Jain Journal 1993 01

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520109/1

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ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL, XXVII JANUARY 1993 No. 3 Jan JOUrnal Nota haal JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents Sacred Literature of the Jains Albrecht Friedrich Weber Gaining Academic Recognition for Jainism S. K. Jain The Ladder of Spiritual Ascent According to Jainism Swami Brahmeshananda Three Polychrome Wood-Carvings of Jain Derasara Madhav Gandhi Gleanings A Temple Lost in Time: Arun Plate Polychrome Wood-carvings of Jain Derasara 113 129 141 153 163 161

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Books Received AJITPRASAD, PANDIT, Bhavapahud of Kundakundacarya (The Sacred Books of the Jainas, Vol XIV), edited by K. B. Jindal, All India Digambar Jain Mahasabha, Lucknow, 1992. Pages xiv+105. Price Rs. 50.00. English translation of Bhava-Pahud (A Discourse on Soul Activity) with commentary by late Pandit Ajitprasad. CHANDRA, K. R., Jain Agam Sahitya, Prakrit Jain Vidya Vikas Fund, Ahmedabad, 1992. Pages 19+304. Price Rs. 100.00. It is a collection of selected articles presented at a Seminar organised by the Prakrit and Pali Department of the School of Languages, Gujarat University in the year 1986 on Jain Canonical Literature. Articles are in Hindi, English and Gujarati. JAIN, L. C., The Tao of Jainism, Arihant International, Delhi, 1992. Pages xxiv+46+81+75+72+67+52+12. Price Rs. 500.00 A collection of Jain Monographs relating to Science (old and new) by Prof. L. C. Jain. With illustrations. tables, diagrams, bibliographies and terminologies. KHADABADI, B. K., Sravakacara, Rajakrishna Jain Charitable Trust, New Delhi, 1992. Pages xix+186. Price Rs. 50.00. Delivered as the R. K. Jain Memorial Lectures on Sravakacara (Jaina code of conduct for householders) organised by the University of Delhi it gives the significance of the conduct and its relevance to the present times. SURANA, SHRICHAND 'SARAS', Illustrated Namokara Mahamantra, Diwakar Prakashan, Agra, 1992. Pages iv+32+24. Price Rs. 125.00. Foreign $10.00. Contains the meaning of the Mahamantra with its various application, and miracles of it. Profusedly illustrated. English translation by Surendra Bothra. VINAYSAGAR, MAHOPADHYAY, Kulpak Tirth, Sri Svetambar Jain Tirth, Kulpak (Andhra), 1991. Pages xii+80. Price 50.00 Depicts the history of Kulpak Tirth from archaeological, historical and literary sources.

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Sacred Literature of the Jains [from the previous issue ] must be avoided. These are,-injury to life, [327] lying, robbery, unchastity, (love of) possession, and then of the 5 dhammas, or samvaras (i.e. the opposites of each of the above sins.384 The difference between the title and the actual text or contents, between the actual text and the statements of tradition on this point, is especially great. There is nothing said in reference to questions (prasna) which find their solution (vyakaranam). The whole anga appears to be a didactic dogmatic explanation addressed to Jambu, but not asked for by particular questions. The Nandi and anga 4 state that it contains 45 ajjhayanas, 45 uddesanas, etc. ; but no such conclusion is warranted from the facts of the case, cf. p. 286. One suyakkhamdha, which these authorities and the existing constituent parts ascribe to the text, is branded by the scholiast Abhayadeva. He asserts that the text "pustakamtare" 385 consisted 886 rather of two suyakkhamdhas (each containing 5 ajjhayanas). To prove this the scholiast adduces verbatim et litteratim a special introduction confirmatory of his assertion387; but this cannot be found in the MSS of our text. This introduction has the same usual form as the introductions to angas 6-9 and 11; and Abh. refers directly to anga 6 for the correctness of his explanation, whereupon he adds: ya ce ha dvi [328] srutaskamdhato 'kta 'sya sa na rudha, ekasrutaskmdhataya eva rudhatvat. In all probability the enumeration of this text in anga 3, 10, in the sixth place among the ten dasau, shows that it stands in close connection with the present text or its 10 daras. But we have seen, p. 272, that the names of the ten ajjhayanas there have no connection whatever with our text, and that the author had before him quite a different text under this name. It is an important feature, that, as stated above, his statements or names are in essential harmony with those statements of contents in reference to our anga, which occur in anga 4, or in the Nandi; see page 334. It is of interest in this connection to notice the character of the remarks of the commentator at the beginning of the passage, in reference to the name prasnavyakaranadasas. This name, he states, is found, kvacit-- for srauti sravati. In up. 1, anhati is actually explained by asnauti but also by asravati badhnati (it corresponds in fact to Sanskrit asnati, L.). 384 tesim namani, jaha; himsadaram 1, musavayad. 2, teniyad. 3, mehunad 4, pariggahad. 5. ahimsad. 6, saccad. 7, ateniyad. 8, bambhacerad. 9, apariggahadaram 10 (Vidhiprapa). 385 Likewise in the Vidhiprapa: itt ha kei pancahim ajjhayanehim do suyakkhamdhe icchamti. 386 This is self-evident, since the contents are actually divided into two parts. 387 pustakamtare punar evam upodghatagramtha upalabhyate.

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114 it is found in anga 3, 10 and in anga 4, (see p. 334)-and consequently points to 10 adhyayanas of prasnanam vyakaranani. His words are :ayam ca vyutpattyartho 'sya purvakale 'bhud, idanim tu asravapamcakasamvarapamcakavyakrtir eve' ho 'palabhyate, atisayanam (cf. p. 334) purvacaryair aidamyuginapusta (naprdeg?) lambanapratisevipurusapeksayo 'ttaritatvad iti. However, the corrupt conclusion is to be understoodcf. Ed. p. 499-one fact at least is patent; that we have here traces of the manifest consciousness that the purvacaryas were acquainted with a different text of this anga than the aidamyugina. Everything shows that we are completely justified in asserting that we no longer possess anga 10 in its original, [329] or in its ancient form. The introductory words in the commentary of Abh, are a proof of this :-sri Vardhamanam anamya vyakhya kacid vidhiyate/prasnavyakaranamgasya vrddhanyayanusaratah|| ajna vayam, sastram idam gabhiram, prayo 'sya kutani ca pustakani/sutram vyavasthapya tato vimrsya vyakhyanakalpad ita eva nai 'va||2||. It is perfectly plain from this that there is here a violent polemic against other text-forms. JAIN JOURNAL That anga 10 originally, like angas 7-9 and 11, was of a legendary character (cf. anga 3, 10), is rendered probable by a comparison with upangas 8-12, which are of the same character. Their position at the end of the upanga series allows us to draw conclusions in reference to the anga corresponding to them. If this be so, the transformation of our anga must be placed at a still later period than that to which we have to refer the harmonizing of the 12 angas and the 12 upangas. There are various criteria contained in the anga itself which determine the late date of its composition. I premise that the introduction which we possess, consists, if the vocative Jambu be omitted, of three gathas, which state in brief the contents of the work : inam o anhayasamvara-vinicchayam pavayanassa nisamdam/vocchami nicchayattham subhasitattham mahesihim//1// [330] pamcavidho pannatto Jinehim iha anhaye anatlye (anadiu B)/ himsa mosam388 adattam abambha is wanting; perhaps ya) pariggaham ceval|2|| 388 1. e. mrsavada.

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JANUARY, 1993 115 jartsao jar nama jaha ya kato jarisaphalam dertil je vi ya karerti pava panavaham tam nisameha||3|| Then follows in prose, first an explanation of the panivaha; then 30 of its synonyms (namani imani gonnani); then the subject itself is treated of, at the conclusion of which the entire doctrine is referred immediately to Nayakulanamdana (Jnata);389 evam aharsu Nayakulanamdano mahappa Jinou Viravaranamadhejjo, kahesi ya panivahassa phalavivagam; eso so panivadho caido. (as in the introduction) vemanaso. The next four sections are similarly arranged, except that after the vocative Jambu the treatment of the aliyavayanam, adinnadanam, abambham, pariggaha, begins without the interposition of gatha strophies. The synonyms are invariably 30 in number and the conclusion is the same. In the case of the five sarvaradarain, two gathas are found in the introduction of the first (ahimsa) after Jamba 1.390 itto samyaradara-i pamca vucchami anupuvvie | jaha bhaniyani Bhagayaya savvadukkhavimukkhanatthae||1|| padhamam hoi ahimsa, biiyar saccavayanam ti pannattam/dattam anunnaya samvaro ya bambhaceram pariggahattam||2||. 331] The further details in daras 6-10 are similar to those in daras 1-5. The enumeration of the synonyms, which are here called pajjavanamani,-60 in the case of ahimsa-is carried on in a style somewhat different, and the concluding formula is not the same :evam Nayamunina bhagavaya pannaviyam paruviyam pasiddhar siddham siddhavarasasanam inam aghaviyam suvesiyam pasattham (padhamam) samvaradaram samattam ti bemi. The last two concluding words form a bond of connection between the existing redaction of anga 10 and angas 1-4, to which these words belong. Furthermore, the appeal to the Naya recalls anga 2. Perhaps we have to deal here with traces of ancient date ; but, on the other hand, if we consider how many considerations make for the opposite conclusion a conservative point 389 See above, p. 261, on anga 2, 1, 27. 390 There are five gathas more inserted between daras 5 and 6.

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116 of view will not permit too great weight to be laid upon these particulars, which are rather the result of an effort to impart an ancient flavour to the anga. The following arguments, drawn from anga 10 itself, reinforce our conclusion that this anga is of late origin. The character of the language is late. The nominative in o has assumed in almost every instance the place of the nomin. in e, except in quoted passages in the frequent compounds there is no deference paid to the laws of samdhi between the members of the compounds; also these are often not inflected at the end, (etani prayo luptaprathamabahuvacanani padani, are the words of the scholiast), but retain their pure thematic form. [332] In the other angas (e.g. in the tables of contents in anga 4) and especially inserted in them, we find phenomena not dissimilar in character, but not in such numbers. Their presence however invariably characterizes the passages in which they occur as being of secondary origin. Furthermore-and this is conclusive evidence the enumeration of the names of the non-Aryan peoples is three times as great as that in angas 5, 6, (p. 302, 313). Here there are 53, there but 18 names. The list is as follows391 :-ime ye bahave Milukkha (mile BC) jati, kim te, Saga Javana - Sabara Vavvara-Kaya- Murumdo dda - Bhadaga - Tinniya (Bhittiya)-PakkaniyaKulakkha-Goda (Gomda) - Sihala - Parasa-Komca - Amdha-Davida-Villala (Chill) - Pulimda - Arosa392 - Domva- (Dova) - Pokkana-Gam-dhaharaga(!)Vahalia - Jallara - Mamasa Vausa393 - Malya ya Cumcua ya Culiya Kamkaniga (Komkanaga B) - Meya394 - Palhava - Malava - Maggara - Abhisiya Anakkha. Cina - Nhasiya (Lasiya BC) - Khasa-Khisiya-Nidura (Nettara) - Marahattha395 - Mutthiya (Maustikah) - Arava - Domvilaga - Kuhuna-Kekaya Huna-Romaga-Bharu Maruga Cilatavisayavast ya. Some of these names are of evidently late occurrence. The peoples are all characterized as pavamatino and kurakamma. JAIN JOURNAL - [333] Especially interesting is the bitter polemic against erroneous 391 Of the very frequent variants in the MSS., I have chosen those which appear to have the best authority; cf. the similar enumeration in upanga 4. 392 Arosah, Arosah. 393 Jallarah Mamasah Bakusah Schol. 394 Meta BC, Medah; see Elliot, Hist. of India, 1, 519 fg. Indische Streifen, Vol. II, p. 403. 395 pathamtare Madhah (Mudhah E) Schol. The Marahttahas have nothing to do with the Mlecchas. Ramatha in upanga 4.

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JANUARY, 1993 teachers (natthikavaino vamalogavai)396 in dara 2; under these are comprised the "Bauddhah" (Schol.), and the adherents of Issara (Siva) and Vinhu. Cinapatta appears in dara 4, in the signification of "silk dress" 897 In dara 5 are found the names of the planets; but not in the Greek order; thus Jupiter, Moon, Sun, Venus, Saturn, Rahu, Dhumaketu, Mercury, Mars. The first of the series of the 28 nakkhattas is unfortunately not stated; only the first and the last of the 72 kalas are given; lehaiyau saunaruyavasanau;- in the same passage and in the ninth dara, 64 mahilagunas are likewise mentioned: --- raijanane sippasevam etc.-The ahimsa is characterized in dara 6 as bhagaval, truth saccam, in dara 7, as bhagavamtam titthagarasubhasiyam dasaviham398 cauddasapuvvihim pahudatthavidiyam,399 which is a reference to the prabhrta division in the 14 purvas. Abhayadeva comments on this anga. The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is ; se kim tam panhavagaranani ? pa nesu atthuttaram pasinasayam, a. apasinasayam, a. pasinapasinasayam,400 vijjati [334] saya401 nagasuvannehim saddhim402 divva samvaya403 aghavijjamti; panhavagaranadasasu nam sasamayuparasamayapannavaya (panavaya A) patteyabuddhavivihatthabhasa (bh. omitted in A) bhasiyanam,404 atisayaguna-uvasama-nanappagara (ra A) ayariyabhasiyanam vittharenam thira (vira A) mahesthim405 vivihavittharabhasi 396 lokayatikah, vamam pratipam lokam vadamti ye. 397 cf. cinapittharasi in up. 2 and 3. 117 398 janapadasammatasatyadibhedena dasavaikalikadi prasiddham. 399 caturdasapurvibhih prabhrtarthaviditam purvagatansavisesabhi-dheyataya jnatam. 400 tatra 'mngulabahuprasnadika mantravidyah prasnah: yah, vidyah or prasnavidyah: later on prasna is treated outright as a fem. punar vidhina japyamana aprsta eva (Subha) subham kathayamti ta aprasnah; tatha amgusthadiprasnabhavam pratitya ya vidyah subhasubham kathayamti tah prasnaprasnah;-Schol. in N ye prsta apistas ca kathayamti te prasnaprasnah. 401 Instead of vijja N has merely amgutthapasinaim vahupasinaim addagapasinaim anne vi vicitta divva vijjatisaya nagasuvannehim siddhim divva samvaya aghavijjaimti. Compare the names of the panhadeg dasau found in anga 3, 10. This title we find above in the text. The old text appears therefore to have dealt with chiromantic and other prophetic arts. The explanation in the commentary: anye vidyatisaya stambhastambhavasikaranavidvesik aranaccatanadayah refers to magic in general, which was cultivated by the Jains especially; cf. the statements in referenee to the contents of the mahaparinna, p. 251 the books of magic of Nagarjuna, &c. The orthodox belief could take umbrage at this part of the contents of anga 10. 402 savvim A; upalaksanatvad yaksadibhis ca saha. 403 samvadah subhasubhagatah samlapah. 404 prajnapaka ye pratyekabuddhas te (taih !) karakady-adisadgsair vividhar thabhasabhasitas tasam adarsam gusthadisambamdhininam prasnanam vividhagunamaharthah prasna dasasv akhyayamta iti yogah. The expression pratyekabuddha, which recurs in the Nandi, is of interest; cf. p. 265 and Bhag. 25. 6, 8, according to Leumann. 405 sthiramahar sibhih; pathamtarena virama".

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118 JAIN JOURNAL yanam ca, jagahiyanam, 406 addaga407-rgutha-bahu-asi-mani-Khomaaticca-m-aiyanam vivihamahapasinavijja-manapasinavijja (omitted in A) daivavapaugappahanagunapagasiyanam,408 sambhuyavigunappabhava (ppa om. A) naragana.m-ativimhayakarinam,409 [335] atisayam-aiyakalasamae410 damasama (sama is omitted in A) titthakaruttamassa411 thii (tthita A) karana-kararanam,412 durabhigama duravagahassa savvasavvannusamma. yassa413 buddha (abuha A) janavi bohakarassa paccakkhayapaccayakarinam414 panhana vivihagunamahattha jinavarappaniya aghavijjamti (atfhavijjo A). XI. The eleventh angam, vivagasuyam, vipakasrutam : in two srutaskandhas, of 10 ajjhayanas each, contains legends on the reward of good and evil deeds. Its division is in harmony with our information on this point in anga 4 and Nandi, with this exception, that in anga 4 nothing is said of the two srutaskandhas, See above p. 270, 280 in reference to the kammavivaga texts, which are connected in name and contents, and which have 10, 43 and 55 ajjh., and are mentioned in angas 3, 10, 4, 43 and in the Kalpasutra, Imdabhuti beholds some horrible deed, and is told by Mahavira, whom he questions concerning it, the previous history, e.g. previous births of the individuals in question. The event itself is then explained415 and the fate of the persons in future births is made known 406 jagaddhitanam. 407 adagaiduftha bahu asa mani revama aticca mayanami A; on addaga, adar sa (magician's mirror) cf. Hala v. 204 (p. 75). 408 vividhaprasna osnan pra) ty uttaradayinyah, manahpramitarthottaradayinya (s ca), tasam devatani tadadhisthat qdevatas, tesam prayogapradhanyena pradhanataya gunam vividhartha-samvadakalaksanam prakasayamti loke vyamjayanti yais te vividhao prakasikas tasam (the masc. and fem of prasna together!). 409 dvigune na upalaksanatvat laukikaprasnavidyaprabhavapeksaya bahugunena pajha. mtare : vividhagunena. prabhavena mahat myena manujasamudayabuddher vismayaka ryas camatkarahetavo yah prasnah. 410 aita A; atisayam atitao. 411 dama(h) samas tatpradhanatirtharkaranas darsanamtara sastrinam uttamo bhagavan jinas tasya. 412 sthitika, anam sthapanarh, tasya karanani hetavo yas tah. 413 sarvesan sarvajnanam sammatam istam. 414 pratyaksakena jnanena pratyayah "isarvatisayanidhanam...jinava canam" ity evamrupa pratipattih, atkaranasilanan. 415 This recalls the legend of the Satap. Br. about Bhrgu Varuni (Ind. Streifen 1, 24), with the exception that there is no reference here to the tortures of hell, but merely to a retribution on earth.

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JANUARY, 1993 119 to the inquirer. Mahavira's answer thus treats the question in a three-fold manner. There is here no mention of a ceie caitya, as is the case in other legends ; (336) but a jakkhayatana of this and that jakkha is continually referred to. The part played by the yaksa here is at least as important as that in the Palisutta of the Buddhists, if not more so ;- see Ind. Streifen, 3, 5072,--they being in fact exact representatives of the devas416 of the Brahmans, Here, as in angas 7, &c., the first history only is related in detail, all the others being briefly told. The titles of the tales in the first suyakkhamdha are : 1. Miyaputta in Miyagama, son of king Vijaya and Miya, born blind and deaf and dumb, lame, and a cripple, without bands, feet, ears, eyes, nose, and with mere indications (agii, akrti) of the existence of these parts of the body. The account is similar in anga 3, 10. 2. Ujjhiya (yae V), son of the merchant Vijayamitta and of Subhadda in Vaniyagama. A prostitute is here referred to, who was bavattarikalapardita causatthigania-gunovaveta, attharasadesi bhasavisarada. The latter are unfortunately not enumerated. (In anga 3, 10 Guttasa, instead of Ujjhitaka). 3. Abhagga (oggasene V), son of a robber417 Vijaya and of Khamdasiri in the robber-village (corapalli) Saladavi. (In anga 3, 10 ande instead of Abhaggasene.) 4. Sagada, son of the merchant Subhadda and of Bhadda in Sahamjani (Also in anga 3, 10). 5. Vahasatidatta, son of the purohita Somadatta and of Vasudatta in Kosambi. (In anga 3.10 mahana). 6. (337] Namdivaddhana, son of king Siridama and of Bandhusiri in Mahura. (In anga 3.10 Nardisena). 7. Umbaradatta, son of the merchant Sagaradatta and of Gamgadatta in Padaliputta. (In anga 3, 10 Udumbara.) 8. Soriyadatta, daughter of the macchamdha (matsyabandha Abh., fisherman) Samuddadatta and of Samuddadatta in Soriyapura. (In anga 3, 10 Soria.) 416 A trace of this in the Sinhasanadv. Ind. Stud. 15,357, in Hala, v, 372 Bh. (Ind. Stud, 16, p, 115). In the commentary on the Suryaprajn. and elsewhere, cerie is explained by vyamtarayat anam. 417 asilatthipathamamadle....bardiggahanehin ya ; cf. Hala, preface, p. XVII.

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120 JAIN JOURNAL 9. Devadatta, daughter of the house-owner Datta and of Kanbasiri in Rohinaa (or Rohidaa). (A different name in arga 3, 10). 10. Aja, daughter of the merchant Dhanadeva and of Piargu in Vaddhamanapura. (A different name in anga 3, 10). The ten ajjhayanas of the second suyakkhardha are : 1. Subahu, son of king Addinasatta and of Dharini in Hatthisisa. 2. Bhaddanamdi, son of king Dhanavaha and of Sarassati in Usabhapura. 3. Sujata, son of king Mitta and of Siri in Virapura. 4. Suvasava, son of king Vasavadatta and of Kanha in Vijayapura. 5. Jinadasa, son of prince (kumara) Mahacamda and of Araba datta in Sogamdhita. 6.418 Dhanapati, son of the yuvaraja Vesamana and of Siri in Kanakapura. 7. Bhaddanamdi, son of the prince Mahabbala and of Rattavati in Mahapura. 8. [338] Mahambala, son of the prince Bhaddanamdi, and of Sughosa. 9. Camda, son of the prince Mahacamda and of Juvasirikamta in Campa. 10. Varadatta, son of king Mittanamdi and of Sirikamta in Sageya. All these fine-sounding names, and those brought into connection with them, are in all probability pure fabrications; the names of the localities alone, e.g. Padaliputta, have some chronological value. The table of contents in anga 4, or Nandi (N), is as follows :se kim tam vivagasue o vivagasue nam sukadadukkadanam kammanam phalavivage419 aghavijjamti, se420 samasau duvihe, pam, tam : duhavivage ceva suhavivage ceva, tattha nam dasa duhavivagani dasa suhavivagani; --se kim tam duhavivage (deggani B C) ? duhavivagesu nam duhavivaganan (N-omitted in ABC) nagarai cei ujja vana raya ammapiyaro samosarana 418 In Vidhiprapa are the following inversions :-Dhanavai 6, Mahavvala 7, Bhadda nandi 8, Mahacamda 9. 419 degga N. 420 se up to suhavivage ceva omitted in N; samasato BC...

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JANUARY, 1993 dhammayariya dhammakaha41 nagaragamanaim422 samsarapavamcaduhaparamparau ya aghavijjamti, se tam duhavivagani;- se kim tam suhavivagani? suhavivagesu nam suhavivaganam nagaraim421 java dhammakaha ihalogaparaloga423 bhogapari pavva424 suyapariggaha tavo pariya425 samlehana bhattapacca pauva426 [339] devaloga sukula punabohi amtakiriyau ya aghavijjamti ;- duhavivagesu427 nam panativaya aliyavayana (yayanaya A) corikka (rakka A) karana paradaramehuna sasamgatae maha (ha A) tivvakasaya imdiyappamada pavappaoga-asubhajjhavasana-samciyanam428 kame manam pavaganam pava-anubhagaphalavivaga niraya (gani naraga A) gati tirikkhajoni bahuviha (ha A) vasanasaya-paramparabaddhanam (rapava A) manuyatte (tatte A) vi agayanam jaha429 pavakammasesena pavaga homti phalavivaga bahuvasanavinasa130 nasakannotthamgutthakaracarananahacheyana jibbhachheyana (jibbhaveche A) amjana431 kadaggidahana132 (dah B C, dahana A) gayacalana malara phalana433 ullambana434 sula-laya (sulata A)--lauda-latthibhamjana 435 tai-sisaga tattatella kalakala abhisimcana kumbhipaga436 kampana 437 thirabamdhana 48 (bandha A) veha (vehava A) vajjha (vabbha A) kattana439 patibhayakara440 karapalivanaim441 darunani dukkhani anovamani 421 In N again transposed na. u. va. ce. sa. ra. am. dhdeg hao dhdeg riya. 422 nagara to java dhammakaha omitted in N; nagaragamanaim ti, bhagavato Gautamasya bhiksadyartham. 423 ihaloljaparaloiya riddhivisesa N. 424 pavvai A. 425 tavo padi BC. 426 bhogapariccaga pavvajjao pariyaga suapariggaha tavo'-vahanaim samlehanao bhatt apaccakkhanaim paovagamanaim suhaparamparao sukulapaccato hilabha amtakiriyao a aghdeg N. punavo 427 N omits all the following. 428 papaprayogasubhadhyavasanasamcitanam. 429 jaha to nahaceyana omitted in A. 130 vinasasety (1) adi yavat pratibhayakara karapradipanam ce 'ti dvamdvam. 431 mraksanam va dehasya ksaratailadina. 432 katanam vidalavansadimayanam agnih katagnis tena dahanam. 433 vidaranam. 121 434 vrksasakhadav udbamdhanam, cf. lambiyaga Aup. SS 70. 435 lauttha B; fulena lataya lakutena yastya bhamjanam gatranam. 436 nam kumbhipaga A, pagam BC; kum (bhyam) bhajanavisese pakah. 437 kampanam sitalajalachotanadina sitakalena gatrotkampanam. 438 nividaniyamtranabamdhah. 439 kumtadina sastrena bhedanam varddha (nam) kartanam. 440 pattibhayakaram A, patibhayam karam BC, patibhayakaram C; bhayajananam. 441 palli BC (without kara), karapalli A; karapradipanam vasanavestitasya tailabhisasya (?) kavayor ami (agni?) pravadhanam (?); tani adir yesam duhkhanam tani, tani tatha ca darunani ce 'ti karmadharayah. This appears to me quite unnecessary; there is no adi in palivanai, which is merely a neutr. pl.

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122 JAIN JOURNAL bahuvihaparamparanubaddha442 na muccamti, pavakammavallie (velte A) (340) aveyaitta443 hu444 na tthi mokkho,446 tavena446 dhitidhaniyabaddhakachena447 sohanam448 tassa va 'vi hottha, 449--etto ya 50 suhavivagesu nam (omitted in A) silasamjama niyama gunatavo-vahanesu . sahusu suvihiesu461 anukampasayapayoga (paiga A)*52-tikalamati453 -visuddhabhattapanai payayamanasa454 hiyasuhanisesativvaparinamanicchiyamat7455 payachiuna456 payogasuddhain457 jaha (jahi A) ya nivvatte(m)ti468 4459 bohilabhan, jaha ya ( jaha A) parittikare(m)ti (karoti A)460 naranirayatiriya suragatigamanavipula461 pariyatta462 aratibhayavisayasokamichattaselasamkadam463 annana (anana A) tamamdhakaracikkhallasuduttaran jaramarana [341] joni-sam-kkhubhiyacakkavalar7464 (vala A) solasakasayasavayapayamdam (C, payandacadan A)485 (anatiyam anavaya 442 badha A ; jiva iti gamyate. 443 papakarmavallya phalasampadikaya...yato'vedayitva (an)anubhuya karmaphalam iti gamyate. 444 hur yasmad-arthe. 445 viyogah karmanah sa kasai, jivanam iti gamyate ; av, hu na 'tthi m. is a species of formula solemnis. 446 kim sarvatha ? ne'ty aha : tapasa anasanadikavratena. 447 ddhiti A, dhytis cottasamadhanam. dhaniyam atyartham, baddha nipidita, kach am bamdhavise so yatra tat tatha tena, dhtiyuktene 'ty a. 448 sodhanam apanayanam. 449 hoyya BC; tasya karmavisesasya va 'vi 'tti sambhavanayam, hottha sampadyate ; na'nyamok soayo' sti ti bhavih. 450 itas ca 'namtaram. 451 susthu vihitam anusthitam yesam te suvihitas, tesu bhaktadi dattva yatha bodhilabhadi ni(r)vartayamti tathe 'ha "khyayata iti sambamdhah, iha ca sa pradane' pi saptami. 452 anukampasayaprayogas tena. 453 trisu kalesu ya matir buddhih yad uta das yami 'ti paritoso, diyamane poso, datte ca posa iti sa trikalamatis, taya. 454 pattaya A ; prayatamanasa adaraputacetasa. 455 hiyam I suhanisesan A;..livrah prakistah, parinamo 'dhyavasanan, niscita' sam Saya matir buddhir yesan te hitasukhanihsreyasativraparinamaniscitamatayah. 456 pradaya. 457 pauga A; samsaradidosarahitani. 458 jiva iti gamyate. 459 tusabdo hhasa (?) matrarthah. 460 paritti kurvanti, hrasvatai nayanti, samsarasagaram iti yogah; on the foll. see Aupapat. SS 32 (Leumann, p. 44). 461 gamana BC, gatigamana A; deggatisu vipulo vistirnah. 462 parivarto (vitto ?). 463 visakha, sila, B; degmithyatvani eva sailah parvatah taih samkatah samkirno yah. 464 mahamat syamakaradyanekajalajantujatisammadena praviloaitam cakravalam jala pari mamdalyam yatra. 495 payandacathdam B; sodasa kasaya eva svapadani makaradini prakamdani atyar tharaudrani yatra.

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JANUARY, 1993 ggam) 166 samsarasagaram inam, jaha ya nibamdhamti augamsuraganesu, jaha ya anubhavamti suraganavimanasokkhani anovamani (omitted in A) tau ya kalamtaracuyanam ihe 'va naralogam agayanam, au-vau (vapu BC)vanna-ruva-jati-kula-jamma-arogga-buddhi-meha (omitted in A) - visesa 467 mittajana jina A) sayana468 dhanna (dhamma A)-dhana (omitted in 4) vibhava469 samiddh (ddha A) sarasamudayavisesa bahuvihakamabhogubbhavana (gabbhava BC) sokkhana, suhavivaguttamesu170 anuvaraya (anadeg A) paramparanubaddha asubhanam subhanu (BC, A omits) ceva kammana bhasiya bahuviha (v. omitted in A) vivaga vivagasuyammi bhagavaya jinavarena samvegakaranattha,471 anne (anna A) vi ya evamaiya (degadiya BC) bahuviha vittharenam attha (attha A) paruvanaya aghavijjamti (jjai BC). XII. The twelfth angam, ditthivaa, drstivada, presentation of the (different) views.472 This title [342] corresponds to our information in reference to the contents of this text now no longer extant; and we conjectured on page 248 that the character of its contents was the causa movens of its loss. On page 242 we saw that in all probability the ditthivaa is not further mentioned even in the angas with the exception of angas 4.478 This remark holds good merely of the name ditthivaa and not of the so-called 14 puvvas, which, according to the presentation of the subject in anga 4, form a principal part of the ditth. Tradition indeed appears to regard the puvvas as identical with the ditth. The 14 puvvas are mentioned both in anga 10 (the redaction of which, as we have seen, p. 327 foll., is of secondary origin), where their division into pahudas is alluded to (see p. 333), and frequently in angas 6 and 8; and in fact in a very peculiar way. The detailed discussion, according to name and contents, of the 14 puvvas in anga 4 and Nandi and in the later tradition, cites the 466 BC, anaiyam anavadayam A; anadikam, anavavargam anamtam. 467 medhavisesa akhyayamta iti yogah. 468 svajanah pitrpitrvyadih. 469 dhannadhana C; vibhavam B; dhanadhanyarupo yo vibhavah laksmih. 123 470 deggo u BC; subhavipaka uttamo yesam te subhavipakottamas tesu, jivesu iti gamyate, iha ce yam sasthyarthe saptami; te subhavipakadhyayana vacyanam sadhunam ayuskadivisesah subhavipak-adhyayanesu akhyayamta iti prakytam, atha pratyekam srutas kamdhayor abhidheye puno (guna ?) papavipakarupe pratipadya tayor eva yaugapadyena te aha: anuparata acinna ye paramparanuba (m) dhah, ke? vipaka iti yogah. 471 samvegahetavo bhavah, cf. Leumann, Aup. Glossary under samvayana. 472 distayo darsanani, vadanam vadah, drstinam vado drstinam va pato yatra. 473 Leumann cites anga 5,20,8 for the duvalasamga ganipidaga, or ayaro java difthivao, likewise barasamig in anga 8,4,1. The first passage is based in the last instance on anga 4.

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124 uppayapuvva at their head. Twice in anga 6 and once in anga 8 (3, 1) are they characterized, just as are the eleven angas, or together with them, as samaiya-m-aiyaim. Leumann says: "Of special interest are three of the many instances in anga 6, where it is related that a man who has just become a member of the order studied the 14 puvvas or 11 angas." These three instances are found in p. 591 of the Calcutta edition, compared with p. 597, p. 1354, compared [343] with p. 1355 and p. 1454, compared with p. 1455. The second passages quoted, in which the 11 angas are mentioned, have reference to a period later by five to twenty years than the first, in which the 14 puvvas are treated of." JAIN JOURNAL How can this use of the attribute samaiya-m-aiyaim of the 14 puvvas be explained? This use is found in no other place474 with the exception of angas 6 and 8, and here only in the parallel use of the epithet in reference to the 11 angas, and in no instance where there is an isolated mention of the 14 puvvas Hence it is too bold an assumption if we assert that a samaiya-puvvam, instead of the uppayapuvvam, once actually stood at the head of the 14 puvvas. On the other hand, it is probable that in anga 6 this epithet has been transferred from the angas to the puvvas, and that the generic signification of the word samaia, and the greater antiquity which the statements in anga 6 probably possess in contrast to those in angas 4, formed the means of transition. This assumption is however a mere make-shift, since there is no further criterion for such a special inter- relation of both groups of texts. The upangas, too, attest in several particulars the existence of anga 12. In up. 8-12, probably the oldest of the upanga texts, it is true, only 11 angas are mentioned. But in up. 1, 26 (Leumann, p. 36) we discover a reference to the coddasapuvvi together with the duvalasamgino; and in the introduction to up. 4, [344] in v. 5, the ditthivaa, and in v. 3, the puvvasuyam, are mentioned by name as the source of information of the author. It is furthermore worthy of note that up. 5 and 7 agree with the puvvas in the division into pahudas. According to up. 6 they both appear to have been divided into vatthus at the time of this upanga. The tradition is desirous of establishing a close connection between the upanga and the anga in the present order of succession of each. Hence we may conclude that, 474 The cases cited above p. 244, 245, where was mention made of samaiam-ai java bimdusarao, do not belong in this connection, since the first angam and not the first purvam was there referred to.

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JANUARY, 1993 125 at the period in which the existing corpus of the twelve upangas was established,- that is, at the date of the redaction of the present Siddhanta,- there were in reality 12 angas, and that the ditthivaa conse. quently still existed or was considered as extant. The ditthivaa or, as the case may be, the duvalasargam ganipidagam is frequently mentioned in the other parts of the Siddhanta, which are united to the upanga. These portions of the Siddhanta are in reality the storehouse of information about the ditthivaa or duvalasamgan gaaipidagam. See the citations on p. 246 from Avasy. and Anuyogady. With these may be associated the corresponding statements in chedas. 2 and Nandi, in which we find several direct citations (see below) from the purvas; and in fact the chedas 3-5 are repeatedly called as excerpt from puvya 9, 3, 20, which is referred back even to Bhadrababu ! On p. 223, 224 we have seen from several old versus memoriales, the source of which is unfortunately no longer extant, that the ditthivaa at the period of the existence of these verses was highly esteemed, inasmuch as it was designed for the highest gradation of intelligence, and was held to be the object of the study of the nineteenth year. Here we must not suppress the thought that the reason for this relegation of the ditsh. to a late period of study, was because it may have been considered (345) dangerous for an earlier and less mature stage of advancement. Finally, appearing as too dangerous, 475 it may have been dropped altogether. It is exceedingly peculiar that the puvvas, which are a principal part of the ditthivaa and represent a preliminary stage of the anga both according to tradition and, in all probability, to their name itself, are said to have proceeded from the mouth of the Tirthakara and to have been collected by his ganadharas before the angas. The puvvas are mentioned in angas 6 and 8 as texts independent of, or even previous to, the 11 angas, but in angas 4, &c., are represented as forming but one of the five sections of the last anga. It was to be expected that they should be partly independent texts, and partly should stand at the beginning of the entire Siddhanta The key furnished by tradition points to the fact (cf. p. 214) that the knowledge of the ditlhivaa (or of that of the purra here 475 The same probably holds good of the other texts above mentioned, which imme. diately preceded the diffhivaa, and which are no longer extant.

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126 identified with the ditthivaa) was limited to Bhadrabahu alone even at the time of the Council of Pataliputra, which instituted the first collection of the anga texts; and that recourse was had to Bhadrabahu when the collection of the 11 angas was perfected. To this circumstance then we must ascribe the fact that the "purvas" are placed at the end and not at the beginning of the whole collection. But, [346] according to this very tradition, at that time, on the one hand, there were no longer 14 but 10 purvas, the knowledge of which was further disseminated, and, on the other, the purvas do not appear as a part of the ditthivaa but as the ditthivaa itself. Both of these statements of tradition are contradicted by a locus classicus which, in default of the text itself, affords, together with the detailed table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi, information concerning the ditthivaa. Anga 6 and the Nandi, our sources of information, are here in complete agreement, but in the table of contents of the other angas the Nandi is much briefer than anga 4. The contradiction is this: (1) there is not even the slightest difference made between purvas 1-10 and 11.14; and (2) all the 14 purvas are cited as a mere section-the third partof the ditthivaa. JAIN JOURNAL As regards the latter circumstance, it may be stated that in the Siddhanta itself, though in late texts, we find several times the peculiar fact, that, in case a collective enumeration of the angas is attempted, and the first member, whether it be samaia or ayara, and the last, are mentioned, this last member does not appear as ditthivaa but as vimdusara. See above, p. 244, 245. Vimdusara is the title of the last of the fourteen purvas. It is certainly very remarkable that the title of a section (and vimdusara must be considered to be such in this connection as in others) is coordinated with that of an independent text. As regards these passages it is impossible to assume [347] that the ditthivaa at that time exceeded this section in extent. This constitutes an important divergence from the presentation of the subject in anga 4, or N., in which latter the Vimdusara, as the last section of the third part, is followed by two additional parts. Hemacandra, who in his treatment of the dristivada (abhidh. v. 245, 246), cites the purva (gata) as its fourth, and not as its third part, affords us only such assistance as confirms the divergence in question. Since the fifth part of the dristivada consists of so-called culikas, which are a secondary addition the ditthivaa, according to Hemacandra's treatment476 too, actually concludes with the Vimdusara section. 476 In Hemacandra's treatment of the subject there are other minute divergences from the statements in anga 4, or Nandi; on which see below.

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JANUARY, 1993 127 So much is clear :--That that conception which limits the ditthivaa to the 14 puyyas alone is too narrow. We find a recognition of the other constituent parts of the ditthivda also in those statements of the scholia, in which (cf. p. 258) "purvani sammaty-adikas ca" (anuyogah) are mentioned instead of the ditthivaa referred to in the text. See Av. nijj. 8, 54. By sammatyadikah (anuy ) we are probably to understand the first parts of anga 12, though the order has been inverted.477 [348] To the statements made, p. 212 foll., in reference to the gradual decline of the knowledge of the purvas, I add the following: - In the Kalasattari of Dhammaghosa478 verse 38 foll., Thulabhadda is referred to the year Vira 215; and there still existed in the time of Vaira 584 (Vira) 10, in that of Dubbalia 616 (Vira), 9} puvvas. In the scholiast on the passage and in KL 247" the latter name is cited as Durbalika-Puspa (osya)mitra; in the Berlin scholiast on the Nandi, introduct. y. 32, as Durvalikapuspa (osya), he and his teacher Aryaraksita being called the two navapurvinau. In the year 1000 the entire puvvagayam was "gayam". Let us now turn to the locus classicus itself. Its statements are unfortunately not clear and in fact were unintelligible to the scholiasts of both texts (Abbayadeva on anga 4, and Anon. on Nandi). They both assert with tolerable unanimity that, inasmuch as the text itself was no longer extant, they merely report the few utterances of tradition. Abhayadeva has the foll. at the beginning of his remarks : sarvam idam prayo vyavachinnar tatha' pi yathapistam (! distam ?) kimcit likhyate; and the anonymous scholiast on N. has : s. i. pr. vy. tatha 'pi lesato yathagatasampradayam kiscid vyakhyayate. In explaining the first part Abhayadeva says : etac ca sarvam samulottarabhedam sutrarthato vyavachinnam and the anon. schol. :-tani ca samulottarabhedani sakalany api sutrato'rthatas ca (319) vyavachinnani yathagatasampradiyatas ca dar sitani. Finally, Abhayadeva expresses himself in a similar manner concerning the second part : amuny api sutrarthato vyavachinnani tatha 'pi drtanusaratah kimcit likhyate, and the anon, 471 Sammati 1) "opinion","view, in the St. Petersb. Dict., i. e. synonymous with disti. Leumann tells me that Silanka, too, on anga 1, 1, 8, refers to sammatyadau a discussion on the 7 nayas (see below p 352), and was in possession of a text of that name before him ; cf. also the sammativytti, below p. 371. 478 Dhammaghosasuri, scholar (v. 74) of Devim da, died accord. to Kl. 255a Samyat 1357. This does not agree with Kalas. v. 41 foll. where in general the same prophetic statements are found as in Satrunj. Mah. 14, 290 foll. (See my Treatise, p. 47). These statements contain the dates 1912 and 1850 Vira (i e. Samvat 1442 and 1380).

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128 JAIN JOURNAL schol, says etany api samprati sutrato'rthatas ca vyav., yathagatasampradayato vacyani. The ditthivaa is stated to have consisted of five parts. The first part is the parikammam, by which, the scholiast says, we are to understand those preparations necessary to grasp the meaning of the sutras correctly. These preparations are analogous to the 16 arithme. tical operations parikarmani which must be understood in order to compute without assistance from others.479 They are divided into 7 groups, each one of which is again divided into various subdivisions, the total number of which is 83. The first two groups have each 14, the next five but Il of these subdivisions, which everywhere bear the same title. They begin, 480 in the case of groups 1 and 2 with the mauyapayaim, in the case of groups 3.7 with the padho, Padha doubtless significs "reading"; and the mauyapadani, numbering 46 according to anga 4, 46,- see p. 281,-recall the 46 signs of the alphabet, and therefore deal with preliminary instruction in reading and writing. The statement bambhie nam livie chayalisam mauyakkharani, which follows immediately thereupon, tends however to invalidate (350) this assumption. Since this statement certainly, though strangely enough (see above, p. 281 note), refers to 46 sounds or signs of the alphabet, the 46 mauyapadani which are mentioned immediately before must refer to something else.481 Furthermore since both scholia upon this occasion offer the second of the above-cited explanations of their ignorance, and consequently make no attempt to clear up the names of the 7 groups or of their 84 sub-divisions, it cannot be demanded of us that we do more than follow their example.482 I to be continued ] 479 Schol. on N: parikarma yogyatapadanan, taddhetuh sastram api parikarma, futra purvagata-'nuyoga-sutrarthagrahanayogyatas ampadanasamarthani parikarmani, yat ha ganitasastre samkalitadiny adyani sodasa parikarmani, sesaganitasutrartha grahane samarthanipadana (doubtless orthata-sampadeg ?) samarthani. 490 The interesting fact becomes here apparent that the text of N is unconditionally older. See below. 481 It is greatly to be lamented that the MS of Abhayadeya to which I have had access, is here so corrupt, that nothing definite can be gained from it. The passage reads :-(dit:hivayassa na chayalisan mauyapaya pam, bambhie nam livie chaya. lisam mauakkhara pam): ditthivayassa iti dvadasamgas ya, mauyapaya tri sakalatvahmayasya(?) ak vasadi (akaradi ?) matkapadani' va dystivadarthaprasartha(?) nigamah dhovya(?) laksanani tani va (tanica) siddhasreni-manusyasreny-adina. (i e. names of the first two groups of the parikamma) visayabhedeva (dena) kat ham api bhidyamanani satohat varisnad gavati (bhavamri ti ?) sambhadhyate (degyyate): tatha bambhie nam livie tti lekhyavidhau 46 matykak sarani, tani ca. (see p. 281). 482 Some of these names are not certain since the MSS. vary. Agasapayain, keubhuyan. rasibaddhan, keubhuyapadiggaho refer probably to the domain of astronomy.

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Gaining Academic Recognition for Jainism S. K. Jain Last summer (1992) I was appointed a Visiting Fellow at the University of Warwick's Center for Research in Ethnic Relations. This position gave me the opportunity to visit a number of professors in Britain. One of the professors I visited had recently edited a book on world religions which is currently being used as a text in comparative religion courses in Great Britain. Among the Indian religions included in the book are Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism ; Jainism is excluded, When I asked the editor of this book why Jainism was excluded while Buddhism was included, he answered, "the numbers did not warrant". He meant that the numbers of Jains living in U. K, were insignificant as compared with the numbers of followers of other world religions present in Britain. Moreover, he added, Jains made no representations to the National Curriculum Council or to the editor of this book to have their religion included as had the Buddhists (mostly British converts living in a remote place in Scotland). That is how Jainism, although one of the most ancient religious traditions of India, was excluded from this recent book on world religions as it was also excluded by Huston Smith in his book The Religion of Man (1958). Similarly, when Professor Theodore de Bary issued the series called "Readings in Oriental Thought" in the late Sixties a volume on the Jaina tradition was not issued while volumes on The Hindu Tradition (1966) and Buddhist Tradition in India, China and Japan (1969) were issued. Similarly there was no mention of Jainism or any Jaipa text included in the Guide to Oriental Classics which was prepared by the staff of the Oriental Studies Program at Columbia College, New York, in 1964.

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130 JAIN JOURNAL But is was the late professor Joseph Campbell who saw fit to conclude in his book, Oriental Mythology : The Masks of God (1962), " Jains, who, though today a sect small in number, were in the past both numerous and of great influence" (218). In this book he devotes a whole section to the Jaina world cycle, under the heading "The Road of Smoke" (pp. 218-234) and "The Road of Flame" (pp. 234 240). Perhaps that's why some scholars are now arguing that Jainism be considered as a world religion (see Jaini, 1990). Many popular books on world religion do not consider Jainism as a world religion despite its appeal as a life-style (religion) of the future. One can thus say with some certainty that Jainism is not as wellknown outside India as are other Indian religions, particularly Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism. That's why when a book of prayers was being compiled for use in Ontario schools by the Toronto Board of Education Jaina prayers were absent in the original draft. They were, however, included in the final draft. But parents in at least one district objected to the inclusion of Jaina prayers. They argued, such prayers will turn their children against eating meat. Jainism is also denied due credit as the only religion advocating ahinsa in some books. For example, Professor Peter Brock fails to discuss the Jaina cultural value of ahimsa in his two volumes on Freedom from Violence : Sectarian Nonresistance from the Middle Ages to the Great War, and Nonsectarian Pacifism, 1814-1814 (both 1991). The later book, though, includes a section on Mahatma Gandhi's non-violent campaigns in South Africa. However, when a reference to Jains or Jainism does find a place in some books, it is often inaccurate. For example, the definition of "Jain" entered in the World Book Information Finder (CD-ROM, 1991) defines a Jain "a member of a non-Brahmanic southeast Asian sect resembling Buddhism, and believing, like the Hindus, in transmigration of the soul, established in the 500's B. C." Most students and scholars of Indian religions would know that Jainism is a religion of South Asia, not southeast Asia. Moreover Jainism is not a sect. Furthermore, though there are some similarities between Jaina and Buddhist ideals, Jainism does not resemble Buddhism, especially Buddhism of southeast Asia, China or Japan.

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JANUARY, 1993 Jains have also been excluded from some assemblies of world religions as it was done in Toronto some years ago by the "ecumenical" convenors of a conference on One-God's religions. The organizers are reported to have said that Jains were not included because they are atheists. 131 True, Jains do not believe in a Creator-God of the universe, but they are not godless people. There are many other glaring misconceptions about Jains in certain other quarters. The stereotypical image of Jains is "a sect of the naked" as an encyclopedic entry would reveal. The image was most prevalent in a video produced a few years ago by an American sympathetic of Jaina tradition. The same is even true of a scholarly book that has become the most widely read book on Jainism in modern times, and is one of the recommended texts in a course of Jaina studies. The frontis-piece of this book is the naked statue of Bahubali. There is nothing strange, exotic or lewd about nakedness to an initiated mind. But to the western eyes, with a heritage based on Judaeo-Christian, Catholic traditions, nakedness is associated with guilt and sex. Pictures of humans showing private parts are not just acceptable in school text-books. That's why when the Institute of Asian Cultures of Windsor, Ontario, tried to donate, in the midseventies, a hundred sets of forty plus children's books each in English (all published in India) to the public schools in Essex, Middlesex and Lambton counties, some schools discarded or refused the sets because one of the books contained a picture of the naked statue of the 24th Tirthankara. No doubt, nakedness is the supreme form and example of the Jaina principle of aprigraha, but it is practised only by Jaina monks, and that also by a very small proportion of all monks, especially in southern India. Perhaps the most appropriate frontispiece of a book on Jainism should be the Jain mula-mantra (the universal prayer) or the word "ahimsa" or the phrase "ahimsa parama dharamh," or a picture of a bird/animal hospital.

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132 JAIN JOURNAL Many other books on Jainism which emphasize, though quite correctly, the supreme vows (mahavratas) of the Jaina monks and nuns, do not always give equal treatment to the religion of the laity-the Jaina religion in practice. Very rarely one finds information about things like samvatsari and khama-khamauni. Appears to me that to take the supreme and universal message of ahimsa to the wide world, Jaina scholars will have to reorient and redirect their attention. In addition to talking to professors of religious studies, I have also spoken to several researchers in centres for the study of peace, or peace study programs. Invariably, no one has yet mentioned to me that know of a religion whose basic premise is ahimsa paramo dharamh, though they will mention the name of Mahatma Gandhi or the Quakers, the Mennonites, the Antitrinitarians of Poland at the time of the Reformation, or the Nazarenes of Hungary in the nineteenth century, or the Church of the Brethren and the Seventh-day Adventists in the United States. There are several reasons for this gap of understanding about the role of Jains and Jainism in propagating the most unique theory of social relationships peace and non-violence. 1. Jains comprise about 1/2 of 1 percent of India's total population, though some Jains would argue that the number of Jains in India is much higher. The current figures are so low, they point out, because some Jains do not declare themselves as Jains in national censuses, but as Hindus. Even if the number of Jains was a shade more than the current estimates, they are not very numerous. The number of Jains living outside India is not very large either. By some estimates there are about 5,000-8,000 Jains in North America, and about 30.000-50,000 Jains live on the British Isles and the European Continent. These are not significant numbers. Perhaps that is the main reason why some authors and editors of books on world religions fail to include Jainism as one of the world's living religions. 2. Jains, as a community, are not very organized and are not very

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JANUARY, 1993 demanding. They do not stand out as a special minority. They have no special dress requirements as have adherents of other religions. They do not make much noise either. There is not a single case of a Jain taking his case to the Human Rights Commission for religious discrimination. Jains would rather accommodate their personal needs (rights) to fit their adopted environment. 133 This significance was brought home to me when I asked a senior research fellow at the University of Warwick's Centre for Ethnic Relations why there has not been a single sociological study of Jains in Britain. He answered, perhaps jokingly, that there is no interest in studying Jains because "they do not offend anybody". 3. Jainism is not a missionary religion as, for example its sister religion, Buddhism, has been from the very beginning. In fact, the Jaina code of conduct forbids Jain monks and nuns to travel beyond kala pani (black waters) or sat samundars (seven seas). The only permitted mode of travel, until recently, has been the mendicant's two feet. 4. Even Jain laymen hesitate to travel abroad, or long distances inland, for dietary reasons. Jain parents have not always encouraged their children, in the past, to go abroad. Some Jain munis and acaryas have also shown the same hesitation in giving their blessings to those about to travel abroad. However, there has been at least one notable exception when H. H. Muni Sri Atmaramji specifically authorized Sri V. R. (Virchand Gandhi to travel to Chicago in 1883 to attend the Parliament of World Religions. Mr. Gandhi was perhaps the first Jain to set foot on North American soil. 5. Jainism is not a religion of power and victory over others; instead it is a religion of power and victory over oneself. Hence the term Jina meaning "one who has conquered oneself", from which the term Jain is derived. This philosophic viewpoint is in conformity with the rejection of missionary work among non-Jains. Jains do not want to change others to their viewpoint. Jains accept the validity of the multifarious identity of truth or reality embodied in the principle of anekantavada or

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134 JAIN JOURNAL Syadvada. Instead Jains believe that the only person you can change (and that is the most difficult task) is you yourself. 6. Jainism is not a political religion as are, say, Islam and Sikhism, where boundaries between religion and politics are often blurred, murky and mixed. Though Jainism has received royal (state) patronage in the ancient past, Jainism does not teach its adherents to be politically active as a community. Jains are expected to be loyal to the ruler as far as possible, even to the extent of bearing arms in the service of their king. Jains, however, will not take up arms against a ruler, however ruthless he might be. Whereas some religions specifically advocate the use of violence to achieve political ends, Jainism explicitly forbids the use of violence to achieve political goals. The best examples of the use of non-violence (uhimsa) to achieve political goals were offered by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (reverently called Mahatma) and by Martin Luther King, Jr, the American civil rights leader of the 1960's. Unfortunately, all over the world, people still seek solutions to their political and social problems through violence which has proven to be a short-sighted, short-lived and impractical solution. That's why Garabedian and Coombs (1969) state, "The Jainist principle of ahimsa or non-injury is an anaesthesia for violence of the times ..... Our country's (the U.S.A.'s) appalling record of assassinations, mass murder, and violent crime cries out for change (p. 154). This point of view is confirmed by Dr. Padmanabh Jaini (1990) who argues, "those individuals and societies who wish to save themselves and the world) from a way of life that constantly promotes violence" need to study and follow Jaina principles (cf p. 5). William Eckhardt (Oct. 1992) has also argued in a similar vein recently when he says, "Simply put, we can prevent war by restructuring civilization so that human relations are more egalitarian, altruistic and compassionate". The Jaina principles initially presented to H, R. H. Prince Philip on 23rd October 1990 at Buckingham Palace) have been recently made

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JANUARY, 1993 available to the world at large in a publication called The Jain Declaration on Nature. 135 This document points out that the Jaina principles of non-violence (ahimsa), animal rights (vegetarianism), respect for environment (conservation of water, energy and resources), putting limits on one's material desires and physical needs (aparigraha), and respect for diverse points of view (anekantavada) are values or principles which are just right for the coming millennium. Thus Jainism is a very suitable religion (way of life) for the 21st century, a view shared by Dr. Sagarmal Jain (1985) who says, "The basic problems of present society are mental tension, violence and the conflicts of ideologies and faiths. Jainism has tried to solve these problems of mankind through the three basic tenets of non-attachment (aprigraha), non-violence (ahimsa) and non-absolutism (anekanta). If mankind observes these principles, peace and harmony can certainly be established in the (civilized) world" (p. 116). 7. Jaina scholarship traditionally has been in the hands of Jaina mendicants. Jain munis and acaryas, who have traditionally come from the broader Hindu family of brahmins and kstriya clans (castes), and other Hindu scholars have been the most prominent in translating Jaina sacred texts, writing commentaries on such texts, publishing compendiums to various Jaina doctrines, and composing lyrics (bhajans) for recital in Jaina congregations. (Jain scholars of the stature of Jagmindar Lal Jaini and Dr. Padmanabh S. Jaini from the Jain community are few and far between.) The production of popular Jaina literature and the propagation of Jain faith until recently has been in the hands and mouths of Jain sadhus and sadhvis. They have been the most prolific writers, and able to attract large followings. But they do not stay at one place (a requirement of ancient Jaina codes of conduct). By being wanderers they are unable to direct the energies of a community in any significant manner (that would, of course, be considered attachment which the monks are specifically forbidden). The charismatic Jain sadhus do attract some disciples (celas) some of whom do become saint-scholars but that scholarship does not always filter down to the ordinary Jain. The layman never

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136 JAIN JOURNAL becomes a citizen-scholar, Jains, like the Hindus, have no single text to rely upon as the source of information about Jainism. Believing as they are in the principles of anekantavada and sayadvada, the ordinary Jain is left to himself to find his path of purification and liberation. Hence, a great ignorance about Jaina doctrines remains among the Jains. What does remain is folk-knowledge about Jainism. The role of the wandering monks and pups is an important one. Their ways are steeped in history and traditions. However, Jains must find other ways to improve Jaina knowledge among the nonJains and Jains, especially among the second generation Jains born and bred in the western nations. One path has already been noted above, viz. the development of citizen-scholars among the Jains which some Jaina organizations have already begun to do. But attention must be directed in another area. Jains are usually generous people. Most Jains would willingly give money for the building of temples, upasaras or centers in the names of their favourite guru, muni or acarya who can always persuade the faithful to give funds for such enterprises. We must out grow this tradition in India. (Overseas Jain organizations have not remained immune from this tendency either.) 8. Jain Dharam (popularly and erroneously called Jainism, a term which I am forced to use in this essay due to its popularity) has often been confused with and aligned with Buddh Dharam (Buddhism) by early European scholars because of many similarities between the two religions. Perhaps that's why many scholars of Jaina studies are still attached to centres or departments of Buddhist studies. There is, of course, a very rational reason for this. Any scholar of Jaina or Buddhist studies has to be a master of Pali, Prakrit and Ardha-Magadai, and because early Buddhist literature contains a great deal of information about early Jainism. 9. Though information about Jainism has been available to English-speaking people since the beginning of the nineteenth century through the works of Colin Mackenzie, Dr. F. Buchannan (1807), J. Stevenson (1848), Colebrook (1872), etc., Jainism did not attract

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JANUARY, 1993 137 much attention until 1915 when Mrs. Sinclair Stevenson's book, The Heart of Jainism, was published in Oxford. Stevenson's work was not very sympathetic to the Gujarati Jaina (Digambara) community. Her criticism of Jaina monks and nuns, with whom Jainism is often equated, is in line with the criticism offered by the Sikh Guru Nanak and the Hindu reformist Swami Dayanand Saraswati. Stevenson's work jolted the Jaina community from its slumber to counteract the criticism heaped on them by the authoress, the most spirited defence being offered by Jagmandarlal Jaini (1916, 1925). However, German scholars like Hermann Jacobi, J. G. Buhler, Walther Schubring and, in recent times, Ludwig Alsdorf, and in France Professor A, Guerinot and, currently, Madame Colette Caillat have been more sympathetic to Jaina traditions and cultural values. They have been, in my opinion, instrumental in introducing Jaina ideals and sacred texts to their respective audiences and the world at large once their works have been translated into English. Though there is some evidence that Jainism was known to a select group of people in the U.S.A. in the late nineteenth century, it was not until 1883 that it was formally introduced to North America by V. R. Gandhi at the Parliament of World Religions in Chicago. Since then many Jaina organizations in India, and more recently in U.K. and U.S.A., have produced sizeable amounts of literature in English. Though some sacred texts of the Jainas are now available in English translations, "there is not available as yet an easily readable complete set of the Jain scriptures in Hindi or in English" (Jaini, 1.90 : 8-9). For a student of Jaina Studies this is a sad situation. Though more and more works of an explicative nature on Jaipa psychology, yoga, etc., are now available, and some doctoral dissertations on Jaina themes have been written at North American and European institutions,"Jainism is still a relatively neglected subject in Western Indology", says Dr. Robert J. Zydenbos (1991 : 178) This situation needs to be corrected. But there are many practical problems.

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138 For example, we do not have enough accessible literature, enough manpower-scholars and students-and a negligible number of universities offering courses on Jainism. JAIN JOURNAL We believe the first step in bringing Jaina principles to western audiences, where they can be critically studied, examined, accepted or rejected, is through the establishment of courses of studies on Jainism at academic institutions of repute with large student populations. I think the greatest error that Jaina community in India has committed is failing to establish programs of Jaina studies in Jaina educational institutions. There are hundreds of Jaina colleges across India. Few of them if any, impart any instructions in Jainology. Some of these colleges do not even have majority of Jain staffs. An all-India Jain educational and cultural foundation is the most appropriate authority to correct this wrong. The first step would be to take a census of all Jain colleges. This foundation can then appoint a professor of Jaina studies in all Jain colleges. Let's say there are a thousand Jain colleges and the cost of appointing a Jain professor is 24,000 rupees (i.e., 500 pounds sterling) per year. There must be one thousand Jains in Britain, Belgium, Canada, USA, India etc. who would be willing to establish Jaina chairs in Indian colleges. The establishment of such courses will encourage scholars and students associated with these courses to undertake further study and research in Jainism. We should also impress upon appropriate educational authorities to include Jainism as a part of World Religions courses. Jainism should also receive full and fair attention in Indian religions courses. We also need to encourage young people, particularly Jains, to subscribe to such courses of study as will introduce them to Jain religion and philosophy with sympathy and understanding. Furthermore, we need to establish a scholarship fund that will encourage mature students to undertake post-graduate study in Jaina studies.

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JANURAY, 1993 139 In addition, we need to (1) gather primary Jaina literature in English translations and in Indian vernaculars; (2) help augment existing collections on Jainology where world religions are taught and researched ; and (3) establish a tradition of annual public lectures on Jainism by established scholars. We believe, by establishing a course(s) of studies at universities of repute we will be doing a great service to the Jaina community and to the world at large. The world needs to know, study and practice Jaina principles, especially those of ahimsa, aparigraha and anekantavada to develop a far better civilization than we have so far, References Campbell, Joseph, Oriental Mythology: The Masks of God. New York, Penguin Books, 1976 (c. 1962). Cole, W. Owen (ed). Moral Issues in Six Religions. Oxford: Heinemann International, 1991. de Bary, William Theodore (ed). The Buddhist Tradition in India, China and Japan. New York : Vintage Books, 1972 (c. 1969). Eckhardt, William. Civilizations, Empires and Wars : A Quantitative History of War. Jefferson, NC : McFarland & Co., 1992. Embree. Ainslie T. The Hindu Tradition. New York: Random House, 1966; Vintage Books, 1972. Folkert, Kendall W. "Jaina Studies : Japan, Europe, India," Sambodhi, 5 (2-3), 1976, pp. 138-147. Gandhi, Virchand R. Speeches and Writings of...collected by Bhagu F. Karbhari. Second edition. Bombay: Shree Agamodaya Samiti, 1924. Garabedian. John H. and Orde Coombs. Eastern Religions in the Electric Age. (Christ is dead-Buddha lives !) New York, Grosset & Dunlap, 1969. Jain, Sagarmal. "The relevance of Jainism in the Present World", Third International Jain Conference, February 8-10, 1985. Souvenir : Perspectives in Jaina Philosophy and Culture. New Delhi : Ahimsa International, 1985, pp. 112-116. The Jain Declaration on Nature. Reprint. Cincinnati, Ohio : JAINA. n. d. (1991). Jaini, Jagmander Lal. Outlines of Jainism. Cambridge, 1916. Jaini, Jagmander Lal. A review of "The Heart of Jainism", Ambala, 1925. Jaini, Padmanabh S. "Jainism as a world religion", Jinmanjari, 1 (1), October 1990 pp. 1-9.

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140 JAIN JOURNAL Jaini, Padmanabh S. "The Jainas and the Western Scholar", Sambodhi, 5 (1976), pp. 121-131. Dr. A. N. Upadhye Commemoration Volume. Schubring. Walther. The Doctrine of the Jainas Described after the Old Sources. Tr. from the German by Wolfgang Beurlen. Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass, 1962. Smith, Huston. The Religions of Man, New York: Harper & Row (Perennial Library), 1958. Stevenson, Mrs. Sinclair. The Heart of Jainism. Oxford, 1915. Repr. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1970. Zydenbos, Robert J. "Jaina influence in the formation of Dvaita Vedanta", in Jainthology: An anthology of articles selected from the Jain Journal by Ganesh Lalwani. Calcutta : Jain Bhavan, 1991.

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The Ladder of Spiritual Ascent According to Jainism Swami Brahmeshananda In the mystic literature of almost all the major religions of the world, steps through which a spiritual aspirant advances from the lowest to the highest level of spiritual attainment, are described in lesser or greater details. Apart from their philosophical importance, such descriptions have great practical value. They help an aspirant to assess his progress, to determine where he stands on the ladder of perfection to see the next step ahead and to undertake necessary means to climb on to it. The descriptions of spiritual unfoldment however vary from one religion to another and even from one author to another, since they depend upon the spiritual technique employed. For example the progress of a spiritual aspirant practising the yoga of Patanjali is assessed according to the depth of concentration achieved, while the devotional schools determine a souls progress according to its proximity to the Lord. Jainism lays great stress on moral life and on conquest of passions. The progress in this religion, therefore, is determined on the basis of the degree of moral perfection achieved. According to Jainism each soul is inherently pure, conscious, blissful, omniscient and omnipotent. Due to past karmas its inherent perfection is concealed. The task before the aspirant is to prevent accumulation of new karmas (samvara) and to remove already accumulated ones (nirjara). To the extent the karmic covering is made thinner, the light of the soul shines forth, just as sun shines with all its glory the moment fog is removed. Since karmas are also responsible for moral imperfections, spiritual progress is determined by the extent of the removal of karmic impurities. A brief account of the karmas as described in Jainism is therefore imperative. Karmas according to Jainismo The karmas are classified into eight main types, four of which are 1 See chart at the end of the article.

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142 ghatin or obscuring and four aghatin or non-obscuring. The four, ghatin karmas viz. jnanavaraniya, darsanavaraniya, mohaniya and antaraya obstruct the soul's infinite knowledge, faith, bliss and power respectively. The four aghatin karmas viz. ayus, nama, gotra and vedaniya determine the age, personality, species and pleasure and pain which a soul would obtain in a given span of life. They however, do not obstruct the soul's perfection. JAIN JOURNAL From the point of view of the spiritual ascent, mohaniya karmas are the most important. These are twenty eight in number and are classified into two main categories: dar san mohaniya and caritra mohaniya. The darsan mohaniya, three in number obstruct the faith and right attitude of the soul and are responsible for keeping it at the three lowest rungs of spiritual ladder. The twentyfive caritra mohaniya karmas prevent the soul from undertaking right conduct and are responsible for desires and passions and for various grades of immoral conduct. These are of two types: those responsible for sixteen kasayas and those responsible for nine no-kasayas. There are four kasayas or evil tendencies or passions viz. anger, egoism, deceit, and greed or attachment (krodha, mana, maya, lobha). Each of these has four degrees. 1. anantanubandhi - intense, deep-rooted and permanent. 2. apratyakhyani-voluntary and uncontrollable. 3. pratyakhyant-voluntary and controllable. 4. Samjvalana-mild, in seed form only. When a person neither considers anger etc. as evil nor abstains from acts prompted by them, he is said to have anantanubandhi karma, since it would entail ananta or infinite bondage. Next, although one may not justify one's evil tendencies, but when due to long-standing habit they become instinctive and uncontrolled, they are said to belong to the second degree i. e., apratyakhyani. When however one is able to control them at will they are called pratyakhyant, and finally when these passions persist only in their seed form, without external manifestation, 2 Kasaya is generally translated as 'passion'. We have however used both 'passion' and 'evil tendency' for it. 3 The words maya and lobha have different connotations in Jainism than their prevalent meaning. Maya means deceit and crookedness of thought, word and deed, lobha means greed as well as attachment.

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JANUARY, 1993 they are called samjvalana. The task before the aspirant is to overcome these passions by degrees. There are nine no kasayas, the quasi-passions which can stimulate the production of kasayas or passions. These include three types of sex desires, called veda and laughter, attachment, aversion, fear, sorrow and hatred (hasya, rati, arati, bhaya, soka, and garha). These are eliminated only in ninth and tenth stages, when most of the kasayas are removed. The progress of the soul from the fourth to the twelfth step in spiritual development is determined by the elimination of caritra mohaniya karmas. In the thirteenth stage the remaining three ghatin karmas are eliminated. Finally the soul ascends to the fourteenth and final stage and attains total freedom when the aghatin karmas too are removed. 143 Jain scholars recognize two paths by which spiritual ascent can take place (a) by destruction (ksaya) and (b) by suppression (upasama) of the karmas. These paths are called ksapaka sreni and upasama sreni respectively, and their difference becomes evident in first to fourth and from seventh stages. Aspirant travelling by the upasama sreni sooner or later slips down to the lower stages. It may be pointed out here that there are two views regarding the importance of external renunciation and conduct. According to one, internal renunciation, purity of intention, nobility of character and knowledge are all important irrespective of purity of action and flawlessness of conduct. One may commit the vilest crime, and yet remain completely free from sin if one is totally unattachad. On the same grounds even though a householder may not be able to practise moral virtues to the highest perfection. he can still attain liberation. The other view, also held by Jainism, holds that although intention is important, action too is equally important, and perfection cannot be achieved unless both are perfected. Hence a monk alone can attain highest perfection, although in exceptional cases a householder may also reach the goal. Even in such cases the conduct of the person must be immaculate irrespective of whether he takes monastic vows or not. Among those who lay equal stress on both external and internal renunciation, some are of the opinion that external renunciation must 4 Bhagwad Gita, II, 38.

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144 be the result of internal renunciation or should follow it. Others hold that one may initially renounce externally and perfect one's conduct even before inner perfection is achieved as an aid and a preliminary step to the later. It can be safely assumed that Jainism holds the latter view. JAIN JOURNAL Another subject intimately related to the spiritual ascent is that of dhyana, or meditation. In Jainism all thinking or dhyana is classified into four types :5 arta or sorrowful, raudra or violent, dharma or virtuous and sukla or pure. Of these the first and second spring from anxiety, anger, violent desires and craving for sense pleasures and are spiritually degrading. The third consists of purifying, religious thoughts. The fourth is pure concentrated meditation which can be undertaken in very high stages of spiritual development. Each of these four dhyanas have four sub-types. With these preliminary remarks, let us now study serially the various steps of the spiritual ascent which in Jainism are called gunasthanas. 1st Mithyatva Gunasthana Mithyatva or state of ignorance or perverted attitude as regards one's real nature, duty and aim of life is described in details in Jain literature. This is the lowest rung of the ladder and a person standing here cannot be considered a Jain, since he lacks basic understanding of the path. He has erroneous notions about reality and mistakes untruth for truth, adharma for dharma and vice-versa. He is extrovert, sensuous and strives for sense-enjoyments which he considers the goal of life. He has no moral guidelines. Psychologically he is overpowered by desires and passions and possesses intense degree of anger, greed, egotism and deceit. Another feature of a person in this stage is bigotry, narrow-mindedness and obstinacy regarding his erroneous beliefs. He has either no intellectual capacity to re-assess his preconceived notions, or lacks willingness to modify them. Most worldly people belong to this gunasthana. Some in due course awaken to the right attitude and gradually advance towards perfection. This stage also includes materialists and those who do 5 For details readers are requested to see The Meditation Techniques in Jainism' in Prabuddha Bharata, February 1985, p. 68.

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JANUARY, 1993 not accept a spiritual goal of life though they may be morally more or less advanced then mere brutes. 145 Right attitude (samyag-darsana), right knowledge (samyag-jnana) and right conduct (samyag-caritra) are the three pillars of Jainism. In the mithyatva gunasthana all these three are obstructed. When right attitude and faith awaken, the individual ascends to the fourth gunasthana. 4th Avirata Samyag-drsti Gunasthana. As the name suggests, the individual in this stage gains right attitude (samyag-drsti) towards reality and about one's own nature and aim of life but is not able to abstain from undesirable actions (avirata). This stage marks the beginning of a righteous life and is given great importance since a person in this stage gives up his obstinacy and corrects his erroneous beliefs and notions. He gains right attitude although he is not able to act accordingly. He has right vision but his conduct is not in accord with his faith. He neither abstains from sense pleasures nor desists from causing injury to creatures. Samyag-drsti literally means right vision. Its original meaning was right attitude or vision regarding life and about oneself. However, in course of time the meaning changed into 'right faith' and traditionally samyag-drsti means faith in prophets, saints, scriptures and tenets of Jainism, without which none can be a Jain nor can one ascend to the fourth step of the spiritual ladder. This stage can be compared to 'conversion' or 'spiritual awakening' and is understandably given great importence in Jainism, as in all other religions. Faith undoubtedly, is the basis of all spiritual endeavour, and greater the faith more the chances of spiritual advancement. Although a man with strong faith runs the risk of becoming begotted, its shallowness on the contrary, makes one unstable and confused. No one can ascend to the fourth gunasthana unless he has suppressed or conquered the darsana mohaniya karma and the anantanubandhi quartet of passions." If these are merely suppressed, the individual 6 The description of second and third stage would follow. 7 In ultimate analysis karmas are responsible for passions, spiritual inertia and other defects. Hence karmas responsible for them must be understood wherever not mentioned.

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146 JAIN JOURNAL remains in danger of slipping back to mithyatva. In other words if one accepts faith blindly, or for some ulterior motive without being convinced of its significance it does not remain permanent. If however faith is backed by deep conviction and understanding regarding the value of moral, higher life, it remains stable. 3rd Samyag-Mithyatva-drsti Gunasthana The order of describing the gunasthanas has been delibarately altered since in the spiritual ascent soul reaches the fourth stage directly from the first and can come to third and second stages only in descent. Thus the third and second are stages of decline and can be experienced only after one has 'tasted' the right attitude of the fourth stage. The third stage is a stage of doubt when individual vacillates between right and wrong attitudes (samyag-mithya-dssti). Truth and falsehood both appear equally valid and the individual is not able to differentiate between them. Nor is he able to decide whether to lead a life of sense-enjoyment or of self-control, and righteousness. According to scholars, this stage of indecision can not last longer than 48 minutes (antarmuhurta) when the individual either asconds to the fourth or descends to the second stage. 2nd Sasvada Gunasthana This is a momentary stage of transition between the third and first stages when the individual retains the memory of the right attitude experienced in the fourth stage. Individuals in first and second stages do only the first two types of undesirable thinking. Dharma dhyana is possible only in third and subsequent higher stages. 5th Desa-virata Samyag-drsti Gunasthana Although numerically the fifth, from the point of view of spiritual aspiration and struggle, this is the first stage. In this stage an individual 9 None-the-less, in most cases, faith, is blind and Jains are in no way less bigoted than the followers of other religious faiths It is indeed paradoxical since none can be a tue Jain without being liberal and broad-minded.

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JANUARY, 1993 becomes an avowed householder, a sravaka by taking the twelve vows of a householder. He gives up prohibited and immoral acts and restricts his sense-gratifications and selfish activities. He now labours to control these aspects of the four kasayas which had become instinctive and over which he had no control (apratyakhyani). 6th Pramatta Sarva-virata Gunasthana At this stage a Jain becomes a spiritual aspirant. He ascends to a higher stage of moral development. He now desists from those sinful practices which he had earlier tried to bring under voluntary control (pratyakhyani). He takes formal monastic vows and becomes a sramana. He is now sarva-virata i. e., who abstains from all external sense-gratifications and from causing injury to creatures. But he is still pramatta i. e., not sufficiently careful to avoid occasions of sin or sinful thoughts. Due to attachment to the body and obligation to maintain it he may commit acts as may cause harm to other living creatures. Evil tendencies and passions (kasayas) persist in subtle form, (samjvalana). For example, he may not get outwardly angry but cannot help getting irritated or annoyed mentally. However, a clear concept of the goal and abstinence from evil actions greatly helps him to gain strength for subtler harder struggles ahead. An aspirant at this stage may engage in activities like preaching and writing etc. for the good of others. 147 7th Apramatta Samyag Gunasthana This stage is reached when an aspirant, now a monk, is able to detach his consciousness or atman from the gross physical body temporarily, and relinquish the idea of agentship. He also gains sufficient mental alertness to avoid minor defects and lapses due to carelessness (apramatta). However, since identification with gross body is hard to overcome, the aspirant cannot stay longer than 48 minutes in this stage and slips back to the lower one. Most monks live oscillating between these two stages. Ultimately however, the aspirant is able to totally relinquish body-consciousness and ascend the eighth gunasthana. to In this gunasthana the aspirant totally gives up all thinking related 9 As many as 37500 pramadas are described in Jainism.

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148 JAIN JOURNAL to violenee, untruthfulness, theft and boarding, which constitute the four types of raudra dhyana. He may still engage in arta dhyana, but most of his time is spent in dharma dhyana and its various modifications, He is also able to do the first type of sukla dhyana. The journey from seventh stage onwards proceeds in two ways depending upon whether the subtle passions (kasayas) are suppressed (upasama sreni) or destroyed (ksapaka sreni). During initial stages suppression to some extent is inevitable, but sooner or later the asprint will have to eradicate the subtle deep-rooted passions. If he proceeds on the moral path by the upasama sreni, he would reach the eleventh stage from where he will fall down to the seventh. But if he roots out the passions, he would ascend to the twelfth stage directly from the tenth, from where there is no fall. 8th Apurvakarana Gunasthana This is a special stage and a very important milestone in the spiritual journey. It is characterized by a unique hitherto unexperienced (apurva) joy and various spiritual realizations consequent on reduction the karmic coverings. There is no more identification with the body and among passions only subtle greed and deceit (samjvalana lobha and maya) remain. Another special feature of this stage is the aquisition of sufficient spiritual energy to undertake the subtle intense struggle ahead. In retrospect the aspirant realize that the soul's journey so far was made possible not so much by its inherent strength - though it always tried to manifest its divinity, but with the help of favourable circumstances, The journey onwards will predominantly be through self effort, rather than through destiny. For the first time the aspirant gets a glimpse of the desired goal and feels certain of its attainability. The spiritual strength and mastery over karmas manifest in this stage in the form of a five-fold technique called apurvakarana, by which the aspirant rapidly reduces his karmas. It is as follows: 1. Sthitighata -reducing the duration of fruition of past actions (karma vipaka). 2. Rasaghata --minimising intensity of fruition of actions.

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JANUARY, 1993 3. Guna-sreni - arranging karmas in such a way that their effect can be experienced even before the actual time of their fruition. 4. Guna-sankramana-transforming the nature of the effect of karmas, e. g., turning an evil karma to bear an advantageous fruit. 149 5. Apurvabandha - minimizing the duration and intensity of fruition of karmas being performed in the present (kriyamana). 9th Anivrttikarana Gunasthana The aspirant ascends to this stage by supressing or destroying all lustful desires which in Jainism are called veda, and all passions except subtle greed. 10th Suksma-samparaya Gunasthana In this stage the remaining six no-kasayas i. e., hasya, rati, arati, bhaya, soka and garha or laughter, attachment, aversion, fear, sorrow and hatred are removed. 11th Upasanta-moha Gunasthana This unfortunate, dangerous and necessarily impermanent stage is reached when the last of the twenty-eight mohaniya karmas responsible for subtle greed (samjvalana lobha) is supressed. Samjvalana lobha is interpretted by some scholars as deep-rooted attachment to the body, and clinging to life. Since subtle aspects of evil tendencies are merely suppressed, they reawaken and the aspirant slips back to the seventh stage after 48 minutes. 12th Ksina-moha Gunasthana Aspirants progressing by annihilating the evil tendencies go to this stage directly from the tenth. This is the stage of moral perfection when all caritra mohaniya karmas are destroyed, and is also called yathakhyata caritra. The soul remains in this stage for 48 minutes only. 13th Sayogi-kevali Gunasthana During the last part of the twelfth stage darsanavarantya, jnanavara

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150 niya and antaraya karmas are also destroyed and the individual no more remains a struggling aspirant. He becomes a kevali, an omniscient one, and obtains perfect faith, bliss and power. The four aghatin karmas however remain due to which physical, mental and vocal activities called yoga continue but which do not entail bondage. Person in this stage is called Arhat or Sarvajna and is equivalent to Jivanmukta of Vedanta. 14th Ayogi-kevali Gunasthana At the natural exhaustion of aghatin karmas, responsible for the specific body, stipulated duration of life and experiences, the soul attains this stage of perfect freedom. He is now a siddha. The duration of this stage is the shortest, equivalent to the time required to pronounce five short vowels of sanskrit alphabet. It is called ayogi because there is absence of all physical, vocal and mental activity, which in Jainism is called yoga. This state compares well with the Videha-mukti of Vedanta. Summary JAIN JOURNAL According to Jainism there are five conditions of bondage; viz. perversity of attitude (mithyatva), non-abstinence from sense-pleasures and violence (avirati), spiritual inertia or carelessness (pramada), passions or evil tendencies (kasaya) and threefold activity of the body, speech and mind (yoga). Of these mithyatva is first to go in the fourth stage of samyag-drsti. Lay and monastic vows in the fifth and sixth stages eliminate avirati. Pramada is removed in the seventh stage. The destruction of the four kasayas takes the longest. Starting from the fourth stage it is completed in the twelfth stage. Finally the threefold yoga ends in the last stage. Of the four types of thinking (dhyana) raudra dhyana persists upto sixth stage. This means that even after taking monastic vows undesirable thoughts may persist. Arta dhyana, another undesirable thinking dominated by sorrow and depression may persist upto eleventh stage. Dharma dhyana starts in fourth (and third) stage and reaches its culmination in the eleventh. The aspirant is able to do the first of the four types of pure thinking (sukala dhyana) in the seventh stage but is

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JANUARY, 1993 able to take up its second type only in the twelfth stage. These two meditations are based upon scriptural text. In the thirteenth stage, the Kevali does the third type of sukla dhyana, and liberation is attained by the fourth type in the final stage. 151 A review of the duration spent in each stage shows that the aspirant stays the longest in the fourth, fifth, and sixth gunasthanas. These therefore are given great importance and described in greater details in Jain scriptures. The eighth although a very important stage, lasts for a short period only. The five-fold technique described in that stage can be applied repeatedly from sixth to tenth stages for the rapid elimination of karmas. This brief review can be concluded by reminding the readers that descriptions are necessarily imperfect and these stages are better understood by practice and actual experience. The author wishes to express his gratefulness to Dr. Sagarmal Jain, Director of the Parsvanath Jain Research Institute, Varanasi, for guiding and scrutinizing this work.

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KARMA8, KONKURZ H= HORARINNA CASITAA AARMEEST CLASSIFICATION OF KARMAS AND THEIR RELATION WITH GUNASTHANAS AYUS NAMA -GOTRA -VEDANA ANTARAYA DARSANAVARANIYA O MOKAMANA *<<<<>< T SANSYALAKA LOERA REST 6 VEDA O MAYA O MANA KRODHA PRANADA PRATYAKHYANI APRATYAKHYANI ANANTANUBANDHIN * SAMYAKIVA M. CHART + MISRA M HITYATVA M. NO 14 13 112 11 10 9 8 7 6 5 $ 3 2 NANE OF GUNA STHANA AYOGI KAVALI (SIDDHA-VI DEHA MUKTA) SAYCGI KEVALI (ARHAT, JIVAN MUKTA KSINA MOHA (MORAL PERFEC TION) UPA SANTA MOHA SUKSMA SAMPARAYA ANIVRTTIKARANA APURVAKARANA APRAMATTA SARVAVIRATA (ADVANCED MONK) PRAMATTA-SARVA-VIRATA 10/01 AVIRATA-SAMYAG-DRSTI (FAITH) MISRA (DOUBT) CONDITION OF DONDAGE (SRAMANA-MONK) DESA-VIRATA (SRAVAKA)<Page #44
Three Polychrome Wood-Carvings of Jain Derasara Madhav Gandhi The Jain wood-carving has a long and fascinating history. Though little of this survives to-day, it perhaps surpasses other types of India's wood-carvings in its diversity of shape and form. Although no wooden sculpture earlier than the 16th century is known, some fine examples of later period exist even to-day. In Western India especially in Rajasthan and Gujarat the Jains created temples in wood and stone. Earlier wooden temples have perished but temples in stone continued to stand with glory to this day.1 In Gujarat finest examples of Jain Wood-carvings are found in Jain houseshrines (gharderasars) and on the facades of the private buildings. Much of it is of religious nature and delineates the deities of the Jain pantheon and the legends and stories relating to the life of Jain Tirthankaras. The friezes which form the main structure of house-shrine depict figures of Tirthankaras, men and women, sometimes with children, animals, musicians and dancers, chariots and carts and a variety of other decorations, The Department of Museums, Gujarat State, acquired in 1972 some odd pieces of carved wood-shrine. After a careful study of all the pieces, it was found that the majority of them belong to a dome of a congragation ball (sabha-mandapa) of a derasar. But three pieces, though of sabha-mandapa turned out to be of a different lot. They are the subject of this paper. All the three pieces are the friezes rectangular in shape. They belong to lower part of balcony balustraded (kaksasana), overlooking | Trivedi, R. K., Wood Carving of Gujarat, Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Pt. VII-A (2), Delhi, 1965 (vii). 2 Ibid., p. 39.

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154 sabha-mandapa. Originally, there might have been six such panels fitted together to complete hexagonal balcony projecting inside. This is quite evident from the slanting cuts made on either side of each panel which can fit together to form hexagonal balcony. Out of these panels only three reached Baroda Museum and now they are transferred to the Junagadh Museum along with other pieces of derasara. Frieze 1: 23 x 46 x 5 cms. This frieze depicts Ganesa-sthapana, which is a very popular theme in the art of Gujarat. We also find this in embroidery, bead-work and applique work as well as in stone carving. Every religious ceremony begins with the propitiation of Ganesa who is the God of auspicious. The panels of this type are always placed at the main entrance of the shrine or a house." JAIN JOURNAL The central figure of this panel is of Lord Ganesa seated in godohana pose. Generally, we do find such a pose in sculptures but the purpose of introducing it here is probably to show Ganesa seated on his vehicle, mouse. He is holding rosary (rudraksa-mala) in his front right hand, battle-axe (parasu) in the rear right hand, the rear left hand holds lotus (kamala) and the front left hand grasps a sweet-ball (laddoo) a favourite of God Ganesa, which he is trying to lift with his trunk. His bulging eyes are very small and round in shape befitting that of an elephant rather than a human being. His crown is of kiritamukuta type with conical 'A' shaped moulding all around on sirsapatta with tetragonal designs on it. The traces of sacred-thread (yajnopavita) are seen over the protruded pot-belly of the God. Both the teeth are broken at the tips. The trunk of Ganesa is shown turned to left right from its root. There are traces of an ornament with trifoil design covering almost entire forehead and reaching upto the root of the trunk. A dhoti which he wears has a beaded border. A fluted fan-like formation below belly is a part of dhoti which is generally kept hanging in front between the legs. Underneath that there is a figure of a small elongated mouse carved in stylised form. It seems as if Lord Ganesa is riding on his vehicle. 3 Ibid., p. 41.

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JANUARY, 1993 155 On either side of the central figure of Ganesa, two attendents are shown with spray of flowers in one hand and some offerings in the other. They are standing with legs crossed in a rather off-balanced posture. Both the figures wear stiff fluted trousers with beaded borders and a close fitted shirt (angarakha) over the waist. A broad waist-band (kamarabandha) with tetragon design is tightly secured at the waist. The ends of waist-band are shown parted in the middle and floating in the air on both the sides. Their shoulders are covered by uttariya which is also shown floating in a way similar to the ends of kamarabandha. The ends of this garment are tasseled. The head-dress of both these figures is of similar type with petalled designs as if in a form of full blown lotus. This pattern of head-gear is rather bold and simple than the one depicted in the panels of the Wadi Parsvanatha temple from Patan built in wood in 1594, now resting in the stores of the Metropolitan Museum of New York.4 A single beaded necklace (ekavali) with a pendant of trifoil design is seen on both the figures. The earrings (karna-bhusana) of both the figures are thick and circular, and the anklets and wristlets are simple and round. Their elongated bulging eyes are almond-shaped, though carved, they appear to be fixed separately as is done in case of stone and bronze images. Probably they are carved to create an impression as if they are applied after-wards. The eye-brows are not carved by incision but are raised. Their noses are triangular in shape, the base of which is broad and straight. The mouth is not well defined and the chin is narrow and flat. The face is squarish, a peculiarity of this part of the country. All the three figures are enclosed in separate niches in the frieze. The central niche with Ganesa is bigger in size than the other two These are divided with small heavy pillars with multiple mouldings. The jad yakumbha is of late variety while capital is with full blown multi-petalled flower rounded and surmounted by fluted mangala-kalasa with leaves dropping out of its mouth, The arches connecting the two pillars and forming niches are of 4 Burgess and Cousens, Architectural Antiquities of Northern Gujarat ; New Imperial Series, Vol. IX, 1903.

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156 JAIN JOURNAL andol type. There is a suggestion of makara-mukha at both the ends of the arches. The rhythmatic continuity of the arch is broken down at three places by introducing a square block with quadra petal flowers carved in it. On top of these squares, birds are shown seated. The figures of birds are very small even the carver-artist has tried to depict them distinct from each other. It is possible to identify them by their sitting posture, shape of their beaks and tails. It appears that the pair of birds seated on the central arch is of parrot. One on the left arch is of crow and the sparrows are on the right arch. It shows how beautifully carver-artist has created these small birds with such minutest details. The border frame of the frieze is broad and decorated with flowercreeper design. The flowers are quadrapetal and leaves of the creeper are straight. The treatment of this design is very bold and devoid of delicacy which can be seen in the earlier examples of wood carvings. The monotony in the treatment of flowers-creeper pattern is clearly seen here. Frieze 2 : 23 x 43.5 x 5.5 cm. The second frieze illustrates the scene of worship of Tirthankara. It can be divided into two parts. In the first part the devotees are seen arriving at the temple (derasara) for worship and in the second derasara is shown with the figure of Tirthankara and a devotee in worship. The structure of derasara is carved on the right side with ardhamandapa and garbhagsha. It is a domed structure with pillars of vruta (cyprus shaped, round) type. A dome on the garbhagsha is decorated with semi-circular small arches all over while that of ardhamandapa is with small scaly designs. An image of Tirthankara is shown seated in dhyana-mudra. The carver has carved cognisance (lanchana) on the pedestal of the Tirthankara, but it is worn out beyond recognition. However, the seven hooded serpent covering the head of Tirthankara suggests that he is Parsvanatha. One hood on the left side of Tirthankara is broken. 5 Dhaky, M. A., Gujaratni Torana Samtddhi, Kumar (Gujarati), No. 500, Aug. 1965, pp. 298-308.

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JANUARY, 1993 157 The eyes of an image are bulging which makes them appear to be fixed separately. He is adorned with a broad straight chain type ne. cklace and big round earrings (karna bhusana). The image of Tirthankara should have been facing left side of the panel where the entrance of the derasara is located but instead of that he is shown facing sideways. This may be probably for the benefit of the devotees who visit the temple for dar sana. On right side of Tirthankara, a female figure is seen standing in profile outside garbhaglha with folded hands paying homage to the Lord. She is wearing a typical Kathiawali dress such as a long pettycoat, coli and odhani. A border of petty-coat is beaded. One end of waist-band (kamarabandha) is seen going down to the length of the petty-coat. The treatment of her odhani seems to be rather stiff. It has been carved in such a fashion that it appears to have been placed superficially on the head. Her eye, which can be seen in the panel is fish-shaped and her nose is pointed, as if jutting out from the round face. She is wearing a series of bangles on her forehand and there is an anklet on her right ankle which is seen in the panel. The next to the figure of female devotee is a male standing outside the main entrance of the derasara. He is in court-dress wearing a long coat with scaly design all over, probably suggesting embroidered garment. Around the waist a thick sash is tied like a girdle. The uttariya is seen passing under the arms in a sweeping manner. The turban is close fitted with protuberance at the rear. The curly locks of hair are seen on the forehead, along with very prominent tilak-mark, high above the eye-brows. His eyes are also fish-shaped and bulging. He is wearing babouche' as foot-wear. Probably, the only ornament which he is wearing is kankana on his wrist. This person appears to be Mehta, a private secretary of some Sresthi, a rich man. Here he seems to accompany members of the Sresthi family visiting derasara. This is the only figure, amongst the figures of the three panels, shown in three-quarter view. Outside derasara in left of the panel is a bullock cart with a Sresthi and a child along with a cart-man. They are approaching derarara.

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158 JAIN JOURNAL This is a typical two-wheeled carriage with two bullocks, known as veladun* in Saurashtra This type of carriages were common in Saurashtra and Kutch upto the first decade of this century and the advent of automobiles put them out of fashion. The veladun is carved with minute details in this panel. The construction of the bridge joining yoke with the cart proper and assembly of the wheel and axis are depicted very graphically with utmost care. The rathika is constructed with domed roof having a projection like trunk of an elephant over the head of the cartman. A rhomboid jaliwork on both the sides of rathika is delicately carved, The cartman is seated on the bridge joining yoke with the cart proper. He is holding reins in his right hand and a whip in his left hand. He wears izar and a shirt. A kamarabandha at the waist is with one end resting on the right thigh. His right foot is broken. It appears that his turban is very simple and close-fitted. of the two figures in the veladun, one is a Sresthi and the other appears to be his child. The pataka and armlet of the Sresthi are carved very boldly. There is no trace of uttariya. He is holding the child firmly in his lap. Being a very small figure there are no traces of costume or any other ornament on the body of the child. But, an attempt has been made to suggest eyes and nose roughly. The way in which the bullocks are carved suggests that they are trying to stop the carriage in front of derasara. They are having short horns and small ears. The first bullock is carved in high relief while second one is suggested in low relief at the rear. The forehead of the first bullock is full of decorations and the neck is adorned with chain of small round bells. A very interesting figure in this panel is that of a monkey seated on the cornice of the roof. The figure is shown facing veladun of Sresthi. The carpenter has placed this animal in such a way as if it is welcoming the incoming veladun. Its peculiar position in the composition draws our attention towards the veladun in which an important person is seated. This small figure of a monkey has not only added a humorous touch to the theme of the panel but also shows the minute observation of the wood carver who has created this piece of art. * Vellaga (Desya) > Vehal> Veladun - a covered carriage.

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JANUARY, 1993 159 The border of this panel is decorated with bold but simple four petalled full blown flowers touching each other in a continuous pattern with small semicircles along the frame carved to fill in the vacant space in between two petals of flowers. Frieze 3 : 22x43.5x6 cms. This frieze delineates a procession of Gods proceeding towards derasara wherein an image of Tirthankara is installed. They are shown seated in their respective vehicles. The first on the right side is Moon God in his chariot drawn by a pair of deer. He is followed by the seven trunked celestial elephant, Airavata of God Indra. The chariot of Moon is a four-wheeled carriage. The construction of the wheels and yoke is similar to veladun type of carriage seen in the earlier panel. The domed roof which is a typical feature of the chariot is missing here. The two deer are carved with great care. Their entwined horns and a small raised tail make identification clear. They are fully decorated with zul, straps and chain of bells. Their raised tail and position of legs suggest that they are moving with speed towards derasara. In this papel, figure of Moon God is very interesting. Like the figure of Tirthaikara in the previous panel, he is also shown facing sideways instead of front of carriage on right. He is seated crosslegged with an open book in his right hand and the object in his left hand is not recognisable. In the rear right hand, he is holding (dhvaja) and in the rear left hand mace (gada). He wears a crown with petalled designs similar to one shown on the head of Goddess Laksmi in one of the kaksasana panels of the Wadi Parsyapatha temple from PatanAnahilwada mentioned earlier. The ayudhas of God in this panel are rather unusual. However, identification of deity is possible, as the circle surrounding his without rays like a simple disc of a full moon with the head of Moon peeping out of it and the animals employed for drawing the chariot are deer as seen earlier. Moreover, the book in the hand of the God suggests his close association with learning and especially poetry for which Moon is celebrated. 6 Burgess and Cousens, op. cit.

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160 JAIN JOURNAL The chariot of Moon is followed by Airavata of Indra. Of his seven trunks the lower one holds a round object, probably a sweet-ball and a spray of flowers for worship of Tirthankara. The elephant is fully decorated with rich coverings, trappings and bells. The modelling of elephant is forceful. The majesty of this celestial animal is fully captured by the artist in this figure. The mahout (elephant driver) of the elephant is shown holding goad. He is wearing a long jama and a turban. At his back, seated in hawda (seat on elephant) are two figures. One appears to be some important person, probably God Indra. In absence of any other cognisance, it is very difficult to identify this figure. However, the study of other similar panels in wood and stone wherein procession of Gods is shown and descriptions in Jain literature of such processions give graphic account of Gods going for paying homage to Tirtharkara in their respective icles. In such panels, Indra is invariably shown seated on seven trunked elephant Airavata. In this case also, the main figure appears to be that of God Indra, The figure in the rear is an attendant seated with right hand raised, a gesture suggestive of holding caurie. The design on the broad rectangular frame of this frieze is more interesting than the previous two friezes. It is more intricate and delicate. The creeper design is executed extremely well which shows the mastery of the wood carver over his medium. A round wooden corn-cob shaped flower (mogari) fixed on the left top of this panel suggests that similar mogaris were there on either end of each panel which are now no more there but the deep incisions for fixing them are distinctly seen on all the three panels. As seen earlier these panels belong to a hexagonal gallery overlooking a congregation hall (sabhamandapa). This hall is very important part of the Jain derasara. Here devotees gather to hear discourses of the Jain Acaryas. The sermons delivered by the Acaryas are invariably full of anecdotes from the life of Tirthankara. These anecdotes are illustrated in the panels of architraves, kaksasanas and ceilings of the sabhumandapa so that the devotees can see the incidents from the life of Tirtharkaras while listening to the discourses. Such illustrations either in carvings or in paintings work as visual-aid and create great

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2 SVE 2. SE! WWW. Frieze 1 Ganesa Sthapana WS WWWFREE www H49W 28 BEFORE RE PIERRERA WWW SES WWW ES Frieze 2 Worship of Tirthankara 12W SONSTIGESTIO . EHE L HELENE WWW TE W WW. S HAW SEN etelah diri pedrdi aedii yyi Frieze 3 Procession of Gods

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JANURAY, 1993 161 impact on the masses. It is also customary for the devotees to sit for a while in the temple when one comes for darsana. This is the time when their eyes wander around and see and enjoy the beautiful carvings and learn about the incidents from the life of Tirthankaras. It is an interesting combination of a art and utility. One of the panels depicts devotees paying homage to Parsvanatha which suggests that all the three described earlier belonged to Parsvanatha derasara which was originally in wood. The wood carvings in Jain derasaras are generally found painted in multicolours. These three friezes were also once painted as can be seen from the traces of paint layers still sticking to the carvings of the panels. A fipe layer of cunam is applied on the panels as a base in order to get desired effect of colours which are to be applied afterwards. It also works as uniform layer to cover roughness and any flaws in the wood. As a general background Indian red colour is used. The colours we generally come across in such carvings, especially in the narrative relief friezes are dark blue, dark green, vermilion-red and yellow-ocher, which are mainly used for costumes of the figures.? In the panels discussed above, there are traces of colours at some places but most of the colours are either faded or disappeared along with the base layer of cunam leaving evidence of their existence in the deep undercuttings of the relief work in these friezes. The provenance of our pieces is very difficult to ascertain in absence of definite reliable information from the dealer. However, the treatment of costumes, the type of bullock cart, depiction of architecture type etc, suggest the place of manufacture of these carvings as Saurashtra and probably around Sihor in Bhavnagar District. The whole treatment appears to be different from that of Wadi Parsvanatha derasara from Patan on the one hand and Jain man tapa of the Baroda Museum on the other. Our pieces are later in origin than the Wadi Parsvanatha derasara (A. D. 1624-26) and some early pieces of the Baroda Museum mandapa (Late 16th century A. D.). In this case the carvings are more simple, near and devoid of any heavy ornamentation. The richness of the earlier carvings appears to have disappeared and simplicity introduced. We dot not find any more those intricate carvings of Wadi Parsvanatha derasara seen in fiaest rendering of creeper-flower designs 1 Agrawal, O. P., Tandon, B. N. and Bist, A. S., 'A study of Four Polychrome Sculptures', Conservation of Cultural Property in India, Proceedings of the IV Seminar, New Delhi, 1969. 8 Goetz. H.A Monument of Old Gujarat Wood Sculptures', Bulletin of the Baroda Museum and Picture Gallery, Vol. VI, Pt. I-II, Baroda, 1950.

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162 JAIN JOURNAL all along the borders of panels and also costumes of human figures and architectural peculiarities depicted in the panels, so also that finest filigree type work which we see in some of the oldest pieces of Baroda Museum mandapa is not to be seen here. If we take into account all these factors then these pieces can be safely placed in the first decade of the 18th century A. D. Unfortunately, all the six pieces are not available for study at one place, even then these three pieces acquired by the Department of Museums represent a very important phase of the art of Jain polychrome wood-carvings in Gujarat. Reprinted from Journal of the Oriental Institute, Mar.-Jan. 1978

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P ICS 9. Gleanings A Temple Lost in Time Arun Tirthankara Carvings in shallow relief of Jain Tirthankaras and Hindu deities in a stone temple atop the 300-metre Tiruchcharanathu Hill in Kanyakumari district testify eloquently to the pleasing harmony between India's two major religions. According to inscriptions incised in the living rock, skilled Jain artisans moved into the 7th and 8th centuries and transformed a natural cave, formed by a huge rock overhanging another, into a three chambered temple, The hill, now called Chitral, owes its original name to Jainism for Tiruchcharanatbu means 'hill holy to the caranas', a reference to certain sect of Jain ascetics. The middle and left chambers of the temple ontain carvings of the Jain Saints Mahavira and Parsvanatha and the skilled hands of Jain artisans are also credited with the shaping of Naga idols in the temple. K. P. Devadas, a research scholar at the Kerala language institute, says the temple is one of 13 mentioned in the

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164 JAIN JOURNAL literature of the Sangam Era, when the rulers reportedly patronised Jainism. The religion itself is believed to have made its appearance in Kerala during the reign of Candragupta Maurya. An interesting feature of the temple figures is that they are carved facing the north. Manmadhan Nair, an epigraphist at the languages institute explained: 'This is because of the vadakkirikal custom of sitting facing the north. Jain monks would do so to attain samadhi. It is said that Perumcheralathan, the Cera ruler during the Sangam Era, attained samadhi by sitting facing the north. In the 12th Century, the temple was taken over by Hindu votaries who carved an image of the goddess Padmavathi and a series of Brahmanical figures, mainly on some of the pillers on the mandapa. Presently, the deity worshipped in the temple is the goddess Bhagavathi. Nearby is a spring whose waters, according to local villagers, have never dried up. Much of the temple, though officially designated a protected monument of national importance, is in a dilapidated condition. Its brick gopuram, which bears an unmistakable stamp of Jain influence, shows considerable damage probably from lightning strike. Nevertheless, temple's lofty site gives it a majesty that is still impressive and captivating, even though it is visited only occasionally these days by a priest who toils up a stone-strewn path to pay homage to the past. from Indian Express, March 8, 1992 Remains of the brick Gopuram and a profile of the Hillock Temple

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