Jainism in Ealy Medieval Karnataka

Author(s): Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh
Publisher: Motilal Banarasidas
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011065/1

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JAINISM IN EARLY MEDIEVAL KARNATAKA
(C. A. D. 500-1200)

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JAINISM IN EARLY MEDIEVAL
KARNATAKA (c. A.D. 500-1200)
RAM BHUSHAN PRASAD SINGH
B N College, Paina University
With a foreword by Professor A.L. BASHAM Chairman of the Department of Asian Civilizations,
Australran National Uniberstly, Canberra
MOTILAL BANARSIDASS Delhi :: Varanasi :: Patna

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MOTILAL BANARSIDASS
Indological Publishers and Booksellers Head Office : BUNGALOW ROAD, JATAHARNAGAR, DELUI-7
Branches : 1 OROWE, VABANASI (UP) 2. ASKOK RAJ PATH (OPP PATNA COLLEGC),
PATNA-4 (BIHAR)
ISBN O 8426 0981 4
First Edition Delhi, 1975
Price : Rs. 35.00
The publication of the book was financially supported by the
Indian Council of Historical Research.
Printed in India BY SHANTILAL JAIN, AT SHRI JLINENDRA PRFSS, A-45, PRASE-I, INDUSTRIAL AREA, NARAINA, NEW DELHI - 28 AND PUBLISHED BY SUNDARLAL JAI, FOR AOTILAL BANARSIDASS, BUNGALOW ROAD, JAU LHAR NAGAR, DELJII

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Dedicated to My revered Teacher Professor Ram Sharan Sharma

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CONTENTS
Pages
Foreword Preface Transliteration Chart Abbreviations
***
xiii xiv
II
CHAPTERS INTRODUCTION
16 SOURCES
7--22 Nature and importance of Jaina Literature, Jaina Puranas; the Jaina didactic literature; The Polemical Jaina literature; The Jaina colophons; Philosophical Treatises; Jaina
tantric texts and Jaina inscriptions. III IDOL WORSHIP AND TANTRISM 23-60
Prevalence of the image worship among Karnataka Jainas; Jaina Motive of worship; Forms of Jaina worship; Temple worship; Emergence of the priesthood from among the Jaina ascetics in Karnataka; Jaina goddesses and their association with tantrism.
IV
RELIGIOUS RITUALS AND PRACTICES OF THE FAINAS IN KARNATAKA 61--99 Jaina rite of the sallekhana; Initiation rituals; Charity ritual; Begging and Dietary practices; The Jaina practice of rain-retreat and severe Jaina Penance.

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(
viii
)
ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF JAINA MONACHISM IN KARNATAKA 100—134 Social and Economic basis of Jaina monks and monasteries in Karnataka; Role of the mercantile community in Karnataka Jainism; Proliferation of the Monastic orders; The Order of Nuns; Administration and Functions of the Jaina monasteries.
VI
CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDICES INDEX ERRATA MAP
135-139 140-148 149–166
167–176
177

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FOREWORD
From the time of the Mauryas Jainism was an important factor in the religious life of the area now covered by Karnataka State, formerly known as Mysore. With the support of many kings, the Jainas erected splendid temples and monasteries in many parts of the region, and the wonderful remains at Sravaņa-Belgola and elsewhere remain to this day as living memorials of the former greatness of Jainism, which still retains the support of many inhabitants of the area. The Jainas were pioneers in the development of the Kannada language, and they contributed greatly to many aspects of the cultural life of the region.
This important factor in the development of the civilization of South India has not bcen adequately studied. The great majority of the scholars specialising in the subject, whether in India or elsewhere, devote most of their attention to the forms of Jainism still prevalent in Gujarat and Rajasthan, while the Digambara Jainas of the South receive much less attention, and that mainly from local scholars. I am very glad that Dr. R. B. P. Singh has helped to fill a serious gap in our library shelves by producing this excellent study, which describes the Jain religion as it existed in Karnataka in the early medieval period. He has acquired a sound knowledge of the Kannada language in which many of his sources arc written and with this, together with a good knowledge of Sanskrit and Prākrit, he has produced a sound and scholarly survey of many aspects of the subject, not neglecting the social effects of Jainism on the life of the times. His work is sound, authoritative and original, and forms a very significant contribution to the study of India's religious history.
A. L. Basham
Australian National University
Canberra 28 January 1973

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PREFACE
The present book has grown out of my Ph.D. thesis approved by the Patna University in 1972. It is the result of my researches into the religious history of the Jainas in Karnataka who dominated the political and cultural life of Karnataka for about one thousand years during the early medieval period. Based on an analytical study of literary and epigraphic sources, it attempts to explain the prevalence of image worship, tantrism, priesthood and ritualistic formalism which characterized Karnataka Jainism in the early medieval period. The book also seeks to examine the social and economic basis of Jaina monasteries in all parts of the Kanada region.
The work has been prepared under the supervision of my respected teacher Professor R. S. Sharma, farmer Head of the Department of History, Patna University. He was not only a competent guide for my research but has also been a source of inspiration and encouragement to me. He took pains to go through the entire work in its manuscript stage and made valuable suggestions on many points. Words fail me to express my indebtedness to him.
I cannot forget Dr D. N. Jha who first kindled in me the spirit of research in south Indian history and Dr R.N. Nandi who taught me the proper way to tackle the problems of religious history. Dr Jha also read the entire revised manuscript and suggested several improvements. I am also thankful to my teachers in the Department of History, Patna University who helped me in various ways. I acknowledge with gratitude the help and advice I received from many eminent scholars from South India, especially Professor T. V. Mahalingam, Madras University, Professor P.B. Desai, Karnataka University, Dharwar, and Dr G, S. Dikshit of the same University.
I will be failing in my duty, if I do not express my deep sense of obligation to Professor A.L. Basham, who found time to go through the typescript and wrote a foreword for it. My

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(xii)
thanks are also due to Dr. B.K Pandeya, Dr (Mrs) Suvira Jaiswal, Jawaharlal Neliru University, Delhi, Dr. R.L. Shukla, Delhi University, Shri R.N. Kumar, Sri P.N. Sahay, Sri K.N. Rai and Sri Mahamaya Prasad of the Department of History, Patna University, Shri S. Nagaraj, Deputy librarian, The National Library, Calcutta, Shri S P. Gunjal, Librarian, Karnataka University, Dharwar, Shri M. Surendra, Karnataka Arts College, Dharwar, and Shri Nemichandra Shastri, Librarian, Deva Kumar Oriental Jaina Library, Arrah, for their cooperation during my research.
I am also obliged to the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, for granting me a subsidy for the publication of this book, but the responsibility for the facts stated, opinions expressed or conclusions reached, is entirely mine and the ICHR accepts no responsibility for them. Mr. J.P. Jain, M/s Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, deserves special thanks for having undertaken its publication so promptly. I pay tribute of respect to my deceased father Shri Rameshwar Prasad singh whose constant financial support cnabled me to continue the research work for a fairly long period.
In spite of my best efforts, some mistakes and omissions have escaped my notice for which, I trust, my readers will kindly bear with me. They are also requested to forgive me for using both the old and new names of the present Karnataka state.
Ram Bhushan Prasad Singh
20 November 1975 B. N. College Patna University.

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SCHEME OF TRANSLITERATION
'
च् C छ ch
श्रा
त
th
AANA
___
gha
jh
oo'
द dh
म् dh
'
RAHAH AAHal thrs में
।
म् र्
शु ५
ह, क्ष्
h ks
ब b म bh म m
v
स्s
a tr
to
la
jn
Anusvara - m, ñ Visarga : h

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ABORI
BDCRI
BK
BKI
Cf
Ch
EC
Ed
EI
ERE
IA
IC
1HQ Introd
JA JBBRAS
JBU
JKU
JSB
ΚΙ
MAR
ABBREVIATIONS
SBE
SBJ
SII
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
Poona
Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Institute, Poona Book
Bombay Karnataka Inscriptions, Dharwar
Compare
Chapter
Epigraphia Carnatica, Banglore and Manglore
Edited
Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, cd J Hastings, Edinburgh Indian Antiquary, Bombay
Indian Culture, Calcutta
Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta
Introduction
Jaina Antiquary, Arrah
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay
Journal of the Bombay University, Bombay
Journal of the Karnataka University, Social Sciences, Dhars ar
Jaina Siddhanta Bhaskara, Arrah
Karnataka Inscriptions, Dbarwar
Mysore Archaeological Report, Banglore
pages
part
PP
pt
Pro AIOC Proceedings and Transactions of the All India Oriental
Conference
Sacred Books of the East
Sacred Books of the Jainas
South Indian Inscriptions, Madras

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(xv)
Top. List of Inscriptions Topographical list of Inscriptions, Madras tr.
translated vol.
Volume Verses
VV
ABBREVIATED NAMES OF DIFFERENT TALUQS
Ag Ak
BL
Ba Ch
Md Mg ML Mr My Mi Ng
Cd
ag
Cm
NL
Cp
Nr
Dg
Arkalgud Arsikere Belur Banglore Chamrajnagar Citaldroog Coorg Chikmagalur Cennapatna Davangere Gubbi Goribidour Heggadadevankote Holakere Hassan Hole-Narsipur Kadur Kolar Koppa
Mandya Mudgere Malavalli Malur Mysore Manjarbad Nagamangala Nelamangala Nagar Sorab Sravana-Belgola Shimoga Sira Shikarpur Srinivaspur Tirthahalli Tumkur Tiptur Yedatore
SB SB Sh
Gb
Si
Sk
SP
Gd Hg HI Hn Hn Kd KL Кр
TL Tm
TP
ya

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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Karnataka or the present Mysore state stands apart as a distinct unit in the vast southern country and is situated south of Maharashtra. Its geographical boundaries are given by Wilks? as follows : "Commencing near the town of Bidar... following the course of Kanarese language to the south east, it is found to be limited by a waving line, which nearly touches Adoni, winds to the west of Gooty, skirts the town of Anantpur, and passing through Nandidroog, touches the range of Eastern Ghats ; thence pursuing the mountainous pass of Gazzalhati, it continues to follow thc abrupt turn caused by the great chasm of western hills between the towns of Coimb. tore, Pollachi and Palaghat; and sweeping to the north-west, skirts the edges of the precipitous western Ghats, near as far north as the sources of Krşnā, whence following first an castern and afterwards a north-eastern course, it terminates in rather an acute angle near Bidar, already described as its northern limit."
We may have some idea of the extent of Karnataka in early medieval times. The name Karnāta occurs in the Jambukhanda of the Mahabharata, the Puranas and the Brhatsanhita of Varāhamihira (6th century A.D.) in the list of southern janapadas. An epigraph of the early Kadamba King Vişnuvardhana I' indicates that the Karnāta country included a group of territories and Vaijayanti or modern Banayasi in the North Kanara district of Mysore was the metropolis. Tlie country ruled over by the early Calukya kings of Vatãpi or modern Badami in the Bijapur district and the adjoining 1. Wills, cited in G. Yazdani (ed), The Early History of the Deccan,
pts. I-VI, p. 40. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid,

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Jainism in Early Mcdicval Fiarnataka
areas was known as Karnataka in the Sth century A.D.1
The Kavirajamärga or the Royal Road of Poets, which is attributed to Amoghavarşa (A.D. 815-877), defines thc extent of Karnataka as lying between the Godavari river in the north and the Käveri in the south. It further states that the heart of Karnataka is the territory round Kisuvolal (Patçadakal in the Bijapur district), Kopana or modern Koppal in the Raichur district, Onkunda in the Belgaum district, Puligere or Laksameśvara in the Dharwar districi."
The above details suggest the inclusion of North Kanara, Dharwar, Bijapur, Raichur and Gulbarga districts of the present Mysore state within the Karnataka country in the Oth century. But it seems to be difficult to specify the exact geographical boundaries of Karnataka during the 10th-12th centuries. Some scholars have held that the original Karnāta country corresponds to the Kanna-vişaya of the Hyderabad grant of Vikramaditya I, and that it lay at the foot of Śrisaila.3 But there is little evidence in support of such a conjecture. The Saktisargama Tantra defines Karnāța as the country that cxtends from Rāmanātha to Sriranga. Sriranga has been placed on the banks of the Kāvers which is mentioned also in the Kavirajamurga as marking the southern boundary of Karnāta. Sriranga has been identified with the modern Serirangapatam in Mysore. As regards the identification of tlic place Ramanatha, Rice held that it was an island a few miles below the junction of the Tunga and the Bhadra, the twin streams which united to form the Tungabhadrã. There is evidence to show that part of Karnāța lying to the north of the Turgabhadrâ was being referred to under a new name in the 12th century AD,5
Fleet, after an analysis of several epigraphic records, shows that Kuntala was also included in the Kannada country. It included on the south Banavasi in North-Kanara, Belgāmve and Harihar in the Shimoga district of Mysore, and Hampe 1. Wilks, cited in G. Yazdani (ed.), The Early History of the Deccan,
pis, I-VI, p. 40. 2 Îbid. p. 41. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid 5. Ibid. p. 42, ,

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Introduction
3
or Vijayanagara in the Bellary district; to the north of these places Hangal, Lakşameśvara, Lakkundi and Gadag in the Dharwar district; farther to the north, Belgaum, Saundatti, Manoli, and Konnur in the Belgaum district; and still more to the north Terdal in the Sangali state, Bijapur itself and doubtless Kalyāņi. Kuntala had thus by the twelfth century come to denote the whole of Karnata country.
The above analysis becomes more clear from the study of the Jaina records which register gifts for the Jaina monks and monasteries in Karnataka during the 5th-12th centuries. They reveal that Karnataka comprised a greater part of the state of Mysore in the early medieval period. The present study, however, excludes South-Kanara and Bidar districts of Mysore which contain no important Jaina vestiges of the 5th-12th centuries A.D.
The Jainas constitute today a small community in Mysore, but they command great respect among the Kannadiga people. The reasons for this may not be quite clear unless we know something of the past history of Jainism in that area, especially the processes through which the Jainas dominated the political and cultural life of Karnataka between the 5th and the 12th century A.D.
Some work has been done on the history of Jainism in Mysore till the 5th century A.D., and something is also known about the period from c. A.D. 1000. But not much has been published on the period from c. A.D. 500 to A D. 1200, when Jainism played an important role in Mysore and in the whole of Peninsular India, Śravana-Belgola served as the epicentre of this faith.
Although Jainism made valuable contributions.to the life of medieval Karnataka, it has not so far received the attention it deserves. Ayyangar, Saletore, Sharma, Deo and Desai have written the history of Jainism in the Peninsular India," but 1. Wilks, cited in G. Yazdani (ed.), The Early History of the Deccon, pts. I-VI, p. 42.
2.
Ramaswami Ayyanger and B. Seshagiri Rao, Studies in South Indian Jainism, Madras, 1922.
B. A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism, Karnataka Publishing House, Bombay, 1938.
$. R. Sharma, Jainism and Karnataka Culture, Dharwar, 1940.
-

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Jainism in Earls Medieval barnataka
even if we read all their works on the subject, we do not get an adequate and comprehensive picture of the Jaina religion in Mysore during carly mcdieval times.
Rao, who discusses the influencc of Jainism in the Andhra and Karnataka districts of the former Madras Presidency, ignores some of the main developments that characterize Jainism in Karnataka. Salctore primarily traces the development of the Jaina culture under the Vijayanagara Empire, to the comparative neglect of the earlicr period. S. R. Sharma is. mainly concerned with the literary and artistic achievements of the Jainas. He omits important facts regarding the Jaina system of worship and claboratc temple rituals, the monastic life and the practices of the Jaina ascetics and householders.
S. B. Deo's work also suffers from a similar weakness. He ignores the literary texts of the Digambaras who composed several important works in early medieval times. From the early centuries of the Christian era he jumps on to the 13th14th centuries without filling up the gaps between the 5th and 10th centuries. He has tried to cover such a long period and vast area that his study of Karnataka Jainism has inevitably become disjointed and superficial.
Desai mainly concentrates on the study of Jaina inscriptions in Tamilnad and gives only a brief account of the vicissitudes of Jainism in the South. As his scope is very limited he does not take account of the Jaina literary texts, which shed welcome light on the observances of the Jainas and their philosophy in Karnataka. Thus, the available publications on Jainism do not adequately dwell upon its history in Karnataka during the 5th-12th centuries A.D.
The advent of Jainisas in Mysore is assigned to the 4tn century B.C. according to the Jaina tradition. It states that Bhadrabahu and his royal disciple Candragupta Maurya migrated to the south, owing to a great fanine that lasted for twelve years in the North. The two Jaina ascetics along with
S. B. Deo, The History of Faina Monachism from inscriptions and literature, Deccan College Postgraduate Research Institute, Poona, 1956 P. B. Desai, Fannis in South India and Some Feng Epigraphs, Sholapur, 1957.

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Introduction
a good number of followers reached Sravana-Belgola and breathed their last on the Candragiri hill in the 4th century B.C.
No early literary and inscriptional evidence is available to support the Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta Jaina tradition. It appears first in a Sravana-Belgola epigraph of the 7th century.1 The Bğhatkathakośa of Harişeņa, which was composed in c. A.D. 931, is the next important source of our information regarding this Jaina tradition. Narasimhachar, who has examined this tradition in great detail in his revised edition of Sravana-Bclgoļa epigraphs, concludes that the story of Bhadrabähu-Candragupta migration has some basis to stand.2 But in the absence of any contemporary and corroborative evidence, it is difficult to think of the introduction of Jainism in Mysore in the 4th century B.C. The disinclination among scholars to question the veracity of the above Jaina tradition seems to have sprung from their enthusiasm to push back the antiquity of Jainism in Mysore. S. R. Sharma, who has also endeavoured to prove the existence of the Jainas in Mysore during the time of Asoka on the basis of the Kalsi Rock Edict XIII, misinterpreted the term Sramaņa. It does not necessarily mean a Jaina monk. It might refer only to the Buddhist monk. Thus, in any case till the beginning of the Christian era, we have no clear and definite cvidence of the prevalence of Jainism in Karnataka.
The Malacāra of Vattakera and the Pravacanasära of Rundakunda, which are roughly ascribed to the beginning of the Christian era,5 give us some idea about the life of the
Jaina monks in the South. Similarly, Samantabhadra who belongs to the early century.of Christian era, enlightens us about the conduct of a lay novice in his Ratnakaranda-śrāvakacara. We have to depend solely upon the above literary texts for the history of the carly phase of Digambara monachism. Epigraphic evidence, however, is available only from the 4th century A.D. Prior to this period the history of Jainism in Karnataka has been reconstructed mainly on the basis of 1. EC. ii, SB. 1, p1. 2 Ibid, introd., p. 42. 3. S. R Sharma, Jainism and Karnataka Culture, p. 7. 4. B M. Barua, Inscriptions of Asoka, pf. II, p. 192,
A. N. Upadhyc, (cd.), Pravacanasära, Introd., p. xxii.
เว่

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Jainism in Early Medieval líarnataka
traditions found in the later Jaina writings and cpigraphs.
The foundation of the Ganga kingdom in Mysore in ihre second century A.D., for example, sigurcs prominently in the Jaina tradition of the 11th-12th centurics. 'I hc Jaina (cacher Simhanandi, who is generally credited with the creation of the Garga kingdom, appears only in the later records of thic Gangas. We have, thus, somc doubis in supporting this Jaina tradition of the creation of the Ganga kingdom, for, there is no mention of this event in any contemporary litcrary text and epigraph. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that Simhanandi's account of help does not stand on solid ground. Even if we bclieve in this tradition, we can only presume the possibility of the relation between Simhanandi and the progenitor of the Ganga race on the ground of the events that followed one after another during the period from the 4th to the 10th centuries. From the 4th century onwards, we have ampie evidence to show the close relation between the Jaina teachers and the Ganga kings in Mysore. The first important record daled A.D. 3701 refers to the acārya Viradeva, who was the preceptor of the Ganga King Alādhava II. He is said to have granted some plots of land and the Kumārapura village for the benefit of the Jaina sanctuary. In anoiher record of c. A.D. 425, Avinīla donated the Vennelkarni village on thc advice of his preceptor Vijayakīrti. These Ganga princes may be said to have set up the examples for the later indigenous rulers of Karnataka who continued to champion the causc of the Jaina faith in Mysore during the 5th-12th centuries. Thus, from the days of the Ganga rulers till the first quarter of the 12th century, Jainism prospered continuously and attaincd the zenith of its power and influcnce in Karnataka. But the conversion of the Hoysala King Birtideva into the religion of Rāmānujācārya in A.D. 1116 and the revival of Vira-Saivism under the leadership of Basava and the establishment of the Lingāyata faith proved detrimental to the continued prosperity of Jainism in Mysore and gave a new tuin to the religious history of Karnataka. Gradually Jainism lost its grounds at the hands of the Vira-Saivaş and Vaisnava reformers. 1. EC x, Mr 73, pp 172-3. 2. EC, , Mir 72, pp. 171-2.

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CHAPTER II
SOURCES
Nature and Importance of the Jaina Literature
Our sources are mainly literary and epigraphical. The literary texts of the Digambaras consist in the main of the narrative literature to which category belong the Jaina Puranas and epics, the didactic literary works, polemic literature and the independent philosophical treatises of eminent Jaina scholars along with thei commentaries on the early texts. Literary material also includes the Jaina tantric works, the stotra literature and the Jaina colophons. Early medieval Jaina literature is extremely rich and varied. It is noted for the creation of Jaina dogmas and ethics.
The vast Digambara literature was mainly the result of the Jaina teachings which emphasised the śastradana or the gift of the sacred knowledge including books and writing materials. Attimabbe, a pious Jaina lady of Karnataka, is said. to have made a thousand copies of Ponna's Santipurāṇa at her own expense,1 probably for distribution and for the propagation of the Jaina faith among the masses during the 10th century.
The Jaina Purānas and the epics are useful for reconstructing the history of Jainism in Karnataka. The Jainas seem to have borrowed their favourite popular themes from Brāhmanical and general Indian literature, which enabled them to offer to their adherents all that they could find elsewhere too. At times, they established but a very slight connection between. these ancient themes and the Jaina religion; in other cases, however, they changed them to give a Jinistic appearance.2 Jinasena in his Adipurāna defines a Purana as the ancient narrative of the great personages and indicates its importance for the Jainas, He obscives that as these Purāņas are connected 1. R A. Saletore, Medieval Jainism, p 156.
?
3
M Winternitz, A History of Indian Literature, i1, pp 486-7. Adipuraṇa, pt I, ch I, v 21, p. 8.

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Jainism in Early Medicval farnataka
with the lives of great men and tcach the way to final liberation, they are also called the mahafurāna. According to him, the Purāņa should deal with eight subjects, viz, the universc, the country and its natural resources, the city and the capital, the sacred places of pilgrimage, libcrality, austeritics, and the four conditions of existence such as the conception of hell and heaven and the result of the meritorious and sinful acts.
The Jainas also adopted popular themes from the Hindu epics and wrote works which were meant to serve their adherents as complete substitutes for the Ramayana and the Alahäbhārata,3 The earliest of the Jaina Puranas took final shape in the composition of the Prākṣit epic Parmacarija of Vimala Sūti, which served as a model for all thc later adaptations of the Rāma legend among the Jainas.
Ravişcna wrote the Sanskrit version of ibc Jaina Ramayana, known as the Padmapuräna. The date of the Padmapurana is explicitly mentioned in his work. He stales that it was composed 1203 years after Mahāvíras's nirvana,s which corresponds to A.D. 676. Repeated references to Ravişena and his work in later works such as the Kualayamala and the Hariransapurāna, reveal that he had gained a prominent place among the Jaina teachers during the Sth century A.D.
Thc Harivansapurana, which incorporates the story of the Mahabharata, is another important Digambara text. Written by Jinasena Sūri in Sanskrit, it deals with the life of Neminātha, the 22nd Jina, and Krsna, the 9th Nārāyana or Väsudeva of the Jaina tradition. They are depicted here as cousins. While the former renounces the world and represents the ideal for spiritual life, the latter participates in worldly affairs by taking a keen interest in the battle between Pändavas and Kauravas. The other heroes of the Mahabharata are also converted into pious Jainas and are shown as adopting the life of the Jaina ascetics for attaining salvation.
In the colophon, Jinasena Sūri describes himself as a disciple of Karttisena, who was in turn a disciple of Amita1. Adipurona, pt. I, ch. 1, v 23, p. 8. 2. Ibiá ch.4, 1.3, p. 68.
M. Winternitz, op. cit., p. 489, 4. Ibid. p. 493. 5. Padmapurāna, pt. III, ch, 123, v. 182, p. 425.
3.

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Sources
sena. They are said to have belonged to the Punnaḍ gaṇa.1 He states that it was composed in the Parsvanatha Jaina temple at Vardhamanapura in the Śaka year 705 (A.D. 783) and was completed in the Santinatha Jaina temple of Dostika.2
9
Vardhamanapura is still unidentified. Most scholars are inclined to agree with the view of A N. Upadhye, who has identified it with Wadhavan in Kathiawad where Harişena composed the Bṛhathathakośa during the 10th century. He further states that Punnaḍ was a provincial seat of the ancient Karnataka. The Punnaḍ Sangha was named after that place, for in south Indian Jainism the Sanghas, ganas and gacchas were commonly named after some Jaina teacher or place. The migration of the Jaina monks from Punnāḍ to Kathiawad under the leadership of Amitasena, who is described by Jinasena Suri as the forerunner of this Sangha, seems possible on account of their habit and love for touring the distant countries associated with the Jaina religion. As both Jinasena Suri and Harisena glorify the Vardhamānapura in the same manner, they may have lived there.
The period from the 9th to the 12th century proved to be the most creative in the composition of the Digambara Purānas both in Sanskrit and Kannada. The Adipurāṇa and the Uttarapuraṇa, also known as the Mahāpurāna of Jinasena and Gunabhadra, are remarkable specimens of the Jaina literature in Karnataka during the early incdieval age. Upadhye rightly observes that it is not only a systematic exposition of the Jaina traditional lore and principles but also an exquisite specimen of Sanskrit literature, rich in exuberant descriptions and full of poetic embellishments, both of sense and sound.
The Mahapurana of Jinasena and Gunabhadra, which contains the stories of the sixty-three excellent men of the Jaina tradition, has now been generally accepted as the work
1. Harwamsapurana, pt. II, ch. 66, vv. 30ff, p. 802. 2. Ibid. v, 36, p. 802.
121.
3. A. N. Upadhye, (ed.), Brhatkathākaša, Introd., p. 4. A. N. Upadhye, (ed ), Atmānusāsana, Introd, p. 9.

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10
Jainism in Early Mcdical Karnataka of the 9th century. It consists of two parts, the Adipurana and the Uttarapurāņa. The Adipurāņa bas forly seven chapters and deals mainly with the life of the first Jina, Rşabhadeva and liis son, Bharata. Fortytwo chapters are composed by Jinasena, and the remainder is added to ic by his disciplc Gunabhadra. The Uttarapurāņa contains the biographics of all the remaining grcat figures of the Jaina tradition.
Besides thc Sanskrit Jaina Puranas, several Puräņas were composed in Kannada. Pampa, Ponna and Ranna, who arc considered to be the three gems of Kannada literature, flourished in Karnataka during the 10th century. Thc Adipurana of Pampa, the Santipurana of Ponna and Ajitapurāna of Ranna deserve special mention. They enriched the Kanarese language:. Cāmundaraya, who was a general of the Ganga King Mārasimha and Rācamalla, also composed the CamundarajapuränQ. which contains a complete history of the twenty-four Jinas. It is the oldest cxtant specimen of a book, written in continuous prose and therefore enables us to gain a knowledge of the language as spoken in the 20th century A.D."
In the 11th and the 12th centuries there flourished some eminent Kanarese scholars, who composed the Jaina Putānas in Kannada. Among these scholars, the foremost place is assigned to Nãgacandra or Abhinave Pampa, who fourishcd during the reign of the Hoysaļa King Vişnuvardhana. He wrote the Mallinatha Purana, which deals with the life story of the nineteenth Jaina prophct. The work has unique value, because it preserves for us a Jaina version of the Ramayana which differs in important respects from its Brāhmaṇical version. Besides, we have Neminātha Purana in Kannada by Karņapārya, which describes the story of the twenty-second Jaina prophet. It also throws light on the stories of Krsna, - thc Pāndavas and the labābhārata war. Karņapārya flourished in Karnataka in the middle of the 12th century A.D.4 1. M. Winternitz, op. cit, p. 499; J. P. laina, The Jaina Sources of the
History of Ancient India, P. 204; N.R. Premi Faina Srhitza aur Itihasa,
p. 140; Pannalal Jaina, (ed.), Adipurina, Introd. p. 20. 2. E P. Rice, A History of Fantarese Literature, p. 32. 3. ibid. p. 31. 4. Ibid. p. 36.

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II.
Thoughi considerable portions of the Jaina Puranas are replete with legendary tales, they furnish valuable information regarding the spiritual life and religious decds of the Jainas in Karnataka. Through these lagendary tales, the Digambaras in Karnataka always stressed the duties of the Jaina householders aspiring to attain salvation. The lives of the twentyfour Jinas, which form the main contents of the above Puräņas, are held up as models for the pious Jainas. The strict observance of the principle of ahimsa or non-violence figures in most stories. The dreadful consequences of violence and of eating the flesh form the content of the Jaina sermons.
The Puranas throw welcome light on the religious ritcs and practices of the Karnataka Jainas. They repeatedly rcfer to the observance of nudity, meditation, rain-retreat, abandonment of night's mcal and taking food in a standing position. They also give us a detailed description of domestic rituals. In two chapters, the Adipurāņa explains the Jaina samskäras and their importance for the Jaina devotees. The performance of the domestic rites, which resembles the Brāhmaṇical rites, is always preceded by the worship of the Jinas in the Jaina temples.
The Puranas furnish more interesting facts about the Jaina system of worship. The aştahnika-pija or the eight-day worship, the performance of ablution and the good consequences of the Jaina adoration are extensively discussed in these Jaina Puranas. Evidence derived from thesc Puranas is corroborated by the epigraphs which show that the donors vied with one another in building the Jaina basadis and mathas and making liberal endowments for their upkeep.
The Jaina didactic literature of this period is noted for a powerful desire for righteousness. A strong sense of moral obligation, an earnest aspiration for good, a fervent and unsellish charity and generally a loftiness of aims pervade several Jain ethical works and they must have been important factors in shaping the character and ideas of the Jainas.1 Through these ethical works, the Jaina teachers of Karnataka preached the fundamental doctrines of the Jaina religion and exposed 1, J. P, Jain, op. cit., pp. 261-2.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
the weak points of other religious schools. They always tried to prove the supremacy of the Jaina faith over others by means of comparison and contrast.
12
The Varangacarita of Jaṭāsimhanandi is the most important didactic text. It is a veritable mine of information for the conduct of the Karnataka Jainas. In this text the sage Varadatta, the chief disciple of Neminatha, the 22nd Jina, explains the meaning of Dharma (religion) at the very start. He also points out the importance of Karma-siddhanta according to which the destiny of man is determined by his own actions; the bad and the good which a man experiences in his life are the consequences of his past conduct. Thus human action is the main cause of worldly bondage. For complete annihilation of this bondage, Varadatta recommends Jaina penances of twelve kinds.2 They comprise fasting, eating less than the prescribed quantity of food, abandonment of tasteful food, the mortification of the body, meditation and so on. The prince Varänga is said to have become a Jaina monk by being initiated in the monastic order and attained liberation by subduing the internal and external passions and practising meditation.
As the Varangacarita nowhere mentions the date and the name of its author, it is very difficult to determine its age. The contemporary and later writings of the Jaina scholars, however, provide some clue to the date of this text. Upadhye infers that it was composed by Jaṭasimhanandi. Since Kuvalayamālā and the Harivamsapurana refer to Jaḍiya and Jațilamuni respectively as the authors of the Varungacarita, he places its author at the close of the 7th century A.D.*
The Tasastilaka of Somadeva Suri is another important Digambara text meant for religious instructions. Written partly in prose and partly in verse, it occupics a significant position in the Sanskrit Kavya literature. It contains long discourses on the orthodox tenets of Jainism.
1. Tarangacarita, chs. 3-4, pp. 26.
2.
Ibid. ch. X, v. 18, p. 80
3. Ibid. Introd., p. 10. 4. Ibid. p. 22.

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Somadeva statesat the end of his work that he belonged to Deva saogha and was a disciple of Nemideva, who is said to have accepted the discipleship of Yaśodeva. He adds that he composed this work in Śaka era 881 (A.D. 959), when the Räştrakūta King Krsnadeva was celebrating his victories at Melpāți after conquering the Pāņdya, Coļa, Gera, and other kings.Somadeva's statement is confirmed by an epigraph of A.D. 959 found at Melpāți in North Arcot district. Though it records the grant of a village to a Saiva ascetic, it iefers to Krşņa III's victories over the above-mentioned powers.
But this does not mean that he composed his work at the Răstrakūta capital Mānyakheta. Somadeva specifies that the work was composed at Gangadhāra, which was thc capital of a prince named Vagarāja, the eldest son of a Cālukyan chief Arikesari, a feudatory chief of Krşnarāja. Handiqui identifies the place Gangadhāra with Gangawati in the Raichur district quile near the modern Dharwar in Mysore state,5 The Prabhaņī copper-plates, & which are dated in A.D. 966, also help us to determine the age of Somadeva. They record the grant of a village to Somadeva by thc Cālukya chief Arikesari IV for the maintenance of the Subhadhāma Jinālaya at modern Vemulvāda. It is therefore clear that Somadeva Süri flouri. shed in Karnataka during the 10th century A.D.
The Yaśastilaka emphasises the Jaina doctrine of nonviolence. Somadeva introduces two sets of characters, Sudatta and his twin disciples Abhayaruci and Abhayamati on the one hand and the king Māridatta on the other. The foriner represent the ideals of Jainism, and the latter the evil spirit of violence in crude form. Māridatta, who was going to sacrifice all the living creatures including human beings at the altar of the goddess Cāndamāri, is converted to the Jaina faith through the teachings of the young ascetics. The fourth chapter contains a dialogue between Yaśodhara and. 1. Taśastılaka, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 419. 2. Ibid. p, 413, 3. El, iv, no. 40, pp. 278ff. 4. Taśastilaka, pt. 17, BK. viii, r 419.
K. K. Handiqui, Yasastilaka and Indian Culture, p. 4. The Prabhani copper-plates, cited in N. Venkataramanayya, TheCalukyas of Vemuldāda, pp. 92-4.

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Jainism in Early Medieval fiarnalaka his mother, and shons that the son suffers badly in various rebirths becausche agrees to sacrificean cffigy of a cock made out of the flour. Somadeva stresses here the motives or intentions leading to virtuc or sin. The moral validity of an action, according to him, should be judged on the basis of inner feelings and not outward actions.1
In the last three chapters, which form an independent book called the Upasakādhyajana or Rcadings for Laymen, Somadeva gives an exposition of the Jaina doctrines and the Jaina vows. Somadeva also defends some practices of the Jaina monks such as the practice of nudity, the custom of taking food in a standing position, and abstention from bath.
Amitagati and Nayasena may be held as the successors of Somadeva Sūri in the field of composing didactic literature. Amitagati flourished in Karnataka and wrote his Subhaşilaratnasamdoha at the beginning of the Ilth century. Nayasena composed his famous work Dharmâmpla during the carly years of the 12th century.4 Amitagati's work deals with the cntire ethics of the Digambara Jainas, gives rules of conduct for both monks and laymen and severely criticizes the tenets of the Brāhinanical religion. Similarly, Nayasena's Dharmamia is a book on morals and throws light on the various forms of human virtues.
The Punyāstava-Kathakosa of Ramachandra Mumuksu is yet another didactic work for imparting ethical instructions to monks and laymen. It glorifics the various acts of image worship and points out the beneficial results of giving gifts to
Jaina monks. Though there is a great deal of controversy over the date of its composition, it has been generally assigned to a period before the middle of the 12th century A.D."
1. rasastilake, pt. ii, BK. 1V, p. 136. 2 Ibid. pt in BK. vi, p 280 3. M. Winternitz, op cit., p. 481. 4. IP. Ricc, op cit, p. 37. 5. M Winternitz, op. cit., p 562. 6. A. N. Upadhye and H. L. Jain, (ed.),
Introd., p. 11. <7. Ibid. p, 32.
The Punasrava-Kathalosa,

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The polemical literature of the Karnataka Jainas scverely criticises the Jaina teachers and illustrates the changing character of the Jaina ascetics as well as the Jaina institutions dur. ing the early medieval age. Two of these, the Aimanušāsana of Guņabhadra and the Darśanasāra of Devasena, have been fully utilized for the present thcsis. The Atmanuśāsana, which was composed after the demise of Jinasena in themiddle of the 9th century,1 portrays vividly the vices and demcrits that overshadowed the Jaina monastic life and caused deterioration in the original standards of Jaina monks. Guṇabhadra complains of the dearth of virtuous monks and he bewails that the monks have become so worldly that they succumb to sex. He compares these corrupt ascetics with the half-burnt dead body which presents an aweful sight.3 Gunabhadia also condemns those monks who hanker after wealth. The Darsanasāra of Devasena, composed in the Pārsvanātha Jaina temple at Dhāra in Madhya Pradesh in the Vikram era 990 (A.D. 933), attacks the false sects of the Jainas in general and indicates the disruption in the Jaina church. But the Samaj aparilşa, a polemical work by Brahmasiva assigned to the first quarter of the 12th century, seeks to establish the superiority of Jainism over all other creeds.
The Jaina prasastis or the colophons, mostly found at the end of the Jaina works, provide valuable information aegarding the Jaina teachers and their spiritual lineage. They generally mention the date and the place of the composition of the literary texts, and hence form an important source for determining the age of the Karnataka Jaina teachers. Ravisena,
Jinasena, Gunabhadra and Somadeva Sūri provide such information in their respective works. Jinasena Sūri gives us the most authentic and up-to-date gencalogy of the Digambara teachers who succeeded to the pontifical seat of the Puņnāta
1 A. N. Upadhye, (ed.), Almānušāsana, Introd, p 10. 2. Ibid. v. 149, pp. 141-2. 3 Ibid, vv. 130-131, pp. 121-6. 4 Ibid. v.138., p.132. 5. N. R. Premi, op. cit., p. 175, 6. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, A Hislory of South India, p 385

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
Sangha in Karnataka. He first gives the pontifical succession for the traditional 683 years after the death of Mahavira which ends in A.D. 156. He then starts his own genealogy which consists of 33 Jaina teachers and covers a period of 027 years. Thus we have a complete list of teachers of the Punņāta gaṇa till the last quarter of the 8th century A.D.
16
The Jaina colophons also contain many incidental references to Jaina princes and their principalities. Gunabhadra claims that the Rāṣṭrakūta king Kṛṣṇa II was his disciple.2 On the colophon of the Uttarapurana, Lokasena, a disciple of Gunabhadra, praises Kṛṣna II and states that this work was completed in A.D. 898 at Bankapura in the district of Dharwar during the rule of his feudatory chief Lokāditya."
The early medieval age in Karnataka also saw the compo.. sition of numerous philosophical treatises. Of these the Sarvarthasiddhi, the Paramātmaprakāśa and the philosophical works of Nemicandra have been fully utilized for the present study. These texts expound the doctrines of the Jainas in Mysore. The Jaina view of the nature of the universe and its differentattributes, which are explained as the constituent substances in Jaina philosophy, is treated in great detail in these works. They point out that the inherent characteristics of the souls,. if polluted by the activities of human beings, are lost and they suffer various miseries. They also recommend the methods by which the Jainas may attain perfection. The Jaina teachers lay emphasis on the observance of the three Jewels, viz., Right knowledge, Right belief and Right conduct for theattainment of liberation.
The Sarvarthasiddhi of Pujyapada is the earliest of all thephilosophical treatises, and is the most authentic commentary on the Tattvarthasutra of Umāsvami in Sanskrit. Pujyapāda belonged to Karnataka and was a teacher of the Nandi sangha, a branch of the Mula sangha and Kundakundānvaya.4 The date of Pujyapāda has been discussed by scholars at some
1. Ilaricamsapurāṇa, pt. ii, ch. 66, vv. 29-31, p. 802.
2. JBBRAS, xii. p. 85; A. S. Altekar, The Rāṣṭrakū'as and their times,.
P. 99.
3 Ultarapurāṇa, vv. 35-6, p. 577.
4. JA, xvi, no. 11 (December 1955), p. 51.

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length. Some scholarst place him in the 6th-7th centuries and deny teacher-disciple relationship between Pūjyapāda and Ganga king Durvinita. But the majority of modern scholars agree with the view of Rice who states that Pūjyapāda was the preceptor of Durvinsta and lived in the latter half of the 5th century and the beginning of the 6th.
Yogindudeva, who has been placed in the sixth century, 8 composed the Paramātmaprakāśa and Yogasära for expounding Jaina mysticism and philosophy. The main purpose of these works is to lay down the means by which his disciple Prabhākara Bliaţta and other ambitious Jainas may gain freedom from the cycle of rebirth for ever. He effectively explains the Jaina mysticism which centres round the two concepts of atma (soul) and paramātma (super spirit). He distinguishes the soul from the body, and points out its characteristics as eternal, uncreated, omnipresent, etc. Three divisions of the soul, viz., bahiralmă (external soul), antarātmā (internal soul), and paramalmā (supreme soul), resemble the divisions described in the Samadhi-sataka of Pūjyapada. He then points out that liberation can be obtained only through self-control.
The subject matter of the Togasāra is the same as that of Paramātmaprakasa. It speaks at length of the nature of the soul and its transmigratory peregrinations that plunge it into myriad of miseries in different births. He also discusses the cause of misery and freedom from it by self-realization and mcditating upon the soul.
Nemicandra produced works of considerable philosophical value. The Dravya-Sangraha, the Gommalasāra, and the
1. R. Narasimhachar, MAR (1921), p. 21; also in his address to Pro.
AIOC, 8th session, (Mysore 1937), pp. 801-5; S. G. Shastri, Madhyayuginacaritrakoše, cited in JA, xiii, no. 1, p. 7; E. P. Rice. op. cit.,
p. 26, 2. B. L. Rice, Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions, pp. 35, 49, and 197;
J. K, Mukhtar, JSB, v, no, I. S. S. Sastri, Pro. AIOC, Sth session (Mysore 1937), 504.; B A. Saletore,
of. cit., p. 23. 3. Paramātmaprakāśa, Introd., p. 67, 4. Ibid. ch. i, yv, 12-, pp. 22-3. 5. Samadhi-Salaka, v. 4, pp. 8-9. 6. ABORI, xii, pt. ii, p. 135.

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Jainism in Eart. Medieral Karnatoka Trilokasāra are aitributed to him. Or these three works, the Drazza-Saugroha may be regarded as a compendium of the six substances which constitute the cosmos. There remains no doubt as to the authorship of the Dravza-Sangraha by Xcmicandra, for he himself states that it was composed by Vfuni Nemicandra.1 The Sanskrit commentary confirms that this treatise is a compilation of the answers given by Semirandra to the questions put to him by Camındarāja, who served the Ganga kings Märasimha and Rácmalla IV during the last quarter of the 10th century. As Camundarara constructed the colossal statue of Gommața on the Vindhyagiri hill at SraranaBelgola in 9823 and is said to have been a disciple of Ajitasena and Nemicandra,- it seems that Nenicandra flourished during the last quarter of the 10th century.
The study of the Jaina tantric texts enables us to follow the evolution of the Jaina goddesses in Karnataka in early medieval times. They lay down the formulas and spells calculated to bestow superhuman powers on the devotees by which a person could be controlled, enmity could be caused, and an evil could be averted. Indranandi and Mallisena Sūri are primarily responsible for the systematic cxposition of the occult lore in Karnataka through their treatises respectively called the Jvalinz-kalpa and the Bhairava-Padmavatikalpa.
The age of Indranandi, who wrote the foalinikalpa, is evident from the verses of his own work. It was composcd in the Śaka year 861 (A.D. 939) at the Rāstrakūta capital Alanyakheța, when the Rāstrakūta king Krşņa III was ruling there.5 Mallisena Sūri wrote the Bhairava-Padmāsafi-Kalpa which consists of ten chapters and throws ample light on the tantric rites. Though Mallisena does not mention the date of the composition of his work, he clearly states that he belonged to the monastic line of the renowned teacher Ajitasena, who 1. Droupa-Sangraha, v. 63, p. 123. 2. J.L. Jaini, Gommatasura Jita-Karda, Introd., p. 5.
EG, ii, SB. 122, p. 50.
Ibid, Totrod., p. 14. 5. Jtalini-Kalpa, pp. 37-8. 6. Bhairang-Padmövati-Ialoa, ch. 10, v. 54, p. 74.

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preceded the two Jaina teachers Kanakasena and Jinasena. Of these two preceptors, Jinasena was the teacher of Mallisena Süri. Ajitasena, who is repeatedly referred to in inscriptions at Sravana-Belgola, dated A.D. 9742 and A.D. 995,3 undoubtedly flourished in Karnataka during the last two decades of the 10th century. Since he is mentioned as the first teacher of the three predecessors of Mallisena Sūri, we may safely place him during the middle of the Ilth century, if we assign 20 ycars for cach generation of teachers. It is also substantiated by the statement of the author in his Mahapurana, wherein Mallisena states that it was composed in the Jaina temple at Mulgunda in the Gadag taluq of Dharwar district in 1047.4
Apart from the literary texts, contemporary inscriptions constitute our chief source for the study of the Jaina religion in Karnataka. They are full of information on the patronage of the Jaina devotees who contributed to the diffusion of culture in Karnataka in early medieval times.
The present work is based on the study of about three hundred Jaina yotive and donative records. From a study of the find-spots of the Jaina records, it becomes apparent that the donative records are more numerous than the votive ones. The donative records, which register gifts of land, village, customs dues, etc. for Jaina monks and monasteries, are one hundred and seventy-five in number. They are mostly in the forms of grants of land, village, garden, ctc, made by the ruling class and the pious Jaina devotees of Karnataka. They are generally meant for providing necessary materials for worship, for meeting the maintenance cost of Jajna monks and monasteries, for renovation of the old basadis, and for running charity houses, attached to the Jaina temples.
Of the total number of inscriptions examined by us, the votive Jaina records are not more than ninety-four, 6 Out of
1. Bhairann-Padmavati--Kalpa, vv. 55-6, p. 74. 2. EC ii, SB. 50. p. 14. 3. Ibid. SB 121, p 50. 4. N.R. Premi, op. cit., p. 315. 5. CF. Districtwise arranged list of inscriptions in Appendix 'A'. 6. cr Appendix "B'.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
these ninety-four votive records, seventy1 have been found on Cikka-betta or Chandragiri hill at Sravana-Belgola in the Chennarayapatna taluq of the Hassan district of Mysore which has been the most important seat of Jainism from earliest times. The remaining ones belong to other parts of Karnataka.
20
A third type of Jaina epigraphs, which commemorate the visits to the sacred places by Jaina pilgrims, number about twenty-five. They point out the importance of Śravana-Belgola for the Jainas who concentrated first in this area and gradually extended their influence in other regions of Karnataka.
Of the donative records, the Nonamangala copper plate of the 4th century may be considered a landmark in the history of Jainism in Karnataka. It is the carliest to refer to the donation of the Kumarapura village in Malur taluq of the Kolar district to the Jaina temple at Perbbolal and provides the earliest evidence of the king's interest in Jainism in the Mysore region.
From the 5th century onwards, grants of land and village to the Jaina establishments began to increase in number, which attests to the growing influence of Jainism in several parts of Mysore. Since grants were made in favour of the Jaina teachers mainly by the kings, princes, nobles, merchants and high officials of the state, they give some idea of the social basis of Jainism in Mysore.
The donative records of our period throw light on the resources of the Jaina monasteries which emerged as landowning institutions in Mysore. They also tell us about the proliferation of the Jaina monastic orders and show how they were divided into various monastic units such as the gaṇa, gaccha and anvaya. Moreover, they show the extent of regional influence in the formation of Jaina sanghas such as Navilur, Kollatur, Kittür, etc. These sanghas were evidently formed after
1. Cf. Appendix 'B'.
2. EC. ii, no. 4, 900 A.D., p. 3; no. 10, 800 A.D., p. 3; no. 18, 700 A.D., p. 5; nos. 38-4, p. 9; nos. 48-9, p. 10; nos. 410-4, pp. 80-1; no. 416, p. 81; nos. 418-9, p. 81; nos. 421-3, p. 82; no. 432, p. 83.

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the names of the places which gained popularity in Karnataka during carly medicval times.
Jaina cpigraphs are also valuable for the study of Jaina rituals and practices. The sallekhanā ritc or voluntary dcath by fasting is repeatedly referred to in the inscriptions of Sravana-Belgola. There are fifty-nine cases of such death by fasting during the 7th-8th centuries. The inscriptions not only indicate the popularity of this riic in Karnataka during the 7th-Sth centuries but also its continuancc in subscqucnt times. The available epigraphic material also shows that the Jaina laity practised sallekhana as ardcntly as the monks and nuns.
The religious injunctions regarding the above rites in the Jaina texts are corroborated by a large number of inscriptions from Sravana-Belgoļa. On the basis of cpigraphic references, whicis may be treated as behavioural data, it is possible to show how the Karnataka Jainas saithfully followed their religious principles and observed them in their day-to-day life. An epigraph of the 7th century tells us about VỊşabhanandi, who practised sanngasana on the summit of Candragiri hill, according to the prescribed rules. Māsena, another Jaina ascetic, is said to have observed the vow in the 8th century in accordance with the rules. The Jaina epigraphs show that the sallelhana was undertaken at the approach of death.3 The Sravaņa-Belgoļa cpigraphs also refer to the twelve types of Jaina penance.
That the temples were well established institutions in Karnataka can be inferred from large number of inscriptions which record donations for the construction and renovation of the Jaina temples. They were not merely centres of religious Worship, as they are today, but rendered some useful service to the Jainas. They functioned as centres of learning and ran charity houses for the distribution of food among the Jainas. The Jaina epigraphs also throw light on the rites and practices of the Jaina worshippers who offered prayers to the Jinas in the Jaina temples. Some inscriptions indicate the exalted 1. EC, 1. SB. 106, p. 4+. 2. Ibid. SB 23, pp. 6-7. 3. Ibid. SB, 80, 88, 93, 99, etc.

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22
Jainism in Earl; Medieval barnatola
position of the Jaina Yakşinis, who came to be worshipped in Karnataka as the most popular goddesses during the 10th-12th centuries.
The Taina iconography is no less valuable than ille Jaina epigraphs for the study of Jaina divinities in Karnataka in early medieval times. It enables us to recognize and identify the Jinas (Jaina gods), for we can spot various marks and attributes assigned to the main gods and associated deities and can determine their position in the hierarchy of Jaina pantheon. The icon bears the date and name of the sculpture which helps us fix the age and provenance of the image. Iconic icpresentation of gods and goddesses also indicates the change, if any, in their status. The Jaina cave at Badami, for instance, shows the independent status of the Jaina Yakşinis, who previously appear to have served merely as attendant deities, Again, in the Meguri temple at Alhole in the Bijapur district, the change in the position of the Jaina Yahşini Ambikā is visible. Moreover, the Jaina iconogiaphy enables us to differentiate between the southern and the northern styles of sculptures. Jaina images of south India bcar the imprint of the Dravidian style.
To sum up, the study of the Jaina literary texts is essential for the knowledge of Jaina mythology and philosophy and the doctrines and rituals of the sainas in Karnataka. The epigraphs show how far these were prevalent and how ihesc underwent changes in early medieval times. Tlicy also give an account of the patronage extended to Jainism by lings. princes, nobles and others.

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CHAPTER III IDOL WORSHIP AND TANTRISM In the earliest phase of their history the Jainas and the Buddhists launched a systematic campaign against the cult of ritual and sacrifice as destructive of all morals, and laid great stress on the purification of soul for the attainment of nirvana or salvation. They denied the authority of god over human actions. Unlike the Hindus, they did not accept god as the crcator and destroyer of the universe. Contrary to the popular view, they held that every soul possesses the virtues of parantalma or god and attains this status as soon as it frees itself from the worldly bondage. .
Naturally the early Jainas did not practise image worship, which finds no place in the Jaina canonical literature. The carly Digambara texts from Karnataka do not furnish authentic information on this point, and the description of their milagunas and altaragunas mcant for lay worshippers do not refer to image worship. But idol worship first appeared in the early centuries of the Christian cia, and claborate rules were developed for performing the different rituals of Jaina worship during early medieval times.
Samantabhadra, who belongs to the early century of the Christian era, was probably the first to lay down worship as thc rcligious duty of a layman. He included it among the śiksäuratas or educative vows and gave it a place of some importance in his rules for Jaina householders. From his time, the Jaina teachers further developed their system of worship. Somadeva included it among samāyika-siksa-vrata 01 the customary worship and devoted a full chapter to the Jaina system of worship.
1. SP, Brahmachari, Grhastha-dharma, v. 119, p. 144.

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Jainism in Early Medical Karnataka In early medieval times, the literary and epigraphic sources indicate the new outlook of Jaina teachers, who frequently recommended image worship. They thought the construction of new temples and rebuilding of old and dilapidated ones as meritorious acts. They glorified temple worship and encouraged the Jaina laity to erect basadis, enshrine relics in them, and visit the sacred places associated with the lives of the Jinas.
The Pannacariya, the oldest Prākṣit kāvya, tells us about the Jaina system of worship in detail. It throw's light on the worship of the Jaina images, bathing ritual of the Jinas, and installation of images.2 The Paramātmaprakāśa, which is a work of the 6th century, explains that the laymen, who do not perform the worship with eight articles and do not pay reverence to the Five Perfect Beings, cannot attain salvation. It is apparent that the worship of the Jina became a necessary condition for the attainment of liberation. The Padmapurana, composed by Ravisena in the 7th century A.D., exhorts the people to perform Jina worship and erect Jina images for the attainment of temporal as well as eternal blessings. It also ordains the Jaina devotees to makc arrangements for lower, incense, and light in Jaina temples. It further lays down that a man can accomplish the most difficult worldly task by performing Jina worship and installing images of Jinendra.5
The abhişeka or the bathing ritual of the Jinas, which is held in high esteem among the Karnataka Jainas, is also refera red to in the Jaina texts. The most detailed description of this riter is furnished by Jatāsimhanandi who wrote the Varangacarita in the 7th century. The text draws attention to the merits of building temples, setting up images and conducting Jina
1. The date of Paumacariya,composed by Vimalasari is very controversial.
According to some scholars it was written in the 1st century AD.; according to others, led by Jacobi, it was composed in the 3rd century
A.D. The vicw of Jacobi has bcen generally accepted by scholars. 2. M. Santilal Vora (tr.), Patmacariya, pt. i, ch. 32, v. 70ff., p. 25217. 3. AN Upadhye, (cd.), Paramálmahrakūša, v. 168, p. 312. 4, Padmapurâņa, pt. i, ch. 14, vv. 92-3, p. 313. 3. Ibid. v. 213, p. 321. 1. Varringacarita, ch. 23. v. 60ff, pp. 223-6

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25
worship. It rcpcats the idea that a layman who is always engaged in worldly pursuits must worship the Jina for his final liberation from the cycle of births and deaths. It also speaks of the morning and evening worship of the Jinas in Jaina temples
Besides the above Jaina texts, the Yašastilaka of Somadeva Sūri and the Vasmandi-Śravakācāra contain much information Tcgarding the image worship. Vasunandi for instance speaks of the good results of performing the eight-fold worship of the Jinas. The devotees are said to have attained both the temporal as well as eternal happiness in thc present life and in the life after death. The offerings of unboiled rice, flower, sweets, umbrella, etc, to the Jinas are said to have led to good physical health, victory over enemies on the battlefield and attainment of eternal blessings.3
Literary evidence regarding Jaina image worship is corroborated by contemporary inscriptions which record grants of land and village to Jaina establishments and to Jaina monks for erecting temples, repairing them and performing worship. The Kadamba records inform us that thc worship of the Jina was the most favourite way of expressing Jaina devotion. They show that the Kadamba kings faithfully followed the sacred injunction of the Jaina teachers with regard to the image worship. They made lavish donations to Jaina temples, and erected new temples in the north-western parts of Mysore. In order to make the worship effective in public life, the Kadamba king Pavivarmā, issued an ordinance that the festival of Jinendra Tasting for eight days should be celebrated regularly every year on the full moon of the month of Kärttika or November from the revenues of the village Purukhetaka ; that the worship of
Jinendra should be perpctually performed by the pious countrymen and citizens. In view of this record it is not surprising that the Kadamba king not only performed Jina worship him
1. Varāngacarila, ch. 22, v 33 f, pp. 215-6. -2. Hiralal Jain, (ed.), Vasunand:- Srāvakācāra, v. 493, p. 136. 3. Ibid. vv. 483 92, pp. 133-6. 1. Li, vi, no. 22, p. 27.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnatala
self but also imposed it on the people.
The people of Karnataka followed their kings in matters relating to image worship. They paid reverence to Jinas by constructing Jaina temples, and making proper arrangements for the repairs and maintenance of the same. An epigraph, belonging to the reign of the Cālukya king Kirtivarman II, which is dated in the 6th year of his reign, commemorates the construction of a Jaina temple by Kaliyamma, the gāvunda of Jebulageri in the district of Dharwar.1 Another record registers a gift of 500 nivarianas of land for the worship and offerings to the god Sankha Jinendra by Durgāśakti of the Sendraka family during the reign of Pulakeğin 11.Similar other epigraphs spcak of the donation of land to the god Sankha-sinendra at Lakşmeśvar in the district of Dharwar during the 7th-Sth centuries.
Similar evidence may be adduced to show the prevalence of image worship during the time of the Raştrakūtas. The Konnur inscription of the Rāştrakūta king Amoghararsa furnishes evidence of the Jaina devation of Banbeya, the feudatory chief, who is said to have founded a Jaina temple at Kolanūr or Koņņur in thc district of Dharwar and granted land in the village Talcyür for the benefit of that temple during the 9th century.3 Another record describes a vaisya. named Cīkārya as crecting a Jaina temple at Mulgund in the same district during the rule of the Rāstrakūta king Kısna II in the 10th century.
In the 11th-12th centuries, the Jaina teachers from Karnataka made equally zealous effort for propagating the idea of image worship among the Jainas who responded to their appeal by crecting many new basadis in different parts of Mysore. This is substantiated by the donative records of the later western Cālukyas, the Hoysaļas, the Săntaras and their feudatory chicfs, 4 who made liberal gifts of lands and villages for the continuous performance of Jina worship. They also
1, BKI, i. pt. i, no. 1, p. 3. 2. Ibid. iv, no. 3, p. 2.
EI, vi, no. 4, p. 34. 4. Cr. Districtsisc arranged list of Inscriptions in Appendix-"A"

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Idol Worship and Tantrism
gave impetus to this practice by renovating some of the old Jaina temples aud renewing the old charters of gifts for promoting the cause of Jina worship in Karnataka. From a record of 1068,1 a Jaina general of the western Călukya king Someśvara II, succeeded in converting a wooden temple into a stone structure. For this meritorious work, he took the help of the king as well as his provincial ruler Lakṣmaṇa who completely remodeled the Jaina temple at Balipuia in the Vanavasi country and endowed land to it. In A.D. 1072,2 the queen of Someśvara II is recorded to have renewed the endowment of the village Gudigere for the Anesejjeya basadı, which had been built by Kumkumamalıādevi, the younger sister of the Calukya king Vijayäditya. In another record of ŚravanaBelgola dated A.D. 11183 Ganga-Raja, who is praised for his meritorious work, renovated and restored all the basadis in Gangavādi. In a later record, which is dated A.D. 1184, it is stated that the Gangavaḍi 96,000 province shone like Kopana through the efforts made by Ganga-Raja. We have similar account of the religious deeds of Hulla who delighted in restoring Jina temples and performing Jina worship therein. He renovated a Jaina temple at Bańkāpura which had gone to complete ruin.5
27
Besides the worship of Jinas, there is epigraphic evidence to show the regular performance of the worship of Gommatesvara on the Vindhyagiri hill at Śravana-Belgola, Gommatesvara was the son of the first Jina Adinatha whose image was consecrated first by Camunḍaraya in the 10th century. He came to occupy an important position in the hierarchy of Jaina gods and his worship developed as an independent cult in Mysore in the 11th-12th centuries.
It is clear from the above-cited epigraphic references that image worship tended to continue among the Jainas of
1. EC, vit, sh. 135. pp. 102-4.
2. BKI, iv, no. 46, p. 51. 3. EC, ii, SB 73, pp. 38-40.
4. Ibid. iv, Ng. 32, p. 120.
5
Ibid. ii, SB 345, pp. 147-9,
6. Ibid. SB 237-8, A.D. 1196-8, p. 101; SB 241; A.D. 1175, p. 103; SB 212, A D. 1175, pp 103-1; SB 256, A D 1181, p 115

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnatal a
Karnataha during the period under study It became popular not only with royal famılıcs but also with nobles, generals merchants and the people of different professions But it is to be borne in mind here that this practice of Jina v orship nas spread and strengthened in Karnataka thiough royal efforts Its gradual progress among the masses may be tiaced from thc higher stiata to the lower level of the Karnataka soriety
The reasons which impelled the Jaina teachers of Kar nataka to encourage the laity to perform image worship are not difficult to find out The practical idea of gaining popu. larity among the pcople and removing the Brahmanıcai hatred against the Jainas made frequent provisions for the adoration of icon worship In order to compete with the Brahmanas it was felt necessary to rid Jainism of the dry asceticism The economic considerations of the Jaina teachers also prompted them to propagate this practice Through their advocacy of image worship, they acquired new means of livelihood in Jaina monasteries and temples which were invariably endoscd with rich gifts of land village and customs dues in the early medicval period Jaina llotwe of Worship
It is generally held that the worship of the Jinas is undertaken for spiritual reasons and not for gaining any worldiy benefit Professor All Upadhye observes that the aspirants (the Jaina worshippers) receive no boons no favours and no cures from him by uzy of gifts from the divinity As tle Jina is the embodiment of perfection the Jaina worshippers pray to him worship him and meditate on him as a model zıt they too might become perfcct Another scholar states that the Jainas ask for nothing from the Jinas, nor are ihcy supposed to be granting boons to their devotees They are not worshipped because worship is pleasing to them but because it is the source of the greatest good--the attainment of godly perfection for our soul Kalaghaig1,3 declaics that 1 A Upadhye cd ) 09 cit Introd p 36
CR Jain Essays and Address P 196 TG Kalaghaig: JKU 1 18

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29
for a Jaina it is not necessary to surrender to any higher being nor to ask for divine favour. There is no place for divine grace nor for the whims of a superior deity for the sake of attaining liberation, Stevenson too supports the same view. She holds that the attitude of Jaina worshipper seems nearer to the French soldier paying homage at the tomb of Napoleon and saluting the memory of a great liero than to the warm personal adoration and loving faith connected with the Hindu idea of bhakti. All this would suggest that the devotecs offered obeisance to the Jinas for realizing the virtues of the Jinas in their own lives and not for any worldly gain.
But it is difficult to accept the views expressed above. The Jainas performed worship not out of selfless devotion but from a desire to gain temporal as well as cternal blessings and. happiness. Like the Hindus, the Jainas completely surrendered to the Jinas and expected favour froin them. It is also wrong to think that the Jinas did not dispense divine grace to their devotees. The Jaina Puranas and the stotra literature of the Karnataka Jainas reveal the fact that the Jainas were moved by the samc feelings and desires as are found in any ordinary human being. They appeal to the Jinas as ardently as the Hindus to Brahma and Vişnu. From the study of the Blaktam mara stotra of Mănatunga, it is apparent that the devotee can get victory over the enemies and escape thc grip of diseases by remembering the name of the first Jina Adinātha. Mānatunga himself is said to have released himself from the bondage of forty-two chains by the mere recitation of the name of the Jina." The Haritamsapurana of Jinasena Sūri also repeatsthe same idea and states that one can release himself from the influence of evil spirits by uttering the name of the Jina.
The Varangacarita refers to the various results of performing Jina worship with eight different articles. Each article of
1. S. Stevenson, ERE, X, p. 188. 2. N.R. Premi, tr., Ādināth-Stotra, v. 13, p. 47. 3. Ibid. v. 45, p. 50. 4. 1. id. v. 46, p. 51. 5. Harivansaprāna, pt. ii, ch. 66, v. 41, p. 804.

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offering is supposed to confer on the devotees a differcni boon. Thus the offering of unbroken rice results in long life and that of curd leads to the accomplishment of the desired work. The worship of the Jinas is said to have resulted in the attainment of the desired things.3 Jinasena and Gunabhadra, who composed the Mahapuräna in the 9th century, also describe the Jinas as those who grant the desired results to the laymen.' A man who wants wealth and prosperity should concentrate his mind on the Jainas who are described as the giver of the hcaven.5 The devotce can rid himself of the disease and bondage and can frec himself from the clutches of lion, snake and fire. King Bharata is said to have marched against his enemies in the south direction after offering worship to the Jina.? The importance of Jina worship with cight different articles is also repeated by Vasunandi,& who composed the Vasunandi-Sravalacara in the early years of the 12th century."
The Karnataka Jaina teachers always glorified and attributed divine grace to the Jinas. They devoted their talents to the deification of Mahāvīia and other Jinas. The Jinas, wl10 had been earlier regarded as simply spiritual teachers revealing the truth and inspiring the followers of Jainism in attaining liberation (mohşa), came to be regarded as gods among the Jainas in Karnataka in the early medieval period. Thus, the Jinas were credited with the same attributes of divinity as characterized the Brāhinanical gods Siva, Vişnu and Brahmā. Analogy between the Jinas and the Hindu divinities continued to persist among the Jainas as late as the 13th century. Äsadhara, who composed the Jinasahasranama in the middle of the 13th century, jo attributes one thousand and eight names to the
1. Varātigacarila, ch. 23, v. 20, p. 222. 2. Ibid. v. 19, p. 222. 3. Ibid., ch. 22, v. 48, p. 216.
Adipurāna, pt. 1, ch, 7, v. 281, p. 163. Ibid. v. 265, p. 163.
Ibid. v. 303, p. 165. 7. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 29, v. 1, p. 02. 8. H.L. Jain, (ed.). Vasunandi-Srävakācāra, Introd. p. 19.
9. Ibid. v. 483-93. pp. 135-6. 10. H.L. Jain. (ed.), 1nasahasranima, Introd. pp. 22-3,

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Jina and indicates the significance of uttering them correctly.1 The Jina is repcatcdly compared with Mabādeva,? Sadāśiva? and Brabunā"
The cxaltation of the position of the Jinas is well illustrated in the prayer hymns addressed to them in the Jaina Purānas. Raviscna, who flourished in the 7th century, identifies the first Jina Adinātha with the Hindu gods Siva and Svayambhū.5 Like his predecessor, Jinasena too describes thc Jina as Brahmā, Vişnu and Svayambhū. Almost all the epithers and Tames, expressive of his qualities, functions and associations are libcrally ascribed to the Jinas with some explanation, Rişabhadeva is again compared with Samkara and other Hindu gods,
Although in the early days, the Jainas criticised the Hindu theory of creation and destruction, in later times the Jinas are assigned both the creative and destructive power. In the Mahapurdna of Jinascna-Guņabbadra, the Jina is spoken of as the creators and destroyers of the universe. Literary evidence is also supported by a 10th century epigraph which refers to thc Jina or Jinapati, adorcd by the gods as the First Creator of the world.10
The Jipas, who were represented previously as ideal personalities, were also credited with all the divine qualities of the Brāhmaṇical deities such as Brahma and Krşņa. The Jaina teachers accepted several strange incarnations of Rşabhadeva. Jinasena explains the ten incarnations of the First Jina,11 and tries to prove that he represents Krşņa and Vişu.
1. H.L. Jain. (cd.), Jinasahasranáma, vy. 140-3, p. 140. 2 Ibid. v. 63, p. 80. 3. Ibid. v. 101, p. 113. 4. Ibid, v, 98, p. 108. 5. Padmapurāņa, pt iii, ch. 98, vv. 66-7, p. 221. 0. Adipurāna, pt i, ch. 24, vv, 31-6, p. 576. 7. Ibid, ch, 25, v. 14, p. 601. 3. Ibid. ch. 24, v. 55. p. 578.
9. ibid. v. 44, p. 577, 10. S.R. Sharına, op. cit. p. 143. 11. Adipurâna, pt i, ch. 14, v. 11, p 304

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Jainism in Early: Medieval Karnataka
It appears reasonable to assume that the Jaina mytliologists could not keep themselves free from the influence of the Hindu conception of the creative power of gods. Thus, the Jinas were given Hindu oricntation in order to adjust Jainism to changing times and as such the people were attracted. towards the beneficial power of the Jaina divinities.
1.
Linas
Faina Objects of Worship
The Karnataka Jaina literature and epigraphs indicate that the Jaina objects of adoration resemble mainly the Brāhmaņical objects of worship. Like the Hindus, the Jainas show their reverence not only to the Jinas alone but also to their associated deities, sacred things and symbols. The attendant deities of the Jinas and their emblems are also shown great reverence.
The Jaina objects of worship may be enumerated under the following heads; (i) the Five Exalted Beings ; (ii) the attendant deities of thc Jinas ; (iii) symbolical objects of worship ; and (iv) worship of the sacied places. Besides, the Jainas also imilated the Hindu practice of paying homage to the family members of the Jinas.
The Jainas first adore the Five Exalted Beings (the pancaparameşthi). They are, according to Somadeva, the arhat, that is, one of the Jinas endowed with superhuman qualities; the siddha or one who has realised within himself the luminous presence of the Infinite soul; the Acarya or the teacher who regulates the social order according to the principles of Jainism ; the upadhyaya or the preceptor who has mastered the sacred lore ; and the sādhil or the ordinary monk bent on salvation and engaged in rigorous austerities in the face of insuperablc obstacles. They are thus a group of five graded purified souls. While the former two have freed themselves from the cycle of births and deaths, the remaining three are on the way of attaining salvation. Just as there are ranks in society so also there are ranks in the Jaina religious organization.
1. KK. Handiqui, op. cit. pp. 269-70.

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The worship of thcsc exalted souls prominently figured in the devotional Jaina literaturc. It was prevalent among both the monks and the laymen. As the monks did not use idols, they offered only mental salutation to them in course of practising austerities.
In thc temple worship, which was especially meant for ordinary men, the Jinas were assigned the foremost place among the purificd souls because they are belicved to reveal the path of salvation to the mankind. While the devotees perforned the various acts of Jaina ivorship, they offered salutation to them along with the Jinas. .
The Jainas of Karnataka promulgated a formula to be recited at the time of worship. This was considered to be very important in the Jaina system of adoration, and may be compared with the gājatri mantra of the Vedic school. It consists of thirty-five letters, and several methods of uttering it are prescribed. Jinasena in his Ādipurana refers to the recitation of sixtecn, eight, six and sive letters of the Jaina formula. Sometimes it is to be limited to a single letter formula such as "Om". Sompadeva too refers to the different methods of uttering the Jaina formula, but the one consisting of thirty-five letters is held to be most authoritative by him.3
The Jaina literature and epigraphis also refer to the worship of the attendant gods and goddesses of the Jinas (yakşas and yaksinis). They are depicted on the right and the left sides of the Jinas in the Jaina sculpture and are recognized by their respective featurcs. Among the numerous deities, the cult of Padmāvati and Jvälāmālini gained wide popularity among the Jainas in Karnataka. Independent tantric Jaina texts such as the Bhairava-Padmavati-kalpa and the Fuālinz-fialpa indicate the increasing importance of these two goddesses in Karnataka during the early medieval age. Thc two texts show that they were worshipped as independent tantric deities possessing mystical powers during the 11th-12th centuries.
1. K.K. Hapdiqui, op. cit. p. 272. 2. Adipuraus, pt. i, ch.21, v. 231 ff, p. 499. 3. K.K. Handiqui, op. cit. p. 272.

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Jainism in Early Medieval líarnataka
The Brahmanical practice of worshipping religious and spiritual symbols also influenced Jainism in Karnataka. Literary evidence speaks of the worship of the following symbols; (1) dharmacalras or the wheels of rightcousness; (ii) the caitra tree, (ii) Jina-flags containing the figures of clephant, lion, peacock, bull, etc., (iv) thc manastambha or standing pillar. All these symbols stand for the Jinas, and they are revered, if not worshipped independently by the Karnataka Jainas. Jinasena in his Adipurāna refers to thcir worship. He insorms us that the Jaina tomb contained the image of the Jinas, and the people felt happy in worshipping them. The worship of the caitya trecs, the wheels of righteousness, Jina-fiags and mūnastambha4 are also referred to in the same text.
The footprints of the Jaina teachers were also vencrated by the Jainas in Karnataka. The Faina Puranas enjoin the laymen to bow down at the feet of spiritual teachers. It was regarded as a pious act for the laity. As a natural conscquence, the devotees felt the necessity to pay homage to those spiritual teachers even after their deaths. They began to engrave for personal adoration the footprints of Jaina teachers on stone or some lasting material. It became gradually a popular practice among the Karnataka Jainas.
Literary reference is also corroborated by epigraphs. An epigraphs of the 10th century states that the foot-marks of the teacher, Jațāsimhanandi, were carved out by Cāvaya, As Jațāsimhanandi flourished during the 7th century, his footprints were engraved by the devotee for personal worship in the 10th century. Câmundarāya is also said to have paid homage to the foot-prints of Bhadrabahu.. The worship of the same teacher is again referred to in another SravanaBelgola epigraph.? It states that jinacandra bows to the fcet
1. Ādipurāna, pt. i, ch. 22, v, 269, p. 533. 2. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 33, v. 86, p. 138. 3. Ibid vv. 93-5, p. 139. 4, Ibid. v. 75. p. 137. 5. PB. Desai, op. cit. Inscription no. 20, p 341. 6. EC, ii, Introd p. 13. 7. Ibid SB 166, p. 79.

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of Bhadrabahusvami. There are clear indications of the repetition of the practice of paying reverence to the Jaina teachers in more than five Śravana-Belgola epigraphs which belong to the 12th century.
35
The spiritual hierarchy of the Brahmanical Gods influenced the Jaina pantheon in Karnataka, and the Jainas paid reverence not only to the Jinas but also to members of their family. If the sons of Śiva (Kārttika & Gaṇeśa) are worshipped in the Hindu religion, son of the first Jina Adinatha is equally preferred for worship in the Jaina religion. In a ŚravanaBelgola epigraph of the 10th century, it is stated that Cămundaraya caused to be made the statue of Gommata and he is said to have consecrated this image The worship of Gommatesvara gained wide popularity among the Jainas of Karnataka by the end of the 12th century, In A.D. 1159,3 the Hoysala King Narasimhadeva gave gift of the village Savaneru for the eight-fold worship of the same image. There are similar other inscriptions from Sravana-Belgola, dated in A.D. 1175,4 A.D. 11815 and A.D. 1196, which contain information about the public adoration of Gommatesvara on the Vindhyagiri hill and register gifts of land for providing flowers and other materials for worship. The above instances leave no doubt that the son of the first Jina came to be worshipped among the Jainas as an independent god by the end of the 12th century.
The worship of the sacred places (nirväṇakṣetra) was also an object of Jaina adoration. The Jainas of Karnataka paid respect to the places which were connected with the lives and attainment of liberation of Jinas and other eminent Jaina teachers. Several epigraphs from Sravana-Belgoļa prove this."
1. EC, ii, SB 119, A D. 1100, p. 49; SB 123, A.D. 1100; SB 124, A D. 1140, p 50; SB 428, A D. 1100, p. 82.
2. Ibid. SB 175-6, p. 89.
3. Ibid. SB 349, pp. 151-4.
4
Ibid. SB 240-2, pp. 101-1.
5. Ibid, SB 256, p. 115.
6. Ibid. SB 237, p. 101.
7 Ibid. SB 10, A.D. 800, p. 3; SB 4, AD 900, p. 3; SB 38-9, A D. 750 and A.D. 950, p. 9; SB 40, A.D. 990. p. 9, SB 41-2; A.D. 1000, p. 9; SB 13, 44, 48, A D. 1100, pp. 9-10; SB 410, 413, 417,A D. 1000, pp. 80-1.

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The Vasunandi-Śrāvakācāra also corroborates the above Jaina
practice.1
Forms of Jaina Worship
The Jaina texts of Karnataka generally refer to two forms of image worship, (1) the bhava-puja or the mental offering of prayer to the Jinas and (2) the draya-puja or the eight-fold worship of Jina images. The Varangacarita clearly refers to them and points out the difference between the two forms. The bhāva-pājā means concentration of mind on the various qualities of the chosen deities, i.e. the Jinas. The dravya-pūjā denotes the proper worship of the Jina image with elaborate rituals and offering of cight different articles such as unboiled rice, sandal, incense, water, fruit, flower, etc., to the Jinas. As the bhava-puja is performed with or without the use of idols, it is prevalent both among the Jaina monks and laymen. If the Jina image is not available, Somadeva3 advises the Jainas to visualize the picture of the Jina on a piece of birch bark or cloth or wooden board or a slab of stone or on sand or in the air or in one's heart.
In the Adipurāna Jinasena subdivides the dravya-pūjā into four categories, of which we have first the sadarcana-pūjā or daily worship of the Jinas. The devotees daily offer sandal, unbroken rice, incense, fruit, flower and sweets to the Jinas in the Jaina temples. The erection and installation of the images and donation of villages, lands and fields fall under this category. The second form of worship is known as caturmukhapaja, in which the devotee worships the four faces of the Jina. The third form is known as the cakravarli-pājā, in which the royal devotee makes lavish charities according to the desires of almsmen after the performance of Jina worship. Lastly comes the astahnika puja or the eightfold worship, which lasts for eight days. Jinasena prescribes it for all the pious countrymen. 1. H.L. Jain. (ed.), Vasunandi-Srāzakācāra, v. 152, p.130.
5
2. Varângacarita, ch. 22, v. 43 ff, p. 216.
3. Tasestilaka, i1, p. 373, cited in K.K. Handiqui, op. cit. p. 200.
4. Adipurāṇa, pt. ii, ch. 38, vv. 27-8, p. 242.
6. Ibid. v. 30, p 242.
G. Ibid v. 31, p 242. 7. Ibid. v. 32, p. 242.

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Professor Robert Williams strongly criticises this classification as unrcal but does not give any grounds for this. Jinasena's classification reflects the needs of different social classes in Karnataka. He seems to have chalked out a plan for worship based on cconomic considerations. Jaina Temple Worship
The prevalence of icon worship among the Jainas in Karnataka indicates the existence of the institution of temples, which are commonly known as the basadi or basti in Karnataka. Both the cpigraphic and literary sources speak of the crection of Jaina temples and consecration of Jina images in the early medieval age.
The Karnataka Jainas believed that temple building was also a means to salvation and secured for the builder the delights of heaven in the next life. This accelerated the process of temple construction and gradually gave rise to several temple cities in Karnataka. Sravana-Belgoļa, Halsi, Aihole, and Dharwar are finc witnesses to this spirit of Jaina devotion.
The people attached great impoitance to temple worship. They performed almost all sacraments such as birth ceremony, investiture of the sacred thread, and marriage before the Jinas in Jaina temples. Jinasena explains clearly the observation of thcsc rites in the Jaina temples 2
The Jaina Puranas inform us that the votaries showed their devotion to the Jaina temple by going round the temple; this was called the circumambulation ritc. The Jaina devotees are advised to perform this ritual as soon as they enter the temple.
Temple worship was both public and private. Public worship comprised the Jaina practice of daily worship of the Jina image and periodical worship on special occasions. Numerous inscriptional evidences, dating from the 5th to the 12th centuries, speak of public temple worship among the Karnataka Jainas. The earliest indication of the congre
1. Robert Williams, Jarna Yoga, p. 216. 2. Adipurāna, pt, ii, ch. 38, v. 69, pp. 245 ff.

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gational worship is furnished by the Kadamba copper plates, which are assigned to thc middle of the 5th and the 6th centuries. In one of these copper piates, it is stated that tlic Kadamba king Ravivarmā in his 34th regnal ycar granted land in Asundi in the district of Dharwar for performing worsłup of the Jınas.Another record of the same monarcit refers to the performance of the cightdays worship of the Jinas by the pious Jaina devotces at Palāśika or modern Halsi in the district of Belgaum. It shows that the common people participated in the performance of the Jina worship. Harivarmā, another king of the Kadamba lineage, is also said to have granted thic village Vasantàvātaka for providing annually at the eightday's sacrifice and the perpetual anointing of the Jina image with clarified butter for the temple of the Arhat (Jina) which Mrigeśavarmā had caused to be built at modern Halsi in the district of Belgaum.3 The stone mansion of Jinendra vas crected at Aihole by Ravikirti, who had obtained the favour of the Cālukya king Pulakesin II in the 7th century.4 Ladies of upper classes showed equal enthusiasm for public worship by crecting Jaina temples in Mysore. An cpigraph of the 8th century informs us that Kandācí, the wife of a feudatory chief, constructed an auspicious Jaina temple named LokatilakaJinālaya for promoting Jina worship.
Inscriptions also attest the practice of temple construction during the 9th and the 10th centuries, Cāmundarāya, the minister and general of the Ganga king Mārasimha, is said to have constructed a magnificent temple, containing the image of the twenty-second Jina Neminätha on the Vindhyagiri hill at Sravana-Belgoļa,5 The upper storey of the temple was added by the son of Cāmundarāya, and an image of the twenty-third Jina Pàrśvanåtha was placed in it. Both these temples were built in the 10th century,
1. MAR, 1933, no. 1, pp. 113-4. 2. 14, vi, no. 22, p. 27. 3. Ibid. vi, no 25, p.31. 4. El, vi, no. 1, pp. 11-2. 5. EC, 12, Introd p. 6. 6. Ibid.

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Construction of temples and installation of Jina images therein increased in the 11th-12th centuries. Epigraphic evidence shows that princes and people alike erected numerous Jaina temples and granted land for various acts of worship in Jaina temples, which were open to all irrespective of caste and creed. The Jaina women of Karnataka expressed their deep devotion for Jainism by erecting a number of new basadis and cndowing them with rich gifts. In 1047, Akkadevi is said to have granted land for meeting the cost of plastering the broken monastery of the Gonada-Bedangi Jinālaya at Vikramapura in the Bijapur district and for the supply of scent, incense and lamp. Another woman, who figures prominently in the record of the 12th century, was Pocikabbe, 4 the mother of Ganga-Rāja. She is said to have erected numerous Jaina temples at Śravaņa-Belgola and many other holy places. In 1123 Sāntaladevī, the queen of the Hoysaļa king Vişnuvardhana, built the Savatigandhavārņa temple at Bélgoļa and granted the village Mottenavile to her preceptor for providing regular worship. In a record of the last quarter of the 12th century, Haryyale, a woman belonging to the middle class of Karnataka society, is said to have advised her son to build Jaina temple for obtaining boundless merit.& The above examples show clearly what interest both the kings and their subjects took in building Jaina temples in Karnataka during the 11th-12th centuries,
Commenting upon the prevalent modes of Jaina worship, Professor Bhattacharya observes that the Jainas in optional caseś keep an image in their houses and do not undergo the 1. EC, vii, Sk, 136, A.D. 1068, p. 103 ; MAR, 1927 A D. 1062, p. 43 ;
EC. iv, Ag. 90, A.D. 1079, p. 263 ; EC, vit, Ng. 40, AD. 1087, pp. 146-5; EC, Y, Cn 143, A.D. 1094, p. 190; EC. iv: Ng. 19, A.D. 1118,
p. 116. 2. ET, xvi, A.D. 1053, p. 57; EC, vii, SK. 124, A.D. 1077, p. 9G; EC,
vi, Cm. 160, A.D. 1103, p. 57; MAR, 1939, p. 194; EC. iv, Ng, A.D.
1142, p. 138. 3. El. xvii, p. 123. 4. EC, 1, SB 118, P. 48-9. 5. Ibid. SB 132, p. 60 6. EC, vii, TP. 93, p. 60 7. BC, Bhattacharya. Jaina Iconography, p. 21.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka special ritualistic formalism in their private worship. But it seems to be difficult to subscribe to his view. Although epigraphic sources are silent on this point, several literary texts of the Digambaras contain instructions for installation of the Jina image in private houses and speak of the household shrines. Ilarisena in his Padmapurāņa statesl that the people should install Jina image in their houscs and worship it. The absence of Jina icons in any Jaina house is said to have brought minsay to the devotee. On the other hand, the house which contains thc Jina image is thought to be free from the influence of evil spirits. He further states the story of a Jaina woman, who had to suffer the separation of her husband for a long time in her next life, because she had dishonoured the Jina in her private house."
Jinasena in his Adipurāna advises the Jainas not to worship the deities of the other faiths in their private homes. It Proves beyond doubt that the Jainas in Karnataka keep the Jina image for personal adoration. He also informs us that the
Jainas used to hang a bell, containing the Jina image, at the main entrance to their houses so that they may always offer salutation to him." At another place, he speaks of the household shrines which seem to have been situated within the compound of the palaces of kings, where worship was probably performed for the whole family. There is nothing to show that the neighbouring Jainas were not permitted to visit such temples for worship. All this proves the prevalence of private temple worship among the Jainas in Karnataka. It also sccms reasonablc to assume that the Jaina idols were worshipped on communal, family and individual basis during the carly medieval age. Daily worship of the Jina in Jaina temples
An important custom of the Jainas was their daily attendance in the Jaina tempics for the worship of the Jinas, It 1. Padmapurana, pt, iii, ch.92, v. 73ff.. p. 131, 2. Ibid. pt. i, ctr. 17, v. 105ff, pp. 382-3. 3. Adipurīna, pt. ii,ch, 39, v. 45ff, p. 273. 4. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 41, v. 876, p. 324. 5. Ibid. pt. i, ch. 5, v. 227ff, p. 113.

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all are
consisted in morning and evening worship of the Jinas. The Jaina puranas and other literary texts of Karnataka emphasise the need of observing some preliminary religious rites before the performance of the actual worship of the Jinas. include bathing, expiation and circumambulation, which deemed essential for maintaining the purity of mind and body of the worshippers. Somadeval in his Yasastilaka refers to the internal and external purity of the Jainas. By internal purity, he means purity of mind. The need of taking bath in pure water and washing of the teeth are included in external purity. He warns the Jainas against the use of hot water for bathing because of the fear of injury to living
creatures,
41
The expiatory rite of the Jainas is also an important preliminary ritual. The Jaina devotces are said to have got rid of the impurity caused by their movements on their way to their temples. Jmnasena explains it as the irya-patha-śuddhikrijā.3 Both the monks and laymen are asked to observe it in order to absolve themselves of the acts of sin.
In the circumambulation rite (pradaksina) the Jaina devotees walk round the Jaina temples thrice before performing acts of worship, and the same rite is repeated after the final act of the Jina worship. For this rite circumambulatory passages were provided in the Jaina temples.
The Yasastilaka throws light on the different stages of Jaina worship. The first stage is formed by the prastāvanā (prelude), which means the summoning of the Jina and making preparations for his worship." It is followed by the puräkarma, which is the purification of the place of worship and the establishment of water vessels over it on the occasion of ablution ceremony. The third stage is the formal placing of the
1. Yasastilaha, pt. 11, BK. viii, pp. 372-3. 2. Ibid.
3. Adipurana, pt. i, ch. 7, vv. 275-6, p. 162.
4. Varangacarita, ch 23, v. 57, p. 225.
5. Harivamsapurāṇa, pt. i, ch. 22, v. 44, p. 334. 6. Yasastilaka, pt. ii, BK. vii, pp. 382ff. 7. Ibid.
S. Ibid. p. 383.

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Jina dol on the altar, and is called sthaponi. Tisc installation of Jina images is frequently referred to in the epigraphis, in cpigraph of 113$* speaks of installation ceremony of the god Mallinätha in thc Dinkar Jinālaya at Bastilialli in the Belur taluq. Similar cvidence is available from other in«crintions which refer to the installation of the images of Nominātha, Pārsvanātha and Conna-Pārsvanātha in the middic of the 12th century. Thc sannidhapana is the act of going ncarcst to the Jina, which is cxpressed in a highly culogistic manner. The study of thic verses composed by Somarieva gives the impression of spiritual flaticry to thc Jina. Paja or the worship proper comprised the actual ablution ceremony, waving of lamp (aralt), offerings of eight articles and recitation of Jaina lynnns before the idol.
The Karnataka Jaina texts also enlıgliten us about the various acts of the Jina worship, which are invariably performed in every Jaina temple. The bathing rite of the Jina appears to be the most important act of worship. The l'araigacarita? provides the most detailed description or the bathing ritual. It lays emphasis on the maintenance of purity, The devotees are advised to observe complete fast and to take bath before proceeding to the performance of Jina ablution. They are also said to have put on white clothr, which indicatos cleanliness in matters relating to clothing. 8 Thc derotecs collcct waters from holy rivers, wells, fountains and pilgrim places and store them in four earthen pitchers. The water pitchers are beautifully decorated with flowers and are carried by the devotces to the Jaina tcmplos. As soon as they enter the temple, they perform circumambulation thrice and proceed towards the abhişeka-sala or the ablution hall. In the ablution hall, the Jaina priest, known as the shapanācārya (the priest) 1. Tisestiloka. pt. ii, BK viji, pp. 312-3. 2. EC, xv, p. 5. 3. MAR, 1944, p. 43. 4. EC, iv, Ng. 94. p. 133. 5 Ibid. v, Hn 57, P 16. 6 rašastilaka, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 383. 7. Varāngacarita, ch 23, v. 58ff pp 2258. 8 Ibid. vv. 32-4, p. 223. 9. Ibid, vv 23ff, p 222

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for bathing), is employed for performing the bathing rite. He brings the Jina idol from the inner shrine and places it on the high altar in the hall of ablution. He then takes a vow to keep silence till the end of the ceremony. He installs the image on a stone pedestal, which is corroborated by an cpigiaph of the 10th century; it informs us that the Răstrakūta King Nilyavarsa constructed a stone seat for the bath of the image of Santināılla. Two other epigraphs, which are dated in 11383 and 11821 record gifts of land for the performance of bathing ritual of the Jinas in the 12th century. After the installation of the Jina on the stone seat, the priest performs salutation by prostrating himself. He first discharges water in a continuous flow on the feet of Jinendra, standing in the north direction, and dries it so carcfully that no drop of water falls on the ground. He utters a Jaina formula and makes offerings. Thereafter he performs the ablution of the head of the Jina by continuously pouring water over the image, which is known as the mastakabhiseka. It is followed by the offerings of flowers, unbroken rice, sandal, fruit, etc., to dikpalas (guardian deities of different directions) and kşetrapalas. After the performance of these acts, the priest performs äratī with lamp and breaks his vow of silence.
Somadeva? gives additional information about the bathing rite. He states that the idol is bathed with fragrant water, clarified butter, the juice of vines, dates, sugarcanes and coconut milk. Four pitchers filled with water and decorated with flowers are kept ready for the bathing ritual of the Jina.
The anointing ceremony of the Jina is the next act of the Jaina worship. The deity is anointed with various pastes and compounds made of sandal, aloe wood and cardamoms.8
1. Varõngacarita, ch. 23, v. 58, p. 225. 2. SII, ix, pt i, p. 38 3. EC, ii, SB 402, p. 170. 4 Ibid, vii, pp. 124-7. 5. Varāngacarita, ch. 23, v. 621., p. 226ff. 6. Tbid, v. 68ff, p. 226. 7. KK. Handiqui, op. cit. p. 270. 8. Ibid. p. 270

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Numerous inscriprions refer to the performance of the anointing ceremony of the Jina in the Jaina temples. In one epigraph, AIrigeśavarmā is said to have donated a field of forty nivarlanas for the purpose of anointing the Jina idol with ghee, Another record speaks of the provision made by the king of the same house for perpetual anointment of the Jina with clarified butter.” Inscriptions, belonging to Ilth-12th centuries, also contain informations regarding the anointing ceremony of the Jinas. They register grants of land and village for the observance of this ritual.3 Mariyāncdandanayaka, a general of the Hosyaļa period, is said to have rejoiced in the daily anointing ceremony of the Jina in Jaina temple.4
Iyer observes that there is no decoration of the idol either with flowers of jewellery. But it is difficult to agree with lim. That the Jina image was decorated with flowers and garlands is well illustrated in the Varängacarila. It informs us that the priest offered beautiful garlands to thc Jinas.
It is also corroborated by the Jaina records right from the Gth century to the 12th century. A record, which is dated in the 6th century, refers to a grant of land of one nivartana for decorating the idol with rich flowers. In 1096 Sovi Sexţi gave a gift of a garden io Carukirti-Pandita of the Yăpaniya Sangha.: For the Jaina temple in Bannikere in the Shimoga district, Bacaladevī also donated a garden in 1113.9 Punisa, who was a general of the Hoysala king, is recorded to have decorated the basadi of the Gangavāời 96,000 in 1117,16 Besides the above instances, Sravana
1. 14, vii, no. 36. p. 36. 2. Ibid. vi, no. 25, p. 31 ; EC, viii, Sh. 114, p. 37. 3. EC, vii, Sk. 124, p. 170; ibid, viii, Sh. 140, p. 20. 4. Ibid. vi, Gm. 100, p. 57. 5. Ananthakrishna Iyer, The Alysore Tribes and Gastes, iii, p. 436. 6. Parângacarito, ch.23, v. 66. p. 226. 7. A, vii, no, 36, P, 36, 8. BKI, i, no. 140, p. 169. 9 EC, vii. Sh. 97, pp. 33-6. 10 Ibid. iv, ch. 83, p. 10.

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Belgola epigraphs give us additional information about the offerings of flowers and garlands to the Jinas and Gommatcsvara on the Vindhyagiri hill. In one of the Śravana-Belgola epigraphs, there is specific reference to gailand-makers, who were given land for regular supply of gailands to Gommatcśvara in 1175.2 It becomes obvious from the above records that the Digambaras in Karnataka devoted special attention to the decoration of the Jina-idols. In order to fulfil their objects, they not only granted land and village but also the garden itself. Besides, they gave land to the garland-makers for the regular supply of flowers. Thus, the Jaina temples in Karnataka seem to have employed garland-makers, who were maintained at the cost of Jaina devotees.
The ritual of worship seems to have been followed by japa or repeated recitation of the sacred Jaina syllables, consisting of thirty-five letters. The devotees visualized a mental image of the Jina and worshipped him with the help of the mantra and mudra (symbolic gestures). Somadeva in his Falastilaka stresses the importance of the contemplation of the mystic formula. He advises the Jainas to meditate on the omkara formula, mentally locating it on the top of the nose, and so concentrate the mind on space between eye brows. He should arouse the mystic lotus inside his navel and move the connected artery and then direct the four winds or subtle breaths relating to earth, water, fire and air towards the mind. The emphasis on the efficacy of the japa is also found in the Adipurana. Jinasena points out the various good results obtained by the Jaina devotees. They are said to have obtained not only the desired things but also the final deliverance from the cycle of rebirths through its proper recitation. Somadeva, too, explains its mystic value by stating that any one who mentally repeats it attains all kinds of prosperity.5 The Jaina practice of japa appears to be an imitation of the Brāhmaṇical
1 EG, 11, SB 237, p. 101; SB 238, p. 101; SB 241, p. 103.
2. Ibid. 11, SB 242, pp. 103-4.
3. K.K Handiqui, op. cit. p. 280.
4 Adipuräna, pt. ii, ch 21, v. 231ff, p. 489,
5. K K. Handiqui, op cit. p. 280.

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injunctions which prescribe the muttering of Vedic mantra for atoning all kinds of sin and attaining happiness. The utterance of the sacred Jaina hymns completes the final acts of temple rituals. The devotees then bow dawn before the Jina idol and leave the temple after performing the circumambulation rite.
The evening worship of the Jina seems to have included the performance of arali, in which the lamp was revolved in a circular fashion before the idol. Then the Jainas offered homa and burnt incense before the Jina. As the Jainas consider the taking of food after sunset an act of sin, they did not offer focd to the Jina at night.
Jațila's reference to the performance of music and dance in the Jaina temples shows that music and dance formed an important item of the evening worship. Ravisena too highly commends the performance of music and dance as meritorious act for the laymen. The devotee is said to have gained eternal bliss as a result of his arrangement for dance and music in Jaina temples. The popularity of dance is also attested by an epigraph of the 9th century. It states that the Rāştrakūta hing gave a gift of the village to provide for dancers and drummers. Probably the temple employed professional danceis for the performance of the temple ritual and paid some remuneration to them. This pactice led to the origin of the institution of devadusis or temple prostitutes in later times.
The astahnika pūja or the eight-day's worship of the Jina in the Jaina temples was a kind of periodical worship. Both the literary and epigraphic sources speak of its prevalence among the Jainas in Karnataka. The epigraphs rcfer to its performance in the Jaina temples and the Jaina texts ficm Karnataka throw light on the method, time and rituals adopted by the Jaina.
The worship was performed thrice in a year in the months of Phālguņa (February March), Aşādha (June-July) 1. Varângaarita, ch. 23, v. 70, p. 226 2. Ibid, v. 10, p. 221. 3. Padmapurona, pt. ii, ch. 32, v. 171, p. 98 4 EC, is. NL: 61, pp. 44-5.

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and Kārttika (October-November). It commenced from the 8th day of the bright fortnight and closed with the full moon day. The selection of a particular month and time shows the influence of the Hindu calendar upon the Jainas. They consider these cight days as auspicious. Ravisena? tells us that the devotees spared time for its grand celebration in the Jaina temples. They decorated the temple with utmost care and made arrangements for music and dance on this occasion. As they are supposed to lead the life of an ascetic during these days, Ravisena advises them to abstain from any act of himsa (injury to living creatures).3
The worshippers attended daily the Jina temple in oider to perform thc ablution ceremony of the Jina with ghee, milk and water. Fasting during these eight-days seems to have been an important element in this worship.4 The Jainas spent their remaining time in the study and recitation of the Jaina scriptures, Recitation may have contributed to the popularization of Jainism among the people. The devotees lcft the temple after the evening worship and practised charity according to their means.5 Emergence of priest class in Karnataka
The increasing popularity of image worship led to the Tise of priests in the early medieval period. The Varängacarita speaks and calls them snapanācāryas and pratisthācārya.? The two terms show that they performed temple rituals connected with the worship of the Jina. The snapanācārya performed the bathing site of the Jina, and the pratisthācārya installed the idol on the altar and made available articles of worship in the Jaina temples. The term grihasthacārya8 is also mentioned, and stands for the Jaina priest who performed the domestic Tites on behalf of the lay men. He was obviously far more important 1 Padmapurāna, pt. iii, ch. 65, v. I, p. 12. 2. Ibid. pt i, ch, 29, 3-6, p. 45. 3. Ibid. pt. in, ch 68, v 4, p 12; ibid. pt. 1, ch. 22, v. 132, p. 407. 4. Ibid nt ii, ch. 29, v. 8, P 45. 7. Varängacarita, ch. 15, v. 140ff, pp. 140-1. 6. Ibid. ch. 23, V, 58, p. 225. 7. Ibid. v. 22ff. p. 222. 8. Ibid y. 84ff, P, 228.

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than the other two types of pricsts, and occupied an important position in the Jaina social and religious order,
The Jaina epigraphs of the 5th-6th centuries provide further information about the priests. Kākutsthavarmā is recorded to have donated a field in the village Khetagrāma to the general Srutakirti, who saved his life from some danger,1 Srutaksrti is described as bhoja in a record of the Kadamba king Ravivarmā. Dāmakīrti, son of Śrutaksrti, is referred to as blajaka in several epigraphs. Similar is the case with Pandara, who is designated as bhojaka.The term bhoja is explained as a class of priests, supposed to be descended from the Magas by inter-marriage with the women of the bhoja race. Thus, the cpithet bhoja or bhojaka applied to Śrutakirti, Dāmakirti and Pandara, refer especially to a class of officiating priests in the Jaina temple at Palāśika or modern Halsi in the district of Belgaun. Srutakirti, although described as a general under the Kadamba king Kakutsthavarmā, held the offices of priest and commander. He, thus, may be regarded. as the predecessor of the priestly family which flourished in Karnataka during the 5th-6th centuries.
The office of the priest sometimes passed from father to the son, but did not become hereditary. Jayakīrti, who was the son of a Jaina priest Dāmākīrti, acted as the door-keeper (pratināri). In other respects, the Jaina priests resembled the brāhmaṇical pricsts. They functioned as houscholders.. Śrutakirti, who was the progenitor of the priestly family, was a married person. The wife of Srutakīrti is also said to have received a grant of land from the Kadamba king śāntivarmā and his son Mrigeśvarmā."
The term bhoja or bhojaka, which stands for the priest class in Karnataka, is not mentioned in later records. Since
1. IA, vi, no 20. p. 24. 2. Ibid. no. 22, p. 27. 3. Ibid no. 21, p. 25; IA, vii, no. 30, p. 36. 4. Ibid. no 23, p. 29. 5. Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit English Dictionary, p. 768. 6. Id, vi, no. 22, pp. 26-7, 7. Ibid.

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49
the middle of the 7th-8th centuries, inscriptions do not furnish any information about the continuation of the bhoja priests. They generally refer to the term ācārya, who is entrusted with the task of supervising the affairs of Jaina monasteries and temples. In most of the records, the same dignitary has becn declared as the recipient of gifts for discharging functions relating to Jina worship and monastic organisation such as the maintenance of monks and nuns residing in monasteries, the proper control of charity-houses and fair distıibution of alms. In 683 the Cālukya king Vinayāditya donated a village for repairs, worship and offerings to the god Sankha-Jincndra and maintaining a dāna-śālā at the request of Dhurvadevācārya of the Mūla sanglia and the Deva gana.1 Jayadevapanditācārya of the Müla sangha received a gift of the village Sembolal in 723 on bchalf of the Jaina temple at Puligere or Laksamcśvara in the Dharwar district.? In 734-35 Śrīvijayadevapanditācārya of the Devagana received a gift so that he could make necessary provision for the repairs of the temple and the maintenance of the alms houses attached to the Sankhatîrtha basadi at Laksmcśvara in the same district.3 The donative records of the 9th-10th centuries give similar information and do not distinguish between the Jaina monks and priests.
In the middle of the Ilth century, Nāgasenapandita of the Hogari gaccha of the Müla sangha was given land for the maintenance of the establishment of the monks and nuns, attached to it, for supply of sccnt, inccnse and lamp to the Gonada Bedangi Jinālaya at Vikramapura" in the Hungund taluq of the Bijapur district In the 12th century, NayaksrtiSiddhānta Cakravarti, thc acārya of the Sis Mula sangha, Deśıya gana, Pustaka gaccha and Kondakundānvaya, is said to have received land in order to provide the cight kinds of cercmonics, for a 1cpair of the Pārsvanātha Jaina temple and the distribution of lood to the ascetics during the rulc of the Floysasa king Narasimhaceva. În the last quarter ofiiie same 1. BHI, iv, no. 4, p. 3. 2. Ibid. no. 5, p. 4. 3. TA. vii, ro. 38, IODIT; BKI, ix, no. 7, p 7.
CI, si, no. 10, pp. 121-3, 5 CC, v, Hn, 57, p. 16.

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Jainism in Early. Medieval Karnalaka
century, the Hoysala king gave gift of the village Marikali for Trikāta Jinālaya in the Hassan district. It was madc over 10 Vasupujya Siddhāntadera, disciplc of Sripälatraividyadeva of the Arungalānvaya and the Dramila sangha. In another record, which is datcd in 1133, PrabhācandraSaiddhāntika, thc ācārya of the Gangamandala, was Boppadeva's guru for divine torship. Boppadeva is said to have crecied a fine Jaina temple in Dorasamudra as a memorial to Garga Rāja and set up the image of tlic god Pārsva, which was consecrated by Nayakilti-Siddhāntacakravarti. After its consecration, Nayakīrtisiddhantacakravarı 100k the consecrated food to Vişnuvardhana at Bankapur. Visņuvardhana being filled with joy on account of both his victory in the battlefield and thic birth of a son, gave warm reception to him and granted the village Jāvagal for the repairs of the Vijaya-Pārsva Jaina temple and Ganganūr for the decorations and the maintenance of the Icarned.
In the above records, recipients of gifts were evidently Jaina monks, who probably held both the offices of priests and monks. It became difficult to draw a line of distinction between the two in later times because of the combined siraciure of Jaina monasteries and temples. The Jaina monastery in Karnataka was generally a composite structure, incorporating both monastcries and temples within it. As some of the later epigraphs refer to the appointment of Jaina monks for wor
1. EC, Hn. 119, p. 35. 2. Thid. BI. 124, PP 82-3. 3. El, vi, no. 4, A D. 860, pp 35-8: EC, ii, SB 345, A.D 1169, pp. 147
9. Navakirti, Siddbānta-Cakravarti is said to have been made an ācārya of the Caturvinnsati-Tirthanlara Jaina temple ncar Gommatapura on the Vindhyagiri hilt by thc Hoysala gcncral Hulla: EG, viii, Ng. 40, A.D. 1087, pp. 141-5; Ajitasenapandilācārya is said to have been appointed by Vikrama Šantara-Dera as the chicf of the ascetic congregation of the Dramila gana, Nandi Sangba and Arungalānvaya. He was given grants of village for the worship at the Pancakūta basade in the Shimoga district. EG, V, Cn. 146, A.D. 1174, pp. 188-9. Thc Hoysala ling Vira-Ballāla appointed Bhanukirti Siddhānta. cakravarti as the manager of the god Parsva and Gommatatirtha.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism
51 shipping the Jina images, it seems possible to infer that there emerged a class of priests from among the monks who took part in the celebration of worship rituals.
The rcasons which impelled them to adopt the profession of priest are not difficult to find out. The rise of hedonistic tendencies and slack practices and the luse for material gains among the Jaina monks would have forced them to encroach upon the rights of pricst class which prevailed in Karnataka during the 5th-6th centuries. Thus, tlic distinction between Jaina monks and priests gradually disappeared from the 7th8th centuries. The change in the usual practice of priesthood would have surcly made them the solc master of cnormous wcalth, acquired from endowments made by the Jaina devotees,
The above analysis of the nature of Jaina monks in Karnataka slons how far they departed from the preccpts of their founder Malıāvīra, who denounced the infallible authority of the priest class among the Hindus and laid emphasis on the purity of soul rather than the observances of ritualistic formalism. The rituals introduced by the Jaina teachers of Karnataka were not in keeping with the original puritan character of Jainism The introduction of rituals also affected the Jaina vow of ahimsa (non-injury). In the course of performing worship and rituals, the Jaina devotees occasionally committed acts of injury to unseen germs in water, flowers, etc., which were used in the worship of the Jina. The offering of homa or fire oblation and āratz or waving the lamp round the Jina killed small insects. Jaina Goddesses and their Association with Tantrism
The worship of mother goddesses appeared as an entirely new phenomenon among the Jainas of Karnataka during early medieval times. The elevation of some Jaina Yaksinis from the minor deities to a superior position formed the basis of the mother cult in Karnataka.
The Yaksiņīs, who figure most prominently in the early Jaina Iitciature, were a class of attendant deities and had no separate existence apart from the Jinas. Their position underwent considerable change during this period. They were now

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Jainism in Early Medicoal Karnataka
deified and worshipped among thic Jainas as independent divinities. The exaltation of their position is evident from several factors. In iconic representations of the 7th century, Ambikā or Kūşmändini, who is the Yakşiņi of the 22nd Jina, is given four arms with two children in her lap. She is depicted on the left side of the Jina as waiting upon her lord. But the Yakșini of the Meguți temple at Ajhole in the Bijapur district, who is identified with Ambikā or Ambādevī, does not wait upon the Jina but is shown independently. She does not carry any children herself; instcad the children are held by two lady attendants on either side 2
The changes in the usual position of the Yakşiņis, who were originally placed invariably on the left side of the Jina, also attest their elevation. The image of the Yakşini, which has been found in the cave temple at Badami, is depicted on the right side of the 7th Jina Supārsvanātha. The representation of this female is important. for, unlike the Yaksinīs. she is holding no particular symbols in her two hands. Thus, the cave no. 5 (A.D. 750-950) at Badami indicates the higher status of the Yakşiņís.
The exaltation of the position of the Yaksinis is also evident from their iconographical representations in other regions beside Mysore. The two images of Padmavatī, which have been found at Hanumānkonda and Danavulapāðu in Andlira Pradesh, give us the same impression. The image of Padmäksi, who is identificd with the Jaina Yakşiņi Padmāvatī, is clearly on the right side of the Jina. In the Tamil region the Anandamangalam sculptures, which belong to the 9h-10th centuries, place the Yaksiņi Siddhāyikā on the right side of the 21th Jipa Mahāvīra.
1. Jas Burgess, Digambora Jaina Iconography, p.5.
Also sce, 14, xxxii, p. 463. 2. Hrary Cousens, The Chalukyan Architecture of the lanarese districts,
p. 31. 3. Cf. Figures of the Yahşibīs, Plates i-iv. 4. BDCRI, 1, pp. 100-). 5. Gopalkrishna Aiurthy, Jaina l'estiges in Andhra Prodesh, pp. 27-31. 6. P. B. Desai, op. cit., p. 38.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism
53
The Jaina preceptors, who contributed to the development of the Yakşiņi cult in Karnataka, seem to have concentrated their attention on the worship of some particular Yaksinīs. Of the important secondary deities who were promoted to a higher position, Jvālāmālini, Padmāvati and Ainbikā emerged as the most popular goddesses and received public adoration of the fainas in Karnataka.
Jvālāmālini, who is the Yakşini of the 8th Jina Candraprabhial, is described as the goddess of fire in the Digambara tradition. This is proved by the burning blazes of flames issuing upward from her crest. The Jvalini-halpa, which was composed by Indranandi in the 10th century, also describes her as the agnivahinidevi or the goddess of fire.3 She appears to be a terrible deity, who has eight arms carrying deadly weapons such as arrow, shield, trident, bow, snake, etc.4
The Jvälinz-kalpa gives an interesting story of the beginning of this cult. It states that Helācārya of thc famous Dravida Sangha first started her worship on the summit of the Nilgiri hill near Hemagrāma in the south in order to remove the bad influence of an evil spirit, known as Brahmaraksasa who had overpowered his lady disciple Kamalasri.5 After continuous meditation for a number of days he succeeded on the 7th day, when the goddess appeared and asked him to write an incantation on a sheet of iron to emancipate her from the influence of evil spirit & She also advised him to systematise the occult practices for achieving all the carthly and heavenly blessings.
The event, which is narrated in the text, cannot be assigned any definite date. Probably, it happened in the middle of the 9th century, for Indranandi, who finally composed this text in 939 at the Räsțiakūta capital Mālkhcd, was the fifth Jaina teacher who succeeded Helācārya. Indranandi is said to have learnt this system from Kandarpa and Gusanandi. It
1. Jas Burgess, op. cit. p. 4, IA, xxxii, p. 402. 2. Ibid. Fig. 8, Platc ii. 3. Juālini-Kaloa, ch. 1, v. 2, p. 1. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. vv. 5-7, p. I. 6. Ibid. vv.sff. pp. 1-2.

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Jainism in Earl; Medieval karnataka
further states that Gunanandi was preceded by Nilgriva and Gangamuni.l Of these two, the latter was a direct disciple of Helācārya.2 If we allot only 20 years for each gencration of teachers, we may safely place Helācārya during the middle of the 9th century which marked the beginning of the worship of Jvālāmālinj in Karnataka.
The composition of the Jvalini-lialoa by Indranandi during the middle of the 10th century led to the popularity of this goddess. We have epigraphic evidence to show the prevalence of her worship in Karnataka in the 11th-12th centuries. A temple was constructed for Jvālāmālini at Jāvur in Navalgunda taluq of the Dharwar district sometime before 1059. It was erected by a monk of the Yäpaniya sect evidently for offering independent worship. The Yāpansya sect of the Jainas in Mysore took great care for propagating thc idea of tantric worship and for glorifying the tantric attributes of Jaina goddesses. This led to the spread of the cult in other regions. Sedam or modern Sedam in the Gulbarga district was another important centre of the Jvālāmālini cult, as can be inferred from an epigraph of 1124 which states that the local mahajanas or merchants performed exorcising rites in order to please Jvalini. She is described as goddess Jvälini wearing golden ear-rings.' Besides the above centres, Edchalli or Narasimharajapura in the Kadur district and Vedgaon in the Kolhapur area were other places where Jvälāmālini received public adoration."
Padmavatī, the guardian deity of the 23rd Jina Pārsvanātha was another popular goddess of the Jainas in Karnataka. She figures in the story of the foundation of the Ganga kingdom in the second century, and is said to have favoured Madhava with a magic sword for breaking a pillar. But there are grave doubts regarding the origin of her cult at
1. Joalini Kolpa, vv. 2011, pp. 2-3. 2. Ibid. 3. P.B. Dcsai, op. cit., p. 143. 4. Ibid., pp. 259-61. 5. Ibid, p. 173 6. Jas Burgess, op. cit, p. 5; IA, xxxii, p. 463.

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Idol Worship and Tantrism
55
such an early age, because this tradition appears in the epigraplis of the 11th-12th centuries. However, the Yaksiņi Padmavatī, who figurcs frequently in the records of the śāntara kings, gained prominence in Karnataka as a cult goddess from the 10th century. Jinadatta Rāya, the founder of the Santara kingdom in the south, is recorded to have set up Lokkiyabbe in the Jaina temple at Pațți-Pombuccapura or modern Humccal in the Nagar taluq of the Shimoga district in the 10th century. That Lokkiyabbe was the second name of Padmāvati is known from another record of the 11th century. In the first quarter of the twelfth century, Nanniya Gangadeva and his queen Kancaladevi are recorded to have granted five paras for the goddess Padmavatq. Besides the śāntara kings, a large number of minor ruling families such as the Silāhāras and the Rattas became votaries of this goddess in the Ilth-12th centuries. How the worship of the goddess Padmāvati had penetrated deep into Karnataka society, is illustrated by the adoption of her names by the people of Karnataka. Padmāvatiyakka, for example, was the name of a lady, who is described as a lady disciple of the priest Ablayacandra.5
Ambikā or Kūşmāņdinī, the Yakşīņī of the 22nd Jina, also attained independent status by the middle of the 7th century. It is proved by the figure of the Yakşiņi in the Mcguți 'icmple at Aihole in the Bijapur district.? In the 8th century Akalañka is said to have vanquished his Buddhist opponents hy invoking the aid of Kūşmāņdini. Somadeva refers to the prevalence of her cult in the 10th century. Thus it is clear that soine of the Jaina Yaksiņīs, wito were the deities of a minor order, acquired all the characteristics of independent divinitics among the Jainas of Karnataka.
1. EG, vii, Sh 114, p. 37. 2. Ibid. viii, Nr 35, p. 134. 3. Ibid. vii, Sh 4, pp. 4-9. 4. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 171. 5. MAR, 1926, p. 42, cited in B.A. Saletore, op. cit. pp. 157-8. 6. JA, xxxii, p. 463. 7. Henry Cousens, op. cit. p. 31. 8. P.B. Desai, op. cit. p. 173.

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Jainism in Earlz: Medicval Karnataka
Gradually tantric attribuics and tantric rites were associated with these Yaksinis. They arc said to have bestowed superhuman powers upon the devotees by which the lattcr could bring a person under contiol, win over thc cncinies on the battlefield and cause hostility betsvecn two persons. The element of magic and miracle, which was attributcd 10 Jvälāmālins and Padmāvati, is evident from the study of the Jaina texts on tantrism.
The growth of the Jaina tantrism was the natural outcomc of thc carly medicval age, which witnessed the infiltration of tantrism into Buddhism, Saivism and Vaişņavism. In this age the people in general relied more upon the supernatural agencies for the fulfilment of temporal as well as spiritual idcals. Thcy abandoned the original ethical principles for the sake of mysterious yogic practices and magical spells. The Jaina preceptors of Karnataka, who advocated the worship of tantric deities, were thus no exception to the prevailing religious norms. They made full use of magical spells and amulets, and systematised the occult lore in their works.
The spread of occult practices among the Jainas of Karnataka was not a sudden development, for they first appear in the early Jaina texts. Despitc the denunciation of these customs in the Jaina scriptures, the Jainas practised incantation from carlicst times. The Sthanangasītra refers to the Jainas who were sensualists. The curative spells are mentioned in the Uttaradhyayana Sutra. In the Sultalslänga, 3 we have instances of the monks who take to incantation for making a person happy or miserable. The Nirruktis, which are assigned to 300-500,state that the Jaina monks managed to acquire food with the help of magical spells.6 The Samarāiccataha, which is a work of the 8th ceplury, referstoa magician who restored life to Sagaradatta who was administered
I.
2. 3.
The Sthānā ngasūtra, 4.4, cited in Chintaharan Chakravarti, TantrasStudies on their Religion and Literature, p. 16, Ibid. Ibid. S.B. Deo, op. cit., p. 42. Ibid. p. 298.
5.

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Idol Torship and Tantrism
57
strong poison by his mother. In the same text, we have the story of a goddess who gave Sena a miraculous stone which could remove all diseases. With this he cured king Samaraketu of his disease when all physicians had failed.
The epigraphs of our period also speak of the supernatural powers of the Jaina monks. According to a 7th century epigraph from Sravana-Beļgola, Bhadrabahu forecast a calanity in the North. The Jaina monk Arkakirti received a grant of land and village for removing the influence of an cvil spirit from a prince named Vimalāditya during the reign of the Rāştrakūta king Govinda III.4
Though we have several instances of magical spells and charms in much earlier times, a fully developed system of Jaina tantrism was cvolved in Karnataka in the 10th-11th centuries. The Jaina preceptors made valuable contributions to the growth of tantric literature and systematised the occult lore in their works.
The composition of the Juālini-halpa by Indranandi and the Bhairava Padmavati-Kalpa by Mallisena Sūri, which are mainly devoted to the glorification of Jvālāmalins and Padmāvali, marked the perfection of the Jaina tantric system, which now assimilated almost all the main characteristics of tantrism, such as mantras or the utterance of fixed syllabic words, yantra or mechanical contrivances drawn on paper or inscribed on precious stone, metal, etc., for obtaining favourable results, mudrās or special positions of fingers and movements of hands, and the nyāsa or imaginary placing of the deities on the different parts of the body. These are the means by which the aspirant invokes and identifies himself with his chosen deity,5
The tantric character of these goddesses is evident from the study of the above two treatises, which laid down ins1. Samarûicca-Kiahā, pp, 153, 79, cited in 34, viii, no. 1, p. 23, 2. Ibid. pp. 564-8, cited in 34, viii, no. 1, p. 22. 3. EC, ii, SB. 1, p. 1. 4, EC, xii, Gb 61, pp. 30-1;
El, iv, 20. 49, p 349. 5. R. C Mazumdar, (ed.), The Age of Imperial Kanauj, (Fırst edition),
p 317.

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Jainism in Early Asedicval Karnataka
tructions for the observance of the tantric rites. The PadmavaliKalpa, for example, refers to the observance of the six magical rites for the attainment of the desired rcsults.
The Padmavati-Kalpa devotes onc chapter to the rites relating to vašīkarana or vaśyatantradhikara," and lays down tantric formulas and mystic diagrams for invoking the aid of the goddess Padmāvati. Chapter 9 of this text explains the tantric methods by which a woman can be easily overpowercd.3 Tlie other magical ritcs sucłı as siambhana or the rite of making one motionless, dveşa or the art of causing enmity, and śānti or the rites performed with a view to removing calamity and disease, arc rcferred to in both the Bhairava Padmavati-kialpa and the Jvalini-Kalpa.
Of these two texts, the former teaches the aspiring devotces the appropriate methods and insists on the correct knowledge of different directions, timc, bodily postures and special positions of fingers and movements of hands for attaining success. It recommends the observance of sarojamudrā and svastikāsana for the performance of the rite of vasikarana in the morning of the spring season.
The utterance of mantras, which has a special significance in the tantric form of worship, is also referred to in tlic Bhairava-Padmāvai7-Kalpa. It lays down that the devotee should repeatedly utter the mantra and offer oblation to the fire, enkindled before the goddess. He is enjoined to give 1/10th of his time to offering oblations to the fire. In order to please the goddess Padmāvati, the devotees are advised to repeat the manita known as the klinkūramantra. It also mentions a mystic formula, which, if uttered one lakh times, causes sleep to the enemy. Though the vast majority of the mantras uttcred for invoking the goddesses carry no sense such as lirin, hun, hrain, bruin ah, and vain, main, ham, sam, tan, etc., they are
3.
1. Bhairava-Padmavati-Kalba, ch.3, v. 1, p. 9. 2. Ibid. ch. 7, pp. 36-41.
Ibid. ch. 9, pp. 53-61. 4, Ibid. ch. 3, v. 4. p. I. 5. Ibid. v. 5ff, pp. 9-10. 6. Ibid. v. 4, p. 9. 7. Ibid. ch. 7, v. 23, p. 41.

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59
supposcd to produce beneficial results for the worshippers.
The performance of the rzāsa or consecrating the different parts of the body with the names of the deity is another important tantric rite. We come across a detailed description of this rite known as svāngavinyāsa in the chapter called sakalīkarana. It icfers to the purification of the lead, face, licart, navel and leg by uttering the bijamantra consisting of five syllabic words such as hram, hirin, hrun, hraum, hraḥ respectively. The deities, who are placed on the head, the face, the heart, tie navel and the legs, aic collectively known as the pañcayaranestli or the five perfect beings - In the JvaliniKalpa, Mallisena emphasizes the necessity of observing the rite of sakalikarana without which it is impossible to attain success in tlie rites relating to stambhana.3 It refers first to the nasa of the fingers of the right hand by uitei ing the mystic words such as vam, mam, ham, san and tan. It is followed by the nāsa of the left hand reciting another bijamantra.5 So, there are different mystic formulas for performing the nyasa of the different parts of the body.
The Jualinz-Kalpa contains dcscription of no less than a score of mandalas or magic circles, which played a prominent role in the tantric form of worship. The magic circle, which contains the mystic figures of gods and goddesses, is uscd as a vantage ground to summon ile evil spirits. Chapter 4 of the Fvalınız-Kalpa rcfers to tlic use of magic circle foi averting the influence of bhülas or mischievous spirits, who caused injury to mon and destroyed them mysteriously. The magical rite, which is sugges.ed here, is performed in different stages. In the first stage, the worshipper is asked to draw a round circle on plain ground cither on the border of a town or in the centre of a village.? Tlie circle, which is to be drawn, should measure cight cubits and should be adorned with flags,
1. Bhairava-Padmãvali-Kalpa, ch. 2, pp. 4-8 2, Ibid. vy. 2-4, p. 4. 3. Joälıni-Kalpa, ch. 3, v, 1, p. 6. 4. Ibid. v. 2. 5. Ibid. v 3. 6. Ibid. ch. 4, v. 1, p. 13, 7. Ibid.

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mirrors, bells, etc. He is then advised to place four pitchers filled with water on the four corners of the diagram. In the third stage, he should draw the figures of dikpalas or the guardian deities of different directions. This being done, the worshipper should finally represent the bhäia in the centre of tlıc circle, and worship him with flowers, perfumes, and unbroken rice by muttering the special mantra prescribed for the goddess Jvälinj.
The above analysis of the Jaina texts on tantrism clearly illustrates the introduction of tantric elements into the worship of the Jaina goddesses in Karnataka. As in the case of Buddhism and Brahmanical religion, tantrism vitally affected Jainism too and influenced the religious outlook of the Karnataka Jaina teachers, who sought the aid of the goddesses for the attainment of ordinary worldly gains and spiritual salvation.
1.
Jvälini-Kalba, v, 2ff, p. 13.

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CHAPTER IV
RELIGIOUS RITUALS AND PRACTICES OF THE
KARNATAKA JAINAS
Rituals and practices of the Jainas are as simple as their moral code of conduct. They aim at salvation in accordance with the doctrines of Jainism. Some of these are concerned with the ceremony of image worship, and others with the daily and periodical observances of the Jaina monks as well as the layinen. Thcy are designed to serve as aids to spiritual progress and lead the Jainas from the realm of ignorance to the attainment of final liberation.
One of the important Digambara Jaina practices is the sallekhanā or voluntary sc]f-sacrifice of life by abandoning food and drink. According to it, an aspirant devotce lies in some holy place and ccases to take food and drink until he meets his death Thus it may be defined as the voluntary end of life with the object of attaining salvation.
Death by fasting was given a high-place in the Jaina canons. They frankly recommended voluntary self-sacrifice of the body by fasting. The Ullaradhyayana” refers to wise man's death according to which a person embraces it willingly. It also speaks of the death of an ignorant man who is not willing and prepared to meet his death. The famous Digambara authority, Sāmantabhadra, who flourished during the carly years of the Christian cra, states in his Ratnakaranda-Srāvakacara that if a person gives up his body in vnavoidable calamitics, famines, extreme old age and incurable disease, with a view to acquiring religious merit, it is known as sallekhanā.3 Somadeva, who flourished in Karnataka in the 10th century, gives a similai account of this ritual. He states that when the body is about to perish like a dry leaf of a lamp without oil, the 1. Jaina rituals relating to image worship bave been discussed in
Chapter III 2. Ullaradhyayanasūlra, 5, 2-3; SBE, XIV, p. 21, . 3. CR. Jain (tr), Ratnakaranda-Srävakācāra, v. 122, p. 58.

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Jainas observe sallekhana. Somadeva also corroborates Sāmantabhadra in other iespects. He, for instance, siates that one should give up affection for friends, infatuation with riches and illwill towards enemies. He then advises the gradual abandonment of solid food and drinks including water and asks the devotee to concentrate his mind on the pañcaparameșthz or a group of five purified graded souls.3 The desire to live longer, the desire for speedy death, longing for friends, recollection of past happiness and desire for happiness in the next life are the factors which destroy the efficacy of sallekhana. These details suggest that the rite requires spiritual discipline of the mind cultivated over a long period and is to be observed in several phases. In the first phase, the sacrificer selects a solitary place away from living beings. Sccondly, he abstains from solid food and takes only liquid. Thirdly, he gives up liquid and takes only pure and warm water. In the fourth stage, he abandons cven warm water and observes complete fast till his death. By observing these phases of ihe sailekhana rite, the devotcc frees hijnself from rebirth, The performance of this rite, therefore, signifies the victory of the soul over the body. Desais aptly considers it as "the practical demonstration of the cardinal tenet of Jaina philosophy, which stiesses the supremacy of the human soul."
The Jaina scriptures recommend three procedures for the performance of the sallekhanā. The Acarangasitra nentions (i) bhallapratyakhyana, (ii) ingita-marana ; and (ii) pādapogamana. According to the first procedure, the sacrificer selects some holy and solitary place. Then he spreads the bed of straw over it, and by giving up food and drink, he puts up bravely with all the physical troubles. He is not allowed to move his limbs under any circumstances. According to the second, he lics down on a bare picce of ground. He is permitted to move his limbs and to walk when he is tired of lying, sitting and 1. Fašastilaka, pt. ii, BK, viji, p. 413, cited in K K. Handiqui, op. cit.,
p. 297. 2. Cf. Ralnakaranda-Srpakācāra, v. 124, p. 60.
Ibid, v. 127. p. 60. 4. Ibid. v. 129, p. 61. 5. JKU, vi, (1970), pp 1-6. 6. dcörünigastītra, 7; 1-25, SBE, xxii, pp. 75fi.

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standing. But he does all these things without taking food. The third procedure is more difficult than the preceding two mcthods, and requires the devoice to stand motionless like a tree without taking food and drink till his deau. He neither takes carcof his body nor takes lielp from other fellow ascetics,
The prevalence of these three methods for the performance of this vow is well illustrated in most Digambara texts during the period under revicw. Thc Varūngacarita' refers to the observance of the third metliod. But Jinascna in his Adipurāņa cicarly cnumerates all these thiec methods. He adds that the Jaina devotees approached a Jaina teacher, known as the nirgāpakācārya, who is said to have decided the course, method, etc, of the sallekhana rite. The subjugation of human passions and gradual abandonment of food and drink appeared 10 be a common featurc of all these methods, but the sacrificer could move his body only in one case. . The correct observance of this vow in accordance with the prescribed rules is indicated by epigraphic evidence. A Sravana-Belgola epigraph of 700 states that Masena correctly observed the vow in consonance with the rules of monastic order. The sage Vrşabhanandi is reported to have followed for long the path of the conduct before he undertook this vow,5 Emplasis on the abandonment of food and diink is also referred to in more than one cpigraph. Sāntisenamuni, for instance, is said to have given up food and other things on the mountain Belgola. In the 10th century, Nemicandra is recorded to have abstained from focd for two months and accomplished samadhi.? Gunanandi-Karmmaprakrti-bhatāra gave up food for thirty-one days and died by performing this vow.8
1. Varāngacarita, ch. 31, v. 59, p. 306; Also sce Haripamsapurðya, pt. ii, ch. 34, vv, 41-2, p. 434.
āna, p. 1. th., 5, v. 27-, p.14%. 3. Ibid. v. 231, p. 114. 4. EC, ii, SB 27, p. 6. 5. Ibid. SB 75, p. 40. 6. Ibid. SB. 3), p. 7; SBI, p. 4. 7. MAR, 1914, p. 38. 8. AC, iv, ch, 51, p. 6.

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Inscriptions also refer to the futility of worldly life and certainty of death. A record states that Mahādeva performed this rite realizing the certainty of death. In 1120 Demavati, at the close of her life, fixed her mind on the Arhal or Jina according to the prescribed rites and attained hcaven.2 In 1130 Hoysaļa selti, knowing that his end was ncar, took leave of his relatives and cnded his life with a peaceful mind.3 There are similar other cpigraphs, which enlighten us about the right method of obscrvances of this Jaina vow in the 12th century. In 1120 Pocikabbe, mother of the gcncral Ganga Räja, faithfully observed the rule of lying on one side only and performed sallekhana after uttering the Jaina hymns, One year later Lakkale or Lakşmati, the wife of the above Jajna gencral adopted sanjāsana and ended her life by samadhi.s
There are different technical terms for denoting this mode of death. The term sallelhana is used in a scs cpigraphs Most cpigraphs use two other terms (i) samadhit and (ii) sanjösana." Apart from these technical terms, the epigraphs also use the expression, "having observed the vow, attained perfection or happiness or became a participator in the happiness of the world of gods." The Varāngacarita refers to the term pandilamtyus to indicate the ritual of fasting up to dcath.
On the basis of the famous Bhadrabāhu-Candragupta Jaina tradition, mentioned in an inscription of the 7th century, the origin of this rite may be traced as far back as the 4th century B.G. It narrates that Bhadrabāhu, who prcdicted a twelve-year famine in the North, went to Sravana
1. EC. ii, SB 80, p. 41; SB 106, p. 44. 2. Ibid. SB 129, pp. 56-7. 3. Ibid. SB 159, p. 78. 4. Ibid. SB 118, pp. 48-9. 5. Ibid. SB 128, p. 56. 6. EC, ii, SB 1, 2, 22, 23, 59, 93, 95, 106, 108, 114, 129, etc.
MAR, 1914, no. 63, p. 38. Ibid. SB 15, 24-25, 53-34, 75-77, 88, 97, 102, etc.
EC, ix, cp. 70, p. 145; Ibid. Br, 94, p. 19. 8. Vorāngacarita, ch. 31, v. 59, p. 306.

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Belgola in Mysore, accompanied by his chief disciplc Candragupta Maurya. On reaching Sravana-Belgoļa, he ordered the Jaina community to proceed on their journey, while he hiinself stayed on at Candragiri hill. He died there by the Jaina rite of fasting. Upon the death of Bhadrabāhu, Candragupta continued there as an ascetic for several ycars worshipping the footprints of his guru (teacher) till his death by the Jaina rite of sallekhana. This tradition, which has not becn questioned by Jaina scholars, does not stand on solid ground on account of the lack of definite proof. We have no contemporary literary and epigraphic evidence to support this Jaina tradition. But there is no doubt that the practice of sallekhana prevailed among the Karnataka Jainas from the 7th century,
By the 8th century, the ritual became very popular in Karnataka. We have only five cases of death by fasting in the 7th century, but there are about fifty-four cases recorded in the Sth century. Of the fifty four cases mentioned above, forty three refer to men, mostly monks, and ten commcmorate the death of nuns. Inscriptions dealing with the subject reveal two categories of monks, spiritual teachers who were called acārya, bhattaraka and sūri, and the ordinary monks who were not given any title of respect. The nuns also accepted this mode of death as bravely as the monks. They did not lag behind the monks in religious austerities and exhibited the same tenacity in obsei ving sallehhanā.
The Karnataka Jainas continued to perform this ritual vigorously during the 10th-12th centuries. Inscriptions show that this rite prevailed not only among the monks and nuns but also among the Jaina laity. Some epigraphs from ŚravanaBelgola speak of its observance by men and women of high social status. Indra IV, for instance, is recorded to have dicd in tlle typical Jaina fashion of sallekhana at Sravana-Belgola in the 10th century.4 Similarly thc Ganga king Mārasimha is
1. EC, ii, SB 1,630 AD, p. 1; SB 2, 650 A.D., p. 2; SB 11, 650 A.D., p
4; SB 31,630 AD., 7; SB 76, 650 AD, p. 40. 2 Cf. Appendix—'B', nos. I to 44. 3. Cf. Appendix—'B', nos. 45 to 54. 4. EC, 11, SB 133, 982 A.D., pp. 61-3; ibid. xii, SB 27, p. 92.

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said to have accomplished samadhi in the presence of Ajitasenabhattāraka at Bankapur in the district of Dharwar. Thcir ministers and feudatorics also followed this ritual. An insciiption of the same century informs us that Nägavarma, the son-in-law of Narasinga, who served the Ganga king Ereganga as minister renounced this world and observed this Jaina vow.” Another inscription records the death of Kiviriyya wlio kept the vow for twelve days in the Cangalva basadi and expired. *
The royal ladies of Karnataka did not fail to observe this rite. Pambabbe, a very austere Jaina lady, who was the clder sister of the Ganga king Būtuga, died by fasting in 971.4 Another such royal lady was Pullapa, the younger sister of Cāmundarāya, the famous minister of the Ganga king Mārasirnha. A nişidhi (called here nişidiha of Pullapa) was sct up to commemorate this event.5 Moreover, Jakhiyabbe, who served as the governor of Nagarakhanda 70 under the Rāştrakūtas, performed this rite at the holy place called Bandanike in full faith. There is similar other epigraphic evidence to show the impact of this Jaina vow on the princess of Mysore during the 11th-12th centuries. Pocikabbe,? sāntaladevis, Macikabbe, Boppavelo, and Lakşmimatsil were such royal patronesses who ended their lives by observing the Jaina vow of self-sacrifice. These examples clearly prove that Jainism had made a deep impression on the minds of the people of royal families. Although men and women of royal houses were accustomed to a life of comfort and luxury, they were prepared to undergo severe austeritics involved in the vow of salleh hanā.
1. EC, i1, SB 59, 974 A D., p. 14; EI, v, no. 18, P. 180. 2. Ibid. SB 150, 950 A.D., p. 76. 3. Ibid, i, Cg. 30, 1050 A.D., p. 64. 4. Ibid. vi, kd. I, p. 1. 5. Tob. List of Inst., no. 597 of 1905, i, p. 545. 6. EC, vii, Sk, 219, pp. 230-1. 7. EC, ii, SB 118, pp. 48-9. 8. BA. Saletore, op. cit., p. 166. 9. EG, ii, SB 140, pp. 65-7. 10. Ibid, vii, Tr. 198, p. 207. 11. Ibid. ti, SB 127-8, pp. 51-5.

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The ritual also prcvailed among the lower strata of the Jaina society. This is corroborated by the cvidence of an epigraph from Sravana-Belgola. It refers to two lay devotees, Ereyapa-gāvuņda and Maddaya, who are said to have died by the orthodox Jaina 1 ite in the 10th century. Another iecord speaks of the death of Biliya-setti, lying down with devotion at the feet of the Jaina ascetic in the 17th century. In the 12th century, Hoysaļa-Scţti, taking leave of his relatives, ended his life with a peaceful mind.3 Another record of 11394 reports the death of Singimayya by the rite of samadhi at Sravana-Belgola. Thus it can be safely stated that the practice of sallekha17 was prevalent among all classes of the Karnataka Jainas in the carly medicval period.
In a few cases, the period of fast is mentioned. Fasting for thc duration of three days, 5 twelve-days, twenty one days, one months and two months are referred to in some epigraphs. Fasting for the duration of threc days is referred to in an epigraph of the 10th century, although it is difficult to believe that Urree days' fasting can bring death to a man. Possibly, the sacrificer had given up food even before entering the period of this ritual. He tried to ieduce the period of sallehhan 17 to the minimum to avoid the disturbances caused by his relatives. But the reduction of the period of this rite was only possible in the case of laymen. This is clearly illustrated by the evidence of the above-Inentioned record. It commemorates the death of the Ganga King Mārasimha at Bankapur in the district of Dharwar.
Most epigraphs refer to Candragiri hill at SravanaBelgola in the Hassan district as the most sacred place for
1 EC, ii, SB 468, p. 87. 2. Ibid. i, Cg. 30, D. 64. 3. Ibid. 11, SB 159, p. 78. 4 Ibid. SB 142, pp. 69-70. 6. Ibid. SB 59, p. 14. 6. Ibid, i, Cg. 30, p. 61. 7. Ibid. ii, SB 33, p. 7. 8. Ibid. SB 25, p. 6, ibid. SB 143, p. 73. 9. MAR, 1914, p. 38.

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perforining this rite. It appears that the Jainas tried to choose a place which was supposed to be peaceful and free from living beings. On account of difficult access, thc mountain formed a natural barrier between the sacrificer and his ncar relatives. This is why they preferred to dic on thc summit of the mounitain. The Sravana-Belgola cpigraphs show that people from distant places came to spend their last days there during the 7th-9th centuries. But in later times, we notice some change in the selection of the place for performing this rite. The Jainas appeared to have observed this vow in the Jaina temples. It is corroborated by somc cpigraphs belonging to the 10th century. Bandanike in the Shimoga district and Banhapura in the Dharwar district and Kopana or modern Kopbal in Raichur district developed as the Jaina tirthas (places of pilgrimage) for performing this ritual during the 10th-12th centuries. It was the natural outcome of the Jaina practice which led to the foundation of innumerable Jaina temples in Karnataka during early medieval times.
It will not be fair to charge the Jainas with the guilt of committing suicide as it has been done by the non-Jainas. Pujyapada states that it cannot be called suicide because the Jaina observes it willingly at the end of his life with pleasure. It cannot be forced upon anyone.? As there is no attachment to worldly objects, po desire and no passion in this undertaking, the devotee cannot be regarded to have committed suicide. The Varāngacarita condemns the practice of suicide and forbids the Jaina devotees to accept this mode of death. It states clearly that suicide by hanging, by entering fire, by falling into the water, by taking poison, by striking with sharp weapons, etc., are not permitted by the Jaina sages. In fact, the Jainas performed this rite, when physical disability made them unable to advance their spiritual career for the attainment of liberation. As life became a drag and hindrance to the pursuit of self-purification, it naturally lost its significance. Thus, the Jainas wisely abandoned their lives by performing this ritual of self-sacrifice.
1. 2.
Sarvārtha siddhi, sh. 7, v. 22, p. 362. 'arängacarita, ch.15, vv. 63, pp. 133-4.

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The Jaina practice of sallchhanā also differed greatly from the Brāhmaṇical practice of obscrving religious suicide. Wlıile thc Jainas observed it voluntarily, the Hindu practice of religious suicide was involuntary. The ritual suicide of a Jaina woman cannot be regarded as a substitute for sali as it has been done by a scholar, 2 The wives of the Jainas were not accustomed to follow their husbands aftcr death just as it was prcraicnt among the Hinciu women. Secondly, the practice of sati was observed even against the will of the widow woman, but the Jaina vow of sallekhana could not be forced upon her under any circumstances. A few epigraphs of the 20th century show that the Jaina widow Jakkiyabbc icndered valuable service to socicty after the death of her husband. She decided to observe this vow only when she was afflicted with old age and physical infirmity.” That sallekana was not a custom parallel to sali is indicated by the fact that the Jaina women died hy this inode of death even though their husbands were alivc. Lakşmismati is said to have ended her life by observing this row and her husband crccted an epitaph at Siavana-Belgola to perpctuate lier memory Jaina Initiation Rile
The initiation ritual of the Jainas figures frequently in the Karnataka Jaina texts as the most important rite. It marks the end of worldly life and takes the Jaina to the door of asceticism, inspired by the high ideal of attaining spiritual Jiberation. Thus, a Jaina enters the monastic order for his spiritual uplift just as a student enters an academic institution for his intellectual proficiency.
The process of initiation and prescribed rules for the performance of this ceremony peisist with slight alterations during early medieval times. The novice, who wants to renounce the world, is advised first to seek the permission of his clders and relatives for initiation. He is not advised to disobey
1. S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 164. 2. EC, vii, SK. 219, pp. 130-1. 3. Ibid. ii, SB. 128, p. 56. 4. Padmapuräna, pt. i, ch. 2, v. 282, p. 52; ibid. ch. 5, v. 68, p. 72; Hari
tansapurana, pt. ii, ch. 31, v. 31, p. 433.

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them under any circumstances, as is evident from the Varangacarita. Prince Varānga renounces the world only when he takes the consent of his father. Taking leave of his relatives, he approaches a Digambara ācārya and prostrates himself before him with a view to showing respect. He then expresses his desire for initiation. When he obtains his approbation, the day of initiation is fixed with the help of a šravaka (layman) who has expert knowledge of astrology, incantations, omens and unseen things.2 Jinasena also states that the aspiring candidate for attaining cmancipation should be initiated into the monastic order on the auspicious day and moment. He prohibits the initiation of a novice on the day of lunar eclipse, dark-cloud day and during the leap-year. He adds further that if an ācārya (teacher) does not initiate a novice at the appropriate moment, he should be expelled from the Jaina monastic order.4 This shows that astrological consideration influenced the Jaina rites.
Another element in the Jaina initiation, for which there is confirmation in all the Digambara texts, is the extraction of hair by the roots. The novice uprooted his hair from his head and beard with his own hand. It was repeated at the interval of two, three and four months. The extraction of hair at the interval of every two months was deemed as the ideal period for it. The Jaina practice of uprooting the hair was undoubtedly an ordeal, intended to test the firm resolution of the novice. It also cxhibited non-attachment towards the body and protection of the Jaina vow of ahimsā or non-injury. An analogous practice of upiooting the hair is to be met with among the Ajivika ascctics who also pull out their hair with a piece of the rib of a palin leaf. We have epigraphic evidence to show the prevalence of this practice among the Karnataka
1. Varātigacarila, ch. 29, vv. 9ff, pp. 284ff. 2. K.K, Handiqui, op. cit., p. 284. 3. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 39, v. 157, p. 283. 4. Ibid. v. 101, p. 284. 6. Varlingacarita, ch. 30, v. 2, p. 293; Harivan'sapurāna, pt. i, ch. 2, v. 52,
p. 16.
6.
A.L. Basham, History and Doctrines of the Ājivihas, p. 106.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 71 Jainas. An epigraph of the 10th centuryl speaks of Pambabbe, the elder sister of the Ganga king Būtuga, who is said to have made her hcad bald and performed penance for thirty years for the attainment of spiritual libcration.
In the next stage, the novice gives up his entire clothings and costly ornaments and assunics the form of a new born child,” It is an essential Jaina rite for a Digambara monk who is enjoined to observe the Jaina vow of aparigrala or nonpossesssion. Hence, cven the latcr Jaina writers have advocated the Jaina practice of nudity. Somadeva insists3 on its observance because nakedness is natural. He states further that it is inpossible for a Digambara monk to obseive the vow of non-possession as he desires to wear robes made of barks and deer-skins. Thus, the Karnataka Jaina texts mention a number of kings, princes, ministers and merchants who gave up their costly clothings and ornaments and became naked at the time of initiation.
After performing all thesc csscntial rites, the acārya (teacher) initiates him into the monastic order by giving him the lesson of panicaparameşthīmantra. It is followed by the nāmakarana ritc (naming of monks), according to which the entrant is given entirely a new name. Pujyapāda is said to have been named as Devanandi after initiation in the SravanaBelgoļa epigraphs. Lastly, the ācārya instructs him in the essential duties of a monk. The initiation dcprives him of bath and tccth clcaning,
The novice undergoes a rigorous course of training after initiation into the order. The preceptor prepares him for right conduct by teaching him the rules of the monastic discipline. If he fails to develop his strength in the practice of monastic discipline under one preceptor, he is transferred to another
1. EC, vi, Kd. I, p 1 2. Varāngacarita, ch. 29, vv 86-7, p 291; Haridamsapurana, pt. 1, ch. 2, v.
69, p. 17; Adipurána, pt 1i, ch. 39, v 160, p. 251. 3. Kasastılaka, pt. ii, BK. 6, p. 281. 4. K.K. Handigui, op. cit., p. 253. 5. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 39, v. 43, p. 272. 6. FSB, pt. v, no. 1. (June 1938), p. 1.

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instructor. Jinasena Sūri in his Harivamsapurāna refers to a newly initiated monk who learns the proper conduct under three instructors in a year and a half.1 After the completion of the probation period, he becomes a qualified member of the monastic order. Emphasis on the correct observance of the rules of initiation also figures in a record of 1169 in which Sripāla-traividya is said to have maintained the proper rules of dilşa (initiation) and siksa (instruction) in the 12th century.
The initiation ceremony of a nun did not differ much from that of a monk except in regard to the observance of nudity. In other words, a monk was bound to go naked at the time of initiation, which was not permissible in the case of a nun. It may mean the preservation of the traditional status of women folk according to Hindu mythology. However, such a practice on the occasion of initiation ceremony was not at all entertained in Buddhism. The Varangacarita states that several queens of Varānga renounced the world and took to a life of a nun. They did obeisance to their preceptors and went to a lonely place where they discarded thcir ornaments and retaincd only pure white sāri (lower garment for women) in order to cover nudity. They also pulled out their hair.3 The literary evidence regarding the initiation of Jaina ladies is corroborated by an epigraph from Sravana-Bclgola. It informs us that Nacikabbe and Sāntikabbe received suitablc initiation from tile Jaina teacher Bhānukīrti in the 12th century.4
Thc Jaina initiation was a gradual preparation for the adoption of an ascetic life. The Rainakaranda-Śravakācāra divided the life of a houscholder into elevcn stages. As he has to pass through these successive stages before entering the monastic order, he is supposed to learn right conduct of a house-holder for a number of years. So, the old age was gencrally considered fit for initiation.
1. Haritamsapurina, pt. ii, ch. 33, v.718., p. 4.2. 2. EC, V, AK 1, pp. 112-3. 3. Parängacarita, ch. 29, vv. 93-1, p. 292. 4. EG, 11, SB 137, p. 64.

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But the Jaina (cachers of Karnataka did not insist on advanced age for renunciation during carly medieval times. They frankly recommended all ages for taking initiation. Ravisena advocates renunciation even during childhood. As death spares nonc, the consideration of age is hcld insignificant. The l'aśastilare also refers to Abhayaruci and Abhayamati, the twin disciples of the sagc Sudatta, who arc said to liave Tenounced the world at a fairly young age. As old age raises obstacles in the path of libcration because of physical infirmity, Prince Varātiga points out the necessity of taking initiation at the young age with a view to practising the severe Jaina austerities.
The Digambaras in Karnataka provide alınost thc same list of persons unkt for initiation as the Sverāmbaras do. But the cxclusion of the Südras from cntcring the monastic order appears to be the chief feature of Karnataka Jainism in the caily medieval period. Since the beginning of the 9th century there is cvidence to show that the Sūdras are excluded from religious initiation. Jinasena in his Adipurāņa states that a person whose ancestral lincage is pure, who bcars a good conduct, and is not devoid of physical deficiency is entitled to initiation into monkhood.4 Somadeva makes it morc clear by stating that only three higher castes, i.C., brahmann, ksatriya and vaisya are eligible for religious initiation 5 It is apparently a deviation from the original tcachings of Jainism which vehcmcntly condemns the caste system during thc carly years of its foundation. Jainism was now infected by the Hindu varņa system, and hence caste spirit soon reasserted its power within the Jaina religion in Karnataka during early medieval times.
The consideration of caste and cieed for religious initiation of the Jainas clearly indicates the organisation of the Faina community on the basis of vaina scheme of the Ilindus. It is evident from the study of the Padmapurana of Ravisena 1. Padmapurāņa, pt. ii, ch.31, vv. 132-3, p. 76.
Varānigacarita, ch. 29, vy. 120, p. 284. 3 Cf. C.R, Jain, Sannyāsa-dharma, pp. 23ff.
Adipuräna, pt.ji, ch. 39, v. 158, p. 283. 3 rasastilaka, pt. ii, BK vill, p. 405.

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who gives the Jaina version of the creation of the varņa organisation' and tells us how Rşabhadeva created the four varņas from different parts of his body. Jinasena? also repcats the same idca in his Adipurāņa. He clearly shows that cach of the four varnas performed their duties assigned to them. Thus, the Jainas became strong supporters of castc system like their brāhmaṇical counterparts. The prevalence of the fourfold Aryan division of society, which was accepted by the Jainas of Karnataka, indicates the influence of Aryan ideas and institutions over the masses of Dravidian popnlations.3
We notice another important change in the outlook of the Jaina teachers who initiated a novice into the monastic order. Probably they charged soinc fccs for initiation. An epigraph of the 8th century4 refers to the initiation of a person named Singam and tells us that his mother Aratti made a grant of land probably as a rcward for performing this rite. Another epigraph from Sravana-Belgola informs us that Bhānukirti of the Mülasangha was rewarded for initiating Macikabbe and śāntikabbe. Both these ladies entered the monastic order in 1137 and built a beautiful Jaina temple, which was cndowed with rich gifts for the performance of Jina worship and for providing food to the ascetics. Thus, the monetary consideration seems to have influenced the Jaina ritc of initiation in Karnataka. Domestic Rituals of the Karnataka Jninas
Jinasena is the first to furnish an exhaustive list of domestic rites for the Jainas of Karnataka during the early medieval period. Although in the Ādipuräna he refers to fiftythrec rites prescribed for the whole life of the Jaina laity from conception to the attainment of liberation, only twentytwo of these rites are concerned with the domestic rituals of the Karnataka Jainas. The list of twenty two rites is as follows:
Adhāna or garbhādhana is a rite to be observed to obtain a
1. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 4, v. 86 f, p. 63-64. 2. Adipurang, pt. i, ch, 16, rv. 2437, p. 308. 3. S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 156. 4. EG, iii, My. 25, p. 3.

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malc offspring. Jinasena advises the Jainas to worship the Jina with proper recitation of Jaina mantra on the occasion of performing this ritual. They are then advised to offer oblation to the three sacred fires, as was done on the occasion of attaining salvation by the Jainas. After observing the prcceding rites, the couple is allowed to unite for obtaining a son.
Prili is a Jaina ritc to preserve the pregnancy of a woman in the third month, which is performed by the Jaina Brālimanas in the Jaina temple. Jinasena prescribes the cicction of an arch (torana) and establishment of two water vessels on cachi side of the door of the householder's house. Jinascna also lays down rules for making provisions for playing of drums and the sounding of bells on this pious occasion according to the cconomic capacity of the Jainas.”
Jinasena then refers to two important rites, which are termed as the supriti and the dhşli rite for the prosperity and welfare of the pregnant woman. Hc ordains the Jainas to perform the former lite in the presence of the sacred fires kindled before the Jina image with the proper recitation of Jaina hymns in the fifth month from her conception and to observe the latter in the seventh month of the pregnancy, preceded by the worship of the Jina."
The next puberty ritc is termed as the moda for the fullest completion of the woman's pregnancy in the 9th monthi. The woman is decked with ornaments and costly clothings. Then, a girdle, called galrika-bandha containing the Jaina hymns is lied around her waist for the protection of the foelus. The rite is performed by the Jaina Brāhmanas before the image of the Jina.5 The prizodbhava or Fataharma ritc is performed on the occasion of the birth of the child. Jinasena advises thc Jainas to observe this rite carefully after reciting the Jaina hymns before the Jina.. i Adipurāna, pt. ii, ch, 38, vv. 70-6, p. 245. 2. Ibid. vy. 77-9, p. 246.
Ibid. vy, 80-1, p. 246. 4. Ibid. v. 82, p. 246. 5. Ibid. vy. 83-4, p. 218. 6. Ibid. pt. ii, ch. 38, vv. 85-6, p. 246.

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The nāmakarana or ritc of naming the boy is performed after the twelfth day of his birth on an auspicious day, which suits well his parents. The Jainas worship ihc Jina and pay homage to the Jaina ascetics on this occasion. Tlie pamc of the boy is selected from the one thousand and cight names of Jinendra through the process of ghalapatra method. The Jainas are advised to write the names of the Jinas on separate pieces of papers which are stored and mixed in an earthen pot. Then, a boy is asked to take out a picce of paper from the pot. The boy is named after the name of the Jina which is taken out of the lot.)
The bahiryana or the rite of taking the child out of the house is performed in the second, third or fourth month after his birth. The Jainas, according to Jinasena, should make arrangements for the playing of musical instruments on this occasion. Gifts should be presented to the boy by his parents and relatives. Presents should be preserved, and finally handed over to the boy when lie is mature enough to inherit his ancestral property. The boy has to be placed on some sacred scat (asana) in order to increase his ability for attaining temporal and spiritual position. The householders are enjoined to repeat the same process of the Jina worship on this occasion.3
VVhen thc boy is seven or eight months old, thc rite of feeding him is observed, according to which cooked food is offered to him for the first time. Jinasena calls it as the annaprasana Jaina rite.4 The varşavardhana or birtlı anniversary' is perfomed when the boy becomes one-year old. Jinasena adhises the Jainas to celebrate it every year. They are further ordained to bestow gists and feed the elders and near relatives."
In the caula or cīdakarma ritc, the head of the boy is shaved with a razor on an auspicious day and a lock of hair is left in the middle of his head. When the boy is bathed in pure water and dressed well, he is asked to offer obeisance to the Jina 1. Adipurāna, pt. ii, ch. 38, yv. 87-9, p. 247. 2. Ibid. v. 90-2, p. 247. 3. lbid. vv. 93-4, p. 247. 4. Ibid. 95, p. 249. 5. Ibid. v. 96-7, p. 248.

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and the Jaina ascetics, The rite ends when the boy receives blessings from his parents. In the fifth year the Jaina boy has to perform the lipisajikhayana rite or the rite of Icarning the alphabet. He is handed over to some Jaina preceptor, appointed by his parents for proper training.
The Upaniti rite or the practice of wearing sacred thread, which is not a Jaina custom, became popular in carly mcdieval times. Jinasena in his Adipurāna enlightens us for the first timc about it and enjoins all the householders to use the sacred thread.
The rite is performed when the boy becomes cight years old. It is preceded by the rite of tonsurc ceremony and acceptance of the five lesser Jaina vows, mcant for thc Jaina householders only. The boy is asked to worship the Jina in the Jaina temples. Afterwards, a rope of muñja-grass, consisting of three threads, is tied round his waist by the Jaina Brälmanas." Thcy symbolize the three Jaina jewels of good lcaining, good knowledge and good conduct. The boy then puts on white lower garment, and as a symbol of the Jaina vows, he is invested with the sacred thread. Lastly, Jinasena picscribes the begging of alms for subsistence of the boy. Whatever he brings from begging is first offered to the Jina and the remainder is consumed by the boy. Jinasena puts restrictions on the movement of the royal princes, who, unlikc thc Jaina conimoners, are enjoined to beg food within the palace premises. Such restrictions are not prescribed for the common people adhering to the Jaina faith. It appears that Jinasena makes social distinctions in the observance of the Jaina rituals and has safeguarded the interest of aristociatic class in Karnataka.
But the use of sacred thread was not received by the Jaina puritans of Gujarat and other places of the North cven after the composition of Adipurāna in the 9th century. The
1. Adiputāna, pt. i1. ch. 38, vv.98-101, p. 248. 2. Ibid. vv. 102-3, p. 248. 3. Ibidvy. 104-12, p. 249. 4. Ibid vv. 107-8, p. 249. 5. N.R Premi, op. cit., p. 508.

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Svetämbaias also did not make provision for the sacred thread ceremony.1
When the boy is invested with the sacred thread, he is expected to lead the life of a celibate, Jinasena advises him to practise vratacarya or the Jaina vows. He is neither allowed to clean his teeth nor taste betel leaf or anything else. He is asked to take bath in pure water and to slcep on bare ground. Then he learns the duties of a layman and takes lessons in grammar, astrology, mathematics, ethics, etc., from the Jaina preceptor.?
After the completion of learning, the boy is enjoined to abstain from taking meat, lioney, etc., which according to Jaina doctrines, are the breeding ground of various liviag Oi ganisms. This rite is observed in the twelfth year of the boy in the presence of his preceptor before the Jina image.3
The boy has to seek the permission of his preceptor for marriage, which is performed after the end of cducation, After marriage the bridegroom is enjoined to remain celibate for seven days during which he is required to visit thc sacred places of Jainism. Then husband and wife are allowed to mate especially during the period of menstruation with the object of getting a son. A weak and infiim Jaina is advised to abstain from scxual intercourse for the prosperity of his health.
The Jainas observe the varanalabha rite,? which establishes them firmly in the household affairs. The son inherits the ancestral wealth in accordance with his father's will. Jainasena ordains the father to woiship the Jina and then to hand over his property to his son in the presence of eminent Jaina householdeis in the Jaina temple. The father instructs his son to practise the conduct befitting a layman
1. N. R. Premi, op. cit. p. 509. 2. Adipurāna, pt. i, ch, 38, v. 112-20, pp. 249.50. 3. Ibid, vv. 121-4, p. 250. 4. Ibid. v. 127, p. 257. 5. Ibid.vv. 131-2, p. 251. 6. Ibid. v. 133-4, p. 251. 7, Ibid. v. 135, p. 251.

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and to bestow gifts upon the Jainas for the increment of his wealth and fame. Thus Tinasena endeavours to propagate the Jaina faith even among the offspring of the Jaina householders.
The Jainas are instructed to earn their livelihood by proper means and to practise the six essential Jaina duties, i.e., the worship of the Jina, study of the spiritual lore, control of passions, charity, etc. By following the rules of good conduct, they make themselves able to withstand the Jaina austeritics and finally develop dislike for worldly life, In this stage, they are enjoined to observe various fasts so that they can act like the faina ascetics and contemplate over the nature of the soul.3 Jinasena, thus, prescribes the abandonment of the household life. The public declaration of rcnun. ciation is to be preceded by the worship of the Jina.
The purposes behind the Jaina domestic rituals are inanifold : popular conviction, material profit, cultural and spiritual gains. Like the Hindus, the Jainas believed that by performing the various rites, they may avert the evil influences which overtake pregnant women and children. The Jaina householders are advised to invoke the help of the Jinas to drive out foul influences. Jinasena enjoins that the găirika-bandha, containing Jaina hymns, should be placed over the body of a pregnant woman. This was supposed to protect the foetus during the 9th month of her pregnancy
The Jaina sacraments were meant for acquiring progeny, long life and wealth. The Jainas believed that prayers and appeals made to the Jinas brought forth children and spiritual happiness in the life after death, The garbhadhūna rite was performed to obtain a male offspring. Further it was thought that the personality and character of a Jaina householder are formed by observing such rites as the investiture of the sacred thread, the nuptial rire, etc. Finally, taust rites were supposed to reconcile the active worldly life of the Jainas with spiritualism.
1. 2. 3.
Adipurono, pt. ii, ch. 33, w. 138-41, p. 252. Ibid. vv. 142-3, p. 262, Ibid. vy. 148 T, pp. 252-3.

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A close study of the Jaina domestic rituals reveals certain fundamental similarities between Jinasena's Adipurana and the Hindu Dharmasastras. The chief object of the Jamnas in performing these rites appears to be the same as that found in the Gríhyasūtras and Smrtís. According to most Hindu law givers the sacraments are intended to sanctify the body from the moment of conception to the death of a person. This is also the view of Jinasena, who states in his Adipurāṇo that like a precious stone taken out from the mine, the human soul attains perfection through purificatory rites, accompanied by the sacred Jaina mantras.1
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Jinasena extols the fire cult like the Vedic literature. He justifies the worship of the sacred fire on practical grounds. He states in his Adipurano that fire is neither divine nor holy but it becomes so on account of its association with the worship of the Jinas. He, therefore, asks the Jaina householders to kindle three fires before the Jina and offer oblation to them.2 Consequently, the Jainas of Karnataka appear to have started the worship of the fire cult just as the Brāhmaṇas did on the occasion of performing the sixteen sacraments. Somadeva also supports this practice by stating that a popular custom can be followed so long as it does not come into conflict with the fundamental principles of Jainism.3 Probably, the Jaina fire cults were the same as the Vedic fire cults and included the worship of such specific fires as ähavaniya, dakṣināgni and garhapatya in order to fit in with the Jaina system.*
The cult of fire ritual was not only prevalent among the Karnataka Jainas but also among the Jainas of Tamil Nadu. The Silapaddıkāram indicates the prevalence of this cult in Tamil land in the early centuries of the Christian era. The term velvi is always used to denote fire ritual in Tamil language. Whenever the term velvi is used alone, it merely means fire ritual without involving animal sacrifice.*
1. Adipuräna, pt. it, ch. 39, v. 90, p 277.
2. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 40, vv. 88-91, p 301.
3. K.K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 332.
4. N. R. Premi, op cit., p. 510.
5. The Silapaddikāram, cited in K. K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 334 6. Ibid. p. 333.

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The sacred thread rite among the Jainas of Karnataka is also based on the Brāhmaṇical idea. According to the Adipurana, the performance of this rite signifies rebirth of the Jaina householders who are called dujas or twice-born after initiation.
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The above details show that Jinasena adapts the ancient traditions of the Hindus and harmonizes them with the practices of the Jaina culture. The main line of Hinduization of the Jaina religion runs through Jinasena, who builds an ambitious fabric of Jaina rites on the basis of the prescribed Hindu samskaras in the 9th century.2
The process of Hinduization of the Jaina religion in Karnataka appeared to have set in before the 9th century. It was caused mainly by the entrance of non-Jainas into the Jaina monastic order. The Digambara texts from Karnataka which were composed during the 7th-8th centuries, witnessed the infiltration of Hindu elements in Jaina religious practices and gave it a place of importance to these religious rites. The Paumacariya of Vimala Suri and the Padmapuraṇa of Ravisena give us some hint about the sacred thread ceremony. They refer to the term suttakaṇṭha, meaning the thread hanging from the neck. Similarly, the Jaina texts are replete with references to the performance of the Jaina rites of marriage, learning, etc. But it was Jinasena who gave it a final shape in his work Adipurāna. He recognized them with a view to championing the cause of Jainism in the South. The appearance of Sankaracarya in the 8th-9th centuries proved detrimental to the existence of the Jainas in the south. He started a systematic campaign against the Jainas and denounced them as atheists and tried to excite people against them. In this situation, the Jaina teachers of Karnataka showed far-sightedness by assimilating Hindu clements for maintaining their position.5
Despite the similarities with the Hindu domestic rituals,
1. Adipurāna, pt. ii, ch. 40, vv. 158-9, 310.
2,
Robert Williams, Jaina Yoga, Introd. p. xxii-xii.
3. JSB, pt. vi, no. 4, (March 1940), p. 206.
4.
N.R. Premi, op. cit., p. 507.
5. JSB, pt. vi, no. 4, (March 1940) p. 206.

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the Jainas emphasize ahimsa (non-injury). Jinasena warns the Jaina householders against the use of meat, honey etc, which are considered unfit for the performance of the Jaina rites on account of their connection with himsa (injury).
The imitation of the Hindu sacraments by Jinasena goes against the original teachings of Jainism. The early Jaina boldly protests against Vedic ritualism and the priests presiding over it. But the Jainas of Karnataka observed many Brahmanical rites during the early medieval age. Jinasena gave recognition to the dvijas, evidently the Jaina Brahmanes who officiated in the performance of their domestic rites.
Artisans, dancers1 and probably the śūdras are not allow. ed to wear the sacred thread. Jinasena forbids them to put on the sacred thread on account of their low birth. Ile allows them to wear a lower garment called dhotz, which is a substi tute for the sacred thread. All this shows deviation from carly Jainism, which does not recognize social distinctions in religious observances.
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Dana or Charity Ritual
The Jaina literature on dana or charity is enormous. Apart from the casual references to it in the Jaina Purānas, Book VIII section 43 of the Faŝastilaka is entirely devoted to the various aspects of charity ritual, such as the objects of gift, the qualifications of the donec, and the best method of giving donation. The Jaina teachers of Karnataka extol the virtues of making gifts to the Jaina ascetics, and the sick, infirm and poor persons belonging to the Jaina faith. They consider it to be the most effective means of securing religious merit and attaining liberation.* It relieves the donors of sufferings and dangers and brings them worldly happiness both in the present and future life. Jinasena glorifies charity as the most proper way of spending one's wealth or possession.4 Regular endowment of gift is considered as one of the
1. Adipurana, pt. ii, ch. 40. vv. 170-1, p. 311. Ibid. pt. 1, ch. 16, v. 271, p. 371; Paramātmaprakāśa, ch. 2, v. 168, p. 312.
2.
3. Padmapurana, pt, iji, ch. 96, vv. 16-7, p. 197.
4. Adipurāṇa, pt. ii, ch. 38, v. 270, p. 264.

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six essential dutics of the Jaina houscholders?, and this is corToborated by a large number of Jaina epigraphs which record gifts either for the Jaina monks or Jaina establishments.
Dana-salas or charity houses are often attached to the Jaina basadis, as can be shown from the inscriptions of the 7th-8th centuries. In 683, the western Cālukya king Vinayaditya granted the village named Hadagile situated in Beluvala300 for a dāna-śālā.2 In 730 Vijayāditya, another king of the same dynasty, donated the village Kaddama to the south of Purikaranagara for the maintenance of a charity house, attached to the Saikha-Jinendra temple at modern Lakshmesvara in the district of Dharwar.3 Five years later, Vikramāditya II granted 50 nivartanas of land for meeting the cost of expenditure of almshouse, which was attached to the Dhavala-Jinālaya at the same place. The practice continues in subsequent times. The rich and pious Jainas delighted in making endowments for maintaining charity houses and establishing new ones for advancing the cause of dana or charity. It is substantiated by the donative records of the 10th-12th centuries. An epigraph of the 10th century registers the gift of a tank for the charity house attached to the Jaina temple at Naragel in the district of Dharwar.5 Another epigraph of the llth century refers to the donation of some land for the Saiyakratnākara basadi at Mugad in the district of Dharwar and the income incurred from that land was to be utilised for feeding the visitors. In 1074 the mahāsāmanta Käțarsa gave gifts of land for the benefit of the charity house of the Ganga-Permāợi Jaina temple at Aņnigcre in the Navalgund taluq.? The Sāntara kings donated two villages for providing food to the Jaina monks living in the Pañcakūta basadi in the Nagar taluq of Shimoga district. We have similar
1. rašastılaka, pt. ii, BK, viii, Section 46, p. 414 2. BKI, 1v, no. 4, p. 3. 3. Ibid. no. 6, p.o. 4. Ibid. no. 7, p. 7. 5. Ibid, i, pt. i, no. 38, p. 23. 6. Ibid. no. 78, p. 08. 7. ET, xv, no. 23, p. 346. 8. EC, viii, Nr. 40, A D. 1077, p. 144.

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other instances of cndowments, made by the Hoysala kings and their ministers for running charity houses in the 12th century. General Hulla built an almshouse in 1163 at Jinanāthapura, a village about a mile from Stavana-Belgola? In 1174 the Hoysaļa king Ballāla II gave gifts of land and village Mcruhaļļi for providing good food to the Jaina ascetics. But the Nañjedevaragudda stone inscription of 11923 gives us most interesting details about the free distribution of food to the Jaina ascetics in the temple of the god Abhinava Säntideva at Somepur in the Hassan district and furnishes clear proof of the interest taken both by the Hoysaļa king and subjects in managing the affairs of charity house. As the king became pleased to sce the good management of alms distribution, he also made a gift of two villages to Vajranandi-Siddhāntadeva for continuing this practice in the 12th century. It is clear from the above cpigraphs that the Jaina charity houses took care of the Jaina ascetics as well as the poor and sick persons. They distributed food and water ; made provisions for fecding the visitors and provided shelter to them,
Pūjyapıda in his Sardärthasiddhi defines dana as the act of giving one's wealth to another for mutual benefit 4 In his view, it accumulates religious merit for the donors and fosters the thice jewels, right belief, right knowledge and right conduct, in others. Ravisena regards dano as handing over of somcthing of one's possession to the Jaina ascetics, and condernns other forms of charity as worthless and meaningless. 5 Somadeva too supports the same view in his work,
Literary evidence regarding dana is supplemented by tire donative records of our period. They bear testimony to the fact that the devout Jainas made libcral donations of land, house and village at the request of their preceptors. The Nonamangala copper plate of the Ganga king Avinīta registers
1. EC, nt, SB 345, pp. 149-9. 2. Ibid. v, Cn. 146, pp. 188-9. 3. MAR, 1926, pp. 30-1. 4. Sartārthasiddhi, ch. 7. v. 39, p. 372. ū, Padmaburāna, pt. i, ch, 14, 5, 96, p. 313. 6. Tasastilake, pt.is, BK. viii. p. 403

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the gift of the Veennclkarani village for the Uranür Arhat temple and one fourth of the karşapanas of the external customs for Perur Evānia digale's Arhat temple on the advicc of Vijayakirti in the 5th century. Another record of the same king records the gift of house at the village Pulliura for the Jaina monks of the Yāvanjka sangha in the 6th century. In the 7th century, Vinayāditya gifted a village at the request of Dhurvadevācārya of the Mūlasangha and Devagana,3 The Īcvādi stone inscription refers to the donation of money in cash and some wet-fields to Candra-Siddhāntadeva, a Jaina tcacher of the Digambara sect in the 10th century. In the 13th-12th centuries, many Jaina ladies of Karnataka gained prominence by making generous donation of the four gifts of food, mcdicine, shelter and Icarning. Cattaladevi,s Lakşmimati, Pacikabbc,? Demiyakkas and Pampadevi are depicted in the epigraphs as following the Jaina concept of dana.
Although the traditional Jaina concept of the four gifts of protection, food, medicine, and sacred lore and writing materials continued to hold ground during the early incdicval age, the gift of protection (abhayadana) was considered to be the liighest gift.10 Apparently protection was emphasised in view of the political instability and frequent transfers of lands and villages from one hand to the other in early medieval times. A Jaina was therefore exhorted to offer protection to all living creatures without which the ritual of charity became meaningless. The next in importance was the gift of food, Thc Jainas were asked to feed the Jaina monks, according to the ninefold method of hospitality, consisting of reception, offering of a high scat, washing of their feet, adoration,
1. EC, X, MIL. 72, p. 172. 2. ALAR, 1938, p. 80. 3. BAI, iv, no. 4, p. 3. 4. MAR, 1923, p. 115. 3. EC, viji, Nr. 35, pp. 137-8 6. Ibid. ii, SB. 127, p. 50. 7. Ibid. SB 118, pp. 43-0. S. Ibid. SB 120, pp, 56-7. 9. Ibid. viii, Nr. 37, pp. 141-2 10. Masastilaka, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 401,

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salutation, purity of food, etc. The gift of medicinc and shelter was meant for the medical and physical care of the monks and saints.” Sornadeva made it obligatory for the pious Jainas to help the monks in case of their physical and mental troubles. They were also advised to provide lodging, books and material for writing so that they might continue their spiritual concentration and fully explain the holy texts.3
We have already pointed out the growing importance of the gift of protection in the early Middle Ages. We also notice a few significant changes in the nature of other gifts during this period. Originally, the gift consisted mainly of pure food, a pot for answering the call of naturc, pcacock feather's broom, and matcrials necessary for the study of monks. But now the monks were being granted lands, houses and villages, which completely nullified their vow of nonpossession. Ravisena in his Padmapurāna clearly states that the Jaina devotees should grant these objects on the ground of their connection with the Jinas. The gift of land and anımal was supposed to confer permanent worldly pleasure on the donois.
The Jaina texts speak of the thice principal forms of charity, sāllviha, tāmasa and rājasa, Somadeva in his jaśastılaka explains each one of these. When a gift is made with devotion at a proper timc to a worthy person by a donor equipped with seven qualities of faith, contentment, reverence, knowledge, libcrality, forbcarance and ability, it is called sättvika 5 The gift to an unworthy person who does not deserve any respect is called täntasa." The donation inade for self-glorification without any faith is called räjasa ? Somadeva declares the sättvika to be the best and condemns thc other two. He adds that lack of
1. Taśastian, pt. 11, BK vni, p. 404. 2. Ibid. p. 409. 3. Ibid. 4. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 14, vv. 73-80. p. 311. 5. lasastilata, pt. ii, BK. viii, p. 408. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid.

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personal faith and punctuality, and jealousy at the generosity of others, etc., spoils charity.1 . The Jainas are repeatedly warned against making gifts to undeserving persons. The Jaina texts from Karnataka declare the naked Jaina ascctics, who observe the vow of noninjury and practise austerities, to be the most deserving. The gifts made to those who follow false doctrines and wrong conduct, produce evil consequences such as the feeding of serpents with milk and are considered as futile as sowing seeds on stone. Somadeva shudders at the appearance of thc Buddhists, Năstikas, Šaivas and Ājivikas at the reception of the Jaina inonks because it leads to pollution. In the Ādin purāne, the prince Bharala is said to have refused charity to those who violated the vow of non-injury.5 Somadeva classifies the worthy recipients into five categories. They are samayin or adherent of the Jaina faith, the śravaka or, one who has an expert knowledge of astrology, incantations and omens, the sādhu who has mastered religious austerities and observed all the Jaina religious vows, the siri or the instructor, and the samaradīpaka or one who advances the causc of the Jaina faith. Begging and Dietary Practices of the Jaina Monks
The sacred injunction that forbade the Jaina monks to cook their food themselves made it compulsory for them to go on regular tour for begging food except in the four monthis of the lainy season.
Purity of food and abstaining from night's meal both for the monks and the laymen continued to be stressed in the Jaina circles during the carly medieval age. In order to maintain the Jaina vow of non-injury, Ravisena in his
1. Zasastilaka, pi, ii, BK. viii, p. 410. 2, Padmaputāna, pt. i, ch. 14, vv. 53-5, pp. 309-10;
Adipurāņa, pt.i, ch. 20. vv. 146-8, pp. 458;
Parängacarta, ch. 7, v. 31, p. 62. 3. Tasas laka, cited in K.K. Handiqui, op. cit, p. 281.. 4. Ibid. 6. Adapurūna, pt. ii, ch. 38, vv. 10-18. PP 240-1. 6. KK. Handiqui, op. cit., pp. 234.).

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Padmapurāna denounced the practice of taking mcal at night. Like the Mülacara, thc Padnapurāna and other Jaina texts enjoin the monks to take food in their palms in a standing position. The Varangacarita states that the Jaina monks do not accept food brought to them or especially prepared for them ; nor do they take relishing food such as ghi, milk, salt, sugar and oil.3 The monks eat not for acquiring strength, increasing longevity and gratifying their taste but for sustaining life so that they might carry on constant study and practise austerities. Gunabhadra in his Almānušāsana praises those monks who abide by the rules laid down in the Jaina āgamas. Such monks accept food with devotion from the Jaina householdcrs to keep their body and soul together."
Similarly the medieval texts repeat and reflect on the old rules regarding begging. The Varangacaritas informs us that some monks pledged to accept food from only six or seven householders. If they failed to procure food, they went back without food. They did not stay in a village for more than one day and five days in a town. Sometimes they reduced the prescribed quantity of food to less than half and kept thenselves hungry. The lasastilaka refers to roving groups of monks under the sage Sudatta and describes them as observing the Jaina vows, known as the samitis and gublis.?
These details piove beyond doubt the rigid observances of dietary practices by the Jaina monks. But we also notice certain new practices In some cases, the Jaina monks adopted flexibility and slackness in dietary practices. Though the wandering monks continued to be puritan, the monks who settled
1. Padmapurana, pt. i, ch. 14. vv, 208ff, pp. 325-0. 2. Cf. Alūlācāra, pt. 11, v. 54, p. 59.
Varāngacarita, ch. 30, vv. 57-8, P 298;
Padmapurāna, pt 1, ch. 4, vv. 95-7, p.64. 4. Almānusäsang, v. 158, p. 149. 5 Varāngacarita, ch, 30, vv. 51-5, p. 298. 8. The Mulācāra states that the monk should fill ball of his stomach with
food, one fourth with water and one fourth with air. The quantity of food was thirty tno morsels, Cr, falacāra, 0.72. ibid. 5, 153, cited
in S.B. Deo, op. cit., p. 344. 7. Pašastılara, BK i, pp. 50-1.

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permanently in the Jaina monasteries and managed thc affairs of the Jaina temples became lax. Somadeva states that while giving food it is useless to examine whether the monks are good or bad; the householder is purified by the mere act of making the gift. He also encourages the wealthy Jainas to extend charities to the Jaina monk whether he conforms to the standard laid down in the Jaina scriptures or not.2
Evidently some Jaina monks had deviated from the original standard. On the ground of their conduct and character they did not deserve food and other gifts. Somadcva tried to save the situation by diverting attention from theworthiness of the monks to the virtues of making gifts. Gunabhadra too complains against the loose dietary practices. He ridicules the corrupt monks who admire those householders who offer good dishes and condemn those who offer poor food. He underlines the absence of good monks and attributes it to the effect of bad times. The Padmapurana states at several places that the Jaina monks accept tasty food" and that thcy do not obscive the vow of silence during the time of taking meal. Contrary to the old rules, ihey grant boon to the devotec and make predictions in order to please their clients.5
The slackness which crept into the dietary practices of the Jaina monks of Karnataka was the result of settled monastic life. Permanent residence in the monasteries encouraged them to follow corrupt practices without caring for the old rules.
The pracice of rais retreat
The traditional custom of observing caturmasa or staying at one place for four months in the rainy season continued to prevail among the Jainas of Karnataka, as is indicated by the Jaina cpigraphs and literary texts. An epigraph of the 6th
1. rasasılala, pt ii, BK. viii, p. 407, cited in K.K, Handıquí, op cit.,
P 285 %. Ibid 3. Atmānustisena, v. 169, pp. 150-1 4. Parmapurāna, pt. ai, ch. 41, vv. 25-6, p. 200; ibid. pt. ju, ch. 85, vv.
113ff. p. 146 $. Ibid. pt. ii, 41,7. 112, p. 208.

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century informs us that the Kadamba king Ravivarmā granted land for the support of the ascetics during thc four inondis of the rainy season. Another record of the 9th century refers to the obscrvanccof this practice by Bālakartar bhatāra.Similarly the Jaina Purānas are replete with references to the rain retreat by the Jaina monks.
Although the practice of rain retreat is not peculiar to the Jainas alonc,3 they attach grcat importance to its obscrvance because of their emphasis on the Jajna vow of non-injury, which made it compulsory for them to restrict their movements in order to avoid injury to the innumerable small insects that spring into life in the rainy season. The practice is also deemed beneficial to the lay community. During their stay, the monks redress the grievances of the laymon wiio render all facilities to them.4
The monks pay particular attention to the sclection of the place of residence during the rainy season, Gencrally, they prefer to stay in a lonely place, free from living creatures. Ravisena states that the monks live during the rains in the caves or on the bank of the river or in the Jaina temples. He further tells us that it commences with the fullmoon day of Āşādha (June-July) and ends with the fullmoon day of Kārttika (October-November). Continuous fasting and meditation appear to be the chief concern of the Jaina monks during the period of their stay. Jaina Penance
The significant position of penance in the life of a Jaina monk is duly emphasised in the literary and epigraphic sources of early medieval Karnataka. Rcgular penance is held cssential 1. IA. vi, no. 22, p. 27. 2. BK1, i, pt. 1, no. 18, p. II.
The rule regarding the suspension of wanderings during the rainy season occurs among the regulations of different sects; the Buddhists call it väsa and the Bräbmapical Sannyasins are enjoined to remain in fixed residencc (Dhuroosila) during the timc. Cited in S. K. Dutt,
Buddhist monks and monasteries of India, p. 53. 4. S. B. Dco, op. cit., p. 340. 5. Padmapuria, pt. iii, ch. 92, vv. 17-8, p. 177. 6. Ibid, pt.i, ch. 22, v. 66, p. 403 and v. 83, p. 464.

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for the purification of the soul, perverted through human. actions and evil activities, such as cruelty, grecdiness and deceitfulness. The accumulation of evil actions retards the progress of the soul towards spiritual liberation. The penance annihilates worldly desires and destroys attachment to the things of this transitory universe.
The twofold division of Jaina penance into external (bahya) and internal (abhrantara), and the proliferation of cach into six forms remained unchanged during the carly medieval age. The Sarvärthasiddhi of Pujyapāda, assigned to the 5th6th centuries, enumcrates all these twelve forms of Jaina austeritics and their subdivisions.
The external penance includes fasting (anaśana), eating less than one desires (avamandarya), taking a mental vow to acccpt food only if certain conditions are fulfilled vşltiparisankluana), the abandonment of delicious food such as ghi, sugar, salt, milk, butter and oil (rasaparityāga), siceping and sitting in a loncly placc devoid of living beings (viviktasaygasana), and the mortification of the body (Kayaklesa). These six forms are intended to purify the sense organs on the one hand and lessen the sense of attachment to the objects of worldly enjoyments on the other. They are chiefly concerned with the control of bodily activities. Their performance is also necessary for the attainment of perfection in the practices of internal penance.
The internal penance consists of expiations (präraścillas), reverence for the three jewels of right conduct, right belief and right knowledge (vinaza), serving and attending upon thc old, infirm and holy saints (vaijauflia), non-attachment to the body (vyutsarga), study of the Jaina scriptures (svādhyaya), and meditation (dhyāna). All these are concerned with the control of the mental activities.?
The Jaina epigraphs support the literary texts in respect of the various forms of Jaina penance. A Śravaņa-Beļgoļa record of the 8th century informs us of thic observance of the
Sarvarthasiddhi, ch. 9. vv. 19-20, pp. 438-9; Draupa Sangraha, v. 35., p. 87; Varāngacarita, ch. 31, vv. 71-3, p. 307, Saroarthasiddhi, ch, 9, v. 20, p. 439.
2.

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twelve kinds of penance by the nun Anantamati-ganti in consonance with the prescribed rules.1 Similar other inscriptions at Śravana-Belgola refer to the value of penance,2 meditation3 and fasting. Besides mentioning the traditional twelve kinds of Jaina austerities, an epigraph of the 8th century refers to a monk who practised severe penance for one hundred and eight years; this was as difficult as walking on the sharp edge of a sword or on fire or passing over the great fangs of a cobra.4
92
Of the six kinds of external penance, fasting appears to be the most important not only for the Jaina monks but also for the householders. The teachers of Digambara school evolved an elaborate system of fasting and prescribed various rules for its proper observance by the Jainas of Karnataka in early medieval times. Pujyapada states that fast secures selfcontrol, exterminates attachment, and acquires spíritual knowledge.5
Jinasena Sūri in his Harivamsapurāṇa gives us a detailed and exhaustive list of fasts to be undertaken regularly. He enumerates as many as forty types of fasts, differing in regard to method and duration. He refers first to the sarvatobhadraupavasa, which lasts one hundred days. The Jainas are asked to observe fast for one day in the beginning and then gradually increase its duration from one to two, three, four and five days. The next type of fasting is called the vasantabhadra upavāsa, lasting for thirtyfive days. In course of this fast one is allowed to take a meal on the sixth, thirteenth, twenty first, thirtieth and fortieth day. In the Ekavali form of fasting, one fasts for twenty four days; each fast is followed by a meal day. According to Jinasena Sūri, one attains the merits of god Jinendra or becomes a Jaina prophet, if a Jaina practises Jinendragunasampatti fast, which continues for a hundred and twenty six days, every
1. EC. ii. SB. 23, p.6.; ibid, SB. 98, p.43.
2. Ibid. SB 75, p. 40; ibid. SB. 76, 41,
3. Ibid. SB. 81, p. 41.
4. EC, ii, SB. 22, pp. 5-6.
5. Sanarthasiddhi, ch. 3, v. 19, p. 438.
6. Harivam'sapuraṛa, pt. ii, ch. 34, vv, 52-5, pp. 434-5
7. Ibid. v. 56, p. 435.
8.
Ibid. v. 07, p. 436.

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fasting day alternating with a mcal day. Finally, the Jaina texts rcfcr to fasts, lasting for the period of five, six or twelve years. In the Dharmacakra type of fasting, one continues to fast for one thousand days. Since every fasting day alternates with a meal day, the process of fasting has to be completed in two thousand days.a
Monks, nuns, laymen and laywomen practise severe fasts of various magnitudes till their death for obtaining spiritual liberation. The practice of fast becomes so important in Karnataka that some of the Jaina monks style themselves as upavāsaparas (devoted to fasts) and astopavasai (one who fasts for eight days). The former is iecorded as the discipic of Vışabhasandi, and the latter is said to have erected memorial tomb for his teacher Elācārya.
Most fasts are possibly prescribed for the Jaina ascetics who aspire to combat the grosser desires of the body so as to prepare it for some sacred ideals. Ordinary fasts form a part of the preparation for the final fast unto death. The provision for taking meals at intervals appears to be a common feature of all the above forms, and is essential for their sustenance so that they may continue their ascetic practices. But they clearly show that the Jaina monks lead a rigorous life of self-abnegation and try to control their sense organs by practising the austerity of fasting. Though the Jaina texts prescribe fasts that extend for a period of five or six or twelve years, epigraphic sources mention only such fasts as lasted for five days, twelve days, twenty one days, one month and two months. It seems possible that fasis of longer duration had gone out of vogue or they were presented as ideals which could never be realised. The post-canonical literature of the Svetāmbaras does also lament the disappearance of longer fasts among the Śvelämbaras,
The Jaina lairy, men and women, are also enjoined to
1. Harivansaputāna, pt. ii, ch, 34, y, 122, p. 445. 2. Ibid. p. 443, cited by Pannalal Jam, (ed ), Harivamsapurāna. 3. EC, 1, SB. 76, p. 40. 4 MAR. 1914, p. 38. 5. GI. Deo S B.. op cit., p. 419

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observe fasting. The main objects are almost the same as in the case of ascetics. But householders, unlike the Jaina monks, practise them also for the attainment of temporal benefits such as good health and religious merit. Fasts on the seventh day of the bright fortnight of the month of Bhadra (August-September) every year and the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of every month arc calculated to bring endless happiness to the pious devotees. Jinasena in his Adipurāņa emphasises the need of performing fasts for acquiring good health and curing diseases caused by respiration and gall-bladder.2 Besides fasting on some auspicious days, the Jaina householders are also advised to abstain from food for four days every month. Fasting on thc cighth and the fourteenth lunar days in each fortnight, known as the proşodhaupavāsa in the Jaina literature, is especially recommended for the laity.3 The process of the fast involves the giving up of bath and bodily decoration including garlands, perfumes and ornaments. This fast has to be carried on at some sacred place such as the abode of a saint or on a hill or at home or in the Jaina temples, where the devotees are asked to engage in religious meditations all the time; they have to concentrate on pure thought. The purification of the inner spirit is thought to be a compulsory ingredient of this fast and it cannot be obtained without the montification of the body. It is apparent that laymen are supposed to lead the life of a monk at least for a limited period by giving up all sinful actions and family life, which retard the progress of the soul towards perfection.
Three other kinds of external penance are also concerned with the diet control. They appear to be supplementary vows to serve the needs of fasting. The Kayalleśa or mortification of the body is prescribed for enduring physical pain and abandoning worldly comforts. Thc Varängacarita refers to prince
1. Haritain'sapurāna, pt. ii, ch. 34, vv. 126-8, pp. 445-6. 2. vidrourāra, pt. i, ch. 20, v. 7, p. 445. 3. Varingacarita, ch, 15, v. 123, P. 139; Servārthasiddhi, pt. ii, ch.59, v.
164, p. 679. 4. Tajaststata, pt. ii, BK. vīvi, p. 402. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid.

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Varāóga who performs various bodily austerities without Caring for hcat, cold and continuous raining. He practiscs austerities under a tree in desolate, forbidding place, on the burial ground, and also in a standing position facing the sun for the whole day. The mortification of the body is held as important a penance as the head among the different organs of the body. 3
The six kinds of internal penance are concerned with the control of mental activities. Of them the last called dhyāna or meditation is the most important. It is considered to be the best incans of securing emancipation from worldly bondage. It helps the practitioner to understand the true nature of the soul and to distinguish it from the human body. According to the Jaina doctrines, the soul has inherent capacity for liberation, but it is obstructed by the cvil actions. Thus the Jaina teachers Pūjyapāda, Yogindudeya, Subhacandra and Somadeva thoroughly explain the method of self-realjzation in their respective works such as Samadhisataka, Paramälmaprakāśa, Jilānārnava and the Taśastilaka. They suggest various means for contemplation by diverting attention from the external objects of the world.
Pūjyapāda dcfincs dhyana as the concentration of mind on a particular object by a person of excellent physique. As cquanimity cannot be quickly attained, the longest duration of mcditation is stated to be an antaramulārta, that is for a period of forty-cight minutes."
The primary objects of meditation are explaincd in the carly Digambara texts. The twelve topics for meditation, known as the anupreksas or reflections on the twelve items in Jaina philosophy, figure prominently without any alterations in the Jaina litcrature of Karnataka during carly medieval times. Both Somadeva and Subhacandra throw sufficient light
1. l'orarigacanta, cb. 30, vv. 2017, pp. 20541. 2. Ibid 3. Adipurana, pt. i, ch. 20, vv. 181-3, p. 162.
- Sarmarthasiddhi, ch. 9, v. 20, p. 439. 5. Sarwarthasiddhi, ch. 9, v. 27, p. 444.
janarnara, ch.2, v. 8f1, pp. 17/1 Drarya tangraha, v. 35, p. 88.

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on the twelve objects of meditation in the beginning stage. They include reflection on the fleeting nature of things, the sense of helplessness, the cycle of worldly transmigration, the loneliness of worldly sojourn, the distinctness of the soul from the body, the impure condition of the body, the nature of the universe, etc.1
The supreme object of meditation, according to Jaina philosophers, is the contemplation of the transcendental soul which is free from all blemishes and impurities. It is not the universal soul of the Vedanta but the pure and all-knowing soul in cach individual, circumscribed and obscured for the time being by the hindrances of human actions. It is essential to note here that Jaina philosophers clearly speak of three states of the soul, the outer soul (bahirātmā), inner soul (antaratma) and the transcendental soul (paramātmā). They agree with the famous teacher Kundakunda that the outer soul consists of the sense organs; the internal soul is the consciousness which distinguishes itself from the body; and the transcendental soul is the emancipated soul free from all impurities.5
Dhyana is broadly classified into two main categories; aprašastadhyāna (inauspicious) and prasastadhyāna (auspicious).* Whereas the former is the cause of mundane sufferings, the latter, the sole penance for removing them, leads to spiritual liberation. These two categories are further subdivided into four forms, namely the mournful (ārta), cruel (raudra), virtuous (dharma) and the pure meditation (sukladhyāna). The former two types of Jaina meditation should be avoided because they create sufferings and raise obstacles in the path of liberation,
1. Talastilala, pt. i, BK. ii, vv. 105ff, pp. 255ff;
Jüänärgata, ch 2, vv. 8ff, pp. 17ff;
Draya Sangraha, v. 35, p. 89.
2. Jürōrgara, ch. 32, v. 32, p. 314; Fogastre, v. 5, p. 370.
3. K. K. Handiqui, op. cit .p. 273.
4. Paramätnapraldia, p, 20; Samidhitantra, v. 4, p. 8.
5. K. K. Handiqui, op. cit., p. 273.
6. Jünürnata, ch. 25 v. 17, p. 256; Adipurāne, pt. i, ch. 21, v. 27, p.
477.
1. Sarcarthasiddhi, ch. 9, v. 8, p. 145; Tašastilaka, pt. ii, p. 393; Jäчā¬ rava, ch. 25, v. 20, p. 256.

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Religious Rituals and Practices of the Karnataka Jainas 97 but the last two forms are considered capable of securing the final liberation.
Constant thinking over unpleasant objects such as enmity, poison, weapons, etc. and the anxiety to get rid of them; the separation of the desired objects such as son, wife and wealth and the intense longing for them; the anxiety to remove pain and discase; and the feelings for the enjoyment of unsatisfied desires are the four characteristics of the mournful meditation. The raudra or cruel meditation implies the absorption of mind in hińsä (injury) and other forms of sin such as falsehood, theft, and the protection of the means of enjoyment.3 Taking into consideration the nature of the above two kinds of medi. tation, the Jaina thinker's condemn them as essentially evil. Indeed, the performance of thesc two forms is bound to bring inauspicious results for the meditators. They convey a general impression of worldly attachment, which is detrimental to the progress of soul towards liberation.
The four objects of virtuous meditation' are the pure and infallible revelation of truth based on absolute faith in the Jaina scriptures (ajsavicaja); the fact of the universal sufferings and its conditions (apāyavivaya); the nature and consequence of the fruition of various actions (vipakavicaya) and the structure of the universe. Subhacandra states that fricndship with all creatures, appreciation of the merits of others, sympathy and compassion fot others, and the indifference to unruly are the necessary conditions for attaining success in the practice of virtuous meditation.5
The sukladhyāna or pure meditation significs unbroken contemplation of one's own atmā or soul. It is recognized as the highest form of Jaina contemplation. Somadeva in his Yaśastilaka points out the four stages in this meditation. These are also corroborated by the Jnanarnava which deals with the Jaina Yoga. In the first stage, the meditator concentrates his mind on the diffcrent aspects of the universal objects from
1. Fränārnava, ch. 25, V. 20, p. 258. 2. Ibid., ch. 25, vv. 24f1, pp. 257ff:
Sarpárthasiddhi, ch. 9, vv. 30-3, PP. 446-7.
Ibid. ch, 9, v. 35, P. 448. 4. Ibid. v. 36, p. 449. 5. Jñonarnara, ch. 27, v. 4, p. 272.
W

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various standpoints As the mind does not concentrate on a particular object it is known as the prthaktvavitarkavicara In the second stage, he turns his mind to a single object without any change hence it is known as the ehatvantarkavicara In the suksmahrija pratipali (contemplation accompanied with subtle physical movements) all the mental activities and the working of the sense organs are stopped except some minute vibration in the soul itself In the fourth stage even the remaining subtle activities of the soul come to a stop and the soul becomes completely motionless 1 This makes the consummation of pure meditation and the devotee attains final liberation from the worldly transmigration
98
According to Somadeva five factors contribute towards Yoga They are indifference to the world maturity of knowledge lack of attachment a steadfast mind and ability to endure the privations of hunger, thirst grief old age and death The obstacles to Yoga according to him are mental suffering disease crror carelessness idleness attachment and fickleness One who practises Yoga should be free from anger and pleasure and remain impervious lile a clod of earth both to one who pierces him with thorns and one who smears him with the sandal paste 2
The role of bodily postures (asana) for securing perfect steadiness in contemplation even in the face of adventitious obstacles is duly emphasised by the Jaina teachers of Karnataha Various postures such as Virasana or the hero posture padmasana or sitting with crossed legs etc are prescribed to lessen constant fatig ie and the mental diversions which impar med tation Subhacandra strongly recommends the adoption of padmasana and the laotsarga for the meditators of the present age" He adds that the monks of earlier times obtained salvation by practising vajrasana and Larialasana which were far more difficult 5 He draws a beautiful picture
1 Jn n mava ch 41 T ff pp 431 ff
G Yasast lata pt 1 Bp 393 cited in K K Handiqui op cit p Do
Jianurrara ch 23 v 30 pp 820
Ib d v 12 p 9
Ib d
10 p 8
3
+
5

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of a meditator, engrossed in self-concentration. He dives deep into the ocean of love and sympathy for all creatures, and is absolutely free from attachment to the world. He keeps his body straight and erect, and becomes as motionless as a painted figure. The withdrawal of the mind along with the sense organs from the external objects (pratyahar) and its concentration (dharana) on some place of the body, for instance, the forehead, is essential to the development of the power of contemplation.
We may notice several points of resemblance between the Yoga system of Patañjali and the Jaina Yoga. Patañjali's Yoga stands for the restraint of the sease organs and the mind. Emphasis on the observance of the moral and physical discipline, bodily postures, breath-control and withdrawal of the senses from their natural and outward functions are indispensable for spiritual progress. They are decidedly a common feature of both the systems. The moral virtues of the Jainas can be compared with the five types of nizama (observance) recommended by Patañjali.
1. Ibid ch. 28, yv, 34ff, pp, 283ff. 2 Ibid, ch, 30, v. 13, p. 307, 3. S. Radbakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, ii, p. 338.

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CHAPTER V ORIGIN AND GROWTII OF JAINA MONACHISM
IN KARNATAKA
Jaina monachism means the collective life of the monks and nuns organised at a fixed place where they live together under one authority for spiritual liberation. It appears to be the most important development in Karnataka during early medieval times.
The earlier Jaina monks led a wandering life throughout the year except the four months of the rainy season when they lived at a fixed abode. The early texts of both the Svetāmbaras and the Digambaras frankly recommend solitary life for the Jaina ascetics, who aspired to attain salvation. The Mūlācāra and the Pravacana sāra, which were composed roughly in the beginning of the Christian era, oppose the permanent habitation of monks at one place for a long time. The former states that the monk should stay in a deserted house or under a tree or on burial grounds or in caves. They are further ordained to avoid such places as were especially built for them and were likely to arouse their passions and present obstacles in the path of spiritual liberation.
The transition from solitary wandering to settled life in Jaina monasteries and Jaina basadis was a striking development in thc history of Jainism in Karnataka. The Jaina epigraphs, which record donation for the erection of monasteries and temples, show that the practice of permanent serilement of the Jaina monks in monasteries had begun in thc last quarter of the 4th century. In 370 the Ganga king Madhava converted the Kumarapura village into a freehold for the use of the monks who probably lived in the monastery attached to 1. C.A.N. Upadhye, (ed.), Pravacanasära, Introd. p. xxii. 2 Malacára, 1, 21, 22, cited in S.B. Deo, op. cit., p. 342. 3. Ibid. 10.38, p. 342.

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the Jina temple which was established by the Müla sangha; the gift was made at the instance of acārya Varadeva.?
From the 5th century onwards, numerous epigraphs show that the Jaina monasteries were being built by the side of the Jaina temples in the different parts of Mysore by the pious Jaina devotees. They displayed great enthusiasm in donating large tracts of land and villages for the proper maintenance of thosc monasteries and the monks and nuns living therein.
The relation between the Jaina monasteries and the Jaina temples should be made clear at the very outset. The Jaina monasteries in Karnataka were generally a composite structure, incorporating the Jaina mathas and the Jaina tem. ples within its fold. They could not be distinguished from the Jaina temples in Karnataka. We have only a few separate Jaina mathas serving exclusively as residences of monks and nuns; generally they were attached to the Jaina temples. The Jaina monasteries in Karnataka did not possess the grandeur of such Buddhist vihāras as that of Nalanda which contained temples, colleges and the congregational buildings beside the residence of the Buddhist bhiksus.
From the 5th century, Jaina monasteries in Karnataka began to multiply. An epigraph, dated 425, records the donation of the village Vennelkarani in the Korikunda visaya for the benefit of the monks living in the monastery attached to the Uranur Arhat temple, established by Candranandi and others of the-Sri-Müla sangha. This was done on the advice of the preceptor Vijayakirti.2 In 466 the Ganga king Avinsta presented the charming village named Badaneguppe in the Chamarajnagar taluq of Mysore to the Srivijaya Jaina temple of Talavananagara or the modern Talakad, situated on the bank of the Kaveri in the south-west of the Mysore district. The same Ganga king made several endowments in the 6th century. In 570 hc gave wet fields and a house situated near the Jaina temple at the village Pullura where the monks of
1. EC, ML 73, pp. 171-3. 2. Ibid, x, ML 72, p. 172. 3. Ibid, i, Cg. 1, p. 51.

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the Yavaniha sangha lived i
Regular subsidies for the maintenance of different sects of the Digambaras were provided by the Kadamba kings of western Mysore Mrgesavarıda built a Jaina temple at Pala sıka or modern Hals in the Belgaum district and granted several nuvarlanas of land for the benefit of the Yapaniya the Nirgrantha and the Kurcaka sects who probably resided in the same temple 2 The endowment was increased by Harivarma who gave the village Vasantavataha to the Kūrcakas for meeting their annual expenses at the eight day festival of the Jaina temple which Vrgesavarma had built at Palāsıha The balance of the grant was to be spent on feeding the whole sect of the Digambaras in the 6th century 3 Harivarma also granted the village of Marade for the use of the holy people who lived in thc Jaina temple at Palasıka*
The Jaina teachers of Karnataka exploited the simple faith of the Jaina laity and encouraged them to erect morc mathas which were declared to be cssential for the attainment of temporal as well as the eternal bliss This is evident from the study of the Padmapurana the Varangacanta the Adipurana etc which were composed in Karnataha in between the 8th and 9th centuries
The Jaina monasteries multiplied fast an subsequent centuries No less than sixty five monastic establishments are recorded during the 7th 10th centuries In 634 the Jaina poct Ravıkırtı constructed a Jaina temple at Athole in the Bijapur district and it was granted land by Pulakcsin II 5 In 776 as many as thirty one house sites along with a house were granted for the construction of new quarters of the monks and nuns attached to the Lohatilaha Jinalaya located in the city of Śripura It was also given land with varying irrigational facilities such as sıx kandugas of black soil under the big tank and two landugas of rice land in the Sripura plain 6 In 859
1 MAR 1938 P 8B 2 Id vi no 21 P 23
Ibid no 2p 31 4 Ibd vi no 26 pp 31 2
LI VI P 12 6 EC iv Vg 85 pp 134

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the Nāgula Jaina monastery was built by Nagallura Pollabbe and endowed with two mallars of land and a house site; Naganandyācārya of thic Singhāvura gana received the gift. The Santara king Tolapuruşa Vikrama Sántara built a stone basadi for Moni-Siddhānta-bhațāra of the Kondakundânvaya.2 It was evidently used as a dwelling place in the 9th century. The Ganga king Sivamāra II built the Sivamāra basadi at Sravana-Belgoļa in 810.3 About the same time, the younger brother of Sivamāra II also gave specificd land to the koilbasadi. The same basadi received land from the inhabitants of three villages.'
The 10th century was remarkable for the erection of several new monasteries in Karnataka. An undated stone inscription, assigned to the 10th century,'mentions the gift of wet fields by the Ganga King Nanniya Ganga and his queen to Candrasiddhāntadeva, a Jaina teacher of the Digambara sect. His wife offered money for the worship of the Jina in the Jaina temple. The famous Jaina teacher Munjārya Vādighangala Bhatta received an endowment of the village Bagiyūr from the Ganga king Mārasimha II. The income from the village amounted to 20 gadyānas in cash and 12 kandugas in grain.6 In A.D. 980 the Ratga chief Santivarma gave 150 mattars of land to the Jaina basardi built by him at Saundatti; the gift was enti usted to Bahubali-bhattāraka.? His mother Nijiyabbarasi also granted 150 mattars of land to the same Jaina sanctuary. Bhimarasibhaļāra received land and money for imparting instruction (vidya-dana) and for meeting the expenses of the matha attached to the Jaina temple at Soratur in the district of Dharwar & Regular supply of food to the Jaina matha at Sujingallu in the Bellary district was provided by a certain Cangagāvunda during the reign of the Rāştrakūța
1. K), ii, no. 5, p. 16. 2. EG, viii, Nr. 60, p. 154. 3. Ibid, ii, SB 415, p. 81. 4. MAR, 1932, pp, 240-1. 5. Ibid. 1923, p. 115. 6. Ibid. 1921, pp. 23-4. 7. JBBRAS, X, pp. 204ff. 8. BKI, i, pt.1, no. 39, p. 24.

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king Krsna Ill through an endon ment made to Satyārasibhatāra 1 In 968 the wife of the fcudatory chief Pandiga crected a monastery at Kākambal and granted it two villages, Madalur and Malagavādı, converting them into freehold estates"
Monarchs as well as the people of Karnataka continued the tradition of crccting monasteries and endowing them with rich gifts of land and village for their maintenance in the 11th-12th centuries Tuo stone inscriptions from Kogalı in the Bellary district demonstrate the Jaina leanings of the later Câlulya kıng Somesvara I The first record, which is undated, registers the gift of land for the Conna Pārsva basadı In another record of 1035 6 the same king is recorded to have donated land for the Jaina ascetic Indrahertı 3 The Bandanıhe basla inscription of 10754 refers to Somesvara II's endowment of land for the Santinatha basadi in the Shiharpur taluq Kulacandradeva of the Mula sangha and Krānārgana is recorded to have received the gift The Hoysala hings also figure in the cpigraphs as the builders of Jaina monasteries In the Gandhavārana bastı inscription, dated 1131,5 Vinayaditya II is recorded to have made a number of Jaina basadis at Sravana Belgola In 11336 and 1136,7 Visnuvardhana Deva is said to have donated the village of Jāvagal for thc Vijaya Pārsvadeva Jinälava and built a Jaina temple known as Visnuvardhana-sınālaya in Dorasamudra
The common people, on the other hand, are also noted for similar attempts of temple construction Govadeva, a feudators chief, builds a Jaina temple at Heggere in the Tumkur district, for which his son donates land for eight kinds of worship and for providing food to the ascetics in 1160 8 In the same year the Hoysala gāvunda also builds a Jaina basadı 1 Top List of Inscriptions, 1, p 265 2 EC xi, Cd 14, p 16 3 BA Saletore, op cit, p53
EC, vu SL 221, p 131
Ibid 11, SB 143, pp 70 1 6 Ibid v BL 124, P 83 7 Ibid BL 17 PP 48 51 8 Ibid x11 Cl, 21, pp 77-8

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka and endows it with grant of land.1 Another record of 11732 registers the grant of a gift for the basadi in Kolgana by the farmers of Idainād in the Chamrajnagar taluq of the Mysore district.
In course of time somc Jaina monasteries came to assume authority over other religious establishments. An inscription speaks of such a monastery at Sravana-Belgola in the Hassan district of Mysore. This matha was founded in 9823 by Camundarāya, the military general of the Ganga king Mārasimha II, wlio is said to have erected in the following year the famous colossal statue of Gornmatesvara on the Vindhyagiri hill.4 It became the chicf centre of the Jaina pontificates, , which claimed authority over the Jainas throughout south India 5 It was the place from where the Jainas extended their religious activities in the different parts of Karnataka. The shrinc continues to be important even now not only for the Jainas of the south but also of Northern India. The Maleyur matha, which is now closed, was subordinate to that of Sravana-Bclgola. Akalajka, thc famous logician who confuted the Buddhists at the court of Hemasitala in Kāñci in 788 and procured their cxpulsion from the south, is known to have hailed from Sravana-Belgoļa, but a manuscript which was in possession of Rice, states that he was monk of Maleyür and that Bhattākalanka was the title of the line of teachers who lived in the matha of Maleyûr in the district of Mysore. The foundation of the Humcca matha, which is still in existence in the Nagar taluq of the Shimoga dislı ict, was laid by Jinadatta Rāyaduring the 8th-9th centuries, who carved out the kingdom of the Sāntaras in the south. It became the chief centre of the goddess Padmāvati who figures in the records of the 10th11th centurics.?
1. EC, iv, Md. 69, pp. 12-3. 2. Ibid. iv, Ch. 181, p. 22.
Ibid. ii, SB 122, p. 50.
Ibid. SB 175, p. 89. 5. Mysore Gazetteer, i, p. 287. 6. Ibid. i, p. 238. 7. EC, X, Gd 4, p. 211; ibid. x, Sp. 64, p. 281.

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Mulgund in the Gadug taluq of the Dharu ar district also des eloped as a renowned custre of thc Sena lincage which wielded considerablc influence upon the Jainis in Karnataka during the 9th 11th centuries Ajithscna Kanal usena and Nagasena all of whom contributrd to the diffusion of thc Jina culture in Karnataka 2r known to have hailed from this place An inscription of 902 3 speaks of Cíkarya con of Candrārya of the vaisi a castc who built a Juna sanctu?ry at Mulguind His son made in cndou ment of land for the uphcep of the establishment Another picce of land was bestos cd on the same temple by the four Icaders of the local guild of 360 merchants
The cxamples mentioned above show that many Jaina monasteries were founded in Kornataka during the carli medieval age They also indicate how the solitary unsocial life of the Jaina monks was trinsformed into cenobite life which developed fully in Karnataka during the 12th 13th centuries
In course of time the mathavası monks or those who lived permanently in monasteries came to be distinguished from the vanavusī or the forest du clling monks The wandering ascetics still emphasised the pristine purity of the monk's conduct They retained their puritan and hermetical habits In ing in forests and depending solely on pure alms for their sustenance
The continued existence of the wandering ascetics is attested by Gunabhadra and Som deva who flourished 10 Karnataka during the 9th 10th centuries The Tasastılaka" of Somadeta refers to a roving group of monks and auns under the guidance of the sage Sudatta, who did not allow the Jaina monks to stay in the monasteries of Rajapura for this would make them worldly Gunabhadra in his Almanusasana refers to the vanavası monks who were completely devoid of posses SIOTIS 3
Though the two modes of monastic life existed side by sıdc in Karnataka settled life gained ascendency over the
1 2 3
El x1 pp 190ff Yasasiriaka pt 1 BK 1 p 10A N Upadhye (ed) Alonusasana v 149 pp 141 2

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nataka
307
wandering life. The settlement of monks in monasteries faci. litated possession of vast cconomic resources including both movable and immovable property. They now erected and renovated the dilapidated Jaina monasteries, and added charity houses to them for the benefit of the Jaina ascctics as well as the sick and poor persons. The change in the conduct of the Jaina monks is clearly indicated by Indranandi. He refers in his Nilisäral to the monks who renovated decaying Jaina basadis, provided food to the ascetics and distributed charity out of their wealth. It is evident that the Jaina monks frequently evaded the cstablished rules against non-possession of property an essential prerequisite for the purity of the monk's life.
Other rules governing the conduct of the Jaina monks also became lax. All this is evident from the Almānusasana of Guņabhadra. It laments the shortage of virtuous monks and complains against the vices that had crept in the monastic life of his time. It states that the monks unable to endure hardship sought resort in the villages just as a deer runs away from the forest at the sight of the lion at night.” Somadeva too in his rašastılaka notes the paucity of the monks of mcrit. Still he encourages the Jaina laity to revere them on the ground that they (the monks) are the incarnations of the ancient monks. He advises the householders not to test the purity of monks for giving gift; the householders are purified by the mere act of giving donation. All this would suggest degradation from the original standard of the monk's conduct in the monasteries. It was possibly the chief reason why Somadeva emphasised the mere act of making gifts rather than the purity of the monk's conduct.
The transition in the mode of monk's living produced certain important consequences. Permanent residence helped the organisation of the Jaina church in Karnataka into one compact unit during the early medieval age. It is thought
1. Nitisāra, vv. 48-50, cited in N.R. Premi, op. cit., p. 487. 2. A. N. Upadhye, (ed.). A imānusāsana, v. 197. 3. Yasastilaka, pt. ii, BK viii, p. 407. 4. Ibid.

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that in the beginning of the Christian cra thc Digambaras had to live in a new region and face the new pcoplc, so they had to impress the people there more by their puritan bchiviour than by organised inonastic lifc1
The crcation development and preservation of the sacred texts of the Jainas was a notable achievement of the new monastic lifc in Karnatak? Frec from thc worries of constant movements, the monks des eloped a sense of religious solidarity and devoted much time and energy to the study and exposition of the Jaina scriptures
The rise of Katya and Purānic literature and the des clop ment of regional languages may be attributed to the Jaina monks and preceptors who lived in the monasteries They mastered the various south Indian languages besides Sans krit and Apabhramsa for the propagation of the Jaina saith among the people and enriched the different branches of learning such as philosophy ethics grammar logic, mathematics etc
Pujyapada who was the preceptor of the Ganga hing Durvinita wrote several important Sanskrit works The Sabdavatāra on the sülras of Panını the Sartärthasıddh, and the Fainendra Vyakarana are all attributed to him Ravisena who composed the Jaina Ramayana known as the Padmapurana flourished during the 6th 7th centuries Besides the Jaina ācāryas such as Virasena Jinasena Gunabhadra and Soma deva cultivated Sanskrit with great vigour
Akala ha regarded as the founder of the medicval school of logic, was followed by Prabhācandra, Vidyanandi and Vädighangala Bhatta The last one was well-versed in the three schools of logic and in the Lokāyafa Sānhhva Vedānta and Bauddha systems of philosophy' The period that covered the 9th-10th centurics proved to be the most eventful in the growth of Kannada literature Pampa, Ponna and Ranna the three literary gems of our period made valuable contributions to Kannada literature The Jainas continued to
i SB Deo, op cit p 361 2 MAR 1921 pp 23-4

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monopolise the Kannada literature in the 11th-12th centuries, With the exception of one or two, ali poets, from the beginning to the middle of the 12th century, were of the Jaina faith ? Among the eminent Kannada poets, Sridharācārya, Karmaparya and Ncmicandra figured prominently in Jaina literature. Kanti, the earliest Jaina poetess in Kannada, also belonged to the 12th century." Social basis of the Faina Monasteries in Karnataka
Since the monks and nuns began to live in fixed abodes in the midst of lay communities, they entered into constant social intercourse with the lay votaries in Karnataka during early medieval times. The Jaina monasteries were socially organised in such a way as to catcr to the needs of all the classes of the Jaina society not only through religious teachings but also advice on political matters. The Jaina epigraphs as well as the literary texts from Kainataka reveal that some of the Jaina teachers acted as preceptors or instructors to kings, princes, and feudal lords who ruled over different parts of Karnataka. Pūjyapāda, Jinasena, Gunabliadra, Ajitasena-bhattāraka and Vädigliangala Bhatta were some of the prominent Jaina teachers who took active interest in the day to day activities of the royal courts. Vādighangala Bhatta's advice to the Rásţrakūta King Krşņa III enabled the latter to conquer all regions.3 The Nilivakjāmrta represents Somadeva as a political thinker who composed this work for the guidance of the kings of Karnataka just as Machiavelli wrote The Prince to guide the Italian monaichs. Both Jinasena and Sonadeva recognised the system of caste and enjoined the Jaina laity to adhere to their hereditary occupations in order to safeguard the interest of the ruling class. In the 11th-12th centuries, the Jaina teachers showed equal interest in managing the affairs of the Kingdoms in Karnataka. Vardhainānadeya, for example, took prominent part in the administration of the Hoysaļa kingdom during the time of Vinayāditya. Besides, Municandra, who is styled as Ratta rāja-guru, gained 1. G.S. Halapa, "Literary History of Karnataka", Studies in Indian
History and Culture, ed Srinivas Ritti, pp. 467-76. 2. S.R. Sharma, op. cit., p. 101. 3. MAR, 1921, pp. 23-4. -

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eminence not only as an administrator but also as a military general who extended the territory of the Rattas and established their authority on a firm footing + Thus the Jainas adopted the method and tactics of the Brahmanas in order to maintain their social status at the royal courts
The patronage of the ruling class in early medieval times transformed the Jaina faith from a merc tissue of teachings into a living force in Karnataha politics“ A large number of Jaina epigraphs show that the people belonging to tlie upper strata of the Jaina society made the maximum number of endowments either to some Jaina establishments or particular Jaina monks The Kadambas the Gangas the western Calukyas, the Rastrakūtas the later western Calukyas, and the Hoysalas championed the cause of Jainism in Karnataka during the 5th-12th centuries They gave regular gifts for the upkeep of the saina monasteries and the benefit of the different sects of the Digambaras
The class of nobility consisting mainly of the feudatory vassals provincial governors and the military generals stood next to kings in patronısıng the Jaina faith in Karnataka The earliest example of such benefaction is furnished by the copper plate grant of the western Calukya king Pulakesin It refers to Samiyara, a feudatory of Pulahesin who built a Jaina temple in 489 in the city of Alaktanagara and gave certain lands to it 3 Although instances of benefactions made by feudatories to the Jainas and their establishments are meagre during the 6th 7th centuries their number is impressive during the 8th 12th centuries when every attempt was made by the feudal lords of Mysore to add to the strength of the Jaina dharma 4 Cali-Raja, who is styled as an adhiraja of the entire Ganga mandala in an inscription of the 9th century, was a feudatory of the Rastrakuta king Govinda III He is said to have requested his lord to grant the village of Jalımangala to a Jaina monk Arkahıstı as remuneration for removing the evil influence of Saturn from that of Vimaladitya the Governor of Kunangıl districts IPB Desai op cit P114
4 BA Saletore op cit p 87 2 B A Saletorc op cit p 87 5 EC xu 61 Gb pp 30 1 3 18 v1, no xlı, pp 709 15

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Among the Ratta chiefs, the maha samanta Pythvirāma appears to be a devout Jaina. He erected a Jaina temple at Saundatti in the Belgaum district of Mysore in the reign of Kșşņa II and allotted eighteen nivartanas of land situated at four different places to it. He was a lay disciple of Indrakirtisvamı of the Mailāpatirtha and Kāreya gana.? In 980 Sāntivarma, who served the Cālukya king of Kalyana, Taila II, gave one hundred and fifty nivartanes of land to the Jaina temple that he had built at Saundatti. His mother, Nijiyabbe, also granted one hundred and fifty nivartanas of cultivable land to the same Jaina temple.2 The practice of extending patronage to Jaina establishments persisted among the princes of the Ratta family in the 11th-12th centuries. In 1048 the mahasamanta Ajka, who probably belonged to some other branch of the family than that of Prthvirāma, made a gift of land to a Jaina temple, Kārtavirya II renewed the grant of land made by Prthvírāma in the 10th century; his wife also made suitable provisions for the promotion of the Jaina saith. In 1098 Kankakaira II, who was the elder brother of Kārtavírya II, donatcd land to his teacher Kankaprabha Siddhāntadeva, who was well-versed in the Jaina philosophy. Moreover, an epigraph from Saundatti, dated 1228,6 described Lakşmideva II as the disciple of the famous Jaina teacher Municandra, who took active interest in consolidating the Ratta power in the 13th century.
Ladies belonging to the family of chiefs and nobles showed equal enthusiasm for the construction and upkeep of the Jaina monasteries. The most important of them was Kandācı, the wife of the feudatory chief Paramagüla, who lived during the reign of the Ganga king Śrīpurusa. In 776 she built the Lokatilaka Jinalaya which was endowed with the village Poņņalli included in the Nirgunda country.? Candi
1. JBBRAS, X, op. 194f7; BKI, iv, no. 13, p. 11. 2. Ibid, pp 204ff. 3. Ibid, x, pp. 172-3, cited in P.B. Desai, op. cit, p. 114. 4. Ibid. 6. BKI, iv, no 62, p. 75. 6. JBBRAS, X, pp. 200ff. 7. EC, iv, Ng. 85, pp. 134-5.

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yabbe 1 another lady, gave a piece of land and 3 gold gadjänas to the basadı which she had built in Vandavara in the 10th century Similar examples of women of the ruling class, who gained eminence for crecting basadis and maintaining them with endowments of land and village, are availablc from the 11th 12th centurics In 1007 Attimabbe the safe of the general Nagadeva constructed a Jaina temple at Lakhundi in the Gadag talug of the Dharwar district and endowed it with the gift of land The gift nas handed over to Arbanandı-Pandita of the Surastra gana and Kaurur gaccha" In about 1050 Poccabbarsı built a basadı and endowed it with land in 1058 3 Malala Devi, wife of Kirtideva constructed another Jaina temple in 1077 and granted the village Sıddani in Kuppatűr Kälıyakka, the wife of an official of the western Calukya king Tribhuvanamalla Deva, caused to be made a Jaina temple in Sambanur in the Davangere taluq of the Chitaldroog district in 1128 and gavc a gift of land for the services of the god and for the maintenance of priests living there 5 Epigraphic evidence from early medieval Karnataka may be adduced to prove that often such state officers as villageheadmen who figure in inscriptions as galundas also made munificent endowments to the Jaina monasteries An undated epigraph assigned to the middle of the Sth century registers a gift of land for the charity house attached to the Jaina monastery constructed by Dharmagavunda It also records a grant of wet land for the benefit of the same Jaina temple by Donagavunda 6 Nagamayya son of the gavindasvamı of Tairur, built a stone temple of Jinendra and gave one handuga of land for its maintenance in the 9th century * In 933 Ballajja, the gāvunda of Kavujageri donated land for the Jaina temples and mathas crected by him at Kavujageri and other places in the Ron taluq of the Dharwar district & In 959 the gavunda
CONT HA UN
SII 1X pt i no 62 P 35 BKI 1 pt i no 52 p 39 EC 1x, Cg 35 37 P 13 4 Ibid viu Sb 269 PP 412 Ibid X1 Dg 90 pp 68 9 AI, 1, no 3 pp 45 CC 111 Md 13 P 38 BIT i pt i no 3 p 21

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sami Kalteyamma and others granted land and money for imparting education and the expenses of the Jaina monastery attached to the Jaina temple at Soralur in the same district. The gift was entrusted to the care of Bhimarāsi-bhatāra.1 An epigraph from Koņņur dated 10872 refers to Nidhiyama gãyunga who erected a Jaina temple at Koņqanūru in the Gokak taluq of the Belgaum district and gave a gift of land to his teacher Sridharadeva, who belonged to the Balatkaragana of the Müla sangha. Another record of 1160% i egisters the construction of a basadi by the Hoysaļa gāvunda which was endowed with land obtained by the Hoysa!a king. Similar attempts of temple construction were made by Bithigāvunda, who donated the village Madahalli for repairing the temple and performing worship therein in the last decade of the 12th century.
The early Jaina recordss from Karnataka do not furnish any information about the support of the mercantile people to Jaina religious institutions. The merchants seem to have appeared first in the donative records of the 10th century, when some merchant donors are said to have financed Jaina establishments. An inscriptions from Mulgund in Dharwar district, dated 902-3, speaks of Cíkārya, son of Candrārya of the Vaiśya caste, as the founder of a local Jaina temple. Cikäryas' son Arasarya also donated land for the maintenance of the establishment. It further registers gift of another piece of land to the same temple by the trading guilds of 360 merchants. Another record of 950 refers to certain unnamed satçis (merchants) who made an annual grant of fixed amount for the Jaina temple during the reign of the sāniara king Jinadatta-Rāya. Except these two epigraphs, we do not come across any evidence of gifts and donations made by the merchants to the Jaina sanctuaries between the 5th and the
1. BX1, no. 39, p. 21. 2 JBBRAS, X, pp. 287ff
Es, vi, Md, 63, pp. 12-3. 4. Ibid, iv, Gu, 27, p, 40 5. Top, List of Inscriptiont, i, p. 265. 0. El, xiii, pp. 190ff. 7. EC, vii, ch. 114, p. 37.

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Jarism in Carlz Medical Karnatala
10th centuries
The comptrative paucity of evidence of the mercantile support to Jainism during the 3th 19th centuries mas be attributcd to the decline of trade and commerce which undermined the economic and social status of merchants during this period It was not until the 10th century that the trade with the Arab and the Chinese world was revived, merchants reemerged as a dominant social group not only in Karnataka but also in the whole of South India 1 Thus, the began to figure prominently in the donative records of the later western Calukyas and the Hoysalas who ruled over Karnataka during the 11th 12th centuries In addition to the decline of trade and commerce the purutan practices of the Junas also retarded the progress of Jainism among the commercial communities in Karnataka who found it difficult to follon its rigid relig ous observances in the early s ages As the Jainis become more lax in the obsersance of their monastic conduct and practices by the 9th 10ih centuries it was easy for them to embrace Jainism
From the 17th centuri onu ards the number of bencfactions by the mercantile class to Juna establishments secins to have considerably incieased in Karnataka Of the various hinds of gifts made by merchants donations of land and village seem to have been fanly common as can be gleaned from several donative records of our period in a record of Humcca dated 10622 Pattanası amı Nokk?) a Setti figures not only as the builder of a Jinalayı but also the donor of the village Molalere which he had purchased from the Santara Ling at the cost of 100 gadjanas Another record of 10693 refers to inc pious sorl of Manila Setti tho is said to harc built a Jaina basadı at Vattavıra and endoi ed it with rich gifts of land The Hoysala hing I inayaditya II also donated the in come incurred from the pacidy crops in the village of Nadalı
i For a detailed d scuss on of the revival of trade in about the 10th
centur sce RC Vazi mdar (ed) The Sin ggle for Empre pp 3? 3 Journal of Indian History XW (1951) 19-13 Appadorai Economic Conditions of So dien Indra u 483 218
EC 11 Nr os pp 103 4 3 MAR 1932 pp 17"

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and built several houses near the basadi. In 10781 Māci Setti and his younger brother Kali Setti gave a gift of land together with customs dues for the maintenance of the NakharaJainālaya at Śravana Beļgola. Similar endowment of land is referred to in a donative record of 1080° which records the construction of a Jaina temple in Shikarpur by Biņcya Bammu Selți and registers a gift of land for its maintenance.
Apart from gifts of land and village, merchants are also recorded to have donated gold, oil-mills, gardens and money in cash for the benefit of Jaina sanctuaries. In 10593 Biaya Sețți made a gift of gold for the Nagara Jinālaya at Dambal in the Dharwar district. In 10964 Sovi Seçti gave a gift of garden to Cãrukīrti-Pandita of the Yápaniya sangha at Doni in the same district. Nolabbi Setti donated two vil mills 2014 gardens for the Trikūta Jinālaya in 1125, Still another record of Sravana-Belgoļa, dated 1175 tells us that all the merchants of this holy place promised to pay annually certain dues on Coral to provide for flowers in the Jaina temples of Gommatadeva and Pārsvadeva, That the Karnataka merchanis made lavish donations to Jaina religious institutions is amply proved by no less than ten examples of land and village endowments recorded in the 12th century epigraphs.
Donative records of the merchants also indicate the growing authority of the trading communities over the religious bodies during the 12th-13th centuries. Thus in a record of 1105 the merchants of Sravana-Belgoļa arc said to have been entrusced with the task of protecting the Nagara Jinālaya built by the Hoysala minister Någadeva.? In the same record,
1. EG, xit, Tp. 101, pp 6:-2. 2. Ibid. vii, Sk. 8, p. 39. 3. BKI, i, pt. i, no. 94,p. 89.
Ibid 1, pt ii, no 140, p. 169 - 5. EC, ii, SB 211, p. 103. b, EC, vii, Sh 37, A D. 1115, p 23; EC, ii, SB 137, AD 1117, P 64;
EC, iv, Ng. 103, A.D. 1120, p 141; ibid iv, Kr. 3, AD. 1 125, p. 99; MAR, 1030, p. 247; KT. 1, pp. 63-4; MAR, 1943, p. 75; EC, v, Hn. 129, A.D. 1140, p. 36; ibid. v, Ak. 1, AD 1169, pp. 112-3; ibid. iv,
Ng. 70, A.D. 1178, P. 130. 7. EC, ir, SB 335, pp. 1424.

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the newly emergent merchant class traced their descent from the eminent lincage of Khandali and Malabhadra. It also proves their intense desire for gaining social status.
From the above analysis of the social basis of Jaina monasteries it is clear that Jainism prevailed among all sections of Karnataka society during carly mcdicval period. But the number of donors from the upper classes was greater than from the merchants and commoners. Economic Aspects of the Faina Monasteries in liarnataka
The material basis of the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka was provided by the generous benefactions, bestowed upon them by the princes and rich persons. Generally the villages and plots of land were made over to the Jaina monks and they formed the chief source of income of the Jaina monasteries. Such villages were declared ro be lax-free. The beneficiaries were given the right to collect taxes and other dues, previously paid to the state treasury. These economic advantages became almost permanent because grants were usually renewed by the donors. The Kadamba Copper plates state that the Kadamba king Harivarmā perpetuated the grant of the village for feeding the Jaina ascetics and for the performance of the temple Tituals, which Mrgeśavarma had built at Halsi in the Belgaum district in the 6th century. In another record of 859 Naganandyācārya is said to have received the gift of land on behalf of the Nāgula basadi for his life time.3
In some cases the donors fixed the income derived from the benefactions, and the inhabitants were asked to pay it regularly to the donee. In the reign of the Ganga king Rácaqnalla II, twelve small villages of Biliyur in Peddoregare were donated to the Satyavākya Jaina temple and the revenues derived from these villages amounted to 80 gadyanas of gold and 800 measures of paddy. Sivanandi was given the right to collect them for meeting the expenses of the Jaina temple. In 1. EC, ii, SB 335, pp. 142-4,
IA, vi, no. 25, p. 31. 3. KI, ií, no. 5, p. 16. 4. EC, i, Cg. 2, pp. 52-3.

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968 the mahāsāmanta Pandiga fixed the rent of the two villages at the rate of 50 gadyānas. In the same century the Ganga king Mārasimha II gave the gift of the village named Bagiyur and the income from it was fixed at the rate of 20 gadyāṇas in cash and 12 kandugas in grain.2
·
Cultivable fields, gardens, oilmills and the customs duties constituted another important source of income for the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka. As the donated fields were generally arable and wet lands, the monasteries earned considerable income from their cornfields and fruit gardens.
117
Inscriptions do not throw light on the actual tillers of the vast tracts of donated lands, owned by the Jaina monasteries. If Devasena, the author of Darŝanasāra, is to be believed, a section of the Jaina monks, belonging to the Dravida-sangha, engaged themselves in cultivation. He states that Vajranandi, the founder of the sangha, accummulated great demerits by cultivating the land and carrying on mercantile activities to earn livelihood 3
But in general the Jaina monks did not follow this practice. Generally the monks had nothing to do directly with cultivation. Possibly they got the land cultivated through peasants on the basis of lease or sharecropping or overseers and agricultural labourers may have been employed for looking after the lands under the direct cultivation of the Jaina
establishments.
Very scanty evidence is available to find out the actual share of the produce collected by the monks from their tenants. From a record of the 9th century it can be inferred that the Jaina beneficiary was empowered to collect 1/10 of the produce of Padeyür. But we cannot say whether this practice prevailed in all parts of Mysore in the period under our study.
The safety and preservation of the economic rights were
1. EC. xi, Cd. 74, p. 16.
2 MAR, 1921, pp. 23-4.
3. N.R. Premi, (ed.), Darsanasara, vv, 24.7, pp. 12-3.
4. EC, ix, NL 61, pp. 44-5

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guarantced by the donors under moral threals. The alicnation of the donated land is held as heinous crimc for thc Jainas in the imprccalory vcrses of the records. Thc person who confiscates the grant through grecd or impicty is declared to be guilty of the five great sins. The property of the gods is called dreadful poison, for it is considered capable of destroying not only the seizer but also his sons and grandsons.? Moreover, the monks themselves took the task of defending the monasteries and their huge wealth from the aggressors. A record of the 10th century tells us about Moni-bhatára, a disciple of Gunacandra-bhatāra, who protected the Jaina *monastery of Kellangere at the cost of his life,» when Ballapa tried to capture it in the reign of the Ganga king Būtuga,
The Jaina monks enjoyed not only fiscal but also administrative rights over the lands assigned to the monastcrics. An cpigraph of the 10th century speaks of the administration of the village Pasundi or modern Asundi in the Gadag taluq of the Dharwar district by the preceptor, Candraprabha-bhatāra, the high priest of Dhora. Jinālaya at Bankapur. The village evidently came as an endowment to the Jaina temple. Another record of the same century refers to Srivara-Matisāgara-Pandita as the ruler of Sravana-Beļgoļa, which was the chief centre of the Jaina monastic organisations. Though the early records are silent about the grant of the administrative rights, it was difficult to cnforce fiscal rights without some measure of administrative authority. It seems that the monasteries were equally frce from royal interference in matters of administration at least from the 10th century. For the maintenance of law and order in the area assigned to thein, they may have depended upon the kings.
Inscriptions show that the monks, who were the custodians of the Jaina monasteries, wielded considerable control
1. IA, vii, nos. 35-fi. 2. EC, i, Cg 1, p. 51. 3. lhid, v, BL 123, p. 80. 4. BKI, i, pt. i, no. 34, p. 20, cited in P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 139. 5. EC, iii, Sr. 148, p. 34.

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119
over the lands granted to the Jaina institutions. We have instances to show that they alienated land in favour of some other religious establishments or secular persons. Srinandi Pandita is said to have granted some plots of land to his lay disciple Singaya who earmarked it for the purpose of providing food for the Jaina ascetics of Gudigere. We also learn that Srsnandi-Pandita gave one hundred and eleven matlars of rent-frec land to the twelve gāvundas, and fifteen mattars of land to Rudrayya, the son of the Pergade Prabhākara, as a sotdanamasya grant to a Jaina temple of Santinātha which had been built by Somcśvara 11.1
The monks, who were granted huge land for enjoyment and maintenance of the Jaina monastcrics, emerged as a land owning class in Karnataka during carly medieval times. As they did not cultivate the land themselves but got it cultivated by their tenants, they may be regarded as the landed intermediaries between the donors and the real cultivators. Moreover, since the donce was cmpowered to alienate land in favour of sccular persons, this gave rise to sub-infeudation which undermined the position of the actual tillers of the soil. Thus, we notice a few traits of the feudal system in the Jaina monastic organisation during the period under review. Professor R. S Sharma' has suggested that with grants of land free from royal interfcrence, the Buddhjst temples and monasteries grew into later mațhas which assumed a feudal character. We observe some feudal tendencies even in the land and village grants made to the Jaina monasteries which cnjoyed full freedom from royal interference.
Proliferation of Monastic Orders
The proliferation of the monastic organisations in early medicval Karnataka is evident from the contemporary Jaina epigraphs. The monastic order, referred to in the early records of the Gangas and the Kadambas, was evidently the Mala sangha. An inscription of 3703 refers only to the Müla sangha
1. IA, viii, pp. 36-7. 2. R.S. Sbarma, Light on Early Indian Society and Economy, p. 150.
EC, X, ML 73, p. 172.

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Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka and in another record of 4251 Candranandi and other monks are said to have belonged to the same monastic order. But later records use such terms as the sangha, gana and gaccha to indicate the monastic orders of the Digambaras.
Anvaya is first met with in a fifih century inscription which refers to Kundakundänvaya. The records of thc 7thSth centuries are repictc with references to gana. A SravanaBelgola record of the 8th century mentions Aji-gaña of the Nimilûr Sangha. Mention is also made of Devagana' and Paralūra gaña: in the epigraphs of the western Cālukya kings during the same century. Similarly, the term gaccha which appears in a copper plate grant of Sripurusa in the 8th century, refers to Eregittūrgana and Pulikalgaccha.
The multiplication of the monasticorders is also apparent from the fact that several terms are used to explain the position of a particular order in the monastic gradations. In the 8th century, an inscription refers to three divisions of the monastic orders such as the Nandi sangha, Eregittür gana and Pulikal gaccha,? In the 9th century, the Alūla Sangha had its subdivisions damed Desiya gana and Pustaka gaccha. The Pogariya gana is mentioned as a branch of the Sena-anvaya, subdivisions of the Mülasanglia in the same century. The cpigraphs of the 10th century also refer to the hierarchical gradations of the monastic orders. The Dravida Sangha, for example, consisted of Kundakundānvaya and Pustaka gaccha during the 10th century.10 Further subdivisions into four or five grades are referred to in later epigraphs. An cpigraph of 1098 refers to as many as four gradations of the monastic
1. EC, xv, ML 73, p. 172. 2. Ibid. i, Cg 1, p 51. 3. Ibid i1, SB 97, p 43. 4. BKI, iv, no. 7, p. 7. 5. Ibid. no. 2, p. 9; KI, i, no. 3, pp. 4-5. 6 EC, 1v, Ng 85, pp. 134-5. 7. Ibid. Ng 85, pp. 134-5. 8. EI, vi, p. 36.
Ibid. x, pp. 65 T. 10. EC, vi, Md 11, p. 60.

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order such as the Mula Sangha, Deśiya gana, Pustaka gaccha and Piriyasamudāya.1
The monastic orders mentioned above suffered from internal bickerings, which first appeared in the Mula Sangha, the oldest monastic order of the Digambara monks. This united original order first split into two permanent sects, the Digambaras who remained completely nude and the Svetämbaras who put on white cloth to cover nudity in the first-second centuries. The presence of the Śvetāmbaras is attested by the Kadamba Copper Plates of the 5th century. They obtained considerable success in proselytizing the south Indian people in the beginning but subsequently lagged behind the Digambaras and almost vanished from the scene."
The Digambara monastic order figured prominently in the history of the Jaina Church of south India. They first appeared in an inscribed record of the 4th century. Candranandi and other monks of the Sri Mula Sangha are again mentioned in an another inscription of the 5th century. Kundakundänvaya, which is met in an epigraph of the same century, was possibly the synonym of the Mula Sangha. It was named after the famous Jaina teacher Kundakunda, who flourished in the south during the early years of the Christian era.
$
121
The Yapaniya Sangha which was another important monastic order, next to the Mūla Sangha, flourished in the northern and southern parts of Karnataka. It had much in common with both the Digambaras and the Svetāmbaras, and its teachers played a distinguished role in propagating the Jaina faith in south India and influencing its monastic traditiThe influence was exercised from Karnataka, which was the main sphere of the Yapaniya activities Excepting one or two stray references to their existence in the Telgu country,
ons.
1. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 247.
2. Ibid. p. 98.
3. EC, x, ML 73, pp. 172-3.
4. Ibid. ML 72, p. 172. 5. Ibid 1, Cg I, p. 51.

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the Yupaniyas are not met with in other parts of south India 1 This is clearly proved by the Kadamba records of the 5th 6th centuries Thev show that Palasıka or modern Halsi in the Belgaum district was the chief stronghold of this order At this place lived also the Virgranthas and the Kurcabas "but the Yapanıy as were possibly more important Ravivarma donat cd land for providing food to the Yapanfya ascetics during the four months of the rainy season 3 Devavarma another king of the Kadamba dynasty also gave land at Sıddakedara 1o them 4 Ravikırtı belonged to the Yapanıya Sangha5 and constructed a Jaina temple at Anhole in the Bijapur district in the 7th century 6 All this indicates the increasing importance of the Yapaniya order in the kingdom of the western Calukya Kings
The monks of the Yapanīsa order are seen active at Silagrama to the west of Many apura in the Gubbi taluq of the Tumhur district in the first quarter of the 9th century in the reign of the Rāstrakuta king Govinda III ? As thc epigraph refers to Arkakırtı a well known monk of the Yapaniya Nandı sangha and Punnagavrbsamalagana the order started in the Rastrabuta kingdom in the middle of the 8th century Thus epigraph also shoss the monastic subdivis ons of the Yapaniya Sangha A record of the 10th century which has bccn found at Saundartı in the Belgaum district refers to Indrahīıtı and other monks as belonging to the Kareya gana 8 In another epigraph of the same century, Bahubalı bhattaraha is said to have belonged to the Kandur gana • Both the Karcya gana and the Kandur gana formed branches of the Yapaniya Sangha during early medieval times Evidently the Yapaniya Sangha exercised great influence upon the Jainas of Karnataka, and
IPB Dea op ct p 98 2 IA v no 21 p 25 3 Ibid po 2o p 27 4 Ibid 11 no 3) PP 34 - 5 JBU (May 1933) p 233
18 vi PP 237-45 EI v
EC X Gb 61 pp 30 1 8 JBBR 45 % PP 194 ff 9 lb d pp 701 ff
ao WN
P
12

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it developed several important centres such as the Halsi and Saundaiti in the Belgaum district, Aihole in the Bijapur district and Silāgrāma in the Tumkur district of Mysore. Some other Jaina records from Karnataka reveal an interesting information about the role of the Yāpaniyas who concentrated their religious activities in the rcgion around Dharwar, Kolhapur and Sedain in thc Gulbaraga district during the 11th-12th centuries. They did pioneer work for popularising the worship of the mollier goddesses in Karnataka Jayakirtideva of the Yāpaniya Sangha is recorded to have built a temple for the Jaina goddess Jvālāmālinı at Jāvur in the Navalgund taluq of thc Dharwar district.1 Besides Jávur, Doni, Honnur and Sedam were other important scats of the Yāpaniya sect In 1079 Soviseiti constructed a Jajna temple at Doni in the Dhar. war district and endowed it with a gift of land. CarukirtiPandita of the Yapadiya Sangha received the gift.In 1110 Bammagāvunda erected another Jaina basadı at Honnur in the Kolhapur region, who belonged to the Punnagavşkşamülagana. a branch of the Yäpanjya Sangha. From the above records it is clear that the monks of the Yöpaniya Sangha contributed much to the growth of tantric practices in Karnataka during early medieval times.
The epigraphs of the 8th and the 10th centuries show that several new monastic orders were formed in the Hassan and Banglore districts of Mysore. The inscriptions at ŚravanaBelgola rcfer to the existence of four monastic orders such as the Navilúr, Kittur, Kolattür and Malanur Sangha in the 8th century. All these orders seem to have derived their names from the places where they originated. Thus, we notice territorial influence upon the formation of the Jaina Sangha in Karnataka in early medieval times. These monastic orders may have been the result of personal zeal of the Jaina monks who lived and practised the faith at those places. They were perhaps the descendants of the early preceptors such as Prabha.
1. P.B Desai, op. cit, p. 143. 2. Ibid. p. 144. 8. Ibid. p 119

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candra1 and Aristanemi, who performed religious suicide on the summit of Candragiri hill at Sravana-Belgola in the 7th century. After the death of the teachers the disciples probably founded new monastic orders at different places.
124
Of four monastic orders mentioned above, the Navilür Sangha was known by different names such as the Namilür3 and Nimilar Sangha The Mayārgrāma Sangha, which appears in an inscription of the 8th century, may also be identified with the Namalur Sangha, because the same inscription refers to the nun Prabhavati of the fortunate Namilür Sangha and Damitāmats of the Mayūrgrama Sangha,* and both are stated to have performed the religious rite known as the sallekhana at the same place. The other monastic order was the Kittür Sangha. Rice has identified Kittür with Kirtipura, the capital of Punnāḍ 10,000 in the 3rd century. Its present site is modern Kittur, which lay to the south of the present Mysore state. The Kolaṭṭur Sangha," which is the third monastic order, remains unidentified so far. The Malanur-Sangha,10 founded in the 8th century, was possibly connected with the Dravida Sangha, because it is described as a branch of the Senagana and Dravida-Sangha in a record of the 11th century.
8
Besides the above-mentioned ascetic orders of the Digambara monks, the Dravida Sangha deserves special mention, for it played an important role in advancing the new monasticism in Karnataka. Its origin and date, owing to the contradictory references in literary texts and inscriptions, have been so far under debate. Devasena in his Darianasära states
1. EC, ii, SBI, p. 1.
2. Ibíd. SB. II, p. 4.
3. Ibid. SB 109, p. 45; ibid. SB 114, pp. 45-6.
4. Ibid. SB 97, p. 43.
5.
Ibid. SB 108, p. 45.
6. Ibid. SB 114, p. 45.
7. Ibid. SB 81, p. 41.
8. Lewis Rice, Mysore Gazetteer, ii, p. 223.
9. EC, ii, SB 92, 93 a-d 96, p. 43.
10.
Ibid. SB 25, p. 6.
11. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 221.

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that it was founded by Vajranandi, a disciple of Pūjyapāda, at Madura in the Vikram cra 526 which corresponds to 469.1 But on the basis of the epigraphic evidence Saletore concludes that the Dravida Sangha at Madura was set up by Vajranandi in the last quarter of the 9th century or in the first quarter of the 10th century.* Desai also associales the Dravida-Sangha with the Tamil country. He citcs an inscription from Sravaņa-Bcigola dated 700, which refers to Pattini-Gurvadigal, who observed the row of sallelhana on the Candragiri hill. He analyses the term Pattini as a Tamil expression which is commonly met in the inscriptions of the Tamil country. But the view that the Drayida Sangha originated in Tamil Nadu is hardly convincing because we get hardly a reference to this sect in the inscriptions of the Tamil country. On the other hand, numerous inscriptions from Karnataka speak of its existence in the Kannada country. On account of its connection with the Kannada region, R. N. Nandi“ rightly rejects the above-mentioned view and states that the Dravida Sangha originated and flourished in Karnataka during early mcdieval times. He bases his opinion on thc study of the Jvalinkalpa, which was composed by Indranandi in 939 Indranandi who belonged to the Dravida Sangha, mcntions five generations of preceptors from Helācārya, the head of the Dravida Sangha. Counting 25 years for cach gencration Helācārya can be placed in the first quarter of the 9th century, when the order was founded by Vajranandı. The text also refers to Nilagiri near Hemagräma 1 Mysore where Helācārya propitiated Jvālāmālinı.5 The description of the Dravida Sangha as a subdivision of the Müla Sangha also shows that the order originated in Mysore and belonged to the Jainas of Mysore. In 1040 the scct is characterized as a branch of the Mala Sangha. It is also referred to as a subscct of the Kundakundānvaya.
1. N.R. Prendi, (ed.), Darśanasāra, v. 22, p. 13. 2. B.A. Saletore, op. cit., p. 238. 3. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 222. 4. R.N. Nandi, Religious Institutions and cults in the Deccon, pp. 62. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid.

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Thc Desigana, variously known 4* Drilyn, Det and Dcśíka in thc cpigraphs from siravanı-Blon and other platt*. cmcrgcd as an imprrtant monastic order tofilin Dicarilyn monks. An cpigraplı of00cirserilas Tritilayeta 217 bcunsing to the Pustaka gaccha, Dustya sana sıf the 19la Sanma. Further references are found in the irrords of the 10:11-1} dit centuries. The Pustaka gaccha, which was an important branch of this order, is referird to in the inscriptions of our prrini Govind Pai states that the country triven the western Ghats, the Karnataka country of ancient and mrdic al times and thc Godavari river was known as 225an tire m ulris of the Nandi-sarigha who settled in this area called their ozdce as the Desi gana,? Clcarly the word rest is derived fron :ic Sanskrit deśa which means liomciand. Porubly fic inanks of this order belonged to the native Digambara Church of the soutlı, for it is frcquently referred to as a branch of the litla sangha or Kundakund invaya, which tras the oldest monastic order in Karnataka.
Divergent doctrines and rituals led to differences between the monks and caused the prolifera'jrın of the Digan. bara ascetic orders. The followers of the Yápaniya Sariglia, which won wide popularity in Karnalaha during the period under rcvicw, developed their own thcology. Contrary to thic opinion of the Digambaras, they advocated salvation for women, householders and even the followers of the other faiths. They put on whicc dress as against the Digambara practice of nudity. The liberal attitude of the Yripanfyas towards women made this scct popular with women in Karnataka. They were the early pioneers of the reformation movcinent in thc Jaina Church of south India, and their csampic and precept might have been followed and assimilated by the (cachers of screral other monastic orders in Karnatakay during carly mcdicval times.
The foundation of thc Dravida Sangha during the carly part of the 9th century was also the result of the
1, 2. 3.
E1, vi, p. 36. JA, i, no. 2, pp. 65 ff. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 167.

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dlaka
127
transgression of the old ascetic practices. Vajranandi, the founder of this Sangha, demanded considerable degree of latitude in matters relating to habitation and dietary practices. He allowed his followers to take anything that they liked, to bathe in cold water apd to take food in any position against the prevailing rule of taking food in standing position. Kumarām sena, who founded thc Kāşthā Sangha was expelled from his original Sangha because he discredited the Jaina practice of kecping the peacock feather's broom and instcad of it allowcd a broom made of the cow's tail.?
Rivalry among the Jaina monks possibly for the pontifical seat, which occupicd the supreme position in the monastic organisation, also proved detrimental for the unity of the Jaina Sangha, Kumarasena probably 'failed to secure the pontifical throne which passed to his collcaguc Jinasena, and hence he defected from the parent organisation Sena sangha to found a new order. In some cases, the personality of the Jaina teachers was also responsible for ihe creation of the monastic section. We may take the example of the Senagana or the Senānvaya which becamc prominent in Mysore in the 9th century. It was originally known as the Pañrastūpānvaya. On account of the cmincnce attained by Vīrascna and Jinasena, the original Pañcastūpānvaya was replaced by the Senänvaya. In the Dhavala, Virasena describes himself as a member of the Pañcastūpānvaya while in Jayadhavala, Jina. sena identifies himself as a member of this seci.3 The Order of Nuns and their Position
Nuns became the members of the Jaina monastic community since its foundation, and like monks they renounced the world for the attainment of spiritual liberation. The Ratnakaranda-śrāvakācāra, which was composcd in the firstsecond centuries, also refers to the order of puns. It refers to the term ajji or äryiki which mcans a Jaina nun, who prepared herself for adopuing the life of asceticism in the eleventh stage 1. N.R. Premi, (ed.), Darsanasāra, vv. 24-8, pp. 12-3. 2, Ibid, v. 34, p. 15. 3. N.R. Premi, op. cit, p. 127. 4. Ratnakaranda-stāvakācāra, pt. i, p. 147.

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of the householder's life. The Varāngacarita, which was composed by Jațāsimhanandi in the 7th century, informs us that several queens of Varanga took in the life of a nun.1 They first paid homage to their preceptor and then went to a loncly place where they discarded their costly ornaments and dresses with the exception of a white sāri (garment for a womanj to cover nudity. They removed their hair at the time of initiation ceremony.2
The term, ajji or äryita which stands for nuns, is frequeritly referred to in the Jaina epigraphs of our period. They denole probably the ordinary class of nuns. Inscriptions also refer to the term kanli or ganti which indicates a special class of nuns with higher position in the monastic organisation.s An inscription at Sravana-Belgoļa refers to the nun Rajñimatrganti of the illustrious Nimilār Sangha who lived in the 8th century. Similar other records commemorate the death of the nuns Anantamati-ganti,s Guņamais-avve, 6 Prabhāvati and Damitämati? in the same century. This leaves no room for doubt about the existence of the order of nuns in Karnatka the early medieval age.
However, the nuns did not occupy any significant position in carly monasticism. They were considered inferior to the monks. It is evident from the Malacaras which states that a newly initiated monk was superior to a nun who practised the life of a nun for a long time. She was expected to pay respect to a monk or to a teacher by folding her knces and placing them on the ground.
Although the subordination of nuns to the monks persisted in the early mcdieval age, they were associated with the internal administration of the Jaina Church. Each order of
1. Vorängacarita, ch. 29, vy. 93-4, p. 292. 2. Ibid. ch. 30, v. 2, p. 293. 3. P.B, Desai, op. cit., p. 168. 4. EC, ii, SB 97, p. 43. 5. lbid. SB 98, p. 43. 6. Ibid. SB 112, p. 45.
Ibid. SB 114, p. 45. 8. Mulācāra, 10 : 18; cited in S.B. Deo, op. cit., P. 500:

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nun was placed under the supervision of a preceptress who in her curn, was under the control of the chief pontiff. The Varängacarita, which reflected the inferior position of the order of nuns, refers to the Jaina sangha under the control of the sage Varadatta. He is said to have directed the chief nun for giving instructions to the novices. She could not initiatc a new lady into the order.
Inscriptions do not give evidence of any independent monastic establishment exclusively meant for nuns. The establishment houscd both monks and nuns. No giants of land and village were made only for the benefit of nuns. In an inscription from Arasibīši in the Belguam district, dated 1047, Akkādevī made a gift of land for the benefit of Gonada Bedangi Jinālaya and for the maintenance of the Rsis and Ajjis, i.e., thc Jaina monks and nuns, attached to this rcligious establishment.?
The internal administration of the order of nuns was. carried on not by the monks but by the nuns themselves. In 10713 the nun Huliyabbājjike, who was the disciple of Śtinandi-Pandita of the Suraştha Gaņa and Citrakūžānvaya, received an endowment of land for managing the affairs of the Jaina sanctuary at Soraţür in the Dharwar district. She was evidently in charge of this Jaina temple and acted as the superintending priestess In 1076 Astopavāsikantiyar, another nun, is said to have endowed land for the benefit of the Jaina temple of Pårsvanātha at Gudigere."
The increasing influence of the Jaina nuns is also shown by the fact that they cntertained men as their disciples. Pațţinigurvadigal, mentioned in one inscription of Sravana-Be!go!a, was the preceptress of Ugrasena.guravaạigal.5 Arahānandi of the Valahāri Gana was another monk who accepted discipleship of the nun Ayyopoti, Desai traces the continuation of
i l'arängacanta, ch. 31, vv. 6ff, p. 301, 2. [I, xvii, p. 122, cited by P.B. Desa, op cit., p. 100. 3. BKT, i, pt , i, no. 111. P. 108. 4. 1A, xviii, pp 35ff. 5 EC, u, SB 25, p. 6. 6. [I, vi, no. 25, pp 177fT

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this practice even in the 12th century. On the basis of an undated inscription, assigned to 1110, he refers to the nun Rātrimats of the Punnāgavřkşamüla Gana of the Mala Sangha, who acted as the preccptress of the male devoice Bammagāvunda. These striking examples of nuns having monks as their disciples clearly demonstrate the persistence of matriarchal traditions of the peninsular India, which affected the Jaina monastic order in Karpataka during the carly mcdieval period. Some other elements of matriarchal society such as the economic independence of women, worship of female deities or female ancestors, women's education on similar lines with males, etc., are clearly perceived among the Jaina community in Karnataka. In Karnataka Jainism, women enjoyed religious privileges almost equal to those of men. The religious independence given to Jaina women had its repurcussions in other spheres of Karnataka socicty. There is epigraphic evidence to show that a Jaina woman named Jakkiyabbe successfully discharged administrative duties in the Nagarakhanda 70 during the reign of the Rāşțrakūta king Krşņa III. We havcalso some Jaina women who distinguished themselves in the literary circle. Kanti, who belonged to the 12th century, figures eminently as the earliest Jaina poetess in the Kannada literature. Besides, the adoration of female deities or female ancestors, which has been considered to be one of the elements of matriarchal survivals, is also proved by the worship of the Jaina goddesses in Karnataka during the 10th-12th centuries.
Church Administration and Its Functions
The emnergence of the Jaina monasteries, separate from the temples, in Karnataka called for a systein of discipline and organization, which could regulate the settled life of the Jaina monks and nuns. Therefore the Jainas evolved a wellregulated hicrarchy of Church officers. They were the acārya or thc chief pontiff, the upadhyaya or the preceptor, the ganadhara or the head of a gana and the Sadhu or the ordinary monk. 1. P.B. Desai, op. cit., p. 119. 2. Baron Omar Rolf Ehrenfels, Mother-Righi in India, p. 11.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka
131
The chief pontiff stood at the head of the monastic organisation and received gift of land and villages. He was res. ponsible for the observance of proper monastic conduct. He was the only person who initiated the novices into the order and gave instructions to the preceptor to guide them in the practice of monastic conduct. He also looked after the charity houses and received lands for their maintenance. As the custodian of lands and villages for providing food to the Jaina ascetics, he commanded absolute authority over other monks who depended on him for their sustenance.
The acārya administered not only the Jaina monasteries but also the temples, usually attached to them in Karnataka. For the smooth running of the temple administration and the management of its huge property, two or more temples were grouped together, less prominent of them being attached to the big nonastic establishment. An epigraph of the 10th century throws sufficient light on this development. Candra. prabha-bhatāra of the Dhora-Jinālaya of Bankapur was entrusted with the task of administering the Jaina temple of Pasundi or modern Asundi in the Dharwar district. Again, an epigraph of the Cälukya king Taila II, dated 992, registers the gift of lands to the five mathas, which were placed under the supervision of the sthanadhipati Ganadharadeva. In 1080 Divakaranandi-Siddhantadeva of the Kundakundanvaya and Pustakagaccha is recorded as the head of all the basadis of the Cangāļva-tirtha at Panasoge or modern Hanasoge in the Yedatore taluq of the Mysore district,
Though the chief pontiff enjoyed full freedom from external secular authority, in some cases the Church administration was placed under the control of a committee or a trustec which put a check on the exercise of his absolute authority. A record of 10769 tells us that Singaya, a lay
1. BX1, IV, no. 4, p. 3; ibid. nos. 6 and 7, pp. 6-7. 2. Top. List of Inscriptions, i, p. 265; IA, VI, no. 35, p 3). 3. BKI, I. pt. 1, no. 34, p. 20.
SII. IX, pt. 1, no. 77, p. 47, 5. EC, IV, Yd. 23, p. 55. 6. 11, XVIII, pp. 36T.

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1
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
disciple of Srinandi-Pandita, gave land for providing food to the Jaina ascetics of Guḍigere. The epigraph explicitly enjoins the king, the pandita and the twelve gatundas to see that the proceeds of the land were used for that purpose.
The Jaina monasteries had also to discharge some social and economic functions for the regulation of the collective life of the monks and nuns in monasteries and the welfare of the Jaina community. The maintenance of the monasteries was a very important function. In most cases the donors showed concern for the proper upkeep of these religious establishments. It included repairing and restoration of the old and dilapidated basadis and mathas,1 carrying out new works of construction and the performance of the worship rituals therein. The term, bhagna-saṁskāra or bhagna-kriyā, which appears in the records of the Kadamba kings, clearly indicates that the monasteries had to be kept in a good state. A record of the Kadamba king Mrgešavarmā registers the gift of land for sweeping out the Jaina temples. Obviously the monasteries employed sweepers and scavengers.
Regular supply of food for the Jaina monks as well as the sick, poor and destitutes, was another important function of the Jaina monasterics. The Kadamba copper plates of the middle of the 5th-6th centuries speak of the provision of food in the monasteries. They show that the donor took special care to provide food for the ascetics of different Digambara sects such as the Yapaniyas, the Nirgranthas and the Kürcakas. Another record registers the donation of the village Vasantavāṭaka for feeding the whole sect of the Digambara monks. Candraksänta was the donee who had to manage the distribution of food among the Jainas. The Jaina practice of providing food to the Jaina ascetics as well as the poor persons continued in subsequent centuries. The Mulgund record of
132
1. JA VII, nos. 35, 36, pp. 34-6; EC, IV, Ng 85, pp. 134-5, BRI, I, pt I; no 78, p. 68
2. EC, IV, Ng 85 pp. 134-5
3. IA. VII, nos. 36-7, pp 36ff.
4
Ibid.
5. IA, vi. nos. 21-2, pp. 25-7. 6. Ibid. no, 23. p. 31.

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Origin and Growth of Jaina Monachism in Karnataka
133
Someśvara I, dated 1059, refers to the regular supply of food to the Jainas in the 11th century.1 Bramma-Devarasa, a general of the Calukya hing also made a gift of the village for offering food to the Jaina monks in 1077.2 Another epigraph of 1145 refers to the erection of a Jaina temple by Deva-Rāja, who was a minister of the Hoysala king Visnuvardhana. The king rewarded him for this meritorious work by donating land for performing worship and for free distribution of food in that Jaina temple. But the Nañjedevaragudda stone inscription found in Somepur in the Hassan district gives us the most interesting details about the management of food distribution in the Abhinava Śântideva Jaina temple in Dorasamudra. The Hoysala king being pleased to see the conduct of free distribution of food in this temple made a gift of two villages to his guru Vajranandi Siddhantadeva in order to carry on this work in 1192.4 From these records it is apparent that the Jaina mathas regularly fed the monks, who either stayed in the monasteries or paid occasional visits to it during early medieval times.
The Jaina monasteries also rendered valuable services to the cause of education in Karnataka. Epigraphic sources frequently refer to the donation of lands and villages for imparting education3 in the early medieval age. The gifts were known as the Vidya-dāna or gifts of learning. Thus, the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka were living institutions for learning, where pupils were taught the various branches of knowledge. The academic pursuits of the Jaina teachers contributed to the development of Jaina literature. The Jaina literature of the 9th and the 10th centuries owed its creation and development to various Jaina monasteries in Karnataka.
Moreover, the Jaina monasteries appeared to be the pioneers in the work of charity. Elaborate provisions were made for the maintenance of duna-sala or charity houses, which were
1. El, xvi, p. 57.
2. EC, vii, Sk. 124, p. 96.
3. Ibid. iv, Ng. 76, pp. 131-2.
4. MAR, 1920, pp. 50-2.
5. EC, v, Ag. 24, p. 250; BKI, 1, pt i, no. 39, p. 24; SII. ix. pt. i, no. 67, pp. 38-9; ibid. no. 117, p. 92; EC, iv. Ng. 20, D. 116.

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134
Jainism in Early. Medieval L'arnalaka
attached to the Jaina mathas. In 683 the western Cālukya king Vinayāditya gave the gift of a village for maintaining the charity house attached to the Saikha-Jincadra temple at Lakshamesvara in the Dharwar district. Similar grants of land and village were made by other kings of the same dynasty in the 8th century. Gusacandrapanditâdeva of the Kundahundānvaya and Deśl-gana received an endowment of a tank for the same purposes in the 20th century. Thus, they served as a means of rendering relief to the poor during the period under revicw.
1.
BKI, iv; no. 4, p. 3. Ibid. nos 6-7, pp. 6-7. Ibid. i, pt i, no 38, p. 23

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CHAPTER VI
CONCLUSION
The Digambara monks, who advocated pristine purity and complete adherence to the canonical rules, came to stabilize their position in Karnataka by the beginning of the Christian era. They gradually became the most important sect and maintained their dominance in the field of religion and philosophy, literature, art and architecture from the 5th to the middle of the 12th century.
The most important change which affected the Jainas in Karnataka related to the way of their living. The wandering mode of life, originally intended for the monk community, yielded place to permanent habitation of the Jaina monks in Jajna monasteries. The Digambara teachers of Karnataka induced the people to erect monasteries and temples and endow them with rich gifts for proper maintenance. The Jaina devotees showed equal zeal for building residences for the Jaina ascetics. Gradually, Jaina monasticism organised itself under the authoritative control of the chief preceptors, who were generally the recipients of gifts on behalf of the Jaina temples and monastic establishments.
In the new monasticism, the preceptors wiclded much authority over the monks and nuns. As the latter were solely dependent upon the former for their subsistence, they had to be loyal towards the preceptors. The preceptors also commanded respect of the lay devotees of all classes. Pūjyapāda,
Jinasena, Gunabhadra, Somadeva, Ajitascna, Sudatta, Vardhamānadeva and Municandra were some of the prominent Jaina teachers who cxerted profound influence upon the kings and princes of Mysore in their own times. They now tendered advice not only on spiritual matters but also on worldly affairs. They took active interest in the politics of Karnataka. This

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136
Jainism in Early. Medieval Karnataka
obviously meant a break with the past, when the monks led a solitary life in the old monasticism. In any case, old norms were being freely violated.
Free intercourse between the monks and the Jaina householders, and the excessive dependence of the former upon the latter for their sustenance gave prominence to the Jaina laity in the new monastic life. Emphasis on the performance of proşodhaupavasa or fasting on the eighth and the fourteenth days in each fortnight among the laymen, which was invariably observed in the Jaina temples, brought them closer to each other.
With the rapid increase in the numbers of Jaina estabJishments, the Jaina monastic movemcats gained momentum. Several sects and monastic orders arose among the Digambara monks. The Jaina Church was divided into various units such as Sangha, gana, gaccha and anvaya. The most important Digambara sect to appear in the period was that of the Yāpaniyas, who laid stress on the popular aspects of the Jaina Teligion. Contrary to the view of the orthodox Digambaras, they advocated salvation for women. They also strongly supported the use of occult methods in Karnataka. Through this practice, the monk Arkakirti is recorded to have removed the bad influence of Saturn' from Vimalāditya in the 9th century. Occult practices were popularized by other sects also. Indranandi of the Dravida Sangha advocated the worship of Yakşiņīs or mother cult in Karnataka during the closing years of the l'Oth century.
The Yapaniyas concentrated first in the area around Palāśika or modern Halsi in the Belgaum district during the 5th-6th centuries. From there they extended their influence to Aihole in the Bijapur district in the 7th century. They also founded monastic establishments in the Tumkur district during the 10th century. In the 11th-12th centurics, the Yapaniyas gained prominence in the districts of Dharwar, Kolhapur and
Belgaum. ,
:
The history of Jainism, which 'flourished vigorously in Karnataka' during the öth-12th centuries, reveals two important facts, regarding the extension of its social basis. From

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137
Conclusion
the 5th century till the 9th century, Jainism in Karnataka seems to have thrived mainly under the patronage of the rulers, their ministers, nobles and other high officials of the state. It is fully substantiated by the large number of the donative records of this period which refer to the generous endowments made by the aristocratic people. Thus, this nullifies the popular erroneous belief that Jainism has always been a religion of the mercantile classes because between the 5th and the 9th centuries at least in Karnataka Jainism owes its expansion to the support of the rulers and administrators. But from the 10th century onwards, we have evidence to show the gradual extension of its social basis especially among the merchants, who embraced Jainism as ardently as the rulers and administrators during the 10th-12th
centuries.
The absence of the merchant followers of Jainism in Karnataka in the early period (5th-9th centuries) can possibly be explained by the decline of trade and commerce not only in Karnataka but in the whole of southern India and the subsequent decrease in the social and economic status of the merchants. Further the few merchants that existed found it difficult to follow the puritan practices of the Jainas in the early stages. Only when commerce revived from the latter half of the 10th century the commercial class came into prominence in Karnataka It was easy for them to join Jainism because by this time Jainas became more lax in the observance of their monastic conduct and practices. At any rate the number of merchant donors was smaller in comparison with that of the kings and princes even in the later period.
The material başșis of the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka was provided by the generous benefactions made by the princes and rich persons. The donors patronized the Jaina monks and monasteries by transfering villages and innumerable plots of land. The donees earned considerable income from their corn-fields and gardens. The donation of oil mills, houses and the custom duties constituted another important source of income for the Jaina monasteries in Karnataka. On account of their huge wealth in landed property, the Jaina monks emerged as a land owning class in Karnataka in the

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Page #157

Conclusion
139
the śūdras from upanayana came to be reflected in the Jaina system of initiation.
The ban on Vedic ritualisin was lifted and the dominance of the priest class was revived among the Jainas. The worship of the Jinas in the Jaina temples became a costly affair, and the Brāhmaṇas were welcomed by the Jainas as priests who presided over their sacred ceremonies.
As a corollary to all this development, Jaina atheism lost ground during the early medieval age. The Jainas became as theistic as the Hindus. The Jinas were invested with the divine power of creation and destruction. They were credited with the same altributes of divinity as characterized the Brāhmaṇical gods--Śiva, Vişnu, and Sarkara. The Jaina teachers also explained to their followers several strange incarnations of Rsabhadeva, the founder of the Jaina religion. All this shows the changed character of Jainism in Karnataka
Thus, although the Digambara teachers advocated highsounding puritan principles, they did not practise these in actual life. The practical idea of advancing the Jaina faith in Karnataka was their guiding foice. They found it necessary to adjust themselves to the prevailing conditions. They therefore accepted some practices of the Hindus both in lay and monastic life. Probably this explains their survival in Mysore.

Page #158

I Original Literary Sources
Âśādhara
Amitagati
Amrtacandra
Cakravarii, Nemicandra
Siddhanta
Devasena
Gunabhadra
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1948. : Yantra or Mechanical Contrivances in
Ancient India, Bangalore, 1952. : The Cangas of Talkad, Madras,
1936. : A History of Kanarese Literature,
Second edition, London, 1921. : Mysore and Coorg from Inscriptions,
London, 1909. : Jainism in North India, 800 B.C. -
A.D. 526, London, 1932. : Light on Early Indian Society and
Economy, Bombay, 1966. : Jainism and Karnataka Culture,
Dharwar, 1940. : Colossus of Sravana Belgoļa and other
Shrines of Deccan, Bombay, 1953. : Ancient Karnataka, vol. I, History
of Tuluva, Poona, 1936. : Medieval Jainism, Karnataka Publi
slıing House, Bombay, 1938. : The Doctrines of the Jainas, reprinted,
Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi, 1962. : Schools and Sects of the Jaina Litera
ture, Calcutta, 1931. : Mahakavi Pampa, Bombay, 1967. : A History of South India, Second
edition, Oxford, 1958. : Development of Religion in South India,
Madras, 1963. : Sources of Indian History with special
reference to South India, Asia Publishing House, 1961.
Sources of Karnataka History, Mysore, 1940.
Saletore, B.A.
Schubring, Walther
Sen, Amulachandra
Sitaramiah, V. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta
Sastri S. Srikantha :

Page #166

148
Stevenson, Mrs. Sinclair
Thurston, E.,
Venkataramanayya, N.
Warder, A.K.
Williams, Robert Winternitz, M.
Yazdani, G.
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
The Heart of Jamism, Oxford,
1915.
Apte, V.S.
Kittel, Rev. F.
Monier Williams, M.
: Castes and Tribes of Southern India, vol. ii, Madras, 1909.
of Vemulavada,
: The Calukyas Hyderabad, 1953.
: Outline of Indian Philosophy, Delhi, 1971.
: Jaina Yoga, London, 1963.
: A History of Indian Literature, vol. II, Calcutta, 1933.
: The Early History of the Deccan (pts. I-VI), London, 1960.
Dictionaries and Gazetteers
: Sanskrit
Banarsidass, 1966.
: Kannada English Dictionary, Oxford, 1894.
Dictionary,
: A Sanskrit English Oxford, 1951.
Mysore Gazetteer, vols. I-II, IV, New edition, (ed.), C. Hayavadana, Banglore.
Hindi Kosa, Motilal

Page #167

A.D.
pp. 11.2.
APPENDIX-A Districtwise arranged list of the donative records which register grants of land and village for the Jaina monks and monasterics during the 5th-12th centuries in Karnataka. Sl. No. Name and find spots of Date Reference Book
Inscriptions 1. Aihole inscription of Pulakesin 634 EI, vi, no. 1,
II found on the cast side of
Meguți temple. 2. Another record of the Rās- 911-2 IA, xii, p. 222.
trakūta king Kęsna II found
at Aihole. 3. Arasibīdi iecord of the Cālu- 1047 EI, xvii, no. 10, kya princess Akkadevī.
pp. 121-3; BKI, i, pt, i, no. 103,
pp. 99-100. 4. Honwad stone inscription of 1050 IA, xix, pp. 268
Someśvara I 5. Hungund epigraph of Somes- 1074 BKI, i, pt. i, no. vara II.
113. Belgaum District 6. Halsi copper plates of the 5th-6th TA, vi, nos. 20-6.
Kadamba kings, seven in centuries. number, found in a small well callcd Cakratīrtha, at short distance outside Halsi
in thc Bīdi taluq. 7. Gokak Plates of Dejja Malā- undatcd Ibid. xxi, pp. rāja.
291ff 8. Four records of the Ratta 940 JBBRAS, X, pp. Chiefs namely Prithvirāma,
194ff. Santivarınā, Añka and 980 Ibid. x, pp. 204ff. Lakşmideva II found at Saun- 1048 Ibid. pp. 172ff. datti.
1228 Ibid. pp. 260ff.
75.

Page #168

150
Jainism in EarlMedieval harnataka
9 Huli record of Somesvara I 1043 EI xvill, pp found in the Virabhadra tem
172ff ple at Huli 10 Konnur record of the Ratta 1087 JBBRAS,, pp chief Sena 11
237f1 11 The Remisvara basadt record 1165 MAR, 1916 pp found in Eksambi in Belgaun
48-9. district
Kolhapur District 12. Altem copper plates of Pulahe- 489 IA, vii, no xliv, sin I
Pp 209-15 13 Honnur record of the Sıla- Undated Ibid -11, p 102 hara princes
bui assig- cited in PB ned to Desai, op cit,
1110 119
Dharwar district 14 Devagiri copper plates of 5th-6th Ibid 111, nos 35
the Kadamba hings three centuries 7, PP 31-8 in number found in the
bed of a tank at Devagiri 15 Five records of the carly 68), BKT, I nos 3
Galuhya hings found on the 723, 7 pp 37 slab of the Sankha basadı at Lakshmešvara in Shirhatti 735, taluq
and one
undatcd 16 Ādür stonc inscription of Undated hI i no 3 pp
the western Caluksa king but assig- 4.5 Kirtivar ma II
ned to BII, 1v, no 0,
750 p 9 17 Annigere record of the 751 2 Ibid, 1, pt i no Calu} ya hing Kirti arman
5 p 8, IT
CI SI DO 34
p 205 18 Kongur inscription of the S60 Ibid vi, no 4, Rastrakuta hing Amogharar
PP 25-38
730
Şa

Page #169

Appendix-A
151 19. Bentūr record of the same 864 BKI, i, pt. 1, no. king.
10, p. 6. 20. Mulgund record of Kysņa II. 902-3 EI, xiii, pp.
130ff. 21. Venkatapur record of 906 Ibid. xvi, no. 4. Amoghavarşa.
pp. 59-62; BKI, i, pt. 1,
no. 28, p. 16. 22. Asundi record of Indra III. 925 Ibid, i, pt. 1.
no. 34, p. 20. 23. Kavajjgeri record of Govinda 933 Ibid. no. 35, p. IV.
21, Suddi copper plates of the 938 EI, iij, no. 25, Garga king Būtuga.
pp. 158ff. 25. Naregel record of the Rāstra- 950 BKI, i, pt. 1, kūta king Kșşņa III.
no. 38, p. 23. 26. Lakkundi record of Attimabbe 1007 Ibid. no. 52, p.
39. 27. Hosur record of Jagadeka. 1029 Ibid. no. 65, p. malla I.
55. 28. Mugad cpigraplı of Someśvara 1045 Ibid. no. 78, p. I,
68. 29. Mulgund record of the same 1053 EI, xvi, pp. - later western Calukya king.
53ff. 30. Jāvur record of Jayakirtideva 1059 P.B. Desai, op.
cit., p. 143. 31. Sorațir record of Someśvara 1071 BKI, i, pt. 1, II.
no. 111, p. 108. 32. Gudigere Jaina record
1076 IA, xviii, pp.
354. 33. Doni epigraph of the Cālukya 1097 P.B. Desai, op. king Vikramāditya VI.
cit., p. 144. Sravana-Belgola donative records found on the Candragiri,
the Vindhyagiri and the village in the Hassan district. 34. Sravana-Belgoļa record of 810 EC, ii, SB 410, p. the Ganga king Śivamāra
81. II found on the Candragiri hill.

Page #170

152
35 The
Kuge-Brahmadeva
Pillar inscription
36 Three Śiavana Belgola epigraphs of Camundaraya and his son Jinadevana
37 Sravana-Belgola record of the Hoysala general GangaRaja found near the Ŝāsana basadı
38. Terina basadi record of Poysala setti
39 Kattale basadı recoid of
Ganga-Rāja
40 Šāsana basadi record of the same general Camundaraya basadi record of PociLabbe, the mother of Ganga-Rāja
Another epigraph of GangaRāja found near the Carr undaraya basaar
41
42
43
44
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka EC SB 59, PP
12-4
Ibid SB 121-2,
45
47
48
Gandhavarana basadi 1ecord of the Hoysala queen Śanialadevi
Another record of the same queen found at the same place
46 Camundarâya basadı record of Bucana, son of GangaRāja,
Bahubali Pillar inscription of the Hovsala king Visnu vardhana
basadı record
Santisvara found at Jinanathapura Gommatesvara records of
974
982
983 PP
995
1117
1115
1117 Ibid
1118
1120
1123
1123 Ibid SB 117 pp
47-S
1123
1131
Ibid SB 175 6 p
80
Ibid 11, SB 74, p
40
1133
SB 137, P
64 Ibid SB 70, P 37
Jord SB 73, PP 38 40
Tbid SB 118, pp 48-9
1135
Ibid SB 131, p
58
Ibid SB 132, PP
58 60
Ibid SB 143
70-5
pp.
Ibid SB 120 P
49
Ibid SB 384 PP. 165-7
1159 Id 11, SB 179, P 89
1

Page #171

Appendix-Á
153
che Hoysala general Hulla found on the Vindhyagiri
hill. 49. Bhandari basadi records of
the same general.
1159 EC. SB 181, p. 80. 1159 Ibid. SB 345 and
349, pp. 147-9;
151-4. 1163 Ibid. SB 84, pp.
18-9. 1175 Ibid. SB 240-1, pp.
101-3.
180
1179
Ibid. SB 397, p. 169. Ibid. SB 327, pp. 134-9.
118]
1181
50. Śravana Belgola cpigraph
of the same general. 51. Gormațeśvara records of
the Hoysala general Hulsa
and the Jewel merchants. 52. Saņenahalli record of Gan-
ga-Rāja. 53, Akkana basadi record of the
Hoysala king Vira-Ballāla
deva. 54. Siddhara basadi record of
the same king and his coun.
cillor Candramauli. 55. Gommateśvara record of
Basava-Setti. 56. Nagara-Jinālaya record of
Vira-Badala-deva and his
minister Nāgadeva. 57. Gommațeśvara record of
Madukanna. 58. Gommateśvara record of
Someya-Scyti.
Ibid. SB 115.
256, p.
1185
1195
Ibid. SB 235, p. 101. lbid. SB 335, pp. 132-4.
1196
Ibid. SB 237, p. 10). Ibid. SB 238, p. 101.
1198
Mysore district 59. Kulagana copper plates of Undaled MAR, 1925, p.
the Ganga king Sivamāra but assig- 92.
I found in the village ned to the Kulagana in the Chamraja- 7th-Sth nagar taluq.
centuries. 50. Devalapura record found at 750 EC, iii, sy 28,
Devalapura in the Mysore laluq.
p. 3."

Page #172

34
154
Jansın in Carly Medieval Karnatara 61 Devarhalli copper plates 776 EC iv, Ng 85, found at Devar hallı in the
pp 134-5 Nagamangala taluq. 62 Vadanaguppe record of the 808 MAR, 1927, Rastrakūta king Kambhādeva
117 found at Devanur in the Nan
jangud taluq 63 An undated record found in 825 Ibid 1932, pp the village Hebbalguppe in the
240-) Heggadedevankote taluq 64 Tayalur record found in the 895 CC, 111, Md Nandya taluq
13 p 38 65 Kcyatanhallı stone inscription 900 Ibid Sr. 147, p
found at Keyatanhallı in the
Srirangapatna ialuq 66 Rampura stone inscription 904 Ibid Sr 148, P found at Rampura in a paddy
34 field in the Sruangapatna
taluq 67 Kulagere stone inscription 909 Ibid 111, ML 30, found at Kulagere in the
P 59 sallavallı laluq 68 Būvanhalli Jaina record found 950 MAR, 1913, p on the pedestal of 1 Jaina
31 image in the Candranatha basadı at Buvanliallı in the
Hunsur taluq 69 Two Jaina epigraphs found 10th Ibid 1914, p
at Cibha Hanasoge in the century 38
Yedatore taluq 70 Somasamudra record found in 993 Iord 1931, p the village Somasamudra in
139 the Nsysore taluq 71 Tuo moie Jaina cpigraplis 1023 C, , Yd found at Cikha Hanasoge in
21 2 p 55 the Yedatore talug 72 Another Cikka Hanasogc rc- 1080 Ibrd Yd 23, p cord of the Yedatore taluq
55

Page #173

155
Appendix--A
110 EC. Yd. 26. p.
56. 1117 Ibid. Ch, 83, p.
10.
1117 MAR, 1920, p.
32.
1118 EC, iv, Ng. 19,
p. 116.
1120
1164
1179
Ibid. Ng. 103, p. 141. Ibid. Ng. 30, p. 119. MAR, 1913, p. 37. EC, iv, Ng. 32, pp. 120-2.
1184
73. Still more another record
found at the same place. 74. The Pārsvanātha basadi rccord
found in the Chamrajanagar
taluq. 75. A record found at Basti
Hosakote in the Krishnarajapete taluq.
. 76. Kambadahalli stonc inscription
found in the Nagamangala
taluq. 77. Sukadare stone inscription
found in the same taluq. 78. Madeśvara temple stone inscsi.
ption. 79. A record found at Kittur in the
Heggadadevarkote taluq. 80. Aļcsandra stone inscription found in the Nagamangala
Hassan district 81. Mararu stonc inscription
found at Mararu in the Arkal
gud taluq. 82. Belur inscription of the Ganga
king Būtuga found at Belur. 83. Gubbi stonc inscription found
at Gubbi in the Hole-Narsipur
taluq. 84. Gondasi inscription found at
Gondasi in the Arsikere taluq. 85. Manjarbad Jaina inscription
found on thc pedestal of a
Jaina image. 86. An epigraph found in the
Somavara village in the Arkal
gud taluq, 87. A damaged stone record found
at Tolalu in the Belur taluq.
900
$52
Ibid, v, Ag, 24, p. 250. Ibid. BL. 123, p. 80. Ibid. I-IN14, p. 243.
960
970
970
Ibid, V, Ak. 164, p. 181. Ibid. MJ. 67, p. 247.
1060 Ibid. Ag. 98, p.
262.
1060 MAR, 1927,
pp. 43-4.

Page #174

136
Jairusi in Earl, Medieval harnatal a 88 Anothei Somavaia cpigraph 1079 EC, Ag 99, of the Kongalva hing Adatıra
P 263 ditya 89 Hale-Belgola record of the 1094 Ibid On 148, Hoysala I ing Vinat aditya
Pp 189 90 90 Salya stone inscription of 1125 15 d Cn 149 Visnuvardhara
pp 1901 91 Belur inscription of the same 1129 JAR 1911 p Hoysala king
13 92 The Parsvanatha basadı record 1133 EC V, BL found in the village Bastihalli
124 pp 81-4 in the Belur taluq 93 The Saumyrnazabı stone ins 1136 Ibad BL 17 cription of Visnuvardhana
Pp 48 51 found in the Belui taluq 94 The Muguli basadı stone inscri- 1140 Ibid Hn 129 ption of Mani Setti and others
P 30 95 Another record of Visnuvar 1147 Ibid V Hn dhana found near the entrance
130, pp 36 7 of the \suguli basadı 96 Heiagu slone inscription of 113) Ibid Hn 07, P the Hoysala ling Narasimha
16 Deta 97 Karugunda stone record of 1129 Ibd Ak 141 the Hoysala hing Narası nha
PP 1746 deva 98 Bindur stone inscription of 1169 Ibid Al I the Hor ala king Vira Ballala
PP 1123 Deva 99 Víarkull stone record of thic 1173 Ibid Hn 119 Hoysala Ballala Deva
pp 35 6 100 Heingu cpigraph of the Hot 1174 Ibid Hn 58
salı ling Vira Ballal. Deva 101 Bel ha stone inscription
1174 Ibid Cn 146
PP 1889 102 Third Jainn epigiaplı found 11 6 Tord Hn 59
at Herrgu in he Hassan taluq
P
17
p 17

Page #175

Appendix
A
157
1182 EC, v, Cn. 160,
pp. 102-3.
1192
Ibid. BL. 129, pp. 86-7.
1200
103. Bommenhaļļi stone record of
the Hoysaļa king Ballāla-Deva and his Councillor Candra
mauli. 104. Bastihalli record found near
the entrance of the Pārsvanā
tha basadi in tile Belur taluq. 105. Kumbenahalli stoncinscription
of Vīra-Bailâla-Deva. 106. Arasikcrc stone inscription of
the same Hoysala king and his
Councillor Recharasa. 107. Bastinalți record of the Hoysala
king Narasimga-Deva found
in the Belur taluq. 108. Another epigraph of the same
king found at the same place.
1220
ibid. V, Cn. 151, p. 193. ibid. Ak. 77, pp. 140-1.
1254
Ibid. BL. 125, p. 84.
1256
Ibid. BL. 126, p. 84.
kadur district
109. Siddagānahalli stone epigraph
found in tlie Kadur taluq. 110. Kadur Pillar inscription
111. Angadi stone inscription found
at Angadi in the Mudgcre taluq. 112. Another Angadi record of Vina
yāditya Hoysaļa. 113. Kadavanti stone inscription of
Kandarpa Senamāra. Third Jaina record found at
Angadi in the Mudgere taluq. 115. Mattavara epigraph of the Hoy
saļa king Vinayāditya and the merchant Mānik Sețţi found in
the Chikamagalur taluq. 116. Brahmesvara temple inscription
of Siddhagiri of the Hoyasaļa general Mariyane Dandanāyaka.
961 Ibid. vi, Kd.
159, p. 32. 971 Ibid. Kd. I,
p. 1. 990 Ibid.
p. 60 1054 Ibid. Mg. 9,
p. 60. 1060 Ibid. Cm. 75,
pp. 43-4. 1063 lbid. Mg. 13,
p. 61. 1069 MAR, 1932,
pp. 174-5.
1103 EG, VI, Cm. .. 169, pp. 56-7.

Page #176

158
Jainism in Early Medieval harnataka
1130 C vi lg 22
PP 623
117 Hantiyur record of Hariya
bbarası daughter of Visnuvardhana found on a ruined Jaina temple at Hautiyur in the Alud
gere taluq 118 Another Brahmesvara empic
record of the Hoysala general
Bharata found at Sindhagırı 119 A damaged stone Inscription
found at Kalasapura in the kadur district
1137
Ibid Cm 161 161 p 58
1176 MAR 1923,
Pp 39 40
897 8
EC vizi, VT 60, pp 154
902 MAR 1911
p 38 900 EC vil Si
114 P 37
958 Ibid viu T
45 p 146 1065 Ibid Nr 59
p 154
Shimoga district 120 Tlie Guddada basadı inscription
of Tolapurusa Vikram Santara,
found in the Nagar taluq 121 Bandanıhe stone inscription
found in the Shibarpur taluq 122 Kumsi stone inscription of
Jinadatla Raya found 10 the
Shimoga taluq 123 Humcca stone inscription found
at Humcca in the Nagar taluq 124 Another Humcca cpigraph of
Bhujbala Santara found on the outerwall of Candi aprabha
basadı at Humcca 125 Third Humca record of Bhuj
bala Santara alias Trailohyamalla
Deva found in the Nagar taluq 126 The Santnatha basadı record of
the Western Calukya hing Some svara II found at Ballıgame in
the Shiharpur taluq 127 Another Bandanike stone ins
cription of Somesvara II found at Bandanike in the Shiharpur
talaq 129 Badagiyara Honda stone inscri
1066 Ibid. Nr 33
p 137
1065
Ibid vii Sk 136 pp 102
1 075
Ibid Sk 221 p 131
1077
Ibid vii Sh

Page #177

Appendix-
159
6.
Santara.
ption of Vikramnāditya II and his
124, pp. 05general Brammadeva found at
Shikarpur taluq. 129. Kuppatūr record found on the 1077 Ibid. viii, Sh. Pārsvanātha basadi in the Sorab
262, pp. 41taluq. 130. Fourth Humcca cpigraph of the 1077 lbid. Nr. 35, Sántara lady Cättaladevi found
pp. 137-8. at Humcca in the Nagartaluq. 131. Shikarput epigraph of Bineya
1080 Ibid. vii, Sk. Bammu Scți.
S, p. 39. 132. Fifth Humcca record of Vikrama 1087 Ibid. viii, Nr.
40, p. 144. 133. Bannikere record of Ganga 1115 Ibid. Sh. 37, Mahadevs found in thc Shimoga
p. 35. dist: ict. 134. Kallurgudda stone record found 1122 Ibid, Sh. 4, near the Siddhcśvara temple in
pp. 4-9. Shimoga district. 135. The stone inscription found in 1182 Ibid. vii, Sk. the old Jaina basadi at Chikka
197, p. 125. magudi in the Shikarpur taluq. 136. Uddhare epigraph of the Hoy- 1198 Ibid. viii, Sb. sala king Vira-Ballāla-Deva and
140. p. 20. his minister Mahadeva found in the Sorab taluq.
Banglore district 137. Hosakoțe plates of the Ganga 567 MAR, 1938, king Avinīta found at Hosakote.
p. 86. 138. Tolalu epigraph found at Undated Ibid. 1926, p. Tolalu found near the ruined
42. Jaina basadi. 139. Manne copper-plates found at 797 EC, ix, NL. Manne in the Nelamangala taluq.
60, pp. 39
42.
140. Beyuru stone inscription found
in the Channapaina talug.
900
lbid. Cp. 69, p. 145.

Page #178

[
160
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
141. Another Manne epigraph of the Rastrakuta king Govinda III found in the Nelamangala taluq. Kolar district 142. Nonamangala copper plates found in the ruined Jaina basadi at Nonamangla in the Malur taluq.
at
143. Another inscription found Nonamangala in the Malur taluq.
144. Narasapur copper plates found at Narasapur in the Kolar taluq.
Chitaldroog district
145. Koramanga copper plates of Ravivarma found at Koramanga in the Davangere taluq.
146, Bevinahalli stone inscription found in the Chitaldroog taluq. 147. Kuradi pillar inscription found at Kuradi in the Davangere taluq. 148. Sembanür stone inscription found at Sembanur in the Devangere taluq.
149. The Santinātha basadi record of Holakere found in the Chitaldroog district,
Tumkur district
150. Kadaba copper plates found at Kadaba in the Gubi taluq.
151. Bidare stone inscription found at Bidare in the Gubi taluq.
152. Hemavati stone inscription found in the Sira taluq.
153. Candrašalc basadi record of Hatana found at Hatana in the Tiptur taluq.
902
370
425 Ibid. ML 72,
p. 172.
903 Ibid. KL. 90, PP. 27-8.
EC, ix, NL. 61, pp. 44.-5.
530 MAR, 1933. Pp. 113.4.
1060
Ibid. x, ML. p. 173.
73,
968 EC, xi, Cd. 74, p. 16. Ibid. Dg.. 140, p. 77. 1062 Ibid. Dg. 143, pp. 77-8.
1154 Ibid. Hk. 1, P. 115.
979
812 Ibid.xii, Gb.
61, pp. 30-1. Ibid. Gb. 57,
982
1078
P. 27.
Ibid. Si. 27,
p. 02.
Ibid. xii, Tp.
101, pp.
61
2.

Page #179

161
1151 EC,xii, Tm.8,
Pp. 3.4.
Appendix-A 154. Kaidāla stone epigraph of the
Hoysala king and his minister Guli-Baci found in the Tumkur
taluq. 155. Panditarahalli stone inscription
found in the Tumkur taluq. 156. Haggare stone epigraph found in
the Chiknayakanhaļļi taluq. 157. Karadālu Pillar inscription
found in the Tiptur taluq. 158. Yādagatta stone record of Vira-
Ballala-Deva found in the Chiknayakanhalli taluq.
1160 Ibid. Tm.38,
P 10. 1160 Ibid. Ck. 21,
pp. 77-8. 1174 Ibid. Tp.53,
p. 60. 1188 Ibid. Ck 20,
p. 76.
466
Ibid. i, Cg.i, pp. 51-2.
Coorg district 159. Mercāra copper plates of the
Ganga king Avinita found at
Mercāra in the Coorg district.' 160. Biliyür stone inscription of Raca
malla II. 161. Peggūr stone inscription
888
Ibid. Cg. 2, PP. 52-3. Ibid. Cg. 4,
978
p. 53.
1050
162. Two stone inscriptions found
at Nallur.
Ibid i, Cg. 30-1, pp. 64
163. Mullur stone records
1050 Ibid. Cg 37
8, p. 66. Guddapah district 184. Dänavulapādu stone inscription Undated SII, ix, pt. 1, found in the village Dānavula
p. 36. pāņu. 165. Another record of Srivijaya Undated EI, X, pp. found at Dänavulapäğu
but assig- 147-53. ned to the 10th-llth centuries.

Page #180

162
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
Raichur district
166. Uppina-Betagiri stone inscription found near the village Uppina-Betagiri fifteen miles Kopbal.
from
167. Another record found at Kopbal.
964
10th
century.
P.B. Desai,
op. cit., pp. 367-9.
P.B. Desai,
op. cit., pp.
343-4.

Page #181

APPENDIX-B
Numerical strength of deaths of monks, nuns and lay devotccs by the Jaina vow of Sallekhanā during the 7th-12th centuries, S.N. Name of the Sacrificer Date Place Books of Reference 1. Prabhācandra 600 Cikka-betta EC, ii, SBI, p. I.
or Candragiri hill at Sravana-Bel
gola. 2. Kanakasena and Bala- 650
Ibid. SB 2, p. 2. deva Muni 3. Ariştanemi
Ibid. SB 11, p. 4, 4. Säntisena
Ibid. SB 31, p. 7. 5. Vrsabhanandi
Ibid. SB 75, p. 40. 6. Tirthada-goravadigal 700
Ibid. SB 5, p. 3. 7. Ullikal-goravadigal
Ibid. SB 6, p. 3. 8. Gunasena-Guruvar
Ibid. SB 8, p. 3. 9. Panapa-bhațăra
Ibid. SB 9, p 3. 10. Caritraśrs
Ibid. SB 12, p. 4. 11. Sarvajña-bhatāra
Ibid. SB 13, p. 4. 12. Unnamed monk
Ibid. SB 17, p. 5. 13. Unnamed monk
Ibid. ii, SB 19, p. 5. 14. Aksakorti
Ibid. SB 21, p.o. 15. Kalantūr
Ibid. SB 22, pp.
5-6. 16. Gunadeva
Ibid. SB 23, p. 6. 17. Baladeva-Goravadigal ,
Ibid. SB 24, p. 6. 18. Ugrasena Goravadigal ,
Ibid. SB 25, p. 6. 19. Unnamed monk
Ibid. SB 26, p. 6. 20. Mäsena
Ibid. SB 27, pp. 6-7.

Page #182

164
Jainism in Early Mcdicval Karnataka 21. Mellagavāsa-Guruvar 700 Cikka-bet- EC, ii, SB 28, p.7.
ţa or Cand
Tagiri hill. 22. Gunabhūșita
Ibid. SB 29, p.7. 23. Unnamed teacher
Ibid. SB 30, p. 7. 24. Singanandi
Ibid. SB 32, p. 7. 25. Unnamed monk
Ibid SB 33, p. 7. 26. Nāgasena-Goravaçigal
Ibid. SB 34, p. 8. 27. Sarvanandi
700
Ibid. SB 36, p. 8. 28. Unnamed Monk 700
Ibid. ii, SB 77, p.
41. 29. Saucācārya
750
Ibid. SB 79, p. 41. 30. Mahādeva
700
Ibid. SB 80, p.41. 31. Išāna-Parmesthi
Ibid. SB 81, p.41. 32. Baladevācārya
Ibid. SB 82, p.42. 33. Candradevácārya
Ibid. SB 84, p. 42. 34. Puspanandi
750
Ibid. SB 85, p. 42. 35. Nandisepa
700
Ibid. SB 88, p. 42. 36. Visoka-bhatära
Ibid. SB 92, p.43. 37. Unnamed monk
Ibid. SB 93, p. 43. 38. Indranandi-ācārya
Ibid. SB. 95, p. 43. 39. Unnamed monk
Ibid. SB 96, p. 13. 40. Sri-ācārya
Ibid. SB 102, p. 44. 41. Puspasenācārya
Ibid. SB 103, p.44. 42. Sridevācārya
Ibid. SB 104, p.44. 43. Gunakirti
Ibid. SB 105, p. 44. 44. Vrsabhanandı
Ibid. ii, 106, p. 44. 45. Meghanandi
Tord. SB 109, p. 45. 46. Nandimuni
Ibid. SB 111, p.45. 47. Devasena
Ibid SB 113, p. 45. 48. Puritiya
Ibid. SB 115, p. 46. 49. Aristanemideva 800
Ibid. SB 14, p.4. 50. Mahavira
Ibid. SB 15, p.4. 51. Kami-bhatāra 900
Ibid. SB 62, p. 14. Name of the nuns 52. Dhannekutjarvi 700
Ibid. SB 7, p. 3. 53. Janbu-nāyagir
Toid. SB 18, p. 5. 54. Nāgamati-gantiyar
Ibid. SB 20, p. 5.

Page #183

Appendix-B
165 55. Sasīmati-ganti 700 Cikka-berta EC, ii, SB 76, p. 41.
or Candragiri hill at Śravaņa
Belgola 56. Räjñimati-ganti
Ibid. SB 97, p. 43. 57. Anantămati-gan
Ibid. SB 98, p. 43. 58. Māvi-abbe
Ibid. SB 107, p. 45. 59. Arya
Ibid. SB 108, p. 45. 60. Gunamati-avve
Ibid. SB 112, p. 45. 6). Prabhāvati and
Ibid. SB 114, pp. Damitāmati
45-6. 62. Meghacandratraividya 1115
Ibid. SB 126, p. 55. 63. Srimati-ganti
1119
Ibid. SB. 156, p. 77 64. Subhacandra
1120
Ibid. SB 117, pp. Siddhāntadeva
47-8. 65. Hoysaļa Sețți
1120
Ibid. SB 159, p. 78. 66. Mācikabbe
1131
Ibid. SB 123, p. 73. 67. Baladeva
1139
Ibid. SB 141, p. 68. 68. Singimayya
1139
Ibid. SB 142, p.70. 69. Prabhācandra
1145
Ibid. SB 140, p. 67. Siddhantadeva 70. Devakirti
1165
Ibid. SB 63, p. 16 71. Sarvanandi 881 At Kopbal in the B.A. Saletore,op, cit.,
Raichur district p. 193. 72 Candrasenācārya 900 At Beyuru in the EC, ix, Cp. 69, p. Banglore dist.
145. 73. Nāgasena
900 , Ibid. Cp. 70, p. 145. 74. Nemicandra 900 Cikka Hanasoge MAR, 1914, p. 38.
in the Vedatore
taluq. 75. Elācārya
910 > Ibid. 1914, p. 38. 76. Trilokacandra- 979 At Bidare in thc EC, xii, Gb. 57, bhajāra Tumkur district,
p. 27. 77. Unnamed monk 980 At the village Ibid. iii. My 40, Barun in the
p. 4. Mysore district. 78. Vimalacandra- 990 At Angadi in thc Ibid. VI, 11, Mg. pandita Kadur district.
11, p. 60.

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166
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
p. 61.
P. 64.
65
p. 75
79. Mahendrakirti 10th Cikka-Hanasage MAR, 1913, p. 31. century
in the Yodatore
taluq. 80. Vajrapan
1040 At Angadi in the EC, vi, Mg. 17, dita
Kadur district. 81. Kiviriyya 1050 At Nallūru in Ibid. 1, Cg. 30,
the Coorg district. 82. Jakkiyabbe 1050 At Nallūru in Ibid. Cg. 31, pp. Coorg district.
64-5 $3. Guņasena 1064 At Mullūru in the Ibid. Cg. 34, p.
the coorg
district. 84. Boppave 1090 At Tirthahalli in the Ibid. VIII, TL. Shimoga dist.
198, p. 207. 85. Vādībhasimha 1090 At Bale-Honnūr Ibid. VI, Kp. 3,
in the Kepa taluq. 86. Maladhärideva 1093 At Tarthahalļi Ibid. VIII, TL.
199, p. 207. 87. Vardhamāna- 10th Century at MAR, 1929, p.109. deva
Sāgarkatte 88. Ge-ganti 1120 At Chikmagalur EC, VI, Cm 52,
in the Kadur dist. 89. Birayya 1120 At Yedatore Ibid. IV, Yd. 50,
p. 59. 90. Megliacandra- 1163 At Chikaayakan Ibid. XII. CK. 23. bhaltāraka halli in the
p. 78. Tumkur district. 97. Ajitas nadeva 1170 At Manjara Ibid. V, Mj. 133, bad in the
Pp. 108-9. Hassan district. 92. Haryale 1174 At Tiptur in the Ibid. XII, TP.93. Tumkur district.
p. 60. 93. Hacitraradert 1774
Ibid. Tr. 94, p. 61. 94. Subhacandra 1213 At Bandalike in Ibid. VII. Sk. 226, the shimoga dist.
p.133.
p. 40.

Page #185

INDEX
Abbayacandra, 55 abhayadāna (gift of protection), 85 Abhayamati, a Jaina nun, 13, 73 Abbayaruci, 13, 73 Abhinava Santideva, 84 abhiseka, ablution of sectarian
images, 12 abhisekaśālā, ablution hall, 42 Acārängasútra, 62 ācārya, 39, 49-50, 108, 131 adhána, a Jaina rite, 74 adhiraja, a feudal lord, 110 Adinatha, the first fina, 27, 29, 31, 35 Adipurāņa of Jinascoa, 7, 33-4, 36,
40, 45, 102 Adoni, 1 ågarnas, 88 agnivāhinidevi, the goddess of fire, 53 ahimsā (non-injury to living crea
tures), il, 51 Aihole, 22, 37-8, 52, 55, 102, 122
...3, 136 ajji (Jaina pun), 127-9 Ajjigana, a monastic group, 120 Ajitasena, 18, 106, 109, 135 Ajīvikas, a heretic sect, 70, 87 Akalanka, a Jaina Logician, 33, 105,
108 Akkadevi, 39, 129 Alkatnagara, 110 Ambikā, a Jaina yak:sinī, 22, 57-3;
exalted position of, 53-5; men-
tioned in Jaina iconography, 52 Anitagati, 14 Amogħavarşa, Râştrakūta king, 2,
26 Anandmangalam Sculptures, 5? Anantamati, 92 Anantamati ganti, 128 Anantapur, Andhra, 4, 52 Arika, & feudal chief. III annaprāśana, the feeding rite, 76 anupreksas, reflections on
twelve items of Jainism, 95 antarātmā (internal soul), 17 anvaya, a Jaina monastic group,
120, 125-6 aprasastadhyāna, inauspicious medi
talian, 96
Arhannandi, 112, 129 Arasārya, 113 äratī, waving of the lamp around
idol, 42, 46 Aratti, a lay devotee, 74 arhat,' Jaina Tirthankara, 32, 38,
64, 85 Arikeśarī, 13 Aristanen, 124 Arkakirti, a yāpaniya nonk, 57, 110,
122, 136 Arungalanyaya, 1 Jaina monastic
group, 50 Aryan, 74 āryika (Jaina nun), 12-8 Asadha (June-July), 46-go Asādhara, a Jaina author, 30 Asoka, the Mauryan king, 5 aşțāhnika-pūjā, a Jaina ritual 11,36,
46 Astaupavāsa, a monk, 93 Astaupavāsikantiyar, a nun, 129 Asundi, 38, 118, 131 ātmā (soul), 77 Ātmānušāsana of Gunabhadra, 15,
88, 106-7 Attimabbe, 7, 112 Avinīta, Ganga king, 6, 84, IOI Ayyopoti, a nun, 129
B
Bacaladevī, 44 Badami, 1, 22, 55 Bagiyur, 117 babirātnā, external soul, 17 bahiryana, a Jaina domestic rite, 76 Bahubali bhattāraka, 103, 122 bähya (external), gi Balakartārgana a Jaina monastic
group), 113 Balipura, 23 Bammagāvunda, 129, 130 Banavası, 1, Bandanike, 68, 104 Banglore district, 123 Bankapur, 27, 56, 67, 118 Bankeya, feudal chicf, 26 Bannikere, 44 basadi (Jaina monasteries), II, 19,
24, 27, 37, 66, 83, 100, 103-4, 107, 112, 132

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168
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka
Basava, a virašaiva teacher, 6
Cámundarāya, a jaina general of Bastihalli, 42
Garigas, 10, 27, 34, 35, 38, 105 Belgami, 2
Cämundarāyapurāņa, 10 Belgaum district, 38, 48, 102, 111, Candamári, 13 113, 116, 129
Candiyabbe, 112 Bellary district, 3, 104
Candragiri hill, 5, 20, 124-5 bhadra (August-September), 94 Cardragupta Maurya, 4 Bhadrabahu, 4, 5, 34, 64
Candraksānta, 133 Bhadrabāhu-Gandragupta Jaina - Candrāya, 106, 113
tradition, 4-5; historicity of, 5; Candranandi, 101, 120 inscriptional and literary cvidence Candraprabha, 8th Jina, 53 regarding, s
Candraprabhabhațāra, 118, 131 bhagaa kriya (restoration of dila- Candrasiddhāntadeva, 103 pidated objects), 132
Cărukirti Pandita, 14, 15, 123 bbagna satiskāra, i32
Cattaladevi, 85 Bhairva Padıāvati Kalpa, 18, 33 Caturmāsa, a Jaina practice of
37; on the magical rites, 58; staying at onc place for four on vašīkarana, 58; on the signi- months, 89 ficance of uttering mantra, 58; Caturmukhapuja (worship of the
on the svangavinyasa, 59; on four faces of the Jina), 36 sakalikarana, 59
Gāvaya, a sculpture, 34 Bhaktamara stotra of Mänatunga, 29 Cenna Parsvanātha, 42 bhaktapratyākhyan, a Jaina rite of
Ccra, 13 religious suicide, 62
Chamrajanagar taluq, 101, 105 bhakti, devotion, 29
Chitaldoorg district, 112 Bhanukirti, 72
Cikka betta (small bill), 20 bhava-pujá (mental prayer), 36 Cikarăya, 26, 106, 113 Bhimrásibhatāra, 103, 113
Citrakutānyaya, a Tain monastic bboja or bhojala (a class of priest),
group, 129 48
Coimbatore, i bhūta, evil spirit, 59
Cola, 113 Bidar district, 2, 3
Cūdákarna, a Jaina rite, 76 bijamantra, 39
Cult(s) of Ambikā, 52, 56; of JvālāBijapur district, 1, 3, 39, 49, 52, 102, mālini, 53-4; originated ia Kar129-3, 136
nataka, 124-5; patrogised by Biliyūr, 116
the monks of Dravida sangha, Bincya Bamou setti, 115
53-4, 124-5; tantric attributes of, Biraya setti, 115
57-9; Padmāvati, 52, 54; patrons Bithigāvunda, 113
of, 55; tantric attributes of, 58-9; Bittideva, Hoysaļā king, 6
of Siddhãyika, 32 Boppadeva, 50 Boppave, 66 Brahmă, 29, 30, 31
da&şinägni, 80 brahmaraksas (an evil spirit), 55 Brahmasiva, a Jaina author, 15
Damakirti, 48
Dambal, 115 Brahma-Devarasa, 133
Danitarqati, 128 Brhatkathakośa, 5, 9
dana, a Jaina rite of making gifts, Brhatsaribita, i Buddhissn, 36, 60, 72
82-7; calegosjes of, 85-6; increas
ing importance of, 86; meaning Buddhist, 5, 87, 105, 108 Buddhist hhiksus, 101
of, 84; reaction against the puriBuddhist Vihara, jo
tan practice of, 86
dāna sala, charitable stores of the Bütuga, Ganga king, 118
Jainas, 49, 83, 134; donations
10, 83-4; secular control of, 84
Danavujapādu, 52 Caitya trce, an object of svorship. 34 Darsanasara, 15, 117, 124 Caki Rāja, 110
Davangere talug. 112 Cakravarti-Pūja, 36
Deniyakka, 85 Galukyas, I, 13, 83, 110, 114
desa, 126

Page #187

Index
169
Deśī gana, a Jaina monastic group,
134 Deśiga gana, 126
Eastern ghat, I Deśīyagana, 49, 120-1, 126
Edehalli. 54 devadāsis, temple prostitutes, 46 Ekatvavitarkavicära (meditation on Devagana, 49, 85, 120
a single object), 38 Devarāja, Hoysala minister, 133. Elācārya, 93 Deva saigha (a Jaina monastic Excgittur gana. a Jaina monastic order), 13
group, 120 Devavarma, Kadamba king, 122 dharma, 12 dharmacakras (wheels of righteous. ness), 34, 93
feudal character of Jaina monasteDharmagāvunda, 112
ries, 119 Dharmāmta, 14 Dharwar district, 2, 26, 37-8, 49,
54, 103, 106, 112-3, 113, 123 Dhavala of Virasena, 127
gaccha, a monastic group, 20, 49; dhrti, a Jaina rite, 75
Pulikal gaccha. 120; Pustaka Dhurvadevācārya, 49, 85
gaccha, 49, 120-1, 126 dhyāna, a monastic observance, 95) Gadag taluq, 3, 19, 106, 108
categories of, 96; duration of, gadyāņa, a gold coin, 103, 112, 114, 95; objects of, 95-6; meaning 116-7 of the term, 95
Gana (a small monastic group), Digambaras, 4, 7, 11, 14, 40, 45> 1 20-3, 126; Ajjigana, 120; Deva
61, 73, 100, 102,108,110,119-21, gana, 120; Deśigana, Y26; Ere126, 136
gitturgana, 120; Kandūr gana, Digambara monastic order. Mūla- 122; Kāreya gana, 122; Parasaigha, thc earliest order in Jainz
lūra gana, 120; Pogariya gana, records, 119; proliferation of. 120; Punnaga vřkşamūla gana, 120; rcference to the causes of 1 22-3 subdivisions of, 121-3, 126-71 gañadhara, head of a gana, 131 organisation of, 131-2
Ganesa, Brāhmanical god, 35 dikpālas (guardians of different quar- Gaigas. 6, 110, 119 ters), 43, 60
Ganga dynasty, 6; origin of the, 6; diksa, 2
role of Jaina teachers regarding Divakarnandi, 132
the creation of, 6 domestic rituals of the Jainas, 74-82; ganga mandala, 110
Adipurana of Jinasena on the, Gāngamuni, 54 74; Brāhmanical impact on, Ganganūr, 50 80-I; not allowed to artisans, Ganga Rája, military chief of the dancers and Sūdras, 82; Numeri- Ganga kings, 27, 39, jo cal strength of, 74; purposes of, ganti, a Jaina pun, 128 79; reaction against the propa- garbhadhāna, a Jaina rite, 74, 79 gation of, 81-2
gärhanatya, a Jaina rite, 80
gātrika bandha, 75, 79 Donigāvuoda, 112
gayatri mantra, 33 Dorasamudra, 104, 133
gāvundas, village headmen, 112
geographical extent of Karnataka. Dramnila sangha, 50
1-2; in Purānas, 1; in the MahaDravida sangha, 53, 117, 120, 124-0,
bharata, 1; in the Brhatsamhita, 136; origin of, 124-5; not rcla
I; in Kavirajamärga, 2 ted to Tamil church, 125
ghatapatra, 76 dravya pūjā, eightfold worshiy, 36 ghi, 88 Dravya Sangraha, 17, 18
Godāvari, 2, 126 Durgasakti, 26
Gokak taluq, 113 Survinita, western Ganga king, 17,108 Gominata, 1 Jaina god, 35 dresa, a mhgical rite of causing Gommateśvara, 17, 35, 45, 105, comity, 58
115 dvijas (twice born), 81-2
Gooty, 1
Doni, 15, 123
Dostika, 9

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170
Jainism in Early Medieval Farnalaka
116
Govinda III, Rästrakūta king, 57, Indrakirti, 104, 122 110. 122
Indrakirtisvāmi, i11 Govinda Pai, 126
Indranandi, 10, 41, 33, 107, 125, Grhastācārya, Jaina priest for per- 136
forming domestic rites, 47 inscriptions, sce appendix 'A' and Gubbi talug, 122 Gudigere talug, 27, 119, 129, 132 iryā-patha Suddhikriyä, removal of Gujarat, 77
impurities caused by movements, Gunabhadra, 9, 15, 30, 87, 106, 108- 41
9, 135 Gunacandrabhatāra, 118 Gunacandrapanditadeva, 128 Gunanandi, 83
Jaina canons, the occult practices in, Gunanandi-Karmmapraksti-bha
56-7; on the sensualist monks, 56 ţăra, 63
Jaina fasts, Jinasena Sūri an, g2;
mcthod of, 92; popularity of H
short duration, 93; types of,
92-93 Halsi, 37-8, 48, 102, 116, 122-3, 136 Jaina initiation, an important monasHampe (Vijayanagara), 2
tic observance, 69-74; age for, Hanasoge, 132
73; caste aftliation of, 73-74; Hārgal, 3
changes in the practice of, 74 Hannumánkonda, 5?
Jaina monastic resources, in Jaina Harihar, 2
records, 176-7; management of, Hariscna, 5, 9
117-139 Harivam šapuräņa, 8, 29, 92
Jaina nuns, early position of the 128; Harivarma, Kadamba king, 38, 102, Composite character of the order
of the, 129; increasing imporHaryyale, a lay devotee, 39
tance of the, 129-30; terms deHassan district, 67, 105, 123, 133 noting to, 127-28 Heggere, 104
Jaina Penance, 90-9; forms of, 20, Helācārya, 53-4, 123
96-7; significance of, 90-1 ; twoHemagrāma, 53, 125
fold division of, 91-6 Hemasitala, a king of Kānci, 103 Jaina tantric literature, development hirisă (injury to living creatures) of, 33, 55-60 47, 82, 97
Jaincn'dra Vyakarana, 108 Hindu Dharmaśāstras, so
Jakkiyabbe, 69, 130 Hogari gaccha, a Jaina monastic Jálamangala, 110 group, 49
Jambushanda, I homa (fire oblation), 46, 51 Janapadas, 1 Honnur, 123
Japa, a monastic observance, 45 Hoysalas, 110, 114
Jätakarma, a Jaina rite, 75 Hoysala gāvunda, 104, 113
Jaţäsimkanandi, 12, 24, 34, 46 Hulļa, a Jaina gencral, 27, 84
Jåvagal, 50, 104 Huliyabbájjike, a Jaina nun, 129 Jāvur, 5+, 123 Humcca, 55, 105, 114
Jaya Dliasala, 127 Hungund taluq, 49
Jayakīrti, 48 Hyderabad, 2
Jayakīrtideva, 123 Jayapanditadeva, 49 Jebelgcri, 26
Jinacandra, 34 Icvādi, 85
Jinadatta Kiya, Santara king, 55, Idaināti, 105
105,113 Idol worship, glorification of, 30-1; Jinanšíhapura, 84
in early Digambara Literature, Jinapati, 31 23-5: in Jaina records, 25-7; Jinasabasranama, 30 notives of 28-30; role of Jaina Jinasena, 7, 9, 10, 15, 19, 30-1, teachers in propagating the idea
33-4, 36, 40, 63, 73-5, 76-82, oi, 24, 26
94, To8-9, 127, 135 ingitamarana, self-suicide. 62
Jinasena Sūri, 8, 9, 29, 72, 92

Page #189

59
Kalsi, 5.
Index
171 Jinendragunasampatti, a Jaina fast, Kittūr, 20, 123 92
Kittür saigha, a Jaina monastic Jörānārņava, 95, 97
order, 124 Jvālāmälini, 33, 53-4, 56, 123, 125; Kiviriyya, 66
attendant deity of the 8th Jina, Kogali, 104 53; independent status of, 53; Kolhapur district, 54,123, 136 origin of, 53-4; tantric attributs Kolattur sangha, a Jaina monastic of, 59-60,
order, 20, 121, 123 Jvälinikalpa, 18, 33, 53-4, 57-9 Konnur, 3, 26, 113
125; on thc cfficacy, of mantra, 57; Kopbal, 2, 27, 68 on magic circle called mandala,
Cic called mandala, Krānurgana, a Jaina monastic 59; on nyāsa, 57; on sakalikarana group, 104
Krsna, i
Kfina II, Rāstrakūta king, 26, K
109, ril
Krsna 'III, Rāșțrakūta king, 31, Kadambas, 1, 90, 110, 119
104, 130 Kadur district, 54
Kşctrapalas (guardians of different Kakambal, 104
directions), 104 Kakutsthavarmā, Kadamba king, 48 Kulacandradeva, 104 Kali setti, 115
Kumārapura, 6, 20, 100
Kumārasenia, the founder of the Kaiiyakka, 112
Kāştha sangha, 127 Kaliyamma, 26
Kumkummahādevi, 27 Kalyani, 3, 1JI
Kunangil district, 110 Kamalāsana, 99
Kundakunda, 5, 96, 121 Kamalasri, 53
Kundakundānvaya, a jaina monasKañcanadevi, 55
tic group, 16, 49, 103, 120, 125-6, Kāñci, 105
132, 134 Kandācī, 38, III
Kuntala, Kandarpa, 53
Kuppatur taluy, Ig Kangugas, a land measure, 102-3, Kurcakas, a Jaina sect, 102, 122, 133 117
Kusmāndini, a Jaina yakşiņi Kandūrgana, 122
Kuvalayamála of Udyotana, 8, 12 Kankakaira, 'Ratta abief, 111 Kankaprabha, 111
L Kankasena, 19, 106 Kannavisaya, 2
Laksamana, 27 Kanti, a Kannada poetess, 10g
Lakshmeshwar, 2, 3, 26, 49, 83 Kanti, a Jaina nun, 128
Laksınīdeva, il Karnapärya, 10, 109
Lakşmimati, 64, 85 Kärcya gana, 131, 122
Lingăyat, 6 Kārşāpanas, a coin, 85
Lokāyata, 108 Kartavirya II. Ratta chicfiil
Lokkiyabbe, 55 Karttika Hindu god, 34 Kärttika (October-November), 90
Machiavelli, 109 Macikabbe, 66 Maciscţti, 115
Madahalli, 113 Kayakleša (inortification of the Madaya, 67
Madhava, Ganga king, 6, 54, 100 mayotsarga, & monastic observance, Madhya Pradesh, 15 98
Madras, 4 Kellangere, 118
Madura, 125 Mahābhārata, 1, 8 Mahādeva, 32
mahajanas, 34 ivarman II, cālu kya king, 26 Mahāpurāna, 8, 30
M,
Kathiawad, 9 Kauravas, 8 Kavajagere, 112 Kaveri, 2, 101 Kavirajamárga, 2
body), gi
Khandali, 116 Khețagrama, 48 Kirtideva, 112

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172
Jainism in Early Medieval Fiarnataka
Maharashtra, I mabāsāmanta, 83, 111 Mahavira, 16, 30, 51-2
Nádali, 114 Mailapa tirtha, 111
Nägacaindra, 10 Malaladevī, 112
Nāgadeva, "Hoysaļa minister, 112, Malanūra sangha, 123
115 Maicyur, 105
Nāgamayya gāvunda, 112 Malkhed, 33
Naganandyācārya, 103, 116 Malur, 20
Nagarakhanda, 130 Mallinātha, 10, 42
Nagasenapandita, 49 Mallisena Sūri, 8, 57, 59
Nagar taluq, 55, 83, 105 mānastambha, a free standing pillar Nalanda, toi in Jaina temples, 31
nämakarana, a Jaina rite of naming mandala, a tantric magic circle, 59
a boy, 76 Nanika setti, 114
Nandidoorg, 1 Manoli, 3
Nandi sangha, 120, 126 mantras, utterance of fixed syllabic Nanniya Gaiga, 55, 103 words, 57-8
Naragel, 83 Mfanyakhela, 13
Narasimhachar, 5 Mänyapura, 192
Narasimhadeva, 33, 19 Mārasimha, Ganga king, 10, 38, Nārāyana, 8 103, 105, 116
Năstika, 37 Maridatta, 13
Navalgund' taluq, 54, 83, 123 Dlarikalli, 30
Navilúr Sangha, , 20, 124 Mariyānedaņdanayaka, 43
Nayakirti Sidabánta cakravarti, 49Mascna, 21
50 mastakäbhişcka (ablution of the Nayasena. 14 head), 43
Nemicandra, 17, 18, 109 mathas (aina monastery),
Nemideva, 13 mathavāsi lifc, beginning of the prac. Neminātha. 8. 28. 12 tice of living in monasteries, 100;
Niddhiyamma gāvunda, 113 consequences of, 100-1; mcn- Nijiyabbc or Nijiyabbarsi, mother tioned in Jaina records, 101-6; of Ratta chicf, 103, 111 reaction against, 106-7
Nīlagiri, 125 mattars, a Land measuic. 103
Nilagriva, 54 Mattavāra, 114
Nimilūr saigha, 120, 124, 128 Māvurgrāma sangha, a jaina monas- Nirgcanthas, a jaina sect, 122, 133 tic order, 124
nirvanaksetra, the place of attaining Meguti, 22
liberation, 35 Melpāti, 13
niryāpakācārya, a Jaina teacher for Meruhalli, 84
deciding the course of salickhani, moda, 2 Jaina rite, 74
63 mohsa (liberation), 30
Niryuktis, 56 Molakere, 114
Nişidhi, á post memorial stones, 66 Monibhatāra, 118
Nitisāra, 107 Monisiddhantadeva, 103
Nītivăkyämrita, jog Mottenavile, 39
Nityavarsa, Rāstrakūta king, 43 Mrigcsavarma, kadamba king. ?
nivartana, a Land mcasure, 44,111 44, 102, 116, 132
niyama, á monastic observance, 99 mudrás (Symbolic gestures), 57 Nollabbi setti, 115 Mugad, 83
Nonantaugala, 2n, 34 mūlabhadra, 116
North Arcot, 13 Mälâcāra, 5, 88, 100, 128
North Kanara, I Asulgund, 16, 19, 26, 106, 113
nyasa, consecration of the different Mūsasangha, 17, 49, 74. 85. 104,
parts of the body, 59 113, 119-21, 125-6. 130 Iunicandra, tog, 111, 135 muñjagrass, 77 Vunjarya Vadighangala Bhatta,103 ilmills. 115
Order(s) of Jaina nun, carly posi
nathavash living in of contes,' s01
tioned in ces of, tosteries, 100;

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Index
tion of the, 128; growing importance of the, 129-30; internal administration of the, 129 Onkunda, 2
P
pādapogamana (a procedure of ritual suicide), 62 Padmäksi, attendant spirit of Parsvanatha, 52 Padmapurana, 8,40,73,102,108 padmasana, 98 Padmavati, 33, 52-6, 105; Sasanadevi of the Tirthankara Parsvanatha; 54 exaltation of the position of, 52; tantric attributes of, 58-9 Padmavatiyakka, a Jaina lady, 55 Palaghat, i, Palasika, 38, 48, 122
Pambabbe, 71 Pampa, 10, 108 Pancakūta, 83
pañcaparamesthi, five perfect beings
of the Jainas, 32, 59 Pañcastupanvaya, 127 Pandara, 48 Pandiga, 104, 117 Pandavas, 8 Pandya, 13 Panini, 108
Paralura gana, 120 paramatma,,17,, 23
Parmatmaprakasa, 16, 24, 95
Pāriva, 50 Parsvadeva, 115 Parsvanatha, 15, 38, 41, 54
Patanjali, 99 Pattadakal, 2
pattanasvami, 114
pattini, a Tamil term for nun, 125 Pattiniguravadigal, 125, 129 Paumacariya, 8, 24, 81
Perbbolal, 20 Peninsular India, 3 phalguna (February-March), 46 a Jaina monastic
Piriyasamudaya,
group, 112 Pocikkabbe, 39, 64 Pogariya gana, 120 Pollachi, I Ponna, io, 108 Ponnalli, 11
Prabhacandra, 108, 124
Prabhakara, 119
Prabhacandra Saiddhantila, 50
Prabhani, 13 Prabhavati, 124, 128 pradaksina, circumambulatory of
a temple, 41
prasastadhyana, 96
prastāvanā (prélude), 41 pratihari (door-keeper), 48 pratisthācārya (the priest for installing the images), 47 Pravacanasára, 5, 100 prayascittas (expiatory rite), 91 priests, categories of, 47; functions of, 49-50; hereditary, 48; Jaina monks not allowed to adopt the profession of, 51; mentioned in Jaina records, 48-9
priti, 75, priyodbhava, a Jaina rite. 75 prosodha upaväsa, fasting on the
eighth and the fourteenth lunar days in each fortnight, 94, 136 puja (worship), 42 Pujyapada, 16, 71, 84, 108-9, 125 Pulakesin II, Calukya king, 38, 102,
110
Pulibal gaccha, 120 Pulliura, 85, 101 Punnad gana, 9 Punnagavriksamulagana, 122-3, 130Punisa, a Hoysala general, 44 Punyasravakathakosa, 14,
purakarma, purification of the place of worship, 41
Pustaka gaccha, 49, 120, 126, 132
R
Racamalla II, Ganga king, 10, 116 Raichur, 2
rajaguru, 109 Rajapura, 106
rajasa, a form of charity, 86 Rāma, 8
173
Ramcandra Mumuksu, 14 Ramanatha, 2 Rāmānujācārya, G
Ramayana (Jaina), 8, 108 Ranna, 10, 108 Rañamati ganti, 128 Rastrakūtas,, 13 Ratnakaranda-Šrāvaḥācāra, 5,
Risabhadeva, 10, 31, 139 Risis (a monk), 129
S
72, 127 Rätrimati, 130 raudra, 97
Ravikirti, 38, 102, 122 Ravisena, 8, 31, 46-7, 73, 108 Ravivarma, Kadamba king, 25, 38,
48, 91, 122
Sabdivatāra, 108
61,

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174
Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka Sadārcana půjā (daily worship), 36 Shimoga district, 2, 44, 55, 68, 83, Sadasiva, 31
105 sädhu (ordinary: 200k), 31-2 Sidahăvița, yaksiņi of Mahāvīra, 52 Şangali, 3
śikṣā, 72 Saivas, 13, 87
sikşavrata (educative vow), 23 Saivism, 55
Silagrâna, 122-3 Saka, 9
Silahāras, 55 sakalikarana, Jaina tantric rite, 59 Silapadditāram, 80 Saktasangamatantra, 2
Sińhanandi, 6 salickhanā (religious suicide by Singaya, 119, 132
fasting), 21, 61-3, 67, 69, 738 Singhayura gana, 103 samadhi, 63-4, 67
Siva, 30, 35, 139 Samadhi-sataka, 17
Sivamära, 103 Sātantabhadr3, 5, 23, 65, 95 Sivanandi, 116 Samarāicca kahā, 56
Snapanācārya (priest for performing samayadipaka, 87
bathiog rituals), 42, 47 sámáyika-siksa vrata (customary Somadeva, 19, 25, 36, 43, 45, 61-2, worship), 23
86-8, 95, 97-8, 106, 135, 138 Sämniyira, 110
Somapur, 84, 133 sangha, Jaina monastic order, 20; Somcśvara 1, 04
Dravida sangha, 124-6; Kittūr Someśvara II, 27, 119 sangba, 193, Kolaţtür sanghn, Soratūr, rog, 113, 129 1237 Malanür sangba, 129; Sources, 6-22; didactic works, 15-6; Mayurgräna sangha, 124; Müla inscriptions, 19-32; Jaina puriņas, sangba, i10-20; Nandi sangba, 7-12;- philosophical works, 16-7; 120; Navilur saigha; Yapaniya polemical works. 15-6; tantric sangha, 121-3; Yapaniya Nandi works, 18-9 Sangha, 100
South-Kanarz, 3 Sankara, 37, 139
Sovisetti, 44 115 Saólarācārya, 81 Suathya, 108
Srāvaka, 87 sannidhapana (going ncarce), 42 Sravana-Belgola, 3, 5, 18-25, 27, Sintaladevi, Hoysala Quccn, 39 35, 38, 45, 47, 57, 63-5, 67, 72, Säntara, 5., 83
74, 92, 105, 115, 118, 124, 126 Santī, a tantric rite, 56
Sridharadeva, 113 Sintinátha, 9, 43, 119
Srimülasangba, 49, 101, 121 Santipusāna, ?
Srinandi Pandita, 119, 129, 132 Santischamuni, 63
Sripura, 10 Sántivarmi, Kádba ling, 48 Sripuruşa, Ganga king, in Santivarma, Raffa chief, 103
Sriranga, Sandyana, 21. 6.4
Srisaila, 2 sari (lower garnent for woman), Srivara Matisagara pandita, 118
Srivijayadevapanditācārya, 49 Sarojamucira, 58
Srutakirti, 48 Sarrarthasitahi, 16, 04, 108
stambhana, 2 tantric rite, 58 4istradina (gifts or inc sacred know
sebinādhipati (incharge of maha), Tedre). satt, 137
stbipana, 42 srivika 86
Sihinangasūtra, 56 Scanlatti talu, 5, 109, 171, 122-3 Subhacandra, 91, 97 chip in Jaina order, 123, 126-7 Sudatta, 73, 196 Suain, 74, 123
Sudras, 73, 138
Sulkadhyana, 97 Srunt, 1,20
Sitparsvanath3, S2 Sent Anvaya, Jairn poattic *upriti, Jaina ritc, 25 Riour, 10, 520
Surstra fina la Jaina monastic
order), 112, 129 Satrndstang, 36 tuttaksaths, 1 grintavinylsa, 59
Sramana, 5

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Index
175
velvi, 80 Vemulvada, 13 Venpelkarani, 6, 84, 101 vidyādāna, gifts for propagating
knowledge, 103, 134 Vidyānandi, 198 vihāra, 101 Vijayāditya, western cālukya king,
27, 83 Vijayakīrti, 6, 101 Vijayanagara, 3 Vikramāditya II, 2 Vikramapura, 39, 49 Vimalāditya, 57, 110, 136 Vimala Sūri. 3 Vinayāditya, 49, 83, 104, 109, 114, 134 Vindhyagiri, 18, 27, 35, 38, 105 vīrāsana, 98, 108, 127 Viradeva, 6 Virasaivas, 6 Vişnu, 29, 30-1, 139 Visnuvardhana' 1, castern cālukya
king, 1 Vişnuvardhana, Hoysaļa king, 39,
50, 104, 133 vratacarya, a Jaina ritc, 78 Vrsabhanandi, 21, 63
Svayambhū, 31 svastikamudrā, 38 Svetāmbaras, 73, 93, 100-1, 120-1 Taila II, cālukya king, 111, 131 Taikad, 101 Tāmasa, 86 Tamil country, 125 Tamil Nadu, 4, 125 Tattvārthasútra, 16 Telgu country, 121 Temple worship, importance of, 24-52
37; public and private, 37, 39-40;
stages of, 41-5 Terdal, 3 Tolapurusa Sántara, 103 Tribhuvanamalla Deva, 112 Trikälayogisa, 126 Tumkur district, 104, 122-3, 136 Tungabhadra, 2. Ugrasena-guravadigal, 129 Umāsvānī, 16 upādhyāya' (preceptor), 32, 131 upanayana (initiation), 139 upaniti, a Jaina rite, 77 upāsakadhyayana, 14 Upavăsapara, a monk, 93 Uttaradhyayana Sutra, 56 Uttatagunas, 23 Uttarapurāņa, 9,, 16 Vädighangala Bhatta, 108, 109 Vaijayanti, 1 Vaisnava, 6 Vaisnavism, 56 vaišya, 26, 106, 113 Vajranandi, 117, 125, 127 Vajranandi Siddhantadeva, 133 Vajrāsana, 99 Valahari gana, a Jaina
gana, a Jaina monastic group, 129 vanavasi (forest living), 106 Varadatta, 12, 129 Varāhathihira, i Vardhamänadeva, 109, Varänga, 12, 70, 73,
hanadeva, 109, 135 Varāngacarita, 12, 24, 29, 36, 42-3,
47, 88, 102 Vasantavătaka, 38, 102 vašikarana, a tantric rite, 56 Vasunandi śrāva kācāra, 25, 30, 3 Vasupujya Siddhāntadeva, 50 vasyalantrādhikāra, a chapter on
vašikarana, 58 Vastakera, 5
Vātãpi, 1 Vedagaon, 54 Vedanta, 96, 108 Vedic, 33, 81, 82, 139
Wadhavan, 9 Worship Jaina), forms of, 36; motives of, 28-30; objects of, 32-5
Y yakşas, 33 yakşinis, attendant spirits of the Tir
thaikaras, 22, 51-3, 55; exalted position of, 22, 51-3, 55; in Jaina iconography, 52; tantric attributes of, 53, 57-60; see also
Ambikā, Tvālámălini, Padmāvati yakşini cult, origin and development,
53-4; role of the yäpaniya 'sect in the development of, 54; influence of tantric ideas on the growth of,
56-60 yãpaniyas, 44, 102, 116, 121-3, 133,
136; affinity to Digambaras and svetāmbaras, 121; doctrines and practices of, 121, 136; Tegional
distribution of, 121-3, 136 yäpaniya Nandi Sargha, 122 yapaniya sect, 54, 123, 136 Yaśastilaka, 25, 41, 45, 82, 95,106-7 yaśodeva, 13 yahoihara, 13 . yoga (Jaina), different stages of,
97-8; obstacles to, 98; role of
asana in, 98-9 Yogasara, 17 Yogindudeva, 17, 95

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ERRATA
Page
Line
6
fn.
1
10
ܟܬ
13
14
fn. 4,5
16
19
20 24
fo. 2 {n. 3
28
fn. 3
30
fn.
For
Read Koppal
Kopbel EC
EC, Ibid
Ibid, E P. Rice
E.P. Rice Vepulvāda Vemulvāda E P. Rice
E.P. Rice M Winternitz M. Winternitz Umâsvāmi Umäsvämni EG
EC, EC.
EC, AN. Upadhye
A.N. Upadhye T.G. Kalaghatgi. T.G. Kalaghat
gi, Ibid.,
Ibid. Risabhadeva Rsabhadeva Ibid,
Ibid. EI. Ibid,
Ibid. Nilagiri
Nilagiri Ibid,
Ibid. Jain
Jain EG.
EC, Ibid
Ibid. Kaveri
Kaveri Ibid,
Ibid, Ibid,
Ibid. lbid
Ibid. SII. TA.
31
8 ܟܐ ܟܬ ܚ ܟܟܟ ܞ ܕ ܚ ܗ ܗ ܛ ܟ ܝܝܕ ܟ
35 39
fn. 5
EL
fn.
in
4,5
54 61
fn
95 101 111 122 115 131 132
fo.
n. fo,
4 4 3
SII, IA,
ADDENDUM Please read Barkāpur, Hariscņa, Laksmeśvara and Ravisena without diacritical marks.

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