Book Title: Jain Journal 1992 07
Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
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Page #1 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ VOL. XXVII JULY 1992 // jaina bhavana // JAIN BHAWAN ISSN 0021-4043 A QUARTERLY JAINOLOGY JAIN Journal ON ! No. 1 PUBLICATION Page #2 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ a quarterly on Jainology Ja Journal jaina bhavana JAIN BHAWAN CALCUTTA Page #3 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ VOL. XXVII JULY 1992 Rupees Five Copyright of articles, stories, poems, etc. published in the Jain Journal is reserved. All contributions, which must be type-written, and correspondence regarding contributions, and book-reviews should be addressed to the Editor, Jain Journal, P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-7. For advertisement and subscription please write to the Secretary, Jain Bhawan, P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-7. Subscription for one year : Rs. 15.00: for three years : Rs. 40.00 Foreign : Rs. 90.00 for one year. Published by Ganesh Lalwani on behalf of Jain Bhawan from P-25 Kalakar Street, Calcutta-7 and printed by him at Surana Printing Works, 205 Rabindra Sarani, Calcutta-7. Editor : Ganesh Lalwapi www.jaineli Page #4 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Contents Sacred Literature of the Jains Albrecht Friedrich Weber History of Kharatargaccha Ram Vallabh Somani Books Received ernational www.jainel Page #5 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ the central journal for Jainology The Australian National University GPO Box 4, Canberra, ACT 2601 Telegrams & cables NATUNIV Canberra Telephone 062-49 5111 Telex AA 62760 NATUNI reference 27 April 1992 Editor Jain Journal P-25 Kalakar Street Calcutta.7 INDIA Dear Sir I enclose a copy of a book I recently compiled that was published by the Press of the Australian National University. Please accept it as a complimentary copy for favour of mention or review in your journal which is of course the central journal for all matters relating to Jainism and studies of Middle Indo-Aryan. Yours sincerely Koyce Wlles Rogce Wiles ternational www.jaineli Page #6 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Sacred Literature of the Jains [ from the previous issue ] have excerpted. He states furthermore that the arhadvacananuyogao1 is divided into four groups: dharmakathanuyoga uttaradhyayanadikah, ganitanuyogah suryaprajnaptyadikah, dravyanuyogah purvani sammatyadikas 92 ca caritrakarananuyogas ca caradikah;93 the last is pradhanatamah, sesanam tadarthatvat. These statements are in all essentials a reproduction [259] of those in Av. nijj. 8,54 where uttaradhy, is represented by isibhasiyaim, which the commentator however explains by uttara; see on anga 4,44. II. The second angam, suyagada, sutrakrta destined for the fourth year of study, see p. 223f. likewise treats in two srutaskandhas (of which the first is composed in slokas and other metres,94 the second in prose with the exception of a small portion: ajjh. 5,6) of the sadhvacara, the right course of action; and is at the same time chiefly polemical in character.95 According to anga 4 and Nandi 363 heterodox opinions annaditthiya (anga 4, pasamdiya N) are here combated; viz. : those of 180 kiriyavai, kriyavadin, 84 akiriyavai, akriyavadin, 67 annaniyavai, ajnanika, 32 venaiyavai, vainayika.97* In consequence of this the commentary frequently cites the names of Carvaka, Sakya, Bauddha, Samkhya, Vaisesika, as those who are to be understood by the ege cited in the text as opponents. These are also referred to in the text as janaya, explained in the comm. by panditammanya Bauddhah. But as the root jna is elsewhere used by the Jains chiefly in a good sense, 98 I should at least give expression to the conjecture that by these janaya the Vaideha king Janaka was meant," 99* [260] concerning 90 The following passage is found also in Santicandra on up. 6, according to which Silamkacarya commented also upon the second anga, cf. Ki. 247b. 91 sutrad anu pascad arthasya yogo anuyogah, sutradhyayanat pascad arthakathanam. 92? likewise Santica.; by this the rest of the contents of the drstivada is perhaps referred to which treated partly of the different drstis or sammatis. 93 acaramgadikah Santica. 94 vaitaliya, tristubh, but not arya. 95 iha hi pravacane catvaro 'nuyogah (see p. 258) caranakarananuyogah, dravyadeg, dharmakatha, ganita; tatra prathamam srimadacaramgam carana gapradhanyena vyakhyatam, athe dam srisutrakrtakhyam dvitiyamgam dra gapradhanyena vyakhyayate; sutram svapara samayasucanam krtam yena tat sutrakrtam. 96 Cited from this as well as from other sources in the introduction to Malayagiri's Comm. on the second upanga and in many other places. 97* It is a most curious fact that a Tibetan text quoted by Schiefner Ind. Stud. Vol. IV. p. 335 exhibits also an enumeration of 363 heterodox opinions. As in Buddhistic texts this number is not found anywhere (as far as I am aware) it might be that one day Tibetan translations of Jain texts should turn up.-L. 98 cf. also the designation of their founder under the name of Nayaputta, cf. p. 261. 99* Janaka from Janaka, as Bauddha from Buddha. Another explanation of the term Page #7 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 2 whom and his guru Yajnavalkya all sorts of statements are preserved in the legends of the twelfth book of the Mahabharata, representing either the king or both the king and his guru as having affiliations with Buddhism. See Ind. Stud. 1,482.100 Jacobi, whom I consulted in the matter, proposed (April 6th, 1880) that yanaka (cf. hinayana, mahayana) might be thought of in connection with janaya. The titles of the 23 ajjhayanas of the sutrakrta are enumerated in the fourth anga SS 23 (-S) in their present order; also in Avasy. 16, where, however, the sixteen ajjh. of the first srutaskandha are apparently placed after seven ajjh, of the second srut. In v. 65, 66 in the first place the first sixteen are enumerated by themselves and in v. 102 the seven others by themselves; but after nalamdam-the last one-we read solasaim ca tevisam. It is, to be sure, not impossible that these words solasaim ca are a mere reference to the earlier enumeration in v. 65,66; but, at any rate, we should have expected that this reference would occur before the first of these seven names and not after the seventh. Also in the Vidhiprapa (V), the names are singly enumerated; they are: JAIN JOURNAL a. First srutaskandha. 1. samaya, with 4 udd., 89 vv. ; bhutavadaadimatam nirakriyate ;-udd. 1 closes Nayaputte Mahavire [261] evam aha Jinottame tti bemi ||27|| H. Jacobi (Kalpas. p. 6.) is the first scholar who identified the name of Mahavira101 occurring here, with Nigantha Nataputra (or Nigantha janaya applied to the Bauddhas may perhaps claim more attention than the one ventured in the text by Prof. Weber. We know that the founders of religious systems in India as well as elsewhere were as a rule called by epitheta,ornantia (such as buddha jina mahavira &c. &c.). Two of these epithets as applied to Sakyamuni or in fact to the Buddhas in general in Buddhistic texts are janaka and prcchaka i.e. "knower" and "asker" (see for instance Divyavadana. ed, Cowell and Neil, pp. 184 & 290; by the editors rendered by "general interrogator" !!). Most probably those two epithets refer to the supposition pervading not only Buddhistic but also Jain texts that the founder of the religion knew everything, but nevertheless, when conversing with any one, asked as if he knew not. Now it might well be that the Jain author of the above metrical passage of anga 2 chose in metre-as he would perhaps not have done in prose-a term not very common but still perfectly clear to his contemporaries for referring to his adversaries of Buddha's party, the terms janaka and prcchaka being not found (as others are e. g. buddha jina &c) with reference to Mahavira in either of the two literatures, of Bauddhas and Jainas.-L. 100 The legend of the six false teachers found in the Buddhistic texts, (see my Vorles. uber ind. L-G. 304 (249,1), Burnouf, Lotus, p. 485, Weber's Ind. Streifen. 3,504), is told of Janaka and Yajnavalkya. For the peculiar use of the word Videha or videha among the Jains, (see page 261n) the reader is referred to Bhagav. 2,305, and to my treatise on the Satr. Mah, p. 20. 101 According to the legend Vira first descended into the womb of the Brahmani Page #8 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 natha, "fils de Jnati". Burnouf, Lotus, p. 450, 486) who is mentioned in the Buddhistic legends as a contemporary of Ajatasatru or of Buddha. A reference similar to that given here is found in 3 (cf. 5 and 6). See my remarks on anga 10. 2. veyaliya,102 vetaliya liya V, vaidarika, with 3 udd., 76 vv.; yathakarma vidaryate. It begins sambujjhaha: kim na bujjhaha? sambohi puna pecca dullaha. This ajjh. is not referred by the Scholiast to Vira, but is characterized as a teaching of Rsabhasvamin to his sons; with which statement the conclusion of the third udd. is however not in harmony. This chapter is composed in the metre called vaitaliya by Pingala (chandas 4,32) and by Varahamihira (104,55). In my opinion great importance must be attached to this circumstance. It is very probable that the similarity of this name with that of the title of our chapter is to be explained by the assumption that the metre had taken its name from the text in that metre. This designation would not only be a direct testimony [262] to the existence of this text at the time of Pingala and of Varahamihira, but also--inasmuch as it rests103 upon a representation of the Prakrit word veyalia in Sanskrit which was liable to be misunderstood, or upon an incorrect spelling with inorganic t-might be regarded as a proof that even at that early period the title of this chapter had been handed down in this incorrect form. Both of these probabilitis are of extreme interest. We must here notice that Varahamihira expressly cites Magadhi as a "Prakrit" synonym of vaitaliyam-see Ind. Stud. 8,295-from which we may with probability infer that a direct reference is made to the language of our text or to the language of Buddha.104 Of interest, furthermore, is the fact that on 2, 1, instead of mahana ( - brahmana used in a good sense-which is a proof of the antiquity of the text-), the scholiast mentions the various reading je viu (vidus), yo vidvan. The latter is probably an intentional change of a secondary nature or per Devananda, wife of the Brahmana Usabhadatta (Kodalasagotta), in Kundaggama; thence into the womb of the khattiyani Tisala, wife of the khattiya Siddhattha (Kasavagotta), of the race of the khattiya called Naya, in the same place, Vira is therefore called their son. Cf. also (see page 263) the statements of Abhayadeva: Visala Mahavira-janani! He is designated both as Nae Nayaputte Nayakulacamde and as Videhe Videhajacce (Kalpas SS 110). 102 With inorganic t vetaliamaggam agao at the conclusion of udd. 1 is explained by karmanam vaidarikam vidaranasamartham margam. veyalia in the name of the dasave is explained quite differently. 103 The derivation from vetala (Ind. Stud. 8,168,178) would then be overturned. 104 Buddha seems to have made use of this metre, since it is used in the Dhammapada, etc. Page #9 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL haps a removal of the original. At the conclusion of udd. 3, which is composed in prose, we read : evam se udihu anuttaramani anuttaradamsi anuttarananadamsanadhare araha Nayaputte bhagavam Vesalie viyahie (vyakhyatavan) tti bemi. The scholiast illustrates Jnataputra strangely enough by Vardhamanasvami Rsabhasvami va and explains Vesalie in the first case (i.e. when Jnataputra means Vardham.) by Visala-nagaryam, in the second (i.e. when Jnatap. means Rsabha) by vaisalikah (visalakulodbhavatvat). In any case this epithet, which is probably a nominative, is of extreme interest in this connection. Abhayadeva, too, [263] on Bhag. 2,1,12,2 explains Vaisalika by Mahavira and in fact as a metronymicum(!): Visala Mahavirajanani. The Vesaliya-scivaga appear elsewhere in the Jaina legends, but-and herein is to be found a divergence from the Buddhist legend-in a favourable light see Bhagav. 2,197,249 ; 1,440. 3. uvasaggaparinna, upasargaparijna with 4 udd., 83 vv.; pratikulah and anukalah upasargah, tais ca 'dhyatmam visadah. 4. itthi parinna, thipao V, striparijna, with 2 udd, 53 vv. ; stripartsaho jeyah ; conclusion in prose ; icc evam ahu se Vire dhuyarae... tti bemi. 5. narayavibhatti, niraya V, narakavibhakti with 2 udd., 52 v. ; strivasagasya narakapatah tatra ca yadro yo vedanah. "I asked the kevalia mahesi"- thus the author, according to the scholiast Sudharmasvamin begins his recital. "Thus questioned by me, Kasave asupanne (asuprajnah) ie. Vira, spoke." 6. Viratthao, Mahavirastava, with 29 vv.; it begins ; "The samanas and mahanas, the agarins and the paratitthiyas (Sakyadayah) asked about the doctrine and life (nanam, damsanam, silam) of the Nata." 7. kusilaparibhasiyam bhasa V, kusilaparibhasa, with 30 vv.; sarve jivah sukhaisina". 8. viriyam with 26 vv. ; of bala and of pandiya; in v. 25 buddhah in a good sense jnatatattvas. 9. dhammo with 36 vv.; in v. 1 mahanena maimaya, brahmanena matimata referred by the Schol. to Vira. It concludes : goravani ya savvani nivvana sardhae105 muni tti bemi [264). 10. samahi, samadhi, with 24 vv.; it concludes : no juviam no marana 'bhikamkhi carejja bhikkhu valaga vimukko tti bemi; in place of valaga we find in 12,22, 13,23, where the same conclusion recurs : valaya, and 105 moksam sam/adhyat. Page #10 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 in the schol, valayam is explained by bhavavalayam, maya samsarah. If this reading is correct, perhaps Vedic valaga might be thought of 106 11. maggo, marga, with 36 vv., ; in v, 1 mahanena matimata as in 9,1. 12. samosaranam, samava", with 22 v. ; kumargatyagah; four samavasaranani paratirthikabhyupagamasamuharupani, i, e. the 180 kiriyavai etc. (see p. 259,266). 13. ahataham, yathatatham (hence by the ampliative ika or ya also) ahattahie, sihittihie, ahattahijjam ; ayitaha (Av), with 23 v. ; samyakcaritram. 14. gamtha (gandho V), grantha, with 27 vv. ; gramtham dhanadika tyaktva .. 15. jam-aiam, yam udaniyam ; with 25 vv. atitam (according to the opening words), or 16. gaha or gathasodasakam ;107 despite this name, a prose explanation of the names mahana, samana, bhikkhu, niggamtha and their identical signification (ekartha). b. Second srutaskandha. 1. pundarie, Oriyam V, pundarika,108 Comparison of the bhikkhu with a lotus flower in the middle of a pond ; it begins (see above, p. 248): suam me ausam, tenan bhagavaya [265] evam akkhayam ; iha khalu pomdariya namam ajjhayane, tussa nam ayam atthe pannatte. This introductory formula, the second part of which occurs again in anga 6 et seq., is repeated with corresponding modification in ajjh. 2-4. All four ajjh. are in prose. 2. kiriyathanan, of the 12 or 13 kriyasthana. 3. aharaparinna, oparijna. In the schol. a variant of the scholars of Nagarjuna is adduced with the words Nagarjuni(ya)s tu pathamti. Nagajjunavayaga, or onayaria, onarisi, is mentioned with great honour in the opening of the Nandi and of the Av., in the list of teachers v. 39, 40, 45, and in fact as separated by three gradations merely 106 cf. also the manner of death valayamayakam, up. 1.70, "death by magic arts ?" Little can be made out of the commentaries. See the excellent glossary of Leumann which reaches me, May 1883, while these sheets are in the press. 107 gathasodasakhyam sodasam adhyayanam. In V., gahasolas agonamagao. 108 cf. anga 6,1,19. Page #11 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Bhuadinna, Lohicca and Dusagani-from the author himself, whom the scholiast calls Devavacaka Devarddhigani, Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15n. 1 4. paccakkhanakiriya, pratyakhyanakriya. 5. in S. Av, V. anagaram (rasuya S.); here however correctly anayarasutam, anacarasrutam, in 34 vv.; it opens as follows: adaya bambhaceram ca asupanne (asuprajnah panditah) imam caram | assim (asmin) dhamme anayaram n'ayareyya kaya i vi || JAIN JOURNAL 6. Addaijjam Ardrakiyam, in 55 vv. A sermon of Ardraka, the son of a merchant who, according to the scholiast, from the sight of a picture of Jina sent to him as a debt of gratitude by Abhayakumara (the son of the king Srenika of Rajagrha), obtained jatismaranam and turned to pravrajya so as to receive the pratyekabuddha dignity, etc. The sermon appears to be addressed to Gosala. In the last verse: buddhassa anae imam samahim (tattvajnasya sri Virasya ajnayam..), buddha is used directly as a name of Vira. [266] 111 7. Nalandaijjam, degda V., Nalamdiyam,109 in prose; (sravakavidhih).110 Legend of Udaya (Udaka) Pedhalaputta Metajja,11 a Pasavaccijja, Parsvapatyiya, i.e. scholar, or follower of Parsva, whom the bhagavam Goyama (Indrabhuti) leads to Mahavira, after he has heard the same from the Kumaravuttiya (Kumaraputriya), nama samana niggamtha. Udaya thus112 leaves the caujjama dhamma of Parsva and accepts the pamcamahavvaiyam sapadikkamanam dhammam of Mahavira. The table of contents in anga 4 (or Nandi) is as follows: kim tam suyagade ?113 suyagade nam sasamaya sujjamti parasamaya s. sasamayapar asamaya s., jiva s. ajiva s. jlvajiva s, logo s. alogo s. logalogo s.; 114 suyagade nam jivajiva115-punna-pav-'a sava-samvara-nijjarabamdha-mokkhavasana payattha suijjamti; samananam acirakalapavvaiyanam kusamayamohamatimohiyanam samdehajaya-sahajabuddhi-parinama 109 Named from Nalanda, a suburb (? bahirika) of Rajagrha. 110 In the preceding 22 ajjh. sadhv-acarah prarupitah. 111 Medaryagotrena schol. ; I conjecture that this is a misunderstanding for Mevaryasee above, p. 235 Metarya is regarded as the tenth scholar of Mahavira; see Hem. v. 32. 112 s. Bhagavati 2,185 and Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160. 113 sucanat sutram, sutrena krtam tat sutrakrtam. 114 In N. we first read loe, aloe, loyaloe, then jiva aj. j. lastly sasamae p. sasamaaparasamae; so also in the following angas. The verb is in each of the nine instances in the plural; suijjamti. The triads; jivajivajivain (jiva ajiva, jivajiva) loko'loko lokah. (lokalokah), sat asat sad-asat are assigned specially to the Terasiyas, Trairasika, by Abh. on anga 12,1. 115 jivaji to visohanattham is omitted by N. Page #12 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 samsaiyanam116 pavakaramalinamaigunavisohanattham, asiyassa kiriyavaisayassa, caurasie akiriyavainam, sattatthie annaniyavainam vattisae venaiyavainam, tinham tesatthanam annaditthiya117 sayanam buham118 [267] kicca sasamae thavijjai,119 nanaditthaamta120 vayana nissaram sutthu darisayamta vivihavittharanugamaparamasabbhava-gunavisittha mokkhapahodaraga111 udara annanatam 'amdhakaraduggesu divabhuya sopana ceva siddhisugaigharuttamassa122 nikkhobhanippakampasuttattha.183 I have before me the commentary of Harsakula124 from the Tapagaccha. It was composed "varse 1583," but not after Vira, but after Vikrama, i.e. A.D. 1527.125 The origin of the Tapagaccha dates from Vira 1755. III. The third angam, thanam sthanam : an enumeration arranged in categories designed for the instruction of the more advanced and in fact for the eighth year of their instruction.126 The categories comprise successively subjects or conceptions conceived as one, two, and so on up to ten. Hence the whole text consists of 10 ajjhayanas, which are called ekasthana, dvisthana, etc.; ajjh. 2-4 each contain 4 udd., ajjh. 5 three udd. the rest of the ajjh. have no such sub-division, and exist as egasarani (V) of one udd. each. From the miscellaneous contents of this compendium I extract the following the naksatras: adda, citta, sati [268] are designated as egatare, and then the number of the stars of the other naksatras is enumerated,127 In an enumeration of the divisions of time in 2, 4 115 samdehajatascu sahajabuddhiparinamasamsayitasca ye. 117 pasamdiya N. 118 pratiksepam. 119 vijjamti N. 120 nana etc. omitted in N. 121 moksapathavataraka. 122 grhottamasya, 123 sutram carthas ca niryukti-bhasya-samgrahani-vrtti-curni-pamjikadirupa iti sutrarthah. 124 We have a commentary to the fourth painna by a certain Harsakusala. 125 The statements in reference to genealogy at the end are in agreement with Dharmasagara's Gurvavali of the Tapagaccha, of the members of which patriarchs 44,52-57 are mentioned; so that between 53 and 54 a Jagaccandramuni is referred to. See KI. p. 257ab. 126 tatra bhavy asya moksabhilasinah sthitagurupadesasya pranino'stavarsapramanapravrajya-paryayasyai 'va sutrato 'pi sthanamgam deyam, Abhayadeva; see above, p. 223,224. 127 See my treatise on the naksatras, 2,381 Iud. Stud. 9,448.10,293. According to the schol. we have here to do with the krttika series cf. Bhag. 1,373.441. The names of the naksatras appear here invariably in their secondary form; dhanittha, bhaddavaya, etc. The name of the ahibudhnya is (2,3) corrupted into vividdhi (see Ind. Stud. 10,296). Page #13 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 8 beginning with avaliya and reaching to sisapahelia,198 pallovama sagarovama, osappini, ussappini-the juga is inserted between the year and the century as intermediate gradation and the quinquennial yugam is thereby still used as a means of calculation. On the other hand, we have here the same enormous extension of periods of time, which we find in upanga 6 (Jambuddivapannatti) and in the Anuyogadvarasutra ; see Bhagav. 1, 427,199 though the latter works contain some modifications not present here. The existence of the above-mentioned upanga is furthermore recognised directly in 4, 1: cattari pannattiu amgabahiriyau pam (nattau), tam (jaha): Camdapannatti, Surapannatti, Jambuddivapannatti, Divasagarapannatti. The three pannattis, which are here mentioned in addition, occur again in 3, 1: tao pannattlu kalenam ahijjamti, tam: Camdapannatti, Surapannatti, Divasagarapannatti. Here and in 4, 1, are found the titles of upanga 7, 5, 6, in 3, 1, those of up. 7. 5; to which in both cases the divasa is joined, which, though not an independent member of Siddhanta, appears however as a section of the third upanga. That we have here to deal with the updigas respectively named so and not merely [269] with homonymous doctrines, is proved by one circumstance especially; that besides the above-mentioned enumeration of the periods of time, the abhijit series of the naksatras, which belongs to these works, is here already known-see ajjh. 7 near the end.130 And even if the direct mention of upanga texts is in this case doubtful because such mention in the angas does not occur in the text, but in the insertions at the hand of the redactor, in this case the designation (in 4, 1) of the four texts as angabahiriya is so distinct and so points to their actual existence apart from the angas, that all doubts are put at rest. How far the existing texts of upanga 7, 5, 6, are meant by this, is, as we shall soon see, still an open question. One circumstance is worthy of note: the order of names here is different from that of the existing text; and the fourth name is equivalent merely to a part of the third upanga and not to the upanga itself. JAIN JOURNAL We find in chapter 10 a second and more important statement or mention of texts existing apart from the angas. In that chapter are 128 A number of 194 places! tasyam caturnavatyadhikam amkasthanasatam bhavati. 129 According to Leumann's communication this occurs also in anga 5,5,1. 6.7, 25,5. 130 mahanakkhatte sattatare pam tam: abhitiaiya nam satta nakkhatta puvvadariya pam tam: abhii, savane, dhanittha, sattabhisaya, uttarabhaddavaya, revati: assiniyadiya nam satta nakkhatta dahinadariya pam, tam: assini, bharani, kattiya, rohini, magasira, adda, punavvasu; pussatiya nam satta nakkhatta avaradariya pam, tam: pusse, asilesa, maha, puvvaphagguni, uttaraphagguni, hattho, citta; sariyadiya nam satta nakkhatta uttaradariya pam, tam: sati, visaha, anuraha, jettha, mula, puvva asadha, uttara asudha, cf. Naks. 2,377n, Ind. Stud. 10,304, and see my comments on anga 4, 7. Page #14 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 specified not merely the names [270] of ten dasau (i.e. texts containing ten ajjhayanas), but also the names of each of the 10 ajjh. Among these are the names of four angas (7-10), references to a fifth (11), and the name of the fourth chedasutra; the other four names have in our Siddhanta no place whatever (asmakam apratitah, Abh. fol. 285a). At the head stand the kammavivagadasau; by this name the eleventh anga is meant-vivagasue, vipakasrutam; it contains, however, not merely 10 but 20 ajjah. ; and the names adduced here as being those of the ten ajjah. are found only in part in anga 11. Two of them, at least, are exactly the same (1,4) and three partly so (6-8); so that we cannot gainsay that there is some connection131 between these dasau and anga 11. The names of the ten ajjah here are: Miyaputte,132 Guttase,133 amde, 134 Sagade 'ti a vare135 mahane, Namdisene136 ya, Sorie137 ya, Udumbare, sahassuddae amalae138 kumare Lecai 'ti ya. It is well to be noted that in anga 4 (SS 43) too a text entitled kammavivaya is mentioned, [271] though 43 ajjah. are ascribed to it; and in the Kalpasutra Jinacar. (SS 147) 55 ajjah. are attributed to the pavaphalavivayaim alone this was a subject which invited repeated working over ! The titles of angas 7-9 appear as dasau 2-4; and complete agreement exists in reference to the uvasagadasau (anga 7), even as regards the names of the ten ajjhayanas. The eighth and ninth anga, the amtagadadasau and the anuttarovavaiyadasau have here however only ten ajjh. allotted them, whereas in the Siddhanta they have 93 or 33. The names of the ten ajjh, are for amtagalad: Nami Mayamge Somile Rama. gutte130* Sudamsane ceva/Jamali ya Bhagali ya Kimkamme Pillate 131 Abh. identifies them directly with the first srutaskandha of the eleventh anga and represents the names and the contents of the single 10 adhy, as being all in harmony with the contents of the 10 adhy. found there. 132 Mrga, wife of Vijaya, king of the city Mrgagrama. 133 gas trasitavan iti Gotrasoidam eva co'jjhitaka namna Vipakasrute ujjhitakam ucyate. 134 cf. anga 6, 1, 3; kukkutadyaneka vidhamdakabhamdavyavaharino; Vipakasrute ca bhaggasena iti 'dam adhyayanam ucyate. 135 sakatam iti ca' param. 136 Vipakasrute ca Namdivardhanah sruyata. 137 Saurika. 138 sahassuddae A (with h fallen out), sahasuddahe B; sahasa akasmad uddahah prakrstodahah sahasranam va lokasyo 'ddahah sahasroddahah malae tri rasruter lasrutir ity amarakah samastyena marir... 139* Ramaputra, with the Digambaras, see the, Tattvarthavarttika in Prof. Peterson's Second Report, p. 1 7. Also the existent Svetambara text presents Ramaputte, see below p. 324.-L. Page #15 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 10 ti ya, Phale Ambatthaputte140* ya 'em (evam) ete dasa ahiya || Among these I can discover but one name, Bhagali, which shows any connection with anga 8,4,2 (Mayali); or perhaps we may extend the number to two names connected with 9,3,4,5 Pellae, Ramaputte. The names of the ten ajjh. of the anutt are, Isidase ya Dhanne ya Sunakkhatte kattite (karttika) ti ya Samdhane Salibhadde ya Anamde Teyali11 ti ya Dasannabhadde Aimutte em ete dasa ahiya || Among these are at least three names which recur in anga 9, 3, 1-3. JAIN JOURNAL It is perfectly manifest that the author of anga 3 possessed entirely different texts of angas 8,9, than those in our possession. The same holds good in the case of anga 4, since it ascribe to these angas only ten ajjh, each. See below. The means made use of by Abhayadeva to reconcile this discrepancy are very simple. He says, on anga 8, after [272] recognizing the fact of the discrepancy: tato vacanamtarapeksayani (kani ?) 'mani' ti sambhavayamo, navajanmamtaram apeksayai 'tani bhavisyamti 'ti vacyam, janmamtaranam tatra'nabhidhiy'manatvad iti-and likewise on anga 9 tad evam iha'pi vacanamtarapeksaya adhyayanavibhaga ukto, na punar upalabhyamanavacana-peksaye 'ti. His statements in reference to the stories themselves are given with tolerable detail on anga 9. As the fifth member of the ten dasau the ayaradasau are enumerated. The names cited for the ten ajjh. belonging to these are identical with those of chedasutra 4. This therefore proves that the latter is to be understood by the ayaradasau. As the sixth of the dasau texts the Panhavagaranadasau are named. This is to be sure the name of the tenth anga, which is also divided into 10 daras but not into 10 ajjh. The names of the ten ajjh. quoted here show very plainly that here, as in the case of angas 8, 9, the author had quite a different, and in fact an older, text before him than the one we now possess. These names are in agreement with the name of the anga itself, whereas our text of this anga shows no connection with it. The names are uvama, samkha, 140* Thus B. Avvaddha A. With the Digambaras we find (1. c) Yamali kavalika- Niskambala-Pal-Ambastaputra. In some better MS the first name might turn out to be Yamali and in the second some name corresponding to Bhagali may be hidden.-L. 141 Taitalisuta iti yo jnatadhyayanesn (anga 6,1,14) sruyate sa na'yam tasya siddhigamanasravanat. We have here in all probability an intentional variation. Page #16 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 isibhasiyaim, ,141* ayariyabhasiyaim, Mahavirabhasiyaim, khomagapasinaim komalapasinaim, addagapasinaim, amgutthapasinaim, bahupasinaim. The names of ajjh. 6, 8, 9, 10, recur in that table of contents of anga 10 which is found in anga 4 (and Nandi) so that there the text which existed at the period of anga 3 and not our present text, is meant. Abhayadeva says, in so many words: prasnavyakaranadasa iho'ktarupa na drsyamte, drsyamanas tu pamcasravapamcasamvaratmika iti, ihoktanam tu' pamadinam adhyayananam aksararthah [273] pratiyamana eve ti,143 The names of the following four dasau do not recur elsewhere. The names of the 10 ajjh. of dasa 10 are mentioned, not as parts of the Siddhanta but as belonging in or to it. In the seventh place appear the bamdhadasau, the 10 ajjh. of which have the following names : bamdhe1 ya mokkhe ya deviddhi Dasaramamdale ti ya | ayariyavipadivatti' uvajjhayavippadivatti' bhavana vimotti sasate kamme. In the eighth place we find the dogiddhidasau (dvig rddhi) with the following names.145 vate vivate sukhette kasine ti yalbayalisam suvina' tisam mahasuvina hare146 Ramagutte ya eyam ee dasa ahiya,147 In the ninth place the diha-dasau with following names: camde sure ya sukke ya, Siridevi, Pabhavai divasamuddovavatti, Bahu-putti, Mamdare ti ya | there 'Sambhuyavijae, there Pamha-ussasanissasell. Abhayadeva points out here some connection with the narakavalika or nirayavalika-srutaskandha, i.e. upangas 8-12.148 Finally in the tenth place are the samkheviyadasau149 with the foll. names khuddiya vimanapavibhatti, mahalliya vimana [274] pavibhatti, amgaculiya, vaggaculiya vivahaculya, Arunovavae, Varano 11 142 This text is treated in greater detail on anga 4 SS 44. It has been discovered by Prof. Peterson, see his Third Report, p. 26 and 253.-L. 143 ksaumakadisu devatavatarah kriyata iti, tatra ksaumakam vastram, addago adarsah. 144 bamdhady-adhyayanam, srautena' rtthena vyakhyatavyani. 145 dvigyhi (!) dasas ca svarupato 'py anavasitah. 146 var.; hare, hale. 147 These are but nine; in a MS. belonging to Sir Mon. Williams, according to Leumann, bavattarim savvasumina are named in the tenth place. For the dreams cf. the mahasuvina above. p. 224, also cited among the anangapavittha texts in the Paksikas, and in the Vidhipr. 148 dirghadasah svarupato 'navagata eva, tad-adhyayanani (kani) cin narakavalikasrutaskamdha upalabhyamte; tatra camdravaktavyata-pratibaddham camdram adhyayanam, tathahi Rajagrhe.....; sesani triny apratitani. 149 samksepika dasa apy anavagatas varupa eva, tad adhyayananam punar arthah: khuddie tyadi, iha valika-pravistetaravimanapravi bhajanam yatra 'dhyayane' tad vimanapravibhaktih, tac cai 'kam alpagramthartham; tatha' nyan mahagranthartham. Page #17 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 12 JAIN JOURNAL vavae (Varu' in the Schol, perhaps Dhara') Garulovavae, Velamdharovavae, Vesamanovavae. All these names recur in the anangapavittha list of the Nandi (Paksikas. Vidhipr.). We have seen above, p. 223, 224, that the five ajjhayanas beginning with khuddiyavimana are designed for the eleventh year of study, the five150 ajjha. which begin with arunovavaa for the twelfth year of study. From this two facts are plain : first, that they still existed at the date of composition of the versus memoriales in question, secondly, that they were of great importance in so far as their study is made to occur after that designed for anga 5 i.e. the tenth year. By vivahaculiya (vyakhya bhagavati tusyhs culika) we may remark in passing, we are to understand one or more of those supplements to anga 5, all of which now appear to have been incorporated in that anga. We cannot doubt that all the texts mentioned above were thus constituted at the period of the existence of anga 3. Hence the extreme interest of this detailed presentation of the subject. It is only as regards anga 7 and chedasutra 4 that this account is in entire agreement with the existing text of the Siddhanta ; in all other particulars this account is either widely different or has reference to texts,151 which are pot found in the Siddhanta at all. The proof here given of the fact that from the mention of a work in one place or another there does not [275] follow the identity of the then existing texts with the present (though in reality proof of a fact that is self-evident) is nevertheless not out of place in the present case, since it has become so customary in these days to draw from the titles of Chinese, etc., translations of Buddistic works conclusions in reference to the existence of the latter in their present form. The proof here carried out in reference to anga 8 to 10 is intended as a reminder that greater caution must be used in the future. (See Ind, Stud. III, 140). Of great interest is furthermore the enumeration in ajjh, 7 of the names of the seven schisms 52 together with those of their founder and of their localities : evam ceva samanassa bhagavato Mahavirassa tittharmi satta pavayananinhaga pam tan : bahuraya, jivapadesiya, avvattiya, 150 This first 5 of the preceding ten ajjh. are doubtless meant by this statement. At least in the Nandi they preserve the same order of succession, 151 These texts may be concealed, i.e., absorbed by larger texts--a conjecture which is very probable e. g. in the case of the vivahaculiya'. See above. - 152 cf. Kup. 794 (4) where the words "in connection with Ayyarakk hia and Pusamitta" belong to the last line after gotthamahila ; see Av. N. 8, 89. Page #18 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 samucchetiya, dokiriya, terasiya, avaddhiya (!); cesi nam sattanham pavayananinhaganam satta dhammayariya hottha, tam: Jamali, Tisagutte Asadhe, Asamitte, Gamge, Calue, Gotthamahile; eesi nam padegnam satta uppattinagara hottha, tam: Savatthi, Usabhapuram, Seyabiya, Mihila, Ullagatiram, puram Amtaramji Dasapura(m) ninhaga-uppattinagaraim. According to Avasy. nijj. 8, 61, 88, the last of these schisms occurred in the year Vira 584; from this we may derive some basis for chronological determination.153 See Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15. 13 An exact examination of this important text is a great desideratum, since in it are contained a large number of significant [276] statements and data. It constitutes a perfect treasure-house for the correct understanding of innumerable groups of conceptions in distinguishing which from one another the pedantic formalism of the Jains was wont to run riot. The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi (N) reads: se kim tam thane? thine nam sasamaya thavijjamti parasamaya sasamayaparasamaya; jiva thavijjamti ajiva jivajiva; logo alogo logalogo thavijjamti ;154 thane nam davva-guna-khetta-kala-pajjavapayattha nam sela salila ya samudda-sura-bhavana-vimana-agaranadio nidhayo purisajaya155 sara156 ya gotta ya joisammvala157 ekaviham vattavvayam duviham java dasaviham vattavvayam jivana poggalana ya logatthaim ca nam paruvanaya aghavijjai 158 The commentary is by Abhayadeva, who both here at the end and elsewhere is frequently called navangivrttikarah. Commentaries to angas 3-11 are ascribed to him; and we have one from his hand on upanga 1. He calls himself a scholar of Jinesvaracarya159 and of Buddhisagara 153 The Jain records on the above seven schisms have been translated into German by Leumann, Ind. Stud. XVII, p. 91-135.-L. 154 In N, we read jiva ajiva javaj, at the beginning; then follows loe aloe loyaloe; and sasamae p. sasamayaparasamae forms the conclusion, (as also in the case of angas 4 et. seq.); the verb is thavijjamti in each one of the nine cases-i.e. in the plural 155 Purisajaya tti purusaprakara unnatapranatadibhedah pathamtarena pussajoga tti upalaksanat vat pusyadinaksatranam cam Irena saha pascimagrimobhayapramadadiko yogah. 156 svaras ca sad jadayo. 157 cala B C.; jyotisah tararapasamva!anani (caldeg. ?). 158 N has instead of thane nam davva the following: tamka kada sela siharino' pabbhara kumdaim guhao agara daha naio aghavijjamti: thane nam egaiyae eguttariyae vuddhie dasatthana vivaddhiyanam bhavanam paruvana aghavijjamii. 153 The founder of the Kharataragaccha; see the pattavali at the end of the Sabdaprabhedatika v. 2 (ms. or. fol. 813), and KI, 248a (11). Page #19 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL the younger [277] brother of the former. The present commentary was prepared by him Samvat 1120 (A.D. 1064) in Asahiliapataka with the help of Yasodevagani, a scholar of Ajitasinhacarya for a panditaparsad, conducted by Sri-Dronacarya. According to Dharmasagara's Gurvavali, the ''navamgavrttik rt", Abhayadeva died Samvat 1135, according to others 1139. See KI, 2486, 253b. (12.30). IV. The fourth angam, Samavaya, "association, group, rubric", in one ajjhayana, that consists of very heterogeneous parts. The contents of the first two-thirds is in general the same as that of the third anga, both being designed for instruction in the eighth year. See above. There is however the difference that the categories here exceed 10,160 and continue by progression up to 100,161 and then per saltus far exceed 100. Immediately following, but without any logical connection with this, is a detailed table of contents and extent of all the twelve angas ; then all sorts of statements which cannot be united into one class and which deal partly with doctrine, partly with hagiology and, if we may use the expression, history or legend. This third part is without doubt to be regarded as an appendix to the first part, and the whole as a supplement to the third anga ; as in fact we learn from $ 57 that angas 1 to 3 were regarded as a connected unit. We have here a compendium of everything worth knowing, [278] a perfect treasurehouse of the most important information which is of the greatest value for our understanding of the Siddhanta. Of especial significance are, in the first place, the statements of literary and historical content in SS 1-100, in reference to the extent and division of the separate angas, etc. (statements which were doubtless the principal cause of the addition of the full treatment of this subject); the mention of various celebrated Arhats of the past 162 together with the number of their scholars (this was the cause of the addition of the concluding part); and the frequent reference to the lunar and naksatra computation of time and to the quinquennial yugam. The references to the yugam are exactly in the manner of the jyotisa vedanga, krttika, etc., being the beginning of the series of the naksatras. Anga 4 begins, after prefacing the customary introduction (suyam me ausam, tenam bhagavamtenam evam akkhayam) with a fresh statement 160 In SS 1-10 there are many statements which recur in the same form in anga 3. 161 They are counted up to 100 as first, second, third samavaya (or in the neuter samavayam up to the hundredth. 162 e.g. Kumtha $ 27.81, Kumthu $ 95, Pasa $ 38,70,350. Panami (Nami B. C.) $ 39, Aritthanemi $ 40, Nami $41, Vimala $44,56, Munisuvvaa $50, Malli 355,57, Usabha Kosalia $ 63.83.89. Moriyaputta $ 65. Suvihi Pupphadanta $ 75.86. Bharaha $ 77, Page #20 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 in reference to the authorship of Mahavira: iha khalu samanenam bhagavaya Mahavirenam (then follows the regular varnaka with about 40 attributes, among which are Jinenam buddhenam bohaenam .....) ime duvalasamge ganipidage163 pannatte, tam jaha: (then follow the names of the 12 angas)164 [279] tattha nam je se cautthe amge samavae ti ahie,165 tassa, nam ayam atthe... In angas 1-3 we do not find at the outset any such designation as first, second, third angam. 15 I extract the following from the remainder of the anga. In SS 1 repetition of the statements of the third anga in reference to the asterisms adda, citta, sati being called egatara; further on the same statements are made about the remaining naksatras; in SS 7 the 28 naksatras are divided into four groups, viz.: kittiyaiya (degadika) in the East (puvvadariya), mahaiya in the South, anurahaiya in the West, dhanitthaiya in the North. After186 the sentence kittiyaiyaiya satta nakkhatta puvvadariya pam (pannatta) the words pathamtarena abhahiyadiya (A, abhiyaiya BC) are inserted ;167 whereby, as the schol. explains, abhijit., asvini, pusya, svati are indicated rather than the names in question. This insertion purposes to put the series of naksatras, first invented by the Jains and taught especially in upangas 5, 7 (see Ind. Stud. 10,220, 304) in the place of the old krittika series, which still maintained its validity at the time the fourth anga was first composed.168 The new view had not yet received the authoritative stamp of orthodoxy. [280] We must however here notice that (cf. p. 269) in the third anga SS 7 we find statements completely identical with those in this insertion. In SS 18 enumeration of the 18 kinds of writing usual for the bambhi livi (but not so correct as in up. 4 on which account I cite them there); $18 Seyyasa SS 80, Siyyamsa SS 84, Siyala SS 83,90. Mamdiyaputta SS 83, Supasa SS 86,95,200, Ajjiya SS 90, Imdabhuti SS 92, Camdappaha SS 93, Samti SS 93, Sumai SS 300, Sambhava SS 400, Ajia SS 450, Sagara SS 450, Vasupujja SS 700. 163 This word, which in SS 57 is used especially for angas 1-3 belongs of course to the tipitaka of the Pali texts, but has no reference to the number three. The designation of "basket" inclines one to think of its having been committed to writing. On the first mention of the name tipitaka see Ind. Stud. 5,26; Vorles. Ind. Lit.-G2. 311, appendix, page 15. 164 All of the preceding from iha khalu on gives an impression of secondary origin. This is the first occasion that we meet with the varnaka of Mahavira. 165 akhyata, I assumed several years ago (see Bhag. 1,410.2,251) under the erroneous belief that this form belonged especially to the Suryaprajnapti (see Ind. Stud. 10,254) that ahia ahijjai were derived from the root khya weakend to khi, hi, I should now prefer to regard them as a species of retrogressive formation from the common ahamsu (root ah), 166 Thus in A; in BC before. 167 The same case is found SS 72. 168 The schol. however regards the abhijit series as siddhamt amatam: he then adds: iha (in the text) tu matamtaram afritya kyttikadini.....bhanitani: camdraprajnaptau tu bahutarani matani darsitani) (Ind. Stud. 10,285). Page #21 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 16 atthinatthipavayassa puvvassa (this is the fourth purvam) attharasa vatthu ; in SS 19 enumeration of the 19 nayajjhayanas, i.e. of the 19 books of anga 6, in karika form; in SS 23 enumeration of the 23 suyagadajjhayanas, i.e. of those of anga 2; in SS 25 enumeration of the 25 ajjh. of anga 1; ayarassa bhagavao saculivigassa, the mahiparinna being mentioned in the ninth place and the nisihajjhayana being designated outright as "25th ajjh." The latter is probably the culiya (see SS 57 and p. 254); the designation as bhagavant is found also in SS 85, c.f. also SS 84; in SS 36 enumeration of the 36 ajjh. of the uttarajjhayana, i.e. of the first mulasutra, and in fact with a few insignificant variations of the names given here; see below SS 43 teyalisam kammavivagajjhayana pam (natta); the names are however not enumerated; accord. to the schol, the 20 ajjh, of the eleventh anga, called vivagasuya are hereby referred to, as also the 23 of the second (!) anga. Cf. page 270 in reference to the kammavivagadasau in ten ajjh. mentioned in anga 3, 10; SS 44 coyalisam ajjhayana isibhasiya devalogacuyobhasiya pam (natti); both of these texts, at least under these names, are no longer extant.169* I have found the devalogacuyabhasiya mentioned in this place alone; the isibhasiya however are often mentioned. We have already come across them (see p. 272) in anga 3, 10 as third ajjh. of anga 10 (!). [281] In the Nandi they appear among the anangapavittha texts; the author of the Avasy. nijj. confesses that he (2, 6) is author of a nijj. to the isibhasiai too, and (8, 54), placing them in the second place, describes them together with kaliasua, surapannatti and ditthivaa as the four kinds of anuoa (see p. 258); Abhay. however here characterizes them as kalikasrutavisesabhutani. Haribhadra on Av. identifies them, on one occasion (2, 6) with painna 7, on another (8, 54), he calls them uttaradhyayanadini ! See above, p. 259. They appear also in connection with the painnas, embracing 50 (!) ajjh in the Vidhiprapa, where their connection with the Uttarajjhayana as matamtara is also referred to - $46 ditthivayassa nam chayalisai mauyapaya (mat kapadani) pam (natta) bambhie nam live chayalisam mauarakkha (madurakara BC. perhaps mauakkhara ? matr+aksdeg) pam. In reference to the 46 mauyapaya of anga 12 see below. By the "lekhyavidhau 46 matrkaksarani" of the Scriptures are according to the schol., to be understood170 a to ha, with the addition of ksa, but with the omission of jha-la-tri (?)-um (?)la (?).171 These statements are of the most remarkable character. The JAIN JOURNAL 169*See however the last but one asterism note. 170 The Paniniya siksa counts 63 or 64 varnas and (as is very remarkable) "both for Sanskrit and for Prakrit (!)" See Ind. Stud. 4,348,349. 171 Among the Brahmans too there is found an enumeration of the alphabet in order to form a diagram. Cf. my treatise on the Rama Tap. Up. 1.62, p. 309. This enumeration contains 51 aksaras (16 vowels, 35 consonants), which, after deducting 5 Page #22 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 number of 46 aksaras, whether written signs or sounds (which can have reference to Sanskrit alone and not to Prakrit, since ks is included in the list), I am as yet entirely unable to explain172*-SS 57 tinham ganipidaganam ayaracaliyavajjanam sattavannam ajjhayana pam (natta) ayare 24, suyagade 23, thane [282] 10; here the first 3 angas are taken together as a unit and called 'the three ganipidagas' par excellence. It is here worthy of note that only 24 ajjh. are ascribed to the ayara after the separation of the ayaraculiya; and in fact (p. 254) only the nisihajjhayanam, which in SS 25 is called the 25th ajjh., can be meant by ayaraculiya;-in SS 59 fifty-nine day-nights (ratimdiya) are allotted to each season of the lunar year; SS 61 pamcasam vaccharassa nam jugassa ridumasenam miyyamanassa egasatthi udumasa pam (natta); see on this Jyotisa v. 31 (my treatise, p. 93);--SS 62 the quinquennial yugam has 62 full moons, 62 new moons; SS-67 67 nakkhattamasa; according to SS 71, the winter of the fourth lunar year (in the yuga) has 71 vvxon'mepa -cautthassa nam camdasamvaccharassa hemamtanamekasattarie ratimdiyehim vitikkamtehim;-in SS 72 enumeration of the 72 kalas which are essentially identical with those which recur in anga 6, 1, 119, upanga 1, 107 and elsewhere;173 the repeated use of the word lakkhana probably forms a literary synchronism with the Mahabhasya and the Atharvaparisistas. See Ind. Stud. 13, 460, Burnell, Tanjore Catalogue, p. 9 fg.; the names are: Leham 1, ganiyam 2, ruvam 3, nattam 4, giyam 5, vaiyam 6, saragayam 7, pukkharagayam 8, samatalam 9, juyam 10, junavayam 11, porevaccam (A. kavyam B.C.)174* 12, atthavayam 13, dagamattiyam 14, annavihim 15, panavihim 16, lenay175 17, sayanav 18, ajjapaheliyam (ajjam pa B.C.) 19, magahiyam 20, gaham176 21, silogam 22, gamdhajuttim 23, [283], madhusittham177 24. abharanavihim 25, tarunipadikammam 26, itthilakkhanam 27, purisal. 28, hayal. 29, gayal. 30, gonal.178 31, kukkudal. 32, midhayal. 33, 17 aksaras, shows the 46 mauyakkhara ascribed in anga 4,46 to the bambhi livi. In reference to their use see page 462. It is however doubtful whether the use of the latter (on page 462) represents an example of the mauyakkhara. 172* tani ca 'karadini hakaramdatani (ramtani) saksa karani jha-da-tri-um-lam (!). (Leumann proposes to me to read ri, ri, li; but what is the meaning of jha and da (1) ty eva (!) ity etadaksarapamcakavarjitani sambhavyamte.-The letters meant are indeed yi, ri, li, li, and 1, see Weber's Cat. II, p. 408, n.-2-L. 173 See Paul Steinthal, Specimen of the Nayadh. p. 29 and Leumann, Aupapat. p. 77, where especial notice is taken of the variant readings here. 174 Nay. has here pasayam and reverses the position of 12 and 13.-*The right name of the 12th kala is no doubt porekaccham-pauraskrt yam.-L. 175 Vilevana Nay. with the addition of vatthay. 176 Nay. adds gitiyam. 177 Instead of 23,24 Nay. has hirannajuttim, suvannaj, cunnaj. 178 Steinthal has ganal". Page #23 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 18 cakkal.179 34, chattal. 35, damdal. 36, asil. 37, manil. 38, kaganil. 39, cammal.180 40, camdayal. 41, suracariyam 42, rahucariyam 43, gahacariyam181 44, sobhakaram 45, dobhakaram 46, vijjagayam 47, mamtag. 48, rahassag. 49, sambhavam 50, varam (? caram BC) 51, padivaram (caram BC)182 52, buham 53, padibuham 54, khamdhavaramanam 55, nagaramanam 56, vatthumanam 57, khamdhavaranivesam 58, nagaranivesam 59, vatthunivesam 60, isattham 61, charuppavayam (pagayam BC) 62, asasikkham 63, hatthisikkham 64, dhanuvedam 65, harinavadam (hirannavayam BC) 66, suvannavadam 67, manipagam 68, dhaupagam 69, bahujuddham 70, damdaj. 71, mutthij. 72, atthij. 73, juddham 74, nijuddham 75, juddhatijuddham 76, suttakheddam 77, naliyakheddam 78, vattakheddam 79, dhammakheddam183 80, camharevattam (pamhakheddam BC) 81, pattacheyyam 82, kadaga (kannaga BC) cheyyam 83, pattagacheyyam 84, sajivam 85, nijivam 86, saunaruyam 87, iti. Of these 87 names, 15 are to be removed, whether they are pathamtaras (see on No. 80), or interpolations. For the v. r. from Nay. see below ;-SS 81 Vivahapannattie (in the fifth anga) ekkasim mahajummasaya [284], (mahayugmasatani) pam (natta) ;-SS 84 vivahapannattie nam bhagavaie caurasiim payasahassa padaggenam pannatta. Later on in the course of our investigation we will recur to the fact that this statement in reference to the extent of the text is less by 100,000 padas than that of the present text. See SS 85 and SS 25 on the designation as bhagavati, which has remained the exclusive property of this text. SS 85 ayarassa nam bhagavato saculiyagassa pamcasiim uddesanakala; -SS 88 ditthivayassa nam atthasiim suttiim pam tam; ujjusuyam, parinayaparinayam, evam atthasiim suttani bhaiyavvani, jaha Namdie.' This reference to the Nandi, by which any further enumeration has been spared, is very remarkable from the fact that the statements in it, a few pages further on, are found in exactly the same detail in the fourth anga itself at this very point, in the consideration of the contents and extent of all the angas. This being the case the reference ought to have followed the collective statement found several pages further on in the same anga. We are therefore compelled to believe that the Nandi is the original source of information for this presentation, common to anga 4 and the Nandi, and that this presentation was JAIN JOURNAL 179 Nay. omits 33,34. 180 40-50 omitted in Nay. 181 Are they to be regarded as planets or are they to be understood according to the fashion of the Ath. Paris. 53.54 ? 182 Instead of 51-57 there are in Nay, the following 31 names; vatthuvijjam, khamdharamanam 56, 53. 54, 51 (BC), 52 (BC) cakkavuham; garulavuham; sagadavuham; 74-76, 73 72, 70, layajuddham; 61, 62, 65-67.77.79.78.81.82.85-87. 183 Omitted in BC, where we read instead pavamtare (pathamtare) camha, by which camha is manifestly designated as v. 1. to pamha. Page #24 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 at a later period taken from the Nandi and inserted in anga 4; furthermore, this insertion must have occured at a period succeeding that to which the above reference of the redactor belongs. Or have we merely to do with a later act of the scribes ? Were this the case, this act of theirs is at least very remarkable, if not unfortunately executed. There is, however, one difficulty in the way of the assumption that the Nandi is the ultimate source, viz. there are all manner of differences between the treatment in the Nandi and that here, differenees in which the Nandi does not always [285] contain the more ancient statements. See below. The fact that the table contents in N. is much shorter than that here makes, it is true, eo ipso, an impression of greater antiquity; and N. offers in this table of contents many readings which are decidedly older and better. 19 We have now reached a point where we may discuss the collective presentation itself. It begins simply; duvalasamge ganipidage pam (natte), tam: then follow the names of the 12 angas and then the details in reference to contents, division and extent of each of the twelve. I insert here what I have collected from the statements in reference to division and extent, that the reader may obtain a general survey of the whole. I subjoin the v. r. from the Nandi (N) which, after what I have said above, may in the last instance claim priority over those of the anga, 1. Ayare, 2 suyakhamdha, 25 ajjhayana, 85 uddesanakala, 85 samuddesanakala, 18 payasahassaim payaggenam. 2. Suyagade, 2 suyakh. 23 ajjh, 33 udd., 33 samudd., 36 padasahassaim (36,000) padaggenam. 3. Thane, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh., 21 udd., 21 samudd., 72 payasahassaim (72,000) payaggenam. 4. Samavae, 1 ajjh., 1 suyakh., 1 udd., 1 samudd., ege coyale payasayasahasse (144,000); saya is omitted in the incorrect Berlin MS. of N., but accord. to Leumann is in the N. Ed.) pay. 5. Viyahe, 1 suy., 100 ajjh. with a residue (!) ege sairege ajjhayanasaye), 10 uddesagasahassaim, 10 samuddesagasahassaim, 36 vagaranasahassaim, 84 (!) payasahassaim (84,000) payaggenam :--the latter statement is found also in SS 84-see above page 284-N, however, has do lakkha atthasii (288,000) payasahassaim, which corresponds to twice the former steady increase in 1-4. Page #25 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 20 JAIN JOURNAL 6. [286] Nayadhammakahau, 2 suyakh, 19 (A N Edit., 29 BCN) ajjh.184 10 dhammakahanam vagga (this omitted in N), 19 (A N Ed., 29 BCN) uddesanakala, 19 (A N Ed., 29 BN), samuddesanakala, samkhejjaim payasayasahassaim p. (saya omitted in N., also in Ed. ; 576,000 Schol)Between, 10 dh. vagga and 19 (or 29) udd, we find inserted ; in each dhammakahi 500 akkhaiya, in each akkhaiya 500 uvakkhaiya, in each uvakkhaiya 500 akkhaiya-uvakkhaiya, in all 34 akkhaiyakodio.185 In N this statement from dasadhammakahanam vagga (inclusive) on, is at an earlier place in the description of the contents 7. Uvasagadasao, 1, suyakh., 10 ajjh., 10 udd kala, 10 samudola, samkhejjai payasayasahassaim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed, 1,152,000 Schol.) 8. Astagadadasao, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (N omits), 7 (8 N) vagga, 10 (8 N) udola, 10 (8 N) samudla, samkhejjaim payasayasahassaim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 2,304,000 Schol.). 9. Anuttarovavoiyadasao, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (omitted in N Ed), 3 vagga, 10 (3N) udd la, 10 (3 N) samola, samkhejjaim payasayasahassaim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 4,608,000 Schol.). 10. Panhavagaranani, 1 suyakh., (45 ajjh. N), 45 udd la, 45 samuddola, samkhejjani payasayasahassani p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 9,216,000 Schol.).186 11. Viviyasue, [2 suyakh. N), 20 ajjh., 20 uddla, 20 samuola, samkhejjaim payasayasahassaim p. (saya omitted in AN, also in Ed.; 18,432,000 Schol.),197 12. [287] Ditthivae, 1 suyakh, 14 puvvaim, samkhijja vatthu, samkhejji cala (culla N) vatthu, samkhejji pahuda, s. pahudapahuda, samkhejjau pahu diyau, samkhejjiu pahudiyapihudiyau samkhejjani payasahassani. The most remarkable feature of the above is the statement in refererence to the number of the words of each anga. According to 184 egunavisam A. N. Ed, ekonavinsati, Schol. (also on N), eg unattisam BCN. 185 Cf, my remarks on anga 6 in reference to this remarkable number. We are led to expect a much higher figure. N. Ed. has kahanagako accord. to Leumann instead of akkhaiyakodio. 86 dvinavatir laksah sodasasahasradhikah. 187 eka padakotis caturasitir laksah dvatriniac ca sahasrani. Page #26 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 21 Abhayadeva in the scholia,188 the number of words in the case of angas 1-4, increases continually by half till the eleventh anga is reached ; and the Nandi and an anoymous writer thereupon asserts the same with the modification that, instead of angas 1-4, angas 1-5 are said to show this increase. This view is however in direct opposition to the actual facts of the case, for angas 7-11 are the least of all as regards their extent ; which is so very small that there can be no thought of 100,000189 countable padas, 190 "countable" meaning here probably "those that need a special count", ' numerous" or "innumerable". If we reckon on the average for each padam three aksaras191 and for each grantha (sloka i.e. 32 aksa.), twelve padas, the following is the result of a comparison of the number of these granthas, stated192 as in the MSS., with the above pada numbers [288]. gr. i.e. 1. anga 2,554 2 ,, 2,300 3. , 3,750 4. ,, 1,607 5. 15,750 30,648 padas instead of 18,000 p.193* 27,600 36,000 45,000 72,000 19,284 144,000 189,000 " 84,000 or 2,88,000N ,, ,, 188 Likewise also Nemicandra in the Pravacanasaroddhara $ 92 v. 726 : padhamam ayaramgam attharasasahassapayaparimanamevam sesamgana vi duguna dugunappama nam/ 189 N at least has only "thousands." 190 Accord, to Leumann sarkhejja signifies merely an indefinite number that is still to be counted, and not always a large number. 191 See Bhagav. 1,377. This is true in the case of the prose ; in verse we must reduce the number somewhat. The preliminary question is of course-What does the author understand by pada ? (Malayagiri in the Nondi-fika says p. 425 yatrarthopalabdhis tat padam. L.) In this approximation of three aksaras to a pada I have reckoned the single members of compounds as a single word, in so far as the compounds can lay claim to be considered as such. 192 See above, p, 250, The grantha enumeration is of secondary origin in comparison with the pada enumeration, 193* So also in nisthabhasya pedh. 1 (taken from the Acara-niry). , It must, however, be noted that the above number (18,000) is referred to the first Srutaskandha only. Malayagiri says (Nandi-tika p. 425 : atra para aha yath' Acare dvau srutaskandhau pancavinsatir adhyayanani padagrena castadasa pada-sahasrani tarhi yad bhanit am naya bambhaceramaio attharasa paya-sahassao veo iti tad virudhyate : atra hi nayabrahmacar yadhyayana-matra evastadasa-padasahasra-pramana Acara ukto, 'smins tv adhyayane dvau frutaskandhau pancavinsarir adhyayanani etat samagrasy Acaras ya parimanam uktam, astadasa pada-sahasrani punah prathama-srutaskandhas ya navabrahmacaryadhyayanas ya, vicitrartho-nibaddhani hi sutrani bhavanti, ata eva caisam sam yagarthavogano gurupadesato bhavati nanyatha, aha ca curn.krt : do suyakhandha panavisam ajjhayanani, eyam ayaragasahiyassa (?) Ayarassa pamanam bhaniyam ; attharasa paya-sahassa puna padhama-suyakhandhassa nava Page #27 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 22 6. anga 5,375 gr.194 i.e. 64,500 padas instead of 576,000 7. 812 9,744 8. 890 10,680 9. 192 2,304 1,300 15,672 1,316 15,792 10. 11. 23 33 "" 22 "" .. "3 33 "" " "3 33 13 JAIN JOURNAL " In the case of angas 1 and 5, the numbers above given are less in the case of all the others, greater than the actual state of the case. In a majority of cases the difference is simply ridiculous. The statement in reference to anga 5 (84,000)195 is not in harmony with the increase in 1-4 i.e. twice the number of the previous. We should expect that anga 5 should have preserved the same ratio, as is the case in N. This statement is in direct contradiction to those statements which are found in the MSS. of anga 5; according to which its extent is not 84,000 (and not 288,000 as is stated in N) but 184,000 padas (Bhag. 1,377), which corresponds well enough to its actual extent: 15,750 gr. 189,000 padas. The peculiar nature of our statement in reference [289] to 84,000 padas is, finally, rendered more apparent by the fact that it is found in SS 84 of the first part of our anga, on the strength of which it has again found a place here.198 In that SS it is so free from suspicion that I consider it correct for that period and find in this very circumstance a critical criterion or testimony that, at that time, the fifth anga had not yet reached its present extent. [1,152,000] [2,304,000] [4,608,000] [9,216,000] [18,432,000] As peculiar as the statements in reference to numbers of padas are those concerning the "3 koti" i.e. 35 millions, in anga 6. That all this is perfect nonsense, is perfectly apparent. See below. Finally there are several differences of a very surprising nature in the other bambhaceramayassa pamanam vicitta-attha-nibaddhani ya suttani, guruvae sao esim attho janiyavvo tti. This view of the Curnikyt (translated by Malayagiri into Sanskrit) seems to be all the more right as the Digambaras ascribe also 18,000 padas to the Acara without acknowledging any second Srutas kandha, see Prof. Peterson's Second Report, p. 134.-L. 194 Another statement 5,500 gr., or 4,155 gr. 195 Or sarva-milanena 1841 (v. 1. 1894) granthas! 196 So also Abhayadeva, who shows that he is evidently embarrassed in his statement: caturasitipadasahasrani padagrene 'ti samavayapeksaya ("in reference to SS 84") dvigunataya (taya ?) iti (?) nasrayanat (?), anyatha tad dvigunatve dve taksde astasitih sahasrani ca bhavamti. In the following anga he states the number of padas to be 576000 i,e. twice that of those in anga 5, according to his computation. Page #28 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 statements which are not so readily set aside as incorrect or impossible, differences which exist partly in these statements themselves, partly in their relation to the actual facts. First, the difference to the number of ajjhayanas in anga 6, according to A and Abhayad, there are 19 and such is the actual state of the case-but according to BCN197* there are 29. Then as regards anga 8 the 10 ajjh, are wanting in N.198 The number of the vaggas (7), of the udd. (10) and of the samudd. (10) is in N everywhere 8; likewise as regards anga 9 N has the number 3 as in the case of the vaggas, and in that of the udd. and samudd.; in the case of anga 10 N adds 45 ajjh. and in that of anga 11 likewise 2 suyakh. In reference then [290] to the actual facts, we must make the preliminary observation that the division into uddesagas in the case of angas 8-11, and that into samuddesagas in general in all the angas, is not denoted in the MSS.199* The other differences refer chiefly to the fifth angam which has no division into ajjhayanas; in that anga they are called saya (sata), and their number is not 100 but 41 or, including the sub-sayas, 138; likewise the existing text has only 1925 (not 10,000) uddesagas. A special demarcation of vagarana sections is unknown,200 What can possibly be the meaning of 36,000 vagaranas and only 84,000 padas! (cf. Bhag. 1,376). The differences in reference to angas 8-11 are not less remarkable. As regards the vaggas (8), anga 8 agrees with N. but has, not 10 (cf. anga 3,10), but 93 ajjh ;-anga 9 has likewise not 10 (cf. again anga 3,10), but 33 ajjh; anga 10 has ten daras cf. the ten ajjh. in anga 3,10 whereas we have here no information about daras or ajjh., and N, on the other hand, speaks of 45 ajjh.-anga 11 has in agreement with N the 2 suyakh, which are not mentioned in the source of information before us. In the case of anga 12 there is no possibility of comparing the statements in question with the text, since there is no longer any such extant.-See below.201 23 197* According, to Leumann N Ed. has 19 and not 29-Here again, as with anga 1, only the first Srutaskandha is intended by the assertion of there being 19 ajjhayanas and not 29. In the same way only Part I. of anga 11 has been known to the author of anga 3, 10 as has been shown above on page. 270.-L. 198 According to Leumann this is not so in N Ed. 199 This statement requires some modification: see the closing words of angas 8-10 in Weber's Cat. II., 502 (8). 507(9) 520(10: dasasu ceva divasesu uddisijjanti......); anga 11 has in the place a reference to anga 1 (see ibid. 534) which, however, has the same bearing.-L. 200 This demarcation, or the number 35,000 representing it, is also found in the table of contents of anga 5 preceding the statements in reference to the extent. 201 I will note here merely the fact that in the section in reference to the twelfth anga, Bhaddabahu is mentioned by name, whom tradition proclaims to be the last teacher of this angam or of the fourteen purvas; see above. p. 214. It is furthermore stated that therein was contained a section in reference to Bhaddabahu and to his history. Page #29 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 24 The question now arises how are these differences to find a fitting solution? It is self-evident, that, so far as the extraordinary character [291] both of our information in regard to the number of padas, and of the akkhaias in anga 6 is concerned, they are a fabrication of the author; nor is it improbable that a similar explanation may hold good in the case of the special differences of detail. The carefulness of statement which we notice here, renders it, on the other hand, possible that the author has based his statements on those of his authorities, and that we have to deal with genuine discrepancies between two different texts. Abhayadeva declares here that he is unable to explain the contradiction202 in the case of angas 8 and 9 and in the case of anga 10 all that he does is to admit the existence of the conflict.203 But In his commentary on anga 10 he adduces (1) a further case of divergence --an introduction at variance with the general character of the introductions in that it allots to the anga two suyakkhamdhas, and (2) refers especially to the conflict between the purvacaryah and the aidamyuginah. See below. Of primal importance for angas 8 to 10 (11) is the fact that the statements in anga 3,10 too render it [292] probable that these angas had then a text different from our own. The irreconcilability of title and contents show that in the case of anga 10 something must have occurred to cause the present condition of affairs. JAIN JOURNAL As we have seen that there are important differences between the statements made here or in N. and the actual state of things in the eleven angas, so far as extent and division are concerned, we now discover that the same holds good as regards the statements now under examination, concerning the contents. These statements, which in N are much more brief than those in anga 4, are, it must be said, of so general a character and so colourless that their real contents can only be discovered with difficulty. They appear in a form that is purely stereotyped (see the common introduction in angas 2-5,204 and in 6-9 and 11,205) whereas there is no such similarity of contents between 202 On 8: dasa ajjhayana tti prathamavargapeksayai' va ghatate, Namdya tathai 'va vyakhyatatvat (see below); yathe (yac ce) 'ha pathyate satta vagga ti tat prathamavargad anyavargapekasaya yato' tra sarve 'py asta varga Namdvam api tatha pathitah...sarvani (adhyayanani) cai'kavargagatani yugapad uddisyamte, ato (tra) bhanitam; attha udd'la ity adi, iha ca daso 'ddesanakala adhiyamta iti na sya 'bhiprayam adhigacchamah;-and on 9: iha 'dhyayanasamuho vargo dasa 'dhyayanani, vargas ca yugapad evo 'padisyate, ity atas traya evo 'ddes anakala bhavamty evam eva ca Namday adhiyate, iha tu disyate: dase 'ty, atra 'bhiprayo na jnayate. 203 Yady api 'ha adhyayananam dasat vad dasai 'vo 'ddesanakala bhavamti, tatha'pi vacanantarapeksaya (cf. N) pamcacatvarinsad iti sambhavyamte iti panayalisam ity adi aviruddham (!). 204 Samaya, loya, jiva. 205 Nayaraim etc. N limits herein its treatment of the subject entirely to this common introduction and gives nothing else in addition. Page #30 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 each of the single members of these two groups; and the statements in question are not in exact accordance with the contents of any single one. This latter remark holds good in the case of the special statements in reference to the contents of anga 10, to which we do not find any such stereotyped introduction. These special statements suit the name of the anga, but not its present contents. It is of great significance that the statements in anga 3, 10 (see above, p. 272) are essentially in accordance with these now under discussion. This agreement [293] makes it extremely probable that the contents of the tenth angam, as it then existed, was in harmony with these statements, 25 To the detailed consideration of the 12 angas there is appended here, as in the Nandi, a passage on the entire duvalasamgam ganipidagam. This deals partly with the attacks, which it was subjected to in the past, ,208 which it now experiences in the present and will experience in the future, partly with the devoted acquiescence which is its lot to meet with in these three periods and concludes with the declaration of its certain existence for ever: na kayai na asi, na kayai na'tthi, na kayai na bhavissati. The concluding portion of the fourth anga consists of frequent reference to the legendary hagiology and history of the Jains, genealogical enumerations (and others of different content) of parents, wives, etc. of the Kulakaras, 24 Titthakaras, 12 Cakkavattis 9 Baladevas, 9 Dasaras, 9 Vasudevas, partly in metrical form (sloka and arya). Towards the end there is a transition to prophecy (construction in the future). Our information here varies in part very materially from that contained in Hem. 26 fg. 691 fg. and is not preserved in the MSS. with any great consistency. Hence it appears that our knowledge is not complete, but is derived from accounts of a partial nature which is in need of additional supplementary testimony. Some of the MSS. afford at one time generous information and at another limited data. The survey of contents of anga 4, contained in the detailed account of the angas, runs as follows: se kim tam samavae ? samavae nam sasamaya suijjamti [294] parasamaya s. java logaloge suijjamti207; samavaenam egadiyanam egatthanam eguttariyaparivaddhiya208 (duvalasam 206 According to Abh., attacks at the hands of Jamali, Gosthamahila, etc., i.e. the representatives of the seven schisms. 207 N. has instead of suijjamti everywhere samasijjamti and, as in the case of 3, the order jiva., loe..., sasamae. 208 parivuddhiya A. Page #31 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL gassa ya ganipidagassa pallavagge samanugaijjai)*09 thanagasayassa810 barasavi havittharassa211 suyananassa jagajivahi yassa212 bhagavato samasenan samayare213 Xhijjai ; tattha ya nanavihappagara jivajiva ya vanniya214 vittharenan, avare vi ya bahuvihi visesa naraya-tiri ya215 manuyasuraganana ahar'-ussasa-lesa-avasa-samkha-ayaya-ppamana-uvavaya-cayana ogahan'- ohi 2 16 veyanavihana-uvaoga217 joga-imdi ya-kasaya218* viviha ya jivajoni vikkharbh'-ussehapari-rayappamanam vidhivisesa219 ya, Mamdaradinam mahidharanam, kulagaro-titthagara-ganaharanam samatta Bharahahivanam230 cakkina ceva cakkahara-halaharana ya, visuna221 ya niggamaa2a sam ie, ete anne ya evam-oi ettha223 vittharenam attha samasejjamti,224 The commentary is by Abhayadeva. V. The fifth angam, viyaha or vivaha (or "pannatti295) with the epithet bhagavati, and lastly also [295] merely bhagavati (Hem v. 243) ; in 41 sayas, sata2a6, of which some are divided into sub-divisions of the same name2a7, and both into uddesagas. The number of the latter cannot be discovered from the MSS. themselves, because the latter books (33-41) contain for the most part nothing but stereotyped descriptions, in reproducing which the greatest freedom has been taken nclosed the As the waisaingas sent tariya 209 pallava avayavas, tatparimanam samanugiyat e pratipadyate. 210 N is much better : samavae nam egai-eguttariya thanasaya-vivaddhi yanam bhavanam puruvana, aghavijjati : duvalasamgassa gao gassa pallavagge samasijjai, N omits all the following. As the words duva gaijjai interrupt in anga 4 the connection, I have enclosed them in brackets. 211 barassa A. 212 jiviyassa hi A. 213 degyari A. 214 viniya A; varaitah. 215 naragatariya A. 216 uggahinoyahi A; avagahana, avadhi. 217 uvauga A. B. C. 218*kasaya A. B. C. ; prat hama...lopak. -So upanga 1,163 presents Arana-Accuya. tinni ya (see p. 88, note 6 of my ed. of the text).-L. 219 viddhasesa A, 220 samasta Bharatadhipanam. 221 varsanai Bharatadiksetranam. 222 deggama ya BC. 223 adi 'tha A. 224 So A, samahijjami BC samasri yante athava, samas yamte. 225 Accord. to Abhayadeva and Malayagiri (Schol. on up. 4) vyakhyaprajnapti (cf. Hem. Schol. p. 319): or vivaha or vivadha (cf. Wilson Sel. W. 1,281). S. Bhagav. 1. 371-72 See ibid. p. 368n, and below on upangas 5 foll., in reference to the name prajnapti and the conclusions to be derived therefrom. 226 The reason for the name is as yet involved in obscurity. 227 avant arasaya in Vidhipr apa. Page #32 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 Some uddesagas are indicated merely by catch-words. According to the usual general survey of extent and division of the work at the end of the MSS. there are in all 138 sayas, including all the sub-sayas, 1925 uddesagas, 184,000 padas; and these statements, especially those in reference to the number of words, are in exact agreement with the actual state of affairs, (see Bhag. 1,376), and agree so far as the number of the uddesagas is concerned, with the specific statements on this head in the Vidhiprapa (V), excepting in the case of an insignificant variation (there are only 1,923 udd. see p. 296n). In reference to the great difference especially as regards the extent 184,000 padas as opposed to the statements of anga 4 and of the Nandi the reader is referred to p. 288. Besides, in its general survey of the extent of the angas, the fourth anga has in SS 84, where there is no occasion for suspecting its truth, the same statement that the vivahapannatti bhagavati had 84,000 padas. This statement was transferred from there to the later general survey (see page 289), although it does not belong there. I do not scruple, therefore, for this very reason to regard it as [296] correct. It would then have to be relegated to a period in which the fifth angam had not yet attained the half of its present extent. Cf. on this point the statements in anga 3,10 in reference to the vivahaculiya as ajjh. 5 of the last of the ten dasa texts there cited. See above, p. 274. The vivahacu. is also mentioned in a previous passage in the Nandi among the anangapavittha texts (bhagavaticulika, Schol.). On the other hand, it is noteworthy that anga 4 in SS 81, that is to say just before the mention of the 84,000 padas of the bhagavati, refers expressly to its 81 mahajummas (see above page 283); and consequently there is herein a direct reference to its latter books. But these very latter books give one at first glance the impression of containing secondary additions. 27 That anga 5 grew only gradually to its present extent of 15,750 gramthagra or 184,000 padas, is proved by a glance at the different proportions of the single books-[1-8, 12-14, 18-20 with 10 udd. each, 9,10 with 34 udd. each, 11 with 12 udd.; 15 without udd. ;228 16 with 14, 17 with 17 udd., but 21 with 80,229 22 with 60,230 23 with 50,231 24 with 24, 26-30 with only 11 each, 25 with 12, but 31, 32 with 28 each, 33, 34232 with 124 each, 35-39 with [297] 132, 40 with 231, 41 with 196 udd.] Their contents too prove the gradual extension of anga 5. 228 Gosalasayam egasaram V. 229 With 8 vagga each with 10 udd. V 230 With 6 vagga each with 10 udd. 231 With 5 vagga each with 10 udd. V. 232 33 and 39 with 12 avamtarasayas (of which 8 with 11 each, 4 with 9 udd. each) Page #33 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 28 The first 20 books, which are the substructure of all, are clothed in a legendary form, and contain in irregular order, and without any recognizable connecting thread, the most varied legends in reference to the activity and teachings of Mahavira; his conversations 233 with his first scholar Imdabhuti (Goyama) at the time of king Senia of Rajagiha being made of special importance. In sayas 21 ff. there are no such legends, and each sayam has not only a harmonious contents, but many of the sayas are connected together as groups, 21-23 treat of plants, 24-30 of the different conditions of living creatures (jiva), 24 of their origin, 25 of their lesyadayo bhavah, 26234 of their karmabandha, 27 of their karmakarana [298] kriya, 28 of their papakarmadidandakanavaka, 29 of their karmaprasthapanadi, 30 of the 4 samavasarana (see above, p. 264); 31-41, finally, in a most peculiar fashion of their state during the four jummas (yugma-yuga): kada, teoga, davara, kaliyoga. The make-up of these latter books, is, as I have already said, purely formal, and is almost similar to a mere table of statistics. JAIN JOURNAL Since this is the case it appears to me a matter of tolerable certainty that sayas 21 fg. were added at a later period to sayas 1-20. It is perfectly clear that we have here to deal with a chance co-ordination of elements. On the other hand, this fact serves to lend a kind of authenticity to the single constituent parts and especially to those of a legendary colouring. After the most naive fashion the discordant parts have been brought into conjunction without any attempt at change. That there was, however, a guiding hand in this conjunction is evident from two reasons: (1) Since an introductory verse in arya precedes each saya (only up to No. 26 is this true); which verse briefly 35-39 with 12 avamtaras, with 11 udd. each, 40 with 21 av. with 11 u. each; evam mahajummasayani (i. e. 35-40) 81, evam savvaggenam saya 138, savvaggenam uddesa 1923, V., to which a yantrakam i. e. a tabular enumeration of the uddesas and days belonging to each sayas, is appended. 233 The question 9,34, purise nam bhamte purisam hanamane kim purisam hanati ?is an interesting parallel to Bhagavadg. 2,19; Kath. Up. 1, 2 18, 19. 234 In V. and even in the MSS. of the Bhag. the foll, names are found for books 26-41 26 bamdhisae, 27 karimsuga (or karisuga) sae, 28 kamma-samajjinanasae, 29 kammapatthavanasae, 30 samo saranasae, 31 uvavayasae, 32 uvvattanas ae. 33 egimdiyajummasayani. 34 sedhisayani, 35 egimdiyamahajummasayani, 36 beimdiyamahaj, 37 teimd, 38 caurimd, 39 asannipamcimddeg, 40 sannipamcimd., 41 rasijummasae. The fact that "abhihanani" are expressly mentioned for these 16 sayas alone (Jogavih v. 37), gives them at the very start a separate place. See the remarks on book 15 Note also that, from book 26 on, the introductory karikas no longer appear (book 26 has, it is true, one such) and that one of the MSS. of the text which I have before me, has before book 26 (but also before book 17) a special greeting, namo suyadevayae bhagavatie, This refers to a new section. Leumann is correct we are to attribute no importance to the absence of the karika in the case of books 27 and foll., since the karika that precedes book 26 holds good in the case of the following books, which have the same arrangement as book 26. If Page #34 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 marks the contents of each of the udd. of the saya by means of catchwords (titles). This occurs here for the first time, since it is found in no former anga; but from this time on recurs with considerable frequency. The (2) second indication occurs for the first time especially in this anga, and remains henceforth regularly. It consists in the frequent reference to other texts as parts of the Siddhanta, which often completely interrupts and destroys the context. There are also frequent references to those texts, which belong to the upanga group, e.g. Rayapasenaijjam [299] Pannavana, Jambuddivapannatti, see Bhag. 1, 382". It must however remain an open question whether in each single instance we have to deal with the work of a redactor or with the convenience of the scribe see supra, pp. 228-232. We must leave in doubt whether some of these citations are really to be found in the work from which it quotes, at least in its extant form. The passage cited from the Rajaprasniyam by Jacobi, Kalpasutra, p. 107 is found, according to Leumann, in the Edit. p. 185 fg. 29. The introduction consists of three parts. The actual beginning consists in the so-called pamcanamaskara, a benediction which from this point on recurs frequently: 235 namo arihamtanam, namo siddhanam, namo ayariyanam, namo uvajjhayanam, namo loe savvasahunam or here with the addition namo bambhie livie (see supra, p. 220). Next follows the introductory karika of the first saya and then, after the insertion of namo sayassa, the customary beginning of legends: tenam kalenam tenam samaenam Rayagihe namam nayare hottha, Senie. raya, Cillana devi, samane bhagavam Mahavire Of the legends which are adduced here, those claim a special interest which deal with predecessors or contemporaries of Mahavira, with the opinions of his heterodox opponents, annautthiyas236 or ajiviyas, and with their conversion. Apart from these are named the men, who have patronymic epithet [300] Pasavacchijja (Parsvapatyiya) attached to their names,237 Herein the name of Parsva, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira can be recognised; so, for example, in 1, 9 Kalasa-Vesiyaputte (cf. Bhagav. 2,183 fg. Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160), is styled a Pasavacchijja, and in 2, 5 there are four of this name: Kaliyaputta, Mehila, Anamdarakkhiya and Kasava, in 5,9 Pajja thera 235 See up. 4, Kalpasutra, p. 83. 235 Abh. explains this by anyayuthika; Haribhadra gives, however, the preferable explanation anyatirthika, cf. prakr. tuha-tirtha, Ind Stud. xvi. p. 46. See Leumann's glossary to Aupapat. s. v. annautthiya. 237 See above, p. 266 from anga 2,2,7. Page #35 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 30 bhagavanto, in 9, 32 Pajje Gamgee. Pasa himself never appears here288 though the conversion of his adherents to the doctrines of Mahavira is often alluded to,239 The Vesali-savayas too and their adherents appear as his older contemporaries; this is the case in 2,1 Pimgalae Vesali-savae (s. Bhagav. 1, 440. 2, 184, 197, 249). 12, 2. See above, p. 262, 263 in reference to Vesalia as a designation of Mahavira himself, The following are additional names: Niyamthiputta 5, 8, Samkha-ppamokkha samanovasaga 12, 1, Pokkhali, ibid., Gaddabhali 2, 1, Dhammaghosa 11, 11, Sumamgala 15, 5, etc. JAIN JOURNAL Imdabhuti appears as the "oldest" scholar of Mahavira, Aggibhuti as the "second", Vayubhuti240 as the "third". Some of the usual names of the scholars of Mahavira are not mentioned at all-especially that of Sudharman; and of those that are referred to Moriyaputta appears in an unusual connextion, viz as a predecessor [301] of Mahavira (3, 1),241 while Mandiyaputta is here too designated as his scholar (3,3.) Besides him there are other scholars whose names are not found in the later usual list of Vira's scholars; e. g. Roha 1, 6, Khamdaya, Kaccayana, 2, 1, Kurudattaputta and Tisaya 3, 1, Narayaputta 5, 8, Samahatthi 10, 4, Anamda and Sunakkhatta 15, Magamdiyaputta 18, 3; see Bhagav. 2, 195. We find in 9, 33 the history of his opponet Jamali and in book 15242 that of his 'shade of a scholar' (sisyabhasa) Gosala Mamkhaliputta related in great detail. There are here and there a few statements of an historical colouring so e.g. the incidental mention (7, 9) of a victory of Vajji Videhaputta (cf. up. 8) over nine MalaiMallai Mallaki) and nine Lecchai (Lecchaki Licchavi) kings of Kasi-Kosala at the time of king Konia, Kunia of Campa, or of Mahavira 238 In up. 10,11 he appears in person as a teacher; and even till the present day he has received honours as such. The uvasaggaharastotram, assigned to Bhadrabahu, is dedicated to him, see Jacobi, 1. c. p. 12,13, and my remarks on upang. 2 below. 239 Conversion from the caujjama dhamma to the panca mahavvayaim see Bhagav. 2, 185; Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160. 240 These three names in bhuti are probably naksatra names; see Ind. Stud. 4, 380, 81,3,130 Naksa. 2,320. 241 See Bhag. 1,440 in reference to chronological conclusions to be drawn from this name. 242 Gosala's anekadha janma maranam ca; according to the Vidhiprapa this book had another title Gosalayasaye teyanisaggavaranamaye anunnae. This name, which appears in the MSS. of Bhag, at the very close of the book, occurs (see page 224) as that of a text designed for the eighteenth year of study whereas anga is designed for the tenth year. Since this book, not like the others, is egasara, i. e not divided into uddesagas, it may be assumed that it is an independent text. which at a later period found a resting place here. Leumann thinks that he can discover in the Bhag. several other of the texts mentioned, p. 224; e. g. the asivisabhavana in 8.2,1 (cf. anga 3,4,4), the caranabhavana in 20,9, the mahasuminabhavana in 16,6. Page #36 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 himself; the history (12, 2) of Jayanti (aunt of the Kosambi king Udayana, son of Sayaniya (Satanika) grandson of Sahassaniya) who was the patron of the Vesalisavayas, and who, after hearing the sermon of Mahavira, became a bhikkhuni. All these legends, [302] the number of which will be materially increased by a special investigation of the contents give us the impression of containing traditions which have been handed down in good faith. They offer, therefore, in all probability (especially as they frequently agree with the Buddhistic legends) most important evidence for the period of the life of Mahavira himself. 31 Among those statements which may be adduced as witnesses for the first composition of the existing form of the text, an enumeration of foreign peoples asserts the chief place. The names of these peoples recur frequently in some customary form in the remaining texts of the Siddhanta, though accompanied by numerous variations of detail.243 In 9, 33, 12, 2 there are enumerated the foreign female slaves and waiting maids in the house of a rich mahana (brahmana); consequently the names are all feminine: bahuhim khujjahim Cilatiyahim244 vamaniyahim245 vadahiyahim246 Babbariyahim247 Isiganiyahim Vasaganiyahim248 Palhaviyahim Hlasiyahim Lausiyahim Arabihim Damilahim Simhalihim Pulimdihim Pukkalihim249 Bahalihim Muramdihim (Marumd Abh.) Samvarihim (Sav Abh.) Parasihim nanadesividesa paripimdiyahim Of these names Palhaviya, [303] Arabi, Bahali, Muramdi, and Parasi are of special interest, since they deal with a period from the second till the fourth century A. D., the age of the Parthian Arsacids and the Persian Sassanids; cf. on Pahlavas (Parthians), Noldeke's remarks in my History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 338; on Muramda, Ind. Stud. XV. 280, on Bahli, Bactria, Monatsberichte der Konial. Akad, der Wiss. 1879, p. 462. The Marundas especially appear together with the Sakas 243 I do not propose here to enter into a detailed discussion of these variations; see anga 6.1,117 (Steinthal, p. 28) up. 1,55 (Leumann, p. 60) etc. Besides this enumeration, there is another which occurs only in those texts which are characterized as younger from the fact that they contain this second enumeration. I refer to that of the Mlecchas, in which some fifty (not sixteen) names are quoted; see anga 10, up. 4. 244 Cilatadesot panna Abh. cf. Kirata. 245 Hrasvasarirabhih Abh. 246 Vadabhiyahim madahakosthabhih Abh. (vakradhahkosthabhih Schol. on up. 1). 247 Abh. adds Vausiyahim. 248 Varuganiyahim Abh. who adds Joniyahim after this name. 249 Pakka Abh. Page #37 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 32 and the Sahan Shahi on the inscriptions of Samudragupta as tributary to him, the tribute consisting, among other things, of girls (Lassen, 2, 952). The mention of the Arabas250 can be explained by reference (cf. p. 237) to the flourishing state of trade with Arabia at this period. The name of a grain alisamdaga, in 21, 21, points to commercial intercourse at this date, since it may be explained, as I think, as signifying "coming from Alexandria" or "proceeding from A."251 It is not explained by the commentary. Alexandria, or the Persian ports Apologos and Omana, carried on a brisk trade with India in Tapevo evetdels as we learn from the Periplus (cf. Lassen, 2, 557, 957, 1159). Another point confirmative of this fact (see introduction to my translation of the Malav. p. 47) is that Yavani girls appear in Kalidasa in the immediate surrounding of the king. Here then we have direct evidence on the part of the Indian tradition. The great frequency of the appearance of foreign female slaves as waiting-maids and as nurses, which is regarded as customary [304] in the Jain texts, is very surprising, and may be regarded as a proof of national pride, called into existence by a few victories over some foreign people, which can be ascertained only with difficulty. This national pride permitted these foreigners to appear in these menial capacities alone. In the inscriptions of Samudragupta we find immediate confirmation of this conjecture, as has been remarked above. The origin of these customary lists takes us as back to the period of the Guptas. JAIN JOURNAL Besides the above-mentioned list of foreign peoples there is in 15, 17 an enumeration of native races. It contains 16 names :-Anga, Vanga, Magaha, Malaya. Malavaya, Accha, Vaccha, Koccha (ttha ?), Padha, Ladha, Vajji, Mali, Kosi, Kosala, Avaha, Subhattara. This list has the stamp of considerable antiquity, especially if we com. pare it with the similar one, up. 4. The mention of the planets, the absence of any allusion to the zodiac. (Bhag. 1, 44; 2, 228) and the statements in reference to the Brahmanical literature existing at the period252 (ibid. 2, 246, 7) are in harmony with the date which we have assumed above. See above pages 236, 238. [ to be continued] 250 In Brahman texts they occur only in the list of peoples in Varahamihira 14,17. 251 I would mention incidentally that in 22. 11 pilu is mentioned among the names of trees and in 23, 1 simgavera cinnamon among the spices. 252 riuveda-jaju veda-samaveda-at havvanaveda-itihasa pamcamanam nighamtucchattha. nam calinham vedanam samgovanganam sarahassanam sarae varae dharae parae, sadamgavi, satthitamtavisarae, samkhane, sikkha-kappe vayarane chamle nirutte jotisam-ayane, annesu ya vahusu vambhannaesu parivvayaesu nayesu supari-nitthie. Page #38 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ History of Kharatargaccha Ram Vallabh Somani The title "Kharatar" was bestowed upon Jinesvar Suri by Calukya king Durlabhraj of Anhilvad Patan (Gujarat) as a result of victory over Caityavasis in a religious discussion held in his court. Jinesvar Suri was the pupil of Vardhaman Suri, a competent scholar, who consecrated the Vimal-Vasati temple of Abu in VE 1088 (1031 A. D.). Jinesvar Suri, composed several works including Katha-Kosa-Prakarana. His younger brother Buddhisa gar and his pupil Dhanesvar Suri remained much popular. They had also composed some good works. Abhaydeva and Dronacarya were the important Jain monks who had contributed several works. Jinesvar Suri's followers later formed a separate gaccha which is named as Kharatar-gaccha It was a hard work to popularize this gaccha. Jinballabh Suri started Vidbi-Caitya movement making Cittor as his base. This movement had improved the liturgical system in Jain temples. They got good response and a large number of people from Mewar, Vagad, Sapadlaksa, and northern Rajasthan became his lay followers. He also got two inscriptions engraved at Cittor and one at Nagaur. The detailed note of one of the Cittor inscriptions has been done on the basis of a MS now preserved in L.D. Institute, Ahmedabad. The other fragmentary inscription which is partly damaged and now fixed on the Gambhiri river Bridge of Cittor has been edited by the author. Jinvallabh Suri died at Cittor and was succeeded by Jindatt Suri. But soon after the political condition changed and Cittor was captured by the Solankies of Gujarat, who were not happy with the Jain monks of Kharatar-gaccha. Jindatt Suri, therefore, remained more active in Ajmer area. He did not visit Gujarat. On the basis of various literary sources he had his influence in Bikampur town, then under Jaisalmer State. He composed Carcari in Vagad-area (in a Dharmanath Jain temple of Vaygrapur) and sent 1 The Kharat argaccha Byhad Gurvavali (S. J. G. M.), pp. 4-6; Jin vijay, Katha-Kosa Prakarana (S. J. G. M.), Intro., pp. 41-45. 2 The first inscription has been edited but it is not published so far. I have used the text from Sri Nahata. The other inscription has been edited by the author which has been published in the Sodh Patrika (Udaipur) as "Cittor Durg-se Prapt Ek Mahat vapurna-Silalekh, pp. 44-45. ducation International www.jainelit Page #39 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 34 its copies to Sresthis Mehar, Visal and others at Bikampur. This place was then a strong-hold of Caityavasis. It is said that Carcari had a vast influence on the Jains. Sresthi Samhiya's son Devadhar, who was an ardent follower of Caitya vasis changed his mind on reading its text and became a lay follower of Kharatar-gaccha. He invited Jindatt Suri to Bikampur where an icon of Mahavira was consecrated. Jindatt later made Ajmer his base of activities, which was the capital of Cauhan rulers. He died there on Asadh sudi 11, VE 1211. His contribution in the painting is unique. Several book-covers having the figures of Jindatt Suri and others were prepared. These paintings have attractive colour scheme and good decorative motifs. Jincandra Suri succeeded him. He was very tenacious in the studies and soon became popular for his sharp memory. He was appointed as an Acarya on Baisakh sudi 6, VE 1205 by Jindatt Suri in a Mahavira temple at Bikampur. The festivities at a large scale were arranged by his father Rasal. After Jindatt Suri, he was appointed as a Gaccha-Nayak. JAIN JOURNAL Jincandra Suri visited Tribhuvangiri (Sawai-Madhopur) in VE 1214, from where he went to Mathura. Previously Jindatt Suri also visited the place and got king Kumarapal as his follower. We have a good plate in Jaisalmer Bhandar, showing Kumarapal of Tribhuvangiri and Jindatt Suri. He also visited Maroth (now in Pakistan), which was ruled by Sinhabal Johiya. A Jain temple of Candraprabha was constructed by Sresthi Gollak of Dharkat-caste. Its consecration was done by Jincandra Suri in VE 1217.4 The festivities were arranged by Sresthi Ksemendhar, whose descendants later moved to Jaisalmer. Jincandra Suri also visited Ucca (now in Pakistan) It is said that while going to Delhi, a band of Mlecchas was seen by Jain Sangha. But due to active action of Jincandra Suri they were saved. He breathed his last at Delhi in VE 1223. Jinpati Suri succeeded Jincandra. In VE 1225 and 1227 he arranged diksa-mahotsava at Bikampur. He also visited Ucca (Sind), where a large congregation of lay followers attended him. At Maroth (Sind) and Sagarpet similar festivities were arranged. At Bikampur he consecrated a stupa of Gunacandra Bhandari and a Parsvanath Vidhicaitya was consecrated at Phalodi in VE 1234. From VE 1235 3 Several book covers have been got prepared by him having the figures of Jindatt and others. 4 The colophon of MS Hem-Anekant, Kosa, VE 1286, mentions that Sresthi Sresthi Ksemandhar also spent heavy amount in Gollak constructed the temple. arranging the garlands, etc. Page #40 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 to 1239, he remained active in Sapadlaksa territory. He renovated the Dadavadi of Ajmer in VE 1235. In VE 1239, in presence of Prthviraj Cauhan he held religious discussion with Padmaprabha and defeated him. Jinpati Suri was, therefore, highly hououred by Prthviraj Cauhan. In VE 1244 a large Sangha-yatra was organised to Gujarat. The Jain Sangha when visited Asapali (modern Ahmedabad) was instructed by Dandanayaka Abhayad to make heavy cash payments to him. But Jagadeva, the prime minister of the state gave stern warning not to harass the people of Sapadlaksa, as he had concluded a treaty with Prthviraj Cauhan with great troubles. After 1249 VE, when Prthviraj was defeated, a large number of Jain families moved from Sapadlaksa in order to save themselves from humiliation, at the hands of invaders. The Jain icons too were taken from the temples and kept under the sand-dunes, in order to save them. The family of Ksemandhar, moved to Jaisalmer. In VE 1260 his son Jagaddhar installed the icon of Parsvanath there. Purnabhadra, a notable Jain scholar was a pupil of Jinpati Suri. He composed several good works named AtimuktakaCarita (VE 1282), Dhanya-Sali-Carita (VE 1285) Dasa-Sravaka-Carita, Dasa-Upasana-Katha (VE 1375), Caturvim sati-Jin-Stavan, SalibhadraCarita (VE 1285) and Dasa-Sravaka-Carita-Gatha (VE 1309). All these works are now available in the Jaisalmer Bhandar. In VE 1273, Jinpati Suri also held religious discussions with Pandit Manodanand in the court of Prthvicandra of Nagarkot and defeated him. The activities of Kharatar-gaccha were also influenced by the occupation of the Muslims. However, they had vast areas in the western Rajasthan, Gujarat, Malwa, Mewar and other parts. Jalore the capital of the local Cauhan rulers remained a stronghold of Kharatar-gaccha. In VE 1277, Jinpati Suri died at Jalore and Jinesvar Suri succeeded. 35 Jinesvar Suri remained mostly busy in the western Rajasthan specially at Jalore, Bhiladi, Prahladanpur, Bijapur, Badmer, Cittor and Jaisalmer. Sresthi Jagaddhar (son of Ksemandhar) had 3 sons named Yasodhaval, Bhuvanpal, and Tribhuvanpal. Yasodhaval remained at Jaisalmer and constructed a Parsvanath temple there in VE 1321. It was consecrated by Jinesvar Suri. Bhuvanpal moved to Prahladanpur. He was present in the Sangha which started from there to Satrunjaya in VE 1326.8 5 The Kharatargaccha Brhad Gurvavali, p. 43; Prthviraj Cauhan and His Times by the author, pp. 55-56; Dashrath Sharma, Early Cauhan Dynasties, p. 106-7. 6 History of Jaisalmer by the author, pp. 136-138; Pithviraj Cauhan and His Times, pp. 160-161; Jain Inscriptions of Rajasthan, p. 212. 7 Ibid., p. 160; Punyavijay, Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS, Jaisalmer collection (1972), pp. 70, 113-114, 285. 8 Ibid., pp. 136-138. Page #41 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL Several diksas were made at Jalore, Prahladanpur and other places and many temples were built. Jinesvar Suri died at Jalore in VE 1331. His period remained very peaceful and active. Jinesvar Suri was succeeded by Jinprabodh Suri on Phalgun vadi 8, VE 1331. He also continued to travel in western Rajasthan, Cittor and in Gujarat. In VB 1333, he went with a Sangha to Satrunjaya. He installed some icons in Bhiladi in VE 1339 also. The famous icon of Jindatt Suri installed by him is now seen in the Jain temple of Patan (Gujarat). From Bhiladi, he came to Cittor in VE 1334 where honourable reception was given. Maharawal Samarsinha himself came in the procession. Jinprabodh Suri remained there for a few months. Several Jain icons were installed and recruited many Jain monks. The MSS copied at that time in Cittor are now lying in several Bhandars of Gujarat and other places. Two MSS Candradatabhidan and Nighantu Sesa were got copied by Sresthi Dhandhal. From Cittor, he went to Prahladanpur in VE 1336, where he remained for about a year. His visit to Bijapur in the year VE 1337 remained very useful. He spent more than two years there and performed several religious works. He went to Jalore and recruited several new Jain monks. In VB 1340, when he visited Jaisalmer, Maharawal Karna with other citizens and chiefs received him. On Aksaya Tstiya a pratistha-mahotsaya was arranged by Nemikumar and Ganadeva. The Jain Sanghas from Ucca, Bikampur, Jalore and other places also came to attend the celebrations. Jinprabodh Suri spent rainy season at Bikampur, where came Jain Sanghas of various places. 10 From there he came to Jalore in VE 1341 and expired there. Jincandra Suri succeeded him in Baisakh sudi 12, VE 1342. He remaind there for a few years and consecrated several icons The pratistha mahotsava was arranged at large scale, which was also attended by Maharaja Samantsinha. 11 In VE 1346, Jincandra Suri went to Sivana where Cauhan Somesvar received him. He did consecration ceremony of the icon of Santinath. From there, he went to Prahladanpur, Bhiladi and other places and did several religious works. On the request of Sinha from Jalore and Mohan of Mandor he organised a Sangha to Abu in 9 The Kharatargaccha Bihad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 56. It was attended by Maha. rawal Samarsinha and his chief minister Arisinha. 10 History of Jaisalmer, p. 161; The Kharatargaccha Bihad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 58. 11 The Kharatargaccha BIhad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 60. Page #42 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 VE 1353, which was attended by several residents from Jalore, Sivana, Jaisalmer, Nagaur, Roon, Bhinmal, Sancor, Prahladanpur, Bhiladi and other places. A sum of 12,000 Drammas were spent on various religious occasions.1 A diksa-ceremony was held at Jalore in VE 1354, wherein Vircand, Udaicand, Amrtcand and Jaisundar were recruited as monks. It was arranged by Salakhan's son Siha. At a village Siriyana Sresthi Jodha did pratistha mahotsava of the icon of Mahavir. 37 On the repeated requests of Maharawal Jaitrasinha, Jincandra Suri visited Jaisalmer in VE 1356 (1308 A.D.). The pravesotsava was arranged by Nemikumar and some other Jains. The Maharawal also attended it.13 Jincandra Suri remained at Jaisalmer for more than three years. In VE 1358, Sravaka Kesava and his son Toli got the consecration ceremony done of several icons. It seems that the family of Kesava left Jaisalmer and went to Khambhat where he constructed a Jain temple in VE 1366. The Kharatargaccha Pattavali and the Khambhat inscription of VE 1366 contain the details of the functions held at that time. The Jain Sanghas from Patan, Bhiladi, Badmer, Sivana and other places also came to attend the celebrations. Kesava's other son Jaissal spent a large sum of money on this occasion. His elder brother Lakhu also came there. They organised Sangha-yatras to Satrunjaya, Girnar and other places. Jaissal held pravesotsava of the Sangha at Khambhat. Jincandra Suri spent rainy season there.14 From Khambhat Jincandra Suri came to Bhiladi via Bijapur. A Sangha-yatra to Satrunjaya, Girnar, Rewantak and other holy places was organised, which was attended by Sravakas of Patan, Prahladanpur, Jalore, Jaisalmer, Ranukot, Nagaur, Sancor, Bhinmal, Ratnapur and other places. On completion of the Sangha-yatra they returned to Bhiladi.15 In 1369 Jincandra Suri came to Patan and converted several Jain Sravakas to his faith. The diksas were also organised there. In VE 1271, he came to Jalore, where the diksa was organised. Mantri Devisinha Bhojraj and others spent money benevolently. But Jalore was suddenly invaded by Alauddin Khilji in VE 1371. His army caused tremendous loss. Therefore Jincandra Suri together with Jain Sravakas 12 Ibid., p. 61. 13 History of Jaisalmer by the author, p. 161; The Kharatargaccha Brhad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 61. 14 Jinvijay, Jain Lekh Sangraha, Vol. II No. 447; The Kharatargaccha Brhad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 62. 15 The Khar at argaccha Brhad Gurvavali (SJGM), pp. 62-63. Page #43 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 38 JAIN JOURNAL left the place and came to Nagaur, 16 From there Jincandra went to Ucca in Sind and thereafter he returned to Devarajpur. A good number of Jain Sravakas from Maroth, Kyaspur and other places of Sind attended him. A caturmas was organised there in VE 1374. From there he came to Nagaur where the Sravakas of Delhi, Kanyanayan, Phalodi, Asika, Jalore and other places attended the celebrations. A diksa-celebration was also held there. From there be came to Phalodi Parsvanath where celebrations were arranged at large scale. Mantri Sodhu gave 12,000 (Jethal) while others also spent more money making a sum of 30,000 (Jethal), which were deposited in the Bhandar of Parsvanath temple there, 17 In the year VE 1375 Thakur Acalraj arranged a Sangha-yatra to Hastinapur and Mathura after obtaining a firman from Sultan Qutabuddin. Several residents of Nagaur, Kosawana, Jhunjhun, Medta, Narhad, Kanyanayan, Asika, Yoginipur (Delhi) and other places also attended. Jincandra Suri spent rainy season at Khanda Saray of Delhi and thereafter came to Medta. He died at Kosa wana near Medta in VB 1376.18 In VE 1377 Jinkusal Suri was appointed as an Acarya. He remained at Bhiladi and performed a Sangha-yatra at Satrunjaya. Thereafter, he came to Patan and spent rainy season there. Again in VE 1380, 'he performed a Sangha-yatra to Satrunjaya. It was arranged by Rayapati of Delhi. Thakkar Pheru also accompanied. It was a big Sangha-yatra, which was attended by several residents from Delhi and other places of Vagad, Derawar, Kyaspur Jalore and Korantaka. Proper arrangements of escort was also made. At Satrunjaya Sanghapati Rayapati performed liturgical activities with great pomp and show. He presented the gold Tankas to the dieties. After Sangha-yatra, he returned to Delhi, 19 In VE 1381, several icons were consecrated at Patan. Few icons for the temples of Satrunjaya, Ucca (Uccapuri) Devarajpur, Devakul patak Delwara (Mewar) and other places were also consecrated there. From Bhiladi, a Sangha-yatra was arranged. At Khambhat after collecting necessary materials the Sangha went to Satrunjaya and spent several Dwillaka-Drammas20 there. The Sangha returned to Bhiladi. Proceeding 16 Dashrath Sharma, Early Cauhan Dynasties, pp. 192. Firistah does not give any date. It was an invasion of Alauddin Khilji against Jalore in VE 1371. 17 The Kharatargaccha Pyhail Garrivali, p. 64. 18 Ibid., pp. 67-68. 19 Ibid., pp. 70-71. 20 It seems that Dwillaku-Drammas were issued by some local rulers. Ibid., p. 79. Page #44 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 from there the Acarya came to Satyapur and after remaining there for one month he came to Badmer. 39 The Acarya went to Jalore in VE 1383, where several citizens from Badamer, Jaisalmer and other places attended. From there he came to Jaisalmer where the ruler and other citizens received him there. We know Jaisalmer was captured by Alauddin Khilji in VE 1371. It was recaptured by the Bhatis. It seems that the Acarya remained in Sind and visited Devarajpur, Kiyaspur, Bahirampur Malikpur and many other places. He died at Devarajpur in VE 1389 Phagan badi 5 and Jinpadma Suri succeeded in VE 1390 Jeth sudi 5. The celebrations were arranged by Rihad Purnacandra's son Haripal. Three statues of Jinkusal Suri were carved which were installed at Devarajpur, Kyaspur and Jaisalmer.22 From Derawar Jinpadma Suri came to Jaisalmer and passed one rainy season there. He also visited the shrine of Parsvanath there. From there he went to Badmer. We have got no further details of his activities. He died at Nagaur on Asoj sudi 12 VE 1404.22-a On his death Jinlabdhi Suri succeeded, who died at Nagaur in VE 1406. On his death, Jincandra succeeded. The Acarya-ship was given to him by Tarunprabhacarya at Jaisalmer. The festivities were done by Rakheca Saha Hathi of Nagaur. On his death in VE 1414, Jinodaya Suri was appointed in his place. He remained active in Jaisalmer and Derawar areas. The Jaisalmer inscriptions of VE 1473 mention his manifold activities in Derawar. The Ranka family was his ardent follower. Ranka Amba Jinda and Mularaj arranged a Sangha-yatra to Devarajpur under the guidance of above Suriji. A large pratistha was arranged in Sind in VE 1427. The Ranka and other families undertook a Sangha-yatra there in thousand carts with a large number of lay-followers. Jinoday Suri died in VE 1432." Jinraj Suri succeeded Jinoday Suri. He also remained active in Jaisalmer and Mewar areas. Under his instructions, Ranka Amba, undertook Sangha-yatra to Satrunjaya in VE 1436. Again in VE 1449, Sangha-yatra was arranged by the above family. It seems that the Acarya spent much of his time in Mewar and other areas. The Vinaptilekh mentions that he was present in Mewar during the reign of Maharana 21 Ibid, p. 81. 22 Ibid., p. 86. 22-a Agarcand Bhanwarlal Nahata, Kharatargacch-ke Acaryon-ki Katipaya Ajnat Racanae, p. 30. 23 Purancand Nahar, Silalekh Sangraha, Vol. III, Nos. 2112 and 2113. Page #45 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 40 Kheta and Lakha and died there in VE 1461.24 Jinvardhan Suri succeeded him in Mewar. He travelled in eastern India and made several lay-followers at Jonpur (U.P.) and other towns. Several copies of illustrated Kalpa-Sutras were made. The consecration ceremony of the Cintamani-Parsvanath temple at Jaisalmer was done in VE 1473 by him. More than 50 inscriptions on different devakulikas of the above dates are still available there.25 On a suspicion that the fourth-vrata (celibacy) has been violated by him he was removed from the Acaryaship. The charges levelled against him seem to be ficticious. He was quite an old man. However the whole Kharatar-gaccha Sangha was spilt into two parts in VE 1473. The followers of Jinvardhan Suri formed a new gaccha known as Pippalika-gaccha, which had a stronghold in Mewar. The entire Jaisalmer and other Sangha inducted Jinbhadra Suri as new Acarya. Even the Ranka family whose religious activities were performed by Jinvardhan Suri forsook his following. We do not find any mention of Jinvardhan Suri in the colophon of Kalpa-Sutra-Sandeh-Visausadhi Vrtti dated VE 1497 got prepared by the above family." 26 JAIN JOURNAL Jinbhadra Suri who was made an Acarya at Jaisalmer in place of Jinvardhan Suri, was a powerfull and able Acarya. He established Jnan Bhandars at Jaisalmer, Jalore, Devagiri, Nagaur, Cittor, Jawar and many other places. He also brought several palm-leaf and other MSS from Khambhat and kept these at Jaisalmer. He got several MSS copied at Jaisalmer including the Nava-Tatva-Prakarana dated VE 1499. Thereafter he mostly concentrated his activities in Jaisalmer. The construction of Sambhavanath temple was started under his instructions by the Copra family which was completed in VE 1497. He widely travelled and also got several Jain temples built at Cittor, Mandu, Jawar and other places. Several icons and pattas were also installed in the Jain temples of Jaisalmer. A patta now preserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London has many Rajasthani motifs and figures of Ganesa and other Hindu deities. It was consecrated by Jinbhadra Suri, but the place name is not given. The author believes that it was prepared at Jaisalmer.27 It was 24 The Vijnaptilekh was edited by Muni Jinvijay. It mentions the festivities arranged in Kareri-Parsvanath temple in VE 1431. At that time Mewar state was very active and several Jain families lived there. 25 History of Jaisalmer by the author, pp. 163-164. 26 The Kalpa-Sutra-Sandeh-Visausadhi Vitti was completed by the Ranka family in VE 1497. It is now in Jaisalmer Bhandar (Punyavijay, The Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS in Jaisalmer Bhandar, Ahmedabad 1972), p. 97. 27 The author's paper published in the Sodh Patrika and History of Jaisalmer. pp. 132. Page #46 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 Jinbhadra Suri's influence that whole Kharatar-gaccha Sangha of Jaisalmer, Gujarat and western Rajasthan became his ardent followers. He died at Kumbhalgarh in VE 1514 and was succeeded by Jincandra Suri. Both Jinvardhan Suri and Jinbhadra Suri belonged to Delwara (Mewar). 41 Kirtiratna Suri and Jaysagar Upadhyaya were competent Jain Sadhus, who emerged during this period. Kirtiratna was converted to Jain monkhood by Jinvardhan Suri in the year VE 1463. He became a renowned scholar and composed Neminath-Mahakavya, the Sambhavanath temple inscription of VE 1473 and many other works. When Jinvardhan Suri was removed from the Acaryaship of the Kharatargaccha, Kirtiratna hestitantly agreed to be the new Acarya. He was later given the titles of Vacaka and Acarya by Jinbhadra Suri, The present Tirtha of Nakoda was established by Kirtiratna Suri. Five inscriptions of VE 1506 and 1518 of the Sankhwal family also mention the words "Kirti-Ratna-Suri-Pramukh-Parivar Sahi tena", which shows that he was honourably remembered by the members of his family.28 He died at Mahoba, in VE 1525, where his stupa was erected.29 Jaysagar was also a competent writer. He belonged to the Oswal family of Darada-gotra. This family was also a millionaire. The Jain temple at Abu was constructed by his brother Mandalik in VE 1515, during the reign of Maharana Kumbha of Mewar. The Vijnaptitriveni (VE 1484) mentions that he started a Sangha from Maroth (Marukot now in Pakistan) to Punjab.30 An illustrated copy of Kalpa Sutra was also prepared by the Darada family. Jincandra Suri succeeded Jinbhadra Suri. He remained active in the western Rajasthan and Jaisalmer. In VE 1518, he consecrated the pattikas of Satrunjaya, Girnar, Nandisvar and others, 31 These pattikas depict the patta-painting on stone. These were got done by the families of Sankhwal, Gandhar Copada, Parakh and others. He died at Jaisalmer in VE 1530 where his stupa was erected. 28 Nahar, III, Nos. 2122. 2123, 2382 and others. Details of Sankhwal family have been furnished in the History of Jaisalmer by the author, pp 142-145. 29 Vinaysagar, Nakoda Tirth Sri Parsvanath (Jaipur 1988), pp. 112-124. 30 Muni Jinvijay, Vijnapti Lekh Sangraha. The Sangha started by Jaysagar passed through Devarajpur, Faridpur, Mubarakpur, Maman, Vahan and other places. 31 Nahar, III, Nos. 2116-2119, 2140 and 2141. Page #47 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAIN JOURNAL On the death of Jincandra Suri at Jaisalmer in Ve 1530, Jinsamudra Suri succeeded him. The ceremony was performed with ostentation at Jaisalmer in the year VB 1533 by Sanghapati Srimali Sonapal. Two beautiful Jain temples of Santinath and Rsabhadev (Astapad) were completed in VE 1536. These were consecrated by Jinsamudra Suri. The Jain Sanghas from Sindh-Marwar and other places attended it. The Santinatb temple has got many beautiful icons of the Mandowar and other parts. It is one of the best temples of the western India, 32 The Rsabhadev temple has got many colossal icons of Cakravarti Bharat, Marudevi and others, 33 Jaisalmer was then a great centre of Kharatar-gaccha. Several Svetambar Jain families of Tated, Ranka, Kukada, Baid, Banthia, Sankhwal, Parakh, Copra, Gandhar Copada and others dwelt there. A good number of MSS were copied there. On the death of Jinsamudra Suri at Ahmedabad, Jinhansa Sari succeeded in VE 1555. He also visited several places in western Rajasthan and Bikaner. A big pratistha was done at Bikampur in the year Ve 1566.34 He is also famous for performing miracles in the court of Sikandar Shah of Delhi. He died at Patan in VE 1582. Jinmanikya Suri succeeded Jinhansa Suri. The nandi mahotsava was arranged by Saha Devaraj. He mostly remained busy in Bikaner. The Cintamani Parasvanath temple inscriptions from Bikaner dated 1592 mentions that the place was invaded by Kamaran who did some destruction in the Jain temples. These icons were later consecrated by Jinmanikya Suri, 35 On Mahg badi 1, VE 1593, he also consecrated several icons at Bikaner.36 The temples of Astapad and santinath at Jaisalmer were consecrated by him VE 1583. He also arranged the consecration of Satrunjaya Girnar pattika in the above temples in the year VE 1585.37 Due to large scale activities of Bais Sampradaya Jinmanikya Suri was invited to Bikaner by Bacchawat Sangramsinha. He remained there for a few years and tried to remove the influence of Bais Sampradaya. While travelling from Bikaner to Jaisalmer in VE 1612, he desired to pay homage to the samadhi 32 Ibid., III, Nos. 2154. 33 Ibid., JII, Nos. 2139, 2406-2409 ; Samaysundar's Ganadhar Vasati Stavan published in Samaysundar Kyti Kusumanjali edited by Nahata. 34 Nahata, Bikaner Jain Lekh Sangraha, No. 4. 35 Ibid., Nos. 1 and 2. 36 Ibid., Nos. 27, 28, 32 to 45. 37 Ibid. Page #48 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 of Dadaguru Jinkusal Suri. During his return journey from Derawar to Jaisalmer, he died enroute in a village near Derawar for want of water. He observed fast on that day of Pancami, but no water could be obtained during the day time inspite of best efforts. A stupa was erected on the site, where he died.88 This place is also now in Pakistan. Several illustrated Kalpa Sutra and Kalkacarya Katha were got prepared by him.39 After the death of Jinmanikya Suri the Sangha went to Jaisalmer and a quarrel broke out about the selection of successor. The matter was referred to Mahara wal Maldeva, who selected Sumatidhir (later known as Jincandra Suri) in concurrence of Gunaprabha Suri of Begad-Kharatar-gaccha. Thus Jincandra was appointed as an Acarya on Bhadwa sudi 9 ve 1612 at Jaisalmer. 40 Next year, he passed the rainy season at Bikaner and instructed the Sadhus and Yatis to maintain austerity. These activities to remove sithilacara earned him good name. Kusalalabh, a famous Jain poet, flourished at Jaisalmer during this period. He composed several good works in Rajasthani language. His Dhola-Maru is very famous. He was much venerated by the royal family and non-Jains also. According to the Jain sources, he was Guru to Maharawal Harraj of Jaisalmer. His other works are Pingal-Siromani, Madhavanal Kam Kandala and others. Akbar invited Jincandra Suri to his court and venerated him very much like Hirvijay Suri of Tapagaccha. Jincandra also obtained firmans prohibiting the slaughter of animals on the certain days. 41 While returning from Lahore, he came via Derawar, Ucca and other towns of Sindh. He paid homage to the stupas of Jinkusal Suri and Jinmanikya Suri. He was requested by Maharawal Bhim to pass a rainy season at Jaisalmer, to which he agreed. He remained there in the year Ve 1653 (1596 A.D.). In VE 1662, he remained at Bikaner and consecrated several icons in the Jain temple situated at the Nahaton ki Guwad (Rsabhadev temple). 2 After the death of Akbar, Jahangir became the Emperor of India. He became displeased with Jain monks of Tapa-gaccha and ordered to take them away from Agra. 38 Vinaysagar, Kharatargaccha-ka Itihas, p. 191. 39 One MS of it is in the collection of Kr. Sangramsinha of Jaipur. It has got some paintings. 40 Vinaysagar, op. cit., p. 102. 11 Agarcand and Bhanwarlal Nahata, Yuga-Pradhan Jincandra Suri, Appendix. 42 Agarcand and Bhanwarlal Nahata, Bikaner Jain Lekh Sangrahu, pp. 185-197, Inscriptions Nos. 1399-1413. Page #49 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 44 lincandra boldly faced the Emperor and convinced him not to do so. The Emperor withdrew his order. JAIN JOURNAL Jincandra Suri had a long entourage of scholars. Some of them are Maldeva, Mahimasamudra, Parsvacandra Suri, Vinaysamudra, Sadhukirti, Labdhikallol, Samaysundar, Kanaksom Hirkalas, Kusalalabh and many others. Samaysundar was a prominent writer of the time of Akbar and Jahangir. He was born at Sancor. He became Jain monk and soon got a good fame in Sanskrit, Prakrit and other languages. He was bestowed the titles of (i) Gani in VE 1640 at Jaisalmer by Jincandra Suri, (ii) Vacaka in VE 1649 at Lahore by Jincandra Suri, (iii) Upadhyaya in VE 1671 by Jinsingha Suri at Lavera and Mahopadhyaya after VE 1680.43 He had widely travelled in Rajasthan, Punjab, Kasmir, Gujarat, Saurastra and U.P. His disciple Harsanandan Gani was also a notable monk. Jincandra Suri had to face a violent opposition of Dharmasagar of Tapa-gaccha, who wrote Kumatikudal and a commentary on Austrik Matro Sutra, wherein he mentioned certain facts against the Kharatargaccha. Jincandra successfully took other Jain monks in his favour and defeated Dharmasagar. On the death of Jincandra Suri at Bilara Jinsinha Suri succeeded. He was bestowed the title of Vacaka in a celebration held at Jaisalmer in VE 1640 (1583 A.D.) by Jincandra Suri. He had already received the honour from Akbar and Jahangir. Maharaja Raisinha of Bikaner venerated him very much. On his advice Raisinha left Agra and went to Bikaner, when Jahangir came to the throne and went in pursuit of his son Khusro. Therefore, he became angry with Jinsinha Suri. He invited him to the court but he died at Medta on Paus sudi 13 VE 1674.44 Jinraj Suri was appointed as successor of Jinsinha Suri at Medta. He came to Jaisalmer when Bhansali Jivaraj arranged pravesotsava. Maharawal Kalyan sent his eldest son Maldeva to receive him. The rainy season was passed at Jaisalmer. Thereafter he went to Lodrava, where he consecrated the famous Jain temple built by Bhansali 43 Agarcand Nahata: Jinraj Suri Krti Kusumanjali (Intro.), p. 7: Author's History of Jaisalmer, p. 169. 44 Author's History of Jaisalmer, p. 169. Page #50 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 Thiru Saha on Magh sudi 12 VE 1675.45 Karamsi Saha and Malu Arjun also led a Sangha-yatra to Satrunjaya under the guidance of Jinraj Suri on Baisakh sudi 13 VE 1675 (1676). This Sangha later merged into the Sangha started by Rupaji Somji of Ahmedabad. A patrapattika depicting the scene of Sangha-yatra was painted by a Jain Sadhu at Jaisalmer. It is now preserved in the Kharatar-gaccha Bhandar of Jaipur.46 Jinraj Suri visited Jaisalmer in VE 1677, when Arjun Malu did praves otsava. He also visited Agra and was venerated by Shah Jehan in VE 1686 (1630 A.D.) An important event took place in VB 1686 (1629 A.D.) when the Jain Sangha of Kharatar-gaccha was again divided. Jinsagar who remained a close follower of Jinraj Suri for many years, turned against him. The reason is not clear. But it seems that Samaysundar's pupil Harsanandan, who was very competent scholar, was the main cause of this split. He took the side of Jinsagar and a separate branch of Acarya-sakha came into existence."7 Jinraj Suri again visited Jaisalmer in VE 1693 and consecrated the icons of Lodrava, He composed the Salibhadra Caupai which was illustrated in the Mughal art style. It is now in a private collection of Calcutta. Jinraj Suri also consecrated several icons which are now in the Jain temple of Nahaton-ki-Guwad, Bikaner bearing the dates VE 1686 to 1690. He died at Patan on Asadh sudi 9 VE 1700.48 On the death of Jinraj Suri at Patan, Jinratna Suri succeeded in VE 1703 (1646 A.D.). He remained at Jaisalmer in VE 1704 to 1707. We do not find any inscription of his time. He arranged some diksas in Jaisalmer. From there he went to Agra where he died in Ve 1711. Jinratna Sari succeeded him. He laboured hard to improve the conduct of the Yatis, who were indulging in the sithilacara. We do not have any inscription of his time from Jaisalmer and Bikaner. He enjoyed a long life and died in 1763. On his death Jinsukh Suri was appointed as an Acarya. He visited Jaisalmer and composed a Jaisalmer Caitya Paripati, 49 having the detailed description of the Jain temples. He died at Rini on Jeth sudi 11 VE 1780, and was succeeded by Jinbhakti 45 Nahar, III, Nos. 2544, 2546, 2568, 2570, 2572. 45 Bhanwarlal Nahata, Jaisalmer-ke Kalapurna Mandir, pp. 52-56; The author's History of Jaisalmer, pp. 169-170. 47 Agarcand Nahata Jinraj Suri (Intro.). 43 Agarcand Bhanwarlal Nahata, Bikaner Jain Lekh Sangraha, Nos. 1417, 1424-1430 49 Nahar, III, Introduction. Page #51 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 46 JAIN JOURNAL Suri in VE 1780. He remained very active in Jaisalmer and did several diksas. He died in VE 1804, at Mandavi in Kaccha. His foot prints were also installed in Bikaner in VE 1852, which were consecrated by Ksamakalyan Gani. Jinlabh Suri succeeded Jinbhakti Suri in VE 1804. He remained active in Jaisalmer and Bikaner. He came to Jaisalmer in VE 180 and remained there for 5 years. He left for Bikaner in VE 1810. In VE 1811 an upasara was built at Nathusar (Bikaner). He again visited Jaisalmer in Ve 1816 and remained there upto 4 years. According to a Vijnaptipatra from Kaccha BhujSo he was requested to visit their country. It was recorded there that the people of Jaisalmer who were famous for their sweet tounge, had enamoured Sri Pujyaji. From Jaisalmer he went to Bikaner, where his silalekhs of Ve 1827, 1828, 1829 and 1831 have been found. He died in VE 1834 and was succeeded by Jincandra Suri. He arranged to construct a pratisala near the stupa of Jinlabh Suri at Jaisalmer and consecrated some Jain icons at Bikaner, Curu and other places. He died at Surat in 1856 VE and was succeeded by Jipharsa Suri. In VE 1860 Jinharsa consecrated 150 icons at Devikot (Jaisalmer). He led a Sangha organised by Rajaram Luniya and Saha Tilok Cand. He widely travelled in Bengal, South Gujarat, Mewar, Jaisalmer and Bikaner areas and consecrated several icons in Bikaner and other towns. He died at Mandor in VE 1892. He was succeeded by Jinsaubhagya Suri. He remained active in Bikaner and other areas and several pratisthas were done in VE 1904, 1905 and 1916. On his death Jinhansa Suri succeeded. He consecrated several icons at Bikaner and other areas in VE 1931. After him Jincandra Suri, Jinkirti Suri, Jincaritra Suri, Jinvijayendra Suri and others succeeded. They remained active in Bikaner and other northern areas. After Jinharsa Suri, some Sravakas and Yatis appointed Jinmahendra Suri an as Acarya. The ruler of Bikaner also confirmed this. The famous Sangha of Patwas was led by Jinmahendra Suri in VE 1891.51 He remained active in Jaisalmer. He was succeeded by Jinmurti Suri, whose inscriptions have been found from Jaisalmer and Bikaner areas, 50 Jinvijay, Vijnapti Lekh Sangraha, p. 62. 51 Nahar, III, Nos. 2576, 2530, 2518 and 2524. Page #52 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 Some Important Branches of Kharatargaccha i) Madhukar Kharatar It is said to have been established during the time of Jinvallabh Suri,52 But the name of the Acarya who founded it is not known. Several names of Sadhus of this branch, namely-Dhanaprabha, Muniprabha, Citraprabha Suri, Gunaprabha and others are known. It laid stress on "Caturdasipaksa". ii) Rudrapaliya Kharatar It was initiated by Jinsekhar Suri in VE 1204,58 After Jinsekhar Suri we find the names of the Acaryas as Jinpadma Suri, Vijaycandra Suri, Abhyadeva Suri, Prabhananda Suri, Sricandra Suri, Jinbhadra Suri, Jaitilak Suri, Gunacandra Suri, Abhaydeva Suri, Jinhansa Suri, Jinraj Suri, Jinodaya Suri, Jincandra Suri, Devasundar Suri and others. A separate branch of the disciples of Prabhacandra Suri started where we get the names of Vimalcandra Suri Gunasekhar Suri, Sanghatilak Suri, Somatilak Suri and others. However this Rudrapaliya branch is almost extinct now except for a few families of Kulaguru Matherans as is evident from the colophons of several MSS of the 19th century A.D. 47 iii) Laghu Kharatar During the time of Jinesvar Suri, Jinsingha Suuri went to Bhinmal and established there a Laghu-kharatar branch. Jinprabha was his successor, who was a very competent teacher. Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, Firoz Tughluq and others had venerated him very much. Raghavacetan, a Brahmin famous as mantrakar also met him. Jinprabha Suri wrote several works and earned good fame.54 His successors were Jindeva Suri, Jinmeru Suri, Jinhit Suri, Jinsarva Suri, Jincandra Suri, Jinsamudra Suri, Jintilak Suri, Jinraj Suri, Jincandra Jinbhadra Suri, Jinmeru Suri, Jinbhanu Suri and others. Suri, iv) Pippalika Sakha It was started by Jinvardhana Suri after VE 1473. We know, he 52 Vinaysagar, Kharatargaccha-ka Itihas, p. 217. 53 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 119. 54 Jinvijay, Kharatargaccha Brhad Gurvavali, pp. 95-96. Page #53 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 48 the was removed from the Acaryaship on a suspicion that he had violated fourth vrata (celibacy) and inducted Jinbhadra Suri in his place. We do not find the exact date of the event. But it seems that it happened in Jaisalmer in VE 1473. There is an inscription of VE 1473, available on a dehari of Parsvanath temple mentioning Jinbhadra Suri as an Acarya. Jinvardhan Suri continued to have mentioned as a successor of Jinraj Suri in an inscription of VE 1478 available on the Ambika sculpture in the Suparsvanath temple (Nahaton-ki-Guwad, Bikaner). It proves that the Pippalika branch was started thereafter. JAIN JOURNAL Jinvardhan Suri after his removal from the Acaryaship, went to Mewar and remained there. It seems that he might have started a new branch of Pippalika sometimes between VE 1478-80. On his death Jincandra Suri succeeded in VE, 1486, at Delwara (Mewar). It was a prosperous site. The nundi mahotsava was done by Sahanpal Navalakha, the prime minister of Mewar state.55 On Jincandra Suri's death in VE 1490, Jinsagar succeeded. The nandi-mahotsava was organised by Saha Dungar, Bhakar, Palha, Parwat and others.56 He remained very active and consecrated several icons at Delwara (VE 1491 and 1493), Nagada (VE 1494 and 1495), Kareda (VE 1496) and other places.57 Maharana Kumbha respected him. On his death Jinsundar became Acarya. The nandi mahotsava was done by Saha Palha Dungar and others at Cittor. The beautiful Srngar Canwari Jain temple of Cittor was consecrated in VE 1505 by him, 58 A few more inscriptions of VE 1512 and 1513 were there in the temple, mentioning his name. On his death in VE 1517. Jinharsa Suri succeeded. After him Jincandra Suri, Jinsila Suri, Jinkirti Suri, Jins nha Suri, Jincandra Suri, Jinratna Suri, Jinvardhan Suri, Jinhansa Suri and Jincandra Suri succeeded one after the other. After Jincandra Suri's death at Khambhat in VE 1794, this branch became gradually extinct and no account is known of its later monks. v) Adhyapaksiya Sakha It is an offspring of Pippalika Sakha which was initiated by Jindeva in VE 1506. After him Jinsinha Suri and Jincandra succeeded. The 55 Vinaysagar, Kharatargaccha-ka Itihas, p. 226. 56 Ibid., p. 227; Vijayadharma Suri, Devakulpatak, pp. 18-19. 57 Maharana Kumbha by the author, Appendix A. 58 Ibid. Page #54 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 49 famous temple of Kaparda was consecrated by Jincandra Suri. He was very famous teacher. After him Jinbarsa Sari, Jinlabdhi Sari, Jinoday Sari, Jinsambhava Suri and others became the Acaryas. vi) Bhavhrsiya Sakhu It was initiated by Bhavharsa Suri in VE 1616 or 1621. Among the Acaryas of this branch the names of Jintilak (VE 1628-76), Jinoday and Jincandra (died at Jetaran in VE 1773) are known. vii) Begad Kharatar The Begad Kharatar remained very popular in Jaisalmer. It was started by Jinesvar to whom the epithet of "Begad" was given by Sultan Muhammad Begada of Gujarat. It is believed that he performed miraculous feats which influenced the Sultan. Soon his fame increased. His brother of Chaje clan spent lavishly on this occasion at Ahmedabad. From there Jinesvar Suri came to Sancor, where Mantri Laxmansinha of Ratadhara arranged his reception. He spent 4 years there preaching religious teachings. He died at Saktipur (Marwar), where his stupa was erected. No other literary and epigraphic sources about him are known. He was succeeded by Jinsekhar Suri. He also continued his work in South-Western Rajasthan and Jaisalmer. Jindharma Suri succeeded him, who was very prominent. Under his instructions several MSS were copied at Jaisalmer, Surat and other places.59 We find the name of Devabhadra, a Jain monk, who had copied several MSS during this period. A few of them are KalapaVyakarana, Kalakacarya Katha, Syadvad Prakarana, Vajjalagga, MahavirCarita, Avas yaka Niryukti and many others. After Jindharma Suri Jincandra succeeded. He also remained very active in Jaisalmer and Sind areas. He consecrated the icon of Neminath on Phagan sudi 3, VE 1532 installed by Chajed Dharmasinha and others.60 It was the period, when Jaisalmer was embellished with beautiful Jain shrines and several religious festivities were being organized there. Jincandra Suri died about Ve 1555. The MS AvasyakaNiryukti was copied out during his life time in the above year. The 59 Punya vijay, Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakril MSS, Jaisalmer Collection (972), Ahmedabad, p. 279. 60 Nahar, III, No. 2437. Page #55 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 50 JAIN JOURNAL earliest known date of his successor Jinmeru is of MS Samacari dated VE 1562. It was copied by Gyanmandir Gani at Jaisalmer.61 Jinmeru died in Ve 1582. He was succeeded by Jingunaprabha Suri of Chajed clan of Jodhpur, From Jaisalmer, a Sangha headed by Devapal, Sadarang, Jiya, Basta, Raimal and others came to Jodhpur and requested Sriji to visit Jaisalmer, He accepted their request and came to Jaisalmer on Asadh badi 13 VE 1587, and remained there for several years.62 In VE 1594, when he was in Jaisalmer, there was a serious drought and people suffered much for want of water. It is said that Maharawal Lunakarna requested him for redressing the plighat of the people. While loitering in Upasara, he with the power of mantras got opulent rainfall on Bhadwa sudi 1. This increased the fame of Begad gaccha.63 He enjoyed a long life and died at Jaisalmer at the age of 90. He was contemporary to Mabarawal, Lunakarna, Maldeva, Hairaj and Bhim. He enjoyed a respectable position and several festivities were arranged under his supervision. He led a Sangha to Siddhacal started from Jaisalmer. At the time of selection of Jincandra Suri of main branch of Kharatar-gaccha, Maharawal Maldeva consulted him. The Suri-mantra was given by him to Jincandra Suri. A good number of MSS copied at Jaisalmer during this period are Ogh-Niryukti (VE 1629), Kalpa Sutra (1623), Nandi Sutra (VE 1627), Raj-Prasniya (1619) Aupapatika Sutra (VE 1617) and others. After Jingunaprabha's death Jincandra Suri succeeded. He consecrated a stupa of Jingunaprabha Suri in VE 1663 (1603 A.D.) at Jaisalmer. There is a long inscription of 21 lines engraved by Chajed clan of Oswals.64 Jincandra Suri was the son of Bafpa Rupaji Saha. He was converted to Jain monkhood by Jingunaprabha Sari, and it was he who nominated him, as his successor. Mahimasamudra, a Jain monk, composed two good poems in his praise. The copying of MSS by Begad monks continued at Jaisalmer. Mahimasumudra copied Desi-Nama-Mala in Ve 1701. A copy of MS Uttaradhyana Sutra was made in VB 1711 in Parsvanath temple of Jaisalmer by Ratnasom. The Pandava-Rasa was copied at Mehara (Sind). It seems that these monks continued their journeys to Sind. The copies of Sarasvata Vyikarana (VE 1707) and Dvadasa Sandhi (VE 1695) were also made. 61 Punyavijay. op. cit., p. 201, 185, 189. 62 Vinaysagar, Kharatargaccha-ka Itihas, p, 205. 63 Ibid., pp. 205-206. 61 Nahar, III, No. 2505. www.jaineli Page #56 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1992 After the death of Jincandra, Jinsamudra Suri succeeded. He widely travelled in Gujarat (Surat), western Rajasthan and Sind.65 Maldas and Mahimaharsa composed several poems describing the details of his visit to Surat. Several monks of Begad-Kharatar continued to work at Jaisalmer. The MS Sripal-Balavabodh (VE 1725) and Rsi Mandal Prakarana (VB 1726) were copied in Jaisalmer by Begad Kharatar monks named Ratnasom and Samudra Gani. At Nasaratpur in Sind Saubhagyasamudra copied a MS Karna Kutuhal. Jinsamudra's successor was Jinsunder. Keeping their base at Jaisalmer, these Kharatar monks continued their journeys to Sind. The MS of Gurvavali (VE 1773), Jnan-Sukhadi (VE 1676) and Sandhi-TantraBalavabodh (1779 VE) were copied at Thatta. Jinsunder was succeeded by Jinudai Suri before VE 1781. The Beghad-gaccha-Upasara inscription of Jaisalmer dated VE 1781 (1724 AD) has his name as an Acarya.66 A good number of followers of a Begad-gaccha remained in Jaisalmer. It seems that the Acaryas of main branch of Kharatar-gaccha became less effective in Jaisalmer and as such the influence of Begad-gaccha inscreased. In VE 1806 the foot-prints of Matisagar were installed at Jaisalmer. 51 After Jinudai, Jincandra Suri succeeded him before VE 1812 (1756 AD). The foot-prints of Jinudai were installed in VE 1812 at Jaisalmer, 67 Jincandra was succeeded by Jinesvar Suri whose inscriptions dated VE 1843, 1846 and 1861 have been found in Jaisalmer. We do not find full details of the successors of Jinesvar. Jinksamacandra Suri was the last Acarya of this branch who died in VE 1902. viii) Acarya Sakha On the death of Jinsingha Suri Jinraj Suri succeeded him at Medta in VE 1674. At this time Jinsagar actively helped him and maintained cordial relations with him, for more than 12 years. On some points, perhaps due to Samaysundar's pupil Harsanandan, a quarrel arose between the two. Jinsagar Suri made a new branch as Acarya Sakha of the Kharatar-gaccha. In this way the Sangha was split and many important families, Sravaka and Sadhus were divided. The Nirvan Ras of Jinsagar Suri mentions the details of the split. 65 Vinaysagar, op. cit., p. 210. 66 Nahar, III, No. 2446. 67 Ibid., III, No. 2509. Page #57 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 52 JAIN JOURNAL Samaysundar with his entourage and Sankhwal Jains of Jaisalmer became his followers. Harsanandan was a competent scholar, Jinsagar Suri died in VE 1712 and was succeeded by Jindharma Sari, Jin candra Sari, Jinvijay Spri, Jinkirti Suri, Jinyukti Suri, Jincandra Suri, Jinuday Suri, Jinhem Suri, Jinsiddha Suri and Jincandra Suri, one after the other. We do not find much details after Jincandra Suri. In Dadavaoi of Jaisalmer there is an inscription of VE 1936 (1879 AD), mentioning the name of a monk Dharmacandra of Acarya Sakha of Kharatar-gaccha, in whose memory, the Oswal Pancayat constructed a varandah there.68 Some MSS copied by the monks of Acarya branch have been known, ix) Jinrang Suri Sakhi It was started by Jinrang Suri in ve 1701. He performed a big pratistha at Udaipur. It is said that the epithet "Yug-Pradhan" was bestowed upon him, by some Mughal Emperor. After him Jincandra Suri and Jinvimal Suri succeeded one after the other, Maharana Jagat Singh-II accorded a great honour to Jiovimal Suri. After him Jinlalit Sari, Jinaksaya Suri, Jincandra Suri, Jinnandivardhan Suri, Jinjay. shekar Sari, Jincandra Suri, Jinratna Suri and others became Acaryas one after the other. x) Mandovar Kharatar After the death of Jinharsa Suri, a group separated and appointed Jinmahendra Sari, as their Acarya at Mandor in VB 1892. After Jinmahendra, Jinmukti Sari, Jincandra Sari and Jindharanendra Sari became the Acaryas one after the other. We find the names of many Sadhus of Kirtiratna Sari Sakha, Sagarcandra Suri Sakha. Ksemakirtti Sakha, Laghu Kharataracarya Sakha and others. 68 Nahar, III, No 2501. Page #58 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Books Received ACARYA SRIVIJAY KALAPURN SURI, Sarvajna Kathit Param Samayik Dharm (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, 1989. Pages 24+ 167 Price Rs. 40.00. The Science of Equanimity as spoken by the Omniscients. Translated into Hindi by Sri Narendra Prakash Jain. LALWANI, GANESH & BENGANI RAJKUMARI, Trisastisalakapurusacaritra, Vol. 3 (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, 1992. Pages 8+268. Price Rs. 100.00. Gives Hindi translation of Parva 3 and 4. Parva 3 contains lives of Sambhavanath, Abhinandan, Sumatinath, Padmaprabha, Suparsvanath, Candraprabha, Subidhinath and Sitalanath (from 3rd to 10th Tirthankaras). Parva 4 contains the lives of Sreansanath, Vasupujya, Vimalanath, Anantanath, Dharmanath (from 11th to 15th Tirthankaras). Besides Tirthankaras it contains lives of Acala, Triprstha, Asvagriva (1st Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-vasudev), Vijay, Dviprstha, Tarak (2nd Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-vasudev), Bhadra, Svayambhu, Merak (3rd Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-vasudev), Suprabha, Purusottama, Madhu (4th Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-vasudev), Sudarsan, Purusasimha, Nisumbha, (5th Baladev, Vasudev, Prativasudev, Maghava (3rd Cakravarti), and Sanat-Kumara (4th Cakravarti). MAHOPADHYAY CANDRAPRABHASAGAR, Samsar Aur Samadhi (in Hindi), Sri Jityasasri Foundation, Calcutta, 1991. Pages 159. Price Rs. 15,00. A Collection of his speeches, MALBANIA, PANDIT DALSUKH, Agam-Yug ka Jain Darsan, Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, 1990. Pages 23 +320+ 35. 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