Jain Journal 2005 01

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY
ON JAINOLOGY
VOL XXXIX
No. 3 JANUARY
2005
Jain Journal
मभवन। For Private & Personal Use Ong LICA
dan Education Intermationa B H
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T www.gamelbary.org

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a quarterly on Jainology

JAIN JOURNAL
जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN CALCUTTA

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JAIN JOURNAL
Vol. XXXIX
No. 3 January
2005
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Editor : Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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Contents
POSITION OF THE JAINAS IN BENGAL
DURING THE RULE OF GOPĀLA, THE FIRST PĀLA KING Chitta Ranjan Pal
A NOTE ON JAINA ICONOGRAPHY Satya Ranjan Banerjee
ANEKANTAAND ITS PARALLELS BETWEEN JAIN AND
HINDU MYTHOLOGIES Deven Yashwant

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ernational

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Vol. XXXIX
JAIN JOURNAL
No. 3 January
POSITION OF THE JAINAS IN BENGAL DURING THE RULE OF GOPALA, THE FIRST PĀLA KING
Chitta Ranjan Pal
The non-existence of any inscriptional as well as literary evidence pertaining to the existence of the Nirgranthas (Jainas) in Bengal, during the Pāla rule, had once led Jinologists of India and abroad, to believe that the efflorescence of Buddhism, consequent upon the enthronement of the Pāla dynasty in Bengal was the main cause of the sudden eclipse of the Nirgranthas (Jainas) from the Kingdom. But this supposition is not based upon unimpeachable evidence or ground.
2005
It is true that the persecution of the Nirgranthas (Jainas) by King Śaśānka of Karṇasuvarṇa and the maltreatment which they endured during the evil days of "Matsyanyāya" or the great anarchy of Bengal, probably forced many Nirgranthas (Jainas) to migrate to the fastnesses of the forests and hilly tracts of western part of Bengal or outside. In fact, the Nirgranthas (Jainas) were in the habit of leaving uncongenial places and migrating to favourable habitations for the performance of their religious practices without let or hindrance, since the days of Bhadravahu, their last śrutakevalin.2

Stories of the Persecutions of the heretical sects by the Brahmanical religious zealots (tīrthikas) have been found recorded in Hieu-en-Tsang's "si-yu-ki” and the Buddhist chronicle “Ārya-mañjuśrīmulakalpa". In spite of probable exaggerations, the allegations of persecutions, seem not to be quite bascless'. In fact some sort of
1. R.C. Majumder, Jainism in Ancient Bengal (Jain Journal, Vol xviii. No.4)
2.
Mrs. Stevenson, Heart of Jainism
3.
Quoted from K. P. Jayswal's translation of AMMK.

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oppressions had been endured by the heretics like the Buddhists and the Nirgranthas (Jainas) during the reign of Śaśānka and during the evil days of "Matsyanyāya" or the great anarchy in Bengal.
JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXXIX, NO. 3 JANUARY. 2005
But the scenerio changed with the establishment of the Pala dynasty in Bengal by Gopala who was chosen by the Prakriti or subjects (people) to put an end to the anarchy in Bengal.
Gopala was brave, considerate, sweet tounged as well as rational in outlook. He patronised all religions whether Brahmanical or nonBrahmanical.
Lāmā Tāranātha, in his "History of Buddhism in India" stated that Gopāla propitiated Devi-Chumda, a Buddhist Goddess and received an Ayudha (a wooden club) from her. Taranatha further related that god Khasarpana prophesied that Gopāla would find a Kingdom in the East. Inspired by the prophecy of god Khasarpana and armed with the wooden club (Ayudha) he proceeded from Pundravardhana to Bhaṁgala (East Bengal) where anarchy was reigning superme. Putting an end to the prevailing anarchy in Bhaṁgala, he sat upon the throne of the Kingdom with the acquiescence of the subjects.+
From the same "History" we also come to know that Gopala during the first term of his reign ruled over Bhamgala and in the later part of his rule he conquerred Magadha. But almost all modern historians of Bengal are of opinion that in between the conquests of Bhamgala and Magadha, Gopāla must have subdued the chieftains of other divisions of ancient Bengal Viz. Gauda, Pundra, Radha etc." In these kingdoms "Gopala established many monasteries and thus extensively served the "law"".
Lāmā Tāranātha is unequivocal in stating that Gopala was a Buddhist before his accession to the throne and throughout his life he had served the cause of the religion of the Buddha."
4.
5.
6.
Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India ed. D.P. Chattopadhyaya.
R. C. Majumder, History of Ancient Bengal.
Tāranātha's, "History of Buddhism in India" ed. D. P. Chattopadhyaya.

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But the Buddhist chronicle, "Ārva Manjusrimūla-kalpa”, on the other hand, states that Gopala was not a Buddhist at all in his early life. At that time he was led astray by some wicked women. But coming in contact with a good religious friend he became very charitable and constructed “Vihāras, Chaityas, Gardens, reserviors, beautiful free hotels, bridges, Devatemples and caves”. He was a lover of justice too.?
According to Ārva Manjusri-müla-kalpa, Gopāla patronised both the Buddhist and Brahmanical religions, but his leanings towards the Tirthikas were more pronounced. In fact, Gopāla was catholic in religious disposition. Gopala's patronage to Brahmanical religion probably was irksome to the Buddhist chronicler. So he made complaints of Gopāla's bias for the Tirthikas. However, it is to be noted that Gopāla was liked by his subjects whether Brahmanical or non-Brahmanical for his generosity and liberality as well as tolerance. So, in a short span of time he could bring to his new kingdom peace and prosperity by eradicating the virus of anachy and lawlessness. The advent of Gopala to the political horizon of Bhamgala, Pundravardhana, Gauda, Rādha and Magadha brought new hopes and aspirations to those religious sects who were alleged to have been opressed during the evil days of mātsyanyāya and earlier still during years of Sasānka's reign.
In fact, Gopāla's coming to power not only did bring about a political change in ancient Bengal and Magadha, but also did usher in a new age of vitality and catholocity to the socio-religous life in these regions. Buddhism, patronized by the new king emerged in Bengal as a strong religious force in its manifold aspects. Brahmanical religion, too, took advantage of the generocity of the new king and spread its tentacles to different regions of Bengal.'
7. 8. 9.
K. P. Jayswal, Imperial History of India. Ibid N. R. Roy, Bangalir Itihasa, (Ādiparva)

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The moriband Nirgranthas (Jainas) who had kept themselves stuck to their old habitations bearing all sorts of privations, were invigorated with a new life after a long hibernation since the days of Śaśānka. The news of vernal religious freedon generated by generous Gopaladeva might have induced some of the migrant Nirgranthas (Jainas) to return to their older habitats. So it seems that the spectacle of sky-clad monks performing various sorts of austere religious practices, probably, became a regular feature which greeted the eyes of people of Samatata, Pundravardhana and other regions where the Nirgranthas (Jainas) were "very numerous" once.10
That the Nirgranthas (Jainas) formed a part of the religieux of ancient Bengal during the reign of Gopala can be gleaned from a sloka (No. 687) of Arya Manjuśri-müla-kalpa which is quoted below:
"(paṣaṇḍibhiḥ samākrāntaṁ nānā tīthikavāsībhiḥ/ ākrāntaḥ so diśaḥ sarvā samudratiracaryagāh //”
Though the meanings of the two terms pāṣaṇḍi and tirthika had undergone changes in later ages, it seems that the Buddhist chronicler like his Brahmanical Hindu contemporaries by the term paṣaṇḍas hinted at the non-Vedic heretical sects with the exclusion of the Buddhists (as the chronicler himself was a Buddhist) and by the term tirthikas the chronicler meant "followers of the different Brahmanical Hindu sects.
Let us now digress for a moment to find out the original meanings of the two words pāṣanḍa and tīrthika which had undergone changes in later years.
The word pasamdani is first found inscribed on Ashokan. Rock Edict XII. The word paṣaṇḍa was then found on the rocks of Hathigumpha at the Udayagiri on Kumari Hills in Kalinga. The inscription was incised on the wall of a cave in Udayagiri during the reign of king Khāravela in circa Ist century B.C.," wherein king
10. Watters, Yuan Chuwang Vol II.

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Khāravela has been described as sava pāşunda pujuka and sava devaratana samskürakaru. The inscription conveyed the idea that though king Khāravela was a lay devotee of the Svetämbara Jaina sect, he was eclectic in religious disposition. On one hand he was a sava pāşanda-pājaka or a worshipper of the images of all religions" or “respector of every sect" (whether Vedic of non-Vedic) and on the other hand sava devaratana sanskara-kara or “a repairer of all the temples of gods”.
It seems that during the pre-Christian and early Christian centuries the word pāşanda did not acquire any pejorative tinge.
But during the post-Gupta period, the connotation of the word pāşanda changed and othodox Brahmanical writers used the word scronfully to hint at the Ksapanakas (Nirgranthas), the Buddhists, the followers of Cārvāka, and other sects who did not conform to Vedic rites and rituals. Such meaning of the term pāşanda as stated above has been found in some commentaries on the Manusamhitā. !3
The Bhūgavata-purāna most popular among the 18 Purāņas, was probably finally redacted not before 4th century A.D. and not after 6ih century A.D. This Purāņa stigmatized the followers of Rşabhanātha, the first Tīrthankara as pākhandas but Tīrthankara Rşabhanatha himself was hailed as one of the incarnations of Vişnu, the super-god of the Brahmanical Hindus."
In some early and later Purāņas like the Matsya-purāna and the Padma and Garuda purānas as well as the Gitagovinda of Jayadeva the Gautama Buddha has been eulogized as an incarnation of Vişnu, but his followers, the Buddhists have been scoffed at by the Purāņawriters as pāşandas.
11. H.C. Roy Chowdhary, Political History of Ancient India. 12. P. C. Bagchi A comprehensive History of India Part II. P. - 68 13. A. K. Datta, Bharat Varshiya Upasaka Sampradaya, Part 11. p.68 14. Sri Krisna Misra, Prabodhuchundroiluvu

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In order to eradicate the growing influence of the Buddhists and the Jainas, i.e., the pāşandis from the society, the Brahmanical writers of the mediaeval age waged two-pronged attack against the two sects. On the one hand, they indentified the founders of the two Pāșandi sects (Jainas & Buddhists) as incarnations of Vişnu and thus took away fire from the thunder of the Pāsandis and on the other hand, strengthened their hate campaign against the two sects to weaken their hold over the society.
The orthodox Brahmanical writers hit the Kāpālikas with the same rod and scronfully called the Kāpālikas pāşanda. But the Kāpālikas claimed themselves to be the worshippers of Rudra-Siva, one of the Trinity of the Hindus.'
In course of time, the word pāşanda acquired more abusive and derisive meannings like "atheist" "blasphemer”, “irreligious”, “sinner" etc. and during the reign of the Pāla Kings, when Buddhism became a formidable rival of the Brahmanical religion, the Buddhists grew to be the eye-sore to the othodox Brahmins of Bengal. After the fall of the Pāla dynasty, the orthodox Brahmanical sectarians got an apportunity to heap upon the Buddhists all sorts of ignominies and insults and henceforth to the orthodox Brahmanical writers of Bengal the Buddhists and the pāsandas became synonymous.
In fact, when the term pāşanda acquired such derisive meanings as atheist, blasphemer, irreligious, sinners etc. in the medieval period, the term pāşanda was not only used by the orthodox Brahmins against non-Brahmanic sects, but the non-Brahmanical preachers and teachers also hurled it against the orthodox Brahmanical sectarians. Kabir, the celebrated preacher of the “Bhakticult” in some of his dohās stignatized the votaries of different Brahmanical sects as pākhandas (pāşandas).
Needless to say the followers of SreeChaitanya called the arthodox Brahmanical Hindus Pāşandins.
It is also very interesting to note that when the so-colled pāşandas quarrelled amongst themselves they, too, hurled this abusive word one against another.
15. lbid

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CHITTARANJAN PAL: POSITION OF THE JAINAS IN BENGAL
In the Prabodhacandrodaya (1065 A.D.) of Krişņa Mišra, Soma siddhanta, a Kāpālika preceptor, (himself a pāşanda) is found stigmatizing a Nirgrantha Digambara monk (another pasanda) as pāşandāpasada.
Like the term pāşanda, the connotation of Tīrthika had undergone changes in course of time. Originally the word tirthika meant the followers of the teacher of other religious sects than his own. Lāmā Tāranātha by the term tirthikas sometimes meant "out siders” i.e. not the followers of one's own sect. Sometimes he is found to include the Lokāyatas or the Cārvākas among the tirthikas.'' But in most cases by the terin tirthikas he meant the Hindus or the followers of different Brahmanical sects. The Buddhist Chronicle, like Arva Manjusrimülakalpa by the term tirthika generally indicated the followers of Brahmanical sects or the Hindus.
After a little digression, let us come to the point of our discussion. K.P. Jayswal, in his Imperial History of Iridia, has summarily translated the sloka (687) of Ārya manjusrimülakalpa as follows :
“The land will become surrounded by many heretics-orthodox Hindus upto the sea”.
The cursory translation of the couplet (No. 687) in English as done by the learned scholar, K.P. Jayswal, who had made “Pāşandibhih" an adjunct to nānā “Tirthikabasibhiḥ" appears not to be very sound.
If K.P. Jayswal's construction as well as translation is conceded, it is to be concluded that the Buddhist chronicler wanted to convey to his readers the idea that even after several years' reign of Gopāladeva in Bengal, the whole country had been turned exclusively into abodes of the Tīrthikas or the different Brahmanical sectarians. But the chronicler had no intention to convey to his readers such an idea as
16. A.K. Chatterjee, A Comprehensive History of Jainism Vol-1

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he himself in the next couplet (688) certified Gopāla as Dharmavatsalu" or "devoted to religion i.e. Buddhism”.
In this context, another pertinent question may be raised (if Buddhism was in a decaying state or on the way of extinction) for whom did Gopāla construct so many vihāras, caitvas, ārāmas etc. as stated by the Buddhist author himself. That Gopāla constructed several monasteries and temples in Bengal and Magadha have been vouchsafed by the later writer, Lāmā Tāranātha. Lāmā Tāranātha, instead of depicting Gopāla's reign as an age of decay and extinction of the religion of the Buddha, contrarily had drawn a picture of the dawning of the future resurgence of Buddhism, glowed with the refulgence of the luminaries like Acarya Jnānagarbha, Ācārya Sākyamati, Ācārya Yašomitra, and Ācārya Pșthivibandhu on the eastern horizon of India."
It is also be noted that among the Pāşandis in Bengal the Buddhists had grown and become the most popular, most important sect. Next in importance among the Pāşandis were the Nirgranthas (Jainas) who were also growing in numbers in Bengal. The Ājivikas probably were non-existent as they were not heard of for a long time. The Kāpālikas seem to be a force not to be seriously reckoned with, the Cārvākas were heard of often but they were never organised into a religious sect.
In this context, a literal translation of the śloka (No. 687) would help in understanding the comparative position of different sects during Gopāla's reign in Bengal. The literal translation of the couplet (687) as done by the present writer runs as follows :
"Invested by the Pāşandis (heretical sects) on all sides, the land will be infested with different Brahmanical sects, upto the sea-shore.
Before explaining the contents of the Sloka (687), a few words must be expressed regarding the historical value of the book, "Āryamañjasri-mülakalpa”.
17. Tranātha's Ilistory of Buddhism in India, ed. Dp Chattopadhyaya.

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Like the Brahmanical Purānas, the book narrates in future tense, the past political events in the form of prophecy and the book is written in corrupt Sanskrit. According to Dr. R.C. Majumdar ............... "The most curious feature of the book is the peculiar way in which it refers to the kings either by the first letter of the name or by a synomym, but never by the full proper name." Though the book is based upon genuine Buddhist tradition, it is not regarded as a genuine hostorical account by historians. In spite of these draw-backs, historians of repute, had not hesitated to all back upon this much-maligned book to corroborate the evidence, they had gathered from other sources.
In this context, it is also to be pointed out that the emmendation of the corrupt passages as well as rendering of the stupendous book into English was not considered upto the mark by many scohlars.'" The śloka (687) quoted above itself is not free from mistakes original or copyist and the cursory translation of the couplet by the learned scholar, K.P. Jayswal, is not above criticism.
In the śloka (687) by Pāşandibhiḥ samākrāntam or Invested by Pāśandis, the Buddhist chronicler, meant invaded on all sides by the followers of heretical sects like the Nirgranthas (Jainas) and others like the Ajivikas, Kāpālikas etc. but not the Buddhists as the chronicler himself was a Buddhist. It is also to be remembered that the noted Buddhist writers who chose Sanskrit as their medium failed to create an exlusively Buddhist literary form of expression.20 So they culled imageries and similies from Brahmanical mythology and legends. It is also an irony of history that the Buddhist chroniclers sometimes used a few idioms and vocables which were specifically coined by the Brahmanical writers to denigrate them. Pāşaņņa or Päşaņī is one of such vocables.
If we explain the couplet to its context, we must admit that in this śloka (687) the chronicler wanted to tell us that during the reign of Gopāla, the followers of different Brahmanical sects were growing
18. 19.
R. C. Majumder, History of Ancient Bengal. Ibid

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strong on the plains of Bengal and around the habitations of the Brahmanical sectarians, the Pāşandis i.e. the Nirgranthas (Jainas) were conspicuous by their presence; while the Buddhists, in spite of royal patronage, were not growing in members as fast as was expected by the chronicler. So in despair. hu bewailed that the land upto the Seashore had been turned into abodes of the followers of different Brahmanical sects with the lodgements of Nirgranthas on the periphery of their habitats.
From the detailed discussions made above, it is evident that the Nirgranthas (Jainas) formed a part of the religieux of Bengal during the rule of Gopāla, the founder of the Pāla dynasty. They were, of course, a smaller community in comparision either with the Tirthikas (Brahmanical Hindus) or the Buddhists. But their influence was not negligible in the religious life of Bengal at that time.
In conclusion, it is to be stated that unless, the truth of the presence of the Nirgranthas (Jainas) in Bengal during the reign of Gopāla, is acknowledged, it will be almost impossible to explain the efflorescence of the image-making and temple-building activities of the Nirgranthas (Jainas) of Bengal from the 9th century A.D. onwards, the stray remains and ruins of which had been already unearthed and are being explored in different parts of West Bengal.
20. R. C. Mitra, Decline of Buddhism in India.

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A NOTE ON JAINA ICONOGRAPHY
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Though the Jains do not believe in the existence of Creatorgod, they consider their Tirthankaras as gods and hence fit for worship. So at a later stage, the Jains thought that the images of the Tirthankaras should be installed in the temples for worship. The Jains further thought that the lives or the important events of the lives of the Tirthankaras should also be engrossed on stones, bronzes or pattas for the future generation who might see and follow the lives of the Tīrthankaras in order to get rid of the cycle of birth, and rebirth. So whether for private or for public worship, the Jains actually nceded images. "Lives of the Jaina Tīrthankaras were probably not intended for biographical treatises, but served a liturgical purpose, for when the images of the Tīrthankaras are worshipped” in private or public temples, they are addressed with hymns manifesting kalyāņakas.
With this idea in the background the Jains started installing the images of Tirthankaras at different places of India. In course of time, “besides the images of the twenty-four Tīrthankaras, the images of other gods and goddesses, though subordinate in type, play a significant role in Jaina Iconography” . So there came sixty-three Salākāpuruṣas 'great men' in the hagiology of the Jains. At a much later time in history the other semigods or class-goddesses also came into existence. There also came into the picture the Yakşas and Yakşiņis, the Sāsana-devatās, the Dikpāțas, the Navagrahas, and the Śrutadevatās and Vidyādeva. Gradually, many Brahmanical divinities were silently assimilated into the Jaina pantheon (cf Gaņeśa, Srī, Kubera and Indra). As a result, the Jaina Iconography became a subject of interest.
The Jain deities are divided into four classes, viz., Jyotisī, Vimānavāsī, Bhavanapati and Vyantara. The Bhavanavāsi devatās 1. D. C. Bhattacharya, Jain Iconography, 2nd edn 1974, p. 13. 2. Bhattacharya, ibid. p. 14

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may be divided into ten sub-divisions- like the Asuras, Nāgas etc. The Vyantara devatās are of eighi kinds - like the Pisācas, Bhūtas, Yakşas etc. The nine planets, Nakşatras and the stars belong to the Jyotiskas. There are also Vaimānika gods, divided into two Kalpas and each with twelve classes. There are also other types of deities like the sixteen Srūta or Vidvādevis and the Astamätrkās like Brahmāni, Sarasvati etc., the mothers of the Tirthankaras like Marudevi etc., Kșetrakapāla, the Bhairavas and the Sri Devi. "Most of the gods and goddesses, borrowed from the Brahmanical pantheon, are regarded by the Jainas as devoted adherents of the Tirthankaras".
The images of the Tirthankaras are human in form. There is nothing unusual in their figures. All the images discovered so far are shown in two postures : in Kāvotsarga posture, i.e. standing e and in dhyāna-mudrā posture i. e. seated cross-legged meditation posture. As Jainism believes in severe penance (tapasyā), these two mudrās are only found.
“The distinguishing features of a Jaina figure are its long-hanging arms, the śrīvatsa symbol, the mild form, youthful body and nudity"4. The Jaina images are also described by Varāhamihira in his Brhatsamhitā. According to the Pratisthā-sāra-samgraha of Vasunandi, the characteristics of a Jaina Tīrthankara are :1. Srīvatsa (triangular) Cinha on the chest, 2. The main figure being attended on his right by a Yakşa and on
his left by a Yakșiņi, 3. presence of a tree like Asoka, 4-5. a throne-scat, trilinear umbrella and a lion-throne, 6. Prabhā-mandala or halo round the face of the main figure,
a drum,
showers of celestial blossoms,
8. 3.
Bhattacharya, ibid, p. 18. Bhattacharya, ibid, p. 19.

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9. 10.
two chowries. heavenly bodies".
All these symbols are seen in a complete image of a Tīrthankara. The Yakşa, Yakşiņi or Šāsana-devatās are to be noticed in the lowest corner of the whole image. They are recognised by the presence of a small image of the Tirthankaras either at the head or at the top of the Statue. The distinctive symbolic ornaments on Jain figures are svastikā, darpana, cane-scat, two small fish or flower and a book. The image of a seated Tirthankara may be easily mistaken for that of the Buddha.
Among the twenty-four Tīrthankaras, Rșabha, Nemi and Mahāvīra attained Kaivalya-Jñāna on a lotus throne..while the other Tīrthankaras demised in the Kāyotsarga pose. Most of them are mythical personages, while a few like Ariștanemi, Pārsvanātha and Mahāvīra are historical.
For the materials of a Jaina image, it is generally found that it can be made of maņi, ratna, gold, silver, brass, muktāphala and stone.
The Jain images, made of stone or bronze or octoally, are arranged in a hierarchical order. The chief among them is a mulanāyaku-sometimes Rşabhadeva, sometimes Pārsvanātha, sometimes Supārsva or Mahāvīra, who is surrounded by other Tirthankaras. Two types of images are generally found-either in a relief depicting one, three or twenty-four Tirthankaras, or the twentyfour Tīrthankaras aranged clockwise. A combination of three Tirthankaras (with the chief deity in the centre) is styled 'triTīrthankara’. The portrayal of the twenty-four Tīrthankaras in a single slab is known as 'Caturviņśatika' or 'Cauvisi' or Pratimā sarvatobhadrikā. Besides there are other combinations as well. There may be representations of the twenty-four Tirtharkaras of the past, twenty-four of the future.
5.
cf. Bhattacharya, ibid, pp. 19-20.

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The twenty-four Tīrthankaras occupy a central position in the Jain hierarchy, being free from all desires and so the Jains attach much importance to asceticism. As the Tīrthankaras are embodiments of asceticism, they are represented in sculptures as ascetics, draped or naked, in Paryankāsana or Kāyotsarga. They are distinguished from one another by their attendants - Yakşas and Yakṣiṇīs as by their cognizances which are carved on the cushion of the throne
All the Jains excepting Munisuvrata and Nemicandra belonged to the Ikşvāku family, the other two belonged to the Harivamsa.
The images of all the Tīrthankaras are cast into a uniform mould and reveal a stereotyped character. The legends relating to their births, renunciation and salvation are similar, excepting the sixteen dreams of their mothers, lāñchanas, Yakşas etc.
It should be noted that in course of time some Jain writers speculated on the places where the Jain temples would be built up. Vasunandi (1100 A.D.), Jayasena (12th cent. A. D.) and Bhuvanadeva state that Jain Temples are to be built in those places where the Tīrthankaras were born, initiated, enlightened and attained nirvana.
The literature on Jain Iconography were also written at a much later time. Of these, Vasunandi's (1100 A.D.) Pratisthā-sārasaṁgraha, Jayasena's (12th cent. A.D.) Pratişthā-pātha and Bhuvanadeva's Aparajita-prochā are famous. The Srāvakācāra, Pratisthāsāroddhāra, Rūpamandaņa are ancillary texts. The Vivekavilāsa and the Devatāmūrtiprakaraņa are later additions. Asādhara (1240 A.D.) mentions many other names as authors of Iconographic texts.
If we ransack the pages of history, we can trace the development of Jain Iconographic images from hoary antiquity. On the prehistoric period in the Harappan age some seals and nude male torsos are discovered, and the Jains claim that those belong to Jain Tīrthankaras. As the identification is not clear, scholars are not inclined to accept them as something belonging to Jainism. Another tradition says that Bharata, the son of Rşabhadeva, built Jain temples on the Kailāsa mountain for enshrining the images of Jina in them.

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Besides these prehistoric references we also come to know from the Hathigumpha inscriptions (3rd cent. B.C.) that a Nanda king took away an image of a Jina as a Trophy from Kalinga to Magadha. Jaina Āyāgapattas of the 1st cent. B. C. to the 2nd cent. A. D. were discovered at Mathurā and Kausāmbī, where the figures of the Tīrthankaras are shown in the centre. Though in the 2nd cent. A.D. in the Junagarh inscription of the grandson of Jayadāman, we have a reference to Jain monks attaining perfect knowledge, we do not have any image of any Jain monks of that time. But several images of the Jain divinities of the Gupta period which are displayed in the Lucknow, Mathura and other Museums, were discovered.
Two inscriptions concerning Jainism of the time of Kumāragupta in the 5th cent. A.D. were discovered. These inscriptions were found at Mathura and Udayagiri. The Mathura inscription (dated 432 A.D.) speaks of a Jain image dedicated by a lady, while the other at Udayagiri in Malva (426 A.D.) describes the image of Pārsvanātha, the 23rd Tīrthankara, erected by an unknown person. Similarly, at the time of Skandagupta (461 A.D.) in the inscription of Kakubha, commonly known as Kahuan inscription, it is stated that five images of the Jain Tīrthankaras are set up in that village.
In the 6th and 7th centuries A.D. the Ganga kings of Mysore were very much attached to Jainism. In fact, the founder of the family was a disciple of a Jain teacher called Simhanandin. His successors were also followers of Jainism. It is said that two later rulers of this dynasty, Avinīta and Durvinīta were brought up and nurtured by the two Jain sages Vijayakirti and Pujyapāda respectively. At their times, the kings presented gifts to Jain monks and built Jain temples. In a similar way, the Kadamba rulers of Vaijayanti, though followers of Hinduism, showed unusual favour towards Jainism. They too gave donations to Jain monks and erected many Jain temples.
In the 7th cent. A.D. in the Vardhana period, an excellent image of Pārsvanātha was enshrined in a Jain temple at Gyarasper near Bhilsa. It is now being displayed in the Victoria and Albert Museum at London.

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"The image shows the great master seated beneath the Dhātaki tree practising the 'exposure to all weathers' austerity when Meghakumāra (Cloud Prince) attacked him with a great storm. The serpent king, the Nāga Dharanendra, spreads his hoods above Pārsvanātha's head and his consort, the Nāgini Padmāvati, holds an umbrella over him."
Though Jainism did not flourish very much in the age of Imperial Kanauj (750-1000 A.D.) for the lack of royal support in the north, it, however, received royal support in the south during the period of the Chāpa dynasty in the first quarter of the ninth century. In fact, the Chāpa rulers were the patrons of Jain religion. According to the Jaina Prabandhas, Vanarāja Chavdā was installed on the throne at Aşahilapāțaka by his Jaina guru Sī'aguņasūri. Vanarāja's prime minister was a Jain merchant named Champā. Another merchant prince Ninnaya by name built a temple of Rşabhanātha at Anahilavāda. Vanarāja consecrated the idol of Pārsvanātha in the temple of pascasāra-caitya built by him. The rulers of the Chāpa dynasty also built many Jain temples.
From the Bappabhattisūricaritra, found in the Prabhāvakacaritra (SJS, pp 85 ff), we come to know that the Pratihāras (from the second quarter of the eighth century to the tenth cent. A.D.) were also the chief patrons of Jain religion. Vatsarāja of this dynasty also consecrated a golden temple of Lord Mahāvīra at Kanauj, and at Gwalior he also installed an image of Mahāvīra.
Without going into details, it is better that we give below in a tabular form the images of the twenty-four Tīrthankaras found in different centuries at different places of India : S.N. Tīrthankaras! Period Century | Names of Musuem
the places Rsabha / Caulukya 860 Akoța, Gujrat Baroda Adinātha
A.D. Cedi 11th Tripuri, Madhya Indian A.D. Pradesh
Museum,
Calcutta Gābadavāla 12th | Mahet, Gonda,
A.D. U.P.
6.
Bhattacharya, ibid. Introduction, pp. XV - vi.

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S.N. Tirthankaras Period
2. Ajitanatha Cedi 3. Sambhava
nätha
4.
5.
6.
8.
Abhinandana
natha
Sumatinatha
9.
Padmaprabha
Suvidhanatha Pūṣpadanta
10 Śītalanatha
11. Sreyamsanatha Cedi
12. Vāsupūjya
13. Vimalanatha
Century

10th A.D.
12-13th
12-13th
A.D.
12-13th
A.D.
12-13th
A.D.
Cedi
7. Supārsvanatha Rastrakūta 9-10th A.D. Katoti, Canda, Nagpur M. 10-11thA.D. Mahārāṣṭra, Tripuri, M.P. Candraprabha Candella 12th A.D. Deogarh,
Jhansi, U.P.
12-13th
A.D.
12-13th
A.D.
Names of the places
10-11th
A.D.
M.P.
Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa
Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa
Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa
Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa
Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa
Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa
M.P.
12-13th
Khandagiri, A.D. Puri, Orissa 12-13th A.DKhandagiri,
Puri, Orissa
121

Musuem
Nagpur M.
Nagpur M.

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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXXIX, NO. 3 JANUARY 2005
S.N. Tirthankaras | Period
Century
Musuein
Names of the places
14
Anantanātha
12-13A.D. Klaņdagiri,
Puri, Orissa
15. Dharmanāthal
12-13 th Khanďagiri, A.D. Puri, Orissa
16. Sāntinātha Rāstrakūta 10th A.D. Rajña pur - Nagpur M.
Kinkin, Akoța
Gujrat 17. Kunthanātha Tomara 15-16th Gwalior Fort,
A.D. M.P.
18. Aranātha
12-13th A.D.
Khaņdagiri, Puri, Orissa
19. Mallinātha
(12-13th A.D.
Khanda Puri, Orissa
20. Munisuvrata
|12-13th" Khandagiri, A.D.
Puri, Orissa
21. Naininātha
12-13th A.D.
Khanďagiri, Puri. Orissa
22. Nemināthal | Cauhān 12th A.D. Narhad, Pilai National Aristanemi
Rājasthān Museum,
New Delhi. 23. Pārsvanātha | Vardhana 7th A.D. Bihar Indian period
Museum
Calcutta. 24. Mahāvīra Cedi (10-11th Jabalpur, M.P. Nagpur
JA.D.
Museum

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At the end it can be said that the Jain Iconography of Professor B.C. Bhattacharya is still a pioneering work, and whoever wants to study Jain Iconography must consult this book as an authority. Originally the book was published from Lahore in 1939. Its second revised edition was done in 1974 with a foreword by B.N. Sharma, the then Keeper of the National Museum of New Delhi. His Foreword is an excellent one and gives succintly the information about Jain Iconography. My article is based on this book with some additional notes from here and there to record the facts at a glance and to deal with the matter chronologically as far as possible'.
1.
In writing this, I have derived much help from my friend Dr. S.C. Mukherjee of Calcutta.

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ANEKANTA AND ITS PARALLELS BETWEEN JAIN AND
TILVDU MYTHOLOGIES
Deven Yashwant
Jainism has three golden rules: 1. Ahimsā, 2. Aparigraha and 3. Anekānta. The theory of Anekānta propagates to look and understand the existence or non-existence of a particular object or opinion from different angles. According to Dr. Bimal. K. Matilal, it is the central philosophy of Jainism. It teaches about many-sidedness of an object or opinion. It is the policy of acceptance of all different theses and views without rejecting any of them. The doctrine of Anekānta helps us in cultivating the attitude of toleration towards the views of others. Dr. Y. J. Padamarajia has described it as the theory of manifoldness. The 13th century Jainācārya Mallisena described it as a doctrine which recognized that each element of reality was characterized by many mutually opposite view points such as permanence and impermanence, or being and non-being.
The onesided view (ekāntadỊsti) can never give us complete or whole truth. The multisided view (Anekāntadsti), which takes into account all the possible views, can only give us the idea of completeness. This multifacetedness promotes reconciliation of all the conflicting views.
According to Dr. L.M. Singhvi, Anekānta is a multifaceted exchanging reality with infinity of viewpoints depending on the factors of Time, Space, State and Nature of the objects and the subject. Anekānta further means that absolute truth cannot be grasped from a particular view point alone, because absolute truth is the sum total of different viewpoints that make up the Universe. Dr Singhvi further clarifies that because of the theory of Anekānta Jainism does not look upon the Universe from the self-centered viewpoint only but from the viewpoints of others too.

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In the Rgveda we find two opposite viewpoints about the origin of the Universe: sat as well as asat. The Satkāryavāda of Sänkhyadarśana says that the Universe was created out of existence i. e. sat, whereas Asatkāryavāda of Vaiseșika says that it was born out of non-existence i.e. asat. In the Sānkhya system it is said that sat cannot come out of asat. Both of these philosophies could be viewed from the ekāntadrsti. All these views were, however, permitted to flourish. Permission to flourish seems to me an example of Anekānta in these two philosophical system.
The Lord Buddha introduced the Madhyamamārga in his philosophy. To avoid controversies Gautama always chose the middle path. He even went to the extent of avoiding controversial questions. Buddha had firmly expressed his views saying that some questions were totally irrelevant and therefore did not deserve to be considered. Nāgārjuna, the Mādhyamika philosopher of the 3rd century A.D., introduced the theory of Catuskoți as follows:
1. Everything is true, not everything is true, 2. Both, 3. Everything is untrue, not everything is untrue, 4. Neither everything is true, not everything is untrue,
In the beginning of the post-Christian era we saw several theories finding their way in the Indian stream of thought. Everyone was trying to prove his set of theories as the perfect one. They all criticized each other as seen in Darsanas, Upanisads and Buddhist literature. The rival schools of thoughts by their arguments and counter arguments only encouraged dogmatism and intoleration in philosophy. In such serious controversial situations adopted by Sānkhya, Nyāya, Vaišeşika, Mimāṁsā, Vedānta ana wuddhism, the philosophy Anekānta was born.
The Vedic system of thought was quite different from other systems of Indian philosophy. Buddha propounded the Madhyama mārga, but left some deep questions unanswered by saying that such questions are unanswerable and non-describable. There are different

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views about these questions whether they were answered or not. Some scholars are of the openion that all such questions were answered by Buddha in the Madhyamika way. The difference between Buddhism and Jainism lies in the fact that the former while accepting the middle path rejected the extremes altogether. whereas Jainism accepted both ends of extremes, and thereby made a reconciliation between both extremes. Jainism introduced the theory of Syādvāda. It does not mean doubt. It means "may be or may not be". According to Jainācārya Siddhasena Divākara, Vaiseṣikas only combine the standpoints, but do not synthesize them. The Jains, on the other hand, synthesize the two and build a coherent whole. Siddhasen also said that the Vaiseṣakas and Bauddhas are correct in so far as they point out the faults and fallacies of the Sankhya view of casuality and the Sankhaya philosophers are correct to the extent that they criticize the Buddhists and the Vaiseṣikas. But when these two views of casualty (satkāryavāda and asatkāryavāvāda) are adjusted together in compliance with the Anekanta method, the result would be the True Insight i. e., samyag darsana or Omniscience. Seven standpoints were used for expressing Anekānta.
1.
2.
Possibly existent,
Possibly non-existent,
3. Possibly both existent as well as non-existent,
4.
Possibly inexpressible,
5. Possible existent but inexpressible,
6.
Possibly non-existent but inexpressible,
7. Possibly existent as well as non-existent but is inexpressible.
The Madhyamika philosopher Nāgārjuna in his Mādhyamikakārikā defines it as "everything is true, and not true, both everything is true and not true; or neither is true, nor is true. This is the teaching of Buddha."
These seven standpoints can be summed up in four different positions:

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1. 2. 3. 4.
Possible existence. Possible non-existence, Possibly both existence as well as non-existence, Possibly neutral.
In such serious controversial circumstances, Anekānta was introduced. The Vedic as well as Buddhist thoughts did not even consider the views of other schools of thought resulting in Ekāntavāda. The Jain system of Anekānta permitted also the philosophical assertions of different schools of thoughts. Here they added the word syād i.e. kadācit or may be from some angle, aspect or point of view. According to Jainācārya Mallişena "the particle 'syād' signifies manifoldness. And so the syād is the doctrine of manifoldness. That means that the acceptance of a single entity which is variegated by a plurality of attributes, namely non-eternal and eternal etc.,"
From the above, we can say that the Jains were ready to accept and consider the theories and veiwpoints of their adversaries also. The meaning of Anekānta teaches us to be tolerant towards the viewpoints of adversaries also. Philosophy is always a complicated subject and is always within the realm of the intellectuals. Jainism propagates Ahimsā i.e. non-violence and non-violence has to be observed towards all beings in any forin and due consideration has to be given to this view. To avoid any violence towards the views of others was regarded as intellectual Ahimsā. According to Dr. A.B. Dhruva, the doctrine of accepting the viewpoints of others is bhāvahimsā. To respect the viewpoints of others is Anekānta and Anekānta means tolerance, bhāvahiisā. To avoid conflicts among different schools of thoughts Jain thinkers introduced this doctrine. Really speaking without conflicts humanity could not seek perfect harmony in the world. In the 7th century A.D. Jainācārya Samantabhadra in his Granthāvali said that to stick to Anekānta itself would be Ekantavāda.
The view of Ācārya Samantabhadra means the non-acceptance of your own philosophical point. As such some Jain Ācāryas said that

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all others might be correct in their own spheres and this means that one's own view is also incorrect.
To overcome this problem some Ācāryas after Samantabhadra and Siddhsena Divākara quietly introduced this theory which said that others might also be partially correct, but this possession of the whole or absolute truth would be possible only with the Omniscients. According to the commentary written by Jainācārya Ātmā Rāma (Vijayānanda) Sūri in the third section of the second chapter of the Ācārāngasūtra (the first of the Jain Agamas), it is clearly mentioned that without the possession of samyag jñāna, samyag darśana and samyak caritra one cannot attain Mokșa and these three qualities are available only and only with the Jains. Omniscience knowledge (kevala-jñāna) only manifests the complete knowledge, and any other knowledge is a false knowledge. He comments that the Tirthankaras have said that without these three qualities the followers of other faith are not capable of attaining liberation, nor are capable of leading others. Jainācārya Hemacandra Sūri in the 12th century A.D. in his Yogaśāstra wrote that the gods of other religions were confused a lot on account of being engaged in eating meat, consuming liquor, dancing, singing, music, laughter etc. and as such, are incapable of experiencing the whole truth. They are incapable of leading people to the right path as the Tīrthankaras can only experience absolute truth, as such, they were the only Sarvajñānies and nobody else. The Jains called the Tīrthankaras the only personalities who had experienced truth in full. Tirthankara is a post which one can attain only after penance for ages. Vardhamāna also penanced in number of births to attain this post. Jainācārya Sushil Muni in 1958 published a book titled Jainadharma. In the chapter Muktimārga of this book it is mentioned that to achieve and maintain samyag darśana a pure one should avoid five vives, namely:
1. To doubt the sermons of Vītarāgas, 2. To possess the desire to embrace any other religion, 3. To doubt about fruits of his own religion and have a hatred

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129
4. 5.
view about saints of his own religion. To praise Mithyādçsties, To have intimacy with the Mithyädrsties.
Suspecting that the theory of Anekānta may not stand test, Jainācārya Atmā Rāma (Vijayānanda) Sūri while writing commentary on the Acārāriyasūtra has mentioned in the 1st section of the 8th chapter that the Jain saints should not accommodate the saints of any other faith in place of their own. The Jain saints should not offer food. water, etc. to the followers of other faiths. He goes to the extent saying that even if he has to offer any edibles, it should be without any respect. He has further mentioned in the same chapter that the Jain saints should not maintain relationship with saints of other faiths and should not pay respect to them. The Jain saints should not visit them. On one side one says that everybody can be perhaps right, whereas in practice one is not ready even to meet, talk, discuss or even g respect to others. The saints of other faith have been branded, as "sithilācāris”.
Such stories prove themselves supreme, although against the spirit of Jainism, and these stories naturally made a negative impression of the Jain masses easily on account of their sheer ignorance of the Jain doctrines. One finds such controversial stories proving the supremany of Rāma, Krsna, Siva and others in different Hindu mythological stories. The followers of each of them criticized and fought amongst themselves for the absolute supremacy of their deity.
However, the claim of experiencing absolute truth and the stories connected with it were challenged first by Jainācārya Haribhadra Sūri who in chapters 1-33 of his Șad-darsana-samuccaya says that it is unbelievable that only Vardhamāna was Sarvajñānī who could experience absolute truth. He even disputed the claim of Vardhamāna having been worshipped by gods by saying that the jugglers and magicians often demonstrate such miracles for their own benefit. Later on, we find another Jainācārya Yaśovijaya Sūri mentioning

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that “To conceal one's own blemishes, and to establish one's own viewpoints, some people change the dictates of religion and take people to the wrong direction. Such persons do not speak the truth at all, because of such circumstances people search true religion but do not
get it.”
Jainācāryas further have explained saying that the theory of truth seen by others was only partial and not the absolute truth. They compared it with a story of seven blind persons judging the elephant from seven different angles, where each one was correct in his own way. But none of them could see the elephant as a whole. By this example, the Jainācāryas meant that truth could be experienced only when all the partial truths were put together and not otherwise. The theory introduced by Jainācāryas looked bright, but they could not sustain it on account of lack of their own understanding of the doctrine. When this supremacy was forced upon, it went against the original dictates of Jainism. As such the theory of Anekānta put up in any way could not withstand the tests. As discussed above theories and philosophies are the subject of the intellectuals only and not of the masses. The doctrines established by the intellectuals are seldom understood by the masses. The doctrines established by the intellectuals are seldom understood by the masses. The intellectuals seldom agree among themselves as we see in the case of Darśanas and Upanişadas and other different works. The masses simply follow the easily understandable fancy stories.
To reach the masses stories describing the supremany of one's own religion were introduced on the pattern of Hindu mythological literature. It is a fact worth noting that when somebody boasts and others also boast in superlative terms, the idea behind it is to show his own supremacy and degrade the others. Below are given some of the examples.
In his book Dhurtākhyāna Jainācārya Haribhadra Sūri has criticized Hindu Paurāņic stories by getting them proved to be true

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by different Dhurtas. Although the way of criticism is not indecent, but criticism is there. It can easily be called criticism of the Purāņas. The Dhurtas narrate all fantastic stories and prove them to be true with the similar stories available in different Purāņas. However, the learned Jainācārya did not touch the Jain mythological stories of which there is no dearth. A child immediately after his birth presses a mountain of one lac yojanas by the thumb of his foot to the extent that the mountain trembles. A horse increases his size to unbelievable extent, but bows down only by a single punch of the fist of the child. These stories are attributed to Vardhamana.
131
We find that Acārya Vimala Sūri in his Paumacariyan called all the writers of Rama-stories as liars. The respected characters of Hindu Rāmāyaṇa are portrayed in disrespect. To give a few examples, Hanuman of the Rāmāyaṇa, a perfect bachelor, is painted as a womanizer. Rāvaṇa, a disreputable character in the Rāmāyaṇa, is portrayed as the would be Tirthankara in another age. Rāma portrayed as God in the Rāmāyaṇa is said to suffer on account of his acts of voilence and could attain liberation (Mokṣa) only after a penance of 19000 years. The Manavadharmaśāstra, a book of Brahmanical system, is described as Hiṁsāśāstra by Acarya Hemacandra Sūri in his Yogsastra [2.37-40].
Bhaṭṭāraka Vādicandra openly criticized the Brahmanical Śiva Purāņa as false simply for presenting the genealogy of the Pandavas contrary to Jain Mahābhārata.
In the Avaśyaka-cūrṇi, a Jain religious book of the 8th century A.D., Śiva is described as the son of a nun who had been magically impregnated by a wizard and in this process got a hole in his forehead (seems to be the version of the 3rd eye of Śiva). Śiva is here stated to have been killed for his violent behaviour by a prostitute named Umā. In Hindu mythology Uma is known as Pārvatī and is also worshipped along with Siva. The idea seems to simply degrade the deities of other religions.

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On probing further in literature one finds a story in Mudita Kumudacandra, a work of the 12th century A.D. where it is stated that in a religious discussion (Śāstrārtha), Digambara sadhu Kumudācārya was defeated by a Svetambara sadhu named Bhaṭṭāraka
Vadiva Sūri. After the sastrartha was over, it was declared that Śvetambaras being better, Digambars had lost. The defeat of one man is publicized as the defeat of the whole sect.
Another story is available in volume II of the Tirthankara Mahavira and His Acarya Parampara by Sh. Nemicandra Shastrī. Aklanka and Nikalanka, two nephews of a Jain Acarya after education in Jain system, were sent to a Buddhist monastry to get the knowledge of the Buddhist system. They were sent in disguise as Buaddha monks. They were, however, recognized and done to death. To take revenge of their death, 770/1440 Baudha monks were killed by getting boiling oil poured over them. This story seems to be toatlly impractical, but gives a peep into the working mind of the writer.
A quick glance on some of the comparative stories will not be out of place here.
In the 10th chapter of the Bhagavata-purāṇa, it is mentioned that Kṛṣṇa born to Devaki in prison was transferred immediately to Yasoda in Gokul. This was done to save him from death at the hands of his maternal uncle Kamsa. To match the above it is mentioned in the 10th parva of the Triṣaṣṭisalākāpuruṣacarita that Vardhamana was in the womb of a Brahmin woman named Devanandā. He was fathered by Rṣabhadatta. On the 83rd day of the pregnancy the foetus was taken out from the womb of Devananda and placed in the womb of Trisala, the queen of king Siddartha. A male god named Naigameṣṭhi who was the commander of Indra's army did this job. It is mentioned that both the mothers were sleeping at the time of exchanging the foetuses. This is also mentioned in the aforesaid book that the idea behind this version is that a Tirthankara can take birth only in a pure and high family of Ksatriyas and not in a low and beggar family i,e. Brāhmaṇas.

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In the same 10th chapter of the Bhagavata-purāņa it is also mentioned that to save people from the wrath of Indra, Kșşņa in his adolescence lifted one Yojana sized mountain named Govardhana. To counter this achievement of Krişna, the Jains in the 10th parva of the Trişastišalākopuruşacarita introduced the story that immediately after his birth Vardhamāna was taken by the gods for ritual bath and other ceremonies as well as for worship. To show his power the just born child pressed the one lack sized Sumeru mountain by the thumb of his foot to the extent it trembled.
In the Bhāguvata-purāņa it is said that Kassa sent a demon, disguised as a python, to kill Kļşņa. The python shaped demon increased his length to one yojana, but this huge sized serpent was killed by Kęsna. To match the above, it is mentioned in the Trişastišalākāpuruşacarita that a god, disguised as a serpent of huge size, was sent to test the strength of Vardhamana. It was thrown to a far place by eight-year-old Vardhamāna. The god serpent apologized for his misbehavior and was pardoned. . . In the 10th chapter of the Bhagavata-purāma, it is also mentioned that Krşņa was playing with his mates. A demon was sent in the guise of a horse. The children mounted the horse who flew in the sky. All the children were scared, but Krişņa killed the horse with one punch of his fist. In the Trişastišalūkāpuruşacarita we find a matching story that a God in the guise of a horse comes to test Vardhamāna's strength. The horse increases its size to a great extent, but bowed down on being punched by Vardhamāna. The god apologized and was pardoned.
In the 16!" chapter of the Bhāgavata-purāņa it is mentioned that to kill Krsna a deadly serpent Kalia bites Kļşņa, but with no effect on Kyşņa. In turn Kalia was killed by Kļşņa. In the 10th chapter of the Trişaştisalākāpuruşacarita it is mentioned that a serpent bites Vardhamāna in his posture of penance. Milk comes out of the body of Vardhamāna instead of blood. In return the serpent was administered the religious sermon by Vardhamāna.

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In the Bhāgavata-purāņa a python grasped at the feet of Krşna's father Nanda. Nobody could get him released. Krşņa comes to the scene and python leaves the feet of Nanda. In the Triştisalākāpuruşacarita a deadly snake Candakausika bites Vardhamāna, but cools down after getting no retaliatory response of anger or pain from Vardhamāna.
In the Bhāgavata-purāņa a demon named Trişņāşura was sent by Kamsa to kill Krşņa. The demon came in the shape of a hurricane and took Krşna in the sky, but Krşņa killed him by asphyxiating his neck. In the Trișaștiśalākāpuruşacarita it is described that once Mahāvīra was crossing the river Gangā in a boat, a god created a storm to overturn the boat, but was defeated by two attendants of Mahāvīra.
In the Bhāgavata-purāņa it is mentioned that once a big fire broke out in Vraja. All the inhabitants were frightened, but the fire was swallowed by Krşņa. To match the above Ācārya Hemacandra Sūri in his Trişțiśalākāpuruşacarita mentions that once Mahāvīra was in penance under a tree, a fire broke out and spread all around. His companion Gosālaka ran away out of fear, but Vardhamāna remained in penance. The fire died down on its own by the influence of Vardhamāna.
In the Bhāgavata-purāņa Kamsa had deputed an elephant named Yapid to kill Kșşņa, but himself was killed by Krşņa. In the Jain story there is a pair of elephants deputed to test the strength of Vardhamāna. The elephants bowed to Vardhamāna after finding him stronger than them.
In the Bhāgavata-purāņa Kļşņa is portrayed as the protector of cow. In the Jain system we find that the 22nd Tīrthnkara Neminātha (who is said to be in relation to Kșşņa) saved the lives of thousands of all types of elephants from being killed for the feast at the time of his marriage.

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DEVEN YASHWANT: ANEKANTA AND ITS PARALLELS
Numerous such works and narrations by the Jain writers can be found where the other system of faiths, religions, rituals and philosophies have been criticized in derogative terms. The list will be endless and will do no good to quote them all. However, there is a specific difference between these stories. In Jain mythological stories the gods come to test the strength of Vardhamana and in turn are not killed but pardoned. The simple question arises in the mind that when the gods were aware about Vardhamāna's fate as "a would be Tirthankara" then what was the need of testing his strength?
135
In conclusion we find that the theory of Anekānta was in existence in the Vedic times in its own way. Their start was Anekanta, but the end result was Ekantavāda. The Jains also introduced it, but were not able to maintain it on account of practical difficulties in its implementation. Anekānta means tolerance. Unfortunately, we do not find the examples of tolerance. Division of the Jain community and its religious order into hundreds of sects, subsects and groups from centuries onwards of the Christian era, show that the Jains did not adhere to the theory of Anekanta all the time. Such divisions which started immediately after the Nirvāņa of Mahāvīra would continue till date on flimsy grounds and not on solid principle. It was mostly misunderstood, misinterpreted and misrepresented by Jain laity as well as saints. Non-tolerance by Jainācāryas gave birth to different Sanghs known as Dravidas, Kāṣṭhakas, Māthuras, Śvetāmbaras, Digambaras, Yapaniyas and also into further sects, howsoever small they might be. The religious saints of one sect criticized each other openly stating that his own way is the perfect one. The Jains prove themselves by saying that they linked their doctrines as having come down to them directly from the mouth of Mahavīra. Such saints taking a cue from the commentary on the Acarangasūtra by Jainācārya Atmā Rāma (Vijayananda) Sūri do not see the saints of the other sects with respect. They got some followers too and they also follow their teachers in observing non-tolerance towards other setcs. Numerous disputes are pending in legal courts for almost hundred years with no end in sight.

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Is this Anekānta?. To understand and practise it we will have to understand it with a neutral mind. It has to be understood in the Anekānta way and not in the Ekānta way as has been made for centuries together.
I would like to conclude by quoting the 17th century Jainācārya Sūri that “now a days people who call themselves Jains are quarrelsome and stubborn in their false opinion. Such persons, to prove themselves correct, misinterpret the doctrines of the Tirthankaras by exhibitionism. Such persons, to conceal their own faults and to prove themselves correct, act against the doctrines of religion and as such do not speak the truth. Under such circumstances, people search the religion, but do not get it”.

ernational

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Some Recent Books on Jainism
Balcerowicz, Piotr - Jaina Epistemology in Historical and Comparative
Perspective. Critical edition and English translation of Logical-Epistemological Treatises : Nyāyāvatāra, Nyāyāvatāra-vitti and Nyāyāvatāra-tippaņa with Introduction and Notes, vols - I and II, Alt-und Neu - Indische Studien, 53, 1-2, Franz Stener Verlag, Stuttgart, 2001.
Balsev, Anidita Niyogi - A Study of Time in Indian Philosophy, Otto
Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, 1983.
Banerjee, Satya Ranjan (ed) - Prolegomena To Prakritica et Jainica,
The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, 2005. [It is a collection of some essays on the Prakrit Language and some aspects of Jainism and a Chronological Development of Jain literature].
Bharucha, Filita - The Role of Space - Time in Jaina Syadvada and
Quantum Theory, Delhi, 1984.
Bhattacharya, Narendra Nath - Jain Philosophy: Historical Outline,
Munshiram Monoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, [1st
edn 1975] second edn, 1999, pp. xxi + 259. Bollee, William B. - The Nijjuttis on the Seniors of the Svetambara
Siddhānta: Āyāranga, Dasaveyaliyā, Uttarajjhā and Sūyagada, Text and Selective glossary, Franz Steiner Verlag
Stuttgart, 1995, pp. ix + 195. Cahoone, Lawrence E. (ed) - Anekāntavāda: An Anthology,
Blackwell Publishers, London, 1996. Caillat, Collette - Atonements in the Ancient Ritual of the Jaina Monks,
L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1975. [originally published in French - Les expiations dans le rituel ancien des religieux jaina, Editions E. de Boccond, Paris, 1965.

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Chapple, Christopher Key - Nonviolence to Animals, Earth and Self in Asian Traditions, State University of Newyork Press Albany, 1993.
Chapple, Christopher Key - Jainism and Ecology, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 2002.
Chapple, Christopher Key Reconciling Yogas, Haribhadra's Collection of Views on Yoga, State University of Newyork Press, Albany, 2003.
JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXXIX, NO. 3 JANUARY.. 2005
Chatterjee, Asim Kumar - A Comprehensive History of Jainism, vols I and II, Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay Pvt. Ltd., Calcutta, 1984.
Dco, S.B.
-
History of Jaina Monachism from Inscriptions and Literature, Deccan College Dissertation Series 17, Deccan College Postgraduate and Research Institute, Poona, 1956.
-
Dhruva, A.B. - Syādvāda-mañjarī of Malliṣena with the Anyayoga - vyava-ccheda dvātrimśikā of Hemacandra, ed with Introduction, Notes and Appendices, Bombay. 1933.
Dundas, Paul - The Jainas, the Library of Riligious Beliefs and Practices, Routledge, London, [1st edn 1992], second edn, 2002.
Fynes, R.C.C..

-
The Lives of the Jain Elders, Oxford University Press, Oxford, Newyork, 1998.
Granoff, Phyllis - The Forest of Thieves and the Magic Gardens: An Anthology of Medieval Jain Stories, Penguin Classics, London, 1989.
Hampa, Nagarajaih - Mānastambha (Jaina Pillars of Eminence), C.V.G. Publications, 70, 2nd Main Road, Jabbar Block. Vayyalikaval, Bangalore 560 003, p 88, A.D. 2000. Price Rs. 300.00.

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Ilampa, Nagarajaih - Jinendra Stavana, Sanskrit Invocatory verses
from Jaina Inscriptions of Karnākata, National Institute of Prakrit Studies and Research, Dhavala Tirtham. Sravanabelagoļa - 573 135, Hassan Dt., Karnataka 2003, pp. xvi + 48, price Rs. 60.00.
Handiqui, Krishna Kanta - Yaśastilaka and Indian Culture or
Somadeva's Yaśastilaka and Aspects of Jainism and Indian Thought and Culture in the Tenth Century, (Ist edn. Jīvarāja Jaina Granthamālā 2, Sholapur 1949) second revised edn,
Jaina Samskriti Samrakşaka Sangha, Sholapur 1968. Jain, Jagdishcandra - Studies in Early Jainism, Selected Research
Articles, Navrang, Delhi, 1992.
Jash, Pranabananda - Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi, 1989, pp. xi + 140.
jñātādharma-kathānga-sūtra (illustrated) - Original text with Hindi
and English translations. ed by Upa-pravartak Shri Amar Muni, editor Srichand Surānā, Padma Prakashan, Padmadhām, Naida, Delhi - 110040, Parts I - II, 1996-1997.
Kapadia, Hiralal Rasiklal - The Jaina Religion and Literature, Vol - I,
Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Lahore, Ist edn 1944, pp. xiv + 197.
Kapadia, Hiralal Rasiklal - Anekānta-jayapatākā of Haribhadra Sūri
with his own commentary and Municandra Sūri's super - commentary, Oriental Institute, Baroda Vol - 1, 1940, Vol II. 1947.
Kumar, Ravi and Collette Caillat - Jain Cosmology (English
translation by R. Norman), with Bibliography and Index, and 108 plates, New Delhi, 2004, pp 198.
Lalwani, Kastur Chand - Dasavaikālikasūtra, translated into English,
Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1973.

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Lalwani, Kastur Chand - Kalpa-sūtra of Bhadrabahu Svāmī, text with English translation and notes, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1979.
Lalwani, Kastur Chand Bhagavati-sūtra of Sudharma Svāmī, Prakrit text with English translation and notes based on the commentary of Abhayadevasūri, Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, Vol I (1973, reprinted in 1999), Vol II (1974), Vol III (1980), Vol IV (1985) translated upto Book eleven).
Muni Srichand Kamal - Jaina Agama: Vanaspati-Kosa, Jaina Vishva Bharati, Ladnun, 1996.
Salatore, Bhaskar Anand - Mediaeval Jainism: with special reference to the Vijayanagar Empire, Karnatak Publishing House, Bombay, 1938.
Shah, U.P. Studies in Jaina Art, Jaina Cultural Research Society, Benaras, 1955.
Sogani, K.C. - Ethical Doctrines in Jainism, Lalchand Hirachand, Doshi, Jaina Samṁskrti Samrakṣaka Sangha, Sholapur, 1967, pp. xvi + 301.
Stevenson, Sinclair - The Heart of Jainism, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Ptd. Ltd. [Ist edn 1915 by Oxford University], 3rd edn 1995, pp. xxiv + 336.
Sukla, Ram Sajiwan - India as known to Haribhadrasūri, Kusumanjali Prakashan, Meerut, 250 001, 1989.
Tantia, Nathmal (tr) - That which is : Tattvärtha-sūtra of Umäsväti / Umāsvāmi with the combined commentaries of Umāsvāti / Umāsvāmī, Pujyapāda and Siddhasenagani, The Sacred Literature Series, Harper Collins Publishers, San FranciscoLondon, Pymble, 1994.
Tobias, Michael - Life Force: The World of Jainism, Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley, 1991.

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過
Manufacturers & Exporters of Jute Specialities
And Shopping Bags from Hessian & Cotton Fabric.
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JAIN JOURNAL: VOL-XXXIX. NO. 3 JANUARY 2005
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