Kevalaodhi Buddhist And Jaina History Of Deccan Vol 2

Author(s): Aloka Parasher Sen, B Subrahmanyam, E Siva Nagi Reddy
Publisher: Bharatiya Kala Prakashan
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/022809/1

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KEVALA-BODHI
BUDDHIST AND JAINA HISTORY OF THE DECCAN
00000000000000
b@b0d000000000
Editied by ALOKA PARASHER-SEN
Assisted by B. SUBRAHMANYAM E. SIVA NAGI REDDY

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About the book
Kevala-Bodhi : Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan is a collection of papers with a special focus on two religions that left an inedible mark on the history of the Deccan and, in turn, marked a visible change in the way both these religions developed over the early historic and early medieval times. Though each of these has been dealt with separately in monographs and research papers in the past, this is the first time that these religions have been discussed together in terms of the trajectory of their spread to and entrenchment in the Deccan. The path chosen by each in this regard was undoubtedly different and this is precisely what makes their discussion together valuable and interesting.
This spatial and chronological focus of the papers in this volume is wide. In terms of region, it also includes discussion on areas contiguous to the Deccan so as to bring in a comparative dimension. We see elements of inter-regional contact and dissemination of ideas that was dynamic rather than closeted in compartments of space and time. The contributions have further not been limited by a rigid chronological parameter. There are papers that address issues of modern and near contemporary times, while others that begin with the earliest contact of these religions in the archaeological context and focus on its ancient and medieval history. Almost all themes around the study of the Buddhist and Jaina history of the Deccan have been covered. These revolve around archaeology, art, architecture, sculpture, painting, literature, epigraphy, religious thought, ritual, medicine, philosophy and social and economic history.
Being a Commemorative Volume, it begins with a visual and narrative journey that marked the chief events of Professor B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao's life and this is designated as Part 1-THE PAST of the book. Part II is the essential core of this Volume and is designated as THE PRESENT. Here, an Introduction and Background prefix papers on Buddhism [SECTION A) and Jainism [SECTION B). Part III-THE FUTURE ends with an Epilogue and is primarily meant to generate Debate and Discussion on researching the history of religions and related issues. For any viable attempt at historical reconstruction of religion today these issues are relevant and have been frequently raised in recent years.
Scholars interested in the Buddhist and Jaina history of the Deccan will find this volume of tremendous value and interest in terms of the vast variety of themes and period of study included. There is undoubtedly a special focus on Andhra Pradesh, an area of research interest dear to BSL throughout his life. This book is a small effort in not only remembering him but also in generating fresh interest that shall further enhance our understanding on the study of two of the most dynamic religious traditions that had spotted the landscape of the Deccan in the past.

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KEVALA-BODHI BUDDHIST AND JAINA HISTORY
OF THE DECCAN

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KEVALA-BODHI BUDDHIST AND JAINA HISTORY
OF THE DECCAN (THE BSL COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME)
Volume II
Edited By ALOKA PARASHER-SEN
ALOKA PARA SA
Assisted By B. SUBRAHMANYAM E. SIVA NAGI REDDY
BHARATIYA KALA PRAKASHAN
DELHI(INDIA)

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First Published: 2004
BHARATIYA KALA PRAKASHAN AND EDITORS
All right reserved, no part of this Publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission of the Publishers and Editors.
Published by C.P. Gautam BHARATIYA KALA PRAKASHAN 3421-A, IInd Floor, Narang Colony, Tri Nagar, Delhi-110035, Phone: (O) 27153083, (R) 27522129
ISBN: 81-8090-030-4
Laser Type Setting by: A-ONE GRAPHICS
X-4, Gali-2, Brahmapuri, Delhi-110053
Phone: 2218 3470
Printed at Santosh Offset, Delhi

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PREFACE
Professor Bhattiprolu Sri Lakshmi Hanumantha Rao (1924-1993), one of the noted historians of our times, is well known for his contributions to Indian Epigraphy, History and Society and for his unearthing of the myriad pasts of Telugu Culture and Andhra History. Indeed, his seminal studies on religion, culture and society from early historic to medieval times, has opened up new areas of research in the history of the region. His arduous study of inscriptions and their corroboration with literary and archaeological data led to a distinctive pattern of analytical study, which few have been able to emulate. It needs to be also emphasized that his writings in Telugu and translations into it of erudite works of eminence on Indian History, have made his contributions indeed remarkable. Those who knew BSL, as he was fondly called, will remember the simplicity and soft spoken-ness with which he communicated with students and scholars alike. His humane and earnest qualities drew towards him a large number of friends, each exploring a different line of thinking. This in no way made BSL steer away from his firm belief in radical humanism and his foundational conviction in rationalism and liberalism.
Having thus carved out a special niche in the intellectual world of philosophers, historians and educationists, we thought it befitting that in order to remember him in his true spirit we all turn our attention to the key research areas of his interest, namely, the study of the impact of religion, on society and culture. The role of religion, BSL thought, could not be underrated. His confirmed belief was that religious animosities and differences were confined only to leaders while people preferred harmony and were drawn towards syncretism. Applying this to social history of Andhra, he studied the role of religious movements in the shaping of Andhra society. He believed that human beings make their own history within an existing prevailing physical milieu. His particular interest was on Buddhism and Jainism because he firmly believed that these two religions had immensely shaped the rationalist ethos of the Andhras. In his name resonated the memory of the famous ancient Buddhist site of 'Bhattiprolu' and it is not without significance that he passed away just after he received the prestigious ‘Kunda Kunda Jnanapitha' instituted in the honor of the famous Kunda Kundacharya, a Jaina philosopher from Andhra. These two religious faiths thus marked his life and thinking in more ways than one. This book entitled: Kevala-Bodhi: Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan (BSL Commemorative Volume) has emerged out of a sincere concern among the family and friends of Professor B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao to further probe into the realm of the Buddhist and Jaina history of the Deccan as a whole so as to extend the academic and research interest of BSL on this particular theme.
It was almost a decade ago that BSL left the community of scholars. During his lifetime he had had a wide range of interactions with scholars who were not his direct students or colleagues. In fact, it was due to this particular quality that scholars from different institutions, who each knew him in their own particular way, could come together to conceive, organize and edit and co-ordinate the publication of this Commemorative Volume. The catalytic spirit behind this endeavour was, of course, his younger

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brother Dr. B.S.R.S. Anjaneya Sarma. We are therefore, first and foremost, grateful to him for coming to us with this idea and for having initiated the process of putting together this Volume. The response to our letter to scholars from all over the country and abroad was overwhelming and spontaneous. The texture, content and the overall form of the Volume owes much to each of our contributors without whom it would have been impossible to bring out this publication. Any work that puts together diverse interests and fields of study has to bring together different modes of writing that has its toll on the editors. We were extremely fortunate to have had excellent editorial assistance and support to co-ordinate between us. We cannot thank A. Aruna enough for all the help she rendered in this regard. To S. Gunasekaran we are thankful for having helped with word processing so that the electronic versions of each of the papers could be read by all of us with ease.
No enterprise of this kind is complete if we do not have photographs to accompany it. We are once again thankful to Dr. B.S.R.S. Anjaneya Sarma for having shared with us the family photographs of the late Professor B.S. L. Hanumantha Rao, to the State Department of Archaeology and Museums for giving permission to reproduce some of the photographs in their possession and to all the individual authors who have provided us with illustrations. For ably and systematically scanning and arranging the Plates we are indebted to Sri Alapati Bapanna, Messrs. Kala Jyoti Process, Hyderabad. Last but not least, we thank Shri C. P. Gautam of Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, New Delhi to have come forward to publish this Volume at such a short notice.
Hyderabad May 2003
ALOKA PARASHER-SEN
(Editor)
B. Subrahmanyam E. Sivanagi Reddy
(Asst. Editors)

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CONTENTS
Preface Abbreviations List of Figures List of Plates The Contributors
(xi) (xiv) (xv) (xix)
1-25
1. INTRODUCTION
- Aloka Parasher-Sen
VOL. I PART I : THE PAST
PROFILE 2. BHATTIPROLU SRI LAKSHMI HANUMANTHA RAO-A PROFILE
-Dr. B.S.R.S. Anjaneya Sarma
29-39
MEMORIES
43-45
46-53
54-56
3. A MEMOIR
-A. Venkateswarlu BSL—THE STORY OF THE HISTORIAN
-P. S. Gopala Krishna DR. B.S.L. HANUMANTHA RAO-A HUMANIST HISTORIAN
-M. Somasekhara Rao 6. REMEMBERING B.S.L. HANUMANTHA RAO-A TRIBUTE
-V. Ramakrishna MY TEACHER -K. Lalitamba A TRIBUTE TO LATE BSL -Y. Balarama Moorthy
57-60
62-64

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PART II : THE PRESENT
67-75
THE BACKGROUND 9. NOTE ON SOME ASPECTS OF MAURYAN CONTACT
WITH THE DECCAN
- Romila Thapar 10. CULTURAL MAP OF ANDHRA DESA
-B. Rajendra Prasad
76-98
101-113
114-128
129-138
139-147
148-154
SECTION A : BUDDHISM 11. BEYOND THE MONASTERY WALLS: BUDDHISM IN EARLY HISTORIC
PERIOD SOCIETY IN NORTH-EAST ANDHRA PRADESH -Lars Fogelin A TESTAMENT OF BUDDHISM -P. R. Ramachandra Rao NARRATIVE STRUCTURE AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SNAKE JATAKAS IN BUDDHIST ART
-Ratan Parimoo 14. SPREAD OF BUDDHISM IN NORTHERN KARNATAKA
-Jitendra Das 15. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF ABHAYAMUDRA BUDDHA FROM
NAGARJUNAKONDA SCULPTURES
-J. Sitaramamma 16. THE TRADITIONS SEEN IN THE STATUES OF THE BUDDHA'S
SITTING POSTURES IN INDIA AND JAPAN: A NEW PERSPECTIVE
-Shu Hikosaka 17. A FEW PRAKRIT INSCRIPTIONS FROM AMARAVATI
-C. A. Padmanabha Sastry 18. PATAGANDIGUDEM GRANT OF VISHNUKUNDI VIKRAMENDRA VARMA
-N. S. Ramachandra Murthy 19. SECTS OF BUDDHISM IN ANDHRA
-V. V. Krishna Sastry 20. CELEBRATION OF BUDDHIST FESTIVALS AND RITUAL
PRACTICES IN ANDHRA DESA ---Krishna Kumari Myneni
155-161
162-165
166-177
178-183
184-188

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189-193
194-198
21. DEPICTION OF GAJALAKSHMI IN SCULPTURAL ART
-U. Phyu 22. HISTORIAN AND “THE ENLIGHTENMENT” OF BUDDHA
--M. Radhakrishna Sarma 23. MINDFULNESS AND VIPASSANA MEDITATION
-M. V. Ram Kumar Ratnam 24. THE REVIVAL OF BUDDHISM IN DECCAN
-A. Venkateswara Reddy
199-213
214-225
VOL. II
SECTION B : JAINISM
229-237
238-241
242-265
266-284
25. AN UNWRITTEN CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF EARLY DECCAN
-T. V. G. Sastri 26. ADVENT OF JAINISM IN ANDHRA
-D. Kiran Kranth Choudary & P. Hema 27. JAINISM IN MAHARASHTRA: HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT
- Viraj Shah 28. RELIGIOUS PATRONAGE AND IDENTITY FORMATION-A STUDY
OF JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (6TH-12TH CENTURIES AD)
-A. Aruna 29. PATRONAGE OF THE IMPERIAL CHOLAS TO JAINISM
-V. Balambal 30. KANNADA INSCRIPTIONS OF JAINA AFFILIATION
FROM ANDHRA PRADESH
-C. S. Vasudevan 31. DIMENSIONS OF BABANAGARA INSCRIPTION
- Hampa Nagarajaiah 32. A NEW CHOLA INSCRIPTION REVEALING SAIVA-JAINA
CORDIAL REALTIONS -G. Vijaya Venugopal
285-290
291-298
299-305
306-307
308-317
33. SYNCRETISM, TAMIL FORMS OF WORSHIP AND JAINA INFLUENCE
-M. N. Rajesh

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318-321
322-328
34. SAKTI-CULT IN JAINISM WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO DECCAN
--G. Jawaharlal 35. A KUNTHUNATHA JINALAYA AT HAMPI
-K. M. Suresh 36. CONTRIBUTION OF JAINAS TO MEDICINE IN ANCIENT DECCAN
-P. Hymavathi 37. SOMADEVASURI'S NITIVAKYAMRITAM-A JAINA SANSKRIT
CLASSIC OF THE TENTH CENTURY A.D. -G. S. Dikshit
329-336
337-340
341-348
38. JAINA THEMES IN DECCAN MINIATURE PAINTING
- Jagdish Mittal
351-356
PART III : THE FUTURE
DEBATE AND DISCUSSION 39. INDIA'S CULTURAL HERITAGE AND PUBLIC EDUCATION
-K. Paddayya 40. MORE EVIDENCE ON ANCIENT INDIAN MATHEMATICS
AND ASTRONOMY -1. K. Sarma
357-361
EPILOGUE
365-368
41. RECENT BUDDHIST AND JAINA DISCOVERIES FROM DECCAN
-B. Subrahmanyam & E. Siva Nagi Reddy
369-386
Bibliography Our Contributors Illustrations
387-390

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ABBREVIATIONS
AARAMD
AB ABORI
AJ APAREP APGAS
ARE
AREP ARIE ARSII
ARSIE
ASI
: Annual Administrative Report of Archaeology & Museums Department, Government
of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad : Archaeological Bulletin : Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental research Institute, Poona : Art Journal : Andhra Pradesh Annual Report on Epigraphy : Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series : Annual Report on Epigraphy : Annual Report on Epigraphy : Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy : Annual Report of South Indian Inscriptions : Annual Report on South Indian Epigraphy : Archaeological Survey of India
Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India : Archaeological Survey of Western India : Bulletin of the American Academy of Benares : Birla Archaeological and Cultural Research Institute : Bulletin of Deccan College Research Institute : Bulletin of Department of History of Medicine : Bulletin of Indian Institute of History of Medicine : Benjamin Lewis Rice Edition : Bulletin of Madras Government Museum : Current Era : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum : Directory of Monuments, Anantapur : District
ASIAR
ASWI BAAB BACRI
BDCRI
BDHM
BIIHM BLR BMGM
CE СІП
DMARAP
Dt

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EA
EC
EI
ESI
FSVH
HAS
HBM
IA
IAP
IAR
IAS
IESHR
IHM
IHQ
IHR
IJHS
JA
JAA
JAHRS
JAOS
JAS
JESHO
JESI
JIM
JISI
JISOA
JRAS
KI
KIAP
MAR
MAAR
(xii)
: Epigraphia Andhrica
: Epigraphia Carnatika
: Epigraphia Indica
: Epigraphical Society of India
: Further Sources of Vijayanagar History
: Hyderabad Archaeological Series
: The Heart of Buddhist Meditation
: Indian Antiquary
: Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh
: Indian Archaeology-A Review
Indian Archaeological Society
: Indian Economic and Social History Review
: Institute of History of Medicine
: Indian Historical Quarterly
: Indian Historical Review
Indian Journal of History of Science
: The Jaina Antiquary
: Jaina Art and Architecture
: Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society
: Journal of the American Oriental Society
: Journal of Asiatic Society
: Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient
: Journal of Epigraphical Society of India
: Journal of Indian Museums
: Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs by P. B. Desai
: Journal of Indian Society of Art
: Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, London
: Karnataka Inscriptions
: Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh
: Madras Archaeological Report (Southern Circle)
: Mysore Archaeological Annual Reports

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MASI MLS MUJ PAPHC PIHC
SB
: Memoirs of Archaeological Survey of India : The Middle Length Sayings : Marathwada University Journal : Proceedings of Andhra Pradesh History Congress : Proceedings of Indian History Congress : Sravanabelagola : South Indian Inscriptions : Studies in History of Medicine and Science : Sanskrit : Taluka : Ten Suttas of Digha Nikaya : Visuddhi Magga
SII
SIMS
Sk
TK
TSDN
VM

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LIST OF FIGURES
Page No.
Figure 1 Figure II Figure III Figure IV Figure V Figure VI Figure VII Figure VIII Figure IX
: Cultural Map of Andhra Desa : Northeast Andhra Monastic Survey (Identified Sites) : Northeast Andhra Monastic Survey (Reservoir Map) : Large Cairns and Settlement : Sannati Contour Map : Plan of Mahastupa, Kanaganahalli : Conjectural Elevation of Mahastupa, Kanaganahalli : Map showing Area of Study : Ganagitti Jaina Temple, Kunthujinalaya
145 146
147
284
328

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LIST OF PLATES
Plate I
: Clockwise from upper left: Mahastupa, brick stupa, carved stone stupa, cairn. (All
Pictures by author with permission of Andhra Pradesh Department of Archaeology and
Museums) Plate II : Champeyya Jataka, Amaravati, 3rd century AD, British Museum, London. Plate III : 1. Champeyya Jataka, Amaravati, 3rd century AD, British Museum, London. A)
Surrender/Capture Episode. B) Tatpariya Dialogue Episode. C) Raja of Varanasi in Nagaraja's Palace. 2. Krida Episode, Amaravati, 3rd century AD, Government Museum,
Chennai. (Reconstruction of 1 and 2 by Ratan Parimoo). Plate IV : Champeyya Jataka, Amaravati, 3rd century AD. (Reconstruction by Ratan Parimoo). 1.
Surrender/Capture Episode, Amaravati Site Museum. 2. Krida Episode, Government
Museum, Chennai. Plate V : Champeyya Jataka (Surrender Episode), Nagarjunakonda site Museum, 4th century AD. Plate VI : Champeyya Jataka, (Nagaraja's indifference towards life of splendour), Nagarjunakonda
Site Museum, 4th century AD. Plate VII : Champeyya Jataka (Krida Episode), Nagarjunakonda Site Museum, 4th century AD. Plate VIII : Champeyya Jataka (Tatpariya Episode), Nagarjunakonda Site Museum, 4th century AD. Plate IX : Sahjayanta Jataka, Kanaganahalli. Plate X : Sajiniya Jataka, Kanaganahalli. Plate XI : Champeyya Jataka, Kanaganahalli. Plate XII : Dream of Maya, Kanaganahalli. Plate XIII : Birth of Siddhartha, Kanaganahalli. Plate XIV : Great Departure, Kanaganahalli. Plate XV : Return of Kantaka, Kanaganahalli. Plate XVI : Seated Buddha Image, Kanaganahalli. Plate XVII : Muchulinda Naga, Kanaganahalli. Plate XVIII : Stupa Motif, Kanaganahalli. Plate XIX : Worship of Buddhapadas and Simhasana, Kanaganahalli. Plate XX : Panel of Raya Asoka, Kanaganahalli. Plate XXI : Kekkafuza (Padmasana), Yakashi Nigoria, (Bhaisajyaguru), 8th century AD, Nara, Japan. Plate XXII : The Buddha's Sitting Posture, 12th century AD, Kanchipuram, Tamilnadu.

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Plate XXIII : An illustration of South Indian style of Buddha's sitting posture (Siddhasana). Plate XXIV : The Buddha's relief (Gandhara Style), 2nd century AD, Lahore Museum, Pakistan. Plate XXV : Buddha in Padmasana (Gandhara Style), Archaeological Museum, Peshawar. Plate XXVI : Buddha in Yogasana (Mathura Style), 2nd century AD, Archaeological Museum, Mathura,
Uttar Pradesh. Plate XXVII : Enlargement of Buddha in Yogasana, (Mathura style). Plate XXVIII : Buddha, Mathura Style, 5th-6th centuries AD, Sarnath Museum. Plate XXIX : Prototype of South Indian style, 3rd century AD, Amaravati, Andhra Pradesh. Plate XXX : Prototype of South Indian style, 3rd century AD, Nagarjunakonda Museum, Andhra
Pradesh. Plate XXXI : Buddha in Siddhasana, 6th century AD, Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka. Plate XXXII : Buddha in Siddhasana, 7th century AD, National Museum, Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Plate XXXIII : Buddha in Siddhasana, 14th century AD, Sukhothai, Thailand. Plate XXXIV : Buddha in Siddhasana, South Indian style, 6th century AD, Zui period, Cave No. 8,
Tenryuzan, China. Plate XXXV : Mahavira in Siddhasana (South Indian style), Government Museum, Chennai, Tamil
Nadu. Plate XXXVI : Sankaracharya (South Indian Style), Tamilnadu. Plate XXXVII: Mahavira in Yogasana, (Mathura style), 2nd century AD, State Museum, Lucknow,
Uttar Pradesh. Plate XXXVIII: Saraswati Sculpture, Sinnar, 12th century AD. Plate XXXIX : Cave No. II at Ankai-Tankai, 12th century AD. Plate XL : Caves at Mohida, 13th century AD, Dhule District. Plate XLI : Jaina Icons, 12th - 13th century AD, Ramalinga Mudgad, Latur District. Plate XLII : Vimalanatha, Vimalanatha Temple, Balsane, 12th-13th century AD, Dhule District. Plate XLIII : Sri Neminatha, Tirumalai. Plate XLIV : Mahavira Temple, Tirumalai. Plate XLV : Parsvanatha Temple, Tirumalai. Plate XLVI : Adinatha Temple, Tirumalai. Plate XLVII : Yaksha and Yakshi Images, Tirumalai. Plate XLVIII : Jaina Inscription from Peravur. Plate XLIX : General view of Kunthunatha Jinalaya, Hampi. Plate L : Front view of Kunthunatha Jinalaya, Hampi. Plate LI : Rishabha's Renunciation. Plate LII : Procession (Returning from Mount Meru to Ayodhya).

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(xvii) Plate LIII : Dancing Indra (Plates LI-LIII, are details from the Panchakalyanapata, Senagana,
Digambara Jain Temple, Karanja, Vidarbha). Plate LIV : A noble pays Homage to Rishabhanatha, Golconda, late 17th century AD, Los Angeles
County Museum, Los Angeles. Plate LV : A noble pays Homage to Rishabhanatha, Golconda, late 17th century AD, Goenka
Collection, Kolkatta. Plates LVI : Two Folios from Upadesimala, MSS, Karnataka, Bijapur, 1678 AD, (Dr. Siddhartha LVII
Bansali Collection), New Orleans. Plate LVIII : Folio from a MSS of Chandaraja Rasa, Poona, 1812 AD, (Munishri Punya Vijayaji
Collection). Plate LIX : Buddha in Dhyana Mudra, Mukhalingam, Srikakulam District. Plate LX : Ushnisha Vijaya, Mukhalingam, Srikakulam District. Plate LXI : Buddha in Bhumisparsa Mudra, Mukhalingam, Srikakulam District. Plate LXII : Buddha in Dhyana Mudra, Vaikunthapuram, Guntur District. Plate LXIII : Buddha in Dhyana Mudra, Kollapattu, Nellore District. Plate LXIV : Buddha in Dhyana Mudra, Kunthuru, Nellore District. Plate LXV : Remains of Stupa Chaityas, Phanigiri, Nalgonda District. Plate LXVI : Dampati Sculpture, Phanigiri, Nalgonda District. Plate LXVII : Drawing of Jambudvipa, Konakondla, Ananthapur District.

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THE CONTRIBUTORS
ANJANEYA SARMA, B.S.R.S. DR. : Chief Medical Officer, Central Government Health Scheme,
c/o House No. 11-11-131/1, Street No. 4. Sowbhagyapuram,
S. R. K. Puram, Hyderabad-500 035, Andhra Pradesh, India. ARUNA, A.
: Ph.D. Scholar, Department of History, University of
Hyderabad, c/o Plot No. 42, A.S.R. Raju Nagar, Suraram,
Jeedimetla, Hyderabad-500 055, Andhra Pradesh, India. BALAMBAL, DR. (Mrs.) V. : Professor of History (Retd.), University of Madras, Principal.
Sri Kanyaka Parameswari Arts and Science College for
Women, Chennai-600 001, Tamil Nadu, India. BALARAMA MOORTHY, Late Y : Freedom Fighter, Philosopher, Historian and Journalist. He
was Editor of Visalandhra Daily and Communism Monthly. CHOWDHURY, DR. KIRAN KANTH : Professor and Head, Department of Ancient Indian History,
Culture and Archeology, S. V. University, Tirupati- 517 502,
Andhra Pradesh, India. DIKSHIT, DR. G.S.
: Former Professor, Karnatak University Dharwad, c/o
'Swasthi', No. 1, Navodaya Nagar, Dharwad-580 003,
Karnataka, India. FOGELIN, LARS
: Ph.D. Scholar, University of Michigan, Department of
Anthropology, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA. GOPALAKRISHNA, DR. P. S. : An admirer of BSL is Deputy Director, Regional Training
Institute (P), All India Radio Hyderabad. Residence: 1-86A
Prabhat Nagar, Chaitanyapuri, Hyderabad-500060. GOPALAKRISHNAIAH, Late
: Freedom Fighter and Social Worker, Former MLA, SattenaVAVILALA
palli, Guntur, Andhra Pradesh, India. HAMPA, DR. NAGARAJAIAH : Professor Emeritus, Bangalore University, c/o 1079, 18th MN
5th Block, R. Nagar, Bangalore-560 010, Karnataka, India HIKOSAKA, DR. SHU
: Director, Institute of South Indian Buddhist Studies, Nasu
Tochigi-325-0303, Japan. HYMAVATHI, DR. P.
: Professor, Department of History, University Arts and Science
College, Kakatiya University, Vidyaranypuri, Warangal -506 009, Andhra Pradesh, India.

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JAWAHARLAL, DR. G.
: Former Director Oriental Manuscript Library and Research
Institute, Hyderabad-500 007, Andhra Pradesh, India. JITENDRA DAS, DR.
: Superintending Archeologist, ASI, c/O CPWD Quarters, 497
Block 27, HBR Layout, First Sector, Agara, Bangalore 560
034, Karnataka, India KRISHNA KUMARI, DR. MYNENI : Professor, Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and
Archaeology, c/o 51-11, Chalukya, Waltair Uplands,
Visakhapatnam-530 003, Andhra Pradesh, India. KRISHNASASTRY, DR. V. V. : Former Director, State Department of Archaeology and
Museums, Govt. of AP, c/o Plot No.2, Prasanth Nagar Colony,
Saidabad, Hyderabad-500059, Andhra Pradhesh, India. LALITHAMBA, DR. K.
: Retired Principal, Executive Secretary, Sri Adinarayana Mahila College, Anakapalle, Andhra Pradesh, India. Lata Apartments,
Vidyanagar, MITTAL, PADAMASRI JAGADISH : Art Connoisseur and Collector, 1-2-214/6, Gagan Mahal Road,
Hyderabad-500 029, Andhra Pradesh, India. PADDAY YA, DR. K.
: Professor and Joint Director, Deccan College and Research
Institute, (Deemed University) Pune, Yerwada, Pune-411 006,
Maharashtra, India. PARASHER-SEN, DR. ALOKA : Professor, Department of History, School of Social Sciences,
University of Hyderabad, P. O. Central University,
Hyderabad-500 046, Andhra Pradesh, India. PARIMOO, DR. RATAN
: Retired Professor and Former Head Department of Fine Arts,
M.S. University, Baroda, c/o R-4, Saradhi Pashabha Patel
Park, Race Course Circle, Baroda — 390 015, Gujarat, India. RADHAKRISHNA SARMA, DR. M. : Retired Professor and Former Head, Department of Ancient
Indian History and Archaeology, Osmania University, c/o Vaisali Apartments, St. No.20, Nagarjuna Nagar, Tarnaka,
Secunderabad-500017, Andhra Pradesh, India. RAJENDRA PRASAD, DR. B. : Professor (Retd.), Department of Ancient Indian History,
Culture and Archaeology, S. V. University, Tirupati,
Tirupati-517 502, Andhra Pradesh, India. RAJESH, DR. M.N.
: Lecturer, Department of History, School of Social Sciences, University of Hyderabad, P. C. Central University, Hyderabad
--500 046, Andhra Pradesh, India. RAMACHANDRA MURTHY, DR. N.S. : Chief Epigraphical Officer (Retd.), Department of
Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh. Gunfoundry, Hyderabad- 500001, Andhra Pradesh, India.

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RAMACHANDRA RAO, DR. PR.
RAMAKRISHNA, DR. V.
RAMKUMAR RATNAM, DR. M.V.
SARMA, DR. I.K.
SASTRI, DR. T.V.G.
SASTRY, DR. C.A.P.
SHAH, VIRAJ
SITARAMAMMA, DR. J.
: Freelance Art Historian and Journalist, Advocate Supreme
Court, Malakpet, Hyderabad-36, Andhra Pradesh, India. : Retired Professor and Former Head, Department of History,
University of Hyderabad, Flat # 102, Deva Ratna Apartments, Mehdipatnam, Hyderabad -500 028, Andhra Pradesh, India. : Assistant Professor, Centre for Mahayana Buddhist Studies,
Nagarjuna University, Nagarjuna Nagar-522 510, Andhra
Pradesh, India. : Former Director, Salar Jung Museum, Hyderabad c/o Flat
No.4, II Floor, Latha Apartments, Vidya Nagar, Hyderabad
500 044, Andhra Pradesh, India : Former Director, Birla Archaeological and Research Institute, Hyderabad, clo!2-11-1499, Boudhnagar, Secunderabad-500
061, Andhra Pradesh, India. : Deputy Superintending Archeologist, ASI, (Epigraphy), St.
George Fort, Chennai, India. : Research Scholar, Deccan College and Research Institute,
(Deemed University) Pune, Yerwada, Pune-411 006,
Maharashtra, India. : Associate Professor, Centre for Mahayana Buddhist Studies, Nagarjuna University, Nagarjuna Nagar-522 510, Andhra
Pradesh, India. : Asst. Sthapati, Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad-500 001, Andhra
Pradesh, India. : Director P.G. Courses, Hindu College, Amaravathi Road,
Guntur, Andhra Pradesh, India. : Asst. Director, (Technical), Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad-500
001, Andhra Pradesh, India. : Director, Museum, Kannada University, Hampi-583 215,
Karnataka, India : Professor Emeritius, Jawharlal Nehru University, c/o 23, 'B'
Road, Maharani Bagh, New Delhi-110065, India. Lecturer, Department of History, Yangon University, Yangon, Myanmar-010095. : Lecturer, Department of Ancient History and Archaeology,
Kannada University Hampi, c/o Qrs. 2E 6/B Behind I.B., Hampi Power House, Hampi-583 215, Karnataka, India
SIVANAGIREDDY, DR. E.
SOMASEKHARA RAO, M.
SUBRAMANYAM, DR. B.
SURESH, K. M. DR.
THAPAR, DR. ROMILA
U PHYU
VASUDEVAN, DR. C.S.

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VENKATESWARA REDDY, A.
VENKATESWARLU, A.
: Editor, Misimi, c/o Kala Jyoti Process Ltd., 1-1-60/5, RTC
Crossroads, Musheerabad, Hyderabad-500 020, Andhra Pradesh, India. : Retired Professor of Economics, Hindu College, Guntur. H. No.4-1-35, 4th Line Laxmipuram, Guntur-522 007, Andhra
Pradesh, India. : Senior Research Fellow, Ecole Francaise D'Extreme Orient,
Pondicherry, India.
VIJAYAVENUGOPAL, DR. G.

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SECTION B JAINISM

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AN UNWRITTEN CHAPTER IN THE HISTORY OF EARLY DECCAN
T. V. G. SASTRI
INTRODUCTION
Jaina religion was perhaps the earliest that maintained the historical accounts of the earlier Jaina kings and their genealogy. Some kings and their exploits had come through folklore and tradition in south coastal regions and the Deccan. One such king was Vikramāditya of Ujjain, the capital of ancient Avanti. He was a great hero daring and generous hearted. Historically speaking there are more kings than one with the name 'Vikramaditya' of different periods. One was Chandragupta Vikramaditya of 'Gupta dynasty who ruled over vast regions of India. He became the king in the year 325 AD. Another Vikramaditya (614 AD-681 AD) was a western Chäļukyan king of Badami, South India. It is needless to mention some more Vikramādityas of later periods.
This Vikramaditya of Ujjain is often confused with one for the other of his namesake as such they give a feeling of fiction, rather than reality. But it goes to the credit of Jainas to record and preserve the history of this very early king, and his success with minute details. As we read Betāļa Vikramārkuni Kathalu in Telugu Literature, we hardly realize that this great king had ever ruled over Deccan and South Coastal regions. According to a local tradition from Bhattiprolu in Guntur District of Andhra Pradesh, the place was associated with the great king Vikramāditya, and that village was named after his brother Bhațți, through a vaisya stepmother.
As regards its Jaina origins, the ancient Buddhist Stūpa located in the village had yielded some relic-caskets during excavations. The inscriptions found on them refer to one chief Rājapramukh Kubiraka. But the words like Arhat-gosti, Siha gosti and names like 'Sramana Uttara' etc., speak of its Jaina origins. According to Jaina Kalpasūtra, an early Jaina text, Kubiraka was a descendent disciple of 'Arya Mahāgiri' who was associated with Avanti. From this, it could be inferred that Kubiraka-the Jaina chief of kings had inaugurated the Buddhist stūpa indicating his tolerance towards Buddhism.
Looking to the importance and antiquity of the regions, Avanti and coastal region of Andhra Pradesh, have comparable identities. Both have strategic locations that served as the nuclear regions of trade and political power. In trying to understand them some acquaintance with their geographic positions is helpful. They are diagonally opposite to each other. The former lying towards the north-west, provides access to the West Asian countries for commercial and political links, while the latter far away towards south-east across the Deccan plateau, has an open stretch of the sea of the Bay of Bengal that facilitated maritime contacts with the countries of the Far East in the past. Again, Sipra is the holy river passing through the famous temple of Mahākāleshwar at Ujjain. Andhra, with two ever-flowing rivers, the

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Krishna and Godavari that have several ancient pilgrim centers in the fertile deltas that ensure 'food reserves', both for local consumption and export. During the ancient times both regions were centers of culture and learning. If the former claims Sandipa, the preceptor of Srikṛṣṇa of the Mahabharata, and the greatest Sanskrit poet Kalidas, the latter reminds us of Nagarjuna, the Buddhist scholar hailing from Vedali" and 'Kundakundacharya', the most respected Jaina saint from Kolanukonda, both in Guntur District.
230
Nevertheless, in some Jaina texts the route from Avanti to Andhra has been indicated. According to them the Jaina missionaries used to migrate to coastal Andhra Pradesh and Deccan through 'Anupa', in Nimar Valley, (between Vindhya and Satpura ranges) 'Asmaka' 'Mulaka' from Ujjain. In this context, according to an Ikshvaku inscription of the king "Virapurusha Datta' of Vijayapuri (Nagarjunakonda) had matrimonial links with Avanti during 2nd century AD. He married one 'Rudradhara Bhaṭṭāraka', the daughter of the king of Ujjain." The evidences enumerated might lead to the conclusion, that Vikramaditya of Ujjain would have held his sway over coastal Andhra as well. Concurrently of late, historical and archaeological research had thrown a flood of light ascertaining the realities in tradition and folklore. INVASION OF UJJAIN BY SĀKAS
The Jaina work Prabhavika Charitra gives at length the details of the Rasabha kings of Ujjain. According to it, the Malwa people, elected the Rasabha chief Gardhabhila as their king. Kalakacharya, a Jaina preceptor of the king of Pratistana, once visited Ujjain along with his sister Sarasvati. Attracted by her beauty, king Gardhabhila retained her in his royal palace. Enraged at his, saint Kalakacharya went over to 'Sakadvipa to invite the Saka chiefs to invade Ujjain. Accordingly, Sakas crossed the river Indus entered Saurastra, the proceeded to Dhakkagiri (Girnar) Lata and to Ayanti." They ultimately defeated Gardhabhila and occupied Ujjain." According to Herodotus, a powerful hoard of Sakas of Iranian origin conquered Medes at the time of Darius (526-486) BC. They occupied the region between Kabul and the Arabian Sea, on either side of the river Indus. Ever since they proclaimed themselves as the masters of Asia.
10
PRINCE KHARBHILA OF UJJAIN
Against the intention and expectations of saint Kalakacharya himself, the Sākas continued to occupy Ujjain. The Malwa people rose in rebellion against the intruders led by their valiant prince. Kharabhila, the son of Gardabhila. He drove them away and cleared Ujjain from foreign domination, after four years. This victory was celebrated with great enthusiasm. Ever since Kharabhila was hailed as great conqueror with the title 'Vikramaditya'-the son of Valour.
The Jaina tradition places this event, 470 years after the nirvana (death) of Mahāvīra, which took place 527 years before the birth of Christ. In Christian reckoning, it could be shown as (527-470) 57 BC. In the present day context of the Hindu calendar, the success of Kharabhila was achieved on Kārtika bahula pratipad (first day)." Saint Kalakacharya was a great astrologer. He found that the historical event was suitable even for astronomical reckoning, and christened it after the title of the king as the Vikrama era. In Andhra, it is used even today to check up the astronomical events while preparing the yearly calendars." Kharabhila was an ambitious prince and Asoka's popularity earlier as a king might have made a deep impression of his mind. Not satisfied with the victory at Ujjain, he later migrated to Kalinga, where he called himself not as Kharabhila but as Khâravela. Possibly, for administrative

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convenience, he might have shifted his capital from Ujjain to Udayagiri in Kalinga (Orissa). From there, he set out on his digvijaya the victorious campaigns, towards the Gangetic states up to Magadha. He brought back the image of a 'Jina' taken away 300 years earlier from Kalinga by one Nanda king of Magadha.
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In the Ujjain region, not much work has been done to investigate the authenticity of the history of the kings. But in Andhra, archaeologically, enough evidence has come to light. Firstly, the Hathigumpha inscription of Khāravela at Udayagiri in Orissa, records that during the 11th year, he marched towards Kanhabenha (Krishnaveni) in Mosali (Andhra). Being a Jaina, he could not tolerate the growing influence of Buddhism in the area. He destroyed the city of Pithudapura (Pedana near Masulipatnam), which he proudly claimed, that the city was completely leveled up to the ground by ploughs drawn by donkeys-gardabha, langalenae karsavati." Hathigumpha inscription of Udayagiri in Orissa is a living memorial referring his victories, over different regions in India, and his devotion of Jainism. As regards the period of the two 'Rasabha' kings, Gardhabhila and Kharabhila, Jaina texts show that the first king Gardhabhila ruled 13 years. The Sākas dethroned him in 61 BC. Thus, he may be said to have ruled over Ujjain from 74 BC to 61 BC. This is followed by a gap of 4 years. Thus in 57 BC, his son Kharabhila regained Ujjain with the help of local Malwa people and become the king. The Hathigumpha inscription shows his rule for 14 years (57 BC to 43 BC).
KING VIKRAMADITYA KHABHILA (KHÄRAVELA) IN ANDHRA
As per Hathigumpha inscription, Khäravela had the titles like i) Mahārāja, (ii) Chakravarti, (iii) Mahāmeghavahana, (iv) Kalingadhipati. In his exploits, as stated earlier, he invaded the land of Mosali (Andhra) and destroyed the city of Pithudapura. As regards his religion he brought back 'Agajinam' the Jina image taken away by Nanda Raja. The same inscription records the epithets like (i) arhat (ii) bhikshrāja (iii) aira etc. Evidently they indicate his association with Jainism. The inscription also records his ancestral origins. According to it, he was scion of 'Chedi' family. This is corroborated in the Jaina literature." Nevertheless, the author conducted excavations at Vaddamanu during the years 1981-85 that has given ample evidence of his sway over Andhra.
KHARBHILA ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS OF VADDAMANU
18
Not far from Bhattiprolu in Guntur district in Andhra, lies the village of Vaddamanu." It is about 8 km away from the famous Buddhist site of Amaravati. All the three places are located along the bank of the river Krishna. Almost adjacent to Vaddamanu village, towards the west, lies a hillock-Peddakonda, standing to a height of about 100m above the ground level. The excavation on the hill-top here had brought to light besides others, two important periods of structural activity that are associated with the Jainas (i) period I 200-50 BC (ii) period II, 50 BC -50 AD." The antiquarian remains obtained from the excavations are classified as under.
(a) STRUCTURAL
They showed the existence of two circular (i) stone Stūpas (ii) two elliptical structures. An inscription engraved on the brow of a rocky cave indicated, that they were built by one king Somaka (200 BC). Architecturally, the structures (i) and (ii) were found to be different from those of the nearby Buddhist sites of Amaravati and Nagarjunakonda. The style of the construction of Vaddamanu structures indicates the traditional time gap and religious association with Jainism from architectural features different from those of the Buddhists. The dyaka platform and the conventional ayaka pillars found prominent in the

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above Buddhist places are not seen at Vaddamanu. Moreover, these early structures of Jainas, show traditional features as found at Mathura in North India, with locally available rough granite, while the Buddhists used brick with new architectural features in Amaravati during the corresponding period. When the use of brick became more popular, because of its utility as a light material, they were also used in the later additions to the structures by the Sada kings at the Jaina basadi at Vaddamanu. b) INSCRIPTIONS
The inscriptions recovered from Vaddamanu excavation indicate that the monastery was intended for the Jainas as found on pot-sherd inscriptions reading as Jināna vihara parivārāva and subsidized by Jaina Sanghas from far of places like Vaisali (Bihar), Kasi (UP) Vidisha (MP), Pithudapura (Andhra) etc. Inscriptions on three potsherds show reference to Vikramāditya Khāravela by his family name as (i) Chedirājno Satho (108) (ii) Chediarăjno (iii) Chetiraj (no). Two more sherds refer to Jaina Sakhas, like, Uchanagara and Ailapatya. Mention of these was found in the early Jaina text Kalpasūtra. These Sakhas indicate the association of the Jaina preceptors Mahăgiri and Suhastin hailing from Ujjain. All the inscribed potsherds mentioned above were obtained from the top levels of period II indicating that the period of Khāravela could be shown to be around 50 BC. SADA KINGS, THE SUCCESSORS OF KHĀRAVELA
The earliest coinage recovered from the archaeological excavations in India were, the punchmarked coins. They were mostly symbolic represents the trees, hills, moon and others. The coinage of the Sada kings had adopted their coin traditions found on them.
(a) Coins: After the rule of Vikramaditya Khāravela some kings of the Sada dynasty appeared to have ruled over Andhra. Initially, some coins of Sadas were picked up from the Koraput and Biladilla regions. But as the legends on them were not clear, they could not be deciphered. Later, some coins showing a standing lion and tree within a railing on the obverse and six arched hill within a double square frame on the reverse were picked up from Dipaldinne (Amaravati) Gudiwada, Bapatla in coastal Andhra. The obverse of the coins contained in some clear letters over the lions, which could be read as rajno mahásada.
(b) More authentic evidence of this dynasty has come from a pillar inscription at Guntupalli near Eluru, West Godavari recorded on from pillars of a square mandapa. Although the inscription does not contain the name of Khāravela, his titles like, Mahārāja, Kalingadhipati, Mahisakadhipati. Mahämeghavāhana as recorded in Hathigumpha, could be clearly identified. Moreover, the king's name could be read as 'Sirisada'. As the titles of the kings were same. It was thus concluded that "Sirisada' was a descendent of Vikramāditya Khāravela. Again, Vaddamanu excavation had yielded several Sada coins. As many as 33 of them were obtained from the layers corresponding to 50 BC to 50 AD and about 14 of them were collected from the surface of Pedakonda (Vaddamanu). They are all lion coins in copper and lead in the different sizes. (1) Square (2) Round. Their weight varied from 20.56 to 6.18 gm, their size varied from 3.46 cm to 1.96 cm. But according to the legends, which start with two letters rajno in front, were attributed mainly to four kings.
a. Mahā Sada b. Siri Sada c. Asaka Sada d. Sivamaka Sada

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From the above numismatic evidence, it is taken for granted that there were at least four kings with their rule ranging from 14/20 years, after the death of khāravela around 43 BC. Thus, the Sada kings might have ruled for more than 80 years and by about 37 AD (80-43 BC), the power of Sada kings might have weakened. Coming back to Ujjain after a lapse of 135 year (57 BC-78 AD) historically it has to be stated that the Sakas had made another bid to re-conquer, Ujjain. This was during the time of the Saka Kings Chestana in 78 AD. Moreover, the year 78 AD has also astrological importance, as the old calendars of Vikrama era were revised and new calendars in Saka era came into force both in Andhra and Avanti.
MAURYAN TRADITIONS IN THE RULE OF RASABHA AND SADA KINGS
In the major rock-edicts of Kandhar made in 256 BC, 17 years after the coronation of Asoka, there was reference to five contemporary Hellenistic rulers. This implies that Asoka's rule began in 268 BC. The Greek author Polinus informs, that the Seleucid king, Antiochus the Great, began to rule after the death of Asoka in 232 BC. These suggest that Asoka reigned for 31 years between 268-237 BC.
Vikramāditya Khāravela and his descendants, the Sadas had adopted the Mauryan traditions. This can be inferred from literary and archaeological sources. Plutarach the Greek author (46-126 A.D) and the Ceylonese chronicles, mention that the Mauryan king Bindusara, sent his son Asoka to Ujjaini the capital of Avanti, to look after the administration of the strategic western province. This can be confirmed from a cave inscription of Panguraria near Hoshangabad, which mentions Aśoka as Mahārājkumar. Accordingly, when Aśoka became Mahārājkumar of Ujjain, he took over the region of Andhra as well. But after his coronation, possibly the latter region was separated from Avanti, and was attached to Suvarnagiri (Brahmagiri) in Karnataka and the administration was taken directly under him from Pataliputra. This is clear, from the Asökan Edict at Brahmagiri. So long as he was a Mahārājkumar, he possibly kept the ancestral, Jaina affiliation. After his coronation and battle of Kaļinga, he embraced the Buddhist faith. Later, he gave importance to Andhra as inferred from a fragmentary inscription from Amaravati. Moreover, the region was highly literate with several Buddhist establishments for which he finally became the patron. However, in his own edicts, he did not commit himself as a full-fledged Buddhist. He talks of himself as Piyadasi and Devanampiya dearer to the gods, just to gain the confidence of the people. Possibiy it is a general religious appeal for good administrator.
In the subsequent period of Sadas, on the other hand, prominence was again given to Jainism. Although Andhra was separated by Aśõka, political and religious links continued to grow between Andhra and Avanti, even in the later period. This could be confirmed from an inscribed potsherd, excavated from Vaddamanu in Andhra." It reads as sampativiharaya indicating that during the time of his grandson Samprati, there was the movement of Jaina missionaries between Avanti and Andhra. Mahārājkumar Samprati tried to revive Jainism, which lost the royal patronage during the period of Asoka. He thus, earned the title Jaina Asoka.
In the Hathigumpha inscription of Khāravela, there was an appeal of the restoration of scriptures in line 16, reading as uccha nigha choyathi angamantikam turiyam upadayati. Here, he expresses his concern for lack of response to study the peace giving twelve Angas' emanated from the divyadhvani of the Tirthankara." Because of the kingly appeal to Jainism, it became popular even in Andhra. Concurrently, there is another celebrated Jaina luminary in the literary firmament. He is 'Konda Kundächārya' who succeeded to the pontifical seal in Vikrama Samvat 49 BC at the age of 33 and lived as teacher for 52

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years. He passed away in 44 AD at the age of 85, His book Mülachara, is the most authentic text in Prakrit on the theory of practice of Jaina asceticism. The work ascribed to him like Pahudas Samavasana Rayanasars and Pravachanasara contain the basic principles of today's literary, scientific and technological advances. Thus, the period of Vikramaditya Kharavela, not only stabilized the foundation of Jainism but showed a new awakening in the literary movement spiritualized by the presence of Konda Kunḍācharya.
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During the Maurayan regime, paschimajita pradesa of the conquered country under the administrative control of Ujjaini was divided into janapadas, pradesikas ahales and gramas. They were controlled by the officials like Mahāmātras, grāmikas etc. For writing down the official documents like prasastis and donatery slabs, special lipikaras were employed. Even in Andhra, it appears similar administrative units and corresponding names for the officials might have been employed. Just as the word Maha in Maharajkumar for the princely administration was adopted, even the lower officials had similar prefix for official functionaries. Kharavela himself had the titles, like Mahārāja, Mahämeghavähana, Kalingadhipati etc. The Sadas, also had similar titles. The numismatic evidence of other dynasties of kings ruled after the Mauryas have yielded titles like Mahāsenäpathis, Mahâtalavaras, Maharathis in Andhra, who ruled much later than the Mauryas." Evidently, they refer to the chiefs of different categories of the defense forces and administrative set up, instituted, initially during the Mauryan period and continued up to the Sadas kings, in Andhra and elsewhere.
EMERGENCE OF SAKAS IN ANDHRA
For the evidence of the Sakas, the following sources may be cited.
38
a) Astrological tradition of Vikrama and Saka eras."
39
b) Stone inscription of Dhamuti (Amethi) the father of Chestana from Vaddamanu.
40
c) Post-shred inscription of Vasudama also from Vaddamanu." Incidentally, the name of Vasudama sounds like the name of kings like Rudradaman, Jayadaman, Viradaman, etc., whose coins are very well known and are generally referred to as the Saka Ksatrap kings of the line of Chestana (Chestansa).
d) Saka Ksatrap coins: A hoard from Petlurivaripalem not far from Vaddamanu.
Back at Ujjain, after a lapse of 135 years following the rule of the Sadas, Šakas had made another. bid to re-conquer Ujjain. This happened during the time of the Saka king Chestana in 78 AD. The Satavahanas had earlier occupied the kingdom of Avanti when Saka kings became weak. In Andhra also Vasudama and Dhamuti (Xamoti) the Saka kings were ruling Vadddamanu and they became successful in establishing Saka power. However, they were never shown as kings in the area. But, it appears quite evidently that they proclaimed sovereignty in the area, with Vaddamanu as their headquarters.
The old calendars of Vikrama, which started in 57 BC, were revised and new calendars in Śāka era came into force from 78 AD even in Andhra. Tilöyapannari" narrates the campaigns of Saka-Ksatrapa Chestana, who reclaimed his hold over Ujjain. They started earlier when Kharbhila stormed the city in 57 BC and the Śakas had to move to safer regions of Saurastra, Lata and to south up to river Krishna (Vaddamanu). Thus, the excavations of Vaddamanu are quite significant, as, according to me, they have clearly demonstrated the evidence of both Sadas and Sakas here. Moreover, the father of Chestana made Vaddamanu as his home. In the stratigraphical evidence of the excavations, the Śaka remains are attributed to the period around 50 AD. A long inscription, on a decorated stone slab, informs us that this Dhamuti

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235
was a resident of Vaddamanu-Vaddamanu nivasikasa that is found embellished the top portion of the stūpa for the religious merit of himself, his mother and son. In this context, it has to be stated that the Andhau Pillar inscription preserved in Bhuj museum in Kutch, reading as Rajno Chestanasa Tsamoti putrakasa suggests that Tsamoti or Dhamuti was the father of Chestana.
Besides, Andhra had yielded a hoard of lead coins from a village Petlurivaripalem near Bapatla in Guntur district in 1938. They are preserved in the State Museum located in the public Gardens, Hyderabad. Shri H. V. Trivedi analyzed them and he has identified 183 coins with clear legends reading as Jayadaman, Viradaman. The paleography and symbols shown on the coins suggest that the rule of western Ksatraps in Andhra cannot be ignored at least from 78 AD up to 120 AD.
Some Sātavāhana coins were recovered from Vaddamanu also." They however, indicate their association with late kings and no structural evidence was found immediately after the Sadas. Thus from the above evidences, the tall claim of Gotamiputra Satakarni as daskṣiṇāpathapati -the overlord (controller) of the Southern highway, cannot be entertained earlier to 78 AD. With the shifting of the capital from Ujjain to Kaļinga by the Răsabha king, Vikramaditya Khāravela, there was tripartite struggle for power for Avanti. Possibly, Śrī Satakarni, the Sātavāhana king who made his first bid during the time of early Sadas, might have been successful in annexing only the Bharukachha region of Saka Nahāpana. Because of the presence of the Sakas the Sātavāhanas could not keep their hold over Avanti. The Sātavāhanas concentrated first in Maharashtra and western regions along the river Godavari. Evidently, it had taken 135 years for Sātavāhana ruler Gotamiputra to have some hold over Deccan and coastal Andhra. CONCLUSION
As we go through the standard History texts referring to the Andhra region in particular, we are introduced to the Mauryan province of Mosali, (Andhra) indicated by the Asokan Rock-edicts of Pattipadu, Rajulamandagiri etc. Next we read about the spread of Buddhism from the inscriptions of Amaravati and other Buddhist places dating back from 2nd century BC onwards. Later we are taken straight away to the Sātavāhana period referring to the inscriptions of king Gotamiputra, Yagñaśrī, Pulumāvi, etc., who ruled the region from 2nd century AD onwards. But between the period of the Mauryan rock edicts and the rule of the Sātavāhana kings, there is wide gap of more than three and a half centuries beginning from the death of Asoka in 237 BC. This historical gap of 357 years can be divided in the following indicating the rule of kings and their dynasties: Period 1--Independent chiefs from 237 BC to 57 BC: Post Mauryan Chiefs, like Kubiraka, Somaka,
Sebaka, etc. Period II–Vikramaditya and Sadas from 57 BC to 78 AD: Rasabha king, Vikramāditya, Kharavila and
Sadas etc. Period III—Sakas from 78 AD to 120 AD: Śāka Kshatraps, Vasudara Dhamuti.
i) The first period covers 180 years. In this, it has already been shown in the introduction that a few kings like Kubiraka, Somaka etc., made themselves independent in different regions like Vaddamanu and Bhattiprolu. It was also indicated that some Mauryan officials in-charge of the army, elephants etc., had established themselves as kings with the same titles of Mahasenapathi and Mahārathis etc.

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ii) In the second period of 135 years from 75 BC to 78 AD, the historical events of the rule of Rasabha kings Vikramaditya Khāravela and his descendents, the Sadas, were discussed in detail.
iii) This period of more than four decades from 78-120 AD had witnessed the rise of Säka Ksatrapa kings of the Chestana line. Though their period is very much limited compared to the other two mentioned above, an inscription at Vaddamanu and numismatic evidence at different places has shown the capture of power by the Western Ksatrapa kings for the first time by Xamoti (Dhamuti), the successors of Nahāpana, who spearheaded the Saka power in Saurastra and coastal Andhra.
To conclude, the above study has indicated that excavation at Vaddamanu alone have filled up to some extent, the gaps in the historical tradition and history of Deccan and coastal region of Andhra Pradesh. During the last quarter of the last century, the State and Central governments have conducted several archaeological excavations and many antiquarian remains have been unearthed. If the reports of all these are published and the antiquities interpreted properly, a good lot of unknown history of early the Deccan can be bought to light. Publishing the report on the Vaddamanu excavations has done just that.
NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. In the stories of " Betaļa Vikramārkuni Kathalu" published in Telugu, we are introduced in the beginning of the famous
king Bhoja of Dharanagara. After a tiresome hunting expedition, the king encamped in the field of a Brahmin, which contained a high mound at a distance. Some of the members of his retinue got interested about the mound started digging. To their great surprise, they found a golden throne belonging to the king Vikramaditya. It had steps leading to the top. Each state contained the golden statue of a lady that spoke in human voice about the justice and greatness of the
king that sat on it. 2. The father of Vikramaditya, as the story goes, had four wives of different castes. The son born of the ksatriya lady was
Vikramaditya, while that of a vaisya lady was Bhatti. It was after Bhai, the village might have been named as Bhattiprolu. On inquiries at the place we were informed, that it was the establishment of komatis in the beginning. The komatis
incidentally, are that class of Jainas, the followers of saint Gomatha or Gomatėśwara. 3. Rajapamuka isaputto Kubirkaraja sihagothia, Luder's list 1336, Inscription No. p. 225. 4. Max Muller, Kalpasutra (Sacred books of the East series) p. 287. 5. Bongard, Levin and others: A History of India, pp. 63-65. 6. The Buddhist text Lankavatara Sutra states, that Nagarjuna was a native of Vedali in Dakshiņāpatha. This has been
identified as a Brahmin agrahāra in Bapatla taluka in coastal Andhra. G. G Krishna Rao, Vigrahavyavartini (Telugu) in
the introduction. 7. It was previously argued that Konakondla, near Anantapur was the place of Kundakundācharya. But a thorough
archaeological investigation of the area has shown the remains of an early settlement corresponding to his period. See
Arhat Vacana. Vol.1, 2, pp. 53-63 (all the publication in the Arhat Vacana Journal, shown here are by the author). 8. T. N. Ramachandran, Nagarjunakonda MASI, No.71. 9. kalantarena kenayi uppaditta sagane svva malayaya namenam vikkamaichhi kahanaka Kalakacharya kathanaka, p. 38 10. Ibid., p. 43 11. Satyasrva, Sakas in India (Lahore), p. 20. 12. J.P. Jain, The Sources of the history of Ancient India, p. 63 13. The Christian date was confirmed with the concurrence of some incidents kurika contemporary with the nirvana of
Mahāvīra. They are the 16th regnal year of the king Kunja (Ajātasatru) of Magadha and the coronation of the king Palaka of Ujjain. These were recorded in the Mauryan and Greecian accounts, which tally with 527 BC J.P Jain, The
Jain Source of the History of Ancient India, 1964, p. 32. 14. Both the saka and Vikrama eras are taken into consideration for forecasting the events in horoscopes from the date of
birth of individuals in Andhra. 15. Sasikant, Kharvela and Asoka, (prints India Delhi) p. 52.

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An Unwritten Chapter in the History of Early Deccan
237
16. D.C Sircar, Select Irscriptions, (University of Calcutta 1965) p. 20 lines 11. 17. Abhidana Rajendra, pt. I, p.1289 18. T.V.G Sastri, M. Kasturi Bai, Virender, Vaddamanu Excavations (Birla Archaeological and Cultural Research Institute
(BACRI) 1990. See Map. Fig. 1. 19. Arhat Vacana (June--September) 1989, p. 43. 20. Arhat Vacana, Vol. A Jan. 1992, p. 25 21. Arhat Vacana, Vol. 12 Sept. 1990, 'Inscribed Potshreds' 22. The shred indications are the original numbers maintained during the excavation for (ii) and (iii) while first one in the
published text was from Excavations (BACRI) 1992. 23. M. Muller (Ed), Sacred Books of the East, Vol. 22, Part I, p. 287. 24. The Punch marked coins were the earliest coinage, issued and a legal tender for business transaction in Andhra. Asoka
was the first king that possibly issued them. 25. Arhat Vacana, Vol. (3,4) 1989. The earliest coinage of Jaina Kings: pp.48-54. The numbers shown against the four kings
are from the published text BACRI op. cit., 1992. p. 324. 26. R. Subrahmanyam, Guntupalli Brahmi Inscription of Kharavela, State Govt. Archaeological Series. Vol. 3. 27. Although Dr. Subrahmanyam attributes the inscription to the king Kharavela himself, the details shown refer to the king
Śrīsada. Of course it shows the titles Kharavela, indicating the titles adopted by the kings of his dynasty. 28. Bongard Levin et.al, A History of India, Book I (Progress Publication) 1979, p. 68. 29. Op. cit., p. 64 30. Indian Archaeology- A Review, 1984-85 31. T.V.G Sastri, 'Ashokan Pillar Edict of Amaravati', Bharati (Telugu) March 1973, p. 96 32. Arhat Vacana, Vol. 1989, See fig.6. 33. Shashikant, op. cit., p. 52 34. J.P. Jain, op. cit., p. 63 35. Jinamanjari, Vol. 22, 1995 (Brahmi Jain Society Publications of N. America) 36. Bongard Levin, op. cit., p. 75 37. Raja Reddy & Suryanarayana Reddy, Coins of the Satraps of the Satavahana era, 1983. 38. The Calculations in the Panchangams in Andhra are made as per the Saka era. But the corresponding Christian dates are
also given to suit the present day reckoning. 39. The name was found on a lime stone slab containing long inscription. The slab was used in the railing or Stüpa, raised
towards south-western portion of the ancient mound of Pedakonda at Vaddamanu. 40. Arhat Vacana, vol. 2, Sept. 1990. Inscribed Potshreds. 41. H.V. Trivedi, Western Ksatrap Coins in A. P. Government Museum. 42. D.C. Sircar, Select Inscriptions, Vol. 63-66, p.173.

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ADVENT OF JAINISM IN ANDHRA
D. KIRAN KRANTH CHOUDARY & P. HEMA
Several scholars who have studied the advent of Jainism into Andhra have expressed different opinions on the subject. B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao traces the advent of Jainism into Andhra to the 5th century BC.' G. Jawaharlal opines that the origin of Jainism in Andhradēśa might be traced to the 6th century BC during the lifetime of Mahavira himself. P.B. Desai assigns the date of the spread of Jainism into Andhra to the 6th Century BC. Prof. B.N. Mukherjee says that Jainism might have reached Andhra from the north and west and the period of its advent may have been as early as the 1st century BC, if not earlier." Between the 3rd or 7th Century AD, Jainism was practiced extensively in Andhra. The main sources on this subject are the Jaina literature and epigraphy. The following is an examination of literary evidences on the advent of Jainism into the Andhradēša.
According to the Haribhadriya Vritti, a Jaina text, Mahāvira himself preached his doctrine in the region of Kaļinga.' In one of his tours Mahāvira left Sravasti for Hathasisa and traveled to Tosali. From there he traveled to Masoli. The above text is datable to the 5th Century AD. It is well known that to claim hoary antiquity and the very presence of great teacher in the far off region gives greatness, sacred quality and is considered special from other regions where Mahāvira had not visited. So to take the claim of the text literally that Mahāvira visited Kalinga without any other contemporary evidence may not be historically viable. Further, to cite Kharavēļa's statement that Mahāvira visited Kaļinga and preached the Dharma from the Kumari hill may not also reveal the authenticity of this historical visit. As pointed out earlier this only shows the claims made by these sources to suggest the sanctity and greatness of the Kumari hill where the Jaina dharma grew in strength later under the patronage of Kharavēļa during the 1st century BC. Thus to claim Mahāvira's visit to Kalinga, part of which is now in Andhra, in the 6th century BC may not be valid and this therefore cannot be taken as the date of the entry of Jainism into Andhra. It is however agreed by the scholars that Jainism entered into Kaļinga by 4th century BC.
With regard to the date of the Jaina canonical texts, it may be mentioned that the Avasyaka-sútra mentions Mahävira's visit to Moshali, a place that is referred to as Maisolia by Ptolemy. This is the Krishna-Guntur area of Andhra Pradesh. Scholars have considered that the present versions of canonical works were edited at the council of Valabhi during the 5th or 6th Century AD. Though these works contain ancient accounts and events, the historicity of many of these cannot be proved satisfactorily. It is also pointed out that “It is also difficult to be precise about how much of 14 purvas (Purvas or old texts) containing original doctrines as taught by Mahāvira and the Angas compiled by the Jaina council at Pataliputra in the Maurya age were incorporated in the angas redacted at Valabhi council".
The Chheda sutras of the Jaina cannon give us a few details on the early spread of Jainism. Jaina

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Advent of Jainism in Andhra
monks were said to have gone as far as Anga and Magadha in the east, Kausambi in the south, Surastra in the west and Kunala in the north. This description of geography of the spread of early Jaina faith is given in the Kappasutta (151-52)." The age of this text goes back to the time of Mahavira because his teachings are found in the Kappasutta. All this goes to emphasize the fact that at a later time zealous devotees attributed the sacredness to a given region. On this issue we may concur with A.M. Ghatge's conclusion that Mahavira's early activities were within the regions of Kosala, Videha, Magadha and Anga." Similarly we can also rule out the claim of Nayasena. In the Dharmamrita, Nayasena (AD 1112) points out that the twelfth Tirthankara Vasupujya, had introduced the Jaina faith into the Vengi mandala. This account cannot be taken as reliable because the Tirthankara Vasupujya is considered imaginary and therefore this claims is highly questionable.
239
The Mauryan king Samprati was a devout Jaina and the tradition gives him great place and glory for the spread of this religion. According to the Světambara tradition, Suhastin was the religious preceptor of Samprati." After Bhadrabahu's migration to the south, probably it was after Samprati that he Jaina Sangha became prominent and a great number of Kulas and Sakhas came into being. So it was due to Samprati's patronage that Jaina activity became vigorous and widespread. Samprati, according to the Jaina tradition, was the son of Kunala, a grandson of Asoka who succeeded to the throne after his death. The Aśokavadana agrees with the Jaina version but other sources like the Purāņas do not agree and introduces one to four names in between Aśoka and Samprati."
Although some confusion exists in the Puranic versions, as Samprati is suggested to be the son of Dasaratha in the Purāņas, the Buddhist and Jaina literature describe him as the son of Kunala. Samprati is said to have ruled from Pataliputra and from Ujjain. However, there is no epigraphical evidence to support his historical rule. But from the examination of literary accounts Romila Thapar opines that Samprati's rule from Pataliputra began in 223 BC and continued up to 214 B.C." Thus the third century BC was eventful for the Jaina Sangha. It was king Samprati according to Jaina tradition that provided patronage for the spread of Jainism. In fact, the Jaina Arya Sangha significantly named a Vaddamanu Vihara after king Samprati. It may also be stated that in the third century BC, Vardhamanapura came into existence close to the monastic establishment of the early Jainas in the Deccan.
The Kalakacharya Kathanaka refers to the Jaina Acharya Kalka who is said to be the guru for the kings of Pratisthanapura." He is assigned the date of 73 BC. He was one among the three Acharyas who bore the same name. It is also to be noted that the division of Jaina Sangha into Digambara and Světambara sects took place in circa 78 BC. It is opined that the Svetambaras of the Magadhan Jaina Sangha migrated to Ujjain at the end of the 3rd Century BC. It grew into a stronghold of the Jaina Sangha, which sent missions to the Deccan and Andhra. Thus, by the time the Satavahanas founded their kingdom in the 1st century BC at Pratisthanapura Jainism was prevalent in the Deccan and Andhra.
The Buddhist text Mahavamsa records the presence of Jainism in Sri Lanka during the reign of king Pandukabyaya who ruled between c. 377 and 307 BC." Professor B.N. Mukherjee points out that in the excavations at Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka the potsherds bearing Brahml inscriptions of 4th century BC have close resemblance to the paleography of the inscriptions found on the potsherds in the excavations at Dharanikota. Prof. Mukherjee opines that Jainism entered Sri Lanka from Andhra by 4th century BC Mere paleographical resemblance does not give strength to the Jaina monks reaching Sri Lanka from Andhra. Instead, Jainism must have reached Sri Lanka from Tamralipti or from Kalinga much later

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
because there were no centers of Jaina monasteries in the 4th century B.C. in Andhra or Tamilnadu. It has been established that Vaddamanu was the earliest monastic center in Andhra, which came up later i.e., 3rd -2nd centuries BC.
240
It may be thus suggested that Jaina emigration to the south took place after 300 BC, the date of famine in the north. Third century BC was the formative period of the Jaina Sangha in the south. As we know Buddhism was already a popular faith in Andhra, particularly in the Dhanyakataka region. The Jaina traditional accounts of the Digambara and Svetambara state that the Srutakevalin Bhadrabahu led the Jaina Sangha emigration to the south due to the severe 12 year famine in Magadha. His royal disciple Chandragupta followed his guru to Sravanabelagola in Karnataka. The epigraphs datable to the early centuries of Christian era record this event-the migration of the Jaina Sangha under Bhadrabahu. J. P. Jain opines that "the portion of the Sangha that had migrated to the south spread all over the Deccan, Andhra, Trikalinga, Tuluva and Tamil countries although Karnataka was its chief stronghold." Thapar comments that if this is true Chandragupta's immigration took place in Bindusara's reign and the south was outside the Mauryan control." This must have occurred after 297 BC.
In this paper we have examined the literary evidence with regard to the advent of Jainism in Andhra, which traces the activity of the Jaina Acharyas from about the early 3rd century BC, i.e.. Bhadrabahu's emigration to Sravanabelagola and to the intensive activity from the time of king Samprati, the grandson of Asoka in the late 3rd century BC.
T. V. G. Sastri had declared the Vaddamanu Stupa and monastic structures as Jaina on the basis of inscriptions, which refer to 1) Godasa, the founder of Godasagana 2) Samprati Vihara 3) Sada ruler's gifts 4) Sada Coins 5) and the virtual absence of Buddhist art motifs." The Stūpas, Vihāras, balconies etc. at Vaddamanu by paleographical and art evidence according to T. V. G. Sastri were built between the beginning of the 3rd century BC to the 3rd century AD. No archaeological evidence is obtained in the coastal region of north Andhra or Rayalaseema to the existence of Jainism for this period. Since Sravanabelagola is close to the western parts of Rayalaseema, i.e., the present day Anantapur and Kurnool districts, we can only conjecture the movement of Jaina Acharyas from Sravanabelagola to Andhra as Godasagana is referred to in the epigraph of Vaddamanu. As is well known Godasa was a disciple of Bhadrabahu. But till we come to the 1st century AD Jaina evidence in the Western parts of Rayalaseema is virtually absent.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao, Religion in Andhra, Hyderabad, 1993, p.153.
2. G. Jawaharlal, Jainism in Andhra, Hyderabad, 1994, p. 31.
3. Ibid., p. 34
XI-XV.
4. Haripriya Rangarajan, et.al, (ed) Jainism Art, Architecture, Literature & Philosophy, New Delhi, 2001, p. 5. G. Jawaharlal, Op. cit., 1994, p.31.
6. Haripriya Rangarajan, et.al, Op.cit., 2001.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. R.C. Majumdar (ed), The Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay, 1960, p.411.
11. Ibid., p. 417

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241
12. Haripriya Rangarajan, Op.cit., 2001. 13. J. P. Jain, Op.cit., p. 105 14. Romila Thapar, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, New Delhi, 1996, (rpt..) p.15. 15. Ibid. 16. J.P. Jain, Op.cit. p. 94ff. 17. A. Ghosh (ed), Op. cit., p.26-27. 18. Haripriya Rangarajan, Op.cit, 2001. 19. Ibid. 20. A. Ghosh (ed), Op.cit, p.25 21. J. P. Jain, Op. cit, p. 104. 22. Romila Thapar, Op.cit., 1996, p.17. 23. 1. V. G. Sastri, Vaddamanu Excavation Report, Hyderabad, 1992, pp.323-326

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JAINISM IN MAHARASHTRA : HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT
VIRAJ SHAH
The study of the historical development of Jainism has received due attention and exhaustive works have been produced on specific regional entities such as northern India, çastern India, western India and southern India. Moreover a general study has also been undertaken. However, in all these attempts, the present state of Maharashtra has been neglected and thus the position of Jainism throughout history in this part of Deccan remains unclear. The present paper attempts to fill this lacuna. This study is based on both literary traditions as well as archeological remains known till-date. General Overview of the Development of Jainism
Jainism was born in eastern India in the 6th century BC. While in the beginning the sect was confined to the parts of Bihar, Bengal and Uttar Pradesh it slowly spread to other parts of the country. Various literary and archaeological evidences indicate that by the 4th-3rd centuries BC, the sect spread to almost all the parts of the country. It is not very easy to trace the exact route of this spread. But it appears that it spread in successive stages over a long period of time. A notable feature of this early period is that except in Uttar Pradesh, very few archaeological remains of the Jainas either inscriptions, icons or caves are found from any part of the country. What we have is only literary traditions.
The scene changes from the Gupta period. From around 3rd 4th century AD, a large number of Jaina remains in the form of inscriptions recording donations to Jaina monasteries, icons, caves and temples start appearing in almost all parts of the country. Jainism emerged as the most powerful sect in south India, especially in Karnataka, where from the 4th to the 12th century AD, it dominated the cultural scene. It was patronised by all the major ruling dynasties like Gangās, Kādambas, Chāļukyas, Răshțrakūtas, later Chāļukyas, Kalachuris and Hoysālas. The sect became so powerful that the origin and creation of kingdoms of Gangas and Hoysālas came to be attributed to the Jainas. However, it received a setback in the 12th century AD, when the Hoysāla king Bittdēva was converted to the sect of Ramānujāchārya in 1116 AD and Virasaivism rose under Basava during the reign of the Kalachuris. In Tamil Nadu, the sect was very prominent from the 5th to the 7th century AD., as attested by a large number of remains and inscriptions. Madura and Kanchi were famous Jaina centres. There was a second wave of Jaina influence in the 8th-9th centuries AD under the patronage of the Rāshțrakūtas. However, the rise of the Vaişnava Āļvāras and the systematic persecution of the Jainas carried out by them in the 9th and 10th centuries AD led to almost an elimination of Jainas from the Tamil land. The earliest definite evidence of Jainism in Andhra Pradesh is from the 7th century AD. However, regular evidence starts appearing from the 10th century AD. From this time onwards, a number of Jaina remains in the form of inscriptions, icons and caves are found from all the parts of the state along with the evidence of royal

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Jainism in Maharashtra : History and Development
243 patronage to the sect. However, with the decline and disappearance of the eastern Chāļukyas in around the 12th century AD, the sect lost its royal patronage and almost disappeared." Jainism also became very popular in Gujarat-Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. In Gujarat, under the Solankis (c. 950-1246 AD) and the Vāghelas (1246-1304 AD), it reached the zenith of its popularity. A large number of remains in the form of temples, icons, inscriptions and literary references from this period speak of the glory of the sect. In Madhya Pradesh, the sect held a significant position during the medieval period as suggested by increased number of remains scattered in almost all the parts of the state. Sites like Deogarh, Gwalior, Khajuraho, Arang emerged as strongholds of the sect in this period. It was patronised by most of the ruling dynasties. Though a number of Jaina remains of the medieval period are found from eastern India, it was on decline in Bihar-Bengal region in the post-10th century AD period, where Vajrayāna Buddhism gained popularity.
Thus, it is clear that initially the sect was prominent in eastern and northern India, from where the focus was shifted to central, western and southern India by the medieval period. While in southern India, it remained powerful till about the 12th-13th century AD, in western and central India, it continued to hold a significant position till almost the modern period. Jainism in Maharashtra
With this broad outline of the development of Jainism, the history of Jainism in Maharashtra can be traced highlighting its strongholds in the region. The earliest evidence of the existence of Jainas in Maharashtra is in the famous story of Kalakāchārya, who is said to have visited Paithan. He shifted the date of the paryūsana festival from the fifth to the fourth day to suit the convenience of King Sālivāhana, ruling at Pratishthana or Paithan. This king is identified with Sīmukha or Hāla and he is reputed to have built Jaina temples and chaityas. The change of the paryūsana day by Kalaka for king Sālivāhana is also mentioned in the Nishithchūrni. According to the Pindaniryukti, the famous monk Padalipta Sūri also visited Maharashtra.
A definite evidence of the presence of Jainism in Maharashtra in the pre-Christian era is a Brāhmi inscription datable to the 1st century BC in a cave at Pale in the Pune district. The inscription begins with the invocation 'Namo arahamtānām! The term 'arhata' is used both for the Buddha and the Jina and though it has been argued that the term had not acquired Jaina connotations at such an early date, the expression of 'Namo arahamtānam' was and is typically Jaina, even at such an early date. It occurs in the Kharavela inscription and on a number of ayagapattas and Jina images from Mathura. Though Buddha is also occasionally referred to as 'arhata', none of the known Buddhist inscriptions begin with such an invocation. In fact, as Sankalia has pointed out, of the hundred and five Brāhmi records from Maharashtra, all of which are supposed to be in Buddhist context and dated to pre-Christian period, none has any invocation. In the later records of the Sātavāhana and the Kshatrapa periods, the word 'Siddham' appears, while from the 6th-7th centuries AD, the expression 'Om Namo Bhagavate' is used. Thus, the Buddhists seem to have adopted the invocation much later than the Jainas," whereas the Jainas used this invocation even in the 2nd-1st century BC. Thus, though it is a solitary archaeological evidence of the existence of Jainism in Maharashtra at such an early date, the cave is definitely aina. It is clear that by the 1st century BC at the latest, Jainism was introduced in Maharashtra.
But there is almost absence of any kind of evidence indicating the presence of the sect in the region in the few following centuries till about the 6th century AD, when a group of caves were excavated

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Kevala-Bodhi --Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
at Dharashiva in Osmanabad district. However, Vasudevahindi, a text written in the 4th-5th century AD refers to the regions of Maharatta' with the capital at Vachhagumma or Vatsagulma, Bhojakada, identified with the talukas of Amaravati and parts of Wardha in Vidarbha and cities like Kumdinapura or Kaundinyapur in Amaravati district and Paittha or Paithan. Apart from this, there are a number of references to Maharashtra in the Bhashya literature of Jainas. According to Brhatkalpabhashya, bananas used to grow in plenty, while woollen clothes used to be sold in large quantity and there used to be flags on the liquor shops in Maharashtra." The text mentions that the Digambara Jaina monks of Maharashtra used to wear 'ventak' (a type of ring) on their penis. Vyavahārabhashya refers to a dispute between the resident of Lata and the resident of Maharashtra over an umbrella. There are references to Konkan and the famous port of Suparaka or Sopara. In Brhatkalpabhashya, Suparaka is referred to as a big trading centre. The same text mentions that the people of Konkan were very fond of flowers and fruits and they used to earn their livelihood by selling these.” The text also refers to an incidence when a few Jaina monks spent the night in the dense forest of Konkan, a monk killed three lions during the night vigil and he was forgiven due to circumstances. Since it used to rain heavily in this region, the monks were allowed to carry an umbrella here. Thus, it is clear that the Jainas had first-hand knowledge of the region in ancient times. However, since these Bhashya texts, though definitely later, have not been dated with certainty it is difficult to determine the exact period they depict. Of these texts, Brhatkalpabhāshya is supposed to have been written by Sanghadāsagani," who flourished in the 6th century AD.
However, from the 8th century AD regular archaeological evidences of Jainism start appearing in this region. Below is the list of Jaina remains of Maharashtra, arranged chronologically.
List of Jaina Remains in Maharashtra
DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
6th century AD
Dharashiva, Osmanabad dt.
Six caves.
7th century AD
Shirpur, Dhule dt.
A bronze.
Only Cave II and III are finished, while the rest are unfinished, rough excavations. It is inscribed. Now it is in the Muni Punyavijaya Collections, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahemadabad. Hoards of twenty-seven Jaina bronzes are found at the site.
8th century AD
Rajanapur Khinkhini, Two Ambika figures." Murtazpur taluka, Akola dt. Chahardi, Chopda Chauvisi with an inscription." taluka, Jalgaon dt. Altem, Hatkanangale An inscription referring to taluka, Kolhapur dt. a Jaina temple in the city."
Though the grant refers to Chalukyan king Pulakēśin and is dated to 488 A. D., it is found to be spurious (Fleet, 1900) There are two more Brāhmaṇical caves.
Ambejogai, Bid dt.
A cave.
Late 8th
century AD

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Jainism in Maharashtra : History and Development
245
DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
41 Late 8th-early Kharosa, Nilanga A cave.
There are few more Brāhmaṇical 9th century AD taluka, Latur dt.
caves. Now the Jaina cave has been converted to Buddhism by the neo
Buddhists. 9th century AD Ellora, Aurangabad dt. Few caves, grouped in five
main excavations. Do. Rajanapur Khinkhini, Five bronzes.
Chauvisi, Ambikā, Sarasvati and Murtazpur taluka,
Yaksha-Yakshi. Akola dt. 915 AD
Vajirkheda, Malegaon Two copper plate charters These two sites and also donated taluka, Nasik dt. recording the grant of some villages are identified in Malegaon
villages to Amogha basti at taluka of Nasik dt. The Răshțraküta Chandanapuri and Uriamma king Indra III made this grant.
basti at Vadner. Early 10th century Mangi-Tungi, A cave (lower cave 1).** There are two caves at the lower level AD Satana taluka,
and a few more caves as well as icons Nasik dt.
cut on the rock-face on both the peaks of Mangi and Tungi hills. All the
caves date from different periods. Do. Pandu Lena, Nasik A cave.**
The cave was originally a Buddhist taluka, Nasik dt.
vihara, which was converted to
Jainism during this time. 10th 11th century Karoli, Bhiwandi A temple."
It is on a raised site in a field close to AD taluka, Thane dt.
the road. The remains are heap of carved stones (some with Jina
images), doorjambs, domed ceiling. Lonar, Buldhana dt. Two chaumukhas. ** Rajanapur Khinkhini, Seven bronzes." Murtazpur taluka,
Akola dt. Early 11th Mangi-Tungi, A cave (lower cave II). century AD Satana taluka,
Nasik dt. Do. Patne, Chalisgaon A cave.
The cave is behind Mahādēva temple. taluka, Jalgaon dt.
There are two more caves, the definite religious affiliation of which is not
clear. Mid 11th
Kalvan, Nasik dt. An inscription recording There is a reference to the reign of a century AD
grants to a Jaina temple in the subordinate chief Yasovarman under country of Śvētapada. Bhoja I of Paramāra family. The grant
Do. Do.

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DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
was made by his samanta Ranaka
Amma. 11th century AD Dharmapuri, An inscription recording
Ambejogai taluka, grants to (Besaki) settiya Bhir dt.
basti at the city. Do.
Dharmapuri, An inscription. Anbejogai taluka,
Bhir dt. Do.
Murum, Umarga An inscription recording This inscription is unpublished. It taluka, Latur dt. grants to Tirtha basti and refers to the reign of Later Chāļukyan a Jinalaya.
king Sõmēśvara I (1043-1068 A. D.). Do.
Ramalinga Mudgad, An inscription referring to a This inscription is unpublished. It Nilanga taluka, number of Jaina pontiffs refers to the reign of Later Chalukyan Latur dt.
king Somēśvara I (1043-1068 AD), and states that the king helped the
Jaina pontiffs. About 1067 AD Vai, Yeotmal dt. An inscription recording the The stone slab of the inscription was
construction of a Jaina temple, found in a field outside the village. 'Srivitarăga' and several Jaina The donor was one Bhimadeva.
icons." 1070 AD
Karadkhed, Deglur An inscription recording The reign of Somēśvara II is referred taluka, Nanded dt. grants to Nigalamkamalla to. A subordinate chief made the Jinalaya at the village. grant, whose name was possibly
Karkarasa. 1080 AD Nimbaragi,
A stone inscription recording The inscription was found from the South Sholapur taluka, the construction of Nēminátha Mahādēva temple at the site. One Sholapur dt.
basti at the city and donation Bhögagávunda constructed the temple of some grants.
and grants were made by Ammarasa
(Kalachuri king Ammangidēva). Late 11th-early Chambhara Lena, Three caves. 12th century AD Nasik taluka,
Nasik dt. About 1108-09 AD Honnur, Kagal taluka, An inscription recording The inscription on the front of the
61 Kolhapur dt. the grants to a Jaina temple. abhisheka-stand of an image inside
a Jaina temple at the village. Mahamanda-leśvaras Ballala and Gandarāditya, Silāhāras of Kolhapur made the grant. Bammagāvunda built
the temple. 1110 AD
Tiravade, Bhudargad An inscription recording a The grant was made over by the

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DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
taluka, Kolhapur dt. grant to God Arhat, set up Šilāhāra prince Mahamandalesvara
near a tank at Irukudi Gandarāditya. (Rukadi, near Kolhapur) along with Gods Mahādēva
and Buddha. 1118 AD
Herla, Karavir taluka, An inscription recording a The Silāhāra king Gandarāditya at the Kolhapur dt.
grant to Chandraprabha temple instance of Nāgaladevi, probably his at the village.
mother made the grant. The temple
was built by Nemagāvunda. 1135 AD Kolhapur
An inscription recording a The inscription is found in front of grant to Pārsvanātha temple the Parsvanātha temple in the city. in the city.
The corporation of Vira Banañjas made the grant. The reign of Silähära Mahamandalesvara Gandarāditya is
referred to. 1139 AD Kolhapur
An inscription recording a The grant was made over by grant to Marasingasetriya Dandanayaka Dasimarasa, nephew of basti.
Mahāpradhāna Kalimarasa. First half of
An inscription recording the The inscription is on the beams of 12th century AD Kolhapur
construction of Ādinātha mandapa of Seshasäyi temple in the temple at the city.
backyard of Mahālakṣmi temple. It refers to the reign of Silāhāra king Gandarāditya. The donor was one
Nimbadēva. 1142 AD
Anjaneri, Nasik taluka An inscription recording a The grant was made by Yādava king Nasik dt.
grant to the temple of Seunachandra III and three merchants
Chandraprabha at the village. 1143 AD Kolhapur
An inscription recording a The inscription is found on a stone grant to the Pārsvanātha in front of the Jaina temple near the temple at Havina-Herilage Shukravar gate of the city. (either Herle or Here). Mahamandalesvara Vijayāditya of
Silāhāra family made the grant. Vasudeva, betel-box carrier of
Samanta Kāmadēva built the temple. 1150 AD
Bamani, Kagal taluka, An inscription recording a The inscribed slab is now in the Kolhapur dt. grant to Pārsvanätha temple courtyard of the Jaina temple near the at the village.
Shukravar gate of the city. Mahamandalesvara Vijayāditya of Silāhāra family made the grant. The temple was built by Chodhare Kāmagāvunda.
69

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Kevala-Bodhi - Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
1150 AD
1154 AD
1154 AD?
1166 AD
1168 AD
Desinga Borgaon, An inscription recording a The inscribed stone was found near a Miraj taluka, grant to the Parsvanātha Hemadpanthi temple of Mahadeva Sangli dt. temple at the village. outside the village. A few officials of
Mahamandalesvara Bijja!adēva of the Kalachuri family and a few śrésthis made the grant. Ketagāvunda built the
temple. Kolhapur
A copper plate charter recor- Mahamandalesvara Vijayaditya in the ding a grant to the Säntinātha reign of Silähāra king Gandarāditya basti in the city."
made the grant. Miraj, Sangli dt. A copper plate charter record- The Chālukyan king Vīrasatyäśraya
ing a grant a Jaina temple, dēva made the grant.
possibly in Miraj." Malakavathe, South An inscription recording It refers to the reign of Kalachuri king Sholapur taluka, grants to a basti, possibly at Bijjaṇadevarasa. The donors were Sholapur dt. the village.
Rambhādevi, the queen of Kalachuri King Bijjaļa, Dandanayaka Govinda
rasa and some guilds. Asegaon, Basmatnagar A Parsvanatha icon with the The remains are found among the taluka, Parbhani dt. inscription and remains of ruins of Kumbhar Gadhi on the west a temple.
of village. Bhalavani,
An inscription recording a The grant was made by a few śrësthis. Khanapur taluka, grant to a Jaina temple at the It refers to the reign of Kalachuri king Sangli dt. village.
Soyidēva. Aundha, Hingoli An icon of Padmăvati with taluka, Parbhani dt. the date and temple in Sutar
lane, now known as Pancha Pandava temple with an
inscription on the wall." Kolhapur
An inscription recording a The grant was made by king Bhojagrant to Santinātha icon in a dēva, ruling at Kolhapur Jaina temple at Ekanagavir
(not identified)." Dharmapuri, An inscription recording The inscription is on a slab on the Ambejogai taluka, grants to a temple."
north inner fortification wall. Bhir dt. Anjaneri, Nasik Six temples and three mathas Of these, temple no. 2 carries the taluka, Nasik dt. or resthouses.
aforementioned inscription of 1142 AD.
1173 AD
1183 AD
1187 AD
12th century AD
Do.
80

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249
DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
Do.
Sinnar, Nasik dt.
Two icons, an Ambikā and a Sarasvati.
A temple."
These are now kept flanking the gate of public library in Nasik (Plate XXXVIII). Now dilapidated, only throne in a roofless shrine exists. It is to the northeast of Mahadeva temple.
Patne, Chalisgaon taluka, Jalgaon dt.
(Plate XXXIX)
Do.
At the base of Tringalwadi fort.
Do.
Kolhapur
Ambabai temple, originally a
Jaina temple. Ankai-Tankai, Ten caves. Yeola taluka, Nasik dt. Tringalwadi, Igatpuri A cave." taluka, Nasik dt. Vase, Mokhada taluka, A cave. Thane dt. Anjaneri, Nasik taluka, A cave. Nasik dt. Bhandara,
A chauvisi. Bhandara dt. Junnar, Junnar taluka, A cave. Pune dt.
Mid 12th
century AD Late 12th century AD
no
The cave was originally a Buddhist vihara, which was converted to Jainism by addition of icons. The cave is on the hill opposite the fort.
Bhamer, Sakri taluka, A cave. Dhule dt. Chandor, Chandor A cave." taluka, Nasik dt. Nandagiri, Satara A cave or a tunnel in the fort taluka, Satara dt. with a rock-cut icon of
Pārsvanātha. Mohida, Shahada Two caves. taluka, Dhule dt. (now, Nandurbar dt.) Ellora, Aurangabad dt. Four caves.
93
Late 12th- early
13th century AD.
The caves are cut in the bedrock and are open from the top. (Plate XL)
94
Do.
12th-13th century AD
Ramalinga Mudgad, Nilanga taluka, Latur dt.
These caves are on the top of the hill containing well-known early caves. The icons are in a small shrine. The village has Saiva and Vaiştņavite icons and two Saivite temples. (Plate XLI)
Four icons. Two icons are of Pārsvanātha, one is a chaumukha and one is chauvisi. An icon of Viinalanātha, now worshipped in Vimalanatha temple.
Balsane, Dhule dt.
(Plate XLII)

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250
DATE
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
12th to 13th centuries AD
12th to 14th centuries AD.
1215 AD or, 1350 AD.
1218 AD.
1251 AD.
1274 AD.
Do.
PLACE
Do.
Khidrapur, Shirol taluka, Kolhapur dt. Erandol, Jalgaon dt.
Phaltan, Satara dt.
Mehkar, Buldana dt.
Jintur, Parbhani dt.
13th century AD. Dharur, Kaij taluka,
Bid dt. Kachner, Aurangabad taluka, Aurangabad dt. Ausa, Latur dt.
Sultanpur, Shahada taluka, Dhule dt. (now, Nandurbar dt.)
REMAINS
a Jaina temple.
Temple remains, icons and
Daulatabad, Aurangabad dt.
a cave.
Rajanapur Khinkhini, Eight bronzes. Murtazpur taluka,
Akola dt.
Dhule and Jalgaon dts. A few icons of tirthankaras, yakṣis and tōraṇas (now housed in the museum of Rajwade Samshodhan Mandal).
Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
A temple.
95
A few icons (now housed in the Regional Museum, Nasik). Jabareshvar temple, originally
96
97
101
An image pedestal inscription recording the obeisance to the descendants of Dēvēndrakīrti." Satgaon, Chikhi taluka, An icon of Pārsvanatha with Buldhana dt. inscription recording the
102
dedication of the idol and an Ambika icon.
103
98
An inscription recording the installation of the image of Neminatha.
100
REMARKS
106
These icons are from Burhanpur, Methi, Nandurbar, Prakshe, Sultanpur, etc. Some of them carry dedicatory inscriptions on the bases with dates. One fragment belongs to 16th-17th century AD. The inscription is on a broken Jaina icon, now kept in Balaji's temple at the village. Padmavati, wife of Ashadhara, who was grandson of śresthi Sinha and son of hsvara made the grant.
The donor is Gamataiya, son of a śrĕsthi.
104
A number of tirthankara and yakṣa icons, one of which carries inscription of Samvat 1217. Dharesvara temple, originally It was converted into a mosque by a a Jaina temple. general of Muhammad-bin-Tughluq. A Parsvanatha temple." Remains of a temple and inscription.
105
107
The icons are found near fort. It is possible that they belong to a wide range of period.
The inscription refers to an army camp and a number of Jaina temples built here.

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Jainism in Maharashtra : History and Development
DATE
Late 13th century Barshitakli,
AD.
From 13th to
15th cent
Uries AD.
From 13th to 18th
centuries AD.
1406 A. D. or 1412 AD.
PLACE
1491 AD.
14th century AD. Ter, Osmanabad
Akola taluka,
Akola dt. Mangi-Tungi, Satana taluka, Nasik dt.
14th century AD. Shirpur, Washim
taluka, Akola dt. Shirpur, Washim taluka, Akola dt.
1592 AD.
1598 AD.
From 15th to 17th Pune, Pune dt. centuries AD. About 1500 AD. 1524 AD.
Ukhald, Parabhani dt. About 70 inscriptions on the pedestals of Jaina images with dates ranging from 1238-1764 AD.
109
Udgir, Latur dt.
110
An inscription recording the taluka, Osmanabad dt. temple of Vardhamana and some donations. Teinple of Antariksha Pārsvanatha. An inscription.
111
Sangli, Sangli dt. Udgir, Latur dt.
Jintur, Parabhani dt.
REMAINS
Ter, Osmanabad dt.
A chauvisi (now housed in Central Museum, Nagpur)."
1500 to 1700 AD. Thalner, Shirpur taluka, Dhule dt.
A few caves and icons on the peaks of both hills.
An inscription.
108
112
113
114
Number of icons with inscriptions. Pārsvanatha temple. An inscription recording the donation of an image and Pārsvanatha basti.
116
An inscription on image pedestal recording the obeisance of Lakshmisēna. An inscription mentioning Pārsvanatha and Vardhamana chaityalaya and the village Ter.
118
Nine marbel icons of tirthankaras, metal bells and utensils for worship.
119
115
117
REMARKS
251
It is not clear which Ukhald is referred to as there are three Ukhali and one Ukhaladavadi in the district. Perhaps latter place in Parbhani taluka is meant.
It is on the lion throne of Pārsvanatha in a basti in the village.
King Ila (1058 A. D.), ruling at Elichpur is said to have built it. The inscription is in the temple of Antariksha Parsvanatha at the village. It mentions Antariksha Pārsvanatha and the builder of the temple. It is engraved on the pedestal of Chandraprabha icon and refers to obeisance of Jaina monks.
The inscription is engraved on the pedestal of Pārsvanatha icon in a temple.
The inscription is found in a Jaina basti.
The icons were dug from the field of Kadarbai Mali.

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DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
16th-17th century
AD 1608 AD.
1610 AD. 1610 AD.
16th-17th cent-
uries AD
Javali, Umred taluka, An icon of Pārsvanātha. Nagpur dt. Jintur, Parbhani dt. An inscription mentioning
Vardhamana tirthankara
chaityalaya and Jintur. Jintur, Parbhani dt. An inscription."
It is highly damaged. Jintur, Parbhani dt. An inscription recording the The inscription is on the pedestal of donation of an icon."
Neminātha icon on Nemagiri hill in the city. The donor is Nema Sanghavi
of Bagherval community. Jintur, Parbhani dt. Seven icons on Nemagiri hill. These icons are colossal, four to seven
ft. high. They are now housed in a
fort like structure on the hill Kusba Saogaon, An inscription recording the The inscription is found in a Jaina Kagal taluka, construction of a Jaina temple temple in the village. The date is not Kolhapur dt. at the village.
known. Bhose, Tasgaon taluka, An inscription."
The inscription is damaged. It is on Satara dt.
a slab in a cave, locally known as
Dandoba's temple. Miri, Pathardi taluka, A number of Jaina images and The dates of these images are not Ahemadnagar dt. a rock-cut cistern in a field given.
containing two niches, each with a figure of standing, Jina,
of which is Pārsvanātha. Pedgaon, Ahemad- Bhairavanātha temple, origin- The date is not known. nagar dt.
ally a Jaina temple. Mahekari, Ahemad- A temple.
The date is not known. nagar taluka, Ahemadnagar dt. Padmapura, Gondia
129 taluka, Bhandara dt. Icons of tirthankaras" and a Among the icons are Pårsvanatha, Hemadpanthi temple." standing Jina, Rshabhanatha. The
dates are unknown. Savarganv, Katol A temple."
Date is not known. taluka, Nagpur dt. Rasa, Wani taluka, A few icons."
Date is not known. Yeotmal dt.
133 Rui, Yeotmal taluka, A few icons.
Date is not known. Yeotmal dt. Tarnoli, Darvha taluka, An icon of Pārsvanātha. Date is not known. The icon carries Yeotmal dt.
an inscription.
126
134

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DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
Sindkhed Raja, An icon."
Date is not known. Mehkar taluka, Buldana dt. Rajura, Malkapur The icon with inscription." Date is not known. taluka, Buldana dt. Bhandak,
A few icons and temple Date is not known. Chandrapur dt. remains. Junni, Biloli taluka, A temple and a few icons. Date is not known. Nanded dt. Ardhapur, Nanded A temple and an icon, carrying Date is not known. taluka, Nanded dt. an inscription." Kandhar, Nanded dt. A large number of icons in the Date is not known.
cellar of the temple and a number of broken images as well as
fragments of temple. Jakekur, Umarga Remains of a temple and two Date is not known. taluka, Osmanabad dt. Jina icons. Kunthalgiri,
A number of temples and a Date is not kn ). Osmanabad dt. mänastambha. Charthana, Jintur A group of shrines, man- Date is not known. taluka, Parbhani dt. astambha, three icons." Ranisavargaon, Icons of Rshabhanātha and Date is not known. Gangakhed taluka, Mahavira." Parbhani dt. Shirod Shahapura, Icons of Mallinātha and Date is not known. Basmatnagar taluka, Pārsvanātha. Parbhani dt. Nevergaon, Gangapur Sankeshvar temple, originally Date is not known.
Madhavray Peshva taluka, Aurangabad dt. a Jaina temple.
restored the temple. Jatavada, Aurangabad A Parsvanatha temple. Date is not known. taluka, Aurangabad dt.
148 Siur, Vaijapur taluka, A few icons.
Date is not known. Aurangabad dt. Nizampur, Sakri Pārsvanātha temple.
Date is not known. taluka, Dhule dt. Boradi, Shirpur Two inscribed images of Jina Date is not known. taluka, Dhule dt. in the compound of a high
150 school.
145

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
DATE
PLACE
REMAINS
REMARKS
Tondapur, Jamner taluka, Jalgaon dt.
Remains of a temple.""'Two Date is not known. Jina and a Bahubali icon (now housed in the Regional Museum, Nasik). They possibly belong to 12th-13th century AD. Icons of Jinas.
Date is not known.
Mauja Pandur, Ratnagiri dt.
Historical Development of Jainism in Maharashtra:
The above list provides a good picture of the historical development of Jainism and the character of the sect in Maharashtra. It is clear that from the 8th century AD onwards there is regular evidence of the presence of the sect, which continues up to almost the modern period. The most evidence comes from the 11th to the 14th centuries AD. The ruling dynasty of the period, the Yādavas, came to be claimed to have originated and established with the help of Jainas as stated in Vividhatirthakalpa. It, in a way, implies popularity of the sect and possibly an increase in Jaina population in this period. But more than anything else it points to the rise in the position of the Jainas in the contemporary society, both socially and economically. Thus, the sect, which was introduced by the 1st century BC at the latest, started gaining popularity from the 8th century AD and reached its zenith in the period of the 11th to the 14th centuries AD. It continued to be hold a significant postion under Muslim rule also. A number of sites developed as Jaina tirthas during the post-14th century AD period. Jaina strongholds in Maharashtra:
As is clear from the above list, the Jaina remains are found from almost all parts of the state except Konkan, where the cave at Vase, a temple at Karoli, both in Thane district, and a few icons at Mauja Pandur in Ratnagiri district, are the only examples. However, Jaina writers frequently mention Sopara. The mythical Jaina king Shirpal is said to have married Tilaksundari, the daughter of king Mahāsena of Soparaka. One of the eighty-four gachhas is called after Sopara... Vasudevahindi refers to Konkan vishaya and the city of Sopparya or Sopara and Samjamti or Sanjan."
Though Jainism seems to have spread throughout Maharashtra, some places emerged as the strongholds of the sect in different periods of history. Anjaneri was a very important centre of the sect in the 12th century AD since a large number of temples and also a cave all dating from the same period are grouped at the site. Moreover, the donation made by the Yādava king to one of the temples speaks of the significance of the site. In fact, Nasik and the area around it had been a Jaina strongnold from the 8th century AD, especially in the period between the 11th to the 14th centuries AD, as the number of remains suggest. According to Vividhatirthakalpa, there was a Chandraprabha temple at Chandor in the 9th century AD. Vatagramapura, identified either with Wani in Dindori taluka or Vadner in Malegaon taluka of Nasik District, was a great Jaina centre froin the 7th to the 9th centuries. In the 10th century AD, there were two Jaina temples at Vadner and Chandanpuri in Malegaon taluka, which were granted donations by the Răshrakūta king Indra III. Nasik is considered an important Jaina tirtha by the 14th century AD as it finds mention in the Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasūri. According to the Vastupālacharita, Tejpāla, the famous minister under the Solankis of Gujarat, set up a Jina icon in the

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160
Jaina temple at Nasik. It continued to be an important Jaina tirtha till at least the 18th century AD as Muni Shilāvijaya, who visited contemporary Jaina tirthas of south India in Vikram Samvat 1731-1732 AD, mentions it in his Tirthamala along with Trymbaka and Tungi.
161
255
Paithan was an important centre in the pre-14th century period. It is mentioned as a tirtha by Jinaprabhasuri. It was considered sacred because Kalakacharya is supposed to have visited it in the ancient past. It continued to hold significance in later period also. Chimna Pandit (17th century AD), who hailed from Paithan considers it a 'Mahātirtha' and describes the city along with its history as a Jaina kshetra. By this time the city came to be associated with Munisuvrata tirthankara, Ahmadnagar was a Jaina tīrtha in the 18th century AD as Muni Shilāvijaya is said to have visited it.
162
163
164
166
167
168
In the Marathwada region, Ukhald in Parbhani district, where a large number of icons are found, was an important centre. The site continued to be a stronghold of the sect from the 13th to the 18th century AD. Muni Shilavijaya visited it in the 18th century AD. Other important centres of this region in the pre-14th century period were Aurangabad, Daulatabad, Ellora, Dharashiva, Ter, Jintur, Kachner and Kandhar. These centres continued to hold significance till the 18th century A. D. Of these, Muni Shilavijaya visited the first three." Dharashiva and Ter are mentioned by Ratnasa in Jaina Marathi text, Jambusvāmi charitra' (completed 1688 AD) as Jaina tīrthas. Aurangabad and Daulatabad developed as separate 'pithas' or seats of Bhaṭṭārakas. Rich merchants from Gujarat built temples in Daulatabad, while the famous acharya Hiravijaya was sent here for further studies in his young age. Kandhar had emerged as an important centre by the 13th century as there existed an 'Anvaya' named after this place, mentioned in 1215 AD inscription from Mehkar. Jintur gained more importance from the 14th-15th century AD. It became the centre of Bagherval community. Like Jintur, Kachner also became more popular in later period. Chimna Pandit (17th century AD) mentions that a jatra used to be held in Kachner on every full moon day of Kartik and 'mahābhishek' was performed. A few centres developed in the post-14th century period, Of these, Kunthalgiri and Shiradshahapur are foremost. Jinasägar referred to Shiradshahapur (1724 AD). Latur was also an important centre as a separate 'pitha' was established here. Kunthalgiri is one of the important centres even today. A fair is held on every full moon day of Margashirsha.
170
173
In Vidarbha, Shirpur was the most important centre of the sect. Jinaprabhasüri mentioned it. Thus, by the 14th century AD, it was established as a tirtha. It continues to be most significant tirtha of the region till today. It is referred to in a number of texts of the post-14th century AD. Gunakirti (1470 AD) mentions it as Atishaya kshetra, while Chimna Pandit (17th century AD) refers to the antiquity of the Parsvanatha icon here. Ratnasa also mentioned it (1688 AD). Muni Shilāvijaya visited it. Lonar had been another important centre from at least the 11th century AD. Even in the 18th century, it had some significance as Muni Shilāvijaya visited it. A few other centres like Karanja and Ramtek developed in the post-14th century AD period. Of these, Karanja was the most important cultural center where a seat of Bhaṭṭārakas was established in the 14th century AD. A number of texts refer to it. Muni Shilāvijaya, who visited it in the 18th century, describes the city and the Jaina temples here in glorious terms. Ratnasa mentioned Ramtek. Apart from this, there were a few other centres such as Akot, Amaravati, Nagpur and Washim mentioned in a number of Marathi Jaina texts and Malkapur, Elichpur
174
176
177
and Patur visited by Muni Shilāvijaya.
In south Maharashtra, Kolhapur and the region around it was a stronghold of the sect, mainly in the 11th-12th centuries AD. Here it was patronised by the Silähäras. The Rūpanarayana Jaina temple and

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
the sấntinātha basti at Kolhapur, along with famous acharyas here, find mention in the inscriptions at Sravanabelgola. However, since this region is physically closer to Karnataka, it is quite natural that Jainism held very important position here because the sect had always been strong in Karnataka.
Thus, it is clear that, except perhaps Konkan, Jainism was quite popular in almost all parts of Maharashtra. Most of these sites are tirthas till today. They are considered 'Atishaya kshētras' and visited regularly by the pilgrims. A noticeable feature of the sect in this region, as is clear from the above account and the list of Jaina remains, is that it was strong in important cities of the period, some of which were capital cities, some were large trading centres, while some were popular religious places. Most of these sites were very important cities as indicated by the large number of Brāhmanical remains and inscriptions found from almost every site listed above. Some of them such as Sinnar, Daulatabad, Kolhapur, Thalner, were capital seats of ruling dynasties like Yādavas, Šilāhāras and Faruqis. The sites like Kandhar, Bhandak, Dharur, Ausa, were principal administrative sub-divisions of the large empires and held important position. Other sites like Anjaneri, Ardhapur, Aundha, Balsane, Charthana, Dharmapuri, Khidrapur, Lonar, Mehkar, Patne, Pedgaon, Phaltan, Ramalinga Mudgad, Ramtek, Satgaon had religious significance as a large number of Brahmanical remains and/or inscriptions recording either construction of temples or donations to these temples from these sites indicate. Many of these donative inscriptions belong to contemporary ruling families and their subordinate chiefs. The cities like Nasik, Aurangabad and Paithan held importance in all terms, almost throughout history, while Ter and Karnja had been important trading centres. Thus, it is clear that the sect was strong mainly in large, prosperous, 'urban' towns of the contemporary period. Rise in popularity of Jainism in post-10th century AD preiod
The apparent 'urban' character of the sect and the rise of the sect in the post-10th century AD period need some explanation. What were the factors behind the rise of the sect during this period? There must have been many undercurrents and factors behind such a phenomenon. Of these, one of the important factors appears to be the revival and expansion of foreign trade involving South Asian, especially Chola kingdom and South-East Asia and China. The 'urban' character of the sect in the region and the fact that the sect was mainly patronised by the trading community and royal families as the above list indicates point at this. Except Vasudeva, the betel-box carrier of Samanta Kamadeva, who built a basti at HavinaHerilage, no evidence of people from lower strata of the society granting donations to Jaina temples are available. Among the mercantile community, a few individual merchants or śrēsthis are mentioned as patrons in Nasik, Marathwada and Vidarbha regions, while in south Maharashtra many famous and powerful guilds of the period are found patronising Jainism. Some of these guilds were Vira Banañjus mentioned in the Kolhapur inscription of 1135 AD, 500 Svāmis (of Ayyvole) mentioned in the Desinga Borgaon inscription of 1150 AD and 500 Svämis of Ayyvole, Mummuridandas and Ubhayanānādesis mentioned in the Malakavathe inscription of 1166 AD. Of these, 500 Svämis of Ayyvole or Vira Bananjus was the most powerful guild of the period operating in Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh from the 9th century AD. It is supposed to have originated at Ayyavole or Aihole in Karnataka. Eventually it spread to the other parts of south India. Their latest reference is said to be in 1680 AD. The guild included various classes of the merchants. They traded in all sorts of commodities, both inland and overseas and visited far off regions. From the prasasti of this guild in various records of Karnataka narrating mythical origin of the guild and high-sounding titles, it is clear that it was a very powerful guild of south India in medieval period. The representatives of this guild in aforementioned Kolhapur inscription

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included merchants from Kolhapur, Miraj, Malabar district of Kerala, a few other places and a royal merchant of King Gandarāditya. Mummuridandas was another powerful guild of south India. The nature of this guild is not very clear. In the praśasti of this guild, similar to that of Vira Banańjus, they are claimed to have originated from the 500 Svāmis of Ayyavole and are praised for their valour and other virtues. Ubhayanānādesis were the merchants, who traded both within the country and also outside the country. This guild included merchants from various regions. Apart from these, a Nagara of Bhalavani is mentioned in the Bhalavani inscription of 1173 AD. Nagara was the generic term used for all traders and trading community in south India and meant guild of local traders. Thus, it would appear that it was mainly mercantile community, who patronised Jainism. The names of the some of the bastis like Besakisettiya at Dharmapuri and Marasingasettiya at Huvinabage-agrahāra recorded in the Kolhapur inscription of 1139 AD clearly indicate that settis or merchants built it. Though a number of inscriptions record patronage by ruling class, it is quite possible that many of them were urged by the influential mercantile community as evident in the case of Dandanayaka Dasimarasa, who made donations to Marasingasettiya basti on an appeal from the nakaras or traders of the place when he came to witness the Jina pujõtsava there. It is possible that officials were invited by the Jainas to visit their temples and participate in various ceremonies.
Thus, apparent relationship between Jainism and the mercantile community is clear. From the contemporary Jaina literature it is clear that the sect favoured the trading profession and it is well known that most of the followers of the sect till today come from the mercantile community. Considering all these factors, it can be suggested that one of the important reasons why the sect rose to prominence in the post-10th century AD period in Maharashtra was the revival of trade leading to the better position of mercantile community, both socially and economically. It has been shown that there was a revival and expansion of south Asian trade from the 10th century AD involving the south Asian, especially the Cholas and Southeast Asian kingdoms and China. This phenomenon is noticeable in north India, western India, comprising of Gujarat, parts of Rajasthan and north Konkan and south India. The regional studies have revealed similar fact in the case of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka." Though no such detailed study is available in the case of Maharashtra, it is logical to assume that this region also participated in ongoing process, noticed throughout India. The assumption can be supported by the fact that Sanjan, Chaul, Thana and Sopara in the Konkan were active and prosperous ports of the western coast during this period as testified by their frequent mention in the accounts of the Arab geographers and Marco Polo. These texts also list a number of items, which were produced at these places and were exported to far off countries along with the items from other areas. Thus, there must have been regular movement of commodities criss-crossing the region. Moreover, a large number of references to various industries in the Mahanubhava texts and Arab accounts, descriptions of large cities in literary accounts as well as some inscriptions and the presence of a number of merchants and guilds in different parts of Maharashtra as shown above, indicate brisk trade activities. It appears that the pre-10th century AD period, especially the Räshțrakūţa period is marked by very few references to industries or guilds and consequent fall in the status of Vaisyas. However, the scene changes from the 10th century AD. Thus, it can be inferred that trade was revived in Maharashtra in the post-10th century AD period as noticed throughout India.
Incidentally, even in Gujarat, the sect became very prominent in the post-10th century AD period and was patronised mainly by the mercantile community. In Karnataka, though the sect was very strong

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from the 5th century AD, patronised mainly by the ruling families, it started receiving patronage of mercantile community from the 10th century onwards." In Rajasthan, the mercantile community proliferated with the assimilation of a large number of converts to Jainism . It has been pointed out that the Osvalas, Jayasvalas, Khanelvalas, Agravals and Maheshvaris, five main divisions of the Vaisyas in western India were originally Ksatriyas, but later became Vaisyas when they converted to Jainism and took to trade.com
Another factor, which may have played a role in the rise of Jainism by the 8th century AD, appears to be the decline of Buddhism. Buddhism, a very popular sect in the region in the early centuries of the Christian era, started declining by the 7th-8th century AD. By the 10th century AD the sect was almost wiped out from the region except a few centres like Kanheri, Sopara and Panhale-Kaji in Konkan. It has been argued that Buddhism lost ground mainly because of lack or loss of grass-root support. While the Buddhist monks did almost nothing to get support of laity and to define their role in the religion, the Jainas produced vast literature on the duties and role of laity and thus the laity felt the sense of participation. Again, Buddhists did nothing against 'Brahmanisation of their sect and so Buddha came to be incorporated as one of the avatāras of Vişnu. On the other hand, the Jainas strongly resisted such attempts when Ishathanātha was claimed to have been an avatāra of Vişnu and on the contrary tried to incorporate popular Brāhmanic deities by producing 'Jaina' Rāmāyaṇa and Mahabharata. In Buddhism, bodhisattvas reached such a stage of significance that they almost replaced Buddha and thus could easily be incorporated by Brahmanism, especially deities like Avalokitesvara due to its iconographic similarities with Siva. On the other hand, in Jainism, Jina retained its supreme position even though a large number of other deities were incorporated for popular support. Jainism also introduced a set of rituals and festivals, prevalent in Brahmanism. Though Buddhism declined because of various factors and Jainism survived due to some conscious efforts by the community, it is very difficult to say why did Jainism come to prominence only when Buddhism declined and not during flourishing state of Buddhism. This phenomenon is noticed in other parts of the country also. Both the sects are not known to have enjoyed equal position in any part of the country, though they are known to have co-existed in some parts. Thus, in Karnataka and Gujarat, strongholds of Jainism, Buddhism was almost absent. In east India, especially Bengal, when Buddhism held an influential position during the Pālas (8th to 12th centuries AD), Jainism had almost been wiped out from this region. Though a detailed study at pan-Indian level is required to probe into this phenomenon, a few hypotheses can be suggested. One of the important reasons could have been strong apparent similarity between both the ascetic sects, which probably resulted in severe competition and thus failure of either sect to hold equal position in a particular region at the same time. It is quite possible that when Buddhism declined in Maharashtra due to a variety of reasons, many followers of the sect turned to Jainism or were won over by the Jainas and thus Jainism rose to prominence.
There must have been many other factors responsible for the rise of Jainism in the post-10th century AD preiod. Another important factor could have been the persecution of Jainas by Vira Śaivas and Aļvārs in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. It is quite possible that the persecution of the Jainas in the neighbouring regions led to the migration of Jainas to Maharashtra, where the conditions were more cordial. However, a combination of all these factors must have led to the rise of the sect in the post-10th century AD period.

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Jaina Sub-Sects in Maharashtra
It is well known that Jainism is divided into two main sub-sects, Digambara and Svētāmbara. This schism occurred in the 1st century AD, mainly on the question of nudity of monks and many other minor issues. It is generally noticed that the Digambaras were prominent in south India, while the Svētāmbaras were powerful in north India.*** This is true for modern period also.
Maharashtra was mainly populated by the Digambaras, though there are evidences indicating presence of Svētämbara also. Most of the other Jaina remains belong to Digambara sect. However, the 8th century AD chauvisi from Chahardi, the 12th-13th century AD icons from Balsane, Erandol, Daulatabad and some of the 12th to 14th century AD icons in Rajwade Samshodhan Mandal, Dhule are Svētāmbara. From the Kalvan plates of the 11th century AD, it is known that the Svētāmbaras had their monastery in the country of Světapada' (northern part of Nasik or area around Kalvan). All the icons at Pune, now housed in modern temples, are Svētāmbara. The Svētāmbaras were also present in Sirpur. Thus, though the Svētāmbara existed in Maharashtra from the 8th century AD, the Digambaras were predominant.
It appears that except northern Maharashtra, the area, physically closer to Svētāmbara-dominant Gujarat and Daulatabad, the Svētāmbaras came to prominence in later period, mainly after the 14th century A. D., as suggested by inscriptions from Sirpur and Pune. As far as Daulatabad is concerned, it appears that it was closely connected with Gujarat. Deda, a rich merchant of Avanti built a 'poshadhaśala' or a monastery here and sent the copies of agamas to bhandaras, while his son Pethada built a temple in the 12th-13th centuries Even in the 14th century, one Sahajapäla is known to have erected a temple of twenty-four tirthankaras here. The fact that the famous Svētāmbara ächärya Hiravijasuri in young age, had come to Daulatabad from Gujarat for further studies and in 1440 AD, a Jaina teacher Mahade converted the Digambaras of Daulatabad to the Svētāmbara sect suggests that the Svētāmbara were very strong here. Most of these Svētāmbara communities appear to have migrated to Maharashtra in later period, while indigenous Marathi-speaking Jainas are Digambaras. Even today, original Marathi Jainas are Digambaras and following sub-sects of Digambaras are present. 1) Shetaval 2) Pancham 3) Chaturtha 4) Kasar 5) Bogar 6) Dhakad 7) Gujar-Humbad 8) Märvadi Khandelwal, Pallival, Agarval 9) Bagherval 10) Kamboj 11) Nema. Of these, Shetavals are present throughout Maharashtra, Chaturtha-Pancham are concentrated in south Maharashtra while Baghervals are mainly in Vidarbha and northern Marathwada. Except Chaturthas, all the communities are mainly engaged in business. All the communities, except Gujars and Marvadis, mostly follow Marathi culture. They speak Marathi language and follow Marathi customs and festivals. There are many Svētāmbara communities in different parts of Maharashtra, but most of them have migrated for business purposes. Conclusion
It is clear from the above account that Jainism was introduced in Maharashtra at least by the 1st century BC. It started gaining popularity from the 8th century AD and rose to become a significant and prolific force during the period of 10th to 14th centuries AD. It continues to hold an important position till present day. However, it should be noticed that Jainism never held as strong and influential position in Maharashtra as in the neighbouring regions of Gujarat and Karnataka. In a Yadava record, Jina is invoked along with other Brāhmanical deities. A number of small Jina figures are depicted on various parts of some of the Brāhmanical temples of the 12th-13th century AD. The philosophy of the Mahanubhava sect bears strong imprints of the Jaina concepts. Jñanesvara takes notice of Jaina practices of tonsure and straining water in Jñänëśvari. Thus, Jainism appears to have integrated with the society in Maharashtra.

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Jaina stories are woven into Marathi folksongs, while Jaina invocation 'Om Namah Siddham', has been incorporated into the culture of Marathi population. Again, the fact that many of the Jaina centres were strongholds of Brahmanism too, indicates cordial relations of the Jainas with the Brāhmanical society and also points to the influential position of the Jainas in the society in Maharashtra.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. C. J. Shah, Jainism in North India 800 B. C.- A. D. 526, London, Longmans Green and Company, 1932 2. P. C. Roychoudhury, Jainism in Bihar, Patna, Indu Roychudhury, 1956 3. C. B. Sheth, Jainism in Gujarat (1100 to 1600 A. D.), Bombay, Trustees Godiji Jain temple and Charities, 1953 and K.
C. Jain, Jainism in Rajasthan, Sholapur, Jaina Samskriti Samrakshaka Sangha, 1963. 4. Ayyanger, M. S. Ramaswami and B. Seshagiri Rao, Studies in South Indian Jainism, Madras, Vizianagram Maharaja's
College Publication I, 1922; S. R. Sharma, Jainism and Karnataka Culture, Dharwar, Karnataka Historical Research Society. Silver Jubilee Publication, Series No. 1, 1940, B. V. Krishna Rao, 'Jainism in Andhradesa', Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society, Vol. XIII, Parts. 3 & 4, 1940-41, pp. 185-196; P. B.Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur, Jaina Samskriti Samrakshaka Sangha, Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala No. 6, 1957; Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka (ca. A. D. 500-1200), Delhi, Motilal Banarasidass,
1975 5. A. Y.. Chatterjee, Comprehensive History of Jainism (up to 1000 A. D.), Calcutta, Firma Kim Private Ltd., 1978 6. Ibid. 7. S. B. Deo, 'The History of Jaina Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature', Bulletin of Deccan College Research
Institute, Vol. 26, 1954-55, pp. 123, 128 8. R. B. P. Singh, Op. cit., 1975, p. 6 9. R. Champakalakshmi, Trade, Ideology and Urbanization South India 300 BC to AD 1300, Delhi, Oxford University
Press, 1996, p. 317 10. S. Gopalakrishna Murthy, Jain Vestiges in Andhra, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series 12,
1963 11. B. V. Krishna Rao, Op. cit., 1940-41, p. 195 12. Harihar Singh, Jaina Temples of Western India, Varanasi, P. V. Research Institute, 1982, pp. 10-16 13. P. Banerjee, Monuments and Sculptures A. D. 600 to 1000 East India', in A. Ghosh (ed.) Jaina Art and Architecture,
Vol. I, Delhi, Bharatiya Jnanpith, 1974, pp. 152-167 14. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., 1954-55, p. 115 15. G. V. Rao, Pre-Satavahana and Satavahana Periods', in G. Yazdani (ed.), Early History of Deccan, London, Oxford
University Press, 1960, p. 114 16. S. R. Sharma, Op. cit., 1940, p. 7 17. G. V. Rao, Op. cit., 1960, p. 114 18. J. C. Jain, Jain Agam Sahityamen Bharatiya Samaj (Hindi), Varanasi, Chaukhamba Vidyabhavan, 1965, p. 211 19. lbid., p. 488 20. H. D. Sankalia and Shobhana Gokhale, 'A Brahmi Inscription from Pale', Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXVIII, 1969,
p.167 21. Vidya Dehejia, Early Buddhist Rock Temples, London, Thames and Hudson, 1975, p. 222-foot note 25 22. Vijayamurti (ed.), Jaina Shilalekhasangraha, Vol. II, (Hindi), Bombay, Manikchandra Jainagranthamala, 1952, pp. 4,
14, 15, 17, 18, 46, 48, 51, Sankalia 1975: 4-5) 23. J. Burgess, and Bhagwanlal Indraji, Inscriptions from the Cave Temples of Western India, Archaeological Survey of
Western India, 1881 24. H. D. Sankalia, 'Early Epigraphical Evidences of the Prevalence of Jainism in Gujarat (Saurashtra), Western Maharashtra
and Andhra Pradesh, Prachya Pratibha, Vol. I, 1-9, 1975, pp. 3-4 25. Ibid. p. 5 26. A. P. Jamkhedkar, Cultural History from the Vasudevahindi, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Poona, Poona University,
1965, pp. 698, 667, 654-655. 27. J. C. Jain, Op. cit., 1965, pp. 129, 176, 197

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28. Ibid. p. 487 29. Ibid. p. 68 30. Ibid. p.488 31. Ibid. p. 130 32. Ibid. p. 410 33. lbid. p. 488 34. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., 1954-55, p. 33 35. J. Fergusson and J. Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1880, Second edition
1988, pp. 503-505. 36. U. P. Shah, Rare Jaina Bronzes in Professor Samuel Eilenberg's Collection', in Lokesh Chandra and Jyotindra Jain
(eds.), Dimentions of Indian Art, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan, 1986, p. 400. 37. Balachandra Jain, 'Jain Bronzes from Rajanapur khinkhini', Journal of Indian Museums, Vol. XI, 1955, pp. 15-16. 38. S. N. Chakravarti, 'Note on an inscribed Bronze Jaina Image in the Prince of Wales Museum', Bulletin of the Prince of
Wales Museum of Western India, Vol. 3. 1952-53, pp. 40-42. 39. J. F. Fleet, Sanskrit and Old Canarese Inscriptions', Indian Antiquary, Vol. VII, 1878, pp. 209-217; J. F. Fleet, 'The
Places mentioned in the Spurious Altem Grant', Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXIX, 1900, pp. 273-280. 40. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880, p. 425 41. J. Burgess, Archaeological Survey of Western India, Vol. III, 1878, pp. 12-13 42. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880, pp. 495-502 43. B. Jain, Op. cit.,1955, pp. 16-17 44. V. B. Kolte, Maharashtratil Kahi Tamrapata va Shilalekha (Marathi), Mumbai, Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya Ani Samskriti
Mandal, 1987, pp. 256-287 45. R. D. Banerji, Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report, 1921-22, pp. 66-69 46. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880, pp. 270-271 47. Thane District Gazetteer, 1982, pp. 986-987 48. R. C. Agrawal, Archaeological Remains in Western India, Delhi, Agam Kala Prakashan, 1989, p. 21 49. B. Jain, Op. cit., 1955, p. 18 50. R. D. Banerji, Op. cit., 1921-22, pp. 66-69 51. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880, pp. 492-493 52. R. D. Banerji, Op. cit., No. 10, 1921-22, pp. 69-75 53. S. B. Deo, Maharashtra va Gove Shilalekha-Tamrapatanchi Varnatmaka Suchi (Marathi), Mumbai, Maharashtra state,
1984, p. 199, No. 425 54. Ibid. p. 198, No. 422 55. G. B. Deglurkar, Cultural History of Marathwada (with special reference to old monuments) From AD 6th to 13th
century. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Poona, University of Poona, 1971, p. 776, Footnote 2 56. Ibid. 57. V. B. Kolte, Op. cit., 1987, pp. 10-14, No. 2 58. Shrinivas Ritti, and G. C.Shelke, Inscriptions from Nanded district, Nanded, Yashwant Mahavidyalaya, 1968, pp. 218
219, No. 8 59. Shrinivas Ritti, and A.Kumbhar, Inscriptions from Solapur district, Dharwad, Shrihari Prakashan, 1988, p. XLII, No.
13 60. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880, p. 493 61. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., 1984, p. 349, No. 721 62. V. V. Mirashi, (ed), 'Inscriptions of the Silaharas', Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. VI, New Delhi, Archaeological
Survey of India, 1977, pp. 207-214 63. Ibid. pp.221-224 64. L. D. Barnett, 'Kolhapur Inscription of Saka 1058', Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XIX, 1927-28, pp. 30-35 65. B. R. Gopal, (ed.), Karnatak Inscriptions Series Vol. V, Dharwar, Kannada Research Institute, 1969, pp. 93-97, No. 25 66. Mirashi, Op. cit., 1977, pp. 235-239 67. B. Indraji, "A New Yadava Dynasty', Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII, 1883, pp. 126-129. 68. F. Kielhorn, Kolhapur Inscription of the Silahara Vijayaditya: Saka Samvat 1065', Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III, 1894
95a, pp. 207-210, No. 27

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan 69. F. Kielhorn, ‘Bamani Inscription of the Silahara Vijayaditya: Saka Samvat 1073,' Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III, 1894-956,
pp. 211-213, No. 28 70. V. B. Kolte, Op. cit., 1987, pp. 315-330. No. 20 71. IAR, 1982-83 p. 121 72. S. G. Tulpule, Prachin Marathi Koriv Lekh (Marathi), Pune, Pune Vidyapith Prakashan, 1963, pp. 334-340 73. Ritti and Kumbhar, Op. cit., 1988, pp. 155-156, No. 17 74. V. L. Dharurkar, The Art and Iconography of the Jaina Caves at Ellora, Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Aurangabad,
Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, 1984, pp. 24-36. 75. V. B. Kolte, Op. cit., 1987, p. 297 76. Dharurkar, Op. cit., 1984, pp. 24-36 77. H. Cousens, Archaeclogical Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XXXI. Highness the Nizam's territory, Lists of
Antiquarian Remains, 1900, pp. 22-23. 78. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., 1984, p. 127 79. IAR, 1984-85, p. 134, No. 27 80. H. Cousens, Medieval Temples of the Dakhan, Archaeological Survey Of India, Vol. XLVIII, Imperial Series, 1931, pp.
43-47 81. Ibid. p. 41 82. Ibid. p.29 83. Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency, Vol. 17, 1884, pp. 309-310 84. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880 85. J. Burgess, Archaeological Survey of Western India, No.VI Antiquities of the talukas of Parner, Sangamner, Ankole and
Koparguam- with Revised Lists of Remains in the Ahemadnagar, Nasik, Puna, Thana and Kala'dgi zillas, 1877, p. 20 86. J. Burgess, and Henry Cousens, Archaeological Survey of India New Imperial Series Vol. XVI, Revised Lists of
Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, 1897, p. 113 87. Ibid. p. 46 88. K. Chitale, Ankhi Kahi Puratatviya Avashesha (Marathi, Vidarbah Samshodhan Mandal Varshik, 1989, pp. 156-157 89. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880, pp. 260-261 90. Ibid. p. 494 91. Burgess and Cousens, Op. cit.,1897, p. 51 92. Ibid. p. 28 93. IAR, 1958-59 94. Fergusson and Burgess, Op. cit., 1880 95. Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency Vol. 17, 1884, pp. 302-303 96. P. S. Joshi, and P. P. Dandwate, 'Jabareshvar Temple at Phaltan: Architectural and Iconographic Perspective', A paper
presented at the National Seminar on Jainism, jointly organised by Birla Archaeological and Cultural Research Institute,
Salar Jung Museum and Osmania University, Hyderabad, in February 1999 97. M. S. Mate, and T. V. Pathy, Daulatabad: A Report, Pune-Aurangabad, Deccan College, 1992, pp. 24-25, 53 98. B. Jain, Op. cit., 1955, p. 19 99. M. S. Mate, and U. Ranade, Descriptive Catalogue of Sculptures and Paintings in Rajawade Samshodhan Mandal,
Dhulia, Rajwade Samsodhan Mandal, 1979 100. IAR, 1969-70, p. 48, No. 24, B. Deshpande, 'Seven Short Yadava Inscriptions', Marathwada University Journal, Vol.
XI, No. 2, 1973, pp. 1-8 101. IAR, 1969-70, p. 48, No. 30 102. Hiralal, Descriptive Lists of Inscriptions in the Central Provinces and Berar, Nagpur: Government Press, 1916, p. 141 103. Buldana District Gazetteer, 1976, pp. 790-791 104. Dhule District Gazetteer, 1974, pp. 825-826 105. Bhir District Gazetteer, 1969, p. 649 106. Dharurkar, Op. cit., 1984, pp. 24-36 107. P. Deo, The Temples of Marathwada, Jaipur, Publication Scheme, 1993, Appendix B. 108. Kunda Pande, 'Ek Agali Jaina Pratima (chturvishtika)', (Marathi), Vidarbha Samshodhan Mandal Varshik, 1983,
pp. 63-65 109. IAR, 1958-59, p. 60, No. 21

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110. S. B. Deo, Ter (Marathi), Mumbai, Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Maharashtra, 1987, p.3 111. Cousens, op. cit., 1931, p. 67
112. Hiralal, Op. cit., 1916, p. 135; Akola District Gazetteer, 1977, pp.878-883
113. IAR, 1989-90, p. 114, No. 11
114. Vidyavijayaji, Prachin Lekha Sangraha, Vol. I (Hindi), Bhavnagar, Sri Yashovijaya jaina granthamala, 1929
115. Sangli District Gazetteer, 1969, p. 732
116. IAR, 1989-90, p. 114, No. 11
117. IAR, 1969-70, p. 48, No. 30
118. Ibid.
119. Daily Apala Mahārāshra', 2.1.1998, p. 5
120. K. Chitale, Vidarbhatil Mahatvapurna Puravashesha (Marathi), Vidarbah Samshodhan Mandal Varshik, 1988, pp.
171-172
121. IAR, 1969-70, p. 48, No. 30
122. Y. M. Pathan, Marathvadyatil Marathi Shilalekh (Marathi), Aurangabad, Marathwada Vidyapith, 1989, p. 62, No. 25 123. Ibid.
124. D. C. Graham, Statistical Report on the Principality of Kolhapur, Bombay, Bombay Education Society's Press, 1854, pp. 332-333, No. 18
125. Annual Report on Epigraphy 1946-47: Appendix B, No. 243
126. R. D. Banerji, Op. cit., 1921-22, p. 69
127. Cousens, Op. cit., 1931, p. 57
128. Gazetteer of Bombay Presidency, Vol 17, 1884, p. 728
129. Bhandara District Gazetteer, 1979, pp. 694-695
130. Muni Kantisagar, 'Bhandara Jile Mein Jaina Puratatva' (Hindi), Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Vol. 12. No. 1, 1945, p. 10 131. Nagpur District Gazetteer, 1966, p. 771
132. Yeotmal District Gazetteer, 1974 p.712
133. Ibid.
134. Ibid., p. 713
135. R. C. Agrawal, op. cit., 1989, p. 121, Plate XLIII
136. Ibid.
137. Chandrapur District Gazetteer, 1973, p. 741
138. Ritti and Shelke, Op. cit., 1968, p. LIX
139. Cousens, Op. cit., 1900, p. 26
140. Nanded District Gazetteer, 1971, pp.566-567 141. IAR, 1977-78, p. 81
142. Osmanabad District Gazetteer, 1972, p. 773
143. Cousens, Op. cit., 1900, pp.22-23
144. Dharurkar, Op. cit., 1984, pp. 24-36
145. Ibid.
263
146. Aurangabad District Gazetteer, 1977, p. 1033
147. Dharurkar, Op. cit., 1984, pp. 24-36
148. Ibid.
149. Dhule District Gazetteer, 1974, p. 815
150. IAR, 1974-75, p. 70
151. Dharurkar, Op. cit., 1984, p. 6
152. IAR, 1969-70, p. 22
153. Jinavijaya (ed), Vividhatirthakalpa, Shantiniketan, The Adhisthata Sindhi Jaina Jnanapitha, 1934, p. 53
154. Thane District Gazetteer, 1982, p. 1051
155. Jamkhedkar, Op. cit., 1965, pp. 677, 733
156. Jinavijaya, Op. cit., 1934, pp. 53-54
157. J. P. Jain, 'Vatagramapura: A Great Centre of Jaina Learning of the Rashtrakuta Period', The Jaina Antiquary, Vol. XXXII, 1979, pp. 5-6
158. V. B. Kolte, Op. cit., 1969, p. 14

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159. J. P. Jain, Op. cit., 1979, pp. 13-15
160. C. B. Sheth, Op. cit., 1953, p.131
161. Nathuram Premi, 'Dakshinake Tirthakshetra', in Jaina Sahitya Aur Itihas (Hindi), Bombay, Hindi Grantha Ratnakar, Second edition, 1956b, p. 465
162. Subhashchandra Akkole, Prachin Marathi Jaina Sahitya (Marathi), Nagpur-Pune, Suvichar Prakashan Mandala, 1968, pp. 188-189
163. Ibid. p. 189
164. Nathuram Premi, Op. cit., 1956b, p. 465
165. Ibid. p. 457
166. Ibid. p. 465
167. Subhashchandra Akkole, Op. cit., 1968, pp. 192-193
168. Ibid. pp.174-175
169. Ibid. p. 188
170. Ibid. p.189
171. Ibid. p. 104
172. Osmanabad District Gazetteer, 1972, p. 773
173. Subhashchandra Akkole, Op. cit., 1968, pp. 187-188
174. Nathuram Premi, Op. cit., 1956b, p. 454
Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
175. Ibid. p. 455
176. Subhashchandra Akkole. Op. cit., 1968, p. 9
177. Ibid. pp.184-185
178. Nathuram Premi, Op. cit., 1956b, p. 456
179. Subhashchandra Akkole, Op. cit., 1968, p. 113
180. Ibid. p. 185
181. K. C. Jain, Shravanabelgola ke Shilalekho Mein Bhougolik Nam (Hindi)', Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Vol. 7, No. 2, 1940, p. 62
182. S. Gururajachar, Some Aspects of Economic Life in Karnataka (A. D. 1000-1300), Mysore, University of Mysore, 1974, pp. 119-126
183. Ibid. pp. 118-119
184. Ibid. pp. 117-118
185. R. Champakalakshmi, Op. cit., 1996, p. 313
186. U. Arey, and M. S. Mathur, 'Some Aspects of Trade in Jaina Literature (800-1200 A. D.)', in P. S. Jain and R. M. Lodha (Eds.), Medieval Jainism: Culture and Environment, New Delhi, Ashish Publishing House, 1990, pp. 85-94; V. K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India 1000-1300 A.D., New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1990, pp. 4-6 187. R. Champakalakshmi, Op. cit., 1996, p. 47
188. Anjali Malik, Merchants and Merchandise in Northern India AD 600-1000, New Delhi, Manohar, 1998, p. 153 189. V. K. Jain, Op. cit., 1990, p. 3
190. R. Champakalakshmi, Op. cit., 1996, pp. 203-310
191. K. Sundaram, Studies in Economic and Social Conditions of Medieval Andhra (AD 1000-1600), Machilipatam: Triveni Publications, 1968, p. 46
192. Gururajachar, Op. cit., 1974; G. R. Kuppuswamy, Economic Conditions in Karnataka (AD 973-AD 1336), Dharwar, Karnatak University, 1975.
193. V. K. Jain, Op. cit., 1990, pp. 134-136
194. Ibid.; Gururajachar, Op. cit., 1974, pp. 105-107
195. M. G. Panse, Yadavakalin Maharashtra (A. D. 1000 to 1350) (Marathi), Mumbai, Mumbai Marathi Grantha Sangrahalaya Prakashan, 1963, pp. 60-61.
196. Ibid. pp. 57-58
197. V. B. Kolte, Op. cit., 1987, p. 40
198. A. S. Altekar, Rashtrakutas and their Times, Poona, Oriental Book Agency, 1967, pp. 332, 356, 368
199. R. B. P.Singh, Op. cit., 1975, p. 113
200. Anjali Malik, Op. cit., 1998, p. 135
201. Sankalia as cited in Anjali Malik, Op. cit., 1998, pp. 135-136

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202. P. S. Jaini, 'The Disappearance of Buddhism and the Survival of Jainism: A Study in Contrast', in A. K. Narain (ed.), Studies in History of Buddhism, Delhi, B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1980, pp. 81-91.
203. S. B. Deo, Op. cit., 1954-55, p. 83
204. Ibid. p.137
205. Ibid. p. 522
206. C. B. Sheth, Op. cit., 1953, pp. 158-160
207. Ibid. pp. 171-172
208. Ibid. pp. 259-260
209. Sharma, Op. cit., 1940, p. 8
210. Subhashchandra Akkole, Op. cit., 1968, p. 13

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RELIGIOUS PATRONAGE AND IDENTITY FORMATION-A STUDY OF JAINA INSCRIPTIONS (6TH-12TH CENTURIES AD)
A. ARUNA
Introduction
"...... The two processes, that of the cultural development of the group and that of the cultural development of the individual, are, as it were, always interlocked. For that reason some of the manifestations and properties of the super-ego can be more easily detected in its behaviour in the cultural community than in the separate individual."
-S. Freud
This speaks about the larger role of religion in a society particularly as a cultural, ideological referent and as a cementing force in bringing forth the complexity of social, economic and political relations of individuals together during different historical times. It is in fact through religion that the individuals and groups have tried to seek their social, as well as religious identities. This is particularly relevant to all those communities or individuals who have been trying to raise their social and political status and assert their authority in a society. In this sense religion can be viewed as a channel through which upward social mobility was encouraged and promoted. Since religious symbolism constitutes a part of wider cultural, economic and political relations it is also considered crucial for social formation. Further, the role of religion as an authority for conferring legitimacy to particular structures of power underlies its ideological purpose and therefore, the necessity for the individual or the group to patronize a particular religious faith. In this regard patronage patterns emerge as a mechanism through which an individual or a group consciously try to assert its specific identities through ideological mechanisms. Despite such pervasive influence of religion in a society, it cannot persist totally in isolation. Hence, religious ideology requires the support of the society to sustain and this implies that the relationship between the ideology and the individual/group is based on reciprocity. In the process of acquiring the mass support, the religion may even transform to a great extent relaxing its rigid rules to accommodate larger sections of the populace.
In a multi-cultural society like India that presents the existence of heterogeneous religious ideologies and belief systems the patronage patterns of religious ideology by different social groups appears more complex to understand. However, we perceive, on the one hand, that patronage patterns appear more complex in the sense that they do not really reflect the personal faith of an individual but transcend the personal and social to attain spiritual and cosmological salvation. On the other hand, patronage of a certain religious faith may be understood as a strategy through which an individual or a group may try to

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seek a common religious identity that cuts across different sections of society irrespective of caste/class differences. Therefore, social groups often accept religion as an ideological mechanism that provides legitimation to their newly heightened social status. In this attempt the individual or group need not necessarily assert their religious affiliation directly but can do so through various other means, such as gift giving and donations. Religious patronage by an individual also helps in promoting his/her social identity that has been manifested through genealogical traditions wherein the memory of the predecessors of the patron plays a crucial role in enhancing the social prestige of an individual. This becomes particularly significant in the case of the ruling elites. The implications of religious patronage appears more expansive particularly when religion emerges as central to promote and continue the cultural symbols of society such as temples, monasteries and so on. Patronage extended to temple institutions in the form of donations and gifts of land and other essential commodities needed for the ritual purpose in the temples enhanced its power as an important economic force through which the surplus was generated and circulated. From the social context, we comprehend patronage patterns of pluralistic religious traditions as a crucial component linking different levels of society and establishing mutual relationship between various social groups. In this paper we therefore, highlight the significance of religious patronage in the light of the above-mentioned points, by taking up the study of a specific religious ideology, namely, Jainism as a "religion in the making" (italics mine). Hitherto, scholars have studied the entry of Jainism into the Deccan and particularly in Karnataka. Further, in their descriptions these scholars looked at the patronage of Jainism, by the ruling families as manifestations of their liberal and eclectic outlook. However, our emphasis in this paper is not to try and understand how eclectic the rulers were but instead argue that extending patronage to a certain religion or faith should be seen as a mechanism through which the ruling elites and other social groups preferred to form religious identity particularly in the early medieval context. Period and Region of Study
In this context, our study intends to carry out an analysis of Jaina inscriptions pertaining to the rule of the two major Chalukyan families of the Western Deccan, namely the Chalukyas of Badami and the Chālukyas of Kalyani who ruled during different chronological periods. The former dynasty ruled Western Deccan from the sixth century AD to the eighth century AD and the latter held its political sway in broadly the same region from the late 10th century AD to the end of the 12th century AD. In between the rule of these two dynasties, that is, from the 8th century AD to the 10th century AD the Rāşhțrakūtas had dominated the political history of the region. However, since our concern here is primarily to understand ideological linkages and differences of patronage patterns followed by a particular family, namely, the Chalukyas, it is proposed to only marginally discuss the Rāşhțrakūta phase that forms an intermediary period (8th century AD-10th century AD). Nonetheless, we understand that this period forms very crucial for comprehending the significant changes that took place both at the socio-ideological aspects of Jainism during the early medieval period.
The Chālukyas of Badami came into political prominence during the 6th century AD and ruled the western Deccan that corresponds largely the territory lying in the present day linguistic state of Karnataka. The prolific temple building activity undertaken by these rulers in the area of their control evinces the fact that these rulers may have identified the dominant role of religious ideology during the early medieval context and thus patronized all the existing dominant religious faiths like Saivism, Vaisnavism and Jainism through their munificent donations to all these temples in the form of land grants. Jainism,

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which was in its nascent state of reform, did appeal to the ruling elites who, no matter whatever the religious affiliation they sought in their inscriptions, encouraged the growth of Jainism.
The change in the political power during the eighth century did not result in the loss of patronage to Jainism. On the other hand, the new ruling power, namely, the Rashtrakūtas, became one of the ardent patrons of Jainism. This is evident from the large scale of donations they made to this religion. In fact, their political capital Malkhed during this period has emerged as one of the important settlement of Jaina assembly. The tremendous spurt in the growth of Jaina literature, art and architecture marked the magnanimous patronage extended by the Rāşhțrakūtas to Jainism during this phase. The trend set by the ruling elites was followed largely by the local chieftains of this period such as the Sāntaras of Pombūrca, Chālukyas of Vemulavada, the Rattas of Saundatti, the Callakētanas, the Manalēras and the Senavaras who extended their liberal patronage in the propagation of Jaina religion. An important development that may be noticed during this phase is the explicit mention of women patrons and other social groups in the inscriptions.
It is with this background history of progress and patronage from various sections of society during the 8th-10th centuries AD that Jainism made its significance felt in the court of the Chālukyas of Kalyani who came into political prominence during the later half of the 10th century AD. Their rule can be placed within the larger contexts of the social and economic transformations that have been actively taking place during this period. The rule of this family witnessed development of social formations called in certain quarters of historiographical analysis as the 'feudal. Consequently, we find the emergence of many landed intermediaries who wielded political and economic power in the society. The bureaucratic system too became complex demanding the larger participation of different social groups in the hierarchical structure of bureaucratic functions. The rise in the economic status of all these social groups in turn benefited the religious institutions as these groups became more receptive to religious ideas. From this period onwards we find that more than the ruling elites it were these various local social groups who participated in patronizing Jaina religious institutions. This aspect will be dealt with in detail later. All this had a far-reaching impact on the socio-economic conditions of the period. The temple eventually emerged as the major economic power providing employment to many other social groups in the society thus linking up different strata of society.
To understand these changes we have undertaken a sample study of Jaina inscriptions belonging to these two Chālukyan families and have divided our study into two different phases. Phase 1 is identified with the rule of the Chālukyas of Badami who ruled from the 6th century AD to the 8th century AD and Phase 2 is associated with the Chālukyas of Kalyani whose rule commenced in the later half of the 10th century AD and ended by the 12th century AD. For understanding these changes we have relied largely on inscriptions as they shed a considerable light on the attitudinal approach of these two families and local social groups towards Jainism. The inscriptional sources of the early medieval period have been largely understood as legal documents recording the dominant economic activity of the period. But we argue that their role is much more pervasive particularly when they record the genealogical information that serves as a substantial source or medium through which the dominant sections of a society attempted to inscribe their family histories and expressed their socio-economic status that they enjoyed in a specific locality. Suffice it to say that the information contained in these inscriptions helps us to understand the socio-economic functions of various social groups in a given time and space. We have found in the process of our study that a large majority of Jaina inscriptions are invariably found on the temple walls.

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This is a significant pointer to the importance attached to the temple at a time when the temple building activity and the temple as an ideological institution was just gaining a concrete shape. The location of Jaina inscriptions in this study points to their concentration in certain geographical pockets. While the large majority of Jaina inscriptions for the period under study are found in Dharwar district, (22) Hyderabad and Mahbubnagar districts of Andhra Pradesh had a minimum number of one each. The other districts of Karnataka namely Raichur, Bijapur, Belgaum yielded a total of 15 inscriptions (MAP). The data from these Jaina epigraphs have been scrutinized and the analysis of the same was done with the help of charts appended to this paper. The contents of inscriptions have been further fragmented into different headings as: the genealogy, the social group, patron, name of the temple, donee, nature of patronage and purpose of grant. The informaticn thus charted out was analyzed to understand the socio-ideological and economic aspects of patronage patterns in these Jaina epigraphs at three levels. At the social level the analysis probes into various terms used in the inscriptional sources to describe the social groups in the context of their political, economic and religious functions. Further, whether their mention is in the capacity of donors and donees, which provides a crucial clue to comprehend their economic, political and ideological power and forms an important point of our study. At the economic level we intend to comprehend the status and nature of the social group in the larger economic setting. At the ideological level we have taken into account issues related to social and religious identities expressed by these groups in inscriptions. Apart from this the role of Jaina temples and the nature of patronage that has been extended to Jaina basadis during this period has been attempted. Coupled with this information the specific purpose of the patronage extended to such aspects as the repairs and the construction of temple institutions and the names of various cultural groups involved in the service of the Jaina temples have been mentioned. Identities and Patronage Patterns
We have initiated our analysis primarily by attempting to understand the notion of "social" and "religious" identities of ruling elites and social groups as mentioned in the Jaina epigraphs. At the more personal level where the social identity matters the individual concern, we have taken up the study of genealogies of the patron groups. Since the genealogical traditions that consist of the succession lists or the lists of the descent groups they become crucial for the maintenance of social relations primarily for those lineage groups who had access to political and social status. Generally the genealogies in inscriptions begin with an introduction of a family, clan or lineage followed by the enumeration of list of historical kings in linear time. Often only three generations are mentioned but gradually we come across the ruling elite forging new linkages by inventing a new antiquity or remembering the previously neglected or forgotten linkages. In some other cases they even drop their linkages with their ancestors. It may be noted that redeeming and disseminating the past by an individual or social group plays a crucial role as a powerful ideological mechanism at defining the 'social identity' of an individual. With the emergence of the temple as the major legitimizing factor for the ruling elites most of the grants or donations gifted to the temple were recorded mainly on temple walls. The idea of inscribing these donations on temple walls may perhaps to make the genealogies of the ruling elites as well as the rituals in the temple more transparent for the visitor. This benefits both the donor and the donee in a way that by describing the genealogy of the donor he was attempting to eulogize his family and thus further enhance his social status and public prestige. On the other hand, it also becomes significant for the donee, which in this case, is mostly the temple to show its numerical strength through patronage from different sections of people and at the same this also meant an increase in its wealth and property.

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In Phase 1 of our study it has been noted that initially the records of Badami Chālukyan family bear only three generations, i.e., the name of the donor of the grant, his father and grand father apart from mentioning their descent and gotra which is Mānvaya. The genealogies in the succeeding generations become lengthy, where more than three generations of kings predecessors are mentioned. The Aihole inscription* of Pulakēģin II takes the ancestry of the family little further where the genealogy begins from Jayasimha, Raņarāga and Pulakësin I, and so on. However, it has been noticed that in the later inscriptions the kings dropped the first two names of their family namely Jayasimha and Raņarāga whom they considered to be insignificant and began their genealogies from Pulakēģin I onwards. The reasons for such an attempt can be explained as an effort to seek a new form of identity by the ruling elites particularly when the kingdom was carving a new niche for itself by its conquests in new settlements. The mention of gotra too becomes significant as a tool for social mobility. In this regard we have discussed elsewhere how the Mānavya gotra of the Chalukyan family, which was a brāhmaṇical gotra was essentially used to gain social prestige."
Though the ruling elites constituted the major patron group for Jainism in the first phase, we do find minor references to local potentates who emerge as patrons of Jainism. The Āțlem plates of Pulakēśin I, and the Lakshmeshwar inscription No. 3 of Pulakēģin II mention the chiefs of the Saindraka family namely Samiyāra and Durgasakti respectively who appear to be patrons of Jaina temples. But the genealogies of these kings have not been as elaborate as those of the main ruling family and only up to three generations were mentioned along with their gotra. The patronage of a religion becomes important for the local chief to express his affiliation to the main ruler as well as to gain social recognition particularly when they were endeavoring to forge a social identity through religious patronage during this period.
By the end of Phase 1 we find an interesting development taking place with the emergence of other social groups such as the government functionaries, peasants, artisan community and the cultural groups as the patrons. For instance, the Adur" and Annigeri inscriptions of Kirtivarman II mentions certain gämundas and gosasis as patrons of the Jaina temple. A gámunda may be referred as a village headman, and the gosasi appears to mean the head of the cattle herders. However, the genealogies of these groups are not mentioned in the inscriptions, though the titles of the ruling king at this time namely Kirtivarman II have been mentioned. This indicates their politically subordinate position though
conomically they have begun emerging as a wealthy group. From the 8th to the 10th century AD they appear to have played a significant role in perpetuating the Jaina religion.
In fact, in Phase 2 of our study this picture becomes more apparent. A large number of Jaina inscriptions have been noticed for this phase most of them belonging to the rule of the Kalyani Chālukyas. This phase that begins from the 10th century AD has been associated with the rise of many local chiefs to political prominence, who held an independent status though their affiliation to the main ruler was always maintained through their mention in the inscriptions. This may be regarded as a strategy through which the local chief attempted to assert his independent status but simultaneously, also linked himself to the main ruler. This has been significantly noticed in the Jaina inscriptions of Phase 2. Besides, the other social groups who belonged to the dominant stratum of the local social hierarchy also emerge as patrons. Societal processes largely effected the significant growth in the number of these local social groups during this period. They in fact emerged as a result of the continually and interacting political, economic and ideological forces that had a significant bearing on the resultant social change.

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Religious Patronage and Identity Formation-A Study of Jaina Inscriptions (6th-12th Century A.D.)
In the context of our study the dominant social groups are chiefly referred to in the inscriptions through the political ranks they held. These social groups were described to us through the use of various terms such as family names, official designations, professional titles, official titles and also, in a few instances, through their varna and gotra status. They formed an intrinsic part of the dominant socioeconomic and politico-ideological structure of the time and therefore, had the means through which they articulated their views and actions. The level of stratification among these groups was in effect dependent largely upon the existing elite relationships that, in turn, revolved around the ownership, control and use of land as this was the major source of wealth in the agrarian economic set up of the early medieval south western Deccan.
271
On the basis of their description we have been able to classify these groups into the functionaries who ruled at local levels of power, the local potentates whose power corresponded to the supra local political base and lastly the chiefs of the main ruling family who functioned from the apex of political power structure during this period.
At the level of functionaries we come across terms like gavuṇḍa (Chart I, No. 8, 9, Chart II, No. 3, 7, 8, 26), nalgāvuṇḍa (Chart II, No. 8), Mahapradhana, (Chart II, No. 14, 16, 26), hergade (Chart II, No. 26), pergade (Chart II, No. 18), pradhanas (Chart II, No. 5), Mahajana (Chart II, No. 6, 10, 14, 27), Sandhivigrahadhikari (Chart II, No. 10), Sodorevadiyara (Chart II, No. 11). Heṛisandhivigrahi (Chart II, No. 14), Senddhipati (Chart II, No. 14), Kaditavergada (Chart II, No. 14), Srikarana/Karana (Chart II, No. 18), pasayita (Chart II, No. 18), sunka vergaḍde (Chart II, No. 21), basically signifying the political and economic hold of various social groups and have been interpreted in various ways by different scholars. Scholars have interpreted the term gāvuṇḍa to mean a village headman or a chief farmer. On the other hand, the term nalgavunda was supposed to have represented a slightly higher level of socio-political power as they have been equated to mean a district headman or to mean a non- official head of a sub-division. The term Śrīkaraṇa/ Karana is interpreted to denote an accountant or a supervisor to supervise the work of provincial authority and is appointed by the central authority. The term pasayita is equated to be a ministerial office at the center also interpreted as a fief holder. Sunka vergadde is indicative of the rank of a superintendent of the income from tolls and a tax officer. The term sodorevadiyara has been equated with the modern term Chaudhary signifying an office of some importance, namely, chief of the royal guard. The term also appears as directing the land grants to be made. According to some scholars he was also a tax collector. Mahapradhana was a great minister or chief minister or chief administrator and when prefixed to various terms like karana, heggade, pergade evidently indicated an enhancement in his political status during this period.
Inscriptions of Phase 2 also mention merchants and mercantile groups who begin to emerge gradually from the beginning of the 11th century AD, onwards. It is assumed that the non-mention of these groups in the inscriptions of Phase I may be due to the dominance of agrarian based economy that resulted in dormant activity of trade and commerce during this period. However, it was only from the 10th century AD onwards, which is Phase 2 of the present study that we find the appearance of mercantile groups who emerged as important groups in the gift giving network of the temple institutions. In fact, the gradual emergence of the merchant groups representing trading activity can be discerned through their predominant mention in simple terms such as the mention of names of individuals with the suffix of setti (Chart II, No. 12, 13, 15) along with an occasional mention of the nakara/nagaram for a greater part of the 11th century AD. By the turn of the 12th century AD we, however, witness a distinct change

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in the mention of mercantile groups who now begin to be represented through the usage of complex and varied terminology. Among these we have the prominent mention of the nakara in its varied forms such as mahanagara (Chart II, No. 16), nagara mahājana (Chart II, No. 6) etc., which represents various aspects of organized trading activity.
It is during this period that artisan and mercantile activity begins to have a considerable visibility in the inscriptions of the time. Importantly, the growth in the construction of temples and their allied institutions during this period had a crucial role to play in engendering artisan activity on a significant scale which eventually resulted in employment of such artisans as blacksmiths, stone cutters, goldsmiths and so on, as their services were crucial for the construction and maintenance of the temple institution. We have several instances to indicate their presence in Jaina inscriptions. They all figure prominently along with the names of certain artisans, which normally have the suffix "Õja' like Ketoja, Nagoja (Chart II, No. 25). Some of these rich artisans name appear as the patrons of Jaina temples.
One significant point of difference that has been noticeable in the genealogies of both the phases is that it was always the genealogies of the main rulers, local potentates, or the political and economically dominant sections of the society that have been mentioned. However, the genealogical chart of the social groups who belonged to different varņa status shows that not much importance was attached in the mention of gotra though this was maintained to establish their biological linkages with the immediate members of the family. The reasons for such an act we assume may be rooted more in ideological strand where there may have been more significance attached to gain social identity through patronage which is more overtly done than by tracing the ancestry which no longer appears to be crucial. On the other hand, the non-mention of the gotra of the ruling elites in Phase 2, which however, was more conspicuous in Phase 1 may indicate that by this time in some areas the concept of land owning groups had got sufficiently well entrenched and their local affiliations (and the family to which they belonged). This must have negated the necessity of having an identity on the basis of gotra status as we do not have any significant mention of gotras in the inscriptions during this period. Such a trend can also be attributed to the enormous growth in the temple institution as a major legitimizer of the social status.
Another important dominant section of the society whose contributions to the Jaina temple render significant place was the women who mainly belonged to the royal household. Though the reference to women patrons in Phase 1 appears to be bleak their mention in Phase 2 becomes more profuse. During this phase we have significant references to certain women (Chart II, No. 4,6,9, 11) playing the dominant role of donors and belonging to various political and socio-economic groups. We have noted in this regard the role played by the queens and various princesses from the royal family who emerge as both the rulers and as donors of various measurements of land to the temple institution. These however, figure in the capacity of either, being daughters, wives, sisters or mothers of prominent men in society. We have on the other hand, certain crucial evidence in this regard, which depict the fact that the other women also held certain significant posts among the functionaries with titles similar to them. Social and Economic Prestige of the Jaina Orders
Temple building activity had become one of the important aspects of religious patronage. In Phase 1 the rulers profusely patronized temple construction. Their existence in large numbers indicates that the ruling elites as well as the social groups took up the task of constructing temples. The Aihole Prasasti" of Pulakėsin II mentions that Ravikirti constructed a Jinālaya at Aihole. The Adur and Annigeri

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Religious Patronage and Identity Formation-A Study of Jaina Inscriptions (6th-12th Century A.D.)
inscriptions of Kirtivarman II states that certain gămundas built a Jinälaya at Pandipura and even made donations to the temple to perform certain rituals in the temple. However by Phase 2 we have a large number of references to the construction of Jaina temples by different social groups. P. B. Desai has furnished a detailed sketch of the prevalence of certain flourishing Jaina centers under the rule of the Chalukyas of Kalyani with their particular concentration only in certain pockets in places such as Hungund in the present area of study. Royal patronage to some of these institutions is attested to a certain extent through such names given to the Jinalayas as Gunaḍa Bedangi Jinalaya (Chart II, No. 9, 21), named after the royal princess Akkādēvi who bore the title of Gunada Bédangi (woman of virtue). We further have reference to Arasara basadi (King's basadi) (Chart II, No. 18), which as the name suggests, might have been built by some ruling chief. In this context, we also come across Jagadēkamalla Jinālaya, (Chart II, No. 5) which was patronized by the main ruler Jagadékamalla Jayasimha II. Further, Girigötemalla Jinalaya (Chart II, No. 13) and Baladeva Jinalaya (Chart II, No. 14) that were named after a mahasamanta and mahapradhana respectively made certain gifts to these temples. It is pertinent to note here that the above examples cited particularly in association with the patronage of the ruling groups have their mention chiefly in the context of the 11th century AD. Loss in the patronage of Jaina institutions by the rulers during the latter part of the 11th century AD and for major part of the 12th century AD can be clearly discerned in the fact that the couple of instances referring to these religious establishments emerge purely in association with the mercantile and professional groups like artisans. This is evident from an increasing reference to such Gods as Kammatesvara associated with Kammata or the artisan groups, the God Nakarēśvara with the nakara or the mercantile groups and so on. Their mention can be seen on the rise towards the end of the 11th century AD. In fact, the association of the latter with the Jaina establishment can be seen on a considerable scale. The close association of the merchant and professional groups with non-brahmanical establishments is made clear through the use of such names given to the Jaina. establishments as Nagara Jinälaya (Chart II, No.'s. 12, 24) and Kaminaida Jinalaya (Chart II, No. 27), a testimony to large-scale support for the Jaina faith.
273
Temple building activity and the donations of gifts for the maintenance of these temples along with the consequent growth in the temple ideology pre-supposes a surplus producing economy and a certain level of social hierarchy, which was crucial for patronizing and sustaining the institution as a whole. In Phase 1, we find that gifts were largely made in the form of grants of villages (Chart I, No's: 4, 5, 6) along with certain immunities to be enjoyed by the temple. Gifts were also made in the form of small pieces of land measured in nivartanas (Chart I, No.'s: 1, 3, 7). By the end of this Phase we notice that the gifts to the Jaina temple appeared in the form of commodities like unbroken rice, perfumes, and flowers, which were needed to perform rituals in the temple (Chart I, No. 8). This indicates that by this time the concept of ritual was becoming popular, and its popularity increasingly grew more in Phase 2. In this phase it has been noticed from inscriptions that the social base of the temples has grown tremendously and this is evident from the large variety of gifts the temple received. However, most of the gifts that were made by the people to the Jaina temple ranged from grants of small pieces of land (Chart II, No.'s: 1-3, 5, 7-11, 13-15, 18, 19, 25) and house sites (Chart II, No.'s: 3, 8, 11, 13-15, 22) to a large measurements of land, fields, gardens (Chart II, No. 4, 8, 13, 14, 15, 22) and also the grant of various types of commodities such as oil (Chart II, No. 3, 5, 11, 13, 14, 27), grains, (Chart I, No. 8, Chart II, No. 26, 27), areca nuts (Chart II, No. 4) and so on. These were made along with gold, (Chart II, No. 12), cash (Chart II, No. 21, 27) and various types of taxes (Chart II, No. 17, 21, 24, 26).

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The nature of grants also depended largely upon the economic status of the donor. Since in Phase 1 the donor in most cases was the main ruler itself the grants that were made by him were naturally in the form of villages and large fields. On the other hand, from Phase 2 onwards we find that on the whole, grants of small measurements of land or fields made by lesser chiefs outnumber those of the grants of villages made by the main ruling family chiefs and the local potentates. The very fact that certain powerful ruling families had the capacity to grant large number of villages and large measurements of land goes to indicate the extensive rights that these groups enjoyed in their territory. Earlier scholars such as U. N. Ghoshal are of the view that what was usually granted by the king was his own fiscal and semi- fiscal claims over the villages granted. It has further been stated that the land of the grants was often wasteland, which thus helped in the extension of cultivation.
As a result of large-scale patronage extended to the Jaina temples, they ultimately emerged as over-arching institutions with wide range of economic and political powers at their bestowal. While the very purpose of the existence of the temple was for worship and performance of rituals, its multi faceted role transformed it into an all-powerful socio-economic legitimizer for all categories of society during this period.
This process of patronization through gift-giving to Jaina temples by these various social groups was envisaged by Western scholarship on South Indian history as the main integrative factor binding diversified elements of a society together in one social fabric. According to Marcel Mauss a French Sociologist, "exchange of gifts was the fundamental social mechanism integrating pre-modern societies". The participation of different social groups in patronizing religious ideology asserts their keenness to seek social identity through their allegiance to a particular faith. Such conscious attempts by locally powerful groups who supported the religious networks created by the kings through religious gifting was considered by Cynthia Talbot as an attempt on the part of these local elites to gain prestige on par with the king and thus enhance their claims to superiority and legitimacy.
One major implication of the land grants made throughout the period in our area of study by different social groups discussed above, is the enormous growth in the politico-economic power of the temple institution. As a donee of various types of grants it consequently emerged as a landlord wielding tremendous economic power through the control it exercised over the economic resources at its disposal. In this context the role of the temple gradually began to be that of the State too, in that it began to assign taxes, collect revenues, get land cultivated and so on.
The growth in the powers of the temple implied the need for larger machinery to maintain it. The popularity of the Jaina temple and its rise in the economic status also depended to a large extent on the priests or preceptors who acted as legitimizing agents for various social groups. Therefore, it also becomes significant to maintain the genealogies of the religious teachers and priests who played a crucial role in perpetuating the religious ideology. As most of the donations made by social groups were entrusted to these preceptors, it also becomes essential for these priestly classes to keep in the memory of the succession order of their preceptors in the temple, as this would enhance the historical importance of the temple. In Phase 1 of our study reference to the mention of the genealogy of the ascetic orders is found only in Atlem plates of Pulakēsin I. This limited mention may perhaps indicate that Jainism was still in its incipient stage at this time trying to entrench itself in the Western Deccan. Also, during this period we find the development of schism within Jainism between the advocates of reforms, who envisaged a need for transformation in the religion if it had to have a long survival and puritans who refused to allow any sort of transgression into the ‘original Jainism.

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275
Another important development in Jainism was the proliferation of the Jaina monastic community into numerous groups. The process though had its beginning in the early centuries of the Christian era, it became more intense only during the early middle periou." The earliest monastic group of Jainism was the Müla Sangha (Chart I, No.'s: 1, 6, 8) that finds prominent mention in the records of the first Phase. The second important monastic group during this period was the Yăpanīya Sangha. The composer of Aihole praśasti of Pulakēśin II namely, Ravikīrti is mentioned to hare been the follower of the Yāpaniya sect. Both the Müla Sangha and the Yāpaniya Sangha that belonged to the Digambara order played a significant role in making the religion more popular by allowing considerable laxity in reforming the Jaina doctrines and rituals, thus making the religion more acceptable to the laity. The period from the 8th to the 10th century was the most eventful in the history of the Jaina church. It was during this period that the establishment of several new monastic orders in the southwestern Deccan appears more prolific."
The multiplication of monastic groups is apparent in Phase 2 of our study (10th - 12th century AD). This is evident from the several terms that were used to indicate the position of a particular order in the monastic gradations. A perusal of inscriptions of this Phase refers to several such gradations like the sangha, gana, gachchha, anvaya, and so on. While the sangha was used to specify a monastic section, gaña and gachchha refer to the hierarchy of the monastic section. Inscriptions of Phase 2 mention Varasēna gaña, Kumudi gana, Sūrasta gana, and Dēva or Dēsi gana. Most of the names of the gana appear to have been taken from the place names where the Jainas had settled. Apart from this we also have the mention of Hogariya or Pogariya gachchha, Chandrakavata anvaya, Chirakūta ånvaya (Chart II, No. 14, 18) and so on. The mention of these various sections that emerged both with in the Mūla Sangha and the Yāpanīya Sangha interestingly shows that dissension and expulsions were a common feature in the Jaina monastic order of the times, and the break away group formed new schools but, however, maintained their affiliation to the original Sangha.
The mention of the Jaina preceptors as the donees or as those to whom the grants were entrusted indicates the emergence of this group as the most powerful section of the society owning their proximity to the temple institution, which from the latter half of Phase 2, emerges as the most crucial agent of legitimation for various social groups. As a result the genealogies of these religious priests takes prominence where we find the mention of the succession of preceptors from 3 generations to 12 generations. With the emergence of many monastic groups it becomes important for the temples to maintain the genealogies of the religious priests as this would help them in trace the antiquity of the temple and augment the ideological role of the temple.
As a result of the temple and its allied institution, the basadi in fact, witness during this period the emergence of a whole range of social groups such as the monks and nuns in the Jaina temples catering to various types of religious teaching. The temple institution normally maintained them out of the grants they got but nonetheless, they emerge as a distinct stratum in the social structure of the period. These religious heads acted as the most formidable forces of the society during the latter part of the 11th and 12th century AD. They began to be closely involved in the maintenance, functioning and governance of the temples, as they were major centers of political and economic power. In fact, a majority of the grants were entrusted in the heads of these institutions.
Apart from the names of monks and nuns in the monastery as recipients of gifts we also find mention of artisan communities as figuring as donees in large quite a number of inscriptions during Phase 2. In this context we have reference to terms such as the stonecutter (Chart II, No.'s: 9, 11),

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
kammata, the black smith (Chart II, No.'s: 27) etc., the builder of a temple who receives a grant of land as a maintenance gift out of the main grant to the temple with which he was associated. The stonemasons figure as donees of various shares of land allotted mainly to the temple institution. Further, there is reference to individual artisans called Dariseiya Bammoja and Ayiseiya Jinnõja and to Kēśedēvara Bammoja. All the above instances adequately testify to the fact that the artisans had their existence tied to a dominant social authority. While referring to all these groups in his study, A. Appadorai considers them as the employees in the services of the temple and the variety of interests represented by these groups made the position of the temple as an employer predominant. While almost all these groups emerge as the recipients of the grants, we cannot attribute to them the status of being dominant or occupying an autonomous realm, as usually they were given maintenance grants made for the services they rendered to the temples. It is pertinent to underscore here that the fortunes of these cultural and economic groups were not just tied to the temples in which they functioned, but more importantly, to the nature of patrons too, who had a great deal to do with the emergence of the temple institution. Conclusion
Religious patronage by social groups thus played a crucial role in providing solution to the individual's “ideological interests” and “material interests”. Further, as stated above religion also played the role of rendering an individual with a specific religious identity that cut across different sections of a society, apart from maintaining a distinct social identity of the individual, particularly if he or she were part of the ruling elite. On the other hand, the individual's support of a certain religious ideology through his gifts benefited the religion to endure longer and exercise its overwhelming influence on society through its ideology and promote socio- religious harmony. Since temples served as custodians to promote a particular religious ideology, they became the major benefactors of social patronage. The emergence of the temple institution as an ideological center of power enabled it to draw support from across different sections in society thus coalescing them culturally. At the same time, society was also economically and politically controlled through the complex linkage between the State and its institutions in the rural countryside that was often accomplished effectively through the religious places of residence and worship. Political authority thus sought legitimation at various levels from socio-economic structure within a specific religious space.
Since such a study on social groups has not been attempted so far, we stress the fact that the social elites who constitute an important fabric of social stratification play a significant role in the perpetuation of the Jaina ideology in not only urban areas but also the rural areas. The support and patronage to this religion was simultaneous to the socio-economic transformation that took place during the early medieval period. Similarly, the study of religious institutions as major recipients of social and political patronage underlines its emergence as a dominant economic power and its role as a cultural agent of social control. The above attempt has thus tried to move away from the conventional framework of understanding the nature of polity, ecor.my and society and its deep linkages with religion during the early medieval times. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My sincere thanks to Prof. Aloka Parasher Sen who suggested to write on this topic and has encouraged me towrite this paper. Through out the process of the writing of this paper, she has rendered valuable suggestions for which I am greatly indebted to her.

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277
My thanks are also due to Tejaswini Yarlagadda, who readily kept all her source material at my disposal and allowed me to use the framework of her Ph. D Thesis entitled "Rural Settlements and Social Stratification in South Western Deccan, 1000 AD-1200 AD" submitted to the University of Hyderabad, 1995, to be incorporated in the paper. With out her cooperation this paper would not have been possible.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. S. Freud, 'Civilization and its discontents', in Robert Bocock and Kenneth Thompson (eds) Religion and Ideology, Manchester, 1991, p. 59
2. Ibid., p.8
3. Ibid., p.274
4. Romila Thapar, Cultural Transaction and Early India: Tradition and Patronage, Delhi, 1987, p. 39
5. Hampa Nagarajaiah, A History of the Rashtrakutas of Malkhed and Jainism, Bangalore, 2000, pp. 256ff
6. Aloka Parasher Sen, Social and Economic History of the Early Deccan, Delhi, 1993, p. 242
7. K.M. Shrimali, 'Religion, Ideology and Society', Presidential Address, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 49th Session, Dharwad, 1988, p. 6
8. Romila Thapar, Op. cit., 1987, p. 36
9. Romila Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, Delhi, 1996, p. 287.
10. A. Aruna, State Formation in the Eastern Deccan, Delhi, 2000, p. 66
11. IA, VII, 1878, pp. 207-217.
12. SII, XI, p.3
13. IA, XI, 1882, pp.68-71
14. SII, XI, p.3
15. Y. Tejaswini, Rural Settlements and Social Stratification in South Western Deccan, 1000 A.D.-1200 A.D., Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Submitted to University of Hyderabad, 1995, p. 149
16. EI, VI, 1900-01, pp.1-12
17. U. N. Ghoshal, 'Ownership of the Soil in Ancient India: Evidence of Certain Texts Discussed' IHQ, II, Calcutta, 1926, pp. 198-203
18. Cynthia Talbot, 'Gifts to Gods and Brahmins, A Study of Religious Endowments in Medieval Andhra', Ph. D. Dissertation, submitted to the University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1988, p. 1.
19. Ibid, p. 2
20. R. N. Nandi, Religious Institutions and Cults in the Deccan, Delhi, 1973, p. 41
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid, p. 45
23. IA, XIX, 1890, p. 268-275, EI, XVII, 1923, pp. 121-123, EI, XVI, pp. 58-66 24. SII, XI, pp.68-72
25. SII, XI, pp. 107-110; 111-112
26. HAS, No. 18, 1958, pp. 43-44
27. IA, XIX, 1890, pp.268-275; EI, XVII, 1923, pp. 121-123
28. EI, XVI, pp. 53-57
29. K. M. Shrimali, Op. cit., 1988, p. 7

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II S. Inscription/ Location No.King/ Date
CHART I SOCIAL GROUPS IN JAIN EPIGRAPHS-PHASE 1 (6th-9th Century AD) III IV V VI
VIII
IX Genealogy Social Groups/ Patron Temple! Donee Nature of Purpose Status Location
Patronage
X
Reference
1. Āțlem plates of Karnataka ?
Pulakesin I (AD 489-490)
> 3 gen MG, HP @3 gen $ 4 gen
>, @of Saind- 1. > raka family 2.Samiyara @
Jinālaya at Alaktakanagara built by @
Jinanandi of Malasangha
520 (niv) of field in different villages
IA, VII, 1878, Pp. 207-217.
> 6 gen
2. Aihole ins. Of Hungund TY
Pulakesin II (AD Bijapur Dt. 634-35)
Jinalaya built by Ravikirti
EI. VI, 190001, pp. 1-12
>2 gen @ 3 gen
@of Sendra lineage
Durgasakti @
3. Lakshmēshwar Shirhatti Tq.
ins. No. 3. Pula- Dharwar Dt kësin II (Undated)
Samkha Jinalaya God
500 (niv)
Worship, offer- ings to God
SII, XX, pp. 2-3.
4. Lakshmeshwar
ins. No. 4. Vinayāditya (AD 683)
Sirhatti Tq. Dharwar Dt
> 4 gen, MG, > Hp.
1. God, 2. Danasāla
> at the request Samkha Jinalaya of Dhruvadevacharya of Mülasangha
Repairs, worship.
SII, XX, pp. 3-4
offerings
5. Lakshmeshwar
ins. No. 5. Vijayaditya (AD 723)
Shirhatti Tq. Dharwar Di
> 5 gen, MG,>, @ Hp
Sembolal (v)
Bikki Rāņaka, Jina-Bhattāraka @ at the request temple at Puri- of Vijaya kāra nagara
Jayadēva Panditacharya of Molasangha
SII, XX, pp. 4-5.
Kevala-Bodhi --Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
6. Lakshmeshwar Shirhatti Tq.
ins. No. 6. Dharwar Dt Vijayaditya (AD 730)
> 5 gen, MG, > Hp
Kaddama (v)
> at the insta- Samkha nce of Preceptor, Jinalaya Niravadya Pandita
Worship. maintenance of Danasala
SII, XX, pp. 6-7
KEY: >: Main ruler: @: Local Potentate; $: Jaina preceptors: SS: Jaina monastic order; #: Functionary: Gen: Generations: *: temple; FG: Flower Garden; WL: Wet Land, OML: Oil Mill; OL: Ordinary Land: SN: Sarva Namasya: RSL: Red Soil Land; m: mattar: BS: Black Soil: v: village: D: daughter, niv: Nivartanas

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I
I
I
III
IV
V
VI
VII
VIII
IX
S. Inscription/ Location No.King/ Date
Genealogy Social Groups/ Patron
Status
Temple Location
Donee
Nature of Patronage
Purpose
Reference
Shirhatti Tq. Dharwar Di
> 6 gen, MG,> Hp
50 (niv) of land
7. Lakshmēshwar
ins. No. 7. Vikramaditya II (AD 735)
> at the request Dhavala of Bahubali Jinālaya Sreshthi
2. Vijaya Panditacharya of Mula Sangha
Repairs, offerings, SII, XX, maintenance of pp. 7-8 Danasala
>Titles
for oblations
8. Adur Ins. Of
Kirtivarman II (undated)
Hangal Tq. Dharwar Dt.
1.Sinda family@ 1.Malleya #3 Jinalaya at 2. Gámundas, #2.Unchharadha Pandipura 3. Elagamunda # Savereya #4 built by #2 4. Donagamunda #
IA, XI, 1882, Pp. 68-71
1. 8m of rice land 2.unbroken rice, perfumes and flowers
2.Prabhachandra guruva of Paratūra gana 3. Danasāla
9. Annigeri Ins. Of Navalgund Ty
Kirtivarman II Dharwar Dt
>Titles
1. Gåmunda 2. Gosási Kuppa #2
. Kaliyamma #1. Chediya Jinalaya ---- 2.Kondlśulara built by #1,
SII, XI, p. 3
Religious Patronage and Identity Formation-A Study of Jaina Inscriptions (6th-12th Century A.D.)
KEY: >: Main ruler: @: Local Potentate; $: Jaina preceptors: $S: Jaina monastic order; #: Functionary: Gen: Generations::temple; FG: Flower Garden; WL: Wet Land; OML: Oil Mill; OL: Ordinary Land; SN: Sarva Namasya; RSL: Red Soil Land; m: mattar; BS: Black Soil; v: village: D: daughter, niv: Nivartanas
279

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280
CHART II SOCIAL GROUPS IN JAIN EPIGRAPHS-PHASE 2 (11th -12th Century AD)
I II S. Inscription/ Location No.King/ Date
III IV V Genealogy Social Groups/ Patron
Status
VI Temple Location
VII Donee
VIII Nature of Patronage
IX Purpose
X Reference
>titles
Dandanayaka
1. Chilkür inscrip- Hyderabad Dt.
tion. Vikramaditya V (AD 1012)
@ Sri Padma näbhayya
Jaina temple (Parsvanāthadēvaru) at Chilkür
50m rajamananēl 50m (rsl) 3m (fg)
EA , II, 1975, pp.50-55
$3 gen
>.@.
Ghateyanka
Jaina båsadi at
Land
2. Inscription. No. Hungund Tq.
61 Jayasimha II Bijapur Dt. (AD 1024)
Maravoļal
SII, XI, pp.50-51
>titles
3. Inscription. No. Lingsgur Tq.
3 Jayasimha II, Raichur Dt. (AD 1027)
1 Pradhanas 2 Sodorevadi- yara
Sómaladevi (D) Jain temple of > at the constructed by request of Tam- Besavõja under bivattam Besa- the direction of 2. voja
At Piriya Mosamgi
50m (bs) 50akadi(m) (fg) oml,
HAS, 18, 1958, Pp. 42-43.
Construction
4. Inscription. No. Gadag Tq.
65 Jayasimha II, Dharwar Dt. (AD 1029)
>titles, 1.Dandanayaka Aycha Gavunda Jaina basadi at @of Sinda kula, @. 2.Mahasāma of Posavur Posavūr consntādhipati @
tructed by patron 3. Gāvunda, # 4. Wife of @1
5 m areca nut garden, house sites
SII, XI, pp. 55-57
>titles
>
Pradhanas #
For enjoyment
5. Inscription. No. Lingsgur Tq.
4, Jayasimha II, Raichur Dt. (AD 1032)
> at the request Jagadėkamalla of Ashópavās! Jinalaya at Kanaka-nandi Piriya Mosamgi Bhaļāraka
100m (bs), + 2m (wl), +(fg), + loml
HAS, 18, pp.43-44
Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
Parasgad Tq.
6. Hüli ins.
Somēśvara I (AD 1044)
1. 1000 Mahāja- Lachchhiya- nas, #
bbe wife of @ 2. @ & his family
Jaina temple at Pali
Belgaum Dt.
EI, XVIII, pp. 172-178.
Om on payment of Restoration and
1 gold piece repairs on each m
Balachandra Bhaarakadēva (trustee)
1200
7. Ins. No. 32 Kundgol Tq. Gāvundas # Gavundas Jaina băsadi Preceptor
12m +
SII, XX, Soměsvara 1 Dharwar Dt
Gunabhadra
pp. 35-36 (AD 1045)
Siddhantadeva, Mónimati Kanti
(nun) KEY: >: Main ruler: @: Local Potentate; S: Jaina preceptors: S$: Jaina monastic order; #: Functionary: Gen: Generations: : temple: FG: Flower Garden; WL: Wet Land; OML: Oil Mill: OL: Ordinary Land; SN: Sarva Namasya; RSL: Red Soil Land; m: mattar; BS: Black Soil; v: village; D: daughter, niv: Nivartanas

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VIII
IX
III
IV V Genealogy Social Groups/ Patron
Status
S. Inscription/ Location No.King/ Date
VI Temple/ Location
VII Donee
Nature of Patronage
Purpose
Reference
8. Ins. No. 78
Somėśvara I (AD 1045)
Dharwar Tq. Dharwar Dt
Gift of lands and house site
Repairs, feeding visitors
SII, XI, Pp.68 - 72
> titles, 1. Mahämana- i. Nalgāvunda- $12 gen.of Lēśvara @ Chăvunda- Kumudi- gana 2. Mahasamanta, Gāvunda # # 3 gen 3. Nalgāvunda # ii. Mårtan
dayya (2)
Samyaktaratnakara Chaityalaya at Mugunda built by (1) #. li (2) built Natakasale
9. Arasibidi Ins.
Someśvara (AD 1047)
Hungund Tq. Bijapur Dt.
> titles, $$ 3 levels
1. drummer, 2. stone mason
Akkadēvi (sis) of >
Gonadabedangi 1.. Jain temple at 2. drummer, Vikramapura 3. stone mason named after patron
1.1m (gl), 62m Repairs, rituals, SN, 2. 24m SN, 3. maintenance of 13m SN
preceptor
EI, XVII, 1923, pp. 121123
Dharwar Dt.
12m
Provision of food
10. Mulgund ins.
Somēśvara (AD 1053)
> titles, $ 2gen.
Jaina temple at Kirugere
Nayasēna Panditadēva (Trustee)
EI, XVI, pp. 53-57
$$
Religious Patronage and Identity Formation- A Study of Jaina Inscriptions (6th-12th Century A.D.)
11.
Honwad ins. Somēśvara (AD 1054)
Provision of food
1. Mahamanda- 4. Beļdēva leswara@. 2. Mahājanas, 3. @of Sinda family 4.Sandhivigrahādhikari # 1. Queen @ @IKētaladevi 2. Vanavåsa @2Chankirāja family @ 3. stone cutter 4. low caste people 5.Sodoravadiyara
Bijapur Tq. Bijapur Dt.
>titles, $$ 3 levels, $ 3 gen.
Jinēndra Santi at Ponnavāda built by @
2
IA, XIX, 1890, pp.268- 275
3
1. 35m (ol). 2. God Parśva Im(gl), house, oml
. God Suparsva 2. 500m 4. stone cutter 3. 355m (ol) + 5. low caste people Im(gl) + oml
4. &5. House each
>tites
12. Ins. No. 94
Someśvara I (AD 1059)
Mundargi Tq. Dharwar Dt.
Mahanagara of 16 Birayya Seti seis (merchants) (merchant)
Nagara Jinalaya at Dharma vaļal
35 gold gadyānas
SII, XI, pp. 89-90
13. Daddala ins.
Somēśvara II (AD 1069)
Manvi Tq. Raichur Dt.
>titles, @gotra
1. Mahamanda- 3. Maki setti lēŚwara @ 2.Mahasāmanta, 3. Merchant
Girigõțemalla . Jinalaya at Ponnapálu built by 3. named after @2
24m (wl), Im (fg), Benefit of oml, 5 house sites
EI, XXXVII Pp. 113-116.
14.
SIL
Ins. No. 111 Soměśvara II (AD 1071)
Gadag Tq. Dharwar Dt.
>titles, $ 6gen. # 2gen.
Baladevayya 1.# Baladeva Huliyabbājjike
Jinālaya at (nun) of Chitra- Saratavür named kūta Anvaya after #
36m, 10m, oml, house-site
SII, XI, pp. 107-110
dhāna #, Hērisandhivigrahi, # sēnadhipati, # kaditavergade, dandanayaka # 2. 200 Mahajanas #
KEY: >: Main ruler; @: Local Potentate: $: Jaina preceptors; $$: Jaina monastic order; #: Functionary; Gen: Generations: : temple; FG: Flower Garden; WL: Wet Land; OML: Oil Mill; OL: Ordinary Land; SN: Sarva Namasya; RSL: Red Soil Land; m: mattar; BS: Black Soil; v: village; D: daughter, niv: Nivartanas
281

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I
I I S. Inscription/ Location No.King/ Date
III IV V Genealogy Social Groups/ Patron
Status
VI Temple/ Location
VII Donee
VIII Nature of Patronage
IX Purpose
X Reference
15. Gawarwad Ins.
Someśvara II (AD 1071)
Gadag Tq. Dharwar Dt.
> titles, $ 8gen.
Repairs
i. 58m, 1 house-site, ii. 12m, iii. 8m
EI, XV, 1919-20, pp. 337-347.
16.
>titles
Inscription. No. Shirhatti Tq. 46. Someśvara II Dharwar Dt. (AD 1072)
1. Mahamanda- 1. Laksmana- Jaina temple at i. St. Tribhuvan lēśvara @ rasa@. Annigere built Chandra, 2. Setis. 2.32 seis by Ganga- ii. Mallayya. 3. Gāvundas # 3. **
Permadi @. iii. Keta Gāvunda 1. Mahapradhāna, Kamchalamaha- Anesejjeya Nandi- Pandita- Dandanayaka@ devi Q of >on basadi at Puligere deva (Preceptor) 2. Dandanayaka request of Bhās- built by Kumkuma
kara Bhattopa- mahadevi (sis) dhyāya of >
Revival of endowment of (v) Gudigere
SII, XX, pp. 51-53.
17. Inscription. No. Shirhatti Tq.
47, Someśvara II, Dharwar Dt. (AD 1074)
>titles, $$2 levels. @ 2 gen. $ 2 gen.
1.Mahasamanta 1.@Jayakësiya- Permadi basadi
@. 2. Maha- råsa on the of at Purigere mandalesvara @ request Tribuvana
Chandra Pandita
Remission of certain taxes
SII, XX, pp.53- 55.
>titles $ 2gen.
18. Inscription. No. Hungund Tq.
113 Someśvara II Bijapur Dt. (AD 1074)
Arāsara basadi at Ponnugunda
Arya Pandita
60m
SII, XI, PP. 111-112
1. Srikarana, # Devanayya 2.Pergade.# Nayaka # 3.Karana, # 1 Nakimayya # 4. Pasayita # 2 Revanayya # 5. Mahamanda- 2 Āychappaya lēśvara@ Nāyaka #3
Kaimayya #4
Land
EI, XVI,
19. Lakshmëshwar Dharwar Dt.
ins. Vikramaditya VI (AD 1081)
>titles, $3gen. 1. Mahasamanta- Dona (brother) @2gen & dhipati @ of @ family members 2. Physician
Jaina temple at Narendrasena II Purikára nagara of Traividya
Sena gana
pp. 58-66
20. Hüli ins. Parasgad Tq.
Vikramaditya Vi Begaum Dt
Bijjala (son) of
Pergummi (v)
>titles, $S 2 levels, $ 4 gen.
Jaina sanctuary built by Bijjala at Hüli
EI, XVIII, pp.201-205
@2gen.
21. Ins. No. 179 Hungund Tq.
Vikramāditya VI Bijapur Dt. (AD 1085)
1.officer 2.Sunkaverg-
# Mantara Barmmana
Gonada Bedangi Jinalaya at Arasibidi
5 panas from Manneya suņka & Pannāya suņka
Feeding ascetics of the temple
SII, XI, p. 239.
Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
gade #
> titles,
22. Ins. No. 33 Gadwal Tg
Vikramaditya VI Mahabub nagar (AD 1087) Dt.
Mahamanda- lēśvara@
Hallavarasa@
Pallava Jinalaya at Püdür
Kanakasena Bhattāraka (preceptor)
Land, gardens, house site
APGAS,3. pp. 40-41
23.
> titles,
Ins. No. 33 Parasgad Tq. Vikramaditya VI Belgaum Dt (AD 1098)
Mahamanda- leśvara@
1. >, 2.Sēna II Jaina temple built & Kannakaira II by Kalasēna, Kanakaprabha, @of Ratta family
Rasa family
SII, XX, pp. 75-76.
Siddhantadēva
KEY: >: Main ruler: @: Local Potentate: $: Jaina preceptors; $$: Jaina monastic order; #: Functionary: Gen: Generations; *: temple: FG: Flower Garden; WL: Wet Land: OML: Oil Mill: OL: Ordinary Land: SN: Sarva Namasya; RSL: Red Soil Land; m: mattar: BS: Black Soil; v: village; D: daughter, niv: Nivartanas

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II
VI
VII
VIII
IX
III
IV
V Genealogy Social Groups/ Patron
Status
S. Inscription/ Location No.King/ Date
Temple/ Location
Donee
Reference
Nature of Patronage
Purpose
24.
> titles,
A
Ins. No. 8 Devadurg Ty Vikramaditya VI Raichur Dt. (AD 1109)
Income from levies, --- & sales
HAS, 18, 1958, pp. 51-52
1. Merchants. 1, 2, 3 of social BrahmaNagara 2. Mint-officers, groups. Jinalaya at 3. Mint- owners
Gobbūr built by corporation of merchants
> titles
25. * Ins. No. 110 Shirhatti Tq.
Jagadēkamalla II, Dharwar Dt. (AD 1139)
# Jaina pre- ceptors
Ketoja, Nagoja # Nageswaradēva A
Temple
Land
SII, XX, pp. 138-140
26. Ins. No. 118 Kundgol Tq.
Jagadēkamalla Il Dharwar Dt. (AD 1148)
Jaina basadi at Kuyyabula
I Mahāpradhāna 2, 3 & 4
& Dandanāyaka (Madirāja & 2. Gavundas Adityanayaka 3. Aruvottokkalu 4. Herggade
i. Paddy ii. Income from taxes
SII, XX, pp. 155-156.
27.
Gadag Tq. Dharwar Dt.
> titles
Ins. No. 67 Sömëśvara IV (AD 1185)
Burning lamp
1. 1000 Maha Members of janas,
Artisan 2. Artisans, community 3. Go-Brāhmaṇas & Goles
KammataJinalaya at Lokkigundi (agrahára)
God Kammaës- Iballa dhanya 5 vara, Nõmpiya hana cash & some băsadi
oil.
SII, XV. pp. 92-94
Religious Patronage and Identity Formation-A Study of Jaina Inscriptions (6th-12th Century A.D.)
KEY: >: Main ruler: @: Local Potentate; S: Jaina preceptors: S$: Jaina monastic order; #: Functionary: Gen: Generations;: temple; FG: Flower Garden; WL: Wet Land; OML: Oil Mill; OL: Ordinary Land: SN: Sarva Namasya; RSL: Red Soil Land; m: mattar; BS: Black Soil; v: village; D: daughter, niv: Nivartanas
283

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284
Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
2. 2017
T
A 120
LUKY AC
KALYA
.
.
.
.
ARABIAN
SEA
I
BAY OF BENGAL
INDEX O CAPITAL -X-MAX. EXTENT OF
CHALUKYAS or
KALYAVIA DYNASTY. H AREA OF CONTROL
UNDER CHAWWALL
KALYANA. D AREA OF JANA
EPIGRAPHS. U MAX. -15
LESS - ito 5 RVEYLESS LESS THAN 2
70
860
Figure VIII. : Map Showing Area of Study

Page #83

PATRONAGE OF THE IMPERIAL CHOLAS TO JAINISM
V. BALAMBAL
The Imperial Chõļas (856-1279 A.D) made their mark on the history of India not only as great conquerors but also as glorious ambassadors of Indian culture in and out side India. They had political sway in far off countries, which did not last long but their contribution for spreading of Indian culture remains green till today. Their touch is felt in South, South East and Far East Asia. They carved their names very deep so that it has left a permanent mark on the cultural history of India.
The Choļas were great Saivites but their interest in patronizing other religions too is well known from inscriptions and literature. The inscriptions of the Chöļas in South India and South East Asia stand testimony to their cultural zeal. Rājarāja I has no doubt immortalized his name by constructing Rājrājēśvaram in Tanjavur, which is today a protected monument. However, innumerable Siva and Vişņu temples and a few Buddha and Jina temples of the Cholas exhibit the religious tolerance of the Choļas.
Though the Chõļas established themselves in Tanjavur, Trichy and South Arcot Districts, after the decline of the Pallavas and Pandyas and that made them great conquerors. Their cultural activities went hand in hand with their military activities. Their conquests contributed to their wealth, which is reflected in temple building, patronizing music, dance, drama and temple activities etc. Their special interest for Saivism did not obstruct their patronage to Vaişnavism, Buddhism and Jainism. But the area where Jainism prevailed during the Chõļa period it may be clearly noted that this was popular in the border areas, especially in the Tondaimaņdalam region. This was a region once under the Pallavas where the Jainas had dominated.
The patronage of Chöļas to Jainism is known from inscriptions, monuments and literature. Vaikavur Tirumalai, Tiruppanmalai, Vilappakkam and Vedal in North Arcot District, Tirunedunkondai, Dadapuram, Jambai, and Sirramur in South Arcot District, Sendalai, Kuņrathūr, Tiruparuthikkuņram, Tirumalavadi etc. were great Jaina centers. Though many records are limited on the details about Jainism under the Imperial Choļas, the available sources clearly prove the way Jainism was accommodated in Chola country with no bias and prejudice.
There are many epigraphical references to various Jainapallies (Temples for Tīrthankaras) in the Choļa region. But the Nēminātha Temple also known as Kundavai Jinālaya is the only living Jaina monument of the Choļa period. The epigraphs found in Tondaimandalam, North and South Arcot regions attest the existence of Jaina establishments supported by the Choļa patronage.

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
Records are available to show that the Chōlas from the time of Parantaka I to Rājarāja III were tolerant towards the Jainas. Temple building activities, maintenance of temples, grants for offerings, feeding Jainas monks and nuns were regular events. It is amazing to note that not only the Chōla monarchs, but also the Chōla princess Kundavai, elder sister of Rajarāja I showed keen interest in building not only many Śiva, Visnu and Jina temples but also was liberal in contributing to maintain the Kundavai Jinȧlaya in Tirumalai in North Arcot District and Dadapuram in South Arcot District. In Tirunedunkondai in South Arcot District there was a Jaina temple Known as Nārpatheṇṇāyira Perumpalli and Valaiyurnau Perumpalli.
There were Jaina nunneries too. Though nuns were not given equal ranking with monks in Jainism, there were references to women taking up to asceticism. A clash between two groups of nuns is reported from an epigraph from Vedal in North Arcot District dated 885 AD. Kanakavīrakurathiyar, a disciple of Gunakīrthibhatara headed five hundred pupils in a nunnery. There was clash between her group and another nunnery, which had four hundred inmates. We are informed that the local Jaina laity amicably settled this dispute by taking one group of nuns under their protection. The Jaina monks and nuns took up the teaching of both boys and girls in the locality.
A Jaina temple on the rock (Jinagiripalli) accommodated Jaina monks. Provision was made for the daily feeding of a Jaina monk residing in the Palli. The inscription on a boulder in Anandamangalam in Chingleput District dated in the reign of Parāntaka Chōla I (945 AD) not only refers to the above grant but also bears Jaina figures.
There was a big Jaina settlement in Tiruppanmalai headed by Aristanemibhatṭāra. His disciple, a nun by name Pattinakurathi Adigal, dug a well at Vilapakkam. The well and a house constituted at nunnery, which was under the control of twenty-four important members of the locality.
Parantaka I's record refers to the donation of gold to the Jaina temple at Tirumalai also known as Vaikavur by two residents of Kaduthalai. Political changes during Parantaka I's period resulted in the Rashtrakua occupation of the Tondaimandalam region. A record of Krishna III refers to the grant for perpetual lamp to a yakṣa at Tirumalai by Gangamăādēvi, wife of Prithivigangaraiyan, a chief under Krishna III. Lighting of perpetual lamp became very prominent during the Chola period and the Chōla commander's wife also followed their practice to do show that they were involved in acts of some religious service."
During the region of Parantaka (911 AD) two of his army chiefs by name Vīrsēvakan Piḍāraṇ Batugan and Virsamanayakan Chandayan Ayiravan gave four Kalanju of gold for feeding a Jaina monk attached to the Tirumalai temple. The title "Irumudichola" attached to their names conveys that Parantaka who had the title "Irumudi Chōla" was their King.
The Chola feudatories also showed keen interest in protecting Jaina monks and temples and offering grants for the same. The Udayendiran copper plates of Hastimalla, a feudatory of Parântaka I refer to the Digambaras whose ancestors were endowed with a part of village of Kaḍaikkour known as Pallichandam. This record confirmed the earlier grant and issued an order not to disturb the earlier grant when other parts of that village were donated for some other purpose.
Gandaraditya, son of Parántaka I was a great Saivite. It is interesting to note that a Jaina temple was named after him as Ganḍaräditya Perumpalli at Jambai in South Arcot District. The God of the

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Patronage of the Imperial Chõlas to Nas Jainism
287
temple was Nēminātha. The religious tolerance of the Saiva ruler is known from Jambai record. Apart from being the place of worship and meditation, this Jaina temple served as a refuge (Añjuvarpukalitam), the details of the same are not available.
An inscription of Paräntaka II Sundara Choļa (961-962 AD) found in Tirumalai informs us that his feudatory Tirukkovalur Malayaman Siddhavadavan and his queen. The last of these, Siddhavadavan donated for offerings in a Jaina temple at Sõlavandipuram.
There was an overall development during the reign of Rājarāja I (985 -1012 AD). He firmly reestablished the Chola power in South India and spread the Tamil culture in far off lands. His contacts with South, South East and Far East Asian countries proved to be a great success. He showed keen interest in building Siva temples of which Rājarājēśvaram in Tanjavur has immortalized his name and fame. Kundavai, his elder sister was noted for her tolerant attitude. In spite of being a great Saivite, her contribution to Jainism has given her a permanent place in the history of Jainism in South India. An extant Jaina temple known as Kundavai Jīnālaya after her at Tirumalai, also known as Vaikavur near Polur in North Arcot District, was built by Kundavai. She also built Jaina temples at Tirumalayadi in Trichy District" and at Dadapuram also known as Rājarājapuram after Rājarāja I near Tindivanan, and donated land and jewels for the maintenance of those temples. Tirumalai was a great Jaina center in the Chola period and continues to be Jaina religious center till today. It was also known as Srisailapuram. The early history of Tirumalai mentions only the cave and bas-relief temples. At present there are three caves, which are one over the other, in which the Jaina monks had lived. The lower cave, the biggest, is 25' above the ground level. Later, a structural temple was built over it.
Kundavai installed a four feet Nēminātha at the sanctum of Kundavai Jinālaya. It is seated on a throne in a meditating posture. As there was damage to this sculpture, it is kept in the mahamandapa of the temple and was replaced by a new sculpture in the 15th century AD.
The other rock of the lower cave contains sculptures in rows. There is a big and beautiful 16 feet sculpture of Nēminātha on a Lotus pitha in the long sanctum on the western side of the rock. This was also known as Sikhāmaņinātha. This structural temple of Nēminātha was constructed in the reign of Rājarāja I by Kundavai and hence, known as the Kundavai Jinālaya in the epigraphs. At the ground level, there is a temple of Mahāvīra and at the top of the hill, there is a small temple of Pārsvanātha. It is the only Jaina temple in which there are shrines of Nēminātha, (Plate XLIII) Mahāvīra, (Plate XLIV) and Pārsvanātha (Plate XLV) at different levels all in the same place. There are prăkaras for the two temples at the lower cave. The cave temples, bas-reliefs and structural temples belong to different periods.
Kundavi Jinälaya contains the sculpture of Dharmadēvi, Gömatīśvara, Ādinātha (Plate XLVI), Pārsvanātha on the western part of the big cave. Dharmadēvi is well decked with jewelry and surrounded by two children and a maid. Next to Dharmadēvi stands the figure of Gomatēśvara, known as Bahubali with one sister on each side. His sisters are decorated with beautiful ornaments from head to foot. The third sculpture is that of Adinātha, the first Tirthankara seated on a throne in penance. The last sculpture in this panel is that of Pārsvanātha, seated in penance under a multi-hooded snake. Dharanēndra kneels before him and Padmavathi holds the umbrella over the head of Pārsvanātha. During Rājarāja I's period also there were many public activities. Certain Kanisekharamaru Porsuriyar alias Gunavīramāmunivar caused the construction of a bund to store water.
In the 17th year of Rājarāja I grants were made for two perpetual lamps in the big monastery at Tirunarunkondai, and a Jaina village (Pallichandam) in South Arcot District.

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
Dādāpuram was turned into a center of all religions. Kundavai built Sive, Vişnu and Jina temples at Dādāpuram. They were known as Ravikula Maņickēśvaram, Kundavai Vinnagaram and Kundavai, Jinālaya respectively. The lake dug by her was known as Kundavaipērēri. Many grants were made for the proper upkeep of the temples at Dādāpuram. It is interesting to note that during the rule of Rājarāja I, even in small villages, there was religious harmony and three or four religions co-existed together.
Following in the footsteps of his father Rājēndra Chola I also patronized Jainism. Three epigraphs of Rajendra Chola l's reign are found in Tirumalai. The first two records dated around 1024 AD tell us about various conquests of Rājēndra I. Iļayamaņimangai showed keen interest in this temple. She donated sixty käsu for the perpetual lamp to Ādinātha also called Ārambananditēvar. It is interesting to note that this lady was keen on granting for lighting the perpetual lamp offered earlier by a Pallava queen Chinnavai. In the same year (1024 AD) Samundappai, wife of Nannappaiyan of Malliyur gave twenty käsu to the Tirumal temple for a perpetual lamp and ten käsu for daily offerings. This record clarifies that the Tirumalai temple belonged to Vaikavur, a palsichandam in Mukaināļu in Pangalanādu in Jayankonda Choļamandalam.
A broken stone inscription in front of the Sikhāmaņinātha temple in Tirumalai refers to the exemption of same taxes on the temple lands, and some of Rājēndra I's officials with his titles. A Parākēsari's epigraph from Tirakkôl in North Arcot District refers to the Gangāsūraperumpalli in Rājēndrapuram under the control of Kanakasēņabhatara". The same monk was seen in Sendalai, another important Jaina center.
During the reign of Rajendra II (1062 AD) Chitramāļiperiyanāttar, a merchant community in Tamilnadu, donated some land, a part of its produce was to be measured in Arulmozhidevamarakkal, for the offerings to be made to the Tirumalai temple.
Kanchipuram, a great religious city in Tamilnadu was a center for saivism, Vaişņavism, Buddhism and Jainism. Little Kanchi also known as Tirupparuttikkunram was a great Jaina center with the name Jinakāñchi. A congregation of monks of this region purchased land around 1116 AD.“
The Chola power started declining from the reign of Kulottunga I. The Jina temple at Kühür in Tanjavur District was known as Kulõttungaperumpalli". The Maruthuvakuļi inscription refers to two Jainapal?is at Maruthuvakuļi in Tanjavur District. Gurukka! Chandrakirti and others secured a tax-free pallichandam for the Jaina temple at Jainakanchi in 1199 AD. When the Chola rulers had to fight for their survival, in the border regions, Jainism dominated. Around Tirumalai itself there were other Jaina centers at Inderippau Kuņnthūr, Tachchūr, Sēvūr, Kappa!ūr, Mandaikulathūr and Othalapadi.
In spite of the political turmoil, the Chõļas continued to extend their support to religious institutions. During the reign of Rājarāja III certain Kannan Choļakkon made a donation to the Kundavai Jīnālaya. A Tagadur ruler named Viļukāthaļagiya Perumāl was a feudatory of Rājarāja III. He dug a canal to water the lake in Tirumalai and donated a big well to the temple to be used during rituals and festivals. More so, he showed keen interest in repairing and reinstalling the images of Yakșa and Yakşi (Plate XLVII) Tirumalai temple. Earlier, his ancestor Elini, had installed these two images. Though the exact relationship between Elini and the donor is not well established, this Tirumalai inscription specifies the activities of the chieftain for public welfare. Many devotees were keen on protecting and improving the water resources of Tirumalai region.

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Patronage of the Imperial Cholas to Nas Jair sm
Rajagambira Sambuvaraya, also known as Attimallan Sambukulaperumal, was a Sambuvaraya feudatory of Rajaraja III. Kunrathûr, also known as Rajagambiranallur, was a Pallichandam. In 1236 AD he donated Kunrathur to Pangalaraya, son of Ilalaperuman of Virappäkkam with all selling rights. This was well utilized for the Jaina temple in that village.
289
The Jainas established schools in their monasteries and taught many of the students, religion, literature, philosophy etc. A Jaina teacher Anantaviramuņi is said to have mastered Vyakarana (grammar), Nigandu (lexicon). Ganita (maths), Vatsayana (erotics), Jyotisa (astrology), Gandarva (music), Sakuna (augury), Chandas (prosody), Manu (law), Alankara (rhetoric), Mahäkávya Naryanatak (poetry & drama), Adyatmika (philosophy), Arthaśästra (politics), Siddhanta & Pramāṇa. In fact, many of the Jaina scholars contributed to religious and secular literature.
Yapperuńkalam and Yapperunkalakärikai, were works on prosody and written by Amitasagara (Boundless Ocean), a Jaina scholar. He was a disciple of Gunasägara. Two epigraphs of Kulottunga I from Nidur mention that he was requested to come and stay in Sirukunranadu, a part of Jayankondachōlamandalam by the ancestors of one Kandan Madhavan of Kulathů, where he composed the Yapperunkalakärikai. Kulathûr later came to be known as Karikaikülattür as Amitasägara stayed at Kulathur and completed Yapperunkalakarikai there.
30
The Chola rulers patronized Jaina scholars. Gunavirapandita, a native of Kalathur wrote the, Neminatham and the Vachchanandimălai. Though these are works on grammar, they were named after the Tirthankara (Neminatha) and Vachchandi, the guru of Guna Virapandita. Neminatham is a venba of the first two parts of the earliest Tamil work Tolkäppiam with little changes and additions and Vachichanandimālai also known as Venbapaṭṭiyal defines various kinds of Prabhandam in a hundred verses. It also makes a reference to Kulottunga Chola II. Pavaṇandi, a great Jaina scholar and grammarian wrote the Nannal. He was a contemporary of Adiyarkkunallar and a native of Janakapuram, a part of Kanchi and was patronized by Siyagangan of Kolar (1178-1216 AD). The five minor Epics such as Yasodhakavya, Câlámani, Udaynankathai, Nilakesi and Nagakumarakavya belonged to the reign of the Imperial Chōlas. Kalingattuparani by Jayankondar, Merumandirapuranam, Tirukkalambakam, Nariviruttam, Gananal, Pavainal and lexicons like Divakara Nigandu by Divakaramuņi, Pinkala Nigandu by Pinkalamuni and Chadamani Nigandu by Mandalapursha were composed during this period. Civakacintamani by Tiruttakkatevar is noted as a Book of Marriage. Naccinárkiniyar refers to Tiruttakkatevar as one belonging to Chola race. Civaka with eight,wives enjoyed worldly life but ultimately, renounced everything and became a Jaina monk.
The Chōlas were great lovers of art architecture. The structural temples and stone images are unique in their characters. A stone image of seated Tirthankara made of soapstone in Karnataka style belonging to Kulottunga Chōla III's is found in the Cholisvara temple in Aragalur in Salem District. There were two Jaina bronzes in the same temple: a Tīrthankara is in standing posture and a yakṣṭi, both in Karnataka tradition. Images found in Kundavai Jinalaya belonging to the Chola period are excellent specimens of Chola art.
The Cholas, with their tolerant nature, patronized all religions in spite of being Saivites. The practices they followed in Siva temples such as donation of tax free lands, lighting the perpetual lamps, fostering education, feeding the monks, patronizing scholars, establishing monasteries, building temples, making sculptures and icons, donating land, money, gold etc., for the temple activities were also continued

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Kevala-Bodhi --Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
for Jaina temples. Though the Choļas patronized Jainism, due to political and cultural vicissitudes, most of the structures have since been lost. But the living Jaina monument of the Chöļas in Vaikavur Tirumalai and the inscriptions, sculptures etc., of the temple stand testimony to the attitude of the Choļas towards Jainism. Had the other temples, inscription etc., been available, perhaps, a more rosy side of Jainism in the Chola period would have been possible to prolifically describe. In these days of communal clashes and disharmony, it is amazing to note the religious tolerance of people under the Chõļas. As Jainism and Buddhism were offshoots of Brahmanism, when idol worship and rituals were followed in the former, they followed the same practices in Brāhmanical temples. In organizational set up too, Jainas and Buddhists started practicing Brāhmanical style. In spite of having their indigenous practice, tenets, congregations etc., it is heartening to note that Saivism, Vaişnavism, Buddhism and Jainism co-existed during the Chola period for which the attitude of the Chola monarchs was mainly responsible.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. ARE, 446 of 1937-38 2. SII, III, No. 92 3. ARE, 430 of 1922 4. ARE, 53 of 1900 5. ARE, 65 of 1907 6. SII, III, No 97; ARE. 66 of 1907 7. SII, I, No.76, VV 26-28 8. ARE, 448 of 1937-38 9. ARE, 252 of 1936-37 10. SII, I, No.67 11. Ibid. No. 68 12. ARE, 8 of 1919 13. A. Ekambaranathan, Jaina Temples of Tirumalai, Chennai, 1992, p. 8 14. SII, I, No. 66 15. ARE, 385 of 1902 16. ARE, 117 of 1919 17. SII, VII, N. 1017 18. SII, I, No.68 19. EI, IX, No 31; ARE, 80 of 1887 20. SII, XIII, No 68; ARE, 68 of 1907 21. ARE, 277 of 1916 22. ARE, 7 of 1899 23. ARE, 382 of 1927 24. RE, 288 of 1917 25. ARE, 392 of 1907 26. ARE, 43 of 1890 27. SII, I, No. 141 28. SII, I, Nos. 75 & 76 29. SII, I, No. 74 30. ARE, 534 & 535; EI, XVIII, No. 8

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KANNADA INSCRIPTIONS OF JAINA AFFILIATION FROM ANDHRA PRADESH
C.S. VASUDEVAN
The Kannada inscriptions from Andhra Pradesh throw light on various aspects of political, social, economic and religious conditions that prevailed during the early medieval and medieval period. There are as many as one thousand Kannada inscriptions that have been reported from Andhra Pradesh and we may be sure that many would see the light of the day in the coming years. In this sequel, an attempt is made to understand the Kannada inscriptions of Jaina affiliation from Andhra Pradesh. Out of one thousand Kannada records, very few inscriptions provide information pertaining to Jaina religious order and the socio-economic aspects. The inscriptions that belong to the Räshraküța, the Chalukyas of Vēmulavāda, the Chālukyas of Kalyāņa, the Noļambas and the Vijayanagara dynasties, in fact testifies that Jainism was popular and enjoyed a good status in terms of patronage for over period of five centuries. Of all these dynasties, it was during the times of the Chālukyas of Kalyana that Jainism received greater impetus and patronage, as attested to by the large number of their inscriptions. As already pointed out, it is attempted to reconcile and reconstruct the socio-economic aspects from the data as recorded in the Kannada inscriptions found in this region. The Kannada epigraphs of Jaina affiliation are found from the districts of Anantapur, Hyderabad, Karimnagar, Kurnool, Mahaboobnagar, Medak, Nalgonda, Nizamabad and Warangal. A maximum number of inscriptions are from Anantapur while the least are from Warangal.
The earliest inscription is from Velamjala dated to 907 AD and belongs to the reign of Rāshrakūța king Akalavarsha (Kțishņa II). It records a gift of 100 mattars of land and a garden to a basadi by a certain Ravichandrayya, a subordinate of the king. Another inscription from Halaharavi also belongs to the same dynasty and mentions that the feudatory of the king Nityavarsha (Govinda IV) was Kannara who was ruling over Sindavādi-1000, the latter's wife Chandiyabbe is said to have constructed a basadi in Nandavara and endowed it with land and 3 gold gadyanas. Kannara seems to have been a protector of both the Jainas and the Saivas.
Two more records from Tummalagudem also belong to the same period, viz, 10th century and they tell about the gifts given to the Jinalayas. The first record mentions the gift of wetland along with the income from siddhāya to the Jayadhira-Jinalaya by the Chief Rațța Sankaragandarasa bearing the epithets Jayadhira, Bhuvanaikarāma, Abhimana-dhavala, Rattaramēru, etc. The second epigraph registers a gift of ni[ru]něla by a certain Sankaragandarasa who had a title Rattaramēru to the Jayadhīra Jinalaya.
It is a known fact that the Chalukyas of Vēmulavāda patronized Jainism. A record dated 968 AD from Rēpāka refers itself to the reign of the king Arikēśari and introduces a Chief by name Vijaya Gāvunda and records his gift of lands to a Jinalaya built by him. The record is in both Kannada and

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Sanskrit. The Sanskrit verse gives the genealogy of a family of disciple of the Jaina faith who were ruling Atukūru-70 and Pammi-12. This proves that the strings of administration were in the hands of persons belonging to the Jaina faith.
The oft-quoted Kurkiyāla inscription belongs to the time i.e., of Arikësari II of Chalukyas of Vēmulavāda. It mentions the installation of the two ådyanta jinas, Chakrēsvari, i.e., the first and the last Jaina Tirthankaras on the hillock called Vpishabhagiri and the construction of a basadi called Tribhuvanatilaka, a tank called Kavitaguņārņava and a garden named Madanavilăsa by Jinavallabha, son of Bhimapayya and Vabbanabbe and the younger brother of the famous poet Pampa alias Kavitaguņārņava. The inscription furnishes valuable information regarding the genealogy and origin of Kannada poet Pampa, the author of the Vikramārajunavijaya, whose ancestors are stated to have belonged to Vangipassu in Kamma-nādu. An important aspect of this inscription is that it is trilingual, written in prose and poetry in the characters of about the 10th century AD.
During the period of the Chālukyas of Kalyāņa, we notice examples of the building of Jinalaya or basadis and endowing them with gifts. Unlike the earlier period, the majority of the records under review belong to Chālukyas of Kalyāņa period. An epigraph of 1012 AD now preserved in the Hyderabad Museum refers itself to the reign of the Chălukya king Tribhuvanamalladēva camping on the bank of a streamlet Pāyani with a view to conquer the North and overthrow Bhijadēva of Māļva and registers a grant of lands to the god Pärshvadēva of Indra Jinalaya at Chilkuru. Another record from the same Museum dated 1027 AD records the gift of 50 mattars of black land, 50 mattars of akade, 1 ghuna for the lamp and 1 mattar for flower garden in the rājadhāni (capital) Periya Mosangi to the Jaina basadi constructed by Basavāja under the direction of Södera Vadeyora Rēvanayya at the request of Tambipaana Basavõja by the king's daughter Sahaja Vēdängi, Somalādēvi, while camping at the Appayaņa-vīļu of Pulipoďaru with the consent of her ministers. In this record a princess made the donation. Before making the donation, she gets the approval of her ministers which fact shows that the power she enjoyed in making donations or taking decisions.
An inscription from Saidapur, belonging to the reign of Jagadēkamalladēva as ruling from the capital Pottalakere in 1034 AD and records that the king at the request of Vaidyaratnākara Prāņācharya Aggalayya made a gift to a Jaina temple Buddhasēna Jinalaya at Mūcchupaļļii constructed by Agga!ayya himself and Vaidyaratnākara Jinalaya at Ikkuriki in Alur-40 which was a Kampaņa of Kollipāke-7000. The Sanskrit portion of the record extols the greatness of the physician Aggaļayya, a specialist in surgery and his capacity to cure severe diseases. A certain Jakabbe's Katte basadi is also referred to in the record. The importance of the record, like the previous instance, lies in the fact that the king makes the donation on the request of the person, who constructed the Jinälaya.
A record of 1051 AD from Sanigaram is interesting. It refers to the reign of the king Trailokyamalladēva and his Mahasamanta Kākatīya Bēțarasa. This records that Bēta's Pergade Vaijarāja's son Näraņayya renovated the Duddahmalla Jinalaya of Sanagara and endowed it with a rataņa after obtaining of the consent of the local gámundas Muppadayya and Puņņireddi. Kākatiya Bea mentioned here is obviously Bea I. It is curious to note the rāțaņa i.e., pully is gifted to the temple. It is very rare to gift such items to the temple. We have a very few reference of making such gifts to the religious institutions.

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Besides endowing the temples with land and other gifts, it was also a common practice during the medieval and early medieval period to donate taxes and levies. Generally, the king or a person authorized by him was empowered to make such donations. An inscription dated 1056 AD, from Kölanupāka is interesting". It opens with a Sanskrit verse describing the earth followed by a Kannada verse in the kanda metre in praise of Jagadēkamalladēva. It begins with the well-known Chālukyan prasasti, Mänavyasa gotram, etc., and refers to the Chālukya family as the birthplace of Samasta-Lõkāśraya, Vishuņvardhana, Vijayāditya and other famous kings, who had subdued the Nala, the Durjaya, the Prithu-Kadamba, the Maurya, the Rāshțrakūta and the Kalachuri dynasties. Then it mentions Trailokyamalladēva ruling from Maļikonda Uppayanavidu. On the said date, Ś. 978, Durmukhi, Pushya, Puņņami (15), Uttarāyaṇa Sankramaņa equivalent to Tuesday, 24th December 1056 AD, the king made a gift of tala-vritti, bitti, pannasa, kere, nirunela, rātanam, tomta, kereyabu and manneya and cess to the ascetics of the Kuruma maha-sthānas, the gurus of the Jina-basadis and temples in Jattupura in Kollipāka freeing them thereby from impediments at the request of Preggada Chāvundayya and Dandanayaka Kāvaṇabhatta. We have references to the donation of land and other gifts to the basadis.
Another record from the same place viz, Kolanupaka is important as it registers restoration of a grant made earlier." The epigraph records the restoration of some lands in Juvvikuņe and Nidungalūru originally granted by Sankragauda of the Rashtrakūta family by a copper plate charter to the basadis at Rēvundi and Nērila built by him and subsequently, alienated from the basadis unjustly, by the queen at the request of Mahāsandhivigrahi dandanāyaka Kēsimayya and on the representation of Rebbi-sei and the Karaņas headed by Perggade Appanayya on the occasion of the solar eclipse. Mahăsămanta Mēļarasa was then governing Kollipāke-7000 in 1067 AD. This record proves that the queen was also empowered to take decision in the administration, while the princess was not empowered to act on her own.
However, during the time of Chālukyas of Kalyāṇa, along with land, a flower garden, oil-mill and house-sites were also gifted as a donation package. This is true in respect of both Saiva and Vaişthňava temples. A record" from Konakondla mentions that Mahamandalesvara Joyimayyarasa, the subordinate of Tribhuvanamalladēva, as ruling over Sindavadi-1000 in 1081 AD. It states that, for the service of the Jaina god in the basadi called Chatta-Jinalaya erected by Nālikabbe in memory of her husband in Kondakundeya-tīrtha, Joyimayyarasa made a grant of 30 mattars of land, a flower garden, an oil-mill and 8 house sites. A widow Nālikabbe erected a Jinālaya in memory of her husband is interesting from sociological point of view. It indicates that during the period under review, the widows also enjoyed some respectable social status and were not looked down by the contemporary society.
An inscription from Alladurg registers a gift of two mattars of gadde (wet land) for feeding the ascetics in the Kirtivilāsa Santi-Jinālaya by the king's subordinate Mahamandalēśvara Ahavamalla Permānadi. Kamaladēva Siddhānti received the gift in 1084 AD. Kamaladēva Siddhānti was probably the head of the Jaina temple. Kirtivilāsa is the title of the king and the temple was probably named after him or got constructed by him.
A record dated Chālukya Vikrama year 12, Prabhava, Paushya, Amāvāsya equivalent to Sunday 26th December 1087 AD, from Pūdür states that the Mahamandalēśvara Hallavarsa of Pumdūru who is described as Muchukundūrp Puravarēśvara, etc., granted betel leaves, betel nuts, lands, shops, housesites etc., in Pundūru and the income from the levy of 2 pana from every village in Ayije-300, on the occasion of Uttarāyaṇa Sankarānti to the Pallava Jinalaya belonging to the Dravila Samgha after laving the feet of his preceptor Kanakasēna bhattāraka". Yet another record" from Gobbur, Raichur district of

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Karnataka, now preserved in the State Museum at Hyderabad records the gift of money at specified rates by the nakharas, the officers of the mint (Kammatada-adhikarigaļu) and the Kammațakäras of agrahāra Hirya Gobbūru, to the Brahma Jinälaya for conducting the Chaitra-pavitra in 1109 AD. The grant of money was a rarity during the Chālukyas of Kalyāņa period. The donation, in majority of cases, included land, both wet and dry, flower garden, and house-sites. As an exception, in this record, income from levy, shops, betel leaves and betel nuts were also gifted. The granting of betel leaves and betel nuts to the temple occupied an important place in the religious rites from early medieval period and continued even during the Vijayanagara period.
Another epigraph from Kõlanupāka registers the gift of 2 mattars of gadde (wet land) and flower garden and a gana (oil-mill) to the jinälaya built for him by Māndalika Gomarasa. The gift was entrusted to Chandrasēnāchārya, probably the priest of the Jinalaya. The Bairanipalli inscription mentions the installation of a Jaina image and the gifts of a mango garden, 20 mattars of karamba land and other lands for repairs of the temple and feeding of the ascetics by Bīramaraddi, the dandanayaka of the capital Bhuvanagiri and the 120 karaṇams of Bekkalluin 1125-29 AD. At the end of the inscription there is a lengthy description of the donor in Kannada verse, wherein he is said to have belonged to vitti-vamsa of the Reddi caste. Other gifts to the same Jinālaya by Punniraddi of Nanganūru and Reviraddi of Vallampala are recorded. In this record along with dandanāyaka, the officials joined hands in making the donation. The gifting of a mango garden to the temple is interesting. The record mentions that the donor belonged to vitti-vamśa and this is very interesting. The term vitti is a derived from the Sanskrit word vista or visti that later got transformed to vitti in Prākrit and later got into Kannada. Vitti or Bitti in Kannada means free labour. Even in the Tamil inscriptions the term vetti is found that is equivalent to vitti or bitt i. In course of time, the practice of free labour was dropped but survived as a tax. Kannada inscriptions have numerous such references of vitti being used as a tax term. The person or members of whose family, who use to collect taxes came to be known as those who belonged to the tax collector's lineage or vittivamśa or vitti-kula. It would not be wrong to identify the person mentioned in this record as belonging to such a tax collector's lineage. Hampa Nagarajaiah has rightly pointed out that such persons belonged to Jaina faith and were subordinates of the Chälukyas of Kalyana.
The mercantile community also never lagged behind in making donations to the temple. An inscription from Jadacherla refers to the reign of Yuvarāja Tailapa ruling over Kandūr-nādu and Bammisei of the Vīrabalanjiga community had caused the construction of a Chaityālaya, the deity being Pārsvanātha at Gangāpura after washing the feet of Mēghachandra Siddhāntadēva in 1125-26 AD. It also refers to the grant given by the merchant guild, Ayyavolle 500, Muvattāru bidugalu, Maridamada, samasta ubhaya nânădësiya settis, for the maintenance of the Chaityalaya. Mēghachandra Siddhārathadēva belonged to Kanūrgana, Mēshapashanagachha. In the record the date mentioned is $.1047 and king Bhūlākamalla was ruling the place. However, according to other records available, Tribhuvanamalla was still ruling in 1125 A.D.
Another record, of the time of Chālukya king Somēśvara IV, from Ujjili registers gift of the income derived from the tax Vaddarāvuļa and a tank with the adjoining land for the offerings and worship of the god in the Jaina temple, called Baddi Jinalaya, situated in the fort of Jivolal, the capital of Kallakeļagu Nādu". The gift was made after laving the feet of Indrasēna Pandita, the priest of the temple, by Bhānudēva, the army officer of the same nadu with the concurrence of Kēšavayya of the region. An undated record from Togarakuna records the grant of two flower gardens and house sites by the Dandanayaka

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kommaņayya and others to the basadi of Chandraprabhādēva at Togarikuņte in Kudiyape-40 for conducting worship in the basadi. The gift was made for the merit of the Mahamandalesvara Kumāra Taliapadēva. The record refers at the end to Padmanandi. The mention of Prince Kumāra Taliapadēva would show that the record belongs to the reign of Vikramaditya VI.
Like the earlier record another inscription from the same place registers gifts of land and flower gardens for worship and offerings in the temple which belonged to Drāvila Sanghasēna gana and Kaurar gachchha that was situated in front of Ujjilivo!al the capital of the region Kallakelagu-500. The gift was by Pāņditya, disciple of Vädirāja in the lineage of illustrious Vädirāja. Other gifts by the local mercantile community were also made to the deity. There are numerous evidences of making images of tirthankaras and installing them in the temple by the philanthropic donors. Inscriptions from Hyderabad and Peddatumbalam mentions that the images of Pamchaparamēshthi were made by Dēvaņņa, son of Sēnabova Achanna of Esambarage of disciple (Chata) of Madhavachandra-bhattāraka, who belongs to the Mülasamgha, Désiya-gana, pustaka-gachchha and Yimgalēśvara-bali Gommața-Pārsva-Jina was caused to be made by the Mahāpurusha Bochikabbe, the wife of Chenchi-setti, a disciple of Chandrakirtti bhattāraka of the Mula-samgha, Dēśi-gaña, Postakagachcha and Kondakund-anvaya, respectively. Similarly another record from Hyderabad mentions that Bopaņa, son of Emmeya Prithigauda of Kopana-tīrtha and his wife Malauve and the lay disciple of Rajaguru mandalācharya Maghanadisiddhanta-chakravarti caused the image of Chauvisa-tirthankara (i.e., the 24th Tirthankaras) to be made and presented to the basadi built by Madana-daņāyaka of Müla-Samgha and Dēsiya-gaña.
The Gangapuram record is important from two aspects. The first being, it refers to the construction of a jina-griha and the consecration of the image of Chennapārsvanātha therein by Mahävaddavyavahāri Manigāra Kālisesti of Tumbala and to a gift of income from levies on commodities such as areca and other items for the worship of and offerings to the same. It mentions the officers Surkådhikari and Addasunkadadhikari and contains an eulogy of Nayakīrtidēva who was perhaps the recipient of the gift. The second aspect is that the mention of the officers Sunkädhikari and Addasunkadădhikari in the record show that they concurred with the merchants to donate the income from levies on commodities. This suggests that they were empowered to divert the income of the State to temples.
A record from Korațla a gift of land for the service of Rattamārtānda Jinälaya when Padmanandi Siddhāntadēva, was the achärya. At the end a Jaina sect of Koravatļu ghosta, belonging to the Kornūrugaņa and Tintrinigachha is mentioned. The Chilkūru inscription, now preserved in the Hyderabad Museum is interesting. It registers the gift for the repairs and maintenance of the Antara basadi of Chilkūra by Sridharavarmadēva and Kirtivarmadēva the Perggades of the king. Kirtivarmadēva on the occasion of the king's pattabandha (coronation). Mention of some of the images of Jaina Tirthankaras to whom the gifts are made by the local people is stated in the record. Another epigraph from the same Museum registers the gift of 100 marturs of land 3 marturs of garden to Pārsvanāthadēva of Indra-jinälaya of Chilkūra by Dandanāyaka Padmanabha Ailarasa governing the Lombalika-70, on his return journey with the king after (Uttara-digvijaya northern conquest) over Māļava and defeating Bhöjadëva.
The inscription" from Tādapatri is important from the point of view of Kannada literature. The record is in beautiful Kannada verses and consists of 25 poems. In the reign of Udayāditya, son of Sõmidēva and Kanchalādēvi, ruling from Tatparapura the present Tādapatri it registers the genealogy of the sthånåcharyas of the Chandranātha, Pärsvanātha basadi at Tatparapura. It records that grant given by

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Udayāditya Mahārāja to the basadi for repairs after washing the feet of Mēghachandradēva, the achārya of the basadi. The complete inscription can be said as a small Champu Kāvya. The statement that "Andhra Dharanītala' is to east of the kuntala dēśa is noteworthy.
During the time of the Noļambas also Jainism continued to flourish. A record from Amarāpuram, dated 1277 AD, registers that Mallisesti son of Sangayana Bommisețți and Mēlavve, the favourite disciple of Balēndu Māladhāri Dēva who was the senior pupil of Tribhuvan kīrti Rāvula of Ingalīśvara Mūlasangha, Désiya gana, Kondakundānvaya and Pustakagachcha, gave at Tammadihalli, the 2000 areca tress which belonged to his share to Prasanna Pārsvadēva of the basadi at Tailamgere known as Brahmajinālaya. The priest of this temple was Challapillai, a Jaina Brāmhaņa of Bhuvalökanātha Nallur in Bhuvalokanāthavishaya, and as sub-division of Ponnamarāvati-sime, north of Dakshiņa Madhure in the southern Pāndyan country. Challapillai is also referred to as Sayanagiri and was a dear disciple of Balēndu Māladhāridēva. From the produce of his garden land, the construction of the basadi from its upāna to stūpi, the mahamandapa, Bhadra, Lakshmi mandapa, gópura, parisūtra (enclosure), Vandanamale (festoons), Manasthamba, Sampurna vāhana and makara tõraņa was done. The present inscription proves that the produce from a garden is enough to construct a temple. It is for us to guess the worth of produce from such a garden. Another aspect is that the Jaina temple closely followed the architectural pattern adopted by the Hindu temples.
Another undated record”, probably belonging to 13th century, from the same place mentions that a basadi caused to be made by a disciple of Balēndu Màladhāridēva belonging to Tribhuvana Kirti Rāvula of Ingalīśvara belonging to Mülasangha, Dēsiyagana Konda Kundānvaya and Pustakagachcha. The vritti here was held by Challapillaidēva. The inscription from Haresamudram is quite important. As it is undated and badly damaged the full purport of the nature of the record is not understood completely. It records that Bijaya Mahādēvi was ruling Baragūru in Poļainādu granted by No!ambādhirāja (?) Siyavūra (Sira) was ruled by Akkabbe and Trailokyavo!alu by Dommabbe. It seems that they granted some land to a basadi. Penjēru is also mentioned here. The two queens were administering the two nādus and they jointly granted some lands to the basadi. This would prove that the women also actively involved in the administration.
Even during the Vijayanagara period, Jainism continued to occupy a considerable position and received due patronage from the royal house of early rulers. An epigraph from Rāyadurga refers to the reign of the Vijayanagara king Harihara and by the command of the king, Bhögarāja set up the god Ananta-Jinēśvara in 1355 AD. His preceptor was Māghanandi, disciple of Amarakīrtti of the Nandisangha, Balátkāra-gana, Sarasvata-gachchha and Kondakund-anvaya.
From a description of some of the above inscriptions a clear donation pattern can be made out. It is gathered that the males dominated in donating to the temple than the females. In as many as 34 instances males have donated in contrast to 5 donations by females. This suggests that the male dominated in the society. If the individual status of the donors is considered, the chiefs or Mahamandalēśvaras or immediate subordinates of the king occupy the top slot, followed by individuals. We have evidences to substantiate that queens occupied a prominent position. As many as in 5 instances they have contributed to the Jinalayas followed by mercantile community with 4 and kings with 3 instances. This proves that the women folk were involved in making donations and the status enjoyed by some of them is clear. It is curious to note that women from the lower rung were not involved in this activity while the women

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occupying higher social order were actively absolved in the pious activities. Even among queens, some of them held the strings of administration and were empovered to act independently. A few exceptions are also noticed in this regard.
The Jinalayas or basadis received lands for its maintenance in most instances. Usually gadde or nirunela i.e., wet lands, were gifted to the temple. Various types of lands like black soil land; karamba land, etc. were donated. The purpose of such donations was have resources for the conduct of worship, feeding the ascetics, maintenance, repairs and renovations and for the construction of the basadis. Marturs or mattar or marttur are the standard linear land measures that we come across in the inscriptions. Land granted varied from 2 mattars to 100 mattars, depending on the economic potentialities of the donors who donated it to the temple. Besides land, flower gardens, mango gardens and house-sites were donated to the temples as a donation package. Normally, either house-sites or flower gardens or land, either wet or dry, was given. Here, in majority of cases, especially during the time of Chālukyas of Kalyāṇa we notice that donations are made as a package. There are also instances of giving away only land. In one example we have a reference of 2000 areca trees being donated to the Jinalaya. This fact makes us to believe that areca, a cash crop, had economic implications both in society as well as in the religious institutions. There are a very few instances of making money donations to the temple and gold gadyana was money received by the basadis.
Income from taxes, levies and cess were also diverted to the temple. Siddhāya, tala-vritti, bitti, pannasa, and manneya are some of the taxes that we come across in the epigraphs. In addition to the above gifts, interestingly ratana i.e., pully is also donated. Tanks, oil-mill and other types of gifts were also donated. Taken as a whole these inscriptions define the complex relationship in early medieval and medieval times between the society economy and religious institutions, the Jaina basadis and Jinalayas in this case. This is case study of Andhradesa, but many of the features discussed above are found in inscriptions of other regions as well. The fact that in some cases these inscriptions were bilingual and even trilingual indicates the multi linguistic context in which both the donors and donees lived. Whereas the economic roots of the land grant system was depended on local roots, the ideological spread of the Jaina faith was built on regional and pan-regional linkages in the case of the Deccan region.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh-Nalgonda (hereafter IAP, Nal.) I, No.1; C. S. Vasudevan, (ed.), Kannada Inscriptions of
Andhra Pradesh (hereafter KIAP). No.860 2. South Indian Inscriptions, (hereafter SIT) Vol. IX, Pt. I, No.62; (Also See. No. SII, IX, Pt. I, No.60), Jainism in Andhra,
No. 19; KIAP, No.508 3. Annual Report on Indian Epigraphy (AREP)1973-74, No. B 19; Andhra Pradesh Annual Report on Epigraphy (hereafter
APAREp), 1965, No.63; KIAP, No.279; IAP Nal. I, No.15; Jainism in Andhra, No.63; KIAP, No 877 4. APAREp. 1965, No.279; KIAP, No.878 5. Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh-Karimnagar (hereafter IAP, Kr.), No.5; Jainism in Andhra, No 36; KIAP, No.433 6. APAREP, 1966, No. 178; IAP, Kr.No.3; Jainism in Andhra, No.65; AREp. 1966-67, No. B 1; Bharati, March 1967,
pp. 10-23; KIAP, Nos. 428-429 7. Epigraphia Andhrica (hereafter EA), II, No, 7Jainism in Andhra, No.48 E; KIAP, No.391 8. AREP, 1960-61, No. B 16; APAREP, 1965, No.169; Hyderabad Archaeological Series (hereafter HAS) No.18, pp.42-43;
KIAP, No.367 9. IAP, Nal. I, No.5; Jainism in Andhra No.40; KIAP, No.858 10. EA, IV, No.9-1; IAP, Kr. No.14; Bharati 49-50; pp.45-57; Jainism in Andhra, No.42; KIAP, No. 437

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11. APAREP, 1965, No.280; IAP, Nal. II, No.3; Jainism in Andhra, No.45; KIAP, No.815 12. AREP, 1961-62, No. B 57; Bharati, 40-8, August 1963; KIAP, No. 791 (from Kohir); AREP, 1962-63, No.217; KIAP,
No. 790 (from Chintalaghat); APAREP, 1966, No. 306; Jainism in Andhra, No.47; KIAP, No. 894 (from Bodhan) 13. AREP, 1961-62, No. B 93 (Ref. No. 273 of 1965 APAREP.): AREP, 1961-62, No. B 93; Jainism in Andhra, 47; KIAP,
Nos.818-819 14. SII, IX, Pt.1, No. 150; KIAP, No.57 15. APAREP, 1966, No.261; HAS, No.3, No.39, Jainism in Andhra, No.52; KIAP, No. 769 16. APAREP, 1965-66, No. B.28; Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series (hereafter APGAS), III Mn. No.58 and
No.33; Jainism in Andhra, No.53; KIAP, No. 730 17. AREP, 1960-61, No. В 21; APAREP, 1965, No.180, HAS, No.18 p.51. 18. APAREP, 1965, No.257; IAP, Nal. II, No.10; Jainism in Andhra, No.67; KIAP, No.832 19. AREP, 1983-84, No.B7; APAREP, 1966, No.314; Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh Warangal (hereafter IAP, Wr.) No.67;
Jainism in Andhra, No.67; KIAP, No.902; Hampa Nagarajaiah, 'Shasanagalalli bittakula-Parishilane', Chandrakode,
(Collection of Research Papers), (Kannada), Kannada University, Hampi, Vidyaranya, pp. 149-151 20. EA. Vol. IV, No.7; Jainism in Andhra, No.23; KIAP, No.767 21. APGAS, III, No.35; KIAP, No. 724 22. SII, IX, Pt. I, No.221; KIAP, No.21 23. APGAS, III, No.36; KIAP, No.725 24. AREP, 1965-66, No.B.8; HAS, No.12; The Kannada Inscription of Koppal, No. 10; Jainism in South India, pp.381-81;
KIAP, No.385 25. AREP, 1956-57, No B 44; Jainism in Andhra, No.69; KIAP. No.496 26. AREP, 1965-66, No B.9; HAS, No.12; The Kannada Inscription of Koppal, No.9; Jainism in south India, pp. 379-81;
KIAP; No.386. 27. AREP, 1961-62, No B.39; KIAP, No.763. 28. IAP, Kr. No.17; Jainism in Andhra, No.44; KIAP, No.444 29. APAREp. 1966, No. 144; Jainism in Andhra, No.49; KIAP, No.408 30. APAREP, 1966, No. 152; KIAP, No. 407. 31. SII, IV, No. 798; Jainism in Andhra, No.61; KIAP, No.257. 32. Epigraphia Carnatica (old), XII, Sira, No.32; Jainism in Andhra No.62; Bharati, May, 1979; KIAP, No.168. 33. Jainism in Andhra, No.28; KIAP, No.171 34. SII, VI, No. 556; KIAP, No.194. 35. SII, IX, Pt. II, No.404; KIAP, No.244

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DIMENSIONS OF BĀBĀNAGARA INSCRIPTION
HAMPA NAGARAJAIAH
Introduction
The much mutilated epigraph under discussion, containing 71 lines, has recorded three separate donations, made at different periods, to three Jaina temples at Kannadige, the modern Bābānagara, a village at a distance of about 27 km to the west of Bijapura, the District head quarters in Karnataka. The language of the inscription is Kannada and is written in Kannada characters. Epitome of the text
It opens with a benedictory Sanskrit slöka from Bhatta-Akalankadēva's Pramāņa samgraha, invoking the Jaina Order initiated by Jina, Lord of the three worlds. Subsequent lines eulogize the valor and virtues of Bijjanadevarasa-II (C.E.1130-67), the Kalacuri king and eldest son of Permādidēva (C.E. 1118-30). Then follows the description of (Vīra) Maiļugi kșttoņisa (C.E. 1167), the youngest brother of Bijjanadeva and his affiliation to the Jaina creed. Māņikya Bhattāraka, a bee at the lotus feet of Jina, was the patriarch of the Kannadige diocese. His pupil (Ravi) deva, an ardent devotee of Jaina church, attained eminence by commissioning a shrine enshrining Candraprabha, the Eighth Tīrthankara, at Kannadige. Cāvundarāya, fostering probity and far famed for four types of charity, installed a huge Mānastambha, characteristic Jaina Pillar of Eminence, also called Pride Pillar, that looked like a scale to measure the three worlds.
Synchronizing the Aştānhika Jaina holy day in the year C.E. 1160, Bijjaņadeva, purifying his body by sprinkling Jina-gandhodaka, the scented holy water mixed with sandal paste and anointed on the Jina idol enshrined in the sanctum, gifted 24 mattars land, with its boundary specified. This land was for the specific purpose of performing Aștavidha-arcane, eight types of worship including the lamp-waving ceremony scheduled to take place on the Aştānhika, and to the repairs and whitewash of the Jaina shrine at Kannadige town.
This Jinalaya, shining like a mirror, was caused to be made by Māņikya Bhattāraka, head of the Mangalaveda monastery, and a pupil in the lineage of Tribhuvanadeva of Mülasamgha Desigaņa, a cohort of Jaina friars. Māņikya Bhattāraka, the abbatial monk, figures twice in the charter and seems to have been a celebrity and played a prominent role in the dissemination of his faith. Maiļugi, Bijja!a, Sovideva and Cāmundarāya were his disciples.
The third portion of the epigraph refers to the grant of land and money by Somanspa for the maintenance and repairs of the Basadi, the Jaina fane at Kannadige, founded by Candimayya. Somanrpa, second son of Bijjandevarasa, had the other aliases of Somadeva and Sovideva (C.E. 1165-76). On the auspicious occasion of the first anniversary of his pattabandha, coronation, at his residence at Modeganūru, the modern Mādanūru in Koppaļa District, Somanộpa donated land to the Jaina temple, in C.E 1167-68.

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This epigraph was composed by Mallinātha, grandson of Nāgacandra-I, poet-laureate of Tribhuvanamalla Vikramāditya (C.E. 1076-1125), and elder brother of Nāgacandra-II and another grandson of Nāgacandra I. Muliga Nāgarāya engraved the lithic record, with clear-cut Kannada characters, beautifully shining like a necklace of fresh pearls picked up by Brahma, the creator, who dipped them in the nectar and tied it to the necklace designed exclusively for Vägvadhu, the goddess of speech. Importance
The above charter is incomparable in its historical documentation of the Kalacuri dynasty. It affords solid proof of the personal faith of Bijjaņa, his brother, son, and other relatives. Corroborative evidences to endorse this assumption are not lacking. Bijja!a and Ecaladevī, his consort, were parents of eight children-two daughters and six sons. Siriyādevī, elder daughter of Bijja!a, had married Cāvundarāya, scion of Sinda dynasty. His achievements and religious outlook are documented in this record. This epigraph has the rare distinction of being the last inscription of Bijjana and the early inscription of mentioning the coronation regnal year of Sovideva. Singularity of the epigraph is furthered by its details of father, son, grandson, son-in-law et cetera, members of a single royal family. The significance of the inscription is enhanced by the fact that it affords authentic material to solve the Gordian knot of clinching the issue of Bijjaļa's faith once for all. Tirtha and Jina-gandhodaka
Among other epithets and the usual royal titles, Bijjaņadevarasa is described as possessing JinaGandhodaka pavitrikrta-uttamānga, a head that is purified by being sprinkled with sandal paste water used for the lustration of Jina. This uncommon cognomen, attributed to Bijja!adeva, needs an in extenso discussion. Anatomy
It has been the custom in Hindu temples that, after completing the prescribed usual worship of the main deity to whom the shrine is dedicated, the devotees are blessed with tirtha, scared water poured over the idol. The priest, carrying the small vessel containing the holy tirtha, would let fall one or two spoon full of tirtha into the right palm placed on the left palm of the devotees, who in turn would drink it with great devotion and feel delighted to have been blessed so.
In the Jaina temple too, the devotees who are the lay votaries, are blessed with tirtha, but the method of blessing with tirtha is altogether different. Jaina priests in the temple will put one or two flowers instead of a spoon in the vessel containing scared tirtha, the holy water mixed with sandal paste, which was used for purifying the Jinabimba with ablutions. The priest, as is the traditional custom current in the Jaina place of worship, would take out the flower dipped in the sacred yellow or red sandal wood water in the vessel, and sprinkle its drops on the head of the devotees, who with its touch would feel that their body is purified and so are gratified. Sometimes the flower, dipped in the tirtha, is also distributed to the devotee who in turn would willingly touch it to his eyes and set it in the hair or safely place it behind the ear. Thus, the main difference in giving tirtha between the Jaina and non-Jaina houses of worship is that in the former case tirtha is simply sprinkled on the head and not poured on to the palm to drink. Abhişeka
i. Without phenomenalizing the approach, I would like to historicize and contextualize this
abhișeka in terms of geography and sect.

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ii. Interestingly "the Jaina ritual of sacred ablutions was far more complex than that observed in
the temples of Siva, Vişņu, or mother goddess? Ethnographically speaking, abhișeka, lustration, is the most important ritual for Jaina laity. Early Jaina works like Varängacarita of Jațāsimhanandi (circa 7th cent. C.E.), and Yaśastilaka of Somadevasūri (C.E.959) clearly mention that abhișeka is the paramount rite of worship in medieval period. Jaina inscriptions frequently speak of liberal land grants to Jaina shrines to provide for daily performance of elaborate
abhiseka, ablution. iii. “Jains worship a deity who is symbolically represented as a king. The Jain is a spiritual
conqueror. He was born into a royal family as a prince. According to the traditional biographies of the Jinas, many of them were consecrated as kings in the rite of royal lustration (rajya-bhis eka) before they renounced the word” (infra). Symbolism of god as king is reflected in the ritual cultures of Karnataka since early medieval times, kingship has been inextricably
intertwined with the rite of abhişeka. iv. Ronald Inden has rightly observed that “virtually all of the rites having to do with the making
or remaking of a Hindu kingdom during the period of the Hindu kingdom's glory, the eighth to twelfth century, consisted of a more or less elaborate bathing ceremony either of the king or of an image of god.... The rite of abhişeka was essential to remake daily the man as king Without the rite, he was an empty receptacle. After the rite, he was imbued with the luminous
energy (tejas) of the deity". Bijjaņa, the Kalacuri king, visited the Jaina shrine on the occasion of Aștānhika festival.
Nandiśvara dvipa is the eighth and last island situated in the middle of universe. Exactly in the center of Nandīśvara dvīpa stands Añjanaparvata, surrounded by Akrtrima caityälayas on all sides. Deities who belong to the Bhavanavāsi, Jyotişka, Vyantara and Vaimānikā, the four groups of celestial beings, worship the Jina bimbas enshrined in these caityālayas. Exclusively for this purpose, they visit the caityalayas thrice a year in the months of Aștadha, Kārtīka and Phālguņa, and the duration of worship is extended to eight days at a stretch. Hence, the nomenclature of Astanhika' olim 'Nandiśvara Aşt anhika' is used. Since this period is considered very auspicious, Jaina householders visit Jinamandiras to observe vows and donate gifts. In brief, only Jaina laymen and women follow Aștānhika ritual. King Bijja!a, as a devoted votary, after participating in the ritual mentioned above, gave several endowments to mark the event of Aștānhika holy day. It is worth pondering that instead of making an endowment only for khanda-sphuțita-jirņoddhāra, gift for repairing and white washing the temple, Bijjaļa has specified that the donation should be made use of for observing the Astānhika, a festival of his faith.
Ardent Jaina laities occasionally, but invariably, used the typical phraseology of Jina-gandhodakapavitrikrta-gåtra. We do come across this usage only in a few Jaina inscriptions and Jaina poems. Out of about 3000 Jaina epigraphs in Karnataka, this phrase is used in eight charters while introducing srāvaka, Jaina layman, and upåsaki, Jaina lay woman. Instead of quoting the text from those inscriptions, I would rather prefer to record the source of concerned epigraphs chronologically:
i. C.E.963, Kādalūru ii. C.E.1007, Lakkundi (Gadag Dt) iii. Ingalagi inscription of C.E. 1094 (Gulbarga Dt)'

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iv. Shimoga 97, C.E.1112
V.
vi. Shravanabelagola 176 (143), C.E. 1123 (Hassan Dt)"
11
vii. Nagamangala 169 C.E. 1142, Kasalagere (Mandya Dt)" viii. Tiptūru 93, C.E. 1117, Karaḍāļu (Tumkur Dt)"
12
9
C.E. 1118 Hosaholalu (Mandya Dt.)
Bijjaladeva had the alias of Bijjanadevarasa, a nomen used more frequently in the Jaina records. Himself being a Jaina by faith he had chosen some Jaina men as his dependable officials. Among such bona fide subordinates Recana camúpa was fidus Achates. Recana dandadhipa (1135-1225), field-Marshal of the Kalacuri army and scion of Vaji family was related to the illustrious Danacintamani Attimabbe who commissioned 1501 Jaina temples including the magnificent Brahma Jinālaya at Lakkuṇḍi." Recana, Bellona's bridegroom, bestowed his wisdom on Bijjana, his overlord and inspired to usurp the Calukya throne. Accordingly, history repeated itself and it was Bijjana who turned the tables to cease the throne, and declared himself independent as the emperor of newly initiated Kalacuri monarchy. Recana established Bijjana on the throne and helped him secure prosperity of the seven constituent elements of king, by his might, stratagem and secret consultations. Thus Recana stretched his trunk-like strong arms so that Kalacurya-Rajyalate, the creeper of Kalacurya kingdom, could spread to flourish (C.E.1180, Cikkamagadi).
Recana founded the Jaina sanctuaries and monasteries at Lakkundi Arasikere and Jinanathapura, and patronized the poet Acana to author the Vardhamana Purāṇa, a poem of 16 cantos in the Kannada language.
There are ample epigraphical, archaeological and literary evidences to show that Jainism was widespread during this epoch.
1. Rambhadevi, ardhänga-lakṣṭmi of Bijjana renovated the dilapidated Jaina temple at Malakavac olim Malavitige in the Mandubbe-30 Kampana of Anandur-300 subdivision, in C.E.1166 Malakavate, Maharashtra, Solapur Dt and Tk.
2. She also endowed the Jaina temple at Kandalagaon in south Solapur Tk C.E. 1166.
3. Kesavadeva, who had the title of 'guna-nidhi" "treasure-trove of virtues", donated gold to the Jain shrine called 'Balleya Jemayyana Basdi' at Lakkundi in C.E.1173.
16
An inscription composed by Hittina Senabova, a bard who had the epithet of 'Anupama kavi Kalidasa' records the endowments of land etc., extended to the Jaina shrine at Cikka Handigola, in C.E. 1174.
5. Kopparasa, Lord of Adakki and general of Rayamurări Sovideva, the Kalacuri king, made over several gifts to Cenna Pārsvadeva's angaboga, Aṣṭavidhărcane, Jivadaya-Aṣṭami and festival days of Nandisvara in C.E. 1165 at Kalbugi Jilleya Śasanagaļu, Ādaki C.E. 1165.
19
6. The Five Hundred of Ayyavale granted gifts to perform Aştavidharcane in the Senior temple, also known as Tirthada Basadi, dedicated to Goddess Padmavati Mahādevī of Āḍakki, important seat of Jainism, in the reign of Rayamurări Sovideva C.E. 1165."
7. When Rayamurări Sovideva was on the Kalacuri throne, Aḍaki flourished as a great center

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for Jaina activities. While he was administering from his residence at Modeganür and Koppa, mahamandalēśvara Ēcarasa and others donated land and other gifts to the temples of Pārsvadeva of Big temple and Ghatāntakidevi of Tirthada Basadi of original congregation for performing
Aștavidha-arcane, Jivadayāștami, Nandisvaraparva and for daily worship. 8. An incomplete inscription dated C.E 1159, inscribed on the backside of the Virabhadrasvāmi
image enshrined in the Virabhadradēva temple at Karadikal village (Raichur Dt, Lingasugur
Tk), of the Kalacuri period, provides information about the Jaina Church. 9. Another charter, of the Kalacuris, from Nadiharaļahalli, dated C.E. 1168, records that
Arasigāvundi and Nāgagāvunda gifted land to the maintenance of Rşbha Jinendra caityalaya
and danaśāla of Gottagadi village C.E. 1168 in Nadiharalahalli, Haveri Dt, Rāņibennur Tk. 10. Holarasa, son of Biarasa, a sun to the Lotuses of Sindakula, endowed the Gunadabedangi
Jinālaya at Arasibidu olim Vikramapur (Bijapur Dt, Hungunda Tk), in C.E. 1167. This Jaina shrine was commissioned by Akkādevī, Princess of the Cāļukya dynasty who had the cognomen.
of Gunadabedangi ('the beauty of virtues'), in C.E.1046. 11. Kalidevasețți of Hānugal founded a basadi dedicated to Caturvimśati (=24) Tīrthankaras at
Mantagi (Haveri Dt, Hanagal Tk), and entrusted it to Nāgacandra Bhatțäraka, his preceptor. 12. Samanta Sankara built a new basadi at Cikka-Māgadi, which was graced by the presence of
Recaņa-camūpa, minister and general of Bijjana and his sons. Kavadeya Boppa, a subordinate,
had accompanied Recaņa. 13. Kavadeya Boppa, minister of Recaņa, was an intrepid warrior of the Kalacuris. Jaina shrines
at Bandaņikapura, Baţtakere, Bankāpura, Beļago!a, Hānugal, Hüli, Koļatūru, Kogali, Kupana, Lokkigundi Muļgunda, Navilgunda, Puligere and other places were renovated and resurrected
by Kavadeya Boppa.
Similar instances of installing, consecrating and commissioning of Jaina images and places of prayer are not lacking. Mangalavede, now in Mahārāșttra (Sholapur Dt.) was a well-known Jaina seat and the royal house of the Kalacuris made it more sacred by founding new houses of worship dedicated Jina. Abbots of Mülasamgha Desiga gana were chiefs of the Mangalavede diocese. Bijjaladeva, born at Ingaļeśvara (Bijapur Dt., Bägevadi TK), a nerve center of Jaina faith, was brought up at the nearby Mangalavede olim Mangalavada, included in the Tarikanādu division, and the early capital of the Kalacuri monarchy. The pontiffs of the Jaina monastery at Mangalavede were the royal preceptors of the Kalacuri kings ab initio to ad finem. Hence, the patriarchs of the Mangalavede Jaina cloister were privileged to the biruda, title of 'Mangalavedada Rāyarācārya', 'the teachers of the kings of Mangalavede. Interestingly this epithet appears in the Bābānagar inscription. Acārya Tribhuvanadeva, chief of the Mangalavede Jaina monastery, was the preceptor of Bijjanarāya. It is noteworthy that some of the Kalacuri kings had Rāya as part of their names: Rāyamurări, Bijja!arāya, Māņikya Bhaāraka, successor disciple of Tribhuvanadeva, was the royal preceptor of Vīra Maiļugi, younger brother of Bijjala, and of Somanộpa, son of Bijjaļa.
Epitome : The religio-historical and socio-cultural significance of the Bābānagara epigraph needs no exaggeration. The Vīrasaiva and Jaina literary sources categorically affirm that Bijjaļa was Jaina by faith. Inscriptional evidences also endorse the above account. The Bābānagara charter under discussion

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
contains completely reliable record of the Jaina influence. It possesses phrases and references, which hark back to the early phase of the Kalacuri monarchs. It describes the imperial policy for the propagation of the royal faith, especially the decades of Bijjana, the progenitor of the dynasty's rule and, after a hiatus of a deed, refers to the reign of Somanṛpa. It was issued in C.E. 1167, according to the editor's computation." Unfortunately this unique lithic record is severely damaged at several places, and the lines between 65 and 69 in particular are completely worn-out. However, the main portion and purport of the charter could be made out and these have been discussed with the minutest of detail. This inscription thus becomes an important part of a larger epigraphical heritage of the Jaina presence in the Deccan that has not been hitherto given enough importance.
304
Rayamurări Sovideva (1165-75)
GENEALOGY OF THE KALACURI DYNASTY
1 Bijjala I (1057) T
Krsna alias Kannama (1067)
Jogama (1080-1118)
Permaḍideva (1118-1130) (W. Nāgaladevi)
Bijjaladeva (W. Ecaladevi) (1130-65)
Rāja
6. SII, vol. XI-I, No. 52
7. JESI, Ingalagi inscription
Mailugi (1165)
Ahavamalla Singhana
Siriyādevi
Mallikarjuna Sankama (1175-76) (1176-80) (1180-83) (1183-84) (m. Cavuṇḍarāya)
Younger daughter (m. Barmarasa)
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. XVIII, No. 187, C.E. 1168, pp. 256-59
2. Ramendra Nath Nandi, Religious Institutions and Cults in the Deccan, Delhi, 1973, p. 33
3.
John E. Cort, 'The Jina as king', in Vasantagauravam, (ed) Jayendra Soni, Mumbai 2002, pp. 42-43 4. Ronald Inden, Imagining India, Oxford-Blackwell, 1990, p. 234 & p. 236
5. MAR 1921, p.18

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8. EC, Vol. VII, I (BLR) Shimoga 97
9. EC, Vol. VI (R) Kṛṣṇarājape 3
10. EC, Vol. II (R) Shravanabelagola 176 (143)
11. EC, Vol. VII (R) Nagamangala 169
12. EC, Vol. XII (BLR) Tipūru 93
13. SII, Vol. XI-I No. 52
14. EC, Vol. VII-I (BLR) Shikaripura 197
15. Inscriptions from Solapur District, No. 17, C.E. 1166, Malakavate
16. Ibid., No. 18
17. SII, vol. XV, No. 119
18. Ibid., No. 128
19. Ibid., No.3
20. Ibid., No.4
21. SII, Vol. XVIII, No. 180
22. SII, Vol. XV, No. 108
23. EI, Vol. XVII, No. 10
24. SII, Vol. XVIII
305

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A NEW CHOLA INSCRIPTION REVEALING SAIVA-JAINA CORDIAL RELATIONS
G. VIJAYAVENUGOPAL
During a recent survey of inscriptions in the district of Villupuram in Tamilnadu I have noticed a Tamil inscription engraved on a round boulder lying on a mound near the Calungula of a lake in the village viz., Pêravür (Peräyür according to the inscription) in Vănûr taluk of Villupuram district. The inscription is in 15 lines and it is complete (Plate XLVIII).
The inscription begins with the prasasti viz.. "pâmiyum tiruvum". According to K. A. Nilkanta Sastri' this prasasti belongs to the Chola king Kulöstunga I (of Eastern Chalukya origin of Vengi, who was also called Rajendra in his younger days; hence the name Rajendra in the inscription). In the first four years of his reign the most common prasasti is the one commencing with "tirumanni vilanka or valara". Yet another prasasti briefer and of far less historical value also occurring in these four years is that commencing "pumiyum tiruvum". (1) Hence this prasasti is assignable to Kulottunga I who ascended the throne in 1070 AD. Since the inscription mentions his second regnal year this is datable to 1072 AD. The language and the script is Tamil. However, Sanskrit words are written with appropriate Grantha characters like Panmar (line 4), Rajendra (line 5), Mahadevar (line 7, 8), Panmäheśvara (line 13). There are also tadbhava usages like virasinkäsana (line 3) for Vīrasimhasana; kecari for kesari (line 4). In Tamil words, free variation is found between n and n. See Panmarāna for Panmarāna (line 4), Innáttu for innáttu (line 8), Cenävaraiyan for Cenävaraiyan (line 10). The short vowel and long vowel distinction is not shown for the vowels i and I (viniccaram for vin (n)Iccaram (line 7). Similarly no distinction is shown between e and è as well as o and ó as in Peräyûr for Peräyûr (line 7); Cenävaraiyan for Cenävaraiyan (line 10); muvd instead of mavá (line 12) respectively. Though the inscription is written mostly in written Tamil there are also spoken Tamil forms in a few place. See ivatattil for ivvitattil (line 13-14); tanni for tannir (line 14).
The object of the inscription is to state the donation of ninety never-dying, never-aging sheep for a perpetual lamp to Lord Arhat by Villavan Pallavaraiyan alias Cēṇāvaraiyan Kötukulan, a Vellala (farmer) belonging to Nanmukkil of Perumukkil natu in Oyma nafu (the modern Tindivanam, Tirukkoilur areas). It is also states that he had also dug a well in this place. This gift is under the protection of Panmaheṣṭ waras (Parama Maheswaras). While mentioning this message the inscription also states the phrase "for the Mahadeva of Tiruvinniccaram (name of the Siva temple) in Péräyür in Peräyür nätu of Oyma naju. Thus there are two phrases in the dative case, which end with a common phrase denoting the gift. As such it may mean the donation is for both the Mahādēva of Tiruvinniccaram and Aruka Dēva (Arhat). Obviously there is a mistake in the syntax. Since the donor pleads the protection of the Saivite Panmaheswaras we may conclude that the donation is for a perpetual lamp in the Jaina temple and the donor requests the

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Panmahēswaras of the Saivite temple for its protection. It is interesting to note that there is a Jaina temple in this village and the boulder containing this inscription is lying not far away from this temple. However, what is missing is the Siva temple and the well. There are several parts of the temple lying scattered on the mound where the inscription has been found. As such may we take this as an example of Saiva-Jaina cordial relations prevalent during the beginning of 11 th century A.D?
NOTE AND REFERENCE: 1. K. A. N. Sastry, The Colas, University of Madras, Madras, 1984, p. 302.
TEXT OF THE INSCRIPTION 1. Sva(s)ti Sri II Pūmiyumn tiruvum tāme 2. puņara vikkiramattās cakkara naţātti 3. virasinkāsanattu virsiruntaruļl4. ya kovirājakecari paņmarāņa utai5. yar Sri Rājēndra coļa Devarku yanțu 2 ava6. tu Jayankontacoļmantalattu Nymă nă7. tu Perāyür nāțgu Pe(ra)yūr Mahādevar Tiruvin(n)iccaram 8. uttaiya Mahādevarku Iņņāțțu Perumukkil 9. nātu Nanmukkil Vellāļaņ cenāvarai10. yan Kotukulavanņāna Villavan Pallavarai11. yanaruka devasku vaitta tirununtāviļakku on12. sukku vaitta cāvā mūvā-p-perāļu toņņūru 13. ivvāļu toņņūrum Paņmähesvara raccai I14. vațattil taņņi-k-keņiyum kallivittän
ivan.

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SYNCRETISM, TAMIL FORMS OF WORSHIP AND JAINA INFLUENCE
M. N. RAJESH
The Tamil bhakti movement has been presented as an ecstatic outpouring of the Saivas and the Vaişnavas with little stress on the nature of religious transformation, particularly the forms of worship that complemented the theological shifts in the orthodox religions. In this paper, I seek to examine the diverse strands that contributed to the rise of the bhakti movement and their popular socio-cultural bases. The main theme chosen is the forms of worship and specifically the altered character of religion that one finds in Tamilagam after (post-7th century AD) the rise of the bhakti cult and its institutional base, the temple. By extension, the focus is on the emergence of new forms of worship, some of which were appropriated from the Jainas and from the popular folk cults against the background of religious conflict between the Saivas who along with the Vaisnavas were ranged against the Jainas and the Buddhists.
It is too well known to be repeated here that Tamilagam was a theatre of religious conflict between the orthodox Purāņic sects and the so-called heterodox (Jaina and Buddhist) sects. For reasons of patronage the centre-stage of these conflicts were in the erstwhile capitals of the Pallavas and Pandyas in Kancīpuram and Madurai respectively and this is one of the contexts to locate the origin of bhakti.
This competing situation gave rise to several legendary and traditional accounts regarding the debates between the two opposing religious groups, which then resulted in the ultimate victory of orthodoxy over heterodoxy. Royal conversion was a central theme in the change from the dominance of Buddhism and Jainism to that of the Purāņic religions. Far from being focused only on religion we find that there were elements of protest against the existing social hierarchy, particularly in the poems of the Aļvārs and the Nāyanmārs where the protests were voiced more specifically against the elitism of the Brāhmaṇas in the religious sphere and the yearning for an emancipatory vision of salvation to all irrespective of caste. This protest even appropriated some of the ideals of the Jaina and Buddhist sects like equality before God and salvation irrespective of economic and caste status that attracted the masses on account of their social message and simplicity. On account of its widespread popularity, it is this form of bhakti that the Coļas consciously adopted as their ideology and through the deliberate measures like the setting up of images, ritual singing of bhakti hymns and introducing rituals of a popular kind, promoted both the bhakti movement and its institutional base viz. the temple.
Purāņic religion, during the early Cola period (c. 850-950 AD) witnessed new developments like the increasing practice of singing the tiruppadiyam as also the further developments in Saivism coeval with the near total disappearance of Buddhism and the decline of Jainism. Earliest references of religious contestation are found in the Mattavilāsa Prahasana, a Sanskrit work written by the Pallava king

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Mahendravarman wherein many references are made to the deterioration among the various sects such as the Jainas, Buddhists, Pāśupatas, Kālāmukhas etc. indicating a state of tension among the various sects. Reflections of this conflict were perceptible not only in the socieiy but also in the realms of religion, philosophy and matters pertaining to everyday life. An examination of the developments in these diverse spheres of religion would help us in delineating the various socio-religious strands and help us to pinpoint the factors leading to the downfall of Jainism and Buddhism and the ascendancy of saivism and Vaişnavism as the official religions patronized by the ruling houses viz., the Coļas and the Pāndyas.
The evolution of bhakti in Tamilagam was partly due to the challenges posed by the heterodox sects and due to the progress of Saivism and Vaisnavism through a process of acculturation and interaction with the local cults over the centuries beginning with the Sangam Age. The Jaina challenge was met with in a dual way, at one level the contestation assumed the character of an open conflict against the Jainas and their gods, asceticism and at another level some aspects of Jaina religion, which struck a receptive chord among the local populace, were appropriated. Conflict and persecution appear as the main process of the change from heterodoxy to orthodoxy. There is a reference by Sambandar that 8000 Jainas were impaled after they were defeated in a debate at the Pāņdya court. Mahendravarman, the Pallava ruler and a Jaina after his conversion to Saivism is said to have destroyed Jaina Pallis.
Iyarpakai Nāyanār, (one of the 63 Nāyanmārs) is said to have attacked his relatives violently, since they obstructed a saiva saint to whom he had given away his wife on the latter's demand". This indicates that the grace of god could be obtained even through violence and is a noteworthy theme that the use of force could be sanctioned under the approval of religion. Eripatta Nāyanār's story of the killing of a royal elephant as it damaged the flowers meant for Siva's worship is another pointer in this direction. Thus we see the according of religious sanction to this aspect of grace, i.e., through violence is known as, marsakaruņai.
The contestation of the Saivas with the Jainas was taking place in all fields and at all levels though there is high visibility in the courts and the urban centers which had by now become Saiva religious centers with the building of new temples and their consecration that later led to the formation of a sacred geography
In the field of philosophy, the Buddhist view that there was no soul but rebirth and also the Jaina belief of the denial of a universal god was a bit too hard for the Tamilian mind to assimilate as it went against the indigenous beliefs. The heterodox sects put a great stress on the idea of transmigration but the bhakti sects paid only lip service to the above and stuck to the indigenous concepts of the dead. This was one strand that led to the fall of the heterodox religions.
It is also a truism that the Saiva bhakti movement did not concentrate on mere philosophical abstraction, which would anyway not be of much relevance to the common folk. Instead, as said earlier they went a step ahead of the Jainas in attracting the common folk by preaching to them in their own language and thus were composed the soul stirring hymns of the 63 Saivaite saints, the Tēvāram (that has attained a semi-canonical status). Incidentally, the number 63 is itself said to be a holy number for the Jainas as it denoted the number of the Salākapurushas'. Indigenous forms of worship were drawn from the Tamil religious practices of the early historical (Sangam) period that were current and popular. The religion of the Sangam period consisted of the worship of the local gods such as Murukan, Māyon, Korravai, etc. while the Vedic sacrifice was popular among the Brāhmaṇas. This sacrificial cult could

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not reach the masses even though the royal houses of the Pallavas and the Pandyas had adopted it". The bhakti saints understood this dichotomy and thus their efforts towards integrating the various forms of worship.
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Digressing a bit from the main point it would be worthwhile to examine the socio-economic and politico-religious context during the early Cola period and their compulsions that led to the patronage of the orthodox sects, especially the institution of the temple. The early Colas were faced with two problems, the need to restructure the production process and secondly, to reorganize the society on the lines of the brahmanical social order while at the same time co-opting the rising social groups. Large-scale agrarian expansion took place under the institutional aegis of the temple in the early Cola period and vast tracts of the Kaveri delta were colonized. Interrelated to this process was the peasantisation of a number of castes and thus the need to reorganize the society on the lines of the brahmanical pattern.
The main function of bhakti was to bring in changes in the religious sphere in consonance with the necessities of social adjustments and at the same time asserting the supremacy of the Vedas. Thus the temple cult was the answer to it for it broke Brāhmaṇa exclusivity in religion and gave it a popular appeal." This was a necessity, because in an agrarian society there was a plurality of castes, each with its distinct culture that would stand in the way of integration. Thus the synthesis was achieved through the institution of the temple. Resentment among some sections of the orthodoxy to the temple cult is clear from the ascription of low caste status to the Adi, Saiva Brahmanas (who were priests of the Saiva temples) by the more orthodox Smärta Brähmaņas.
The superiority of the bhakri religion is clearly alluded to many times in the literature and the texts and the earliest Nayanars, and Appar preaches the superiority of the Saiva faith in no unambiguous Worship in any form was acceptable and earned divine grace. An examination of the mode of worship by the various Nayanmars would illustrate this point more clearly. The story of Kannappar who worshipped Siva with flowers and washed the idol with water from his mouth and finally offered his own eye to the bleeding Śivalinga is one of the oft-quoted examples". A few devotees also adopted socially prohibited ways like gambling, robbery and used that wealth to propitiate Siva". This shows that all forms of worship get sanction if they pay obeisance to Śiva. This then was one of the major hallmarks of the bhakti movement.
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The multifaceted character of bhakti can be understood in detail when one sees the two major features of the Saiva religion of this period, the grace of god and the ecstatic mode of worship. The Jaina religion held the view that women were responsible for the degeneration of moral values and thus they advocated celibacy, which was practiced by ascetics. But the bhakti movement stood this theory on its head. On the other hand, they did not advocate restraint but were in favor of harnessing several forms of worship, mainly in the form of dance and singing that was considered a release. This led to the view of salvation as a mystic union with god that could be achieved within the confines of human reality as worship was given a sensual character wherein the bhakta describes in characteristic detail the attributes of Parvati and gives a sensual tinge when he talks of her breasts." Goddess Umadevi is portrayed as wearing the mekalai around her hip. The Tēvāram describes in detail about the worship of Siva by dance and song where the women also joined in the singing along with the men. Tiruvaiyāru was famous as a center of dance and there is a graphic description of this city with its arangams or stages where dance masters taught them Küttu". The practice of dancing was prevalent in temples also where
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epigraphic references speak of grants made for maintaining dancers". This could reach a wider audience. and also pander to the senses. There are references to women who made a lot of noise in a playful and vibrant atmosphere while swimming in the tanks. Mention is made of the sufferings of the love lorn lady and her yearning for her beloved in vain. Cuntarar had two wives Paravaiyar and Sangiliyār. Tirunilakanta Nayanar's lustful enjoyment with a courtesan was pardoned, as it was perceived as an act of worship to Siva".
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Here one notes that sanctioning of emotional ways of seeking god led to instinctive modes of worship. This served as an outlet for realizing latent energy. It is strongly noticed in singing where bhaktas break into raptures and are taken to a point of ecstasy. As David Kinsley points out in the context of bhakti, the creation of the world, its preservation, destruction etc would be viewed as a play of god" and this aspect of bhakti was started by the Alvārs who portrayed the Līlas of Kṛṣṇa, his amorous exploits. This emotional bhakti of the Alvars was in fact original to Krsnaism and is found in facets in Śaivism, particularly among the Nayanmars. The Saiva saints led groups of devotees and went on long pilgrimages singing of the Lord and thus were born the concept of pilgrimage. There are many references in the Tēvāram to singing and also musical instruments that are described in detail. There is a reference to music and dance with the Yal and also to the rhythm of the mulavu that accompanied these songs There are also very many grants for the singers of the Tiruppadiyam under the early Colas. The popularity and indispensability of singing the Tiruppadiyam can be gauged from the fact that the singers of Tiruppadiyam were paid more than the temple priests".
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The institution of the Devaradiyärs and the dancing girls of whom we get references in the epigraphs added color and life to religious narrations by propagating religion in the form of an art which was also an entertainment and which like the literature drew on folk themes. Thus the popularity of bhakti among the masses was due to its rejection of ritual formalization.
The period immediately preceding the Saiva bhakti movement was dominated by the Jaina writers (the Lokavibhaga was composed in Cuddalore in the 5th century AD) and the Saiva saints took off from this base and re-articulated the style. Lucidity of thought and ease of expression characterized the style and was therefore well received by the masses, a point appropriated by the Saivaites. Thus the Saivaites produced a great mass of literature (Tēvaram etc.) that was devotional in character and set to music, an innovation, which symbolized the ecstatic nature of bhakti. Significantly, the language that the bhakti poets used created an emotional impact and bound the worshipper top the deity. One of the major features of the bhakti movements in India is the concept of a personal god to whom the devotees could address all his yearnings and problems. It is in this context that the relation of the personal god with the devotee is examined to understanding the prevailing power relations in society. God is addressed to as Peruman, Talaivan, Älvän, all of which are used to indicate positions of power and authority". The devotee has to just surrender to the lord and his grace will save him. Usually Śiva is portrayed as merciful and forgiving. This concept of god enabled the devotee to visualize god as someone who was very near and who would lend an ear to his or her problems. The poetry of the period (7th-9th centuries AD) brings this out very clearly. We have seen one segment of the poetic literature, i.e. the intense psychological and emotional state of the poet saint." The other segment is that of a devotee praying to the all powerful Siva or Visnu asking for gifts and deliverance"
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As we have seen the troubled state of affairs in the society (both in the material and emotional terms) was an important feature for bhakti to triumph, leading it to adopt a bias towards the common man. In short the emotional bhakti alone could not satisfy the common man and hence his material needs were addressed to the personal god. The general character of the hymns show the longing for a personal relationship with god and a sense of disgust in relation to this world". There were not only many things that the common man could not reach out to because of his lowly position that is indicated in his sense of despair. In this position there was no way except that of surrendering to the God, and God always gave refuge to anyone, as Sambandar says in his padigam that even the Jainas and the Buddhists would get refuge of they submit to Siva. David Shulman has expounded this same view in his analysis of the Asura myths wherein the asura too can get salvation if he submits to Siva. Such is the place of grace in the concept of bhakti. In fact the word 'bhakti' which is a Tamil rendering of the word patti sometimes is used to signify love (kātal), but in the works of the Nāyanmārs we find the use of the word aru! (grace) figures prominently.
This grace leads to salvation and demands single-minded devotion or loyalty from the devotee, which will see the devotee through in all circumstances. There is also a warning that god would not help the insincere . Siva is also addressed to as Aruļāļan or the bestower of grace and this is also seen in temples in the iconographic representation of Siva in the Andhaka Samhāramūrti form. Cakkiya Näyanār was a Buddhist saint but when he accepted Siva's faith he got salvation. Another aspect of bhakti is the ambiguity of terms that leads to several connotations as we saw in the examples of kåtal and Aru!. Similar are the groups to whom the messages were intended for.
The hymns of the saints speak of different types of temples Iļanköyil, Perunkoyil as well as different types of festivities in the temples. It is only in the big temples that music and dance formed part of the daily rituals indicating a favorable economic position. But here also some other problems arise, the whole of the Tamil country was not united and there were problems of diverse gods and goddesses, there was also the problem of a stratified society with different value systems and ideals and thus rose the problem of reconciling all these diverse interests. Further, the folk traditions and festivals were strongly rooted and could not be wiped out. The incorporation of Murukan in the Saiva pantheon as the son of Śiva and Pārvati was one of the major advances of the Saiva religion. Murukan was the earthly god of war and love and could fit completely in the temple milieu and not remain as transcendental gods but remain deeply rooted in this world. This was more of an imposition of a local cult rather than an upgradation of it due to brāhmanisation. The Tēvāram has many references to Murakan and Valli and their marriage. They have also mentioned about his peacock and cock flag References eulogizing his twelve eyes, i.e., six faces and about his katampa garlands and Murukan's victory over Curāpadma are dwelt at in length in a heroic genre. Sambandar mentions that Murukan was very popular among the ladies of the hilly region (kuriñji) and who used to sing songs and worship him. This is a significant feature of early Tamil worship, which continues even till today. The worship of Murukan is described in more detail than that of any other God.
Vināyaka (Gaņēša) is also mentioned but only in some verses". The mother Goddess Uma is mentioned at many places. We also find many temples that are built for the mother goddesses in this period like the Selliyamman Koil, Pidāri koyil etc. An inscription points out that there was a serious outbreak of smallpox (Māri Jvaram) in 808 AD which led to the migration from a particular village The prevalence of these diseases and the popular belief in Tamilnadu of appeasing Amman was prevalent

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and would also have been a contributory factor for her popularity. By the middle Cola period we find separate shrines for mother goddesses built in the temples, which was because of her increasing popularity". The interpretations in the Tēvāram also contain references to the mother goddesses, which may be taken to indicate her growing popularity and the need to take her cult into the Saiva pantheon". She was identified with Umadevi, the consort of Śiva and is found in almost all the sculptures along with Śiva as prescribed in the agamas.
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The older forms of worship like the worship of the tree and other sacred objects like the snake, stones were not discontinued but also formed a part of the temple worship. We have a reference to the kaḍīmaram and how a marriage was solemnized by tying the thread to the tree. In most of the Saiva temples even today we find a Talavirucham, a sacred tree. In some of the places of religious importance. like Chidambaram, Madurai, the talavirucham is taken from the local flora as in tillaivanam and Ketampavanam. The name Pătiripuliyur is given to the said center after the name of the patiri tree. Saint Cuntarar took his oath before being wedded to Cankiliyar, only under the sacred makil tree at Tiruorriyar Sambandar mentioned the place Kurrālam (in Tirunelveli district) by the name of the sacred tree Tālavirucham Kurumpala itself. This led to the conversion of the local shrine to a Śaiva
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shrine.
Canmpantar says that all the girls should observe the various Pavai Nonbus. In the inscriptions we have references to endowments made by soldiers of the various "regiments" in memory of their dead colleagues reminiscent of the hero stones of the Sangam age. Thus the religion of the day made itself available to all classes of people more so to the common man as we have many aspects of social protest in this religion. There are references to how the vanity of the powerful was crushed". The king is praised as the servant of the god. In some places the Brahmanas are portrayed as lacking in true understanding. An examination of the lives of all the 63 saints reveal that except a few the vast majority of them were not well versed in the Vedas and other sacred literature and their only qualification was their unstinted devotion. Further, the Nayanmars belonged to all castes. There is the case of parody of a patron by Cuntarar who compares the king and the deity as patrons and then goes on to say that it is the temple god that is superior. The espousal of these issues pertaining to society also gave the Saiva religion attractiveness to the common man. At one point Cuntarar, who is described as Siva's friend, asks the god for gold and says that he will not move unless he is given the same.
According to popular perception, miracles signified the possession of supernatural power that could alter the 'normal' and the fact that the Jainas regularly performed miracles was a factor that drew the common folk on their side. For the Saivaites to triumph they had to necessarily perform miracles and the message had to reach the common man. Thus royal courts were an ideal setting for the performance of miracles as they had the twin advantages of attracting patronage and at the same time conveying the Saiva efficacy of miracles to the subjects. Like other aspects of Saiva bhakti the devotee was required to just have faith and divine grace would flow as the following examples illustrate.
Another feature of the Jainas that was appropriated by the Saivas was the idea of miracles. The vast majorities of the people were ignorant and steeped in their own value systems and could not comprehend the various aspects of nature. To begin with Appar's curbing of his colic achieved two things. One, it proved that by the grace of Siva anything can be set right and secondly, it was a rebuttal of the Jaina efficacy of miracles. Sambandar is said to have brought a Brahmana boy back to life in Avinaci who was

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devored by a crocodile and missing for two years." Ninşasir Nedumāran the king of Madurai who was also called Kun pāndyan and was a hunchback before his conversion to Saivism was cured by Sambandar after he became a Saiva." Cuntarar had lost his eyesight and could regain it only after a holy dip. The only qualification needed to merit grace was unqualified submission and unstinted devotion and loyalty.
The problem of the folk theme was tackled by the system of the local Talapurāṇas. Even in the days of Appar local Talapurāņas connected with a particular shrine had developed. At Pullirukkuvelur, the local Talapurāņam refers to the story of Jaţāyu. The local Talapurāņas are merely reworking of classical Sanskritic myths in a Tamil setting where the local south Indian ideas have been absorbed as in the case of the Mahiśāsura myth, where Mahiśāsura offers a lingam to the goddess which is not a standard account. In the temples of the early Cola period there are sculptures depicting many Purāņic stories and legends of which eight legends are referred to in the Tēvāram. Siva's killing of Andakasura at Koval is the first." Another favorite legend is how Brahma and Vişnu tried to find the head and feet of Śiva but were unable to do so. This is sculpturally represented by the Lingodbhava Mārti". The famous legend of Siva burning the Tripuras is said to have taken place at Tiruvadigai. Siva's burning of Kāma with his third eye is also a favorite legend. This is said to have occurred at Kurukkai. Thus each temple developed its own Talapurāņa taking into account the local sensitivities and adapting to them, which was on of the main reasons for the spread of the bhakti cults.
Along with the local Talapurāņas there were also local festivals celebrated throughout Tamilnadu. There are many references to the popularity of these festivals. In the month of Āippasi, the Thiruvõņam festival was celebrated," the Kārthigai festival in Kārthigai, the Panguni Uthīram festival which was a very popular festival like the Tiruvādirai. The Mahāmaham was also a popular festival celebrated at Kudandai . The epigraphs also contain many references to endowments made for these festivals indicating their popularity
The adaptation to native sensibilities by giving credence to local cults helped in localizing the action of the God and led to the popularity of the local myths as the acquaintance of the people with the above was already there. Another major feature was the rise of short-term avatar as associated with feats done at the particular shrine, which made the gods relevant to the day-to-day life of the people. The repeated assertion by the saints that salvation could be attained even while leading a normal family life became popular as it required no extra effort and rigorous asceticism.
Thus the above features were all synthesized in the temple where they could be systematized as per the Agamic conventions. It was not possible for these features to flourish independently because of the lack of patronage. This was a problem that the temple never faced-it could always draw in patronage and resources. In the early Coļa period many later Pallava temples were rebuilt in stone. The temples also had mathas attached to them and it is said that Appar established some mathas. What strikes one is the absence of temple building on a large scale and the total absence of mathas or seminaries in the prePallava period. It is only with the rise of the Saivaite movement that we find the beginnings of mathas and it is highly probable that they were organized on the patterns of Jaina and Buddhist monasteries of which we get detailed references in the major centers like Kanchipuram, Cuddalore and Nagapattinam. Saivaite saints like Appar were very much familiar with the workings of the Jaina pallis and therefore the need for an organized body of monks was well understood by them and thus arose the Saiva mathas. This lent an institutional force to the temple with organized spiritual leadership. The capacity of the Saivas to absorb into their fold radical elements like the Pāśupatas and the Kāpālikas also contributed to its popularity

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Temple worship was done in the Agamic way, which is referred to both in the Tēvāram and the inscriptions. The reigning deity was worshipped with flowers to the chanting of Vedic hymns and the tiruppadiyam. People offered sandalwood and incense to the stone idol, which was propitiated. The deity was draped in silk on ceremonial occasions like the king. Like the king, the deity was also taken out in procession". Sambandar also describes the various modes of addressing the god. In short it can be said that the growth of bhakti could be seen in the image worship and devapūjā. The grace of Siva was not the same for everyone and could take different forms. The image of Siva with yajñopavita, Siva with malu, and the serpent in the Visāpaharaņa mūrti, Siva in Bhiksātana form or the fiery Siva with ash were all to appeal to particular moods and strata of society.
The bhakti ideal with its stress on the day-to-day life was within the confines of reality and helped man to come to terms with it. The appeal to the local sensibilities and to the multiple gods forming a polytheistic pantheon in different forms and different modes of worship were the main features. In times of distress the devotee could turn to any of the gods, who suited him and there was choice of the forms in the recognition of his moods and predilections all of which were taken into account in order to appeal to the common man and which were synthesized in the temple.
In conclusion, we may say that the decline of Jainism in Tamilnadu and the ascendancy of the orthodox sects was a major factor was the appropriation of the Jaina forms of worship by the Saivas and the re-articulation of the same in an ecstatic style that fitted in with the overall framework of the Saiva bhakti movement. Many important ideas that formed the cornerstone of the Saiva bhakti movement like the idea of social equality, the literary tradition, the institution of the mathas, simplicity of the religious concepts and the idea of miracles can all be traced to the Jainas who had had a major presence in the region prior to the rise of Saivaite bhakti. Conflict with this heterodox sect in the context of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka has been much written about but not the way in which the latter inherited from the former many of its religious ideas and practices. The present is a small step in this direction of opening up discussion on how borrowings and interaction between forms of religious worship continued to happen despite the outwardly and politically decisive moment of antagonism between them.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. A. M. Paramasivanandam, Historical Study of the Thevaram Hymns, Madras, 1982, p.129 2. R. Gopalakrishnan, Religion and Mysticism in the Periyapuranam, Madras, 1990, p.63 3. Paramasivanandam, Op. cit., 1982, p. 29 4. Gopalakrishnan, Op. cit., 1990, p. 20 5. Ibid. p. 106. 6. Ibid. 7. T. K. Venkatasubramanian, 'Social Roots of Tamilian Religious Ideology', PIHC, 1984, p. 183 8. George L. Hart, 'The Theory of Reincarnation among the Tamils', in Wendy Doinger O'Flaherty, (ed), Karma and
Rebirth in Classical Indian Tradition, California, 1960, p. 133 9. Vidya Dehejia, Slaves of the lord-The Path of the Tamil Saints, Delhi, 1998, p. 1 10. D. Dayalan, Early Temples of Tamilnadu, Delhi, 1992, p.17 11. Nicholas Dirks, Political Authority and Structural Change in Early South Indian History', IESHR. 1979, p.132 12. George W. Spencer, Religious Networks and Royal influences in 11th century south India', JESHO, XII, 1969, p.46 13. R. N. Nandi, 'Origin and nature of Saivite Monasticism: The case of Kalamukhas', in R.S. Sharma (ed), Indian
Society : Historical Probing, Delhi, 1976, p.191. ! 4. Appar Tēvāram, 5.100.2

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15. R. Gopalakrishnan, Op. Cit., 1990, p.30 16. Ibid. p.70
17. Vidya Dehejia, Op. Cit., 1998, p.45.
18. Appar Tëvaram, 5.11.6
19. Sambandar Téváram, 3.72.2
20. Sambandar Tēvāram, 1.7.3
21. Sambandar Tēvāram, 1.130.5
22. South Indian Inscriptions (SII), Vol. XIX, No.171
23. Sambandar Tévāram, 3.72.4
24. Appar Tévåram, 4.90.7
25. Dorai Rangaswamy, The Religion And Philosophy Of The Tevaram, Madras, 1958, p. 97.
26. Gopalakrishnan, op. cit., 1990, p.92.
27. David R. Kinsley, The Divine Player A study of Krsna Lila, Delhi, 1979, pp.51-55.
28. Freidhelhm Hardy, Viraha Bhakti -The Early History Of Kṛṣṇa Devotion In South India, Delhi, 1983 p.45
29. Dorai Rangaswamy, Op. Cit., 1958, p. 67
30. Sambandar Téváram, 2.187.9
31. Sambandar Tévåram, 1.130.1
32. R. Nagaswamy, 'South Indian Temple as an Employer', IESHR, 1965, p.370.
33. SII, Vol. XIII, No. 88
34. David Dean Shulman, Tamil Temple Myths, Princeton, 1980, p.13.
35. K. A. N. Sastri, A History of South India from Prehistoric Times to the Fall of Vijayanagar, Madras, 1953, p. 356.
Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
36. K. Sivathamby, Literary History In Tamil, Thanjavur, 1986, p.38
37. Maraisusai Dhavamony, Love of God according to Saiva Siddhanta, Oxford, 1971, pp. 29-30.
38. Freidhelhm Hardy, Op. Cit., 1983, p.433.
39. Kamil Veith Zvelebil & Jan Gonda, (eds.), A History of Indian Literature- Tamil Literature, Otto Harrasowig Weisbaden, vol. X, 1974, p.95.
40. Ibid. p.94
41. Susmita Pande, Birth of Bhakti in Indian Religions and Art, Delhi, 1990, p.134
42. Sambandar Tēvāram, 1.66.10
43. David Dean Shulman, Op. Cit., 1980, p.317
44. Maraisusai Dhavamony, Op. Cit., 1971, pp.24-28
45. Appar Tévāram, 4.113.4
46. Dorai Rangaswamy, Op. Cit., 1958, p.535.
47. Ibid. p. 1007.
48. Hardy, Freidhelhm, Op. Cit., 1983, p. 236
49. R. Champakalakshmi, 'Religion and Social Change in Tamil Nadu (AD 600-1300)' in N. N. Bhattacharya (ed.), Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, Delhi, 1989, p.165.
50. Appar Tēvāram, 4.43.8
51. Appar Tēvāram, 4.60.3
52. Appar Tēvāram, 6.89.2
53. Appar Tévåram, 5.18.4, 4.75.4, 5.64.10
54. Sambandar Tevåram, 1.24.5
55. Dorai Rangaswamy, Op. Cit., 1958, p.252.
56. S. R. Balasubramanyam, Early Cola Temples, Faridabad, 1971, p. 81
57. M. A. Mohan Ram, 'Famines and Relief Measures under the Imperial Cholas (850-1279)' PIHC, 1984, p.185
58. S. R. Balasubramanyam, Middle Cola Temples, Faridabad, 1975, pp. 293-299.
59. Dorai Rangaswamy Op. Cit., 1958, p.59.
60. C. V. Narayana Ayyar, Origin and Early History of Saivism in South India, Madras, 1974, p.312.
61. Paramasivanandam, Op. Cit., 1982, p.151.
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid. 64. Ibid.

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65. Appar Tēväram, 5.99.8 66. Venkatasubramaniam Op. cit., 1984, pp.182-184 67. C.V. Narayana Ayyar, Op. cit., 1974, p. 156 68. David Shulman, "Poets and Patrons in Tamil Literature and Literary Legend', in Barbara Stoler Miller (ed), Powers of
Art Patronage in Indian Culture, Delhi, 1992, p. 122 69. Ibid. p.96. 70. Ibid. 71. C.V. Narayana Ayyar, Op. cit., 1974, p. 146. 72. Ibid. p. 126. 73. Ibid. p.324. 74. David Shulman, op. cit., 1980, p. 14. Also see Téváram 6.4.8. 75. Appar Tevaram, 6.74.8 76. Dorai Rangaswamy, Op. cit., 1958, p. 196. 77. Appar Tēváram, 6.96.5, 6.50.5, 5.21.9 78. Appar Tēvāram, 4.4.4 79. Sambandar Tēvaram, 2.183.2 80. Sambandar Tevaram, 2.183.3 81. Appar Tēváram, 6.45.5 82. Sambandar Tēváram, 2.183.4 83. Appar Tēváram, 6.75.10 84. SII, Vol. XIX, No. 316. 85. Appar Tēvaram, 4.89.7 86. R. N. Nandi Op. cit., 1976, p.191 87. R. Champakalakshmi, Op. cit., 1989, p. 168 88. Appar Tēväram, 4.33.5.4.72.6, 5.17.5. 89. SII, Vol. XIII, No. 146. 90. Sambandar Tēváram, 1.61.4. 91. Appadorai Arjun & Appadorai Carol Brecekenbridge, 'The South Indian Temple: Authority Honour and Redistribution',
in, Contributions To Indian Sociology, Vol. 10, No.2, 1976, pp. 191-193. 92. S. Arulsamy, Saivism-A Perspective of Grace, p. 101. 93. Dorai Rangaswamy, Op. cit., 1958, p 233. 94. Ibid. p. 255. 95. Ibid. p. 441.

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ŚAKTI-CULT IN JAINISM WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO DECCAN
G. JAWAHARLAL
It indeed is a matter of surprise to find Sakti-Worship in Jainism, for Jainism is the only religion, which specifically enjoined that women were not eligible for attaining salvation. At the same time, it must be remembered that Jainism was a running mate of the Brahmanical faith and Buddhism. Therefore, the happenings in these two faiths had a bearing on Jainism also. The first major schism in Jainism took place some 200 years after the Mahāvīra and it finally led to the break-up of Jainism into two sects, namely Svētāmbara (white-robed) and Digambara (nude) sects. This synchronizes in Buddhism into two, viz.. the Mahāyāna and the Hinayana. Further, a split was caused in Digambara Jainism in the Deccan, which led to the formation of the Yapaniya sect. The Bhadrabahu Charitra narrates in nature of the Yapaniya sect. The Yapaniyas, as against the Digambara ritual of nudity, put on white robes and advocated that women and householders were fully entitled to obtain salvation. In a word, they were not rigid and conservative in matters of ritual practices. They, for the first time, introduced the cult of Yakshini and gradually adopted Tantricism. Though the Yapaniyas were considered as a break-way sect of their parent organization, they played an important role in propagating Jaina faith in South India. Thus the Yapaniyas were responsible for introducing the Sakti Cult in Jainism.
The epigraphic information available in Andhra makes it clear that Andhradeśa was the cradle of the Yapaniya movement. Here liberal royal patrons reared the sect and it established its branches at various places not only in Andhra but also in the neighboring Karnataka. They produced many celebrated authors and preceptors like Sivaraya, Svayambhu, Pushpadanta, Ravikirti, author of the Aihole eulogy, Sakatayana, Umasvati and Jayakarti who is known to have built a temple of the goddess Jvälämälini at Navilagunda in Karnataka, Śrīman Indradeva-muni of the Yapaniyas of Nandi-gacchha is said to have possessed pratiharamahima (i.e., power of working miracles). The Yapaniyas were also called as Gopyas, i.e., secret orders for they practiced occult-lore."
It appears that in the early medieval period, Jainism like other major religious systems was influenced by Tantric ideas and practices. The worship of the mother goddess had been in vogue in the country for a long time. However, it was only since the 6th century AD that it acquired a prominent place in the literature of the Buddhists, Jaina and Brahmanical sects. The goddesses were treated as the embodiment of an energetic female principle and worshipped with the help of Tantric fertility rites. Therefore, her worship came to be called 'SAKTISM", which emerged as a determining religious factor during the 6th century AD and became a strong force afterwards. In the 8th century AD, the Mahayana Buddhists of Bengal wrote the treatise, Hevajra-Tantra." In the early part of the 10th century AD, the Jainas of Mysore prepared a Tantric treatise called the Jválini-Kalpa and in the 10th and 11th centuries AD, the Hindu

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authors brought out their Tantra texts, like the Kālika-Purāņa and the Rudrayāmala. Thus, the Buddhists, the Jainas, the Saivaites and the Vaishnavaites developed their Tántric system during the medieval period. At the same time, women of tribal and untouchables communities were also accorded a place in the Tantric pantheon called as SAKTI and received worship.
Yaksha and Yakshi are technically known as SASANADEVATAS in the Jaina pantheon. They figure as subsidiary deities and were accorded the most venerable position next to the Tirthankaras. Their mention in the Harivamsa Purana (783 AD) marks the beginning of the concept of Sāsanadevatas. According to the Jaina tenets, Indra appointed a Yaksha and a Yakshi to serve as attendants upon every Tīrthankara. Thus, originally they were the attendants of the Tirthankaras. Gradually their position was elevated and most of them even attained the status of independent deities. There is literary as well as archaeological evidence to show that between the 10th and 13th centuries AD, the Yaksha Sarvānubhūti or Kubēra, Dharanēndra and the Yakshis Chakrēśvari, Ambikā, Padmāvathi and Jvālāmālini attained such a position in Jainism resulting in development of independent cults around them. The Yaksha and Yakshi pair became popular, as they are known to have both benign and malific aspects. As benign spirits they bestow happiness upon devotees fulfilling their desires: while as malefic sprits they bring about disaster. According to U.P. Shah, the Yaksha-Yakshi pairs appear for the first time in art in circa 6th century AD. The list of the 24 Yakşha-Yakshi pairs was finalized in about the 8th-9th centuries AD as found in the Khāhāvali, Tiloyapannatti and Pravachanasārõddhāra. The earliest Yaksha-Yakshi pair noticed in Jaina art was Sarvănubhūti and Ambika. Then come the figures of Dharančndra and Padmāvathi. The other Yaksha and Yakşhis were also carved in the 10th century AD.
It must be noted here that as independent sculptures, the depiction of the Yakshis was more popular than their male-counterparts. This was so because the Yakshi was considered as capable of bestowing children upon the childless and transmitting iron into gold. The Jvälini-Kalpa and the BhairavaPadmavathi-Kalpa" speak of the supernatural qualities of these deities. Thus originating as attendant spirits of the Tirthankaras and credited with occult powers, they were deified and worshipped as popular goddess. After the 10th century AD, the depiction of the Yakşhis became more frequent than their malecounter parts. The ritual respect enjoyed by the Yakşhis becomes evident, for, we come across several names like Padmāvathi-Yakka and Jvälānayya borne by people in the Andhra-Karnataka regions.
With this background, let us now take-up independent Yakshi sculptures for study. The Jainas appear to have been very liberal in assimilating the deities and other elements from Brāhmaṇical, Buddhist and folk-cults. But, at the same, they always maintained the supreme position of their Jinas. Sculptural evidence about the prevalence of the Yakshi Cult in Andhra is not available till the 9th-10th centuries AD. Among the independent Yakshi sculptures, Padmavathi, Ambikā, Chakrēsvari and Siddhayiki occur mostly in Andhra. The Sirur Inscription of Western Chalukya king Bhuvanaikamalla (Somēśvara II) dated Saka 995" describes Mahāsämanta Aggalarassar as a Sāsanadēvilabda-vara-prasada. A unique record of Tribhuvanamalla (Vikramāditya VI) found in Kolanupaka records the gift of the village Panuparru given by Mahāmandalēśvara Chālukya Ganga Permadikumara Somēśvara to the temple of Ambikā, the sāsanadēvi of the 22nd Tirthankara, Nēminātha in the year 1125 AD. Even today we can see the inscribed pillar and the ground plan of the temple built exclusively for Ambika. It is evident from the Rüpamandana of Sūtradhāramandana (c. 15th century AD) that Yakshi of Ādinātha, Pārsvanātha and Siddhayiki respectively in Jaina worship is evidenced by literary references and archaeological finds. The Kalpa-Pradipa (popularly known as Vividha-Tirtha-Kalpa) frequently refers to temples of Ambikā. The most important temples

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of Ambika are found at Mathura, Hastinapura, Ahichhatra, Pratistanapura and now at Kolanupak in Nalgonda district of Andhra Pradesh. It is mentioned in the Kalpa-Pradipa that Ambikā, riding a lion, was the guardian goddess of the Mathura-Tirtha". In literary works like the Chaturvansi-Tilaka of Bappabhatti-Suri, the Stuti-Chaturvamsa-Tika of Sobhana-Süri, the Nirvana-Kalika of Pada-Lipta-Suri (9th century AD), the Trisashti-Salaka-Purusha-Charitra (12th century AD), the Pravachana-Saroddhara of Nemi Chandra-Süri (12th century AD). give identical details of invoking the goddess, Ambika endowed with two as well as four arms, as riding a lion, holding a bunch of mangoes and accompanied by two wandering sons and hence called Cari-Putra. She always rests under a mango-tree with a tiny figure of Jina, Neminatha carved on the top. Metal and stone images of Ambika have been profusely found in Andhra at places like Kolanupaka (Nalgonda district), Danavulapadu (Cuddapah district), Vemulavada (Karimnagar district) and Patancheru (Medak district). The Bapatla hoard now displayed in the State Museum, Hyderabad contains a number of Ambika images.
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Due to extremely venerated position and popularity of Ambika in Jaina pantheon, a number of legendary stories developed around her. The Kalpa-Pradipa" mentions that there once lived an orthodox Brahmin, named Sōma-datta in the city of Kodinar in Saurashtra. He had a devoted wife, named Ambika and two sons, Siddha and Buddha. On the occasion of the Sradha-ceremony Sōma invited some Brāhmaṇs to a dinner. While the meals was being prepared, a Jaina Muni turned in and asked Ambika for some food to break his fast. Ambika offered the food, prepared for the Brahmans to that Jaina Muni. On knowing this, Sōma was enraged and drove Ambika and her sons out of the house. Thus Ambika was rendered homeless and felt helpless to provide food and water to her children. But the meritorious act of Ambikā, i.e., offering the food to the muni, caused some miracles to occur, i.e., the dried up mango tree began bearing mangoes and the dry lake was filled with water. Ambika and her sons after eating the mangoes rested under the shade of the mango tree. At the same time, a miracle occurred in the house of Soma and thereby, he was filled with remorse went in search for Ambikā. Seeing Sōma approaching her, Ambika mistook his intentions, and so jumped into the well along with her sons and died. Later on, she was reborn as a Yakshi of Neminatha and her husband was reborn as a lion to serve Amibkā as her vahana or vehicle. From this it becomes clear that the Jainas had a mythology of their own about this goddess, namely, Ambika, depicted as Durga. The Jaina Yakshi, Ambika, riding a lion and sitting under a mango tree with a bunch of mangoes and child in her hands and her second son standing nearby, is a wonderful creation combining in her both the mother and the sakti aspects which the Jaina devotees worship. Thus the attributes of Ambikă such as the bunch of mangoes her two sons, and a mango tree, suggest her intimate association with vegetation, fertility and prosperity. The Jaina Ambika sculptures found in Andhra possess only two arms.
Next to Ambika, the sculptures of Padmavathi are prolific in Andhra. There is no evidence to suggest the prevalence of the Yakshi, Padmavathi-Cult in Andhra till the Răştrakuta period (i.e., the 9th -10th century AD). The carving of an independent sculpture of Padmavathi at Danavulapadu in Cuddapah district was perhaps not intended to serve as a guardian angel of Tirthankara Parsvanatha, but to serve as an object of independent ritual adoration. It has all the characteristics of a cult goddess. She sits majestically on a stone seat with both legs bent near the knee. The left leg fully rests on the platform and the right leg is slightly raised and rests on the lower feet. The figure is richly adorned with jewelry, which befits only a cult goddess. Her face betrays the serenity of appearance, which is characteristic feature of a benign mother goddess. Further, in the Padmakshi temple of Hanumakonda in Warangal district, the

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Yakshi, Padmavathi is carved on the right of the Tirthankara, which is contrary to the Jaina cannon according to which Yakshi should be on the left of the Tirthankara. It appears that the depiction of Yaks his were neither uniform nor universal. Padmavathi with two or four arms is found in Andhra. The cult of Siddhayika, though less popular may be traced back to the 10th-11th century AD. Independent ritual worship of Siddhayika is prevalent in Ramatirtham in Viziangaram district. In the Jaina cave popularly known as the Durgapancha Cave, Siddhāyika is depicted as riding a lion with four hands. Somadeva-Süri also refers to the prevalence of the cult of this Yakshi in the 10th century AD.
Thus, originally, the Jainas were very rigid in their customs. Probably, under the influence of their counterparts, the Jainas also adopted the Yakshi-cult and Tantricism. The ceremonies were also compiled as part of Tantric theology and encouraged the cults of Tantric deities, only to win over the people. Generally, religious worship in India depends upon those powers, benevolent as well as malefic which are beyond man's control. The worship of deities lies in the fear of and reverence for natural phenomena like diseases, and happenings around men and affecting them either good or evil. In this respect Jainism was not an exception. Therefore, it had to absorb Sakti worship into its fold as other religions had done.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Bhadrabahu-Charitra, (Kolhapur Edition) 1921, Chapter, IV.
2. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, 47-56.
3. P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India, p. 169, foot note.
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4. D. L. Snellgrove, (ed.) Padmavajra's Hevajra Tantra, London, 1959.
5. Jvälini Kalpa, Chapter, IV, verse-1
6. Harivamsa Purana, 66. 43-45.
7. R. N. Nandi, Religious Institutions and Cults in the Deccan, Chapter IX, pp. 147 ff.
8. U. P. Shah, 'Introduction to Sasanandevatas in Jain worship', Proceeding and Translations of Oriental Conference, 20th Session, Bhubaneswar October 1959, Poona, 1961.
9. M. N. P. Tiwari, Ambika in Jaina Art and Literature, New Delhi, 1989, p.1
10. Jvälini-Kalpa, Chapters 1 and VIII
11. Bhairavapadmavati-Kalpa of Mallisenasuri, (ed.) Abhayankara, Ahmedabad, 1937
12. G. Jawaharlal, 'Sirur Jain Inscription of Bhuvanaikamalla', Prof. R. Subrahmanyam's Commemoration Volume (in Press)
13. Ng.43, Kannada Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh; see also Jainism in Andhra, Hyderabad, 1994, p. 329 ff.
14. Kalapradipa of Jinaprabha-Suri, (ed), Jinavijaya, Singhot, Jaina Series No. 10, Santiniketan, 1934
15. M. N. P. Tiwari, Op. Cit., p.18ff
16. C. Sivaramamurty, Panorama of Jaina Art, New Delhi, 1983.
17. Kalpapradipa, Chapter, 61, pp. 107-152
18. R. N. Nandi Op. Cit., pp. 152-152

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A KUNTHUNATHA JINALAYA AT HAMPI
K. M. SURESH
Hampi, now a small village is situated (Lat. 150-20'N and Long. 70°-30', E), on the southern bank of the river Tungabhadra, in the Hospet Taluk of Bellary District in Karnataka. The word Hampi or Hampe is generally held to be a later Kannada form of the ancient Pampa. During the medieval period, Hampi was also known as Pampakshētra, Bhaskarakshētra, Pampatīrth of Rāmāyaṇa fame, Pampa, and so on. Reference to the site in the inscriptions, copper plate grants and literary works are numerous. A poetical account describes that "its rampart was Hemakūta, its moat the auspicious Tungabhadra, its guardian the world protector Virūpāksha, its ruler the great kings, Harihara". Before the founding of Vijayanagara, this place was a center of human activities right from the pre-historic times till to day and was a part of the kingdoms of the Kadambas, the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rāştrakūtas, the Chalukyas of Kalyana, the Hoysälas, the Kalachuris and the Yādavas, until it became the capital of the mighty Vijayanagara empire. From 8th century AD onwards, temples were erected in large number at Hampi and the Virūpāksha temple was already in existence, though not in its present form. "This place became more important during the 12th century AD with the addition of few more temples. With the establishment of the Vijayanagara kingdom, Hampi acquired greater political importance and emerged as one of the leading cities of the medieval period. In the inscriptions, Hampi is referred to by various names as Virūpākshapura, Hampe, Hosapatana, Vidyānagara and Vijayanagara. The Portuguese travelers who visited to this place called it as Beejnuggar.
Jainism is an old religion, which has made profound influence on the lives and the culture of Karnataka. For nearly twelve hundred years from THE 2nd century AD, Jainism played an important role and part in the social and political life of the people of Karnataka. Before coming to Vijayanagara, the advent of Jainism in Karnataka is assigned to the 4th century BC. The Jaina tradition states that Bhadrabāhu and his royal disciple, Chandragupta Maurya migrated to the South, owing to a great famine that lasted for twelve years in the north. The two Jaina ascetics along with a good number of followers reached Srāvana Belagola and breathed their last on the Chandragiri hill in the 4th century BC, although no early literary and inscriptional evidence is available to support the Bhadrabāhu-Chandragupta Jaina tradition. It appears first in the Srāvana Belagoļa epigraphs of the 7th century AD. The Brihatkathakosa of Harisēna, which was composed in 931 AD, is the next important source regarding this Jaina tradition in Karnataka. R. Narasimhachar concludes on the basis of the Srāvana Belagoļa epigraphs that the story of the Bhadrabāhu-Chandragupta migration has some basis to stand, but the contemporary and corroborative evidence are not clear for the introduction of Jainism in Karnataka in the 4th century BC.
From the 4th century AD, onwards, we get plenty of evidence for the existence of Jainism in Karnataka. An inscription dated 370 AD , refers to the Achārya Vīradēva, who was the preceptor of the Ganga king Mādhava II, and who granted some plot of land and the Kumārapura village for the benefit

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A Kunthunatha Jinalaya at Hampi
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of the Jaina sanctuary. Another inscription dated 425 AD, records that Avinita donated the Vennalkarni village on the advice of his preceptor Vijayakīrti. The Ganga rulers set up examples for the later indigenous rulers of Karnataka who continued to champion the cause of the Jaina faith in Karnataka during the 5th - 12th centuries AD. Jainism prospered continuously and attained the zenith of its power and influence in Karnataka.
Early medieval Jaina literature is extremely rich and varied and noted for the creation of Jaina dogmas and ethics. Attimabbe, a pious Jaina lady of Karnataka, is said to have made a thousand copies of Ponna's Sāntipurāņa at her own cost, probably for distribution and for the propagation of the Jaina faith among the mass during the 10th century A.D. The Jainas also adopted popular themes from the Brāhmanical Puranas and works, which were meant to serve their adherents as complete substitutes for the Rāmāyana and the Mahābhārata. The earliest Jaina Purāņa in Prakrit is Paumăcarya of Vimala Sūri, which served as a model for all the later adaptation of the Rāmā legend among the Jainas. Ravi Sēna wrote a Sanskrit version of the Jaina Rāmāyaṇa known as the Padmapurāņa, which was composed in 676 AD, and the other later works such as the Kuvalyamála and the Harivamsapurana, reveals that he had gained a prominent place among the Jaina teachers during the 8th century AD. The Harivainsapuräna incorporates the story of the Mahabharata. Besides the Sanskrit Jaina Purăņa, several Purăņas were composed in Kannada. Pampa, Ponna and Ranna, who were considered to be the three gems of Kannada literature, flourished in Karnataka during the 10th century AD. The Adipurāņa of Pampa, the Säntipurāņa of Ponna and Ajitapurāņa of Ranna deserve special mention. Chamundarāya, the general of the Ganga king Mārasimha and Rāchamalla, also composed the Chamundarāyapurana, which contains a complete history of 24 Jinas in the 10th century AD.
Nāgachandra known as Abhinava Pampa, another important writer, who flourished in the reign of the Hoysāla king Vishnuvardhana, wrote the Mallināthapurāņa, which deals with the life story of the nineteenth Jaina Tirthankara. The Mallināthapurăņa" is a Jaina version of the Rāmāyaṇa, which differs, in important respects from its Brāhmaṇical version. Likewise Karnaparya wrote Nēmināthapurāņa, which describes the story of the twenty-second Jaina Tirthankara. These Jaina Puräņas are replete with legendary stories and throw light on the religious rites, practices and worship etc. These Purānas can be corroborated by the epigraphs, which show that the donors vied with one another in building the Jaina basadis and mathas and making liberal endowments for their upkeep.
The inscriptions and donative records register gift of lands, village customs, dues etc., for the Jaina monks and monasteries, for providing necessary materials for worship, for meeting the maintenance cost of Jaina monks and monasteries, for renovation of the old basadis and for running charity houses, attached for the Jaina temples. The Jaina basadis or temples were not merely center of religious worship, as they are today, but rendered useful services as centers of learning and ran charity houses for the distribution of food among the Jainas.
The early Jaina canonical texts do not prescribe temple building or idol worship as a prerequisite for the deliverance of the soul. The temples and idolatry emerged in the Jaina order probably as a necessary consequence of the settled life of the monks. The establishment of monasteries had in most cases become a social necessity and may have been influenced by the Brāhmaṇical practice of worship, learning and teaching around the temple. Kings, chieftains, and wealthy private individuals gave liberal

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
D
.
grant of ands and money to the Jaina monks and thus fostered these new developments. All this had a considerable impact on a new way of life and outlook of the Jaina monks and their preceptors. It has been argued by scholars that all this resulted in the assimilation of appropriate practices and beliefs of other contemporary religious groups and their followers and thus attracted more common people to the religion. Certain Jaina ideas too influenced other contemporary ideologies and there was generally a healthy competition among these faiths to spread their respective message to as many people as possible.
According to the Srāvanabelgoļa inscriptions, Sāmantabhadra, was probably the earliest preceptor of the early centuries of the Christian era, to lay down worship as a religious duty of layman. Following him the later acharyas further developed the system of worship, introduced elaborate rituals and codified rules and regulations for idol and temple worship. The Paumacariya of Vimala Sūri, a Präkrit text", gives us some details about the worship of Jaina images, installation of images, installation of idols, the abhishēka rituals etc. According to Parmarthaprakasika, those who do not perform aştavidhårchana, the eight fold worship to the 'Five Perfect Beings”, that is, the Arhat, Siddha, Acharya, Upadhyāya and Sarvasādhana, cannot attain moksha or salvation. The Varangacharita," refers to two kinds of worship namely bhāvapūja and dravapūja and also points out the difference between the two systems. Further, it furnishes the most detailed descriptions of the rituals of the sacred bath ceremony of the Jainas.
Padmapurāņa of Ravisēna of the 7th century AD advises the people to install Jaina images, worship them with flowers, incense, lights etc., for obtaining blessings. It further says that installing Jaina idols and performing worship to them would help a man to overcome the most difficult worldly matters. Likewise, later works, Yaśastilaka of Somadēvasūri of AD 959 and Vasunchndi Srevachakra of the early 12th century AD, also speak of the merits of performing religious duties like installing idols and worshipping them.
A copper plate grant of the Kadamba king Mrigēśavarma refers to a Jaina temple constructed by him in the city of Palasika, modern Halasi, in his eighth regnal year." His successor Ravi Varma made arrangements to conduct festivals on specific occasions for the glorification of Jinêndra. An inscription of Chālukya king Kirtivarman II, says that a Jaina temple was erected by Kaliyamma, the gávunda of Jebulagiri in Dharwar district in Karnataka. During the time of Pulakēģin II, Durgaśakti of the Sendraka family donated 500 nivartanas of land for the worship and offered to god Sankha Jinēndra. These records from Karnataka explicitly refer to the practice of the temple building and installation of Jaina images during the 7th-8th centuries AD. Though this period witnessed the vigorous activities of the Saiva and the Vaisnava saints and their propagation of the bhakti movement, the Jainas also rose to the occasion, accepted the challenge and adopted various methods like their contemporaries, including the cult of bhakti to gain popularity among the public.
Jainism also started introducing Tântric mode of worship and other Tântric practices in tune with the times and to attract the popular attention. Jaina Tantricism was the natural outcome of the early medieval age, which witnessed the infiltration of Tantricism into Buddhism, Saivism and Vaishnavism. This was introduced into the Jaina order through the cult of Yakshas and Yakshis. These supernatural beings were sub-ordinate deities attending upon the Jaina Tīrthankaras. P. B. Desai, who has carried out intensive studies on South Indian Jainism, is of the opinion that the Yāpaniyas a section of Jainas in Karnataka who were responsible for the introduction of some new ideas like the equality of women, played an important role in prorogating the cult of Yakşhis. The worship of Yaksha and Yakşhis in one way

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or the other comes from a hoary past. Their association with the cults of mother goddess and fertility are well known.
Jainism was another religion, which influenced Vijayanagara art considerably. Jainism was prevalent at Hampi (Vijayanagara) from much early days and before the commencement of the rule of the Sangama dynasty. An inscription of Harihara I mentions one Chandraprabha as the head priest of a Jaina Chaityälaya. Devaraya I had a queen called Bhimi Dēvi, who was a Jaina and a disciple of Panditāchārya. The epigraphical evidence of the Vijayanagara rulers and their feudatories shows that they were generous and tolerant towards Jainism, which is tellingly testified by the compromise worked out between the Jainas and Vaisnavas in AD 1368 by the Vijayanagara king Bukka I. There was a dispute between the Jainas and the Vaisnavas. Bukkarāya I is said to have taken the hands of the Jainas and placed them in the hands of Vaisnavas and said: "For as long as sun and moon last, the Vaisnavas will continue to project the Jainas. Vaisnavas and the Jainas are in one body they must not be vied as different"." This noble tradition of understanding and affection was very much needed. Needless to say this was the spirit of anekanta and ahiņsa and also the spirit of the Vijayanagara rulers followed in Karnataka and throughout their empire.
An inscription dated 1385 AD, found on the manastambha, in front of the Kunthunātha Jīnālaya (popularly known as Ganagitti Sivälaya) at Kamalapur-Hampi, states that this Jinālaya was built by Iruguppa Dandanāyaka, the minister of Bukkarāya II, in the reign of Harihara II, and it is known as Kunthunātha Jinālaya. Another inscription dated 1420 AD, found in the Mahāvīra Jinalaya at Anegondi, refers the construction of Jinālaya by Iruguppa Dandanāyaka. One more inscription dated 1426 AD, found on the outer walls of the front porch, refers the construction of Pārsvanātha Jīnālaya in the PanSupari bazaar at Hampi, by Devaraya II. The inscription dated 1446 AD, from Channarayapattana taluk of Hassan district, refers to queen Bhimadēvi, the wife of Devarāya II, who installed the image of śāntināthaswāmi. The inscription dated 1497 AD, found near the Kunthunātha Jinālaya at Hampi, refers to grants from the income derived from shop (angadi) to Santināthaswāmi of Chikkadēvarāya basadi by Mahāmandalēśwara Śrīrangarāja Rämarājayya.
At Hampi and its surroundings are found more than 8 Jaina temples (Jinalayas or basadis), namely a Jaina temple in the Pan-Supari bazaar, a Jaina temple near Somavarada Bagila, Pārsvanāth temple near Pan-Supari bazaar, a Jaina temple on the Kampili road from Kamalapura, Mahāvīra temple at Anegondi, and Kunthunātha temple at Kamalapur-Hampi, on the way to Kampili road from Kamalapur.
The Kunthunātha Jīnālaya is popularly known as Ganagii temple, situated on the way to Kampili road from Kamalapur, facing north, dedicated to Kunthunātha Jaina Tirthankara, constructed in 1385 AD, by Iruguppa Dandanāyaka, under Bukka II, in the reign of Vijayanagara king Harihara II. The temple consists of a garbhagriha, an antarala, sabhămanapa or rangamanapa, mahämantapa with another garbhagriha facing east, and mukhamantapa to the north and a porch to the east, a mănastambha (Plate XLIX and Figure IX). The garbhagriha is square and empty at present, in which Iruguppa Dandanayaka consecrated in 1385 AD a Kunthunātha Tīrthankara image. The door consists of two sakhas decorated petals and the lalátabimba depicted with a seated Jaina figure. The ceiling is of two rotated squares and the top flat slab decorated with a lotus medallion. The sikhara above the garbhagriha is of pidha type of stepped pyramid of six diminishing talas of plain horizontal slabs. The griva is square and the low square sikhara is domical. In the front is a sukanāsi projection. The antarala is rectangular, open at the front and connected to the sabhämantapa or rangamanțapa. This is square and stands on four

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central pillars set on an elevated floor in the center and ten corresponding pillars set against the walls. The pillars are of the early type of heavy cubical variety.
The mahāmantapa is square and stands on four central pillars set on an elevated floor in the center. The central pillars consist of a lower square portion. The central portion is divided into 16 X 8 X 16 sided, upper square, pot shaped top disc capital beveled corbel. The other pillars are simple shaft with abacus and corbel. The central ceiling has rotated square and top slab decorated with lotus medallion. The mahamantapa is provided with kakshasanas on four sides. The doorways of the northern and eastern sides are with plain sakhas. The mantapa has eight niches and two niches on four sides and it has two entrances on the north and eastern sides. The mukhamantapa's are provided with kakshásana. The northern mukhamantapa stands on four pillars at the front and enters through flight of steps. Towards the western side of this mantapa there is a garbhagriha facing east. It is square in plan and the doorway is plain. The northern doorway has two sakhas decorated with petals and nāgabandha and the lalátabimba depicted with a seated Jaina figure under triple umbrella and attended by chauri bearers on either side. This temple has a parapet on the front of the mukhamantapa, it is made of bricks and mortar with large niches, each containing a seated Tirthankara in it.
In front of the main temple is found erected a tall mănastambha (Plate L), a monolithic pillar of great height, built on a platform that contains an inscription stating that this Jinalaya was constructed in 1385 AD, by Iruguppa Dandanayaka under Bukka II, in the reign of Harihara II and it was known as Chaityālaya or Kunthu Jinanātha. The adhisthana of the temple consists of jagati, a tripatta-kumuda, a kantha and a kapota. The bhitti is plain and kapota over it is teemed with sāla and kūdus. This is one of the earliest Jina temples of the Vijayanagara period, well preserved and in good condition.
Against the background of the above discussion that Jainism during the medieval times had undergone considerable change in its ritual practice and forms of worship, a description of one the earliest Jinalayas around Hampi enables us to have a clear idea of how these institutions were architecturally planned and sculpturally decorated. Most important of all the medieval Jaina believers were careful in documenting these structures clearly indicating when and by whom they were built leaving behind for posterity enough data for reconstructing the history of the Jaina institutions in the Deccan particularly in Karnataka that seems to have been its important hub from the early medieval period onwards.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. D. Devakunjari, Hampi, ASI, New Delhi, 1983 (Reprint), p. 1 2. Keladi Nripavijaya, pp. 14-16; K. A. Nilakanta Sastry, & N. Venkataramanaiah, Further Sources of Vijayanagara
History (FSVH), Vol. II, p. 10 3. SII, Vol. IX part 2, No 271, p. 68. 4. Ibid. No. 260, p. 47 5. FSVH, Vol. II, p. 10 6. EC, II, SB 1, p. 1 7. Ibid. X, MR. 73, pp. 172-73 8. Ibid. X, MR. 72, pp. 171-172 9. B. A. Salatore, Medieval Jainism, p. 156 10. E. P. Rice, A History of Kanarese Literature, London, 1921, p. 32 11. Ibid. p. 34

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12. R. B. P. Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka, Delhi, p.23; P. B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina
Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957, p. 184; Indian Antiquary, Vol. XII, p. 247 13. Santilal Vora (ed), Paumachariya, Part I, 32, v, 70 ff, p. 252 14. A. N. Upadhye (ed), Paramarthaprakasika, v, 43ff, 216. 15. A. N. Upadhye (ed), Varangacharita, Chap. 22, v. 22. v. 43, ff. p. 216 16. Ibid. Chap. 22, v 33, pp. 215-216; Chap. 23 c 60, ff 17. Padmapurana, Bharatiya Jnanpitha, Kasi, Part 1, Chap. 14, vv. 92-93 & v. 213, p. 321 18. Hiralal Jain, (ed), Vasunchndi Srevachakra, v 482, p. 136 19. Indian Antiquary, Vol. VI. p. 24 20. Ibid. Vol. VI, p. 26 21. Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol. I, No. 5 Karnataka Research Institute, Dharwar 22. P. B. Desai, op. cit. p. 38; R. B. P. Singh, op. cit. p. 52 23. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Yakshas, Delhi, 1871, Part, I, p. 33 & Part II, p. 13 24. EC. Vol. IX, Mulabagilu, 18 25. Ibid. Vol. II, Sravanabelagoala, No.513, p.44 26. ARIE, 1958-59 27. SII, Vol. I, No. 153 28. EC, Vol. II, No.237 29. ARSIE, 1889, No. 119 30. Ibid. No. 119

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EIPID
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BATT
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Figure IX : Ganagitti Jaina Temple (Kunthujinalaya)

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CONTRIBUTION OF JAINAS
TO MEDICINE IN ANCIENT DECCAN
P. HYMAVATHI
The Jaina School of Medicine is popularly known as Samanthabhadra Sampradaya, which is different from Arsha (Brahmi) and Agasthya (Rasasiddha) Schools of indigenous medicine. Ugraditya, in his Kalyana Karaka, clearly mentions that he was indebted to Samantabhadra and Pujyapada to a great extent. Pujyapāda has also referred to Samantabhadra as his predecessor. Samantabhadra was one of the chief pontiffs of the Digambara Mula Samgha. He is said to have been a Naga chief "who seems to be identical with Killika Varman Chola, the ruler of Uragapura (modern Tiruchinopally) within the Phanimandala or the South Indian federation of Naga Chiefs". After keenly observing the sources and the opinions expressed by various scholars, we come to know that Samantabhadra lived in the middle of 2nd century AD. But we cannot say that the Jaina medical school had no antiquity before Samantabhadra. It is a well-known fact that the Jainas served the humanity with their art of healing even during the days of Mahāvīra. By the time of Mahāvīra, medical science was in a stage of advancement. Takshasila was famous for the medical school in which Jivaka studied the science of medicine and surgery for seven years. Jātaka tales also refer to the medical students and the physicians who treated the bhikshu patients suffering from different diseases including chronic ones.
Jivaka, the first famous Jaina medical scholar, was appointed as a royal physician in Bimbisāra's court and Akasagotta, another Jaina physician at Rajagriha who treated the Bhikshus, etc. might have contributed to the initial development of the Jaina School of Medicine. But we do not have much information regarding the existence of a Jaina medical school that was different from the Vedic school for this early period.
It is a common feature in the ancient and medieval days that the religious institutions maintained hospitals and learning centers. These hospitals are frequently referred in the inscriptions and Jaina. literature. In the Deccan, we find a number of inscriptions referring to the existence of Jaina basadis, which maintained therapeutic and learning centers. The Jaina monks belonging to Mala samgha, and who especially followed the Syädvåda contributed for the development of sciences. The Digambara Jaina monks like Samantabhadra, Pajyapada, Patraswami, Siddhasêna, Dasarathaguru, Méganatha, Simhanādamuni and Ugrădityācārya contributed to the development of medical science in a distinct way. It must be Samantabhadra, who first documented the Jaina medical system in a systematic order keeping it in coherence with the Jaina philosophy. It was further developed by other above-mentioned Jaina scholars and came to be known as the Samantabhadra sampradaya.

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Samantabhadra, though believed to have belonged to the Tamil country, was an itinerant monk and seems to have spent much time in the Andhra region, where the Mula Samgha was established by Kundakuṇḍācārya (50 BC-AD 50), the resident of Konakondla, in the Anantapur district of Andhra Pradesh. Acarya Nagarjuna, a contemporary of the Satavahana king, the propounder of the Sanyavāda philosophy seems to have been a senior contemporary of Samantabhadra, as his influerfce can be seen in the latter's Yuktyȧnuśāsana and "Samantabhadra's criticism of Nagarjuna's views is like that of a contemporary"." B. A. Saletore also convincingly argues that he lived in the first quarter of the second century AD. Taking into account all the Jaina and non-Jaina sources, J.P. Jain has fixed the date of Samantabhadra at about A.D. 120-185.
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The famous Jaina medical scholar Pujyapada who lived at Srisailam in Kurnool district of Andhra Pradesh was a well-known philosopher, poet and grammarian of ancient India. After Samantabhadra, he was the greatest of the early Jaina medical scholars. The catalogues of various manuscript libraries inform us that he composed many medical works and is said to have written the following medical works:
Nidanaratnávali
• Vaidyakagrantha
●Madanakāmaraina'
• Ratnakaradyuaṣṭadha Yogagrantha
On the basis of the medical work of Ugraditya, we come to know that Pujyapada composed a medical work known as Kalyāṇakāraka. Gōmajadēva, another Jaina medical scholar, pays his obeisance to Pujyapadamuni in his work thus: "I offer obeisance to the feet of the Great Jaina grammarian, philosopher and the author of the book Vaidyamṛta, the Great sage Pujyapada". But since no manuscript copies on these titles are available, it can be surmised that a major or extensive work dealing with all the branches of medical science must have been written by Pujyapāda. The different fragmentary works available in manuscript libraries on his name must be parts of the same work. The author of the Rasaratnasamucchaya and other medical scholars Camundaraya, Subhacandra and Parsvapandita paid their regards to the learning and saintliness of Pujyapada, who is said to have driven away ill health by his teachings, actions and by the composition of the medical treatise..
8
Pujyapada was a reputed scholar, an eminent author and a master of several branches of learning. He wrote his works in Sanskrit both in prose and verse forms. According to the scholars in Jaina literature, his original name was Devanandi and was popularly known by his title Pujyapada. He might have acquired that title due to his spiritual as well as medical services, which endowed great mental and physical solace to the destitute.
Pujyapada was also an itinerant monk as Samantabhadra, but lived most of his life in Andhradeśa. He belonged to Dēsi, (nandi) gaṇa, a branch of the Mula Samgha of Kundakuṇḍācārya's line. According to the pattavalis of the Samgha, he was the 10th guru. His predecessor was Yasonandi, and successor was Jayanandi Acarya. According to the writings of 19th century such as Rajāvalikatha (1834) and Pujyapada Carite (AD1800), he was a Kannadiga born in a Brahmin family, whose parents were Madhavabhatta and Śrīdēvi. C. K. Srikantha Murthy also opines that this great philosopher and physician belonged to 600 AD and was a great physician of Karnataka. But the sources of Andhra history inform us that he lived at Srisailam and belonged to Desiyagana of the Müla Samgha of Kundācārya. Anyway, Andhra and Karnataka regions were considered as one country (rajya) having many common customs and cultural traditions.

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Even the geographical frontiers cannot be fixed and generalized throughout the span of ancient and medieval days. Especially, Srisailam, Kolanupaka and Alampuram were the common religious centers to both the people of Andhra and Karnataka regions.
With regard to the date of Pujyapāda, previously, there was much controversy among the scholars. Pujyapāda, in his work Jainēndra Vyakarana, refers to the names of Samantabhadra (AD120-185) and Siddhasēna (AD425). His disciple Vajranandi is said to have founded the Drāvida Samgha in AD 469. Akaļanka (AD 625-675) quotes from and refers to Pūjyapāda and his Jainēndra Vyakarana and makes full use of the Sarvarthasiddhi in his Tattvärtha Rajavartika. Thus after a careful examination of these sources, his date is fixed as AD 464-524.
Ugrādityācārya's medical work Kalyānakäraka is of great help in tracing the history of medical literature in the Deccan. He paid his obeisance to the early scholars like Agnivēśa, Caraka, Kaśyapaputra and Bhikṣu (Nāgārjuna?). He also referred to the other scholars mostly of the Deccan and explains their better contribution in their specialization as follows: Pujyapada
: Sālākyatantra (diseases of head) Pätraswāmy
: Salyatantra (surgery) Siddhasēna
: Visatantra and Bhutavaidya (toxicology & psychiatry) Dasarathaguru
: Käyacikitsa (treatment of common ailments of body) Meghanātha
: Kaumärabhrtya (Paediatrics) Simhanādamuni : Rasayana & Vijikarana (Science of longevity and aphrodisiacs)
But for him, we could not have known that many of the Jaina monks contributed for the development of medical science. In the colophons of his work, we find some references which give information regarding his date, residence, his guru, colleague, patron, etc. With the help of such information, we come to know that he was a pontiff of the Desigana, Pustaka gacca, Pānsõgavalli śākha of Mula Samgha in the line of Kundakundācārya. He was the disciple of Srinandi and his colleague was Lalitakirti Ācārya. He studied with Śrīnandi and his colleague was Lalitakīrti Ācārya. He studied the science of medicine at the feet of Srīnandi whose establishment was located on the beautiful hill of Ramagiri. The author also mentions that his guru was honored by Vişnurāja Paramēswara. This king can be identified with the Eastern Chāļukya king Kali Vişnuvardhana, otherwise known as Vişnuvardhana V, who was a contemporary to the Rashtrakūta king Amöghavarsha I. Kali Vişnuvardhana V ruled the Vengi kingdom during AD 846848. At the end of his work, the author gives a long discourse in Sanskrit prose on the uselessness of flesh diet, said to have been delivered by the author at the court of Amõghavarsha, where many learned men and doctors had assembled. The Rashtrakūta king Amõghavarsha ruled the kingdom for 66 years during AD 814-880. The Vengi Chāļukya and the Răshțrakūta kings maintained matrimonial relations and were friendly before Gunaga (Mummadi) Vijayāditya's rule. When Guñaga Vijayāditya attacked the Răshtrakūta territories, Amõghavarsha inflicted a severe defeat on him. Gunaga Vijayāditya maintained amicable relations with the Rashtrakūtas till the end. Amõghavarsha honored the scientists like Mahāvīrāchārya, the renowned Jaina mathematician and Ugrāditya.
Amõghavarsha invited Ugrādityāchārya to his court and held discussions with him in the assembly of many other medical scholars. Thus the facts that Ugrāditya's guru Srinandi was honored by Vişnu

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vardhana V and himself visited the court of Amōghavarsha reveal that he lived in the middle of the ninth century AD. With regard to his place, he himself mentions that he studied the medical science at the feet of Śrinandi, whose establishment is located on Ramagiri. About the composition of his work also, he says that he wrote it in the caitya caves of Ramagiri, located in the Trikalingadesa of Vengirajya. There are two Ramagiris in Andhradeśa: one in Karimnagar district and the other in the district of Visakhapatnam, both of which were well-known Jaina centers in those days. That is why scholars like Veturi Sankara Sastri doubtfully suggested that it might be either of these." But by the composition of Kalyāṇakāraka, Telangana area was under the rule of Rashrakūtas. The author specifically mentions that Ramagiri was situated in Vengi in the country of Trikalinga. Historians have identified the western province of Kalingadesa located to the west of Mahendragiri, to the north of Mahanandi and the birthplace of the river Langulya as the Trikalingadeśa." Rāmatīrtha or Ramagiri was connected with Jainism from ancients days. Many ancient scholars in their works have referred to it. Vimala in his Paumacariyam, Ravisēna in his Padmapurana and also Jinasēna II in his Harivansa have referred to these places. The Bṛhatkathakosa describes it as situated between the Kalinga visaya and Andhra visaya. Almost all the sources have described this place as abounded in Jaina temples. Ugrăditya mentions that the place was very beautiful adorned with many Jaina caves, temples and other objects of worship and were situated in the level plains of Vengi. Hence it was undoubtedly, the Ramagiri of the present Visakhapatnam district of Andhra Pradesh where Ugrăditya lived and worked.
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Ugraditya's Kalydṇakaraka mentions that it was indebted to the former medical treatises, but in itself it is a complete treatise and original in the treatment and arrangement of the subject. The method of arrangement and treatment of the subject gives us an idea that he wanted to convey the subject in a simplified but in complete form. The work consists of two parts with 25 chapters containing 8000 verses. The first part consists of 20 chapters and the second one contains five chapters. At the end, he added two more chapters with the names Rishta and Hitahita.
Influence of Syadvāda
According to the history of Jaina Philosophy, Kundakunda, Samantabhadra and Pujyapada are regarded as great exponents of the doctrine of Syddváda. Not only these scholars, the learned Jaina authors in sciences took credit in introducing themselves as the followers of Syadvada. Mahaviracārya refers to Amoghavarsha as a follower of Syddväda and as devoted to the practice of religion and was of retiring nature. The Jaina Agamas make it clear that Vardhamana's method was to harmonize and assimilate as much of different contending sects as was consistence with his main ideal of moksha. This peculiar trait of Mahāvīra's method seems to be responsible for giving his school the character of Anēkāntavāda and Syādvāda.
The principle of Syadvada is to make it clear that we cannot affirm or deny anything absolutely about any object. Every preposition is true to knowledge but under certain conditions. It is explained by the Jainas in the Saptabhangi theory, which is based on the fact that all philosophical disputes arise out of confusion of standpoints and viewpoints. The Jainas illustrate it by the story of six blind men "who each laid hands on a different part of the body of an elephant and tried to describe the whole animal in its basis, it was he who saw the whole that realized that each of them had only a portion of truth." The essence of these interpretations lies in harmonizing the different ways of thought by regarding them as so many different points of viewing the reality and grasping the truth. This character of Jainism explains how the Jaina medical scholars like Pujyapáda and Ugrăditya have carefully studied the medico-religious

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and philosophical ideas of other scholars and developed the Anēkantavāda in relation to the development of the science of medicine. Ugrāditya says that a medical student should be trained under many gurus and a good physician should be a learned scholar of many sciences and systems," He paid his regards to the medical scholars who belonged to different schools of religious faith. He seems to have been well acquainted with most of the earliest medical works, both Jaina and non-Jaina on the subject and quotes from many renowned authors." In explaining the cause of disease, he accepts the Karmavipäka, in addition to rational explanations. In treatment also, he respected the tradition and explained the propitiatory rites such as sānti, höma and other rituals for the promotion of health and relief from disease, perhaps to respect the tradition and safeguard and promote dharma in the society. He mentions that he added many useful ideas of the yogis. The perusal of the text proves that he even took the prescriptions of the rasasiddhas and added it to his work. Thus in the treatment of the subject proper, he is very much free from sectarianism and proves himself to be a real siyadvädin. The Principle of Ahimsa
Ahimsa or non-injury to every form of life is the core of Jainism, which was carried further by the physicians even while dealing with the art of healing. Ugrāditya gave the title Kalyāņakāraka to his work as he himself states in one of his verses that the science of medicine should be for the promotion of welfare and prosperity of all human beings. But if we go through the extra chapter at the end of the work, dealing with the uselessness of a meat diet, we come to know that he was compassionate not only to human beings, but also to all the living creatures. Previously, the medical scholars like Caraka and Susruta recommended animal substances in the treatment of certain disease and for the maintenance of good health. But Ugrāditya, who aimed at the welfare of all living creatures, condemned the use of animal substances as they were to be obtained after killing them. He did not accept even the use of honey and prescribed jaggery in its place, while administering medicine to the patient. He advocated that many more powerful herbs and minerals could substitute these substances. He also prescribed many new methods of treatment with mercury and other metallic compounds.
The Jaina medical scholars not only contributed for the development of medical science, but also extended medical service to the common people by installing hospitals and learning centers in their precincts. The Jainas, who were very keen on the well being of all the living creatures, made intensive efforts in the field of human as well as animal medicine. Some of them can be seen as asvavaidyas, gajavaidyas and naravaidyas in the inscriptions. The K. B. Museum inscription and the Saidapur inscriptions give information regarding the services of the Jaina physicians and surgeons to the society. The Saidapur inscription dated 956 (AD 4th June, 1034) informs us that the Western Chālukyan king Jagadēkamalla I made a gift when he visited Pottalakere, the headquarters of the Jaina Samgha on the lunar eclipse day. He made this gift on the request of Prāņācārya Aggaļayya. The epithet prāṇācārya indicates that he was a royal physician. The record in the second part extols the greatness of Aggalayya. He is mentioned as vaidyaratnākara, naravaidya, sastraśastrărtha kuśalah (one who is an expert in surgery) and an adept in Umātantra and Sangraha paricchēda. His titles reveal that he was an expert in human medicine, surgery and pharmaceutical operations in rasasiddha system of medicine. The term Umātantra has not been clearly understood by the scholars as Aggaļayya being a Jaina still used the word Uma. It is not a religious term but a medical one, which means the rasatantra. The medical works like Rasratnākara and Arkaprakāśa mention that Rasaśāstra was first revealed by Pārvathi (Umā). As Tântric practices were introduced into the rasasiddha system of medicine by the Saiva Tāntrics, it was

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called as Umätantra. The Tántric practices like incantation of some mantras along with the prescription of chemico-mineral drugs can be seen in these works. The present record informs us that Aggaļayya had established a Siddhavaidya Ratnakara Jinalaya at Ikkuriki and a Buddhasēna Jīnālaya at Mucchanahalli. Both of these were mentioned as located in the Kollipaka 7000 doļagana and Aleru 50.
Aggaļayya seems to be a great physician and surgeon during the eleventh century AD and was capable of curing even the most severe diseases that could not be cured by other physicians. The fact that he was also an expert in surgery reveals that he was known more as a great surgeon, though he was wellversed in other system of medicine such as rasaśāstra and sangraha pariccheda (therapeutics). It is also mentioned in the inscription that pharmaceutical centers, to prepare chemico-mineral and herbo-mercurial drugs, were set up at Jākabbe and Mārakabbeya basadis. For their maintenance, lands were granted in Buddhipaka along with Muppanapalli as dēvabhöga by the king.
Aggaļayya established Jaina medical centers on the name of his title Vaidyaratnākara. Another inscription dated in the same year (Ś 956 days is not specified), records the endowment of some land to the Vaidyaratnākara Jīnālaya located in Aleru-40 of Kollipāka 7000, by certain Gāvundas. Though the record is partially damaged and illegible, we can grasp the essential points to some extent. A flower garden, a residential place and certain measurement of black-soil land along with a water-wheel was donated to the kajjali (ka) sthåna attached to Jakabbe and Märakabbe basadis which were functioning under the Vaidyaratnākara Jinalaya, the hospitals which must have been founded by Aggaļayya.
At Hanumakonda, the old capital city of the Kakatiyas also we can find even today, a statue of Agga!ayya, measuring nearly 14 feet in height on hill situated in the middle of the city. We can find nearby the incomplete remains of caves, which might have served as a Jaina medical and educational center. Yet it is to be investigated, whether such a great scholar in the science of medicine composed a medical work. One Aggaļayya is said to have written a philosophical work on Jainism, which is known through the catalogues of the manuscripts libraries.
The K.B. Museum inscription, whose date is missing, is very valuable in this regard, as it refers to a family of physicians belonging to Jaina faith. Though the record is partially damaged, we get information to a considerable extent. On the basis of the Telugu characters of the record, it is considered to have belonged to the 10th century A.D. Among the family members mentioned in the record, we can find five members as who served the society for three generations. The earliest members mentioned in the record are Gunda and Trivikrama. Trivikrama was mentioned as Bharata in rasa, Dhanwantari in medicine (vaidya), king Vatsa in Aśvāyurvēda and Hastyāyurvēda (veterinary science of horse and elephant) and Mädrēya in sword fighting. The description indicates that Trivikrama was not only a scholar in medicine but also a warrior. He must have participated in the wars as a military medical officer to treat the wounded soldiers, horses and elephants. His son was Mēda, who was a parahita and had three sons namely Gunda, Mardanārya and Pampa. Gunda was well versed in parahitavidhi and had the title Vaidyaviläsa. Mardanārya is said to have removed the sufferings of the distressed, orphans and the Brahmins and had the spotless fame. Here the word parahitavidhi sounds as a separate system of medicine. If we keenly observe the records till 15th century, we get references to the physicians who were mentioned as parahitas or lököpakäras. The Akkalapūļi grant dated AD1368, two Ponnupalli grants dated AD1404 and 1408, the Kaluvachēru grant dated AD1423 and the Kondapalli record dated AD1546 are identified as the epigraphs which refer to the parahita physicians. Poet Vēmana (15th century A.D.) referred to

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the physicians as lököpakāras“. All the inscriptions record the land village gifts made to the physicians and they too were mentioned as maintaining learning centers at their homes. Here in the present record also, Mardanārya is mentioned as giving relief to the destitute and the Brahmins and also as a
Vaidyavidyāvilasaḥ, which indicates that he might have taken delight in spreading the knowledge of medicine by maintaining a learning center at home. These parahitas dedicated their lives to serve the patients and taught the students without receiving any remuneration from the beneficiaries, but received land grants in lieu of their services and to maintain gardens to cultivate herbs.
The third son of Mēda was Pampa, who used to take delight in singing devotional Jaina songs. Kõța, a successor in the family, whose parentage is lost in the damaged record had a son, Bhima, the recipient of the grant. Bhima is said in the record to have been an expert in the Jaina system of medicine, especially in dealing with the maternity (prasūti) cases.
The Sanigaram, inscription dated Ś. 973 (25th December 1051) registers the renovation of the Jaina temple and a grant of a water wheel made by Nārāyaṇa son of Rājavaidya of Kākatīya Bētarasara Preggada. There were many Jaina basadis that had spread all over the Deccan and many in the Telangana region. The Jaina scholars and the monks belonging to Müla Samgha of Kondakundācārya dedicated their lives for the promotion of learning. The itinerant Jaina monks of the Gauda Samgha and Dravida Samgha also served the people of the Deccan and strove for the promotion of ethics in the society.
Thus the present study makes it clear that the Jaina scholars in Andhra served the people by teaching medical science and treating the patients with their art of healing. They strictly adhered to the ethics enunciated in their philosophy even in the treatment of the subject and also in treating the patients. They were liberal in their attitude towards the promotion of the subject and accepted the merits of the other systems as well. Unlike the Buddhists, who discouraged only animal killings and not meat-eating, the Jainas did not compromise to make the principle a prey in treating the human beings at the cost of the lives of other living creatures and strictly adhered to the positive approach in the observation of the principle of non-violence (ahimsa). But at the same time, they did not discourage surgery, as some modern scholars have opined. It was effectively in progress according to the inscriptional evidences. To them, causing pain to save the life was no sin in itself and on the other hand, it was considered as more meritorious and ethical.
NOTES AND REFERENCES: 1. Jain, J.P., The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, (100 B.C-AD 900), Munishiram Manoharlal, Delhi,
1964, pp. 146-147 2. Ibid. p.148 3. Ibid. 4. Bulletin of Indian Institute of History of Medicine, 1976, Vol. VIII (1-4), p.8 5. A Checklist of Sanskrit Medical Manuscripts in India, Institute of History of Medicine, Hyderabad, 1972, NO.503 6. Ibid. No. 688 7. Ibid. No. 420 8. Ibid. No. 687 9. B. Rama Rao, (Tr.), Kalyanakäraka, Bulletin of Dept of History of Medicine, 1965, p. 210 10. P. Hymavathi, Scientists of Andhra: Ancient and Medieval, Bhargava Publishers, Warangal, 1992, pp. 28-29 11. J. P. Jain, op. cit., 1964, p. 154 12. Ibid. 13. Ibid. pp. 152-58

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14. B. Rama Rao, (Tr.), Kalyanakäraka, Indian Institute of History of Medicine, 1964-65, Hyderabad 15. V. Sankara Sastri, Ayurveda Itihasamu, Telugu Akademi, Hyderabad, 1987, p.66 16. K. Iswara Dutt, Prachinandhra Charitraka Bhūgolamu, A.P. Sahitya Akademi, Hyderabad, 1979, p. 169 17. A. K. Chatterji, Comprehensive History of Jainism in India, Firma KLM (P) Limited, Calcutta, 1984, p.336 18. J. E Fleet, Bombay Gazetteer, I, Pt.2, pp.200-01, J. P. Jain, op. cit., 1964, pp. 206-07 19. B. Rama Rao, (Tr.), Kalyánakaraka, Bulletin of DHM, Vol. III, 1965, p. 211 20. P. Hymavathi, Op. Cit., p. 29 2!. B. Rama Rao, Op. cit., 1965, p.210 22. P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, A Corpus of Telangana Inscriptions, Part IV, pp. 104-09 The date of the record is missing, but
it is believed on the basis of the Telugu characters to be the record of 10th - 11th century 23. P. V. Parabrahma Sastry, Inscriptions of Andhra Pradesh: Nalgonda District, Hyderabad, 1992. See Saidapur Inscriptions 24. P.V. Parabrahma Sastry, 'Epigraphical Allusion to Surgery in Ayurveda', Bulletin of Indian Institute of History of
Medicine, 1977, VII, (3-4), p.127, Sankara Sastry. V., Ayurveda Ithihasamu (Tel), Telugu Akademy, Hyderabad. 1987,
p. 66 25. J. P. Jain, Op. cit., 1964, pp. 146-47. 26. P. Hymavathi, History of Ayurveda in Medieval Andhradesa, Bhargava Publishers, Warangal, 1994. PP.83-86 27. "Roginarasinai lokopakärulu Purva vâsana degi puraharugánturu" 28. Epigraphia Andhrica, IV, Sanigaram Inscription-1.

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SOMADEVASURI’S NITIVĀKYĀMRTAM A JAINA SANSKRIT CLASSIC OF THE TENTH CENTURY AD
G. S. DIKSHIT
It is a privilege to be asked to contribute an article to the B. S. L. Hanumantha Rao Commemorative Volume, which is expected to probe into the realm of Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan---the special area of research of the great scholar. It was my good fortune to be his guide for his Ph.D Thesis on Religion in Andhra. This work is a monument to his profound scholarship. Our association continued till his untimely and unfortunate end. I learnt as much from him, as I suppose, he did from me.
This article is an attempt to place Somadeva's Nītivākyāmsitam in its proper place in the Indian literature on polity or Rajanitiśăstra. The two Sanskrit works of Somadeva, which are extant are the Yaśastilaka and the Nitiväkyämritam. The former is a romance in prose and verse or Champu and has become well known to the Indologists because of its masterly appraisal by K.K. Handiqui' in his work known as Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture. Handiqui's estimate of Somadeva as a writer deserves to be quoted: “He is a master of prose and verse, a profound scholar with well-stocked memory, an authority on Jaina dogma and a critic of contemporary philosophic systems. He is a close student of the art of government and in this respect his Yaśastilaka and Nitiväkyämritam supplement each other".
We are concerned here with the last part of the previous paragraph, which says that Somadeva was a close student of the art of government and in this respect his two works supplement each other. But before we come to explain this aspect, we will fix the date of the composition of the Nītivākyamritam and then point out what this work has to say about the scholarly attainments of its author.
Somadeva's Nītivākyāmsitam is divided into 32 chapters consisting of aphorisms on the different aspects of Rajaniti or Polity. The author does not state when he wrote it. He, however, says that he wrote his other work Yasastilaka in 959 AD in a place called Gangadharam in the reign of Vagarāja also known as Baddega. Gangadharam is in the Karimnagar district of Andhra Pradesh. Baddega had built a Jaina temple called Subhadhama-Jīnālaya in his capital Lembulapataka. His son and successor Arikēśari IV granted the village of Vanikatapulu in 967 AD to Somadeva for the repairs and upkeep of Subhadhama. Both Baddega and Arikēśari IV belonged to a branch of Chălukya dynasty and were feudatories of the last great Răshtrakūta emperor Krishna III. Somadeva died in Koppala in Karnataka in 983 AD according to an inscription in that place. Taking all these things into consideration-namely date of the composition of Yasastilaka in 959 AD, receipt of the grant of a village in 967 AD and his death in 983 AD we will not be far wrong in presuming that Somadeva wrote the Nitivákyāmsitam in Gangadharam in about 965 AD, that is after he wrote the Yaśastilaka in 959 AD, which he mentions in this work.

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The colophon of the Nitivákydmṛitam contains the titles bestowed by his contemporaries on Somadeva and they describe his qualities as a scholar. These are Syädvädachalasimha, a lion to the mountain of Syddväda; Tarkika-Chakravarti, the lord of the Logicians; Vadibhapanchanana, a lion to the elephants, to wit the disputants; Vakkallola Payonidhi, an ocean of the waves of eloquence; and Kavikularaja, the king of the poets. It is also said here that he was the author of the Yasodhara Mahārāja Charitra i.e. Yasastilaka and other works. From the titles mentioned above it is evident that Somadeva was a great logician, an eloquent speaker and a writer of repute.
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We will now compare the matter of polity in both his works and then confine ourselves to Niivakyamritam to explain his views on kingship and king's relations with his ministers, and then with the administration of the king and end with comparing Somadeva and Kautilya as writers on polity.
Somadeva lays down precepts and principles of Kingship in the Nitiväkyämritam and, in the Yasastilaka, he illustrates them by means of concrete examples. Nitivākyamṛitam is a work on political theory, while Yasastilaka contains examples illustrating these theories. The two works supplement each other in the matter of statecraft. For example, it is stated in the Nitiväkyämpitam that the king has to supervise the work of officials, while the Yasastilaka gives examples of corruption by ministers who were evidently not supervised in their work.
Now confining ourselves to the Nitiväkyämṛitam what strikes us is the very great responsibility with which the king is saddled by Somadeva. He says that every day the king should recite a hymn to the following effect. "I am protecting this cow (earth) which bears the milk of the four oceans, whose calf is righteousness, whose tail is enterprise, whose hoofs are castes and the stages of life, whose ears are enjoyments and wealth, whose horns are diplomacy and valor, whose eyes are truth and purity and whose face is the law. I shall not be patient with any one who injures her". In this way, the king promises to rule according to the Sanathana Dharma and will not tolerate any one who injures his kingdom.
For carrying out this promise of the rule of law or Dharma, the king should have the assistance of ministers. He repeats in this connection Kautilya's dictum that a single wheel cannot move. As regards the number of ministers a king should have, the discussion in the Nitiväkyämṛitam also follows Kautilya. The king should not have only one minister because this single minister will behave like an autocrat. If there are two ministers, they may either quarrel or unite to control the king. He should not have too many ministers for it will be difficult to arrive at a consensus in such a crowd. Hence he should have 3, 5 or 7 ministers.
As regards the policy, which a king should follow with regard to his ministers, Somadeva says that the Mantri and Purohita are the father and mother of the king. He gives the example of Chandragupta Maurya whom Chanakya made emperor. Somadeva insists on ministers giving correct advice to the king. although for the time being such advice may be distasteful to the king. He asks, when a child refuses to drink milk is it not to be slapped? Somadeva's final advice to the king is not to act against the suggestions of his ministers. He should not create a situation, in which the country would rise against him, because, of all the dangers to which he is liable, the anger of the people and their representatives is the most formidable.
The most remarkable aspect of Somadeva as a political thinker is that he does not allow himself to be influenced by theological bias while discussing the problems of the State. While as a follower of Jaina faith, he castigates the Lokayata or materialistic view of life, but as a writer on Polity which is to be

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Somadeva Suri's Nitivākyāmītam : A Jaina Sanskrit Classic of the Tenth Century A.D.
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followed by all-the Jainas and non-Jainas, -he declares that the king, should follow the Lōkāyata or materialistic point of view which alone conduces to the welfare of the State and exterminates the disturbers of the State.
Still more remarkable is his view regarding the importance of the Purusharthas. He says the king who solely devotes himself to Dharma, excluding the claims of Artha and Kāma, is like a man who tills a forest abandoning a ripe corn-field."
It is also remarkable that at the beginning of the Nitiväkyämritam. Somadeva salutes not the Arhat, but the Rajya or the State. On the whole, his outlook is not that of a Jaina theologian, but that of an unbiased thinker with considerable knowledge and experience of the affairs of the State.
As regards the relationship between Somadeva and Kautilya, M. Winternitz in his History of Indian Literature Vol. III," at one place says: "The Nitiväkyämṛitam is in fact strongly dependent upon Kautilya and often agrees with him verbally; several times he merely paraphrases Kautilya and he can outright be considered to be a commentator on the latter". But Winternitz himself seems to say that there was a different kind of relationship between these two authors. For, he says Nītivākyāmṛitam is not like Kautilya's Arthasastra. It is a work of a different type. It is not like the Arthasästra of Kautilya, a practical handbook of politics and economics but it is rather a pedagogical work that contains fine counsel for the king. Winternitz points out two differences between Kautilya and Somadeva. Though both treat the same subject, Kautilya is more political while in Somadeva the moralist tone is more dominant. Another difference according to him is that Somadeva treats many matters in a general way, whereas Kautilya goes into more details especially regarding political practice. U. N. Ghosal agrees with Winternitz and says Somadeva takes more interest in moral maxims than in administrative and military matters."
It is wrong to think that Somadeva merely paraphrases Kautilya or that he can be considered to be a commentator of Kautilya. In Yasastilaka" Yasodhara is said to have studied the Nitisastras of Brihaspati, Šukra, Visalakhsa, Parikshit, Paräsara Bhima, Bhisma, Bharadwaja and others. None of these ancient works is now extant. But there is no doubt that they were available to Somadeva in the tenth century AD. The Manikchandra Jain Granthamāla edition of Nitiväkyämṛitam is a Sanskrit commentary, which is anonymous. In it, many of the Smritis and Nitiśāstras mentioned above are not only quoted, but many extracts are quoted from them and parallel passages to them from the Nitivākyāmṛitam are then cited in it. This fact makes it clear that Somadeva was well read in all the Dharmasastras and Nītiśāstras current in his time and fully utilized them to write his work.
Somadeva's Nitiväkyāmṛitam seems to have become well known to statesmen who lived soon after he wrote. He appears to have become instantly popular. Durgasimha, the Sandhivigrahi in the court of Jayasimha III of the Kalyani Chalukya dynasty wrote his work Punchatantra in Kannada in 1031 AD that is, forty eight years after Somadeva's death. He quotes from Somadeva's Nitiväkyämṛitam with or without acknowledgement in his work. Another Sandhivigrahi, Neminatha, who probably occupied this position under the Silāhāras of Kolhapur in the later half of the twelfth century and who hailed from Kodanapurvadavalli near Belgaum in Karnataka. After retirement, he appears to have settled down in Halebedu or Dorasamudra the capital of Hoyasālas and he wrote a commentary on Nitivākyāmṛitam in Kannada in about 1200 AD. The late K. Bhujabali Sastry found copies of this commentary in the Jaina matha libraries in the Moodabidire and Karkala near Udipi in Karnataka. I was able to get a copy of this commentary from Moodabidire. My friends, late Prof. B. Ramaswamy and Dr. S. H. Ritti and I have

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edited this Kannada commentary and the Kannada University at Hampi in Karnataka published it in 2000 AD. This new copy of the Nitiväkyämritam agrees substantially with the earlier editions published in Mysore, Banaras, Jaipur, Hyderabad and Mumbai. And wherever our edition differs from these earlier published editions we have pointed out the difference in our notes. Finally for the benefit of students of Nitiväkyämṛitam, it may be mentioned that in Moodabidire there are other copies of this work with Sanskrit commentaries. In the Karkala matha also, there is another copy containing Neminatha's Kannada commentary of this work. The Jaina matha libraries in Moodabidire and Karkala can provide new materials for students of Nitivákyāmṛitam for many years to come.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. K. K. Handiqui, Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1949, p. 10 2. Ibid. p.2
3. Ibid. p.5
4. Kannada Vishwa Vidyalaya Sasana Samputa 2, Koppala Jille, No.95
5. Nitivayamritam With Commentary Of Neminatha, (eds) G. S. Dikhit, B. Ramaswamy, S. H. Ritti, Hampi, 2000, p. 10 6. Ibid. p. 457
7. Handiqui, p. 100
8. Ibid. p. 100 & p. 101
9. The Cultural Heritage of India, II, The Ramakrishna Mission, Calcutta, 1969, p. 499.
10. R.P. Kangle, The Kautilya Arthasastra III, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1965, pp. 132-134, G. S. Dikshit et al. Nitivakyamritam, Chapter 10, pp. 80 ff, the Chapter on Ministers.
11. Nitivakyamritam, ibid
12. Handiqui, op. cit., 1949, p. 115
13. ibid, p. 115
14. ibid, p. 115
15. Ibid. p. 637
16. The Cultural Heritage of India II, p.463
17. Handiqui, op. cit., 1949, p.444
18. Nitivakyamritam, p. 11

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JAINA THEMES IN DECCAN MINIATURE PAINTING
JAGDISH MITTAL
Ancient and medieval historians generally understood the Deccan as the elevated plateau area, south of the Vindhyas and north of the Krishna and Tungabhadra rivers. This part of peninsular India included most of the present-day Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, southern Madhya Pradesh and northwestern parts of Karnataka.
Soon after Alauddin Khalji's invasions that began in 1296 AD and the Delhi's Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq's oppressive rule (1325-47 AD), which had caused disorder in the Deccan, two new kingdoms emerged on the Deccan plateau and in part of southern India. After a series of insurrections in this region, one of Tughluq's officials proclaimed his independence and founded the Bahamani dynasty in the Deccan in 1347 AD at Gulburga. Just ten years before that (1336 AD), the Hindu kingdom at Vijayanagara was founded on the southern bank of the Tungabhadra river. The Bahamani capital was shifted to Bidar in 1424 AD. At its zenith, the Bahamani dominions stretched from the Vindhyas in the north to the Krishna river in the south, and extended across the Deccan plateau from the Arabian Sea in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the east.
After about a century and a half of the Bahamani rule, the provincial governors declared their independence between 1490 AD and 1518 AD, and set up five separate kingdoms or Sultanates, namely: (1) the Nizam Shahis of Ahmadnagar, in the north-west; (2) the Adil Shahis of Bijapur, in the south-west; (3) the Imad Shahis of Berar, in the north; (4) the Barid Shahis of Bidar and (5) the Qutub Shahis of Golkonda, to the south-east. All the five Sultanates were constantly at war with each other or with the Vijayanagara Empire. Ultimately, three of the sultanates managed to combine into a confederacy against Vijayanagara, defeated it at the historic battle on the banks of the Krishna in January 1565 AD, and thereby almost broke it up.
After their temporary cohesion, the sultans fell out again and Ahmadnagar annexed Berar (1574 AD) and Bijapur held sway over Bidar (1619 AD). Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golkonda the three resulting kingdoms, survived, but soon the Mughals subjugated them. Shah Jahan annihilated Ahmadnagar in 1633 AD, and his successor Aurangazeb annexed Bijapur in 1686 AD and Golkonda a year later. Henceforth, Mughal governors ruled the territories of the Deccani Sultanates till 1724 AD, when one of them, Nizam'ul-Mulk Asaf Jah, became autonomous. His dynasty ruled over a major part of the Deccan until 1948 AD. Although Hyderabad was made the capital, Asaf Jah I (1724-48 AD) and his son Nasir Jung (1748-50 AD) used Aurangabad and Hyderabad as his headquarters. His younger brother, Nizam Ali Khan (1762-1803 AD), who succeeded him, made Hyderabad his permanent capital in 1763 AD. Between 1725 AD and 1762 AD, the Marathas had annexed parts of the Nizam's dominion, and held

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sway in the western, north-western and northern part of the Deccan till 1818 AD, when the British defeated the Peshwa, the last Maratha ruler and annexed their territory.
In our search to discover miniature paintings with Jaina themes produced by the Deccani painters, it is necessary to understand them against the background of the styles of painting prevailing in this region, their content and the preference of the patrons.
The Deccani Sultans mainly of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golkonda patronized painters from about the mid-16th century AD.1 In the beginning, the paintings produced at these Sultanates looked alike and stylistically were almost an offshoot of the Persian school. In some cases, even the themes were inspired by Persian literature. All these kingdoms had their own painters who, in the course of time developed distinct regional styles. They shared a similar approach to painting and the works produced were lyrical and mystical in overall feeling. The preference of the patrons was for illustrations to Persian or Deccani literary texts, depictions of Rāgamālas (musical modes), and portraits of the rulers, nobles and saints. Distinct regional characteristics in the Deccani paintings became marked only by the second half of the 16th century AD. From about the late 16th century AD, we find in them influence of the Vijayanagara and European painting, especially in the Bijapur works. Later on, from about 1636 AD, some features of Mughal painting start appearing in the painting of Bijapur and Golkonda, because at that time the two Sultanates became tribute-paying states of the Mughals, whose envoys and others started staying at these capitals. Apart from these, influence of Rajasthani painting is also seen in the works produced in the north Deccan, on account of the presence of several Rajput chieftains in the Mughal army stationed at Aurangabad.
When the Mughals annexed the Bijapur and Golkonda kingdoms, paintings in a mixed idiom with Mughal, Rajasthani and Deccani traits were created during the hegemony of Mughal governors (16871724 AD). Deccani painters got a fresh lease of life with the foundation of the Asaf Jahi dynasty. The paintings of the early Asaf Jahi period (1724-62 AD) were mostly executed at Aurangabad, but when Nizam Ali Khan shifted the seat of government from Aurangabad to Hyderabad in 1763 AD, the painters found substantial patronage. Works of the Asaf Jahi period are known as the 'Hyderabad School of painting
Several local schools emerged under the feudatories of the Asaf Jahi rulers, especially the Nawabs of Kurnool, Cuddapah and Arcot in southern Deccan, Ellichpur in Berar (Vidharba); and under the Rajas of Shorapur, Gadwal and Wanaparthy, as well as under the officials and zamindars of Rajahmundry. The Maratha rulers, the Peshwas at Pune, the rajas of Satara and Kolhapur and their feudatory chieftains especially the Bhonsle rajas of Nagpur, actively patronized the painters living in their territory to produce paintings for them with Hindu themes. Apart from these patrons, the well-to-do merchants of the Deccan also employed painters. Painters were also active at some temple-towns and trading-centres like Nirmal (in Adilabad), Nossam and Banganapalli (in Kurnool), Vemulawada (in Karimnagar) and Udgir (near Bidar). These centers of painting came into existence early in the 18th century AD and continued to be active until the late 19th century AD.
From the above account, we have evidence that the artists of the Deccan found ample patronage from the rulers as well as from the nobles and merchants, both Muslims and Hindus, and produced works of a variety of themes, both single paintings and manuscript illustrations. But the chief patrons being Muslims and Hindu rajas, the themes of their works were according to their religious preferences,

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portraits and Rāgamálas. For various reasons, the number of Deccani paintings with Jaina themes is very small. Those produced are not earlier than the end of the 17th century AD, and significantly, most of them were painted in the north Deccan. Here under, we shall analyze the reasons for their meager production and discuss the known examples.
1. The most important painting of our study is the Pancha-Kalyānaka pata, painted in the Berar (Vidharba) region, in the late 17th century AD, in the Sena Gana Digambar Jain Temple, Karanja (Vidharba). This magnificent pața (scroll painting) is the largest example of such paintings produced in India. It is painted on cotton cloth and measures more than 12 meters in length and about 80 cm in width. It depicts the five auspicious events Pancha-kalyānaka that took place in the life of the Tirthankara Rishabhanāth. Generally, these five events are painted individually, but this rare pața portrays all of them together. The illustrations on the pața are divided into sixteen vertical panels, separated from each other by a floral band and framed on the top and bottom side of its entire length by broad floral borders.
This pata does not follow any of the styles of painting prevailing at the courts of the Deccan Sultans, but it is worked in an idiom, which to some extent is Rajasthani in its use of human figures, costumes, color scheme and overall spirit. This was due to the fact that since 1600 AD, and more particularly since 1636 AD when Aurangazeb was made the Viceroy of the Deccan to subjugate the Deccani Sultans and the Marathas many Rajasthani chieftains in the Mughal army were stationed at Aurangabad and some nearby places in the north Deccan. Mughal, Rajput and Deccani artists were active in these areas and created paintings in a fused northern India and Deccani style. Notable in this group are the Gita Govinda manuscript of 1650 AD, and two sets of Rāgamåla paintings of c. 1675 AD, the latter display some stylistic traits of paintings of Bikaner, Bundi and Mewar schools.
The pata does not bear an inscription to indicate its date and place of production, but the fact that the ancestors of the people who comprise the congregation of the Sena Gana Temple at Karanja came from the Bundi region. Due to the long stay of the Mughal armies, the north Deccan region gave immense possibility to the traders, especially of Rajasthan. It may be pointed out that the region eastwards of Aurangabad was under the Mughal fauzdar at Ellichpur and had painters working in its important towns. Most likely, the Jaina merchants of Karanja invited some artists from one of these towns or from Aurangabad to execute the ambitious work of the Pancha-kalyanaka pața.
Pictorially, the most striking panels in the scroll are the procession scenes (Plate LII and LIII). "Leading the procession are the gandharvas (celestial musicians) playing music. Following them is Indra's elephant Airavata surrounded by members from the different contingents of Indra's army and accompanied by various gods riding their bird or animal vehicles, or seated in their celestial cars. It is the distinctive imagery of Airavata that immediately arrests our attention. On Airavata's many tusks are lotus ponds and on each of the lotuses is an apsara (celestial nymph) dancing, singing or playing musical instrument. Never before has Indra's elephant Airavata been portrayed as here and while the artist has derived his iconography from Jaina texts like the Adi-Purāņa, the imaginative conception is entirely his, So is the splendid representation of the dancing Indra with swirling-twirling apsaras on his many arms".
Another interesting panel depicts Rishabha's renunciation in the woods (Plate LI), wherein the artist has shown different types of trees as well as the shape and coloring of the foliage. The palette of the scroll ranges from dark-green, deep gray to bright yellow and orange. The background color is either white or red. "It has the unmistakable Bundi characteristic of showing human faces with full cheeks and

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ruddy complexions. The rendering of the figures, on the other hand, corresponds to that in paintings from Bikaner and is particularly noticeable in the proportions of the tall lissome female figures, where the resemblance is emphasized by details of dress and items of jewelry, like the large ornament worn in the parting of the hair. Remarkably evocative of Bikaner, again is the compositional device of grouping figures in rows".
Some of these pictorial elements relate this scroll to Rajasthan, while the others display points of similarity with the 17th century Golkonda painting. The tradition of large-size cloth painting, produced for the Qutub Shahi court in about 1660-70 AD; and the locally produced scroll paintings used by the "Picture Showmen" in the northern part of Golkonda territory may have inspired the painters of this pața. The competent work of Golkonda paintings on cloth and this pața underline not only parallels in style, but also demonstrate that they were very much a part of a living tradition in this part of the Deccan. Most likely, the pata was used for narrating in detail the auspicious events portrayed in the panels by slowly unfolding each of them.
This pața's numerous stylistic traits are also found in the manuscript of the Nal Daman, dated AD 1698, and attributed to Golkonda, in the Prince of Wales Museum, Mumbai. Most notable among these is the pața's tendency to group figures in semicircular formations. Again, between the pata and the Nal Daman manuscript, there prevails a resemblance in the rendering of figures as well as their postures.
Additionally, the pata has many details/motifs common to Golkonda paintings. For example, the formally laid-out gardens with water channels. The style and several features of some of the Ragamåla paintings of the group to which belongs the Madhu Madhavi Rāgini, formerly in the collection of the late Motichand Khajanchi of Bikaner, which was attributed earlier to Golkonda c. 1650 AD", but now accepted as the work of Berar c. 1675 AD. Its execution, color combinations, elongated trees and the treatment of their foliage, long pointed crowns and costumes are identical to those found in the pata. I have a feeling that the same artist or the family executed the above-cited Rägamala as well as the scroll. In the light of recent researches, it would be reasonable to attribute both to between c. 1675-1700 AD.
Karanja, the town where the pata exists, was the place where it was perhaps painted by artists invited either from Aurangabad or from some town in the Berar region. Karanja had been an important center of the Digambara Jainas for whom this scroll as well as some Jaina religious texts were composed and illustrated, between c. 1725-50 AD, in a mixed Rajasthani- Deccani idiom.
2. The second example also is a scroll, in the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal Museum of Indian Art, Hyderabad. It depicts "Samavasarana of a Tirthankara". The crowned Tirthankara, who has become enlightened, is seated in the center of a series of circular enclosures constructed by Indra with four gateways in the cardinal directions to deliver the universal sermon. Indra, followed by several gods and musicians and a raja, along with his entourage, are seen visiting the Tirthankara.
The scroll, painted on paper, is lined with cotton cloth, and measures 23 X 204 cm. On stylistic grounds, it is attributable to c. 1725 AD. The painting is executed on plain paper, without any color for the background. The quality of the drawing is lively and mature.
3 & 4. The third and fourth examples are miniature paintings. The first, in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, Los Angeles (Plate LIV), and depicts a Muslim- looking devotee, identified by an Arabic inscription as “Rai Sabha Chand", who is holding a plate of flowers as offering. 12 The other

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is in the Goenka Collection, Mumbai/Kolkatta (Plate LV). Both are remarkably identical and the same devotee is shown before a high-relief marble image of Rishabhanātha, placed between two plantain trees in a garden. The elaborate and fine work of these pictures is distinctly Mughal, and Zebrowski has ascribed the work to the painter Ali Reza, who was present in Golkonda at this time. He writes: "The startling sense of fantasy, the strong blues, pinks and orange in the sky and trees, the spatially illogical setting and the raja's swarthy complexion are all Deccani traits". "We can safely say that, like other works done for the chieftains of Rajasthan stationed in Golkonda, these two paintings were executed there for a Rajput raja some time during the last quarter of the 17th century AD.
5. Two folios from an Upadesamala manuscript, Bijapur dated AD 1678, in the collection of Dr. Siddharth Bhansali, New Orleans (Plate LVI and LVII). This text, by Dharmadasagani (c. mid-16th century AD), means: "garland of advice". The paintings portray Parávanātha on the first folio and Sāntinātha on the last folio, which bears a colophon informing us that it was prepared for the merchant Nemidasa in the year VS 1735/AD 1678 in the city of Bijapur. The style of the paintings, especially the body forms and the pleated attire of women and men, as well as the realistic execution of the rooster and the elephant are Deccani. These paintings have vitality uncommon in iconic paintings. The color scheme, with yellow and crimson on a red ground, including a pink, is different from the standard 'Western Indian School of paintings of the Jaina themes.
6. An illustrated manuscript, also of Upadeśamāla, with 233 folios copied and illustrated at Aurangabad in VS 1780/AD1723, is in the collection of the late Hirananda Sastri, Baroda.
7. A profusely illustrated manuscript of Candarāja-Raşa, copied and illustrated in Poona in VS 1869/AD 1812, is in the collection of Muni Shri Punyavijayaji" (Plate LVIII) Dr. Moti Chandra and Dr. U.P. Shah write in the note on this manuscript. "This Candarāja-Rasa was composed by Mohanvijayagani in 1726 AD in Rajanagar (Ahmedabad) according to the colophon on folio 229. In the colophon the work is called Candanacaritra. We have an interesting post-colophon long entry on f.230, which informs us that in VS 1869/1812 AD another Mohanavijaya from Kaurala (modern Koral or Kurala, near Sinor in Baroda District, Gujarat), copied this manuscript while staying in Budhavar Peth, Poona. This he copied at the request of Vakharia Hirachand and others, originally hailing from Vijapur in Gujarat and at that time residing in Poona"."
This entry is noteworthy for the proper appreciation of miniature paintings of this profusely illustrated manuscript. The figures wear Deccani costume and the influence of Deccani painting is obvious. It is not at all clear whether the miniatures were done by Mohanavijaya himself or whether a local artist was employed. What is noteworthy, however, about these miniatures is the treatment of large crowds and the representation of certain aspects of Gujarati life in the Deccan. In view of the quality of paintings in the above two manuscripts, the Upadeśamåla of Poona and the Candarāja-Rasa, we can say that they were evidently not intended to please the aesthetic sensibility of the Jainas, but were meant to communicate essential religious values and were designed to serve a ritual function."
The following manuscripts were produced between 1725-50 AD in the north Deccan, perhaps at Karanja or in the vicinity of Aurangabad and are in the collection of various Digambara Jaina libraries in the north Deccan.
8. An illustrated manuscript of Chandan Maliyagiri-Katha, executed in Karanja (Berar) in 1733 AD. Other illustrated manuscripts of:

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9. Anantavrata-Katha; 10. Sugandha-Dasami-Katha; 11. Ādityavar-Katha, and
12. Jiwandhara-Katha. The paintings in these manuscripts are pedestrian in artistic quality. They are executed in a predominantly popular Rajasthani style. Their work is qualitatively similar to a large number of illustrated manuscripts executed during the 17th-19th century AD in Rajasthan and Central India for the middleclass patrons. Like in Rajasthan and elsewhere, the Jaina patrons of the north Deccan commissioned them not for deriving aesthetic pleasure, but for propagating and enlightening themselves and other readers with stories popular in their community. On the evidence of stylistic parallels with the Chandana Maliyagiri Katha manuscript, the above four manuscripts confirm their Deccani origin by the fact that the text is written in old Marathi and this is supported also by the details of dress.
In our search for reasons why the Deccani painters did not produce works with Jaina themes, we have to first understand the origin, themes, patrons and the extent of the style, generally known as the 'Western Indian School', which could have inspired the painters and patrons in the Deccan. Works in this style, chiefly Jaina manuscripts, started being produced in Gujarat and southern Rajasthan from about 1060 AD. They were commissioned by the Jaina kings of the Chalukya dynasty (10th to 13th century AD), and wealthy Jaina merchants and were gifted as an act of piety to a Jaina monk or to a Jaina monastic library or were worshipped at home. Hundred of copies of the Kalpasūtra and Kalakacharya Katha" were distributed by the wealthy traders and middleclass patrons to assist in propagating the virtues of the Jaina faith and thus, Jaina religious merits.
In its early phase, Jaina manuscript paintings were executed on palm-leaf, but from the mid-13th century AD paper, which sometime before was introduced from Persia, began to be used. One of the notable features of the style is the protrusion into the space of the farther eye of the human face even when seen in profile. Their wiry drawing, angular features and simplified color schemes are the other characteristic features. While the cinnabar red of the background, and the orpiment yellow, used for the body color, are found in the early works (up to about 1475 AD), the later works are notable for the use of ultramarine blue, derived from lapis lazuli, and a crimson color derived from lac. At first, gold was employed in a restricted manner, but later on the very prosperous Jainas encouraged profuse use of gold and other precious pigments for creating opulent looking manuscripts.
Luckily, wherever there were prosperous Jainas, new centers emerged for the production of Jaina manuscripts. Though broadly adhering to the iconographical clichês evolved earlier in Gujarat, the paintings of these new centers are full of liveliness, refinement and display remarkable creative pictorial qualities. Among this very rare group of manuscripts that survive from centers outside western India are: the AD 1439 Kalpasūtra from Mandu (in Central India), in National Museum, New Delhi; and another, of about the same date, in the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal Museum of Indian Art, Hyderabad;" an undated Kalakacharya Katha, and stray folios from a Kalpasūtra manuscript in The Los Angeles County Museum of Art, all of them are from Mandu and of about the same date. Aside from these, there are manuscripts of the Kalpasūtra produced at Jaunpur in Uttar Pradesh, one of them dated AD 1465," and the other, of about the same date, is published by Pratapaditya Pal. These manuscripts prove that they are works of first-rate artists and calligraphers and that they were made for wealthy patrons.

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Unfortunately, in the course of the 16th and 19th centuries AD, the period when the Deccani painters received ample patronage from all classes of people, extension of the Western Indian School is not found anywhere in the Deccan. A fact notable for our purpose is that the patronage of illustrated manuscript was predominantly a concern of the Svetambara Jains, and the more austere Digambara Jains commissioned only a small number of works.
Jainism was followed in the Deccan on a limited scale. Although, there are some Jaina temples in the Deccan and some fine images were made in stone and metal during the 10th and 12th centuries AD, painting did not find acceptance here, there were no big Jaina religious establishments or settlements in the kingdom of Golkonda, Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. "This factor assumes significance in Digambara art as all artistic activity in this community was motivated by either a religious leader of stature or religious establishment like Bhaṇṭaraka Mathas of the twenty-two Digambara Jain Bhaṇṭāraka seats, three of which are located at Karanja one for each of the three sub-groups"."
Despite the various factors, which did not encourage painting of Jaina themes in the Deccan, their meager number establishes their existence. They provided us with at least some material for the study of their style, nature of patronage and the region where the Digambara Jainas had the will and means to have such works produced. This material is a good illustration of the survival of art forms and painting in a period when other more dominant schools of painting and patronage patterns were the order of the day.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. For early Deccani Painting, see Mark Zebrowski, Deccani Painting, London, Sotheby Publications, 1983; and Jagdish Mittal, 'Painting', in History of Medieval Deccan, vol. II, (ed. H. K. Sherwani and P. M. Joshi) Hyderabad, 1974.
2. Jagdish Mittal, 'Paintings of the Hyderabad School', Marg (Deccani Kalams Issue), Vol. XVI, No. 2, Bombay, March, 1963, pp. 43-56.
3. Jagdish Mittal, 'Deccani Paintings at the Samasthans of Wanaparthy, Gadwal and Shorapur, Marg, Vol. XVI, No. 2, 1963, pp.58-62; Jagdish Mittal, 'An Illustrated Deccani Manuscript From Rajahmundry, A Hitherto Unknown Centre of Painting in Deccan', PAROKSHA (Coomaraswamy Centenary Semniar Papers), (eds.) G. M. Sheikh, K. G. Subrahmanyan and Kapila Vatsyayan, New Delhi, Lalit Kala Akademi, 1984, pp. 109-114 and 6 plates.
4. Saryu Doshi, 'Pancha-Kalyanaka Pata, School of Aurangabad, Marg (Homage to Kalamkari Issue), Bombay, 1978, pp. 45-65. Sint. Saryu Doshi was the first to discover and publish this crucial document for the study of Jaina Painting in the Deccan. My article had drawn much information from her article.
5. Saryu Doshi, 'An Illustrated Manuscript from Aurangabad dated 1650 AD', Lalit Kala, No. 15, New Delhi, Lalit Kala Akademi, pp. 19-28.
6. Ellen Smart, and Daniel Walker, Pride of the Princes: Indian Art of the Mughal Era in the Cincinnati Art Museum, Cincinnati, 1985, nos. 23 and 24; B. N. Goswamy, and Usha Bhatia, Painted Visionsahe Goenka Collection of Indian Paintings, New Delhi, Lalit Kala Akademi, 1999, no. 149; and Pal, Pratapaditya (ed), Dancing to the Flute, Australia, The Art Gallery of the New South Wales, 1997, nos., 182 and 183. The two paintings are from different sets. 7. Saryu Doshi, Marg, op. cit., p. 58.
8. Ibid. p. 59
9. Stella Kramrisch, Survey of Painting in the Deccan, Hyderabad, 1937, plates XVI- XVII and XXII- XXIII.
10. Jagdish Mittal, 'The Painted Scrolls of the Leccani Picture Showmen: 17th to 19th century, Marg, Vol. 49, No. 3, Mumbai, 1998, pp. 56-65.
11. Karl J Khandalavala; Moti Chandra; and Pramod Chandra, Miniature Paintings from the Sri Motichand Khajanchi Collection, New Delhi, Lalit Kala Akademi, 1960, Plate G and fig. 115.
12. Mark Zebrowski, op. cit. 1983, fig. 189; and Pal, Pratapaditya et. al. The Peaceful Liberations: Jaina Art from India, Los Angeles County Museum of Art, 1994, fig. 33, p. 47.
13. B. N. Goswamy, and Usha Bhatia op. cit. 1999 no. 76

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14. Zebrowski, op. cit., 1983, p. 218. 15. Pratapaditya Pal, et al., op. cit., 1994, no. 96, p. 88. 16. Hirananda Sastri, Indian Pictorial Art as Developed in Book Illuminations, Baroda, State Press, 1936, p. 13 and plate
XII 17. Moti Chandra and U. P. Shah, New Documents of Jaina Painting, Bombay, Shri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya, 1975, plate
XVII and fig. 91. 18. Ibid. p. 102-103. 19. Saryu Doshi, Masterpieces of Jain Painting, Bombay, Marg Publications, 1985, pp. 78-79, and 81-82 for illustrations
and discussions about these manuscripts 20. Kalpasutra (Book of Ritual) -- The principal text of the Svetambara Jainas is a canonical text that provides an extended
biography of Mahavira, the 24th Tirthankar, and establishes his historical position in relation to his twenty-three
predecessors. This text was repeatedly copied and illustrated, chiefly in Patna and Ahmedabad. 21. Kalakacharya Katha (Story of Kalaka) is the most important work of non-canonical Jain literature and often appears as
an appendix to Kalpasutra manuscripts. 22. Pramod Chandra, 'Notes on the Mandu Kalpasutra of AD 1439', Marg, Vol. XII, No. 3 (June 1959), pp. 51-54; K.
Khandalavala and M. Chandra, 'A Consideration of an illustrated MS. From Mandapadurga (Mandu), dated 1439 AD', Lalit Kala, No. 6, 1959, pp. 8-29; and K. Khandalavala, and M. Chandra, New Documents of Indian Painting-A Reappraisal, Bombay, 1969, (pp. 17-22 and figs. 9-19); Jeremiah P. Losty, The Art of the Book in India, (catalog of an exhibition), London, 1982, No. 28, p. 60. Jagdish Mittal, first published "The Other Kalpasutra', in S. C. Welch, (ed.),
India:Art and Culture 1300-1900, New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1985, pp. 71-73. 23. Pramod Chandra, 'A Unique Kalkacharya-katha manuscript in the style of the Mandu Kalpasutra of A.D. 1439',
Bulletin of The American Acadenty of Benares, vol. 1, 1967, 1-10 and plates 24. Pramod Chandra, and J. Daniel, The Cleveland Tuti-nama Manuscript and the origins of Mughal Painting (catalog of an
exhibition), Cleveland and Chicago, 1976, in 6-8. 25. K. Khandalavala, and M. Chandra, 'An illustrated Kalpasutra painted at Jaunpur in A. D. 1465', Lalit Kala No.12, pp.
9-15, New Delhi, Lalit Kala Akademi. 26 Pratapaditya Pal, The Peaceful Liberations : Jain Art from India, Los Angeles County Museum of Art/Thames and
Hudson, London, 1994, p. 209. 27 Saryu Doshi, Mars, op. cit., 1978, fig 27 and 29, p. 65.

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PART III : THE FUTURE
DEBATE AND DISCUSSION

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INDIA'S CULTURAL HERITAGE AND PUBLIC EDUCATION
K. PADDAYYA
It is a privilege to have been invited to contribute an article to a volume meant for cherishing the memory of Professor B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao, one of the distinguished historians produced by Andhra Pradesh. Although I never had the good fortune interacting with him at a personal level, I am happy to record that he was my teacher by proxy. As an under-graduate student of history in Andhra University I used extensively for my studies Professor Hanumantha Rao's textbook (in two volumes) The History of India. I was deeply impressed both by the comprehensive and objective treatment of the various topics dealt with in the book and by the mellifluous English language in which Professor Hanumantha Rao conveyed his subject matter. I am also very pleased to learn that Professor Hanumantha Rao's outlook in life was shaped by the ideals of humanism, liberalism and rationalism. Given this liberated bent of mind, I presume he would have appreciated any efforts made towards strengthening the topic of educating the public about the country's cultural heritage. In the following pages I would like to highlight the contemporary relevance of this topic.
India is one among the four important centers of ancient civilization in the world. It has 4000 years of recorded history, to which there was a long prelude of prehistory comprising hunting-gathering and early agricultural ways of life and spanning a million years. India's cultural heritage encompasses various spheres: art and architectural traditions, religion and philosophy, literature, scientific thought, and arts and crafts. It is also pluralistic in content and is made up of Hindu, Buddhist, Jaina, Christian, Zoroastrian, Muslim and even colonial components. This composite heritage is preserved to us in the form of memory, historical writings, and relics and monuments.
A deep sense of the past is imprinted on the Indian ethos and an average Indian regards the composite past as a matter of national pride and as source of inspiration. Unfortunately, however, in recent times certain trends have been set in motion, which tend to alienate us from our moorings in the past. Further, our composite past has been made a bone of contention and a source of tension at local and national levels. It is therefore not surprising that many have started wondering whether we deserve our historical appendage and a feeling has been generated that our past, instead of serving as a source of enlightenment, has become a matter of anguish.
The most recent expression to this feeling of anxiety about the past was expressed by no less a person than former President K. R. Narayanan. In a message sent to the 62nd session of the Indian History Congress held at Bhopal in December last year (2001). The President reminded the historians of the warning given by the eminent thinkers Eric Hobswam of the possibility of history books forming into

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bomb factories'-a situation which entails upon historians the responsibility to historical facts and a commitment to disallow politico-ideological abuse of history. The President went on to warn that history cannot be used as a quarry from which to dig up grievances for contemporary redress. In this connection he reminded the historians of Otto von Bismarck's remark that “The politician has not to avenge what has happened but to ensure that it does not happen again".
It is my understanding that several factors have led to this confusing and even frightening situation about history and its use in the present. First, as a part of the processes of globalization and modernization, print and electronic media have opened the country to the influx of new ideas and material items from the West. If University Vice-Chancellors and Cabinet Ministers sometimes fall an easy prey to items like jeans, one could easily understand the fascination which ordinary people develop towards attractive material items and practices from the West. This inadvertently or otherwise leads to attenuation of interest in one's own customs and traditions. Add to these modernizing influences the fact that an urban office-goer in India is too tied up with his daily routine to be able to retain full interest in his heritage. The past is tending to become, to use the words do David Lowenthal,' "a Foreign Country".
A more serious and disturbing factor is the use of the past for partisan purposes. Particularly after the Babri Mosque incident at Ayodhya in 1992 these partisan trends have raised their head in a big way, leading to claims and counter-claims over cultural and scared places spread across the country. What is worse, these claims have led to, and continue to do so, street violence and even disruption of proceedings in the Parliament and State Assemblies. It is still more shocking that many academics and intellectuals have allowed themselves to be branded as belonging to one or the other group. Even certain prestigious institutions, funded by the Government, have been accused of supporting research tending to promote sectarian interests. The most recent happening is the decision taken by the National Council of Educational Research and Training, New Delhi, to delete or alter certain passages in the printed school textbooks in the history on the ground of objections raised by certain religious and political groups.
A third related factor involves the use of the past by politicians for securing power by employing images drawn from the past. Political parties have been named after historical personalities and regional languages and cultures, thereby making it appear that personalities from the past or languages/cultures belong to particular groups. It is well known how the display of large cutouts of N. T. Rama Rao, depicting him in his cinema roles as Vişnu, Kristna, etc., influenced the voters to give his Telugu Desam party a thumping majority in the elections to the State Assembly in Andhra Pradesh.
A fourth factor affecting our cultural heritage concerns modern impacts on the landscape, which contains ancient sites belonging to various periods. Reclamation of forest lands for agricultural purposes to accommodate the needs of a fast growing population, starting of small and big industrial units and irrigation works, initiation of various village development schemes like laying of roads, and mechanization of farming are posing a grave threat to the preservation of archaeological monuments and sites. Practically every day a significant portion of cultural heritage ranging from ceramics and stone tools to art objects is being irretrievably lost.
The above-mentioned developments have introduced a large amount of anxiety both about the preservation of our cultural heritage and about its misuse in the present. How does one come to grips with this situation? A time has come for scholars and students of the past to descend from their ivory towers and relate themselves more closely to the society at large. Archaeologists and historians in India

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need to take cue from the postmodern turn witnessed in recent decades in North American and European archaeology, where great stress is laid on social relevance of the study of the past. New periodicals like Journal of Social Archaeology (Sage Publication, London and New York) have been started for this purpose. In fact, Christopher Tilley of London University has provocatively redefined archaeology as "socio-political action in the present".
In addition to continuing their purely acadenric pursuits, universities and research institutions in India too need to intensify efforts towards education of the public about out past. It is only a wellinformed public which will not only disallow misuse of the past by groups with vested interests but will also play an active role in devising steps for its preservation. Over the last 60 years the Deccan College in Pune has made a significant contribution towards this end.
Established as the Hindoo College in Pune city in 1821 by Mountstuart Elphinstone, the first Governor of the Bombay Presidency, this third oldest educational institution in India was moved to the present campus in 1868 and was renamed as the Deccan College. During the next 65 years a galaxy of eminent persons such as Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Vishnu Shastri Chiplunkar, Lokamanya Tilak, Gurudev R. D. Ranade and Professors S. K. Belvalkar and R. N. Dandekar, were associated with it either as faculty members or as students. In 1939 it was transformed into a postgraduate and research institute. Under the leadership of eminent scholars like Professors S. M. Katre, H. D. Sankalia, Iravati Karve and T. S. Shejwalkar, it achieved national and international reputation for postgraduate instruction and research in ancient Indian culture and archaeology, Maratha history, anthropology, Sanskrit and other ancient languages of India, and linguistics dealing with a scientific study of the four major language families of present-day India. The various research projects completed by the Deccan College during the next half-century played a major role in unraveling the rich and varied historical, cultural, ethnic and linguistic heritage of the country. It was on the strength of this contribution that the Institute was awarded the status of a Deemed University in 1994-95 by the Government of Maharashtra and the Human Resource Development Ministry, Government of India.
Over and above the fundamental research contributions mentioned above, the Institute has made efforts at every stage to educate the public about the country's rich historical and cultural legacy. The basic premise which the Deccan College has all along adopted in its investigations into the country's past is that its study is a scientifically oriented activity calling for a high degree of objectivity and as such it leaves no scope for wild speculation and personal prejudices and biases. It is also held that the country's past is by no means monolithic in character and no particular group can ever lay an exclusive claim to its ownership. On the contrary, the cultural heritage belongs to one and all, just as the rivers and mountains of the land do. Further, it is held that the common man, far from being perplexed or threatened by the variety in his heritage, is completely at peace with it because he is aware that this diversity -- be it in religion, language or customs and manners-has its genesis in regional human adaptations spanning large expanses of time and geographic space. Lastly, it is firmly believed that the country's past serves as a secure base for chartering its future. This was put in a forceful way by Mountstuart Elphinstone himself when he in 1824, while defending before the East India Company the establishment of the nucleus of the Deccan College, argued that “..... we cannot but think that the future attainments of the natives will be increased in extent as well as in variety by being as it were engrafted on their own previous knowledge and imbued with their own original and peculiar character".

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Right from the 1940's the Department of Archaeology at the Deccan College, under the leadership of late Professor H. D. Sankalia, took several steps for educating the public about the past :
1. Already in 1940 Professor Sankalia started a small museum section for displaying estampages
of inscriptions, coins, and other antiquities obtained from field investigations. In 1962 the Department shifted to the present, spacious building and Professor Sankalia devoted its entire first floor for organizing the museum. This museum has ten galleries displaying various kinds of antiquities and features such as maps and dioramas, ancient ceramics, stone and metal objects, various kinds of ornaments, burials, sculptures and images, scripts and coins, and scientific materials such as ancient food grains and animal bones. These galleries depict the entire story of man right from the distant Stone Age to the medieval period and attract every year large numbers of common people as well as school and college students. The Institute has also a special museum meant for display of weapons, coins, maps and other documents belonging
to the Maratha period. 2. The Department organized site exhibitions at important places where it undertook large-scale
excavations in order to make the local people aware of their heritage. 3. Professor Sankalia wrote and encouraged his colleagues to publish popular articles in English,
Hindi, Marathi, Gujarati and other languages and was thus eminently successful in bringing
recent archaeological discoveries to the notice of the public. 4. He also formulated in 1965 a project called 'History of Man", which involved the publication
of about 60 booklets to popularize the study of our heritage. The themes of these booklets ranged from ancient hunting-gathering communities to temples and sculptures to ancient scripts, images and coins. In fact Professor Sankalia himself wrote the first book called An Introduction to Archaeology, which has become very popular among people. Unfortunately, the project did not show much progress because the persons to whom the individual topics were allotted
did not respond adequately. There is a real need to revive this project. 5. Professor Sankalia minced no words in putting forth his observations and facts dealing with
the past before the common man in an objective way. In connection with his views on topics like beef-eating in ancient India and location of the Lanka of Ramayana in Central India contrary (to its popular association with Sri Lanka), Professor Sankalia came under criticism
from certain religious groups but he never bent his views under pressure.
On account of these various steps taken for sharing knowledge of the past with the common man Professor Sankalia, although he died in 1989, is still remembered with respect even in rural parts of India. With the lead provided by him, the Institute is undertaking additional activities to promote public education about the past:
1. Holding short workshops for teachers of school in order to extend to them the benefit of
actually handling various types of cultural material ranging from the Stone Age to the medieval period. These workshops have proved to be very useful and popular, and teachers return to their schools with a feeling that they can handle more confidently their classroom lessons in
history and archaeology. 2. Holding popular illustrated lectures in schools and colleges on special occasions like celebrations.

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3. Holding special exhibitions of archaeological material as part of the kisan agricultural fairs
and special events such as those associated with conferences in history and museum and college celebrations. So far such displays have been held at places like Pune, Bangalore, Ahmadnagar, Sholapur and other small and big places. These exhibitions were visited and
appreciated by many thousands of people. 4. Helping schools and colleges in preparing permanents displays of archaeological and historical
material. 5. Encouraging village panchayats to take interest in the archaeological sites in theirs respective
revenue jurisdictions and even create permanent displays of cultural materials in the panchayat halls. The displays created at Hunsgi and other places in Karnataka, under the guidance of the Deccan College staff, have proved to be very effective in spreading the message of the past because people spontaneously show a lot of interest and also take pride in the archaeological and historical sites around them. Professor G. L. Bhide, Head of the Department of Ancient Indian History and Culture, Dayanand College, Sholapur motivated village people and collected from them a sum of one lakh rupees for exposing an important Late Chalukyan period temple (10th - 11 th centuries AD) buried under river deposit at Sangameshwar near the confluence of
the Sina river with the Bhima in the Sholapur district of Maharashtra.
Steps like the ones mentioned above need to be redoubled; these also need to be adopted by other institutions engaged in historical and archaeological studies. The Election Commission could be requested to discontinue both the use of names of kings and rulers of regions and cultures, drawn from the common past, for naming political parties and the manipulation of cinematographic portrayals of gods and kings and queens for electioneering purposes. Likewise, the Ministry of Rural Development could be persuaded to include education of the village people about their local heritage and its upkeep as part of the development of the rural landscape. As Gandhiji would have liked it, village folk should be treated as trustees of their cultural and historical age. As heritage education and its upkeep could be made a part of environmental preservation movement. In this connection it is also good to recall the efforts being made by enlightened advocates like Shri M. C. Mehta of New Delhi in drawing the attention of the courts to the neglect of the upkeep of our monuments. He filed public interest litigation suits in the Supreme Court to highlight the threats of pollution caused to the Taj Mahal and also filled suits in the Delhi High Court to draw its attention to the neglect of monuments in Delhi associated with the Urdu poet Ghalib.
Measures like the ones mentioned above serve to reassure the common man that our past is a nonrenewable resource belonging to one and all and that it is a sacred entity that cannot be used for any partisan purposes. Furthermore, these steps will create in the common man a good feeling that the past, far from being a burden on him, is an object of positive appreciation.
I would further like to suggest that ancient Indian thought should be made an important element of liberal education in the country at school, college and university levels. This component could draw from our ancient and medieval past important concepts and ideas such as the Upanishadic principles of all-pervasive Brahman and complementarity of spiritual and material aspects of life, Dharma and Laxmanrēkha of the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, ancient Indian conception of scientific method and the Buddhist principle of multiple causality, welfare state of the Mauryan rulers, and the principle of toleration and positive appreciation of other faiths and ways of life advocated by Aśoka and Akbar.

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Unlike the ever increasing number of T.V. serials based on themes drawn from the Mahabharata, Rāmāyana, Purăņas and other ancient writings in which the emphasis is on visual depiction of all-powerful astras and mantras, gorgeous garments and glittering ornaments, this proposed liberal education will aim at broadening of the mental horizons of the people. As such it can serve as an important instrument for inculcating what Nehru called scientific temper of mind among the Indian people. Stated in another way, a robust sense of the past needs to be accepted as an integral component of the intellectual empowerment of the people. In this respect one may draw attention to the Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen's emphasis on the inculcation of the spirit of critical openness of mind for appreciating our pluralistic past. No less important is his conception of development as freedom in which, over and above improvements in material conditions of life, full scope is provided for the developments of inherent capabilities of man."
I would like to conclude by saying that the need to adopt an unprejudiced approach towards the past was in fact already anticipated by Kalhana some 800 years ago. In his book Rājatarangini—the first attempt at scientific writing of history in India-Kalhana enjoined upon historians to produce connected accounts of past events and to avoid bias (raga) and prejudice (dvesha) in relating the facts of the past. He further remarked that history serves as a great source of inspiration in normal times and as a sedative in chaotic times. Jawaharlal Nehru echoed a similar notion of the relationship between the past and the present in his famous book The Discovery of India. He wrote: "The past oppresses me or fills me sometimes with its warmth when it touches on the present, and becomes, as it were an aspect of that living present. If it does not do so, then it is cold, barren, lifeless and uninteresting"." Great leads to present-day historian about how to write the past and how to use it in the present!
NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. David Lowenthal, The Past is a Foreign Country, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1985. 2. K. Paddayya, "Modern Impacts on Archaeological Sites in India: A Case Study from the Shorapur Doab, Karnataka',
Man and Environment, 21 (2), 1996, pp. 75-88. 3. Christopher Tilley, "Archaeology as Socio-Political Action in Present', in V. Pinsky and A. Wylie (Eds.) Critical Traditions
in Contemporary Archaeology: Essays in the Philosophy, History and Socio-Politics of Archaeology, Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, 1989, pp. 104-16. 4. Mountstuart Elphinstone, Letter No.E/4/506 dated 11 August 1824 of Bombay Despatches, India Office and Records
Library, London, 1824. S. H.D. Sankaila, An Introduction to Archaeology, Deccan College, Pune, 1965a. 6. H.D.Sankaila, 'Archaeology and Education', in V.N. Misra and M.S.Mate (Eds.) Indian Prehistory: 1964, Deccan
college, Pune, 1965b, pp.259-262. 7. S.P. Sathe, Judicial Activism in India:Transgressing Borders and Enforcing Limits, Oxford University Press, New Delhi,
2002, p.224. 8. B. Singh, Jawaharlal Nehru on Science, Nehru Memorial Musem and Library, New Delhi, 1986. 9. Amartya Sen, "Taking pride in a Pluralistic society', Span, June-July 1996, pp. 8-23. 10. Amartya, Sen, Development as Freedom, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999a; also see his, 'Capability and
well-being', in M.C.Nussbaum and A. Sen (eds.) The Quality of life, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1999b,
pp.30-53. 11. Aurel Stein, Kalhana's Rajatarangini: A Chronicle of the kings of Kashmir. Translated, with an Introduction, Commentary
and Appendices, Volume I, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1961, (Reprint), p.2. 12. Jawaharlal, Nehru, The Discovery of India, Meridian Books, London, 1960, p.22.

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I.K. SARMA
Data relating to ancient Astronomy, Mathematics, Metallurgy and agricultural practices recorded at the Harappan towns of Lothal' and Dholavira in Gujarat open up new channels of research on the scientific advancements and achievements in proto-historic India. More recently Dholavira, in Kutch, revealed a large city consisting of a formidable stone fortification (11 meters wide at the base), an acropolis, middle and lower town with impressive gateways and guardrooms and beautifully polished stone blocks and pillars. This exemplified the technological excellence not only in planning but also building great regal architectural edifices without a parallel at any other Harappan site so far. A big wooden board inlaid with ten large Indus letters (each 37 colonial modernity height, 25 to 27 colonial modernity width) in front of a gateway of a palace is noteworthy. This is the oldest signboard of the world datable to the 3rd millennium BC.
Though mathematical instruments are very few, it can be stated that the Harappan civilization has attained great maturity. Graded scales one each from Mohenjodaro, Harappa and Lothal form the basis of linear measures in the Indus civilization. A truncated ivory scale 6 mm. thick and 15 mm. broad has been found. A shell scale from Mohenjodaro 6.62 cm length shows nine graduations apart from a shell ring of 12- slits from Dholavira facilitated measuring in angle of 30° and its multiples. The last one could have been symbolic of the division of the Zodiac into 12- divisions almost two thousand years before the Greeks thought of a eight-fold or twelve-fold division of the sky and horizon.
Astronomical allusions to the events of the remote past are available in Vedic literature. The Rgvēdic Sapta-sindhava is the region where scientific traditions have been established. S.P. Gupta taking stock of the entire evidence has named it as “Indus-Sarasvati Civilization". But more appropriately it should be titled as “Sarasvati-Sindhu" civilization. Nearly, 931 Pre Harappan and Late Harappan sites are located on the “Sarasvati-Dhrishadvati" zone itself out of a total of 1100 sites of this civilization so far known both in India and Pakistan. Undoubtedly, the Sarasvati was a major river on whose banks the Harappans perhaps originated and lived in large numbers. (721 sites of Mature to Late Harappan sites are found).
The ancient “Sarasvati-Dhrishadvati" rivers were the bread basket of early civilizations. Subhash Kak' has stated that the Harappans had developed specialization not only in materialistic life but also in religious and scientific techniques. More particularly, the fire altars both inside the houses (Kalibangan, Lothal) and in public on open platforms (Kalibangan, Lothal), or apsidal temples with fire altar (Banawali, Surkotda), reveal worship of Fire God and sacrifice of animals, etc., to appease the Gods of Thunder,

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Lightening, Sun and Agni. Seals depicting the Fire God and seven Chiefs are well known in the Harappan context. The terracotta oval tablet from Kalibangan has on its faces depictions of Seated Pasupati on the obverse and the reverse has a goat being dragged by neck for offer to the God.
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The Vedic Gavám ayana (sacrifice) undoubtedly, preclude an intimate knowledge of the planetary system and solar movements. Worship of Mother Goddesses (confined to Punjab and up to Banawali) sacred filters depicted on the Harappan seals signified the existence of Vedic rituals like Soma pavamāna. Besides depictions of Indra dhvajas, Horned deity (Pasupati), pipal trees with bearded horned Rshis around clearly confirm the cults described in Rgveda, aligned to Agni, Rudra, Śiva and Sakti. The heavy bronze ustava type of animal figures and the chariot yoked to a pair of humped-horned bulls driven by a robust nude male fronted by a dog kept on the tight reins in a commanding pose appears to be that of Rgvédic Rudra.
The flourishing fortified towns of this civilization unearthed in India like Rakhigarhi and Kunal (Haryana); Mehragarh and more recently, Manda in Jammu district; Hulas in the East; Daimabad in South (Maharashtra) apart from the ones in Pakistan encompass a vast area. The geographical extent of this great civilization is appropriately christened as Sarasvati-Sindhu Civilization instead of merely Harappan or Indus, admirably fits well with the places, persons and events connected to the great epic of the Bharata. The battle of 10 kings is found alluded to in the Ṛgvēda also. Its extent to Gujarat and Saurashtra as seen from such extensive sites at Lothal, Surkotda, Dholavira and more recently Padri (a village in Bhavnagar district), and S. R. Rao's" undersea archaeological probes at the submerged Dvaraka linked this civilization with the life of Mahabhārata's Krishṇa. Though born in Mathura (U. P.) it is well known that Krishna reached Saurashtra via Sind and Kutch and chose Dvaraka" as his karma-bhūmi. The roots of this civilization are being traced now to 4500 BC at Mehragarh. Increasing evidence is gathering on its urban and highly religious character. Remarkable finds from Kunal (Ratia Tehsil, Haryana) on the left bank of Sarasvati river consisted of a unique regalia of two silver crowns, necklaces of silver, gold spacers (circular nishkas) and some precious stones which clearly indicated the cult connected to a Rudra-like God-King.
12
II. Knowledge of our Ancients on Kala (Time)
The Sanskrit word for time is Kāla meaning to enumerate or calculate. What is beyond Sun is Akala and related with Sun is Kāla. Indians have the lowest division of time which is 1/17th of a second and highest of several billion/ trillion years.
It is very necessary here to undertake the study of the ancient method of computations adopted in measuring the time. The first chapter of Manusmriti provides us the division of time-Yuga ganana. The Indian concept gives the emergence of Man from 7th Manu who came into being 120 million years ago. Jyotisha Sastra conceived very large number of years of the Yugas. A mahayuga is of the duration of 12,000 divine years, of 43,20, 000 human years. Seventy-one such mahāyugas are allotted to one Manu and so far six Manus have passed. The Seventh Manu (Vaivasvata) is reigning at present and his twenty -seven Mahayuga circles have passed and the present one is the twenty-eighth mahayuga. Out of this three yugas have elapsed and on 8-4- 1997 (Isvaranama Samvachchara Chaitra Sukla Pratipada) 5099 year of Kali has started. This is based on a formula that year 9360 -ahōrátras) of a human being is equal to a day of God's. In Krtayuga (the first) the life span of human is started as 400 years, whereas in Trêtayuga it is 300, in Dvdpara 200 and Kaliyuga it is only 100 years. The Kritayuga is the longest with

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17,28, 000 human years, Trētäyuga works out to be 12,96, 000 years, Dväpara 8,64, 000 years and Kaliyuga 4,32, 000 human years. The life style is materially different in these Yugas in the Kțita, it is dhyāna, Trēta it is Jñāna, in Dvāpara, it is yajña and in Kali, it is dāna (charity). Another peculiarity in this Yuga theory is Yugas rotate but do not repeat. They occur only in Bhäratavarsha. Thus it is of great importance for the astronomical calculations of the Vedic and Puranic periods. It is a matter of common knowledge that the life span of human beings in the present Kaliyuga is only 100 years whereas in the times of Mahābhārata, Bhishma was the commander-in-Chief of the Kaurava forces at the age of 100 years. So there is nothing wrong when we take the great Bhīshma living for 200 years and contemporary to three generations, i.e., born to Shantanu and lived during Arjuna's and his son Abhimanyu's time. In the light of this, it is very necessary that the writers of history of ancient India should be more careful in their computations of the eras of the epic and the Puranic periods of ancient Bharatavarsha. Unfortunately, historians and archaeologists have not followed this and hitherto all chronological calculations were based on Alexander (327 BC)-Chandra Gupta Maurya synchronism adopted by the Western Indologists. III. Some early Evidences On Astronomy
The world's oldest astronomical diagram shaped like a tomb was discovered in the Henan province of Central China in Puyang City in 1987. This is regarded as 6400 year old. But as early as 1300 BC, the Hindus developed a luni solar calendar known as Vēdanga Jyotisha which was in vogue till 3rd century AD. Later, a new system called Siddhantic system came to prominence and continued up to the 12th century AD.
S.B. Roy feels that Maya, the traditional author of Surya Siddhanta, a text book on Hindu astronomy, can be identified with the famous Greek geographer and Astronomer, Ptolemy known as Turamaya in Mauryan records. S.R. Sarma cites that Ptolemy in his Almagest (VIII, 3) elaborately described the celestial globe as an instrument for mapping the star positions and storing them. Mention should be made of the five well-known schools of ancient Indian astronomy, Paitāmsha, Saura, Vasishtha, Romaka and Paulisa, the last two regarded as of Hellenistic origin. Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira (5th century AD), records that Yavanas like Indian sages, perfected the knowledge of Sastras particularly astronomy and astrology. Aryabhatta born in Pataliputra (476 AD) speaks of an automatically rotating (Svayamvaha) globe (gola). India attained excellence in Algebra and Aryabhatta has reduced the doctrines of early works on astronomy and mathematics to a practical and concise form.
Astrolabe (Yantra-rāja) is a versatile instrument and considered as a jewel" of Mathematics. It is an observational and computational instrument enabling to read the configurations without having to make long and tedious computations. Al-Biruni introduced the Astrolabe into India in 11th century AD. Its manufacture commenced out of the patronage of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq. Firuz induced Mahendra Suri, a Jaina monk, to compose on the use of Astrolabe in 1370 AD. His pupil Malayendu Suri wrote a commentary on the work in about 1382 AD. IV. Astronomical Instruments in Salar Jung Museum
I had the opportunity to acquaint myself with the various astronomical and time measuring instruments preserved in the Salar Jung Museum, thanks to Prof. Sreeramula Rajeswara Sarma of Aligarh Muslim University who prepared an authentic descriptive Catalogue. The Salar Jung Museum has six Astrolabes. Out of these, the only dated example was the one produced in 975 A. H. i.e. 1567 AD. According to S. R. Sarma this (Acc. No. 113/1/XXXV) "is the earliest dated astrolabe manufactured in

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India and the earliest dated Indian scientific instrument known". Another astrolabe with a zoomorphic created by Allahadad's grandson, Muhammad Muqim, in AD 1637 (Acc. No. 114/1/XXXV) is a unique piece. It is 199 mm. in diameter and 11 mm. in thick.
Celestial Globe
This is called Bhagola, in Arabic Al-kura, purely meant for teaching and demonstration. The Salar Jung Museum has four specimens. The celestial globe is a relatively later comer to India and was introduced by Humayun and made by Ustad Shai Allahadad of Lahore, the royal astrolabe of Emperor Humayun, (1530-1550 AD). The two Mughal celestial globes are important. The globe by Diya-al- Din (Acc.no. 113/1/XXXV) of 1074 A.H./ 1663 AD has no original Meredian ring. The other (Acc.no. 114/1/ XXXV) is mounted on a 19th century stand. It is an observational and computational instrument set on a stand. The one made for Sawai Jai Singh, presently in the Hawa Mahal Museum, Jaipur is a copper globe with zodiac signs marked in Sanskrit. These are few only while Arabic/ Persian globes produced in India are many during Mughal period. V. Mathematical Riddles in Telugu
Finally I would like to highlight on a little known Mathematical work in Telugu. It is dated to late 11th century AD-going with the name Pāvulurigaạitamu, a Telugu rendering of Mahāvīra's Gaạitasara Samgraha, by one Mallanna, who was an younger contemporary of the great Telugu poet Nannaya. The family received an agrahāra from the Eastern Chālukyan king Rāja Rāja Narēndra (1019-1061 AD). Though translated from the Sanskrit original, this is regarded as the earliest scientific text on Mathematics known to any regional language. The full text is not available and late Veturi Prabhakara Sastry published only a small portion of it in 1952.
Sreeramula Rajeswara Sarma while emphasizing the importance of the study of Mathematical literature in Telugu cites certain unique copybooks filled by one Mantri Panakala Rayudu (1883-1928), a school teacher originating from Muktinutalapadu near Ongole who served in several villages as Teacher. He had a penchant for mathematical riddles. The most remarkable find in his notes, is the solution to what is known as "Josephus” problem. Flaviks' Josephus is a Jewish historian (37-100 AD) and his problem was not known in Europe till 10th century AD and in Japan it was popular only after 12th century AD. S. R. Sarma says that he came across this problem for the first time in an Indian source. The problem runs as follows:
I quote, “15 brāhmaṇs and 15 thieves had to spend a dark night at an isolated temple of Durga. At midnight, the goddess appeared in person and wanted to devour just 15 persons because she was hungry. The thieves naturally suggested that she should consume the 15 soft-limbed brahmanas. But the brāhmaṇas proposed that all the 30 would stand in circle and that Durga should eat each ninth person. Durga and the thieves accepted the proposal. So the brāhmaṇas arranged themselves and the thieves in a circle, telling each one where to stand. Durga counted out each ninth person and devoured him. When 15 were thus eaten, she was satiated and disappeared, and only brāhmaṇas now remained in the circle. The problem is: how to arrange the brahmanas and thieves in the circle". The answer is couched in Mattebhavikridita : verse.
yuga-bāņākṣi-dharāgni-candra-sasi-bahu-dvandvarāmemdulam yugali-karņakala-dvisamkhya-gudigån ühimci yantyastha vi

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361 prāgaṇam bådiga dömmidimakramamöppam durga bhakṣimpuco
mögi viprul jayam Ömdi taskarulu nirmūlambulair amdarum."
S. R. Sarma has cited a few other examples also and he concludes that this mathematical heritage of the Telugus should be surveyed and critically documented.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. S.R. Rao, Lothal and Indus Civilization, Bombay, 1973; pp. 105-107 XXXII- A, B. The Decipherment of Indus script,
Bombay, 1982 2. J. P. Joshi, Presidential Address, Indian Archaeological Society, 24th Annual Conference, Kanyakumari, 11th-13th Nov.
1990; R. S. Bisht, "Dholavira: New Horizons of the Indus Civilization", Puratattva, No. 20; 1989-90 New Delhi, 1991
pp. 70- 81. J. P. Joshi and R. S. Bisht, India and the Indus Civilization, New Delhi, 1994 pp. 23-31, Plts. XIII-XV. 3. Subhas C. Kak "The Indus Mandala and Indo Aryans", New trends in Indian art and Archaeology, S. R. Rao, 70th
Birthday Felicitation volume New Delhi, 1992, Vol. I.; S. R. Rao, "Indus Cities: Planning for perfection", Science
Today, Vol. 16, no.6 June, 1982 pp. 17-19. 4. S. P. Gupta, "Fresh look at the Chronology of the Indus-Sarasvati Civilization". National Workshop on Dating in Indian
Archaeology-Problems and Perspectives, December 19- 21 st, 1993, Mysore. 5. Subhas C. Kak 'On the chronology of Ancient India", Indian Journal of History of Science, vol. 22 1987, pp. 222-234. 6. J. P. Joshi, op. cit., Presidential Address, Indian Archaeological Society, 1990. Also S. D. Kulkarni (ed), Beginnings of
Life, Culture and History, Bhishma's Studies of Indian History and Culture, Vol. I Bombay, 1988, Chapter-VII 7. I. Mahadevan, "The Sacred Filter Standard Facing the Unicorn; More Evidence", Paper presented at the South Asian
Archaeology Helsinki, 1993. Also see S.R. Rao, Presidential Address The Epigraphical Society of India, 7th Annual
Congress, The Indian Museum, Calcutta, 16th Jan. 1981, pp. 26-30. 8. Indian Archaeology-A Review, 1974-75, pp. 29-31; K. R. Srinivasan, "The Harappan and Vedic Cultures", Bulletin of
the Madras art Museum, Vol. XV, nos. Madras, 1988. 9. J.P. Joshi and R. S. Bisht, op. cit., pp. 2-4. The Hindu, Friday, March, 18, 1994. 10. Indian Express, dated 23-8-95, p. 5. 11. S. R. Rao, "Excavation of submerged ports- Dwaraka-A Case Study", in Marine Archaeology of the Indian Ocean
Countries, Goa, Oct. 1987, pp. 43-53. 12. I. K. Sarma, “Mahabharata and Krishna in Archaeology", National Seminar, Dr. Bhagawan Sahai Felicitation Volume,
Patna, 1995. 13. Manusmriti: (Chapter- I- Verse-83), S. D. Kulkarni, Glorious Epoch, Svayambhuva Manu To Shakari Shalivahan, Vol.
IV, BHISHMA SERIES, Bombay, 1994. 14. P. Lal, Mahabharata of Vasa, Vikas, New Delhi. 15. Amalendu Bandhopadhyaya, "Astronomical Instruments Devised by Ancient Indian Astronomers", Journal of the Asiatic
Society, Calcutta, 1995, Vol. XXXVI, No. 3, p. 5. 16. S. R. Sarma, "From Al-Kura to Bhagola on the Dissemination of the celestial globe in India", in Studies in History of
Medicine and Science, Vol. XIII, no. 1 New Series, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 69- 85 17. Nemichandra, Bharatiya Jyotisha, Varanasi, 1970, pp. 90-100. 18. A. M. Shastry, India as seen in the Brihatsamhita of Varahamihira, Delhi, 1969. 19. S. R. Sarma. "Astronomical Instruments in Mughal Miniatures".Studien- Zur Indalogie and Iranistik Reinbek, 1992,
pp. 23-38. 20. S. R. Sarma, op. cit., 1992, p. 239. 21. S. R. Sarma, Astronomical Instruments in the Salar Jung Museum- A Descriptive Catalogue, Hyderabad, 1995. 22. S. R. Sarma, “Mathematical Literature in Telugu: An Overview", in Sri Venkateswara University Oriental Journal,
Vol. XXVIII, (Jan- Dec, 1985, pp. 77-78. 23. Veturi Prabahkara Sastri (ed.), Sarasamgrahaganitamu, Pavuluri Mallana Pranitamu, Part I, Parikrama-bhinna
Ganitamulu, Srivenkateswara Oriental Series, no. 38 Tirupati, 1952, R. C. Gupta, "Some Telugu Authors an Ancient
Mathematics", Souvenir of the 44th Conference of the Indian Mathematical Society (Hyderabad, 1978, pp. 25-28. 24. S. R. Sarma op. cit., 1985, pp. 84-85.

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EPILOGUE

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RECENT BUDDHIST AND JAINA DISCOVERIES FROM DECCAN
B. SUBRAHMANYAM AND E. SIVANAGI REDDY
In course of recent archaeological explorations, a few Buddhist sites and images have been reported from Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka. In Andhra Pradesh Buddhist sites belonging to the pre-Christian era have been found located at Erravaram, Amalapuram, Gopalapatnam and Chollangi in East Godavari district, Pellakonda and Regannagudem in Visakhapatnam district, Muppala in Prakasam district and Penumaka in Guntur district. The explorations conducted by the officials of the Archaeological Survey of India on the right and left banks of the river Bhima, in Karnataka resulted in the discovery of an important Buddhist stūpa at Kanaganahalli near Sannati, a well-known Buddhist monastic complex of the Mauryan times. A detailed description of this site has been included in this Volume in Section A of Part II. Stone images of Buddha dating to the period between the 1st century AD and the 14th century AD have also discovered from Nandayapalem, Mukhalingam, Vaikunthapuram, Kollapattu, Kunthuru and Phanigiri in Andhra Pradesh revealing the fact that the Buddhism survived up to medieval period in the Deccan; a phenomena that needs serious attention by scholars in the future. The following are the details of the recent discoveries.
Erravaram is located on the left bank of the river Yeleru, a tributary of the river Godavari in East Godavari district at a distance of 45 Kms from Rajahmundry on the way to Visakhapatnam. At a distance of 1 km towards the east of the village lies a hillock, locally known as Dhanaladibba. On the top of the hillock, remains of a brick vihāra, silamandapa (pillared hall) and votive stūpas were found. In addition to these finds two rock-cut caves and a few rock-cut cisterns were also located. On the southern side of the hillock, was identified a Mahastúpa, where a stone reliquary was recovered from the mound. This reliquary looks like a miniature stūpa and it is now on display at the A. S. P. Government Museum, Kakinada. Based on the cultural material found here, size of the bricks (50 x 24 x 8 cms), and the presence of the rock-cut caves and cisterns, the site can be dated to the period between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD.
The other two discoveries have been made at Pellikonda and Regannagudem. The village Pellikonda is located 5 Kms away from Anandapur, a Mandal headquarters in Visakhapatnam district. While digging the earth on the local hillock for plantation of cashew saplings, a few bricks of special size were discovered. Trial excavations conducted on the hilltop laid bare brick structures of a Buddhist monastery. Traces of two vihāras built in east-west orientation and a stūpa were identified. Based on the early historical materials and the size of the bricks (50 x 25 x 7 cms), it can be considered to date back to the Sātavāhana times.

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
The survey in and around Pellikonda brought to light a mound near Regannagudem littered with brickbats. Trial digs here exposed the drum portion of a stūpa. Bricks of size 50 x 25 x 7 cms were used for the drum. Based on the size of the bricks and also the other cultural material recovered from the site, it can be dated back to the 1st century BC.
Another Buddhist monastery was discovered on the hilltop of the Penumaka, a village located 10 kms away from Vijayawada on the Vijayawada-Amaravati road in Guntur district. Surface explorations conducted here resulted in the discovery of a stūpa and other remains of a stone stúpa and vihāra. It was found that a dry stone masonry wall enclosed the entire monastic complex. There were more than 20 rock-cut cisterns located outside the enclosure wall at various places on the western side of the hillock, which might have served the purpose of storing drinking water during the rainy season. The brick stupa located on the northern side was found intact. Since there were no traces of sculptural panels, the monastic complex can be said to have belonged to Theravāda phase of Buddhism. The discovery of brickbats, wedge shaped dressed stones, early historic cultural material, indicate that it belongs to the Sātavāhana times (i.e. 1st century BC-1st century AD).
Muppala, is a village in Prakasam district where an early historic Buddhist site has been recently identified. Brick built vihäras, a chaitya and a broken image of Buddha was unearthed. Based on the size of the bricks, pottery and iconographical details of the image, the site can be dated to the 2nd century AD.
During the course of explorations conducted by the authors at Mukhalingam, Vaikunthapuram, Kollapattu and Kunthur, a few Buddhist images were brought to light. At Mukhalingam, three idols, namely, Buddha as Akshobhya, Amitabha and a female figure of Usnishavijaya datable to the 8th 9th centuries AD were noticed from the precincts of Bhīmēsvara Temple at Mukhalingam, a Saivite Kshetra in Srikakulam district. Located on the left bank of the river Vamsadhara, Mukhalingam was known for Buddhist remains such as brick structures, early historic pottery and a Sātavāhana coin. The discovery of the Vajrayāna sculptures suggests that Mukhalingam continued to be a center of Buddhism right from the early historic times to the early medieval period. The following is the description of the Buddhist sculptures:
Buddha in Dhyāna Mudra: The figure of Buddha carved in red sandstone, is in dhyana mudra seated on a lotus pedestal. A pair of makaras on either side at the shoulder level, flying gandharvas holding flywhisks and a prabhā mandala are found depicted on the sculpture (Plate LIX).
Usnishavijaya : The image of Ushnishavijaya carved in red sandstone is shown seated in Vajraparyankásana on a lotus pedestal. There are attendants on either side with folded hands. In the right side hands she holds a double thunderbolt, arrow and the third hand is in varada mudra whereas the fourth attribute is not clear. She wears a headgear and ornaments on the body. Traces of five Dhyani Buddhas depicted on the prabhāvali are seen. Only the figure of Dhyāni Buddha Ratnasambhava is clearly visible (Plate LX).
Buddha in Bhūmisparsa Mudra : The figure of Buddha is shown seated on Vajraparyankāsana in Bhūmisparsa mudra. Two figures of gandharvas holding flywhisks are shown on either side of the oval shaped prabhamandala. Based on the stylistic grounds, this red sand stone image is datable to the 8th-9th centuries AD (Plate LXI).

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Recent Buddhist and Jaina Discoveries from Deccan
A sculpture of Buddha in Bhumisparsa mudra was recently recovered from the eroded right bank of river Krishna at Vaikunthapuram, a village located 20 kms away from Vijayawada, on the Amaravati road. The left hand of the Buddha is kept in Dhyana mudra, whereas the right hand is in Bhumisparsamudra. The symbol vajra is depicted on the pedestal. The sculpture carved in black basalt stone, on stylistic grounds is datable to the 10th century AD. It is learnt that during the 1974-75 excavation season, fragment of a stone harmika and chatra, rouletted ware, celadon ware, inscribed potsherds, terracotta coin mould datable to the 1st-2nd centuries AD were recovered from the same village, which attests that the village was a Buddhist center during the above period (Plate LXII).
367
An image of Buddha in Dhyana mudra was recently discovered from Kollapattu, a hamlet of Damari, a village located on an island of the Pulicat lake in the Sullurpet mandal of Nellore district. In this image there is a halo on the back of the head. The ushnisha on the head is shown like a flame. The image (120 x 60 cms) identified as Amitabha is carved in green granite stone and datable to the 12th century AD. It is now on display at Nellore district Museum (Plate LXIII).
Another idol of Amitabha (1.70 x 0.90 mts) carved out of granite stone is reported from Kunthuru, a hamlet of Koradi in Sullurupet mandal of Nellore district. The presence of brickbats around the find spot suggests the existence of a brick temple in which the Buddha idol must have been housed. Buddha is shown in ardhapadmasana with his hands kept in dhyanamudra. The chivara, which covers the body of the Buddha from right to left, is not shown with foids as in case of early Andhra Buddha images. Prabhāvali, makaras on either side above the shoulder level are shown prominently. The presence of curly hair, a small ushnisha and a flame behind it are noteworthy. The sculpture is datable to the 12th13th centuries AD (Plate LXIV).
Recent excavations conducted on the hilltop at Phanigiri, a village in Tirumalgiri mandal of Nalgonda district revealed the existence of an extensive Buddhist site. The archaeological excavations laid bare a mahastapa (18 mts), a pair of stupa chaityas (Plate LXV) and a good number of monastic cells. Remains of a Silāmaṇḍapa, a limestone railing all-around the site were also noticed. The excavations also yielded a good number of lead and copper coins of the Satavahana, Mahātalvāra and Ikṣṭvāku dynasties. Inscribed sculptural panels of Dampati (Plate LXVI) etc., of the Satavahana and Ikṣṭvāku times, a torso of Buddha image, three Buddha Päda slabs out of which one contains an inscription datable to the 1st century AD were also noticed. Apart from all these, a large number of mutilated sculptures and pots, stucco pieces, terracotta art objects, querns and mullers of the early historic period were unearthed. The interim results of the site offer a date between the 1st century BC and the 3rd century AD.
Near Phanigiri lies another site littered with Buddhist remains called Arvapalli. On the top of the hillock here is noticed a huge brick built stupa with an ayaka platform. There are traces of lime stone pillars, large sized bricks and fragments of pottery belonging to the 1st-3rd centuries AD.
The Archaeological Survey of India, Hyderabad Circle has conducted explorations and excavations on the hillock at Kapavaram, located on the way from Rajahmundry to Korukonda. Though the site was originally identified during the previous century, for the reasons not known, the site had remained unexcavated. Recent excavations conducted at the site laid bare remains of a group of brick built stūpas, vihāras and potsherds, some of them inscribed. Based on these finds, the site can be assigned a date between the 1st century BC and the 2nd century AD.

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Kevala-Bodhi-Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan
It is very interesting to note that though Buddhism had made its dent in the Deccan as early as the 5th century BC and continued up to the 6th century AD. Jainism as a faith, on the other hand, had its beginning in the region around the 2nd century BC if not earlier and continued up to the 15th-16th centuries AD. Like the Buddhist ones, the Jaina remains are found in the form of open-air sites located on hills and plains and rock cut caves. It is also significant to note that most of the Jaina temples outwardly appear like the brāhmaṇical temples and mandapas.
Recent surveys conducted for Andhra Pradesh reveal that almost all the districts have Jaina remains either in the form of sculptures, inscriptions, caves or temples. However, two prominent sites have been discovered at Singavaram in Mahaboobnagar district and at Yellakonda in the Chevalla mandal of Rangareddy district. Near the village is a hill, which contains seven caves and three Pārsvanātha carvings. Three of the caves lie on the eastern side while four are on the western side. It is reported that in these caves three Jaina sculptures were found. Among them, one Pārsvanātha, is depicted in a standing pose and erected on the top at the entrance of the Siva temple. The remaining two were found erected in the mantapa of the above temple. On stylistic grounds, the Jaina sculptures may be assigned to the 10th century AD.
Originally Yellakonda was a Jaina kshētra. Later on it was converted as a Saiva kshētra and Jaina sculptures were removed from the temples and implanted outside the temple. In the caves too loose Nandi sculptures were found. This is a clear case of an earlier Jaina center of importance being converted to a Saivite one. Now Yellakonda in Chevella mandal is considered as a sacred Saiva kshētra.
On the local hillock known as Bayyana gattu at Singavaram is a small village in Veepanagandla mandal of Mahabubnagar district. This site can be approached from either Pentlavelli or Jetprole, on the route from Kollapur to Pebbair. The small hillock is enclosed with a stone fortification. Inside the fort is seen a ruined temple and mandapa. Just by the side of the temple lies a huge statue of Pārsvanātha in Kayotsargāsana with Nägarāja on the back side. The local people have marked the idol with Saivite symbols and they call him as Bayyanna. The local people have little awareness on Jainism and Jaina idols they feel belong to the Saiva pantheon. Images of Jaina Tīrthankaras smeared with vibhūti and Saivite marks are seen at Konakondla, Rayadurgam, Chinna Tumbalam, Saidapuram, Kollivalasa and Patancherru. On the other hand, a Mahāvīra sculpture kept in the Narasimha Swāmy temple is seen with Vaişnavite marks (Tirunāmam) on the forehead.
or
In the village to village surveys conducted by the State Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Andhra Pradesh in Anantapur district brought to light some important Jaina remains. A significant discovery was a linear drawing of Jambudvīpa, incised on a boulder at Konakondla. This place has been attributed to be the birthplace of the renowned Jaina teacher Kundakundáchārya (Plate LXVII).
Some of the new discoveries that have been brought to light and described above provide fresh material for further research. Two major conclusions from this survey are that (1) with regard to Buddhism in the Deccan we can extend the date of its persistence here up to the early medieval times and (2) with regard to Jainism, its popularity was later eclipsed with the spread of Saivism and there is clear evidence at may sites that the earlier Jaina centers were converted into Saivite ones. Future research in this direction can more systematically address these issues of concern on the Buddhist and Jaina history of the Deccan.

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Page #185

PLATES

Page #186


Page #187

PL. XXXV. Mahavira Siddhasana, South Indian Style, Chennai Mu
seum, Tamilnadu.
PL. XXXVI. Shankaracharya, (South Indian Style), Tamilnadu.
PL. XXXVII. Mahavira in Yogasana, 2nd Century A.D. (Mathura style)
State Museum, Lucknow, U.P.

Page #188

PL. XXXVIII. Saraswathi Sculpture, Sinnar,
12th Century A.D.
PL. XXXIX. Cave No. Il at Ankai - Tankai, 12th Century A.D.

Page #189

PL. XL. Caves at Mohida (13th Century A.D.)
Dhule Dt.
PL. XLI. Jina Icons (12th-13th Century A.D.) Ramlingamudgad, Latur Dt.
PL. XLII. Vimalnatha, Vimalnatha Temple, Balsane, Dhule dt. (12th-13th Century
A.D.)

Page #190

PL. XLIII. SRI NEMINATHA, TIRUMALAI
PL. XLV. PARSVANATHA TEMPLE, TIRUMALAI
PL. XLIV. MAHAVIRA TEMPLE, TIRUMALAI
PL. XLVI. ADINATHA, TIRUMALAI

Page #191

PL. XLVII. YAKSHINI - YAKSHA -
TIRUMALAI
LES
CAS20 stolar 890 SL -14
LIG8mayo Oo81A ROS Mahmoo eng kila mare lors of Roletal al
STUP
careech FOUR sabet
PL. XLVIII. Jaina Inscription from Peravur

Page #192

Pl. XLIX. General View of Kunthunatha Jinalaya, Hampi
PL. L. Front view of Kunthunatha Jinalaya, Hampi.

Page #193

大理
行
PL. LII. Procession (Returning from
Mount Meru to Ayodhya)
100000 99999
PL. LI. Rishabha's Renunciation
po

Page #194

PI. LIII. Dancing Indra. (Plates L1-LIII, are details from the Panchakalyakapata,
Senagana Digambara Jain Temple, Karanja, Vidarbha).
*
.
*
*
PL. LIV. A noble pays Homage to Rishabhanatha, Golconda, late 17th century A.D.,
Los Angeles County Museum, Los Angeles

Page #195

e
PL. LV. A noble pays Homage to Rishabhanatha, Golconda, late 17th Century A.D., Goenka collection, Kolkatta

Page #196

एवा कलाश्रुकला) तश्य पुध्वा तोरयमेवाबितनाव ॥थाना | मोल गवतेची पार्श्वना घाय फीक्षा पद्मावृती सहिताय महेम अपविघ कूपाने तलाश स्वादा।। नित्य का पवार ॥संवत् १५३५ वर्षे फालनमा ||पष्टमी दिन रवि वारे ॥ चत्र र निशरोमणि सुलक्ष नेमी दासता दोनापुरपादपरम।। थेयोस्त!
ब
|| श्री धरमात्मने नमः। नम दिदी दरिंद तिलो अग्ररुा उदास माल मिल मोबुबा मिगुरु व सेणं ॥ श झगडाम
एउस लोटींग तिलोअ सितिल एगो लागा गोचर जिसस मुलगी ब साव६ मा ए कि एएचंदी। इस
PL. LVI. & LVII. Two Folio's from Upadesimala Mss. Karnataka, Bijapur, 1678 A.D., (Dr. Sidhartha Bansali Collection, New Orleans).

Page #197

कराया
जाननास्वराया
कनकरथस्यकपर उबराब
राज
बादलाकरमता उगनगरोनी
मशाश्त
चंदनायोमा
PL. LVIII. Folio from a Mss. of Candaraja Rasa, Poona, 1812 A.D., (Muni Shri Punya Vijayaji, Collection).

Page #198

PL. LIX. Buddha in Dhyana Mudra Mukhalingam, Srikakulam Dist.
PL. LX. Ushnisha Vijaya, Mukhalingam, Srikakulam Dist.

Page #199

PL. LXI. Buddha in Bhumisparsa Mudra Mukhalingam, Srikakulam Dist.
PL. LXIII. Buddha in Dhyana Mudra Kollapattu, Nellore Dist.
PL. LXII. Buddha in Dhyana Mudra Vaikunthapuram, Guntur Dist.
PL. LXIV. Buddha in Dhyana Mudra Kunthuru, Nellore Dist.

Page #200

PL. LXV. Remains of Stupa Chaityas, Phanigiri, Nalgonda Dist.
ITIT
PL. LXVI. Dampati Sculpture, Phanigiri, Nalgonda Dist.

Page #201

PL. LXVII. Linear Drawing of Jambudvipa, Konakondla, Ananthapur Dist.

Page #202


Page #203

List of Contributors
Dr. Aloka Parasher-Sen Dr. B.S.R.S. Anjaneya Sarma A. Venkateswarlu Dr. P.S. Gopala Krishna M. Somasekhara Rao Dr. V. Ramakrishna Dr. K. Lalitamba (Late) Sri. Y. Balarama Moorthy Dr. Romila Thapar Dr. B. Rajendra Prasad Lars Fogelin P.R. Ramachandra Rao Dr. Ratan Parimoo Dr. Jitendra Das Dr. J. Sitaramamma Dr. Shu Hikosaka Dr. C.A. Padmanabha Sastry Dr. N.S. Ramachandra Murthy Dr. V.V. Krishna Sastry Dr. Krishna Kumari Myneni Dr. M. Radha Krishna Sarma U. Phyu Dr. M.V. Ram Kumar Ratnam A. Venkateswara Reddy Dr. T.V.G. Sastri Dr. D. Kiran Kranth Choudhary & P. Hema Viraj Shah A. Aruna Dr. (Mrs.) V. Balambal Dr. C.S. Vasudevan Dr. Hampa Nagarajaiah Dr. G. Vijaya Venugopal Dr. M.N. Rajesh Dr. G. Jawaharlal Dr. K.M. Suresh Dr. P. Hymavathi Dr. G.S. Dikshit Padmasri Jagdish Mittal Dr. K. Paddayya Dr. I.K. Sarma Dr. B. Subrahmanyam Dr. E. Siva Nagi Reddy
Cover page Photo details : 1. Adoration of Buddha, Nagarjunakonda,
A.P., 3rd Century A.D. 2. Jade Image of Mahavira, Kolanupaka, A.P.,
14th Century
ISBN: 81-8090-030-4 pp. xxii +386, Figs. 9, PL. 67, Size : 11.25 x 8.75 Year 2004
(Set) 2 Vols. Rs. 3500

Page #204
ABOUT THE EDITOR ALOKA PARASHER-SEN, Ph.D. (SOAS, University of London) is currently Professor, Department of History, University of Hyderabad where she has been teaching since 1979. She was DAAD Fellow at the Sudasien Institut, Universitat Heidelberg in 1986 and Visiting Professor and Fullbright Scholar at the University of California, Berkeley in 1992. She received the British Council Fee Award (1975-77) and the UGC Career Award in Social Science and Humanities (1989-91). She has been Member Indian Council For Historical Research, New Delhi (1994-97) apart from serving on Academic Bodies of various Universities and Research Institutions as expert. Some of her major publications are : Mlecchas in Early India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1991; Absences In History Towards Recovering History Of The Marginal In Early India, Indian History Congress Symposia Series : Monograph 3, Delhi, 1992; Social and Economic History of the Deccan, Some Interpretations, Manohar, New Delhi, 1993; (Co-edited with Harsh K. Gupta and D. Balasubramaniam) Deccan Heritage, Universities Press, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 2000. Subordinate and Marginal Groups in Early India up to A.D. 1500, an OUP Reader Themes in Indian History Series Volume edited by her is in press. She has written extensively in the form of articles, research monographs and encyclopedic entries on the special area of her interest in the Social History of Early India with particular emphasis on looking at the history of marginal groups and regional history. DR. E. SIVA NAGI REDDY, born at Valiveru in Guntur District in 1955, Siva Nagi Reddy, Under went a 4 year training in Traditional Sculpture and Architecture at Tirupati. He did his M.A., in Ancient Indian History Culture and Archaeology from Osmania University. Awarded the Degree of Ph.D. for his outstanding thesis on Evolution of Building Technology in Early Andhradesa (Upto the 14th century A.D.) from the Hyderabad Central University in 1995. He is associated with a good number of reputed and research organisations like the Indian History Congress, A.P. History, Academy of Art and Architecture, Archaeological Society of Indian, Indian Institute of Vastu etc. and has nearly 50 research articles published. Besides, he authored a book on Silpins in Early and Medieval Andhradesa, Co-authored another book entitled Buddhist Inscriptions of Andhradesa. Eversince he joined in the Dept. of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of A.P., as Asst. Sthapati Participated in excavations and transplantation of historical Temples from Srisailam Project area. He is currently involved in the Kakatiya Heritage project taken up by the Dept. of Archaeology. He was honoured and awarded the title Vastu Silpa Vachaspati at the 2nd International Seminar on Mayonic Science and Technology organised by Dr. V. Ganapati Sthapati at Trivandrum in January, 1977. DR. B. SUBRAHMANYAM, born on 28-8-1950 at Guntur in Andhra Pradesh. He pursued his PostGraduate studies in Ancient Indian History and Archaeology in the P.G. Centre, Guntur and obtained his M.A. Degree in 1974 from the Andhra University, Visakhapatnam. He joined in the State Archaeological Department as Technical Assistant in 1975. Since then, he actively participated in explorations, major excavations and the transplantation of temples. He took his Ph.D. Degree from Mysore University, Mysore in 1986 and P.G. Diploma in Public Relations from Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Open University, Hyderabad in 1993. Presently, he working as Assistant Director (Technical) and looking after the Excavations Branch in the Dept. of Archaeology and Museums, Hyderabad. Apart from his participation in Seminars, he has contributed a good number of research papers to various reputed journals and he authored several books. Currently he is busily involved in publishing books on Buddhism and its various facets in Andhra Pradesh. O BHARATIYA KALA PRAKASHAN BKP 3421-A, Narang Colony, Tri Nagar, Delhi (India)