Jain Perceptions Of Islam In Early Modern Period

Author(s): Paul Dundas
Publisher: Paul Dundas
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/269401/1

Page #1

MUL PUNDAS
JAIN PERCEPTIONS OF ISLAM IN THE EARLY MODERN
PERIOD
The vigorous scholarly response to the version of the South Asian past which has been produced in the last decade or so. to serve the political purposes of various Hindu nationalist organisations has proved to be one of those seemingly rare occasions when Indological expertise, both philological and historical, has been put at the service of an important modern issue. The main direction of this response has been to highlight the artificiality of envisaging Hindu-Moslem relationships from the twelfth century onwards in exclusively confrontational terms. Metcalfe has argued that the categories of historiography developed by the British during the curly - modern period have continued, often to pernicious effect, to provide the framework for this style of interpretation of Hindu-Moslem interaction and she also points out that an earlier shared idiom of religiosity and aesthetic and cultural response has heen erased in favour of a model of stereotyped mutual antagonism and the consequent privileging of one group to the detriment of the other. This model can be shown to be simplistic even in an apparently unambiguously confrontational context. So Talbot has demonstrated on the basis of inscriptional evidence that in the case of the frontier between the Delhi Sultanate and the Kakatiyas and their successors in Andhra during the fourteenth century and after, Hindu perceptions of the Moslems involved not just hostility but also elements of ideological accommodation and integration contingent upon the particular political and military circumstances prevailing in the region.
It is, however, a banaltruism, hardly bearing repetition, that any generalisation or interpretation should, in order to have a degree of cogency, be based on as wide a sample of available evidence as possible. Consequently, the failure of recent analyses of early modem interaction between Hindus and Moslems to draw on Jain sources must be regarded as a weakness. This has led to a presentation of the term "Hindu" as a completely unproblematic designation, apparently corresponding to the undifferentiated "indigenous" inhabitants of the subcontinent who were unconverted to Islam, and any fluidity of reference, which
Indo-Irumur Juw 42: 15-46. 1999 © 1999 k r Arwel wishers. Per in the Netherlands

Page #2

MATUNDAS
JAIN 1:11P1INS OF ISLAND IN THE EARLY M
AN MED
37
informs at the most basic level so much recent revisionist discussion of Hindu-Moslem relations, is completely denied by it."
The specific interest of Juin evidence in this area can be seen by applying it to a particularly useful characterisation of Hindu perceptions of the Moslems provided in a seminal paper by Sheldon Pollock Drawing on textual material in the widest sense by including epigraphical and architectural evidence, Pollock has convincingly shown how the narrative of the Ramayana, "profoundly and fundamentally a text of 'othering and, from the eleventh century, the ensuing development of the cult of Rama led to the Hindu demonisation of Moslems as latter-day equivalents of the raksasa foes of Rāma.? That this was not purely political or poetic rhetoric is corroborated by the Svetambara Jain poet Devavimala Ganin who provides in the autocommentary to the Hirasaubhagya, his huge poetic biography of the famous monk Hiravijaya Suri (to be discussed further below), specific testimony to Pollock's general point. Explicating his description of the Moslem sheikh and minister of the Moghul emperor Akbar, Abu'l Fazl, as the Sukra of the world, that is to say the guru of the earthly demons, Devavimala confirms that the current vernacular designation for the Moslems was indeed demons" icinim cu lokabhasay yerind curvi srcante). However, a possible lack of general applicability of this characterisation can be seen by reference to another Jain poetic biography of Hiravijaya Suri, the Jagadgurukary written by Padmasagara in 1589,' for, in the first half of this work which describes the military exploits of Akbar, it is the Hindus opposed by the Moghul forces who are described in demonic terms (v. 41c: mudgulalaksumaksutabulam Hindasuratrusakanr; and v. 87cd: esa srinad Akbarrah ksititale kesäm na Hind wasura-/ksmapanan hurdaye camakrikaro sty adarsayan dorbalam).
Pollock's concern is with the larger South Asian political-military world in which the Jains had ceased to participate in any meaningful manner by about the fifteenth century. Fourteenth and fifteenth century Jain texts contain many descriptions of Moslem depredations, not dissimilar to those found in Hindu literature, which are intended to highlight the resilience of the Jain religion and the miraculous power of the images of the great teachers. However, the tone began to change as the Jain community gradually attempted to throw in its lot with what had become by the time of Akbar the hegemonous Moghul empire. The continuing visits by Jain monks, most notably Hiravijaya Sari, to the Moghul court are presented in Jain literature as indicative of their charisma and imperial fascination with their teachings, but they are debe equally suggestive of the Jain community's wish
to enter into a formal relationship with the political authorities. It might therefore he argued that Jain literature such as the poems of Padmasigara and Devavimala was produced in the courtly context of patronage and flattery and thus intended to promote the economic interests of the Jain community. (although it is highly improbable that the Hirasaubhagwi. perhaps the last great muhakavya, was actually composed for consumption in the Moghul court). Nonetheless, it cannot be denied that these Jain writers were "indigenous" non-Hindus, whatever problems of identity designations like "Hindu" and "Jain" may have caused in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and that they more than likely had a particular nuanced perspective on the Moslem presence in north and west India. Certainly, Padmasagan's startling comparison of Hiravijaya Suri to srimatkhuda, that is to say the Moslem god (found at Jagadgurukavya v. 139, ele nisperhapugava ylivarah srimarkhudarūpino / drsyunte 'tra na cedrah ksititale drsia visistal kvacit) suggests the adaptation of an ancient tradition of hagiographical simile to radically changed circumstances.
In fact, this reference to khuda highlights another conspicuous omission in the recent scholarly treatment of South Asian perceptions of Moslems: no sense is conveyed of how Islam, as opposed to its acherents, was understood as a religious tradition. It is this omission that I wish to address in this short paper. The Moslems themselves developed from a relatively early period some sort of reasonably accurate understanding on Indian religions, or at least Hinduism, but despite there being a Moslem presence in South Asia from the eighth century when the Arab invasions of Sindh began, there seems to be little evidence in Sanskrit texts from the late medieval period of any Indian knowledge of or interest in Islam proper as a soteriological path with its own set of theological and eschatological assumptions. The eleventh century Buddhist Kalacakra Tantra is effectively unique in providing some form of information about Islam, but most likely this was as much to add point to the text's prophecy of the apocalyptic battle in which the Buddhists, with Hindu aid, would destroy the barbarian and heretical Moslem invaders. It appears to be not until the very end of the sixteenth century with the Hirasaubhagya that there is substantive evidence expressed in Sanskrit of some sort of familiarity with Islam.
The Hirasaubhagya is a biography of Hiravijaya Suri (1527-1595), the leader of the Tapa Gaccha lineage of the Svetambara Jain martiljakas. His historical prestige derives from his prevailing upon the Moghul emperor. Akbar to desist from practices such as hunting and meat cating, if only temporarily, and practice ahimisa, the touchstone of true

Page #3

MAIN
PRINS WISAM IN THE FARBY MICHERN HERRN
PAIN ENDAS
39
religion. The general perception of Akbar is that he was a genuine religious pluralist. However, admiration of Akbar's open stance can lead to forgetfulness of the exclusivist tendencies of the many religious authorities he consulted, the Jains being no different in this respect, as can be seen from the portrait of Islam given in the Hirasaubhagwa.
The most significant portions of the Hirasaubhagya (henceforth HS) with regard to the Jain understanding of Islam are to be found in chapters thirteen and fourteen. Hiravijaya, having been summoned by two emissaries to Agra in order to pass the monsoon period there (this is a variation on a standard mahakavya theme), takes part, prior to his appearance in Akbar's court (HS 13.126), in a gosthi or learned assembly in the house, near the palace of the emperor (HS 13.133), of the great scholar Abu'l Fazl, to whom he demonstrates the superiority of Jainism to Islam. Abu'l Fazl is described as one who knows the inner secret (mpanisad) of all the sastras of the Yavanas". glossed by Devavimala as referring to the Qu'ran, and as engaging in the debate because he is plagued with doubt because of his study of religions (HS 13.134).
Devavimala has the sheikh presenting his account of Islam as follows (HS 13.137-43):20
ultimate spiritual release (LIS 13.135 with autocomm.). Hravijaya's reply to the Moslem (HS 13.146-51) relates to the impossibility of a creator god presiding over an assembly and allotting reward or punishment, and instead he invokes karma as the element determining man's destiny "Resorting to what form (ie divine or human does he (God) attend an assembly. like a moral creature who wanders through various forms of existence! For what
lee huired and passion will be assign peuple in this wil l to heaven and hell? Previous arma coming to fruition lima) has the p er lo allot pleasure and pain at the Larm which is the elective cause of the world what is the point of a cated who is like an a re the throat of a she poor When the dom a ceaed for uying this, the Sheikh Abul Farlane uttered this speech is faves
understed by you as hein) in the tee tha Ouranas in the www.s a ker who is crocally
prehensible The lord Huravijaya) spoke to him again in a creator first prim ) brings this world into being and then destroys it as if he were fire, then even lemust experience unequalled vexation for destroying what he has bechi into heine) There is no real e desinyer of that world whese variety is het al by its uw karma. The existence of such being like the sum of a buen w an, apa to my mind is impossible (
ar)" Having them with words of the Jain doctrine (sid e ) enlightened that sape who adumbrated the opposing position (inapaksa), the seri lined the Jain religion in his mind, as a farmer places seeds in the ground
m
"The ancient prophets ( mare) of our religion uve stated in the scriptures Cramer) that whoever belongs to the Yavas race is placed on earth as a deposit like a puest of Yama the pod of death, o suri. All people, having risen up from the earth at the time of destruction (parivarta), will approach the supreme lord ( w ) called Cd (w , who is like a worldly king in the midst of his assembly fast He will convey god and bad onto his own pure mind as if it were a mirror and allo his judgment properly in that assembly, abandoning any consideration of religious affiliatio Caprartha Having considered, he will then bestow reward appropriate to the good and bad behaviour of an individual, just as the earth yields an abundance of crops from the sreds of various grains. Some will be taken to heaven (bis) by him, as ships reach shore with a favorable wind. Then they will enjoy happiness, delighted at the extraordinary variety of pleasures to the experienced there. Others will h aph their sin the taken by him to hell (dorull) and, like some bring attacked by hawks or pots being fired by potters, will experience misery al the hands of the guards there. Osori, is this pruncement of the Qu'ran true, like the precuncements of great souled men? Or does it appear untrue, like a flower growing in the sky?"
While a genuine historical event, namely a debate between a Jain monk and a representative of Islam, would seem to be described here, it must be recognised that the HS, as well as being a Jain version of history in the form of hagiography, also belonged to what was by Devavimala's time the millennium-old genre of mahakavya or court epic. It seems likely that a broader artistic motive may well underpin the above passage, as is made clear by Devavimala at the end of his autocommentary on the debate, when he hints that his model is an episode in another mahakavya, the Naisadhacarita, the massive retelling by Sriharsa (twelfth century) of the epic story of Nala and Damayanti, in which orthodox Hinduism is defended by four Vedic gods (Agni, Varuna, Yama and Indra) against heretical doctrine 24 Devavimala thus might best be regarded as filtering genuine events and encounters through the grid of the themes and conventions of a complex preexistent literary tradition
Nonetheless, descriptions of such a gosthi appear to be unknown in Sanskrit literature. The sixteenth century devotional poet Eknath did write in the Marathi vernacular an imaginary debate between a Turk and a Hindu but, for all the mutual recrimination expressed in this short work, the end conclusion is harmonious. This is hardly the case
The inevitable outcome of the debate is made clear before it is described when Devavimala in his autocommentary characterises Islam und Jainism as being at variance with one another through their involving violence and compassion respectively (himsadaye ... Windhidharme), with the former leading only to hell and the latter leading to heaven and

Page #4

MULTINDAS
JAIN PERCEPTIONS Page #5

42
PAUL DUNDAS
the former have increased and the latter have declined. That is the fault of the times at this particular moment."
There is a certain grim irony in the fact that Todar Mal, the denouncer of both Hinduism and Islam as false religions, seems to have been executed as a sectarian leader in the aftermath of what would today be described as a "communal disturbance", 38
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank John Cort and Steve Heim for discussing some aspects of this paper with me.
NOTES
1 See Barbara D. Metcalf, "Presidential Address: Too Little and Too Much: Reflections on Muslims in the History of India", Journal of Asian Studies, pp. 958 and 961-962. Cf. Muzaffar Alam, "Competition and Co-existence: Indo-Islamic Interactions in Medieval North India", in J.C. Heesterman et al., India and Indonesia: General Perspectives, Leiden/New York/Kobenhavn/Köln: E. J. Brill 1989, pp. 37-59 for the tensions at work in Hindu-Moslem interaction, and also Peter Manuel, "Music, the Media, and Communal Relations in North India, Past and Present", in David Ludden (ed.), Contesting the Nation: Religion, Community and the Politics of Democracy in India, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1996, pp. 120-121 for Hindu-Moslem cultural synthesis, with particular reference to music.
2 See Cynthia Talbot, "Inscribing the Other, Inscribing the Self: Hindu-Muslim Identities in Pre-Colonial India", Comparative Studies in Society and History 37. 1995, pp. 692-721.
I use "early modern" approximately in the sense found in European historiography. Alternative expressions such as "late medieval" and "pre-British" are not much more helpful when referring to the late sixteenth to mid-eighteenth centuries, the period covered in this article.
*For an extreme example of this, described in terms of a "Moslem epic of conquest and a Hindu epic of psychological rejection", see Ahmad Aziz, "Epic and CounterEpic in Medieval India, Journal of the American Oriental Society 83 1963, p. 470. Sheldon Pollock, "Ramayana and Political Imagination in India", Journal of Asian Studies 52 1993, pp. 261-297.
Ibid. p. 282
Ibid. Cf. Hans Bakker, "Ayodhya: A Hindu Jerusalem. An Investigation of "Holy War" as a Religious Idea in the Light of Communal Unrest in India", Numen 38 1991, p. 102.
Hirasabhagya 13.30 autocomm. I have used the reprint of the edition of Shivadatta and Kashinath Sharma, Kalandri: Śri Kalandri Jain Sve. Mu Sangh vs. 2041.
"
Ed. Hargovinddas and Becardas, Yasovijaya Granthamala vol. 14, Benares: Shah Harakhchand Bhurabhai n.d.
See Phyllis Granoff, "Tales of Broken Limbs and Bleeding Wounds: Responses to Muslim Iconoclasm in Medieval India", East and West 41 1991, pp. 189-203. For some general remarks about Jain attitudes to Moslems (as opposed to Islam), see Paul Dundas, The Jains, London and New York: Routledge 1992, pp. 124-127,
JAIN PERCEPTIONS OF ISLAM IN THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD
See Surendra Gopal, "The Jain Community and Akbar" in N. N. Bhattacharyya, Jainism and Prakrit in Ancient and Medieval India: Essays for Prof. Jagdish Chandra Juin, New Delhi: Manohar 1994, pp. 421-430.
12
I intend to publish a study of the Hirasaubhagya as a mahakavya elsewhere. See Dundas, The Jains, pp: 3-4.
The Jagadgurukavya uses the term "Hindi" in what is, broadly speaking, a political sense. See vv. 88, which refers to daughters being given in marriage to Akbar by Hindu kings, 89 and 90, which contrast Hindus and mlecchas, and 92. Hirasaubhagya 14.273 also contrasts Hindu and mercha
Pollock op. cit., p. 287 notes how Moghal artists attempted "to neutralize by appropriation the meaning system of the Ramayana" by portraying Akbar as Rama. CE. Hirasaubhagya 1.129-137 for a description of the Moslem governor of Gujarat as a second Rama protecting the earth from the Kali Yuga and attendant demons, and also 11.153 where Akhar is compared to Rama and 11.155 where Akbar is described as receiving a blessing from Hiravijaya as Rama did from Hanuman. Note that Devavimala, in commenting on HS 11.53, refers to the Vaisnava tradition of Narayana and Laksmi incarnating themselves as Rama and Sita respectively as "Sivasamaya".
11
14
16
15 See Alam op. cit., pp. 44-49 and Yohanan Friedmann, "Medieval Muslim Views of Indian Religions". Journal of the American Oriental Society 95 1975, pp. 214-217. See Günter Grönbold, "Heterodoxe Lehren und Ihre Widerlegung in KalacakraTantra", Indo-Iranian Journal 35 1992, pp. 277-278 and John Newman, "Eschatology in the Wheel of Time Tantra", in Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (ed.), Buddhism in Practice, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1995, pp. 284-289. A full treatment of this subject will appear in Professor Newman's paper "Islam in the Kalacakra Tantra", forthcoming in Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies. ICE. Wendy Doniger, "Pluralism and Intolerance in Hinduism", in Werner G. Jeanrond and Jennifer L. Rike (ed.). Radical Pluralism and Truth: David Tracy and the Hermeneutics of Religion, New York: Crossroad 1991, pp. 227-228.
For Abu'l Fazl, see S. A. A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar's Reign: with Special Reference to Abul Fazl (1556-1605), Delhi: Munshiram Manohartal 1975, especially pp. 128 and 137-138. For the gosthi and Jain views about the etiquette and intellectual technique to be used by monks when debating with brahmans, see the remarkable Traividyagosthi, Mumbai: Sa Devkaran Mulji 1909, written while only a teenager by Munisundara Sari (c. 1379-1446), the fifty-first chief ascetic of the Tapa Gaccha.
HS 13.130 autocomm:...sarvesam sastrand Kuränädiyavanāgāmānām upanisadi rahasye adhitam, and cf. HS 13.120: samasti sekho balphaijunama turuşkasastrambudhiparadrivä, with autocomm.
20
43
paigambarair naḥ samayesu süre puratanair vyahram äste nikyipyate nyasa iva kyamayam Yamatithir yo yavanasya veyaḥ khundahvayairi paramesvarasyasthani sthitasyadhipater ivoryaḥ utthaya prthvyal parivartakale ganta samagro 'pi janak parastat adarikayam iva punyapápe sankramya sanuddhanijopalabelhau vidhäsyate sadhu sa tatra tasya nydyam mirasya svaparanurodhum vimriya visranayita phalam sa sreyomhasas tasya tato mripam masaragodhamayavādidhanyabijasya sasyotkaram arvateva nave mbudheh kalam ivankalavätena bhisting gamit unena blokyanti blogidbhutabhogabhai gitarungitah ke 'pi tatah sukhani syenaih lakunta iva pidyamanāḥ kumbhaḥ kalalair iva pacyamanaḥ tadgoptrbhir doyakim enasanye präpsyanti duḥkhany pri tena nit Kuranavakyam kim idam yathartham mahatmandu vakyam ivästi süre iva prasine gagamasya taminn mabhyudeti vyabhicaribhavak

Page #6

PRIMINDAS
IAIN PERLENINS
ISLAM IN THE HARLY ARN
MERID
45
!The HS 14.197-199 associates Moslems with camnie behaviour. According in Rizvi citp. 201, Akixar hecame # veectariat u blwarwig WWW Kim
My www Escud punar dewibwsgwyor uw dam herum ih pratiwa Studsmani prabhas dar nep akana na Tasyarwanarudi mangalasianeneve kiwara teng id adi virale vratite seda pintar ca mam wra Viale girl with other tochton" bubhan bhitgal prabhur ratsid jugal purw idam vidlante to kewal awwal w pical foto si arwny asammasrama karta a hurá nijakarnanyavanicitrawwis na kas cid asii
dyante fedestibles en citre pratibhasare la sclaw tum intha ar airwik
w si e r blir esta Warni nidhatte im Fallacille krivalo bijam invarvaravan
CJohn E. Curt, "Genres of lain llistery". Journal of Indian Philosophy 23 1995, po 469-5176. Dharmasagara, the main chronicler of the carly Tapa Gaccha, slates in his Topicchu
that the HIS should be used as a source for many of the details of Hirvijaya Sori's life. See Darsanavijaya (ed.). Sri Pumanli-Samliccayah. Viramm 1933, p. 73. 94 Naih arita 17.84-16, for which see the translation by K. K. Handigul, Poong: Deccan Collcee 1954. Devavimala seenis to be alluding to this in his aula comincntary CHS 13.150
The Naisudhowr is perhaps the dominan literary presence lying behind the HS and, as the last of the half-dozen cankinical mahakavyas, it exerted a fascination upon more writers than Devavimala. CI. Phyllis Granoll "Sarasvan's sons: Biographies of Pacls in Medieval India", Asche S ew Eudes Antigos 49 1995, pp. 352-353 Cl. also Trividyagrah (
se note 18) . I, which, in the context of describing how brahman debaters should be greeted, quotes a line from the Nais c arile in which Nala welcomes the messenger-gone. Later cuart poets seem to have attempted to emulate the Naiadha write as a means of establishing their literary credentials. A Juin predecessor of Hiravijaya at Akbar's court, Padmasundara, wrote around 1577 to 1581 a ked chwul versant Nurullri called the Mawlanakaw, a title which is presumably recalled in Duvavimala's shirt early version of Iliravijaya's life entitled the Mirandarukana. For this, we Satya Vrat, Studies in Jain Samskrit Literature, Delhi: Faster Book Linkers 1995, pp. 61-95 and, for the HS's indehedness to the Naradacarita, pp. 157-163. 23. Soe Narendra K Wipke, "Hinder-Muslim Interaction in medieval Maharashtra" in Günther D Sunheimer and Hermann kulke (ed.), Hinduism Reconsidered, New Delhi: Manolar 1989. pp. 55-56. 2 Such wicabulary includes khuda paigambara (< Persian paigambar), bhisi (< Persian Whishi and doyaki (s Persian d ata. The HS consistently spells kurang without the retroflex " which Sanskrit phonetics would otherwise require. CFalso au common HS 11.25 for Iasi . Yaprawieder und wandparu ...) and on HS 14 107 for an equution, not entirely accurate, between Sanskrit wake and Arabic lab Rizvi cop. cit. p. 273 points out that Abul Fazl did not know Sanskrit Barlier Jain monks had familiarised themselves with Persian For the text of the Panus
ST Ruth
, a Jain hymn written in Persian by Jinaprabhu Suri (thiroonili n entury), see Caturavjaya, SARIMI Yarim Mumbai: Nimayasagar 1928, pp. 247-251. Nute als Mary Whitney Kelling. "Hearing the Valve of ibe Sravika Ritual and Song in Juin Laywomen's Belief and Practice Ph.D. dissertation submitted to the University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1996, 219 for a devotional Staw using the Arabic wurd t compare the finale a lower
?? See Brian K. Hatcher. The Conni is One Family (Visun kutubum: Problematic Mara Hindu Humanism". Cirih in Indian Suciraligy 28 1991, pp. 149-162.
Subhavijaya Canin (compiler) Portwikardblin Sri Sempurna. Dewchand Lalbhai Series Vol 1 Mumbai: Shah Nagin si Chelabhal Javeri 1919.
For the Ariyavaliwas subscribing to a variety of views, such as the existence of HTC mul see Kendall W Folkert, Scripture and Coun ty Cwered Essays the Jurins, edited by John E Cort, Atlanta, Gu: Scholars Press 1993, pp. 239 and 329.
For roughly contemporary Jain views of Christians, see the Viimadev Mahama of Sri Voliwhha Upadhyava, ed. Jinavijaya, Ahmedabad: K P Modi 1928, which is a biography of Vijayasena Sori's successor, Vijayadeva Sori (1577-1656). According 10 6.71, the guru of the Portuguese (Phirare) was called in their language piduri" = "padre, while 6,81 states that the Portuguese governor adhikarin) of Diu continually worships Rama and Sita - Jesus and Mary?I, not any other deities and never (aproves 007 ather religion except his www (Romanawar wwwe dyerdela// winds
dryem dwa w kuchapish). My thanks to Alex Passi for sending me a copy of the Vi dewa-Moliwy. General Jain relations with the Portuguese are discussed by S. Gopal. "Gujarati Shipping in the Seventeenth Century Indian Economic and Seal History Review, 8 1971. n. 31-39
Selepas p. 81 no. 321: yoksartium Low kami skrydi praghese wwly saw ? wa Nithi m artha wagam kunwiw us api farteskidiphinwigika asa wamedaiw krwawili wakil tu kesi cid aimsraddhidmatarudhunikachadwanda ceiasi wa pralibhi sale, prata dhidhika na kathair we w klarar semainile sinem krim kuruutane millward Ariddin Atlanti
s me le tudhwalika wwwpdraw wrakibi ca Kriwidiwa kathair
i nyesam ai punah w arun k ahan Ariwim karti krivdvideri pruchsuha e luksute de m intha Mwarglaradikaw Lanti, watah turuskandapi malusteswinawadhaswa misidelavir, dinikamwapi warga yarth ev yajiaya pra d t, futhi soniyadria en sumiyakvihimukhdeva wakriydvdding iry aksind in I will put e
rindity in
le we py dyruly ww with wide "Whikius at
wwwww grat. sa v ina i les seuruunal, Bhagwan viespraw.
en tre kriydididenta sayagir story hulah, ayatra w ide 'pi tara wbhaye pi kriyavadina ili tatham
I follow the dating proposed by Hukamcand Bharill, Pawlid Pud el: Wakiwa rur Karl , Jaypur: Pandit Textarnial Smaruk Trast 1973. pp. 41-56. For the text of the Moksumaryaprakasaka, I have used the edition of 1911 published by the Srijainagranthamala Karyalaya, Bombay, pp. 174-176 and have also consulted the Hindi translation by Maganlal Jain, Songadh: Sri Digambar Jain S hyay Mamdir Trast 1987, pp. 123-124. The Makargprakasuka is followed by the image worshipping Digambaras and the neo-Digambara Kanji Svami Panth, but not the aniconic Digambara Tirana Panthis.
Todar Mal does of course, use any term corresponding to English "Hinduism" (although he does use the term "Hindus see note 371. but rather refers to a wide range e categories, such as belief in creato god and so , and phikisciplical schools (duru)
Molsamdruprukasoka p174: hahuri jaisaimi val avatar Wwe muinai lui Anisam pigemar Wine mai im. This was probably the only indigenous terminology Available for Indians to describe the notion of Moslem prophecy and can be seen is carly as an eleventh century win inscription of Mahmud of Ghazni's reign in

Page #7
46 PAUL DUNDAS Brief communication AVESTISCH APAUUANIA which the Moslem declaration of faith is rendered by describing Mohammad as the autara of the "Unmanifest". See Pollock op. cit., p. 285. 35 Moksamargaprakasaka p. 174: buhuri vai kahim daya posaim kuhim himsa posaim, taisaim e bhi kahim mihar karna posaim kahim jibahkarna posui haim. Note Todar' Mal's use in respect to Islam of the words mihar and jibah (i.e. < Persian mehr, "good, compassionate" and Arabic zubh, "slaughtering of an animal in accordance with Moslem law" respectively) as equivalent to day, and himsai. Maganlal Jain's Hindi translation renders jibah by katal (< Arabic qail, "kill"). 36 Moksamargaprakusuka p. 175: bahari jaisaim vai kahim tapascaran karna posaim kahim visaysevna posaim taisaim hi e bhi posai haim ...aisaim anekprukarkari samanta paie hui. yady api namadik aur aur haim Ruthapi prayojanbhit arthki ekta paie hai. Note that Todar Mal seems to think Moslems revere pigs in the same way as Hindus do cows on the grounds that they are animals. See p. 175: bahrui jaisaim vai gan adikaum pujya kahai haim, taisaim e sukar adikaum kahai haim, e sub tiryamcadik haim. 37 Moksumargaprakasaka p. 176: dekho, is kalvisai musalman bahut pradhan ho gae. Himdi ghati gae. Himdunivisai aur badhi gae Juini ghati gae, so yah kalka dos lai. 38 For Todar Mal's death in the wake of one of a series of "sampradayik upadrav" in Jaipur in the second half of the eighteenth century, see Bharill op. cit., pp. 53-56, who presents the Digambara scholar as having been executed by the maharaja in reprisal for an attack upon the Saiva community by some Jains who were followers of Pandit Bakhatram Sah. An analysis of modern Jain social and political connections with Hindu supremacist, anti-Moslem nationalist movements such as the RSS, VHP (one of whose founders was a Jain) and the BJP has yet to be written. See for the present C. A. Bayly, "The Prehistory of "Communalism": Religious Conflict in India, 1700-1860", Modern Asian Studies 19 1985, pp. 198 and 200 and Christophe Jaffrelot, The Hindu Nationalist Movement and Indian Politics: 1925 to the 1990s, London: Hurst and Company 1996, pp. 73 and 140-141. For some recent, purely anecdotal evidence for Jains being influenced by anti-Moslem political rhetoric, see Pankaj Mishra, Butter Chicken in Ludhiana: Travels in Small Town India, Penguin Books India 1995, pp. 93-96. Das im Titel genannte Wort ist im erhaltenen Avesta-Corpus zweimal in den bis auf die Negation einander entsprechenden Passagen V. 2,29 und 2.37 bezeugt: die Form des Nom.Sg.mask. apatu aiio steht dort in einer Aufzahlung von Krankheiten und Korperschwachen beziehungsweise Menschen, die mit solchen behaftet sind. Die Bedeutung des Wortes ist bis jetzt nicht sicher ermittelt, weshalb manche Ubersetzer auf seine Wiedergabe verzichten. Ansonsten finden sich wiederholt, aber in aller Regel mit Vorbehalt ("?"), Ubersetzungen wie "entmannt, kastriert, zeugungsunfahig", die letztlich auf James Darmesteter' zuruckgehen ("impuissant"), der hinter dem Praverb apa- "fern, weg" als zweites Element dieses Bahuvrihi iran. *avaya-, ntr. "Ei, Hoden" vermutet hat. Als Moglichkeit hat dies nachtraglich dann auch Christian Bartholomae? eingeraumt. Aber Darmesteters Ansatz von iran. *avaya- ist ausserst zweifelhaft, da nicht nur bereits Heinrich Hubschmann' anlasslich npers. xaya, mpers. xayag darauf hingewiesen hatte, dass "y schon im Iranischen verloren" gegangen sei, sondern vor allem auch Walter Bruno Henningt das avestische Wort fur "Ei" tatsachlich hat nachweisen konnen in Akk.Sg.ntr. aem (Yt. 13,2) < *ajam < *ajam. Zur Rechtfertigung dieser Form, die zunachst weiter auf *ajom zuruckgeht, darf auf Jochem Schindlers eingehende Untersuchung uber "Die idg. Worter fur 'Vogel und 'Ei?" verwiesen werden. Die von Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin' vorge schlagene Verbindung mit dem Prasensstamm ved. vaya- "ermatten, verloschen" (der heute zur Wurzel va "dahinschwinden" < idg. *ueh2, nicht zu va "wehen" < idg. *houeh, gestellt wird) ist eine blosse Denk moglichkeit, lasst sich aber im Morphologischen nicht im mindesten a bstutzen. Angesichts dieses unbefriedigenden Befundes mag es gestattet sein, nach einer anderen Deutung Ausschau zu halten. Ich erwage, avest. apauuaiia- in Praverb apa- + *auuaiia- zu zerlegen. und sehe hierin das iranische Gegenstuck zu ved. avaya- "Paarungstrieb, Geschlechtstrieb, Brunst" (AV 8,6,26b), dessen spezifische Bedeutung vor allem durch Ferdinand Sommer herausgear beitet wurde. Zu beachten ist auch das negierte Kompositum an-avaydo AV 7,90,3a, das in Department of Sanskrit University of Edinburgh Scotland, U.K. Indo-Iranian Journal 42: 47-48, 1999. (c) 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.