Jainism in Ealy Medieval Karnataka

Author(s): Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh
Publisher: Motilal Banarasidas
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011065/1

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JAINISM IN EARLY MEDIEVAL KARNATAKA (C. A. D. 500-1200)

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JAINISM IN EARLY MEDIEVAL KARNATAKA (c. A.D. 500-1200) RAM BHUSHAN PRASAD SINGH B N College, Paina University With a foreword by Professor A.L. BASHAM Chairman of the Department of Asian Civilizations, Australran National Uniberstly, Canberra MOTILAL BANARSIDASS Delhi :: Varanasi :: Patna

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MOTILAL BANARSIDASS Indological Publishers and Booksellers Head Office : BUNGALOW ROAD, JATAHARNAGAR, DELUI-7 Branches : 1 OROWE, VABANASI (UP) 2. ASKOK RAJ PATH (OPP PATNA COLLEGC), PATNA-4 (BIHAR) ISBN O 8426 0981 4 First Edition Delhi, 1975 Price : Rs. 35.00 The publication of the book was financially supported by the Indian Council of Historical Research. Printed in India BY SHANTILAL JAIN, AT SHRI JLINENDRA PRFSS, A-45, PRASE-I, INDUSTRIAL AREA, NARAINA, NEW DELHI - 28 AND PUBLISHED BY SUNDARLAL JAI, FOR AOTILAL BANARSIDASS, BUNGALOW ROAD, JAU LHAR NAGAR, DELJII

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Dedicated to My revered Teacher Professor Ram Sharan Sharma

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CONTENTS Pages Foreword Preface Transliteration Chart Abbreviations *** xiii xiv II CHAPTERS INTRODUCTION 16 SOURCES 7--22 Nature and importance of Jaina Literature, Jaina Puranas; the Jaina didactic literature; The Polemical Jaina literature; The Jaina colophons; Philosophical Treatises; Jaina tantric texts and Jaina inscriptions. III IDOL WORSHIP AND TANTRISM 23-60 Prevalence of the image worship among Karnataka Jainas; Jaina Motive of worship; Forms of Jaina worship; Temple worship; Emergence of the priesthood from among the Jaina ascetics in Karnataka; Jaina goddesses and their association with tantrism. IV RELIGIOUS RITUALS AND PRACTICES OF THE FAINAS IN KARNATAKA 61--99 Jaina rite of the sallekhana; Initiation rituals; Charity ritual; Begging and Dietary practices; The Jaina practice of rain-retreat and severe Jaina Penance.

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( viii ) ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF JAINA MONACHISM IN KARNATAKA 100--134 Social and Economic basis of Jaina monks and monasteries in Karnataka; Role of the mercantile community in Karnataka Jainism; Proliferation of the Monastic orders; The Order of Nuns; Administration and Functions of the Jaina monasteries. VI CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES INDEX ERRATA MAP 135-139 140-148 149-166 167-176 177

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FOREWORD From the time of the Mauryas Jainism was an important factor in the religious life of the area now covered by Karnataka State, formerly known as Mysore. With the support of many kings, the Jainas erected splendid temples and monasteries in many parts of the region, and the wonderful remains at Sravana-Belgola and elsewhere remain to this day as living memorials of the former greatness of Jainism, which still retains the support of many inhabitants of the area. The Jainas were pioneers in the development of the Kannada language, and they contributed greatly to many aspects of the cultural life of the region. This important factor in the development of the civilization of South India has not bcen adequately studied. The great majority of the scholars specialising in the subject, whether in India or elsewhere, devote most of their attention to the forms of Jainism still prevalent in Gujarat and Rajasthan, while the Digambara Jainas of the South receive much less attention, and that mainly from local scholars. I am very glad that Dr. R. B. P. Singh has helped to fill a serious gap in our library shelves by producing this excellent study, which describes the Jain religion as it existed in Karnataka in the early medieval period. He has acquired a sound knowledge of the Kannada language in which many of his sources arc written and with this, together with a good knowledge of Sanskrit and Prakrit, he has produced a sound and scholarly survey of many aspects of the subject, not neglecting the social effects of Jainism on the life of the times. His work is sound, authoritative and original, and forms a very significant contribution to the study of India's religious history. A. L. Basham Australian National University Canberra 28 January 1973

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PREFACE The present book has grown out of my Ph.D. thesis approved by the Patna University in 1972. It is the result of my researches into the religious history of the Jainas in Karnataka who dominated the political and cultural life of Karnataka for about one thousand years during the early medieval period. Based on an analytical study of literary and epigraphic sources, it attempts to explain the prevalence of image worship, tantrism, priesthood and ritualistic formalism which characterized Karnataka Jainism in the early medieval period. The book also seeks to examine the social and economic basis of Jaina monasteries in all parts of the Kanada region. The work has been prepared under the supervision of my respected teacher Professor R. S. Sharma, farmer Head of the Department of History, Patna University. He was not only a competent guide for my research but has also been a source of inspiration and encouragement to me. He took pains to go through the entire work in its manuscript stage and made valuable suggestions on many points. Words fail me to express my indebtedness to him. I cannot forget Dr D. N. Jha who first kindled in me the spirit of research in south Indian history and Dr R.N. Nandi who taught me the proper way to tackle the problems of religious history. Dr Jha also read the entire revised manuscript and suggested several improvements. I am also thankful to my teachers in the Department of History, Patna University who helped me in various ways. I acknowledge with gratitude the help and advice I received from many eminent scholars from South India, especially Professor T. V. Mahalingam, Madras University, Professor P.B. Desai, Karnataka University, Dharwar, and Dr G, S. Dikshit of the same University. I will be failing in my duty, if I do not express my deep sense of obligation to Professor A.L. Basham, who found time to go through the typescript and wrote a foreword for it. My

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(xii) thanks are also due to Dr. B.K Pandeya, Dr (Mrs) Suvira Jaiswal, Jawaharlal Neliru University, Delhi, Dr. R.L. Shukla, Delhi University, Shri R.N. Kumar, Sri P.N. Sahay, Sri K.N. Rai and Sri Mahamaya Prasad of the Department of History, Patna University, Shri S. Nagaraj, Deputy librarian, The National Library, Calcutta, Shri S P. Gunjal, Librarian, Karnataka University, Dharwar, Shri M. Surendra, Karnataka Arts College, Dharwar, and Shri Nemichandra Shastri, Librarian, Deva Kumar Oriental Jaina Library, Arrah, for their cooperation during my research. I am also obliged to the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, for granting me a subsidy for the publication of this book, but the responsibility for the facts stated, opinions expressed or conclusions reached, is entirely mine and the ICHR accepts no responsibility for them. Mr. J.P. Jain, M/s Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, deserves special thanks for having undertaken its publication so promptly. I pay tribute of respect to my deceased father Shri Rameshwar Prasad singh whose constant financial support cnabled me to continue the research work for a fairly long period. In spite of my best efforts, some mistakes and omissions have escaped my notice for which, I trust, my readers will kindly bear with me. They are also requested to forgive me for using both the old and new names of the present Karnataka state. Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh 20 November 1975 B. N. College Patna University.

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SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION ' c C cha ch zrA ta th AANA ___ gha jh oo' da dh m dh ' RAHAH AAHal thrs meM / m r zu 5 ha, kS h ks ba b ma bh ma m v ss a tr to la jn Anusvara - m, n Visarga : h

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ABORI BDCRI BK BKI Cf Ch EC Ed EI ERE IA IC 1HQ Introd JA JBBRAS JBU JKU JSB KI MAR ABBREVIATIONS SBE SBJ SII Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Poona Book Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, Dharwar Compare Chapter Epigraphia Carnatica, Banglore and Manglore Edited Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, cd J Hastings, Edinburgh Indian Antiquary, Bombay Indian Culture, Calcutta Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta Introduction Jaina Antiquary, Arrah Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Journal of the Bombay University, Bombay Journal of the Karnataka University, Social Sciences, Dhars ar Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Arrah Karnataka Inscriptions, Dbarwar Mysore Archaeological Report, Banglore pages part PP pt Pro AIOC Proceedings and Transactions of the All India Oriental Conference Sacred Books of the East Sacred Books of the Jainas South Indian Inscriptions, Madras

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(xv) Top. List of Inscriptions Topographical list of Inscriptions, Madras tr. translated vol. Volume Verses VV ABBREVIATED NAMES OF DIFFERENT TALUQS Ag Ak BL Ba Ch Md Mg ML Mr My Mi Ng Cd ag Cm NL Cp Nr Dg Arkalgud Arsikere Belur Banglore Chamrajnagar Citaldroog Coorg Chikmagalur Cennapatna Davangere Gubbi Goribidour Heggadadevankote Holakere Hassan Hole-Narsipur Kadur Kolar Koppa Mandya Mudgere Malavalli Malur Mysore Manjarbad Nagamangala Nelamangala Nagar Sorab Sravana-Belgola Shimoga Sira Shikarpur Srinivaspur Tirthahalli Tumkur Tiptur Yedatore SB SB Sh Gb Si Sk SP Gd Hg HI Hn Hn Kd KL Kr TL Tm TP ya

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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Karnataka or the present Mysore state stands apart as a distinct unit in the vast southern country and is situated south of Maharashtra. Its geographical boundaries are given by Wilks? as follows : "Commencing near the town of Bidar... following the course of Kanarese language to the south east, it is found to be limited by a waving line, which nearly touches Adoni, winds to the west of Gooty, skirts the town of Anantpur, and passing through Nandidroog, touches the range of Eastern Ghats ; thence pursuing the mountainous pass of Gazzalhati, it continues to follow thc abrupt turn caused by the great chasm of western hills between the towns of Coimb. tore, Pollachi and Palaghat; and sweeping to the north-west, skirts the edges of the precipitous western Ghats, near as far north as the sources of Krsna, whence following first an castern and afterwards a north-eastern course, it terminates in rather an acute angle near Bidar, already described as its northern limit." We may have some idea of the extent of Karnataka in early medieval times. The name Karnata occurs in the Jambukhanda of the Mahabharata, the Puranas and the Brhatsanhita of Varahamihira (6th century A.D.) in the list of southern janapadas. An epigraph of the early Kadamba King Visnuvardhana I' indicates that the Karnata country included a group of territories and Vaijayanti or modern Banayasi in the North Kanara district of Mysore was the metropolis. Tlie country ruled over by the early Calukya kings of Vatapi or modern Badami in the Bijapur district and the adjoining 1. Wills, cited in G. Yazdani (ed), The Early History of the Deccan, pts. I-VI, p. 40. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid,

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Jainism in Early Mcdicval Fiarnataka areas was known as Karnataka in the Sth century A.D.1 The Kavirajamarga or the Royal Road of Poets, which is attributed to Amoghavarsa (A.D. 815-877), defines thc extent of Karnataka as lying between the Godavari river in the north and the Kaveri in the south. It further states that the heart of Karnataka is the territory round Kisuvolal (Patcadakal in the Bijapur district), Kopana or modern Koppal in the Raichur district, Onkunda in the Belgaum district, Puligere or Laksamesvara in the Dharwar districi." The above details suggest the inclusion of North Kanara, Dharwar, Bijapur, Raichur and Gulbarga districts of the present Mysore state within the Karnataka country in the Oth century. But it seems to be difficult to specify the exact geographical boundaries of Karnataka during the 10th-12th centuries. Some scholars have held that the original Karnata country corresponds to the Kanna-visaya of the Hyderabad grant of Vikramaditya I, and that it lay at the foot of Srisaila.3 But there is little evidence in support of such a conjecture. The Saktisargama Tantra defines Karnata as the country that cxtends from Ramanatha to Sriranga. Sriranga has been placed on the banks of the Kavers which is mentioned also in the Kavirajamurga as marking the southern boundary of Karnata. Sriranga has been identified with the modern Serirangapatam in Mysore. As regards the identification of tlic place Ramanatha, Rice held that it was an island a few miles below the junction of the Tunga and the Bhadra, the twin streams which united to form the Tungabhadra. There is evidence to show that part of Karnata lying to the north of the Turgabhadra was being referred to under a new name in the 12th century AD,5 Fleet, after an analysis of several epigraphic records, shows that Kuntala was also included in the Kannada country. It included on the south Banavasi in North-Kanara, Belgamve and Harihar in the Shimoga district of Mysore, and Hampe 1. Wilks, cited in G. Yazdani (ed.), The Early History of the Deccan, pis, I-VI, p. 40. 2 Ibid. p. 41. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid 5. Ibid. p. 42, ,

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Introduction 3 or Vijayanagara in the Bellary district; to the north of these places Hangal, Laksamesvara, Lakkundi and Gadag in the Dharwar district; farther to the north, Belgaum, Saundatti, Manoli, and Konnur in the Belgaum district; and still more to the north Terdal in the Sangali state, Bijapur itself and doubtless Kalyani. Kuntala had thus by the twelfth century come to denote the whole of Karnata country. The above analysis becomes more clear from the study of the Jaina records which register gifts for the Jaina monks and monasteries in Karnataka during the 5th-12th centuries. They reveal that Karnataka comprised a greater part of the state of Mysore in the early medieval period. The present study, however, excludes South-Kanara and Bidar districts of Mysore which contain no important Jaina vestiges of the 5th-12th centuries A.D. The Jainas constitute today a small community in Mysore, but they command great respect among the Kannadiga people. The reasons for this may not be quite clear unless we know something of the past history of Jainism in that area, especially the processes through which the Jainas dominated the political and cultural life of Karnataka between the 5th and the 12th century A.D. Some work has been done on the history of Jainism in Mysore till the 5th century A.D., and something is also known about the period from c. A.D. 1000. But not much has been published on the period from c. A.D. 500 to A D. 1200, when Jainism played an important role in Mysore and in the whole of Peninsular India, Sravana-Belgola served as the epicentre of this faith. Although Jainism made valuable contributions.to the life of medieval Karnataka, it has not so far received the attention it deserves. Ayyangar, Saletore, Sharma, Deo and Desai have written the history of Jainism in the Peninsular India," but 1. Wilks, cited in G. Yazdani (ed.), The Early History of the Deccon, pts. I-VI, p. 42. 2. Ramaswami Ayyanger and B. Seshagiri Rao, Studies in South Indian Jainism, Madras, 1922. B. A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism, Karnataka Publishing House, Bombay, 1938. $. R. Sharma, Jainism and Karnataka Culture, Dharwar, 1940. -

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Jainism in Earls Medieval barnataka even if we read all their works on the subject, we do not get an adequate and comprehensive picture of the Jaina religion in Mysore during carly mcdieval times. Rao, who discusses the influencc of Jainism in the Andhra and Karnataka districts of the former Madras Presidency, ignores some of the main developments that characterize Jainism in Karnataka. Salctore primarily traces the development of the Jaina culture under the Vijayanagara Empire, to the comparative neglect of the earlicr period. S. R. Sharma is. mainly concerned with the literary and artistic achievements of the Jainas. He omits important facts regarding the Jaina system of worship and claboratc temple rituals, the monastic life and the practices of the Jaina ascetics and householders. S. B. Deo's work also suffers from a similar weakness. He ignores the literary texts of the Digambaras who composed several important works in early medieval times. From the early centuries of the Christian era he jumps on to the 13th14th centuries without filling up the gaps between the 5th and 10th centuries. He has tried to cover such a long period and vast area that his study of Karnataka Jainism has inevitably become disjointed and superficial. Desai mainly concentrates on the study of Jaina inscriptions in Tamilnad and gives only a brief account of the vicissitudes of Jainism in the South. As his scope is very limited he does not take account of the Jaina literary texts, which shed welcome light on the observances of the Jainas and their philosophy in Karnataka. Thus, the available publications on Jainism do not adequately dwell upon its history in Karnataka during the 5th-12th centuries A.D. The advent of Jainisas in Mysore is assigned to the 4tn century B.C. according to the Jaina tradition. It states that Bhadrabahu and his royal disciple Candragupta Maurya migrated to the south, owing to a great fanine that lasted for twelve years in the North. The two Jaina ascetics along with S. B. Deo, The History of Faina Monachism from inscriptions and literature, Deccan College Postgraduate Research Institute, Poona, 1956 P. B. Desai, Fannis in South India and Some Feng Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957.

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Introduction a good number of followers reached Sravana-Belgola and breathed their last on the Candragiri hill in the 4th century B.C. No early literary and inscriptional evidence is available to support the Bhadrabahu-Candragupta Jaina tradition. It appears first in a Sravana-Belgola epigraph of the 7th century.1 The Bghatkathakosa of Harisena, which was composed in c. A.D. 931, is the next important source of our information regarding this Jaina tradition. Narasimhachar, who has examined this tradition in great detail in his revised edition of Sravana-Bclgola epigraphs, concludes that the story of Bhadrabahu-Candragupta migration has some basis to stand.2 But in the absence of any contemporary and corroborative evidence, it is difficult to think of the introduction of Jainism in Mysore in the 4th century B.C. The disinclination among scholars to question the veracity of the above Jaina tradition seems to have sprung from their enthusiasm to push back the antiquity of Jainism in Mysore. S. R. Sharma, who has also endeavoured to prove the existence of the Jainas in Mysore during the time of Asoka on the basis of the Kalsi Rock Edict XIII, misinterpreted the term Sramana. It does not necessarily mean a Jaina monk. It might refer only to the Buddhist monk. Thus, in any case till the beginning of the Christian era, we have no clear and definite cvidence of the prevalence of Jainism in Karnataka. The Malacara of Vattakera and the Pravacanasara of Rundakunda, which are roughly ascribed to the beginning of the Christian era,5 give us some idea about the life of the Jaina monks in the South. Similarly, Samantabhadra who belongs to the early century.of Christian era, enlightens us about the conduct of a lay novice in his Ratnakaranda-sravakacara. We have to depend solely upon the above literary texts for the history of the carly phase of Digambara monachism. Epigraphic evidence, however, is available only from the 4th century A.D. Prior to this period the history of Jainism in Karnataka has been reconstructed mainly on the basis of 1. EC. ii, SB. 1, p1. 2 Ibid, introd., p. 42. 3. S. R Sharma, Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 7. 4. B M. Barua, Inscriptions of Asoka, pf. II, p. 192, A. N. Upadhyc, (cd.), Pravacanasara, Introd., p. xxii. ew

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Jainism in Early Medieval liarnataka traditions found in the later Jaina writings and cpigraphs. The foundation of the Ganga kingdom in Mysore in ihre second century A.D., for example, sigurcs prominently in the Jaina tradition of the 11th-12th centurics. 'I hc Jaina (cacher Simhanandi, who is generally credited with the creation of the Garga kingdom, appears only in the later records of thic Gangas. We have, thus, somc doubis in supporting this Jaina tradition of the creation of the Ganga kingdom, for, there is no mention of this event in any contemporary litcrary text and epigraph. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that Simhanandi's account of help does not stand on solid ground. Even if we bclieve in this tradition, we can only presume the possibility of the relation between Simhanandi and the progenitor of the Ganga race on the ground of the events that followed one after another during the period from the 4th to the 10th centuries. From the 4th century onwards, we have ampie evidence to show the close relation between the Jaina teachers and the Ganga kings in Mysore. The first important record daled A.D. 3701 refers to the acarya Viradeva, who was the preceptor of the Ganga King Aladhava II. He is said to have granted some plots of land and the Kumarapura village for the benefit of the Jaina sanctuary. In anoiher record of c. A.D. 425, Avinila donated the Vennelkarni village on thc advice of his preceptor Vijayakirti. These Ganga princes may be said to have set up the examples for the later indigenous rulers of Karnataka who continued to champion the causc of the Jaina faith in Mysore during the 5th-12th centuries. Thus, from the days of the Ganga rulers till the first quarter of the 12th century, Jainism prospered continuously and attaincd the zenith of its power and influcnce in Karnataka. But the conversion of the Hoysala King Birtideva into the religion of Ramanujacarya in A.D. 1116 and the revival of Vira-Saivism under the leadership of Basava and the establishment of the Lingayata faith proved detrimental to the continued prosperity of Jainism in Mysore and gave a new tuin to the religious history of Karnataka. Gradually Jainism lost its grounds at the hands of the Vira-Saivas and Vaisnava reformers. 1. EC x, Mr 73, pp 172-3. 2. EC, , Mir 72, pp. 171-2.

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CHAPTER II SOURCES Nature and Importance of the Jaina Literature Our sources are mainly literary and epigraphical. The literary texts of the Digambaras consist in the main of the narrative literature to which category belong the Jaina Puranas and epics, the didactic literary works, polemic literature and the independent philosophical treatises of eminent Jaina scholars along with thei commentaries on the early texts. Literary material also includes the Jaina tantric works, the stotra literature and the Jaina colophons. Early medieval Jaina literature is extremely rich and varied. It is noted for the creation of Jaina dogmas and ethics. The vast Digambara literature was mainly the result of the Jaina teachings which emphasised the sastradana or the gift of the sacred knowledge including books and writing materials. Attimabbe, a pious Jaina lady of Karnataka, is said. to have made a thousand copies of Ponna's Santipurana at her own expense,1 probably for distribution and for the propagation of the Jaina faith among the masses during the 10th century. The Jaina Puranas and the epics are useful for reconstructing the history of Jainism in Karnataka. The Jainas seem to have borrowed their favourite popular themes from Brahmanical and general Indian literature, which enabled them to offer to their adherents all that they could find elsewhere too. At times, they established but a very slight connection between. these ancient themes and the Jaina religion; in other cases, however, they changed them to give a Jinistic appearance.2 Jinasena in his Adipurana defines a Purana as the ancient narrative of the great personages and indicates its importance for the Jainas, He obscives that as these Puranas are connected 1. R A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism, p 156. ? 3 M Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, i1, pp 486-7. Adipurana, pt I, ch I, v 21, p. 8.

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Jainism in Early Medicval farnataka with the lives of great men and tcach the way to final liberation, they are also called the mahafurana. According to him, the Purana should deal with eight subjects, viz, the universc, the country and its natural resources, the city and the capital, the sacred places of pilgrimage, libcrality, austeritics, and the four conditions of existence such as the conception of hell and heaven and the result of the meritorious and sinful acts. The Jainas also adopted popular themes from the Hindu epics and wrote works which were meant to serve their adherents as complete substitutes for the Ramayana and the Alahabharata,3 The earliest of the Jaina Puranas took final shape in the composition of the Praksit epic Parmacarija of Vimala Suti, which served as a model for all thc later adaptations of the Rama legend among the Jainas. Raviscna wrote the Sanskrit version of ibc Jaina Ramayana, known as the Padmapurana. The date of the Padmapurana is explicitly mentioned in his work. He stales that it was composed 1203 years after Mahaviras's nirvana,s which corresponds to A.D. 676. Repeated references to Ravisena and his work in later works such as the Kualayamala and the Hariransapurana, reveal that he had gained a prominent place among the Jaina teachers during the Sth century A.D. Thc Harivansapurana, which incorporates the story of the Mahabharata, is another important Digambara text. Written by Jinasena Suri in Sanskrit, it deals with the life of Neminatha, the 22nd Jina, and Krsna, the 9th Narayana or Vasudeva of the Jaina tradition. They are depicted here as cousins. While the former renounces the world and represents the ideal for spiritual life, the latter participates in worldly affairs by taking a keen interest in the battle between Pandavas and Kauravas. The other heroes of the Mahabharata are also converted into pious Jainas and are shown as adopting the life of the Jaina ascetics for attaining salvation. In the colophon, Jinasena Suri describes himself as a disciple of Karttisena, who was in turn a disciple of Amita1. Adipurona, pt. I, ch. 1, v 23, p. 8. 2. Ibia ch.4, 1.3, p. 68. M. Winternitz, op. cit., p. 489, 4. Ibid. p. 493. 5. Padmapurana, pt. III, ch, 123, v. 182, p. 425. 3.

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Sources sena. They are said to have belonged to the Punnad gana.1 He states that it was composed in the Parsvanatha Jaina temple at Vardhamanapura in the Saka year 705 (A.D. 783) and was completed in the Santinatha Jaina temple of Dostika.2 9 Vardhamanapura is still unidentified. Most scholars are inclined to agree with the view of A N. Upadhye, who has identified it with Wadhavan in Kathiawad where Harisena composed the Brhathathakosa during the 10th century. He further states that Punnad was a provincial seat of the ancient Karnataka. The Punnad Sangha was named after that place, for in south Indian Jainism the Sanghas, ganas and gacchas were commonly named after some Jaina teacher or place. The migration of the Jaina monks from Punnad to Kathiawad under the leadership of Amitasena, who is described by Jinasena Suri as the forerunner of this Sangha, seems possible on account of their habit and love for touring the distant countries associated with the Jaina religion. As both Jinasena Suri and Harisena glorify the Vardhamanapura in the same manner, they may have lived there. The period from the 9th to the 12th century proved to be the most creative in the composition of the Digambara Puranas both in Sanskrit and Kannada. The Adipurana and the Uttarapurana, also known as the Mahapurana of Jinasena and Gunabhadra, are remarkable specimens of the Jaina literature in Karnataka during the early incdieval age. Upadhye rightly observes that it is not only a systematic exposition of the Jaina traditional lore and principles but also an exquisite specimen of Sanskrit literature, rich in exuberant descriptions and full of poetic embellishments, both of sense and sound. The Mahapurana of Jinasena and Gunabhadra, which contains the stories of the sixty-three excellent men of the Jaina tradition, has now been generally accepted as the work 1. Harwamsapurana, pt. II, ch. 66, vv. 30ff, p. 802. 2. Ibid. v, 36, p. 802. 121. 3. A. N. Upadhye, (ed.), Brhatkathakasa, Introd., p. 4. A. N. Upadhye, (ed ), Atmanusasana, Introd, p. 9.

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10 Jainism in Early Mcdical Karnataka of the 9th century. It consists of two parts, the Adipurana and the Uttarapurana. The Adipurana bas forly seven chapters and deals mainly with the life of the first Jina, Rsabhadeva and liis son, Bharata. Fortytwo chapters are composed by Jinasena, and the remainder is added to ic by his disciplc Gunabhadra. The Uttarapurana contains the biographics of all the remaining grcat figures of the Jaina tradition. Besides thc Sanskrit Jaina Puranas, several Puranas were composed in Kannada. Pampa, Ponna and Ranna, who arc considered to be the three gems of Kannada literature, flourished in Karnataka during the 10th century. Thc Adipurana of Pampa, the Santipurana of Ponna and Ajitapurana of Ranna deserve special mention. They enriched the Kanarese language:. Camundaraya, who was a general of the Ganga King Marasimha and Racamalla, also composed the CamundarajapuranQ. which contains a complete history of the twenty-four Jinas. It is the oldest cxtant specimen of a book, written in continuous prose and therefore enables us to gain a knowledge of the language as spoken in the 20th century A.D." In the 11th and the 12th centuries there flourished some eminent Kanarese scholars, who composed the Jaina Putanas in Kannada. Among these scholars, the foremost place is assigned to Nagacandra or Abhinave Pampa, who fourishcd during the reign of the Hoysala King Visnuvardhana. He wrote the Mallinatha Purana, which deals with the life story of the nineteenth Jaina prophct. The work has unique value, because it preserves for us a Jaina version of the Ramayana which differs in important respects from its Brahmanical version. Besides, we have Neminatha Purana in Kannada by Karnaparya, which describes the story of the twenty-second Jaina prophet. It also throws light on the stories of Krsna, - thc Pandavas and the lababharata war. Karnaparya flourished in Karnataka in the middle of the 12th century A.D.4 1. M. Winternitz, op. cit, p. 499; J. P. laina, The Jaina Sources of the History of Ancient India, P. 204; N.R. Premi Faina Srhitza aur Itihasa, p. 140; Pannalal Jaina, (ed.), Adipurina, Introd. p. 20. 2. E P. Rice, A History of Fantarese Literature, p. 32. 3. ibid. p. 31. 4. Ibid. p. 36.

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Sources II. Thoughi considerable portions of the Jaina Puranas are replete with legendary tales, they furnish valuable information regarding the spiritual life and religious decds of the Jainas in Karnataka. Through these lagendary tales, the Digambaras in Karnataka always stressed the duties of the Jaina householders aspiring to attain salvation. The lives of the twentyfour Jinas, which form the main contents of the above Puranas, are held up as models for the pious Jainas. The strict observance of the principle of ahimsa or non-violence figures in most stories. The dreadful consequences of violence and of eating the flesh form the content of the Jaina sermons. The Puranas throw welcome light on the religious ritcs and practices of the Karnataka Jainas. They repeatedly rcfer to the observance of nudity, meditation, rain-retreat, abandonment of night's mcal and taking food in a standing position. They also give us a detailed description of domestic rituals. In two chapters, the Adipurana explains the Jaina samskaras and their importance for the Jaina devotees. The performance of the domestic rites, which resembles the Brahmanical rites, is always preceded by the worship of the Jinas in the Jaina temples. The Puranas furnish more interesting facts about the Jaina system of worship. The astahnika-pija or the eight-day worship, the performance of ablution and the good consequences of the Jaina adoration are extensively discussed in these Jaina Puranas. Evidence derived from thesc Puranas is corroborated by the epigraphs which show that the donors vied with one another in building the Jaina basadis and mathas and making liberal endowments for their upkeep. The Jaina didactic literature of this period is noted for a powerful desire for righteousness. A strong sense of moral obligation, an earnest aspiration for good, a fervent and unsellish charity and generally a loftiness of aims pervade several Jain ethical works and they must have been important factors in shaping the character and ideas of the Jainas.1 Through these ethical works, the Jaina teachers of Karnataka preached the fundamental doctrines of the Jaina religion and exposed 1, J. P, Jain, op. cit., pp. 261-2.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka the weak points of other religious schools. They always tried to prove the supremacy of the Jaina faith over others by means of comparison and contrast. 12 The Varangacarita of Jatasimhanandi is the most important didactic text. It is a veritable mine of information for the conduct of the Karnataka Jainas. In this text the sage Varadatta, the chief disciple of Neminatha, the 22nd Jina, explains the meaning of Dharma (religion) at the very start. He also points out the importance of Karma-siddhanta according to which the destiny of man is determined by his own actions; the bad and the good which a man experiences in his life are the consequences of his past conduct. Thus human action is the main cause of worldly bondage. For complete annihilation of this bondage, Varadatta recommends Jaina penances of twelve kinds.2 They comprise fasting, eating less than the prescribed quantity of food, abandonment of tasteful food, the mortification of the body, meditation and so on. The prince Varanga is said to have become a Jaina monk by being initiated in the monastic order and attained liberation by subduing the internal and external passions and practising meditation. As the Varangacarita nowhere mentions the date and the name of its author, it is very difficult to determine its age. The contemporary and later writings of the Jaina scholars, however, provide some clue to the date of this text. Upadhye infers that it was composed by Jatasimhanandi. Since Kuvalayamala and the Harivamsapurana refer to Jadiya and Jatilamuni respectively as the authors of the Varungacarita, he places its author at the close of the 7th century A.D.* The Tasastilaka of Somadeva Suri is another important Digambara text meant for religious instructions. Written partly in prose and partly in verse, it occupics a significant position in the Sanskrit Kavya literature. It contains long discourses on the orthodox tenets of Jainism. 1. Tarangacarita, chs. 3-4, pp. 26. 2. Ibid. ch. X, v. 18, p. 80 3. Ibid. Introd., p. 10. 4. Ibid. p. 22.

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Sources 13 Somadeva statesat the end of his work that he belonged to Deva saogha and was a disciple of Nemideva, who is said to have accepted the discipleship of Yasodeva. He adds that he composed this work in Saka era 881 (A.D. 959), when the Rastrakuta King Krsnadeva was celebrating his victories at Melpati after conquering the Pandya, Cola, Gera, and other kings.Somadeva's statement is confirmed by an epigraph of A.D. 959 found at Melpati in North Arcot district. Though it records the grant of a village to a Saiva ascetic, it iefers to Krsna III's victories over the above-mentioned powers. But this does not mean that he composed his work at the Rastrakuta capital Manyakheta. Somadeva specifies that the work was composed at Gangadhara, which was thc capital of a prince named Vagaraja, the eldest son of a Calukyan chief Arikesari, a feudatory chief of Krsnaraja. Handiqui identifies the place Gangadhara with Gangawati in the Raichur district quile near the modern Dharwar in Mysore state,5 The Prabhani copper-plates, & which are dated in A.D. 966, also help us to determine the age of Somadeva. They record the grant of a village to Somadeva by thc Calukya chief Arikesari IV for the maintenance of the Subhadhama Jinalaya at modern Vemulvada. It is therefore clear that Somadeva Suri flouri. shed in Karnataka during the 10th century A.D. The Yasastilaka emphasises the Jaina doctrine of nonviolence. Somadeva introduces two sets of characters, Sudatta and his twin disciples Abhayaruci and Abhayamati on the one hand and the king Maridatta on the other. The foriner represent the ideals of Jainism, and the latter the evil spirit of violence in crude form. Maridatta, who was going to sacrifice all the living creatures including human beings at the altar of the goddess Candamari, is converted to the Jaina faith through the teachings of the young ascetics. The fourth chapter contains a dialogue between Yasodhara and. 1. Tasastilaka, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 419. 2. Ibid. p, 413, 3. El, iv, no. 40, pp. 278ff. 4. Tasastilaka, pt. 17, BK. viii, r 419. K. K. Handiqui, Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 4. The Prabhani copper-plates, cited in N. Venkataramanayya, TheCalukyas of Vemuldada, pp. 92-4.

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14 Jainism in Early Medieval fiarnalaka his mother, and shons that the son suffers badly in various rebirths becausche agrees to sacrificean cffigy of a cock made out of the flour. Somadeva stresses here the motives or intentions leading to virtuc or sin. The moral validity of an action, according to him, should be judged on the basis of inner feelings and not outward actions.1 In the last three chapters, which form an independent book called the Upasakadhyajana or Rcadings for Laymen, Somadeva gives an exposition of the Jaina doctrines and the Jaina vows. Somadeva also defends some practices of the Jaina monks such as the practice of nudity, the custom of taking food in a standing position, and abstention from bath. Amitagati and Nayasena may be held as the successors of Somadeva Suri in the field of composing didactic literature. Amitagati flourished in Karnataka and wrote his Subhasilaratnasamdoha at the beginning of the Ilth century. Nayasena composed his famous work Dharmampla during the carly years of the 12th century.4 Amitagati's work deals with the cntire ethics of the Digambara Jainas, gives rules of conduct for both monks and laymen and severely criticizes the tenets of the Brahinanical religion. Similarly, Nayasena's Dharmamia is a book on morals and throws light on the various forms of human virtues. The Punyastava-Kathakosa of Ramachandra Mumuksu is yet another didactic work for imparting ethical instructions to monks and laymen. It glorifics the various acts of image worship and points out the beneficial results of giving gifts to Jaina monks. Though there is a great deal of controversy over the date of its composition, it has been generally assigned to a period before the middle of the 12th century A.D." 1. rasastilake, pt. ii, BK. 1V, p. 136. 2 Ibid. pt in BK. vi, p 280 3. M. Winternitz, op cit., p. 481. 4. IP. Ricc, op cit, p. 37. 5. M Winternitz, op. cit., p 562. 6. A. N. Upadhye and H. L. Jain, (ed.), Introd., p. 11. <7. Ibid. p, 32. The Punasrava-Kathalosa,

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Sources 15 The polemical literature of the Karnataka Jainas scverely criticises the Jaina teachers and illustrates the changing character of the Jaina ascetics as well as the Jaina institutions dur. ing the early medieval age. Two of these, the Aimanusasana of Gunabhadra and the Darsanasara of Devasena, have been fully utilized for the present thcsis. The Atmanusasana, which was composed after the demise of Jinasena in themiddle of the 9th century,1 portrays vividly the vices and demcrits that overshadowed the Jaina monastic life and caused deterioration in the original standards of Jaina monks. Gunabhadra complains of the dearth of virtuous monks and he bewails that the monks have become so worldly that they succumb to sex. He compares these corrupt ascetics with the half-burnt dead body which presents an aweful sight.3 Gunabhadia also condemns those monks who hanker after wealth. The Darsanasara of Devasena, composed in the Parsvanatha Jaina temple at Dhara in Madhya Pradesh in the Vikram era 990 (A.D. 933), attacks the false sects of the Jainas in general and indicates the disruption in the Jaina church. But the Samaj aparilsa, a polemical work by Brahmasiva assigned to the first quarter of the 12th century, seeks to establish the superiority of Jainism over all other creeds. The Jaina prasastis or the colophons, mostly found at the end of the Jaina works, provide valuable information aegarding the Jaina teachers and their spiritual lineage. They generally mention the date and the place of the composition of the literary texts, and hence form an important source for determining the age of the Karnataka Jaina teachers. Ravisena, Jinasena, Gunabhadra and Somadeva Suri provide such information in their respective works. Jinasena Suri gives us the most authentic and up-to-date gencalogy of the Digambara teachers who succeeded to the pontifical seat of the Punnata 1 A. N. Upadhye, (ed.), Almanusasana, Introd, p 10. 2. Ibid. v. 149, pp. 141-2. 3 Ibid, vv. 130-131, pp. 121-6. 4 Ibid. v.138., p.132. 5. N. R. Premi, op. cit., p. 175, 6. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, A Hislory of South India, p 385

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Sangha in Karnataka. He first gives the pontifical succession for the traditional 683 years after the death of Mahavira which ends in A.D. 156. He then starts his own genealogy which consists of 33 Jaina teachers and covers a period of 027 years. Thus we have a complete list of teachers of the Punnata gana till the last quarter of the 8th century A.D. 16 The Jaina colophons also contain many incidental references to Jaina princes and their principalities. Gunabhadra claims that the Rastrakuta king Krsna II was his disciple.2 On the colophon of the Uttarapurana, Lokasena, a disciple of Gunabhadra, praises Krsna II and states that this work was completed in A.D. 898 at Bankapura in the district of Dharwar during the rule of his feudatory chief Lokaditya." The early medieval age in Karnataka also saw the compo.. sition of numerous philosophical treatises. Of these the Sarvarthasiddhi, the Paramatmaprakasa and the philosophical works of Nemicandra have been fully utilized for the present study. These texts expound the doctrines of the Jainas in Mysore. The Jaina view of the nature of the universe and its differentattributes, which are explained as the constituent substances in Jaina philosophy, is treated in great detail in these works. They point out that the inherent characteristics of the souls,. if polluted by the activities of human beings, are lost and they suffer various miseries. They also recommend the methods by which the Jainas may attain perfection. The Jaina teachers lay emphasis on the observance of the three Jewels, viz., Right knowledge, Right belief and Right conduct for theattainment of liberation. The Sarvarthasiddhi of Pujyapada is the earliest of all thephilosophical treatises, and is the most authentic commentary on the Tattvarthasutra of Umasvami in Sanskrit. Pujyapada belonged to Karnataka and was a teacher of the Nandi sangha, a branch of the Mula sangha and Kundakundanvaya.4 The date of Pujyapada has been discussed by scholars at some 1. Ilaricamsapurana, pt. ii, ch. 66, vv. 29-31, p. 802. 2. JBBRAS, xii. p. 85; A. S. Altekar, The Rastraku'as and their times,. P. 99. 3 Ultarapurana, vv. 35-6, p. 577. 4. JA, xvi, no. 11 (December 1955), p. 51.

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Sources 17 length. Some scholarst place him in the 6th-7th centuries and deny teacher-disciple relationship between Pujyapada and Ganga king Durvinita. But the majority of modern scholars agree with the view of Rice who states that Pujyapada was the preceptor of Durvinsta and lived in the latter half of the 5th century and the beginning of the 6th. Yogindudeva, who has been placed in the sixth century, 8 composed the Paramatmaprakasa and Yogasara for expounding Jaina mysticism and philosophy. The main purpose of these works is to lay down the means by which his disciple Prabhakara Bliatta and other ambitious Jainas may gain freedom from the cycle of rebirth for ever. He effectively explains the Jaina mysticism which centres round the two concepts of atma (soul) and paramatma (super spirit). He distinguishes the soul from the body, and points out its characteristics as eternal, uncreated, omnipresent, etc. Three divisions of the soul, viz., bahiralma (external soul), antaratma (internal soul), and paramalma (supreme soul), resemble the divisions described in the Samadhi-sataka of Pujyapada. He then points out that liberation can be obtained only through self-control. The subject matter of the Togasara is the same as that of Paramatmaprakasa. It speaks at length of the nature of the soul and its transmigratory peregrinations that plunge it into myriad of miseries in different births. He also discusses the cause of misery and freedom from it by self-realization and mcditating upon the soul. Nemicandra produced works of considerable philosophical value. The Dravya-Sangraha, the Gommalasara, and the 1. R. Narasimhachar, MAR (1921), p. 21; also in his address to Pro. AIOC, 8th session, (Mysore 1937), pp. 801-5; S. G. Shastri, Madhyayuginacaritrakose, cited in JA, xiii, no. 1, p. 7; E. P. Rice. op. cit., p. 26, 2. B. L. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 35, 49, and 197; J. K, Mukhtar, JSB, v, no, I. S. S. Sastri, Pro. AIOC, Sth session (Mysore 1937), 504.; B A. Saletore, of. cit., p. 23. 3. Paramatmaprakasa, Introd., p. 67, 4. Ibid. ch. i, yv, 12-, pp. 22-3. 5. Samadhi-Salaka, v. 4, pp. 8-9. 6. ABORI, xii, pt. ii, p. 135.

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18 Jainism in Eart. Medieral Karnatoka Trilokasara are aitributed to him. Or these three works, the Drazza-Saugroha may be regarded as a compendium of the six substances which constitute the cosmos. There remains no doubt as to the authorship of the Dravza-Sangraha by Xcmicandra, for he himself states that it was composed by Vfuni Nemicandra.1 The Sanskrit commentary confirms that this treatise is a compilation of the answers given by Semirandra to the questions put to him by Camindaraja, who served the Ganga kings Marasimha and Racmalla IV during the last quarter of the 10th century. As Camundarara constructed the colossal statue of Gommata on the Vindhyagiri hill at SraranaBelgola in 9823 and is said to have been a disciple of Ajitasena and Nemicandra,- it seems that Nenicandra flourished during the last quarter of the 10th century. The study of the Jaina tantric texts enables us to follow the evolution of the Jaina goddesses in Karnataka in early medieval times. They lay down the formulas and spells calculated to bestow superhuman powers on the devotees by which a person could be controlled, enmity could be caused, and an evil could be averted. Indranandi and Mallisena Suri are primarily responsible for the systematic cxposition of the occult lore in Karnataka through their treatises respectively called the Jvalinz-kalpa and the Bhairava-Padmavatikalpa. The age of Indranandi, who wrote the foalinikalpa, is evident from the verses of his own work. It was composcd in the Saka year 861 (A.D. 939) at the Rastrakuta capital Alanyakheta, when the Rastrakuta king Krsna III was ruling there.5 Mallisena Suri wrote the Bhairava-Padmasafi-Kalpa which consists of ten chapters and throws ample light on the tantric rites. Though Mallisena does not mention the date of the composition of his work, he clearly states that he belonged to the monastic line of the renowned teacher Ajitasena, who 1. Droupa-Sangraha, v. 63, p. 123. 2. J.L. Jaini, Gommatasura Jita-Karda, Introd., p. 5. EG, ii, SB. 122, p. 50. Ibid, Totrod., p. 14. 5. Jtalini-Kalpa, pp. 37-8. 6. Bhairang-Padmovati-Ialoa, ch. 10, v. 54, p. 74.

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Sources 19 preceded the two Jaina teachers Kanakasena and Jinasena. Of these two preceptors, Jinasena was the teacher of Mallisena Suri. Ajitasena, who is repeatedly referred to in inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, dated A.D. 9742 and A.D. 995,3 undoubtedly flourished in Karnataka during the last two decades of the 10th century. Since he is mentioned as the first teacher of the three predecessors of Mallisena Suri, we may safely place him during the middle of the Ilth century, if we assign 20 ycars for cach generation of teachers. It is also substantiated by the statement of the author in his Mahapurana, wherein Mallisena states that it was composed in the Jaina temple at Mulgunda in the Gadag taluq of Dharwar district in 1047.4 Apart from the literary texts, contemporary inscriptions constitute our chief source for the study of the Jaina religion in Karnataka. They are full of information on the patronage of the Jaina devotees who contributed to the diffusion of culture in Karnataka in early medieval times. The present work is based on the study of about three hundred Jaina yotive and donative records. From a study of the find-spots of the Jaina records, it becomes apparent that the donative records are more numerous than the votive ones. The donative records, which register gifts of land, village, customs dues, etc. for Jaina monks and monasteries, are one hundred and seventy-five in number. They are mostly in the forms of grants of land, village, garden, ctc, made by the ruling class and the pious Jaina devotees of Karnataka. They are generally meant for providing necessary materials for worship, for meeting the maintenance cost of Jajna monks and monasteries, for renovation of the old basadis, and for running charity houses, attached to the Jaina temples. Of the total number of inscriptions examined by us, the votive Jaina records are not more than ninety-four, 6 Out of 1. Bhairann-Padmavati--Kalpa, vv. 55-6, p. 74. 2. EC ii, SB. 50. p. 14. 3. Ibid. SB 121, p 50. 4. N.R. Premi, op. cit., p. 315. 5. CF. Districtwise arranged list of inscriptions in Appendix 'A'. 6. cr Appendix "B'.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka these ninety-four votive records, seventy1 have been found on Cikka-betta or Chandragiri hill at Sravana-Belgola in the Chennarayapatna taluq of the Hassan district of Mysore which has been the most important seat of Jainism from earliest times. The remaining ones belong to other parts of Karnataka. 20 A third type of Jaina epigraphs, which commemorate the visits to the sacred places by Jaina pilgrims, number about twenty-five. They point out the importance of Sravana-Belgola for the Jainas who concentrated first in this area and gradually extended their influence in other regions of Karnataka. Of the donative records, the Nonamangala copper plate of the 4th century may be considered a landmark in the history of Jainism in Karnataka. It is the carliest to refer to the donation of the Kumarapura village in Malur taluq of the Kolar district to the Jaina temple at Perbbolal and provides the earliest evidence of the king's interest in Jainism in the Mysore region. From the 5th century onwards, grants of land and village to the Jaina establishments began to increase in number, which attests to the growing influence of Jainism in several parts of Mysore. Since grants were made in favour of the Jaina teachers mainly by the kings, princes, nobles, merchants and high officials of the state, they give some idea of the social basis of Jainism in Mysore. The donative records of our period throw light on the resources of the Jaina monasteries which emerged as landowning institutions in Mysore. They also tell us about the proliferation of the Jaina monastic orders and show how they were divided into various monastic units such as the gana, gaccha and anvaya. Moreover, they show the extent of regional influence in the formation of Jaina sanghas such as Navilur, Kollatur, Kittur, etc. These sanghas were evidently formed after 1. Cf. Appendix 'B'. 2. EC. ii, no. 4, 900 A.D., p. 3; no. 10, 800 A.D., p. 3; no. 18, 700 A.D., p. 5; nos. 38-4, p. 9; nos. 48-9, p. 10; nos. 410-4, pp. 80-1; no. 416, p. 81; nos. 418-9, p. 81; nos. 421-3, p. 82; no. 432, p. 83.

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Sources 21 the names of the places which gained popularity in Karnataka during carly medicval times. Jaina cpigraphs are also valuable for the study of Jaina rituals and practices. The sallekhana ritc or voluntary dcath by fasting is repeatedly referred to in the inscriptions of Sravana-Belgola. There are fifty-nine cases of such death by fasting during the 7th-8th centuries. The inscriptions not only indicate the popularity of this riic in Karnataka during the 7th-Sth centuries but also its continuancc in subscqucnt times. The available epigraphic material also shows that the Jaina laity practised sallekhana as ardcntly as the monks and nuns. The religious injunctions regarding the above rites in the Jaina texts are corroborated by a large number of inscriptions from Sravana-Belgola. On the basis of cpigraphic references, whicis may be treated as behavioural data, it is possible to show how the Karnataka Jainas saithfully followed their religious principles and observed them in their day-to-day life. An epigraph of the 7th century tells us about VIsabhanandi, who practised sanngasana on the summit of Candragiri hill, according to the prescribed rules. Masena, another Jaina ascetic, is said to have observed the vow in the 8th century in accordance with the rules. The Jaina epigraphs show that the sallelhana was undertaken at the approach of death.3 The Sravana-Belgola cpigraphs also refer to the twelve types of Jaina penance. That the temples were well established institutions in Karnataka can be inferred from large number of inscriptions which record donations for the construction and renovation of the Jaina temples. They were not merely centres of religious Worship, as they are today, but rendered some useful service to the Jainas. They functioned as centres of learning and ran charity houses for the distribution of food among the Jainas. The Jaina epigraphs also throw light on the rites and practices of the Jaina worshippers who offered prayers to the Jinas in the Jaina temples. Some inscriptions indicate the exalted 1. EC, 1. SB. 106, p. 4+. 2. Ibid. SB 23, pp. 6-7. 3. Ibid. SB, 80, 88, 93, 99, etc.

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22 Jainism in Earl; Medieval barnatola position of the Jaina Yaksinis, who came to be worshipped in Karnataka as the most popular goddesses during the 10th-12th centuries. The Taina iconography is no less valuable than ille Jaina epigraphs for the study of Jaina divinities in Karnataka in early medieval times. It enables us to recognize and identify the Jinas (Jaina gods), for we can spot various marks and attributes assigned to the main gods and associated deities and can determine their position in the hierarchy of Jaina pantheon. The icon bears the date and name of the sculpture which helps us fix the age and provenance of the image. Iconic icpresentation of gods and goddesses also indicates the change, if any, in their status. The Jaina cave at Badami, for instance, shows the independent status of the Jaina Yaksinis, who previously appear to have served merely as attendant deities, Again, in the Meguri temple at Alhole in the Bijapur district, the change in the position of the Jaina Yahsini Ambika is visible. Moreover, the Jaina iconogiaphy enables us to differentiate between the southern and the northern styles of sculptures. Jaina images of south India bcar the imprint of the Dravidian style. To sum up, the study of the Jaina literary texts is essential for the knowledge of Jaina mythology and philosophy and the doctrines and rituals of the sainas in Karnataka. The epigraphs show how far these were prevalent and how ihesc underwent changes in early medieval times. Tlicy also give an account of the patronage extended to Jainism by lings. princes, nobles and others.

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CHAPTER III IDOL WORSHIP AND TANTRISM In the earliest phase of their history the Jainas and the Buddhists launched a systematic campaign against the cult of ritual and sacrifice as destructive of all morals, and laid great stress on the purification of soul for the attainment of nirvana or salvation. They denied the authority of god over human actions. Unlike the Hindus, they did not accept god as the crcator and destroyer of the universe. Contrary to the popular view, they held that every soul possesses the virtues of parantalma or god and attains this status as soon as it frees itself from the worldly bondage. . Naturally the early Jainas did not practise image worship, which finds no place in the Jaina canonical literature. The carly Digambara texts from Karnataka do not furnish authentic information on this point, and the description of their milagunas and altaragunas mcant for lay worshippers do not refer to image worship. But idol worship first appeared in the early centuries of the Christian cia, and claborate rules were developed for performing the different rituals of Jaina worship during early medieval times. Samantabhadra, who belongs to the early century of the Christian era, was probably the first to lay down worship as thc rcligious duty of a layman. He included it among the siksauratas or educative vows and gave it a place of some importance in his rules for Jaina householders. From his time, the Jaina teachers further developed their system of worship. Somadeva included it among samayika-siksa-vrata 01 the customary worship and devoted a full chapter to the Jaina system of worship. 1. SP, Brahmachari, Grhastha-dharma, v. 119, p. 144.

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24 Jainism in Early Medical Karnataka In early medieval times, the literary and epigraphic sources indicate the new outlook of Jaina teachers, who frequently recommended image worship. They thought the construction of new temples and rebuilding of old and dilapidated ones as meritorious acts. They glorified temple worship and encouraged the Jaina laity to erect basadis, enshrine relics in them, and visit the sacred places associated with the lives of the Jinas. The Pannacariya, the oldest Praksit kavya, tells us about the Jaina system of worship in detail. It throw's light on the worship of the Jaina images, bathing ritual of the Jinas, and installation of images.2 The Paramatmaprakasa, which is a work of the 6th century, explains that the laymen, who do not perform the worship with eight articles and do not pay reverence to the Five Perfect Beings, cannot attain salvation. It is apparent that the worship of the Jina became a necessary condition for the attainment of liberation. The Padmapurana, composed by Ravisena in the 7th century A.D., exhorts the people to perform Jina worship and erect Jina images for the attainment of temporal as well as eternal blessings. It also ordains the Jaina devotees to makc arrangements for lower, incense, and light in Jaina temples. It further lays down that a man can accomplish the most difficult worldly task by performing Jina worship and installing images of Jinendra.5 The abhiseka or the bathing ritual of the Jinas, which is held in high esteem among the Karnataka Jainas, is also refera red to in the Jaina texts. The most detailed description of this riter is furnished by Jatasimhanandi who wrote the Varangacarita in the 7th century. The text draws attention to the merits of building temples, setting up images and conducting Jina 1. The date of Paumacariya,composed by Vimalasari is very controversial. According to some scholars it was written in the 1st century AD.; according to others, led by Jacobi, it was composed in the 3rd century A.D. The vicw of Jacobi has bcen generally accepted by scholars. 2. M. Santilal Vora (tr.), Patmacariya, pt. i, ch. 32, v. 70ff., p. 25217. 3. AN Upadhye, (cd.), Paramalmahrakusa, v. 168, p. 312. 4, Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 14, vv. 92-3, p. 313. 3. Ibid. v. 213, p. 321. 1. Varringacarita, ch. 23. v. 60ff, pp. 223-6

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 25 worship. It rcpcats the idea that a layman who is always engaged in worldly pursuits must worship the Jina for his final liberation from the cycle of births and deaths. It also speaks of the morning and evening worship of the Jinas in Jaina temples Besides the above Jaina texts, the Yasastilaka of Somadeva Suri and the Vasmandi-Sravakacara contain much information Tcgarding the image worship. Vasunandi for instance speaks of the good results of performing the eight-fold worship of the Jinas. The devotees are said to have attained both the temporal as well as eternal happiness in thc present life and in the life after death. The offerings of unboiled rice, flower, sweets, umbrella, etc, to the Jinas are said to have led to good physical health, victory over enemies on the battlefield and attainment of eternal blessings.3 Literary evidence regarding Jaina image worship is corroborated by contemporary inscriptions which record grants of land and village to Jaina establishments and to Jaina monks for erecting temples, repairing them and performing worship. The Kadamba records inform us that thc worship of the Jina was the most favourite way of expressing Jaina devotion. They show that the Kadamba kings faithfully followed the sacred injunction of the Jaina teachers with regard to the image worship. They made lavish donations to Jaina temples, and erected new temples in the north-western parts of Mysore. In order to make the worship effective in public life, the Kadamba king Pavivarma, issued an ordinance that the festival of Jinendra Tasting for eight days should be celebrated regularly every year on the full moon of the month of Karttika or November from the revenues of the village Purukhetaka ; that the worship of Jinendra should be perpctually performed by the pious countrymen and citizens. In view of this record it is not surprising that the Kadamba king not only performed Jina worship him 1. Varangacarila, ch. 22, v 33 f, pp. 215-6. -2. Hiralal Jain, (ed.), Vasunand:- Sravakacara, v. 493, p. 136. 3. Ibid. vv. 483 92, pp. 133-6. 1. Li, vi, no. 22, p. 27.

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26 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnatala self but also imposed it on the people. The people of Karnataka followed their kings in matters relating to image worship. They paid reverence to Jinas by constructing Jaina temples, and making proper arrangements for the repairs and maintenance of the same. An epigraph, belonging to the reign of the Calukya king Kirtivarman II, which is dated in the 6th year of his reign, commemorates the construction of a Jaina temple by Kaliyamma, the gavunda of Jebulageri in the district of Dharwar.1 Another record registers a gift of 500 nivarianas of land for the worship and offerings to the god Sankha Jinendra by Durgasakti of the Sendraka family during the reign of Pulakegin 11.Similar other epigraphs spcak of the donation of land to the god Sankha-sinendra at Laksmesvar in the district of Dharwar during the 7th-Sth centuries. Similar evidence may be adduced to show the prevalence of image worship during the time of the Rastrakutas. The Konnur inscription of the Rastrakuta king Amoghararsa furnishes evidence of the Jaina devation of Banbeya, the feudatory chief, who is said to have founded a Jaina temple at Kolanur or Konnur in thc district of Dharwar and granted land in the village Talcyur for the benefit of that temple during the 9th century.3 Another record describes a vaisya. named Cikarya as crecting a Jaina temple at Mulgund in the same district during the rule of the Rastrakuta king Kisna II in the 10th century. In the 11th-12th centuries, the Jaina teachers from Karnataka made equally zealous effort for propagating the idea of image worship among the Jainas who responded to their appeal by crecting many new basadis in different parts of Mysore. This is substantiated by the donative records of the later western Calukyas, the Hoysalas, the Santaras and their feudatory chicfs, 4 who made liberal gifts of lands and villages for the continuous performance of Jina worship. They also 1, BKI, i. pt. i, no. 1, p. 3. 2. Ibid. iv, no. 3, p. 2. EI, vi, no. 4, p. 34. 4. Cr. Districtsisc arranged list of Inscriptions in Appendix-"A"

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Idol Worship and Tantrism gave impetus to this practice by renovating some of the old Jaina temples aud renewing the old charters of gifts for promoting the cause of Jina worship in Karnataka. From a record of 1068,1 a Jaina general of the western Calukya king Somesvara II, succeeded in converting a wooden temple into a stone structure. For this meritorious work, he took the help of the king as well as his provincial ruler Laksmana who completely remodeled the Jaina temple at Balipuia in the Vanavasi country and endowed land to it. In A.D. 1072,2 the queen of Somesvara II is recorded to have renewed the endowment of the village Gudigere for the Anesejjeya basadi, which had been built by Kumkumamaliadevi, the younger sister of the Calukya king Vijayaditya. In another record of SravanaBelgola dated A.D. 11183 Ganga-Raja, who is praised for his meritorious work, renovated and restored all the basadis in Gangavadi. In a later record, which is dated A.D. 1184, it is stated that the Gangavadi 96,000 province shone like Kopana through the efforts made by Ganga-Raja. We have similar account of the religious deeds of Hulla who delighted in restoring Jina temples and performing Jina worship therein. He renovated a Jaina temple at Bankapura which had gone to complete ruin.5 27 Besides the worship of Jinas, there is epigraphic evidence to show the regular performance of the worship of Gommatesvara on the Vindhyagiri hill at Sravana-Belgola, Gommatesvara was the son of the first Jina Adinatha whose image was consecrated first by Camundaraya in the 10th century. He came to occupy an important position in the hierarchy of Jaina gods and his worship developed as an independent cult in Mysore in the 11th-12th centuries. It is clear from the above-cited epigraphic references that image worship tended to continue among the Jainas of 1. EC, vit, sh. 135. pp. 102-4. 2. BKI, iv, no. 46, p. 51. 3. EC, ii, SB 73, pp. 38-40. 4. Ibid. iv, Ng. 32, p. 120. 5 Ibid. ii, SB 345, pp. 147-9, 6. Ibid. SB 237-8, A.D. 1196-8, p. 101; SB 241; A.D. 1175, p. 103; SB 212, A D. 1175, pp 103-1; SB 256, A D 1181, p 115

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28 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnatal a Karnataha during the period under study It became popular not only with royal familics but also with nobles, generals merchants and the people of different professions But it is to be borne in mind here that this practice of Jina v orship nas spread and strengthened in Karnataka thiough royal efforts Its gradual progress among the masses may be tiaced from thc higher stiata to the lower level of the Karnataka soriety The reasons which impelled the Jaina teachers of Kar nataka to encourage the laity to perform image worship are not difficult to find out The practical idea of gaining popu. larity among the pcople and removing the Brahmanicai hatred against the Jainas made frequent provisions for the adoration of icon worship In order to compete with the Brahmanas it was felt necessary to rid Jainism of the dry asceticism The economic considerations of the Jaina teachers also prompted them to propagate this practice Through their advocacy of image worship, they acquired new means of livelihood in Jaina monasteries and temples which were invariably endoscd with rich gifts of land village and customs dues in the early medicval period Jaina llotwe of Worship It is generally held that the worship of the Jinas is undertaken for spiritual reasons and not for gaining any worldiy benefit Professor All Upadhye observes that the aspirants (the Jaina worshippers) receive no boons no favours and no cures from him by uzy of gifts from the divinity As tle Jina is the embodiment of perfection the Jaina worshippers pray to him worship him and meditate on him as a model zit they too might become perfcct Another scholar states that the Jainas ask for nothing from the Jinas, nor are ihcy supposed to be granting boons to their devotees They are not worshipped because worship is pleasing to them but because it is the source of the greatest good--the attainment of godly perfection for our soul Kalaghaig1,3 declaics that 1 A Upadhye cd ) 09 cit Introd p 36 CR Jain Essays and Address P 196 TG Kalaghaig: JKU 1 18

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 29 for a Jaina it is not necessary to surrender to any higher being nor to ask for divine favour. There is no place for divine grace nor for the whims of a superior deity for the sake of attaining liberation, Stevenson too supports the same view. She holds that the attitude of Jaina worshipper seems nearer to the French soldier paying homage at the tomb of Napoleon and saluting the memory of a great liero than to the warm personal adoration and loving faith connected with the Hindu idea of bhakti. All this would suggest that the devotecs offered obeisance to the Jinas for realizing the virtues of the Jinas in their own lives and not for any worldly gain. But it is difficult to accept the views expressed above. The Jainas performed worship not out of selfless devotion but from a desire to gain temporal as well as cternal blessings and. happiness. Like the Hindus, the Jainas completely surrendered to the Jinas and expected favour froin them. It is also wrong to think that the Jinas did not dispense divine grace to their devotees. The Jaina Puranas and the stotra literature of the Karnataka Jainas reveal the fact that the Jainas were moved by the samc feelings and desires as are found in any ordinary human being. They appeal to the Jinas as ardently as the Hindus to Brahma and Visnu. From the study of the Blaktam mara stotra of Manatunga, it is apparent that the devotee can get victory over the enemies and escape thc grip of diseases by remembering the name of the first Jina Adinatha. Manatunga himself is said to have released himself from the bondage of forty-two chains by the mere recitation of the name of the Jina." The Haritamsapurana of Jinasena Suri also repeatsthe same idea and states that one can release himself from the influence of evil spirits by uttering the name of the Jina. The Varangacarita refers to the various results of performing Jina worship with eight different articles. Each article of 1. S. Stevenson, ERE, X, p. 188. 2. N.R. Premi, tr., Adinath-Stotra, v. 13, p. 47. 3. Ibid. v. 45, p. 50. 4. 1. id. v. 46, p. 51. 5. Harivansaprana, pt. ii, ch. 66, v. 41, p. 804.

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Jainism in Early Alodieval karnataka offering is supposed to confer on the devotees a differcni boon. Thus the offering of unbroken rice results in long life and that of curd leads to the accomplishment of the desired work. The worship of the Jinas is said to have resulted in the attainment of the desired things.3 Jinasena and Gunabhadra, who composed the Mahapurana in the 9th century, also describe the Jinas as those who grant the desired results to the laymen.' A man who wants wealth and prosperity should concentrate his mind on the Jainas who are described as the giver of the hcaven.5 The devotce can rid himself of the disease and bondage and can frec himself from the clutches of lion, snake and fire. King Bharata is said to have marched against his enemies in the south direction after offering worship to the Jina.? The importance of Jina worship with cight different articles is also repeated by Vasunandi,& who composed the Vasunandi-Sravalacara in the early years of the 12th century." The Karnataka Jaina teachers always glorified and attributed divine grace to the Jinas. They devoted their talents to the deification of Mahaviia and other Jinas. The Jinas, wl10 had been earlier regarded as simply spiritual teachers revealing the truth and inspiring the followers of Jainism in attaining liberation (mohsa), came to be regarded as gods among the Jainas in Karnataka in the early medieval period. Thus, the Jinas were credited with the same attributes of divinity as characterized the Brahinanical gods Siva, Visnu and Brahma. Analogy between the Jinas and the Hindu divinities continued to persist among the Jainas as late as the 13th century. Asadhara, who composed the Jinasahasranama in the middle of the 13th century, jo attributes one thousand and eight names to the 1. Varatigacarila, ch. 23, v. 20, p. 222. 2. Ibid. v. 19, p. 222. 3. Ibid., ch. 22, v. 48, p. 216. Adipurana, pt. 1, ch, 7, v. 281, p. 163. Ibid. v. 265, p. 163. Ibid. v. 303, p. 165. 7. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 29, v. 1, p. 02. 8. H.L. Jain, (ed.). Vasunandi-Sravakacara, Introd. p. 19. 9. Ibid. v. 483-93. pp. 135-6. 10. H.L. Jain. (ed.), 1nasahasranima, Introd. pp. 22-3,

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Idol IVorship and Tantrism 31 Jina and indicates the significance of uttering them correctly.1 The Jina is repcatcdly compared with Mabadeva,? Sadasiva? and Brabuna" The cxaltation of the position of the Jinas is well illustrated in the prayer hymns addressed to them in the Jaina Puranas. Raviscna, who flourished in the 7th century, identifies the first Jina Adinatha with the Hindu gods Siva and Svayambhu.5 Like his predecessor, Jinasena too describes thc Jina as Brahma, Visnu and Svayambhu. Almost all the epithers and Tames, expressive of his qualities, functions and associations are libcrally ascribed to the Jinas with some explanation, Risabhadeva is again compared with Samkara and other Hindu gods, Although in the early days, the Jainas criticised the Hindu theory of creation and destruction, in later times the Jinas are assigned both the creative and destructive power. In the Mahapurdna of Jinascna-Gunabbadra, the Jina is spoken of as the creators and destroyers of the universe. Literary evidence is also supported by a 10th century epigraph which refers to thc Jina or Jinapati, adorcd by the gods as the First Creator of the world.10 The Jipas, who were represented previously as ideal personalities, were also credited with all the divine qualities of the Brahmanical deities such as Brahma and Krsna. The Jaina teachers accepted several strange incarnations of Rsabhadeva. Jinasena explains the ten incarnations of the First Jina,11 and tries to prove that he represents Krsna and Visu. 1. H.L. Jain. (cd.), Jinasahasranama, vy. 140-3, p. 140. 2 Ibid. v. 63, p. 80. 3. Ibid. v. 101, p. 113. 4. Ibid, v, 98, p. 108. 5. Padmapurana, pt iii, ch. 98, vv. 66-7, p. 221. 0. Adipurana, pt i, ch. 24, vv, 31-6, p. 576. 7. Ibid, ch, 25, v. 14, p. 601. 3. Ibid. ch. 24, v. 55. p. 578. 9. ibid. v. 44, p. 577, 10. S.R. Sharina, op. cit. p. 143. 11. Adipurana, pt i, ch. 14, v. 11, p 304

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32 Jainism in Early: Medieval Karnataka It appears reasonable to assume that the Jaina mytliologists could not keep themselves free from the influence of the Hindu conception of the creative power of gods. Thus, the Jinas were given Hindu oricntation in order to adjust Jainism to changing times and as such the people were attracted. towards the beneficial power of the Jaina divinities. 1. Linas Faina Objects of Worship The Karnataka Jaina literature and epigraphs indicate that the Jaina objects of adoration resemble mainly the Brahmanical objects of worship. Like the Hindus, the Jainas show their reverence not only to the Jinas alone but also to their associated deities, sacred things and symbols. The attendant deities of the Jinas and their emblems are also shown great reverence. The Jaina objects of worship may be enumerated under the following heads; (i) the Five Exalted Beings ; (ii) the attendant deities of thc Jinas ; (iii) symbolical objects of worship ; and (iv) worship of the sacied places. Besides, the Jainas also imilated the Hindu practice of paying homage to the family members of the Jinas. The Jainas first adore the Five Exalted Beings (the pancaparamesthi). They are, according to Somadeva, the arhat, that is, one of the Jinas endowed with superhuman qualities; the siddha or one who has realised within himself the luminous presence of the Infinite soul; the Acarya or the teacher who regulates the social order according to the principles of Jainism ; the upadhyaya or the preceptor who has mastered the sacred lore ; and the sadhil or the ordinary monk bent on salvation and engaged in rigorous austerities in the face of insuperablc obstacles. They are thus a group of five graded purified souls. While the former two have freed themselves from the cycle of births and deaths, the remaining three are on the way of attaining salvation. Just as there are ranks in society so also there are ranks in the Jaina religious organization. 1. KK. Handiqui, op. cit. pp. 269-70.

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Idol IVorship and Tantrism 33 The worship of thcsc exalted souls prominently figured in the devotional Jaina literaturc. It was prevalent among both the monks and the laymen. As the monks did not use idols, they offered only mental salutation to them in course of practising austerities. In thc temple worship, which was especially meant for ordinary men, the Jinas were assigned the foremost place among the purificd souls because they are belicved to reveal the path of salvation to the mankind. While the devotees perforned the various acts of Jaina ivorship, they offered salutation to them along with the Jinas. . The Jainas of Karnataka promulgated a formula to be recited at the time of worship. This was considered to be very important in the Jaina system of adoration, and may be compared with the gajatri mantra of the Vedic school. It consists of thirty-five letters, and several methods of uttering it are prescribed. Jinasena in his Adipurana refers to the recitation of sixtecn, eight, six and sive letters of the Jaina formula. Sometimes it is to be limited to a single letter formula such as "Om". Sompadeva too refers to the different methods of uttering the Jaina formula, but the one consisting of thirty-five letters is held to be most authoritative by him.3 The Jaina literature and epigraphis also refer to the worship of the attendant gods and goddesses of the Jinas (yaksas and yaksinis). They are depicted on the right and the left sides of the Jinas in the Jaina sculpture and are recognized by their respective featurcs. Among the numerous deities, the cult of Padmavati and Jvalamalini gained wide popularity among the Jainas in Karnataka. Independent tantric Jaina texts such as the Bhairava-Padmavati-kalpa and the Fualinz-fialpa indicate the increasing importance of these two goddesses in Karnataka during the early medieval age. Thc two texts show that they were worshipped as independent tantric deities possessing mystical powers during the 11th-12th centuries. 1. K.K. Hapdiqui, op. cit. p. 272. 2. Adipuraus, pt. i, ch.21, v. 231 ff, p. 499. 3. K.K. Handiqui, op. cit. p. 272.

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34 Jainism in Early Medieval liarnataka The Brahmanical practice of worshipping religious and spiritual symbols also influenced Jainism in Karnataka. Literary evidence speaks of the worship of the following symbols; (1) dharmacalras or the wheels of rightcousness; (ii) the caitra tree, (ii) Jina-flags containing the figures of clephant, lion, peacock, bull, etc., (iv) thc manastambha or standing pillar. All these symbols stand for the Jinas, and they are revered, if not worshipped independently by the Karnataka Jainas. Jinasena in his Adipurana refers to thcir worship. He insorms us that the Jaina tomb contained the image of the Jinas, and the people felt happy in worshipping them. The worship of the caitya trecs, the wheels of righteousness, Jina-fiags and munastambha4 are also referred to in the same text. The footprints of the Jaina teachers were also vencrated by the Jainas in Karnataka. The Faina Puranas enjoin the laymen to bow down at the feet of spiritual teachers. It was regarded as a pious act for the laity. As a natural conscquence, the devotees felt the necessity to pay homage to those spiritual teachers even after their deaths. They began to engrave for personal adoration the footprints of Jaina teachers on stone or some lasting material. It became gradually a popular practice among the Karnataka Jainas. Literary reference is also corroborated by epigraphs. An epigraphs of the 10th century states that the foot-marks of the teacher, Jatasimhanandi, were carved out by Cavaya, As Jatasimhanandi flourished during the 7th century, his footprints were engraved by the devotee for personal worship in the 10th century. Camundaraya is also said to have paid homage to the foot-prints of Bhadrabahu.. The worship of the same teacher is again referred to in another SravanaBelgola epigraph.? It states that jinacandra bows to the fcet 1. Adipurana, pt. i, ch. 22, v, 269, p. 533. 2. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 33, v. 86, p. 138. 3. Ibid vv. 93-5, p. 139. 4, Ibid. v. 75. p. 137. 5. PB. Desai, op. cit. Inscription no. 20, p 341. 6. EC, ii, Introd p. 13. 7. Ibid SB 166, p. 79.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism of Bhadrabahusvami. There are clear indications of the repetition of the practice of paying reverence to the Jaina teachers in more than five Sravana-Belgola epigraphs which belong to the 12th century. 35 The spiritual hierarchy of the Brahmanical Gods influenced the Jaina pantheon in Karnataka, and the Jainas paid reverence not only to the Jinas but also to members of their family. If the sons of Siva (Karttika & Ganesa) are worshipped in the Hindu religion, son of the first Jina Adinatha is equally preferred for worship in the Jaina religion. In a SravanaBelgola epigraph of the 10th century, it is stated that Camundaraya caused to be made the statue of Gommata and he is said to have consecrated this image The worship of Gommatesvara gained wide popularity among the Jainas of Karnataka by the end of the 12th century, In A.D. 1159,3 the Hoysala King Narasimhadeva gave gift of the village Savaneru for the eight-fold worship of the same image. There are similar other inscriptions from Sravana-Belgola, dated in A.D. 1175,4 A.D. 11815 and A.D. 1196, which contain information about the public adoration of Gommatesvara on the Vindhyagiri hill and register gifts of land for providing flowers and other materials for worship. The above instances leave no doubt that the son of the first Jina came to be worshipped among the Jainas as an independent god by the end of the 12th century. The worship of the sacred places (nirvanaksetra) was also an object of Jaina adoration. The Jainas of Karnataka paid respect to the places which were connected with the lives and attainment of liberation of Jinas and other eminent Jaina teachers. Several epigraphs from Sravana-Belgola prove this." 1. EC, ii, SB 119, A D. 1100, p. 49; SB 123, A.D. 1100; SB 124, A D. 1140, p 50; SB 428, A D. 1100, p. 82. 2. Ibid. SB 175-6, p. 89. 3. Ibid. SB 349, pp. 151-4. 4 Ibid. SB 240-2, pp. 101-1. 5. Ibid, SB 256, p. 115. 6. Ibid. SB 237, p. 101. 7 Ibid. SB 10, A.D. 800, p. 3; SB 4, AD 900, p. 3; SB 38-9, A D. 750 and A.D. 950, p. 9; SB 40, A.D. 990. p. 9, SB 41-2; A.D. 1000, p. 9; SB 13, 44, 48, A D. 1100, pp. 9-10; SB 410, 413, 417,A D. 1000, pp. 80-1.

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36 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka The Vasunandi-Sravakacara also corroborates the above Jaina practice.1 Forms of Jaina Worship The Jaina texts of Karnataka generally refer to two forms of image worship, (1) the bhava-puja or the mental offering of prayer to the Jinas and (2) the draya-puja or the eight-fold worship of Jina images. The Varangacarita clearly refers to them and points out the difference between the two forms. The bhava-paja means concentration of mind on the various qualities of the chosen deities, i.e. the Jinas. The dravya-puja denotes the proper worship of the Jina image with elaborate rituals and offering of cight different articles such as unboiled rice, sandal, incense, water, fruit, flower, etc., to the Jinas. As the bhava-puja is performed with or without the use of idols, it is prevalent both among the Jaina monks and laymen. If the Jina image is not available, Somadeva3 advises the Jainas to visualize the picture of the Jina on a piece of birch bark or cloth or wooden board or a slab of stone or on sand or in the air or in one's heart. In the Adipurana Jinasena subdivides the dravya-puja into four categories, of which we have first the sadarcana-puja or daily worship of the Jinas. The devotees daily offer sandal, unbroken rice, incense, fruit, flower and sweets to the Jinas in the Jaina temples. The erection and installation of the images and donation of villages, lands and fields fall under this category. The second form of worship is known as caturmukhapaja, in which the devotee worships the four faces of the Jina. The third form is known as the cakravarli-paja, in which the royal devotee makes lavish charities according to the desires of almsmen after the performance of Jina worship. Lastly comes the astahnika puja or the eightfold worship, which lasts for eight days. Jinasena prescribes it for all the pious countrymen. 1. H.L. Jain. (ed.), Vasunandi-Srazakacara, v. 152, p.130. 5 2. Varangacarita, ch. 22, v. 43 ff, p. 216. 3. Tasestilaka, i1, p. 373, cited in K.K. Handiqui, op. cit. p. 200. 4. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 38, vv. 27-8, p. 242. 6. Ibid. v. 30, p 242. G. Ibid v. 31, p 242. 7. Ibid. v. 32, p. 242.

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Idol Worship and Tantrisin 37 Professor Robert Williams strongly criticises this classification as unrcal but does not give any grounds for this. Jinasena's classification reflects the needs of different social classes in Karnataka. He seems to have chalked out a plan for worship based on cconomic considerations. Jaina Temple Worship The prevalence of icon worship among the Jainas in Karnataka indicates the existence of the institution of temples, which are commonly known as the basadi or basti in Karnataka. Both the cpigraphic and literary sources speak of the crection of Jaina temples and consecration of Jina images in the early medieval age. The Karnataka Jainas believed that temple building was also a means to salvation and secured for the builder the delights of heaven in the next life. This accelerated the process of temple construction and gradually gave rise to several temple cities in Karnataka. Sravana-Belgola, Halsi, Aihole, and Dharwar are finc witnesses to this spirit of Jaina devotion. The people attached great impoitance to temple worship. They performed almost all sacraments such as birth ceremony, investiture of the sacred thread, and marriage before the Jinas in Jaina temples. Jinasena explains clearly the observation of thcsc rites in the Jaina temples 2 The Jaina Puranas inform us that the votaries showed their devotion to the Jaina temple by going round the temple; this was called the circumambulation ritc. The Jaina devotees are advised to perform this ritual as soon as they enter the temple. Temple worship was both public and private. Public worship comprised the Jaina practice of daily worship of the Jina image and periodical worship on special occasions. Numerous inscriptional evidences, dating from the 5th to the 12th centuries, speak of public temple worship among the Karnataka Jainas. The earliest indication of the congre 1. Robert Williams, Jarna Yoga, p. 216. 2. Adipurana, pt, ii, ch. 38, v. 69, pp. 245 ff.

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38 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka gational worship is furnished by the Kadamba copper plates, which are assigned to thc middle of the 5th and the 6th centuries. In one of these copper piates, it is stated that tlic Kadamba king Ravivarma in his 34th regnal ycar granted land in Asundi in the district of Dharwar for performing worslup of the Jinas.Another record of the same monarcit refers to the performance of the cightdays worship of the Jinas by the pious Jaina devotces at Palasika or modern Halsi in the district of Belgaum. It shows that the common people participated in the performance of the Jina worship. Harivarma, another king of the Kadamba lineage, is also said to have granted thic village Vasantavataka for providing annually at the eightday's sacrifice and the perpetual anointing of the Jina image with clarified butter for the temple of the Arhat (Jina) which Mrigesavarma had caused to be built at modern Halsi in the district of Belgaum.3 The stone mansion of Jinendra vas crected at Aihole by Ravikirti, who had obtained the favour of the Calukya king Pulakesin II in the 7th century.4 Ladies of upper classes showed equal enthusiasm for public worship by crecting Jaina temples in Mysore. An cpigraph of the 8th century informs us that Kandaci, the wife of a feudatory chief, constructed an auspicious Jaina temple named LokatilakaJinalaya for promoting Jina worship. Inscriptions also attest the practice of temple construction during the 9th and the 10th centuries, Camundaraya, the minister and general of the Ganga king Marasimha, is said to have constructed a magnificent temple, containing the image of the twenty-second Jina Neminatha on the Vindhyagiri hill at Sravana-Belgola,5 The upper storey of the temple was added by the son of Camundaraya, and an image of the twenty-third Jina Parsvanatha was placed in it. Both these temples were built in the 10th century, 1. MAR, 1933, no. 1, pp. 113-4. 2. 14, vi, no. 22, p. 27. 3. Ibid. vi, no 25, p.31. 4. El, vi, no. 1, pp. 11-2. 5. EC, 12, Introd p. 6. 6. Ibid.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 39 Construction of temples and installation of Jina images therein increased in the 11th-12th centuries. Epigraphic evidence shows that princes and people alike erected numerous Jaina temples and granted land for various acts of worship in Jaina temples, which were open to all irrespective of caste and creed. The Jaina women of Karnataka expressed their deep devotion for Jainism by erecting a number of new basadis and cndowing them with rich gifts. In 1047, Akkadevi is said to have granted land for meeting the cost of plastering the broken monastery of the Gonada-Bedangi Jinalaya at Vikramapura in the Bijapur district and for the supply of scent, incense and lamp. Another woman, who figures prominently in the record of the 12th century, was Pocikabbe, 4 the mother of Ganga-Raja. She is said to have erected numerous Jaina temples at Sravana-Belgola and many other holy places. In 1123 Santaladevi, the queen of the Hoysala king Visnuvardhana, built the Savatigandhavarna temple at Belgola and granted the village Mottenavile to her preceptor for providing regular worship. In a record of the last quarter of the 12th century, Haryyale, a woman belonging to the middle class of Karnataka society, is said to have advised her son to build Jaina temple for obtaining boundless merit.& The above examples show clearly what interest both the kings and their subjects took in building Jaina temples in Karnataka during the 11th-12th centuries, Commenting upon the prevalent modes of Jaina worship, Professor Bhattacharya observes that the Jainas in optional cases keep an image in their houses and do not undergo the 1. EC, vii, Sk, 136, A.D. 1068, p. 103 ; MAR, 1927 A D. 1062, p. 43 ; EC. iv, Ag. 90, A.D. 1079, p. 263 ; EC, vit, Ng. 40, AD. 1087, pp. 146-5; EC, Y, Cn 143, A.D. 1094, p. 190; EC. iv: Ng. 19, A.D. 1118, p. 116. 2. ET, xvi, A.D. 1053, p. 57; EC, vii, SK. 124, A.D. 1077, p. 9G; EC, vi, Cm. 160, A.D. 1103, p. 57; MAR, 1939, p. 194; EC. iv, Ng, A.D. 1142, p. 138. 3. El. xvii, p. 123. 4. EC, 1, SB 118, P. 48-9. 5. Ibid. SB 132, p. 60 6. EC, vii, TP. 93, p. 60 7. BC, Bhattacharya. Jaina Iconography, p. 21.

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840 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka special ritualistic formalism in their private worship. But it seems to be difficult to subscribe to his view. Although epigraphic sources are silent on this point, several literary texts of the Digambaras contain instructions for installation of the Jina image in private houses and speak of the household shrines. Ilarisena in his Padmapurana statesl that the people should install Jina image in their houscs and worship it. The absence of Jina icons in any Jaina house is said to have brought minsay to the devotee. On the other hand, the house which contains thc Jina image is thought to be free from the influence of evil spirits. He further states the story of a Jaina woman, who had to suffer the separation of her husband for a long time in her next life, because she had dishonoured the Jina in her private house." Jinasena in his Adipurana advises the Jainas not to worship the deities of the other faiths in their private homes. It Proves beyond doubt that the Jainas in Karnataka keep the Jina image for personal adoration. He also informs us that the Jainas used to hang a bell, containing the Jina image, at the main entrance to their houses so that they may always offer salutation to him." At another place, he speaks of the household shrines which seem to have been situated within the compound of the palaces of kings, where worship was probably performed for the whole family. There is nothing to show that the neighbouring Jainas were not permitted to visit such temples for worship. All this proves the prevalence of private temple worship among the Jainas in Karnataka. It also sccms reasonablc to assume that the Jaina idols were worshipped on communal, family and individual basis during the carly medieval age. Daily worship of the Jina in Jaina temples An important custom of the Jainas was their daily attendance in the Jaina tempics for the worship of the Jinas, It 1. Padmapurana, pt, iii, ch.92, v. 73ff.. p. 131, 2. Ibid. pt. i, ctr. 17, v. 105ff, pp. 382-3. 3. Adipurina, pt. ii,ch, 39, v. 45ff, p. 273. 4. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 41, v. 876, p. 324. 5. Ibid. pt. i, ch. 5, v. 227ff, p. 113.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism These all are consisted in morning and evening worship of the Jinas. The Jaina puranas and other literary texts of Karnataka emphasise the need of observing some preliminary religious rites before the performance of the actual worship of the Jinas. include bathing, expiation and circumambulation, which deemed essential for maintaining the purity of mind and body of the worshippers. Somadeval in his Yasastilaka refers to the internal and external purity of the Jainas. By internal purity, he means purity of mind. The need of taking bath in pure water and washing of the teeth are included in external purity. He warns the Jainas against the use of hot water for bathing because of the fear of injury to living creatures, 41 The expiatory rite of the Jainas is also an important preliminary ritual. The Jaina devotces are said to have got rid of the impurity caused by their movements on their way to their temples. Jmnasena explains it as the irya-patha-suddhikrija.3 Both the monks and laymen are asked to observe it in order to absolve themselves of the acts of sin. In the circumambulation rite (pradaksina) the Jaina devotees walk round the Jaina temples thrice before performing acts of worship, and the same rite is repeated after the final act of the Jina worship. For this rite circumambulatory passages were provided in the Jaina temples. The Yasastilaka throws light on the different stages of Jaina worship. The first stage is formed by the prastavana (prelude), which means the summoning of the Jina and making preparations for his worship." It is followed by the purakarma, which is the purification of the place of worship and the establishment of water vessels over it on the occasion of ablution ceremony. The third stage is the formal placing of the 1. Yasastilaha, pt. 11, BK. viii, pp. 372-3. 2. Ibid. 3. Adipurana, pt. i, ch. 7, vv. 275-6, p. 162. 4. Varangacarita, ch 23, v. 57, p. 225. 5. Harivamsapurana, pt. i, ch. 22, v. 44, p. 334. 6. Yasastilaka, pt. ii, BK. vii, pp. 382ff. 7. Ibid. S. Ibid. p. 383.

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Jainism in Early. Afedistal liarnalal.ca Jina dol on the altar, and is called sthaponi. Tisc installation of Jina images is frequently referred to in the epigraphis, in cpigraph of 113$* speaks of installation ceremony of the god Mallinatha in thc Dinkar Jinalaya at Bastilialli in the Belur taluq. Similar cvidence is available from other in<Page #61
Idol Worship and Tantrism 43 for bathing), is employed for performing the bathing rite. He brings the Jina idol from the inner shrine and places it on the high altar in the hall of ablution. He then takes a vow to keep silence till the end of the ceremony. He installs the image on a stone pedestal, which is corroborated by an cpigiaph of the 10th century; it informs us that the Rastrakuta King Nilyavarsa constructed a stone seat for the bath of the image of Santinailla. Two other epigraphs, which are dated in 11383 and 11821 record gifts of land for the performance of bathing ritual of the Jinas in the 12th century. After the installation of the Jina on the stone seat, the priest performs salutation by prostrating himself. He first discharges water in a continuous flow on the feet of Jinendra, standing in the north direction, and dries it so carcfully that no drop of water falls on the ground. He utters a Jaina formula and makes offerings. Thereafter he performs the ablution of the head of the Jina by continuously pouring water over the image, which is known as the mastakabhiseka. It is followed by the offerings of flowers, unbroken rice, sandal, fruit, etc., to dikpalas (guardian deities of different directions) and ksetrapalas. After the performance of these acts, the priest performs arati with lamp and breaks his vow of silence. Somadeva? gives additional information about the bathing rite. He states that the idol is bathed with fragrant water, clarified butter, the juice of vines, dates, sugarcanes and coconut milk. Four pitchers filled with water and decorated with flowers are kept ready for the bathing ritual of the Jina. The anointing ceremony of the Jina is the next act of the Jaina worship. The deity is anointed with various pastes and compounds made of sandal, aloe wood and cardamoms.8 1. Varongacarita, ch. 23, v. 58, p. 225. 2. SII, ix, pt i, p. 38 3. EC, ii, SB 402, p. 170. 4 Ibid, vii, pp. 124-7. 5. Varangacarita, ch. 23, v. 621., p. 226ff. 6. Tbid, v. 68ff, p. 226. 7. KK. Handiqui, op. cit. p. 270. 8. Ibid. p. 270

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44 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Numerous inscriprions refer to the performance of the anointing ceremony of the Jina in the Jaina temples. In one epigraph, AIrigesavarma is said to have donated a field of forty nivarlanas for the purpose of anointing the Jina idol with ghee, Another record speaks of the provision made by the king of the same house for perpetual anointment of the Jina with clarified butter." Inscriptions, belonging to Ilth-12th centuries, also contain informations regarding the anointing ceremony of the Jinas. They register grants of land and village for the observance of this ritual.3 Mariyancdandanayaka, a general of the Hosyala period, is said to have rejoiced in the daily anointing ceremony of the Jina in Jaina temple.4 Iyer observes that there is no decoration of the idol either with flowers of jewellery. But it is difficult to agree with lim. That the Jina image was decorated with flowers and garlands is well illustrated in the Varangacarila. It informs us that the priest offered beautiful garlands to thc Jinas. It is also corroborated by the Jaina records right from the Gth century to the 12th century. A record, which is dated in the 6th century, refers to a grant of land of one nivartana for decorating the idol with rich flowers. In 1096 Sovi Sexti gave a gift of a garden io Carukirti-Pandita of the Yapaniya Sangha.: For the Jaina temple in Bannikere in the Shimoga district, Bacaladevi also donated a garden in 1113.9 Punisa, who was a general of the Hoysala king, is recorded to have decorated the basadi of the Gangavaoi 96,000 in 1117,16 Besides the above instances, Sravana 1. 14, vii, no. 36. p. 36. 2. Ibid. vi, no. 25, p. 31 ; EC, viii, Sh. 114, p. 37. 3. EC, vii, Sk. 124, p. 170; ibid, viii, Sh. 140, p. 20. 4. Ibid. vi, Gm. 100, p. 57. 5. Ananthakrishna Iyer, The Alysore Tribes and Gastes, iii, p. 436. 6. Parangacarito, ch.23, v. 66. p. 226. 7. A, vii, no, 36, P, 36, 8. BKI, i, no. 140, p. 169. 9 EC, vii. Sh. 97, pp. 33-6. 10 Ibid. iv, ch. 83, p. 10.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 45 Belgola epigraphs give us additional information about the offerings of flowers and garlands to the Jinas and Gommatcsvara on the Vindhyagiri hill. In one of the Sravana-Belgola epigraphs, there is specific reference to gailand-makers, who were given land for regular supply of gailands to Gommatcsvara in 1175.2 It becomes obvious from the above records that the Digambaras in Karnataka devoted special attention to the decoration of the Jina-idols. In order to fulfil their objects, they not only granted land and village but also the garden itself. Besides, they gave land to the garland-makers for the regular supply of flowers. Thus, the Jaina temples in Karnataka seem to have employed garland-makers, who were maintained at the cost of Jaina devotees. The ritual of worship seems to have been followed by japa or repeated recitation of the sacred Jaina syllables, consisting of thirty-five letters. The devotees visualized a mental image of the Jina and worshipped him with the help of the mantra and mudra (symbolic gestures). Somadeva in his Falastilaka stresses the importance of the contemplation of the mystic formula. He advises the Jainas to meditate on the omkara formula, mentally locating it on the top of the nose, and so concentrate the mind on space between eye brows. He should arouse the mystic lotus inside his navel and move the connected artery and then direct the four winds or subtle breaths relating to earth, water, fire and air towards the mind. The emphasis on the efficacy of the japa is also found in the Adipurana. Jinasena points out the various good results obtained by the Jaina devotees. They are said to have obtained not only the desired things but also the final deliverance from the cycle of rebirths through its proper recitation. Somadeva, too, explains its mystic value by stating that any one who mentally repeats it attains all kinds of prosperity.5 The Jaina practice of japa appears to be an imitation of the Brahmanical 1 EG, 11, SB 237, p. 101; SB 238, p. 101; SB 241, p. 103. 2. Ibid. 11, SB 242, pp. 103-4. 3. K.K Handiqui, op. cit. p. 280. 4 Adipurana, pt. ii, ch 21, v. 231ff, p. 489, 5. K K. Handiqui, op cit. p. 280.

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46 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka injunctions which prescribe the muttering of Vedic mantra for atoning all kinds of sin and attaining happiness. The utterance of the sacred Jaina hymns completes the final acts of temple rituals. The devotees then bow dawn before the Jina idol and leave the temple after performing the circumambulation rite. The evening worship of the Jina seems to have included the performance of arali, in which the lamp was revolved in a circular fashion before the idol. Then the Jainas offered homa and burnt incense before the Jina. As the Jainas consider the taking of food after sunset an act of sin, they did not offer focd to the Jina at night. Jatila's reference to the performance of music and dance in the Jaina temples shows that music and dance formed an important item of the evening worship. Ravisena too highly commends the performance of music and dance as meritorious act for the laymen. The devotee is said to have gained eternal bliss as a result of his arrangement for dance and music in Jaina temples. The popularity of dance is also attested by an epigraph of the 9th century. It states that the Rastrakuta hing gave a gift of the village to provide for dancers and drummers. Probably the temple employed professional danceis for the performance of the temple ritual and paid some remuneration to them. This pactice led to the origin of the institution of devadusis or temple prostitutes in later times. The astahnika puja or the eight-day's worship of the Jina in the Jaina temples was a kind of periodical worship. Both the literary and epigraphic sources speak of its prevalence among the Jainas in Karnataka. The epigraphs rcfer to its performance in the Jaina temples and the Jaina texts ficm Karnataka throw light on the method, time and rituals adopted by the Jaina. The worship was performed thrice in a year in the months of Phalguna (February March), Asadha (June-July) 1. Varangaarita, ch. 23, v. 70, p. 226 2. Ibid, v. 10, p. 221. 3. Padmapurona, pt. ii, ch. 32, v. 171, p. 98 4 EC, is. NL: 61, pp. 44-5.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 47 and Karttika (October-November). It commenced from the 8th day of the bright fortnight and closed with the full moon day. The selection of a particular month and time shows the influence of the Hindu calendar upon the Jainas. They consider these cight days as auspicious. Ravisena? tells us that the devotees spared time for its grand celebration in the Jaina temples. They decorated the temple with utmost care and made arrangements for music and dance on this occasion. As they are supposed to lead the life of an ascetic during these days, Ravisena advises them to abstain from any act of himsa (injury to living creatures).3 The worshippers attended daily the Jina temple in oider to perform thc ablution ceremony of the Jina with ghee, milk and water. Fasting during these eight-days seems to have been an important element in this worship.4 The Jainas spent their remaining time in the study and recitation of the Jaina scriptures, Recitation may have contributed to the popularization of Jainism among the people. The devotees lcft the temple after the evening worship and practised charity according to their means.5 Emergence of priest class in Karnataka The increasing popularity of image worship led to the Tise of priests in the early medieval period. The Varangacarita speaks and calls them snapanacaryas and pratisthacarya.? The two terms show that they performed temple rituals connected with the worship of the Jina. The snapanacarya performed the bathing site of the Jina, and the pratisthacarya installed the idol on the altar and made available articles of worship in the Jaina temples. The term grihasthacarya8 is also mentioned, and stands for the Jaina priest who performed the domestic Tites on behalf of the lay men. He was obviously far more important 1 Padmapurana, pt. iii, ch. 65, v. I, p. 12. 2. Ibid. pt i, ch, 29, 3-6, p. 45. 3. Ibid. pt. in, ch 68, v 4, p 12; ibid. pt. 1, ch. 22, v. 132, p. 407. 4. Ibid nt ii, ch. 29, v. 8, P 45. 7. Varangacarita, ch. 15, v. 140ff, pp. 140-1. 6. Ibid. ch. 23, V, 58, p. 225. 7. Ibid. v. 22ff. p. 222. 8. Ibid y. 84ff, P, 228.

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48 Jainism in Early Medicval Karnataka than the other two types of pricsts, and occupied an important position in the Jaina social and religious order, The Jaina epigraphs of the 5th-6th centuries provide further information about the priests. Kakutsthavarma is recorded to have donated a field in the village Khetagrama to the general Srutakirti, who saved his life from some danger,1 Srutaksrti is described as bhoja in a record of the Kadamba king Ravivarma. Damakirti, son of Srutaksrti, is referred to as blajaka in several epigraphs. Similar is the case with Pandara, who is designated as bhojaka.The term bhoja is explained as a class of priests, supposed to be descended from the Magas by inter-marriage with the women of the bhoja race. Thus, the cpithet bhoja or bhojaka applied to Srutakirti, Damakirti and Pandara, refer especially to a class of officiating priests in the Jaina temple at Palasika or modern Halsi in the district of Belgaun. Srutakirti, although described as a general under the Kadamba king Kakutsthavarma, held the offices of priest and commander. He, thus, may be regarded. as the predecessor of the priestly family which flourished in Karnataka during the 5th-6th centuries. The office of the priest sometimes passed from father to the son, but did not become hereditary. Jayakirti, who was the son of a Jaina priest Damakirti, acted as the door-keeper (pratinari). In other respects, the Jaina priests resembled the brahmanical pricsts. They functioned as houscholders.. Srutakirti, who was the progenitor of the priestly family, was a married person. The wife of Srutakirti is also said to have received a grant of land from the Kadamba king santivarma and his son Mrigesvarma." The term bhoja or bhojaka, which stands for the priest class in Karnataka, is not mentioned in later records. Since 1. IA, vi, no 20. p. 24. 2. Ibid. no. 22, p. 27. 3. Ibid no. 21, p. 25; IA, vii, no. 30, p. 36. 4. Ibid. no 23, p. 29. 5. Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit English Dictionary, p. 768. 6. Id, vi, no. 22, pp. 26-7, 7. Ibid.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 49 the middle of the 7th-8th centuries, inscriptions do not furnish any information about the continuation of the bhoja priests. They generally refer to the term acarya, who is entrusted with the task of supervising the affairs of Jaina monasteries and temples. In most of the records, the same dignitary has becn declared as the recipient of gifts for discharging functions relating to Jina worship and monastic organisation such as the maintenance of monks and nuns residing in monasteries, the proper control of charity-houses and fair distiibution of alms. In 683 the Calukya king Vinayaditya donated a village for repairs, worship and offerings to the god Sankha-Jincndra and maintaining a dana-sala at the request of Dhurvadevacarya of the Mula sanglia and the Deva gana.1 Jayadevapanditacarya of the Mula sangha received a gift of the village Sembolal in 723 on bchalf of the Jaina temple at Puligere or Laksamcsvara in the Dharwar district.? In 734-35 Srivijayadevapanditacarya of the Devagana received a gift so that he could make necessary provision for the repairs of the temple and the maintenance of the alms houses attached to the Sankhatirtha basadi at Laksmcsvara in the same district.3 The donative records of the 9th-10th centuries give similar information and do not distinguish between the Jaina monks and priests. In the middle of the Ilth century, Nagasenapandita of the Hogari gaccha of the Mula sangha was given land for the maintenance of the establishment of the monks and nuns, attached to it, for supply of sccnt, inccnse and lamp to the Gonada Bedangi Jinalaya at Vikramapura" in the Hungund taluq of the Bijapur district In the 12th century, NayaksrtiSiddhanta Cakravarti, thc acarya of the Sis Mula sangha, Desiya gana, Pustaka gaccha and Kondakundanvaya, is said to have received land in order to provide the cight kinds of cercmonics, for a 1cpair of the Parsvanatha Jaina temple and the distribution of lood to the ascetics during the rulc of the Floysasa king Narasimhaceva. In the last quarter ofiiie same 1. BHI, iv, no. 4, p. 3. 2. Ibid. no. 5, p. 4. 3. TA. vii, ro. 38, IODIT; BKI, ix, no. 7, p 7. CI, si, no. 10, pp. 121-3, 5 CC, v, Hn, 57, p. 16.

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50 Jainism in Early. Medieval Karnalaka century, the Hoysala king gave gift of the village Marikali for Trikata Jinalaya in the Hassan district. It was madc over 10 Vasupujya Siddhantadera, disciplc of Sripalatraividyadeva of the Arungalanvaya and the Dramila sangha. In another record, which is datcd in 1133, PrabhacandraSaiddhantika, thc acarya of the Gangamandala, was Boppadeva's guru for divine torship. Boppadeva is said to have crecied a fine Jaina temple in Dorasamudra as a memorial to Garga Raja and set up the image of tlic god Parsva, which was consecrated by Nayakilti-Siddhantacakravarti. After its consecration, Nayakirtisiddhantacakravari 100k the consecrated food to Visnuvardhana at Bankapur. Visnuvardhana being filled with joy on account of both his victory in the battlefield and thic birth of a son, gave warm reception to him and granted the village Javagal for the repairs of the Vijaya-Parsva Jaina temple and Ganganur for the decorations and the maintenance of the Icarned. In the above records, recipients of gifts were evidently Jaina monks, who probably held both the offices of priests and monks. It became difficult to draw a line of distinction between the two in later times because of the combined siraciure of Jaina monasteries and temples. The Jaina monastery in Karnataka was generally a composite structure, incorporating both monastcries and temples within it. As some of the later epigraphs refer to the appointment of Jaina monks for wor 1. EC, Hn. 119, p. 35. 2. Thid. BI. 124, PP 82-3. 3. El, vi, no. 4, A D. 860, pp 35-8: EC, ii, SB 345, A.D 1169, pp. 147 9. Navakirti, Siddbanta-Cakravarti is said to have been made an acarya of the Caturvinnsati-Tirthanlara Jaina temple ncar Gommatapura on the Vindhyagiri hilt by thc Hoysala gcncral Hulla: EG, viii, Ng. 40, A.D. 1087, pp. 141-5; Ajitasenapandilacarya is said to have been appointed by Vikrama Santara-Dera as the chicf of the ascetic congregation of the Dramila gana, Nandi Sangba and Arungalanvaya. He was given grants of village for the worship at the Pancakuta basade in the Shimoga district. EG, V, Cn. 146, A.D. 1174, pp. 188-9. Thc Hoysala ling Vira-Ballala appointed Bhanukirti Siddhanta. cakravarti as the manager of the god Parsva and Gommatatirtha.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 51 shipping the Jina images, it seems possible to infer that there emerged a class of priests from among the monks who took part in the celebration of worship rituals. The rcasons which impelled them to adopt the profession of priest are not difficult to find out. The rise of hedonistic tendencies and slack practices and the luse for material gains among the Jaina monks would have forced them to encroach upon the rights of pricst class which prevailed in Karnataka during the 5th-6th centuries. Thus, tlic distinction between Jaina monks and priests gradually disappeared from the 7th8th centuries. The change in the usual practice of priesthood would have surcly made them the solc master of cnormous wcalth, acquired from endowments made by the Jaina devotees, The above analysis of the nature of Jaina monks in Karnataka slons how far they departed from the preccpts of their founder Maliavira, who denounced the infallible authority of the priest class among the Hindus and laid emphasis on the purity of soul rather than the observances of ritualistic formalism. The rituals introduced by the Jaina teachers of Karnataka were not in keeping with the original puritan character of Jainism The introduction of rituals also affected the Jaina vow of ahimsa (non-injury). In the course of performing worship and rituals, the Jaina devotees occasionally committed acts of injury to unseen germs in water, flowers, etc., which were used in the worship of the Jina. The offering of homa or fire oblation and aratz or waving the lamp round the Jina killed small insects. Jaina Goddesses and their Association with Tantrism The worship of mother goddesses appeared as an entirely new phenomenon among the Jainas of Karnataka during early medieval times. The elevation of some Jaina Yaksinis from the minor deities to a superior position formed the basis of the mother cult in Karnataka. The Yaksinis, who figure most prominently in the early Jaina Iitciature, were a class of attendant deities and had no separate existence apart from the Jinas. Their position underwent considerable change during this period. They were now

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52 Jainism in Early Medicoal Karnataka deified and worshipped among thic Jainas as independent divinities. The exaltation of their position is evident from several factors. In iconic representations of the 7th century, Ambika or Kusmandini, who is the Yaksini of the 22nd Jina, is given four arms with two children in her lap. She is depicted on the left side of the Jina as waiting upon her lord. But the Yaksini of the Meguti temple at Ajhole in the Bijapur district, who is identified with Ambika or Ambadevi, does not wait upon the Jina but is shown independently. She does not carry any children herself; instcad the children are held by two lady attendants on either side 2 The changes in the usual position of the Yaksinis, who were originally placed invariably on the left side of the Jina, also attest their elevation. The image of the Yaksini, which has been found in the cave temple at Badami, is depicted on the right side of the 7th Jina Suparsvanatha. The representation of this female is important. for, unlike the Yaksinis. she is holding no particular symbols in her two hands. Thus, the cave no. 5 (A.D. 750-950) at Badami indicates the higher status of the Yaksinis. The exaltation of the position of the Yaksinis is also evident from their iconographical representations in other regions beside Mysore. The two images of Padmavati, which have been found at Hanumankonda and Danavulapadu in Andlira Pradesh, give us the same impression. The image of Padmaksi, who is identificd with the Jaina Yaksini Padmavati, is clearly on the right side of the Jina. In the Tamil region the Anandamangalam sculptures, which belong to the 9h-10th centuries, place the Yaksini Siddhayika on the right side of the 21th Jipa Mahavira. 1. Jas Burgess, Digambora Jaina Iconography, p.5. Also sce, 14, xxxii, p. 463. 2. Hrary Cousens, The Chalukyan Architecture of the lanarese districts, p. 31. 3. Cf. Figures of the Yahsibis, Plates i-iv. 4. BDCRI, 1, pp. 100-). 5. Gopalkrishna Aiurthy, Jaina l'estiges in Andhra Prodesh, pp. 27-31. 6. P. B. Desai, op. cit., p. 38.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 53 The Jaina preceptors, who contributed to the development of the Yaksini cult in Karnataka, seem to have concentrated their attention on the worship of some particular Yaksinis. Of the important secondary deities who were promoted to a higher position, Jvalamalini, Padmavati and Ainbika emerged as the most popular goddesses and received public adoration of the fainas in Karnataka. Jvalamalini, who is the Yaksini of the 8th Jina Candraprabhial, is described as the goddess of fire in the Digambara tradition. This is proved by the burning blazes of flames issuing upward from her crest. The Jvalini-halpa, which was composed by Indranandi in the 10th century, also describes her as the agnivahinidevi or the goddess of fire.3 She appears to be a terrible deity, who has eight arms carrying deadly weapons such as arrow, shield, trident, bow, snake, etc.4 The Jvalinz-kalpa gives an interesting story of the beginning of this cult. It states that Helacarya of thc famous Dravida Sangha first started her worship on the summit of the Nilgiri hill near Hemagrama in the south in order to remove the bad influence of an evil spirit, known as Brahmaraksasa who had overpowered his lady disciple Kamalasri.5 After continuous meditation for a number of days he succeeded on the 7th day, when the goddess appeared and asked him to write an incantation on a sheet of iron to emancipate her from the influence of evil spirit & She also advised him to systematise the occult practices for achieving all the carthly and heavenly blessings. The event, which is narrated in the text, cannot be assigned any definite date. Probably, it happened in the middle of the 9th century, for Indranandi, who finally composed this text in 939 at the Rastiakuta capital Malkhcd, was the fifth Jaina teacher who succeeded Helacarya. Indranandi is said to have learnt this system from Kandarpa and Gusanandi. It 1. Jas Burgess, op. cit. p. 4, IA, xxxii, p. 402. 2. Ibid. Fig. 8, Platc ii. 3. Jualini-Kaloa, ch. 1, v. 2, p. 1. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. vv. 5-7, p. I. 6. Ibid. vv.sff. pp. 1-2.

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Jainism in Earl; Medieval karnataka further states that Gunanandi was preceded by Nilgriva and Gangamuni.l Of these two, the latter was a direct disciple of Helacarya.2 If we allot only 20 years for each gencration of teachers, we may safely place Helacarya during the middle of the 9th century which marked the beginning of the worship of Jvalamalinj in Karnataka. The composition of the Jvalini-lialoa by Indranandi during the middle of the 10th century led to the popularity of this goddess. We have epigraphic evidence to show the prevalence of her worship in Karnataka in the 11th-12th centuries. A temple was constructed for Jvalamalini at Javur in Navalgunda taluq of the Dharwar district sometime before 1059. It was erected by a monk of the Yapaniya sect evidently for offering independent worship. The Yapansya sect of the Jainas in Mysore took great care for propagating thc idea of tantric worship and for glorifying the tantric attributes of Jaina goddesses. This led to the spread of the cult in other regions. Sedam or modern Sedam in the Gulbarga district was another important centre of the Jvalamalini cult, as can be inferred from an epigraph of 1124 which states that the local mahajanas or merchants performed exorcising rites in order to please Jvalini. She is described as goddess Jvalini wearing golden ear-rings.' Besides the above centres, Edchalli or Narasimharajapura in the Kadur district and Vedgaon in the Kolhapur area were other places where Jvalamalini received public adoration." Padmavati, the guardian deity of the 23rd Jina Parsvanatha was another popular goddess of the Jainas in Karnataka. She figures in the story of the foundation of the Ganga kingdom in the second century, and is said to have favoured Madhava with a magic sword for breaking a pillar. But there are grave doubts regarding the origin of her cult at 1. Joalini Kolpa, vv. 2011, pp. 2-3. 2. Ibid. 3. P.B. Dcsai, op. cit., p. 143. 4. Ibid., pp. 259-61. 5. Ibid, p. 173 6. Jas Burgess, op. cit, p. 5; IA, xxxii, p. 463.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 55 such an early age, because this tradition appears in the epigraplis of the 11th-12th centuries. However, the Yaksini Padmavati, who figurcs frequently in the records of the santara kings, gained prominence in Karnataka as a cult goddess from the 10th century. Jinadatta Raya, the founder of the Santara kingdom in the south, is recorded to have set up Lokkiyabbe in the Jaina temple at Patti-Pombuccapura or modern Humccal in the Nagar taluq of the Shimoga district in the 10th century. That Lokkiyabbe was the second name of Padmavati is known from another record of the 11th century. In the first quarter of the twelfth century, Nanniya Gangadeva and his queen Kancaladevi are recorded to have granted five paras for the goddess Padmavatq. Besides the santara kings, a large number of minor ruling families such as the Silaharas and the Rattas became votaries of this goddess in the Ilth-12th centuries. How the worship of the goddess Padmavati had penetrated deep into Karnataka society, is illustrated by the adoption of her names by the people of Karnataka. Padmavatiyakka, for example, was the name of a lady, who is described as a lady disciple of the priest Ablayacandra.5 Ambika or Kusmandini, the Yaksini of the 22nd Jina, also attained independent status by the middle of the 7th century. It is proved by the figure of the Yaksini in the Mcguti 'icmple at Aihole in the Bijapur district.? In the 8th century Akalanka is said to have vanquished his Buddhist opponents hy invoking the aid of Kusmandini. Somadeva refers to the prevalence of her cult in the 10th century. Thus it is clear that soine of the Jaina Yaksinis, wito were the deities of a minor order, acquired all the characteristics of independent divinitics among the Jainas of Karnataka. 1. EG, vii, Sh 114, p. 37. 2. Ibid. viii, Nr 35, p. 134. 3. Ibid. vii, Sh 4, pp. 4-9. 4. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 171. 5. MAR, 1926, p. 42, cited in B.A. Saletore, op. cit. pp. 157-8. 6. JA, xxxii, p. 463. 7. Henry Cousens, op. cit. p. 31. 8. P.B. Desai, op. cit. p. 173.

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56 Jainism in Earlz: Medicval Karnataka Gradually tantric attribuics and tantric rites were associated with these Yaksinis. They arc said to have bestowed superhuman powers upon the devotees by which the lattcr could bring a person under contiol, win over thc cncinies on the battlefield and cause hostility betsvecn two persons. The element of magic and miracle, which was attributcd 10 Jvalamalins and Padmavati, is evident from the study of the Jaina texts on tantrism. The growth of the Jaina tantrism was the natural outcomc of thc carly medicval age, which witnessed the infiltration of tantrism into Buddhism, Saivism and Vaisnavism. In this age the people in general relied more upon the supernatural agencies for the fulfilment of temporal as well as spiritual idcals. Thcy abandoned the original ethical principles for the sake of mysterious yogic practices and magical spells. The Jaina preceptors of Karnataka, who advocated the worship of tantric deities, were thus no exception to the prevailing religious norms. They made full use of magical spells and amulets, and systematised the occult lore in their works. The spread of occult practices among the Jainas of Karnataka was not a sudden development, for they first appear in the early Jaina texts. Despitc the denunciation of these customs in the Jaina scriptures, the Jainas practised incantation from carlicst times. The Sthanangasitra refers to the Jainas who were sensualists. The curative spells are mentioned in the Uttaradhyayana Sutra. In the Sultalslanga, 3 we have instances of the monks who take to incantation for making a person happy or miserable. The Nirruktis, which are assigned to 300-500,state that the Jaina monks managed to acquire food with the help of magical spells.6 The Samaraiccataha, which is a work of the 8th ceplury, referstoa magician who restored life to Sagaradatta who was administered I. 2. 3. The Sthana ngasutra, 4.4, cited in Chintaharan Chakravarti, TantrasStudies on their Religion and Literature, p. 16, Ibid. Ibid. S.B. Deo, op. cit., p. 42. Ibid. p. 298. 5.

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Idol Torship and Tantrism 57 strong poison by his mother. In the same text, we have the story of a goddess who gave Sena a miraculous stone which could remove all diseases. With this he cured king Samaraketu of his disease when all physicians had failed. The epigraphs of our period also speak of the supernatural powers of the Jaina monks. According to a 7th century epigraph from Sravana-Belgola, Bhadrabahu forecast a calanity in the North. The Jaina monk Arkakirti received a grant of land and village for removing the influence of an cvil spirit from a prince named Vimaladitya during the reign of the Rastrakuta king Govinda III.4 Though we have several instances of magical spells and charms in much earlier times, a fully developed system of Jaina tantrism was cvolved in Karnataka in the 10th-11th centuries. The Jaina preceptors made valuable contributions to the growth of tantric literature and systematised the occult lore in their works. The composition of the Jualini-halpa by Indranandi and the Bhairava Padmavati-Kalpa by Mallisena Suri, which are mainly devoted to the glorification of Jvalamalins and Padmavali, marked the perfection of the Jaina tantric system, which now assimilated almost all the main characteristics of tantrism, such as mantras or the utterance of fixed syllabic words, yantra or mechanical contrivances drawn on paper or inscribed on precious stone, metal, etc., for obtaining favourable results, mudras or special positions of fingers and movements of hands, and the nyasa or imaginary placing of the deities on the different parts of the body. These are the means by which the aspirant invokes and identifies himself with his chosen deity,5 The tantric character of these goddesses is evident from the study of the above two treatises, which laid down ins1. Samaruicca-Kiaha, pp, 153, 79, cited in 34, viii, no. 1, p. 23, 2. Ibid. pp. 564-8, cited in 34, viii, no. 1, p. 22. 3. EC, ii, SB. 1, p. 1. 4, EC, xii, Gb 61, pp. 30-1; El, iv, 20. 49, p 349. 5. R. C Mazumdar, (ed.), The Age of Imperial Kanauj, (First edition), p 317.

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58 Jainism in Early Asedicval Karnataka tructions for the observance of the tantric rites. The PadmavaliKalpa, for example, refers to the observance of the six magical rites for the attainment of the desired rcsults. The Padmavati-Kalpa devotes onc chapter to the rites relating to vasikarana or vasyatantradhikara," and lays down tantric formulas and mystic diagrams for invoking the aid of the goddess Padmavati. Chapter 9 of this text explains the tantric methods by which a woman can be easily overpowercd.3 Tlie other magical ritcs sucli as siambhana or the rite of making one motionless, dvesa or the art of causing enmity, and santi or the rites performed with a view to removing calamity and disease, arc rcferred to in both the Bhairava Padmavati-kialpa and the Jvalini-Kalpa. Of these two texts, the former teaches the aspiring devotces the appropriate methods and insists on the correct knowledge of different directions, timc, bodily postures and special positions of fingers and movements of hands for attaining success. It recommends the observance of sarojamudra and svastikasana for the performance of the rite of vasikarana in the morning of the spring season. The utterance of mantras, which has a special significance in the tantric form of worship, is also referred to in tlic Bhairava-Padmavai7-Kalpa. It lays down that the devotee should repeatedly utter the mantra and offer oblation to the fire, enkindled before the goddess. He is enjoined to give 1/10th of his time to offering oblations to the fire. In order to please the goddess Padmavati, the devotees are advised to repeat the manita known as the klinkuramantra. It also mentions a mystic formula, which, if uttered one lakh times, causes sleep to the enemy. Though the vast majority of the mantras uttcred for invoking the goddesses carry no sense such as lirin, hun, hrain, bruin ah, and vain, main, ham, sam, tan, etc., they are 3. 1. Bhairava-Padmavati-Kalba, ch.3, v. 1, p. 9. 2. Ibid. ch. 7, pp. 36-41. Ibid. ch. 9, pp. 53-61. 4, Ibid. ch. 3, v. 4. p. I. 5. Ibid. v. 5ff, pp. 9-10. 6. Ibid. v. 4, p. 9. 7. Ibid. ch. 7, v. 23, p. 41.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism 59 supposcd to produce beneficial results for the worshippers. The performance of the rzasa or consecrating the different parts of the body with the names of the deity is another important tantric rite. We come across a detailed description of this rite known as svangavinyasa in the chapter called sakalikarana. It icfers to the purification of the lead, face, licart, navel and leg by uttering the bijamantra consisting of five syllabic words such as hram, hirin, hrun, hraum, hrah respectively. The deities, who are placed on the head, the face, the heart, tie navel and the legs, aic collectively known as the pancayaranestli or the five perfect beings - In the JvaliniKalpa, Mallisena emphasizes the necessity of observing the rite of sakalikarana without which it is impossible to attain success in tlie rites relating to stambhana.3 It refers first to the nasa of the fingers of the right hand by uitei ing the mystic words such as vam, mam, ham, san and tan. It is followed by the nasa of the left hand reciting another bijamantra.5 So, there are different mystic formulas for performing the nyasa of the different parts of the body. The Jualinz-Kalpa contains dcscription of no less than a score of mandalas or magic circles, which played a prominent role in the tantric form of worship. The magic circle, which contains the mystic figures of gods and goddesses, is uscd as a vantage ground to summon ile evil spirits. Chapter 4 of the Fvaliniz-Kalpa rcfers to tlic use of magic circle foi averting the influence of bhulas or mischievous spirits, who caused injury to mon and destroyed them mysteriously. The magical rite, which is sugges.ed here, is performed in different stages. In the first stage, the worshipper is asked to draw a round circle on plain ground cither on the border of a town or in the centre of a village.? Tlie circle, which is to be drawn, should measure cight cubits and should be adorned with flags, 1. Bhairava-Padmavali-Kalpa, ch. 2, pp. 4-8 2, Ibid. vy. 2-4, p. 4. 3. Joalini-Kalpa, ch. 3, v, 1, p. 6. 4. Ibid. v. 2. 5. Ibid. v 3. 6. Ibid. ch. 4, v. 1, p. 13, 7. Ibid.

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60 Jainism in Early Medicval Karnataka mirrors, bells, etc. He is then advised to place four pitchers filled with water on the four corners of the diagram. In the third stage, he should draw the figures of dikpalas or the guardian deities of different directions. This being done, the worshipper should finally represent the bhaia in the centre of tlic circle, and worship him with flowers, perfumes, and unbroken rice by muttering the special mantra prescribed for the goddess Jvalinj. The above analysis of the Jaina texts on tantrism clearly illustrates the introduction of tantric elements into the worship of the Jaina goddesses in Karnataka. As in the case of Buddhism and Brahmanical religion, tantrism vitally affected Jainism too and influenced the religious outlook of the Karnataka Jaina teachers, who sought the aid of the goddesses for the attainment of ordinary worldly gains and spiritual salvation. 1. Jvalini-Kalba, v, 2ff, p. 13.

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CHAPTER IV RELIGIOUS RITUALS AND PRACTICES OF THE KARNATAKA JAINAS Rituals and practices of the Jainas are as simple as their moral code of conduct. They aim at salvation in accordance with the doctrines of Jainism. Some of these are concerned with the ceremony of image worship, and others with the daily and periodical observances of the Jaina monks as well as the layinen. Thcy are designed to serve as aids to spiritual progress and lead the Jainas from the realm of ignorance to the attainment of final liberation. One of the important Digambara Jaina practices is the sallekhana or voluntary sc]f-sacrifice of life by abandoning food and drink. According to it, an aspirant devotce lies in some holy place and ccases to take food and drink until he meets his death Thus it may be defined as the voluntary end of life with the object of attaining salvation. Death by fasting was given a high-place in the Jaina canons. They frankly recommended voluntary self-sacrifice of the body by fasting. The Ullaradhyayana" refers to wise man's death according to which a person embraces it willingly. It also speaks of the death of an ignorant man who is not willing and prepared to meet his death. The famous Digambara authority, Samantabhadra, who flourished during the carly years of the Christian cra, states in his Ratnakaranda-Sravakacara that if a person gives up his body in vnavoidable calamitics, famines, extreme old age and incurable disease, with a view to acquiring religious merit, it is known as sallekhana.3 Somadeva, who flourished in Karnataka in the 10th century, gives a similai account of this ritual. He states that when the body is about to perish like a dry leaf of a lamp without oil, the 1. Jaina rituals relating to image worship bave been discussed in Chapter III 2. Ullaradhyayanasulra, 5, 2-3; SBE, XIV, p. 21, . 3. CR. Jain (tr), Ratnakaranda-Sravakacara, v. 122, p. 58.

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62 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Jainas observe sallekhana. Somadeva also corroborates Samantabhadra in other iespects. He, for instance, siates that one should give up affection for friends, infatuation with riches and illwill towards enemies. He then advises the gradual abandonment of solid food and drinks including water and asks the devotee to concentrate his mind on the pancaparamesthz or a group of five purified graded souls.3 The desire to live longer, the desire for speedy death, longing for friends, recollection of past happiness and desire for happiness in the next life are the factors which destroy the efficacy of sallekhana. These details suggest that the rite requires spiritual discipline of the mind cultivated over a long period and is to be observed in several phases. In the first phase, the sacrificer selects a solitary place away from living beings. Sccondly, he abstains from solid food and takes only liquid. Thirdly, he gives up liquid and takes only pure and warm water. In the fourth stage, he abandons cven warm water and observes complete fast till his death. By observing these phases of ihe sailekhana rite, the devotcc frees hijnself from rebirth, The performance of this rite, therefore, signifies the victory of the soul over the body. Desais aptly considers it as "the practical demonstration of the cardinal tenet of Jaina philosophy, which stiesses the supremacy of the human soul." The Jaina scriptures recommend three procedures for the performance of the sallekhana. The Acarangasitra nentions (i) bhallapratyakhyana, (ii) ingita-marana ; and (ii) padapogamana. According to the first procedure, the sacrificer selects some holy and solitary place. Then he spreads the bed of straw over it, and by giving up food and drink, he puts up bravely with all the physical troubles. He is not allowed to move his limbs under any circumstances. According to the second, he lics down on a bare picce of ground. He is permitted to move his limbs and to walk when he is tired of lying, sitting and 1. Fasastilaka, pt. ii, BK, viji, p. 413, cited in K K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 297. 2. Cf. Ralnakaranda-Srpakacara, v. 124, p. 60. Ibid, v. 127. p. 60. 4. Ibid. v. 129, p. 61. 5. JKU, vi, (1970), pp 1-6. 6. dcorunigastitra, 7; 1-25, SBE, xxii, pp. 75fi.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 63 standing. But he does all these things without taking food. The third procedure is more difficult than the preceding two mcthods, and requires the devoice to stand motionless like a tree without taking food and drink till his deau. He neither takes carcof his body nor takes lielp from other fellow ascetics, The prevalence of these three methods for the performance of this vow is well illustrated in most Digambara texts during the period under revicw. Thc Varungacarita' refers to the observance of the third metliod. But Jinascna in his Adipurana cicarly cnumerates all these thiec methods. He adds that the Jaina devotees approached a Jaina teacher, known as the nirgapakacarya, who is said to have decided the course, method, etc, of the sallekhana rite. The subjugation of human passions and gradual abandonment of food and drink appeared 10 be a common featurc of all these methods, but the sacrificer could move his body only in one case. . The correct observance of this vow in accordance with the prescribed rules is indicated by epigraphic evidence. A Sravana-Belgola epigraph of 700 states that Masena correctly observed the vow in consonance with the rules of monastic order. The sage Vrsabhanandi is reported to have followed for long the path of the conduct before he undertook this vow,5 Emplasis on the abandonment of food and diink is also referred to in more than one cpigraph. Santisenamuni, for instance, is said to have given up food and other things on the mountain Belgola. In the 10th century, Nemicandra is recorded to have abstained from focd for two months and accomplished samadhi.? Gunanandi-Karmmaprakrti-bhatara gave up food for thirty-one days and died by performing this vow.8 1. Varangacarita, ch. 31, v. 59, p. 306; Also sce Haripamsapurdya, pt. ii, ch. 34, vv, 41-2, p. 434. ana, p. 1. th., 5, v. 27-, p.14%. 3. Ibid. v. 231, p. 114. 4. EC, ii, SB 27, p. 6. 5. Ibid. SB 75, p. 40. 6. Ibid. SB. 3), p. 7; SBI, p. 4. 7. MAR, 1914, p. 38. 8. AC, iv, ch, 51, p. 6.

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64 Jainism in Early Medicval Karnataka Inscriptions also refer to the futility of worldly life and certainty of death. A record states that Mahadeva performed this rite realizing the certainty of death. In 1120 Demavati, at the close of her life, fixed her mind on the Arhal or Jina according to the prescribed rites and attained hcaven.2 In 1130 Hoysala selti, knowing that his end was ncar, took leave of his relatives and cnded his life with a peaceful mind.3 There are similar other cpigraphs, which enlighten us about the right method of obscrvances of this Jaina vow in the 12th century. In 1120 Pocikabbe, mother of the gcncral Ganga Raja, faithfully observed the rule of lying on one side only and performed sallekhana after uttering the Jaina hymns, One year later Lakkale or Laksmati, the wife of the above Jajna gencral adopted sanjasana and ended her life by samadhi.s There are different technical terms for denoting this mode of death. The term sallelhana is used in a scs cpigraphs Most cpigraphs use two other terms (i) samadhit and (ii) sanjosana." Apart from these technical terms, the epigraphs also use the expression, "having observed the vow, attained perfection or happiness or became a participator in the happiness of the world of gods." The Varangacarita refers to the term pandilamtyus to indicate the ritual of fasting up to dcath. On the basis of the famous Bhadrabahu-Candragupta Jaina tradition, mentioned in an inscription of the 7th century, the origin of this rite may be traced as far back as the 4th century B.G. It narrates that Bhadrabahu, who prcdicted a twelve-year famine in the North, went to Sravana 1. EC. ii, SB 80, p. 41; SB 106, p. 44. 2. Ibid. SB 129, pp. 56-7. 3. Ibid. SB 159, p. 78. 4. Ibid. SB 118, pp. 48-9. 5. Ibid. SB 128, p. 56. 6. EC, ii, SB 1, 2, 22, 23, 59, 93, 95, 106, 108, 114, 129, etc. MAR, 1914, no. 63, p. 38. Ibid. SB 15, 24-25, 53-34, 75-77, 88, 97, 102, etc. EC, ix, cp. 70, p. 145; Ibid. Br, 94, p. 19. 8. Vorangacarita, ch. 31, v. 59, p. 306.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 65 Belgola in Mysore, accompanied by his chief disciplc Candragupta Maurya. On reaching Sravana-Belgola, he ordered the Jaina community to proceed on their journey, while he hiinself stayed on at Candragiri hill. He died there by the Jaina rite of fasting. Upon the death of Bhadrabahu, Candragupta continued there as an ascetic for several ycars worshipping the footprints of his guru (teacher) till his death by the Jaina rite of sallekhana. This tradition, which has not becn questioned by Jaina scholars, does not stand on solid ground on account of the lack of definite proof. We have no contemporary literary and epigraphic evidence to support this Jaina tradition. But there is no doubt that the practice of sallekhana prevailed among the Karnataka Jainas from the 7th century, By the 8th century, the ritual became very popular in Karnataka. We have only five cases of death by fasting in the 7th century, but there are about fifty-four cases recorded in the Sth century. Of the fifty four cases mentioned above, forty three refer to men, mostly monks, and ten commcmorate the death of nuns. Inscriptions dealing with the subject reveal two categories of monks, spiritual teachers who were called acarya, bhattaraka and suri, and the ordinary monks who were not given any title of respect. The nuns also accepted this mode of death as bravely as the monks. They did not lag behind the monks in religious austerities and exhibited the same tenacity in obsei ving sallehhana. The Karnataka Jainas continued to perform this ritual vigorously during the 10th-12th centuries. Inscriptions show that this rite prevailed not only among the monks and nuns but also among the Jaina laity. Some epigraphs from SravanaBelgola speak of its observance by men and women of high social status. Indra IV, for instance, is recorded to have dicd in tlle typical Jaina fashion of sallekhana at Sravana-Belgola in the 10th century.4 Similarly thc Ganga king Marasimha is 1. EC, ii, SB 1,630 AD, p. 1; SB 2, 650 A.D., p. 2; SB 11, 650 A.D., p 4; SB 31,630 AD., 7; SB 76, 650 AD, p. 40. 2 Cf. Appendix--'B', nos. I to 44. 3. Cf. Appendix--'B', nos. 45 to 54. 4. EC, 11, SB 133, 982 A.D., pp. 61-3; ibid. xii, SB 27, p. 92.

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66 Jainism in Early Medieval karnataka said to have accomplished samadhi in the presence of Ajitasenabhattaraka at Bankapur in the district of Dharwar. Thcir ministers and feudatorics also followed this ritual. An insciiption of the same century informs us that Nagavarma, the son-in-law of Narasinga, who served the Ganga king Ereganga as minister renounced this world and observed this Jaina vow." Another inscription records the death of Kiviriyya wlio kept the vow for twelve days in the Cangalva basadi and expired. * The royal ladies of Karnataka did not fail to observe this rite. Pambabbe, a very austere Jaina lady, who was the clder sister of the Ganga king Butuga, died by fasting in 971.4 Another such royal lady was Pullapa, the younger sister of Camundaraya, the famous minister of the Ganga king Marasirnha. A nisidhi (called here nisidiha of Pullapa) was sct up to commemorate this event.5 Moreover, Jakhiyabbe, who served as the governor of Nagarakhanda 70 under the Rastrakutas, performed this rite at the holy place called Bandanike in full faith. There is similar other epigraphic evidence to show the impact of this Jaina vow on the princess of Mysore during the 11th-12th centuries. Pocikabbe,? santaladevis, Macikabbe, Boppavelo, and Laksmimatsil were such royal patronesses who ended their lives by observing the Jaina vow of self-sacrifice. These examples clearly prove that Jainism had made a deep impression on the minds of the people of royal families. Although men and women of royal houses were accustomed to a life of comfort and luxury, they were prepared to undergo severe austeritics involved in the vow of salleh hana. 1. EC, i1, SB 59, 974 A D., p. 14; EI, v, no. 18, P. 180. 2. Ibid. SB 150, 950 A.D., p. 76. 3. Ibid, i, Cg. 30, 1050 A.D., p. 64. 4. Ibid. vi, kd. I, p. 1. 5. Tob. List of Inst., no. 597 of 1905, i, p. 545. 6. EC, vii, Sk, 219, pp. 230-1. 7. EC, ii, SB 118, pp. 48-9. 8. BA. Saletore, op. cit., p. 166. 9. EG, ii, SB 140, pp. 65-7. 10. Ibid, vii, Tr. 198, p. 207. 11. Ibid. ti, SB 127-8, pp. 51-5.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 67 The ritual also prcvailed among the lower strata of the Jaina society. This is corroborated by the cvidence of an epigraph from Sravana-Belgola. It refers to two lay devotees, Ereyapa-gavunda and Maddaya, who are said to have died by the orthodox Jaina 1 ite in the 10th century. Another iecord speaks of the death of Biliya-setti, lying down with devotion at the feet of the Jaina ascetic in the 17th century. In the 12th century, Hoysala-Sctti, taking leave of his relatives, ended his life with a peaceful mind.3 Another record of 11394 reports the death of Singimayya by the rite of samadhi at Sravana-Belgola. Thus it can be safely stated that the practice of sallekha17 was prevalent among all classes of the Karnataka Jainas in the carly medicval period. In a few cases, the period of fast is mentioned. Fasting for thc duration of three days, 5 twelve-days, twenty one days, one months and two months are referred to in some epigraphs. Fasting for the duration of threc days is referred to in an epigraph of the 10th century, although it is difficult to believe that Urree days' fasting can bring death to a man. Possibly, the sacrificer had given up food even before entering the period of this ritual. He tried to ieduce the period of sallehhan 17 to the minimum to avoid the disturbances caused by his relatives. But the reduction of the period of this rite was only possible in the case of laymen. This is clearly illustrated by the evidence of the above-Inentioned record. It commemorates the death of the Ganga King Marasimha at Bankapur in the district of Dharwar. Most epigraphs refer to Candragiri hill at SravanaBelgola in the Hassan district as the most sacred place for 1 EC, ii, SB 468, p. 87. 2. Ibid. i, Cg. 30, D. 64. 3. Ibid. 11, SB 159, p. 78. 4 Ibid. SB 142, pp. 69-70. 6. Ibid. SB 59, p. 14. 6. Ibid, i, Cg. 30, p. 61. 7. Ibid. ii, SB 33, p. 7. 8. Ibid. SB 25, p. 6, ibid. SB 143, p. 73. 9. MAR, 1914, p. 38.

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68 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka perforining this rite. It appears that the Jainas tried to choose a place which was supposed to be peaceful and free from living beings. On account of difficult access, thc mountain formed a natural barrier between the sacrificer and his ncar relatives. This is why they preferred to dic on thc summit of the mounitain. The Sravana-Belgola cpigraphs show that people from distant places came to spend their last days there during the 7th-9th centuries. But in later times, we notice some change in the selection of the place for performing this rite. The Jainas appeared to have observed this vow in the Jaina temples. It is corroborated by somc cpigraphs belonging to the 10th century. Bandanike in the Shimoga district and Banhapura in the Dharwar district and Kopana or modern Kopbal in Raichur district developed as the Jaina tirthas (places of pilgrimage) for performing this ritual during the 10th-12th centuries. It was the natural outcome of the Jaina practice which led to the foundation of innumerable Jaina temples in Karnataka during early medieval times. It will not be fair to charge the Jainas with the guilt of committing suicide as it has been done by the non-Jainas. Pujyapada states that it cannot be called suicide because the Jaina observes it willingly at the end of his life with pleasure. It cannot be forced upon anyone.? As there is no attachment to worldly objects, po desire and no passion in this undertaking, the devotee cannot be regarded to have committed suicide. The Varangacarita condemns the practice of suicide and forbids the Jaina devotees to accept this mode of death. It states clearly that suicide by hanging, by entering fire, by falling into the water, by taking poison, by striking with sharp weapons, etc., are not permitted by the Jaina sages. In fact, the Jainas performed this rite, when physical disability made them unable to advance their spiritual career for the attainment of liberation. As life became a drag and hindrance to the pursuit of self-purification, it naturally lost its significance. Thus, the Jainas wisely abandoned their lives by performing this ritual of self-sacrifice. 1. 2. Sarvartha siddhi, sh. 7, v. 22, p. 362. 'arangacarita, ch.15, vv. 63, pp. 133-4.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnalaka Jainas 69 The Jaina practice of sallchhana also differed greatly from the Brahmanical practice of obscrving religious suicide. Wliile thc Jainas observed it voluntarily, the Hindu practice of religious suicide was involuntary. The ritual suicide of a Jaina woman cannot be regarded as a substitute for sali as it has been done by a scholar, 2 The wives of the Jainas were not accustomed to follow their husbands aftcr death just as it was prcraicnt among the Hinciu women. Secondly, the practice of sati was observed even against the will of the widow woman, but the Jaina vow of sallekhana could not be forced upon her under any circumstances. A few epigraphs of the 20th century show that the Jaina widow Jakkiyabbc icndered valuable service to socicty after the death of her husband. She decided to observe this vow only when she was afflicted with old age and physical infirmity." That sallekana was not a custom parallel to sali is indicated by the fact that the Jaina women died hy this inode of death even though their husbands were alivc. Laksmismati is said to have ended her life by observing this row and her husband crccted an epitaph at Siavana-Belgola to perpctuate lier memory Jaina Initiation Rile The initiation ritual of the Jainas figures frequently in the Karnataka Jaina texts as the most important rite. It marks the end of worldly life and takes the Jaina to the door of asceticism, inspired by the high ideal of attaining spiritual Jiberation. Thus, a Jaina enters the monastic order for his spiritual uplift just as a student enters an academic institution for his intellectual proficiency. The process of initiation and prescribed rules for the performance of this ceremony peisist with slight alterations during early medieval times. The novice, who wants to renounce the world, is advised first to seek the permission of his clders and relatives for initiation. He is not advised to disobey 1. S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 164. 2. EC, vii, SK. 219, pp. 130-1. 3. Ibid. ii, SB. 128, p. 56. 4. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 2, v. 282, p. 52; ibid. ch. 5, v. 68, p. 72; Hari tansapurana, pt. ii, ch. 31, v. 31, p. 433.

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70 Jainism in Early Medicval Karnataka them under any circumstances, as is evident from the Varangacarita. Prince Varanga renounces the world only when he takes the consent of his father. Taking leave of his relatives, he approaches a Digambara acarya and prostrates himself before him with a view to showing respect. He then expresses his desire for initiation. When he obtains his approbation, the day of initiation is fixed with the help of a sravaka (layman) who has expert knowledge of astrology, incantations, omens and unseen things.2 Jinasena also states that the aspiring candidate for attaining cmancipation should be initiated into the monastic order on the auspicious day and moment. He prohibits the initiation of a novice on the day of lunar eclipse, dark-cloud day and during the leap-year. He adds further that if an acarya (teacher) does not initiate a novice at the appropriate moment, he should be expelled from the Jaina monastic order.4 This shows that astrological consideration influenced the Jaina rites. Another element in the Jaina initiation, for which there is confirmation in all the Digambara texts, is the extraction of hair by the roots. The novice uprooted his hair from his head and beard with his own hand. It was repeated at the interval of two, three and four months. The extraction of hair at the interval of every two months was deemed as the ideal period for it. The Jaina practice of uprooting the hair was undoubtedly an ordeal, intended to test the firm resolution of the novice. It also cxhibited non-attachment towards the body and protection of the Jaina vow of ahimsa or non-injury. An analogous practice of upiooting the hair is to be met with among the Ajivika ascctics who also pull out their hair with a piece of the rib of a palin leaf. We have epigraphic evidence to show the prevalence of this practice among the Karnataka 1. Varatigacarila, ch. 29, vv. 9ff, pp. 284ff. 2. K.K, Handiqui, op. cit., p. 284. 3. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 39, v. 157, p. 283. 4. Ibid. v. 101, p. 284. 6. Varlingacarita, ch. 30, v. 2, p. 293; Harivan'sapurana, pt. i, ch. 2, v. 52, p. 16. 6. A.L. Basham, History and Doctrines of the Ajivihas, p. 106.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 71 Jainas. An epigraph of the 10th centuryl speaks of Pambabbe, the elder sister of the Ganga king Butuga, who is said to have made her hcad bald and performed penance for thirty years for the attainment of spiritual libcration. In the next stage, the novice gives up his entire clothings and costly ornaments and assunics the form of a new born child," It is an essential Jaina rite for a Digambara monk who is enjoined to observe the Jaina vow of aparigrala or nonpossesssion. Hence, cven the latcr Jaina writers have advocated the Jaina practice of nudity. Somadeva insists3 on its observance because nakedness is natural. He states further that it is inpossible for a Digambara monk to obseive the vow of non-possession as he desires to wear robes made of barks and deer-skins. Thus, the Karnataka Jaina texts mention a number of kings, princes, ministers and merchants who gave up their costly clothings and ornaments and became naked at the time of initiation. After performing all thesc csscntial rites, the acarya (teacher) initiates him into the monastic order by giving him the lesson of panicaparamesthimantra. It is followed by the namakarana ritc (naming of monks), according to which the entrant is given entirely a new name. Pujyapada is said to have been named as Devanandi after initiation in the SravanaBelgola epigraphs. Lastly, the acarya instructs him in the essential duties of a monk. The initiation dcprives him of bath and tccth clcaning, The novice undergoes a rigorous course of training after initiation into the order. The preceptor prepares him for right conduct by teaching him the rules of the monastic discipline. If he fails to develop his strength in the practice of monastic discipline under one preceptor, he is transferred to another 1. EC, vi, Kd. I, p 1 2. Varangacarita, ch. 29, vv 86-7, p 291; Haridamsapurana, pt. 1, ch. 2, v. 69, p. 17; Adipurana, pt 1i, ch. 39, v 160, p. 251. 3. Kasastilaka, pt. ii, BK. 6, p. 281. 4. K.K. Handigui, op. cit., p. 253. 5. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 39, v. 43, p. 272. 6. FSB, pt. v, no. 1. (June 1938), p. 1.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka instructor. Jinasena Suri in his Harivamsapurana refers to a newly initiated monk who learns the proper conduct under three instructors in a year and a half.1 After the completion of the probation period, he becomes a qualified member of the monastic order. Emphasis on the correct observance of the rules of initiation also figures in a record of 1169 in which Sripala-traividya is said to have maintained the proper rules of dilsa (initiation) and siksa (instruction) in the 12th century. The initiation ceremony of a nun did not differ much from that of a monk except in regard to the observance of nudity. In other words, a monk was bound to go naked at the time of initiation, which was not permissible in the case of a nun. It may mean the preservation of the traditional status of women folk according to Hindu mythology. However, such a practice on the occasion of initiation ceremony was not at all entertained in Buddhism. The Varangacarita states that several queens of Varanga renounced the world and took to a life of a nun. They did obeisance to their preceptors and went to a lonely place where they discarded thcir ornaments and retaincd only pure white sari (lower garment for women) in order to cover nudity. They also pulled out their hair.3 The literary evidence regarding the initiation of Jaina ladies is corroborated by an epigraph from Sravana-Bclgola. It informs us that Nacikabbe and Santikabbe received suitablc initiation from tile Jaina teacher Bhanukirti in the 12th century.4 Thc Jaina initiation was a gradual preparation for the adoption of an ascetic life. The Rainakaranda-Sravakacara divided the life of a houscholder into elevcn stages. As he has to pass through these successive stages before entering the monastic order, he is supposed to learn right conduct of a house-holder for a number of years. So, the old age was gencrally considered fit for initiation. 1. Haritamsapurina, pt. ii, ch. 33, v.718., p. 4.2. 2. EC, V, AK 1, pp. 112-3. 3. Parangacarita, ch. 29, vv. 93-1, p. 292. 4. EG, 11, SB 137, p. 64.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainos 73 But the Jaina (cachers of Karnataka did not insist on advanced age for renunciation during carly medieval times. They frankly recommended all ages for taking initiation. Ravisena advocates renunciation even during childhood. As death spares nonc, the consideration of age is hcld insignificant. The l'asastilare also refers to Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, the twin disciples of the sagc Sudatta, who arc said to liave Tenounced the world at a fairly young age. As old age raises obstacles in the path of libcration because of physical infirmity, Prince Varatiga points out the necessity of taking initiation at the young age with a view to practising the severe Jaina austerities. The Digambaras in Karnataka provide alinost thc same list of persons unkt for initiation as the Sverambaras do. But the cxclusion of the Sudras from cntcring the monastic order appears to be the chief feature of Karnataka Jainism in the caily medieval period. Since the beginning of the 9th century there is cvidence to show that the Sudras are excluded from religious initiation. Jinasena in his Adipurana states that a person whose ancestral lincage is pure, who bcars a good conduct, and is not devoid of physical deficiency is entitled to initiation into monkhood.4 Somadeva makes it morc clear by stating that only three higher castes, i.C., brahmann, ksatriya and vaisya are eligible for religious initiation 5 It is apparently a deviation from the original tcachings of Jainism which vehcmcntly condemns the caste system during thc carly years of its foundation. Jainism was now infected by the Hindu varna system, and hence caste spirit soon reasserted its power within the Jaina religion in Karnataka during early medieval times. The consideration of caste and cieed for religious initiation of the Jainas clearly indicates the organisation of the Faina community on the basis of vaina scheme of the Ilindus. It is evident from the study of the Padmapurana of Ravisena 1. Padmapurana, pt. ii, ch.31, vv. 132-3, p. 76. Varanigacarita, ch. 29, vy. 120, p. 284. 3 Cf. C.R, Jain, Sannyasa-dharma, pp. 23ff. Adipurana, pt.ji, ch. 39, v. 158, p. 283. 3 rasastilaka, pt. ii, BK vill, p. 405.

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74 Jainism in Early: Medieval Karnataka who gives the Jaina version of the creation of the varna organisation' and tells us how Rsabhadeva created the four varnas from different parts of his body. Jinasena? also repcats the same idca in his Adipurana. He clearly shows that cach of the four varnas performed their duties assigned to them. Thus, the Jainas became strong supporters of castc system like their brahmanical counterparts. The prevalence of the fourfold Aryan division of society, which was accepted by the Jainas of Karnataka, indicates the influence of Aryan ideas and institutions over the masses of Dravidian popnlations.3 We notice another important change in the outlook of the Jaina teachers who initiated a novice into the monastic order. Probably they charged soinc fccs for initiation. An epigraph of the 8th century4 refers to the initiation of a person named Singam and tells us that his mother Aratti made a grant of land probably as a rcward for performing this rite. Another epigraph from Sravana-Belgola informs us that Bhanukirti of the Mulasangha was rewarded for initiating Macikabbe and santikabbe. Both these ladies entered the monastic order in 1137 and built a beautiful Jaina temple, which was cndowed with rich gifts for the performance of Jina worship and for providing food to the ascetics. Thus, the monetary consideration seems to have influenced the Jaina ritc of initiation in Karnataka. Domestic Rituals of the Karnataka Jninas Jinasena is the first to furnish an exhaustive list of domestic rites for the Jainas of Karnataka during the early medieval period. Although in the Adipurana he refers to fiftythrec rites prescribed for the whole life of the Jaina laity from conception to the attainment of liberation, only twentytwo of these rites are concerned with the domestic rituals of the Karnataka Jainas. The list of twenty two rites is as follows: Adhana or garbhadhana is a rite to be observed to obtain a 1. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 4, v. 86 f, p. 63-64. 2. Adipurang, pt. i, ch, 16, rv. 2437, p. 308. 3. S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 156. 4. EG, iii, My. 25, p. 3.

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Religious Ritrals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 75 malc offspring. Jinasena advises the Jainas to worship the Jina with proper recitation of Jaina mantra on the occasion of performing this ritual. They are then advised to offer oblation to the three sacred fires, as was done on the occasion of attaining salvation by the Jainas. After observing the prcceding rites, the couple is allowed to unite for obtaining a son. Prili is a Jaina ritc to preserve the pregnancy of a woman in the third month, which is performed by the Jaina Bralimanas in the Jaina temple. Jinasena prescribes the cicction of an arch (torana) and establishment of two water vessels on cachi side of the door of the householder's house. Jinascna also lays down rules for making provisions for playing of drums and the sounding of bells on this pious occasion according to the cconomic capacity of the Jainas." Jinasena then refers to two important rites, which are termed as the supriti and the dhsli rite for the prosperity and welfare of the pregnant woman. Hc ordains the Jainas to perform the former lite in the presence of the sacred fires kindled before the Jina image with the proper recitation of Jaina hymns in the fifth month from her conception and to observe the latter in the seventh month of the pregnancy, preceded by the worship of the Jina." The next puberty ritc is termed as the moda for the fullest completion of the woman's pregnancy in the 9th monthi. The woman is decked with ornaments and costly clothings. Then, a girdle, called galrika-bandha containing the Jaina hymns is lied around her waist for the protection of the foelus. The rite is performed by the Jaina Brahmanas before the image of the Jina.5 The prizodbhava or Fataharma ritc is performed on the occasion of the birth of the child. Jinasena advises thc Jainas to observe this rite carefully after reciting the Jaina hymns before the Jina.. i Adipurana, pt. ii, ch, 38, vv. 70-6, p. 245. 2. Ibid. vy. 77-9, p. 246. Ibid. vy, 80-1, p. 246. 4. Ibid. v. 82, p. 246. 5. Ibid. vy. 83-4, p. 218. 6. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 38, vv. 85-6, p. 246.

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76 Jainism iri Early Medieval Karnataka The namakarana or ritc of naming the boy is performed after the twelfth day of his birth on an auspicious day, which suits well his parents. The Jainas worship ihc Jina and pay homage to the Jaina ascetics on this occasion. Tlie pamc of the boy is selected from the one thousand and cight names of Jinendra through the process of ghalapatra method. The Jainas are advised to write the names of the Jinas on separate pieces of papers which are stored and mixed in an earthen pot. Then, a boy is asked to take out a picce of paper from the pot. The boy is named after the name of the Jina which is taken out of the lot.) The bahiryana or the rite of taking the child out of the house is performed in the second, third or fourth month after his birth. The Jainas, according to Jinasena, should make arrangements for the playing of musical instruments on this occasion. Gifts should be presented to the boy by his parents and relatives. Presents should be preserved, and finally handed over to the boy when lie is mature enough to inherit his ancestral property. The boy has to be placed on some sacred scat (asana) in order to increase his ability for attaining temporal and spiritual position. The householders are enjoined to repeat the same process of the Jina worship on this occasion.3 VVhen thc boy is seven or eight months old, thc rite of feeding him is observed, according to which cooked food is offered to him for the first time. Jinasena calls it as the annaprasana Jaina rite.4 The varsavardhana or birtli anniversary' is perfomed when the boy becomes one-year old. Jinasena adhises the Jainas to celebrate it every year. They are further ordained to bestow gists and feed the elders and near relatives." In the caula or cidakarma ritc, the head of the boy is shaved with a razor on an auspicious day and a lock of hair is left in the middle of his head. When the boy is bathed in pure water and dressed well, he is asked to offer obeisance to the Jina 1. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 38, yv. 87-9, p. 247. 2. Ibid. v. 90-2, p. 247. 3. lbid. vv. 93-4, p. 247. 4. Ibid. 95, p. 249. 5. Ibid. v. 96-7, p. 248.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas and the Jaina ascetics, The rite ends when the boy receives blessings from his parents. In the fifth year the Jaina boy has to perform the lipisajikhayana rite or the rite of Icarning the alphabet. He is handed over to some Jaina preceptor, appointed by his parents for proper training. The Upaniti rite or the practice of wearing sacred thread, which is not a Jaina custom, became popular in carly mcdieval times. Jinasena in his Adipurana enlightens us for the first timc about it and enjoins all the householders to use the sacred thread. The rite is performed when the boy becomes cight years old. It is preceded by the rite of tonsurc ceremony and acceptance of the five lesser Jaina vows, mcant for thc Jaina householders only. The boy is asked to worship the Jina in the Jaina temples. Afterwards, a rope of munja-grass, consisting of three threads, is tied round his waist by the Jaina Bralmanas." Thcy symbolize the three Jaina jewels of good lcaining, good knowledge and good conduct. The boy then puts on white lower garment, and as a symbol of the Jaina vows, he is invested with the sacred thread. Lastly, Jinasena picscribes the begging of alms for subsistence of the boy. Whatever he brings from begging is first offered to the Jina and the remainder is consumed by the boy. Jinasena puts restrictions on the movement of the royal princes, who, unlikc thc Jaina conimoners, are enjoined to beg food within the palace premises. Such restrictions are not prescribed for the common people adhering to the Jaina faith. It appears that Jinasena makes social distinctions in the observance of the Jaina rituals and has safeguarded the interest of aristociatic class in Karnataka. But the use of sacred thread was not received by the Jaina puritans of Gujarat and other places of the North cven after the composition of Adipurana in the 9th century. The 1. Adiputana, pt. i1. ch. 38, vv.98-101, p. 248. 2. Ibid. vv. 102-3, p. 248. 3. Ibidvy. 104-12, p. 249. 4. Ibid vv. 107-8, p. 249. 5. N.R Premi, op. cit., p. 508.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Svetambaias also did not make provision for the sacred thread ceremony.1 When the boy is invested with the sacred thread, he is expected to lead the life of a celibate, Jinasena advises him to practise vratacarya or the Jaina vows. He is neither allowed to clean his teeth nor taste betel leaf or anything else. He is asked to take bath in pure water and to slcep on bare ground. Then he learns the duties of a layman and takes lessons in grammar, astrology, mathematics, ethics, etc., from the Jaina preceptor.? After the completion of learning, the boy is enjoined to abstain from taking meat, lioney, etc., which according to Jaina doctrines, are the breeding ground of various liviag Oi ganisms. This rite is observed in the twelfth year of the boy in the presence of his preceptor before the Jina image.3 The boy has to seek the permission of his preceptor for marriage, which is performed after the end of cducation, After marriage the bridegroom is enjoined to remain celibate for seven days during which he is required to visit thc sacred places of Jainism. Then husband and wife are allowed to mate especially during the period of menstruation with the object of getting a son. A weak and infiim Jaina is advised to abstain from scxual intercourse for the prosperity of his health. The Jainas observe the varanalabha rite,? which establishes them firmly in the household affairs. The son inherits the ancestral wealth in accordance with his father's will. Jainasena ordains the father to woiship the Jina and then to hand over his property to his son in the presence of eminent Jaina householdeis in the Jaina temple. The father instructs his son to practise the conduct befitting a layman 1. N. R. Premi, op. cit. p. 509. 2. Adipurana, pt. i, ch, 38, v. 112-20, pp. 249.50. 3. Ibid, vv. 121-4, p. 250. 4. Ibid. v. 127, p. 257. 5. Ibid.vv. 131-2, p. 251. 6. Ibid. v. 133-4, p. 251. 7, Ibid. v. 135, p. 251.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas and to bestow gifts upon the Jainas for the increment of his wealth and fame. Thus Tinasena endeavours to propagate the Jaina faith even among the offspring of the Jaina householders. The Jainas are instructed to earn their livelihood by proper means and to practise the six essential Jaina duties, i.e., the worship of the Jina, study of the spiritual lore, control of passions, charity, etc. By following the rules of good conduct, they make themselves able to withstand the Jaina austeritics and finally develop dislike for worldly life, In this stage, they are enjoined to observe various fasts so that they can act like the faina ascetics and contemplate over the nature of the soul.3 Jinasena, thus, prescribes the abandonment of the household life. The public declaration of rcnun. ciation is to be preceded by the worship of the Jina. The purposes behind the Jaina domestic rituals are inanifold : popular conviction, material profit, cultural and spiritual gains. Like the Hindus, the Jainas believed that by performing the various rites, they may avert the evil influences which overtake pregnant women and children. The Jaina householders are advised to invoke the help of the Jinas to drive out foul influences. Jinasena enjoins that the gairika-bandha, containing Jaina hymns, should be placed over the body of a pregnant woman. This was supposed to protect the foetus during the 9th month of her pregnancy The Jaina sacraments were meant for acquiring progeny, long life and wealth. The Jainas believed that prayers and appeals made to the Jinas brought forth children and spiritual happiness in the life after death, The garbhadhuna rite was performed to obtain a male offspring. Further it was thought that the personality and character of a Jaina householder are formed by observing such rites as the investiture of the sacred thread, the nuptial rire, etc. Finally, taust rites were supposed to reconcile the active worldly life of the Jainas with spiritualism. 1. 2. 3. Adipurono, pt. ii, ch. 33, w. 138-41, p. 252. Ibid. vv. 142-3, p. 262, Ibid. vy. 148 T, pp. 252-3.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka A close study of the Jaina domestic rituals reveals certain fundamental similarities between Jinasena's Adipurana and the Hindu Dharmasastras. The chief object of the Jamnas in performing these rites appears to be the same as that found in the Grihyasutras and Smrtis. According to most Hindu law givers the sacraments are intended to sanctify the body from the moment of conception to the death of a person. This is also the view of Jinasena, who states in his Adipurano that like a precious stone taken out from the mine, the human soul attains perfection through purificatory rites, accompanied by the sacred Jaina mantras.1 80 Jinasena extols the fire cult like the Vedic literature. He justifies the worship of the sacred fire on practical grounds. He states in his Adipurano that fire is neither divine nor holy but it becomes so on account of its association with the worship of the Jinas. He, therefore, asks the Jaina householders to kindle three fires before the Jina and offer oblation to them.2 Consequently, the Jainas of Karnataka appear to have started the worship of the fire cult just as the Brahmanas did on the occasion of performing the sixteen sacraments. Somadeva also supports this practice by stating that a popular custom can be followed so long as it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of Jainism.3 Probably, the Jaina fire cults were the same as the Vedic fire cults and included the worship of such specific fires as ahavaniya, daksinagni and garhapatya in order to fit in with the Jaina system.* The cult of fire ritual was not only prevalent among the Karnataka Jainas but also among the Jainas of Tamil Nadu. The Silapaddikaram indicates the prevalence of this cult in Tamil land in the early centuries of the Christian era. The term velvi is always used to denote fire ritual in Tamil language. Whenever the term velvi is used alone, it merely means fire ritual without involving animal sacrifice.* 1. Adipurana, pt. it, ch. 39, v. 90, p 277. 2. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 40, vv. 88-91, p 301. 3. K.K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 332. 4. N. R. Premi, op cit., p. 510. 5. The Silapaddikaram, cited in K. K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 334 6. Ibid. p. 333.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas The sacred thread rite among the Jainas of Karnataka is also based on the Brahmanical idea. According to the Adipurana, the performance of this rite signifies rebirth of the Jaina householders who are called dujas or twice-born after initiation. 81 The above details show that Jinasena adapts the ancient traditions of the Hindus and harmonizes them with the practices of the Jaina culture. The main line of Hinduization of the Jaina religion runs through Jinasena, who builds an ambitious fabric of Jaina rites on the basis of the prescribed Hindu samskaras in the 9th century.2 The process of Hinduization of the Jaina religion in Karnataka appeared to have set in before the 9th century. It was caused mainly by the entrance of non-Jainas into the Jaina monastic order. The Digambara texts from Karnataka which were composed during the 7th-8th centuries, witnessed the infiltration of Hindu elements in Jaina religious practices and gave it a place of importance to these religious rites. The Paumacariya of Vimala Suri and the Padmapurana of Ravisena give us some hint about the sacred thread ceremony. They refer to the term suttakantha, meaning the thread hanging from the neck. Similarly, the Jaina texts are replete with references to the performance of the Jaina rites of marriage, learning, etc. But it was Jinasena who gave it a final shape in his work Adipurana. He recognized them with a view to championing the cause of Jainism in the South. The appearance of Sankaracarya in the 8th-9th centuries proved detrimental to the existence of the Jainas in the south. He started a systematic campaign against the Jainas and denounced them as atheists and tried to excite people against them. In this situation, the Jaina teachers of Karnataka showed far-sightedness by assimilating Hindu clements for maintaining their position.5 Despite the similarities with the Hindu domestic rituals, 1. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 40, vv. 158-9, 310. 2, Robert Williams, Jaina Yoga, Introd. p. xxii-xii. 3. JSB, pt. vi, no. 4, (March 1940), p. 206. 4. N.R. Premi, op. cit., p. 507. 5. JSB, pt. vi, no. 4, (March 1940) p. 206.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka the Jainas emphasize ahimsa (non-injury). Jinasena warns the Jaina householders against the use of meat, honey etc, which are considered unfit for the performance of the Jaina rites on account of their connection with himsa (injury). The imitation of the Hindu sacraments by Jinasena goes against the original teachings of Jainism. The early Jaina boldly protests against Vedic ritualism and the priests presiding over it. But the Jainas of Karnataka observed many Brahmanical rites during the early medieval age. Jinasena gave recognition to the dvijas, evidently the Jaina Brahmanes who officiated in the performance of their domestic rites. Artisans, dancers1 and probably the sudras are not allow. ed to wear the sacred thread. Jinasena forbids them to put on the sacred thread on account of their low birth. Ile allows them to wear a lower garment called dhotz, which is a substi tute for the sacred thread. All this shows deviation from carly Jainism, which does not recognize social distinctions in religious observances. 82 Dana or Charity Ritual The Jaina literature on dana or charity is enormous. Apart from the casual references to it in the Jaina Puranas, Book VIII section 43 of the Fasastilaka is entirely devoted to the various aspects of charity ritual, such as the objects of gift, the qualifications of the donec, and the best method of giving donation. The Jaina teachers of Karnataka extol the virtues of making gifts to the Jaina ascetics, and the sick, infirm and poor persons belonging to the Jaina faith. They consider it to be the most effective means of securing religious merit and attaining liberation.* It relieves the donors of sufferings and dangers and brings them worldly happiness both in the present and future life. Jinasena glorifies charity as the most proper way of spending one's wealth or possession.4 Regular endowment of gift is considered as one of the 1. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 40. vv. 170-1, p. 311. Ibid. pt. 1, ch. 16, v. 271, p. 371; Paramatmaprakasa, ch. 2, v. 168, p. 312. 2. 3. Padmapurana, pt, iji, ch. 96, vv. 16-7, p. 197. 4. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 38, v. 270, p. 264.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Fainas 83 six essential dutics of the Jaina houscholders?, and this is corToborated by a large number of Jaina epigraphs which record gifts either for the Jaina monks or Jaina establishments. Dana-salas or charity houses are often attached to the Jaina basadis, as can be shown from the inscriptions of the 7th-8th centuries. In 683, the western Calukya king Vinayaditya granted the village named Hadagile situated in Beluvala300 for a dana-sala.2 In 730 Vijayaditya, another king of the same dynasty, donated the village Kaddama to the south of Purikaranagara for the maintenance of a charity house, attached to the Saikha-Jinendra temple at modern Lakshmesvara in the district of Dharwar.3 Five years later, Vikramaditya II granted 50 nivartanas of land for meeting the cost of expenditure of almshouse, which was attached to the Dhavala-Jinalaya at the same place. The practice continues in subsequent times. The rich and pious Jainas delighted in making endowments for maintaining charity houses and establishing new ones for advancing the cause of dana or charity. It is substantiated by the donative records of the 10th-12th centuries. An epigraph of the 10th century registers the gift of a tank for the charity house attached to the Jaina temple at Naragel in the district of Dharwar.5 Another epigraph of the llth century refers to the donation of some land for the Saiyakratnakara basadi at Mugad in the district of Dharwar and the income incurred from that land was to be utilised for feeding the visitors. In 1074 the mahasamanta Katarsa gave gifts of land for the benefit of the charity house of the Ganga-Permaoi Jaina temple at Annigcre in the Navalgund taluq.? The Santara kings donated two villages for providing food to the Jaina monks living in the Pancakuta basadi in the Nagar taluq of Shimoga district. We have similar 1. rasastilaka, pt. ii, BK, viii, Section 46, p. 414 2. BKI, 1v, no. 4, p. 3. 3. Ibid. no. 6, p.o. 4. Ibid. no. 7, p. 7. 5. Ibid, i, pt. i, no. 38, p. 23. 6. Ibid. no. 78, p. 08. 7. ET, xv, no. 23, p. 346. 8. EC, viii, Nr. 40, A D. 1077, p. 144.

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84 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka other instances of cndowments, made by the Hoysala kings and their ministers for running charity houses in the 12th century. General Hulla built an almshouse in 1163 at Jinanathapura, a village about a mile from Stavana-Belgola? In 1174 the Hoysala king Ballala II gave gifts of land and village Mcruhalli for providing good food to the Jaina ascetics. But the Nanjedevaragudda stone inscription of 11923 gives us most interesting details about the free distribution of food to the Jaina ascetics in the temple of the god Abhinava Santideva at Somepur in the Hassan district and furnishes clear proof of the interest taken both by the Hoysala king and subjects in managing the affairs of charity house. As the king became pleased to sce the good management of alms distribution, he also made a gift of two villages to Vajranandi-Siddhantadeva for continuing this practice in the 12th century. It is clear from the above cpigraphs that the Jaina charity houses took care of the Jaina ascetics as well as the poor and sick persons. They distributed food and water ; made provisions for fecding the visitors and provided shelter to them, Pujyapida in his Sardarthasiddhi defines dana as the act of giving one's wealth to another for mutual benefit 4 In his view, it accumulates religious merit for the donors and fosters the thice jewels, right belief, right knowledge and right conduct, in others. Ravisena regards dano as handing over of somcthing of one's possession to the Jaina ascetics, and condernns other forms of charity as worthless and meaningless. 5 Somadeva too supports the same view in his work, Literary evidence regarding dana is supplemented by tire donative records of our period. They bear testimony to the fact that the devout Jainas made libcral donations of land, house and village at the request of their preceptors. The Nonamangala copper plate of the Ganga king Avinita registers 1. EC, nt, SB 345, pp. 149-9. 2. Ibid. v, Cn. 146, pp. 188-9. 3. MAR, 1926, pp. 30-1. 4. Sartarthasiddhi, ch. 7. v. 39, p. 372. u, Padmaburana, pt. i, ch, 14, 5, 96, p. 313. 6. Tasastilake, pt.is, BK. viii. p. 403

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 85 the gift of the Veennclkarani village for the Uranur Arhat temple and one fourth of the karsapanas of the external customs for Perur Evania digale's Arhat temple on the advicc of Vijayakirti in the 5th century. Another record of the same king records the gift of house at the village Pulliura for the Jaina monks of the Yavanjka sangha in the 6th century. In the 7th century, Vinayaditya gifted a village at the request of Dhurvadevacarya of the Mulasangha and Devagana,3 The Icvadi stone inscription refers to the donation of money in cash and some wet-fields to Candra-Siddhantadeva, a Jaina tcacher of the Digambara sect in the 10th century. In the 13th-12th centuries, many Jaina ladies of Karnataka gained prominence by making generous donation of the four gifts of food, mcdicine, shelter and Icarning. Cattaladevi,s Laksmimati, Pacikabbc,? Demiyakkas and Pampadevi are depicted in the epigraphs as following the Jaina concept of dana. Although the traditional Jaina concept of the four gifts of protection, food, medicine, and sacred lore and writing materials continued to hold ground during the early incdicval age, the gift of protection (abhayadana) was considered to be the liighest gift.10 Apparently protection was emphasised in view of the political instability and frequent transfers of lands and villages from one hand to the other in early medieval times. A Jaina was therefore exhorted to offer protection to all living creatures without which the ritual of charity became meaningless. The next in importance was the gift of food, Thc Jainas were asked to feed the Jaina monks, according to the ninefold method of hospitality, consisting of reception, offering of a high scat, washing of their feet, adoration, 1. EC, X, MIL. 72, p. 172. 2. ALAR, 1938, p. 80. 3. BAI, iv, no. 4, p. 3. 4. MAR, 1923, p. 115. 3. EC, viji, Nr. 35, pp. 137-8 6. Ibid. ii, SB. 127, p. 50. 7. Ibid. SB 118, pp. 43-0. S. Ibid. SB 120, pp, 56-7. 9. Ibid. viii, Nr. 37, pp. 141-2 10. Masastilaka, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 401,

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86 Jainism in Early Medieval fiarnataka salutation, purity of food, etc. The gift of medicinc and shelter was meant for the medical and physical care of the monks and saints." Sornadeva made it obligatory for the pious Jainas to help the monks in case of their physical and mental troubles. They were also advised to provide lodging, books and material for writing so that they might continue their spiritual concentration and fully explain the holy texts.3 We have already pointed out the growing importance of the gift of protection in the early Middle Ages. We also notice a few significant changes in the nature of other gifts during this period. Originally, the gift consisted mainly of pure food, a pot for answering the call of naturc, pcacock feather's broom, and matcrials necessary for the study of monks. But now the monks were being granted lands, houses and villages, which completely nullified their vow of nonpossession. Ravisena in his Padmapurana clearly states that the Jaina devotees should grant these objects on the ground of their connection with the Jinas. The gift of land and animal was supposed to confer permanent worldly pleasure on the donois. The Jaina texts speak of the thice principal forms of charity, sallviha, tamasa and rajasa, Somadeva in his jasastilaka explains each one of these. When a gift is made with devotion at a proper timc to a worthy person by a donor equipped with seven qualities of faith, contentment, reverence, knowledge, libcrality, forbcarance and ability, it is called sattvika 5 The gift to an unworthy person who does not deserve any respect is called tantasa." The donation inade for self-glorification without any faith is called rajasa ? Somadeva declares the sattvika to be the best and condemns thc other two. He adds that lack of 1. Tasastian, pt. 11, BK vni, p. 404. 2. Ibid. p. 409. 3. Ibid. 4. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 14, vv. 73-80. p. 311. 5. lasastilata, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 408. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the liarnataka Jainas 87 personal faith and punctuality, and jealousy at the generosity of others, etc., spoils charity.1 . The Jainas are repeatedly warned against making gifts to undeserving persons. The Jaina texts from Karnataka declare the naked Jaina ascctics, who observe the vow of noninjury and practise austerities, to be the most deserving. The gifts made to those who follow false doctrines and wrong conduct, produce evil consequences such as the feeding of serpents with milk and are considered as futile as sowing seeds on stone. Somadeva shudders at the appearance of thc Buddhists, Nastikas, Saivas and Ajivikas at the reception of the Jaina inonks because it leads to pollution. In the Adin purane, the prince Bharala is said to have refused charity to those who violated the vow of non-injury.5 Somadeva classifies the worthy recipients into five categories. They are samayin or adherent of the Jaina faith, the sravaka or, one who has an expert knowledge of astrology, incantations and omens, the sadhu who has mastered religious austerities and observed all the Jaina religious vows, the siri or the instructor, and the samaradipaka or one who advances the causc of the Jaina faith. Begging and Dietary Practices of the Jaina Monks The sacred injunction that forbade the Jaina monks to cook their food themselves made it compulsory for them to go on regular tour for begging food except in the four monthis of the lainy season. Purity of food and abstaining from night's meal both for the monks and the laymen continued to be stressed in the Jaina circles during the carly medieval age. In order to maintain the Jaina vow of non-injury, Ravisena in his 1. Zasastilaka, pi, ii, BK. viii, p. 410. 2, Padmaputana, pt. i, ch. 14, vv. 53-5, pp. 309-10; Adipurana, pt.i, ch. 20. vv. 146-8, pp. 458; Parangacarta, ch. 7, v. 31, p. 62. 3. Tasas laka, cited in K.K. Handiqui, op. cit, p. 281.. 4. Ibid. 6. Adapuruna, pt. ii, ch. 38, vv. 10-18. PP 240-1. 6. KK. Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 234.).

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88 Jainism in Early Medicval Karnalaka Padmapurana denounced the practice of taking mcal at night. Like the Mulacara, thc Padnapurana and other Jaina texts enjoin the monks to take food in their palms in a standing position. The Varangacarita states that the Jaina monks do not accept food brought to them or especially prepared for them ; nor do they take relishing food such as ghi, milk, salt, sugar and oil.3 The monks eat not for acquiring strength, increasing longevity and gratifying their taste but for sustaining life so that they might carry on constant study and practise austerities. Gunabhadra in his Almanusasana praises those monks who abide by the rules laid down in the Jaina agamas. Such monks accept food with devotion from the Jaina householdcrs to keep their body and soul together." Similarly the medieval texts repeat and reflect on the old rules regarding begging. The Varangacaritas informs us that some monks pledged to accept food from only six or seven householders. If they failed to procure food, they went back without food. They did not stay in a village for more than one day and five days in a town. Sometimes they reduced the prescribed quantity of food to less than half and kept thenselves hungry. The lasastilaka refers to roving groups of monks under the sage Sudatta and describes them as observing the Jaina vows, known as the samitis and gublis.? These details piove beyond doubt the rigid observances of dietary practices by the Jaina monks. But we also notice certain new practices In some cases, the Jaina monks adopted flexibility and slackness in dietary practices. Though the wandering monks continued to be puritan, the monks who settled 1. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 14. vv, 208ff, pp. 325-0. 2. Cf. Alulacara, pt. 11, v. 54, p. 59. Varangacarita, ch. 30, vv. 57-8, P 298; Padmapurana, pt 1, ch. 4, vv. 95-7, p.64. 4. Almanusasang, v. 158, p. 149. 5 Varangacarita, ch, 30, vv. 51-5, p. 298. 8. The Mulacara states that the monk should fill ball of his stomach with food, one fourth with water and one fourth with air. The quantity of food was thirty tno morsels, Cr, falacara, 0.72. ibid. 5, 153, cited in S.B. Deo, op. cit., p. 344. 7. Pasastilara, BK i, pp. 50-1.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 89 permanently in the Jaina monasteries and managed thc affairs of the Jaina temples became lax. Somadeva states that while giving food it is useless to examine whether the monks are good or bad; the householder is purified by the mere act of making the gift. He also encourages the wealthy Jainas to extend charities to the Jaina monk whether he conforms to the standard laid down in the Jaina scriptures or not.2 Evidently some Jaina monks had deviated from the original standard. On the ground of their conduct and character they did not deserve food and other gifts. Somadcva tried to save the situation by diverting attention from theworthiness of the monks to the virtues of making gifts. Gunabhadra too complains against the loose dietary practices. He ridicules the corrupt monks who admire those householders who offer good dishes and condemn those who offer poor food. He underlines the absence of good monks and attributes it to the effect of bad times. The Padmapurana states at several places that the Jaina monks accept tasty food" and that thcy do not obscive the vow of silence during the time of taking meal. Contrary to the old rules, ihey grant boon to the devotec and make predictions in order to please their clients.5 The slackness which crept into the dietary practices of the Jaina monks of Karnataka was the result of settled monastic life. Permanent residence in the monasteries encouraged them to follow corrupt practices without caring for the old rules. The pracice of rais retreat The traditional custom of observing caturmasa or staying at one place for four months in the rainy season continued to prevail among the Jainas of Karnataka, as is indicated by the Jaina cpigraphs and literary texts. An epigraph of the 6th 1. rasasilala, pt ii, BK. viii, p. 407, cited in K.K, Handiqui, op cit., P 285 %. Ibid 3. Atmanustisena, v. 169, pp. 150-1 4. Parmapurana, pt. ai, ch. 41, vv. 25-6, p. 200; ibid. pt. ju, ch. 85, vv. 113ff. p. 146 $. Ibid. pt. ii, 41,7. 112, p. 208.

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90 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka century informs us that the Kadamba king Ravivarma granted land for the support of the ascetics during thc four inondis of the rainy season. Another record of the 9th century refers to the obscrvanccof this practice by Balakartar bhatara.Similarly the Jaina Puranas are replete with references to the rain retreat by the Jaina monks. Although the practice of rain retreat is not peculiar to the Jainas alonc,3 they attach grcat importance to its obscrvance because of their emphasis on the Jajna vow of non-injury, which made it compulsory for them to restrict their movements in order to avoid injury to the innumerable small insects that spring into life in the rainy season. The practice is also deemed beneficial to the lay community. During their stay, the monks redress the grievances of the laymon wiio render all facilities to them.4 The monks pay particular attention to the sclection of the place of residence during the rainy season, Gencrally, they prefer to stay in a lonely place, free from living creatures. Ravisena states that the monks live during the rains in the caves or on the bank of the river or in the Jaina temples. He further tells us that it commences with the fullmoon day of Asadha (June-July) and ends with the fullmoon day of Karttika (October-November). Continuous fasting and meditation appear to be the chief concern of the Jaina monks during the period of their stay. Jaina Penance The significant position of penance in the life of a Jaina monk is duly emphasised in the literary and epigraphic sources of early medieval Karnataka. Rcgular penance is held cssential 1. IA. vi, no. 22, p. 27. 2. BK1, i, pt. 1, no. 18, p. II. The rule regarding the suspension of wanderings during the rainy season occurs among the regulations of different sects; the Buddhists call it vasa and the Brabmapical Sannyasins are enjoined to remain in fixed residencc (Dhuroosila) during the timc. Cited in S. K. Dutt, Buddhist monks and monasteries of India, p. 53. 4. S. B. Dco, op. cit., p. 340. 5. Padmapuria, pt. iii, ch. 92, vv. 17-8, p. 177. 6. Ibid, pt.i, ch. 22, v. 66, p. 403 and v. 83, p. 464.

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Religions Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Fainas 91 for the purification of the soul, perverted through human. actions and evil activities, such as cruelty, grecdiness and deceitfulness. The accumulation of evil actions retards the progress of the soul towards spiritual liberation. The penance annihilates worldly desires and destroys attachment to the things of this transitory universe. The twofold division of Jaina penance into external (bahya) and internal (abhrantara), and the proliferation of cach into six forms remained unchanged during the carly medieval age. The Sarvarthasiddhi of Pujyapada, assigned to the 5th6th centuries, enumcrates all these twelve forms of Jaina austeritics and their subdivisions. The external penance includes fasting (anasana), eating less than one desires (avamandarya), taking a mental vow to acccpt food only if certain conditions are fulfilled vsltiparisankluana), the abandonment of delicious food such as ghi, sugar, salt, milk, butter and oil (rasaparityaga), siceping and sitting in a loncly placc devoid of living beings (viviktasaygasana), and the mortification of the body (Kayaklesa). These six forms are intended to purify the sense organs on the one hand and lessen the sense of attachment to the objects of worldly enjoyments on the other. They are chiefly concerned with the control of bodily activities. Their performance is also necessary for the attainment of perfection in the practices of internal penance. The internal penance consists of expiations (prarascillas), reverence for the three jewels of right conduct, right belief and right knowledge (vinaza), serving and attending upon thc old, infirm and holy saints (vaijauflia), non-attachment to the body (vyutsarga), study of the Jaina scriptures (svadhyaya), and meditation (dhyana). All these are concerned with the control of the mental activities.? The Jaina epigraphs support the literary texts in respect of the various forms of Jaina penance. A Sravana-Belgola record of the 8th century informs us of thic observance of the Sarvarthasiddhi, ch. 9. vv. 19-20, pp. 438-9; Draupa Sangraha, v. 35., p. 87; Varangacarita, ch. 31, vv. 71-3, p. 307, Saroarthasiddhi, ch, 9, v. 20, p. 439. 2.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka twelve kinds of penance by the nun Anantamati-ganti in consonance with the prescribed rules.1 Similar other inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola refer to the value of penance,2 meditation3 and fasting. Besides mentioning the traditional twelve kinds of Jaina austerities, an epigraph of the 8th century refers to a monk who practised severe penance for one hundred and eight years; this was as difficult as walking on the sharp edge of a sword or on fire or passing over the great fangs of a cobra.4 92 Of the six kinds of external penance, fasting appears to be the most important not only for the Jaina monks but also for the householders. The teachers of Digambara school evolved an elaborate system of fasting and prescribed various rules for its proper observance by the Jainas of Karnataka in early medieval times. Pujyapada states that fast secures selfcontrol, exterminates attachment, and acquires spiritual knowledge.5 Jinasena Suri in his Harivamsapurana gives us a detailed and exhaustive list of fasts to be undertaken regularly. He enumerates as many as forty types of fasts, differing in regard to method and duration. He refers first to the sarvatobhadraupavasa, which lasts one hundred days. The Jainas are asked to observe fast for one day in the beginning and then gradually increase its duration from one to two, three, four and five days. The next type of fasting is called the vasantabhadra upavasa, lasting for thirtyfive days. In course of this fast one is allowed to take a meal on the sixth, thirteenth, twenty first, thirtieth and fortieth day. In the Ekavali form of fasting, one fasts for twenty four days; each fast is followed by a meal day. According to Jinasena Suri, one attains the merits of god Jinendra or becomes a Jaina prophet, if a Jaina practises Jinendragunasampatti fast, which continues for a hundred and twenty six days, every 1. EC. ii. SB. 23, p.6.; ibid, SB. 98, p.43. 2. Ibid. SB 75, p. 40; ibid. SB. 76, 41, 3. Ibid. SB. 81, p. 41. 4. EC, ii, SB. 22, pp. 5-6. 5. Sanarthasiddhi, ch. 3, v. 19, p. 438. 6. Harivam'sapurara, pt. ii, ch. 34, vv, 52-5, pp. 434-5 7. Ibid. v. 56, p. 435. 8. Ibid. v. 07, p. 436.

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Religious Retuals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 93 fasting day alternating with a mcal day. Finally, the Jaina texts rcfcr to fasts, lasting for the period of five, six or twelve years. In the Dharmacakra type of fasting, one continues to fast for one thousand days. Since every fasting day alternates with a meal day, the process of fasting has to be completed in two thousand days.a Monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen practise severe fasts of various magnitudes till their death for obtaining spiritual liberation. The practice of fast becomes so important in Karnataka that some of the Jaina monks style themselves as upavasaparas (devoted to fasts) and astopavasai (one who fasts for eight days). The former is iecorded as the discipic of Visabhasandi, and the latter is said to have erected memorial tomb for his teacher Elacarya. Most fasts are possibly prescribed for the Jaina ascetics who aspire to combat the grosser desires of the body so as to prepare it for some sacred ideals. Ordinary fasts form a part of the preparation for the final fast unto death. The provision for taking meals at intervals appears to be a common feature of all the above forms, and is essential for their sustenance so that they may continue their ascetic practices. But they clearly show that the Jaina monks lead a rigorous life of self-abnegation and try to control their sense organs by practising the austerity of fasting. Though the Jaina texts prescribe fasts that extend for a period of five or six or twelve years, epigraphic sources mention only such fasts as lasted for five days, twelve days, twenty one days, one month and two months. It seems possible that fasis of longer duration had gone out of vogue or they were presented as ideals which could never be realised. The post-canonical literature of the Svetambaras does also lament the disappearance of longer fasts among the Svelambaras, The Jaina lairy, men and women, are also enjoined to 1. Harivansaputana, pt. ii, ch, 34, y, 122, p. 445. 2. Ibid. p. 443, cited by Pannalal Jam, (ed ), Harivamsapurana. 3. EC, 1, SB. 76, p. 40. 4 MAR. 1914, p. 38. 5. GI. Deo S B.. op cit., p. 419

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94 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka observe fasting. The main objects are almost the same as in the case of ascetics. But householders, unlike the Jaina monks, practise them also for the attainment of temporal benefits such as good health and religious merit. Fasts on the seventh day of the bright fortnight of the month of Bhadra (August-September) every year and the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of every month arc calculated to bring endless happiness to the pious devotees. Jinasena in his Adipurana emphasises the need of performing fasts for acquiring good health and curing diseases caused by respiration and gall-bladder.2 Besides fasting on some auspicious days, the Jaina householders are also advised to abstain from food for four days every month. Fasting on thc cighth and the fourteenth lunar days in each fortnight, known as the prosodhaupavasa in the Jaina literature, is especially recommended for the laity.3 The process of the fast involves the giving up of bath and bodily decoration including garlands, perfumes and ornaments. This fast has to be carried on at some sacred place such as the abode of a saint or on a hill or at home or in the Jaina temples, where the devotees are asked to engage in religious meditations all the time; they have to concentrate on pure thought. The purification of the inner spirit is thought to be a compulsory ingredient of this fast and it cannot be obtained without the montification of the body. It is apparent that laymen are supposed to lead the life of a monk at least for a limited period by giving up all sinful actions and family life, which retard the progress of the soul towards perfection. Three other kinds of external penance are also concerned with the diet control. They appear to be supplementary vows to serve the needs of fasting. The Kayallesa or mortification of the body is prescribed for enduring physical pain and abandoning worldly comforts. Thc Varangacarita refers to prince 1. Haritain'sapurana, pt. ii, ch. 34, vv. 126-8, pp. 445-6. 2. vidrourara, pt. i, ch. 20, v. 7, p. 445. 3. Varingacarita, ch, 15, v. 123, P. 139; Servarthasiddhi, pt. ii, ch.59, v. 164, p. 679. 4. Tajaststata, pt. ii, BK. vivi, p. 402. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 96 Varaoga who performs various bodily austerities without Caring for hcat, cold and continuous raining. He practiscs austerities under a tree in desolate, forbidding place, on the burial ground, and also in a standing position facing the sun for the whole day. The mortification of the body is held as important a penance as the head among the different organs of the body. 3 The six kinds of internal penance are concerned with the control of mental activities. Of them the last called dhyana or meditation is the most important. It is considered to be the best incans of securing emancipation from worldly bondage. It helps the practitioner to understand the true nature of the soul and to distinguish it from the human body. According to the Jaina doctrines, the soul has inherent capacity for liberation, but it is obstructed by the cvil actions. Thus the Jaina teachers Pujyapada, Yogindudeya, Subhacandra and Somadeva thoroughly explain the method of self-realjzation in their respective works such as Samadhisataka, Paramalmaprakasa, Jilanarnava and the Tasastilaka. They suggest various means for contemplation by diverting attention from the external objects of the world. Pujyapada dcfincs dhyana as the concentration of mind on a particular object by a person of excellent physique. As cquanimity cannot be quickly attained, the longest duration of mcditation is stated to be an antaramularta, that is for a period of forty-cight minutes." The primary objects of meditation are explaincd in the carly Digambara texts. The twelve topics for meditation, known as the anupreksas or reflections on the twelve items in Jaina philosophy, figure prominently without any alterations in the Jaina litcrature of Karnataka during carly medieval times. Both Somadeva and Subhacandra throw sufficient light 1. l'orarigacanta, cb. 30, vv. 2017, pp. 20541. 2. Ibid 3. Adipurana, pt. i, ch. 20, vv. 181-3, p. 162. - Sarmarthasiddhi, ch. 9, v. 20, p. 439. 5. Sarwarthasiddhi, ch. 9, v. 27, p. 444. janarnara, ch.2, v. 8f1, pp. 17/1 Drarya tangraha, v. 35, p. 88.

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96 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka on the twelve objects of meditation in the beginning stage. They include reflection on the fleeting nature of things, the sense of helplessness, the cycle of worldly transmigration, the loneliness of worldly sojourn, the distinctness of the soul from the body, the impure condition of the body, the nature of the universe, etc.1 The supreme object of meditation, according to Jaina philosophers, is the contemplation of the transcendental soul which is free from all blemishes and impurities. It is not the universal soul of the Vedanta but the pure and all-knowing soul in cach individual, circumscribed and obscured for the time being by the hindrances of human actions. It is essential to note here that Jaina philosophers clearly speak of three states of the soul, the outer soul (bahiratma), inner soul (antaratma) and the transcendental soul (paramatma). They agree with the famous teacher Kundakunda that the outer soul consists of the sense organs; the internal soul is the consciousness which distinguishes itself from the body; and the transcendental soul is the emancipated soul free from all impurities.5 Dhyana is broadly classified into two main categories; aprasastadhyana (inauspicious) and prasastadhyana (auspicious).* Whereas the former is the cause of mundane sufferings, the latter, the sole penance for removing them, leads to spiritual liberation. These two categories are further subdivided into four forms, namely the mournful (arta), cruel (raudra), virtuous (dharma) and the pure meditation (sukladhyana). The former two types of Jaina meditation should be avoided because they create sufferings and raise obstacles in the path of liberation, 1. Talastilala, pt. i, BK. ii, vv. 105ff, pp. 255ff; Juanargata, ch 2, vv. 8ff, pp. 17ff; Draya Sangraha, v. 35, p. 89. 2. Jurorgara, ch. 32, v. 32, p. 314; Fogastre, v. 5, p. 370. 3. K. K. Handiqui, op. cit .p. 273. 4. Paramatnapraldia, p, 20; Samidhitantra, v. 4, p. 8. 5. K. K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 273. 6. Junurnata, ch. 25 v. 17, p. 256; Adipurane, pt. i, ch. 21, v. 27, p. 477. 1. Sarcarthasiddhi, ch. 9, v. 8, p. 145; Tasastilaka, pt. ii, p. 393; Jacha! rava, ch. 25, v. 20, p. 256.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 97 but the last two forms are considered capable of securing the final liberation. Constant thinking over unpleasant objects such as enmity, poison, weapons, etc. and the anxiety to get rid of them; the separation of the desired objects such as son, wife and wealth and the intense longing for them; the anxiety to remove pain and discase; and the feelings for the enjoyment of unsatisfied desires are the four characteristics of the mournful meditation. The raudra or cruel meditation implies the absorption of mind in hinsa (injury) and other forms of sin such as falsehood, theft, and the protection of the means of enjoyment.3 Taking into consideration the nature of the above two kinds of medi. tation, the Jaina thinker's condemn them as essentially evil. Indeed, the performance of thesc two forms is bound to bring inauspicious results for the meditators. They convey a general impression of worldly attachment, which is detrimental to the progress of soul towards liberation. The four objects of virtuous meditation' are the pure and infallible revelation of truth based on absolute faith in the Jaina scriptures (ajsavicaja); the fact of the universal sufferings and its conditions (apayavivaya); the nature and consequence of the fruition of various actions (vipakavicaya) and the structure of the universe. Subhacandra states that fricndship with all creatures, appreciation of the merits of others, sympathy and compassion fot others, and the indifference to unruly are the necessary conditions for attaining success in the practice of virtuous meditation.5 The sukladhyana or pure meditation significs unbroken contemplation of one's own atma or soul. It is recognized as the highest form of Jaina contemplation. Somadeva in his Yasastilaka points out the four stages in this meditation. These are also corroborated by the Jnanarnava which deals with the Jaina Yoga. In the first stage, the meditator concentrates his mind on the diffcrent aspects of the universal objects from 1. Franarnava, ch. 25, V. 20, p. 258. 2. Ibid., ch. 25, vv. 24f1, pp. 257ff: Sarparthasiddhi, ch. 9, vv. 30-3, PP. 446-7. Ibid. ch, 9, v. 35, P. 448. 4. Ibid. v. 36, p. 449. 5. Jnonarnara, ch. 27, v. 4, p. 272. W

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Jainism in Early Medieval harnataka various standpoints As the mind does not concentrate on a particular object it is known as the prthaktvavitarkavicara In the second stage, he turns his mind to a single object without any change hence it is known as the ehatvantarkavicara In the suksmahrija pratipali (contemplation accompanied with subtle physical movements) all the mental activities and the working of the sense organs are stopped except some minute vibration in the soul itself In the fourth stage even the remaining subtle activities of the soul come to a stop and the soul becomes completely motionless 1 This makes the consummation of pure meditation and the devotee attains final liberation from the worldly transmigration 98 According to Somadeva five factors contribute towards Yoga They are indifference to the world maturity of knowledge lack of attachment a steadfast mind and ability to endure the privations of hunger, thirst grief old age and death The obstacles to Yoga according to him are mental suffering disease crror carelessness idleness attachment and fickleness One who practises Yoga should be free from anger and pleasure and remain impervious lile a clod of earth both to one who pierces him with thorns and one who smears him with the sandal paste 2 The role of bodily postures (asana) for securing perfect steadiness in contemplation even in the face of adventitious obstacles is duly emphasised by the Jaina teachers of Karnataha Various postures such as Virasana or the hero posture padmasana or sitting with crossed legs etc are prescribed to lessen constant fatig ie and the mental diversions which impar med tation Subhacandra strongly recommends the adoption of padmasana and the laotsarga for the meditators of the present age" He adds that the monks of earlier times obtained salvation by practising vajrasana and Larialasana which were far more difficult 5 He draws a beautiful picture 1 Jn n mava ch 41 T ff pp 431 ff G Yasast lata pt 1 Bp 393 cited in K K Handiqui op cit p Do Jianurrara ch 23 v 30 pp 820 Ib d v 12 p 9 Ib d 10 p 8 3 + 5

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 99 of a meditator, engrossed in self-concentration. He dives deep into the ocean of love and sympathy for all creatures, and is absolutely free from attachment to the world. He keeps his body straight and erect, and becomes as motionless as a painted figure. The withdrawal of the mind along with the sense organs from the external objects (pratyahar) and its concentration (dharana) on some place of the body, for instance, the forehead, is essential to the development of the power of contemplation. We may notice several points of resemblance between the Yoga system of Patanjali and the Jaina Yoga. Patanjali's Yoga stands for the restraint of the sease organs and the mind. Emphasis on the observance of the moral and physical discipline, bodily postures, breath-control and withdrawal of the senses from their natural and outward functions are indispensable for spiritual progress. They are decidedly a common feature of both the systems. The moral virtues of the Jainas can be compared with the five types of nizama (observance) recommended by Patanjali. 1. Ibid ch. 28, yv, 34ff, pp, 283ff. 2 Ibid, ch, 30, v. 13, p. 307, 3. S. Radbakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, ii, p. 338.

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CHAPTER V ORIGIN AND GROWTII OF JAINA MONACHISM IN KARNATAKA Jaina monachism means the collective life of the monks and nuns organised at a fixed place where they live together under one authority for spiritual liberation. It appears to be the most important development in Karnataka during early medieval times. The earlier Jaina monks led a wandering life throughout the year except the four months of the rainy season when they lived at a fixed abode. The early texts of both the Svetambaras and the Digambaras frankly recommend solitary life for the Jaina ascetics, who aspired to attain salvation. The Mulacara and the Pravacana sara, which were composed roughly in the beginning of the Christian era, oppose the permanent habitation of monks at one place for a long time. The former states that the monk should stay in a deserted house or under a tree or on burial grounds or in caves. They are further ordained to avoid such places as were especially built for them and were likely to arouse their passions and present obstacles in the path of spiritual liberation. The transition from solitary wandering to settled life in Jaina monasteries and Jaina basadis was a striking development in thc history of Jainism in Karnataka. The Jaina epigraphs, which record donation for the erection of monasteries and temples, show that the practice of permanent serilement of the Jaina monks in monasteries had begun in thc last quarter of the 4th century. In 370 the Ganga king Madhava converted the Kumarapura village into a freehold for the use of the monks who probably lived in the monastery attached to 1. C.A.N. Upadhye, (ed.), Pravacanasara, Introd. p. xxii. 2 Malacara, 1, 21, 22, cited in S.B. Deo, op. cit., p. 342. 3. Ibid. 10.38, p. 342.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 101 the Jina temple which was established by the Mula sangha; the gift was made at the instance of acarya Varadeva.? From the 5th century onwards, numerous epigraphs show that the Jaina monasteries were being built by the side of the Jaina temples in the different parts of Mysore by the pious Jaina devotees. They displayed great enthusiasm in donating large tracts of land and villages for the proper maintenance of thosc monasteries and the monks and nuns living therein. The relation between the Jaina monasteries and the Jaina temples should be made clear at the very outset. The Jaina monasteries in Karnataka were generally a composite structure, incorporating the Jaina mathas and the Jaina tem. ples within its fold. They could not be distinguished from the Jaina temples in Karnataka. We have only a few separate Jaina mathas serving exclusively as residences of monks and nuns; generally they were attached to the Jaina temples. The Jaina monasteries in Karnataka did not possess the grandeur of such Buddhist viharas as that of Nalanda which contained temples, colleges and the congregational buildings beside the residence of the Buddhist bhiksus. From the 5th century, Jaina monasteries in Karnataka began to multiply. An epigraph, dated 425, records the donation of the village Vennelkarani in the Korikunda visaya for the benefit of the monks living in the monastery attached to the Uranur Arhat temple, established by Candranandi and others of the-Sri-Mula sangha. This was done on the advice of the preceptor Vijayakirti.2 In 466 the Ganga king Avinsta presented the charming village named Badaneguppe in the Chamarajnagar taluq of Mysore to the Srivijaya Jaina temple of Talavananagara or the modern Talakad, situated on the bank of the Kaveri in the south-west of the Mysore district. The same Ganga king made several endowments in the 6th century. In 570 hc gave wet fields and a house situated near the Jaina temple at the village Pullura where the monks of 1. EC, ML 73, pp. 171-3. 2. Ibid, x, ML 72, p. 172. 3. Ibid, i, Cg. 1, p. 51.

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102 Fainism in Early Medieval Karnatal a the Yavaniha sangha lived i Regular subsidies for the maintenance of different sects of the Digambaras were provided by the Kadamba kings of western Mysore Mrgesavarida built a Jaina temple at Pala sika or modern Hals in the Belgaum district and granted several nuvarlanas of land for the benefit of the Yapaniya the Nirgrantha and the Kurcaka sects who probably resided in the same temple 2 The endowment was increased by Harivarma who gave the village Vasantavataha to the Kurcakas for meeting their annual expenses at the eight day festival of the Jaina temple which Vrgesavarma had built at Palasiha The balance of the grant was to be spent on feeding the whole sect of the Digambaras in the 6th century 3 Harivarma also granted the village of Marade for the use of the holy people who lived in thc Jaina temple at Palasika* The Jaina teachers of Karnataka exploited the simple faith of the Jaina laity and encouraged them to erect morc mathas which were declared to be cssential for the attainment of temporal as well as the eternal bliss This is evident from the study of the Padmapurana the Varangacanta the Adipurana etc which were composed in Karnataha in between the 8th and 9th centuries The Jaina monasteries multiplied fast an subsequent centuries No less than sixty five monastic establishments are recorded during the 7th 10th centuries In 634 the Jaina poct Ravikirti constructed a Jaina temple at Athole in the Bijapur district and it was granted land by Pulakcsin II 5 In 776 as many as thirty one house sites along with a house were granted for the construction of new quarters of the monks and nuns attached to the Lohatilaha Jinalaya located in the city of Sripura It was also given land with varying irrigational facilities such as six kandugas of black soil under the big tank and two landugas of rice land in the Sripura plain 6 In 859 1 MAR 1938 P 8B 2 Id vi no 21 P 23 Ibid no 2p 31 4 Ibd vi no 26 pp 31 2 LI VI P 12 6 EC iv Vg 85 pp 134

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 103 the Nagula Jaina monastery was built by Nagallura Pollabbe and endowed with two mallars of land and a house site; Naganandyacarya of thic Singhavura gana received the gift. The Santara king Tolapurusa Vikrama Santara built a stone basadi for Moni-Siddhanta-bhatara of the Kondakundanvaya.2 It was evidently used as a dwelling place in the 9th century. The Ganga king Sivamara II built the Sivamara basadi at Sravana-Belgola in 810.3 About the same time, the younger brother of Sivamara II also gave specificd land to the koilbasadi. The same basadi received land from the inhabitants of three villages.' The 10th century was remarkable for the erection of several new monasteries in Karnataka. An undated stone inscription, assigned to the 10th century,'mentions the gift of wet fields by the Ganga King Nanniya Ganga and his queen to Candrasiddhantadeva, a Jaina teacher of the Digambara sect. His wife offered money for the worship of the Jina in the Jaina temple. The famous Jaina teacher Munjarya Vadighangala Bhatta received an endowment of the village Bagiyur from the Ganga king Marasimha II. The income from the village amounted to 20 gadyanas in cash and 12 kandugas in grain.6 In A.D. 980 the Ratga chief Santivarma gave 150 mattars of land to the Jaina basardi built by him at Saundatti; the gift was enti usted to Bahubali-bhattaraka.? His mother Nijiyabbarasi also granted 150 mattars of land to the same Jaina sanctuary. Bhimarasibhalara received land and money for imparting instruction (vidya-dana) and for meeting the expenses of the matha attached to the Jaina temple at Soratur in the district of Dharwar & Regular supply of food to the Jaina matha at Sujingallu in the Bellary district was provided by a certain Cangagavunda during the reign of the Rastrakuta 1. K), ii, no. 5, p. 16. 2. EG, viii, Nr. 60, p. 154. 3. Ibid, ii, SB 415, p. 81. 4. MAR, 1932, pp, 240-1. 5. Ibid. 1923, p. 115. 6. Ibid. 1921, pp. 23-4. 7. JBBRAS, X, pp. 204ff. 8. BKI, i, pt.1, no. 39, p. 24.

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104 Jainism in Carly Modredal liarnatal a king Krsna Ill through an endon ment made to Satyarasibhatara 1 In 968 the wife of the fcudatory chief Pandiga crected a monastery at Kakambal and granted it two villages, Madalur and Malagavadi, converting them into freehold estates" Monarchs as well as the people of Karnataka continued the tradition of crccting monasteries and endowing them with rich gifts of land and village for their maintenance in the 11th-12th centuries Tuo stone inscriptions from Kogali in the Bellary district demonstrate the Jaina leanings of the later Calulya king Somesvara I The first record, which is undated, registers the gift of land for the Conna Parsva basadi In another record of 1035 6 the same king is recorded to have donated land for the Jaina ascetic Indraherti 3 The Bandanihe basla inscription of 10754 refers to Somesvara II's endowment of land for the Santinatha basadi in the Shiharpur taluq Kulacandradeva of the Mula sangha and Kranargana is recorded to have received the gift The Hoysala hings also figure in the cpigraphs as the builders of Jaina monasteries In the Gandhavarana basti inscription, dated 1131,5 Vinayaditya II is recorded to have made a number of Jaina basadis at Sravana Belgola In 11336 and 1136,7 Visnuvardhana Deva is said to have donated the village of Javagal for thc Vijaya Parsvadeva Jinalava and built a Jaina temple known as Visnuvardhana-sinalaya in Dorasamudra The common people, on the other hand, are also noted for similar attempts of temple construction Govadeva, a feudators chief, builds a Jaina temple at Heggere in the Tumkur district, for which his son donates land for eight kinds of worship and for providing food to the ascetics in 1160 8 In the same year the Hoysala gavunda also builds a Jaina basadi 1 Top List of Inscriptions, 1, p 265 2 EC xi, Cd 14, p 16 3 BA Saletore, op cit, p53 EC, vu SL 221, p 131 Ibid 11, SB 143, pp 70 1 6 Ibid v BL 124, P 83 7 Ibid BL 17 PP 48 51 8 Ibid x11 Cl, 21, pp 77-8

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10 Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka and endows it with grant of land.1 Another record of 11732 registers the grant of a gift for the basadi in Kolgana by the farmers of Idainad in the Chamrajnagar taluq of the Mysore district. In course of time somc Jaina monasteries came to assume authority over other religious establishments. An inscription speaks of such a monastery at Sravana-Belgola in the Hassan district of Mysore. This matha was founded in 9823 by Camundaraya, the military general of the Ganga king Marasimha II, wlio is said to have erected in the following year the famous colossal statue of Gornmatesvara on the Vindhyagiri hill.4 It became the chicf centre of the Jaina pontificates, , which claimed authority over the Jainas throughout south India 5 It was the place from where the Jainas extended their religious activities in the different parts of Karnataka. The shrinc continues to be important even now not only for the Jainas of the south but also of Northern India. The Maleyur matha, which is now closed, was subordinate to that of Sravana-Bclgola. Akalajka, thc famous logician who confuted the Buddhists at the court of Hemasitala in Kanci in 788 and procured their cxpulsion from the south, is known to have hailed from Sravana-Belgola, but a manuscript which was in possession of Rice, states that he was monk of Maleyur and that Bhattakalanka was the title of the line of teachers who lived in the matha of Maleyur in the district of Mysore. The foundation of the Humcca matha, which is still in existence in the Nagar taluq of the Shimoga disli ict, was laid by Jinadatta Rayaduring the 8th-9th centuries, who carved out the kingdom of the Santaras in the south. It became the chief centre of the goddess Padmavati who figures in the records of the 10th11th centurics.? 1. EC, iv, Md. 69, pp. 12-3. 2. Ibid. iv, Ch. 181, p. 22. Ibid. ii, SB 122, p. 50. Ibid. SB 175, p. 89. 5. Mysore Gazetteer, i, p. 287. 6. Ibid. i, p. 238. 7. EC, X, Gd 4, p. 211; ibid. x, Sp. 64, p. 281.

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106 Jainism in Carl; medieval harnalala Mulgund in the Gadug taluq of the Dharu ar district also des eloped as a renowned custre of thc Sena lincage which wielded considerablc influence upon the Jainis in Karnataka during the 9th 11th centuries Ajithscna Kanal usena and Nagasena all of whom contributrd to the diffusion of thc Jina culture in Karnataka 2r known to have hailed from this place An inscription of 902 3 speaks of Cikarya con of Candrarya of the vaisi a castc who built a Juna sanctu?ry at Mulguind His son made in cndou ment of land for the uphcep of the establishment Another picce of land was bestos cd on the same temple by the four Icaders of the local guild of 360 merchants The cxamples mentioned above show that many Jaina monasteries were founded in Kornataka during the carli medieval age They also indicate how the solitary unsocial life of the Jaina monks was trinsformed into cenobite life which developed fully in Karnataka during the 12th 13th centuries In course of time the mathavasi monks or those who lived permanently in monasteries came to be distinguished from the vanavusi or the forest du clling monks The wandering ascetics still emphasised the pristine purity of the monk's conduct They retained their puritan and hermetical habits In ing in forests and depending solely on pure alms for their sustenance The continued existence of the wandering ascetics is attested by Gunabhadra and Som deva who flourished 10 Karnataka during the 9th 10th centuries The Tasastilaka" of Somadeta refers to a roving group of monks and auns under the guidance of the sage Sudatta, who did not allow the Jaina monks to stay in the monasteries of Rajapura for this would make them worldly Gunabhadra in his Almanusasana refers to the vanavasi monks who were completely devoid of posses SIOTIS 3 Though the two modes of monastic life existed side by sidc in Karnataka settled life gained ascendency over the 1 2 3 El x1 pp 190ff Yasasiriaka pt 1 BK 1 p 10A N Upadhye (ed) Alonusasana v 149 pp 141 2

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka nataka 307 wandering life. The settlement of monks in monasteries faci. litated possession of vast cconomic resources including both movable and immovable property. They now erected and renovated the dilapidated Jaina monasteries, and added charity houses to them for the benefit of the Jaina ascctics as well as the sick and poor persons. The change in the conduct of the Jaina monks is clearly indicated by Indranandi. He refers in his Nilisaral to the monks who renovated decaying Jaina basadis, provided food to the ascetics and distributed charity out of their wealth. It is evident that the Jaina monks frequently evaded the cstablished rules against non-possession of property an essential prerequisite for the purity of the monk's life. Other rules governing the conduct of the Jaina monks also became lax. All this is evident from the Almanusasana of Gunabhadra. It laments the shortage of virtuous monks and complains against the vices that had crept in the monastic life of his time. It states that the monks unable to endure hardship sought resort in the villages just as a deer runs away from the forest at the sight of the lion at night." Somadeva too in his rasastilaka notes the paucity of the monks of mcrit. Still he encourages the Jaina laity to revere them on the ground that they (the monks) are the incarnations of the ancient monks. He advises the householders not to test the purity of monks for giving gift; the householders are purified by the mere act of giving donation. All this would suggest degradation from the original standard of the monk's conduct in the monasteries. It was possibly the chief reason why Somadeva emphasised the mere act of making gifts rather than the purity of the monk's conduct. The transition in the mode of monk's living produced certain important consequences. Permanent residence helped the organisation of the Jaina church in Karnataka into one compact unit during the early medieval age. It is thought 1. Nitisara, vv. 48-50, cited in N.R. Premi, op. cit., p. 487. 2. A. N. Upadhye, (ed.). A imanusasana, v. 197. 3. Yasastilaka, pt. ii, BK viii, p. 407. 4. Ibid.

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108 Jainism in Carl, Medieval karnatal a that in the beginning of the Christian cra thc Digambaras had to live in a new region and face the new pcoplc, so they had to impress the people there more by their puritan bchiviour than by organised inonastic lifc1 The crcation development and preservation of the sacred texts of the Jainas was a notable achievement of the new monastic lifc in Karnatak? Frec from thc worries of constant movements, the monks des eloped a sense of religious solidarity and devoted much time and energy to the study and exposition of the Jaina scriptures The rise of Katya and Puranic literature and the des clop ment of regional languages may be attributed to the Jaina monks and preceptors who lived in the monasteries They mastered the various south Indian languages besides Sans krit and Apabhramsa for the propagation of the Jaina saith among the people and enriched the different branches of learning such as philosophy ethics grammar logic, mathematics etc Pujyapada who was the preceptor of the Ganga hing Durvinita wrote several important Sanskrit works The Sabdavatara on the sulras of Panini the Sartarthasiddh, and the Fainendra Vyakarana are all attributed to him Ravisena who composed the Jaina Ramayana known as the Padmapurana flourished during the 6th 7th centuries Besides the Jaina acaryas such as Virasena Jinasena Gunabhadra and Soma deva cultivated Sanskrit with great vigour Akala ha regarded as the founder of the medicval school of logic, was followed by Prabhacandra, Vidyanandi and Vadighangala Bhatta The last one was well-versed in the three schools of logic and in the Lokayafa Sanhhva Vedanta and Bauddha systems of philosophy' The period that covered the 9th-10th centurics proved to be the most eventful in the growth of Kannada literature Pampa, Ponna and Ranna the three literary gems of our period made valuable contributions to Kannada literature The Jainas continued to i SB Deo, op cit p 361 2 MAR 1921 pp 23-4

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Origin and Growth of Faina Monachism in Karnataka 109 monopolise the Kannada literature in the 11th-12th centuries, With the exception of one or two, ali poets, from the beginning to the middle of the 12th century, were of the Jaina faith ? Among the eminent Kannada poets, Sridharacarya, Karmaparya and Ncmicandra figured prominently in Jaina literature. Kanti, the earliest Jaina poetess in Kannada, also belonged to the 12th century." Social basis of the Faina Monasteries in Karnataka Since the monks and nuns began to live in fixed abodes in the midst of lay communities, they entered into constant social intercourse with the lay votaries in Karnataka during early medieval times. The Jaina monasteries were socially organised in such a way as to catcr to the needs of all the classes of the Jaina society not only through religious teachings but also advice on political matters. The Jaina epigraphs as well as the literary texts from Kainataka reveal that some of the Jaina teachers acted as preceptors or instructors to kings, princes, and feudal lords who ruled over different parts of Karnataka. Pujyapada, Jinasena, Gunabliadra, Ajitasena-bhattaraka and Vadigliangala Bhatta were some of the prominent Jaina teachers who took active interest in the day to day activities of the royal courts. Vadighangala Bhatta's advice to the Rastrakuta King Krsna III enabled the latter to conquer all regions.3 The Nilivakjamrta represents Somadeva as a political thinker who composed this work for the guidance of the kings of Karnataka just as Machiavelli wrote The Prince to guide the Italian monaichs. Both Jinasena and Sonadeva recognised the system of caste and enjoined the Jaina laity to adhere to their hereditary occupations in order to safeguard the interest of the ruling class. In the 11th-12th centuries, the Jaina teachers showed equal interest in managing the affairs of the Kingdoms in Karnataka. Vardhainanadeya, for example, took prominent part in the administration of the Hoysala kingdom during the time of Vinayaditya. Besides, Municandra, who is styled as Ratta raja-guru, gained 1. G.S. Halapa, "Literary History of Karnataka", Studies in Indian History and Culture, ed Srinivas Ritti, pp. 467-76. 2. S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 101. 3. MAR, 1921, pp. 23-4. -

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110 Jainism in Carl, Medieval Karnataka eminence not only as an administrator but also as a military general who extended the territory of the Rattas and established their authority on a firm footing + Thus the Jainas adopted the method and tactics of the Brahmanas in order to maintain their social status at the royal courts The patronage of the ruling class in early medieval times transformed the Jaina faith from a merc tissue of teachings into a living force in Karnataha politics" A large number of Jaina epigraphs show that the people belonging to tlie upper strata of the Jaina society made the maximum number of endowments either to some Jaina establishments or particular Jaina monks The Kadambas the Gangas the western Calukyas, the Rastrakutas the later western Calukyas, and the Hoysalas championed the cause of Jainism in Karnataka during the 5th-12th centuries They gave regular gifts for the upkeep of the saina monasteries and the benefit of the different sects of the Digambaras The class of nobility consisting mainly of the feudatory vassals provincial governors and the military generals stood next to kings in patronising the Jaina faith in Karnataka The earliest example of such benefaction is furnished by the copper plate grant of the western Calukya king Pulakesin It refers to Samiyara, a feudatory of Pulahesin who built a Jaina temple in 489 in the city of Alaktanagara and gave certain lands to it 3 Although instances of benefactions made by feudatories to the Jainas and their establishments are meagre during the 6th 7th centuries their number is impressive during the 8th 12th centuries when every attempt was made by the feudal lords of Mysore to add to the strength of the Jaina dharma 4 Cali-Raja, who is styled as an adhiraja of the entire Ganga mandala in an inscription of the 9th century, was a feudatory of the Rastrakuta king Govinda III He is said to have requested his lord to grant the village of Jalimangala to a Jaina monk Arkahisti as remuneration for removing the evil influence of Saturn from that of Vimaladitya the Governor of Kunangil districts IPB Desai op cit P114 4 BA Saletore op cit p 87 2 B A Saletorc op cit p 87 5 EC xu 61 Gb pp 30 1 3 18 v1, no xli, pp 709 15

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 111 Among the Ratta chiefs, the maha samanta Pythvirama appears to be a devout Jaina. He erected a Jaina temple at Saundatti in the Belgaum district of Mysore in the reign of Kssna II and allotted eighteen nivartanas of land situated at four different places to it. He was a lay disciple of Indrakirtisvami of the Mailapatirtha and Kareya gana.? In 980 Santivarma, who served the Calukya king of Kalyana, Taila II, gave one hundred and fifty nivartanes of land to the Jaina temple that he had built at Saundatti. His mother, Nijiyabbe, also granted one hundred and fifty nivartanas of cultivable land to the same Jaina temple.2 The practice of extending patronage to Jaina establishments persisted among the princes of the Ratta family in the 11th-12th centuries. In 1048 the mahasamanta Ajka, who probably belonged to some other branch of the family than that of Prthvirama, made a gift of land to a Jaina temple, Kartavirya II renewed the grant of land made by Prthvirama in the 10th century; his wife also made suitable provisions for the promotion of the Jaina saith. In 1098 Kankakaira II, who was the elder brother of Kartavirya II, donatcd land to his teacher Kankaprabha Siddhantadeva, who was well-versed in the Jaina philosophy. Moreover, an epigraph from Saundatti, dated 1228,6 described Laksmideva II as the disciple of the famous Jaina teacher Municandra, who took active interest in consolidating the Ratta power in the 13th century. Ladies belonging to the family of chiefs and nobles showed equal enthusiasm for the construction and upkeep of the Jaina monasteries. The most important of them was Kandaci, the wife of the feudatory chief Paramagula, who lived during the reign of the Ganga king Sripurusa. In 776 she built the Lokatilaka Jinalaya which was endowed with the village Ponnalli included in the Nirgunda country.? Candi 1. JBBRAS, X, op. 194f7; BKI, iv, no. 13, p. 11. 2. Ibid, pp 204ff. 3. Ibid, x, pp. 172-3, cited in P.B. Desai, op. cit, p. 114. 4. Ibid. 6. BKI, iv, no 62, p. 75. 6. JBBRAS, X, pp. 200ff. 7. EC, iv, Ng. 85, pp. 134-5.

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112 Jainism in Carls Medieval Tiarnataka yabbe 1 another lady, gave a piece of land and 3 gold gadjanas to the basadi which she had built in Vandavara in the 10th century Similar examples of women of the ruling class, who gained eminence for crecting basadis and maintaining them with endowments of land and village, are availablc from the 11th 12th centurics In 1007 Attimabbe the safe of the general Nagadeva constructed a Jaina temple at Lakhundi in the Gadag talug of the Dharwar district and endowed it with the gift of land The gift nas handed over to Arbanandi-Pandita of the Surastra gana and Kaurur gaccha" In about 1050 Poccabbarsi built a basadi and endowed it with land in 1058 3 Malala Devi, wife of Kirtideva constructed another Jaina temple in 1077 and granted the village Siddani in Kuppatur Kaliyakka, the wife of an official of the western Calukya king Tribhuvanamalla Deva, caused to be made a Jaina temple in Sambanur in the Davangere taluq of the Chitaldroog district in 1128 and gavc a gift of land for the services of the god and for the maintenance of priests living there 5 Epigraphic evidence from early medieval Karnataka may be adduced to prove that often such state officers as villageheadmen who figure in inscriptions as galundas also made munificent endowments to the Jaina monasteries An undated epigraph assigned to the middle of the Sth century registers a gift of land for the charity house attached to the Jaina monastery constructed by Dharmagavunda It also records a grant of wet land for the benefit of the same Jaina temple by Donagavunda 6 Nagamayya son of the gavindasvami of Tairur, built a stone temple of Jinendra and gave one handuga of land for its maintenance in the 9th century * In 933 Ballajja, the gavunda of Kavujageri donated land for the Jaina temples and mathas crected by him at Kavujageri and other places in the Ron taluq of the Dharwar district & In 959 the gavunda CONT HA UN SII 1X pt i no 62 P 35 BKI 1 pt i no 52 p 39 EC 1x, Cg 35 37 P 13 4 Ibid viu Sb 269 PP 412 Ibid X1 Dg 90 pp 68 9 AI, 1, no 3 pp 45 CC 111 Md 13 P 38 BIT i pt i no 3 p 21

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataha 113 sami Kalteyamma and others granted land and money for imparting education and the expenses of the Jaina monastery attached to the Jaina temple at Soralur in the same district. The gift was entrusted to the care of Bhimarasi-bhatara.1 An epigraph from Konnur dated 10872 refers to Nidhiyama gayunga who erected a Jaina temple at Konqanuru in the Gokak taluq of the Belgaum district and gave a gift of land to his teacher Sridharadeva, who belonged to the Balatkaragana of the Mula sangha. Another record of 1160% i egisters the construction of a basadi by the Hoysala gavunda which was endowed with land obtained by the Hoysa!a king. Similar attempts of temple construction were made by Bithigavunda, who donated the village Madahalli for repairing the temple and performing worship therein in the last decade of the 12th century. The early Jaina recordss from Karnataka do not furnish any information about the support of the mercantile people to Jaina religious institutions. The merchants seem to have appeared first in the donative records of the 10th century, when some merchant donors are said to have financed Jaina establishments. An inscriptions from Mulgund in Dharwar district, dated 902-3, speaks of Cikarya, son of Candrarya of the Vaisya caste, as the founder of a local Jaina temple. Cikaryas' son Arasarya also donated land for the maintenance of the establishment. It further registers gift of another piece of land to the same temple by the trading guilds of 360 merchants. Another record of 950 refers to certain unnamed satcis (merchants) who made an annual grant of fixed amount for the Jaina temple during the reign of the saniara king Jinadatta-Raya. Except these two epigraphs, we do not come across any evidence of gifts and donations made by the merchants to the Jaina sanctuaries between the 5th and the 1. BX1, no. 39, p. 21. 2 JBBRAS, X, pp. 287ff Es, vi, Md, 63, pp. 12-3. 4. Ibid, iv, Gu, 27, p, 40 5. Top, List of Inscriptiont, i, p. 265. 0. El, xiii, pp. 190ff. 7. EC, vii, ch. 114, p. 37.

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114 Jarism in Carlz Medical Karnatala 10th centuries The comptrative paucity of evidence of the mercantile support to Jainism during the 3th 19th centuries mas be attributcd to the decline of trade and commerce which undermined the economic and social status of merchants during this period It was not until the 10th century that the trade with the Arab and the Chinese world was revived, merchants reemerged as a dominant social group not only in Karnataka but also in the whole of South India 1 Thus, the began to figure prominently in the donative records of the later western Calukyas and the Hoysalas who ruled over Karnataka during the 11th 12th centuries In addition to the decline of trade and commerce the purutan practices of the Junas also retarded the progress of Jainism among the commercial communities in Karnataka who found it difficult to follon its rigid relig ous observances in the early s ages As the Jainis become more lax in the obsersance of their monastic conduct and practices by the 9th 10ih centuries it was easy for them to embrace Jainism From the 17th centuri onu ards the number of bencfactions by the mercantile class to Juna establishments secins to have considerably incieased in Karnataka Of the various hinds of gifts made by merchants donations of land and village seem to have been fanly common as can be gleaned from several donative records of our period in a record of Humcca dated 10622 Pattanasi ami Nokk?) a Setti figures not only as the builder of a Jinalayi but also the donor of the village Molalere which he had purchased from the Santara Ling at the cost of 100 gadjanas Another record of 10693 refers to inc pious sorl of Manila Setti tho is said to harc built a Jaina basadi at Vattavira and endoi ed it with rich gifts of land The Hoysala hing I inayaditya II also donated the in come incurred from the pacidy crops in the village of Nadali i For a detailed d scuss on of the revival of trade in about the 10th centur sce RC Vazi mdar (ed) The Sin ggle for Empre pp 3? 3 Journal of Indian History XW (1951) 19-13 Appadorai Economic Conditions of So dien Indra u 483 218 EC 11 Nr os pp 103 4 3 MAR 1932 pp 17"

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 115 and built several houses near the basadi. In 10781 Maci Setti and his younger brother Kali Setti gave a gift of land together with customs dues for the maintenance of the NakharaJainalaya at Sravana Belgola. Similar endowment of land is referred to in a donative record of 1080deg which records the construction of a Jaina temple in Shikarpur by Bincya Bammu Selti and registers a gift of land for its maintenance. Apart from gifts of land and village, merchants are also recorded to have donated gold, oil-mills, gardens and money in cash for the benefit of Jaina sanctuaries. In 10593 Biaya Setti made a gift of gold for the Nagara Jinalaya at Dambal in the Dharwar district. In 10964 Sovi Secti gave a gift of garden to Carukirti-Pandita of the Yapaniya sangha at Doni in the same district. Nolabbi Setti donated two vil mills 2014 gardens for the Trikuta Jinalaya in 1125, Still another record of Sravana-Belgola, dated 1175 tells us that all the merchants of this holy place promised to pay annually certain dues on Coral to provide for flowers in the Jaina temples of Gommatadeva and Parsvadeva, That the Karnataka merchanis made lavish donations to Jaina religious institutions is amply proved by no less than ten examples of land and village endowments recorded in the 12th century epigraphs. Donative records of the merchants also indicate the growing authority of the trading communities over the religious bodies during the 12th-13th centuries. Thus in a record of 1105 the merchants of Sravana-Belgola arc said to have been entrusced with the task of protecting the Nagara Jinalaya built by the Hoysala minister Nagadeva.? In the same record, 1. EG, xit, Tp. 101, pp 6:-2. 2. Ibid. vii, Sk. 8, p. 39. 3. BKI, i, pt. i, no. 94,p. 89. Ibid 1, pt ii, no 140, p. 169 - 5. EC, ii, SB 211, p. 103. b, EC, vii, Sh 37, A D. 1115, p 23; EC, ii, SB 137, AD 1117, P 64; EC, iv, Ng. 103, A.D. 1120, p 141; ibid iv, Kr. 3, AD. 1 125, p. 99; MAR, 1030, p. 247; KT. 1, pp. 63-4; MAR, 1943, p. 75; EC, v, Hn. 129, A.D. 1140, p. 36; ibid. v, Ak. 1, AD 1169, pp. 112-3; ibid. iv, Ng. 70, A.D. 1178, P. 130. 7. EC, ir, SB 335, pp. 1424.

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116 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka the newly emergent merchant class traced their descent from the eminent lincage of Khandali and Malabhadra. It also proves their intense desire for gaining social status. From the above analysis of the social basis of Jaina monasteries it is clear that Jainism prevailed among all sections of Karnataka society during carly mcdicval period. But the number of donors from the upper classes was greater than from the merchants and commoners. Economic Aspects of the Faina Monasteries in liarnataka The material basis of the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka was provided by the generous benefactions, bestowed upon them by the princes and rich persons. Generally the villages and plots of land were made over to the Jaina monks and they formed the chief source of income of the Jaina monasteries. Such villages were declared ro be lax-free. The beneficiaries were given the right to collect taxes and other dues, previously paid to the state treasury. These economic advantages became almost permanent because grants were usually renewed by the donors. The Kadamba Copper plates state that the Kadamba king Harivarma perpetuated the grant of the village for feeding the Jaina ascetics and for the performance of the temple Tituals, which Mrgesavarma had built at Halsi in the Belgaum district in the 6th century. In another record of 859 Naganandyacarya is said to have received the gift of land on behalf of the Nagula basadi for his life time.3 In some cases the donors fixed the income derived from the benefactions, and the inhabitants were asked to pay it regularly to the donee. In the reign of the Ganga king Racaqnalla II, twelve small villages of Biliyur in Peddoregare were donated to the Satyavakya Jaina temple and the revenues derived from these villages amounted to 80 gadyanas of gold and 800 measures of paddy. Sivanandi was given the right to collect them for meeting the expenses of the Jaina temple. In 1. EC, ii, SB 335, pp. 142-4, IA, vi, no. 25, p. 31. 3. KI, ii, no. 5, p. 16. 4. EC, i, Cg. 2, pp. 52-3.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 968 the mahasamanta Pandiga fixed the rent of the two villages at the rate of 50 gadyanas. In the same century the Ganga king Marasimha II gave the gift of the village named Bagiyur and the income from it was fixed at the rate of 20 gadyanas in cash and 12 kandugas in grain.2 * Cultivable fields, gardens, oilmills and the customs duties constituted another important source of income for the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka. As the donated fields were generally arable and wet lands, the monasteries earned considerable income from their cornfields and fruit gardens. 117 Inscriptions do not throw light on the actual tillers of the vast tracts of donated lands, owned by the Jaina monasteries. If Devasena, the author of Darsanasara, is to be believed, a section of the Jaina monks, belonging to the Dravida-sangha, engaged themselves in cultivation. He states that Vajranandi, the founder of the sangha, accummulated great demerits by cultivating the land and carrying on mercantile activities to earn livelihood 3 But in general the Jaina monks did not follow this practice. Generally the monks had nothing to do directly with cultivation. Possibly they got the land cultivated through peasants on the basis of lease or sharecropping or overseers and agricultural labourers may have been employed for looking after the lands under the direct cultivation of the Jaina establishments. Very scanty evidence is available to find out the actual share of the produce collected by the monks from their tenants. From a record of the 9th century it can be inferred that the Jaina beneficiary was empowered to collect 1/10 of the produce of Padeyur. But we cannot say whether this practice prevailed in all parts of Mysore in the period under our study. The safety and preservation of the economic rights were 1. EC. xi, Cd. 74, p. 16. 2 MAR, 1921, pp. 23-4. 3. N.R. Premi, (ed.), Darsanasara, vv, 24.7, pp. 12-3. 4. EC, ix, NL 61, pp. 44-5

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lis Jainism in Early Medieval tiarnataka guarantced by the donors under moral threals. The alicnation of the donated land is held as heinous crimc for thc Jainas in the imprccalory vcrses of the records. Thc person who confiscates the grant through grecd or impicty is declared to be guilty of the five great sins. The property of the gods is called dreadful poison, for it is considered capable of destroying not only the seizer but also his sons and grandsons.? Moreover, the monks themselves took the task of defending the monasteries and their huge wealth from the aggressors. A record of the 10th century tells us about Moni-bhatara, a disciple of Gunacandra-bhatara, who protected the Jaina *monastery of Kellangere at the cost of his life,>> when Ballapa tried to capture it in the reign of the Ganga king Butuga, The Jaina monks enjoyed not only fiscal but also administrative rights over the lands assigned to the monastcrics. An cpigraph of the 10th century speaks of the administration of the village Pasundi or modern Asundi in the Gadag taluq of the Dharwar district by the preceptor, Candraprabha-bhatara, the high priest of Dhora. Jinalaya at Bankapur. The village evidently came as an endowment to the Jaina temple. Another record of the same century refers to Srivara-Matisagara-Pandita as the ruler of Sravana-Belgola, which was the chief centre of the Jaina monastic organisations. Though the early records are silent about the grant of the administrative rights, it was difficult to cnforce fiscal rights without some measure of administrative authority. It seems that the monasteries were equally frce from royal interference in matters of administration at least from the 10th century. For the maintenance of law and order in the area assigned to thein, they may have depended upon the kings. Inscriptions show that the monks, who were the custodians of the Jaina monasteries, wielded considerable control 1. IA, vii, nos. 35-fi. 2. EC, i, Cg 1, p. 51. 3. lhid, v, BL 123, p. 80. 4. BKI, i, pt. i, no. 34, p. 20, cited in P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 139. 5. EC, iii, Sr. 148, p. 34.

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Origin and Growth of Faina Monachism in Karnataka 119 over the lands granted to the Jaina institutions. We have instances to show that they alienated land in favour of some other religious establishments or secular persons. Srinandi Pandita is said to have granted some plots of land to his lay disciple Singaya who earmarked it for the purpose of providing food for the Jaina ascetics of Gudigere. We also learn that Srsnandi-Pandita gave one hundred and eleven matlars of rent-frec land to the twelve gavundas, and fifteen mattars of land to Rudrayya, the son of the Pergade Prabhakara, as a sotdanamasya grant to a Jaina temple of Santinatha which had been built by Somcsvara 11.1 The monks, who were granted huge land for enjoyment and maintenance of the Jaina monastcrics, emerged as a land owning class in Karnataka during carly medieval times. As they did not cultivate the land themselves but got it cultivated by their tenants, they may be regarded as the landed intermediaries between the donors and the real cultivators. Moreover, since the donce was cmpowered to alienate land in favour of sccular persons, this gave rise to sub-infeudation which undermined the position of the actual tillers of the soil. Thus, we notice a few traits of the feudal system in the Jaina monastic organisation during the period under review. Professor R. S Sharma' has suggested that with grants of land free from royal interfcrence, the Buddhjst temples and monasteries grew into later mathas which assumed a feudal character. We observe some feudal tendencies even in the land and village grants made to the Jaina monasteries which cnjoyed full freedom from royal interference. Proliferation of Monastic Orders The proliferation of the monastic organisations in early medicval Karnataka is evident from the contemporary Jaina epigraphs. The monastic order, referred to in the early records of the Gangas and the Kadambas, was evidently the Mala sangha. An inscription of 3703 refers only to the Mula sangha 1. IA, viii, pp. 36-7. 2. R.S. Sbarma, Light on Early Indian Society and Economy, p. 150. EC, X, ML 73, p. 172.

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120 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka and in another record of 4251 Candranandi and other monks are said to have belonged to the same monastic order. But later records use such terms as the sangha, gana and gaccha to indicate the monastic orders of the Digambaras. Anvaya is first met with in a fifih century inscription which refers to Kundakundanvaya. The records of thc 7thSth centuries are repictc with references to gana. A SravanaBelgola record of the 8th century mentions Aji-gana of the Nimilur Sangha. Mention is also made of Devagana' and Paralura gana: in the epigraphs of the western Calukya kings during the same century. Similarly, the term gaccha which appears in a copper plate grant of Sripurusa in the 8th century, refers to Eregitturgana and Pulikalgaccha. The multiplication of the monasticorders is also apparent from the fact that several terms are used to explain the position of a particular order in the monastic gradations. In the 8th century, an inscription refers to three divisions of the monastic orders such as the Nandi sangha, Eregittur gana and Pulikal gaccha,? In the 9th century, the Alula Sangha had its subdivisions damed Desiya gana and Pustaka gaccha. The Pogariya gana is mentioned as a branch of the Sena-anvaya, subdivisions of the Mulasanglia in the same century. The cpigraphs of the 10th century also refer to the hierarchical gradations of the monastic orders. The Dravida Sangha, for example, consisted of Kundakundanvaya and Pustaka gaccha during the 10th century.10 Further subdivisions into four or five grades are referred to in later epigraphs. An cpigraph of 1098 refers to as many as four gradations of the monastic 1. EC, xv, ML 73, p. 172. 2. Ibid. i, Cg 1, p 51. 3. Ibid i1, SB 97, p 43. 4. BKI, iv, no. 7, p. 7. 5. Ibid. no. 2, p. 9; KI, i, no. 3, pp. 4-5. 6 EC, 1v, Ng 85, pp. 134-5. 7. Ibid. Ng 85, pp. 134-5. 8. EI, vi, p. 36. Ibid. x, pp. 65 T. 10. EC, vi, Md 11, p. 60.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka order such as the Mula Sangha, Desiya gana, Pustaka gaccha and Piriyasamudaya.1 The monastic orders mentioned above suffered from internal bickerings, which first appeared in the Mula Sangha, the oldest monastic order of the Digambara monks. This united original order first split into two permanent sects, the Digambaras who remained completely nude and the Svetambaras who put on white cloth to cover nudity in the first-second centuries. The presence of the Svetambaras is attested by the Kadamba Copper Plates of the 5th century. They obtained considerable success in proselytizing the south Indian people in the beginning but subsequently lagged behind the Digambaras and almost vanished from the scene." The Digambara monastic order figured prominently in the history of the Jaina Church of south India. They first appeared in an inscribed record of the 4th century. Candranandi and other monks of the Sri Mula Sangha are again mentioned in an another inscription of the 5th century. Kundakundanvaya, which is met in an epigraph of the same century, was possibly the synonym of the Mula Sangha. It was named after the famous Jaina teacher Kundakunda, who flourished in the south during the early years of the Christian era. $ 121 The Yapaniya Sangha which was another important monastic order, next to the Mula Sangha, flourished in the northern and southern parts of Karnataka. It had much in common with both the Digambaras and the Svetambaras, and its teachers played a distinguished role in propagating the Jaina faith in south India and influencing its monastic traditiThe influence was exercised from Karnataka, which was the main sphere of the Yapaniya activities Excepting one or two stray references to their existence in the Telgu country, ons. 1. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 247. 2. Ibid. p. 98. 3. EC, x, ML 73, pp. 172-3. 4. Ibid. ML 72, p. 172. 5. Ibid 1, Cg I, p. 51.

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122 Jainism 2n Earl, Medieval larnataka the Yupaniyas are not met with in other parts of south India 1 This is clearly proved by the Kadamba records of the 5th 6th centuries Thev show that Palasika or modern Halsi in the Belgaum district was the chief stronghold of this order At this place lived also the Virgranthas and the Kurcabas "but the Yapaniy as were possibly more important Ravivarma donat cd land for providing food to the Yapanfya ascetics during the four months of the rainy season 3 Devavarma another king of the Kadamba dynasty also gave land at Siddakedara 1o them 4 Ravikirti belonged to the Yapaniya Sangha5 and constructed a Jaina temple at Anhole in the Bijapur district in the 7th century 6 All this indicates the increasing importance of the Yapaniya order in the kingdom of the western Calukya Kings The monks of the Yapanisa order are seen active at Silagrama to the west of Many apura in the Gubbi taluq of the Tumhur district in the first quarter of the 9th century in the reign of the Rastrakuta king Govinda III ? As thc epigraph refers to Arkakirti a well known monk of the Yapaniya Nandi sangha and Punnagavrbsamalagana the order started in the Rastrabuta kingdom in the middle of the 8th century Thus epigraph also shoss the monastic subdivis ons of the Yapaniya Sangha A record of the 10th century which has bccn found at Saundarti in the Belgaum district refers to Indrahiiti and other monks as belonging to the Kareya gana 8 In another epigraph of the same century, Bahubali bhattaraha is said to have belonged to the Kandur gana * Both the Karcya gana and the Kandur gana formed branches of the Yapaniya Sangha during early medieval times Evidently the Yapaniya Sangha exercised great influence upon the Jainas of Karnataka, and IPB Dea op ct p 98 2 IA v no 21 p 25 3 Ibid po 2o p 27 4 Ibid 11 no 3) PP 34 - 5 JBU (May 1933) p 233 18 vi PP 237-45 EI v EC X Gb 61 pp 30 1 8 JBBR 45 % PP 194 ff 9 lb d pp 701 ff ao WN P 12

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Origin and Growvih of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 123 it developed several important centres such as the Halsi and Saundaiti in the Belgaum district, Aihole in the Bijapur district and Silagrama in the Tumkur district of Mysore. Some other Jaina records from Karnataka reveal an interesting information about the role of the Yapaniyas who concentrated their religious activities in the rcgion around Dharwar, Kolhapur and Sedain in thc Gulbaraga district during the 11th-12th centuries. They did pioneer work for popularising the worship of the mollier goddesses in Karnataka Jayakirtideva of the Yapaniya Sangha is recorded to have built a temple for the Jaina goddess Jvalamalini at Javur in the Navalgund taluq of thc Dharwar district.1 Besides Javur, Doni, Honnur and Sedam were other important scats of the Yapaniya sect In 1079 Soviseiti constructed a Jajna temple at Doni in the Dhar. war district and endowed it with a gift of land. CarukirtiPandita of the Yapadiya Sangha received the gift.In 1110 Bammagavunda erected another Jaina basadi at Honnur in the Kolhapur region, who belonged to the Punnagavsksamulagana. a branch of the Yapanjya Sangha. From the above records it is clear that the monks of the Yopaniya Sangha contributed much to the growth of tantric practices in Karnataka during early medieval times. The epigraphs of the 8th and the 10th centuries show that several new monastic orders were formed in the Hassan and Banglore districts of Mysore. The inscriptions at SravanaBelgola rcfer to the existence of four monastic orders such as the Navilur, Kittur, Kolattur and Malanur Sangha in the 8th century. All these orders seem to have derived their names from the places where they originated. Thus, we notice territorial influence upon the formation of the Jaina Sangha in Karnataka in early medieval times. These monastic orders may have been the result of personal zeal of the Jaina monks who lived and practised the faith at those places. They were perhaps the descendants of the early preceptors such as Prabha. 1. P.B Desai, op. cit, p. 143. 2. Ibid. p. 144. 8. Ibid. p 119

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka candra1 and Aristanemi, who performed religious suicide on the summit of Candragiri hill at Sravana-Belgola in the 7th century. After the death of the teachers the disciples probably founded new monastic orders at different places. 124 Of four monastic orders mentioned above, the Navilur Sangha was known by different names such as the Namilur3 and Nimilar Sangha The Mayargrama Sangha, which appears in an inscription of the 8th century, may also be identified with the Namalur Sangha, because the same inscription refers to the nun Prabhavati of the fortunate Namilur Sangha and Damitamats of the Mayurgrama Sangha,* and both are stated to have performed the religious rite known as the sallekhana at the same place. The other monastic order was the Kittur Sangha. Rice has identified Kittur with Kirtipura, the capital of Punnad 10,000 in the 3rd century. Its present site is modern Kittur, which lay to the south of the present Mysore state. The Kolattur Sangha," which is the third monastic order, remains unidentified so far. The Malanur-Sangha,10 founded in the 8th century, was possibly connected with the Dravida Sangha, because it is described as a branch of the Senagana and Dravida-Sangha in a record of the 11th century. 8 Besides the above-mentioned ascetic orders of the Digambara monks, the Dravida Sangha deserves special mention, for it played an important role in advancing the new monasticism in Karnataka. Its origin and date, owing to the contradictory references in literary texts and inscriptions, have been so far under debate. Devasena in his Darianasara states 1. EC, ii, SBI, p. 1. 2. Ibid. SB. II, p. 4. 3. Ibid. SB 109, p. 45; ibid. SB 114, pp. 45-6. 4. Ibid. SB 97, p. 43. 5. Ibid. SB 108, p. 45. 6. Ibid. SB 114, p. 45. 7. Ibid. SB 81, p. 41. 8. Lewis Rice, Mysore Gazetteer, ii, p. 223. 9. EC, ii, SB 92, 93 a-d 96, p. 43. 10. Ibid. SB 25, p. 6. 11. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 221.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 125 that it was founded by Vajranandi, a disciple of Pujyapada, at Madura in the Vikram cra 526 which corresponds to 469.1 But on the basis of the epigraphic evidence Saletore concludes that the Dravida Sangha at Madura was set up by Vajranandi in the last quarter of the 9th century or in the first quarter of the 10th century.* Desai also associales the Dravida-Sangha with the Tamil country. He citcs an inscription from Sravana-Bcigola dated 700, which refers to Pattini-Gurvadigal, who observed the row of sallelhana on the Candragiri hill. He analyses the term Pattini as a Tamil expression which is commonly met in the inscriptions of the Tamil country. But the view that the Drayida Sangha originated in Tamil Nadu is hardly convincing because we get hardly a reference to this sect in the inscriptions of the Tamil country. On the other hand, numerous inscriptions from Karnataka speak of its existence in the Kannada country. On account of its connection with the Kannada region, R. N. Nandi" rightly rejects the above-mentioned view and states that the Dravida Sangha originated and flourished in Karnataka during early mcdieval times. He bases his opinion on thc study of the Jvalinkalpa, which was composed by Indranandi in 939 Indranandi who belonged to the Dravida Sangha, mcntions five generations of preceptors from Helacarya, the head of the Dravida Sangha. Counting 25 years for cach gencration Helacarya can be placed in the first quarter of the 9th century, when the order was founded by Vajranandi. The text also refers to Nilagiri near Hemagrama 1 Mysore where Helacarya propitiated Jvalamalini.5 The description of the Dravida Sangha as a subdivision of the Mula Sangha also shows that the order originated in Mysore and belonged to the Jainas of Mysore. In 1040 the scct is characterized as a branch of the Mala Sangha. It is also referred to as a subscct of the Kundakundanvaya. 1. N.R. Prendi, (ed.), Darsanasara, v. 22, p. 13. 2. B.A. Saletore, op. cit., p. 238. 3. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 222. 4. R.N. Nandi, Religious Institutions and cults in the Deccon, pp. 62. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid.

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126 Jainism in Kris Ardir al lurrainn Thc Desigana, variously known 4* Drilyn, Det and Dcsika in thc cpigraphs from siravani-Blon and other platt*. cmcrgcd as an imprrtant monastic order tofilin Dicarilyn monks. An cpigrapli of00cirserilas Tritilayeta 217 bcunsing to the Pustaka gaccha, Dustya sana sif the 19la Sanma. Further references are found in the irrords of the 10:11-1} dit centuries. The Pustaka gaccha, which was an important branch of this order, is referird to in the inscriptions of our prrini Govind Pai states that the country triven the western Ghats, the Karnataka country of ancient and mrdic al times and thc Godavari river was known as 225an tire m ulris of the Nandi-sarigha who settled in this area called their ozdce as the Desi gana,? Clcarly the word rest is derived fron :ic Sanskrit desa which means liomciand. Porubly fic inanks of this order belonged to the native Digambara Church of the soutli, for it is frcquently referred to as a branch of the litla sangha or Kundakund invaya, which tras the oldest monastic order in Karnataka. Divergent doctrines and rituals led to differences between the monks and caused the prolifera'jrin of the Digan. bara ascetic orders. The followers of the Yapaniya Sariglia, which won wide popularity in Karnalaha during the period under rcvicw, developed their own thcology. Contrary to thic opinion of the Digambaras, they advocated salvation for women, householders and even the followers of the other faiths. They put on whicc dress as against the Digambara practice of nudity. The liberal attitude of the Yripanfyas towards women made this scct popular with women in Karnataka. They were the early pioneers of the reformation movcinent in thc Jaina Church of south India, and their csampic and precept might have been followed and assimilated by the (cachers of screral other monastic orders in Karnatakay during carly mcdicval times. The foundation of thc Dravida Sangha during the carly part of the 9th century was also the result of the 1, 2. 3. E1, vi, p. 36. JA, i, no. 2, pp. 65 ff. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 167.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Tiarnataka dlaka 127 transgression of the old ascetic practices. Vajranandi, the founder of this Sangha, demanded considerable degree of latitude in matters relating to habitation and dietary practices. He allowed his followers to take anything that they liked, to bathe in cold water apd to take food in any position against the prevailing rule of taking food in standing position. Kumaram sena, who founded thc Kastha Sangha was expelled from his original Sangha because he discredited the Jaina practice of kecping the peacock feather's broom and instcad of it allowcd a broom made of the cow's tail.? Rivalry among the Jaina monks possibly for the pontifical seat, which occupicd the supreme position in the monastic organisation, also proved detrimental for the unity of the Jaina Sangha, Kumarasena probably 'failed to secure the pontifical throne which passed to his collcaguc Jinasena, and hence he defected from the parent organisation Sena sangha to found a new order. In some cases, the personality of the Jaina teachers was also responsible for ihe creation of the monastic section. We may take the example of the Senagana or the Senanvaya which becamc prominent in Mysore in the 9th century. It was originally known as the Panrastupanvaya. On account of the cmincnce attained by Virascna and Jinasena, the original Pancastupanvaya was replaced by the Senanvaya. In the Dhavala, Virasena describes himself as a member of the Pancastupanvaya while in Jayadhavala, Jina. sena identifies himself as a member of this seci.3 The Order of Nuns and their Position Nuns became the members of the Jaina monastic community since its foundation, and like monks they renounced the world for the attainment of spiritual liberation. The Ratnakaranda-sravakacara, which was composcd in the firstsecond centuries, also refers to the order of puns. It refers to the term ajji or aryiki which mcans a Jaina nun, who prepared herself for adopuing the life of asceticism in the eleventh stage 1. N.R. Premi, (ed.), Darsanasara, vv. 24-8, pp. 12-3. 2, Ibid, v. 34, p. 15. 3. N.R. Premi, op. cit, p. 127. 4. Ratnakaranda-stavakacara, pt. i, p. 147.

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128 Jainism in Earlr Medical Karnataka of the householder's life. The Varangacarita, which was composed by Jatasimhanandi in the 7th century, informs us that several queens of Varanga took in the life of a nun.1 They first paid homage to their preceptor and then went to a loncly place where they discarded their costly ornaments and dresses with the exception of a white sari (garment for a womanj to cover nudity. They removed their hair at the time of initiation ceremony.2 The term, ajji or aryita which stands for nuns, is frequeritly referred to in the Jaina epigraphs of our period. They denole probably the ordinary class of nuns. Inscriptions also refer to the term kanli or ganti which indicates a special class of nuns with higher position in the monastic organisation.s An inscription at Sravana-Belgola refers to the nun Rajnimatrganti of the illustrious Nimilar Sangha who lived in the 8th century. Similar other records commemorate the death of the nuns Anantamati-ganti,s Gunamais-avve, 6 Prabhavati and Damitamati? in the same century. This leaves no room for doubt about the existence of the order of nuns in Karnatka the early medieval age. However, the nuns did not occupy any significant position in carly monasticism. They were considered inferior to the monks. It is evident from the Malacaras which states that a newly initiated monk was superior to a nun who practised the life of a nun for a long time. She was expected to pay respect to a monk or to a teacher by folding her knces and placing them on the ground. Although the subordination of nuns to the monks persisted in the early mcdieval age, they were associated with the internal administration of the Jaina Church. Each order of 1. Vorangacarita, ch. 29, vy. 93-4, p. 292. 2. Ibid. ch. 30, v. 2, p. 293. 3. P.B, Desai, op. cit., p. 168. 4. EC, ii, SB 97, p. 43. 5. lbid. SB 98, p. 43. 6. Ibid. SB 112, p. 45. Ibid. SB 114, p. 45. 8. Mulacara, 10 : 18; cited in S.B. Deo, op. cit., P. 500:

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 129 nun was placed under the supervision of a preceptress who in her curn, was under the control of the chief pontiff. The Varangacarita, which reflected the inferior position of the order of nuns, refers to the Jaina sangha under the control of the sage Varadatta. He is said to have directed the chief nun for giving instructions to the novices. She could not initiatc a new lady into the order. Inscriptions do not give evidence of any independent monastic establishment exclusively meant for nuns. The establishment houscd both monks and nuns. No giants of land and village were made only for the benefit of nuns. In an inscription from Arasibisi in the Belguam district, dated 1047, Akkadevi made a gift of land for the benefit of Gonada Bedangi Jinalaya and for the maintenance of the Rsis and Ajjis, i.e., thc Jaina monks and nuns, attached to this rcligious establishment.? The internal administration of the order of nuns was. carried on not by the monks but by the nuns themselves. In 10713 the nun Huliyabbajjike, who was the disciple of Stinandi-Pandita of the Surastha Gana and Citrakuzanvaya, received an endowment of land for managing the affairs of the Jaina sanctuary at Soratur in the Dharwar district. She was evidently in charge of this Jaina temple and acted as the superintending priestess In 1076 Astopavasikantiyar, another nun, is said to have endowed land for the benefit of the Jaina temple of Parsvanatha at Gudigere." The increasing influence of the Jaina nuns is also shown by the fact that they cntertained men as their disciples. Pattinigurvadigal, mentioned in one inscription of Sravana-Be!go!a, was the preceptress of Ugrasena.guravaaigal.5 Arahanandi of the Valahari Gana was another monk who accepted discipleship of the nun Ayyopoti, Desai traces the continuation of i l'arangacanta, ch. 31, vv. 6ff, p. 301, 2. [I, xvii, p. 122, cited by P.B. Desa, op cit., p. 100. 3. BKT, i, pt , i, no. 111. P. 108. 4. 1A, xviii, pp 35ff. 5 EC, u, SB 25, p. 6. 6. [I, vi, no. 25, pp 177fT

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130 Jainism in Early Medical Karnataka this practice even in the 12th century. On the basis of an undated inscription, assigned to 1110, he refers to the nun Ratrimats of the Punnagavrksamula Gana of the Mala Sangha, who acted as the preccptress of the male devoice Bammagavunda. These striking examples of nuns having monks as their disciples clearly demonstrate the persistence of matriarchal traditions of the peninsular India, which affected the Jaina monastic order in Karpataka during the carly mcdieval period. Some other elements of matriarchal society such as the economic independence of women, worship of female deities or female ancestors, women's education on similar lines with males, etc., are clearly perceived among the Jaina community in Karnataka. In Karnataka Jainism, women enjoyed religious privileges almost equal to those of men. The religious independence given to Jaina women had its repurcussions in other spheres of Karnataka socicty. There is epigraphic evidence to show that a Jaina woman named Jakkiyabbe successfully discharged administrative duties in the Nagarakhanda 70 during the reign of the Rastrakuta king Krsna III. We havcalso some Jaina women who distinguished themselves in the literary circle. Kanti, who belonged to the 12th century, figures eminently as the earliest Jaina poetess in the Kannada literature. Besides, the adoration of female deities or female ancestors, which has been considered to be one of the elements of matriarchal survivals, is also proved by the worship of the Jaina goddesses in Karnataka during the 10th-12th centuries. Church Administration and Its Functions The emnergence of the Jaina monasteries, separate from the temples, in Karnataka called for a systein of discipline and organization, which could regulate the settled life of the Jaina monks and nuns. Therefore the Jainas evolved a wellregulated hicrarchy of Church officers. They were the acarya or thc chief pontiff, the upadhyaya or the preceptor, the ganadhara or the head of a gana and the Sadhu or the ordinary monk. 1. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 119. 2. Baron Omar Rolf Ehrenfels, Mother-Righi in India, p. 11.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 131 The chief pontiff stood at the head of the monastic organisation and received gift of land and villages. He was res. ponsible for the observance of proper monastic conduct. He was the only person who initiated the novices into the order and gave instructions to the preceptor to guide them in the practice of monastic conduct. He also looked after the charity houses and received lands for their maintenance. As the custodian of lands and villages for providing food to the Jaina ascetics, he commanded absolute authority over other monks who depended on him for their sustenance. The acarya administered not only the Jaina monasteries but also the temples, usually attached to them in Karnataka. For the smooth running of the temple administration and the management of its huge property, two or more temples were grouped together, less prominent of them being attached to the big nonastic establishment. An epigraph of the 10th century throws sufficient light on this development. Candra. prabha-bhatara of the Dhora-Jinalaya of Bankapur was entrusted with the task of administering the Jaina temple of Pasundi or modern Asundi in the Dharwar district. Again, an epigraph of the Calukya king Taila II, dated 992, registers the gift of lands to the five mathas, which were placed under the supervision of the sthanadhipati Ganadharadeva. In 1080 Divakaranandi-Siddhantadeva of the Kundakundanvaya and Pustakagaccha is recorded as the head of all the basadis of the Cangalva-tirtha at Panasoge or modern Hanasoge in the Yedatore taluq of the Mysore district, Though the chief pontiff enjoyed full freedom from external secular authority, in some cases the Church administration was placed under the control of a committee or a trustec which put a check on the exercise of his absolute authority. A record of 10769 tells us that Singaya, a lay 1. BX1, IV, no. 4, p. 3; ibid. nos. 6 and 7, pp. 6-7. 2. Top. List of Inscriptions, i, p. 265; IA, VI, no. 35, p 3). 3. BKI, I. pt. 1, no. 34, p. 20. SII. IX, pt. 1, no. 77, p. 47, 5. EC, IV, Yd. 23, p. 55. 6. 11, XVIII, pp. 36T.

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1 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka disciple of Srinandi-Pandita, gave land for providing food to the Jaina ascetics of Gudigere. The epigraph explicitly enjoins the king, the pandita and the twelve gatundas to see that the proceeds of the land were used for that purpose. The Jaina monasteries had also to discharge some social and economic functions for the regulation of the collective life of the monks and nuns in monasteries and the welfare of the Jaina community. The maintenance of the monasteries was a very important function. In most cases the donors showed concern for the proper upkeep of these religious establishments. It included repairing and restoration of the old and dilapidated basadis and mathas,1 carrying out new works of construction and the performance of the worship rituals therein. The term, bhagna-samskara or bhagna-kriya, which appears in the records of the Kadamba kings, clearly indicates that the monasteries had to be kept in a good state. A record of the Kadamba king Mrgesavarma registers the gift of land for sweeping out the Jaina temples. Obviously the monasteries employed sweepers and scavengers. Regular supply of food for the Jaina monks as well as the sick, poor and destitutes, was another important function of the Jaina monasterics. The Kadamba copper plates of the middle of the 5th-6th centuries speak of the provision of food in the monasteries. They show that the donor took special care to provide food for the ascetics of different Digambara sects such as the Yapaniyas, the Nirgranthas and the Kurcakas. Another record registers the donation of the village Vasantavataka for feeding the whole sect of the Digambara monks. Candraksanta was the donee who had to manage the distribution of food among the Jainas. The Jaina practice of providing food to the Jaina ascetics as well as the poor persons continued in subsequent centuries. The Mulgund record of 132 1. JA VII, nos. 35, 36, pp. 34-6; EC, IV, Ng 85, pp. 134-5, BRI, I, pt I; no 78, p. 68 2. EC, IV, Ng 85 pp. 134-5 3. IA. VII, nos. 36-7, pp 36ff. 4 Ibid. 5. IA, vi. nos. 21-2, pp. 25-7. 6. Ibid. no, 23. p. 31.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka 133 Somesvara I, dated 1059, refers to the regular supply of food to the Jainas in the 11th century.1 Bramma-Devarasa, a general of the Calukya hing also made a gift of the village for offering food to the Jaina monks in 1077.2 Another epigraph of 1145 refers to the erection of a Jaina temple by Deva-Raja, who was a minister of the Hoysala king Visnuvardhana. The king rewarded him for this meritorious work by donating land for performing worship and for free distribution of food in that Jaina temple. But the Nanjedevaragudda stone inscription found in Somepur in the Hassan district gives us the most interesting details about the management of food distribution in the Abhinava Santideva Jaina temple in Dorasamudra. The Hoysala king being pleased to see the conduct of free distribution of food in this temple made a gift of two villages to his guru Vajranandi Siddhantadeva in order to carry on this work in 1192.4 From these records it is apparent that the Jaina mathas regularly fed the monks, who either stayed in the monasteries or paid occasional visits to it during early medieval times. The Jaina monasteries also rendered valuable services to the cause of education in Karnataka. Epigraphic sources frequently refer to the donation of lands and villages for imparting education3 in the early medieval age. The gifts were known as the Vidya-dana or gifts of learning. Thus, the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka were living institutions for learning, where pupils were taught the various branches of knowledge. The academic pursuits of the Jaina teachers contributed to the development of Jaina literature. The Jaina literature of the 9th and the 10th centuries owed its creation and development to various Jaina monasteries in Karnataka. Moreover, the Jaina monasteries appeared to be the pioneers in the work of charity. Elaborate provisions were made for the maintenance of duna-sala or charity houses, which were 1. El, xvi, p. 57. 2. EC, vii, Sk. 124, p. 96. 3. Ibid. iv, Ng. 76, pp. 131-2. 4. MAR, 1920, pp. 50-2. 5. EC, v, Ag. 24, p. 250; BKI, 1, pt i, no. 39, p. 24; SII. ix. pt. i, no. 67, pp. 38-9; ibid. no. 117, p. 92; EC, iv. Ng. 20, D. 116.

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134 Jainism in Early. Medieval L'arnalaka attached to the Jaina mathas. In 683 the western Calukya king Vinayaditya gave the gift of a village for maintaining the charity house attached to the Saikha-Jincadra temple at Lakshamesvara in the Dharwar district. Similar grants of land and village were made by other kings of the same dynasty in the 8th century. Gusacandrapanditadeva of the Kundahundanvaya and Desl-gana received an endowment of a tank for the same purposes in the 20th century. Thus, they served as a means of rendering relief to the poor during the period under revicw. 1. BKI, iv; no. 4, p. 3. Ibid. nos 6-7, pp. 6-7. Ibid. i, pt i, no 38, p. 23

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CHAPTER VI CONCLUSION The Digambara monks, who advocated pristine purity and complete adherence to the canonical rules, came to stabilize their position in Karnataka by the beginning of the Christian era. They gradually became the most important sect and maintained their dominance in the field of religion and philosophy, literature, art and architecture from the 5th to the middle of the 12th century. The most important change which affected the Jainas in Karnataka related to the way of their living. The wandering mode of life, originally intended for the monk community, yielded place to permanent habitation of the Jaina monks in Jajna monasteries. The Digambara teachers of Karnataka induced the people to erect monasteries and temples and endow them with rich gifts for proper maintenance. The Jaina devotees showed equal zeal for building residences for the Jaina ascetics. Gradually, Jaina monasticism organised itself under the authoritative control of the chief preceptors, who were generally the recipients of gifts on behalf of the Jaina temples and monastic establishments. In the new monasticism, the preceptors wiclded much authority over the monks and nuns. As the latter were solely dependent upon the former for their subsistence, they had to be loyal towards the preceptors. The preceptors also commanded respect of the lay devotees of all classes. Pujyapada, Jinasena, Gunabhadra, Somadeva, Ajitascna, Sudatta, Vardhamanadeva and Municandra were some of the prominent Jaina teachers who cxerted profound influence upon the kings and princes of Mysore in their own times. They now tendered advice not only on spiritual matters but also on worldly affairs. They took active interest in the politics of Karnataka. This

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136 Jainism in Early. Medieval Karnataka obviously meant a break with the past, when the monks led a solitary life in the old monasticism. In any case, old norms were being freely violated. Free intercourse between the monks and the Jaina householders, and the excessive dependence of the former upon the latter for their sustenance gave prominence to the Jaina laity in the new monastic life. Emphasis on the performance of prosodhaupavasa or fasting on the eighth and the fourteenth days in each fortnight among the laymen, which was invariably observed in the Jaina temples, brought them closer to each other. With the rapid increase in the numbers of Jaina estabJishments, the Jaina monastic movemcats gained momentum. Several sects and monastic orders arose among the Digambara monks. The Jaina Church was divided into various units such as Sangha, gana, gaccha and anvaya. The most important Digambara sect to appear in the period was that of the Yapaniyas, who laid stress on the popular aspects of the Jaina Teligion. Contrary to the view of the orthodox Digambaras, they advocated salvation for women. They also strongly supported the use of occult methods in Karnataka. Through this practice, the monk Arkakirti is recorded to have removed the bad influence of Saturn' from Vimaladitya in the 9th century. Occult practices were popularized by other sects also. Indranandi of the Dravida Sangha advocated the worship of Yaksinis or mother cult in Karnataka during the closing years of the l'Oth century. The Yapaniyas concentrated first in the area around Palasika or modern Halsi in the Belgaum district during the 5th-6th centuries. From there they extended their influence to Aihole in the Bijapur district in the 7th century. They also founded monastic establishments in the Tumkur district during the 10th century. In the 11th-12th centurics, the Yapaniyas gained prominence in the districts of Dharwar, Kolhapur and Belgaum. , : The history of Jainism, which 'flourished vigorously in Karnataka' during the oth-12th centuries, reveals two important facts, regarding the extension of its social basis. From

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137 Conclusion the 5th century till the 9th century, Jainism in Karnataka seems to have thrived mainly under the patronage of the rulers, their ministers, nobles and other high officials of the state. It is fully substantiated by the large number of the donative records of this period which refer to the generous endowments made by the aristocratic people. Thus, this nullifies the popular erroneous belief that Jainism has always been a religion of the mercantile classes because between the 5th and the 9th centuries at least in Karnataka Jainism owes its expansion to the support of the rulers and administrators. But from the 10th century onwards, we have evidence to show the gradual extension of its social basis especially among the merchants, who embraced Jainism as ardently as the rulers and administrators during the 10th-12th centuries. The absence of the merchant followers of Jainism in Karnataka in the early period (5th-9th centuries) can possibly be explained by the decline of trade and commerce not only in Karnataka but in the whole of southern India and the subsequent decrease in the social and economic status of the merchants. Further the few merchants that existed found it difficult to follow the puritan practices of the Jainas in the early stages. Only when commerce revived from the latter half of the 10th century the commercial class came into prominence in Karnataka It was easy for them to join Jainism because by this time Jainas became more lax in the observance of their monastic conduct and practices. At any rate the number of merchant donors was smaller in comparison with that of the kings and princes even in the later period. The material bassis of the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka was provided by the generous benefactions made by the princes and rich persons. The donors patronized the Jaina monks and monasteries by transfering villages and innumerable plots of land. The donees earned considerable income from their corn-fields and gardens. The donation of oil mills, houses and the custom duties constituted another important source of income for the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka. On account of their huge wealth in landed property, the Jaina monks emerged as a land owning class in Karnataka in the

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Conclusion 139 the sudras from upanayana came to be reflected in the Jaina system of initiation. The ban on Vedic ritualisin was lifted and the dominance of the priest class was revived among the Jainas. The worship of the Jinas in the Jaina temples became a costly affair, and the Brahmanas were welcomed by the Jainas as priests who presided over their sacred ceremonies. As a corollary to all this development, Jaina atheism lost ground during the early medieval age. The Jainas became as theistic as the Hindus. The Jinas were invested with the divine power of creation and destruction. They were credited with the same altributes of divinity as characterized the Brahmanical gods--Siva, Visnu, and Sarkara. The Jaina teachers also explained to their followers several strange incarnations of Rsabhadeva, the founder of the Jaina religion. All this shows the changed character of Jainism in Karnataka Thus, although the Digambara teachers advocated highsounding puritan principles, they did not practise these in actual life. The practical idea of advancing the Jaina faith in Karnataka was their guiding foice. They found it necessary to adjust themselves to the prevailing conditions. They therefore accepted some practices of the Hindus both in lay and monastic life. Probably this explains their survival in Mysore.

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I Original Literary Sources Asadhara Amitagati Amrtacandra Cakravarii, Nemicandra Siddhanta Devasena Gunabhadra BIBLIOGRAPHY Harisena Indranandi Jinasahasranama, Bharativa Jnanapitha Kasi, 1954. Amitagali's Sravahacara, Pandit Bhagcandra, Bombay, 1923. Yogasara, cd. Gajadharlal Nyayatirtha, Sanatana Jaina Granthmala-16, Calcutta, 1918. Camundaraya Catrasara, Manikcandra Digambara Jamna Granthharyalaya-9, Bombay, 1917. Purusarthasiddhjupaja, Sastramala-1, Bombay, 1904. Dravya Sangraha, (cd.), S.C. Ghoshal, SBJ, vol. 1, The Central Jaina Publishing House, Arrah, 1917. Rayacandra Jaina Gommatasura-Karma-Kanda, SBJ, vol. VI, Pt. I, (ed.), J.L. Jaini, Lucknow, 1927. Darsanasara, (ed.), Nathu Ram Premi, Jaina Granthkaryalaya, Bombay Atmanusasana, (ed.) A. N. Upadhyc and Hira lal Jain, Sholapur, 1961. Uttarapurana, (ed.), Pannalal Jain, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Kasi, 1954. Brhatkathakosa, (ed.), A.N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1943. Jualini-Kalpa, An unpublished text, Handwritten manuscript, preserved in the Devakumar Oriental Jaina Library, Arrahi, (Bihar).

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Bibliography 141 Jatasimhanandi Varangacarita, (ed.). A.N. Upadhye, Manik candra Digambara Jaina Granthmala-40, Bombay, 1938. Jinasena Adipuruna, pt. I, with Hindi translation of the Sanskrit text, (ed.), Pannalal Jain, Sccond edition, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Kasi, 1963. Adipurana, Pt. II, (ed.), Pannalal sain, Ist edition, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Kasi, 1951. Parstabhyudaya (ed.), M.G. Kothari, Bombay, 1965. Kundakunda- Pravacanosara(ed.), A.N. Upadhye, Second carya edition, Bombay, 1935. Mahaviracarya Ganita sara-Sangraha, (ed.), L.C. Jain, Shola pur, 1963. Mallisena Suri The Bhairava-Padmavatz-kalpa, (ed.), A. B. Abhyankar, Ahmedabad. Manatunga Adinatha-Stotra, (ed.) Nathu Ram Premni, Bombay, 1916. Pampa Adipurane, (ed.), K.G. Kundangar and A.P. Chauguler, Belgaum, 1953. Vikramarjunavijaya,(ed.), Venkatanarayanappa Belleve, Karnataka Sahitya Parisad, Banglore, 1931. Pujyapada Sarvurthasiddhi, (ed.), Phool Candra Siddhanta Sastri, Bharatiya Jnanapitha Kasi, Ist ed., 1955, Piujyapada's Sravakacara, (ed.), Pannalal Wakalibal, Sholapur, 1933. Samadhi-tantra, (ed.), J.K, Mukhtar, Virase vamandir, Sarsawa, 1939. Rainacandra, Punyastavakathakosa, (ed.), A.N. Upadhye Mumuksu and H.L. Jain, Sholapur, 1964. Ravisena Padmapurana, Published with Hindi trans lation, vols. I-III, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Kasi, 1958-59. Subhacandra Fnanarnava, (ed.), Pannalal Wakalibal, Second edition, Bombay, 1913.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Suri, Jinasena Harivamsapurana, vols. I-II, Manikcandra Digambara Jaina Granthmala 32-33, Bombay. Suri, Somadeva Yasastilaka, Kavyamala 70 71, Nirnayasagara Press, Bombay, 1901-1903. Suri, Vadiraja Parsvanathacarita, (ed.), Srilal Jain, Calcutta, 142 Umasvami Vasunandi Vattakera Vimala Suri Yogindudeva 1922. Tattvarthadhigama Sutra, vol. I, (ed.), J.L.. Jaini, The Central Publishing House. Arrah, 1920. 1905. Vasunandi Sravakacara, (tr.) H. L. Jain, Bharatiya Jnanapitha, Kasi, 1952. Mulacara, pts. I-II, Manikcandra Digambara Jaina Granthamala Samiti, Bombay, 1921-1923. Paumacariya, pt. 1, (ed.), M. Santilal Vora, Varanasi, 1962. Paramatmaprakasa, (ed.), A. N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1937. Yogasara, (ed.), A.N. Upadhye, Bombay, 1937. II. Archaeological Sources Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, vol. I, pt. I, (ed.), C.R. Krishnamacharlu and others, Madras, 1940. Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, Vol. IV, (ed.), G.S. Gai, Mysore, 1965. Coorg Inscriptions, B.L. Rice, Revised edition, Madras, 1914. Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. II, Inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola. R. Narasimhachar, Banglore, 1923. Epigraphia Carnatica, vols. III-XII, Banglore, Manglore, 1898 Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. XIV, Supplementary Inscriptions in Mysore and Mandya districts, (ed.), M.H. Krishna, Mysore, 1943. Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. XV, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Hassan district, (ed.), M.H. Krishna, Mysore, 1943.

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Bibliography 143 Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. XVI, Supplementary Inscriptions in the Tumkur district, (ed.), K.A. Nilakania Sastri, Mysore, 1938. Epigraphia Carnatica, vol. XVI), Supplementary Inscriptions in the Kolar district, (ed.), M. Seshadri, Mysore, 1965. Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, Robert Sewell, Madras, 1932. Inscriptions published in Indian Antiquary, vols. VI-VIII, XII, XVIII-XIX, Bombay. Karnataka Inscriptions, vol. I, (ed.), R.S. Panchamukhi, Dhar war, 1941. barnataka Inscriplions, vol. II, (ed.), R.S. Panchamukhi, Dhar war, 1952. Alysore Archaeological Reports for the year 1910-1915, 1917, 1921, 1923, 1925-1927, 1932-1933, 1934-37, 1938 1915, Banglore. South Indian Inscriptions, vol. IX, pt. I, (ed.), R. Shamsastri, Madras, 1939. Topographical List of Inscriptions, vol. 1-III, (ed.), V. Ranga charya, Madras, 1919. III. Journals and Periodicals Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. Anekanta, Hindi Journal, Delhi. Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-graduate Research Institute, Poona. Encyclopaedra of Religion and Ethics, ed. J. Hastings. Indian Antiquary, Bombay. Indian Culture, Calcutta. Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta. Jaina Antiquary, Arrah. Faina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Hindi Journal, Arrah. Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay. Journal of the Bombay University, Bombay. Journal of the Karnataka University, Dharwar. New Indian Antiquary, Bombay. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Proceedings and Transactions of All India Oriental Conference. The Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Banglore.

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144 IV. Secondary Works Aiyanger, S. K. Altekar, A.S. Aryer, K.V. Subrahmanya: Historical Sketches of Ancient Dekhan, vol. III, Coimbtore, 1969. Appadorai, A. Barua, B.M. Basham, A. L. Bhandarkar, R.G. Bhattacharya, B.C. Bhattacharya, H. Buhler, Johann Georg Burgess, Jas Chand, Bool Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Cousens, Henry : Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture, vols. I-II, Poona, 1941. Deo S.B. : The Rastrakutas and their Times, Poona, 1934. : Economic Conditions in Southern India, Madras, 1934. : Inscriptions of Asoka, pt. II. Calcutta, 1943. : History and Doctrines of the Ajivikas, London, 1951. Chakravarti, Chantalaran : Tantras-Studies on their Religion and Literature, 1st edition, Calcutta, 1963. : Early History of the Dekkan, Third edition, Calcutta, 1928. : Jaina Iconography, Lahore, 1939. : The Jaina Prayer, Calcutta, 1964. : The Indian Sects of the Jainas (tr.), Jas. Burgess, Second edition, Calcutta, 1963. : Digambara Jaina Iconography, Reprinted from the Indian Antiquary vol. XXXII, 1903, Bombay, 1904. : Jainism in Indian History, Varanasi, 1951. : The Calukyan Architecures of the Kanarese districts, Calcutta, 1926. : History of Jaina Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature, Poona, Faina Monastic Jurisprudence, Banaras, 1960.

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Bibliography 145 Deo, S.B. : History of Jaina Monachism from inscriptions and literalure, Poona, 1956. : Faina Monastic Jurisprudence, Benaras, 1960. Desai, P.B, : Jainism in South India and Some Faina Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957. Diwakar, R.R., ed. : Karnataka Through the Ages, Mysore, 1968. Dutt, S.K. : Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, London, 1962. Ehrenfels, Baron Omar Rolf, : Mother Right in India, Usmania University Series, Hyderabad, 194). Farquhar, J.N. : An Outline of the Religious Literature of India, First Indian reprint, Moti lal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1967. Fishcher, K.F. : Caves and Temples of the Jainas, Aliganj (U.P.), 1956. Ganguly, 0.c. : The Art of the Rastrahulas, Calcutta 1953. Hukkerikerkar, R.S., (ed),: Kornataka Darsana, Bombay, 1955. Handiqui, K.K. : lasastiloka and Indian Culture, Sholapur, 1949. Herbert Stroup, : Four Religions of Asia, New York, 1968. Iyer, L.K. Ananthakrishna and Others : The Mysore Tribes and Castes, vol. III, Mysore University, Mysore, 1930. Jacobi, H. : Jaina Sutras, pt. I, SBE, vol. XXII, Oxford, 1884. : Jaina Sutras, Pt. II, SBE, vol. XLV, Oxford, 1895. : Studies in Jainism, Ahmedabad. 1946.

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146 Jainism in Carlz Medieval harnataka Jain Chhotelal Jain, CR Jaina Bibliography, Calcutta 1945 The Practical Path The Central Jaina Publishing House, Arrah, 1917 The Household Dharma of the RatnaYaranda Sraualacara, The Central Jana Publishing House, Arrah, 1917 Jain ) P Jaini JL Kalaghatagi TG Kanc, PT Karmik u AP IIazumdir, A K Mazumdar, RC (ed) Jainn Sources of the History of Anci ent India, Delhi, 1964 Outlines of Jauzom Oxford, 1940 Some Problems in Farna Psychology Dharwar, 1961 History of Dharmasastra vol II, pt I, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, 1941 Cultural Heritage of harnatal a, Dharnar, 1947 The Calul jas of Gujarat Bombay, 1956 The Classical Age Second impres sion Bombay 1962 The Age of Impcrial Unity, Third impression Bombay, 1960 The Age of Impenai kanauj, First edition, Bombay 1955 The Religion of India The Sociology of Hinduism and Buddhism, Illinois 1958 Jain Culture Varanasi, 1969 The hodamba-tula Bombay 1931 The Heritage of Karnataka, Bang lorc, 1946 Religious Instrutions and Cults in the Deccan, Vlotilal Banarsidass, Dcih, 1973 Lasters Peligions and Il'estern Thought, London, 1910. Max Weber, Vchta VIL Vorans GVI \ugali RS Nandi R1 Ridh?rishnan S

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Bibliography 147 Premi, N.R. Radhakrishnan, s. Raghavan, V. Rao, N.V. Krishna Rice, E.P. Rice, Lewis Shah, C.J. Sharma, R.S. Sharma, S.R. Shripal, Surendranath : Faina Sahiya aur Itihas, Second edition, Bombay, 1956. : Indian Philosophy, vol. II, London, 1948. : Yantra or Mechanical Contrivances in Ancient India, Bangalore, 1952. : The Cangas of Talkad, Madras, 1936. : A History of Kanarese Literature, Second edition, London, 1921. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, London, 1909. : Jainism in North India, 800 B.C. - A.D. 526, London, 1932. : Light on Early Indian Society and Economy, Bombay, 1966. : Jainism and Karnataka Culture, Dharwar, 1940. : Colossus of Sravana Belgola and other Shrines of Deccan, Bombay, 1953. : Ancient Karnataka, vol. I, History of Tuluva, Poona, 1936. : Medieval Jainism, Karnataka Publi sliing House, Bombay, 1938. : The Doctrines of the Jainas, reprinted, Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi, 1962. : Schools and Sects of the Jaina Litera ture, Calcutta, 1931. : Mahakavi Pampa, Bombay, 1967. : A History of South India, Second edition, Oxford, 1958. : Development of Religion in South India, Madras, 1963. : Sources of Indian History with special reference to South India, Asia Publishing House, 1961. Sources of Karnataka History, Mysore, 1940. Saletore, B.A. Schubring, Walther Sen, Amulachandra Sitaramiah, V. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta Sastri S. Srikantha :

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148 Stevenson, Mrs. Sinclair Thurston, E., Venkataramanayya, N. Warder, A.K. Williams, Robert Winternitz, M. Yazdani, G. Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka The Heart of Jamism, Oxford, 1915. Apte, V.S. Kittel, Rev. F. Monier Williams, M. : Castes and Tribes of Southern India, vol. ii, Madras, 1909. of Vemulavada, : The Calukyas Hyderabad, 1953. : Outline of Indian Philosophy, Delhi, 1971. : Jaina Yoga, London, 1963. : A History of Indian Literature, vol. II, Calcutta, 1933. : The Early History of the Deccan (pts. I-VI), London, 1960. Dictionaries and Gazetteers : Sanskrit Banarsidass, 1966. : Kannada English Dictionary, Oxford, 1894. Dictionary, : A Sanskrit English Oxford, 1951. Mysore Gazetteer, vols. I-II, IV, New edition, (ed.), C. Hayavadana, Banglore. Hindi Kosa, Motilal

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A.D. pp. 11.2. APPENDIX-A Districtwise arranged list of the donative records which register grants of land and village for the Jaina monks and monasterics during the 5th-12th centuries in Karnataka. Sl. No. Name and find spots of Date Reference Book Inscriptions 1. Aihole inscription of Pulakesin 634 EI, vi, no. 1, II found on the cast side of Meguti temple. 2. Another record of the Ras- 911-2 IA, xii, p. 222. trakuta king Kesna II found at Aihole. 3. Arasibidi iecord of the Calu- 1047 EI, xvii, no. 10, kya princess Akkadevi. pp. 121-3; BKI, i, pt, i, no. 103, pp. 99-100. 4. Honwad stone inscription of 1050 IA, xix, pp. 268 Somesvara I 5. Hungund epigraph of Somes- 1074 BKI, i, pt. i, no. vara II. 113. Belgaum District 6. Halsi copper plates of the 5th-6th TA, vi, nos. 20-6. Kadamba kings, seven in centuries. number, found in a small well callcd Cakratirtha, at short distance outside Halsi in thc Bidi taluq. 7. Gokak Plates of Dejja Mala- undatcd Ibid. xxi, pp. raja. 291ff 8. Four records of the Ratta 940 JBBRAS, X, pp. Chiefs namely Prithvirama, 194ff. Santivarina, Anka and 980 Ibid. x, pp. 204ff. Laksmideva II found at Saun- 1048 Ibid. pp. 172ff. datti. 1228 Ibid. pp. 260ff. 75.

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150 Jainism in EarlMedieval harnataka 9 Huli record of Somesvara I 1043 EI xvill, pp found in the Virabhadra tem 172ff ple at Huli 10 Konnur record of the Ratta 1087 JBBRAS,, pp chief Sena 11 237f1 11 The Remisvara basadt record 1165 MAR, 1916 pp found in Eksambi in Belgaun 48-9. district Kolhapur District 12. Altem copper plates of Pulahe- 489 IA, vii, no xliv, sin I Pp 209-15 13 Honnur record of the Sila- Undated Ibid -11, p 102 hara princes bui assig- cited in PB ned to Desai, op cit, 1110 119 Dharwar district 14 Devagiri copper plates of 5th-6th Ibid 111, nos 35 the Kadamba hings three centuries 7, PP 31-8 in number found in the bed of a tank at Devagiri 15 Five records of the carly 68), BKT, I nos 3 Galuhya hings found on the 723, 7 pp 37 slab of the Sankha basadi at Lakshmesvara in Shirhatti 735, taluq and one undatcd 16 Adur stonc inscription of Undated hI i no 3 pp the western Caluksa king but assig- 4.5 Kirtivar ma II ned to BII, 1v, no 0, 750 p 9 17 Annigere record of the 751 2 Ibid, 1, pt i no Calu} ya hing Kirti arman 5 p 8, IT CI SI DO 34 p 205 18 Kongur inscription of the S60 Ibid vi, no 4, Rastrakuta hing Amogharar PP 25-38 730 Sa

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Appendix-A 151 19. Bentur record of the same 864 BKI, i, pt. 1, no. king. 10, p. 6. 20. Mulgund record of Kysna II. 902-3 EI, xiii, pp. 130ff. 21. Venkatapur record of 906 Ibid. xvi, no. 4. Amoghavarsa. pp. 59-62; BKI, i, pt. 1, no. 28, p. 16. 22. Asundi record of Indra III. 925 Ibid, i, pt. 1. no. 34, p. 20. 23. Kavajjgeri record of Govinda 933 Ibid. no. 35, p. IV. 21, Suddi copper plates of the 938 EI, iij, no. 25, Garga king Butuga. pp. 158ff. 25. Naregel record of the Rastra- 950 BKI, i, pt. 1, kuta king Kssna III. no. 38, p. 23. 26. Lakkundi record of Attimabbe 1007 Ibid. no. 52, p. 39. 27. Hosur record of Jagadeka. 1029 Ibid. no. 65, p. malla I. 55. 28. Mugad cpigrapli of Somesvara 1045 Ibid. no. 78, p. I, 68. 29. Mulgund record of the same 1053 EI, xvi, pp. - later western Calukya king. 53ff. 30. Javur record of Jayakirtideva 1059 P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 143. 31. Soratir record of Somesvara 1071 BKI, i, pt. 1, II. no. 111, p. 108. 32. Gudigere Jaina record 1076 IA, xviii, pp. 354. 33. Doni epigraph of the Calukya 1097 P.B. Desai, op. king Vikramaditya VI. cit., p. 144. Sravana-Belgola donative records found on the Candragiri, the Vindhyagiri and the village in the Hassan district. 34. Sravana-Belgola record of 810 EC, ii, SB 410, p. the Ganga king Sivamara 81. II found on the Candragiri hill.

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152 35 The Kuge-Brahmadeva Pillar inscription 36 Three Siavana Belgola epigraphs of Camundaraya and his son Jinadevana 37 Sravana-Belgola record of the Hoysala general GangaRaja found near the Sasana basadi 38. Terina basadi record of Poysala setti 39 Kattale basadi recoid of Ganga-Raja 40 Sasana basadi record of the same general Camundaraya basadi record of PociLabbe, the mother of Ganga-Raja Another epigraph of GangaRaja found near the Carr undaraya basaar 41 42 43 44 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka EC SB 59, PP 12-4 Ibid SB 121-2, 45 47 48 Gandhavarana basadi 1ecord of the Hoysala queen Sanialadevi Another record of the same queen found at the same place 46 Camundaraya basadi record of Bucana, son of GangaRaja, Bahubali Pillar inscription of the Hovsala king Visnu vardhana basadi record Santisvara found at Jinanathapura Gommatesvara records of 974 982 983 PP 995 1117 1115 1117 Ibid 1118 1120 1123 1123 Ibid SB 117 pp 47-S 1123 1131 Ibid SB 175 6 p 80 Ibid 11, SB 74, p 40 1133 SB 137, P 64 Ibid SB 70, P 37 Jord SB 73, PP 38 40 Tbid SB 118, pp 48-9 1135 Ibid SB 131, p 58 Ibid SB 132, PP 58 60 Ibid SB 143 70-5 pp. Ibid SB 120 P 49 Ibid SB 384 PP. 165-7 1159 Id 11, SB 179, P 89 1

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Appendix-A 153 che Hoysala general Hulla found on the Vindhyagiri hill. 49. Bhandari basadi records of the same general. 1159 EC. SB 181, p. 80. 1159 Ibid. SB 345 and 349, pp. 147-9; 151-4. 1163 Ibid. SB 84, pp. 18-9. 1175 Ibid. SB 240-1, pp. 101-3. 180 1179 Ibid. SB 397, p. 169. Ibid. SB 327, pp. 134-9. 118] 1181 50. Sravana Belgola cpigraph of the same general. 51. Gormatesvara records of the Hoysala general Hulsa and the Jewel merchants. 52. Sanenahalli record of Gan- ga-Raja. 53, Akkana basadi record of the Hoysala king Vira-Ballala deva. 54. Siddhara basadi record of the same king and his coun. cillor Candramauli. 55. Gommatesvara record of Basava-Setti. 56. Nagara-Jinalaya record of Vira-Badala-deva and his minister Nagadeva. 57. Gommatesvara record of Madukanna. 58. Gommatesvara record of Someya-Scyti. Ibid. SB 115. 256, p. 1185 1195 Ibid. SB 235, p. 101. lbid. SB 335, pp. 132-4. 1196 Ibid. SB 237, p. 10). Ibid. SB 238, p. 101. 1198 Mysore district 59. Kulagana copper plates of Undaled MAR, 1925, p. the Ganga king Sivamara but assig- 92. I found in the village ned to the Kulagana in the Chamraja- 7th-Sth nagar taluq. centuries. 50. Devalapura record found at 750 EC, iii, sy 28, Devalapura in the Mysore laluq. p. 3."

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34 154 Jansin in Carly Medieval Karnatara 61 Devarhalli copper plates 776 EC iv, Ng 85, found at Devar halli in the pp 134-5 Nagamangala taluq. 62 Vadanaguppe record of the 808 MAR, 1927, Rastrakuta king Kambhadeva 117 found at Devanur in the Nan jangud taluq 63 An undated record found in 825 Ibid 1932, pp the village Hebbalguppe in the 240-) Heggadedevankote taluq 64 Tayalur record found in the 895 CC, 111, Md Nandya taluq 13 p 38 65 Kcyatanhalli stone inscription 900 Ibid Sr. 147, p found at Keyatanhalli in the Srirangapatna ialuq 66 Rampura stone inscription 904 Ibid Sr 148, P found at Rampura in a paddy 34 field in the Sruangapatna taluq 67 Kulagere stone inscription 909 Ibid 111, ML 30, found at Kulagere in the P 59 sallavalli laluq 68 Buvanhalli Jaina record found 950 MAR, 1913, p on the pedestal of 1 Jaina 31 image in the Candranatha basadi at Buvanlialli in the Hunsur taluq 69 Two Jaina epigraphs found 10th Ibid 1914, p at Cibha Hanasoge in the century 38 Yedatore taluq 70 Somasamudra record found in 993 Iord 1931, p the village Somasamudra in 139 the Nsysore taluq 71 Tuo moie Jaina cpigraplis 1023 C, , Yd found at Cikha Hanasoge in 21 2 p 55 the Yedatore talug 72 Another Cikka Hanasogc rc- 1080 Ibrd Yd 23, p cord of the Yedatore taluq 55

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155 Appendix--A 110 EC. Yd. 26. p. 56. 1117 Ibid. Ch, 83, p. 10. 1117 MAR, 1920, p. 32. 1118 EC, iv, Ng. 19, p. 116. 1120 1164 1179 Ibid. Ng. 103, p. 141. Ibid. Ng. 30, p. 119. MAR, 1913, p. 37. EC, iv, Ng. 32, pp. 120-2. 1184 73. Still more another record found at the same place. 74. The Parsvanatha basadi rccord found in the Chamrajanagar taluq. 75. A record found at Basti Hosakote in the Krishnarajapete taluq. . 76. Kambadahalli stonc inscription found in the Nagamangala taluq. 77. Sukadare stone inscription found in the same taluq. 78. Madesvara temple stone inscsi. ption. 79. A record found at Kittur in the Heggadadevarkote taluq. 80. Alcsandra stone inscription found in the Nagamangala Hassan district 81. Mararu stonc inscription found at Mararu in the Arkal gud taluq. 82. Belur inscription of the Ganga king Butuga found at Belur. 83. Gubbi stonc inscription found at Gubbi in the Hole-Narsipur taluq. 84. Gondasi inscription found at Gondasi in the Arsikere taluq. 85. Manjarbad Jaina inscription found on thc pedestal of a Jaina image. 86. An epigraph found in the Somavara village in the Arkal gud taluq, 87. A damaged stone record found at Tolalu in the Belur taluq. 900 $52 Ibid, v, Ag, 24, p. 250. Ibid. BL. 123, p. 80. Ibid. I-IN14, p. 243. 960 970 970 Ibid, V, Ak. 164, p. 181. Ibid. MJ. 67, p. 247. 1060 Ibid. Ag. 98, p. 262. 1060 MAR, 1927, pp. 43-4.

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136 Jairusi in Earl, Medieval harnatal a 88 Anothei Somavaia cpigraph 1079 EC, Ag 99, of the Kongalva hing Adatira P 263 ditya 89 Hale-Belgola record of the 1094 Ibid On 148, Hoysala I ing Vinat aditya Pp 189 90 90 Salya stone inscription of 1125 15 d Cn 149 Visnuvardhara pp 1901 91 Belur inscription of the same 1129 JAR 1911 p Hoysala king 13 92 The Parsvanatha basadi record 1133 EC V, BL found in the village Bastihalli 124 pp 81-4 in the Belur taluq 93 The Saumyrnazabi stone ins 1136 Ibad BL 17 cription of Visnuvardhana Pp 48 51 found in the Belui taluq 94 The Muguli basadi stone inscri- 1140 Ibid Hn 129 ption of Mani Setti and others P 30 95 Another record of Visnuvar 1147 Ibid V Hn dhana found near the entrance 130, pp 36 7 of the \suguli basadi 96 Heiagu slone inscription of 113) Ibid Hn 07, P the Hoysala ling Narasimha 16 Deta 97 Karugunda stone record of 1129 Ibd Ak 141 the Hoysala hing Narasi nha PP 1746 deva 98 Bindur stone inscription of 1169 Ibid Al I the Hor ala king Vira Ballala PP 1123 Deva 99 Viarkull stone record of thic 1173 Ibid Hn 119 Hoysala Ballala Deva pp 35 6 100 Heingu cpigraph of the Hot 1174 Ibid Hn 58 sali ling Vira Ballal. Deva 101 Bel ha stone inscription 1174 Ibid Cn 146 PP 1889 102 Third Jainn epigiapli found 11 6 Tord Hn 59 at Herrgu in he Hassan taluq P 17 p 17

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Appendix A 157 1182 EC, v, Cn. 160, pp. 102-3. 1192 Ibid. BL. 129, pp. 86-7. 1200 103. Bommenhalli stone record of the Hoysala king Ballala-Deva and his Councillor Candra mauli. 104. Bastihalli record found near the entrance of the Parsvana tha basadi in tile Belur taluq. 105. Kumbenahalli stoncinscription of Vira-Bailala-Deva. 106. Arasikcrc stone inscription of the same Hoysala king and his Councillor Recharasa. 107. Bastinalti record of the Hoysala king Narasimga-Deva found in the Belur taluq. 108. Another epigraph of the same king found at the same place. 1220 ibid. V, Cn. 151, p. 193. ibid. Ak. 77, pp. 140-1. 1254 Ibid. BL. 125, p. 84. 1256 Ibid. BL. 126, p. 84. kadur district 109. Siddaganahalli stone epigraph found in tlie Kadur taluq. 110. Kadur Pillar inscription 111. Angadi stone inscription found at Angadi in the Mudgcre taluq. 112. Another Angadi record of Vina yaditya Hoysala. 113. Kadavanti stone inscription of Kandarpa Senamara. Third Jaina record found at Angadi in the Mudgere taluq. 115. Mattavara epigraph of the Hoy sala king Vinayaditya and the merchant Manik Setti found in the Chikamagalur taluq. 116. Brahmesvara temple inscription of Siddhagiri of the Hoyasala general Mariyane Dandanayaka. 961 Ibid. vi, Kd. 159, p. 32. 971 Ibid. Kd. I, p. 1. 990 Ibid. p. 60 1054 Ibid. Mg. 9, p. 60. 1060 Ibid. Cm. 75, pp. 43-4. 1063 lbid. Mg. 13, p. 61. 1069 MAR, 1932, pp. 174-5. 1103 EG, VI, Cm. .. 169, pp. 56-7.

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158 Jainism in Early Medieval harnataka 1130 C vi lg 22 PP 623 117 Hantiyur record of Hariya bbarasi daughter of Visnuvardhana found on a ruined Jaina temple at Hautiyur in the Alud gere taluq 118 Another Brahmesvara empic record of the Hoysala general Bharata found at Sindhagiri 119 A damaged stone Inscription found at Kalasapura in the kadur district 1137 Ibid Cm 161 161 p 58 1176 MAR 1923, Pp 39 40 897 8 EC vizi, VT 60, pp 154 902 MAR 1911 p 38 900 EC vil Si 114 P 37 958 Ibid viu T 45 p 146 1065 Ibid Nr 59 p 154 Shimoga district 120 Tlie Guddada basadi inscription of Tolapurusa Vikram Santara, found in the Nagar taluq 121 Bandanihe stone inscription found in the Shibarpur taluq 122 Kumsi stone inscription of Jinadatla Raya found 10 the Shimoga taluq 123 Humcca stone inscription found at Humcca in the Nagar taluq 124 Another Humcca cpigraph of Bhujbala Santara found on the outerwall of Candi aprabha basadi at Humcca 125 Third Humca record of Bhuj bala Santara alias Trailohyamalla Deva found in the Nagar taluq 126 The Santnatha basadi record of the Western Calukya hing Some svara II found at Balligame in the Shiharpur taluq 127 Another Bandanike stone ins cription of Somesvara II found at Bandanike in the Shiharpur talaq 129 Badagiyara Honda stone inscri 1066 Ibid. Nr 33 p 137 1065 Ibid vii Sk 136 pp 102 1 075 Ibid Sk 221 p 131 1077 Ibid vii Sh

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Appendix- 159 6. Santara. ption of Vikramnaditya II and his 124, pp. 05general Brammadeva found at Shikarpur taluq. 129. Kuppatur record found on the 1077 Ibid. viii, Sh. Parsvanatha basadi in the Sorab 262, pp. 41taluq. 130. Fourth Humcca cpigraph of the 1077 lbid. Nr. 35, Santara lady Cattaladevi found pp. 137-8. at Humcca in the Nagartaluq. 131. Shikarput epigraph of Bineya 1080 Ibid. vii, Sk. Bammu Scti. S, p. 39. 132. Fifth Humcca record of Vikrama 1087 Ibid. viii, Nr. 40, p. 144. 133. Bannikere record of Ganga 1115 Ibid. Sh. 37, Mahadevs found in thc Shimoga p. 35. dist: ict. 134. Kallurgudda stone record found 1122 Ibid, Sh. 4, near the Siddhcsvara temple in pp. 4-9. Shimoga district. 135. The stone inscription found in 1182 Ibid. vii, Sk. the old Jaina basadi at Chikka 197, p. 125. magudi in the Shikarpur taluq. 136. Uddhare epigraph of the Hoy- 1198 Ibid. viii, Sb. sala king Vira-Ballala-Deva and 140. p. 20. his minister Mahadeva found in the Sorab taluq. Banglore district 137. Hosakote plates of the Ganga 567 MAR, 1938, king Avinita found at Hosakote. p. 86. 138. Tolalu epigraph found at Undated Ibid. 1926, p. Tolalu found near the ruined 42. Jaina basadi. 139. Manne copper-plates found at 797 EC, ix, NL. Manne in the Nelamangala taluq. 60, pp. 39 42. 140. Beyuru stone inscription found in the Channapaina talug. 900 lbid. Cp. 69, p. 145.

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[ 160 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka 141. Another Manne epigraph of the Rastrakuta king Govinda III found in the Nelamangala taluq. Kolar district 142. Nonamangala copper plates found in the ruined Jaina basadi at Nonamangla in the Malur taluq. at 143. Another inscription found Nonamangala in the Malur taluq. 144. Narasapur copper plates found at Narasapur in the Kolar taluq. Chitaldroog district 145. Koramanga copper plates of Ravivarma found at Koramanga in the Davangere taluq. 146, Bevinahalli stone inscription found in the Chitaldroog taluq. 147. Kuradi pillar inscription found at Kuradi in the Davangere taluq. 148. Sembanur stone inscription found at Sembanur in the Devangere taluq. 149. The Santinatha basadi record of Holakere found in the Chitaldroog district, Tumkur district 150. Kadaba copper plates found at Kadaba in the Gubi taluq. 151. Bidare stone inscription found at Bidare in the Gubi taluq. 152. Hemavati stone inscription found in the Sira taluq. 153. Candrasalc basadi record of Hatana found at Hatana in the Tiptur taluq. 902 370 425 Ibid. ML 72, p. 172. 903 Ibid. KL. 90, PP. 27-8. EC, ix, NL. 61, pp. 44.-5. 530 MAR, 1933. Pp. 113.4. 1060 Ibid. x, ML. p. 173. 73, 968 EC, xi, Cd. 74, p. 16. Ibid. Dg.. 140, p. 77. 1062 Ibid. Dg. 143, pp. 77-8. 1154 Ibid. Hk. 1, P. 115. 979 812 Ibid.xii, Gb. 61, pp. 30-1. Ibid. Gb. 57, 982 1078 P. 27. Ibid. Si. 27, p. 02. Ibid. xii, Tp. 101, pp. 61 2.

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161 1151 EC,xii, Tm.8, Pp. 3.4. Appendix-A 154. Kaidala stone epigraph of the Hoysala king and his minister Guli-Baci found in the Tumkur taluq. 155. Panditarahalli stone inscription found in the Tumkur taluq. 156. Haggare stone epigraph found in the Chiknayakanhalli taluq. 157. Karadalu Pillar inscription found in the Tiptur taluq. 158. Yadagatta stone record of Vira- Ballala-Deva found in the Chiknayakanhalli taluq. 1160 Ibid. Tm.38, P 10. 1160 Ibid. Ck. 21, pp. 77-8. 1174 Ibid. Tp.53, p. 60. 1188 Ibid. Ck 20, p. 76. 466 Ibid. i, Cg.i, pp. 51-2. Coorg district 159. Mercara copper plates of the Ganga king Avinita found at Mercara in the Coorg district.' 160. Biliyur stone inscription of Raca malla II. 161. Peggur stone inscription 888 Ibid. Cg. 2, PP. 52-3. Ibid. Cg. 4, 978 p. 53. 1050 162. Two stone inscriptions found at Nallur. Ibid i, Cg. 30-1, pp. 64 163. Mullur stone records 1050 Ibid. Cg 37 8, p. 66. Guddapah district 184. Danavulapadu stone inscription Undated SII, ix, pt. 1, found in the village Danavula p. 36. panu. 165. Another record of Srivijaya Undated EI, X, pp. found at Danavulapagu but assig- 147-53. ned to the 10th-llth centuries.

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162 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Raichur district 166. Uppina-Betagiri stone inscription found near the village Uppina-Betagiri fifteen miles Kopbal. from 167. Another record found at Kopbal. 964 10th century. P.B. Desai, op. cit., pp. 367-9. P.B. Desai, op. cit., pp. 343-4.

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APPENDIX-B Numerical strength of deaths of monks, nuns and lay devotccs by the Jaina vow of Sallekhana during the 7th-12th centuries, S.N. Name of the Sacrificer Date Place Books of Reference 1. Prabhacandra 600 Cikka-betta EC, ii, SBI, p. I. or Candragiri hill at Sravana-Bel gola. 2. Kanakasena and Bala- 650 Ibid. SB 2, p. 2. deva Muni 3. Aristanemi Ibid. SB 11, p. 4, 4. Santisena Ibid. SB 31, p. 7. 5. Vrsabhanandi Ibid. SB 75, p. 40. 6. Tirthada-goravadigal 700 Ibid. SB 5, p. 3. 7. Ullikal-goravadigal Ibid. SB 6, p. 3. 8. Gunasena-Guruvar Ibid. SB 8, p. 3. 9. Panapa-bhatara Ibid. SB 9, p 3. 10. Caritrasrs Ibid. SB 12, p. 4. 11. Sarvajna-bhatara Ibid. SB 13, p. 4. 12. Unnamed monk Ibid. SB 17, p. 5. 13. Unnamed monk Ibid. ii, SB 19, p. 5. 14. Aksakorti Ibid. SB 21, p.o. 15. Kalantur Ibid. SB 22, pp. 5-6. 16. Gunadeva Ibid. SB 23, p. 6. 17. Baladeva-Goravadigal , Ibid. SB 24, p. 6. 18. Ugrasena Goravadigal , Ibid. SB 25, p. 6. 19. Unnamed monk Ibid. SB 26, p. 6. 20. Masena Ibid. SB 27, pp. 6-7.

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164 Jainism in Early Mcdicval Karnataka 21. Mellagavasa-Guruvar 700 Cikka-bet- EC, ii, SB 28, p.7. ta or Cand Tagiri hill. 22. Gunabhusita Ibid. SB 29, p.7. 23. Unnamed teacher Ibid. SB 30, p. 7. 24. Singanandi Ibid. SB 32, p. 7. 25. Unnamed monk Ibid SB 33, p. 7. 26. Nagasena-Goravacigal Ibid. SB 34, p. 8. 27. Sarvanandi 700 Ibid. SB 36, p. 8. 28. Unnamed Monk 700 Ibid. ii, SB 77, p. 41. 29. Saucacarya 750 Ibid. SB 79, p. 41. 30. Mahadeva 700 Ibid. SB 80, p.41. 31. Isana-Parmesthi Ibid. SB 81, p.41. 32. Baladevacarya Ibid. SB 82, p.42. 33. Candradevacarya Ibid. SB 84, p. 42. 34. Puspanandi 750 Ibid. SB 85, p. 42. 35. Nandisepa 700 Ibid. SB 88, p. 42. 36. Visoka-bhatara Ibid. SB 92, p.43. 37. Unnamed monk Ibid. SB 93, p. 43. 38. Indranandi-acarya Ibid. SB. 95, p. 43. 39. Unnamed monk Ibid. SB 96, p. 13. 40. Sri-acarya Ibid. SB 102, p. 44. 41. Puspasenacarya Ibid. SB 103, p.44. 42. Sridevacarya Ibid. SB 104, p.44. 43. Gunakirti Ibid. SB 105, p. 44. 44. Vrsabhanandi Ibid. ii, 106, p. 44. 45. Meghanandi Tord. SB 109, p. 45. 46. Nandimuni Ibid. SB 111, p.45. 47. Devasena Ibid SB 113, p. 45. 48. Puritiya Ibid. SB 115, p. 46. 49. Aristanemideva 800 Ibid. SB 14, p.4. 50. Mahavira Ibid. SB 15, p.4. 51. Kami-bhatara 900 Ibid. SB 62, p. 14. Name of the nuns 52. Dhannekutjarvi 700 Ibid. SB 7, p. 3. 53. Janbu-nayagir Toid. SB 18, p. 5. 54. Nagamati-gantiyar Ibid. SB 20, p. 5.

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Appendix-B 165 55. Sasimati-ganti 700 Cikka-berta EC, ii, SB 76, p. 41. or Candragiri hill at Sravana Belgola 56. Rajnimati-ganti Ibid. SB 97, p. 43. 57. Anantamati-gan Ibid. SB 98, p. 43. 58. Mavi-abbe Ibid. SB 107, p. 45. 59. Arya Ibid. SB 108, p. 45. 60. Gunamati-avve Ibid. SB 112, p. 45. 6). Prabhavati and Ibid. SB 114, pp. Damitamati 45-6. 62. Meghacandratraividya 1115 Ibid. SB 126, p. 55. 63. Srimati-ganti 1119 Ibid. SB. 156, p. 77 64. Subhacandra 1120 Ibid. SB 117, pp. Siddhantadeva 47-8. 65. Hoysala Setti 1120 Ibid. SB 159, p. 78. 66. Macikabbe 1131 Ibid. SB 123, p. 73. 67. Baladeva 1139 Ibid. SB 141, p. 68. 68. Singimayya 1139 Ibid. SB 142, p.70. 69. Prabhacandra 1145 Ibid. SB 140, p. 67. Siddhantadeva 70. Devakirti 1165 Ibid. SB 63, p. 16 71. Sarvanandi 881 At Kopbal in the B.A. Saletore,op, cit., Raichur district p. 193. 72 Candrasenacarya 900 At Beyuru in the EC, ix, Cp. 69, p. Banglore dist. 145. 73. Nagasena 900 , Ibid. Cp. 70, p. 145. 74. Nemicandra 900 Cikka Hanasoge MAR, 1914, p. 38. in the Vedatore taluq. 75. Elacarya 910 > Ibid. 1914, p. 38. 76. Trilokacandra- 979 At Bidare in thc EC, xii, Gb. 57, bhajara Tumkur district, p. 27. 77. Unnamed monk 980 At the village Ibid. iii. My 40, Barun in the p. 4. Mysore district. 78. Vimalacandra- 990 At Angadi in thc Ibid. VI, 11, Mg. pandita Kadur district. 11, p. 60.

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166 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka p. 61. P. 64. 65 p. 75 79. Mahendrakirti 10th Cikka-Hanasage MAR, 1913, p. 31. century in the Yodatore taluq. 80. Vajrapan 1040 At Angadi in the EC, vi, Mg. 17, dita Kadur district. 81. Kiviriyya 1050 At Nalluru in Ibid. 1, Cg. 30, the Coorg district. 82. Jakkiyabbe 1050 At Nalluru in Ibid. Cg. 31, pp. Coorg district. 64-5 $3. Gunasena 1064 At Mulluru in the Ibid. Cg. 34, p. the coorg district. 84. Boppave 1090 At Tirthahalli in the Ibid. VIII, TL. Shimoga dist. 198, p. 207. 85. Vadibhasimha 1090 At Bale-Honnur Ibid. VI, Kp. 3, in the Kepa taluq. 86. Maladharideva 1093 At Tarthahalli Ibid. VIII, TL. 199, p. 207. 87. Vardhamana- 10th Century at MAR, 1929, p.109. deva Sagarkatte 88. Ge-ganti 1120 At Chikmagalur EC, VI, Cm 52, in the Kadur dist. 89. Birayya 1120 At Yedatore Ibid. IV, Yd. 50, p. 59. 90. Megliacandra- 1163 At Chikaayakan Ibid. XII. CK. 23. bhaltaraka halli in the p. 78. Tumkur district. 97. Ajitas nadeva 1170 At Manjara Ibid. V, Mj. 133, bad in the Pp. 108-9. Hassan district. 92. Haryale 1174 At Tiptur in the Ibid. XII, TP.93. Tumkur district. p. 60. 93. Hacitraradert 1774 Ibid. Tr. 94, p. 61. 94. Subhacandra 1213 At Bandalike in Ibid. VII. Sk. 226, the shimoga dist. p.133. p. 40.

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INDEX Abbayacandra, 55 abhayadana (gift of protection), 85 Abhayamati, a Jaina nun, 13, 73 Abbayaruci, 13, 73 Abhinava Santideva, 84 abhiseka, ablution of sectarian images, 12 abhisekasala, ablution hall, 42 Acarangasutra, 62 acarya, 39, 49-50, 108, 131 adhana, a Jaina rite, 74 adhiraja, a feudal lord, 110 Adinatha, the first fina, 27, 29, 31, 35 Adipurana of Jinascoa, 7, 33-4, 36, 40, 45, 102 Adoni, 1 agarnas, 88 agnivahinidevi, the goddess of fire, 53 ahimsa (non-injury to living crea tures), il, 51 Aihole, 22, 37-8, 52, 55, 102, 122 ...3, 136 ajji (Jaina pun), 127-9 Ajjigana, a monastic group, 120 Ajitasena, 18, 106, 109, 135 Ajivikas, a heretic sect, 70, 87 Akalanka, a Jaina Logician, 33, 105, 108 Akkadevi, 39, 129 Alkatnagara, 110 Ambika, a Jaina yak:sini, 22, 57-3; exalted position of, 53-5; men- tioned in Jaina iconography, 52 Anitagati, 14 Amoghavarsa, Rastrakuta king, 2, 26 Anandmangalam Sculptures, 5? Anantamati, 92 Anantamati ganti, 128 Anantapur, Andhra, 4, 52 Arika, & feudal chief. III annaprasana, the feeding rite, 76 anupreksas, reflections on twelve items of Jainism, 95 antaratma (internal soul), 17 anvaya, a Jaina monastic group, 120, 125-6 aprasastadhyana, inauspicious medi talian, 96 Arhannandi, 112, 129 Arasarya, 113 arati, waving of the lamp around idol, 42, 46 Aratti, a lay devotee, 74 arhat,' Jaina Tirthankara, 32, 38, 64, 85 Arikesari, 13 Aristanen, 124 Arkakirti, a yapaniya nonk, 57, 110, 122, 136 Arungalanyaya, 1 Jaina monastic group, 50 Aryan, 74 aryika (Jaina nun), 12-8 Asadha (June-July), 46-go Asadhara, a Jaina author, 30 Asoka, the Mauryan king, 5 astahnika-puja, a Jaina ritual 11,36, 46 Astaupavasa, a monk, 93 Astaupavasikantiyar, a nun, 129 Asundi, 38, 118, 131 atma (soul), 77 Atmanusasana of Gunabhadra, 15, 88, 106-7 Attimabbe, 7, 112 Avinita, Ganga king, 6, 84, IOI Ayyopoti, a nun, 129 B Bacaladevi, 44 Badami, 1, 22, 55 Bagiyur, 117 babiratna, external soul, 17 bahiryana, a Jaina domestic rite, 76 Bahubali bhattaraka, 103, 122 bahya (external), gi Balakartargana a Jaina monastic group), 113 Balipura, 23 Bammagavunda, 129, 130 Banavasi, 1, Bandanike, 68, 104 Banglore district, 123 Bankapur, 27, 56, 67, 118 Bankeya, feudal chicf, 26 Bannikere, 44 basadi (Jaina monasteries), II, 19, 24, 27, 37, 66, 83, 100, 103-4, 107, 112, 132

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168 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Basava, a virasaiva teacher, 6 Camundaraya, a jaina general of Bastihalli, 42 Garigas, 10, 27, 34, 35, 38, 105 Belgami, 2 Camundarayapurana, 10 Belgaum district, 38, 48, 102, 111, Candamari, 13 113, 116, 129 Candiyabbe, 112 Bellary district, 3, 104 Candragiri hill, 5, 20, 124-5 bhadra (August-September), 94 Cardragupta Maurya, 4 Bhadrabahu, 4, 5, 34, 64 Candraksanta, 133 Bhadrabahu-Gandragupta Jaina - Candraya, 106, 113 tradition, 4-5; historicity of, 5; Candranandi, 101, 120 inscriptional and literary cvidence Candraprabha, 8th Jina, 53 regarding, s Candraprabhabhatara, 118, 131 bhagaa kriya (restoration of dila- Candrasiddhantadeva, 103 pidated objects), 132 Carukirti Pandita, 14, 15, 123 bbagna satiskara, i32 Cattaladevi, 85 Bhairva Padiavati Kalpa, 18, 33 Caturmasa, a Jaina practice of 37; on the magical rites, 58; staying at onc place for four on vasikarana, 58; on the signi- months, 89 ficance of uttering mantra, 58; Caturmukhapuja (worship of the on the svangavinyasa, 59; on four faces of the Jina), 36 sakalikarana, 59 Gavaya, a sculpture, 34 Bhaktamara stotra of Manatunga, 29 Cenna Parsvanatha, 42 bhaktapratyakhyan, a Jaina rite of Ccra, 13 religious suicide, 62 Chamrajanagar taluq, 101, 105 bhakti, devotion, 29 Chitaldoorg district, 112 Bhanukirti, 72 Cikka betta (small bill), 20 bhava-puja (mental prayer), 36 Cikaraya, 26, 106, 113 Bhimrasibhatara, 103, 113 Citrakutanyaya, a Tain monastic bboja or bhojala (a class of priest), group, 129 48 Coimbatore, i bhuta, evil spirit, 59 Cola, 113 Bidar district, 2, 3 Cudakarna, a Jaina rite, 76 bijamantra, 39 Cult(s) of Ambika, 52, 56; of JvalaBijapur district, 1, 3, 39, 49, 52, 102, malini, 53-4; originated ia Kar129-3, 136 nataka, 124-5; patrogised by Biliyur, 116 the monks of Dravida sangha, Bincya Bamou setti, 115 53-4, 124-5; tantric attributes of, Biraya setti, 115 57-9; Padmavati, 52, 54; patrons Bithigavunda, 113 of, 55; tantric attributes of, 58-9; Bittideva, Hoysala king, 6 of Siddhayika, 32 Boppadeva, 50 Boppave, 66 Brahma, 29, 30, 31 da&sinagni, 80 brahmaraksas (an evil spirit), 55 Brahmasiva, a Jaina author, 15 Damakirti, 48 Dambal, 115 Brahma-Devarasa, 133 Danitarqati, 128 Brhatkathakosa, 5, 9 dana, a Jaina rite of making gifts, Brhatsaribita, i Buddhissn, 36, 60, 72 82-7; calegosjes of, 85-6; increas ing importance of, 86; meaning Buddhist, 5, 87, 105, 108 Buddhist hhiksus, 101 of, 84; reaction against the puriBuddhist Vihara, jo tan practice of, 86 dana sala, charitable stores of the Butuga, Ganga king, 118 Jainas, 49, 83, 134; donations 10, 83-4; secular control of, 84 Danavujapadu, 52 Caitya trce, an object of svorship. 34 Darsanasara, 15, 117, 124 Caki Raja, 110 Davangere talug. 112 Cakravarti-Puja, 36 Deniyakka, 85 Galukyas, I, 13, 83, 110, 114 desa, 126

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Index 169 Desi gana, a Jaina monastic group, 134 Desiga gana, 126 Eastern ghat, I Desiyagana, 49, 120-1, 126 Edehalli. 54 devadasis, temple prostitutes, 46 Ekatvavitarkavicara (meditation on Devagana, 49, 85, 120 a single object), 38 Devaraja, Hoysala minister, 133. Elacarya, 93 Deva saigha (a Jaina monastic Excgittur gana. a Jaina monastic order), 13 group, 120 Devavarma, Kadamba king, 122 dharma, 12 dharmacakras (wheels of righteous. ness), 34, 93 feudal character of Jaina monasteDharmagavunda, 112 ries, 119 Dharmamta, 14 Dharwar district, 2, 26, 37-8, 49, 54, 103, 106, 112-3, 113, 123 Dhavala of Virasena, 127 gaccha, a monastic group, 20, 49; dhrti, a Jaina rite, 75 Pulikal gaccha. 120; Pustaka Dhurvadevacarya, 49, 85 gaccha, 49, 120-1, 126 dhyana, a monastic observance, 95) Gadag taluq, 3, 19, 106, 108 categories of, 96; duration of, gadyana, a gold coin, 103, 112, 114, 95; objects of, 95-6; meaning 116-7 of the term, 95 Gana (a small monastic group), Digambaras, 4, 7, 11, 14, 40, 45> 1 20-3, 126; Ajjigana, 120; Deva 61, 73, 100, 102,108,110,119-21, gana, 120; Desigana, Y26; Ere126, 136 gitturgana, 120; Kandur gana, Digambara monastic order. Mula- 122; Kareya gana, 122; Parasaigha, thc earliest order in Jainz lura gana, 120; Pogariya gana, records, 119; proliferation of. 120; Punnaga vrksamula gana, 120; rcference to the causes of 1 22-3 subdivisions of, 121-3, 126-71 ganadhara, head of a gana, 131 organisation of, 131-2 Ganesa, Brahmanical god, 35 dikpalas (guardians of different quar- Gaigas. 6, 110, 119 ters), 43, 60 Ganga dynasty, 6; origin of the, 6; diksa, 2 role of Jaina teachers regarding Divakarnandi, 132 the creation of, 6 domestic rituals of the Jainas, 74-82; ganga mandala, 110 Adipurana of Jinasena on the, Gangamuni, 54 74; Brahmanical impact on, Ganganur, 50 80-I; not allowed to artisans, Ganga Raja, military chief of the dancers and Sudras, 82; Numeri- Ganga kings, 27, 39, jo cal strength of, 74; purposes of, ganti, a Jaina pun, 128 79; reaction against the propa- garbhadhana, a Jaina rite, 74, 79 gation of, 81-2 garhanatya, a Jaina rite, 80 gatrika bandha, 75, 79 Donigavuoda, 112 gayatri mantra, 33 Dorasamudra, 104, 133 gavundas, village headmen, 112 geographical extent of Karnataka. Dramnila sangha, 50 1-2; in Puranas, 1; in the MahaDravida sangha, 53, 117, 120, 124-0, bharata, 1; in the Brhatsamhita, 136; origin of, 124-5; not rcla I; in Kavirajamarga, 2 ted to Tamil church, 125 ghatapatra, 76 dravya puja, eightfold worshiy, 36 ghi, 88 Dravya Sangraha, 17, 18 Godavari, 2, 126 Durgasakti, 26 Gokak taluq, 113 Survinita, western Ganga king, 17,108 Gominata, 1 Jaina god, 35 dresa, a mhgical rite of causing Gommatesvara, 17, 35, 45, 105, comity, 58 115 dvijas (twice born), 81-2 Gooty, 1 Doni, 15, 123 Dostika, 9

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170 Jainism in Early Medieval Farnalaka 116 Govinda III, Rastrakuta king, 57, Indrakirti, 104, 122 110. 122 Indrakirtisvami, i11 Govinda Pai, 126 Indranandi, 10, 41, 33, 107, 125, Grhastacarya, Jaina priest for per- 136 forming domestic rites, 47 inscriptions, sce appendix 'A' and Gubbi talug, 122 Gudigere talug, 27, 119, 129, 132 irya-patha Suddhikriya, removal of Gujarat, 77 impurities caused by movements, Gunabhadra, 9, 15, 30, 87, 106, 108- 41 9, 135 Gunacandrabhatara, 118 Gunacandrapanditadeva, 128 Gunanandi, 83 Jaina canons, the occult practices in, Gunanandi-Karmmapraksti-bha 56-7; on the sensualist monks, 56 tara, 63 Jaina fasts, Jinasena Suri an, g2; mcthod of, 92; popularity of H short duration, 93; types of, 92-93 Halsi, 37-8, 48, 102, 116, 122-3, 136 Jaina initiation, an important monasHampe (Vijayanagara), 2 tic observance, 69-74; age for, Hanasoge, 132 73; caste aftliation of, 73-74; Hargal, 3 changes in the practice of, 74 Hannumankonda, 5? Jaina monastic resources, in Jaina Harihar, 2 records, 176-7; management of, Hariscna, 5, 9 117-139 Harivam sapurana, 8, 29, 92 Jaina nuns, early position of the 128; Harivarma, Kadamba king, 38, 102, Composite character of the order of the, 129; increasing imporHaryyale, a lay devotee, 39 tance of the, 129-30; terms deHassan district, 67, 105, 123, 133 noting to, 127-28 Heggere, 104 Jaina Penance, 90-9; forms of, 20, Helacarya, 53-4, 123 96-7; significance of, 90-1 ; twoHemagrama, 53, 125 fold division of, 91-6 Hemasitala, a king of Kanci, 103 Jaina tantric literature, development hirisa (injury to living creatures) of, 33, 55-60 47, 82, 97 Jaincn'dra Vyakarana, 108 Hindu Dharmasastras, so Jakkiyabbe, 69, 130 Hogari gaccha, a Jaina monastic Jalamangala, 110 group, 49 Jambushanda, I homa (fire oblation), 46, 51 Janapadas, 1 Honnur, 123 Japa, a monastic observance, 45 Hoysalas, 110, 114 Jatakarma, a Jaina rite, 75 Hoysala gavunda, 104, 113 Jatasimkanandi, 12, 24, 34, 46 Hulla, a Jaina gencral, 27, 84 Javagal, 50, 104 Huliyabbajjike, a Jaina nun, 129 Javur, 5+, 123 Humcca, 55, 105, 114 Jaya Dliasala, 127 Hungund taluq, 49 Jayakirti, 48 Hyderabad, 2 Jayakirtideva, 123 Jayapanditadeva, 49 Jebelgcri, 26 Jinacandra, 34 Icvadi, 85 Jinadatta Kiya, Santara king, 55, Idainati, 105 105,113 Idol worship, glorification of, 30-1; Jinansihapura, 84 in early Digambara Literature, Jinapati, 31 23-5: in Jaina records, 25-7; Jinasabasranama, 30 notives of 28-30; role of Jaina Jinasena, 7, 9, 10, 15, 19, 30-1, teachers in propagating the idea 33-4, 36, 40, 63, 73-5, 76-82, oi, 24, 26 94, To8-9, 127, 135 ingitamarana, self-suicide. 62 Jinasena Suri, 8, 9, 29, 72, 92

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59 Kalsi, 5. Index 171 Jinendragunasampatti, a Jaina fast, Kittur, 20, 123 92 Kittur saigha, a Jaina monastic Joranarnava, 95, 97 order, 124 Jvalamalini, 33, 53-4, 56, 123, 125; Kiviriyya, 66 attendant deity of the 8th Jina, Kogali, 104 53; independent status of, 53; Kolhapur district, 54,123, 136 origin of, 53-4; tantric attributs Kolattur sangha, a Jaina monastic of, 59-60, order, 20, 121, 123 Jvalinikalpa, 18, 33, 53-4, 57-9 Konnur, 3, 26, 113 125; on thc cfficacy, of mantra, 57; Kopbal, 2, 27, 68 on magic circle called mandala, Cic called mandala, Kranurgana, a Jaina monastic 59; on nyasa, 57; on sakalikarana group, 104 Krsna, i Kfina II, Rastrakuta king, 26, K 109, ril Krsna 'III, Rastrakuta king, 31, Kadambas, 1, 90, 110, 119 104, 130 Kadur district, 54 Ksctrapalas (guardians of different Kakambal, 104 directions), 104 Kakutsthavarma, Kadamba king, 48 Kulacandradeva, 104 Kali setti, 115 Kumarapura, 6, 20, 100 Kumarasenia, the founder of the Kaiiyakka, 112 Kastha sangha, 127 Kaliyamma, 26 Kumkummahadevi, 27 Kalyani, 3, 1JI Kunangil district, 110 Kamalasana, 99 Kundakunda, 5, 96, 121 Kamalasri, 53 Kundakundanvaya, a jaina monasKancanadevi, 55 tic group, 16, 49, 103, 120, 125-6, Kanci, 105 132, 134 Kandaci, 38, III Kuntala, Kandarpa, 53 Kuppatur taluy, Ig Kangugas, a land measure, 102-3, Kurcakas, a Jaina sect, 102, 122, 133 117 Kusmandini, a Jaina yaksini Kandurgana, 122 Kuvalayamala of Udyotana, 8, 12 Kankakaira, 'Ratta abief, 111 Kankaprabha, 111 L Kankasena, 19, 106 Kannavisaya, 2 Laksamana, 27 Kanti, a Kannada poetess, 10g Lakshmeshwar, 2, 3, 26, 49, 83 Kanti, a Jaina nun, 128 Laksinideva, il Karnaparya, 10, 109 Laksmimati, 64, 85 Karcya gana, 131, 122 Lingayat, 6 Karsapanas, a coin, 85 Lokayata, 108 Kartavirya II. Ratta chicfiil Lokkiyabbe, 55 Karttika Hindu god, 34 Karttika (October-November), 90 Machiavelli, 109 Macikabbe, 66 Macisctti, 115 Madahalli, 113 Kayaklesa (inortification of the Madaya, 67 Madhava, Ganga king, 6, 54, 100 mayotsarga, & monastic observance, Madhya Pradesh, 15 98 Madras, 4 Kellangere, 118 Madura, 125 Mahabharata, 1, 8 Mahadeva, 32 mahajanas, 34 ivarman II, calu kya king, 26 Mahapurana, 8, 30 M, Kathiawad, 9 Kauravas, 8 Kavajagere, 112 Kaveri, 2, 101 Kavirajamarga, 2 body), gi Khandali, 116 Khetagrama, 48 Kirtideva, 112

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172 Jainism in Early Medieval Fiarnataka Maharashtra, I mabasamanta, 83, 111 Mahavira, 16, 30, 51-2 Nadali, 114 Mailapa tirtha, 111 Nagacaindra, 10 Malaladevi, 112 Nagadeva, "Hoysala minister, 112, Malanura sangha, 123 115 Maicyur, 105 Nagamayya gavunda, 112 Malkhed, 33 Naganandyacarya, 103, 116 Malur, 20 Nagarakhanda, 130 Mallinatha, 10, 42 Nagasenapandita, 49 Mallisena Suri, 8, 57, 59 Nagar taluq, 55, 83, 105 manastambha, a free standing pillar Nalanda, toi in Jaina temples, 31 namakarana, a Jaina rite of naming mandala, a tantric magic circle, 59 a boy, 76 Nanika setti, 114 Nandidoorg, 1 Manoli, 3 Nandi sangha, 120, 126 mantras, utterance of fixed syllabic Nanniya Gaiga, 55, 103 words, 57-8 Naragel, 83 Mfanyakhela, 13 Narasimhachar, 5 Manyapura, 192 Narasimhadeva, 33, 19 Marasimha, Ganga king, 10, 38, Narayana, 8 103, 105, 116 Nastika, 37 Maridatta, 13 Navalgund' taluq, 54, 83, 123 Dlarikalli, 30 Navilur Sangha, , 20, 124 Mariyanedandanayaka, 43 Nayakirti Sidabanta cakravarti, 49Mascna, 21 50 mastakabhiscka (ablution of the Nayasena. 14 head), 43 Nemicandra, 17, 18, 109 mathas (aina monastery), Nemideva, 13 mathavasi lifc, beginning of the prac. Neminatha. 8. 28. 12 tice of living in monasteries, 100; Niddhiyamma gavunda, 113 consequences of, 100-1; mcn- Nijiyabbc or Nijiyabbarsi, mother tioned in Jaina records, 101-6; of Ratta chicf, 103, 111 reaction against, 106-7 Nilagiri, 125 mattars, a Land measuic. 103 Nilagriva, 54 Mattavara, 114 Nimilur saigha, 120, 124, 128 Mavurgrama sangha, a jaina monas- Nirgcanthas, a jaina sect, 122, 133 tic order, 124 nirvanaksetra, the place of attaining Meguti, 22 liberation, 35 Melpati, 13 niryapakacarya, a Jaina teacher for Meruhalli, 84 deciding the course of salickhani, moda, 2 Jaina rite, 74 63 mohsa (liberation), 30 Niryuktis, 56 Molakere, 114 Nisidhi, a post memorial stones, 66 Monibhatara, 118 Nitisara, 107 Monisiddhantadeva, 103 Nitivakyamrita, jog Mottenavile, 39 Nityavarsa, Rastrakuta king, 43 Mrigcsavarma, kadamba king. ? nivartana, a Land mcasure, 44,111 44, 102, 116, 132 niyama, a monastic observance, 99 mudras (Symbolic gestures), 57 Nollabbi setti, 115 Mugad, 83 Nonantaugala, 2n, 34 mulabhadra, 116 North Arcot, 13 Malacara, 5, 88, 100, 128 North Kanara, I Asulgund, 16, 19, 26, 106, 113 nyasa, consecration of the different Musasangha, 17, 49, 74. 85. 104, parts of the body, 59 113, 119-21, 125-6. 130 Iunicandra, tog, 111, 135 munjagrass, 77 Vunjarya Vadighangala Bhatta,103 ilmills. 115 Order(s) of Jaina nun, carly posi nathavash living in of contes,' s01 tioned in ces of, tosteries, 100;

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Index tion of the, 128; growing importance of the, 129-30; internal administration of the, 129 Onkunda, 2 P padapogamana (a procedure of ritual suicide), 62 Padmaksi, attendant spirit of Parsvanatha, 52 Padmapurana, 8,40,73,102,108 padmasana, 98 Padmavati, 33, 52-6, 105; Sasanadevi of the Tirthankara Parsvanatha; 54 exaltation of the position of, 52; tantric attributes of, 58-9 Padmavatiyakka, a Jaina lady, 55 Palaghat, i, Palasika, 38, 48, 122 Pambabbe, 71 Pampa, 10, 108 Pancakuta, 83 pancaparamesthi, five perfect beings of the Jainas, 32, 59 Pancastupanvaya, 127 Pandara, 48 Pandiga, 104, 117 Pandavas, 8 Pandya, 13 Panini, 108 Paralura gana, 120 paramatma,,17,, 23 Parmatmaprakasa, 16, 24, 95 Pariva, 50 Parsvadeva, 115 Parsvanatha, 15, 38, 41, 54 Patanjali, 99 Pattadakal, 2 pattanasvami, 114 pattini, a Tamil term for nun, 125 Pattiniguravadigal, 125, 129 Paumacariya, 8, 24, 81 Perbbolal, 20 Peninsular India, 3 phalguna (February-March), 46 a Jaina monastic Piriyasamudaya, group, 112 Pocikkabbe, 39, 64 Pogariya gana, 120 Pollachi, I Ponna, io, 108 Ponnalli, 11 Prabhacandra, 108, 124 Prabhakara, 119 Prabhacandra Saiddhantila, 50 Prabhani, 13 Prabhavati, 124, 128 pradaksina, circumambulatory of a temple, 41 prasastadhyana, 96 prastavana (prelude), 41 pratihari (door-keeper), 48 pratisthacarya (the priest for installing the images), 47 Pravacanasara, 5, 100 prayascittas (expiatory rite), 91 priests, categories of, 47; functions of, 49-50; hereditary, 48; Jaina monks not allowed to adopt the profession of, 51; mentioned in Jaina records, 48-9 priti, 75, priyodbhava, a Jaina rite. 75 prosodha upavasa, fasting on the eighth and the fourteenth lunar days in each fortnight, 94, 136 puja (worship), 42 Pujyapada, 16, 71, 84, 108-9, 125 Pulakesin II, Calukya king, 38, 102, 110 Pulibal gaccha, 120 Pulliura, 85, 101 Punnad gana, 9 Punnagavriksamulagana, 122-3, 130Punisa, a Hoysala general, 44 Punyasravakathakosa, 14, purakarma, purification of the place of worship, 41 Pustaka gaccha, 49, 120, 126, 132 R Racamalla II, Ganga king, 10, 116 Raichur, 2 rajaguru, 109 Rajapura, 106 rajasa, a form of charity, 86 Rama, 8 173 Ramcandra Mumuksu, 14 Ramanatha, 2 Ramanujacarya, G Ramayana (Jaina), 8, 108 Ranna, 10, 108 Ranamati ganti, 128 Rastrakutas,, 13 Ratnakaranda-Sravahacara, 5, Risabhadeva, 10, 31, 139 Risis (a monk), 129 S 72, 127 Ratrimati, 130 raudra, 97 Ravikirti, 38, 102, 122 Ravisena, 8, 31, 46-7, 73, 108 Ravivarma, Kadamba king, 25, 38, 48, 91, 122 Sabdivatara, 108 61,

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174 Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Sadarcana puja (daily worship), 36 Shimoga district, 2, 44, 55, 68, 83, Sadasiva, 31 105 sadhu (ordinary: 200k), 31-2 Sidahavita, yaksini of Mahavira, 52 Sangali, 3 siksa, 72 Saivas, 13, 87 siksavrata (educative vow), 23 Saivism, 55 Silagrana, 122-3 Saka, 9 Silaharas, 55 sakalikarana, Jaina tantric rite, 59 Silapadditaram, 80 Saktasangamatantra, 2 Sinhanandi, 6 salickhana (religious suicide by Singaya, 119, 132 fasting), 21, 61-3, 67, 69, 738 Singhayura gana, 103 samadhi, 63-4, 67 Siva, 30, 35, 139 Samadhi-sataka, 17 Sivamara, 103 Satantabhadr3, 5, 23, 65, 95 Sivanandi, 116 Samaraicca kaha, 56 Snapanacarya (priest for performing samayadipaka, 87 bathiog rituals), 42, 47 samayika-siksa vrata (customary Somadeva, 19, 25, 36, 43, 45, 61-2, worship), 23 86-8, 95, 97-8, 106, 135, 138 Samniyira, 110 Somapur, 84, 133 sangha, Jaina monastic order, 20; Somcsvara 1, 04 Dravida sangha, 124-6; Kittur Somesvara II, 27, 119 sangba, 193, Kolattur sanghn, Soratur, rog, 113, 129 1237 Malanur sangba, 129; Sources, 6-22; didactic works, 15-6; Mayurgrana sangha, 124; Mula inscriptions, 19-32; Jaina purinas, sangba, i10-20; Nandi sangba, 7-12;- philosophical works, 16-7; 120; Navilur saigha; Yapaniya polemical works. 15-6; tantric sangha, 121-3; Yapaniya Nandi works, 18-9 Sangha, 100 South-Kanarz, 3 Sankara, 37, 139 Sovisetti, 44 115 Saolaracarya, 81 Suathya, 108 Sravaka, 87 sannidhapana (going ncarce), 42 Sravana-Belgola, 3, 5, 18-25, 27, Sintaladevi, Hoysala Quccn, 39 35, 38, 45, 47, 57, 63-5, 67, 72, Santara, 5., 83 74, 92, 105, 115, 118, 124, 126 Santi, a tantric rite, 56 Sridharadeva, 113 Sintinatha, 9, 43, 119 Srimulasangba, 49, 101, 121 Santipusana, ? Srinandi Pandita, 119, 129, 132 Santischamuni, 63 Sripura, 10 Santivarmi, Kadba ling, 48 Sripurusa, Ganga king, in Santivarma, Raffa chief, 103 Sriranga, Sandyana, 21. 6.4 Srisaila, 2 sari (lower garnent for woman), Srivara Matisagara pandita, 118 Srivijayadevapanditacarya, 49 Sarojamucira, 58 Srutakirti, 48 Sarrarthasitahi, 16, 04, 108 stambhana, 2 tantric rite, 58 4istradina (gifts or inc sacred know sebinadhipati (incharge of maha), Tedre). satt, 137 stbipana, 42 srivika 86 Sihinangasutra, 56 Scanlatti talu, 5, 109, 171, 122-3 Subhacandra, 91, 97 chip in Jaina order, 123, 126-7 Sudatta, 73, 196 Suain, 74, 123 Sudras, 73, 138 Sulkadhyana, 97 Srunt, 1,20 Sitparsvanath3, S2 Sent Anvaya, Jairn poattic *upriti, Jaina ritc, 25 Riour, 10, 520 Surstra fina la Jaina monastic order), 112, 129 Satrndstang, 36 tuttaksaths, 1 grintavinylsa, 59 Sramana, 5

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Index 175 velvi, 80 Vemulvada, 13 Venpelkarani, 6, 84, 101 vidyadana, gifts for propagating knowledge, 103, 134 Vidyanandi, 198 vihara, 101 Vijayaditya, western calukya king, 27, 83 Vijayakirti, 6, 101 Vijayanagara, 3 Vikramaditya II, 2 Vikramapura, 39, 49 Vimaladitya, 57, 110, 136 Vimala Suri. 3 Vinayaditya, 49, 83, 104, 109, 114, 134 Vindhyagiri, 18, 27, 35, 38, 105 virasana, 98, 108, 127 Viradeva, 6 Virasaivas, 6 Visnu, 29, 30-1, 139 Visnuvardhana' 1, castern calukya king, 1 Visnuvardhana, Hoysala king, 39, 50, 104, 133 vratacarya, a Jaina ritc, 78 Vrsabhanandi, 21, 63 Svayambhu, 31 svastikamudra, 38 Svetambaras, 73, 93, 100-1, 120-1 Taila II, calukya king, 111, 131 Taikad, 101 Tamasa, 86 Tamil country, 125 Tamil Nadu, 4, 125 Tattvarthasutra, 16 Telgu country, 121 Temple worship, importance of, 24-52 37; public and private, 37, 39-40; stages of, 41-5 Terdal, 3 Tolapurusa Santara, 103 Tribhuvanamalla Deva, 112 Trikalayogisa, 126 Tumkur district, 104, 122-3, 136 Tungabhadra, 2. Ugrasena-guravadigal, 129 Umasvani, 16 upadhyaya' (preceptor), 32, 131 upanayana (initiation), 139 upaniti, a Jaina rite, 77 upasakadhyayana, 14 Upavasapara, a monk, 93 Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 56 Uttatagunas, 23 Uttarapurana, 9,, 16 Vadighangala Bhatta, 108, 109 Vaijayanti, 1 Vaisnava, 6 Vaisnavism, 56 vaisya, 26, 106, 113 Vajranandi, 117, 125, 127 Vajranandi Siddhantadeva, 133 Vajrasana, 99 Valahari gana, a Jaina gana, a Jaina monastic group, 129 vanavasi (forest living), 106 Varadatta, 12, 129 Varahathihira, i Vardhamanadeva, 109, Varanga, 12, 70, 73, hanadeva, 109, 135 Varangacarita, 12, 24, 29, 36, 42-3, 47, 88, 102 Vasantavataka, 38, 102 vasikarana, a tantric rite, 56 Vasunandi srava kacara, 25, 30, 3 Vasupujya Siddhantadeva, 50 vasyalantradhikara, a chapter on vasikarana, 58 Vastakera, 5 Vatapi, 1 Vedagaon, 54 Vedanta, 96, 108 Vedic, 33, 81, 82, 139 Wadhavan, 9 Worship Jaina), forms of, 36; motives of, 28-30; objects of, 32-5 Y yaksas, 33 yaksinis, attendant spirits of the Tir thaikaras, 22, 51-3, 55; exalted position of, 22, 51-3, 55; in Jaina iconography, 52; tantric attributes of, 53, 57-60; see also Ambika, Tvalamalini, Padmavati yaksini cult, origin and development, 53-4; role of the yapaniya 'sect in the development of, 54; influence of tantric ideas on the growth of, 56-60 yapaniyas, 44, 102, 116, 121-3, 133, 136; affinity to Digambaras and svetambaras, 121; doctrines and practices of, 121, 136; Tegional distribution of, 121-3, 136 yapaniya Nandi Sargha, 122 yapaniya sect, 54, 123, 136 Yasastilaka, 25, 41, 45, 82, 95,106-7 yasodeva, 13 yahoihara, 13 . yoga (Jaina), different stages of, 97-8; obstacles to, 98; role of asana in, 98-9 Yogasara, 17 Yogindudeva, 17, 95

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ERRATA Page Line 6 fn. 1 10 kt 13 14 fn. 4,5 16 19 20 24 fo. 2 {n. 3 28 fn. 3 30 fn. For Read Koppal Kopbel EC EC, Ibid Ibid, E P. Rice E.P. Rice Vepulvada Vemulvada E P. Rice E.P. Rice M Winternitz M. Winternitz Umasvami Umasvamni EG EC, EC. EC, AN. Upadhye A.N. Upadhye T.G. Kalaghatgi. T.G. Kalaghat gi, Ibid., Ibid. Risabhadeva Rsabhadeva Ibid, Ibid. EI. Ibid, Ibid. Nilagiri Nilagiri Ibid, Ibid. Jain Jain EG. EC, Ibid Ibid. Kaveri Kaveri Ibid, Ibid, Ibid, Ibid. lbid Ibid. SII. TA. 31 8 k' kt H kkk yh d H h h t k yyd k 35 39 fn. 5 EL fn. in 4,5 54 61 fn 95 101 111 122 115 131 132 fo. n. fo, 4 4 3 SII, IA, ADDENDUM Please read Barkapur, Hariscna, Laksmesvara and Ravisena without diacritical marks.

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