Jinamanjari 2000 04 No 21

Author(s): Jinamanjari
Publisher: Canada Bramhi Jain Society Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/524021/1

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JINAMAÑJARI
International Journal of Contemporary Jaina Reflections
Volume 21 Number 1 April 2000
ISSN 1188-0287
Presenting
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY
OF
JAINA KARNATAKA
SOUTH INDIA
With Theme Guest Editor Dr. Nagarajiah Hampa
Professor Emeritus University of Bangalore
Bangalore, India
a bi - annual publication of BRAMHI JAIN SOCIETY Est 1989
United States and Canada

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JAIN HUMANITIES PRESS
Religio-Historic and Social Studies Publications From North America a Unit of Bramhi Jain Saciety - a non-profit Charitable Organisation - founded in 1989
TanD. USA #37-1263596 and Canada WO855916-39
Presents First of its Publication Titles
JAINISM IN AMERICA by Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar. This is a first ethnographic and social study of Jains in America, dealt in six chapters. It provides an awesome degree of philosophic fervour sans Agaric literalism, plus it is the first comprehensive monograph from academic point of view dealt about Jainism in America. ISBN-09699978-3-3 * 221 pages * Hardbound * Price. $24.95.
CANADIAN STUDIES IN JAINISM by Dr. Bhuvanendra Kumar. This anthology is a rich collection of papers which originated in Canada, and it consists of three sections: Aspects of Early Jainism, Medieval History of Jaina India and Recent Jainism. ISBN-09699978-2-5 * 127 pages * Hardbound * Price $19.95
JAINISM IN TAMILNADU: ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY by Dr. A. Ekambaranathan. The book details extensive new data from ancient to later medieval period under a vista of art and archacology from a collection of data that was never presented before in a single source. ISBN-09699978-1-7* 119 pages * Hardbound * Price. $19.95
For a single suggested donation of $45.00, you will receive all three books, and check made payable to Bramhi Jain Society entitles you tar benefit. In addition, you pay no shipping and handling charges.
Send your order with check payable to Bramhi Jain Society 2072 E Lavieve, Tempe, AZ 85284 in USA.Fax:(602)839-2882 4688 Owl Circle, Mississauga, ON LAZ 2W6.Fax:(905)890-7797

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IN THIS ISSUE
JINAMANJARI for the expansion and diffusion of Jaina knowledge and reflection
1 Introduction - Guest Editor
a bi-annual journal published
every April and October
2 The Ganga Monarchy and Jainism
- Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa
Editor-in-Chief Dr. S.A. Bhuvanendra Kumar
Associate Editor
S.N. Prakash Production Siri P. Kumar Mikal A. Radford
7 Jainism and Early Kadambas and the Cāļukyas of Bādāmi
- Dr. K.S. Shivanna
11 The Rāstrakūtas and Jainism
- Prof. Kamala Hampana
Publication Council
18 Jainism Under Cāļukyas of Kaļyāņa President
- Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa Dr. Dilip K. Bobra Tempe, AZ
22 The Hoysaļas and Jainism Members
- Prof. Kamala Hampana Dr. Pradip Morbia Port Neches, TX
26 Jainism Under the Kalacuris Mr. Sachindra K. Jain
and the Sēuņas Brampton, ON Mr. Jitendra A. Shah
- Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa Edmonton, AB Prof. S.A.S. Kumar
31 Jainism During Vijayanagara Period Bangalore, India
- Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa Dr. C.K. Khasgiwala Andover, MA
37 Jainism During the Wodeyars of Mysore Sachindra K. Jain
- Dr. Vasantha Kumari Brampton, ON - Dr. Mahendra R. Varia
47 Jainism Under Minor Dynasties Martin, KY
- Dr. M. Prasanna Kumar Dr. Narendra Hadpawat Woodmere, NY
52 Jainism Under Minor Dynasties Dr. Pushpa R. Jain
- Dr. M.V. Srinivas Bluefield, VA
60 Art Aspects of Nisidhi Memorials Papers must accompany with
- Dr. Srinivas V. Padigar notes and references separate
from the main text Send to the Editor
65 Cloisters of Jaina Friars in Karnataka 4665 Moccasin Trail, Mississauga
- Prof. Nagarajiah, lampa Canada LAZ 2W5
71 Proselytism of Jaina Shrines | Copyright of Articles is Reserved
in Post-Medieval Karnataka
- Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa

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Jinamaañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
INTRODUCTION
The theme of this edition of Jinamañjari narrates in a nutshell the position of Jaina church and the salient features of its contributions in the realm of civilization, religion, art, architecture, literature and culture. It is well known that Jainism held its sway over southern India, particularly in the state of Karnataka where it had enjoyed a continuous prominence for over a period of fifteen hundred years and still continues to prosper as a living institution.
Jainism bloomed effortlessly under the banner of many major ruling dynasties including the Gangas. the Early Kadambas. the R Cāļukyas, the Hoysalas and the Vijayanagara monarchs. In the medieval and post medieval period, it flowered under the minor ruling dynasties like Kongālvas. Sāļuvas of Sangītapura olim Hāļuvalli and Gerusoppa, Bhairarasa Odyars of Kārkaļa, Ajilas of Veñūr and Caūtas of Mudabidire. Also a number of inscriptions and monuments of many lesser vassals - Prabhus of Āvalinā, Mahāprabhus of Kuppațūr, Morasunāð, Bidanūr, Bagunji-sime, Nuggehalļi - who ruled over different parts of the western Deccan from about fifteenth to seventeenth century attest sway Jainism had in these territories. Thus Jainism achieved an unhindred and facile success on account of the overwhelming and spontaneous support given by the Jaina laity which was comprised of kings, dukes and governors, generals, ministers, traders and their consorts.
Art, architecture and literature of the Jaina creed had a separate identity and its own special features. Mānastambha - a monolithic free standing pillar in front of Jaina temple, the nude human figure of Tirthankaras in either khadgāsana/kāyotsarga, or paryanāsanalpadmāsana postures, Jinaśāsanadevas/yakşa-yakși, and the fly whisk bearers on either side of the Jina are some of the typical traits of the Jaina art and architecture. The term basadi for the place of worship of the Jinas is quite unique to Jainism.
Almost every village in Karnataka had basadi and it swelled to a proportion of over eight thousand by medieval times, particularly in the early reign of the Cāļukyas of Kalyāņa. When everything was going the Jaina way and all roads were leading to Jaina church, a simmering discontent lurking in the dark erupted in C.E. 1184 leading to communal clashes. The history of Jaina Karnataka of the post medieval times records that the faithful were forced to abandon their chapels which were requisitioned by the non-Jains. No retaliation and recourse but they fostered their Jaina tradition of toleration, and religious animosity was no longer an issue with them.
An attempt is made here to offer a comprehensive history of Jaina Karnataka, spread over a period of a millennium. I profusely thank all the scholars who have made contribution to this study of

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Jinamaanjari, Volume 21, No. 1, April 2000
THE GANGA MONARCHY AND JAINISM
Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa
The Mauryas had paved and prepared a conducive infrastructure for a smooth sailing of Jaina faith. The Sātavāhanas reigned in the south till about third C.E., and the first king, Simukha ( 1st B.C.E.) was a follower of Jaina faith. The custom of matriarchy system observed by present Jainas in the south coast of Karnataka can be traced back to the influence of the Sātavāhanas. The Gangas established their kingdom after the Sātavāhanas. Whether they were an offshoot of the Sātavāhanas needs further investigation into the theory. (Ganga) Pērür, believed to be the place of their ancestors and origin, in Andhradēsa, puts an extra stitch into the theory. Albeit, that the Gangas took models from Andhras olim Sātavāhanas cannot be denied. However, the Gangas were an indigenous race like the Rāştrakūtas, the Hoysaļas and the Seuņas. They had a Jaina legacy handed down from the Mauryas and the Sātavāhanas; and in turn promptly transmitted to the Kadambas, the Cāļukyas and the Rāştrakūtas. Kongaộivarma, Kongāļva, Konguvēļir and other similar nomen suggest that Konga and Ganga are cognates. As the initial letter in the word is always pronounced as a voiceless consonant 'k' - in Tamil, Ganga word is pronounced as Konga or Kongu, and Ganganādu as Konngu-nāļu. As such inscriptions of Kongu country (nādu) demonstrate the influence of Jaina faith.
Of the ruling houses of Jaina involvement in Karnataka, the most striking are the Gangas and the Rāstakūtas, two coeval dynasties. Particularly the Gangas. who reigned from the 3rd to 12th C.E., proposed and flourished through Simhanandi, a Jaina sage and the promoter of the Gangas.. Records show that the dynasty owing its origin to the Jain saint became a staunch supporter of that creed.
The Gangas played a dominant role in the socio-cultural milieu of Karnataka and left an indelible mark on the life and thought of the people. The unmatched patronage they gave to Jainism is apparent from their lithic and copperplate records and Jain temple monuments. Some of the Ganga monarchs went so far as to take the vows and to meet their deaths by the rite of sallekhanā.. Along with the Kadambas of Banavāsi, they were the earliest known dynasties to commission the construction of several celebrated basadis which are recorded in inscriptions. The early basadis were of wood and mud construction followed by bricks and finally of stone. Konganivarma Madhava (C.E. 350-75) com a caityālaya in wood on the hillock near Shimoga, and in due course of time, it was renovated and rebuilt in stone.
The earliest brick temples founded by the Gangas in the fourth C.E. were at Perboļal, Uranūr, Noņamangala and Pērür. Madhavavarma-III (ca. 440-69 C.E.), on the advice of his preceptor Viradeva, granted wet-land under the big tank, a
garden and village Kumārapura to the mulasangha abbatial basadi at Perboļal. For Private 2 Personal Use Only

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The Ganga kings continued to be bulwarks of the Jaina creed and obviously Jainism gathered momentum. King Simhavarma's favorite courtesan Nandavva, who had spiritual insight and unequivocal faith in the teachings of Jinas, also commissioned a basadi at Pērür, endowing it with a garden free from all hindrances. To mark the auspicious occasion of his 18th victorious year, Simhavarma granted wet land farm to this basadi at Pērūr. In his 22nd regal year, monk Sarvanandi (C.E. 458) composed the Lōkavibhāga, a Nirgrantha surrogate canonical text.
Avinita (C.E. 469-529) endowed the village Badanaguppe and other gifts to Śrivijaya Jinālaya, and the donee was Candanandibhațara, a pupil of Gunanandibhațara belonging to monastic lineage of Acārya Kundakunda. The influence of Jainism in the Ganga kingdom during the period was such that the prosperous mercantile guilds and the individuals responding to the inclination of Avinita endowed liberal gifts to numerous Jain temples. A charter in fact describes him as bearing the foot-print of the Jina on his heart, as fixed on Mt. Mēru. Durviaita (C. E. 529-79), who was trained under Pujyapada and who authored some commentary works, followed his father Avinita as a far more greater benefactor of Jainism. He commissioned a sarvatobhadra temple at Kogali, which was known at the time as a holy pilgrim center with many basadis. This sarvatobhadra architectural type was the earliest of its kind in Karnataka. Mokkara alias Muskara (C. E.,579-604), son of Durvinita, was an ardent devotee of Puligere-tirtha and founded Mokkara basadi. During the reign of next Ganga king Sivamara-I (C.E. 679-725), the basadi at Kellipusūr (Kelsûr in Camarajanagar district) continued to receive more and more gifts of land and villages, garden and houses, free of all taxes.
King Śripuruşa (C. E.725-88), an illustrious Jain, endowed lands to Kongeśvara Jain temple of Perur and donation to Lokatilaka-basadi which was founded by Kundäcci at Sripura. The king also gifted Malavalli village to the basadi at Tolllagrāma. He also extended favors to the Jaina monasteries of Belagola and Nandihills. During his times, the Jainācāryas - Prabhācandra, Candranandi, Kumāranandi, Vimalacandra, and Säntisena Abbegaļu, a nun, commanded great respect from all quarters.
King Duggamāra (C. E. 788), son of Sripurușa, commissioned a basadi at Hebbalaguppe, and the faithful adherents from surrounding villages granted six khandugas of wet land and six khaṇḍugas of dry land. Śivamāra-II's (C. E. 788-12) reign saw Jainism well entrenched itself in Karnataka, and it made solid contribution to art, literature and philosophy, the king being the chief protagonist. He commissioned four basadis at Belgola, Kummadavāda (Belguam district), Hebbalaguppe and Mulivalli (Mysore district). Mārasimha-I (C. E. 796), son of Śivamara-II, like his father followed the Jain faith and patronized. His commander, Śrivijaya, and an ardent devotee of Jina, had caused many basadis at a number of places, and Jinabhavana at Manne - lofty and imposingly grand - was patronized by the Rāṣtrakūṭa king Govinda-III. King Racamalla-I (C. E.816-53), son of Vijayaditya and younger brother of Sivmāra-II, continued to enhance his Jaina faith as did his uncle. He commissioned a basadi at Pennegadanga and presented with large gifts to it on the

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occasion of his 18th year of coronation. At the instance of his preceptor Ajjanandi, he commissioned cave temples at Valțimalai in North Arcot district of Tamilnadu. Nitimārga alias Ereya Ganga (C. E. 853-869) followed his father Rācamalla-I in the strengthening of the Jaina faith through matrimonial alliance. He gave his daughter Jayabbe in marriage to Būtaga, son of Rāştrakuta king Amoghavarşa. He was great in politics and religion.
Kella basadi and the panca-kuta basadi at Kambadahalli commissioned by him thrived under the patronage of kings and śramana sangha. A basadi at Peggur prospered. He encouraged Jaina art and literature. Gunavarma-I (C. 900) rendered the famous Sanskrit Hariuamsapurana of Jinasena-I (C. E. 783) into Kannada and authored Sūdraka, a campū classic, equating king Ereya with the legendary hero Sudraka. He was a contemporary of great Jainācārya Jinasena, and he died under the initiation of sallekhana, an auspicious end of life through spiritual and religious contemplation. Rācamalla-II (C. E. 877-907 ), son of Nitimārga-I, commissioned two basadis on the top of Vidyādri at Sivamangalam by converting the living rock into quasi eternal temples in honor of the Jinas. During this period, basadis at Kannamangala received gifts for the upkeep of the temple as well as providing food to the Jain ascetics. Kamungare Kantiyar, a disciple of Mandalabhatara, was the mother superior of the basadi complex.
The period of tenth century and the last four decades (between C.E. 935 and 975) of the Ganga dynasty was the golden age of Jaina history in Karnataka. Butuga-II was an avowed Jaina wedded to the cause of spreading the glory of the religion expounded by Jinas. He founded a Jinālaya at Annigere and endowed it with four villages, free from all encumbrances, made Šivalayya basadi at Muguru more prominent. He had married the elder sister of Krsna-III, the Rāśtrakuta emperor and his eldest son Maruladeva had married the daughter of Krsna-III.
Butuga, a grandee of many provinces, had four wives, five sons and two daughters. All of them were extraordinary householders who rendered unparalleled yeomen service to Jaina church. Women of the Ganga's seraglio were also better and more faithful custodians of Jaina traditions and culture. They profusely followed the highest altruistic principles as laid in the canon for the śrāuikas. They had fully conformed with the Jaina law of philanthropy.
Revakanimmadi, eldest wife of Butuga and a Jaina devout lead a religious and ideal philanthropic life. She died at Koppaļa, accepting the vow of sallethanā. Also, Padmāvati alias Padmabbarasi, elder wife of Butuga and who had caused a temple at Naregal and made it rich and famous, went to Koppaļa, and amidst applause and appreciation of all around, accepted the ritual death by fasting. Maladhārideva administered the ritual. While in meditation, she died on 3rd of December 973 C.E.
Kallabbā, younger wife of Butuga, was renowned for her devotion to Jainism. The effects of her zeal for her religion has been extolled in the inscriptions. Divalāmba, youngest of Butuga's consorts had commissioned a Jaina temple at Sūdi. Butuga had made donation of land to it in C. E. 938.
Kundanasomidevi and Bijjambarasi, daughters of Butaga, dedicated their lives to serve Nirgrantha church. They conscientiously performed the four-fold
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the cause of supporting Jainism in unparalleled magnitude. She commissioned a Māņikya-jinabimba in bronze, in C.E. 970. At Koppaļa, she courted death by abstaining from food.
Kundanasomidevi was the first poetess of Karnataka. Her accomplishments in learning and fine arts, her patronage to the erudite, deep devotion to Jinadharma, her knowledge of Jaina doctrine - are applauded in the inscriptions. Koppaļa inscription has the following benediction: with the death of people like Kundaņasomidevi, kind words of charitable disposition like bounteousness and righteousness, vanished from the world.
Mārasimha-II, Butuga's second son, was one of the greatest persons of the period. He was Duke of Gangavādi territory. Inscriptions eulogize his generosity to protect Jainism. He had commissioned basadis at Puligere, Hunugunda and other places, erected āanastambhas and made endowments. He was mainly responsible for the glory of the Rāsțrakuta dynasty. But when he failed in his mission in C.E. 974, he willingly submitted himself to the inevitable death by the rite of sallekhanā, in presence of his preceptor Ajitasenacarya.
Cămundarāya (Raya, An. n. a), Priminister and General of the Gangas, commissioned the monolithic colossus of Lord Bāhubali at Śravaṇabelgola. Ha also commissioned a basadi, named after himself, on the smaller hill a Sravaṇabe!goļa. On top of it, his son Jinadevana commissioned another basadi. Rāya's early life was devoted to wars but later life was wedded to religious activities. Both Ajitasenācārya and Nemicandrācārya were his preceptors. The latter, bearing the surname of Siddhānta Cakravarti, encoded the quintessence of Jaina philosophy in the Gommata-sära, a major canonical text in Prakrit. Raya also wrote Camundarāyapuraņa in Kannada, Caritrasāra in Sanskrit, and Viramārtānda, a commentary which is not extant. His younger sister Pullabba, followed her ideal life and finally embraced sallekhanā in the Candranātha basadı at Vijayamangalam, where a bas relief depicting the scene of Pullabbā engrossed ir deep meditation exists to this day.
Epitome
Jainism found a congenial home and royal patronage in the domains of the Ganga monarchy which produced some of the eminent protagonists who vehemently vouched Jainism. Gangas had a strong tradition of spiritual lineage which started from their first-mentor Simhanandi. The Gangas with their latei overlords - Rāstrakuțas - together shouldered the yoke of Jain chariot and pushed i1 to the apogee of popularity, and that was undoubtedly the best period of its glory Succeeding ages will revere the Ganga memory as their contribution to the Jair iconography, art, architecture and literature is peerless. They provided the strong infrastructure for Jainism in Karnataka and thus have carved a niche in the temple of fame in the history of southern India. ole

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. M.V. Krishna Rao, The Gangas of Talkad, Madras, 1936. 2. Nagarajiah Hampa, A History of the Early Ganga Monarchy and Jainism, The Later Ganga: Mandali Thousand, Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions-X Rayed, Bangalore, 1999; and A History of the Rāstrakūta Monarchy and Jainism, Bangalore 2000. 3. Padmanabh S. Jaini, The Jain Path of Purification, Berkeley, 1079. 4. B.L. Rice, Mysore and Coorg Inscriptions, Mysore 1909 5. S. Srikanta Sastry, Early Gangas of Talkad, Mysore 1952. 6. I.K. Sharma, Temples of the Gangas of Karnataka, Delhi, 1992. 7. B. Sheikh Ali, History of the Western Gangas, Mysore, 1976.
Scenes depicting migration of Pontiff Bhadrabāhu in 4th B.C.E.
MUM
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Jinamaañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
Jainism and the Early Kadambas and the Caļukyas of Bādami Dr. K.S. Shivanna, Mysore
The Kadamba monarchy ruled from C.E. 345 to 530 C.E. Its capital was Banavasi situated in the modern North Canara district. Mayurasharma founded the political power of the dynasty and ruled up to 360 C.E. Important rulers were Kongavarma, Bhagirathavarma and Raghupativarma (360-425), Kakutsavarma (425-450) and Ravivarma (485-519). Their territory was comprised mostly of modern districts of North and South Canara and Shimoga.
The Calukyas of Badāmi or Early Western Cāļukyas ruled from 6th to 8th C.E. and their capital was Badāmi in the modern district of Bijapur. They were probably peasants before their advent to the position of warriors and empirebuilders. Jayasimha was the founder of the dynasty. Mangaleśa (C.E. 597-610) and Pulukeśi-II (C. E. 609-625) were important rulers. Their territory included northern and parts of southern Karnataka in the Tungabhadra river area.
An examination of the growth of Jainism under these dynasties of Karnataka cover the period from 4th to 8th C. E.
Jainism had come into existence in Karnataka much before these two dynasties and even before the arrival of Buddhism. The names of Candragupta Maurya of Maurya dynasty of North India and Bhadrabāhu, his religious preceptor, were associated with the foundation of Jainism in Karnataka in 4th B.C. E. Its popularity in the first century B.C. E. may be understood by the fact that Acārya Kundakunda was the preceptor of a Sātavāhana prince.' Thus, Jainism existed in Karnataka for nearly one thousand years, and during the Kadamba-Cāļukya period, Jaina faith made further progress.
Jaina scholars were in the service as advisers in the administrative machinery of the Kadambas. For example Kumāradatta, a Jaina scholar was an adviser to Kadamba Ravivarma (C. E. 485-519) and the latter took his advise on the matters related to religious affairs. Queen Māladevi was a patron of Jaina matha at Kuppatur. It is said that Jain monks belonging to various sanghas like Śvetaputas, Yapaniyas. Kurchakas and Nigranthas were in position of influence in the Kadamba administration.
Celebration of Jinendra utsava in karthikamāsa was a grand event in Kadamba capital Banavāsi. For this purpose, necessary things were collected and stocked for the occasion by the order of king Ravivarma.3 The rulers commissioned Jain-basadis. The Gudlnapur inscription refers to Kama-jinalaya at this place commissioned by Kadamba ruler. King Mrigesavarma had commissioned a basadi at Halasi in Belgaum district. On these accounts and other examples, J.F. Fleet and K.B. Pathak have concluded that Kadamba rulers were Jains." Umbali - land grants free from all taxes by Kadamba rulers provided economic strength for the growth of Jainism in Kadamba country."
Following the footsteps of the Kadambas, the early Western Cāļukyas of Bādāmi and their officers patronized Jainism in various ways. Jain monk Udayadevapandita, disciple of Pujyapada, was the preceptor of Vinayaditya (C. E.

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681-696). During his visit to Raktapura, Vinayāditya gifted lands to a Jaina teacher belonging to Mūlasangha and Devagana. According to an inscription at Lakshmeswar, king Vijayāditya ( C.E. 696-733) gifted the village Sankholalu situated south of Puligere, which is modern Lakshemeshwar. The donne was Jayadeva Pandita who was the disciple of Vāmadevācārya. The purpose of the grant was to facilitate Jinabhattara who was residing at Sanka-Jinalaya.
In the 7th C. E., the army of the early Western Cāļukyas had many Jains. It was warrior class engaged ideologically in violence, which, in fact is completely in contrast to the Jaina Law of Ahimsa. The Jaina laity often belonging to warrior class and all the Thirthankaras in purvasrama were of the same class, Jainism allows war in self-defense, with least possible destruction. Hence among Karnataka Jains many pursued kshatriya occupation. The classic example comes from the period of Bādāmi Cāļukya period. Jaina Ravikirthi was a trusted commander of king Pulukesin-II. He was also a great Sanskrit scholar and wrote prasasthi sāsana on the eastern wall of Meguti basadi, which he commissioned at Āihole in Bijapur district. It is dated C. E. 634. Ravikirthi belonged to Yāpaniya sangha." Jaina warriors like Ravikirthi, spent part of their earnings, on the construction of the basadis which in a way promoted the propagation of the faith. It may be noted that the medium of expression of the Jaina warrior-ruling class of the period appeared to be Sanskrit.
One of the important developments in the history of Jainism during the period and place under study was the popularity of Yapaniyas. The earliest mention of the Yāpaniyas is most likely in the inscription of Jain Emperor Khārvela." In fact they were very dominant and had spread their influence in Karnataka at the time, as several inscriptions testify. The rulers of Kadamba and Cāļukya dynasties liberally gifted pieces of land to the Yāpaniyas. However, at present it is totally merged with the Digambaras. According to Devasena, author of Darsanasāra, we know them from C. E. 148, which means only 60-70 years after the beginning of the split in the Jain church into Svetambara-Digambara traditions.
Kālaśacărya established the Yápaniya-sangha at Gulbarga in C. E. 148. Besides Gulbarga, there were Yāpaniya centers at Adaki, Sedam, Halasi, Rona etc." belonging to the districts of Belgaum and Dharwar. Perhaps due to their dual allegiance, it was disowned by both Svetambara and Digambara traditions. Hence, the sangha later on either dwindled in importance or merged with the Digambaras. 14 Following is the subdivisions of the Yāpaniya sangha: a. Anvya: Kirtyācārya,'S Mailapaló b. Gacchas: Koțimaduva, " Nandi18 c. Ganas: Kanduru," Kareya, 20 Koti-maduvu?!
In a Jaina temple at Doddabasadi in Belgaum there is a ruined inscription on the pedestal of an image of Neminātha. It states clearly that the temple was commissioned by Pārisayya in C. E. 1070 and the image was installed by the Yapaniyas. 22
During this period, an interesting aspect of basadis emerged under the name of Pattada-Basadis. They were also called pattadajinalyas or Thirthankara-basadis. Pattadabasadi for Kadambas was at Palasika and for early

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Cāļukyas was at Puligere. It is necessary to explain the significance of pattadabasadi.
"The concept of a pattada-basadi is exclusively a Jaina invention, particularly in Karnataka. Kadambas and also Cāļukyas (and others) had their pattada-basadis, also called pattadajinalavas - "the crown temples" of those royal houses. The ruling king and palace would invariably possess a pattada-rani_(the crown-queen), pattada-katti (the crown sword), pattada-simhāsana (the crownthrone). Analogues with this is pattada jinalaya alias pattada-basadi (the crown Jinālaya). It is obvious that every royal family will have its own temple for the exclusive worship of the members of the palace. But the Pattada Jinalaya is conspicuous because there are no parallel term in other Hindu sects like pattadaŚivalaya or patta-Vishnugeha or patta-brahmaālaya.' Kamajinalaya is another intersting name of a basadi during the Kadamba Period.
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Meguti-basadi at Aihole stands for synthesis between Digambara and Svetambara traditions. It perhaps reflects the idea of Yapaniyas. In this basadi dominant position is given to Lord Mahavira because of his image is in the garba-griha, whereas in the wall of the mantapas were placed Lord Parsvantha, other Thirthankaras and also Mahavira's disciple Gautama. At Badami, cave no 4 is dedicated to Ādinātha Thirthankara and it belongs to the reign of Kirthivarma and Mangaleśa of the early Calukya period. Puligere, Palasi, Kuppatur, Bhandavapura and Balligave were famous centers of Jain religion and they attracted faithful. The Jaina monasteries were centers of education.
25
26
24
The period under study is an interesting one from the point of view of the emergence of Jaina intellectuals in Karnataka. Acarya Samantabhadra in the Kadamba times, Jațasimhanandi, Śrivardhadeva and Kaviparameśți during the early Cāļukya period were outstanding Jaina scholars and theologians and they employed Sanskrit in their compositions.
29
Samantabhadra27 established Vanavāsi-gaccha and Banavāsi or Vanavāsi was not only the capital of the Kadambas, but also a famous Jaina center. In Jaina literary tradition and history, Samantabhadra has been considered as the first Sanskrit poet and the first composer of Jaina-stotra form of religious literature. He was also a great philosopher. He has praised all the 24 Thirthankaras in his stotra composition, which has literary beauty as well as philosophical vision. Jațasimhanandi28 lived during the Cāļukya period and belonged to Koppaļa in Raichur district. His work is Vārāngacarita in Sanskrit. This is Jaina-puraṇakavya. Its impact has been noticed by the scholars on Adipurana of Jinasena. Srivardhadeva, a Sanskrit poet who lived in the 7th C. E. wrote Cūdāmaṇi which is not extant. Kaviparameśti30 was another Sanskrit writer, but unfortunately no work of his is available. Ravikirthi's Aihole prasasthi in Sanskrit is a unique literary piece composed by a Jaina scholar. It has been considered as Khanda-kayya in Vaidharbhi style. He has claimed fame equal to Kāļidāsa and Bharani and to some extent it is true. In this way Jainism revealed its identity through purāṇa-kavya and darśana medium in Sanskrit. For the first time in the history of Karnataka Jainism, 'carita' type works came into existence. Thus early Kadambas and early Cāļukya periods which cover 4th to 8th C. E. was a significant period in the history of Jainism. Firstly, Jainism was patronized by both the dynasties. Secondly, apart from saints and teachers, army For Private &9ersonal Use Only
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commanders contributed to its growth and in this regard the name of Ravikirti stands out remarkably. Thirdly, cave and structured Jaina monuments appeared. Pattada-basadis, and Kanna-Jinalayas were in many respects were unique. Fourthly, Yapaniyas enjoyed popularity both under the Kadambas and the early Cāļukyas. Lastly, Jaina writers of this period used Sanskrit as a medium of religious expression and 'Purana-kavyas' and 'Caritas' made their appearance more in the Jaina-intellectual heritage. ♣
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Sreenviasa Murthy H.V. and Ramakrishna R: Karnatakada Ithihāsa. Second Edition, Mysore 1987,.p.42.
2. Ibid, p. 61
3. Ibid.
4.Gopal, B.R: Karnatakada Ithihasa, p.93, Mysore University, Mysore 1986, 5. Ibid, p. 94.
6. Sreenviasa Murthy H.V. and Ramakrishna R, p.6
7. Ibid.
8.Gopal B.R: Op.cit, P. 131
9. Ibid.
10. M.V. Krishna Rao and M. Keshava Bhatta: Karnataka Ithihasa Darśana., p. 206. 11. Indian Antiquary, Vol. II, pp.156-159: Krishna Rao and M. Keshava Bhatta 12. JBORS IV. p. 389
13. M.V. Krishna Rao and H. Keshava Bhatta, p. 206.
14. Muni Uttam Kamal Jain: Jaina Sects and Schools, Delhi 1935. pp. 133-134
15. Ibid., p. 135
16. IA. XII, p. 11
17. Ibid, XVIII, p. 309.
18. EI, IX, No.6, 19. Ibid.
20. Ibid., XVIII, p.201.
21. JA, IX (ii), p.69.
22. Jaina Sects and Schools
23. EI, IX, p.47.
24. H.M. Nagarajiah Hampa, The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand, pp.63-64.
25. B.R. Gopal, Karnataka Ithihasa, p.93.
26. H.V. Sreenivasa Murthy and R. Bhatta; p.61; B.R. Gopal, p.134.
27. Ibid., p.53.
26. Immadi Shivabasava Swamy, Sanskrita Sahityakke Karnatakada Koduge, Samvahana, pp. 16-19, Mysore, 1999.
28. Ibid., pp, 35-43.
29. Ibid., pp.43-44. 30. Ibid., pp.44-45.
31. B.R. Gopal, pp. 131-132.

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Jinamaanjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
THE RĀŞTRAKŪTAS AND JAINISM
Prof. Kamala Hampana, Bangalore
After vanquishing the Cāļukyas of Badāmi (Vātāpi), the Rāştrakūtas founded their great kingdom, vaster than any before their times, which included most of Dakšiņapatha. It was the greatest of India's imperial dynasties. According to Suleman (C. E.. 851), the famous Arab traveler, the Rāştrakūta kingdom was so enormous that it was considered as one of the four major kingdoms in the world. The Rāstrakūta era thus had ushered in the golden age of Jaina renaissance in all walks of life.
The powerful Dantidurga had conquered the shaky Cāļukyas. In his campaign of northern India, he seized Avanti and assumed the imperial title of Rājaparameśvara in C. E. 753. He was succeeded by his nephew Krishna-I (C.E. 756-72) who sealed the fate of the Cāļukyas and began the commission of Ellora temple. Reputed Jaina logician Bhatta-Akalankadeva was a contemporary to these two monarchs. According to Peterson, Akalankadeva and his brother Niskalanka were the sons of Subhatunga alias Krishnarāja, the Rāştrakūta emperor. Akalanka has been regarded as a great dialectician and the founder of medieval school of logic. The Mallisșena-Prasasti of Sravanabelgoļa mentions Akalañkadeva as a prestigious dialectic disputant at the court of Sahasatunga Dantidurga. It states that there was no other grandeur king like Krisnarāja on earth and no other erudite scholar like Akalanka. He remained a popular poet and his works are highly venerated. He confuted the Buddhists at the court of Himaśitala in Kanci in C.E. 788. It is also believed that he studied at Sravanabeļagoļa and became a monk at Maleyür, which is also known as Kanakagiri in modern Mysore district..
Akalankadeva has a number of works to his credit, prominent among them being: Tattvā-ratna-rāja-vārtika (a commentary on Tattvārtha-sutra of Umasvami), Siddhiviniscaya, . Laghivastravi, Astašati (the earliest commentary on the Aptamimāmsa (Devāgama-stotra) of Samantabhadradeva and other works on Jaina epistemology and logic.
According to Professor and historian Jyoti Prasad Jain, successive rulers - Govinda-II (C.E. 777), Srivallabha ( C. E. 779-793), Govinda-III (C. E. 793814) and his son Amoghavarşa (C. E. 815-877) followed their aggressive policy for further consolidation of their reign into a powerful kingdom whose boundaries had spread as far as Kerala and Kānchi in the south, Māļwa in the north, almost entire Gujrat and parts of Rājāsthan and in the east, their suzerainty over Vengi Cāļukyas was complete. A.S. Atlekar, an authority on the history of Rāstrakūtas, has observed that the Jainas formed one third of the total population of this southern region, and they were represented by all sections of the society - rulers and traders; farmers and labors; soldiers and scholars; artists and administrators. Atlekar also has opined that the contribution of the Rāstrakūtas
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institutions being accredited as educational centers, which were often had a Jain basadi connected for religious precepts and practices as part of the curriculum. They were ancient schools of learning comparablee to that of the present universities.
Subhatunga Indra, father of Dantidurga, governor of Lata, commissioned Subhatunga-Vasati, a Jaina temple in Vātagrāmapura (Vāțana-gara, Vādner in Nāsik district of Mahārāśtra), which has the modern name of Vāņi village near Dindori. “In the small range of Candor hills located at about eight kms north of Nāsik, there are a series of caves known as Cambharlen caves which were used by the Jaina ascetics as their habitat. There was an educational institution attached to the place. Professor Jyoti Prasad Jain has compared this institution to that of the modern university. According to him, the Vātgram university was possibly established by the Pancastūpānvaya ascetics who were later came to be known as Senagana in Decan. In the fifth century C. E., one of the famous scholars of the group, Guņanandi traveled from Vāraṇāsi to Pahadpur in Bengal where his disciples established a famous center called Batgobāli. In the sixth C.E., another scholar - Rşabhanandi traveled to the south. {His pupil] Srisena [had as pupil] Candrasenācārya who lived in the first part of the eighth C.E. [and] anticipating the expansion of the Rāstrakūa empire, he founded the Vātgram University in Candor hills."[Jinamañjari, Vol.9, No.1, April 1994] The University flourished for about 150 years. Ācārya Nayanandi who composed Sudarsana Carite in C. E. 1042 refers to the University and this reference, according to Jyoti Prasad Jain, "suggests that Nayanandi himself had visited and seen this institution and wrote in praise of what had been not only heard but seen.” “ The University of Vātgram, in its time and its place, surely stands in the ranks of Taxila, Nalanda and Vikramsil institutions of (earlier) India."
The traditional canonical and primordial Prākrit text Şațkhandāgama (SixSectioned Canon) is one of the oldest aphoristic post-canonical work in the Jaina system belonging to Digambara tradition. Saint Dharasena transmitted it to his two disciples -- Puspadanta and Bhūtabali, who committed the Āgamic knowledge to writing during the Mahāvira Era 614-683, which corresponds to C. E. 87-156. The first section was composed by Puspadanta and the other five sections were composed by Bhūtabali.
Of the many voluminous commentaries known to have been written on the Şatkhandāgama, only Dhavala of Virasena (C. E. 743-820) has become well known. The composition is said to have begun in the year C. E. 792 and completed on the 8th of October C. E. 816. (Jinamañjari , Vol. 18, No.2 October 1998]
Professor Jyoti Prasad Jain has observed that Virasena (circa C. E. 710790) was possibly of royal descent being an illegitimate son of Mori (Maurya) king Dhava?appadeva of Citogadh in Rājāsthan. He was at Vātgram university and he was sent to study Jain siddhānta under Elācārya, one of the great scholars of canonical works of the times, at Citrakūtpur (Cittor). Returning to Vātgram institution where Rector Ācārya Aryanandi had initiated the studies on canonical works such as the Şaskhandāgama, Virasena - who had become proficient in Agamas - undertook the gigantic commentary work. Jayasena was
his colleague and Daśarațaguru, Śripāla, Vinayasena, Padmasena, Devasena and For Private12Personal Use Only

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Jinasena-II were the leading disciples at the Vātgram University. The launching of this voluminous commentary of 72,000 verses on the Şaskhandāgama took place during the reign of Jagattunga-Govinda-III. Under Virasena the work was completed by only 20,000 verses, but it did cover an important section of the vast lore of Jaina scripture. As Virasena had commenced it during the times of Govinda-III, who had the title of Tribhuvana-Dhavala, he christened the work as Dhavala.
The period of Amõghavarsa is considered as the Augustan age of Jaina literature. Mahavirācārya, a skilled mathematician and court-poet states in his Gaạita-sāra-samgraha that the subjects under the rule of Amõghavarśa were happy and the land yielded plenty of grain, 'may the kingdom of Amoghavarsa, the follower of Jainism', ever increase far and wide.
Jinasena-I belonged to Punnāta-sangha, an ancient Jaina congregation in Karnataka. He wrote his epic Harivamsa-purāņa and completed it in C. E.. 784. It is one of the early Jaina creative works in Sanskrit that inspired the later Jaina writers to compose in Sanskrit, in addition to Prākrit.
Jinasena-II, versatile in Prākrit and Sanskrit, and scholar pupil of Virasena, and a grand disciple of Āryanandi, wrote Pārsvābhyudaya-kavya, much earlier in C. E.. 782. He continued the commentary on the Șatkhandāgama which his teacher Virasena had it left incomplete. He completed it in C. E. . 837-38 composing 40,000 verses to Viraasena's 20,000 verses. He named it JayaDhavaļa after his royal disciple Nypatunga Āmoghavarşa who had the title of Atisaya-Dhauala.
By far the most widely and the most influential of his works is Adipurāņa. Dexterous Jinasena started composing Adipurāņa, but when the work had progressed to 10,380 verses, he passed away.
Ācārya Guņabhadra, poet-scholar and pupil of Jinasena-II, continued, in all earnestness, the incomplete work of Adipurāņa. He composed 1,620 slökas to the first part - known as Purvapurāņa - of Ādipurāņa. The combined verses of the two parts is called Mahāpurāņa. Guņabhadra composed another 9,500 verses to the second part of Mahāpurāņa and called it as Uttarapurāņa Thus, Mahāpurāņa containing 20,000 verses, is a significant Maha-kavya which has been the source for all Kannada Jaina Purāņas. The Ātāmanu-sāsana is another philosophical work of Guņabhadra, who was also a preceptor to Krsna-II, son of Amõghavarśa. Jinasena-II's greatest gifts were poetry and commentary in both of which he displayed such remarkable sensibility that makes it difficult to judge in which he excelled better.
Adipurāņa is relevant to contemporary times, steeped in material acquisitions and blind to the voice of the spirit.
Grammarian Pālyakirti Sākațāyana, also a court poet of Amõghavarsa, wrote his famous grammar sākatāyana along with auto commentary AmõghaVrtti, named after his king. This work is a vivid example of the Jaina school of grammar.
Srivijaya was another Jaina author and poet-laureate in the court of Amõghavarśa. At the instance of the king, he also composed Kavirājamārga, a treatise on Indian poetics, Srivijaya heralded a new era of practically opening the flood gate for a rich harvest of Kannada literature in all genre. In the context

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of Karnataka, Kavirājamārga was the first on many fronts like grammar, poetics and prosody, geographical boundary of Karnataka and its people; and dialects of Kannada language.
Śrivijaya also wrote Candraprabhapurāṇa
the first Jaina purāṇa in Kannada language, and Raghuvamsapurāņa - earliest poem in Kannada on the theme of Rāmāyaṇa based on the material from Kaviparameśți's Vägartha Samgraha (c. 8th C. E.), a biography in Sanskrit of 63 great men of Jaina mythology.
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Poet Asaga (C. 9th C. E.), a contemporary of Śrivijaya, was another noted Jaina genius of the times. According to the statement of Jayaklrti's Candõnusasana (C. E.. 935) - a Sanskrit work dealing with Kannada metres - Asaga has composed five Kannada kavyas of which Kumara-sambhava was most celebrated.
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Ugrăditya (C. E. 770-840), a pupil of Śrinandi and a confrere of Lalitakirti composed Kalyāṇa-kāraka a medical work at Ramagiri, the modern Rāmakonda in Viśākapatņam district. He visited the court of Amōghavarśa to deliver discourse on meatless diet and vegetarianism for health and spiritual progress.
NrpatungaAmoghavarśa, referred as Jaina Asoka of the Rastrakūta empire, was a pupil of exalted Jinasena-II. He was a faithful follower of Jainism. "The king Amōghavarśa remembered himself to have been purified that day when the luster of the gems was heightened in consequence of his diadem becoming reddish by the dust-pollen of Jainasena's foot-lotuses appearing in the stream of water-like lustre flowing from the collection of the brilliant rays of his nails" [Uttarapurāṇa].
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Amōghavarśa was a child of 14 years when he ascended the throne of an imperial dynasty. Having grown and nurtured in the learned Jaina matha, he was sensitive and sagacious, but pious, possessing an independent spirit. He had appointed Gunabhadra as the preceptor for his son Krishna-II. He originated the ritual of the Jaina monasteries at Banavāsi. The Ganita-sara-samgraha of Ācārya Mahavira graphically describes king's initiation to Jainism. The king himself had authored Prasnottara-ratna-mālikā in Sanskrit.

Amoghavarsa shines like a polar star on the firmament of the Raṣṭrakūta kingdom. He had a long innings of over three score and more years, sufficient to irk his son Krishna-II. The prince could not wait any more to succeed to the throne, lost his patience and came out openly claiming his legitimate right to the throne. For an aged father this was too much to swallow. Paradoxically, for the over grown and long awaited son, this was the question of now or never. Thus, peculiar situation of the prince revolting against the crown would have been fatal but for the timely intervention of Bankeya of Cellaketana family a Jaina dynasty who stood firm by the king like Olympus. Bankeya alias Bankarāja, with his political wisdom tactfully handled the aggravated and complex situation; and bridged the gulf and saved the prestige of both the king and the prince. Bankeya, Duke of Banavāsi, was amply rewarded by the overwhelmed emperor who showered bounties. The modern Bankapura town in Dharwar district was named after him. The emperor formally renounced the throne and spent time in practicing Jain tenets. Later, Lokate alias Lokaditya, son of Bankey, was made
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governor of that province. It was at this time, Gunabhadra completed the last cantos of Maaapurāṇa. at Bankāpura in the year C. E. 897.
Jaina scholars continued to flourish in the Rastrakūta period. Manikyanandin composed Parikṣamukha on which a commentary called Prameya-kamalamartaṇḍa was written by Prabhācandra, who also wrote another commentary on Akalanka's Laghiya-straya, called Nyāyakumudi-Candrodaya. Later, Indranandi (C.E. 930) - preceptor of famous Kannada Poet Ponna (C. E. 965) - produced Samayabhuṣana, Śrtāvatāra, Nitisāra (which records some of the orthodox and heterodox Jaina schools and sects) and Jvälinikalpa.
During the reign of Krishna-III (C. E. 938-968), the last recognized emperor of the dynasty, Jainism reached greater heights expanding on all fronts. Somadevasuri was the distinguished scholar of the age. He was a monk disciple of Nemadeva of Deva-sangha, a cohort of Mulasangha, the original congregation. He composed Yasas-tilaka in C. E. 959-60, the date synchronizing with Krishna-III's victorious camp at Mēlpāți. Krishna repulsing the Pandyas, the Simhala, the Auca and the Cerama, had camped at Mēlpāți. Vāgarāja alias Baddega, elder son of Arikesari-II a Rāṣṭrakūta feudatory, and king of Vēmulavāḍa - a Calukya branch had patronized the Yasas-tilaka, unmatched classic of its type. It can be compared with the Kādambari or TilakManjari. Somadevasuri also authored another important work, Niti-Vākyāmṛta which is on par with Artha-sastra of Kautilya.
an
Prakrit literature also flourished under the patronage of Rāṣṭrakūta monarchs. Svayambhu and his son Tribhuvana-Svayambhu composed major Prārit works. Akālavarṣa wrote two works - Pauma-Cariu (Sk. Padma-Carita) and Rittha-Nemi-Cariu (Harivamsa purāṇa), which he could write upto 82 chapters. Later, Tribhuvana-Svayambhu completed the remaining last eight chapters. Svayambhu-Candas, another work of Svayambhu, deals with various metres employed in Prakrit and Apabhramsa kavyas.
Mahākavi Puspadanta who flourished during the reign of Krishna-III has written three kavyas: Tisatthi-Mahāpurisa-Guṇālankāru (Sk. Triṣastimāhāpuruṣa-Guṇālańkāraha), Jasa-Hara-Cariu (Sk. Yasodhara-Carita) and Nagakumara-Cariu. The first one is an epic which deals with the lives of Tirthankaras, Cakravartis, Baladevas, Vasudeva and Prati-Vasudevas. Jasa-HaraCariu deals with most popular Jaina narrative theme of king Yasodhara and his queen Amrtamati. The last work extols the merit of Śruta-Pancami.
Nemicandra-Siddhanta-Cakravarti, abbot of Sravanabelagola monastery and preceptor of Camundaraya, gives the very quintessence of Jaina philosophy in Gommata-sara which contains two books, Jivakāṇḍa and Karmakaṇḍa. The work is based on both Şaṭkhandagama and its commentary, Dhavala. His other works, Dravya-sangraha deals with the jiva and ajiva concepts. The gahās (Sk. gathas) reflect an extraordinary grip over Prakrit language.
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During the Rāṣṭrakūta period Kannada language and literature received greater impetus. The earliest extant Kannada work, Ārādhanā-Karṇāṭa-Tikā, also known as Vaddārādhāne was authored by a great Jaina saint called Bhrājiṣṇu. (circa C. E. 800). It is a commentary on the Prakrit work Aradhana of saint scholar Śivakoti. Ārādhanā-Karṇāṭa-Tikā contains 19 short stories, each glorifying the virtues and special features of Jaina monkhood and nunhood.
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Kannada Poets Pampa, Ponna and Ranna are considered as Jina-samayadipakas' and 'ratnatrayas.' Pampa (C. E. 941) had his laureateship in the court of Arikesari-II, King of Vemulavāda branch of Cāļukyas - a feudatory of the Rāstrakūtas. Pampa and Ranna started their carrier as soldiers and ended up as great epic writers of the age.
Pampa, the greatest of Kannada poets, has composed two epics in campu style, immortalizing Kannada language. In Vikramārjuna Vijava, he has compared his patron king Arikesari, with that of Arjuna of Mahābhārat. He has abridged the story of Rśabha in 16 cantos in his Ādipurāna, borrowing the theme from Jainasena's work of the same name.
Ponna, another celebrity of the epoch making age, was a poet laureate in the court of Krishna-III who conferred on him the title of 'kavi-cakravarti' (king of poets). He has written Bhuuanaika Rāmābhyudaya - a laukika kavya and Santipurāna, an agamika kāvva. Emperor Krishna and two Jaina brothers - Mallapa and Punnamayya from a family of warriors were his pa a direct disciple of Indranandi, a Jaina patriarch in Manyākhēța.
Cāmundarāya, one of the greatest patrons of Jainism, took up the cause of his faith towards the last decade of his life. Till then, he spent most of his time on the battle field, participating in a number of successful wars in favor of his over-lords, the Gangas and the Răstrakūtas. He befriended Ranna, a famous literature of his times, and translated, in an abridged form, the entire Mahāpurāņa of Jinasena and Guņabhadra. He completed Trişasti-Laksaņa-Mahāpurāņa, also known as Camundarāyapurana in C. E. 978. He has also written Cäritrasāra in Sanskrit, and Vira-Mārtānda in Kannada, which is not extant.
The history of Jainism of Rāştrakūta period will not be complete without a reference to the Gangas, who ably and faithfully assisted their overlords. Though they had crossed swords initially, they soon realized the importance of moving together to foster the greater interest of the state. They had a common faith to serve. Because of their joint efforts, Jainism attained the status of a state religion. With their marriage alliances, men and women of both the houses liberally patronized Jaina temples and monasteries throughout the kingdom. In the hours of political crisis they stood by each other, even at the cost of their precious lives. Mahāmandalēśvara Butuga, his sons, daughters and four wives all extended maximum support to the glory of Jinadharma by constructing Jaina temples at different places like Annigere, Puligere (Laksmesvara), Naregal, Koppaļa, Hungunda, Kogaļi and Sravaṇabeļgo!a.
Subhatunga Indra, father of Dantidurga had commissioned a Jinalaya in Vadner in Nasik district of Mahārāştra and Amõghavarşa, who granted a village and lands for the Jaina temple commissioned by Bankeya in C. E. 860 at Konnur in Dharwar district. He also made a grant of land for the Nāgulabasadi whose pontiff was ācārya Nāganandi. The king also founded a basadi at Candanapuri in Nasik district. In C. E. 902, noble Bittayya commissioned a basadi at Bandaļike in Shimoga district, and Lõkațeyarasa, governor of Banavāsi under emperor Krishna-II, made gift to the temple. In C. E. 915, Indra-III donated two villages to it. Feudatory Prithvirāja founded a Jinendra bhauana at Savadatti in Belgaum district during the rule of Krishna-II. In C. E. 925, Nāgyya

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commissioned a Jaina temple at Asundi in Gadag district and the chief abbey of Dhora-Jinalaya of Bankapura diocese was also administering this basadi.
Mahasamanta Śrivijaya caused a Jaina temple at Manyapura in Bangalore district and prince Raṇāvaloka Sauca Kambadeva donated Pervvadiyur village in C. E.. 802. Vijaya-uasati Jinālaya at Talakādu was famous and it had a grant of Vadanaguppe village received by Vardhamana Guru. In C. E. 813, JagattungaGovinda-III gifted Jalamangala town to the Jaina temple in Saligrama. Śamkaraganda caused Jaina temples at Koppala and in Andhra country.
Jainism continued to be a paramount religion of the Rāṣṭrakūta empire with the flag of Ahimsa fluttering atop Jaina places of worship at Malkhed, Lakṣmeśvar, Hombuja, Śravanabelgola and a number of places in Andhra, Mahārāṣtra, Tamilnadu and Gangavāḍi. Mārasimha accepted sallekhanā at Bankapura and died in C. E. 974. Indra-IV, the last emperor of Rāṣṭrakūta dynasty also ended his life at Sravanabelgola by sallekhana in C. E. 982. ♣
REFERNCES
1.Altekar, A.S.: The Rashtrakutas and their Times: (1934), Poona, 1967.
2. Gopal, B.R.: (ed) The Rashtrakutas of Malkhed, Bangalore, 1994.
3. Nagarajaiah, Hampa: A History of the Rastrakuta Monarchy and Jainism, Bangalore: 4. Rajasekhara, S: Raṣṭrakūta Art in Karnataka, Dharwad: 1991. 5.Yazdani, Gulam: (ed) The Early History of the Deccan, Parts VII-XI (1960), 1982. 6. Jinamañjari, Vol. 9, No.1 April 1994 and Vol. 18, No.2 October 1998.
Nisidhi of Rästrakūta Indra-IV, C.E. 982,

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Jinamaañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
JAINISM UNDER CĀĻUKYAS OF KAĻYĀṆA Dr. Nagarajaiah, Hampa, Bangalore
The age of imperial Cāļukya rule was a period of intense political, cultural, literary and socio-religious activities in Karnataka. They extended the empire of the Rāṣṭrakūtas that they inherited, covering the border areas of the present day states of Andhra Pradesh, Maharastra, and the north-eastern belt. The long and active rule of the members of Cāļukya dynasty between 973 and 1186 C.E., had made significant contribution. Numerically speaking the largest number of inscriptions are of the Calukya monarchs. Tailappa-II, his sons, grand sons and the successive rulers expanded the kingdom in all directions, establishing political stability. In fact, Karnataka witnessed highest number of Dukes and governors during this eon.
From Tailapa downwards upto mallikāmōda Jagadēkamalla Jayasimha, all the early monarchs were Jains, according to available inscriptions. "(Jainism) covered many parts of Karnataka and exercised such a powerful influence among its inhabitants that it enjoyed for sometime the privilege of almost universal doctrine. During the sway of the Gangas and the Raṣṭrakūtas in particular, until the advent of Later Cāļukyas, Jainism played the conspicuous role of a state religion and contributed immensely to political history as well as cultural dimensions of Karnataka, particularly its literary eminence and architectural grandeur" [A History of Karnataka, p. 301].
The above observation is vouched by a number of contemporary charters. The Cāļukya dynasty was highly indebted to a particular Jaina family of the noble lady Attimabbe. Her father Mallapa, her uncle Punnamayya, her husband Nāgadēva and her son Annigadeva - were the illustrious generals in the army of Tailapa. They fought bravely and in the process Nāgadēva and Punnamayya lost their lives on the battle field, the latter on the banks of river Caveri, on the extreme south. Gundamayya and Abhavamalla, brothers of Attimabbe also joined the army and enhanced the glory of the family. Dallapa, father-in-law of Attimabbe, was the chief minister, chief of army and chief of the royal records. Thus, an entire family assisted the kingdom for generations.
Nāgamayya, supremo of Punganur in Vengideśa gave away gifts and encouraged Jainism. His sons, Mallapa and Punnamayya were devout Jains, noted scholars and connoisseurs of art and literature. When Jinacandra - preceptor of their family and ascetic of great fame passed away, Mallapa and his brother commissioned poet Ponna (C.E.965) to author Santipurāṇa, biography of Tirthankara, for the merit of monk Jinacandra.
Attimabbe strictly adhered to the principles enunciated in the gospel of Jina. She helped the scholars, creative writers, singers both vocal (gayaka) and instrumental (vadaka), story tellers, reciters, dancers, actors, soldiers the destitute and orphans. She founded an amazing figure of 1501 Jaina temples and distributed 1500 images of Jinas, 1500 gold coated glittering lamps, 1500 festoon, 1500 gong and bells to ring while worshipping the god and 1500 mandasanas, For Private Personal Use Only

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(wooden chests for placing) Jina-pratimas. She got 1000 copies of śāntipurāna re-copied on palm-leaf and distributed freely to the householders. She also patronized Ranna (C.E.993) a major poet of the period who composed Ajitapurāna, biography of Ajitanātha Tirthankara. Thus she earned the title of 'Dāna-Cintāmani-Attimabbe' from the Cāļukya emperor.
Tailapa (C.E. 973-97) was the lay votary of the adept Jinacandra-muni and his son Satyāśraya Irivabedanga (C.E. 997-1008) was a lay pupil of Vimalacandra panditadēva. Uninterrupted assistance continued during the reign of these two emperors, father and son, who evinced personal interest. After usurping the Rāstrakūta kingdom and establishing his own dynasty, Tailapa and his son continued Maļkhēd as their residence and Jaina officers, who were under the hegemony of their predecessor's rule. in different cadre and hierarchy were continued to serve the new monarchy. Surprisingly most of the crucial and consequential bureaucracy had Jainas. Besides, the Cālukyas had emerged to the Imperial status with the support of Jaina community and Jaina friars. Sāntivarma. one of the governors of Tailapa, founded a Jina sanctuary at Saundatti and dedicated it to Bāhubali Bhattāraka, in C.E. 980. At Mulgunda, Kereyamma a subordinate, erected a monolith mānastambha in front of Jaina shrine, in C.E. 977. King Tailapa, while camping at Rodda, near Pāvagada, in C.E. 992, granted land, completely exempted from all taxes, to the basadis of Kogaļi and the endowment was entrusted to Ganadhara Bhattāraka, the diocese.
Tailapà honored Ranna, poet-laureate and polyhistorian, with the title of'kaui-cakravarti' (poet-emperor) and presented him with 'Madanavātāra' a parasol of rarity. Till then such an unique distinction was awarded only to Puņiseya Maruļadēva - the Ganga prince - son of Butuga and son-in-law of Krishna-III, again, all the three of them being Jainas.
Ranna (C. 950-1010 C.E) a versifier of eminence was more than a match to any lyricist of the Cāļukya dynasty. He started as a soldier in the army of the Gangas, rose to high rank by the favor of Cāmuṇdarāya, shifted his allegiance to Cāļukyas. He has been credited with two poems - Paraśurāma Carite and Cakrēśvara Carite, which are not extant. Of the surviving works - Ajitampurāņa (C.E. 993) and Sähasa-Bhima-Vijaya olim Gadāyuddha are considered as the best poems of this time.
King Satyāśraya, educated under Jaina pontiff, profusely showered favors on Jaina community. During his period, Jainism held its sway over the elite and the common folk alike. A post-obitum slab was set up at Angadi, for the memory of his Jaina teacher in C.E.990. He endowed Brahma-Jinalaya with Cakravartidatti and a golden kalaša, at Lakkundi. It was caused by the celebrated Attimabbe as her 1501th Jaina temple that she alone had commissioned, in the year C.E. 1107-08. Ranna has authored an epigraph, his last work with which he has bid good bye to his magic wand of creative genius.
Satyāśraya's daughter Mahādēvi was the queen consort of IrivaNoļambadhirāja-Ghateyankakāra, a dedicated Jaina, who had endowed the Jaina house of worship at Maravoļal. Satyāśraya had expressed his deference to the venerable Jaina nun Nāyibbarasi-abbegal, Jaina-dharma-samuddharane, a savior of Jaina faith. During his reign, Răcațūri Jogasāmi had caused a Jina image and a
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A pillar at Cilūr in Hydrabad district in Andhra records a grant of land made by Daņdanāyaka Padmanabhaiah, a general of Vikramāditya-V, to the Aộnal-Atiśaya-Pārsvadēva of Indrada Jinalaya attached (prati-baddha) to the Antara-Vasadi of Cilakuru. Annal is a Dravidian word, equivalent to Sanskrit Arhat Atssava implies an extraordinary glory phenomena of the image of Pārsva. The nomen Indra-Jinalaya clearly suggests that the Jaina shrine was a creation by the Rāstrakūta emperor Indra-II or Indra-III.
After Vikramāditya-V, (C. E. 1008-14), Ayyana-II (C. E. 1014-16) also
usly contributed to the upkeep of Jaina basadis. Jainism blossomed to its best during the government of Jagadēkamalla Jayasimha (C. E. 1015-42). He had two typical Jaina cognomen of Mallikamöda, delectable like Jasmine, and Vadiraja Jagadekamalla, a pupil of Jaina ācārya. He founded a Jaina shrine at Maski in Raichur district and was named as Jagadekamalla-Jinālaya.
One of the earliest inscriptions of the period of Jayasimha, dated C.E.1015 is from Kodakani, a famous Jaina center where Nemisețți of Nunnavamsa commissioned a Jaina shrine. Jayasimha founded another Jaina temple dedicated to Sāntinātha Jina at Balligāve and the grants he had made were again renewed by Vikramāditya-VI in C.E. 1068, at the time of his elder brother's coronation. Āyca Gāvunda, for the merit of his spouse Kancikabbe, caused a basadi at Hosur in Gadag district, in C. E. 1028. Jaina temple and cloister of Jaina monks at Marola of Hungund taluk in Bijapur district thrived in this time with a number of Jaina ascetics actively preaching the tenets of their creed; gifts of land to the Jaina temple is recorded in an inscription of C.E. 1028.
Sõmaladēvi, daughter of Jayasimha and Akkadevi, sister of Jayasimha favored Jainism. Aggalayya was a famous Jaina physician of the kingdom. He had the titles of Vaidya-ratnākara, an ocean of medicine, and Pranācārya, master of the (human) soul, and he was the royal physician. At the request of Aggalayya, wizard of Ayurveda śāstra, Jagadēkamalla made a gift to two Jaina temples of Buddhasena-Jinalaya at Muccananapalli and VaidyaratnākaraJainalaya at Ikkuriki in Nalgonda district of Andhra.. Jayasimha who certainly professed Jainism gave an added impetus to the cause of Nirgrantha creed.
Trailokyamalla (C.E. 1042-68) continued backing Jainism. Akkadevi gifted land to a Jinalaya at Arasibidi (Vikramapura) for the maintenance of the establishment and to its monks and nuns, in C.E. 1047. Grants were given to another Jinalaya in C.E. 1044, and to Balligāve basadi in C. E. 1048. Baladeva, minister for war and peace, gave an estate to Nayasena-I, a Jaina monk, as trustee for the supply of food to the Jaina-āyatana at Mulgund in C.E. 1053. Lakśmanrpa, Duke of Banavāsi-12,000, granted estates to the Jaina temple at Ansigere, which was later renewed by general Rācidēva. About a dozen lithic records establish that Trailokyamalla was more auspicious to Jaina church. During this period, Sridharadēva authored Jātakatilaka, a work on astrology.
During the period of Bhuvanaikamalla (C.E.1068-75) all the conditions were propitious to a smooth sailing for Jainism. Laksma-nrpa again continued to help it to bloom without let at Aņņigere, Puligere and other holy places.
Tribhuvanamalla - who had Vikramāditya-VI as his first name - succeeded Bhuvanaikamalla, and alone ruled for over half a century (C.E.1076-1126). That was the best of prosperous years for Jaina community. Never before or after, For Privatno Personal Use Only

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Jaina society flourished without hindrance for such a long period under one particular king. The only parallel example would be of Amõghavarşa. Like him, Vikramāditya was also born and bread, and educated in a Jaina atmosphere, molded in the Jaina crucible. Scores of charters speak of his and his vassals who made gifts and gave endowments to the Jaina sanctuaries and monasteries. Hundreds of new basadis were commissioned and many more renovated.
Enthusiastic Jaina pious votaries expended their wealth on basadis, tanks, reservoirs, channels, feeding houses and digging wells. In their frenzy for glory, Jains had built too many temples - constructed north to south and east to west, marking an effective penetration of Jaina activities in Cāļukyan territory. Perhaps at a later stage they realized that their ancestors had spent too much of wealth and energy on places of prayer.
The Cāļukya rulers gave a distinct character to Jaina art and architecture. The temples and caves of this period are in fact a precursor to a distinct Jaina style that was translated into a more elaborate, impressive and integrated style during the later periods of the Hoysalas, where it reached its zenith in decorative element.
The Yāpaniya sangha flourished during these years. It followed the middle path of bridging the gulf between the two extremes - Digamabara and Svētāmbara traditions - within the orbit of Jaina philosophy and code of conduct. This sangha had started its chapter in Karnataka at Kalyāņa in Bidar district and by fifth century it had assumed the position of receiving royal reception from the Early Kadambas. It grew from strength to strength upto the period of Kalacuris and Călukyas. The period between C. E. 980 and 1180 was the golden age of Yāpaniya sangha; that was the best of time, and the year after 1184 C.E was the worst of time.
The Yāpaniyas transmitted a very rich Nirgrantha cultural tradition exercising their sway for over eight hundred years in Karnataka. Like their predecessors, the Cāļukyas widened unstilted patronage to Jainism..
Towards the closing decades of the Cāļukyas, things did not move well with Jainism, desperately struggling against hostile forces. It was hardly able to establish structures of the size and splendor of the Gangas and the Rāstrakūtas, and even that of the Cāļukya period upto C.E. 1184. They could at best safeguard their cultural inheritance through restoration of the disintegrated structures. do
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. S.A. Bhuvanendra Kumar (ed) Jinamañjari, Vol.10, No.2, 1994. 2. P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs: Solapur, 1957. 3. G. Jawaharlal, Jainism in Andhra, 1994. 4. Kamala Hampana, Attimabbe and Cāļukyas, Bangalore, 1995. 5. Nagarajiah Hampa, The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand, Bangalore 1999; Aprops of Vikramaditya-VI and Jainism, Tumkur, 1999; Jina Pārsva Temples in karnataka, Hombuja, 1999; Yāpaniya Sangha (Kannada), Hampi, 1999. 6. M.S. Nagaraja Rao (ed), The Calukyas of Kalyāņa, Bangalore 1983. 7. Padmanabh S. Jaini, The Jain Path of Purification, Berkeley, 1979. 8.B.A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism, Poona, 1938. 9. A.N. Upadhye, Upadhye Papers, Mysore University, 1981.

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Jinamaañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
THE HOYSAĻAS AND JAINISM Dr. Kamala Hampna, Bangalore
Resurgence of Virašavas and their open encounter brought hard times for Jainas, particularly in the region of north Karnataka, which resulted in the inevitable conversion of Jainas enmasse. Those who could afford to resist the proselytization began slowly to move away to hospitable places and to seek the favor of other kings in distant regions. They also moved further north to Kolhapur and Sangli region in Maharastra, and southwards to old Mysore and Tuļunādu region. Albeit, this set back was duly compensated by the Hoysalas who patronized Jainism.
The name of the dynasty is traced back to Sala who was a pupil of sage Sudattācārya belonging to the Jain monastery at Angaḍi. There is an incidence for the source of the family name Poysala/Hoysala. It is believed that Sala under the order of his preceptor - "poy Sala," smothered a lion with Kunca (dagger). The very derivation of the phrase needs reinterpretation. The phrase is a Kannada compound word consisting of two free morphemes, Poy + Sala. The initial letter p, a bilabial aspirant, in the phrase was changed to h- in medieval times. Thus, Sala becomes known as Poysala, following the incidence, and eventually Hoysala.
The incidence is a symbolic expression of an historical event. The word poy carries a suggested meaning, as smothering of tiger which stands for the act of obliterating the Cola rulers who were the enemies. The tiger is the symbolic representation of the Colas destroying Jaina seats and the creed as a whole. Thus the meaning of the phrase 'poysala' is 'strike (the) Colas' whose royal insignia was tiger. The command of sage Sudatta to his warrior class disciple Sala was to raise his arms against the Colas. The mutation of the initial letters S- and C- is an established phonetic factor, and hence Sala and Cola are cognates.
The incident with its symbolic expression of an historical event is fortified by two facts: firstly, it gave the dynasty its name, and secondly, most of the Hoysala monarchs were Jains. The latter fact is attested by their constant and significant royal cognomen, 'samyaktva-bhūṣaṇa' - ornament of the faith in the teachings of the Jina. Besides, Vāsantikādēvi alias Padmavatidāvi - Jaina yakṣi was the family deity of the Hoysala dynasty.
The Hoysalas took off from Angaḍi olim Sosevūr in Cikkamagalur district. Of the ten lithic inscriptions from Angadi, nine are of Jaina origin A good number of basadis also existed, along with a Jaina monastery.

The Hoysalas, with Halebidu, (Dōrasamudra) as their nucleus, started as feudatory rulers of the imperial Cāļukyas, and gradually founded independent kingdom. Like the Gangas, the Hoysala dynasty which owed its origin to a Jaina saint, chose to nurture and follow the faith, as far as possible, and favored the Jaina church to bloom without permit. As a consequence, the Jainas managed to keep both their tradition and their community intact and revive its early opulence
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and might. Vinayāditya (C. E. 1050) - one of the earliest Hoysļa rulers - laid strong foundation for the sustenance of Jainism.
Of course, there were many more Jaina luminaries, both men and women, who perpetuated the cause of Jaina church. Jainism reached its apogee in the epoch making era of Bittideva alias Vişnuvardhana. Pleased by Gangarāja's accomplishments, Bițțivardhana granted the village Parama which was in turn made over to the Jaina temple. Boppa, Ēcirāja, Põcikabbe, Lakşmi and others - all of Gangarāja's house - made very many grants and gifts to the subsistence and sway of Jainism.
A careful study of the epigraphic and literary sources divulge that Hoysaļas followed the traditions of the early Karnataka monarchs who had set the precedent of selecting their royal teachers from famous Jain centers. A distinct and distinguished factor of this eon is that many of the ministers, generals, treasurers and other officials at the helm of the state affairs were devout Jains. Bharata, Boppa, Gangarāja, Mariyāne, Puņisimayya, Vişņu - etc were famous generals who actively advanced the cause of Jainism by either founding or repairing Jain temples. Undisputedly the greatest of all the generals was Gangarāja, who was equal only to Mārasimha, Būtuga and Cämuņdarāya and second to none. His victories on the battle field were many. His endowments to the cause of his faith were numerous. Myriads of ruined Jaina temples were built again. Many ways in which Gangarāja made his unbounded gifts caused the Gangavāļi region shine once again like Jinavāļi of golden days.
Hullarāja, the Hoysaļa minister - treasurer, heralded a golden chapter for the sustenance of Jainism which continued to prosper for centuries. He commissioned the huge Bhaņdāra basadi at Sravanabelgoļa. He continued his work of rebuilding dilapidated basadis at Kellengere, Bankāpura, Koppaļa and other places which had passed into political limbo. Thus he enhanced the status of Jainism.
A conspicuous characteristic factor of this complex age is followers of different faiths and creeds living under a common roof. Members of one and the same family following separate religion but yet living under the same ceiling was common in this period. Husband and wife belonging to diverse caste or sect did not divorce but made a happy couple and a harmonious living. The royal couple with divergent faiths, Višņu and queen Sāntaladevi, had set a model to the kingdom in this respect. Her mother was a staunch Jaina and father was a Saiva.
Vişnuvardhana had several queen consorts, but foremost of them being śāntaladēvi - samyaktva-cūdāmaņi ('crest jewel of perfect faith in the teachings of the Jina).. Being an ardent follower of Jinadharma, she contributed to the flourishing state of sāadvādamata. She founded Jaina shrines at Sravanabeļgoļa and other places. Epigraphs of her times have eulogized her commitment to Jainism and acclaimed her many acts of merit. Prabhācandra Siddhāntadēva, scholar teacher and patriarch of Jaina diocese, was her preceptor. This crowning glory of the Hoysaļa kingdom undertook sallekhanā at Sivagange - a Jaina place of pilgrim - in the year C. E. 1131. On hearing the sad news of the death of her daughter, her mother Mācikabbe was greatly disturbed, and immediately rushed to Sravaṇabelgoļa, to be initiated to sallekhanā. Mārasingayya, her husband and father of Santale, who had embraced by this time the Jaina faith of his wife also
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An epigraph at Sravaņabelgoļa has framed her picture with silver lining of extoling her virtues in the following words:
Santaladēvi was a rampart to the Jaina faith, delighting in the narration of stories related to Jainism, taking pleasure in gifts of food, shelter, medicine and learning, pure in Jaina faith, kind to the blessed, having the head purified by the fragrant water of Jina.
After the celebrated dānacintāmani Attimabbe, it is the illustrious śāntale who has been the cream of Jaina culture in the history of Karnataka.
Acaladēvi alias Āciyakka, was consort of Candramouli, a Saiva minister. In matters of religion, women had freedom is something commendable. She was a disciple of Nayakirtideva. Having her faith in the glorious Jina, caused to be made a fine temple for the Pārsvanātha at Sravanabelgoļa King Vira-Ballāļa granted a village for the maintenance of the temple.
After Vira Ballāļa, Jainism witnessed a general trend of more encouragement offered to Vaisnavas and Saivas.
One of the important phenomena of the Hoysaļa times was liberal patronization of Jaina literature by the cultured aristocracy. The period is noteworthy for the rich crop of Kannada literary works, secular as well as religious. Mallikarjuna, Janna and Kesirāja belonged to a Jaina family of scholar authors, holding many distinguished titles. They adorned the court of Hoysaļas and were credited with the compositions of academic excellence.
Mallikārjuna compiled Sūuktishudhārņva an anthology of several hundred stanzas selected from many early classics grouped them under 18 categories. This work contains some rare verses from unknown sources. Thus he is the first editor of old Kannada classics, and the earliest author to quote stanzas from inscriptions. His son, Janna of the Hoysaļa court is decidedly the best writer of the Hoysaāa kingdom. He has authored three long epigraphs of historical importance, all are of non-Jaina nature. His Anantanāthapurāņa is a long poem in campu style, narrating the biography of the 14th Tirthankara. But his master piece is decidedly Yasodhara carite, based on Vādirāja's Sanskrit work with the same title. In recognition of his substantial contribution to the religious dogmas and philosophy of the Jaina school of thought, king Ballāļa-II had honored him with the title of 'kauicakravarti' (poet emperor),
Kesirāja, cousin of Janna, wrote Sabdamaņi-Darpaņa, a masterly treatise on grammar, based on Sabdasmrti. of Nāgavarma. Rājāditya is credited with a number of mathematical works and is the second Jaina writer to take up writing on that subject after Mahāvirācārya. Jagaddaļa Somanātha translated KalyāņaKāraka, a Sanskrit work of Ugrāditya.
Many monks and nuns of eminence flourished in the kingdom at various Jaina monasteries - Śravaņabļgoļa, Muļgunda, Kanakagiri-Tirtha, Hombuja, Lakkundi, Bankāpura, Aņpigere, Puligere, and Koppaļa. Prabhācandra, Māghaṇandi, Mēghacandra, Nayakirti, Subhacandra, Sripāla Traividyādēva and other renowned ācāryas adorned the period with their spiritual counsel. Under their guidance, many Jaina seats were recovered and revived. Many new Jinālayas were commissioned in a number of centers and the old ones were renovated. Hoysaļa kings and their feudal tenants founded Jaina shrines and

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endowed them with generous grants. Akkana basadi and Savati-gandhāvarāņabasadi at Śrtavaņbeļgoļa, Jina Pārsva temple at Mattāvara, magnificent Sāntinātha basadi at Halebidu, Majduvoļala-Tirtha on the hills at Mandalagiri near Tumkur, Triküta-Pārssa-Jinalaya at Yellādahaļļi and the temples at Taņdaga, Heggere, Nitļūru, Kardāļu and Tailangere deserve a special mention.
Conclusion Jainism received immense impetus and thrived amidst revivalist movements. Despite their sectarian preferences, the Hoysaļa rulers, on the whole, adopted the deliberate policy of tolerance towards all religions. They favored Jaina institutions, bestowed lavish grants and gifts on Jaina shrines. Perhaps it would be appropriate to consider that the period of Hoysaļas was the last stronghold of Jaina Church in Karnataka. Even though Jainism continued to be fairly influential during the Vijayanagara period also, it was no match to the extensive royal condescension that Jainism enjoyed under the monarchs from the Gangas to the Hoysaļas. The decline of Jaina faith was irreversible and its strength became mainly restricted to certain pockets such as the Tuļuva country. do
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. William Coelho, The Hoysala Vamsa, Bombay 1950. 2. J.P.M. Derret, The Hovsalas. A Medieval Indian Royal Family, London 1957. 3. P.B. Desai, ed., A History of Karnataka, Dharwar (1970) 1081. 4. M.A. Dhaky and Michael W. Meister, Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture, South India, Vol.I, Plate II, 1986. 5. A. Gosh, ed., Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol.II, Delhi. 6. Colleyer Kellesson, Hoysala Artists, Their Identity and Styles, Mysore 1990. 7. Foekema Gerard, Hovsala Architecture: Medieval Temples of Southern Karnataka, Vol. I(text), II (plates), 1994. 8. S.K. Maity, Masterpieces of Hoysala Art, 1978. 9. Nagarajiah Hampa, The Later Gargas: Mandali Thousand, Bangalore 1999; Jina Pārsya Temples in Karnataka, Hombuja 1999. 10. S. Settar, The Hoysala Temples, 1952. 11. Ghulam Yazdani, ed., The Early Histopry of the Decan, Parts VIII-XI (1960) 1982.

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Jinamaanjari, Volume 21, No. 1, April 2000
JAINISM UNDER KALACURIS AND THE SÉUNAS
Prof. Nagarajiah, Hampa, Bangalore
The predominant Cāļukya kingdom which held its sway from C.E. 973-74 to C.E. 1150 and also for another three decades with a small break, almost unabated, suffered a jolt from inside and a revolt from outside. Taila-III was defeated and captured by Prolarāja, king of Warangal. Ceasing the opportunity, Bijjala alias Bijjana - a subordinate and related to the imperial family matrimonially - usurped the throne in C.E. 1156 and established himself at Anộigeri, a Jaina seat, as his capital.
It is said, and wisely so, that history repeats itself. What the Duke Bijjana did was a rehearsal of what Tailapa had done to the Rāstrakūtas earlier in CE 97374. Army General Rēcana, who had the other two aliases of Rêcarasa and Rêcaprabhu, was of surpassing excellence of this period. A passionate Jaina, he developed the domination of Jaina sway during the period. He was the was son of Nāgambikā and Nāirāiyaņa, and husband of Gowri. He had inherited the wisdom and prowess of his great grand fathers - Dallappa and Mallapa of Attimabbe, who had helped Cāļukya king Tailapa-II to usurp the Rāştrakūta throne in C.E. 973-74.
Army General Rēcaņa, who had the other two aliases of Rēcarasa and Rēcaprabhu, was of surpassing excellence of this period. When the Cāļukya monarchy was tottering to its fall, he guided and ably assisted Bijjaļa. Thus, the Kalacuris emerged all of a sudden, like a bolt from the blue, under the rebellious chief Bijjaļa alias Bijjaņa, giving a severe blow to his Cāļukya overlords. Contemporary charters applaud his key role in initiating Bijjaļa. Rēcaņa, the army general and the Duke of Nāgarakhanda, who had a number of titles but Vasudhaika-bāndhava (the only kinsman of the world) was popular, became the real architect of the Kalacuri sovereignty.
Bijjaļa declared himself as an independent ruler initially from Anộigere and later from Mangaļavēdhe, and finally to Kalyāṇa as his capital; all these places being the pivot of Jaina church.
Historinas differ about the affiliation of Kalacuri soverigns. Whether they were, in the context of their existence in Karnataka, Jainas or Saivas, or the disciples of Kalamukha sect is a million dollar question. According to Viraśaiva and Jaina literary sources, Bijjaļa was born at Ingalēśvara - a Jaina centre; was a Jain; and a grandson of Vikramāditya-VI from maternal side.
During his rule king Bijjaļa commissioned Jaina edifice at Cipparagitirtha, a Jaina piligrimage place. An ancient Jaina house of prayer at Māļakavate i Solapur district, Maharāștra was renovated. To this Pārśva temple, his queen consort Rambhādevi made endowment in C.E. 1160. In the following year, Bijjaļa gave gifts to Māņikya Bhattāraka Jinālaya at Kannadige olim Bābānagara, for renovation and painting.
Kalidevisetti installed catur-vimsi Tirthankara image, and commissioned a cathedral at Mantagi in Hanagal taluk. The donee was Nāgacandra Bhattāraka. Arasigavuņdi and Nāgagāvunda gave grants and gift of land in C.E. 1168 to the

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choultry attached to the Jaina monastery and Rşabha basadi at Gotigadi village, which is situated in Rāņibennur taluk, Hāveri district.
The Jain centres at Adaki in Gadag district and Nadi-Haraļahalli were thriving well, along with the traditional centres like Sravaņabeļgo!, Hombuja and Lakkuņdi. The basadi at Kandalagāv in South Solapur district was enriched with many donations. The Jain temple at Karadikal in Lingasāgur taluk, Raicur district also was flourishing. This temple at Karadikal was later converted into a Hindu temple of Virabhadra.
Jaina Rēcaņa, who had a number of titles but Vasudhaika-bāndhava (the only kinsman of the world) was popular, developed the domination of Jaina sway with his illustrious career in politics and socioreligious matter.
Rēcaņa's attachment to religion and devotion to righteousness were exemplary. He founded Sāntinātha basadi at Lakkundi in Gadag district, sahasrakūta basadi at Arasikere in Hassan district and a Jināgāra at Jinanaāthapura in the outskirts of Sravanabeļagoļa. He patronized poet Acaņa who authored Vardhamanapurāna, a campū classic in 16 cantos.
Boppadeva, minister of Rēcaņa, a great philonthropist as a steadfast Jaina, commissioned Sāntinātha basadi at Bāndhavapura which was his residence and a popular Jain centre owing to two Jain sages - Bhānukirti Siddhānta and his pupil Nayakirtibrati. Sankara, a governor, commissioned a magnificent ratnatraya temple in C.E. 1178 at his headquarters Māgadi in Sikāripura taluk, Shimoga district. At this shrinre, Rēcana, Boppa and Sankara formed an assembly and endowed it with many more grants, free of imposts.
Rēcaña had developed the domination of Jaina sway during the Kalacuri period with an illustrious career in politics, administrartion and socioreligious affairs. However, he wisely shifted his allegiance - when all the six princes and successors of Bijja!a failed to raise to the great expectation - to the Hoysaļa monarchy that had originated under the influence of Jaina saint Ācārya Sudatta. Rēcana became Hoysala minister and chief of State Accounts. Thus, the Kalacuri rule culminated as quickly as it rose to power.
The Cāļukyas could not consolidate their political power due to powerful and hostile attacks on all fronts by the Sēunas in the north, the Hoysaļas in the south, and the Kākatiyas in the east. They were obliterated from political scene.
The Sēuņas, who were initially subordinate chiefs under the Rāstrakūtas, proved their prowess and political awareness when they ceased the opportune in taking full advantage of the incompetence of the Cāļukyas towards the end of 12th century. Singhaņa-II completed the conquest which Bhillama-V had commenced in C.E. 1186.
The Sēuņa established their authority in the northern region, up to the river Tungabhadra. From south of Tungabhadra river to river Caveri, their campaign was unsuccessful as they faced more powerful Hoysaļas in the area. Thus, the vast empire of the Cāļukyas, which had spread from the river Narmada in the north to the river Caveri in the south, was divided between the Sēuņas and the Hoysaļas, with river Tungabhadra being the line of control.
Like the origin of the Gangas and the Hoysaļas, the fountainhead of the Seuņs is connected with Jaina tradition. The records of their origin is preserved in
the Năasikakalpa, of inaprabhasūri. It narrates that when saint Divaņa (Sk. For Private Se7ersonal Use Only

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Dviyāna) burnt Bāravai (Dvārāvati), the Yādava dynasty was on the point of being exterminated. The sage respectfully rescued the pregnant wife of the Yadava ksatriya Vajrakumāra from the flames. She came and lived under the refuge of Candraprabhasvāmin, 8th Tirthankara. She gave birth to a son in the Kuntivihāra and the baby was named Dadhapahara (Drdhaprahāra). When he came of age, he grew to be a mighty warrior, able, single handed to fight a hundred thousand combatants.. In that city the Yādava dynasty took root once more and with great respect they repaired the temple of Candraprabhasvāmin. (Indian Antiquary, XII, p. 124]. Svayambhū (c. 8th cent. C.E.), a Prakrit author of Jaina faith, has mentioned Sēuņa country in his cpic Paumācaria. He states that the river Bhimārathi is the ambrosia that flows in the Sēunadēśa.
arly this account agrees with a similar epigraphic record of Dēvalai. It is possible that the author of this charter had an access to Jaina source. legend looks like a later fabrication, it has an element of history whether the nomen Sēuņa is a variant of Savaņa, a Jaina friar, needs consideration. Dadhapahara, with the vouchsafement of Candraprabhasvāmi founded Candrādityapura as his state house. Of the Sēuna monarchs, Sēunadēva alias Seunacandra-III, a devout Jaina, extended more condescension to Jaina church. Anjanēri epigraph opens with obeisance to the five supreme divinity of the Arhats, the Siddhas, the Acāryas, the Upadhyāyas and the Sarvasādhus, a typical Jaina formula. Sēuņacandra endowed Candraprabha basadi with a grant of two shops for its sustenance.
A grant of land and money was endowed in C.E. 1220 to the Pārśva temple founded by Nägasiriyavve at Kandagal in Hungund taluk, Bijapur. She was a nun disciple of Sakalacandra Bhatļāraka of Mūlasangha, Kāņura-gana, during the reign of Yādava Singhaņa. Bāyideva a general of Singhaņa, re-endowed the Goñkajinalaya at Tērdāl, and also gave fresh grants of 36 mattar land.
A mutilated charter discovered inside the fort of Koppaļa (C.E. 1244) records the grant of lands to the Jaina temple. Another epigraph of Sorab number 149, states that Singhana dandādhipati, who had the title of Jaina-cūdamani ( an head jewel of Jaina faith) combating bravely attained the abode of gods.
One of the extraordinary persons of distinction during this period was Bācisetti. He was all in all in the Seuna kingdom. He was holding t
prime-ministership. In addition, he was holding some other portfolios - General of the army, Rājasrēșthi (president of the state chamber of commerce), bāhattara-nivõgādhi-pati (chief of staff). He also was commander governors of the Karnataka region.
Bācisețți was dauntless and daring in repulsing the Hoysaļa king. It is worth pondering, regarding the identification of Singhaņa-dandanāyaka mentioned in the Sorab charter no. 149. This illustrious person who laid down his life on the battle ground may be identified with Bācisesti, as the temporal term and the common title of Jaina-cūdāmaņi equation sound reasonable.
Bācisețți and his consort Candalādevi had an illustrious daughter, Rājaladevi, who, like her parents, was a fervent devotee of Sāntinātha Jina. She endowed lands for the renovation of Srivijaya Jinalaya at the capital Puligere in C.E. 1247. Padmasena Bhattāraka of Pogarigaccha cohort of Jaina monks and nuns of the original congregation, was the chief abbot of the local diocese. For Private Personal Use Only

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Sāgaradatta, an affluent trader from Ayodyā, and a legendary figure of honor for the merchant community, on his sojourn to the southern Jaina holy pilgrim centers had founded the Srivijaya Jinalaya at Puligere olim Laksmēśvar.
Altruism continued to the next generation also in the family of notable Bācisetti. His adopted son Pāyisetti, solemnizing the auspicious occasion of concluding a Jaina religious rite in the premises of the temple, commissioned a caityālāva at Kalkeri. Pāyiseịți walked into the hall of fame stepping the footprints of his father, under the direction and advise of Kamalasena Bhattāraka, a pupil of Dharmasena Traividyadeva of Mūlasangha, Sēna-gaņa.
Ādūr in Hāveri district was a nerve center of Jainism for over a period of thousand years, from the time of Bādāmi Cāļukyas. Recently seven more epigraphs of the period of Singhaņa-II, and Rāmadeva have come to light, confirming its prominence in the history of Jainism. Bāgvve - lady pupil of Sirişandi Bhattāraka of Sūrastha-gana, and a spouse of Padeuaļa Cațțayya of Bankārra - died in C.E. 1247 by the rite of sallekhanā at the Adūr Jaina temple. At the same center, yatis like Kumārasena-muni, Mādhavacandradēva, Anantakirtiyati, Muniśvarayati and Devendrayati also performed penance.
A number of nisidhi inscriptions of this age have recorded the names of many Jaina ascetics and their followers who extended benevolence to the flourishing state of Jainism. A lady devotee had founded a basadi dedicated to śāntinātha at Piriya Siggali. During the period of Kannara, mahāpradhānas, manneyakāras, hitturkāras made land gifts. Sarvadhāra-Nāyaka, an officer of Kannara, endowed a part of the income accrued on certain customs to Anantanātha caityālaya which was earlier commissioned by Pāyisețți at Kalkeri. Pārsva temple at Agarkhēd olim Kheda continues to enjoy grants at this time.
Kūcirāja was another prominent officer of king Mahādeva. He was a dedicated Jain, and for the merit of his consort Laxmi, he commissioned Pārsva basadi and endowed the chapel with a grant of land. “A fragmentary record from Laxmeśvara mentions some basadis like the caturmukha, (and the ones named after the patrons like Mallisețți, Jinnojana and Goggiya.] It also mentions the Jaina teachers Srinandibrati, Jayakirtiyati, Padmanandi, Nemicandra and Vijayacandradeva. This line of teachers belonged to Mūlasangha, Sūrasthagana and Citrakūtānvaya. It is well known that from the very early days, Laxmeśvara was a famous Jaina center and the record referred to here shows that it continued to be so in the Sēuņa period also” [Srinivasa Ritti:1973:258).
Bhairavadēvarsa, a grandee of high rank, and others donated endowments to the worship and offerings to Lord Pārsva, the presiding deity of the temple at Mannera Masalavāda in Harapanahalli taluk, Bellary district.. Sāļuva Tikkama, reputed general of the Sēuņa king Rāmacandra, restored and purified the basadi. Vinayacandradēva, the donne, was a pupil of Nemicandra, pontiff of Mülasangha Dēsigana and pustaka gaccha.
During the period of Sēunas, Jainism had popular support, and many fiefs and officers of the monarchy were devout Jains.fo
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. A.S. Altekar, The Rāstrakūtas and Their Times, 1967.
2. P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Solapur 1957. For Private 29ersonal Use Only

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3. J.F. Fleet, Dynasties of Kanarese Districts, Bombay 1896. 4. A.V. Narasimha Murthy, The Seunas of Devagiri, Mysore 1971. 5. M.B. Neginahala, Neginahala Prabhandhagaļu, Hampi 1999. 6. Srinivas Ritti, The Seunas (The Yadavas of Devagiri), pp.256-59, Dharwar 1973. 7. Srinivas Ritti and Anand Kumbhar, Inscriptions from Solapur District, 1988.
Rāştrakūta fort with Jina Pārśva figure at the entrance, Malkhēd.
NA
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OLAN

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JAINISM DURING VIJAYANAGARA PERIOD Prof. Nagarjiah Hampana, Bangalore
Jinamañjari, Volume 20, No.1 April 2000
Jainism had played sheet-anchor and conspicuous role of a state religion during the sway of the Gangas, the Early Kadambas, the Rāṣṭrakūtas, the Calukyas of Bādāmi and Kalyāṇa and the Hoysalas. Although the Jaina influence during the Vijayanagara period was much less on the ruling family, the contribution of Jainism to the political history and cultural dimension of Karnataka continued.
A delicate perception will reveal that Jaina church was not allowed to exercise powerful influence as it effectively did for over a millenium. The reign of Vijayanagara kingdom was a testing period for the non-Brahmanical sects. Buddhism had disappeared from the subcontinent, but the fortunes of Jainism as non-Vedic śramaṇa tradition was sustained. How it was able to survive and prosper during this era is interesting.
Going through available faithful contemporary epigraphic sources, Jainism was convulsed under the fanatic fury of the period. This is realized if we keenly observe into the status, career and performance of Jaina church during this epoch making age. It should be remembered that the Jainas, by this time had exhausted all their avenues and were reduced to a state of minority from its premier position. The militant aggression of the Saivas under the leadership of Ādayya, Viruparasa and Goggayya, Jaina society had liquidated by lakhs of its votaries proselytizing to Virasaivism and losing its numerical strength. Jainas were superseded by the Saivaites and the Srivaisnavas got the opportunity during the Vijayanagara period.
Minor disputes were taking place frequently at different places in the kingdom. After circa 12th century, only some Saivas and Virasaivas were aggressive on the Jaina church. Now it was Srivaisnavas turn.
Dispute Resolution: Jainas Receive No Redress
At the very beginning of Vijayanagara rule, there was an attack on the properties of the Jaina community. A charter of Tirthahalli No. 197 of C.E. 1363, records an encroachment on cultivable land which was the property of Heddūrnāḍ Taḍatāla Pārsvanatha basadi. The dispute was resolved in a meeting held in the presence of Mahāpradhāna Naganna. Jaina leader Mallappa and some other leaders of Jaina sangha participated in the meeting held at the townhall of Maleyarajya capital. It did not bring an end of the dispute. A constant feud and a simmering discontent between the Jainas and Śrivaisņavas was lurking in the dark. They were waiting for an opportunity to strike which erupted to the surface at Kalleha olim Kalya town near Bangalore, in C.E. 1368. A dispute between the bhavyas the Jainas and the bhaktas the Śrivaisṇavas (followers of Rāmānujācārya) came into play over the traditional rights and privileges in respect of Jaina religious performance. The use of five great musical instruments
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and the auspicious vase (holy water pot) by the Jainas was the point of issue involved in the dispute. It assumed serious proportions to warrant the interference of the sovereign. Śrivaisnavas were in majority and had harassed the handful Jainas. Hence, in an appeal to the king seeking justice, the Jainas of all the naḍus including Aneyagondi, Hosapattana, Penugonde and the city of Kalleha under the leadership Basuviseṭṭi (sangha-nayaka) petitioned to Bukkaraya about the injustice done to them by the Srivaiṣṇavas.
The incident had socio-religious dimension and involved serious repercussions. So king Bukkaraya spared no time to resolve the issue by convening a public meeting of the representatives of the Jainas and the Hindu community of Srivaiṣṇavas. Jaina community was represented by Basuviseţți and Tatayya of Tirumale was represented by the other party. A royal charter of rights vested by the followers of both the religions was proclaimed. The quintessence of the judgment, as recorded in the charter, runs as follows:
The Vaisnavas and the Jainas are one body; they must not be viewed as different. Tatayya, by consent of the Jainas of the whole kingdom, will, out of the money levied at the rate of one hana (coin of a particular denomination) a year for every Jain house, will appoint the bodyguards. At the holy place Belgola, twenty servants as a bodyguard for the god will be made and the remainder of the money will be used for the white wash of the dilapidated Jaina shrines.
Tributes galore Bukkaraya that he brought about a happy reconciliation between the aggrieved parties. For a superficial look, the terms of the judgment appears to be a verdict in favor of the minorities and the worried lot in the state. But perspicacity will expose the clever manipulation of the royal charter, which in the final analysis has let down the victims rights. Jaina community pays to the aggressor who was appointed to safeguard their rights and interests.
It is deplorable that a failed scrutiny and critical investigation of the charter of judgment has been glorified. In fact, the justice was one sided and, therefore, not an impartial judgment. For Jainas, justice was delayed and the ruling was like falling from the fray to the fire. Jainas had to pay for the body guard, the Vaisṣṇavas need not pay anything but easily got the authority of appointing the bodyguards! This clearly suggests that the status of Vaisnavas had exalted and the position of Jains had weakened considerably.
Similar incidents occurred elsewhere in the state. Huccappadeva stamped a linga on the pillars of the Vijaya Parsva temple of Halebidu. Vijayappa, a devout Jaina, erased that linga. The incident caused a flare up. The Jaina leaders petitioned to the Mahamahattu of Halebidu. After due consideration with others the following judgment was awarded:
Having first caused vibhuti (ashes) and vilya (betel-leaf) to be offered according to Saiva mode of worship, the Jainas may perform the worship, decorations, illuminations, ablutions and other Jaina ceremonies of this Vijaya Pārsva.
Again Jainas were denied of their rights and religious freedom relegated to a subordinate status, as was done in the judgment by Bukkaraya.
Of the time of Devaraya-I, a record from Laksmeśvara dated C.E. 1412 refers to a dispute between Hemadēvācārya of Sankha basadi at Puligere and

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Sivarāmayya of Hindu Somadeva temple. It was regarding the land claimed on behalf of both the temples. The matter was referred to Mahāpradhāna Nāgaņņadandanavaka. Learned judges were appointed and the they obtained in writing the promise of the parties that they would abide by the decision. After a scrutiny of documents and ascertaining the fact from the local people, they settled the dispute in favor of Jaina chapel. Again a controversy in C.E. 1538 between Jainas of the same basadi and the Brāhmanas of the same temple came to the surface in C.E. 1538. The dispute was regarding the use of certain traditional honors misappropriated by the Jains for their deity. In this case, without any hesitation or hearing, the Jainas confessed voluntarily and regretting for their action, they gave a Jaya-patra to the other party. The Jainas thus erred but immediately amended.
Under Krishnadevarāya the great, the celebrated Kopaņa-tirtha was a Jaina pilgrimage site which had been assigned by the monarch to treasurer Timmapayya for his navak ship. But in this time or before, one of the famous Jaina shrines at the place had been converted into a Saivate temple. This fact is confirmed on the basis of a charter dated C.E. 1521. It states that the treasurer Timmappayya is said to have granted the village Hiriya-Sindogi to Koppaņa Cennakeśva temple, which was till then a Jaina basadi.
A statistical analysis based on inscriptional evidence reveals that upto the beginning of Vijayanagara empire, the number of Saiva temples were more. Next was the number of Jaina basadis and the next in the order was that of Vaişņva temples, which in the Vijayanagara times, gradually over took in number. The Vaişņavas never hesitated to requisition the Jaina places of worship
Though, often and on, struck by hostile groups, it is a heartening phenomenon to note that Jaina settlements and community at large, survived and retained overall stature, vigor and vitality. It thrived against adversities and usurpation. In spite of many Jaina shrines, sanctuaries and monasteries being requisitioned by the Saivas, Srivaiṣṇavas and Viraşaivas, still there were a large number of them, enough and to spare!
Thus it is seen that the beleaguered Jaina community was favored to some extent by the first Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara who practically gave unstinted protection to its sustenance. After Sangama branch, Jaina church was neatly cornered and neglected by the later dynasty of Vijayanagara. This gradual decline reflects what was happening to Jaina church throughout the empire with the exception of Sravaņabe!goļa, Hombuja and the Tuļuva region.
Jainism Thrives Amidst Adversity
Jainism was still enjoying its popularity and thriving amidst adversity in the Vijayanagara kingdom. In the hours of crisis Jainism stuck to its noble ideals to the best of its capabilities. Its architectural monuments manifested throughout the kingdom in the shape of Jinālayas; Jaina literature registered tremendous advance in content and quality, and enjoyed its legitimate privileged position as feudatories and minor subordinates facilitated the cause of Jainism.
Some Jaina places of worship and mana-stambhas. were built during this regime. Irugappa-Vodeya, son of General Vaicaya alias Baicappa, was the
prominent Jain. He was a minister, pious but powerful. He granted the village For Private Bersonal Use Only

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of Mahendramangalam in the division of Māvandūr to the Jaina temple in C.E. 1362, and the gift was made for the merit of king Bukkarāya, son of Harihara. And at the instance of his preceptor Puśpasēnācārya, he caused the mandapa in the same sanctuary in C.E. 1387-88 [EI. VII. pp. 115-116). During the reign of Bukka-I, he also commissioned a Jaina cathedral at Hampi in C.E. 1367. He also commissioned one more basadi in C.E. 1385 in the time of Harihara-II. Another Jina mandira was caused by him at Anegondi. While he was governing at Bārakūr, he made grants to the Gurugala-basadi at Mūdabidri and renewed the endowment in C.E. 1388 to Candranātha temple at Hattiyangadi. ImmadBukka was the brother of Irugappa. He was a minister under Hariahara-II. He commissioned a caityālaya at Kandanavrõlu (Kurnool) in Andhra and installed the Kunthu Tirthankara image in C.E. 1395.
The role played by the members of Irugappa family deserves special mention in the history of Jainism of the period. Baicappa alias Baicayadaņņāyaka, minister under Bukka-I and Harihara-II, had four sons - Goparasa, Mangappa, Irugappa-I and Immadi Bukka. Only the last two played efficacious role in state affairs and in Jaina religious activities. Irugappa-II was a nephew of Irugappa-I. A good number of inscriptions spanning over a period of three decades, from C.E. 1367 to C.E. 1403 panegyrize the prominent role of Irugappa-I.
In the capital of Vijayanagara, Devarāya-II commissioned a caityagāra of Arhat Pārśva in C.E. 1426. During his administration, a magnificent Jaina pagoda, Tribhuvana-cūdāmaņi-mahācaityas, on the analogy of Bhavyacūdāmaņi of Hullarāja - the Hoysaļa minister cum treasurer - at Sravanabe!goļa, was constructed in the at Müdabidiri in C.E. 1430. Later in C.E. 1451, an impressive and monumental pillared hall was added to it.
The lady votary Mangāyi with the cognomen of Samyaktva-cūdāmaņi and rāyapātra-cūļāmaņi was a dancer in the court of Vijayanagara king Devaraya-I (C.E. 140-16). She commissioned the Tribhuvana-Cūļāmaņi-Jinālaya olim Māngāyi basadi at Sravaņabeļgoļa. Gummathaņņa, a house holder pupil of Hiriya (senior) Ayya of Gerusoppe, renovated this basadi as well as resurrected other four temples at Sravanabeļgoļa.
At Māngāyi basadi, there were three Jaina images of śānti, Pārsva and Vardhamāna Mahāvira. The Pārsva image was shifted to Danasala in the premises of Akkana basadi at the same place. Of the three images, the above mentioned Arhat Parsva image was caused by Srikaranada Bamacaya. General king Devarāya-I. The Sānti image was caused by Bhimadevi, disciple of Pontiff Panditācāya and queen consort of Devaraya-I.
uring the time of King Devarāya-II, his queen consort Nāgaladēvi commissioned mănastambha for Tribhuvana-cūļāamaņi ('ornament of the three world') basadi at Mudubidire. King's two daughters, Lakşml and Panditadevi gifted endowments to this temple for making food provision for ascetics.
Krishnadevarāya (C. E.1509-29) and Acyuta Rāya (C. E. 1529-42) extended greater support to the enrichment of Hombuja-kşetra and royal benevolence showered in abundance on the Jaina monastery. eminence including abhinava-vādi-Vidyānanda, Viśālakirti, Dēvendrakirti, Vardhamāna intensified and elevated the honor and position of Jaina church.

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Jaina Architectural Pattern From the architectural point of view these Jaina shrines of Vijayanagara period are noted for their super structure which are of the shape of a stepped pyramid, the doorways having a pot-bellied yakșa at the bottom of the jambs on either side. The walls are bald and devoid of the visual friezes of sculptures that adorn the walls. Instead of the Jinas as auspicious tutelary figure, gajalakşmi (goddess of fortune) with two elephants on either side, is found on the lintel of the doorway. The creation of two colossal monolithic images of awe-inspiring Gommata at Kārkaļa and at Venur; Caturmukha basadi at Kārkaļa, and a huge mānastambha at Hiriyangadi are the highlights of Jaina architectural aesthetics of the period. An architectural piece exhibit in the museum of Kamalapur near Hampi, contains only three niches with the relieves of Jinas, including Pārsva in the last (bottom) one which is evidently a mutilated part that belonged to caturvimšatika-tirtha. This is a reliable proof for the existence of a Pārsvanātha Jinālaya in the vicinity of Hampi. By its style, it appears to be of late 13th century, in which case Hampi was already a Jaina center before it officially became the capital city of the kingdom. It is worth pondering to note that there were, out of the eight, seven Jaina temples very near the royal residence at Hampi, and belong to the early phase of Vijayanagara temple architecture.
Jaina Literature During the Period Taking a bird's eye view of Jaina literature during the period, it is affluent enough to compensate the decline in other fields. Keśavavarni (C.E. 1359) wrote commentaries on Gommatasāra and Srāvakācāra, primordial texts of Jaina canon. Abhinava Srutamuni (C.E. 1365) and Yasahkirti (C. 1500 C.E.) wrote explications on traditional Sanskrit works. Ratnakarandaka of Ayatavarma (C. 1400 C.E.), Paramāgamasāra of Kalyāṇakirti (C.E. 1439), Dvādaśānuprēkṣe of Vijayanna (C.E. 1448) are purely religious in nature advocating the virtues to emulate by the laity.
The cream of Jaina literature was once again restored by better authors like Madhura (C.E.1385), Bhāskara (C.E. 1424) of Penugonda, Terakaņāmbi Bommarasa (C.E.1485), Ādiyappa (C.E.1460), Sāļva (C.E.1460), Kotişvara (C.E.1500) of Tuļunādu, Mangarasa (C.E.1508), Devappa (C.E.1540), Padmakavi (C.E.1528), Ratnākaravarņi (C.E.1550), Nemaņņa (C.E.1559) and Doqdaņānka (C.E. 1578).
Following is the concise and comprehensive introduction of the above poets and their literary achievements:
Madhura, patronized by ministers of King Harihara-II and Devarāya-I, has authored an epigraph of poetic excellence and a Jaina purāņa on the life of Dharmanātha, the 15th Tirthankara, Satpadi, verse of six lines, and sāngatya, verse of four lines, both meant to be sung, were the most popular metre employed by the poets of this age. Mangarasa, Sāļva, Bhāskara and Bommarasa have successfully exploited the possibility of satpadi metre in their narrative poems on the Jaina theme. The stories of Jivandhara, Sanatkumära, Nāgakumāra - the popular Jaina legendary heroes who despised riches and took to a religious life form the theme.

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Mangarasa, born in a ksatriya family, was a prolific writer and has authored five poems, experimenting both satpadi and sāngatya metres that easily fit in for Desikävyas. Nēmi Jinēša-sangati olim Hariuamśa is a longer poem with nearly seven thousand verses. Mangarasa is facile in his narrative style.
Sāļva is a better poet of the period. He has attempted different varieties of șatpadi meter in the same work. Neminātha-carite, his long poem is popularly known as Sāļua-Bhārata, since the work also deals with the popular theme of Bharata along with the story of Neminātha, the 22nd Tirthankara. Critics have hailed his poetic ability in rendering home his theme with winsome and cheerful verses. He was patronized by the Sāļuvas, a minor dynasty.
Ratnākaravarņi was the best and greatest of all the poets of this era; second only to Pampa and Kumāravyāsa. He has authored three Satakas, a centum, poem containing one hundred stanzas each, one Epic of ten thousand stanzas, and about three hundred songs in praise of god and his infinite compassion. Trilokasāra is an account of Jaina cosmogony, Ratnakara-Sataka andAparajitasataka treat philosophy, morals and renunciation, Bharatēša-Vaibhaua gives the story of emperor Bharata, and Annana-păda deals with songs of the saint. His verses and songs are still current among the Jainas.
Vidyānanda, who had the cognomen of abhinavavādi (new debater) was a crest jewel of perfect faith, covered the period with glory. He was revered everywhere, from the emperor to the common subject. B.A. Saletore has explained the achievements accomplished by Vidyānanda: one of the greatest scholars of the sixteenth century.... won distinction in about C.E. 1530 ... he performed great works of merit. His work in the field of learning was equally great and lasting. No Jaina guru in the Vijayanagara age had a more glorious list of achievements than Vidyānanda... It is remarkable that [he] should have mastered tenets of Christianity, and met and defeated an expounder of that faith in a viceregal city of Vijayanagara. With him we come to the climax in the history of Jaina theology and oratory.
His significant contribution to put the Jaina faith at the top has been vividly recorded in the contemporary inscriptions. As he was worshipped by kings Krishnadevarāya and Acyutarāya, his considerable success were equally impressive at the various provincial and imperial courts. de
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Anila Verghese, Reliogious Traditions at Vijayanagara As Revealed Through its Momuments, New Delhi 1995. 2. Anna L. Dallapiccola and A. Varghese, Sculpture at Vijayanagara: Iconography and Style, New Delhi 1998. 3. B.R. Gopal, Vijayanagara Inscriptions, Vol. I and II, 1985 and Vol. III, 1990. 4.B.A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism, Bombay 1938. 5. N. Saraswati Nanaiah, The Position of Women During Vijayanagara Empire, Mysore. 6.K.M. Suresh, Sculptural Art of Hampi, Mysore 1998. 7. H.T. Talwar, Jaina Art and Architecture ar Vijayanagara, Mysore 1997. 8. Nagarajiah Hampa, Sätararu-Ondu Adhyana, Hombuja 1997.
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Jinamañjari, Volume 20, No.1 April 2000
JAINISM DURING THE WODEYARS OF MYSORE
Dr. Vasantha Kumari, Mysore
Despite many vicissitudes, development of Jainism during the Wodeyars period presents an interesting picture. For nearly five and a half centuries Wodeyar family ruled the Kingdom of Mysore, their first capital being Srirangapatna and later in the year C.E. 1800 moved to Mysore city during the rule of Krishnarāja Wodeyar-III. In fact there were twenty-five rulers beginning from Yadurāya to Jayacāamajēndra Wodeyar (C. E.1939-1948). It is important to note in this context that the Wodeyars maintained a close affinity with the Jaina Brahamanas whose influence in the royal court was consistent until the end of the reign of Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III (C.E. 1799-1868). Jain Poet Devacandra (circa. C.E. 1770) who has been acclaimed by some as the first scholar to write a compendium of Jain history, legends and chronology. The work is RājāvaļiKathāsāra. [Jinamañjari, Vol.9, No.1, April 1994.) He attributes the origin of the Wodeyar kingdom to the Hoysaļa descents - Timmarāja, Devarāja and Santarāja.
The development of Jainism and its progress during the Wodeyar times may be studied categorized under these sub-texts, namely - Wodeyars Patronage to Jainism, Jaina Officials and Scholars, Sravanabelgoļa and the Wodeyars and Reflections of European Writers on Jaina Socio -religious life.
Wodeyars Patronage to Jainism
It is believed that Sravaṇabelgoļa functioned in full swing during the period of Raja Wodeyar (C. E.1578-1617). He was very much influenced in his meatless food habits by his Jaina officials and the same practice was put in practice in the royal court also. He also was said to have made land grants to Jina Ādinātha basadi at Srirangapataņa and caused an enclosure to the basadi at Kanakagiri at Maleyür ksetra in Mysore district. Maleyūr was an important religious center of the Jainas having a matha which had been founded and presided by Acārya Akaļanka.
Câmarāja Wodeyar (C.E. 1617-1637) who succeeded Raja Wodeyar to the throne of Mysore followed the benevolent policy of his predecessors towards Jainism. Within a short period after Rāja Wodeyar, Sravaṇabe!goļa suffered a setback, and the improvements came, as known from inscription dated C.E. 1632 on Indragiri hill. It throws light on the dilapidated financial position of the Jain matha and the subsequent grants of villages made by Cāmarāja Wodeyar.
Câmarāja Wodeyar used to take delight in listening to the recitation of some Jaina works like Bharatesa-Vaibhava, Harivamsa Purāņa and Sanathkuamāra Carita. The king personally was interested in rejuvenating the religious activities of the matha at Sravaṇabelgoļa, which, in less than a decade after the demise of Raja Wodeyar, had gone to wrack and ruin. Even the lands belonging to the basadis had also been mortgaged. Furthermore, Bhttākara
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narrated in an inscription on the Indragiri hill at Sravaṇabelgoļa. From the contents of the inscription it is clear that the king took special interest in saving the shrine from total dissolution. When the king made it known that the kingdom would take care of the property mortgage of the shrine, the mortgagor voluntarily released the deed without further encumbrance. Then the Bhattāraka was called back from Ballatakipura and was re-entrusted with the charge of the shrine. Officially, mortgaged lands were redeemed in the presence of the king at Sravaņabeļgoļa. The king even issued injunction curtailing the rights of the priests of the respective basadis to have jurisdiction over the lands. The rights were then entrusted to the Bhattāraka.
Dodda Devarāja Wodeyar (C.E. 1659-1672) renewed all kinds of grants made by his predecessors, and also made grant of money and Madane village for the upkeep of the holy center.
Cikkadevarjāa Wodeyar (C.E. 1672-1704) was said to have possessed special inclination to Jainism. Jainism had made a deep impression on him, particularly during the early part of his reign. Before ascending the throne, he had been to Sravanabeļgoļa, and had made gifts to provide daily of food to the ascetics.
References to the regular religious discussions on philosophy of the Hindus like Mimāmsa, Saiva, Vaişņava, and of Jain religion held at his court have been found in the literary works. His predilection to Jainism may be gauged from the fact that he greatly respected the Jaina goal and absolute sanctify of life. On account of this, the king was believed to have even banned animal sacrifice in the name of religion, and the Hindu devotees were advised to offer coconut at the temple altar, instead of animal sacrifice. He also took keen interest in saving the matha at Sravanabelgola, from total dissolution. The existing situation at Sravanabelgoļa is well explained by Poet Cidānanda, author of Munivamśābhuyudaya, who appears to have been an advisor to the king at the court. Vimālācārya alias Cārukirti Panditācārya, who faced apprehensions by the non-Jaina sectarian groups, under utter distress, leaves Sravanabelgola and establishes himself at Somawarpet. The Pontifical seat at the place beccomes vacant after the death of Vimālācārya Cărukirti Panditācārya at Somawārpet in Coorg. Then Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar confers the pontifical seat to Cidānanda kavi.
The inclination of Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar toward Jainism and liberal religious policy is generally attributed to the following factors. His mother Amritammaņņi was the daughter of Cenparāja, the Jain chieftain, who, under the influence of Jangamas had become a Virasaiva. Nevertheless, she had imparted her inherited Jain heritage to Cikkadevarāja. Another factor is his intimacy and association with Viśālakša Pandita during the early life when he had spent time at Yaļaņdūre near Mysore. The Prince Cikkadevarāya had developed an intimacy with the local Jaina Brāhamaņa - Viśālaksa Pandita, who had foretold by his astrological calculations that the prince would succeed the throne. At this juncture, there was an understanding between the two: Viśālakša Pandita would be appointed his Premiere should the Prince succeeded to the throne In the ensuing years, Cikkadevarāja was confined at Hangala for 6 years (C.E. 1607
1673). Viśālakša Pandita not only maintained association with the Prince, but For Private Personal Use Only

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also followed him to captivity. Once Cikkadevaraja asserted his right over the throne, he appointed Viśālaksa Pandita as his Prime Minister.
The Jaina Visalaksa Pandita had been referred to as the foremost minister of king Cikkadevaraja Wodeyar. He was well known for his intelligence and extraordinary virtues. It is believed that his enemies with sectarian grudges plotted a conspiracy to bring about his death, as religious strife and factions were not uncommon during those days.
Cikkadevaraja Wodeyar was tolerant, liberal and socially progressive. On one occasion there arose a situation when the Jaina community of Hassan town was confronted by a section of the non-Jaina zealots, who prevented the Jain religious procession to pass through the streets. The leader of the Jaina community of Hassan by name Puttaiah took the matter to Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar. The king after having studyied the situation, issued nirupa (declaration) which meant that the Jainas could exercise their religious freedom to take out their public procession. The declaration also condemned the actions of the non-Jaina religious fanatic group. From thereupon, Jaina festivals and processions every where in the kingdom were celebrated without hindrance.
Cikkanna Pandita, author of Vaidya Nighantu (Medical Lexicon), was attached to the court of Cikkadevaraja Wodeyar.
Kantirava Narasarāja Wodeyar-II (C.E.1704-1713) continued the liberal policy towards Jainism. According to Devacandra, he undertook repairs of basadis around Mysore, including the one on Kanakagiri hill at Maleyūr.
Dodda Krishnarāja Wodeyar (C.E. 1713-1731) had provisions made to provide the necessary support to meet the requirements of the holy center. He granted many villages like Aranahalli, Hōsahalli, Uttanahalli, Jinnanahalli, Rācanahalli, Vastigrama, Kabbāļu etc., as sarvamanya. These villages were granted so as to enable the Bhaṭṭāraka to conduct religious festivals and also, for the daily worship of Gommata. The village of Kabbāle was specially granted for maintaining the danasale (cattle shed) situated near Cikkadevarāja kalyani (pond).
Kāsa Camarāja Wodeyar-IX's (C.E. 1776-1796) queen Devammāji made gifts to Jains. Its reference is found in a few inscriptions found on the pūja vessels preserved in the Santinātha temple at Mysore.
Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III (C.E. 1796-1868) issued sannads confirming the formal grants of villages to Śravanabelgola shrines made by Dodda Krishnaraja Wodeyar. These grants were renewed by Dewan Pornaiah when Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III was a minor. Jaina Kumāra Heggde of Dharmastala in South Canara district had personal application to the king about the sannads and in this connection, he was stated to have come to Mysore with the sannads originally issued by Dodda Krishnaraja Wodeyar. The original sannads confirmed the grant of village Kabbāļu for the maintenance of the matha as well as other charitable purpose. Later, the king issued another sannad in C. E. 1830 which reconfirmed the grant of villages mentioned above for the repairs and other expenses of basadis at Sravanabeļgoļa.

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The puja vessel inscriptions at Santinatha temple in Mysore refer that Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III (C. E. 1799-1868) made grant of 300 varaha for the maintenance of this basadi. Krishnaraja was also stated to have performed - in accordance with the Jaina system the Mruthyunjaya, Kalikunḍa, Siddhacakra, Ganadharavalaya, Pañca-cakra aradhana, and Ugrasanti ceremonies at the palace. It is also significant to note these ceremonies were done over five days, and Poet Devachandra was the performing priest.
An inscription dated C. E. 1829 refers to the renovation of a basadi at Kelasūru and the installation of an image of Candraprabha Tirthankara. Krishnaraja Wodeyar III also encouraged many Jaina scholars and as many as ten Jaina physicians were stated to have been attached to the royal court. The most prominent among them was Sūri Pandita, honored with the title Vaidya Raja
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It should be noted here that Caamarāja Nagar which bore the ancient name of Arikūtāra town in the south of Mysore city was the birth place of Camaraja Wodeyar. Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III changed the name of Arikūṭāra to Camarāja Nagar, in the memory of his father. At that time, he was stated to have taken keen interest in the perpetual performance of the pujas in 23 basadis which existed around Arikūṭāra. There was the Jaina scholars family at Arikūtāra (Camarāja Nagar). It was Sūri Pandita, his son Bommarasa, and his son Lakshmi Pandita. All these scholars enjoyed liberal patronage under Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III. All these scholars enjoyed liberal patronage under Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III. The king also made, following his predecessors, pilgrimage to the Jaina shrines Mudabidre, Karkaļa, Veņūr in Canara district and as well as to Śravanabelgola.
The walls of matha at Śravaṇabelgola are decorated with paintings illustrating scenes from the lives of the Tirthankaras. The panel to the right of the middle cell also represents the Dasara Darbar of Krishnaraja Wodeyar-III seated on the throne. The paintings stand as evidence of the close association of Pontiff Cărukirti Panditācārya with the rulers of Mysore. It should be noted that special pūjas in the basadis of Śravaṇabelgola were arranged on this occasion in honor of Wodeyar king, and the practice is being continued to this day.
After the fire destroyed the Santiswara basadi in the palace campus, Jains were actually excluded from the royal palace. However, the king Krishnaraja Wodeyar-IV made land allotment for the purpose of erecting new basadi outside of the palace campus. The present structure of Santiswara basadi at Mysore clearly reveals that the materials of the demolished basadi had been used to raise the new structure. The consecration ceremony was held on the 30th August 1897. The palace honors were presented on the ceremonial occasion, the king Krishnaraja Wodeyar-IV attending the consecration ceremony.
Jain Officials and Scholars
The brief historical examination points out to the fact that there prevailed to a considerable Jaina influence in the Wodeyar royal court. Competent and able

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Jains had held positions of importance as ministers and officials in the kingdom, and a few eminent scholars were in the royal court.
Ministers Santiah and Dodda Śāntiah.
Padmarasa in Bujabali Carita and Devacandra in Rajāvali Kathāsāra make reference to the Jaina minister Santiah. He was the minister of Raja Wodeyar. Minister Santiah, according to Devacandra, was said to have saved princess Mahādēvi of Bettadapura. She was the mother of kijng Rāja Wodeyar.
Following the death of Santaiah, his son Dodda Santaiah became the minister of Raja Wodeyar. During the period, the king was stated to have caused the construction of the prakara around the basadi on the Kanakagiri in Maleyūr, and made land grants on the occasion. The Kanakagiri deity was the family god of Dodda Santaiah.
Dodda Santiah was stated to have commanded a small troop to Śravaṇabelgola to maintain law and order on the occasion of mahāmastakabhiseka, once in twelve year event of the grand anointement ceremony to the monolithic statue of Bahubali. In absence of no further details about him, it is evident that Dodda Śāntaiah must have had active role in the military ventures which Raja Wodeyar had under taken in order to assert his position over the kingdom of Mysore.
Visālāksa Pandita was the Prime Minister of Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar. He held the position from C. E. 1673 to 1686. During this period, he caused a basadi dedicated Jina Mahāvira at Srirangapatna, Wodeyar older capital. According to Devacandra, this new basadi was built near the existing Adinatha basadi. This basadi was stated to have survived for nearly one hundred years But, no trace of this basadi exists today.
Viśālākśa Pandita like his predecessors was stated to have renovated the dilapidated basadis in the kingdom, and also presented a ratha (chariot) to Śravanabelgola matha. The most significant part of his religious work was that he performed the mahāmastakābhiseka ceremony at Śravanabelgola His act of piety created a deep imprint on the Jaina community of the time, and he was bestowed with the title 'Jaina kula rathna bhusana'. In recognition of his services to the kingdom and people, the king granted him Echaganahalli village near Mysore. The charter of this grant, engraved on a stone that was placed on the four boundaries of that village, also confirms the hereditary rights of the village to Viśālākśa Pandita, his sons, grand sons and descendants.
Viśālākśa Pandita was the last in the list of Jaina ministers in the history of Southern Jaina Karnataka.
Śrikanta Puttaiah was a prominent personality of the Jaina community who lived during the period which covered the reign of Cikkadevaraja Wodeyar (C.E.16721704) and Krishnaraja Wodeyar-I (C.E.1713-1731). He hailed from Hassan and wielded considerable influence in the royal court, especially during the reign of Cikkadevarāja He was said to have been the sangha nayaka (leader of the community) of the Jainas, probably of Hassan area. According to Poet
Anantakavi - author of Gommatesvara Carite - Puttaiah was stated to have caused the manastambha in front of Pārsvanatha basadi, a prakara around the basadis For Private &4ersonal Use Only

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and their repairs on Candragiri hill at Sravaņbelgoļa. He was stated to have followed monastic practices in the later period of his life. He attained samādi maraņa at holy Jain center, Mūdabidre in South Canara.
Cidānanda Kavi. The Munivamsābhyudaya composed by him offers valuable information about the prevalence of the Jaina influence in the court of king Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar. The work reveals that the Poet was not merely a literary giant of the time, but also was the chief political advisor of the king. His knowledge of politics and philosophy mastered through the famous work Nitivyākyamrita of Jaina Ācārya Sõmadēvasūri served Mysore kingdom very well. Poet Cidānanda, who was also well trained in philosophical matters and administration, was named by Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar to the Pontifical seat of Sravaṇabeļgoļa when the position became vacant on account of the death of the previous Pontiff, Vimālācārya Cărukirti Panditācārya at Somawārpet in Coorg.
Aņņaiah Sețți was a prominent figure among the officials of the kingdom. Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar sent him as a member of the Delegation of Mysore kingdom to the court of Aurangazeb at Delhi. As a delegate Karañika Lingarāja. Later, he was appointed as the Chief Mint Officer of Mysore kingdom. Then the king Cikkadevarāja. was stated to have made the land grants to the basadi at Maleyūr at the instance of Annaiah Sețți.
Being a pious Jain, Annaiah Setti utilized his wealth and position for the cause of Jainism. He commissioned kalyāņa at Śravaņabelgoļa and named after the king. He also caused renovation of many basadis around Mysore.
Kāļļiah Setti was the celebrated royal merchant during the reign of Cikkadevarāja Wodeyar and he had established himself at Srirạngapatna. From Rajāvalikatha it is clear that he commissioned the silamaya matha at Sravanabeļgo!a.
Biļikere sāntarāja Pandita was a prominent member of the Jaina community and a Jain activist who strove hard for the cause of Jainism during the period of Krishnarāja Wodeyar-III. He approached the British Resident Officer at Srirangapatna for the renovation project of Ādinātha basadi at the place. Towards the project cost, Rs.500 was sanctioned by the British officer and the additional amount required was raised from the Jaina residents of Säligrāma, a town situated west of Srirangapatna at about 80 kms. This activity indicates that the Jaina residents of Sāligrāma, who in most part, had settled down there owing to political, social and religious disadvantages at Srirangatpatna. Biļikerre - which lies between the principal route of Srirangapatna, Mysore and Sāligrāma - from where the Jain activist Sāntarāja Pandita resided, was a famous Jain center known from the times of Cengāļva and Kongāļva rulers.
Devacandra was a prominent scholar hailing from Maleyūr in Mysore district.. He was gifted with unquestionable literary skill. He composed many works - Rāmakathāvatāra, Sumeru Sațaka, Bhaktisāra, Sațakatraya, Sastrasāra, Laghuvrtti, Pravacana Siddhānta, Dravyasamgraha, Dvadasānuprekse, Dhayanasāmrājya, Adhyātmavicăra and Rājavaļikathāsāra.

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The Rājavaļikathāsāra is the most popular composition which contains the most valuable historical material. Devachandra was stated to have assisted Col. Mackenize to record many prevalent oral traditions, collect inscriptions and other useful historical material.
Col. Mackenzie went to Mysore after the fall of Tippu Sultan. He was to collect material and study the existing conditions in Mysore kingdom. On recognizing the rich knowledge of Devacandra, he requested him to accompany him while on tour in Mysore. He even requested him to provide him with the documents of all the Jaina customs and traditions. Further more, he was stated to have even invited him to Calcutta. Perhaps, Mackenzie intended to avail of the knowledge of Devacandra to compile the history of the Jains under the auspices of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. However, it is apparent that Devacandra was inspired by Col. Mackenzie to write Rajavalikathāsāra and Krishnarāja Wodeyar-III.
The Rājavalikathāsāra is a historical compendium of the Jaina Political and Socio-religious events relating to the history of Mysore up to the middle of the 19th century. The validity of this work cannot be questioned as its contents are further substantiated from the inscriptions and other literary evidence.
Sravanabelgola and The Wodeyars The benevolent Wodeyar rulers of Mysore extended their benefactions to Sravaņabeļgoļa and in their times, they were the chief contributors to the survival and development of the matha. Sravanabelgoļa is an ancient Jaina site beginning with the Maurya history in 4th B.C.E., and medieval history related to the dynasties of the Gangas and the Rāstrakūtas, and the mahāmastakābhiseka events.
The earliest reference to mahāmastakābhiseka is found in a lithical record dated C. E. 1398. Another inscription of C. E. 1500 also provides details about the payments made to different personalities on the eve of the ceremony. On the basis of these inscriptions it may be stated that the mahāmastakābhiseka ceremony was performed during that stated year. Details about the ceremonies performed during the early Wodeyars period are not available. Poet Pañcabāņa in Bujabali Carita refers to the ceremony performed by Sāntavarṇi in C.E.1614. It is known that in the Rāja Wodeyar period, his minister Dodda Sāntaiah went to Sravanabelgoļa with the army to facilitate the Bhttāraka śāntavarpi alias Câarukirti Panditācārya to conduct the ceremony and to maintain peace and order.
The Wodeyar rulers have spared no pains either in the excellent upkeep of the glorious Jaina antiquities at Sravaņabeļgoļa or in providing all facilities to pilgrims who throng to the place at the time of mahāmastakābhiseka. The palace honors sent by Krishnarāja Wodeyar-IV on the occasion of the mahāmastákbhiseka ceremonies in the years 1909, 1925 and in 1940 are recorded. His signature on Candragiri marks his pilgrimage to Sravanabelgoļa.
The intimate relations between Jainas and the rulers of Mysore was well expressed by His Highness the Mahāraja Krishnarāja Wodeyar-IV who delivered inaugural speech on 14th March 1925 to The All India Jain Conference. “The land of Mysore symbolizes Gommata's spiritual empire, as Bhāratavarśa stands for the empire of his brother Bharata. Jainism has not only found a second birth place and home in Mysore, Jainism also, has repaid the debt. For Jainism, it did create
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in its early history and learned Jainas have ever since continued to render service to it."
Abbe J.A. Dubois, a Christian missionary who visited Mysore after the fall of Tippu Sultan also provides a vivid picture of the conditions that prevailed at Śravanabelgola. He states that Europeans frequently visited the place. It was a great source of grief to the devotees to see this punyastala being defiled by a crowd of unbelieving visitors. And what was still worse, these inquisitive foreigners were often accompanied by their dogs and pariah servants. In one resting place they would cook a stew, in another they would roast a piece of beef. The Jains were infinitely disgusted by the smoke of this abominable style of cooking. At last, the Bhaṭṭāraka shocked by all this desecration fled from the unhallowed spot, and retired to some solitary place on the Malbar Coast. After three years of the voluntary exile, he returned to his former abode on the assurance that Europeans had ceased to visit the place, and the temple had been thoroughly purified.
The Jaina laity also continued its effort in taking up the cause of Jainism on Indragiri hill at Sravanabelgola. Cennanna, a prominent śravaka of Simhanagaḍde (Narasimhampura) commissioned a simple structure basadi in C.E. 1673. It is situated to the west of the tyagada Brahamadeva pillar. It is called Cennanna basadi. On the two pillars of its mukha mantapa there are two figures - a male and a female with folded hands - which apparently represent Cennanna and his wife. He also caused a pillared mantapa near the basadi. An inscription engraved near the mantapa states that Cenpanna consecrated the image of Jina Adinatha. However, at present Jina Candraprabha is there suggesting that due to some unknown reason the original image has been replaced.
The caturvimsati Tirthankara basadi is only a small structure. A Marwādi inscription found here states that the images of 24 Tirthinkaras were set up in C. E. 1648 by Carukirti Panditācārya and the śravakas.
The Brahamadeva basadi is a small shrine at the foot of Indragiri. One Rangaiah and his younger brother Girigowda of Hirisave erected this in about C. E. 1679. This basadi has an upper storey wherein which the image of Pārśwanātha is installed. According to the sources, J. K. D. Padmarajaiah of Sravaṇabelgola built this portion of the basadi in C. E.1896.
At Beļļūr in Mandya district, Sakkare Setți caused the Vimalanatha Tirthankara basadi during the reign of Dodda Devaraja in C. E. 1680 The Anantanatha basadi at Saligrama in Mysore district was rebuilt by Veerappa and his brother Timmappa in C. E. 1872 An inscription on the pedestal of the image assigns the antiquity of the image to twelfth century. Hōsa basadi, Nemiswara basadi, Pāraśwanatha basadi and Caturtha basadi were said to have been built during the later years of the 19th century.
Reflections of European Writers on Jaina Socio -religious life
Due to fundamental doctrinal differences, the Jains and other Hindu communities almost live apart; and they hardly mixed with each other in relation to socio religious ceremonies. This was noticed by Abbe. J.A. Dubbe, during his travels in Mysore: It is apparent that, in addition to their own festivals, the Jains also observed other great festivals like Ugādi, Sankranti, Mahānavami and Gouri etc, as

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they constituted either regional or seasonal festivals. However, while doing so the cultural system is being Jainized with in their socio-religious structure.
In its social structure, Jainism as a religion is not interwoven with the complex features of caste hierarchy, though segmentation within obviously exists. The Purohita (Brahmanas), Bogāra, Pañcama and Caturta are the main subdivisions, which prevail in this region. However, the European writers have also made references to the existence of some minor sects.
Buchanon and Col. Mackenzie refer to the existence of some Jaina segments like Jaina Banajiga, Jaina Sadaru, and Jaina Komaṭṭis. In addition, other segments like Jaina Arasu, Jaina Cippiga, and Jaina Gowda are also reported in the literary sources - to have existed in considerable number during this period. In the census report of 1901, the Sadars have been included among the Jains. This caste is stated to have originally been the Jains, but later on a few of them embraced Vaishnavism. This caste, which originally a homogenous one, was split up into three sects, namely Lingayat Sadar, Jaina Sadar and non-Lingayat Sadar. The Jaina Sādars were a thriving sect in the kingdom of Mysore.
Francis Buchanan refers to three categories of Banajigas namely the Panchama, the Jaina and Telinga Banajinga. Many of the Jainas were converted to Veersaivism during the time of Basaveswara, and their descendants during the later years are stated to have formed a separate group called Jaina Banajiga.
Col. Mackenize refers to a Jaina segment called Seelavant Banajiga. He states that they observed strictly the Jaina social practices like hōsavṛata. It is stated that they did not even interdine with the other Banajigas.
Among the Arasu community especially those who resided at Bilikere, Halebidu, Satyamangala and Hosakote were called Jaina Arasu. The Bilikere Arasu family is stated to have caused the erection of the colossus Bahubali at Gommatagiri near Mysore. The descendants of the Cengalva ruler, Mangarasa who ruled from Kalhalli, also belonged to the Jaina Arasu segment. It is interesting to note that until the beginning of this century, the Jaina influence obviously prevailed in the family of Devaraja Arasu, the former Chief Minister of Karnataka. It is interesting to note that many Gowda families in the Shimoga region are still in possession of the images of Tirthankaras. In the annual Paksa ceremony which is widely practiced in that region, the custom of keeping the Jaina yade is still in vogue. The Jaina Gowdas and Jaina Cippigas who were completely eliminated from the Jaina social groups have been now initiated into Jainism.
This is by no means either a comprehensive or an exhaustive study of Jainism during the Wodeyars of Mysore. Amidst many great upheavals, and against great odds, the Jaina community could manage to sustain itself on account of the patronage extended by the benevolent rulers.
Śravanabelgola continues to be the great spiritual center and it attracts the votaries from all over the country. The interest of this holy center was safe guarded by the rulers. The patronage that Jainism received under the successive rulers of Mysore as well as the historical role it played in developing the Karnataka culture - in the sense Jaina Karnataka has made its permanent mark. ♣

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Munivamśābhudaya. Chidananda kavi. Institute of Kannada Studies. Mysore 2. Gommateswara Carita, Ananta kavi. Ed: B.V. Sirur 3. Rājavaļi Kathāsāra, Devachandra Ed: B.S. Sannaiah 4. Bujabali Carita, Padmarasa, Ed: B.S. Sannaiah. 5. Candrasāgara Varniya Kritigalu, Candrasāgarvarni, ed: Hampa. Nagarajaiah 6. Hindu Manners, Customs and ceremonies, Abbe J.A. Dubios Oxford, 1968. 7. Journey from Madras through Mysore, Canara, Malabar Vol. I, II, III Buchanan. 8 Mackenzie's Collections, Madras oriental library. 9. History of Mysore Col. Marks Wilks Vol. I, II 10. Archival Records, Mysore 11. Annals of Mysore Royal Family Part I, II 12. G. Bramhappa, Sravanabelgoļa Sāsangaļu 13. Mysore Gazetters, C. Hayavandana Rao. 14. Mysore Gazetters, Lowis Rice 15. Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, P.B. Desai
Ancient Jaina temple ruins at Yaļrāmi village, Gulbarga
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Jinamañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
JAINISM UNDER MINOR DYNASTIES OF KARNATAKA
Later Gangas Mandali-1000, Sāntaras and Rattas of Saundatti.
Dr. M. Prasanna Kumar, Mysore
There exists a scope for further research to probe the work of minor dynasties in the propagation of Jainism. The present paper makes an attempt to briefly sketch the growth of Jainism in the territories ruled by the minor dynasties of Karnataka.
These three dynasties were the feudatories mainly of the Rāştrakūtas, Cāļukyas and Hoysaļas, though some of their rulers may also be traced to the Vijayanagara period. They mainly ruled from 9th or 10th Century to 12th or 13th Century. The first two of the dynasties were concentrated in the present Shimoga district and the Rattas of Saundatti ruled in the modern district of Belgaum in northern Karnataka.
Later Gangas: Mandaļi-1000 After the main line Gangas had lost their political power, the Later Gangas began their rule from C. E. 936 to 1218 in Mandaļi-1000. It was a small principality comprising the present day Shimoga and Bhadrāvati taluks and parts of Śikāripura, Honnaļi, Cannagiri, Narasimharājapura, Tarikere, Tirthahalli, Sāgar, Soraba and Hosanagara taluks. The Mandali Gangas though had limited resources they played a significant role in the religious and social life of the people of Maņdaļi. They were vassals of Rāşțrakūtas, Cāļukyas of Kaļyāṇa and later of Kalachuris.
The rule of the Later Gangas was a period of Jain ascendancy in Karnataka Jainism. This religion was patronised by the ruling kings of major dynasties such as the Rāştrakūtas, Later Cāļukyas and Hoysaļas. As a result Jainism naturally became popular with the masses. A large number of Jain basadis and monuments were constructed all over the land and many rulers and many officials and commoners made liberal grants to them.
Mandali king Brammadēva gave a grant in C.E. 1054 to Mandali - tirthada-basadi which was caused in C. E. 350 by Dadiga and Mādhava of the main branch of the Gangas. As a crown prince, he renovated this basadi, located at Ededore-70. and named it Pattada-basadi or the crown basadi. He endowed it with land to ensure its smooth running. His wife Gaņga-mahādevi was a devout Jain and also the king and their four sons. The first son Mārasimha succeeded his father. He gave lands in the village Ardravaļļi to the Pattada-basadi in C. E. 1065. Again in C.E. 1070, along with his younger brother Nanniya Ganga made land gift in Siriyū to this temple. After succeeding his brother, Nanniya Ganga gave grant of shop-tax and customs dues to the basadi commissioned by one of his officers named Nokkayya, who was a senior Perggade. Nanniya Ganga was succeeded by his younger brother Kali-Ganga-II who made grant of land to the crown temple. His younger brother Bhujabala Ganga Permādidēva also gave grants to this basadi, for temple rituals and offering food to the ascetics. He also
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Nanniya Ganga Permāờidēva-II succeeded his father Bhujabala Ganga. He made a grant to goddess Padmavati, for he was blessed with a son. The grant comprised of five panas from the villages. He converted the wooden structured Pattada-basadi into a stone structure. Being credited with commissioning of twenty-five basadis, he has been hailed as a prolific builder of caityālayas. He also made gift of lands as well as custom dues of Basadihalli for their maintenance. His son Ganga Permādidēva-III commissioned a caityālaya at Kuntalapura and made gift of a village to his preceptor PrabhācandraSiddhāntidēva for worship, food offering and upkeep of the temple.
Equally, officials and commoners were engaged in erecting Jain religious places and allotting them with grants. Senior officer Nokkayya commissioned a basadi. From epigraphic evidence, it is known that Nanniya-Ganga-PermādidēvaIII had a friend, Siddige Setti who was an ardent Jain. One Kaliyūra Malli Setti who wanted to cause a basadi at Kuruļi-tirtha purchased land from Heggade Candimayya and the basadi was handed over to the Jain preceptor Bālacandradēva in presence of Ganga Permāddidēva-III. Inspired by this, one Sirimaya Sețți and his sons also gave their gaudike lands in Haļļavūru to the same preceptor, in the presence of the same king. Thus, the Maņdaļi society was surcharged with devotion to Jainism and even the commoners were inspired to give grants to Jain temples and gurus.
The popular religious fervor towards Jainism which is seen percolating from the ruling elite to the commoner may be due to the propagation of the faith undertaken by a band of religious preceptors. The epigraphic records of the times are replete with the names, scholarship and greatness of a long line of Jain preceptors, revered by kings, officials as well as the laypeople. The records speak of Prabhācandra-Siddhāntidēva, his disciple and successor Māgha-NandiSiddhāntadēva, who was the preceptor of king Mārasimha. Prabhācandra-. Siddhāntidēva-II, disciple and successor of Māgha-Nandi-Siddhāntadēva, was the preceptor of Kali-Ganga-11 and Bhujabhala-Ganga Permādidēva. Other known preceptors were Anantavirya-Siddhāntadēva, Municandra-Siddhāntadēva (colleague of Prabbācandra-Siddhāntadēva) and preceptor Anantavirya-muni, who was the teacher of Srutakirti. Madhava-Candradēva and Budha-candrapaņạitadēva were contemporaries of Nanniya Ganga-Permādidēva-II.
Mandaļi-1000 was a bee hive of Jain activity which influenced the rulers and their subjects alike in religious matters, social life and customs of the period.
Säntaras of Santaļige Sāyira The Sāntara name is found in the Sikāripura inscription dated C.E. 1149. Their legend is found narrated in Jinadattarāya Carite of Poet Padmanāha (C.E.1680). The genealogy which begins with 7th century is found in the records of Pancabasadi and of Harkere basadi.
The Sāntaras ruled from 7th to 16th century; were effective rulers from C. E. 895 to C. E. 1194. Their kingdom was known as 'Sāntaļige Sāyira' comprising Sāgara, Soraba, Tirthahļļi and Hosanagara taluks in Shimoga district, and the neighborhood of Kalasa of Mūdigere taulk and neighborhood of Kigga of Koppa taluk of Chikkamagalur district. They were the vassals of Rāştrakūtas,
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Vikrama Sāntara ruled from C.E. 895 to C.E. 935, and Vira Sāntaradēva-III ruled from C. E. 1157 to C. E. 1194. The Santara main line at Pombucha was divided, the rival branch as a feudatory of the Hoysaļas was ruled from its capital Hõsagunda, a place about 40 kms north of Pombucha, and the main line remained as feudatory of Kalacuris. The division weakened the Sāntara dynasty and was eventually driven out of Sāntaļige. The main branch moved its capital to Kaļasa in Mudagere taluk in C.E.1290 and thence forward came to be known as Kaļasa kings. Later, their capital was shifted to other places like Kaļasa, Honnāļi, Sētu and Hosagunda.
The Sāntaras were ardent Jains from the beginning to the last. Jainism took root in the principality with the Jain patriarch Jinadatta settling at PatțțiPombuchchapura being the capital. From there the message of Jainism spread all over the principality. By eighth C.E. the work of spreading Jainism all over the principality was completed and by 9th C.E., Jainism became more powerful.
Vikrama Sāntara was an ardent Jain and in C.E. 898, he commissioned a basadi in sione on the hillock near the capital. He also made land grants to it and handed to Mõni-Siddhānti-Bhattara of Kundakundānvaya. Pāļiyakka, wife of Vikrama Sāntara, also caused a basadi in stone, and her mother became a mendicant and observed sallekhană in that temple. Trilõkyamalla-Vira-Santara commissioned Bhujabhala-Sāntara Jinālaya in C. E. 1065 at the capital. Tailapa-II gave lands to Tirthadabasadi which was commissioned by Nokkayya Setti to mark coronation of the king. Tribhuvanamalla Santara who ruled from C. E. 1090 to C.E. 1130 consecrated a Jina image in a basadi, in C. E. 1103.
The Sāntara queens were ardent Jains and were a source of inspi kings and the princes. Many queens, independent of their men folk made grants to basadis; in some cases joined hands with their men to make larger and more effective grants. Trailökyamalla-Vira-Sāntara's wife Cāgaladēvi caused a makaratorana in front of Nokkiyabbe basadi, in later half of the 11th C. E. When Biraladēvi, the mother of Nanni Sāntara-II ( C. E.1027-35) died, her elder sister Cattaladevi brought him up. She caused Panca-basadi in the capital. When Nanni Sāntara-II came to age, he gave some villages to that basadi, and the custody was given to preceptor Ācārya-Kamaļabhadra-dēva. Vikrama Säntara-IV (C.E. 1147-- 56), his sister Pampā-dēvi and her daughter Bācala-dēvi together extended the Pancabasadi and gave it a grant and a vrtti, in the coustody of Acārya VāsupūjyaSiddhaātadēva. Pampaādēvi was a Jain scholar who had studied Jinasena's Mahāpūrāņa.
Pegade Puļiyanna, the minister of Vikrama Sántara, gave lands and gardens to the temple built by his king and his consort. Vira Sāntara's minister Nakuļarasa who was described as the garuda of Biruga Sāntara and his raņarangaksetrapāla were ardent Jains and disciples of Puspasēna-muni.
The popularity of Jainism in the Maņdali was to a great extent the result of the missionary work of Jain preceptors of Sāntaļige Sāsira. The epigraphs of the period give a fairly long list of names of Jain preceptors who were well versed in Jain philosophy and also in other subjects which were popular at that time. Many of them were authors, and some of them were preceptors of the kings, their queens and ministers. Ayyadēvar was the author of Tatvārtha-sūtra, Anantavirya-bhattāraka was the author of Vrtti and Akalanka-sutra, Sreyāmsadēva had become famous as Vaidyagaja-kēsari, Sumati-bhattāraka was an eka For Private 49ersonal Use Only

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sandhi (who grasped and committed to memory what ever was recited), Vādirājadēva had mastered logic so well that he became famous as Sattarka-malla, Jagadeka-malla, Ajitasena had the titles Šabdacaturmukha, Tärkika-cakravarti; and Vādibha-simha was famous for his erudition, exposition and debate. Among the Jain preceptors of the time mention may be made of Kanakasena-bhattāraka who was the guru of Rāya-Rācamalla-dēva, Vijaya-bhattāraka who was the guru of Rakkasa-Ganga-Permmādi, Catala-dēvi, Bira-dēva and Nanni Sāntara. AjitasenaPandita-dēva was the guru of Pampādēvi, Šrivallabhavikrama Sāntara and Bacaladēvi. The service rendered by these Jain preceptors to Jainism was so great that the Sāntaras became famous as champions of Jainism, surpassing their over lords in making the faith popular among the masses.
Ragas of Saundatti The earliest epigraph dated C. E. 875 - found in the Ankeşvara temple - of Saundatti provides information on the Rațța genealogy. It refers to Rāştrakūta rule of king Krishna-II and gives an account of the Rațța dynasty at Saundatti founded by Medara and the successive rulers.
The Ratļas were rulers of a small principality of Koondi or Kuhundi-3000 which extended over the present taluks of Pärasgad, Gokāk, Hukkeri, Rāybāg, Chikkodi, Sampgaon, Mudhol and Jamkhandi of Belguam and Bijapur districts. They were probably a local Reddy tribe or caste. They were heralded as rulers of the territory in public by trivaļi ( musical instruments), sindura ( elephant) was the crest, and suvarņa-garuda-dhvaja (golden garuda) was the flag.
Rațțas were the feudatories of Rāştrakūtas, later those of Cāļukyas of Kalyāņa and then those of Kalachuris. They became independent after the fall of Kalacuris in C.E. 1165. They ruled from the last quarter of the 10th C. E to the middle of 13th - C.E 980 to C. E. 1237 and were overthrown by the Yādavas of Dēvagiri. King Kārtavirya-I fixed the boundaries of the kingdom and was called mūrusāviradayya (lord of 300) which gives an idea of the extent of his territory.
The period of the dynasty was the bey day of Jainism in Karnataka when a majority of major and minor dynasties patronized this religion. The Rattas had Jain leanings from the beginning and have built many monuments in its honor. Sāntivarman caused a Jain temple at Saundatti and gave it a grant in C. E. 980 Merada, father of Prithvirāma (C.E. 1050-96) was a Jain and Indrakirti-swamy was his guru. Sena-II who succeeded Prithvirāma gave a grant to a basadi at Saundatti. He also revived the grant of another basadi. His successor KārtaviryaIII made a grant to Ādinātha Jinālaya in C.E. 1171 His successor Lakshmi-dēvaI who ruled in early 13th century commissioned a basadi. Kārtavirya-IV gave a grant in C. E. 1201 to Ādinātha basadi at Rāybāg. His minister commissioned Ratta Jinālaya dedicated to Sāntinātha at Belguam in C.E. 1204. It became famous as Kamala basadi in Belguam fort.
The work of popularizing Jainism was undertaken by Rasta queens and also by many Jain preceptors. Rasta ueens like Bhāgala-dēvi (w. Kārtivirya-II), Padmala-dēvi (w. Kārtavirya-III), Ecala-dēvi (w. Kārtivirya-IV) and Candaladēvi or Candrika or Candrikādēvi (w. Lakshmidēva-I) had taken active role in popularizing their Jaina faith. More importantly the Jaina preceptors played a prominent role in the spread of Jainism, beginning from the Ratta rule.
The contemporary epigraphs mention names such as Mulļabhațjāaraka - a teacher For Private 50'ersonal Use Only

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in the Kareya gaṇa of Mylāļapatirtha. His disciple Guṇakirti and his disciple Indrakirti-swamy was the guru of Meraa, the father of Prithvirama.
Jaina literary work was also impressive during the Ratta period. Pārsva Pandita composed Pārsvanatha-Purūņa in C. E. 1222. Poets like Nemicandra and Karṇapārya were patronized by the Saundatti kings.
Thus, the rulers of these three minor dynasties were influenced by their overlords not only in matters of administration and foreign policy but also in the matter of religious affiliations. It was natural for the vassals to be attracted towards their masters in all matters such as administration, court etiquette, foreign policy etc., and also in matters of religion. The work of a large band of Jain preceptors in spreading and popularizing Jainism among the rulers and the ruled alike went a long way in making that religion popular both with major and minor dynasties, and especially with the masses. The religious fervor kindled by them was fanned by women folks - in the royal circles and among the masses. All these factors led to make Jainism the religion of a large number of people in Karnataka. The Ratta Jaina monuments like kamala basadi, trikūta basadi and Eksāmbi Jinālaya bear testimony to the Jaina architectural development. And the Jaina centers during the Ratta times which flourished under the rulers were Hārūgēri, Rāyabāg, Kallōli, Tēradāļa and Ēksāmbi. ♣
REFERENCES
1. Nagarajiah Hampa, Santaru: Ondu Adhyana, Siddhantakirti Publication, Hombuja.
2. Nagarajiah Hampa, The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand, Ankita Pustaka, Bangalore.
3. R.R. Diwakar, ed., Karnataka Through The Ages, Govt. of Mysore, 1968.
4. T.G. Kalghatgi, Karnatakadalli Jaina Dharma, University of Mysore 1976.
5. Suryanath Kamath, ed., Gazetteer of India, Karnataka State, Belguam and Shimoga Districts, V.B. Soobiah & Sons, Bangalore 1987.
6. H.M. Nayak, ed., Kannada Vishaya Viswakośa, Mysore University 1976.
7. J.F. Fleet, Dynasties of Kanarese Districts, Asian Educational Services, Madras 1988. 8. Jinamañjari, Vol. 10, No.2, October 1994.

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Jinamañjari, Volume 21, No. 1, April 2000
JAINISM UNDER MINOR DYNASTIES Gerusoppa, Kongāļvas, Hāduvalli and Cengāļvas
Dr. M.V. Srinivas, Mysore
The principalities of Gerusoppa Hāduvali, Cengalva and Kōngāļva are typical small kingdoms of early medieval India. Though feudatories of major dynasties, they enjoyed virtual independence at one stage or other and played a significant role in the history of Karnataka. Their small size did not matter, they committed themselves to good administration and all round development of their subjects. Their contribution to Indian culture in general and Jain culture in particular is praise worthy, as they commissioned and restored basadis, and adorned their courts with poets and scholars..
The most significant feature of their rule is their patronage to Jainism. Several preceptors preached and wrote treatises and commentaries on Jainism, very often producing several works on secular subjects such as medicine, ethics and fine arts. Being Jains, they set up a model on their religious toleration and accommodation.
Their downfall was some times abrupt due to internal and external factors. Gerusoppa and Hāduvaļļi fought each other for supremacy, and the intercine wars between Cengalvas and Kōngāļvas led to their fall. When the Mysore rulers unceremoniously annexed Cengalvas and Ikkēri occupied Haduvalli, it was not only a death blow to the ruling families but also to Jainism. Buchanan describes the Ikkēri Hāduvalli conflict as a clash between Saiva and Jain faiths which finally destroyed Haduvalli. Veerja, the last Cengälva king had embraced Virasaivism, which had not only replaced Jainism in the royal courts and households but it also replaced the Jain deities in the basadis which were converted into non-Jaina temples. Jasinism thus was on wane and lost its glory after the collapse of these medieval Jain kingdoms.
Gerüsoppa
It was an important medieval kingdom in Tulunadu. It comprised of eastern and northeast portions of South Canara and the southern portion of North Canara districts. Gerusoppa which is referred as Kśemapura in inscriptions was its capital. It was adjacent to the principality of Haduvalli, and the history of the two families overlap at many points. Dr. Gururaja Bhat points out that Nagire or Gerūsoppa "must have been the center of the original Tuļunādu.' The rulers of this principality were said to have belonged to the family of the Saluvas. They also claim that they belonged to Somavamśa and kāśyapa gōthra.
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The early history of the principality like many other in India is shrouded in obscurity. According to two Mūdabidre inscriptions which give the genealogy of the Nagire chiefs, Narananka was its founder. Their rule started in the twelfth C.E. and by thirteenth, they had entrenched themselves in power. The inscriptions mention the early rulers like Hōnna, Kāma, Manga, Keśvarāja, Sangama etc." For Private52Personal Use Only

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The political history of the dynasty becomes clear from Haivarasa in the fourteenth C.E. He was undoubtedly the greatest of the early rulers. His kingdom extended over a wide area comprising Hāduvaļļi, Nagire, Hõnnāvara, Candāvara and Gokarna.” After his rule, the kingdom was divided with two distinct capitals - one at Nagire and another at Hāduvalļi. The Ilāduvalli chiefs were descendants of Sangirāya, the son-in-law of Haivarasa,* and by virtue of the aliya-santāna, he became the ruler of Hāduvaļļi.' Keśavadēva who came to power by C.E. 1422 engaged himself in incessant war with Hãduvalli chiefs. He was succeeded by Sangama. The Gerusoppa chiefs by this time had become powerful enough to question the acts of the imperial officers. Sangama or Sangirāya was succeeded by Bhairava. He performed pañca-kalyāņa in the hosabasadi of Mūdabidre and had its roof covered with copper plates and made grants for the daily services of the deity. He was succeeded by Immadi Bhairaveśvara-II. The next ruler was Mallirāya who had the title of Arirāyāgajagadaberunda.
There was a civil war between Bhairava-II and Mallirāya in the middle of the fifteenth C.E. which led to the division of the Gerūsoppa kingdom between two camps. Mallirāya emerged victorious and Bhairav-II might have died in the war. Mallirāya's successor was Devarasa Odeya, who faced the attacks of Sultan of Bidar. The strong army of the Sultan was repulsed back in a fierce battle by the generals of Devarasa." The victorious king bore the titles like the lord of the three rājyas, the destroyer of the enemies, etc. The culmination of his power reached in the year 1494 C.E. when it seems to have been given the additional imperial epithets of maharajadhiraja and rajaparameswara which testifies to his independent position. He also made an attempt to annex parts of Goa, but did not succeed in his attempt." Devarasa's successor Bhairavendra performed the mahāmastkābhiseka of Gommata" His successor Immadi Devarāya Odeya was referred as Lord of Nagire rājya and Haiva, Tuļu, Kinkana and other.'s. He also led invasion on Goa. His successor Krišnadevarāja was also a great warrior. Inscriptions praise him as Lord of Nagire, kaļigaļa mukhada kai, Saļuva, vibhāndha, ripukala sürekara." He defeated Gururāya Odeya ruler of Hāduvaļļi in a battle near Nagire. He was also referred as Lord of Nagire, Tuļu, Konkaņa and other rājyas. 18
There was an interesting turn in the history of Gerüsoppa at this stage. Cennabhairādēvi who succeeded to the throne of Gerūsoppa combined in her the dual ruling authority of Hāduvalli and Nagire. Inscriptions refer to her as the queen of Nagire, Haiva, Tuļu and Konkaņa rājya" She ruled from Hāduvalli and was a patron of Jainism. She made liberal grants to several basadis. and mathas. The Sāntisvara basadi at Gerüsoppa was caused to be made by her.20 The Vijayanagara rulers sought her help to import horse through the ports of Bhatkal and Honnāvara which were under her jurisdiction.?! Her reign (1533-98 C.E.) was the longest and the most eventful in the history of Gerūsoppa. During her time, Gerusoppa's fame spread to Europe and other countries. The Portuguese had trade relations with queen Cennabhairädēvi.
The Ikkēri kings who had become powerful by this time decided to conquer Gerūsoppa. Venkatappa Nāyaka-I invaded Gerüsoppa and destroyed the capital. It was absorbed in the Ikkēri kingdom in the sixteenth C.E.
The Gerūsoppa rulers were brave warriors and great conquerors. They were feared by Governors of Vijayanagara Empire. Their sovereignty was For Private 53ersonal Use Only

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recognized over a wide region. The Vijayanagara rulers sought her help in political and commercial matters. Agriculture and trade flourished during this period and Tulunadu witnessed an age of prosperity.
Gerusoppa played a significant role in the political, commercial and religious life of Tulunadu. An inscription describes Gerusoppa as India's city "with glittering towers with Jaina caityās, king's residences, abode of yogis, lines of merchant houses, with crowds of generous men devoted to acts of merit, congregations of gurus and yatis, bands of poets and scholars and innumerable bhavyās.
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The Gerüsoppa rulers were great patrons of Kannada literature, and the celebrated poet Sāļva who lived during the reign of Devaraya Odeya wrote Sāļva Bhārata, Rasaratnākara, Šārada Vilāsa, Vaidya Sangatya and other works. Another famous poet and scholar - Abhinava Vādi Vidyānanda lived in the court of Krishnadevarasa. He was the author of Kavyasara. He defeated many scholars and theologians in religious discourses at various courts of contemporary rulers.24 Ādiyappa, Pāyaṇa were other noted writers of this kingdom.
Gerūsoppa was a great cultural center in the medieval period, and the rulers were great devotees of Jainism. Poet Salva describes them as ratnatraya arādhakas, Jinadharma dvaja sthāpanācāryas and Hiranya caityālāya sthāpanācāryas. They commissioned many basadis. King Bhairva under the instruction of his preceptor Virasenācārya got the second storey of Tribhavana filaka cuḍāmaṇi basadi roofed with copper plates. His queen Nagaladevi commissioned the erection of the manasthambha in front of the basadi. His daughters Laxmidevi and Paṭṭadadevi provided for the daily food and special gifts to Jaina monks. The caturmukha basadi of Gerusoppa is an example of a glorious architectural tradition. Ratnatraya basadi is another marvelous structure. A manasthambha in front of this basadi contains five pillars, and it is one of the best mānastambhas of Karnataka. Queen Cennabhairadevi got installed the idols of Candranatha, Anantanatha and Pārsvanatha Jinas in the Hire-Parsva basadi. Most of these basadis were destroyed by the Portuguese.♣
Kongalvas
The Kongāļva royal family ruled over Arakalagūdu in Hassan district and Coorg region in Medieval period. They were feudatories of Colas and Hoysalas. The family appears in the eleventh century founded by Manija who exhibited exemplary bravery in a battle against the Cengalvas. Cola king Rājarāja-I who was impressed by the courage and the prowess of the heroic Manija instructed his son Rajendra Cola to grant Manija the village of Mallavi and the title of ksatriya sikhamani Kongāļva." Thus, Manija was entrusted with the administration of Yeļusavira-sime in north Coorg. He was also made dandanayaka over Ganga and Vengi mandalas.
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Manija was succeeded by Badiva Kongälva (1020-21 C.E. ).2 The next ruler of the family was Rajendra Kongalva, who was a very prominent king."7 He fought on the side of the Cola's against the Hoysalas and defeated Nrupakama in the battle. He was followed by Rajendra-I and Rajendra-II as rulers of the dynasty. At this juncture, the Kongāļvas had started to use the titles of the Imperial Colas. Rajendra Prithvi Kongāļva (1079-1085 C.E.) called himself Thribhuvanamalla Cola Kongāļva." 28 He also had the Calukya title to please the

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powerful Cāļukya's of Karnataka. But, the threat came from the Cengāļvas who conducted several raids on the territory. He repulsed the Cengāļva attack and extended his domain. He gave grants to several basadis and temples, and commissioned Doddamalladēva temple.
Vira Coļa Kongāļva came to power after Rājendra Prithvi Kongāļva. His preceptor was Jain monk, Candra Siddhānta, who was given a gift of a village for the purpose of constructing a basadi." Thereafter there appears a gap in the history of the family for about a period of fifty years. The next prominent ruler was Viraduddhamalla Kongāļva (1171-77 C.E.).
In their ambition and design of expansion that resulted in the intercine wars with the Cengāļvas, who were powerful traditional rivals in the western parts of Mysore, the Kongāļva kingdom had become weakened. At this juncture, Hoysaļas overran the Kongāļva principality in the last part of the twelfth century and in 1390 C.E. it was absorbed by Vijayanagara empire. The Kongāļava line disappears from history from this period. The line became the victim of the disastro's attacks of the Hoysaļas and finally of the Vijayanaga. Thus, the Kongāļvas ruled for over three centuries. ca. 1000 to 1400 C.E.
The Kongāļvas had the titles like pūrva seela surya, Coļa kula ghauratta, suryavamsa cūdāmaņi, etc. They were great soldiers and brave generals and were also able administrators. Following their Jaina religiosity, they patronized the Jaina faith. Mulțūr in Coorg district was a prominent Jain center at the time. At Mullūr, there were many famous Jaina preceptors - famous scholar Gunasena Pandita of Nandisangha Thivurigana and Prabhācandra Siddhāntadēva. The Kongāļava rulers had commissioned basadis there and at othe Rājādirāja-I caused Sāntinātha basadi and Rājādirāja-II caused Candranātha basadi. The Kongālava queens also took keen interest and playe Jaina religious activities. Pociabbarasi caused the construction of Pārsva basadi. "2 These basadis reflect both the Kongāļva's religiosity of their faith and their artistic aesthetics. ofa
Hädvalli It was an important medieval principality situated in the northern coast of Karnataka, and about 18 kms. from Bhařkaļa. Hõduvalli was known as Sangitapura and presently it is called Hadoļi. The rulers of the principality were a collateral branch of the Nagire Sāļuva family which split at the time of Haiva (C.E. 1392) into two branches: Hāduval! and Gerūsoppe." Thus they were Saļuvas belonging to lunar race.94 Sangirāya, the first important ruler, was the son of Haivarasa. He has been described in inscriptions as kaligāla mukhadakai, kātaka surekara, kaditaleyamalla, ekāngavira, etc." Though he was called mahāmandļešvara, the above mentioned titles indicate the virtual political independence of the king. Sangirāaya ruled for about forty years (1408-1449 C.E.) and ably repulsed the attacks of the Vijayanagara Governor at Honnāvara. He was a great patron of his Jaina faith, and of literature and arts.
Unfortunately, this period witnessed a perpetual conflict between the Gerūsoppa and Häduvaļļi chiefs. The Gerūsoppa rulers tried to impose their authority and desired to be recognized as sovereigns demanding the subordination of Hāduvaļļi.

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Indagarasa, son of Sangirāya, came to power, and like his father, he was a strong supporter of the Jaina faith. He was succeeded by Sangirāya-II, who ruled upto 1471 C.E. The next ruler was Indagarasa-II (Indra-II) had a long reign of thirty six years. Inscriptions praise him for his valor and patronage to Jainism." There were many Kannada poets in his court.
Gururāya Odeya was the next ruler, from 1527- 1533 C.E. He has been referred as mahāmandļesvara - feudatory of Acutarāya - and king of Hāduvaļļi. 38 He invaded Nagire kingdom - Gerūsoppa - but was repulsed by the powerful opponents.
Devarāya or Devarasa Odeya came to power and reigned from 1533 to 1542 C.E. He was succeeded by his niece Cennādevi, who has been referred in inscriptions as the queen of Vijayanagara Emperor Sadāsiva Mahārāya" She was also the niece of Krishnadevrāya Odeya of Gerūsoppa
Cennādevi was succeeded by her younger sister Cennābhairādevi of Gerūsoppa. She ruled Hāduvaļļi until 1553 C.E., and then as the Lord of Hādduvaļļi and Nagire, after the death of her uncle Krishnadevrāya Odeya. Cendabhairādevi was an illustrious queen who contributed to the all round progress of her kingdom.40
Hāduvalli chiefs bad strong Jaina religiosity and at the initiation of the of Pontiffs of Sangitapura, they founded many religious institutions and endowed them liberally. They caused several basadis and renovated many not only in their kingdom but even in other parts of Tuļunādu.“
Sangitapura had many reputed Jain preceptors. Śrutakirti who belonged to the line of Pontiffs at Sravanabeļagoļa came to this kingdom and founded a pontifical seat in the eleventh century. It had many great teachers including Akaļanka and Bharakaļanka who commanded universal respect not only on the west coast but in other parts of the country. afe
Cengalvas The Cengalvas were also medieval rulers and their kingdom was comprised of Coorg district and western Mysore. Their original home was confined to Hunsur taluk in Mysore district and the surrounding areas. Derret points out that their kingdom was bound north to south from rivers Hemāvati to Cāveri; east to west from river Cāveri to Coorg. 42
The Cengāļvas claimed that they belonged to lunar race and Yādava kula. Their inscriptions state that they came from Dwāravati. Vikrama Cengāļva who came from north with five hundred families settled in this place and established a principality. He commissioned the capital with a fort at Bettadapura.
Sometime in 1004 C.E., the Cengāļva king was confronted in the battle of Panasõge against the Coļa king, and the defeat of the Cengāļva led to the occupation of their Kudumalainādu area by the Coļas.43 Very soon they were submitted to the Coļas and become their feudatory. Nanni Cengāļva thus added the prenomen - Rājendra Coļa - to his name. He was a powerful ruler who extended his kingdom as well as developed matrimonial relations with the Periyapatna Chiefs. 44
The next prominent Cengāļava ruler was Māceyarasa or Modeyarasa. He was a great warrior and bore the title nigalankamalla.45 He was succeeded by Devamahādeva Cengā!va who ruled from 1091- 1095 C.E. His successor was For Private 56Personal Use Only

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Odeyāditya Cengāļva who bore the name of his Coļa master Kulotunga Coļa (1070-1122 C.E.). 46
Coming to the twelfth century, Cengāļvas had to bear the brunt of Hoysaļa attacks on their territory. Hoysaļa Viśnuvardhana humbled the Cengāļva rulers."7 Later, they rallied soon and survived the frequent raids of the Hoysaļas. Narasimha-I, the Hoysaļa king, declared a war on Cengāļva king who was killed in the fierce battle and carried away their horses, elephants and a vast booty. 48 King Narasimha's General Bokumayya further suppressed the Cengāļvas and the Kongāļvas and also the Coļas and the Kerala Chiefs. Another Hoysaļa General, Govinda inflicted humiliating defeats on the Cengāļvas.49 In order to avoid such frequent attacks by the Hoysaļas, the Cengāļvas shifted their capital from Bettadapura to Palpare in Coorg district."' In the course of time, Hoysaļas appear to have established matrimonial relationship with the Cengāļvas,' and due to this relationship, Mahādeva Cengāļva rushed to the help of Balļāļa-II whose kingdom had faced the threat of a civil war. Later, Balļāa-II led another attack on the Cengāļva king Mahādeva, 52 who was killed in the battle.
The next Cengāļva king Penumavira tried to reconquer his territories from the Hoysaļas with the help of the Kodava leaders. He was not only repulsed by the Hoysaļas but they dealt him with heavy losses."
The Cengāļvas moved yet to another capital. In the middle of the thirteenth century, Somadeva and Boppadeva ruled together from Srirangapatna." The then Hoysaļa king, Someśvara accepted the Cengāļvas as feudatories and entrusted them with the administration of Srirangapatna.” Thereafter followed a period of cordial relationship between the Hoysļas and the Cengäļvas. In the sixteenth century, the Cengāļvas appear to have become independent rulers - Nanja and Mahadeva ruling jointly from 1503-1525 C.E." After the disappearance of the Hoys!as, the Cengāļvas became the feudatories of Vijayanagara empire." Nanja Cengāļva founded a new capital Nanjarājapatna, named after himself, on the banks of river Cāveri."
The next Cengāļva ruler, Nanjunda not only rebuilt Periyapatna, 60 but also was a great patron of literature. His son Śrikanța had titles like rajādhirāja and parameśvara. 61 His son Virarāja (1560-1585 C.E.), a strong ruler, gave bis daughter in marriage to Rāmarājiah, son of Tirumala of Aravidu dynasty. The next Cengāļva ruler, Periyarājrudrānga (1585-1625 C.E.) strengthened the capital Periyapatna by commissioning a fort in stone. 69 After Krishnarāja, the Cengā!va genealogy is not clear.
The names of Nanjunda, Mallarāja and Virarāja (1619-1644 C.E.) 64 -- the last Cengāļva -- appear in their history. Virarāja was related to the Hāveri kings of Kodagu. He was defeated by Kanţirava Wodeyar of Mysore for not paying the annual tribute.65 Being humiliated with the defeat, he killed all the members of his family and himself. And that is the end of the Cengāļvas.
The Cengā!vas ruled over a vast area for about six centuries, and their rule was under constant attack by the Hoysaļas. Besides, their clashes with the Kongāļvas weakened them. From their religiosity, they were great patrons of Jainism and they were great patrons of literature. In their courts, poet Nanjunda wrote Kumārarāma Sānghtya; Rāmarudradevappa wrote Rāmavijaya; Rāma wrote Gitārāghava, Mangarasa composed Supāśāstra, Samyaktva Kaumudhini

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Šripādacarite, Jainarupa kāvya, and Doddaih wrote Bhujabali Satakha in Sanskrit.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Gururaj Bhat, Studies in Tuluva History and Culture, p.108. 2. SII, Vol. VIII, No.202. 3. Karnataka Inscriptions, Vols. I, Nos. 35 and 36. 4.K.V. Ramesh, A History of South Kanara, p.195. 5. Ibid. 6. Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol I, No.48. 7. Ibid., No.50. 8. Ibid., No.61. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid., No.60. 13. K.V. Ramesh, A History of South Kanara, p.115. 14. Ibid. 15. Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol.III, No.72. 16. Ibid., No.71. 17. Ibid. 18. Ibid., No.79. 19. EC, Vol. VIII, Sagar No.57. 20. Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol. III, No. 72. 21. K.V. Ramesh, Cennabhairadevi in Bhavyavāni, May 1963. 22. EC, Vol. 7 Sagar No.55. 23. R. Narasimhacar, Karnataka Kavi Carite, p. 112. 24. Ibid. PS. EC, VIII, AG.170. 26. Ibid. 77. Ibid., AG. 143. 23. Ibid., IV, HN. 35. 19. Ibid., VIII, HN. 139 20. EC, HN. 56. 1. EC, HN. 108. 32. Ibid., VIII, AG. 146. 3.Jinamañjari, Vol.10, No.2, October 1994
. Karnataka Inscriptions Vol. I, No.38. 5. Ibid., No.40. 3. Ibid., No.50. 1. AR, No.537.
Ibid., No.541. Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol.III, Part I, No.77.
Ibid., No,80 . Mysore Archaeological Reports, p.112, 1928.. 2. J.M.D. Derret, The Hoysļas, p.17 3.C. Hayavadana Rao, Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. IV, p.644. M. Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. I, Coorg, No.46. 8. Ibid., 645. 46. EC, VIII, AG.66. 17. Ibid., AG. 137. 8. EC, V, C.P. 46.
19. Mysore Archaeological Reports, 1909-1910,p.76.
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50. .K. Rajashekar in Suvarna Janapada, p.287. 51. EC, V, Belur, p.114. 52. P.K. Rajashekara, p.285. 53. EC, VI, Kadur, p.57. 54. Ibid., IV, Hunsur, p.20. 55. Mysore Gazetteer, Vol. II, p.384. 56. EC, VIII, AG. No.53. 57. B.R. Gopal, Minor Dynasties of South India, p.174. 58. EC, IV, SB. 329. 59. Ibid., IV, PP.22. 60.Rajashekar, p.295. 61. EC, IV, PP.121. 62. Ibid., V, AG.21. 63. Ibid., Hassan 36. 64. Rajashekar, p.296. 65. Ibid., p.297.
Jain temple at Lakkundi, C.E.1007 by Attimabbe

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Jinamañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
ART ASPECTS OF NIŚIDHI MEMORIALS
Dr. Shrinivas V. Padigar, Dharwar
Voluntary termination of life by prescribed procedures constitutes a unique feature of Jaina philosophical, spiritual and ritual tradition. Known variously as sallēkhanā, samādhimaraņa, arādhanāviclhi, its object is to liberate the soul. The procedure itself is of the nature of inviting death in order to put Death to death. Hundreds of commemorative records found particularly in Jaina centers of Karnataka like Sravanabelgoļa, Koppaļa, Huńcha, Muļugunda, etc. testify that the Jainas - saints, nuns, laymen and laywomen alike - willingly accepted and practiced this vow in abundant numbers through the centuries. Often such records are found on natural rock-hills, boulders, stone columns and stone tablets, the later two specially carved and erected as commemoratives. The records identify the self-mortified by name. These memorials, called nisidhis, form an interesting class in Jaina art.
Although the term nisidhi has not been satisfactorily explained, in the inscriptions of Karnataka and in Kannada literature, it has been consistently employed to denote a memorial of an ardent Jaina saint or adherent who breathed last by the prescribed ritual procedure. Rarely does one find a nisidhi set up for a votary who died of other reasons, as for instance a heroic death in a battle.
The stone seats or beds in Mankulam caves near Madurai and elsewhere in Tamilnādu, with 2nd - 1st B.C.E. Tamil Brāmhi inscriptions mentioning Jaina saints and donors are to be regarded perhaps as the earliest surviving instances of nisidhis. in Karnataka too, Jaina saints put to use natural caves and caverns for samadhimarana rite. Painted or inscribed records mentioning Jaina saints, found in natural caves and caverns in places like Koppaļa and Bādāmi are pointers to this. Niśidhis were inscribed or set up by a relative or, in the case of saints, a disciple.
The early nisidhi examples in Karnataka, records were engraved on live rocks or boulders associated with the self-mortified. Sometimes foot-prints of the saints were carved on rocks along with an inscription recording the name of the deceased. But before long, a distinct tradition of carving out a relief sculpture - usually above the record - was commenced. Even small shrines were erected as nisidhis. Being associated with the Faith as memorials, nisidhis acquired the attribute of symbolic sculptural jargon conforming to that theme. From the art point of view, principal nisidhi types may be considered as follows: Rockhill/boulder, Stone tablet and Columns.
Rock-hillBoulder Niśidhis Basically this type comprises of two sub-types: (a) Foot-print nisidhis on rockbeds and (b) nisidhis with relief-sculpture on rock cliffs.
Foot-print nisidhis on rockbeds were meant to commemorate Jaina saints. A good example is the foot-print of saint Sridēva found on Ckikkbettta rock hill at Sravaņabelgola. On the same hill foot-print memorials are found also near
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Kanchinadone. Saint Lakshmisenadeva's foot-prints are noticed on a boulder near Siddharaguṇḍu, Phālkiguṇḍu at Koppaļa. In details of delineation of foot-prints certain variations may be noticed. Some are engraved just in outline; some appear to emerge from the rock bed since the surrounding part of foot-prints is scooped out; others are ornately set within a bloomed lotus (Fig.2). Certain foot-prints accommodate a four petaled flower on them (Fig. 1).
Nisidhi reliefs on rock-cliffs are found at places like Śravaṇabelgola, Koppala, Mulugunda, etc. where huge boulders abound. At times, a single rockcliff may provide surface for relief nisidhi records of one or more individuals. The boulder called Siddharaguṇḍu, located near akhaṇḍabāgilu on Doddabeṭṭa at Sravanablgola accommodates on it about half-a-dozen nisidhi memorials. In the upper part of the boulder are carved horizontal rows of saints who sit in a monotonous cross-legged posture (Settar, 1986, pl.xl). At the centre of the top row is the figure of a seated nude tirthankara on a throne, sheltered by triple-umbrellas and flanked on either side by a fly-whisk. Settar feels that the elaborate depiction is intended not only to commemorate saint Dharmabhūšaṇadēva but also to honor the whole monastic order of the mūlasangha and Balātkāragaṇa. This is an unusual type from the point of view of nisidhi art.
The most interesting nisidhi relief on the Siddharagundu is at the right end of the lower half of the boulder. It depicts a seated figure of Bahubali, flanked by an aspirant and a saint who face towards Bahubali at the centre (Fig.3). The aspirant is nude and holds the aradhana-text in his left hand while the saint, whose crossed leg is held by a yogapaṭṭa, has his right hand raised in the gesture of praise. Bahubali is sheltered by chhatratraya and flanked by fly-whisks. Above the relief the sun and the moon are engraved. This is the only known example in the whole galaxy of nisidhi memorials to show Bahubali in place of Jina Tirthankara. It is the nisidhi of some saint whose name is obliterated. The deceased saint was obviously an ardent worshipper of Bahubali and the artist was apparently impressed by the overwhelming presence of the huge Gommata monolith on the summit of Doddabcṭṭa.
In nisidhi reliefs depiction of seated Jina-tirthankara is very frequent. However, a Jina under chhatratraya, standing in käyōtsarga posture on a padmapitha replaced the seated Jina in certain unusual cases. In fact, an example of this can be seen on the Siddharagundu itself. There are specimens of this type on Candramabaṇḍe at Koppala also (Fig.4).
An example of a two-tier relief depiction in nisidhi memorial is noticeable on the boulder portion between the Siddharaguṇḍu and the Bahubali temple at Śravaṇabelgola. Here, in the upper part is the relief of Jina-tirthankara seated under chhatratraya, and flanked on either side by a cauri-bearing attendant. Below this, in a separate panel, an aspirant couple is depicted being initiated by a saint. Between the couple and the saint is placed a thavaṇekōl (cross-legged stand to support the aradhana texts). The aspirants are seated in cross-legged posture with their hands in namaskaramndra (gesture of salutation). They have their garments and ornaments. The saint-teacher, however, sits nude, cross-legged with yōgapaṭṭa, raising his right hand in the gesture of exposition. A piñchha-broom is by his side. Two-tiered nisidhi depiction are common particularly on memorial tablets.

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Stone Tablet Niśidhis This category is by far the most favored ones. It consists of well dressed stone slab with a semi-circular or angular top. In appearance it resembles a donator inscribed Hone slab or sometimes a herostone. However, a closer observation reveals the difference. Single-tiered, two-tired and three-tiered relief depiction are noticeable. ln single-tiered portrayal, a Jina-tirthankara is shown in the centre, seated under charratraya on a simhasana (lion-throne) flanked on one side by a nude ascetic with a thavaņeköl-stand before him, and on another side by the aspirant who may be a male or female, facing the Jina figure. The moon and the sun are also depicted almost invariably. Certain examples depict only the Jina and the devotee (Fig.5).
In the two tier depiction, the upper panel conforms to the above description with certain variations in detail - such as the introduction of cauribearing attendants flanking the Jina, pillar, sikhara etc. However in the lower panel the aspirant or aspirants are receiving instructions from the teacher-saint, facing each other. A book placed on thavaņeköl separates them. A nisidhi tablet from Bāļūr, now in KRI at Dharwar furnishes a good example of this type. (KRI Acc. No.34; Settar, 1990, p.258, Fig.82). In certain interesting cases (KR1 Acc.No.36), the thavnekõl supports a book with a four-petaled flower marked prominently on it (13th century); while the upper panel contains only a seated Jina flanked by fly-whisks. It commemorates the death by vow of a lady during the reign of Yādava king Kannara. Similar examples are noticed at Sāsuvehalli (Nagarajaiah, 1999(b); Fig.48 and 49) also. At times the aspirant couple are shown simultaneously undertaking the vow.
The three-tier depiction differs from the above only in having an intermediate panel which portrays the aspirant - whether male or female seated with hands in namaskaramuadrā in a vimāna, being carried by cauri-bearing xsaras. (Settar, 1990, p. 260, Fig. 83; KRI, Acc.No.35). A fine specimen of this type comes from Tavanandi fort and is now preserved in the Government Museum # Shimoga (Fig. 7). Here, the uppermost part of the tablet is decorated with stylized makaratorana culminating in kirtimukha. Below this there are three separate horizontal panels. The lowermost penal prominently depicts a thavanekol with aradhana-text on it. To its right is a lady seated frontal with h her hands in
caramudrā, while to its left is a nude saint seated cross-legged and raising his right hand in the gesture of praising or exposition. The central pa lady seated in a vimāna with hands in namaskāramudrā. The vimāna is being
cried by lady cauri-bearers. In the upper panel a Jina is seated, flanked by flvwhisks. On his right the lady is depicted in namaskāramudrā while on his left the mint in the attitude of exposition holding a manuscript in his left hand is shown. The example belongs to c. 15th-16th century.
In certain earlier examples from Koppaļa, nisidhis not conforming to the above types are noticed. Heavy and rectangular in section, they accommodate inscriptions recording the memorial without much sculptural detail. The upper part assumes the form of a śālākāra (wagon-vault roof type) temple with a caityakūdu in front containing miniature seated Jina.
Mišiclhis Columns They form a class by themselves. The best examples are found in Sravanabelgoļa.
Unlike the mānastambhas which are free standing, the column type nisidhis are set For Privates Personal Use Only

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up either in basadis or in specially built pavilions (mantapas). Noteworthy nisidhi columns are those of saint Mallisena in the hall of Pärśvanatha basadi and of saints Panditārya and Sritamuni in Siddhara basadi. Mallisena's nisidhi column is cubical in form and artistically and technically an excellent piece. A long record is carefully inscribed on it in beautiful Kannada script by Gangacari, a distinguished artist of the 12th C.E.. On the northern face there are two relief figures: Adinatha Jina in parvankāsana under chhatratraya, seated on throne; beside him is saint Mallisena, in profile seated cross-legged with yogapaṭṭa on a stool, holding an ārādhana book in his right hand. Between him and the Jina is a thavaṇekol and kalasa. The other three sides of the cubical also have reliefs: the east and west sides have Jinas in parvarikasana on padmapitha, sheltered by chhatratraya and flanked by fly-whisks; the south side depicts seated Adinatha flanked by cauribearing standing attendants. The top part of the column is crowned by a re-entrant cornered cupola with floral decorations, recalling the sikharas of Hoysala temples. The Siddhara basadi on Doddabetta at Sravanabelgola accommodates two nisidhi columns in its porch. Of these, Panditārya's nisidhi, carved in the 14th century, stands on a kapōta-bandha adhisṭhāna. Its upper part is in the form of a two-tiered tower of Drāviḍa type crowned by a cupola. The lower tier of the tower contains reliefs depicting the saintly initiator and the initiated, flanked on either side by individuals in namaskāramudrā (who may be the patrons), while the upper tier contains seated Jina flanked by fly-whisks. Sritamuni's nisidhi column, carved during the 16th century, is also a noteworthy specimen.
The memorial pavilions at Śravaabelgola shelter assemblages of nisidhi columns; one column of Raṣṭrakūta Indra-IV (982 C.E.) is cubical with an inverted lotus; northern face has a seated Jina. The emphasis is on engraving the text portion rather than plastic details. (Settar, 1986, p.217, and pl.xiv.)
The Lakshmimati's nisidhi-mantapa contains nisidhi columns carved during 1113-1121 C.E. Meghacandra-traividyādēva's nisidhi cubical rests on an inverted lotus pedestal. Its four faces carry reliefs of seated Jina carved in a simple and crude fashion. Lakshmimati's nisidhi accommodates a two-tier composition, but the thavaṇekōl is absent in the lower panel. The nisidhi columns of Becana and Demati also follow two-tier depiction. The thavaṇekōl in each is highly exaggerated. The nisidhi columns in Pocikabbe-manmapa (1120-1123 C.E.) are artistically better executed than those in Lakshmimati mantapa. Nisidhi columns of Prabhacandra-Siddhaātadēva (Fig.9) and Nayakirtidēva (Fig.10 & 11) are noteworthy for the tower details supported by them. Prabhacandra Siddhantadēva nisidhis crowning part is in the form of a three-tiered tower, carved on all the four sides. The lower tier has the figure of seated Jina, flanked by a saint with ārādhana text on one side and another saint with hands in añjal-mudra on the other side. In the middle tier there is a seated Jina at the centre, flanked on either side by a Jina in kävōtsargamudra (Settar, 1986, pl.xxi). The top tier enshrined three seated Jinas. The column was the work of Dasōja, son of Rāmōja (1145 C.E.) It may be reckoned among the best artistic products of Hoysala times.
The foregoing account of the nisidhi memorials affords scope for certain observations which may be enumerated as follows.
* The foot-prints probably symbolize the liberated saintly soul which attained siddhatva. The foot-prints are only shadows which indicate that this noble soul once existed in this world providing an emulate example for others to follow. For Private &63ersonal Use Only

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1. Engraved foot-print on rock-bed of small hill, Sravanabelagola.
The four-petaled flower symbolizes panchparamexhthis.
2. Footprint of Pontiff Bhadrabahu set in a full-bloomed padma, small hill Sravanabelagola.

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3. Nisidhi of St. ... Kirtideva'depicting seated Bahubali in place of Jina.
Siddha boulder on big hill, Sravanabelagola.
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4. Nishidhi relief on Candra boulder, Koppala. Jina in Kayotsarga, The teacher, thavanekol, and an aspirant couple in namaskara pose.
S. Relief on Nisidhi (single-tier type) tablo Sasuvehalli.

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6. Relief showing St. Mallisena pursuing aradhana on column type nisidhi,
Parsva basadi, Sravanabelagola. Carved by Gangacari, 12th C.E.
7. Nishidhi tablet with 3-tier depiction, Tavanandi Fort (c.15-16th C.E.)
#1304 Shimoga Museum.

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ZA
AA
8. Top portion of nisidhi carved in the form of salakara (wagon-vault roof) basadi, Koppala. Commemorates death of St. Trikalayogisvara in 997 C.E.

2
9. Upper portion of column type nisidhi of Prabhacandra-Siddhantadeva, Sravanabelagola. Carved in the form of storyteller with relief figures of Jinas, mid-12th C.E.

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Wuuu
10. Upper portion of column type nisidhi of Nayakirtideva, Sravanabelagola, c. 1176 C.E.
11. Detail of the above with seated and standing Jinas in the caitya arranged in 3-tier tower,
recalling the concept of Nandisvara-dvipa, c. 1176 C.E.

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The four-petaled flower sometimes shown on foot-prints stands for the padmamandala symbolizing the pañca-paramesṭhis.
* The tiered relief compositions on nisidhis follow a synoptic narrative scheme of the votary's ascent to the higher plane from the lower. The lower panel in each case refers to the process of initiation into and the practice of the vow. The guidance of saint-teacher was inevitable for the aspirant to enter into the vow of sallekhana. Thus his place in narrative scheme is defined. He often has one hand in the gesture of exposition, holding the aradhana text in the other. The exaggerated size of the thavanekōl is noteworthy for it implies emphasis. It is the very embodiment of the firmness of the Jinasasana (bhadramastu jinaśāsanāya). The Jina in whose presence the votary is shown in the upper panel symbolizes the samavasaraṇa mood. He delivers his silent sermon on Jinasasana in the Assembly Hall created by the gods. Hence the artist through this delineation seems to imply that the votary is enjoying the bliss of the sermon of the Jina in samavasarana in the heavenly abode. The recurrence of statements like svargāgramanēridar, indralökakke-sandar etc in nisidhi records also support the above interpretation. In three-tier depiction, the central panel shows the votary being carried in a vimāna by apsaras, thereby implying that he or she is ascending to the heavens to reach the samavasaraṇa plane having successfully completed the sallēkhanā rite. The sun and the moon apparently symbolize the state achieved by the votary which is one of eternity.
In the case of certain nisidhi columns treated with elaborate multi-tiered details (eg. Prabhācandra Siddhātadēva nisidhi at Śravaṇabeļgoļa) there is scope to believe that the artist intended to depict Nandiśvaradvipa, the eighth continent which resembles heaven and which is a rejoicing land where the gods are intent on worshipping the Jinas in the fifty-two śāśvata-caityalayas. ♣
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. A. Gosh, ed., Jaina Art and Architecture, Bharatiya Jnanpith, Delhi, 1974.
2. K.G. Bhatsoori, Antiquities in the Government Museum, Shimoga - A Study, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, 1995.
3. B.R. Gopal, ed., Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol.II, Mysore University 1973.
4. Nagarajiah Hampa, Koppala Säsangalu, Ratnatraya Publication, Mysore 1998; Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions X-Rayed, Ankita Publication, Bangalore 1999; The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand, Ankita Publication, Bangalore 1999.
5. Parataditya Pal, The Peaceful Liberators: Jaina Art From India (Thames and Hudson Inc., New York 1994.
6. S. Settar, Inviting Death, Karnataka University, Dharwar, 1986; Pursuing death, Karnataka University, Dharwar 1990.

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Jinamañjari, Volume 21, No. 1, April 2000
CLOISTERS OF JAINA FRIARS IN KARNATAKA
Prof. Nagarajaiah, Hampa, Bangalore
The nature and contribution of the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka, functioning for over a millennium has remained largely unexamined. Such a study would require a monograph in itself. Certain significant socio-historical and socioreligious issues which revolve around the basic question of just how Nirgrantha faith has been able to survive and prosper upto the present day will be examined here. Definite nature, characters and the scope of the cloisters of Jaina monks are not fully known due to the paucity of details, and, whatever available is employed to reconstruct its visage and scope.
Some of the places of Jaina mathas which were once in the geographical territories of Karnataka are now situated in Andhra Pradesh and Maharāṣtra. Konakonda, Rāyadurga, Kulpak, Penukonda and Ratnagiri - important flourishing seats of Jaina monastery are in Andhra Pradesh, and Kolhāpur and Nandēd are in Mahārāstra.
Mathas, as the monasteries are popularly referred, were the main centers of learning. "Jaina monasteries continued to be public schools and universities for the greater part of India" (Havell: 156]. Such major śramaņa seats had developed at a number of places in all directions of Karnataka. The śramaņa movement opened its ranks to members of any age group or caste, even to women. This uncurbed line of thinking took the form of greater popularity among the common people. It reaped the fruits of material benefits, and gained easy access to the machinery of political power.
The relationship of the palace, the royal house of the ruling dynasty, and the Jaina monastery was so cordial that the endowments to the Jaina mathas and mendicant community were free from annual customs and duties. Hundreds of inscriptions repeatedly speak of such tax-free gifts to Jaina sanctuaries and cloisters of monks and nuns.
It is interesting and worth contemplating to note the subjects taught in the Jaina convent, recorded in Ārādhana Karņāta Tika by Bhrajişņu (C. 800 C.E.), an important commentator and author of his age. It is a lucid commentary on Aradhana, a Jaina text of canonical tradition, authored by Sivakoti alias Sivarya or Sivajja. (C. 2nd cent C.E.) written in Apabhramsa. According to his list, the curriculum of advanced studies was so wide as to include Veda, Vyākaraña, Dharmaśāstra, Jyotiša, Mimāmsa, Candas, Nataka, Nyaya, Nighaṇtu, Samudrika, aśva-gajaśāstra, sāhitya and Smritis; one of the four Āgamas, grammar, a code of Hindu law, astronomy, discussion on the art of poetry, prosody, dr conduct, lexicography, palmistry, veterinary science, ancient legendary, literature and mythology. Bhrajişņu had the first hand knowledge of the cloisters of monks that existed during the Rāştrakūta period, himself being a pupil who studied and stayed in a monastery at Maļkhēd. Specialists were available on all these subjects
and some of the senior professors were equally competent to teach on more than For Private 65.- ersonal Use Only

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one subject. It may be noted that the syllabus was not restricted to the Jaina topics only or the religious texts.
Sravanņbeļgoļa, Koppaļa, Hombuja and Muļgunda monasteries served for centuries as the primary location from which teachings of Jina and Jaina tradition were disseminated. Jaina pontiffs and preceptors were sound scholars on varied subjects including religious and secular. Their mastery over canonical knowledge was proverbial. Jaina monks and nuns were felicitous in three R's - reading, (W)riting and (a)rithmetics. House of ascetics also accommodated the willing Jaina men and women householders to get trained in various sciences and allied discipline. In the region of Tamilnādu and Kerala, Jaina monasteries are called Palli, Pali, and these terms occur frequently in the inscriptions, clearly denoting Jaina complex and resting place of Jaina ascetics.
Endowments were made for the maintenance of both the teachers and the students. Feeding the students engaged in studies was a meritorious act of charity. Mathas were also acting as residential institutions making provision for imparting knowledge. An uptodate library, containing manuscripts on all the allied subjects, was well maintained in all the monasteries and the Jaina shrines.
Ayyapadeva, on the request of his two Jaina consorts, Nāgiyabbe and Heleyabbe, granted for the two Jaina shrines of the Baragür Mülasthāna, land (specified) to Vimalamati-bhațara, who in C.E. 920 was the chief of abbatial monk of the matha at Penjūru. There were two Jaina temples, and the nearby Amarapura was also a known Jaina seat in the area of Sirenādu.
· Major monasteries had more powers and responsibility of managing their huge property, in cash and kind while minor mathas administered as subordinate to them. Mandlācāryas were the chief of abbots of a wider diocese and stood at the head of the monastic organization. Many sanctuaries would be under the direct control of such major mathas or chief pontiff. Maleyūr (Kanakagiri), Are-Tippūr, Kambadahalli were attached to the major matha at Sravanabelgola, and Hôm mațha comprised of Vārānga, Kundādri, Maļkhēd, Sõnda and Delhi mathas.
There are no vestiges left behind of the existence of the disocese at many places except the authentic epigraphic and literary evidence to reconstruct the past history. "Jaina was really a popular religion in the Kadamba Empire and that there were many people who were worshippers of Jinendra" (Moraes, G.M: 35]: "Jaina mathas were established in all parts of Karnataka. The inscriptions speak at length about the Jaina monastery at Kuppațūr and give a short genealogy of the gurus. We learn from the records that queen Māļaladevi patronized this institution. At Bāndhavapura there was another famous matha. The flourishing city of Belgaum also contained a representative Jaina population and there existed a Jaina monastery." [Moraes: 252-53).
The town Kogaļi was an important centre of Jaina activity for over centuries. Particularly during the time of Durvinita, king of the early Ganga dynasty, endearing to the Jainas as the prestigious establishment of their faith with the famous king himself commissioning the first and earliest sarvatobhadra olim caturmukha caitāalaya. It was established that the sthanaguru, chief of the local pañcamatha at Kogaļi was its patriarch. Gañadaradēva bhattāraka was the local chief of all the abbots in C.E. 992 and Indrakirtimunindra was the sthanadhipati in C.E. 1055. The former was honored by Taillapa-II (C.E.974-98) and the latter
by Trailõkyamalladēva (C.E.1042-68). Jaina matha at Jambukhandi was For Private Personal Use Only

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established in C. 9th Cent. C.E., and also a gaṇa, cohort of Jaina monks and nuns, was named after the place..
A rapid increase in the number of Jaina temples also made the emergence of Jaina mathas inevitable. Thus, mathas had separate functions to carryout, including the administration of Jaina church. A well-regulated hierarchy of Jaina church officers effectively regulated both the Jaina shrines and the Jaina community. Bhaṭṭārakas or the chief pontiff stood at the head of the monastic organization, simultaneously attending to the act of initiating the novices into the order and receiving gift of land, villages and jewelry or cash as a custodian, for the maintenance of temples and charity houses.
The spread of Jainism and the dissemination of Jaina ideals received sufficient impetus on the advent of Acārya Kundakunda, pioneer in almost all the genealogies of southern Jaina tradition. He is known from a number of lithic records as a connoisseur of exceptional accomplishments. Some of the medieval gana and gacchas, cohorts of the Mulasangha, original congregation, had their origin from the place where that particular house of ascetics once existed.
Growth and survival of Jaina church has had its wax and wane. Drawing upon the literary and epigraphic evidence of specific periods and locations, it is known that Jaina community sailed safe till the late medieval period. The period of Jaina ascendancy was fast drawing to its zenith, when the Raṣṭrakūta throne was occupied by Amoghavarṣa-I (C.E. 814-75. He had grown in the bon uiuant, good companion of eminent Jainas de novo, from the beginning. He was educated in Jaina monastery at Manyakheta under the command of the adept Jinasenācfārya, the then Pope of the Jaina church in the kingdom. Obviously, he cultivated a religious temperament. Amoghavarṣa-I, who had Nrpatunga as his first name, did not give up his association with Jaina monastery, and would frequently retreat from his court to spend time in the company of Jaina ascetics. Consequence to this Jaina influence, he also authored a small catechism in Sanskrit entitled Praśnottara-ratna-mālikā.
Jains have constituted a small religious minority of Indian society only after the Vijayanagara period. Till then, from fourth century C.E., onwards upto the end of the Kalyāṇa Cāļukya period, Jains were on par with any contemporary major religion. During and after the Vijayanagara period, their numerical strength deteriorated gradually to 0.41% of the total Indian population. In Karnataka also americally Jains are a small segment. Fascist aggression dominated the scene, moke billowed from the sanctuaries, monasteries and the houses of Jaina ommunity. Skirmishes continued between Jainas and heaps of sobs and bitter emories linger long in the backyard of history of Jaina Church. As a result of all is catastrophe, the number of Jaina monastery also dwindled to a single digit om its strength of three digits.
An alphabetical list of places where Jaina monasteries flourished in the medieval period is given at the end of this paper, based on epigraphic evidences. Some of the Jaina monasteries, like very many Jaina temples, were requisitioned by non-Jaina sects in the post-medieval period, particularly during the reign of Vijayanagara empire. Mahāvamsa (33.78), a Bauddha text, states that the Jaina monastery of Anuradhapura was annihilated in the reign of Vattaga-maņi (B.C. 2917) of Ceylon. Cloisters of Jaina friars had already existed in the last centuries of

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B.C. E., and perhaps, houses of Jaina ascetics had come into existence during the life time of Mahāvira.
Sondā (Svādi, Sode: North Canara, Sirsi taluk), was the seat of a Jaina matha, which was patronized by Arasappa Nāyaka-II, who had Sondā as his capital, in the late sixteenth century. Like all other monasteries, Sondā mațha also owned copper plate records and a large number of palm leaf manuscripts. Prof. K.G. Kundanagār has edited and published the text of copper plates (Jaya Karnātaka of 1925-26). But most of Jaina manuscripts are lost. Sondā mațha had the other aliases of Akalanka matha and Bhattākalanka matha. Prof. K.G. Kundamagār, being mislead by the similarity of Bhattākalanka's name, tried to notice a tradition attributing the foundation of Sondā matha to the early period of circa fourth century C.E. But it is certain that the Jaina monastery at Sondā was, in temporal terms, a post-medieval matha, the Akalaņka, the Jaina preceptor mentioned in the inscription, belonged to the Häduvalli line of Jaina monastic order. Devacandra, author of Rājauali-kathe, states that Bhattākalanka, author of Karnātaka Bhāṣābhūșaņa (grammar of Kannada language written in Sanskrit) studied all the sciences at Svādi olim Sondā matha.
Philanthropic and resourceful individuals joined hands with monasteries in furthering this noble task. Perhaps the medium of instruction was the language of the region. In the Jaina monasteries of Karnataka, in addition to Kannada, Prākrit and Sanskrit languages and literature were taught and cultivated. It looks that Sanskrit scored over other languages. Kannada language was taking big strides, thanks to the Jaina ācāryas and writers who were keen in making it competent vehicle of expression of Jaina religious as well as secular themes and compositions.
"The Jaina monasteries also rendered valuable services to the cause of education in Karnataka. Epigraphic sources frequently refer to the donation of lands and villages for imparting education in the early medieval age. The gifts were known as the vidyā-dāna or gifts of learning. Thus, the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka were living institutions for learning, where pupils were taught the various branches of knowledge. The academic pursuits of the Jaina teachers contributed to the development of Jaina literature. The Jaina literature of the 9th and the 10th centuries owed its creation and development to various Jaina monasteries in Karnataka."
"Moreover, the Jaina monasteries appeared to be the pioneers in the work of charity. Elaborate provisions were made for the maintenance of charity houses, which are attached to the Jaina mațhas. In 683 C.E., Cāļukya king Vinayāditya gave the gift of a village for maintaining the charity house attached to the Sankha Jinendra temple at Laksmesvara in the Dharwar district. Similar grants of land and village were made by other kings of the same dynasty in the 8th century. Guņacandra Panditadēva of the Kundakundānvaya and Desiga-gana received an endowment of a tank for the same purposes in the 10th century. Thus, they served as a means of rendering relief to the poor." (Singh, R.B.P.: 1975: 133-34). "The Mūlasangha, a dominant ecclesiastical institution, was established by Mahāvira, and Indrabhuti Gautama (Pk. Indabui Goyama) was the first to hold its pontifical chair. Once again the adept Ācārya Kundakunda, one of the greatest of patriarchs, founded Jaina monasteries at different places in Karnataka, consolidated
all the splinter groups that had branched off from the original congregation, For Private Personal Use Only

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ancluding the Yāpaniya-sangha, and made Mülasangha, the original congregation, nvincible force in the south. Thus Mülasangha maintained its hold for more than a millennium." [Nagarajaiah, Hampa: 1999-B: 76-77).
Some of the Jaina seers did not live in Utopia. They did, to an extent participate in worldly affairs and allowed the unavoidable injury, in the larger interest of the state and it subjects, thus striking a via media between the boundaries of ahimsa, non-violence, and himsa, injury. Involvement of the Jaina abbey in the political fortunes of Karnataka echoes true in the instances of Simbanandin, Suddattācarya and Jinasenācārya. Jaina church, primarily advocating the summum bonum of non-injury, does not rule out the inevitable warfare, is a tested case of religious doctrine coming to terms with socio-political reality. Some the steadfast supporters of the Jaina faith in Karnataka were military men who were not excoriated for participating in many battles; a fotiori, all the more, they were honored with titles. The fact is that Jaina church has made a marginal and reasonable provision for practicing their profession to its adherents, as is crystal clear by the commandments laid down by Simhanandin, a famous Jaina priory, for his protégě. In short, Jaina cloistral rules have been sui generis, singular, as a code of morals playing a distinctly softening and peaceful role in the making of Indian culture.
Epitome: The position of Jaina monastery in Karnataka was unique. They taught their followers that noble rank requires honorable conduct. Thus, they molded the ut of living and method of working, emphasizing the wisdom that there is no mbstitute to hard work and honesty. Persons who were trained in the Jaina priori were easily accepted and highly respected in the society. As a matter of policy, those who studied in the Jaina convent did a lot more for the public, without fear or favor. Thus, Jaina monasteries were the house of scholars where both monks and lay votaries shaped themselves to become famed in different spheres of their choice. They provided a forum for religious, spiritual, educational and social activities. Each and every Jaina masha was a ghaţikāsthāna, a college. do
Epigraphic Based List of Jaina Cloisters In the parenthesis taluk follows district Adaki (Sedam, Gulbarga). Adur. (Hāngal, Hāveri). Aihole ( Bijapur). Annigere Dharwar, Navalgund). Angadi (Sosevūr, Cikkamagalur). Asuņdi (Rāṇibannur, Haveri). Balligave ( Shimoga). Banaļike or Bändbavapura (Shimoga). Hankāpura (shiggave, Dharwar). Banvāsi (North Canara). Bankūr (Gulbarga). hanikere (Shimoga). Belguam or Belagavi or Veņupura. Candragutti (Sorab, Limoga). Cikka Hanasoge (Mysore). Cikka Māgadi ( Shimoga). Étagiri or fidgir (Gulbarga). Gerusoppa (North Canara) Gaçi-Kesvār (Gulbarga). Hampi Bellary). Hāduvaļļi (North canara). Halsi or Palāsika ( Belguam). Hanasoge or twasoge (Mysore). Hombuja (Shimoga). Hosur or Ele-Posavur (Gadag). HaņsiHadagali (Gulbarga). Inga!agi (Gulbarga). Jamkhsdi (Bijapur). Kalleha or Kalya Bangalore). Kalukere (Sindur, Bijapur). Kāļyaņa (Bidar). Kambadahalli Mandya). Kärkala (South Caanara). Koņņura (Dharwar). Kellengere (Hassan). Kittur or Kirtipura (Mysore). Kogaļi (Bellary). Kondlakonda (Anantapur in Andhra). Koppaļ or Kupaņa. Kulagāņa (Chmarajanagar). Kuppațur (Shimoga). Lakkuņļi (Gadag). Maņddali (Shimoga). Maņņe ( Bangalore). Mannera Mosalavāda Harapanahalli, Bellary). Malkhedd (gulbarga). Malyeyur or

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Kanakagiri ( Mysore). Maroļa (Hungund, Bijapur). Mudabidre (South Canara). Mulgunda (gadag). Mulļur or Madakeri (Coorg). Nalluru (South canara). Nviluru (Dharwar). Narasimha rajapura or Simhaanagadde (Chikkamagaalur). Nelavatti or Nymati (Shimoga). Noņamangala or Jaymangala (Kolar). Nānded (now in Maharashtra) Nandi-Bevur ( Bellary). Nandagiri or Nandi Hills (Kolar). Naregal (Gadag). Niralhi (Hāveri). Puligere or Laxmeśvara, Penukonda (Now in Andhra) Pottaļakere or Patancheru (Now in Andhra). Rāmgiri (Viśākapatnam in Andhra). Rāybhāg (Belguam. Ratnaagiri (Now in Andhra). Eon (Gadag). Saundatti (Belguam). Sedam (Gulbarga). Sode or Sopnda or Swādi (North Canara). Sivagange (Bangalore). Sravanabeļagoļa (Hassan). Talakādu or Talavanapura (Mysore). Terdāļ (Belguam). Tippuru or Aretippur (Mandya. Varāṇga (South Canara). Varuņa (Mysore). obo
REFERENCES
1. SII, Vol.IX-i, No.77. C.E. 992. pp.47-48, line 13. 2. Ibid., No.117, C.E. 1055, p.93, line 40. 3. Ibid., Vol. XX, No.3, C.600 C.E. 4. EC, Vol. IV (old) Yadatore, No.23, C.E.1080. 5. EC, Vol.IV (old) Yadatore No.23, C.E. 1080. 6. BkI, IV, Nos. 4,6,7, pp.4-7. 7. Ibid., Vol.I, pt. 1 No.34, p.20. 8. IA, XVIII, pp.36ff. 9. Ibid., Vol. VII, Nos. 35-37,pp.34-38. 10. EI, Vol. XVI, p.57. 11. MAR 1926, pp. 50-52. 12. EC, Vol. XII (old), Sira.39. C.E.1080. 13. Ibid., Šira 40. C.E. 1040. 14. Ibid., Šira No.32. C.E. 1277. 15. EC, Vol. IV (old) Yadatore, 23. C.E. 920. 16. S.B. Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, 1956. 17. G.M. Moraes, Kadambakula, Bombay 1931. 18. Jyoti Prasad Jain, Religion and Culture of Jains, III ed., 1983. 19. R.B.P. Singh, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka, Delhi 1975. 20. Nagarajiah Hampa, A History of Early Gang Monarchy and Jainism; The Later Gangas: Mandali Thousand, Jaina Corpus of Koppala Inscriptions X-Rayed, Bangalore 1999; Yapanya Sangha, Hampi University 1999; Aprop of Vikramaditya and Jainism, Tumkur 1999.

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Jinamañjari, Volume 21, No.1, April 2000
PROSELYTISM OF JAINA SHRINES IN POST-MEDIEVAL KARNATAKA
Prof. Nagarajaiah, Hampa, Bangalore.
In the olden days, when the king was all in all, any shift in his faith meant a mass conversion of his kith and kin and other faithful followers. Sanctuaries and cloisters are requisitioned by the followers of other religion, and similarly the deities were co-opted while the ancient architectural remains are preserved and worshipped by new names. The subject therefore may be appropriately started with five statements:
"As elsewhere, South India also witnessed an active build up of Jaina institutions in the early medieval period. The Jainas were widespread and almost every village had a considerable Jaina population as is attested by the ruins and other extant remains." [Ghosh, A, (ed): An Encyclopaedia of Indian Archeology:1989:301]
"In spite of the profusion of Jaina monuments, there is definite evidence to show that certain Jaina establishments suffered at the hands of the Saivites and Vaiṣṇavites. The Sonabhandar caves at Rajgir [in Bihar] were requisitioned by the votaries of Visņu in the eighth century and the Jaina monastery at Paharpur [in present Bangladesh] was converted into a Buddhist vihāra by Dharmapala" [ibid, p. 163]
"The sectarian rancor and animosity played not an insignificant part in converting Jaina establishments or shrines into corresponding Brahmanical and Buddhist norms and forms in subsequent years when Jainism became a spent up force in Bengal."[S.C. Mukherji:Cultural Heritage of Bengal in Relation to Jainism in Jain Journal, Vol.XXXII, No.2, October 1997]
"The Lingayats were particularly hostile towards the Jains, and wherever they could, they appropriated their temples as well as those of the orthodox Hindus." [Henry Cousens: The Calukyan Architecture: 1926: 13]
"It is interesting to note how Jaina images are being honored unwittingly by the followers of the other creeds to this day. In the village Kalkuņi, a few miles from Sirsi, I found a fragment of the Jaina image of a Tirthankara with the triple umbrella being adored as Guru Murti by an orthodox family of Brahmanas." [Desai, P.B.: JSI: 1957: 133 f.n. no.1]
Before editing inscriptions in original form and language, and write a brief note on the subject matter of the epigraph, the methodology followed is to record the name of the place where the inscription was found. A slab or pillar of Jaina inscription may be found inside or outside the non-Jaina place of worship. Such details provide some clue to the incidents that might have occurred before either shifting the inscription or renovating the same old Jaina temple with required alteration to suit the taste of those who have appropriated the shrine. For Private Personal Use Only

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To guess and assess the situation and other similar circumstances under which the present day non-Jaina places of worship still posses the Jaina relics. is a big undertaking. Furthermore, it may be noted that some of the Jaina epigraphs are found on the slab used in non-Jaina structure as a part ceiling, wall, pillar, gopuram, compound, tank, or reservoir. An example is the tenth C.E. Jaina epigraph being used for the steps on the bank of the river. It registers the death of Mariabbe, spouse of Māramayya and mother of Aṣṭopavāsiṛṣi, Būtayya and Attayya [EC.III (R) No. 211 C. 10th cent. Tayur (Mysore Dt, Nanjangud Tk) P. 300]
One can not but surmise, on the basis temples, if not all, are either converted or restructured into non-Jaina holy places of worship. In the process of careful remodeling of Jaina temples into non-Jaina temples, Jaina relics and vestiges are retained to speak of the conversion, from Jaina to non-Jaina temples. Though this paper is based on only a sample survey at random, a thorough, systematic and meticulous study without bias would yield more conclusive and authentic evidence on this topic. The study would facilitate the reconstruction of the position of religions in the early history of Karnataka.
Conversion of Jaina sanctuaries and Buddhist vihāras into Hindu shrines was a common affair in Andradeșa. A good number of Buddhist stūpas were converted into Hindu places of worship at Cebrōlu, Bidāpura and Bezvāḍa. It is said that Adi-Sankarācārya and his followers demolished Buddhist and Jaina holy centers, including monasteries, sanctuaries and libraries, systematically and ruthlessly at various places including the region of Nāgārjuna Konda. At Kambadur, which is situated 82 kms from Anantapur, Hindu Mallikarjuna temple has Jaina inscriptions, and a Jaina panel on the northern wall indicate that this temple was originally Jaina temple, and later it was appropriated by Saivites. [Jain Monuments in Anantapur in Jain Journal, Vol. XXXII, No.3, January 1998.]
Henry Cousens has observed this fact in his book, 'The Calukyan Architecture [1926: p.13]: Rāmagiri-Ramatirtham flowered into an influential centre of Nirgrantha faith and learning under the patronage of Viṣṇuvardhana-IV (C.E. 771-806). The Rāṣṭrakūta king Govinda-III (C.E. 793-814) had once retired to the banks of the Tungabhadra and fixed his camp at the Ramesvara-Tirtha when Viṣṇuvardhana-IV and his successor Vijayaditya-II (C.E. 808) of Vengi were ruling. Prince Amoghavarṣa-I was then a tiny tot of six years old. Trikalayōgin Siddhantadēva muni, preceptor of the king stayed here to observe austurities. Ugraditya, a celebrated Jaina pontiff and author of Kalyāṇakāraka, a treatise on medicine, completed his work at the same Rāmagiri Jaina monastery. At present the place is in the custody of non-Jains.
In Tamilnadu, conversion of Jaina edifices maybe corroborated with archaeological evidence in the form of epigraphs, sculptures and architectural vestiges. A couple of them are found in the district of Kanyakumari. Citaral, also known as Tiruchchāraṇattumalai, whose natural cavern with two rows of sculptures of Jinas and the goddess Ambika on the overhanging rock as well as inside the natural cave of the ninth C. E.., was converted in thirteenth C.E. as Hindu Bhagavati shrine. The Hindu Nataraja temple at Nagercoil was a Jain shrine from about the eight through sixteenth C.E. It was appropriated by the Non-Jainas probably in C.E. 1588 with the installation of the images of serpent deities such as Adisesa and his consort Naga. Similarly, the Jaina natural cavern at

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Kalagumalai in Citambaranar district has been converted this cave into Hindu manple of Aiyyanār sometime in the twelfth C.E. Thus, the Jaina archaeological ind architectural evidence bear testimony to the fact of Jain shrines were appropriated by the non-Jainas in Tamiļnādu. (Jain Journal, Vol. XXVIII, No.4, April 1994).
Proselytism of Jaina shrines in Karnataka occurred, particularly after C.E. 1184. [SII. XV. No. 56, C.E. 1184, Tāļikote (Bijapur Dt, Muddebihal Tk)]. Till then except for rare and stray incidents, people of all castes and creed, sects and sub-sects happily lived together. Then Adayya, Virupayya, Goggarasa and the followers took cudgel against Jaina saints, temples and the residences of its followers to the extent of brutally killing them. This has been widely and graphically recorded in the inscriptions, sculpture and literary works. Some kävyas have clearly mentioned even the numerical figures of Jaina temples that the followers of their faith were successful in destroying 1500 Jaina temples. Conceding the element of exaggeration in such statements made by over enthusiastic author it is certain that a huge number of Jaina temples were demolished in religious clashes.
When a group of fanatics armed with lethal weapons attacked them, majority of the fear stricken Jains took to mass conversion. Lakhs of Jains in Karnataka inevitably embraced Virasaivism. This enmasse exodus of Jains to Virasaivism happened from the last decade of twelfth century onwards and in the 13th and 14th centuries. Regarding the dilapidated Jaina shrines in the process, something had to be done. When hundreds of basadis were uncared for, non-Jains preferred to appropriate those still in good condition. Therefore, they requisitioned Jaina temples wherever was convenient, by retaining the whole building and structure as it was, but by replacing the Jaina idols with the figures of their faith. Those Jaina images either they were immersed in the nearby tank, reservoir or well, or placed outside the temple or village or used for some others purpose.
The study therefore will present historical records of the appropriation of Jaina shrines in Karnataka, based on geographical reference of each district.
Bellary: The modern Rāmalingeśvara temple at Kuçitini and Mailāralingēśvara temple at Bāgaļi were basically Jaina sanctuaries. At Hoļagundi in Hadagali taluk, Jaina Mallinātha shrine of C.E.1167 has become Hindu Somanātha temple, but epigraphs and sculptural details speak of its Jaina origin. At Siragēri in Siraguppa taluk, Pārýva temple has been converted into non-Jaina Virabhadra temple. But, the tutelary deity remains to be a Jina. On the vimāna of all the three sides of garbha-griha, Jina Pārsva in kāyõtsarga figures prominently. Siddheśvara temple at Kurugod was originally a Jaina shrine in granite, founded in C. 12th C.E. during the rule of the Sindas of Kurugod. Dr. C.S. Patil has recorded all the architectural details of the temple and says that the Jina figure on the projecting lalāta block has been chiseled out, but however the triple umbrella is preserved [Temples of Raichur and Bellary Districts: 1992: 163).
An inscription on a broken slab lying near the Anjaneyasvami temple in Kuruvattiin Harapanahalli taluk opens with a Jaina invocatory verse. Mahāmandalēšvara Sankaradēva, a Duke under Cāļukya Vikramāditya-VI made over gift of land to Jaina sanctuary.

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Belguam: J.F. Fleet has recorded some instances of conversion of Jaina monuments: "Inscription number V is from a stone slab let into the wall of an old Jain temple, now, as in the case with almost all the Jain temples of these parts, converted into a Linga shrine - at Kalhoļi, the ancient Kalpole, Gokāk taluk."
Bidar: Two inscriptions engraved respectively on the right and left niches in the mantapa of the Mahadeva temple at Gorata refer to the images of the Jaina deities which were dedicated by the disciples of Tribhuvanasēna Siddhānntadēva and Munisuvrata Siddhāntadēva. It is obvious that the present Mahadeva temple was formerly a Jaina basadi and the Jaina images on the door-jamb support this. Of the names of the preceptors, it is probably to the former's death that epigraph number 767 (also from the same place) makes reference. The date of the latter record is C.E. 1130. (Arie 1962-63, No. B-762-763, 'Intro', p 35, parah-4]
Bijapur At Basavana Bāgevāḍi, Anjaneya temple was basically Jaina sanctuary, and it still possess all the early traits of Jaina basadi. The indisputable proofs of its original Jain shrine are the preserved image of Jina in the lalatabimba-tutelary figure and images of Jaina yakṣa-yakṣi.
At Gunda-Karjagi in Muddebihal taluk, the Hanumantadēvara gudi contains a charter recording the names of Jaina deities of Aparajitadēvi, Kubēra etc. [SII. XV. No. 591. C. 12th cent]. At Kalkeri in Sindagi taluk, Anantanātha Tirthankara basadi was commissioned around circa 12th C.E. by mahāpradhāna Malla, Baca and his son Payiseṭṭi. Later in the year C.E. 1244, settiguttas, the mummuridandas and the 200 maha-janas of Kalkēri - at the initiation of Jain pontiff Kamalasēna muni - they donated a land and a vacant site to perpetuate the daily puja in the temple. The donation was made during the rule of Yadava olim Seuna king Singhaṇa [SII. Vol. E. No.202. C.E. 1244].
This inscription is now found in the Viraśaiva temple - Mallayyana guḍi. Either the Jaina temple has been converted into a Hindu temple or the inscription slab must have been shifted, brought and kept in the corridor. If the latter is the case, why did the Jaina epigraph was accommodated in the visa-vis a non-Jaina house of worship is a question worth pondering.
At Hire-Singanagutti in Hungund taluk, stone set up near Isvara temple mentions in unmistakable terms that the famous Jaina friar, Balacandradeva of desiga-gana pustaka gaccha flourished during the reign of Cāļukya emperor Tribhuvanamalla Vikramaditya-VI (C. E. 1076 1126. On the basis of internal and external evidences available, the date of this inscription can be fixed as C.E. 1080 [SII. XI-iu. No. 209. pp. 262
Câmarajanagar: At Mukkaḍihalli, a hoary Jaina place of worship with the images of Küşmaändini and Padmavati intact has been converted into a Māriguḍi, abode of a village deity.
Dāvanagere: At Udri and Erehalli in Honnali taluk, present Hindu temples were originally Jain temples.
Dharwar: At Sōmāpura in Nargund taluk, an inscription dated C.E. 1074 on a slab built into the front wall of Basavanna temple states that when For Private &ersonal Use Only

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mahāmandalesvara Mārasimha - the Silahāra king was governing Kūņdi-3000 and Miriñje-3000 (Miraj) region - caused a Jaina basadi and made a grant of land to construct a feeding house for Jaina monks.
At Nadiharļahalli in Ranebennur taluk, a Jaina inscription dated C.E. 1168 on a slab set up in the Sõmēśvara gudi registers the commissioning of Rşabha Jinālaya by Arasigāvundi and Naga-gāvunda ( country sheriff) and a grant of land made for feeding the Jaina monks and nuns. At Annigeri in Navalgund taluk - a capital of Beļvola country and the place of Abbañabbe, mother of Kannada Poet Pampa (C.E. 941) - was a venerable stronghold of Jaina faith. An epigraph dated C. 751 C.E., engraved on a pillar set up in front of the Banaśankari non-Jaina temple, speaks of the erection of a Jaina shrine by Kaliyamma, the headman of Jebulageri, an extension of Annigeri (BKI.I-i. No. 5] Akin to this, another epigraph on a slab set up in front of the Purvada Virappa temple, contains an allusion to a group of pañcabasadi, five Jaina temples and another Jaina temple named Permāļi (Arsie 1928-29, App-E. No. 207. C.E. 1184). Evidently, the two temples where these two lithic records are found, were Jaina temples from the early period upto the 13th C.E. and conversion has taken place only after 14th C.E.. At Koņņūr a Jaina shrine commissioned in 860 C.E. by Bankeya during the time of Amoghavarşa has been converted into Parameșvara temple. This Jaina temple had once enjoyed endowment of the emperor.
Gadag: At Gadag proper, a Jaina inscription (C. 12th C.E.) found on the pillar in the southern gopura of the famous Viraparāyana temple states that Mahādeva, a follower of Jaina faith and a maha-pradhāna (chief-minister) of Ekkalabhūpāla of the town Uddhare (Udri in Shimoga district) renovated the Jinālaya. Seated JinaPārsva image and some other Jaina edifice are found in the compound of this temple. Prof. M.H. Haridas, a research scholar, has rightly observed that up to the end of 12th century a Jaina temple existed at this place.
At Hosūr, a slab containing a Jaina inscription dated C.E. 1028, is fixed to the ceiling of a Saiva temple. In the same place, a Jaina church and Yāpaniya monastery are converted into Virasaiva temples. At Jakkali village in Rön taluk, an inscription on a stone leaning against the front wall of Kalamēśvara gudi, though badly damaged, refers to the rule of the Cāļukya king Vikramaditya-VI. It registers a gift of land to a Jaina church in the year C.E. 1117, the details of which are completely lost.
Gulbarga: At Tēngaļi Jain temple founded by Yāpaniya monks has been changed into Pāņduranga temple. Once a huge Jaina shrine situated outside Jevargi town has been appropriated by others and has been adapted into god Hanuman temple., which still bears the Jaina vestiges of Rāstrakūta period, with the tutelary figure of Jina being intact. At Bankur, which was a nerve center of Jainism, there were more than three Jaina temples and a cloister of monks. One of these caityālayas has been reorganized as Hindu Rameśvara temple. It is fairly a big sanctuary consisting of a separate subsidiary shrine for goddess Padmāvatidevl, preserved sven to this day, losing its original features. There is a small shrine above the main manctuary with steps leading to it. A side entrance to the temple as well as the sanctum of the presiding deity of door-frames bear Jina icons.

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Apart from the above places, in a number of small and big townships of this district Jaina temples have been remodeled into non-Jaina temples. Of the three known Jaina temples at Sulepețe, one is modified into Virabhadra and another to Sambhu-Lingeśvara temples, the first one still has preserved figures of Jaina deities. In the outskirts of Pēt-Sirūr, in the same district, Neminātha temple has been now appropriated by the local Harijans. The basic plan of this tenth century Jinālaya is simple and consists of three components namely a square sanctum, adjoined by an ardhamantapa and a sabhamandapa (navaranga). Five ornate jambs of the gūdhamandapa door-frame are intact but the decorative details are not clearly visible since it is slightly worn out and covered with coating of color painting. Gajalaksmi is found tutelary figure at the centre as an auspicious figure. But up above the tutelary figure is found the Jina figure in bas relief. The Neminātha image - capped with triple umbrella and chipped-off middle portion of the left arm - is placed on the floor. Other minute details of the sculpture are blurred because of the deep blue painting, the two cauri bearers are visible. On the back of the image is shown a pillow like cushion and standing lions on either side, above it composite fantastic animal with its mouth wide open, and above it are the câmaradharas. An image of goddess Ambikādevl alias Kūşmāņdini is placed between the shrine-cell and sabhamantapa. Ambikadevi, female elemental spirit and acolyte divinity attending upon Jina Neminaāba, in early posture with one leg flexed and placed on the seat and the other gracefully folded from the seat, is seen resulting in ardhapadmāsana or laliāasana posture. Of the two hands, f portion of right hand is broken. left hand has covered the back of her son sitting on her lap. A portion of the neck is also broken. Ambika's hair style is typically of Rāstrakūta period. The four columns in the middle hall are moderately ornamented, but their formal components and decoration betray typical Rāstrakūta style. Local devotees worship Neminātha in the name of god Buddha.
At Yelavațti, a Jaina shrine commissioned in C. 5th cent. C.E., perhaps the oldest of Jaina temples built of stone, has been converted into a Siva temple. At Hire-Aņaji, was once Neminātha basadi has been converted to modern Virabhadra temple. At Ingaļagi in Citapur taluk, a venerable Jaina temple founded in C.E. 1095 by Jākaļadēvi, queen consort of Cāļukya king Vikramaditya-VI continues to exist except that the image of Jina in the sanctum has been very conveniently replaced by Sivalinga.
Hassan: The district has a good number of Jaina shrines being converted into nonJaina temples. In Hassan proper, Virupākṣa temple was basically a Jaina chapel. In spite of many alterations, the present temple has the seal of Jina images.
At Haļēbiļu, capital of the Hoysaļas, Beppegudda Bhūteśvara temple still has retained the original Jaina traits. At Puşpagiri village near Haļēbiļu, Mallikārjuna temple and Virabhadra temple on the small hillock were originally Jaina temples. At Hoļenarasipura and Ankanāthapura door-frames in the Srivaişņava and Ankanātheśvara temples contain Jaina records. At Muttatti Poysala Jinalaya - a Jaina shrine of royal status - has been appropriated as Mādhava temple. At Görür, Vāsudeva temple and Anjanēyaguļi at Kumbhenahaļļi were originally Jaina temples. At Doddagadda-halli a dilapidated archaic temple dedicated to Tirthankara has been requisitioned as a Siva temple.

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Hãveri: The proper Hāveri near the bus- terminus has present Virabhadra temple, which was a Jain temple as c. 13th C.E. record found on the beam states that Mādarasa had the foot prints of a deity in this Jina basadi. A triple Jain temple at Naregal commissioned by Padmabbarasi - consort of Ganga king Būtuga in C.E. 950, is converted into Nārayaņa and Sõmēśvara temple.
Mandya: At Hatna village in Nāgamangala taluk, Pārsva basadi has become Virabhadrasvāmi temple. The image of Arhat Pārsva set up on the pedestal has been replaced with the idol of non-Jaina deity Virabhadra.
At Kyātanahalli in Pāņdavapura taluk, Kõdaņdrāma temple [Vide EC. Vol. VI (R) Pandavapura 15 C.E. 1175. p. 113] has an inscription found in the top portion of the slab built into the roof of the Sõmanāyaki shrine [EC. IX (R) No. 106. C.E. 1136). It is broken and lost. It refers to the reign of Hoysaļa king Vişņuvardhana. It records genealogy of mahāpradhāna Immadi-daņqanāyaka Bittimayya. He was the son of Ciņparāja and Candare, and grand son of Udayāditya and Sāntiyakka. The king looked after him like his own son, celebrated his thread ceremony, got him married to the daughter of his commander-in-chief, and bestowed upon him the office of sarvādhi-kāri. Bittimayya, a devout Jaina by faith, commissioned a Jaina pagoda at Dorasamudra, the capital, and he made a gift pf a village to his preceptor Sripāla Traividyadēva - whose pontifical genealogy is also recounted, for the worship and offerings.
During the rule of Ballāļa-II, bis subordinate Yețeyaņa made a grant of Land to the Kodehāla basadi, on November 16 of 1175. At Bāļe-Attikuppe in Pāņdavapura taluk, a fragmentary record is found engraved on a pillar before the Mārigudi. It contains an eulogy of Nayakirti Siddhānta Cakravarti, a Jaina ascetic of C. 12th C. E. SEC. VI (R) No. 245. P. 320).
Mysore: At Honnūru in Periyapatna taluk, Srirangasvāmi temple was a Jinalaya with the mūlanāyaka Jina, except for bearing the nama (lines) on the forehead. It was appropriated by Vaiśộavas. At Mudahaļļi a village in Nanjangud taluk, a pillar fixed to the north outer wall of lord Cennakēšava temple bears a Jaina inscription of circa 12th cent. (EC. Vol. III (R) Nj. 200. p. 293). Varahasvāmi Hemple at Yeļandur was a Jina Parsva basadi.
Shimoga: Rāmēśvara temples of Harakere and Tastekere near Shimoga have undergone a lot of changes after their conversion. Ramesvara temple was a pattaJinalaya of Maņdaļi-Thousand rulers of Later Gangas, during 11th century. Bhujabala Ganga Permmādi Barmadēva et all had made grants of land in the year C.E. 1065. The near by Tattekere village has a small Rāmēśvara gudi, which originally was a Jaina temple founded by Nokkayya, a minister. At Purulegrāma a Jaina temple by name Ganga-Jinalaya built in 11th century has been converted into ViraSõmēśvara temple. An inscription on the pedestal of the Linga contains information about Jaina basadi and its chief pontiff Nemicandra-bhatýārakadēva.
Mallikārjuna Sivalaya at Soundatti and Bhavānišankara temple at Hubli, Hanumantana guļi at Muttige, and Cenna-Basavaņpa temple at Cikka-Māgadi were all originally Jaina temples.
An aged Melgudi Jaina sanctuary in Hallur, dated C. 880 C.E., of the Rāşțrakūta period, now enshrines a Sivalinga and Nandi: “A fragment of the For Private spersonal Use Only

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original stele bearing a Jina is lying inside the hall. The images of Pārsvanatha on the facade of the guḍhamandapa have been deliberately mutilated; this may have been during the Viraśaiva uprising when many Jaina temples in northern Karnataka were forcibly converted into Saivite temples" [Soundara Rajan, K V.: EITA (eds), Meister and Dhaky, M.A.: 1986: 147]
By the way, Annigeri, Puligere, Mulgund and Gadag of this tract were cardinal centers of Jaina faith upto the 13th C.E.., and were continuously under the administration of Jaina rulers. Epigraphic and architectural discoveries of the past six decades have revealed the existence of a large number of Jaina edifice in this track of about 60 kms.
Literary Evidence
Brahmasiva (C. 1175 C.E.) is the first and earliest poet to refer to the conversion of Jaina temples and proselytism. He has mentioned about the appropriation of Jaina houses of worship at Kolhapur and Puligere. Poet Devacandra also reflects identical statements in his work Rajāvaļi Kathāṣāra and has provided data on the destruction of some Jaina temples. He has recorded that Hoysala king Bittideva changed his name to Vişņuvardhana under the influence of Ramanujācarya and converted Jaina house holders and places of worship into Visp sect, including Celuvaraya temple at Melukote (Mandya district), originally a Jaina shrine. Devacandra does not mince matters and states that Sankarācārya uprooted the Jaina idol of Jaina temple at Sringeri and installed an idol of Sarasvati. Historians have also corroborated the statement with evidence. A Jaina temple exists to this day by the side of this. Sarasvati temple is also converted to a larger extent. A huge mānastambha which is bereaved of all Jaina traces in front Sarasvati shrine also provides the clue substantiating the statement of Devacandra.
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Devacandra cites two more such examples: One, the image of Mallinatha Tirthankara being replaced by Śivalinga on the Beṭṭadapura hill (Mysore district) and christened as god Malleśvara Two, a Jaina temple being converted into a Virasaiva place of worship at Talkad (Mysore district). In chapter ten, Devacandra gives an account of the Muslim king of Delhi, who converted Jaina shrines into Muslim mosques. Devacandra cites particular incident of the Jaina caves at Candradrona hill being requisitioned by the fakirs. Another Jaina author, Candrasagara Varni alias Brahmaṇānka, a contemporary of Devacandra, is also vociferous and highly vocal about this fact.
Parallel examples are very many, with another about 38 temples of Jaina faith being appropriated by the non-Jaina sects. Analogues conditions prevail in the neighbouring states of Andradeśa, Tamilnadu, Kerala and Maharaṣṭra.
Epitome
1. Most of the Jaina shrines are converted into Anjaneya (Hanumanta) temples. 2. Numerically, after Anjaneya temples, number of conversion to Virabhadra and Rāmēśvara temples are noted.
3. Even though the tutelary figure Jina either seated or standing is erased in many temples, yet it is preserved in some shrines.
4. Original monuments of Jaina edifice are some how preserved along the replaced ones, in some places. Such Jaina vestiges contain the images of Jina and other Jaina deities, either mutilated or intact, and with lithic records.

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5. Annihalation of Jaina temples cannot always be attributed to the act of nonJaina hostile sects because, an element of natural devastation has to be considered. 6. Appropriation of Jaina temples does not always mean an act of vengeance. Giving margin for such nemesis, we should consider a very large number of unprotected Jaina chapels, lying vacant for centuries. Hence, those who were willing to save the old architectural remains volunteered to requisition the holy places of worship of their choice. Hence, appropriation of holy places cannot be generalized as an act of retribution.4
Jina Supärśva image in the pond at Tippuru in Mandya disytrict
Jain temple at Jinanathapura, near Sravanabelgola

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