Jaina guru for the cause of Kannada literature.
But more conspicuous than him were the teachers who spread the name of the Jina dharma even in the court of the Sultans of Delhi. Details about these, and about another celebrated figure to be mentioned presently, are met with in the Padmāyatī basti record. This long and interesting inscription contains a detailed account of many Jaina gurus, three of whom fall within our period-Simhakirti, Visalakīrti, and Vādi Vidyānanda. We have discussed in full the history of
1. Fergusson, op. cit., II, pp. 79-82.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 371 the two former Jaina gurus elsewhere.1 Here it is sufficient to narrate the following—That Simhakīrti, the great logician, is said to have won renown in the court of the Delhi Sultan Mahamuda who was no other than Sultan Muhammad Tuglāg. The Jina teacher is expressly stated to have defeated the company of Bauddha and other speakers in the Delhi court. This success of Simhakīrti in the court of the Delhi Sultan may be placed between A.D. 1326 and A.D. 1337.
His successor Visaiakīrti was a foremost orator, learned in the Parāgama, chief head of the Balātkāra gana, a great ascetic, and one who received reverence from Sikandara Suritrāņa. He defeated great speakers in the assembly of Virūpākşa Rāya, the ruler of Vidyānagara, for which he received a certificate of victory (jayapatra) which was regarded by the learned and even by kings to be an original śāsana of Sarasvati. In the city of Devappa Dandanātha called Araga, he expounded the great Jina dharma, and won reverence even from the Brahmans.
The last named general was the son of the Vijayanagara viceroy Śrīgirinātha. Devappa Daņqanātha was the viceroy of Āraga from A.D. 1463 till at least A.D. 1468. The Vijayanagara ruler mentioned in the Padmāvatī basti record was no other than Virūpākşa Rāya, who reigned from A.D. 1467 till A.D. 1478. And Sikandara Suritrāna in whose court Visalakirti defeated opponents was Sultan Sikandar Sūr, who ruled for a brief period in A.D. 1554. Visalakirti seems to have have lived to a ripe old age of eighty years.2
But Visalakirti's immediate disciple Vidyānanda, better known by his celebrated name of Vādi Vidyānanda, was the greatest figure in the history of Jainism in the Vijayanagara
1. Saletore, K. H. R. IV. pp. 77-86. 2. Ibid, pp. 79-81.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM age. The Padmāvati basti record contains a great many details about this remarkable Jaina teacher. He belonged to the Nandi sangha of the Kondakundānvaya in which Kondakunda himself, Samantabhadra, Pūjyapāda, Vardhamāna, Vădirāja, and other illustrious gurus had shone.
His qualifications are enumerated thus :—“The impression of Vidyānanda-svāmi's irreproachable reasoning is ever pleasing to the minds of poets, appearing like Bāņa's prose expressed poem.” Then again, "Is it Vāni, or Caturānana, or is it Vācaspati, or else is it the glory of the learned, Sahasravadana, or is it Ananta himself ?-thus do the learned express their doubts in the assembly when Vidyā. nandamuni is making the Buddheśabhavana-vyākhyāna." Further, Vidyānandāryya is victorious in the world," the summit of dharma." And, then, again, “Omniscient in the three Āgamas, adorned with the qualities of poetry, skilled in (making) many commentaries, a great gale to the cloud (opponent) speakers."1
Vādi Vidyānanda's achievements were many. In purely religious spheres, he performed great works of merit. In Kopaņa and other tīrthas with immense wealth, by the rite of dehājñā, in order to gain reward of salvation, he held great festivals and distinguished himself. At the two feet of Gummata in Belgoļa, with affection he poured out like rain to the Jaina sangha a mahākāla of cloths, ornaments, gold, and silver. And to the gaņa munis devoted to the discussion of the Yogāgama in Gērasoppe, he undertook with great cagerness the business of supporting as if he were the chief guru, and thereby distinguished himself.
His work in the field of learning was equally great and last
1.
E. C. VIII, Nr. 46, pp. 149-150.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 373 ing. The same Padmāyati basti record gives us many details of his success at the various provincial and imperial courts. In the assembly of the Nañjarāyapattana king, Nañja Deva, he completely stopped the breath of the great (Saiva) teacher called Nandanamalli Bhatta, and won renown. Destroying the European faith at the court of the Agent of Śrīranganagara (Śrīranganagara Kāryyana Perangiya mataman asidu) in a learned assembly, he brought Śāradā into his power. Then, in the undisturbed court of the Sātavendra (or śāntavendra), Rāja Kesarivikrama, he uttered a poem which was noised throughout the world. Moreover, in the assembly of the enlightened men who formed the court of the king Sālva Malli Rāya, he excused the language of those in authority. In the court of another ruler called Gurunspāla, which resembled an ear of the ocean-girdled earth, he composed an able Karnātaka work and gained fame. In the court of king Sāluva Deva Rāya, equal in good fortune to Vāsava (Indra), he was victorious in proving the doctrines of all the speakers to be false, and in pleasing that king. In the learned assembly of the Nagiri kingdom, he made the company of the learned to sip the immeasurable sweetness of the nectar of his speech. In the court of king Narasimha of Biļige, who was courageous as Kalasodbhava (Agastya), he elucidated the Jina darśana. In the court of the ruler of Kārkaļanagara, the great king Bhairava, he expounded the most excellent Jina dharma, so as to attract the mind, and distinguished himself. And likewise in the assembly of the Bhavyajana of the town of Bidire, whose hearts were adorned with wisdom and pure character, he explained the established faith. Vādi Vidyānanda was worshipped with devotion by the king Sāluva Krşņa Deva, who was the sister's son of the king Deva Rāya, and the moon to the ocean Padmāmbā. And in the great imperial capital of Vijayanagara of Krsna Deva

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Raya, the son of Saluva Narasimha, he wiped out the company of speakers of other creeds by the power of his speech. There is another reference to the imperial capital in a later context, where it is said that in the court of Vidyanagari of the victorious lord Kṛṣṇa Rāya, defeating the company of the learned, like a lion (overcoming) an elephant, with the talons of his just argument, and his lucid intelligence, Vidyanandamuni gained world-wide fame.
No Jaina guru in the Vijayanagara age had a more glorious list of achievements than Vādi Vidyānanda. We have shown elsewhere that the various rulers mentioned in this record were, indeed, historical personages; and that on the strength of this and other inscriptions, we could date the many triumphs of Vadi Vidyananda between the years A.D. 1502 and A.D. 1530.1
MEDIEVAL JAINISM
What concerns us, in addition to the details relating to the remarkable personality of Vādi Vidyānanda, is the fact that the Padmavati basti record should mention the names of various provincial seats which were centres of Jaina learning. Some of them, it must be confessed, cannot be identified for want of definite data. But there cannot be any doubt that in addition to the courts of the Saluva kings of Sangitapura, Deva Raya, Sangi Raya, and Kṛṣṇa Rāja, and those of Gerasoppe and Karkala, there were other courts as well where Jainism was honoured--that of the unidentified Satavendra king Kesarivikrama, of the king Gurunṛpāla, and of the king Narasimha of Bilige.
There is one statement in the above record which is of particular interest. It is that concerning Vadi Vidyananda's success in Sriranganagara (i.e., Seringapatam). Here Vādi
1. See my paper entitled Vadi Vidyananda-a Renowned Jaina Guru published in the Jaina Antiquary, IV, pp. 1-21.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 375 Vidyānanda defeated a European champion of Christianity. We are in the dark as to the identity of the learned European who was thus vanquished; but there can hardly be any doubt as to this success of the great Jaina priest in that city. It is remarkable that Vādi Vidyānanda should have mastered the tenets of Christianity, and met and defeated an expounder of that faith in a viceregal city of Vijayanagara. With him we come to the climax in the history of Jaina theology and oratory, precisely at the same time we reach the zenith in the annals of the Vijayanagara Empire.
But Jaina genius had already expressed itself in other branches of knowledge. To literature and medicine its contribution was truly profound. For well nigh two centuries the Jainas had been driven into the background by the Vira Saivas who had dominated Kannada literature. In spite of this the Jainas managed to come into light, and succeeded in adding quite a good deal to the wealth of the Kannada language.
One of the earliest names we meet with in the Vijayanagara age is that of Bahubali Pandita, the disciple of Nayakīrtideva. This guru, as we have already seen, has been referred to in a record found in the Meleyūr Pārsvanātha basadi, Chāmarājanagara, and assigned to A.D. 1380. We said that this inscription calls him an emperor of all learning, and one who was proficient not only in astrology but in two languages.1 We know that in Saka 1274 (A.D. 1352) he wrote the Dharmanāthapurāņa concerning the fifteenth Tīrthankara. He had the biruda of Ubhaya-bhāṣācakravarti,2 obviously because of his proficiency in Sanskrit and Kannada
1. E. C. IV. Ch. 157, op. cit. 2. Kavicarite, I. pp. 414-415 ; II. pp. 35-36.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM
Near to him in time is to be placed Keśavavarṇī, who wrote a Kannada vṛtti to the Gommaṭasara in Saka 1281 (A.D. 1359), at the command of Dharmabhūṣaṇa Bhaṭṭāraka. He likewise wrote a vṛtti in Kannada to Amitagatiśrāvakācāra, and a commentary in the same language to Saratraya. It was for this that he received the title of Saratrayavedi.1
To this age (circa A.D. 1365) belonged Abhinava Śrutamuni, who is credited with writing a Kannada commentary on Mallisena's Sajjanacittavallabha.2 Next to him we find Madhura (circa A.D. 1385). He belonged to the Vāji vamsa, and he was the author of Dharmanathapurāṇa, and an aşṭaka praising Gummata. Since he had as one of his many birudas the one styled Bhunathasthanacuḍāmaṇī, it has been surmised that he was the court poet of king Harihara Raya II (A.D. 1377-A.D. 1404).3
Towards the end of the fourteenth century A.D. is to be placed Ayatavarmā, the author of the Ratnakaranda in Kannada, describing the ratnatraya of the Jainas.4 Candrakirti, who wrote the Paramāgamasara, and another author called Jinācārya, may also be assigned to the same age.5
In the first quarter of the fifteenth century A.D. there appears Bhaskara, a native of Penugonda. He was the son of Basavānka, and he belonged to the Viśvamitra gotra. He wrote the Jivandharacarite in Saka 1345 (A.D. 1424). He tells us that he rendered into Kannada the Sanskrit work of the same name which had been composed by Vādībhasimha, who could have been no other than the
1. Kavicarite, I, pp. 415-416.
2. Ibid, I, pp. 422-443.
3. Ibid, I, pp. 427-433.
4. Ibid, I, pp. 440-441; II, pp. 38-39.
5. Ibid, I, pp. 442, 447; II, pp. 38-40. 6. Ibid, II, p. 47.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 377 great guru Ajitasena Vādībhasimha.
Fifteen years later Kalyāṇakirti came with his five works -- Jñānacandrābhyudaya, Kamanakathe, Anuprekşe, Jinastuti, and Tattvabhedāşțaka. His guru was Lalitakīrti who belonged to the Dēsiya gana. Kalyāṇakīrti informs us that he wrote the Jñānancandrābhyudaya in Saka 1362 (A.D. 1439), and Kāmanakathe at the instance of king Pāņdya Rāya, the son of the Tuļuva lord Bhairava, and the disciple of Lalitakirti.? This Pāndya Rāya, the son of king Bhairava, was no other than Vīra Pāņdya, who had caused the famous image of Gomața to be constructed at Kārkala.
All names of Jaina authors are put into the shade by Mallinātha Sūri Kolācala, the celebrated commentator of Kālidāsa's works. This learned man was one of the judical officers of Emperor Vīra Pratāpa Praudha Deva Rāya of Vijayanagara (A.D. 1419-A.D 1446). We prove this from Mallinātha Sūri's interesting work Vaiśyavarrśasudhārņava, which was written under the orders of that monarch. The object of this work was to determine whether or not the words such as Vaisya, Nagara-Vanik, Vaạija, Vāņi, Vyāpāri, Üruja, Tritīyajāti, Svajātiyabhedaja, Uttarāpathanagareśvardevatopāsaka, etc., found in an inscription at Kañci, meant a Vaisya as distinct from one who was styled a Komaţi.? This official
1. Kavicarite, II, p. 84.
2. M. A. R. for 1927, p. 26; 399 of 1926 ; Kuppuswami Sastri, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Skt. Mss. in the Govt. Oriental Mss. Library, Madras, XXI, pp. 8212-8215 where Mallinātha's family history is given by one of his descendants called Padayojana. See also K. P. Trivedi, Bhatti-Kavya, Introduction, pp. XXIV-XXV, where Mallinātha is placed in the fifteenth century. (Bombay Skt Series. LVI, 1898); and also Pratāparudrayo'sobhūşaņa, Intr. pp. 1-2. (Baroda Or. Ser.) ; N. Venkataramanayya, Vijayanagara, Origin of the City and the Empire, pp. 181-182,

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enquiry conducted in the reign of the Emperor Deva Raya II, shows that the Vijayanagara Government bestowed the greatest care on minute social distinctions affecting the public life of its citizens; and that it entrusted such work to the most highly qualified and learned men in its service.
In the middle of the same century, we have Jinadevaņņa, who wrote Śreņikacarite in A.D. 1444, and Vijayanna, who wrote Dvadasanuprekşe. The latter work was written at the command of the Honnabandi Deva Rāja, the king of the Belvulanaḍ in Kuntala. Vijayanna seems to have written his work in the Santinatha basadi of Vemmanabhavi in the same nāḍu.1
Their contemporary was Vidyānanda, who is not to be confounded with the celebrated orator we have described above. Vidyānanda was the author of a Kannada commentary on (his own) Sanskrit work called Prayascitta. He was the son (? disciple) of Brahmasuri alias Bommarasa Upadhyāya, and probably a native of Kanakāgiri in Maleyur. He mentions Vijayakīrti as the guru who taught him from his boyhood.2
where Dr. Ramanayya wrongly identifies the Vijayanagara ruler mentioned in Mallinatha's work with king Deva Raya I. How he came to make the author of Vaisyavamsasudhārņava Mallinatha II cannot be understood. Neither how Dr. Ramanayya failed to refer to Dr. Shama Sastry's citation of Mallinatha and the latter's work in his Mysore Archæological Report. We may observe here that the name Suri stamps Mallinātha as a Jaina, although his magnificent commentaries make him a most extraordinary Jaina with an uncommonly non-sectarian outlook. Evidently to Mallinātha Sūri Knowledge was the first concern, and Religion, the next.
1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 86-89. 2. Ibid, II, p. 96.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 379 Another “son” of Bommarasa seems to have been Terakaņāmbi Bommarasa, the author of Sanatkumāracarite and Jivandharacarite (A.D. 1485). An interesting fact is mentioned by him in his works. This relates to Vādībhasimha Nemicandra, one of the gurus of his teacher's preceptor's guru. It is said that Nemicandra won a certificate of victory in the assembly of learned men in the court of the Vijayanagara monarch Deva Rāya II.1
About the year A.D. 1500 Kotīśvara composed his Jivandharaśațpadi at the orders of his royal master king Sangama of Sangītapura. Kotīśvara came of a good stock. His father Tammaņa śețți was the general of the city of Baidūru (mod. Baindūru) in Tuļuya, and his mother Rāmakka. And he was the son-in-law of Kāmaņa Sețţi, the royal merchant of the court of Sangītapura. His preceptor was Prabhācandra, the disciple of Panditayogi of Belgoļa. Two more Jaina writers may be assigned to the same age (A.D. 1500)
-Yaśaḥkīrti, who wrote a commentary on Dharmaśarmabhyudaya, and who was the disciple of Lalitakirti, and Subhacandra, who wrote Narapingali.?
More famous names appear in the sixteenth century A.D. In A.D. 1508 we have Mangarasa, who has already figured in connection with the history of the Cangāļva kings in the Vijayanagara age.4
The celebrated Vādi Vidyānanda seems to have written a
1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 128-130.
2. Ibid, II, p. 145. The late Mr. Narasimhacarya wrote on the strength of an inscription found at Biļige, that Srutakirti was the preceptor of king Sangama.
3. Ibid, II, p. 172. 4. Ibid, II, pp. 179-188, op. cit.

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MEDIÆVAL JAINISM
work in Kannada called Kavyasära.1
Equally remarkable names from the point of view of Kannada literature are those of Sālva and Doddayya. The former was the author of Bhārata, Sāradāvilāsa and Nemiśvaracarite, and a work on medicine to be mentioned presently. He was the son of Dharmacandra, and the disciple of Śrutakīrti. His royal patron was the king Sālva Malla of the Nagirirājya. Both king Sālva Malla and his sister Maladevi's son by Sāntadaņçeśa, by name Sālva Deva, were the patrons at whose orders Sālva wrote the Kannada Bhārata. From the works of Sālva we learn that his patron Sālva Malla had, among others, the following birudasJinadharmadhvaja, Samyaktva-cudāmaņi and Jinadēvarathayātrāprabhāvaka.2 As regards Doddayya, we know that he belonged to the Atreya gotra, and that his father was the learned nobleman Devappa, who was the best of the accountants at the court of the Cangaļva king Virūparājendra of Piriyapațțaņa. Devappa himself was credited with proficiency in the exposition of the Jina purāņa. Doddayya's guru was Panditamuni. His only work was Candraprabhacarite dealing with the life of the eighth Tīrthankara Candraprabha.
The well known city of Vēnupura (Mūdubidre) in Tuļuva produced Ratnākaranandi, who is known by his great work Trilokaśataka comprising 10,000 verses, which he finished in nine months in the Saka year 1479 (A.D. 1557). He wrote it at the command of his mokşa guru Hassanātha. His other works were Bharateśvaracarite and an anthology of poems known as Padajäti, which latter composition has made him
1. Kavicarite, II, p. 229. 2. Ibid, II, p. 244. 3. Ibid, II, pp. 251-252,

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 381 famous in Kannada literature. 1
Another prominent writer connected with Muqubidre was Nemanna, the disciple of Silabodhi. In A.D. 1559 he wrote Jñānabhāskaracarite. He took dikşā and joined the group of Srāvakas who had renovated the Hiriya basadi at Mūdubidre.2
The cordial relations which prevailed between the different communities under Vijayanagara, which we have already referred to above, are further seen in connection with the work of Bāhubali, who wrote the Nägakumāracarite (circa A.D. 1560). In this work he tells the following—That the guru of Sringeri Narasimhayati, called also Narasimha Bhārati, was in the temple called Sarvatobhadra in that city ; and that the protector of this head of the Sringeri pontificate was the ruler of the south, Aritāya-ganderadāvani, a devotee of Jina, Bhairavendra, ruling from his throne at Kelavane (Kervāśe ?).3 Now we know from independent evidence that Narasimha Bhārati mentioned here was not the first of that name, who was the contemporary of the king Harihara Rāya II.4 The Sringeri guru spoken of here must have been the second of that name, who was the contemporary of the Emperor Sri Ranga Rāya, I. And, as regards Bhairavendra mentioned by Bahubali, we may identify him with Bhairarasa Odeyar of Kārkaļa. This supposition is based on the Harihara matha inscription dated A.D. 1573 which contains the interesting information that Bhairarasa, Narasimha Bhārati of Sringeri, the Emperor Sri Ranga Rāya I, and Madhava Sarasvati, the head of the Hariharapura matha, were all
1. Kavicarite, II. pp. 276-280. Devacandra has some interesting details to give concerning him. Ibid, p. 276.
2. Ibid, II, p. 281. 3. Ibid, II, pp. 287-288. 4. 369 of 1927 ; M. A. R. for 1934, pp. 116-126.

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MEDIEVAL JAINISM
contemporaries.1
There are two more details concerning Bahubali which may be noted. He relates that Lalitakirti, while expounding the Jina purana in the court of king Bhairavendra looked at him as if to enquire whether Bahubali could not put into verse the Sripañcami story. It was this which made Bahubali write the story of Nagakumāra.2 The Jaina guru spoken of here is to be identified with his namesake who has already figured as the vicarakarta of the public charities at Hiriangaḍi in A.D. 1579 in the previous pages.
Another detail corroborates the statement we have made regarding Sringeri being a Jaina centre. At the end of his work Bahubali prays that the god Brahma on the Brahmā pillar in front of the Parsvanatha basadi situated on the southern bank of the lake which lay near the hill Kundadri in Karnataka, may protect it. We know from the opening lines of his work that Sringeri itself was situated to the south of the hill Kundadri. This statement referring to the Pārsvanatha basadi only confirms the epigraphic evidence we have cited above in regard to the Jaina influence at Sringeri in the sixteenth century. A.D.
Quite a number of Jaina literary men are met with in the last quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. Some are insignificant like Śrutakirti, the author of Vijayakumārīyacarite, and the disciple of Akalanka guru of Kanakagiri.5 But others were well known like Doddaṇānka. This writer was the son of Beṭṭada Gummi Setți of Nittūru. He wrote
1. M. A. R. for 1932, pp. 203-205.
2. Kavicarite, II, p. 288.
3. Ibid, II, p. 290.
4. Ibid, II, p. 287. 5. Ibid, II, p. 299.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 383 Candraprabhaśat padi in Saka 1500 (A.D. 1578).1
What an abiding influence the efforts of the early Vijayanagara monarchs must have had in bringing the various communities on the platform of mutual goodwill and sympathy, and of especially inculcating the spirit of toleration in the minds of the Jainas and the Hindus, is seen from the writings of Padmarasa, the talented son of the scholar Padmaņoopādhyāya. Padmarasa wrote the Sringārakathe in the Candranātha basadi of Kelasūru alias Cchatratrayapura in Saka 1521 (A.D. 1599). In this work Padmarasa, who was the disciple of Bhattākalanka, and who traced his descent from Brahmasūri Paņạita, who was well versed in the Jaina śāstras, logic, and grammar, praises Siva, Pārvati, and Ganesa at the beginning of his work. Evidently Padmarasa, like Mallinātha Sūri Kolācala, was an exceedingly broadminded and generous writer.
To the year A.D. 1600 may be assigned six authorsVardhamāna, Hamsaiāja, Devottama, Pāyaṇavrati, Śringārakavi, and Brahmakavi. The versatile Vardhamāna was the disciple of Davendrakīrti. He belonged to the lineage which had produced the celebrated Vādi Vidyānanda. It was he who composed the Pañcabasti record which we have utilized in connection with our remarks on many of the Jaina gurus of the mediæval times. The fact that this record contains verses in Sanskrit and Kannada shows that Vardhamāna was well versed in both the languages.3 Haṁsarāja was also called śringārakavi, and his guru was also styled Devendrakirti, but probably hailing from Śravana Belgola.
1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 303-4 ; M. A. R. for 1913-14, p. 58. 2. Kavicarite, II, pp. 315-316. 3. E. C. IV, Nr. 36, pp.146-150; Kavicarite, II, pp. 316-317.

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384
MEDIÆVAL JAINISM Hamsarāja's work was called Ratnäkarādhiśvaraśataka (circa A.D. 1600).1 A grammarian and a lexicographer, Devottama wrote the Nānārtharatnākara assigned to circa A.D. 1600.2 Another lexicographer was his contemporary Sringārakavi, the author of the Karnāțaka Sanjīvana.3
It was asserted in the last chapter that Penugonda was a centre of the Bhavyas. The life of Pāyaṇavrati, also called Pārsvavarṇī, bears this out. This writer hailed from Nandiyapura near Penugoņda. He started life as a teacher of the Jina dharma to the Bhavyas. From his childhood he showed signs of being a clever poet ; and in his fifty-fifth year he took dikşā at the hands of Lakşmisenamuni of the Sena gana in the Pārsvanātha basadi of Penugoņda. It was because of this that he was called Pārsvavarņi. His work is styled Samyaktvakaumudi. Brahmakavi is remembered only because of his Vajrakumāracarite.5
That Srirangapaytana contained, indeed, a Jaina temple is proved by the life of Pāyaṇamuni, who wrote the Sanatkumāracarite in the Ādi Jineśa basadi of śrīrangapattana in about A.D. 1606.6
With him were other well known Jaina writers of the first half of the seventeenth century A.D. The most important among them was Pañcabāņa. It is interesting to note that his guru was the Sthānika Cannapayya. Pancabāņa was a
1. Kavicarite, II, pp. 328-329. 2. Ibid, II, pp. 330-331.
3. Ibid, II, pp. 338-339. Santarasa, who wrote the Yogaratnākara, also belonged to the same age. But nothing is known of him. Ibid., p. 340.
4. Ibid, II, pp. 332-333. 5. Ibid, II, p. 341. 6. Ibid, II, p. 352.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 385
native of Śravaņa Belgoļa ; and in his work Bhujabalcarite (A.D. 1614) he tells us that the famous head anointing cere: mony of Gommațanātha was performed in A.D. 1612.1
And the head-anointing ceremony of the other famous statue of Gommața of Kārkaļa was performed by the king Immadi Bhairavendra of Kārkaļa in A.D. 1646. This we gather from Candrama's Kārkaļa Gommațeśvaracarite, which was written at the command of Lalitakīrti and under the patronage of the same ruler Bhairavendra.?
One of the last Jaina literary writers who falls within the limits of our study is Devarasa (circa A.D. 1650). In his Gurudattacarite he tells us that near the town of Pūgatatāka in Karnāțaka, was a hill which contained the basadi of Pārsvajina. On this hill, the author narrates, the famous Jina sage Pūjyapada has conducted experiments in alchemy (Siddharasa).3
The Jainas have written not only on purely literary and theological subjects but also on those pertaining to medicine. The Vijayanagara age, it may be observed here, contained quite a number of clever physicians—both Brahman and Jaina—who have been noticed in literature and records. A peculiarity of the Jainas is that they have left evidence of their knowledge of medicine in literary works. In the early Vijayanagara period the most well known
1. Kavicarite, II. pp. 351-359. 2. Ibid, II. pp. 371-372.
3. Ibid, II. pp. 391-392. Pāyanavarni, the disciple of Panditacārya and a native of Sravana Belgoļa, composed in Kannada in A.D. 1659 jñānacandracarite. This story, according to the author, was originally written in Prākṣit by Vāsavacandra, and subsequently rendered into Kannada śat padi by Pūjyapadayogi, and Pāyaṇavarņi wrote in the sāngat ya metre basing it on the sat padi work. M. A. R. for 1919, p. 53. M.J. 13.

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386
MEDIEVAL JAINISM Jaina author was Mangarāja I (circa a.d. 1360). He was the official placed over the city of Muguli which was the capital of Devaļige in the Hoysala kingdom. His guru was Pūjyapādamuni, who may have been the same scholar who rendered into Kannada Vāsavacandra's work in Prakrit. Whatever that may be, Mangarāja I's great work was called Khagendramanidarpaņa. He was awarded quite a number of titles among which were the following---Akhilavidyājalanidhi, Sāhityavaidyāmbunidhi, and Bhişagvaratilaka. His work deals with poisons, and he tells us that he has utilized Pūjyapāda's celebrated work on medicine, while delineating the portion on the conduct of a thousand immoveable kinds of poisons. 1
From Mangarāja I to the next Jaina writer on medicine Śrīdharadeva (circa A.D. 1500) is, indeed, a wide gap which cannot be easily explained. Śrīdharadeva's work was called Vaidyāmīta which was written at the instance of Municandra.
Bācarasa was another Jaina author on medicine. He too belonged to the same age. He was the son of Cāmundarāya, and was known as Sujanaikabändhava. His work was known as Aśvavaidya (circa A.D. 1500), which deals with all details concerning horses and their ailments.::
The author of the famous Bhārata mentioned above, Sālya, is also noted for his work called Vaidyasāngatya.+
Padmaņa Pandita, the son of Deparasa of Kanakapura, seems to have followed the lead of Bācarasa. For Padmarasa wrote in A.D. 1627 Hayasārasamuccaya dealing mi
1. Kavicarite, I. pp. 417-422. 2. Ibid, II. p. 166. 3. Ibid, II. p. 171. 4. Ibid, II. p. 250.

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JAINA CELEBRITIES IN THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE 387 nutely with the forms, kinds, ailments, etc., of horses. This work was written at the command of Cāmarāja, the king of Mysore, and is therefore, also known as Câmarājīya.1 With him the long list of eminent Jaina writers who have contributed to literature and science is brought to an end, at least so for as the Vijayanagara age is concerned.
1. Kavicarite II, pp. 368-369.

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Page #408

Abbalur, 281. Abeya Macara, 339. Abhinava Pampa, 266.
Abhiramadevaraya, 265.
INDEX
Acaladevi, Senior Herggaditi,
169.
Acyuta Raya, king, 323, 358. Adala-vamsa, 285. Adavani, 337.
Adi Dasa, 328, 330. Adi (Pampa), 265. Adipurana, 38, 265, Adi tirtha, 189--190.
Kopana.
See also
Aditya (Arasaditya), king, 133. Adharmastikaya, tenet, 292. Advaitism, 49, 206, 357. Agali, 239.
Agama, 160, 171. Agani Bommayya, 348. Agasuje Jagad, 325. Agastya, sage, 373. Agrahara Kellangere
(Hari
harapura, 144 (n). Agrahara of Kuppatur, 159. Agrahara Isavura, 177. Agrahara of the Thousand of Saliyur, 259. Agumbesime, 228 (n).
Aharadani, formula, 97. Aharisti, a sect, 34.
Ahavamalla, king, 51, 52, 53,
106.
Ahumalla, chief, 146. Ahicchatrapura capital), 92. Aidavalige, 338. Ajana, 341, 342(n). Ajanrpa, 342 (n). Ajitapurana, 42. Ajitanathapurana, 111. Ajivikas, a sect, 218, 219, 219 (n) 220, 221, 221 (n), 222, 223,
(Ganga
Akalankade vacarita, 35. Akalavarsaprthvivallabha, king,
see Krsna I
Akalavarsa (II), king, 89. Akasa, tenet, 242. Akhilavidyajalanidhi, 386. Akkavve, 150,
Aksapada, philosopher, 76. Alagarkoil, 244. Alara, 240.
Alinadu, 278.
Allappa Adhikari, 361. Alupas, the, 115, 352. Alupa-Pandya
relations, the,
276.
Aluru taluka, 301.
Alvars, the, (Vaisnava saints),
272, 279. Amara, 141. Amba, 344.
Ambavana Setti, 345-7. Ambu, river, the, 345. Amgas, the, 251, 251(n). Amitagatisravakacara,
(Kannada work), vrtti to, 376. Amma II, Vijayaditya VI, king, 251, 252. Ammana, 178. Amoghavarsa Atisayadhavala, 38 (n), 235. 267. Amoghavarsa III, king, 105. Amrtapura, 152.
Anamalai, hills, 244 (n), 278 (n). Anandur, 91, 160. Anantakavi, author, 111. Anantanompi, 351.
I, Nrpatunga, king, 38,
Anantapur district, 253, 253 (n). Anantavarmadeva, king, 253. Anapaya Cola (Kulottunga Cola Deva II), king, 274, Andayya, author, 266.

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390
Andhradesa, see Telugu land. Anegondi, Anegundi, 288, 290. Anekantamata, the, 154, 160162, 173, 182, 184, 204, 217, 243, 251, 254, 278, 2812, 293, 299, 301, 312-3, 316, 333, 363-4, 366.
Anevalu, 331.
Angadi, village, see also Sasakapura, 29, 60-62, 65, 70, 71 (n), 72 (n), 74. Angara, chief, 79. Anjukottai, 358.
INDEX
Anniga Bira Nolamba, king, 69. Anuprekse, 377. Anvaya-
Arungula, see below Irungala, 44, 54, 66, 81, 96, 150-160. Dravila, 29.
Irungala, 83, 96, 158. Jainalapaka, 264. Jimutavahana, 193. Kalkidevaysar, 155. Kandali, 176, 181.
Kondakunda, 13, 37, 61, 65, 76, 90, 113, 128, 201, 338, 372.
Mulabhadra, 176, 181. Pasana, 174.
Pattavardhika, 252. Pusta, 97. Sangha, 251. Sena, 246.
Talakola, 203.
Appar, saint, 220, 268, 274, 278, 279(n). See also Dharmasena and Vagisa. Aradhanakosa, 229, 231. Araga, 288, 334, 371. Arekella Sri, chief, 69, 70. Arakottara, 133, 183. Arasikabbe, 131. Arasiyakere, town, 148, 149, 214, 215.
Arasiyakere taluka, 256. Aravidu, royal family, 2. Areya Mareya Nayaka, 184. Arhad Sasana, 161.
Arhat Sronavimsatikoti, 189, 191. Arhats, the, 31, 235. Arikesari, Western
Calukya
king, 265.
Arikesari Asamasaman Maravarman, Pandyan king, 275, 276, 276 (n), 277. See also Kun Pandya. Arikuthara, 327. Arkalgud taluka, 95. Armenia, 369.
Arthasastra of Kautalya, 221. Arumulideva, 159.
Asadacarya, 220. Asamitra, 220. Asela, 240.
Asoka Emperor, 6(n), 15, 189. Asuvimakkal, see also Ajivikas, the, 221, 222.
Asvavaidya, 386. Atibhaktanayanar, saint, 273. Attilinandu, province, 252. Attimabbe, 127, 146, 151, 156, 157, 162.
Attimakkan Sambukula Perumal, king, 249 (n). Aulukya Rohagupta, Kanada, 220.
Avali, province, 313, 323, 331-3. Avanyadesa, 364.
Avinita, king, 8 (n), (n), 10, 18, 19 (n), 93. Avujanna 330.
Avyakta, tenet, 220. Ayatavarma, author, 376. Aybavalli, 96.
Ayya, 95, 158.
Ayyana Mahadevi, queen, 251-2. Ayyaparya, author, 263. Ayyappa, chief, 69. Ayyangar, S. K., Dr., scholar, 218 (n), 232 (n), 242 (n). Ayyavarma, king, 8 (n). Ayyavole, 179.
Ayyavole, 500 Svamis of, 180.

Page #410

Bacaladevi, 160, 162. Bacale, 182.
Bacarasa, author, 386. Badami, 274.
Badaneguppe, 18 (n). Badara tank, 182. Badayya, 338.
INDEX
Badavaraksetra,
31 Baganabbe, 137 137 (n). Bagavalli, 136. Bagiyur, 28, 107. Bagunje, 313, 320-1.
Bahubali colossi, 367. See also Gummata.
Bahubalicaritra salaka, 111. Bahubali kevali, 90, 110, 186. Bahubali Setti, 184. Baica Raja, 320. Baicayya, 305 (n). Baiduru, Bainduru, 379. Baki, 158.
Bala-Caugalanad, 338. Balagara, 327. Balari, 287.
Bale-Honnur, 54 (n). Balenad, 338.
Bali, king, 210.
Bali
Ghanasoka, 341, 342. See also Hanasoge below.
Hanasoge, 129, 183, 328, 342. Ingalesvara, Ingulesvara, 137, 149, 181, 198, 212, 261, 329, 330, 365.
Panasoge 342. See above Hanasoge. Vanada, 182.
Baligrama, 43, 113, 208. Balipura, 208. Balinagara, 113. Balla Gauda, 286.
Ballala I, king, 77, 78, 115, 118, 134, 177, 266, 351. Ballala II, Vira Ballala, king, 81-83, 136, 142, 143, 147, 148, 148 (n), 149-152, 169, 181, 209-211, 211(n). Ballala III, king, 86, 153, 184, 204, (n).
391
Ballappa, 201. Ballayya, 151.
Balligame, 49, 57, 185, 202-204,
285.
Bamma, 167.
Bammadeva, minister, 150. Bammaladevi, 146. Baminarasa, 285. Bammeyanahalli, 150, 169. Bana, author, 221, 372. Banakula, 88.
Bananju, Banajamu, 181, 206. See also Vira Banajigas. Banavasenad 12000, 49, 112-3, 155, 159, 203, 205, 285, 336. Banavasepura, 144(n), 203,
340.
Banavasi, 307, 335 (n). Bandadi, 364 (n). Bandanike (Bandalike), a tirtha, 156, 159, 207-9, 287, 339. Bandhavangara, Bandhavapura, see above Bandanike, 207, 209, 308. Banduvala, 343. Bankanabalilu, 346.
Bankapura, 27, 89, 129, 144. Bankeyarasa, 89. Bankur, 193. Bannikere, 160-1. Bantavala, 364 (n). Barakuru, 262, 359. Barakuru-rajya, 352. Barma, 159. Basa, 107. Basadi
Abbe, 199.
Abhinava Santinatha, 83. Adataraditya, 96. Adi Jinesa, 384. Adinatha, 211, 358. Adinathesvara, 364.
Adi Paramesvara, 327-8, 359. Adisvara, 181. Ammanavara, 362. Ananta Jina, 364. Anantanatha, 346. Anantatirtha, 341. Arasiya, 198.

Page #411

392
Aregalla, 122. Arhat, 17, 34. Bailangadi, 359. Balivane, 199. Bandatirtha, 97. Bhavyacudamani, 81, 143. See also Caturvimsati below.
Bhima Jinalaya, 259. Bhujabala Santara Jinalaya, 90.
Biduga Jinalaya, 256. Brahma Jinalaya, 159, 259, 261. Cakeyanahalli, 137. Calukya-Ganga Permmanadi Jinalaya, 57.
Camundaraya, 116. Candra Jinamandira, 352. Candranatha, 112, 197, 257, 313, 339, 353, 356, 357, 383.
Candranthasvami, 24, Candraprabha, 328. Cangalva, 95, 158. Caturmukha, 363. Caturvimsati, 81, 143. Caturvimsati Tirthankara
INDEX
Jinalaya, 142, 143. Caturvimsati Tirthankara, of Kopana, 152.
Cenna Parsva, 42, 53, 94, 205, 253.
Cenna Parsvanatha, 168. Cikka, 347. Cikkamagadi, 148. Cippagiri, 301.
Cokkamayya Jinalaya, 351. Droharagharatta 129, 130.
Jinalaya,
Ekkoti Jinalaya, 184.
Erega Jinalaya, 151, 336 (n),
205.
Gandhavarana, 40, 74. Ganga Jinalaya, 162. Guddada, 90. Guru, 353. Guruvayinakere, 368. Harige, 178.
Heggara, 310. Hire Cauti, 335(n). Hire Nemisvara, 362, 363. Hiriya, 181, 204, 381. Hisugal, 337. Honneyanahalli, 261. Hosa, 352, 353. Hosakote, 164.
Jainendra Caitya, 255, 256. Jajahuti Santinatha, 203,
285.
Jina Caityalaya, 88. Jinendra, 88, 196. Jogavattige, 182. Kalbappu tirtha, 77. Kali Hoysala, 85. Kalla, 320, 321. Kallu, 258. Kanakagiri, 301.
Kanaka Jinalaya, 195, 205. Katakabharana, 252. Katna, 135.
Kattale, 43, 55.
Kesava Astopavasa Bhalara, 203. Kolugana, 153.
Kumbhasikepura, 90. Kuntalapura, 161, 260. Kunthu (Kundu) Jinanatha,
306.
Kuppatur, 205, 308. Kurugodu, 358.
Laksmi Jinalaya, 100. Lokanathesvara, 359. Lokatilaka, 24, 155. Lokiyabbe, 258. Mabu Gauda, 346. Magudi, 181. Makara Jinalaya, 62. Maleyur Parsvanatha, 375. Malli, 80. Mallikamoda
Santinatha
(Santitirthesa), 114, 203. Mandara, 146.
Mangayi, 299, 326, 347. Manikavolal, 133, 147. Mari Setti, 206. Mayadavolal, 168. Mulasthana, 164.

Page #412

INDEX
393
svajinalaya, 182.
Mulugunda, 39, 337. Nadumba, 251. Nagara Jinalaya (Srinilaya),
82, 151, 175, 183. Nagarakeri, 341. Nakhara Jinalaya, 176, 177,
248. Nandana, 203. Nandi Hill, 255, 256. Nelavatti, 178. Nemi Jina caityalaya, 346. Nemisvara, 98, 99. Niravadyayya, 174, Padmavati, 65, 331. Paliyakka, 200. Panca, ii, 20, 21, 91, 160,
164, 205, 260, 351. Pancakuta, Panca, or Urviti
lakam, 159, 160, 162, 200. Paravadimalla, 151. Parsvadeva, 158, 205. Parsvajina, 385. Parsvajinesa, 350. Parsvanatha, 44, 75, 95, 126,
129, 131, 133, 135 (n), 169, 182, 206, 211, 253, 288, 302-3, 327, 339, 352, 354,
357, 364, 365, 382, 384. Parsvanathesvara, 346. Parsyatirthesvara, 355. Pattada, 92, 93. Pattanasvami, 174. Peruru Evani Adigal Arhat,
18. Polalu, 90. Ponninatha. 249. See also
Viravira Jinalaya below. Pratapapura, 145. Rajaraja, 253. Ratnatraya, 148, 208. Ravanduru, 330. Rupanarayana, 145, 207. Sadhana, 363. Sahasrakuta, 148, 149, 214,
215 (n). Sankala, 338. Sankha, 28 (n), 42, 327, 343. Santaladevi, 198.
Santi 335 (n'). Santinatha, 55, 180, 209, 211
2, 259, 260, 356, 361, 378. Santinathesvara, 364. Santitirthankara, 335. Santisvara, 130, 260. Santitirthesa, 113. Sarvalokasraya, 251-2. Satyavakya, 97. Savanta, 137, 149, 207. Savatigandhavarana, 166. Siddhanta, 353. Sikarpura, 177. Singanagadde, 356. Sode Jaina matha, 343,
343 (n). Sravana Belgola sthana, 143,
150. Srivijaya 19(n), 38. Tagdur, 245. Tadatala Parsvanatha, 258,
288, 291, 296. Timmabbarasiya, 198. Tirtha, 28 (n), 175, 198, 199,
257. Tirthankara, 362. Tirupparuttikunru, 249(n). Trailokyanatha, 301-305. Trailokyaranjana (Boppana.
caitya), 130. Tribhuvanatilakacudamani,
See Hosabasadi. Trikuta, 133, 149. Trikutacala, 315. Trikutaratnatraya - Nrsimha
Jinalaya, also called Triku
taratnatraya Santinatha, 85. Uranur Arhat, 18. Urvitilakam, see above under
Pancakuta. Vadigharatta Ajitasena Pan
dita, 91, 160. Vallimalai, 243. Varanga Neminatha, 301. Vardhamanasvami, 318, 340,
341. Vedal, 247. Vijayanatha, 328.
on

Page #413

394
INDEX
Vijaya Parsvanatha, 84, 294, Belur kingdom, 295. 295.
Belvola country, 58. Vimalanatha, 365.
Belvulanad, 378. Vira Ballala, 82.
Benares, 24, 42, 229, 230, Vira Kongalva, 166.
230(n), 296. Viravira, 249.
Bettada Gummi Setti, 382. Visnuvardhana, 140, 164.
Bettadapura, 314-5. Yamagumbha, 316.
Betur, 100. Yekkoti, 152.
Bezwada, 252, 272. Basaruru, 353.
Bhadra, village, 54 (n). Basava, the great, 280, 282. Basavadeva Setti, 295.
Bhadra, river, 357.
Bhadraraya Setti, 259. Basavadeva, chief, 340.
Bhagadatta, mythical Ganga Basavanka, 376. Basavatti, 24.
prince, 92. Basavayya, 151.
Bhagirathi, 320. Basavapattana, 211.
Bhagna, a sect, 219, 220. Basaya, 121.
Bhairarasa Odeyar, Tuluva Bastayi, 325.
king, 320-1, 344, 352, 363, Bastihalli, 80, 84, 126, 133, 201, 373, 377, 381. 211.
Bhairava, Santara king, 359. Bastihosakote, 164.
Bhairava II, king, 344. Basavi (Busuyi) Setti Sangha- Bhairava Odeyars, the, 280, nayaka, 289-291.
313, 361(n). Bauddha system, the, 27, 71, 371.
Bhairavamba, 343, 344. Bauddhas, the, 35, 49, 293, 350.
Bhairavendra, king, 362, 381, Bauddhagama, samaya, 94.
382, 385. Bayalnad, 132.
Bhaktas, the, see under SriBayinad, 309, 351.
vaisnavas. Bedars, 315.
Bhanusakti, king, 34. Bednur, 297.
Bhanuvarma. king, 33. Bekka, village, 81, 143, 170. Bharangi, 339, 350. Belagavattinad, 152, 170, 197. Bharangiyur, 207. Belame, 300, 307,
Bharata, king, 110, 186. Belare, 75.
Bharata, country, 113, 345. Belgali, 137.
Bharata, 263, 380, 386. Belgaum district, 25, 25(n), 98. Bharata (Vikramarjuniya ViBelgerepattana, 135.
jaya), 265. Belgola 12 division, 77.
Bharatesvaracarita, 380. Belgulanadu, 326.
Bharatatirtha Sripada, 223 (1). Bellary district, 42, 53, 106, Bharatisetti, 82.
253, 301, 338. Bellumbatte, 182.
Bharavi, poet, 9 (n). Bellur, 64.
Bhasa, poet, 158 (n). Belur, 46 (n), 120, 131, 138,
Bhaskara, author, 376. 292, 294-7, 364-5.
Bhattas, the, 350.
Bhautika, philosophical system, Belur hobli, 75.
Bhattakala, 82-eda, 223 (n).
76.

Page #414

INDEX
395
see, 13, 179.
Booysala
Bhavyas, the, 82, 101, 113, 180-
2, 206-8, 212, 214-5, 257, 260, 290, 291, 320, 330, 333-5, 350,
352, 384. Bhavyajana, 373. Bhiksus, the, 219 (n Bhima Devi, queen, 299, 3 Bhisagvaratilaka, 386. Bhogaraja, 338. Bhogapura, 253. Bhoja, king, 55, 57. Bhujabalacarite, 385. Bhujabala Ganga Barmma
(Brahma) Deva, king, 91-3. Bhujabala Ganga Hemmadi
Mandhata, 160. Bhujabala Permmadideva, king,
162. Bhujabala, Santara king, 90,
160. Bhujabalasataka, 111. Bhutuga, king, 104-5, 157, 201. Bhutugendra Gunaduttaranga,
king, 26. Bhutuga Permanadi, king,
38 (n). Bhuvalokanathapura, 261. Bhuvalokanathavisaya, 261. Bhuvanapradipika, 233. Bhuvaya Nayaka, 169. Bhuvi Deva, 169. Bhuvikrama, king, 10. Bidire, 373. See also Mudubi
dire. Bidiru, 318. See also Venu
pura and Mudubidire. Bidirur, 313. Biditi, 325. Bijakanabayal, 175. Bijapur district, 106, 193. Bijavada, 251-2. Bijavolal, 140. Bijjala, king, 147, 281. Bijjala Rani, queen, 83. Bilica (Basavapattana), 211. Bili Gaunda, 184. Bilige, 373-4, 379 (n'). Biliya Setti, 95.
Bimilapatam taluka, 253. Bindayya, 240. Bineya Bammu Setti, 177. Birabbarasi, queen, 91, 160. Bira Deva, 160. Bittayya, 207. Bittideva, chief, 94, 179. Bittiga (Ganga), 131. Bittigadeva, see Visnuvardhana
Hoysala king. Bogara Devi Setti, 356. Bombay Presidency, 340. Bommala Devi, 361. Bommana, 335, 348. Bommana Gauda, 331. Bominana Setti, 342, 357, 364. Bommarasa, 379. Bopana, 152. Boppa (Brahma) Deva, ruler,
207-9. Boppa Devi, 131. Boppa Gauda, 286. Boppavve, 165. Boppayya, 327. Brhat katha. See Vaddakatha Brahmacari, 325. Brahmakavi, 383-4. Brahma-ksatra race, 102. Brahma Nemidatta, 230(n),
231. Brahmasuri (Bommarasa Upa.
dhyaya), 378. Brahmans, the, 18 (n), 24, 93,
159, 171, 214, 246, 248, 284,
286-7, 293, 297(n), 309, 321. Brahmanism, 190, 280. Brahmasamudra, 132. Brhaspati, 142. Bucana, 179. Bucсukundi, 196. Budanagere, 161. Buddha, the great, 36, 113, 189.
191, 285, 293. Buddhas, the Four, 189. Buddhism, 6, 16, 189, 190. Buddhists, the, 187, 192, 221,
231-3. Budihalsime, 310. Buki, 158.

Page #415

396
INDEX
Bukka Raya I, king, 288, 290
4, 296, 299, 302, 304, 323,
326-7, 335 (n). Bukka Raya II, 300, 305. Bukkavve, queen, 302. Bulla II, 350. Bulla Gauda, 350. Burgess, J., scholar, 188 (n). Buvinhalli, 257. Cagiyabbeganti, 356. Caki Raja, noble, 88. Caladanka Ganga, 107. Caladanka Hede Jiya, 180. Caldwell, scholar, 264 (n). Calukya empire, the Western,
58, 123, 125, 148. Calukyas, the Eastern, 272. Calukyas, the Western, 41-3, 53,
55, 62, 102, 105, 106, 115.
123, 125, 284. Calukyas, the Western (minor
branch), 257. Calya, 79. See also Salya. Cama Deva, 124. Camakabbe, 257. Camaraja, king, 387. Camekamba, 252. Campaka, 327. Camundarayapurana, 102, 104,
107-8, 193. Camundi Hill, 259. Canda Gaunda, 331, 332. Canda Gaundi, 332. Candappa, 328. Candavve, 354 Candavuru, 340, 345. Candiyabbé Gavundi, 158. Candiyakka, 356. Candragiri Hill, 4, 185. Candragupta II, king, 4 (n). Candragupta Maurya, king, 3,
40, 67. Candragutti, 307. Candrama, author, 385. Chandramabandi (Vontikola),
193. Candramuli, minister, 150.
Candraprabha, the Eight Tir
thankara, 380. Candraprabhacarite, 380. Candraprabhapurana, 38 (n). Candraprabhasat padi, 383. Candrasale, the, 64, 65. Candrayana rites, 98, 196. Candrendra, 338. Cangaldesa, 315 (n). Cangalva, chief, 97-8, 115, 379. Cangalvas, the, 95, 97, 115, 200,
280, 313-6. Cangalva tirtha, 199. Canganad, 97, 314. Cannagiri taluka, 211. Caranas, the, 246. Carvakas, the, 350. Carvaka philosophy, 76. Cataveganti, 339. Cattaladevi, 159-161, 201. Cattikabbe, 179. Caturbhakti, 162. Caudale, 138. Caundale, 131. Caundiyakka, 170. Cavaladevi, 134. Cavana (Cama') Raja, 131. Cayimayya, great minister, 168. Cavudi Setti, 348-9. Cayana, 327. Cekkangadi, 364 (n). Celleketana (Cellapataka)
family, 89, 144 (n). Cellapille, 261. Cengiri, country, 123, 139. Cengiri, ruler, 139. Cenna Bommarasa, minister,
314.
Cennakka, 331. Cennavira Odeyar, chief, 349. Cennayya, 348 Ceram, country, 13. Ceras, the, 123. Ceras, the rulers, 139. Ceylon, 224, 240. Chamarajanagara, 131, 133,
327, 375. Chamarajanagara taluka, 79,
257, 293, 327.

Page #416

Charlu, C. R. K. scholar, 187 (n), 190, 193 (n), 194 (n), 195 (n), 198 (n). Charpentier, J., scholar, 3(n), 219 (n).
Chikamagalur taluka, 69, 75, 168, 339.
Chikkodi taluka, 98. China, 370 Chingleput district, 249 (n), 301, 305.
INDEX
Chitaldroog district, 15, 88, 106, 124, 205. Christianity, 375. Cidanandakavi, author, 4, 109. Cikkamayya, 358.
Cikka Betta, 3, 26, 103, 111. See also Kalbappu. Cikka Hanasoge, 156, 173, 199, 315, 358.
Cikka Jigalige, 337. Cikka Magadi, 225 (n). Cikka Mahalige, 338. Cikka Muguli, 183. Cikkana, 348.
Cikkana Gauda, 331. Cikur, 193 (n). Cilukunda, 315. Cinna, 167.
Cinnamalli, 193.
Cinnavara Govinda Setti, 310. Cintamani, 263, 264, 264 (n). Citaral, 246. Citrahasuge, 266. Coimbatore district, 112, 248, 339.
Cola country, 217 (n), 246, 279.
Colas, the, 63, 96, 115, 119, 119 (n), 120-3, 125, 131. Conjeeveram taluka, 24 (n),
301.
Coorg, 95, 97 115-6, 239, 280. Cudamani (Culamani), 263.
264.
Cuddapah district, 11, 40, 252. 338.
Dadiga, prince, 11, 13, 16 (n), 92-3,
397
Dadiganakere, 136. Dakarasa, 134.
Damakirti, the Bhojaka, 32. Danada Setti, 356. Danavulapadu, 40, 252, 323, 338-9. Dandanayaka--- Amrta, 151-2. Aprameya Cola, 64 (n), 69 (n). Bahubali, 136, 149. Baica I, 300-4. Baica II, 307, 336. Baladeva, 114, 133. Bamma, elder brother Ganga Raja, 116, 137(n). Barmmadeva, 57. Bettarasa, 287.
of
Bharata, Bharatesvara I, 114, 134-6, 149, 170. Bharata II, 136, 149. Bharatesvaras, the, 137 (n). Bhujabala Permmadi Bitti
deva, 179.
Bittideva Hoysala Sahani, 121. See Ganga Raja below.
Bittimayya, 140 (n). Bommana Heggade, 364. Boppa, 84, 114, 116, 130-1, 134, 137, 148, 163, 165. Buci Raja, 149. Budhamitra, see Eciganka. Bukkana, 304. Camunda Raya, 47, 50, 1024, 106-8, 108 (n), 109-112, 127, 128, 140, 145, 185-6, 193, 223 (n), 278, 284-5, 339, 363, 386. Candramauli, 169. Cinna Raja, 138. Dabhrabhakta. See also Siruttonda.
Devappa, 371. Deva Raya, 140. Eca I, 116.
Eca II, 114, 116, 137, 197. Eca III, 137 (n). Ecana, 130, 197.

Page #417

398
INDEX
Eciganka, 116. Eci Raja, 126. Ereyangamayya, 146. Ganga Raja, 114, 116-9, 121-
132, 134, 137, 137(n), 139- 140, 145-7, 162-3, 197, 258,
258(n). Gopa, 308. Gunda, 292. Fulla, 80-1, 140-5, 197, 201. Immadi Bittimayya, Visnu,
137-140, 140 (n). Irugappa, Irugendra, 292,
302-8, 367. Isvara, 140, 146, 168. Jiyanta, 32. Kalana, 98-9, 180. Kamana, 340. Kameya, 345. Kariyappa, 351. Kesiraja, 280. Keteya, 153. Kuci Raja, 307, 329. Madhava, 152-3, 153 (n). Mahadeva, 151. Mallappa, 156. Malliyanna, 204. Mangappa, 304. Mangarasa, 38(n), 315,
315(n), 316, 379. Mariyane, 114, 134-7, 137
(n), 146. Masana, 129. Mudda, 337-8. Pancava Maharaya, 95. Parsvadeva, 146. Punisa I (grandfather), 131. Punisa II, 114, 131-2, 163 Reca, Recarasa, 147-9, 181,
197, 208, 209, 214. Santa, 380. Santinatha, 112-3, 203. Santiyanna, 140, 146. Sikka Devanna Annamalai
devar, 222. Simha, 34. Somana, 340. Someya, 85.
Surya, 164.
Viliharasa 352. Dandavati, river, 64, 71. Danivasa, 349. Dantidurga, king, 35, 35(n), 36. Danube, the, 369. Darsanasara, 233. Dasaratha, Emperor, 97, 200,
200 (n), 255. Dasapura, 229. Davanagere, 164. Daya-tigamati, 158. Deki Setti, 259. Delhi, 365, 371. Deparasa, 386. Desabhaga, 295. Desai, P. B., scholar, 187 (n),
190 (n), 193 (n). Desil, 364 (n). Deva Bhupa, 346. Devacandra, author, 4, 111, 224,
229. Devala Devi, queen, 83. Devanahalli taluka, 195. Devanna Setti, 357. Devappa, 380. Devappa Setti, 295. Devaprthvimaharnahattu, 295. Deva Raja, minister, 140-1. Devarasa, 328, 385. Deva Raya I, king, 299, 300,
300 (n), 302 (n), 308, 329,
340, 378. Deva Raya II, king, 301-2, 306
7, 324, 326, 352-3, 377-9. Deva Raya, Saluva king, 343
Pevalignalli , 357.
Del 349, 32, Saluva 1: 372-9.
Devarasi, 346. Devavarma, king, 34, 223. Devile, 315. Devisetti, 82. Devottama, 383-4. Dhanyakataka, 272. Dhara, 55, 57, 85. Dharanсndra, 255. Dharmanathapurana, 375-6.

Page #418

INDEX
399
Eighteen visaya, the, 221 Ekanta Basavesvara, 293. Ekanta Ramayya, 280-1, 293. Ekasilanagara (Warangal),
263. Ekkala, king, 164-5. Ekkasambuge (Eksambi), 98.
223. Ekkasambuge Talasamasta, 180 Elacarya, see Kundakunda. Ela, Elesinga, Elacarya, Elela,
240, 241 (n). Elamballi, 259. Eleyur, 262. Erad .. yanad, 338. Era Krsnappa Nayaka, 297. Ereyanga Hoysala' Yuvaraja,
prince, 76, 77, 77 (n), 138. Ereyappa, Ganaga king, (Niti
margga II), 95, 105, 173. Europe Central, 369
Dharmapuri, 238. Dharmasarmabhyudaya, 379. Dharmasena, tenet, 242. Dharmasena, see Appar above. Dharwar, district, 1 Dhavala, 353. Dhinasa (Brhaspati), 48. Dhruva Nirupama Dharavarsa,
king, 25. Digambara sect, 32, 36, 191,
220-22, 367-8. Digambara darsana, 238 (n). Diksitar, V. V. R. Scholar,
218(n). Dipanayaka, 261. Diskalkar, D. B., scholar,
195(n). Divakarasarvatithya, 177. Dodda Betta (Hill), 109, 143. Dodda Devappa, 348. Doddananka, author, 382. Doddana Setti, 356. Doddayya, author, 38 (n), 111,
380. Dorasamudra, 80, 82-5, 115,
126, 129-130, 133, 140, 212-3,
337. Dravida country, 188. Droharagharattacari, 130. Dudda Mahadeva, 165-6 Duddammallarasa, chief, 96. Duggale, 141. Duggamara Sri Narasingere
Appor, prince, 24-5. Duggaraja, king, 252. Dumme, battle of, 124. Dundu Nirgunda Yuvaraja, 88,
155. Durgasakti, chief, 28 (n). Durgesa, 333. Durvinita, king, 8 (n), 9 in),
19 -20, 22-23 (n), 53, 265. Dvadasanuprekse, 378. Dyetreyasakha, 261. Ecana, minister, 152, 170, 197. Ededore Seventy, 91-2. Edemale 1,000, 174. Edenad, 133, 153, 159, 260, 337.
Fergusson, J. scholar, 368. Fleet, J. F., Dr. scholar, 4(n),
7(n), 28(n), 187(n), 188 (n), 192(n).
Gaccha
Addakali, 251. Desika, 82. Gana, 178. Hottage, 97-8. Mesapasana, 14, 161, 178,
259. Nandi, 252. Pogale, 100. Pogari, 57. Pulikal. 88. Pustaka, 42, 61, 97-8, 120, 129.
136, 145, 165, 182, 183, 199, 200, 206-7, 210, 212,
313, 328-9, 350-1. Sarasvata, 338. Tagarigal, 96. Tintrinika, 100, 148, 151, 158,
165, 185, 208, 209, 259. Vakra, 56. Gadyacintamani, 50.

Page #419

400
INDEX
Gajasastra, 265. Gana--
Balagara, 203. Balatkara, 84, 183, 200, 320,
338, 340, 364, 371. Desiya, 14, 61, 76, 94, 96-8,
113, 126, 129, 136, 145, 149, 152, 157-161, 165, 181, 200, 203, 206, 207, 210-12, 308, 320, 330, 333, 341,
343, 350, 365, 377. Deva, 42, 174. Dramila, ' Dravida, 44, 234
236. Eregittur, 88. Kalor, 330, 362. Kavaruri, 251. Kranur, 11, 14, 17 (n), 55,
96, 100, 148, 151, 161, 165, 206, 208, 209, 327, 359,
361. Nandi, 61 (n), 66, 160, 350. Pogariya, 245-6. Punnagavrksamula, 88, 98-9,
223. Sarasvati, 177. Sena, 57, 100, 235, 337, 384. Sruta, 330. Tavula, 158.
Valahari, 251. Ganapatideva, king, 272. Gandhagudi, 261. Gandiva, Arjuna, epic hero, Ganga, philosopher, 200. Ganga Gangeya, king, see
Bhutuga, king, Ganga Mahadevi, 160-1. Ganga Raja, see Nagavarma. Gangasamudra, 166, 325. Gangas, the 7, 7(n), 9, 9(n),
13, 26, 34, 41, 70, 77, 88, 92-3, 97, 102, 104, 105, 120, 127, 133, 144, 200, 201, 283,
284. Gangavadi, 96,000, 12-3, 25, 29,
34, 37, 68, 77, 123, 128, 133,
136, 160, 197. Gangavara, 195.
Gangavati, 325. Ganges, the, 119, 343. Gangeyana Mara, 182. Ganitasarasangraha, 38. Gaudas, 180, 325, 326, 332, 354. Gautama, 219(n). Gavabbarasi, 159. Gavare 1,700, 180. Gavunda, 69. Gerasoppe, 313, 316, 339-350,
359, 364 (n), 372, 374. Gerasoppe-Nagiri kingdom, 352. Ghats, the western, 120, 122,
125, 335, 360. Giriyana Setti, 347. Girnar, 343. Godavari, the, 127, 343. God (Hindu) -
Adi Varaha, 294, 321. Amrtesvara, 152. Balarama, 118. Brahma, 191 (n), 2 Caturanana, 372. Cenna Kesava, 198. Dhatri (Brahma), 286. Dhurjati, see Siva below. Ganesa, 383. Hara, 285. Hari, 113, 285. Hoysalesvara, 268(n). Indra, (Devendra), 40, 48,
92, 118, 214. Jalajabhava (Brahma), 129. Jayangondesvara, 132. Kesava, 292, 293. Mulasthana Gangesvara, 137. Narayana, 17. Pilduvi Isyaradeva, 97. Purusottama, 255. Purandara (Indra), 345. Rudra, 49, 113. Sahasravandana, 372. Sakti Ganapati, 314. Sambhu, 294, 321. Sanmukha, 79. Sauddharmendra, 93. Siva, 229, 281, 286, 293, 294,
296, 383.
119.

Page #420

INDEX
401
Skanda, 119. Somanatha, 281. Triyambaka, 17, 329. Ucchista Ganapati, 314. See
Sakti Ganapathi. Vasava (Indra), 373. Virabhadra, 135 (n). Visnu, 17, 119, 168, 286.
Yama, 122. God (Jaina) --
Abhinava Santinathadeva. 82. Adi, 176, 183. Adisvara, 358. Ananta, 331, 372. Anantanatha, 357. Ananta Tirthankara, 367. Arhat (Arhant), 13, 32, 162,
189, 191, 191 (n), 218,
247, 293. Arhat Paramesyara, 295. Candranatha, 257, 313, 343,
358, 360. Candraprabha, 198, 329, 333,
355, 357, Candraprabha Jina, 317. Candraprabhasvami. 248. Candraprabha Tirthankara,
Gummatanathasvami, 309,
327, 351. Gummatasvami, 300, 307,
314, 325-6. Jina, 12, 21, 26-7, 30, 90-1, 93-4, '110,' 113,' 117, 127, 133-5, 142, 145, 148, 163, 171, 177, 214, 250, 286,
305, 310, 331, 336, 381. Jinanatha, 161. Jinapa Dharmanatha, 359. Jinapati, 169. Jina Raja, 135. Jinendra, 28 (n), 31, 33, 134,
160, 167, 169, 271, 286,
304. Jinesvara, 28, 148, 261, 361. Kalasanatha, 361. Kamalaksa, 285. Kamatha Parsvadeva, 181. Mallikamoda Santinatha, 43,
181, 204, Mudejina, 341. Nemisvara, 346, 360. Padmaprabha, 184. Parisya Tirthesvara, 294. Parsva, 129, 150. Parsvadeva, 143, 164. Parsvanatha, 129, 185, 200,
206, 229, 316, 318, 333, 342,
352, 355, 363. Parsva Tirthankara, 320. Prasanna Parsva, 261. Rasa Siddha, 338. Ratnatraya, 100. Ravi, 33. Santi Jina, 345. Santi Jinendra, 166. Santinatha, 40, 85, 149, 152,
196, 207-9, 252, 261, 287,
356. Santinatha Jinesvara, 338. Santinathasvami, 299. Santisvara, 358. Sarppesvara, 285. Siddhesvara, 286. Vardhamanasvami, 325. Vijayadeva, 329, 330. Vijaya Parsva, 80, 84, 129.
C230brahmat Tirthar
Cannigabrahmaraya, 316. Caturvimsati Tirthankara,
356. Cchaya Candranatha, 199. Cenna Parsvadeva, 86, 259. Dorbali, see Gomata, Gum
mata below. Gomata, Gummata, colossi,
268, 364. Gomata, Karkala, 362, 377. Gomata, Sravana Belgola,
109-111, 119, 121, 180, 185
6, 233(n), 360, 368. Gomata, Venuru, 363, 385. Gommata, 127, 142, 182-3,
372. Gommatesvara, 91, 143, 306. Gummata, 376. Gummatadhisa, 349. Gummatanatha, 346-9, 385.

Page #421

402
INDEX
360.
0
Vitaraga, 285, 294, 309. Goddesses
Bhagavati, 246. Laksmi, ii, 135. Manimekhalai, 221. Padmavati, 12, 71, 72 (n).
89, 200, 237, 316, Parvati, 383. Sarada, 373. Sarasvati, 48, 134, 371. Tara, 232. Vani, 372.
Vasantikadevi, 61-2, 64, 72. Goggiga, Goggi, 159. Gokarna, 360. Golden Lily Tank, 279. Gollacarya, royal hermit, 98.
See also Nutana Candila. Golla country, 98. Gomata Bhupala Prajansavala,
325. Gommatapura (Sravana Bel-
gola), 142. Gommatasara, 14, 109. Gommatasara, a Kannada vitti
to, 376. Gommata Setti, 182. Goinmatesvaracarite, 111. Gonibidu hobli, 29. Gonur, battle of, 104. Gopa Gauda, 350. Gopanna Odeyar, 352. Gopayi, 308. Gorava, 257. Goru Tukaram, 63(n). Gosala, see Markali below. Gosta Mahila, 220. Gotra
Atreya, 94. Bharadvaja, 134. Kanyayana, 7, 16(n). Kasyapa, 263, 317. Kaundinya, 116. Vasista, 261.
Visvamitra, 376. Gova Deva, chief, 94. Go-Vaidya, 267. Govardhanagiri, fort, 343, 347. Gove, Goa, 307.
Govi Danimayya, 357. Govinda Pai, M., scholar
7(n), 9(n), 31(n). Govinda, Prabhutavarsa, III,
king, 37, 88, 223. Govindara, 107. Govinda Raja 113. Govindavadi (Gangayadi), 127. Gubbi taluka, 181, 260. Gujjana, 178. Gulbarga district, 193. Gummana Setti, 356. Gummatastaka, 376. Gummatana, 347. Gummata Setti, 356. Gunabhadra, author, 3 Gunadhya, author, 19, 23 Gunamatiyar, 244(n). Gunasena, 236. Gunapala, king, 164. Guntakal, 226(n), 228(n). Guru (Jaina) -- Abhayacandra, 49, 50, 75,
75(n), 157, 196(n), 202,
350. Abhayachandra Bhattaraka,
326. Abhayacandra Pandita, 201. Abhayacandra Siddhantade
va the great, 213, 350. Abhinandana Bhatara, 244. Abhinandi Panditadeva, 157. Abhinava Carukirti Pandila,
299. Abhinava Panditacarya,
299(n), 326. Abhinava Samantabhadra,
346. Abhinava Srutamuni, 376. Abhinava Vadikirtideva, 359. Adidevamuni, 330. Ajayanandi, 196(n). Ajita Bhattaraka, 27. Ajitasena the great, see Vadi
bhasimha below. Ajitasena, 111. Ajitasena Pandita, 133. Ajjanandi, see Aryanandi be
low.

Page #422

INDEX
Siddhantadeva,
Akalankadeva, the great guru, 35, 36, 46-7(n), 57, 135, 224, 231-233 (n), 234-5, 382. Amarakirti, 300(n), 327, 338. Anantakirti, 209. Anantavirya 93. Arakirti, 88. Ardhabali, 234-8. Arhanandi, 251-8. Arhat Bhattaraka, 26. Arimandala Bhatara, 244-5. Aristanemi, Arittanemi, Aristanemi Pidarar, 246-7. Aryadeva, 256. Aryanandi, 243-244 (n) Arya Subhendu, 313. Astopavasa Bhalara, Kavaligana Acarya, 157. Astopavasa Kalnele Devar, a moving tirtha, 174. Atta Upavasa Bhatara of Kurandi, 245. Ayavadi, 49.
Bahubali, 381-2.
Bahubali Maladharideva, 261. Bahubali Pandita, 329, 370, 375.
Bahubali Siddhanta, 211. Balacandra, 82, 170, 183-4, 212-3.
Balakapinccha, 226-8, 232. Balendu Maladharideva, 261. Bandhusena, 33.
Bhadrabahu, the great srutakevalin, 3, 3(n), 4, 67, 75, 83, 185, 217(n), 225, 237. Bhadrabahu III, 4(n). Bhanukirtideva, 137, 208. Bhanukirti Maladharideva,
361.
Bhanukirti Siddhanta, 100, 148, 165, 208, 259. Bhattakalanka, 56, 264, 330,
383.
Bhattaraka Jina Satvadeva
355.
Bhavanandi, 243. Bhutabali, 237-8.
403
Brahmadharmaruci...Brah
magunasagara, 326. Brahmasuri Pandita, 383. Candrabhuti, 338. Candrakirti, 198, 206, 271, 307, 325, 329, 363, 376. Candranandi, 18, 18(n). Candraprabha deva, 183, 343. Candrasena, 24, 226-7(n). Candrayanadeva, 94, 168-9. Carukirti Panditadeva, 78,
324, 358-9, 361. Caturmukhadeva, 76. Cavayya, 193 (n). Damakirti, 33. Damanandi, 55, 199. Desanacandra, 196(n). Devacandra, 217(n), 333, 350, 318(n), 359. Devacandra Pandita, 137. Devakirtideva, 145. Devanandi, see Pujayada. Devasena, 233-5, 243. Devendra Bhattaraka, 56, 199, 257, 341, 364, 383. Dharmabhusana I, 299
55,
300(n). Dharmabhusana II, 300,
300(n), 376. Dharmacandra, 380. Dharmanandi, 34. Dharasenacarya, 263. Dhiradeva, 252. Divakaranandi,
174-5, 199,
252. Ekadeva, 28(n).
Elacarya, 37, 173, 239-41. Ekkacattugada Bhatara, 193. Gandavimukta 31, 137, 168,
258(n). Gandavimukta
Maladharideva Hemacandra, 56. See also Gaulamuni. Gandavimukta
Siddhanta
deva, 96, 167. Gandavimuktavrati, 136. Gauladeva Maladharideva, 56.
Gautama Kevalin, 75.

Page #423

404
INDEX
Gopanandi, 56, 76-77 (n), 271. Gunabhadra, 38, 89, 234-5,
349. Gunacandra, 196(n), 210. Gunakirti, 248(n). Gunanandi, 19(n), 224, 226,
231, 244. Gunanandi Sabdabrahma,
231. Gunandangi Kurattigal, 246. Gunasagara, 201. Gunasena, 96, 158, 236, 238-9,
332. Gunasena-pperiyadigal, 244-5. Gunavira, 247(n). Gunasekhara, 247. Hamsanatha, 380. Haricandradeya, 261. Hemacandra, 328. Hemasena, 29. Indrakirti, 53. Indranandi, 36. Jatasinganandi, 193(n). Jayadeva, 28(n) Jayakirti, 98. Jinabhattaraka, 100(n). Jinabhusana, 253, 365. Jinacandra, 56, 152. Jinacarya, 376 Jinasena I, 38, 38(n), 39,
234, 235, 235(n), 274, 276,
276(n), 277. Jinasena II, 235, 235(n). Jinasena Bhattaraka Patta
carya, 354. Jinendrabuddhi, see Pujya
pada. Jnanananda, 49. Kalibhadracarya, 251. Kalyanakirti, 196, 377. Kamalabhadradeva, 51, 66. Kamalasenadeva, i70. Kamalavahana Pandita,
358(n). Kanakanandi, 116, 245. Kanakasena, 224, 238-9,
244-5.
Kanakasena, 44. See also
Vadiraja the great. Kanakavirakuratti, 248(n). Kanakaviraperiyadigal, 245. Kavicandra, 196(n). Kaviparamesti, 264. Kiriya Moni Bhatara, 201. Kirtinandi, 88. Kondakundacarya, the great,
14. 225-228(n), 234, 237,
239-240, 256(n), 270, 372. Kukkutasana Maladharideva,
126, 143-4. Kulabhusana Traividya Vid
yadhara, 151. Kulacandra, 55, 206, 259. Kumaradatta, 33. Kumarakirti Traividya, 99. Kumaranandi, 37. Kumarasena, 51. Kumudacandra, 361. Kumudendu, 84. Lalitakirti, 209, 328, 341, 342,
362, 377, 379, 382, 385. Laksmisena, 327, 365, 384. Lokasena, 89. Madhavacandra, 161. Madhavacandra Maladhari
deva, 335. Madhava Sarasvati, 381. Maghanandi, 50, 56, 84-5,
136, 152, 153, 164, 183, 203,
206-7, 245, 261, 338, 353. Mahadeva Bhalara. 174. Mahasena vrati, 57. Mahaviracarya, 38. Maladharideva, 258, 271, 303. Maladhari Balacandra Ra
vula, 206. Maladhari Gunacandra, 43,
56. Maladhari Ramacandradeva,
258(n). Maladharisvami, 143. Mallasena Pandita. 146. Mallinathadeva, 358. Mallisena, 376. Mallisena Maladhari, 83.
362
22 Sena, 326

Page #424

Manasena, 327. Manikanandi Siddhanta, 94. Manikyanandi, 210, 205-6. Matisagara, 44, 79-80(n), 249.
INDEX
Maunapacarya, 327(n). Mauni acarya, 61, 61(n). Meghacandra, 75, 96, 165,
205. Meghanandi, 203. Moni Bhattaraka, 201. Moni Guruvar, 239. Moni Siddhanta, 90. Mugulina 238(n). Munibhadra, 332, 336-7. Municandra, 9, 91(n), 100, 140, 141, 208, 259, 330, 359, 386.
Parsvadeva,
Munideva, 45. Nagacandra, 200. Naganandi, 248. Nandibhattaraka, 17(n). Nayakirti Siddhanta Cakravarti, 129, 143, 150, 152, 168-170, 182-4, 210-211(n), 212, 329, 370. Nemicandra
Bhattaraka,
182 (n), 212, 260. Nemicandra
Pandita, 184,
354. Nemicandra Siddhanta CakT ravarti, 109. Nemisvaratirtha, 92. Niravadya Pandita, Udaya Panditadeva. Odeyadeva Dayapala, 46, 46(n), 51.
Padmanandi, 158, 159, 181, 204, 204(n), 205, 261. Padmasena, 100. Panditacarya, 299, 350. Panditadeva, 309, 325-6.
Pandita muni, 379-380. Paramananda, 55.
Paravadimalla, 36, 39, 46(n),
247. Paraviya, 193 (n).
see
405
Parisvasena, 180. Parvata, 205. Parsvabhattaraka, 93. Patrakesarisvami, 237. Prabhacandra, 55, 57, 91(n), 96, 161, 165, 167, 178, 22931, 379.
Prabhendu, 330. Pujyapada, the great, 19
23(n), 42, 56-7, 65, 225, 234, 238 (n), 264, 266-7, 272, 385-6. Puspadanta, 75, 237-8. Puspasena, 36, 45, 96, 236, 239, 305.
Ramachandra Bhalara, 157. Ramacandra Maladharideva, 213, 331-2. Ramasena, 57. Ratnakaranandi, 380. Ravicandra, 167, 196(n). Sabdabrahmasvami, 52. Sagaranandi Siddhantadeva, 149.
Sakalacandradeva, 174, 151,
211.
Samantabhadra, the great, 11, 27(n), 57, 224-225(n)-231, 233-4, 237, 240-1, 264, 270, 372. Samayabharana
Bhanukirti
Pandita, 200. Sambhudeva, 183. Sambhutavijaya, 3(n). Santideva, Santamuni, 52-3, 66-7, 73-4.
Santisayana Pandita, 164. Santisena, 271.
Santisarva, 308.
Sarvanandi, Sarbanandi, 193, 193 (n).
Sarvatobhadra, 381.
Siddhanandi, 162.
Siddhantacarya, 308-9, 331-2,
335. Silabodhi, 381. Simhakirti, 370-1.

Page #425

406
INDEX
Simhanandi Acarya, the
great, 10-16(n), 67, 70, 92
3, 196, 271, 283, 305, 320. Sivakotisuri, 225. Sreyamsa Bhattaraka, 183. Sreyamsa Deva, 51. Sridharacarya, 174(n), 240,
267, 386. Sripala, 79(n), 80(n)-83. Sripala Pandita, 54--55(n). Sripala Traividya, 43(n), 79,
82, 140, 150. Srisena, 226-7(n). Srivarddhadeva, 264. Srivijayadeva, 29, 38, 38(n),
46(n), 160. Srutakirti, the Bhoja priest,
31. Srutakirti, 31(n), 78, 330,
379(n), 380, 382. Srutamuni, 306, 3 Sthulabhadra, 3(n). Subhacandradeva, 126,
161-3, 198, 209, 213, 258,
258(n), 329, 351 379. Subhakirtideva 300(n). Sudatta Vardhamana, 62,
64-5, 67-71, 73. Sukumarasena, 193. Sumati Bhattaraka, 181. Sumati Tirthankara, 330. Suryabharana, 208. Tiruppanamalai, 246. Traikalamuni, 43, 61 (n). Traikalayogi Siddhanta, 253. Trimustimuni, 56. Tripura Akalanka, 49-50. Udayapandita, 41-2. Umasvati, 226(n). Vadibhasimha Ajitasena,
52(n), 54, 54(n), 77(n), 108, 162, 202, 274,
277-8, 312, 376-7. Vadibhasimha Nemicandra,
379. Vadigharatta, see above Vadi
bhasimha Ajitasena, 50, 54.
Vadiraja the great, 43-43(n)
46(n)-47(n)-52 (n), 66-8, 79-80(n), 202, 278, 312,
372. Vadi Vidyananda, 198, 318,
323, 355, 370, 371-375, 383. Vadhula Srikrsna suri,
249(n). Visvanala, 49. Vajranandi Siddhantadeva,
83, 133, 234-5, 237-8(n),
241, 277-8. Vajranandi Pandita, 29. Vakragriva, 235, 238(n). Vanavasasvami, 340. Vardhamana, 37, 65-66(n)68, 84, 113, 167, 196, 299
300(n), 340, 372, 383. Varisena, 34, 337. Vartamana Panditar, 244. Vasavacandra, 55-7, 385(n)
386. Vasupujya, 81, 146, 149, 185. Vidyanandopadhyaya, 330. Vijayakirti, 18, 88, 99, 313,
332, 378. Vimalacandra, 36, 43-5, 61,
65, 88, 155. Vinayasena Siddhanta, 245. Viradeva, 17. Vira Pandita, 358(n). Virasena, 235, 349, 352. Visakhamuni, 217(n). Visalakirti, 364, 370-1.
Vrsabhasena, 354. Gurunrpala, king 373-4. Guruvayinakere, 368-9. Gutti, 167, 337-8. Gutti Haradare Setti, 310. Guttinad, 334.
Hadagalli taluka, 92, 254. Hadinadu, 248. Haduhalli, see Sangitapura. Haiva, Haive, 343-4. Haivannarasa, 342. Halcangadi, 369. Hale Belgola, 55-6, 76.

Page #426

INDEX
407
Halebidu, 80, 84, 126, 129, 201.
268(n), 294-5. Haleya Masanayya, 324. Halsige, 338. Hampe, 303. Hamsaraja, 383-4. Hanasoge, Panasoge, 97-8, 185,
„199-200, 261, 362. Hanci Saligrama, 262. Handarahalu, 149. Hantiyur, 167. Hanugal, 337. Haradattacarya, 277(n). Haravari, 91. Harave, 323, 328. Haribhadriyavrtti, 250. Harideva, 133. Hariharadevi, 169 Hariharapura matha, 381. Harihara Raya I, king, 338.
Raya 1, king, 338. Harihara Raya (prince and king), II, 287, 301, 302, 305-6,
324, 329, 336-7, 339, 376, 381. Harisena, author, 4. Harivarma, king, 8(n), 28-29
(n), 33. Hariyabbarasi, 167. Hariyale, 136. Hariyama Setti, 151. Hariyanna, 141, 324. Haruva Gauda, 332, Harvi Setti, 289. Haryyale, 169. Hasana, 295. Hasan taluka, 71, 75, 82, 95,
124, 181. Hastimalla, king, 1 Ilastinavati, 337. Hatna, 135(n). Hattiangadi, 359. Hayasarasamuccaya, 386. Hayavadana Rao C, scholar,
16(n), 69(n). Hebbalaguppe, 25. Hedanad, 338. Heddurnad, 288. Heggadedevana taluka, 25.
Heggade Gauda, 183. Heggare, 94, 205-6. Hemacandra, author, 3. Hemma, 160. Hemmadi, king, 161. Hemmadi Deva, Calukya king,
132. Heragu, 168, 261. Herggade (Perggade) -
Bittayya, 207. Lokateyarasa, 207. Marasingayya, 165. Mariya Pilduvayya, chief, 97. Nokkayya, 178. Singimayya, 165. Sivaraja, 147. Somayya, 137.
Someya, 147. Flimasitala, king, 35, 232-3. Hindus, the, 30, 187, 270, 354-5. Hindu dharma, 277, 284, 291,
322-3, 366. Hinduism, 6, 280, 355. Hiraguppe, 212. Hiralal, scholar, 23(n), 230(n). Hire Cauti, 323. Hiriya Ayya, 347. Hiriya Hedeya Asavara Mar
ayya, 260. Hiriya Jigalige, 400, 338. Iliriyakere tank, 180. Hiriya Mahalige, 260, 338. Hiriya Mudda Gavunda, 184 Hiriya sindogi, 198. Hiriyangadi, 362-3, 382. Hiuen Tsiang, Chinese pilgrim,
275. Hobbur, 19. Hodinad sime, 228(n). Holalkere, 180. Hole Narsipura, 256-7, 354-5. Holeyas, the, 289. Ilonnabandi Deva Raya, 378. Honnale, 338. Honnana Gauda, 331. Honnapa Setti, 341. Honnattinad, 338. Honnavara, 71, 340.
14.

Page #427

408
INDEX
Honni Setti, 181. Horanad, 338. Hosahalli, 69. Hosaholalu, 262. Hosanad, 338. Hosapattana, 288, 290, 323, 327,
327(n). Hosavur, 177. Hoysalas, the 58-9, 61-2, 65,
69(n), 70, 73, 83, 96, 123,
131, 147, 211, 294 Hoysala Empire, 80, 83, 115,
120, 134, 169, 386. Hoysala Goidi Setti, 286. Hoysala Setti, 197(n). Huccappa Deva, 294. Huligere, 323, 327, 333, 337-8,
354. Huliyarapura, 94. Huliyur, 168, 205. Hullarasa, 142(n). Hullela, 256. Humcca, 11, 20, 90, 91, 159,
174-5, 185, 200, 299-300(n),
360, 363. Hunsur, 323, 329. Hunsur taluka, 257
330, 331. Icaladala, 349. Icavadi, 17(n). Idugani, Iduvani, 293, 354. Iksvaku kula, 97, 200. I-lan-na-po-fa-to, country, 191. Ilanggovadigal, author, 218. Ileyandakudimaranayanar, Immadi Bhairavendra, king,
383, 385. Immadi Deva Raya, king,
343-5. Indagarasa (Immadi Saluven
dra), prince, 318, 355. India, 3, 15, 101, 109, 224, 370. Indrar, priests, 129. Indra IÙ, king, 40, 104-6, 186,
252. Ingundi, 338. Irandur, 342(n).
Irish Mss., 369. Iriya Bedenga, 42-3, 61, 65. Irungola, 182, 210. Jacobi H. Dr., scholar, 242(n). Jagaddala Somanatha, author,
21(n), 267. Jagadekamalla II, Permma,
king, 164. Jagadekamalla (Jayasimha III),
king, 203. Jagadekavira Racamalla IV,
102-4, 106-7. Jagadeva, Santara king, „115. Jaimini, philosopher, 76. J ainabhiseka, 21. Jainaganitasutratikodaharana,
266. Jainas, the, 3-4, 33, 62, 98, 147,
156, 160, 186-7, 192, 214. 220-3, 246, 248, 252, 254, 256, 267-73, 277-8, 284-92, 294-6, 300, 302-3, 314-5, 326, 331, 334-335(n), 339, 351, 354-6, 359, 364-5, 367-8, 370, 375,
383. Jainendra, 20-1, 56. See Jai
nendra V yakarana. Tainendrakalyanabhyudaya, 263. Jainendrav yakaranu, 20, 21. Jainism, 1-3 and passim. Jakkabbarasi, 342. Jakkanabbe, Danadanayakiti,
116, 163. Jakkavve, 168, 170-1. Jakkisundari, 157. Jakkiyabbe, Dandanayakiti,
155-6, 158, 163. Jalamangala, 88. Jam...., chief, 123. Jamali, 220. Jambavakula, 289. Jambeyahalli, 338. Jambudvipa, 113, 345. Jambukhandi, Jambukindi. 256. Jammalamadugu taluka, 40,
252. Janaki, 304.
Jakkabharas; and pass
sain dakudima author, 2. 191.

Page #428

INDEX
409 Jangamas, see Vira Saivas Kadur district, 60, 82, 339. below.
Kaduvetti, king, 103, 159. Jatakatilaka, 54, 267.
Kaggere, 143. Javagal, 80, 130, 262.
Kaidala, 259. Jayadhavala, 353.
Kailasa, 129, 144, 210. Jayadhavalatika, 235.
Kakambal, 157. Jayama, 357.
Kakatiyas, the, 272. Jayangonda Cola, king, 222. Kakka, Kakkala, king, 41 Jayantpakavya, 316.
Kakusthavarma king, 30.1. Jayasimha III, king, 43, 44, Kalacumbarru, 252. 46-9, 54, 66, 202.
Kala, king, 132. Jiddulige, 70, 204-5, 260. Kala, tenet, 242. Jimutavahana, Khacchara lord, Kalacuriyas, the, 147-9. 210.
Kalala Mahadevi, queen, 320-1, Jina Brahmans, 261.
361-2. Jinadatta Raya, king, 89-90(n), Kalamukha order, 49, 202. 200, 228(n), 360.
Kalapala, king, 79. Jinadeva, 178.
Kalasa, 94, 261, 360-1. Jinadevanna, 111, 378.
Kalasapura, 82. Jinadevarathayatraprabhavaka, Kalasatavadu, 257. 380.
Kala Setti, 361. Jina dharma, 2, 33-4 and passim Kalasodbhava (Agastya), 373, Jinaksaramale, 40.
Kalbappu, see Cikka Betta, 77. Jinanathapura, 145, 176.
Kaliyakke, Senior DandanayaTinapurana, 380, 382.
kiti, 164. Jinastuti, 377.
Kalidasa, poet, 377. Jinendramangalam (Kuruvadi- Kali Ganga, 93. midi), 358.
Kali Gaundi, 332. Jiva, tenet, 242.
Kalinga, 92, 250. Jivandharacarite, 376, 379. Kali Setti, 177. Jivand harasat padi, 379.
Kalivita, 144, 144(n). Inanabhaskaracarite, 381.
Kaliur, 69. Inanacandrabhyudaya, 377. Kaliyuga, 18, 35. I nanacandracarite, 385(n). Kallahalli, 262, 315. Jnanasambandhar, see Tiru- Kallangere, 85.
jnanasambandhar below. Kallappa, 342(n). Jodi Kempanapura, 293.
Kallappa Sresthi, 341. Jogamattige, 261.
Kallayya, 151. Kabbalu, ,184.
Kalleha, 288-91, 323, 326-7. Kabbigarakāva, 266.
Kalli Setti, 261. Kacchara Kandarpa Senamara Kallurgudda, 11, 91.
Niravadyayya, king, 174. Kalya, 290. Kadaikottur, 247.
Kalyanakaraka, 21(n), 267. Kadalahalli, 83.
Kamadeva, king, 281, 345. Kadambalige, 1,000, 157. Kama Gauda, 331. Kadambas, the, 30, 34, 41, 115. Kamanakathe, 377. Kadika, family, 325.
Kamana Setti, 379. Kadungon king, 243(n). Kamayya Nayaka, 327.

Page #429

410
INDEX Kambadahalli, 130, 136.
119, 121, 124, 158, 184, 214-5, Kambha, Sthambha, Ranavalo- 217, 221, 223, 225, 228(n),
ko, Sauca, king, 37, 38(n). 234, 254, 262-5, 268, 272, Kambhayya, 348.
279-80, 282-3, 287, 293, 309, Kami Gaundi, 332.
316, 334, 338-40, 352(n), 353, Kami Setti, 82.
358, 364, 366-7, 385. Kambunalige, 338.
Karnatakabhasabhusana, 266. Kammata Macayya, 151.
Karnatakacakravarti, author, Kana-bemna, see Krsna river 276.
below. Kanakagiri, 328-30, 378, 382.
Karnatakakalyanakaraka, 267.
Karnatakasabdanusasana, 264. Kanakapura, 386. Kanakiyabbarasi, 165.
Karnatakasanjivana, 384. Kancaladevi, 253.
Kartavirya, king, 98-99, 180. kanci, 119, 135, 228-30, 377.
Karungalakkudi, 244. Kandacci, 24, 155.
Katavapra, see Cikka Betta, Kanegrama, 258.
77(n). Kanina, 175.
Kathamandu, 370. Kannadigas, the, 266, 268. Katre, Dr. S. M., scholar, Kannama Nayaka, 253.
219(n). Kannanur (Vikramapura), 85. Kaundinya - Maitra - Varuna - Kannaparya, 113.
Vasista-pravara, 261. Kannarpadi, 364(n).
Kausika-vamsa, 88. Kannegal, 124.
Kavade Boppa, 208. Kanti, author, 266.
Kavanahalli, 166. Kantimayya, 141.
Kaveri, the, 120, 128, 241. Kanupartipadu, 249.
Kaveripumpattinam, 241, 241 Kapalikas, the, 36.
(n). Kapilas, the, 36.
Kavi, 348. Kapu, 359-60.
Kavirajamarga, 192, 265. Kara, 228.
Kaviri, 158. Karadusana, 228(n). Kardama, 42.
Kavisvara, author, 192(n).
Kavyasara, 380. Karahataka, Karhad, 98, 229-30.
Kavyavalokana, 266. Karigunda, 146.
Kelasuru (Cchatratrayapura), Karikala, Cola, king, 241(n), 383. 249(n).
Kelavanc, (Kervase ?), 38,1. Kariya Gummata, 325.
Keleyabbe, 178. Karkala, 94, 268-9, 280, 313, Kellangere, 144-5, 201-2, 207. 316, 344(n), 360-4 (n), 38
Kellipusugur, 24. 373, 374, 377, 381, 385.
Kerala, 132. Karkala Ilouse of, 340.
Keralas, the, 131. Karkala Gommatesvaracarite, Kervase, 262.
Kesayavarni, author, 376. Karkala taluka, 363.
Kesiraja, author, 187(n), 266. Karnataka, 4, 6, 6(n), 7, 26, 41, Khagendramanidarpana, 386.
43, 58-9, 61-2, 64, 68, 72-3, Kharavela, king, 250. 78, 86-7, 99, 102, 112, 114, Khedaga, battle of, 107.
385.

Page #430

INDEX
411
Khottiga, Nityavarsa, king, 40,
157. Kielhorn, scholar, 194(n). hilakkudi, 244. Kilavalavu, 244. Kiraia, chici, 132. Kirātarjuniya (commentary to
XV Sarga), 20, 22, 23. Kirtideva, king, 158. Kirtivarma, 267. Kittur (Kirtipura), 185. Kaviri, 95. Kodagas, the, 131. Kodanginad, 167. Kodanki, 260. Kodurpal, 364. Kogali, 42, 53, 86, 253. Kolar, Kuvalala, ,12. Kolar province, 83. Kolhapur Kollapura, 137, 145,
149, 206-1, 339, 353, 365. Kolhapur State, 63(n). Komati, 377. Kombaru, 364(n). Konakonala, Konakunda, Kona
kuntla, 226(n), 228(n). Konali, 226-7(n). Konda, fort, 228(n). Kondabhatta, 226-7(n). Kondaganale, 226-7(n). Kondakuru, 226-7(n). Kondalinad, 226-7(n). Kondamma, 226-7(n). Kondanad, 226-7(n). Kondarade, 337. Kongalnad, 8,000 province, 95. Kongalvas, the, 63, 95-7, 115,
131, 158, 313. Kongas, the, 79, 115, 130, 132. Kongu, ruler of, 139. Kongu, 13, 123, 139. Kongudeśa rajakkal, 9(n). Konguna, 188. See also Kopa
na. Kongunivarma I, king, 7(n),
8(n), 9(n), 10-15(n)-16(n).
17, 30, 59, 70. Konkana, 13, 336, 343-4.
Konkanigas, the, 336. Konkinapulo, 188, 188(n),
189-191. Kopana Kopbal, 128, 137, 144,
152, 185, 187-188(n)-199(n),
307, 329, 356, 360, 372. Kopbal, Koppa, 363. Koppam, 194(n), 195-6(n). Koppa taluka, 54(n). Korapa (Kumarayya), 131. Kota, kings, 272. Kotana Setti, 346. Kothanadu, 212. Koti Setti, 165. Kotisvara, 379. Kottagere, 261. Kotturu, 254. Kovalanad, 25. Krishna, M. H. Dr., scholar
25, 62, 66, 69, 76(n), 121, 204(n), 207(n), 210, 223(n),
300(n), 357, 357(n). Krishna Rao, B. V., scholar,
9(n). Krishna, river, the, 195(n). Krsna, I, Akalavarsa, king,
19(n), 233(n). Krsna II, king, 28, 36, 38-9,
89, 207. Krsna III, king, 39-40, 105-6,
144(n), 155. Krsnaraja, king, 252. Krsna Raja, Saluya, king 374. Krsna Deva Raya, the great,
198, 297, 301, 319, 323, 355,
373-4. Krsnappayya, 295. Krishnarajapete taluka, 164. Krsnavarma, king, 8(n), 34. Ksapanakas, a sect, 219, 221,
223(n). Ksemapura, Gerasoppe, 344-5.
349. Ksetraganita. 266. Kubera, 214. Kubja, Sundara, Kun Pandya,
king, 274, 275-7.

Page #431

412
Kuci Raja, 100, 100 (n). Kukkutesvara (Bahubali), 110. Kulottunga Coladeva, king, unidentified, 249(n).
Kulottunga Cola Deva, I, king, 248.
INDEX
Kulottunga Cola Deva, II, king,
274(n). Kumarapura, 17. Kumari hill, 250. Kumbanur, 248. Kumbeyanahalli, 151. Kumbhasikepura, 90.
Kummadavad (Kalbhavı), 25,
25(n).
Kummanahalli, 262.
Kunanka, 107. Kuncinad, 338.
Kunda, 228(n). Kundadri, 382. Kundagatta, 228(n).
Kundasila, Kirukunda, 226(n).
Kundavi 247.
rukurandi, 244-5.
Kurcakas, a sect, 32, 34. Kurnool district, 319. Kuruli tirtha, 161. Kusumajammanni, 315(n), Kuyirkudi, 245.
19
Kundi province, 99. Kunigal, 306. Kunigal taluka, 261. Kuntala, 378.
Kuntala country, 113, 342 (n). Kuntalapura, 260. Kuntalavisaya, 164.
Kuntidevi, the epic queen, 255. Kuppal, see Kopana above. Kuppatur, 158-9, 185, 204-5(n),
209, 308, 313, 323, 333-5, 350. Kural, 218, 218(n), 239-40, 263. Kurandi, Tirukkattamballi, Ti
Laksmana, epic hero, 97, 200. Laksmana, 141. Laksmanesvara, 343. Laksmanatirtha, 195-6(n). Laksmesvara, 28. Laksmi, 116.
Laksmi Bommakka, 320. Laksmidevihalli, 256.
Laksmi Mahadevi, queen, 129. Lalliya, usurper, 105. Lanka, 103. Lilavati, 266. Lingarajayya, 358. Lokaditya, 89. Loka Gavunda, 100. Lokaladevi, 151.
Lokambike, 141. Lokanatharasa, 361.
Laghu Havva, king, 231. Lakkavalli, 262.
Lakkale, Laksmimati, 162-3. Laksma, Gopala, Rayadanda, 112-3.
Lokanatha Sastri V. scholar,
352(n).
Lokapala, 233.
Lokayata, system of philosophy, 27, 49, 76. Lokkundi, 152.
Mabu Gauda, 346. Macikabbe, 165-7, 179. Maciraja, 133. Maciyakka, 168. Maci Setti, 177, 180. Madalur, 157. Madda Heggade, 359. Maddagiri, 357.
Madhava, 192, 361. Madhava Bhatta, 49. Madhava I, 92-3. See Kongunivarma I, king, above. Madhava II, king, 28-9(n). Madhava Kiriya, 8(n). Madhavarajendra, king, 315(n). Madhava Raya, governor, 336. Madhava Setti, 261.
Madhura, author, 376. Madhuracaya (Caladanka, Gangarabhata), 107-8. Madhusudana, 141. Madigas, 289-90,

Page #432

8.
INDEX
413 Madi Setti, 180.
Mahavira, the Great, 219(n), Madras Museum, 345.
220, 250. Madura, 234, 238-243, 274, Mahayana school, 72(n). 276-9.
Mahendrarajadhiraja Nolamba, Madura district, 217(n).
king, 238. Madura taluka, 244, 244(n). Mahendravarma, II, king, 279. Maduvankanad, 95, 158.
Mahendravolalu, 174. Magadi, 148.
Mahesvaragama samaya, 94. Magadi, taluka, 28
Mahipala, king, 11. Magodu, 346.
Mahura, 175. Magundi, 208-9.
Maitreya, 189, 191. Mahabharata (Telugu),
Makana, 327. 272.
Makanabbe, 116. Mahadeva Raya, king, 100.
Maladevi, queen, 380. Mahadevi, 94.
Malagavadi, 157. Maha-dhavala, 353.
Mala Gauda, 331. Maha-mahattu, 295-7.
Malala Devi, queen, 158, 205. Mahamandalesvara
Malaya, 229. Camunda Raya, 202-3.
Malavalli, 88. Ekkalarasa, 151.
Malavalli taluka, 256. Madhurantaka Pottappi Cola
Malavve, 170. Tilaka Narayana Manuma
Malavvi (Malambi), 95. Reddi, 272.
Malenad, 308. Saluvendra, 317.
Maleyalas, the, 132. Sangi Raja, 318.
Maleyarajya, 287-8. Somaraya Odeyar, 328.
Maleyur, 323, 328, 330, 378. Sripati Raya, 310.
Malla, minister, 209. Mahaprabhu
Malla Gaunda, 146. Avalinad, 332-3.
Mallalegade Bamma Gauda, Ayappa Gaunda, 332.
307. Canda Gaunda, 332. Mallappa, 288. Becca Gaunda, 332.
Mallaraja, 358. Bhairana Nayaka, 354. Mallarajapattana, 315. Bullappa, 320.
Mallaru, 359. Deva Raja, 320.
Mallavalli, 281. Gopa, 308-9, 334.
Mallikarjuna, Immadi Deva Rama Gauda, 332.
Raya, king, 352. Tavanidhi Brahma (Bomma)
Mallinatha Suri Kolacala, 377, Gauda, 320, 335, 335(n).
277(n), 378(n), 383. Vijayapala, 315.
Mallinatha II, 377-8(n). Virayya Nayaka, 327.
Malli Setti, 181, 179, 346. Mahapradhana Naganna, 288.
Malliyapundi 252. Mahapurana, 161.
Malliyur, 247. Mahapuranasangraha, 89.
Malur, taluka, 17. Mahasamanta
Mamamba, 341. Gosgi, 89(n).
Manali Mane Odeyon, 88. Kalivitta, 144(n), 155. Mandagadde hobli, 45. Srivijaya, 37-8.
Mandali hill, 13, 92-3.

Page #433

414
INDEX
Mandali 1,000, 92, 161, 286. Mandana Mudda, 1 Manevane, 57. Mangalore taluka, 359. Mangaraja, poet, 38(n), 315,
315(n), 316, 379, 386. Mangaraja, king, Mangabhupa,
342, 342(n) Mangayi, 299, 326. Manikadeva, 324. Maniksetti, 75. Manikavolal, 133. Manimekhalai, 218, 221, 241-2,
242(n), 263. Manne, 257. Manu, 110, 116. Manu-Cola, 241. Manuvaka, 224. Manykheda, Manykheta, 231,
259. Manyapura, 37, 89, 223. Mara, Santara chief, 54(n) Mara, 116, 339. Marabbe Kantiyar, 257. Marade, 34. Marale, 69. Marandale, 13. Marasimha, king, 10, 26-28(n)
29(n), 39, 41, 93, 102, 104,
105. Marasinga, chief, 164. Marasinga, Ereyappa, king,
192. Marati, 262. Marbala tirtha, 259. Marikali, 149. Mari Setti, 82. Markali, 219(n), 220-1, 242.
See also Gosala. Marugarenad, 286. Marula-Jina-Jakavehatti, 339. Maruvarma, 155. Marwar, 325-6. Masana, 115, 129(1) Masana Gauda, 183. Masanahalli Kampana Gauda,
309,351. Masanayya, 151.
Mattavara, 75, 339. Mattiyakere, 182. Manuakote, 192. Mauryas, the, 190(n). Mavinakere, 133. Mayanna, 325. Mayana, 327. Maya Setti, 327. Mayurvarma, king 30, 31(n). Mecakka, 320. Meghutti Mandalai, 1,000, 160. Melasa rock, 174. Melige, 364. Melukote, 289, 339, 354-5. Mepinad 300. Meru mountain, 93, 210. Mimamsaka system, 49, 293. Miraj taluka, 28. Mitra kula, 285. Modurnad, 133. Mogaru, 364(n). Molagere tank, 175. Molakalmuru, 15. Molakere, 174. Monier Williams, scholar,
219(n). Moraes, G. M., scholar, 31(n),
72-3(n). Morasunad, 313, 351. Morayas, the, 190(n). Mottenavile, 166. Mrgesavarma, king, 31-4, 223. Muccundi, 83. Muddarasa, 142(n). Muddavve, 170. Muddiyakka, 141, Mudgere taluka, 29, 60, 94, 261,
360. Mudigondacolapuram, 248. Mudubidre, 262, 269, 339, 351
3, 359-60, 364(n), 368-9,
380-1. Muguli, 386. Muhammadans, the, 287, 303. Mukhanayanar, saint, 273. Mukkanna Trinetra, king, 30. Mulevalli, Mallavalli, 254-5. Mulki, 359.

Page #434

Mulki-Hosangadi, 364(n). Mullapalli, 245.
Mulluru, 95, 116, 239, 313. Mummuridanda, 180-1. Munivamsabhyudaya, 109. Munjaraya Vadighangala Bhatta, See vadighangala Bhatta. Murgarenad, 259.
Musunikunda, 251.
Muttaga Honnenahalli, 326. Muttagi, 193. Muttupatti, 244-5.
Muttukurram, 358.
INDEX
Mysore, 59, 95, 185, 259, 387. Mysore district, 24, 25, 42, 97, 351.
Mysore hobli, 65.
Mysore taluka, 257. Mysore State, 11, 29, 44, 49, 56, 60, 97, 195, 314, 330, 354. Nadali, 75. Nagadeva, 156. Naga Gonda, 326. Naga Setti, 326.
Nagakumara, warrior, 156. Nagakumaracarite, 381. Nagakumarakavya, 263. Nagaladevi, 116.
Nagamangala taluka, 64, 130, 135(n), 141, 365. Nagambika, 147.
Nagappa Sresthi II, 346. Nagarakeri, 342. Nagarakhanda, 55, 70, 99, 100, 148, 155, 159, 204, 286, 320, 333-4, 337, 350. Nagarcoil, 358(n). Nagarjuna, 267(n). Nagarasa, 142 (n). Nagar taluka, 44, 65, 90, 200. Nagavarma (Camunda Raya's
scholar, 267,
younger brother), 107. Nagavarma of the Pasindi
Ganga family, 87-8. Nagavarma, I, poet, 30. Nagavarma, II, author, 266.
415
Nagavarma, sculptor, 285. Nagayya, 365. Nagileykoppa, 335.
Nagirirajya, 340, 343, 344, 373, 380.
Nagi Setti, 335(n) Nagna a sect, 219, 221. Nagularasa, minister, 91. Naiyayikas,, the, 293. Nakana (Nagadeva), 131. Naladiyar, 218, 263: Nalas, the, 200. Nalluru, 262. Nami Setti, 210-1. Nanabbekanti, 157. Nanadesis, 206. Nanartharatnakara, 306, 384. Nanda, king, 250. Nandanmalli Bhatta, 373. Nandagiri hill, 12. Nandavara, 364(n). Nandi hill, 255-6. Nandipottarasar (Nandivarma III, Nandi) king, 247-8. Nandiyanna, 245. Nandiyapura 384. Nanjadeva, king, 373. Nanjaraja Odeyar, 328. Nanjarajapattana, 314, 373. Nannayya, author, 263, 265 (n). Nanni Nolamba, king, 102, 104. Nanni Santara, king, 91, 160. Nanniya Ganga, king, 91-3. Narapingali, 379. Narasana Nayaka, 346. Narasibhatta, 316. Narasimha, king of
Bilige.
373-4. Narasimha I, king, 80-1, 129130, 134, 135-6, 140, 142, 143 (n), 145-7, 168, 274-5,
279. Narasimha II, king, 142, 153, 167, 182. Narasimha III, king, 66(n), 93-5, 183, 212.
Narasimhasarya R. scholar, 4, 4(n), 7(n), 8(n) 9(n), 19,

Page #435

416
INDEX
Nittur, 181, 260, 382. Nizamabad, 186. Nizam's Dominions, 186-7. Nolamayya, 256. Nolambas, the, 102, 104, 245. Noiambavadi 32,00 Nombare, 163. Nonamangala, 17. North Arcot, 40, 243, 246-7,
249. Nrpa Kama, Hoysala king, 63,
67-8, 73, 116. Nrpatunga, king, 192, 192(n),
265. Nrsimhavarma, king, 79. Ivuggehalli, 313. Nunna vamsa. 148, 208, 260. Nutana Candila, chief, 98. Nyayakumudacandrodaya, 20,
21.
23(n), 38(n), 62, 04(n) 69, 76(n), 96, 109, 111, 144(n), 153, 163, 174(n), 187(n), 192 (n), 193(n) 206(n) 225(n), 226(n), 357(n),
379(n). Narasimha Bharati, Sringeri
guru, 381. Narasimharajapura, 356, 357(n) Narayana, 147. Narayana, architect, 25. Narayanaparyata, see Melu
kote. Narigunda, 267. Navastotta, 235. Navilur, 184. Nayanars, saints, 268, 272, 279.
80. Nedumaran, king, 274-5. Nelamangala taluka, 89, 257. Nellore district, 249. Nelveli, battle of, 275-7. Nemanna, author, 381. Nemicandra, 111. Nemijinesasangati 316. Nemisvarcarite, 380. Nemi Setti, 179, 260, 356. Nerambadi hole, 364(n). Nidambare tirtha, 160. Nidugallu (Kalanjana fort-
ress), 182, 182(n), 308-9,
354. Nidugod, 206. Nidutada hobli, 95. Niladri, 131-2. Nilakesi, 218(n), 263. Nimbagrama, 226-7(n). Niravadyayya, 174. Nirgrantha, 221, 241-2. Nirgrantha, philosophy, 242.. Nirgunda country, 24, 88, 146,
155. Nirgunda Yuvaraja, 155. Nirvana, 224. Nitimarga I, Ereyanga, I, king,
26. Nitimarga III, Racamalla,
king, 29-30.
Odduga, 159. Ogeyakere, 318. Ojekula, 325. Ojana, 341. Okkalugere, 152. Ongole taluka, 252. Orissa, 124. Padajoti, 380. Padangondu, 222. Pada-Panamburu, 359. Padarthasara, 84. Padayojana, 377(n). Padeyur, 37. Padiyara Dorapayya, 157. Padmakarapura, 318. Padmaladevi, 134. Padmamba, queen, 373. Padma (Padmana), minister,
317-8. Padmanabha, king, 11, 93. Padmana Pandita, author, 386. Padmannarasa, 342. Padmanna Setti, 295. Padmanopadhyaya, 383. Padmarasa, author, 383, 386. Padmarasi, 346.

Page #436

Padmavati. 141. Padmavatiyakka, Padmayi, 308. Padmavatiyakere, Padmi Deva, 84. Padmaja, architect, 177. Paduma Setti, 182. Padumana Setti, 354. Paduvela Taila, 156. Pagimagala tank, 175. Palisaka, 32-4, 223, Palkigundi Asokan Edict, 189. Pallavadhiraja, 24, 155.
157.
168.
Pallava Mahendra Nolamba,
245.
Pallavas, the 139, 279(n). Pallimadam, 245.
Palupare, 315.
Pambakke, 157.
INDEX
Pampa, author, 263, 265 (n). Pampadevi, princess, 161-2, 201.
Pamparaya 133.
Pancabana, author, 384. Pancalas, the 297. Pancalinga matha 49. Pandara, a Bhojaka, 33. Pandavas, the 255. Pandiga, 157.
Panditacarya, author, 385(n). Panditayya, 358.
Pandya country, 217(n), 246. Pandya, Nayaka, 363.
Pandya, ruler, 50, 54, 269, 363,
377.
417
Paricchedi Pasupati dynasty,
272. Parisanna, 146. Parisetti, 184.
Parisva Gauda, 354. Parsvanathacarite, 44. Parvapura, 141. Parvata, 360.
Pasindi Ganga family, 86. Pasumalai hills, 278(n). Pasupatas, the, 36.
Patala, 48.
Pandya viceroy, 164.
Pandyas, the, 115, 118, 123-4. Pandyas, southern, 139. Pangala lineage, 359. Panja, 364(n).
Panhala mahal, 63 (n). Panini, 20, 23. Parama village, 126. Paramabbe Kantiyar, 256. Paramagamasara, 376. Parma Gula, chief, 24, 155. Paramanu, tenet, 242. Parantaka I, king, 247.
Patalamalla, chief, 104, 106-7. Pataliputra, 228.
Pathak, K. B., scholar, 233 (n), Patil Ramu Jotiba, 63(n). Pattadeva, 295. Pattalakere, 202. Pattanasvamigere, 175. Pattanasvami
Nagadeva, minister, 150,175, 181.
Nokkayya, 174-5, 178(n). Setti, 151.
Pattinapalai, 241.
Patti Pombuccapura. See Humcca above.
Paudanapura, 110, 185-6, 229. Pavaguda, 339. Pavaguda taluka, 354. Payannavrati,
(Parsvarani),
author, 383-4. Payanavarni, author, 385(n). Payi Setti, 326-7. Peccipalam, 244.
Penugonda, 253, 288, 290, 365, 376, 384.
Peraru (Hirehalla), river, 195, 195(n).
Perayakundi, 246.
Perbbolal, 17.
Perddore, see Krsna, river. Periyapattana, 111, 380. Periyapuranam, 275.
Perumal Kovil (Kanchi), 288. Perunkathai (Brhadkatha) 263. Peruru, Ganga city, 11, 14-5,17. Pervadiyur, 37.

Page #437

418
INDEX Pille Nayanar, see Tiru- 47, 93, 102-3, 106-7, 109-110, jnanasambandhar.
159-160. Pocabbarasi, queen, 96, 158. Racamalla V, king, 28-29, 45-7, Pocale, 131.
243. Pocikabbe, 116.
Raja, warrior, 107. Poleyamma, 178.
Rajadhiraja I, king, 194-195(n). Poluvas, the, 132.
Rajaditya, author, 266. Ponataga Nagaram, 232. Rajaditya, king, 102-3, 159. Ponna, Ponnamayya, poet, 39, Rajagambhira Sambuvaraya, 156.
247, 249. Ponnalli, 24, 155.
Raja Jai Bhattaya, 153(n). Ponnaramativisaya, 261. Rajapurohit, N. S., scholar, 190 Ponniyakiyar, 248.
(n), 193(n). Ponnur, 247.
Raja Raja, I, king, 95, 264, Pottalakere, 49.
247, 249(n), 305. Poysala, 63-4, 67-69(n)-70(n). Raja Raja III, king, 247-9. Poysala chiel, 70.
Rajarajanarendia, king, 265. Poysala Gauda, 70(n).
Raja Setti, 82. Poysalamaruga, 69.
Rajavalikathe, 111, 117(n), Poysala Setti, 179.
224, 229. Prabhakas, the, 350.
Rajavartika, 231. Prabhanjanacarite, 316. Rajayyadeva Maha-arasu, 310. Pramaladevi, 249.
Rajendra Cola I, king, 69, 194Pratapa Nayaka, 180.
5, 221, 247. Pratapapura, 207.
Rajendra Cola II, king, 112, Pratikantha Singayya, 57.
119-120. Prayascitta, 378.
Rajendra Cola Nenni Cangalva, Priyabandhuvarma, mythical king, 200. king, 93.
Rajendra Kongalva, king, 95-6, Prthiviganga, king, 8(n').
158. Pugar (Kaveripumpattinam), Rakkasa Ganga, see above Ra241.
camalla V. Pugatataka, 385.
Rama, epic, hero, 97, 200(n'), Puligere (Laksmesvar), 28(n),
255. 42, 265, 281.
Ramadevi, 320. Pullappa, 339.
Ramakka, 379. Pullavva, 112.
Ramakrsna sastri, author, 233. Pundi, 249.
Ramana, 340-1. Punnad, 185, 185(n).
Ramanatha, king, 83,
254. Purasthana, 325. Puru, king, 110, 186.
Ramanujacarya, the great, 79, Purukhetaka, 33.
114, 355, Purusottama, 231.
Ramapura, 262. Puspagiri, 295.
Rama Rajayya, 358.
Ramaswami, Ayyangar, M. S., Quran, 303.
scholar 217, 217(n), 218(n),
219(n), 224(n), 228(n), Racamalla IV, king 29, 29(n), 242(n), 275, 279(n).

Page #438

INDEX
419
CO
Ramatirtha, 252-3. Ramayana, 256. Ramesvara, 296. Ramnad district, 217(n), 245,
358. Ranasinga, king, 103. Rangacarya, V scholar, 38(n),
247(n), 274(n). Ranna, Ratna, poet, 4 Rannakanda, 111. Rastrakutas, the, 25,
58, 104-6, 192. Ralnakaranda, 27(n), 376. Ratnakaradhisvarasataka, 38 Ratnanandi, author, 4. Rattas of Saundatti, 98-9. Ravana, 103. Ravanduru, 330. Ravivarma, king, 31,33. Raya, see Camunda Raya. Rayadurga, 323, 338. Rayadurga taluka, 254. Rayarajapura, 139. Revakka, princess, 105. Rice B. L., scholar, 4, 4(n),
7(n), 8(n), 9(n), 15, 17(n), 18, 18(n), 19, 20, 25(n), 29, 54(n), 61, 61(n), 64-5, 69, 72-3(n), 17(n), 79, 96, 114, 119, (n), 123, 156(n), 187-8, 192, 193(n), 194(n), 19 5(n), 202(n), 225(n), 23 (n), 240, 258, 264 (n), 269
(n), 274(n), 308-9, 329. Rohini, 156. Romans, the, 69(n). Romulus, 69(n). Rsabha, 31. Rsihalli, 75. Rudradeva, king, 263 Rukmini, 164. Rupasiddhi, 44. Sabdamanidarpana, 266. Sabdanusasana, 22 Sabdavatara, 19, 2 Sadasiva Raya, king Sadaiyan Koccadaiyyan Rana
dhira, king 276. Sagarakatte, 65. Sagarakula, 155. Sahani Bittiga, 168. Sahya mountains, 139. Sahasabhimarjuna, 111. Sahasatunga, see Dantidurga,
king, 35, 232, 233(n). Sahityavaid yambudhi, 386. Saivas, the, 36, 97, 293, 360. Saivism, 274-5, 277, 281, 355. Sajjanacittavallabha, Kannada
vrtti to, 376. Sakas, the, 200. Sakatayana, author, 20, 22,
22(n). Sakkarepattana, 262, 327(n). Sakkara Setti, 365. Sala (Hoysala chief), 63-4
69(n), 70-71(n)-73(n). Salagrama, 223. Salem, 123. Salem district, 245. Saletore, R. N., scholar, 72
73(n). Saleya Senabova, 198. Saliyur, 259. Salotgi, 193-3(n). Salu Mules, 337-8. Saluva Cenna Bhairadevi,
queen, 347. Saluva Deva Raya, king, 318-9,
345, 373. Saluva Immadi Deva Raya,
king, 344-5, 349. Saluva Krsna Raya, king, 318-9,
373. Saluva Malla, king, 344, 380. Saluva Malli Raya, 318, 373. Saluva Narasimha Raya, 374. Saluvas, the, 313, 344(n), 355,
374.
Salva, author, 380, 386. Salva Deva, 380. Salya, 43(n), 79. Samanta
Adiyama, 79, 119-121. Baci Raja, 286,
a. 'king, 358.

Page #439

420
INDEX Dama (Damodara), 121-122. Sankaragana, king, 37. Gova, 168, 205, 286.
Sankaya Nayaka, 170. Guli Buca (Baci), 259. Sankhya, philosophy, 27, 49, 76. Marayya, 260.
Sankhyas, the, 231, 350. Muddayya, 205, 209.
Santa, Saluva chief. 319. Narasimhavarma, 1
Santagere, 175. Sankara, 148, 181,
Santaladevi, queen, 132, 165-7, Samadhisataka, 21.
342. Samayas, the four, 94, 116, 257, Santale, 94. 286.
Santalige, 1,000, 90, 175. Sambhudeva, 150.
Santaras, the, 54 (n), 89-90(n)Samyaktvakaumudi, 316, 384. 91, 94, 115, 118, 159, 360-1. Sanatkumaracarite, 379.
Santarasa, author, 384(n). Sangama, chief 1, 292.
Santavendra, see Satavendra Sangama, Saluva ruler, 379. below. 9(n).
Santigrama, 166(n), 181. Sangha
Santikabbe, 179. Deva, 234.
Santinatha tirtha, 209. Dramila (Dravida), 43, 54, Santipurana, 40, 156. 61, 66, 150, 158, 227, 228- Santiyakka, 138, 165, 170.
(n), 234 8(n), 241, 277. Saracatustaya, 212. Mula, 13-4, 18, 29, 12, 55, 57, Saradavilasa, 380.
61(n), 75, 76, 82, 84, 96.- Saraguru, 351. 7, 100, 113, 128-9, 137, 152, Saralraya, Kannada vitti to, 158, 161, 182, 198, 200,
376. 207, 211, 228(n), 234,
Sarkar, B. K., scholar, 269(n). 236-6(n), 238, 246, 261,
Sarvarthasiddha (Gautama 308, 325, 327, 330, 338,
Buddha), prince, 188. 350, 354, 355, 361, 365. Nandi, 44, 65, 81, 83, 96, 234,
Sarvarthasiddhi, 21, 23(n).
Sasapura, Sasakapura, (Anga236, 238, 372.
di), (Sosevuru), 60, 62, 6:1-5. Navilur, 61(n).
Sastrasarasamuccaya, 85. Nirgrantha, 32.
Sastri, H. K., scholar, 194 (n). Sena, 234.
Satavendra, king, 373-4. Simha, 234.
Satrubhayankara, king, 36. Sramana, 257.
Sattamangala, 248. Svetapata, 32.
Sattangari, 245. Yapaniya Nandi, 88, 223.
Sattarasa Nagarjuna, 155. Yapaniya, 98, 252, 338.
Satya Ganga, prince, 161. Sangham the, 217, 239-240, 284.
Savanabili, 165. (n).
Savaneru, 81, 143, Sanghayana (the Great Coun- Savarda, 63(n).
cil of Kharavela), 250. Sekkilar, 274, 274(n). Sangi Raja, king, 374.
Selaras, the, (Silaharas), 98, Sangitapura (Haduhalli), 313,
193. 316-9, 344(n), 359, 364 (n), Sembur, (mod. Sambanur). 164, 374, 379,
Sendan (Jayanta), 243(n).

Page #440

INDEX
421
Sendraka, dynasty, 28(n). Sendrakas, the 34. Seni Setti, 355(n). Senji (Ginjee), 123. Seringapatam (Srirangapatta
na), 257, 374, 384. Seshagiri Rao, scholar, 253(n),
272, 272(n). Settipodavu, 244. Seuna country, see Yadavas
below. Sewell, R., scholar, 305(n). Shastri Seshagiri, scholar,
218(n). Shastry, N. B., scholar, 187(n),
190 (n), 198(n). Shastry Dr. R. Shama, scholar,
4(n), 7(n), 8(n), 9(n), 83 (n), 111, 220(n), 273(n), 275 (n), 276-277 (n), 314,
327, 342(n). Shikarpur, 49, 202. Shikarpur hobli, 259. Shikarpur taluka, 56, 148. Shimoga hobli, 11, 17(n). Shimoga district, 106, 124. Shimoga town, 13, 91, 179. Siddakedara, 34. Siddani, 159. Siddhantas, 175. Siddhantasara, 84. Siddhas, the, 117, 220-1. Sigenad, 149. Sikandara Suritrana, see Sultan
Sikandar. Silappadikaram, 218, 241, 241
(n), 263. Simhala, 56. Sindagere, 136. Sindavadi province, 106. Sindas, the, 106. Sindayya, prince, 257. Sindhagiri, 134. Sindhu, city, 229. Sindula, queen, 251. Singanagadde, 356. Singha (vibhu), 167. Siradi, 364(n).
Sira taluka, 40. Sirivura, 69. Siriyadevi, 168 Siriyanna (Srir 08. Siriyanna, 336. Siruttonda Panjoti, comman
der 274. Sita, epic heroine, 97, 164, 200. Siya dharma, 286. . Sivaganga, 166. Sivakoti, king, 225(n), 229
230(n). Sivamara I, king, 10, 23, 265. Sivamara II, king, 24-6, 34,
254. Sivappa Nayaka, king, 297. Sivara, warrior, 107 Sivaraja, minister, 140. Sivaratha, 34. Siyali, 274. Siyali taluka, 241. Sogi, 254. Sohrab, 320, 232, 335. Sohrab taluka, 64, 204, 259, 333,
335-335(n), 337. Sohrab Vira Gauda, 320, Soma Gauda, 183, 253. Somoladevi, 170, 361. Somasamudra, 42. Soma vamsa, 317. Somesvara, Hoysala king, 83,
211(n). Somesvara I, Western Calukyan
king 53-4, 194-5, 203, 208,
254, 267. Somesvara II, Western Calu
kyan king, 54, 55, 112-3. Somesvara IV, Western Caluis kyan king, 281. Someya, minister, 140. Sompur, 82. Sottiyur, 257. Southern India, 89, 94, 114-5,
267, 307, 311, 363, 367-8. Southern Madura, 261. Southern Pandyadesa, 261. Soyi Deva, king, 100, 132. Sramanas, the, 246. Sravaka Edaya, 158,

Page #441

422
INDEX
Sravakacara, 23(n). Sravakacarasara, 84. Sravakas, the, 314, 362, 381. Sravana Belgola, 3, 24, 26, 39-40, 43-4, 55, 61(n), 74, 77-79(n), 81, 84, 89(n), 103, 105, 109, 111, 118-9, 121, 124, 127, 130(n), 133, 136-7, 1412, 144-4, 149, 153, 162-3 1656, 169, 175-7, 180-3, 185-7, 193, 210, 211(n), 222, 257, 268-9, 289, 291-2, 299-300, 304, 306, 307, 309, 314, 323-6, 347-9, 351, 354, 356, 363, 367, 372, 379, 383 385, 385(n). Srenikacarite, 378.
Sridatta, mythical king, 92-3. Sridharabhatta, 27.
Srikula (Tirikula), 289-290(n). Srikunda, 256, 256(n). Sringarakathe, 383. Sringara kavi, author, 383-4. Sringeri, 206, 206(n), 207, 3567, 382.
Sringeri matha, 223(n), 381. Srinivasacari, C. S., scholar, 218(n). Sripalacarite, 316. Sriparvata, 343. Sripura, 155.
Sripurusa Muttarasa, king, 15(n), 21, 87, 243, 254. Srirangam, (Kovil), 288, 374. Sriranga Raya I, king, 381. Sriranga Raya III, king 297. Srisaila, 319.
Srivaisnavas, the, 288-291, 297, 326, 345.
Sronavimsatikoti, 191. Sthalapurana of Sravana Belgola, 111.
Sthanangasutra, 220.
Sthanika Cannappayya, 384. Sthanikas, the, 297(n). Subhatunga, king, 231. Subrahmanya Aiyar K. V., scholar, 241, 275.
1
Sudras, the, 221. Sugata, 35, 76, 232, 286. See also Buddha. Suggavve, 151. Suggiyabbarasi, 164. Suguni Devi, queen, 313. Sukumaracarita, 113. Sulamani, 243 (n). See
Cudamani.
also
Sultan Muhammad Tuglaq, 371. Sultan Sikandara Sur, 371. Sundara Pandya, king, 275. Supasastra, 316.
Suranahalli (Parvapura), 141. Svetambaras, the 32, 191, 224, 319, 368.
Syad vada doctrine, 269, 273, 283, 294-5, 313, 319, 321-3, 329, 339, 362.
Tadangala Madhava, king, 17-8. Tadatala, 288. Tadasa, 357. Tadpatri, 253.
Tagarenad, 88, 254.
Tagdur (Dharmapuri), 254, 328.
Tailangere, 261. Tailapa Deva, I, king, 41, 156, 159, 161.
Tailapa Deva II, king, 42, 53. Tailapa Deva III, 42(n). Tailapa Deva, Santara king, 175.
Takakusu, J., scholar, 221. Talakad, 69, 70, 115, 119-123, 125, 128, 131, 185. Tala Kaveri, 98. Talavananagara,
(Talavana
pura), 24, 37-8. Talare, 148. Talavindegere, 175. Tamil land, the, 217, 223-4, 228 (n), 231, 233, 238-9, 241, 244, 249, 249(n), 254, 261-3, 272-3, 278, 280, 283-4, 358, 366.
Tamma Gauda, 335.

Page #442

423 INDEX Tammana Setti, 379.
Terakanambi, 255(n), 329.
Terkanambi Bommarasa, Tangaladevi, queen, 343. Tanjore, 40.
author, 379. Tanjore district, 274.
Tevaram, hymns, 220, 278(n). Tarikere taluka, 152.
Tevarateppa, 99. Tatayya, 289-91.
Thakka city, 229. Tathagata, 36.
Tibet, 370. Tattekere, 178.
Tikkana Somayya, author, 272, Tattvabhedastaka, 377.
272(n). Taltvartha, 20, 340.
Timmanna, 338. Tattvartha, tika to, 21.
Timmappayya, 198. Tattvarthasutra, vitti to, 175. Timmaraja, chieftain, 269, 363. Tattvarthasutra, 21, 225, 225- Tiptur taluka, 135. (n).
Tirthahalli taluka, 45, 90, 200, Tattvarthamahasutra, 264.
258. Tayanidhi, 335.
Tirthankaras, the twenty-four, Tavanidhi Madi Gauda, 335. 24, 102, 230, 273, 286, 367. Teka, 262.
Tirucchanattamalai, 246. Telugu land, 249-251, 254, 262
Tirujnanasambandhar, Jnana. 3, 272, 283, 366.
sambandhar, Sambandhar, Temple
220, 243, 268, 273-4, 276-7, Anajaneya, 25, 65, 82, 314. 277(n), 278-9, 284(n). Ankanathesvara, 257.
Tirumala, 247. Bhimalinga, 230.
Tirumalai, 247. Cenna Basavanna, 148.
Tirumale (Tirupati), 288-9, Ganigitti, 306.
291, 343, 360. Hanumantesvara, 347.
Tirumangai Alvar, saint, 278. Isvara, 24.
Tirunarayanakote, 288. Jvalamalini, 357.
Tirunavukarasar, see Vagisa. Kesava, 71, 131.
Tirupanamalai, 248. Kotisvara, Mulasthana, 159. Tirupparuttikunru, 301, 305. Malavanatha, 358
Tiruttondar, 278. Minaksi, 279.
Tiruvadani taluka, 358. Narasimha, 120.
Tiruvallam, 243. Ramęsvara, 156.
Tiruvalluvar, 239-41. Ranganatha, 168.
Tisyagupta, 220. Saumyanayaki, 138.
Tiyangudi, 160. Siddesvara, 11, 13-4, 91. Todas, the, 131-2. Somesvara, 202,
Tolalu, 75, 184. Srisaila, 319.
Tolka piyam, 217-8. Subrahmanya, 257.
Tolla, 88, 254. Tirukattamballideva, 245. Tolamattiteva, author, 243(n). Tiruvangalanatha, 347. Tondanad, 13. Tyagada Brahma, 348. Torenad, 199. Vasantika, 61.
Totahallí, 309, 351. Venkataramana, 301,
Travancore State, 246. Virabhadra, 135(n
Tribhuvanamalla Pandya, king, Virupaksa, 337.
54, 124,

Page #443

424
INDEX
Tribhuvanamalla Permmadi
Deva, king, 124, 164, 178. Tribhuvanamalla Santara, king,
91, 160. Tribhuvanamalla, see Vikrama
ditya VI, king. Tribhuvanavira, chief 107. Trikuta, hill, 103. Trilokasataka, 380. Triparvata, 34. Trisastipuratanacarite, 276. Trivatur, 232. Tulu-adi, 88. Tuluva, 94, 115, 262, 268, 301, 323, 340, 343-5, 349, 351-2 (n)-353, 358, 360-1, 363, 364(n), 368-9, 379-80. Tumkur taluka, 19, 147. Tundiradesa, 233. Tunga, 315(n). Tungabhadra, the, 195(n),
287. Ubhayananadesis, the, 180. Ucchangi, fortress, 33, 103, 115,
123-4. Ucchangi Pandya line, the, 54. Ucchasringi, see Ucchangi,
fortress above. Uccila, 364(n). Udyaditya, king, 115, 118, 138,
253. Udayagiri, 337. Udayana, 138. Uddhare, 151, 164, 205, 320,
323, 333, 335-6(n), 356. Uddhare vamsa, 337. Udipi taluka, 359. Ugraditya, author, 267. Ugra vamsa, 89. Ugure, 175. Ujjain, 11. Ujjantagiri, Urjjantagiri, 343,
360. Ullala, 364(n). Umasvami, author, 21. Ummattur, 257. Upadhye A. N., scholar, 281(n).
225-7(n),-228(n), 239.
Upasakacara, 23(n) Uppattayta, 144. Uraiyur, 241-241(n). Uttaradhyayanasutra, 220. Uttarapathanagaresvara
devatopasakas, 326. Uttarapurana, 38, 89, 235. Vacaspati, 372. Vadanaguppe, 37. Vaddäkatha (Brhat katha), 19,
20, 21. Vadighangala Bhatta, 27-28(n),
39. Vadi Rudragana Lakulisvara
Pandita, 49, 202-3. Vaduga Tammappa Senabova,
347. Vagbhusana Ravana, 113. Vagisa, 274, 278. See also Ap
par, Dharmasena and Tiru
navukarasar, above. Vaidisa, 229. Vaid yamrta, 386. Vaid yasangat ya, 386. Vaid yasastra, 20. Vaijayanti, see Banavase above
and Vanavasa below. Vaikhanasas, the, 246. Vaikuntha, 355. See Melukote
above. Vaisesika, philosopher, 76. Vaisnava, philosophy, 76, 360. Vaisnavas, the, 219(n), 289. Vaisnava darsana, 289. Vaisnava samaya, 290. Vaisnavism, 73, 79-80, 114,
289, 347, 355. Vaisya Bimi Setti, 354. Vaisyavamsasudharnava, 377. Vaivasvata Manu, 18. Vaji kula, 141, 376. Vajrakumaracarite, 384. Vajvaladeva, chief 104, 106-7. Vallabharaja king, 27-8. Vallabharajadeva, Maha-arasu,
official, 309-310. Vallimalai, 243. Valluvar, author, 218.

Page #444

INDEX
425 Vamsapura, See Mudubidre. Vijayaditya Silahara, king, 98, Vanavasa, city, 32, 185, 339- 223. 340.
Vijayaditya Ranavikrama GanVanavasa country, 89, 113. ga, king, 243. Vankapura, 55. See Bankapura. Vijayakumariyacarite, 382. Vantikola, 193.
Vijayamangalam, 112, 339. Varadambike, 336.
Vijayanagara city, 59-60, 233, Varaguna Vikramaditya Pan- 287, 290(n), 301-2, 305-6(n), dya, king, 239, 246.
311-2, 337, 366, 370, 373, Varakodu, 351.
375. Varanga. 262, 301.
Vijayanagara Empire, 1-3-59, Vardhamanacari, architect, 119, 154, 217, 270, 283-4, 287, 127.
290, 292-4, 296, 298-9, 311, Vardhamanaksetra, 355. See 319, 322-4, 326, 334, 355, Melukote.
363, 366-7, 375, 381. Vardhamanasresthi, 364, Vijayanna, 212. Varuna, 257.
Vijayanna, author, 378. Vastukosa, 266.
Vijaya Narayana Setti, 206. Vasu, royal hermit, 251.
Vijayappa, 295. Vatapi, 274-5. See Badami. Vijayaraja, 315(n). Vedal (Vidal Madevi Arinda- Vijayasaktiarasa, governor, 255, mangalam), 247.
Vijayavatika (Bijavada), 252. Vedantins, the, 293.
Vikramaditya, unidentified, Vedas, the, 220.
king, 157. Velapuri, 297. See also Belur. Vikramaditya VI, Western Vemmanabhavi, 378.
Calukya king, 24, 56-8, 105, Venbunadu, 245.
123-4, 178, 194 (n), 196, Venbuyalandu, 248.
203-4. Vengimandala, 263,
Vikramaditya, Canglava king, Venkatadri Nayaka, king, 294-5, 315, 315(n), 316. 297, 365.
Vikramaditya, Santara king, Venkatapati Deva, king, 364. 90, 160-2. Venkataramanayya N., Dr. Vikramaditya, king of Ujjain, scholar, 377-8(n).
200, 223(n) Venkayya, V., scholar, 276. Vilappakkam, 246. Vennelkarani, 18.
Vimaladitya, Eastern Calukya Venupura, 318, 352-3, 380. Sce king, 252, 253(n). also Mudubidre.
Vinayaditya, I, Hoysala king, Venuru, 268, 363-4(n), 367-8- 63-4(n), 67-8, 73, 233(n'). (n).
Vinayaditya II, Hoysala king, Vidarpatti, 247.
52-3, 66, 73-6, 339. Videha, 21.
Vinayaditya Satyasraya, WestVidu, tenet, 242.
ern Calukya king, 41, 89, Vidyanagara, see Vijaya- 195(n). nagara.
Vindhyagiri (at Siavana BelVidyananda, author, 378.
gola), 81. Vijayadeva, bodyguard, 313. Vira Bananju, 173, 175, 180, Vijayaditya Satyasraya, W. 282, 337-8, 367.
Calukyan king, 42, 192. Vira Kongalvadeva, king, 96.

Page #445

426
INDEX
Vira Pandya, king, 268, 362. Vira Santaradeva, king, 91, 94,
174. Vira Saivas, Lingaits, the, 94
280, 295-7, 313-15, 319, 338, 365 367, 375. Saivacara (Jangama) faith,
280, 361. Virala Devi, 159. Viravamsavali, 224. Virupaksa Odeyar, viceroy,
287. Virupaksa Raya, king, 352,
371. Viruparajendra, 380. Visnubhatta, 56. Visnugopa, king, 8(n), 17. Visnugupta, mythical king, 92. Visnupurana, 220. Visnuvardhana Deva, Hoysala
king, 66, 78-82, 84, 114-5, 118-129, 131-5, 137(n)-138
140, 142, 165-6, 179, 254. Visnuvardhana III, Eastern
Calukya king, 251. Visnuvardhana, chiestain, 285. Vittarasa, governor, 254. Vizagapatam district, 253. Vizianagaram, 252. Voddama Gauda, 180. Vogeyakere, 354-5. Vokkaligerenad, 338. Voliya, 321.
Vratapura, 353. See Mudu
bidre. Vrasabhadasa, 330. Vrsabhatirthakara, 92, 255. Vyavaharaganita, 266. Wandiwash taluka, 243. Warangal (Ekasilanagara), 253
(n), 272. Western Ghats, 71(n), 119. Western India, 355. Yadavas, (Seunas) 58, 59. Yadava (Seuna) country, 58. Yadavapuri, (Dorasumdra),
233(n). Yaduvamsa, 71. Yajurveda, 261. Yaksaraja (Jakkaraja), 141. Yapaniyas, a sect, 34, 219,
222, 223. See also Yapaniya sangha and Yapaniya Nandi
sangha. Yasahkirti, author, 379. Yatigiristhana, 355. See Melu
kote. Yaugas, the 350. Yedatore taluka, 97, 156, 199. Yelusavira country, 95. Yenugallu, 364 (n). Yogandharayana, king, 142. Yogaratnakara, 384(n). Yojana Setti, 341. Yojana Sresti, I, 346. Yojana Sresti, II, 346. Yuan Chwang, pilgrim, 188,
189, 190, 191.

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