Jain Journal 1992 07

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
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VOL. XXVII
JULY 1992

॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN
ISSN 0021-4043
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY
JAIN Journal
ON
!
No. 1
PUBLICATION

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a quarterly on Jainology

Ja Journal
जैन भवन
JAIN BHAWAN
CALCUTTA

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VOL. XXVII
JULY 1992
Rupees Five
Copyright of articles, stories, poems, etc. published in the
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Editor : Ganesh Lalwapi

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Contents
Sacred Literature of the Jains
Albrecht Friedrich Weber
History of Kharatargaccha
Ram Vallabh Somani
Books Received

ernational

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the central journal for Jainology
The Australian National University
GPO Box 4, Canberra, ACT 2601 Telegrams & cables NATUNIV Canberra Telephone 062-49 5111 Telex AA 62760 NATUNI
reference 27 April 1992
Editor Jain Journal P-25 Kalakar Street Calcutta.7 INDIA
Dear Sir
I enclose a copy of a book I recently compiled that was published by the Press of the Australian National University. Please accept it as a complimentary copy for favour of mention or review in your journal which is of course the central journal for all matters relating to Jainism and studies of Middle Indo-Aryan.
Yours sincerely Koyce Wlles Rogce Wiles

ternational

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Sacred Literature of the Jains
[ from the previous issue ]
have excerpted. He states furthermore that the arhadvacanānuyogao1 is divided into four groups: dharmakathānuyoga uttaradhyayanādikaḥ, ganitanuyogaḥ sūryaprajñaptyādikaḥ, dravyānuyogaḥ pūrvāņi sammatyadikas 92 ca caritrakaraṇānuyogaś că cărādikaḥ;93 the last is pradhanatamaḥ, śeṣāṇāṁ tadarthatvāt. These statements are in all essentials a reproduction [259] of those in Av. nijj. 8,54 where uttaradhy, is represented by isibhäsiyaim, which the commentator however explains by uttara; see on anga 4,44.
II. The second angam, suyagada, sūtrakṛta destined for the fourth year of study, see p. 223f. likewise treats in two śrutaskandhas (of which the first is composed in slokas and other metres,94 the second in prose with the exception of a small portion: ajjh. 5,6) of the sadhvācāra, the right course of action; and is at the same time chiefly polemical in character.95 According to anga 4 and Nandi 363 heterodox opinions annadiṭṭhiya (anga 4, pasaṁḍiya N) are here combated; viz. : those of 180 kiriyāvai, kriyavādin, 84 akiriyāvāi, akriyāvādin, 67 annāṇiyavāi, ajñānika, 32 veṇaiyavai, vainayika.97* In consequence of this the commentary frequently cites the names of Carvaka, Šakya, Bauddha, Samkhya, Vaiseṣika, as those who are to be understood by the ege cited in the text as opponents. These are also referred to in the text as jāṇaya, explained in the comm. by paṇḍitammanya Bauddhaḥ. But as the root jñā is elsewhere used by the Jains chiefly in a good sense, 98 I should at least give expression to the conjecture that by these jäṇaya the Vaideha king Janaka was meant," 99* [260] concerning
90 The following passage is found also in Santicandra on up. 6, according to which Silaṁkācārya commented also upon the second anga, cf. Ki. 247b.
91 sutrad anu paścãd arthasya yogo anuyogaḥ, sūtradhyayanāt paścād arthakathanam. 92? likewise Santica.; by this the rest of the contents of the dṛṣṭivada is perhaps referred to which treated partly of the different drstis or sammatis. 93 ācārāmgādikaḥ Śantica.
94 vaitaliya, tristubh, but not äryā.
95 iha hi pravacane catvāro 'nuyogah (see p. 258) caranakaraṇānuyogaḥ, dravya°, dharmakatha, ganita; tatra prathamam śrimadacaramgam carana gapradhanyena vyakhyātam, athe dam śrisutrakṛtakhyam dvitiyamgam dra gapradhanyena vyakhyāyate; sutram svapara samayasucanam kṛtam yena tat sutrakṛtam.
96 Cited from this as well as from other sources in the introduction to Malayagiri's Comm. on the second upanga and in many other places.
97* It is a most curious fact that a Tibetan text quoted by Schiefner Ind. Stud. Vol. IV. p. 335 exhibits also an enumeration of 363 heterodox opinions. As in Buddhistic texts this number is not found anywhere (as far as I am aware) it might be that one day Tibetan translations of Jain texts should turn up.-L.
98 cf. also the designation of their founder under the name of Nayaputta, cf. p. 261. 99* Janaka from Janaka, as Bauddha from Buddha. Another explanation of the term

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whom and his guru Yajnavalkya all sorts of statements are preserved in the legends of the twelfth book of the Mahabharata, representing either the king or both the king and his guru as having affiliations with Buddhism. See Ind. Stud. 1,482.100 Jacobi, whom I consulted in the matter, proposed (April 6th, 1880) that yānaka (cf. hinayana, mahāyāna) might be thought of in connection with jāṇaya.
The titles of the 23 ajjhayaņas of the sutrakṛta are enumerated in the fourth anga § 23 (-S) in their present order; also in Avasy. 16, where, however, the sixteen ajjh. of the first śrutaskandha are apparently placed after seven ajjh, of the second śrut. In v. 65, 66 in the first place the first sixteen are enumerated by themselves and in v. 102 the seven others by themselves; but after nalamdam-the last one-we read solasaim ca tevisam. It is, to be sure, not impossible that these words solasaim ca are a mere reference to the earlier enumeration in v. 65,66; but, at any rate, we should have expected that this reference would occur before the first of these seven names and not after the seventh. Also in the Vidhiprapa (V), the names are singly enumerated; they are:
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a. First śrutaskandha.
1. samaya, with 4 udd., 89 vv. ; bhutavādāädimatam nirākriyate ;-udd. 1 closes Nayaputte Mahavire [261] evam aha Jinottame tti bemi ||27|| H. Jacobi (Kalpas. p. 6.) is the first scholar who identified the name of Mahavira101 occurring here, with Nigantha Nataputra (or Nigaṇṭha
janaya applied to the Bauddhas may perhaps claim more attention than the one ventured in the text by Prof. Weber. We know that the founders of religious systems in India as well as elsewhere were as a rule called by epitheta,ornantia (such as buddha jina mahavira &c. &c.). Two of these epithets as applied to Sakyamuni or in fact to the Buddhas in general in Buddhistic texts are janaka and prcchaka i.e. "knower" and "asker" (see for instance Divyavadana. ed, Cowell and Neil, pp. 184 & 290; by the editors rendered by "general interrogator" !!). Most probably those two epithets refer to the supposition pervading not only Buddhistic but also Jain texts that the founder of the religion knew everything, but nevertheless, when conversing with any one, asked as if he knew not. Now it might well be that the Jain author of the above metrical passage of anga 2 chose in metre-as he would perhaps not have done in prose-a term not very common but still perfectly clear to his contemporaries for referring to his adversaries of Buddha's party, the terms janaka and prcchaka being not found (as others are e. g. buddha jina &c) with reference to Mahavira in either of the two literatures, of Bauddhas and Jainas.-L.

100 The legend of the six false teachers found in the Buddhistic texts, (see my Vorles. über ind. L-G. 304 (249,1), Burnouf, Lotus, p. 485, Weber's Ind. Streifen. 3,504), is told of Janaka and Yajnavalkya. For the peculiar use of the word Videha or videha among the Jains, (see page 261n) the reader is referred to Bhagav. 2,305, and to my treatise on the Satr. Mah, p. 20.
101 According to the legend Vira first descended into the womb of the Brahmaṇī

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natha, "fils de Jñati". Burnouf, Lotus, p. 450, 486) who is mentioned in the Buddhistic legends as a contemporary of Ajataśatru or of Buddha. A reference similar to that given here is found in 3 (cf. 5 and 6). See my remarks on anga 10.
2. veyālīya,102 vetaliya liya V, vaidarika, with 3 udd., 76 vv.; yathakarma vidaryate. It begins sambujjhaha: kim na bujjhaha? sambohi puna pecca dullaha. This ajjh. is not referred by the Scholiast to Vira, but is characterized as a teaching of Rsabhasvamin to his sons; with which statement the conclusion of the third udd. is however not in harmony. This chapter is composed in the metre called vaitaliya by Pingala (chandas 4,32) and by Varahamihira (104,55). In my opinion great importance must be attached to this circumstance. It is very probable that the similarity of this name with that of the title of our chapter is to be explained by the assumption that the metre had taken its name from the text in that metre. This designation would not only be a direct testimony [262] to the existence of this text at the time of Pingala and of Varahamihira, but also--inasmuch as it rests103 upon a representation of the Prakrit word veyālia in Sanskrit which was liable to be misunderstood, or upon an incorrect spelling with inorganic t-might be regarded as a proof that even at that early period the title of this chapter had been handed down in this incorrect form. Both of these probabilitis are of extreme interest. We must here notice that Varāhamihira expressly cites Magadhi as a "Prakrit" synonym of vaitaliyam-see Ind. Stud. 8,295-from which we may with probability infer that a direct reference is made to the language of our text or to the language of Buddha.104 Of interest, furthermore, is the fact that on 2, 1, instead of mahana ( - brāhmaṇa used in a good sense-which is a proof of the antiquity of the text-), the scholiast mentions the various reading je viu (vidus), yo vidvän. The latter is probably an intentional change of a secondary nature or per
Devanandā, wife of the Brahmana Usabhadatta (Kodālasagotta), in Kundaggāma; thence into the womb of the khattiyäni Tisala, wife of the khattiya Siddhattha (Kasavagotta), of the race of the khattiya called Naya, in the same place, Vira is therefore called their son. Cf. also (see page 263) the statements of Abhayadeva: Visala Mahavira-janani! He is designated both as Nãe Nayaputte Nayakulacaṁde and as Videhe Videhajacce (Kalpas § 110).
102 With inorganic t vetaliamaggam agao at the conclusion of udd. 1 is explained by karmanām vaidarikam vidaraṇasamartham margam. veyalia in the name of the dasave is explained quite differently.
103 The derivation from vetāla (Ind. Stud. 8,168,178) would then be overturned. 104 Buddha seems to have made use of this metre, since it is used in the Dhammapada, etc.

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haps a removal of the original. At the conclusion of udd. 3, which is composed in prose, we read : evam se udihu anuttaramáni anuttaradamsi anuttaranánadaṁsanadhare araha Nayaputte bhagavam Vesalie viyāhie (vyakhyātavăn) tti bemi. The scholiast illustrates Jñataputra strangely enough by Vardhamanasvāmi Rşabhasvami vã and explains Vesälie in the first case (i.e. when Jñātaputra means Vardham.) by Visala-nagaryām, in the second (i.e. when Jñatap. means Rşabha) by vaiśālikah (visalakulodbhavatvat). In any case this epithet, which is probably a nominative, is of extreme interest in this connection. Abhayadeva, too, [263] on Bhag. 2,1,12,2 explains Vaiśālika by Mahavira and in fact as a metronymicum(!): Viśāla Mahavirajanani. The Vesaliya-scīvaga appear elsewhere in the Jaina legends, but-and herein is to be found a divergence from the Buddhist legend-in a favourable light see Bhagav. 2,197,249 ; 1,440.
3. uvasaggaparinna, upasargaparijñā with 4 udd., 83 vv.; pratikūlah and anukālāḥ upasargāḥ, tais că 'dhyatmam visadaḥ.
4. itthi parinna, thipao V, strīparijña, with 2 udd, 53 vv. ; stripartşaho jeyah ; conclusion in prose ; icc evam ähu se Vire dhuyarae... tti bemi.
5. narayavibhatti, niraya V, narakavibhakti with 2 udd., 52 v. ; strīvasagasya narakapatah tatra ca yadró yo vedanaḥ. "I asked the kevalia mahesi"- thus the author, according to the scholiast Sudharmasvamin begins his recital. “Thus questioned by me, Kasave asupanne (äsuprajñaḥ) ie. Vira, spoke."
6. Viratthao, Mahavirastava, with 29 vv.; it begins ; "The samaņas and mähaņas, the agărins and the paratitthiyas (Sākyādayah) asked about the doctrine and life (nāņam, daṁsanam, silam) of the Nata."
7. kusilaparibhäsiyam bháså V, kusilaparibhasa, with 30 vv.; sarve jivaḥ sukhaişiņa”.
8. vīriyaṁ with 26 vv. ; of bāla and of paņdiya; in v. 25 buddhah in a good sense jñātatattvās.
9. dhammo with 36 vv.; in v. 1 māhanena maimaya, brāhmaṇena matimată referred by the Schol. to Vira. It concludes : goravāni ya savvāni nivvāna sardhae105 muni tti bemi [264).
10. samāhi, samadhi, with 24 vv.; it concludes : no jūviam ņo maraņā 'bhikaṁkhi carejja bhikkhū valagā vimukko tti bemi; in place of valagā we find in 12,22, 13,23, where the same conclusion recurs : valaya, and
105 mokşam sam/adhyāt.

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in the schol, valayam is explained by bhāvavalayam, máyá samsäraḥ. If this reading is correct, perhaps Vedic valaga might be thought of 106
11. maggo, märga, with 36 vv., ; in v, 1 mahaņeņa matimată as in 9,1.
12. samosaraṇam, samava", with 22 v. ; kumärgatyāgaḥ; four samavasaraṇāni paratirthikabhyupagamasamüharūpāni, i, e. the 180 kiriyavai etc. (see p. 259,266).
13. ahataham, yathātatham (hence by the ampliative ika or ya also) āhattahie, sihittihie, ähattahijjam ; ayitaha (Āv), with 23 v. ; samyakcaritram.
14. gaṁtha (gandho V), grantha, with 27 vv. ; graṁtham dhanādika tyaktvå ..
15. jam-aiam, yam ūdānīyam ; with 25 vv.
atitam (according to the opening words), or
16. gāhā or găthășodaśakam ;107 despite this name, a prose explanation of the names māhana, samana, bhikkhu, niggamtha and their identical signification (ekārtha).
b. Second śrutaskandha.
1. pundarie, Oriyaṁ V, pundarika,108 Comparison of the bhikkhu with a lotus flower in the middle of a pond ; it begins (see above, p. 248): suam me ausam, tenań bhagavaya [265] evam akkhayam ; iha khalu pomdariya namam ajjhayaņe, tussa ņaṁ ayam atthe pannatte. This introductory formula, the second part of which occurs again in anga 6 et seq., is repeated with corresponding modification in ajjh. 2-4. All four ajjh. are in prose.
2. kiriyathanań, of the 12 or 13 kriyästhāna.
3. āhāraparinna, oparijñā. In the schol. a variant of the scholars of Någarjuna is adduced with the words Någarjuni(ya)s tu pațhaṁti. Någajjuņavāyaga, or oņåyaria, oņarisi, is mentioned with great honour in the opening of the Nandi and of the Āv., in the list of teachers v. 39, 40, 45, and in fact as separated by three gradations merely
106 cf. also the manner of death valayamayakam, up. 1.70, "death by magic arts ?"
Little can be made out of the commentaries. See the excellent glossary of Leumann
which reaches me, May 1883, while these sheets are in the press. 107 gathāşodašakhyam şodaśam adhyayanam. In V., gahasolas agonāmagao. 108 cf. anga 6,1,19.

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Bhuadinna, Lohicca and Dusagani-from the author himself, whom the scholiast calls Devavacaka Devarddhigani, Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15n.
1
4. paccakkhāṇakiriya, pratyakhyānakriyā.
5. in S. Av, V. anagaram (rasuya S.); here however correctly aṇāyārasutam, anācāraśrutam, in 34 vv.; it opens as follows: ādāya bambhaceram ca asupanne (aśuprajñaḥ paṇḍitaḥ) imam caram | assim (asmin) dhamme aṇāyāraṁ n'ayareyya kayā i vi ||
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6. Addaijjam Ardrakiyam, in 55 vv. A sermon of Ardraka, the son of a merchant who, according to the scholiast, from the sight of a picture of Jina sent to him as a debt of gratitude by Abhayakumāra (the son of the king Śreņika of Rajagṛha), obtained jātismaraṇam and turned to pravrajya so as to receive the pratyekabuddha dignity, etc. The sermon appears to be addressed to Gośāla. In the last verse: buddhassa āṇāe imam samahim (tattvajñasya śri Virasya ājñāyāṁ..), buddha is used directly as a name of Vira. [266]
111
7. Nālandaijjam, °dā V., Nälaṁdiyam,109 in prose; (śrāvakavidhiḥ).110 Legend of Udaya (Udaka) Pedhalaputta Metajja,11 a Pasavaccijja, Parsvapatyiya, i.e. scholar, or follower of Parśva, whom the bhagavaṁ Goyama (Indrabhuti) leads to Mahavira, after he has heard the same from the Kumāravuttiyā (Kumāraputriya), nama samaņā niggaṁthā. Udaya thus112 leaves the caujjama dhamma of Parsva and accepts the pamcamahavvaiyam sapaḍikkamanam dhammam of Mahavira.
The table of contents in anga 4 (or Nandi) is as follows: kim tam suyagaḍe ?113 suyagaḍe nam sasamayā sūjjamti parasamayā s. sasamayapar asamayā s., jivā s. ajivä s. jlvājīvā s, logo s. alogo s. logalogo s.; 114 suyagade naṁ jīvājīva115-punna-pāv-'ā sava-saṁvara-nijjarabamdha-mokkhavasaṇā payattha suijjamti; samaṇāņam acirakālapavvaiyāṇaṁ kusamayamohamatimohiyāṇaṁ saṁdehajāya-sahajabuddhi-pariņāma
109 Named from Nālandā, a suburb (? bahirika) of Rajagṛha. 110 In the preceding 22 ajjh. sadhv-acaraḥ prarupitaḥ.
111 Medaryagotrena schol. ; I conjecture that this is a misunderstanding for Meväryasee above, p. 235 Metarya is regarded as the tenth scholar of Mahavira; see Hem. v. 32.

112 s. Bhagavati 2,185 and Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160.
113 sucanat sutram, sutrena kṛtam tat sutrakṛtam.
114 In N. we first read loe, aloe, loyaloe, then jiva aj. j. lastly sasamae p. sasamaaparasamae; so also in the following angas. The verb is in each of the nine instances in the plural; suijjamti. The triads; jivajivajivain (jiva ajiva, jivajiva) loko'loko lokaḥ. (lokalokah), sat asat sad-asat are assigned specially to the Terasiyas, Trairasika, by Abh. on anga 12,1.
115 jivāji to visohaṇattham is omitted by N.

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samsaiyanam116 pāvakaramaliņamaiguṇavisohaṇattham, asiyassa kiriyāvāisayassa, caurāsie akiriyāvāīņam, sattaṭṭhie annāņiyavāīņaṁ vattisäe venaiyavāiņam, tinham tesaṭṭhāṇam annadiṭṭhiya117 sayāņam būham118 [267] kicca sasamae thāvijjai,119 nāṇādiṭṭhāamta120 vayaṇa nissaram suṭṭhu darisayamta vivihavittharāṇugamaparamasabbhāva-guṇavisiṭṭhā mokkhapahodāragā111 udārā annāṇatam 'aṁdhakāraduggesu dīvabhūyā sopāṇā ceva siddhisugaigharuttamassa122 nikkhobhanippakampasuttattha.183
I have before me the commentary of Harşakula124 from the Tapagaccha. It was composed "varse 1583," but not after Vira, but after Vikrama, i.e. A.D. 1527.125 The origin of the Tapagaccha dates from Vira 1755.
III. The third angam, ṭhāṇam sthānam : an enumeration arranged in categories designed for the instruction of the more advanced and in fact for the eighth year of their instruction.126 The categories comprise successively subjects or conceptions conceived as one, two, and so on up to ten. Hence the whole text consists of 10 ajjhayanas, which are called ekasthāna, dvisthāna, etc.; ajjh. 2-4 each contain 4 udd., ajjh. 5 three udd. the rest of the ajjh. have no such sub-division, and exist as egasarāṇi (V) of one udd. each.
From the miscellaneous contents of this compendium I extract the following the nakṣatras: addā, cittā, sāti [268] are designated as egatāre, and then the number of the stars of the other nakṣatras is enumerated,127 In an enumeration of the divisions of time in 2, 4
115 samdehajataścu sahajabuddhiparinamasamsayītāśca ye.
117 pasamḍiya N.
118 pratikṣepam.
119 vijjamti N.
120 nana etc. omitted in N.
121 mokṣapathavatāraka.
122 grhottamasya,
123 sutram
carthas ca
niryukti-bhasya-samgrahaṇī-vṛtti-cūrṇi-paṁjikädirūpa iti
sutrarthaḥ.
124 We have a commentary to the fourth painna by a certain Harṣakusala.
125 The statements in reference to genealogy at the end are in agreement with Dharmasagara's Gurvavali of the Tapagaccha, of the members of which patriarchs 44,52-57 are mentioned; so that between 53 and 54 a Jagaccandramuni is referred to. See KI. p. 257ab.
126 tatra
bhavy asya mokṣābhiläṣinaḥ sthitagurupadeśasya pranino'stavarṣapramaṇapravrajya-paryayasyai 'va sutrato 'pi sthānāṁgam deyam, Abhayadeva; see above, p. 223,224.

127 See my treatise on the nakṣatras, 2,381 Iud. Stud. 9,448.10,293. According to the schol. we have here to do with the kṛttikä series cf. Bhag. 1,373.441. The names of the nakṣatras appear here invariably in their secondary form; dhanittha, bhaddavaya, etc. The name of the ahibudhnya is (2,3) corrupted into vividdhi (see Ind. Stud. 10,296).

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beginning with avaliya and reaching to sisapahelia,198 pallovama sågarovama, osappini, ussappini-the juga is inserted between the year and the century as intermediate gradation and the quinquennial yugam is thereby still used as a means of calculation. On the other hand, we have here the same enormous extension of periods of time, which we find in upanga 6 (Jambuddivapannatti) and in the Anuyogadvārasūtra ; see Bhagav. 1, 427,199 though the latter works contain some modifications not present here. The existence of the above-mentioned upanga is furthermore recognised directly in 4, 1: cattäri pannattiu amgabahiriyău paṁ (nattau), taṁ (jaha): Camdapannatti, Surapannatti, Jambuddivapannatti, Divasagarapannatti. The three pannattis, which are here mentioned in addition, occur again in 3, 1: tao pannattlu kaleṇam ahijjamti, tam: Camdapannatti, Surapannatti, Divasagarapannatti. Here and in 4, 1, are found the titles of upanga 7, 5, 6, in 3, 1, those of up. 7. 5; to which in both cases the divasa is joined, which, though not an independent member of Siddhanta, appears however as a section of the third upanga. That we have here to deal with the updйgas respectively named so and not merely [269] with homonymous doctrines, is proved by one circumstance especially; that besides the above-mentioned enumeration of the periods of time, the abhijit series of the nakṣatras, which belongs to these works, is here already known-see ajjh. 7 near the end.130 And even if the direct mention of upanga texts is in this case doubtful because such mention in the angas does not occur in the text, but in the insertions at the hand of the redactor, in this case the designation (in 4, 1) of the four texts as angabahiriya is so distinct and so points to their actual existence apart from the angas, that all doubts are put at rest. How far the existing texts of upanga 7, 5, 6, are meant by this, is, as we shall soon see, still an open question. One circumstance is worthy of note: the order of names here is different from that of the existing text; and the fourth name is equivalent merely to a part of the third upanga and not to the upanga itself.
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We find in chapter 10 a second and more important statement or mention of texts existing apart from the angas. In that chapter are
128 A number of 194 places! tasyam caturnavatyadhikam amkasthānaśatam bhavati. 129 According to Leumann's communication this occurs also in anga 5,5,1. 6.7, 25,5. 130 mahanakkhatte sattatare pam tam: abhitiaiya nam satta nakkhatta puvvadariya pam tam: abhii, savane, dhaniṭṭhā, sattabhisaya, uttarabhaddavaya, revati: assiniyadiya nam satta nakkhatta dahinadariya pam, tam: assini, bharani, kattiya, rohini, magasira, addā, punavvasu; pussatiya nam satta nakkhatta avaradariya pam, tam: pusse, asilesa, mahā, puvvaphagguni, uttaraphagguni, hattho, città; sariyadiya nam satta nakkhatta uttaradariya pam, tam: sati, visaha, anuraha, jetṭhā, mula, puvva asaḍha, uttara asudha, cf. Naks. 2,377n, Ind. Stud. 10,304, and see my comments on anga 4, 7.

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specified not merely the names [270] of ten dasău (i.e. texts containing ten ajjhayaṇas), but also the names of each of the 10 ajjh. Among these are the names of four angas (7-10), references to a fifth (11), and the name of the fourth chedasütra; the other four names have in our Siddhanta no place whatever (asmākam apratītāḥ, Abh. fol. 285a).
At the head stand the kammavivāgadasău; by this name the eleventh anga is meant-vivāgasue, vipäkaśrutam; it contains, however, not merely 10 but 20 ajjah. ; and the names adduced here as being those of the ten ajjah. are found only in part in anga 11. Two of them, at least, are exactly the same (1,4) and three partly so (6-8); so that we cannot gainsay that there is some connection131 between these dasău and anga 11. The names of the ten ajjah here are: Miyaputte,132 Guttāse,133 amde, 134 Sagaḍe 'ti ā vare135 māhane, Namdisene136 ya, Sorie137 ya, Udumbare, sahassuddae amalae138 kumare Lecai 'ti ya. It is well to be noted that in anga 4 (§ 43) too a text entitled kammavivāya is mentioned, [271] though 43 ajjah. are ascribed to it; and in the Kalpasutra Jinacar. (§ 147) 55 ajjah. are attributed to the pavaphalavivāyāiṁ alone this was a subject which invited repeated working over !
The titles of angas 7-9 appear as dasău 2-4; and complete agreement exists in reference to the uvāsagadasāu (anga 7), even as regards the names of the ten ajjhayanas. The eighth and ninth anga, the amtagaḍadasău and the aṇuttarovavaiyadaṣāu have here however only ten ajjh. allotted them, whereas in the Siddhanta they have 93 or 33. The names of the ten ajjh, are for amtagalad: Nami Mayamge Somile Rāma. gutte130* Sudamsane ceva/Jamali ya Bhagāli ya Kimkamme Pillate
131 Abh. identifies them directly with the first śrutaskandha of the eleventh anga and represents the names and the contents of the single 10 adhy, as being all in harmony with the contents of the 10 adhy. found there.
132 Mṛgā, wife of Vijaya, king of the city Mṛgagrāma.
133 gas träsitavan iti Gotrāsoidam eva co'jjhitaka namna Vipakasrute ujjhitakam ucyate.
134 cf. anga 6, 1, 3; kukkutädyaneka vidhamḍakabhamḍavyavahārino; Vipakaśrute că bhaggasena iti 'dam adhyayanam ucyate.
135 sakatam iti ca' param.
136 Vipakasrute ca Namdivardhanaḥ śrüyata.
137 Saurika.
138 sahassuddae A (with h fallen out), sahasuddahe B; sahasa akasmad uddahaḥ prakṛstodahaḥ sahasranam va lokasyo 'ddahaḥ sahasroddahaḥ
malae tri rasruter
lasrutir ity amarakaḥ samastyena märir...
139* Ramaputra, with the Digambaras, see the, Tattvarthavarttika in Prof. Peterson's Second Report, p. 1 7. Also the existent Svetambara text presents Ramaputte, see below p. 324.-L.

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ti ya, Phale Ambaṭṭhaputte140* ya 'em (evam) ete dasa ahiya || Among these I can discover but one name, Bhagāli, which shows any connection with anga 8,4,2 (Mayali); or perhaps we may extend the number to two names connected with 9,3,4,5 Pellae, Ramaputte. The names of the ten ajjh. of the aṇutt are, Isidase ya Dhanne ya Sunakkhatte kattite (kärttika) ti ya Samdhane Salibhadde ya Anamde Teyali11 ti ya Dasannabhadde Aimutte em ete dasa ahiya || Among these are at least three names which recur in anga 9, 3, 1-3.
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It is perfectly manifest that the author of anga 3 possessed entirely different texts of angas 8,9, than those in our possession. The same holds good in the case of anga 4, since it ascribe to these angas only ten ajjh, each. See below. The means made use of by Abhayadeva to reconcile this discrepancy are very simple. He says, on anga 8, after [272] recognizing the fact of the discrepancy: tato vācanāṁtarāpekṣayāņi (kāni ?) 'māni' ti sambhāvayāmo, navajanmāṁtaram apekṣayai 'tani bhaviṣyamti 'ti vācyam, janmämtarāņam tatra'nabhidhiy'mānatvād iti-and likewise on anga 9 tad evam iha'pi vacanāṁtarāpekṣaya adhyayanavibhāga ukto, na punar upalabhyamānavācana-pekṣaye 'ti. His statements in reference to the stories themselves are given with tolerable detail on anga 9.
As the fifth member of the ten dasau the āyāradasău are enumerated. The names cited for the ten ajjh. belonging to these are identical with those of chedasutra 4. This therefore proves that the latter is to be understood by the āyāradasāu.
As the sixth of the dasău texts the Paṇhāvāgaraṇadasău are named. This is to be sure the name of the tenth anga, which is also divided into 10 dāras but not into 10 ajjh. The names of the ten ajjh. quoted here show very plainly that here, as in the case of angas 8, 9, the author had quite a different, and in fact an older, text before him than the one we now possess. These names are in agreement with the name of the anga itself, whereas our text of this anga shows no connection with it. The names are uvamă, samkha,
140* Thus B. Avvaddha A. With the Digambaras we find (1. c) Yamali kavalika- Niskambala-Pal-Ambaṣṭaputra. In some better MS the first name might turn out to be Yamali and in the second some name corresponding to Bhagali may be hidden.-L.
141 Taitalisuta iti yo jñātadhyayaneṣn (anga 6,1,14) śruyate sa na'yam tasya siddhigamanasravanät. We have here in all probability an intentional variation.

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isibhāsiyāim, ,141* āyariyabhāsiyāiṁ, Mahāvīrabhāsiyāim, khomagapasiņāiṁ komalapasiņāim, addāgapasiņāim, amguṭṭhapasiņāim, bāhupasiņaim. The names of ajjh. 6, 8, 9, 10, recur in that table of contents of anga 10 which is found in anga 4 (and Nandi) so that there the text which existed at the period of anga 3 and not our present text, is meant. Abhayadeva says, in so many words: praśnavyakaraṇadaśā iho'ktarūpā na drsyamte, dṛśyamānās tu pamcaśravapaṁcasaṁvarātmikā iti, ihoktānāṁ tu' pamādinām adhyayanānām akṣararthaḥ [273] pratiyamāna eve ti,143
The names of the following four dasau do not recur elsewhere. The names of the 10 ajjh. of dasă 10 are mentioned, not as parts of the Siddhanta but as belonging in or to it. In the seventh place appear the bamdhadasău, the 10 ajjh. of which have the following names : bamdhe1 ya mokkhe ya deviddhi Dasaramamḍale ti ya | ayariyavipaḍivatti' uvajjhāyavippaḍivatti' bhāvaṇā vimotti săsate kamme. In the eighth place we find the dogiḍdhidasău (dvig rddhi) with the following names.145 vāte vivate sukhette kasine ti yalbäyälisam suviņa' tisam mahāsuviņā hāre146 Rāmagutte ya eyam ee dasa ahiya,147 In the ninth place the diha-dasău with following names: camde sure ya sukke ya, Siridevi, Pabhavai divasamuddovavatti, Bahu-putti, Mamdare ti ya | there 'Sambhuyavijae, there Pamha-ussasanissäsell. Abhayadeva points out here some connection with the narakavalikä or nirayavalika-śrutaskandha, i.e. upangas 8-12.148 Finally in the tenth place are the samkheviyadasau149 with the foll. names khuddiyā vimāṇapavibhatti, mahalliyā vimāņa [274] pavibhatti, amgaculiya, vaggaculiya vivahaculya, Aruṇovaväe, Varano
11
142 This text is treated in greater detail on anga 4 § 44. It has been discovered by Prof. Peterson, see his Third Report, p. 26 and 253.-L.
143 kṣaumakadișu devatavatāraḥ kriyata iti, tatra kṣaumakam vastram, addago adarśaḥ.
144 bamdhady-adhyayanam, śrautena' rtthena vyakhyātavyāni.
145 dvigyhi (!) dasaś ca svarupato 'py anavasitaḥ.
146 var.; hare, hale.
147 These are but nine; in a MS. belonging to Sir Mon. Williams, according to Leumann, bavattarim savvasumina are named in the tenth place. For the dreams cf. the mahasuvina above. p. 224, also cited among the anangapavittha texts in the Paksikas, and in the Vidhipr.
148 dirghadaśaḥ svarupato 'navagata eva, tad-adhyayanāni (kani) cin narakavalikaśrutaskamdha upalabhyamte; tatra camdravaktavyata-pratibaddham camdram adhyayanam, tathahi Rajagṛhe.....; seșani triny apratitāni.
149 samkṣepika dasa apy anavagatas varupa eva, tad adhyayananam punar arthaḥ: khuddie tyādi, iha valika-pravistetaravimanapravi bhajanam yatra 'dhyayane' tad vimänapravibhaktiḥ, tac cai 'kam alpagramthartham; tatha' nyan mahagranthärtham.

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vaväe (Varu' in the Schol, perhaps Dhara') Garulovaväe, Velamdharovavae, Vesamanovaväe. All these names recur in the anangapavittha list of the Nandi (Pākşikas. Vidhipr.). We have seen above, p. 223, 224, that the five ajjhayanas beginning with khuddiyavimāņa are designed for the eleventh year of study, the five150 ajjha. which begin with aruņovavaa for the twelfth year of study. From this two facts are plain : first, that they still existed at the date of composition of the versus memoriales in question, secondly, that they were of great importance in so far as their study is made to occur after that designed for anga 5 i.e. the tenth year. By vivahacūliya (vyakhya bhagavati tusyhś culikā) we may remark in passing, we are to understand one or more of those supplements to anga 5, all of which now appear to have been incorporated in that anga.
We cannot doubt that all the texts mentioned above were thus constituted at the period of the existence of anga 3. Hence the extreme interest of this detailed presentation of the subject. It is only as regards anga 7 and chedasūtra 4 that this account is in entire agreement with the existing text of the Siddhānta ; in all other particulars this account is either widely different or has reference to texts,151 which are pot found in the Siddhānta at all. The proof here given of the fact that from the mention of a work in one place or another there does not [275] follow the identity of the then existing texts with the present (though in reality proof of a fact that is self-evident) is nevertheless not out of place in the present case, since it has become so customary in these days to draw from the titles of Chinese, etc., translations of Buddistic works conclusions in reference to the existence of the latter in their present form. The proof here carried out in reference to anga 8 to 10 is intended as a reminder that greater caution must be used in the future. (See Ind, Stud. III, 140).
Of great interest is furthermore the enumeration in ajjh, 7 of the names of the seven schisms 52 together with those of their founder and of their localities : evaṁ ceva samaņassa bhagavato Mahavīrassa tittharmi satta pavayananinhagă paṁ tań : bahurayā, jivapadesiyā, avvattiya,
150 This first 5 of the preceding ten ajjh. are doubtless meant by this statement. At
least in the Nandi they preserve the same order of succession, 151 These texts may be concealed, i.e., absorbed by larger texts--a conjecture which
is very probable e. g. in the case of the vivāhaculiya'. See above. - 152 cf. Kup. 794 (4) where the words "in connection with Ayyarakk hia and Püsamitta"
belong to the last line after gotthämähila ; see Av. N. 8, 89.

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samucchetiya, dokiriyā, terasiya, avaḍḍhiya (!); cesi nam sattanham pavayaṇaninhagāṇaṁ satta dhammāyariyā hotthā, tam: Jamāli, Tisagutte Asadhe, Asamitte, Gamge, Calue, Gotthämähile; eesi naṁ pa°ṇaṁ satta uppattinagara hottha, tam: Savatthi, Usabhapuram, Seyabiyā, Mihilā, Ullagātīram, puram Amtaramji Dasapura(m) ninhaga-uppattinagarāiṁ. According to Avasy. nijj. 8, 61, 88, the last of these schisms occurred in the year Vira 584; from this we may derive some basis for chronological determination.153 See Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 15.
13
An exact examination of this important text is a great desideratum, since in it are contained a large number of significant [276] statements and data. It constitutes a perfect treasure-house for the correct understanding of innumerable groups of conceptions in distinguishing which from one another the pedantic formalism of the Jains was wont to run riot.
The table of contents in anga 4 and Nandi (N) reads: se kim tam thane? thine nam sasamaya ṭhāvijjamti parasamaya sasamayaparasamayā; jīvā ṭhāvijjaṁti ajīvā jīvājivă; logo alogo logálogo thāvijjaṁti ;154 thane nam davva-guna-khetta-kāla-pajjavapayatthā nam sela salila ya samudda-sūra-bhavaṇa-vimāṇa-agaraṇadio nidhayo purisajaya155 sarā156 ya gotta ya joisamṁvālā157 ekaviham vattavvayam duviham jāva dasaviham vattavvayaṁ jīvāṇa poggalāņa ya logaṭṭhāim ca nam parūvaṇayā āghavijjai 158
The commentary is by Abhayadeva, who both here at the end and elsewhere is frequently called navāngivṛttikāraḥ. Commentaries to angas 3-11 are ascribed to him; and we have one from his hand on upanga 1.
He calls himself a scholar of Jinesvarācārya159 and of Buddhisagara
153 The Jain records on the above seven schisms have been translated into German by Leumann, Ind. Stud. XVII, p. 91-135.-L.
154 In N, we read jīvā ajīvā jāvāj, at the beginning; then follows loe aloe loyaloe; and sasamae p. sasamayaparasamae forms the conclusion, (as also in the case of angas 4 et. seq.); the verb is thāvijjamti in each one of the nine cases-i.e. in the plural 155 Purisajaya tti purusaprakara unnatapranatadibhedaḥ
pathämtarena pussajoga
tti upalakṣaṇat vät pusyadinakṣatrāṇām cam Irena saha paścimägrimobhayapramadadiko yogah.
156 svaraś ca șad jādayo.
157 cālā B C.; jyotiṣaḥ tārārāpasaṁvā!anāni (cāl°. ?).
158 N has instead of thane nam davva the following: tamkā kādā selā siharino' pabbhārā kumdaim guhão agara daha naio aghavijjamti: thane nam egaiyae eguttariyae vuddhie dasaṭṭhāna vivaḍdhiyānam bhāvāṇam paruvaṇā āghavijjamii.
153 The founder of the Kharataragaccha; see the pattavali at the end of the Sabdaprabhedațika v. 2 (ms. or. fol. 813), and KI, 248a (11).

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the younger [277] brother of the former. The present commentary was prepared by him Samvat 1120 (A.D. 1064) in Aşahiliapäțaka with the help of Yaśodevagani, a scholar of Ajitasinhảcārya for a panditaparşad, conducted by Sri-Dronācārya. According to Dharmasagara's Gurvavali, the ''navāṁgavrttik rt", Abhayadeva died Samvat 1135, according to others 1139. See KI, 2486, 253b. (12.30).
IV. The fourth angam, Samavāya, "association, group, rubric”, in one ajjhayaņa, that consists of very heterogeneous parts. The contents of the first two-thirds is in general the same as that of the third anga, both being designed for instruction in the eighth year. See above. There is however the difference that the categories here exceed 10,160 and continue by progression up to 100,161 and then per saltus far exceed 100. Immediately following, but without any logical connection with this, is a detailed table of contents and extent of all the twelve angas ; then all sorts of statements which cannot be united into one class and which deal partly with doctrine, partly with hagiology and, if we may use the expression, history or legend. This third part is without doubt to be regarded as an appendix to the first part, and the whole as a supplement to the third anga ; as in fact we learn from $ 57 that angas 1 to 3 were regarded as a connected unit. We have here a compendium of everything worth knowing, [278] a perfect treasurehouse of the most important information which is of the greatest value for our understanding of the Siddhānta. Of especial significance are, in the first place, the statements of literary and historical content in § 1-100, in reference to the extent and division of the separate angas, etc. (statements which were doubtless the principal cause of the addition of the full treatment of this subject); the mention of various celebrated Arhats of the past 162 together with the number of their scholars (this was the cause of the addition of the concluding part); and the frequent reference to the lunar and naksatra computation of time and to the quinquennial yugam. The references to the yugam are exactly in the manner of the jyotisa vedānga, krttikā, etc., being the beginning of the series of the nakşatras.
Anga 4 begins, after prefacing the customary introduction (suyam me ausam, tenaṁ bhagavamteņam evam akkhāyam) with a fresh statement
160 In § 1-10 there are many statements which recur in the same form in anga 3. 161 They are counted up to 100 as first, second, third samavāya (or in the neuter
samavāyam up to the hundredth. 162 e.g. Kumtha $ 27.81, Kumthu $ 95, Pasa $ 38,70,350. Panami (Nami B. C.) $ 39,
Aritthanemi $ 40, Nami $41, Vimala $44,56, Munisuvvaa $50, Malli 355,57, Usabha Kosalia $ 63.83.89. Moriyaputta $ 65. Suvihi Pupphadanta $ 75.86. Bharaha $ 77,

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in reference to the authorship of Mahavira: iha khalu samaneṇaṁ bhagavaya Mahavireṇam (then follows the regular varṇaka with about 40 attributes, among which are Jinenam buddhenam bohaenam .....) ime duvalasaṁge ganipidage163 pannatte, tam jaha: (then follow the names of the 12 angas)164 [279] tattha nam je se cautthe amge samaväe ti ähie,165 tassa, nam ayam atthe... In angas 1-3 we do not find at the outset any such designation as first, second, third angam.
15
I extract the following from the remainder of the anga. In § 1 repetition of the statements of the third anga in reference to the asterisms addā, cittā, sāti being called egatara; further on the same statements are made about the remaining nakṣatras; in § 7 the 28 nakşatras are divided into four groups, viz.: kittiyāiya (°ādika) in the East (puvvadariyā), mahāiya in the South, anurāhāiya in the West, dhaniṭṭhaiya in the North. After186 the sentence kittiyaiyaiyā satta nakkhattā puvvadāriyā paṁ (pannatta) the words pāṭhāṁtareṇa abhahiyādiyā (A, abhiyāiya BC) are inserted ;167 whereby, as the schol. explains, abhijit., aśvini, pusya, sväti are indicated rather than the names in question. This insertion purposes to put the series of nakṣatras, first invented by the Jains and taught especially in upāngas 5, 7 (see Ind. Stud. 10,220, 304) in the place of the old krittikä series, which still maintained its validity at the time the fourth anga was first composed.168 The new view had not yet received the authoritative stamp of orthodoxy. [280] We must however here notice that (cf. p. 269) in the third anga § 7 we find statements completely identical with those in this insertion. In § 18 enumeration of the 18 kinds of writing usual for the bambhi livi (but not so correct as in up. 4 on which account I cite them there); $18
Seyyasa § 80, Siyyamsa § 84, Siyala § 83,90. Mamdiyaputta § 83, Supasa § 86,95,200, Ajjiya § 90, Imdabhuti § 92, Camdappaha § 93, Samti § 93, Sumai § 300, Sambhava § 400, Ajia § 450, Sagara § 450, Väsupujja § 700.
163 This word, which in § 57 is used especially for angas 1-3 belongs of course to the tipitaka of the Pali texts, but has no reference to the number three. The designation of "basket" inclines one to think of its having been committed to writing. On the first mention of the name tipitaka see Ind. Stud. 5,26; Vorles. Ind. Lit.-G2. 311, appendix, page 15.
164 All of the preceding from iha khalu on gives an impression of secondary origin. This is the first occasion that we meet with the varnaka of Mahāvira.
165 akhyāta, I assumed several years ago (see Bhag. 1,410.2,251) under the erroneous belief that this form belonged especially to the Suryaprajnapti (see Ind. Stud. 10,254) that ahia ahijjai were derived from the root khya weakend to khi, hi, I should now prefer to regard them as a species of retrogressive formation from the common ahamsu (root ah),
166 Thus in A; in BC before.
167 The same case is found § 72.
168 The schol. however regards the abhijit series as siddhamt amatam: he then adds: iha (in the text) tu matamtaram afritya kyttikadini.....bhanitani: camdraprajnaptau tu bahutarani matani darsitāni) (Ind. Stud. 10,285).

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atthinatthipavāyassa puvvassa (this is the fourth purvam) aṭṭhārasa vatthū ; in § 19 enumeration of the 19 nāyajjhayaṇas, i.e. of the 19 books of anga 6, in karikā form; in § 23 enumeration of the 23 suyagaḍajjhayanas, i.e. of those of anga 2; in § 25 enumeration of the 25 ajjh. of anga 1; āyārassa bhagavao saculivigassa, the mahiparinna being mentioned in the ninth place and the nisihajjhayana being designated outright as "25th ajjh." The latter is probably the culiya (see § 57 and p. 254); the designation as bhagavant is found also in § 85, c.f. also § 84; in § 36 enumeration of the 36 ajjh. of the uttarajjhayaṇa, i.e. of the first mulasūtra, and in fact with a few insignificant variations of the names given here; see below § 43 teyālisaṁ kammavivāgajjhayaṇa paṁ (nattā); the names are however not enumerated; accord. to the schol, the 20 ajjh, of the eleventh anga, called vivägasuya are hereby referred to, as also the 23 of the second (!) anga. Cf. page 270 in reference to the kammavivāgadasău in ten ajjh. mentioned in anga 3, 10; § 44 coyalisam ajjhayaṇā isibhāsiyā devalogacuyobhāsiyā paṁ (natti); both of these texts, at least under these names, are no longer extant.169* I have found the devalogacuyabhāsiyā mentioned in this place alone; the isibhāsiya however are often mentioned. We have already come across them (see p. 272) in anga 3, 10 as third ajjh. of anga 10 (!). [281] In the Nandi they appear among the anangapaviṭṭha texts; the author of the Avasy. nijj. confesses that he (2, 6) is author of a nijj. to the isibhäsiäi too, and (8, 54), placing them in the second place, describes them together with kaliasua, sūrapannatti and diṭṭhivaa as the four kinds of aṇuoa (see p. 258); Abhay. however here characterizes them as kālikaśrutaviśeṣabhūtāni. Haribhadra on Av. identifies them, on one occasion (2, 6) with painna 7, on another (8, 54), he calls them uttaradhyayanādīni ! See above, p. 259. They appear also in connection with the painnas, embracing 50 (!) ajjh in the Vidhiprapa, where their connection with the Uttarajjhayana as matāṁtara is also referred to - $46 ditthivāyassa nam chảyālisai mãuyāpaya (mặt kāpadāni) pam (nattā) bambhie nam live chāyālisam māuarakkhā (madurakarā BC. perhaps māuakkharā ? mātṛ+akṣ°) pam. In reference to the 46 māuyāpayā of anga 12 see below. By the "lekhyavidhau 46 mātṛkākṣarāņi" of the Scriptures are according to the schol., to be understood170 a to ha, with the addition of kṣa, but with the omission of jha-la-tri (?)-um (?)la (?).171 These statements are of the most remarkable character. The
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169*See however the last but one asterism note.
170 The Paniniya sikṣā counts 63 or 64 varnas and (as is very remarkable) "both for Sanskrit and for Prakrit (!)" See Ind. Stud. 4,348,349.
171 Among the Brahmans too there is found an enumeration of the alphabet in order to form a diagram. Cf. my treatise on the Rama Tāp. Up. 1.62, p. 309. This enumeration contains 51 aksaras (16 vowels, 35 consonants), which, after deducting 5

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number of 46 akṣaras, whether written signs or sounds (which can have reference to Sanskrit alone and not to Prakrit, since ks is included in the list), I am as yet entirely unable to explain172*-§ 57 tinham ganipiḍagāṇaṁ āyāracāliyavajjāṇaṁ sattāvannam ajjhayaṇā paṁ (nattā) āyāre 24, suyagade 23, thane [282] 10; here the first 3 angas are taken together as a unit and called 'the three ganipiḍagas' par excellence. It is here worthy of note that only 24 ajjh. are ascribed to the ayara after the separation of the ayāraculiyā; and in fact (p. 254) only the nisihajjhayaṇam, which in § 25 is called the 25th ajjh., can be meant by āyāraculiyā;-in § 59 fifty-nine day-nights (rätimdiya) are allotted to each season of the lunar year; § 61 pamcasaṁ vaccharassa nam jugassa ridumasenam miyyamānassa egasaṭṭhi udumāsā paṁ (nattā); see on this Jyotiṣa v. 31 (my treatise, p. 93);--§ 62 the quinquennial yugam has 62 full moons, 62 new moons; §-67 67 nakkhattamāsā; according to § 71, the winter of the fourth lunar year (in the yuga) has 71 vvxon'μepa -caütthassa nam camdasaṁvaccharassa hemaṁtāṇamekasattarie rātimdiyehim vitikkamtehim;-in § 72 enumeration of the 72 kalas which are essentially identical with those which recur in anga 6, 1, 119, upāǹga 1, 107 and elsewhere;173 the repeated use of the word lakkhana probably forms a literary synchronism with the Mahabhāṣya and the Atharvaparisistas. See Ind. Stud. 13, 460, Burnell, Tanjore Catalogue, p. 9 fg.; the names are:
Leham 1, ganiyaṁ 2, rūvaṁ 3, naṭṭam 4, giyam 5, vāiyaṁ 6, saragayaṁ 7, pukkharagayaṁ 8, samatālaṁ 9, jūyaṁ 10, juṇavayaṁ 11, porevaccam (A. kavyam B.C.)174* 12, aṭṭhavayam 13, dagamaṭṭiyam 14, annavihim 15, pāṇavihim 16, leṇay175 17, sayaṇav 18, ajjapaheliyam (ajjam pa B.C.) 19, magahiyaṁ 20, gaham176 21, silogam 22, gamdhajuttim 23, [283], madhusittham177 24. ābharaṇavihiṁ 25, taruṇīpaḍikammam 26, itthilakkhaṇaṁ 27, purisal. 28, hayal. 29, gayal. 30, gonal.178 31, kukkuḍal. 32, miḍhayal. 33,
17
akṣaras, shows the 46 mauyakkhara ascribed in anga 4,46 to the bambhi livi. In reference to their use see page 462. It is however doubtful whether the use of the latter (on page 462) represents an example of the mauyakkharā.
172* tāni ca 'kārādini hakārāmdatāni (ramtani) sakṣa kārāni jha-da-tri-um-lam (!). (Leumann proposes to me to read ri, ri, li; but what is the meaning of jha and da (1) ty eva (!) ity etadakşarapamcakavarjitani sambhavyamte.-The letters meant are indeed yi, ri, li, li, and 1, see Weber's Cat. II, p. 408, n.-2-L.
173 See Paul Steinthal, Specimen of the Nayadh. p. 29 and Leumann, Aupapat. p. 77, where especial notice is taken of the variant readings here.
174 Nay. has here pasayam and reverses the position of 12 and 13.-*The right name of the 12th kala is no doubt porekaccham-pauraşkṛt yam.-L.
175 Vilevana Nay. with the addition of vatthay.
176 Nay. adds gitiyam.
177 Instead of 23,24 Nay. has hirannajuttim, suvannaj, cunnaj.
178 Steinthal has ganal".

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cakkal.179 34, chattal. 35, damḍal. 36, asil. 37, manil. 38, kāganil. 39, cammal.180 40, camdayal. 41, suracariyam 42, rahucariyaṁ 43, gahacariyam181 44, sobhakaram 45, dobhakaram 46, vijjāgayaṁ 47, mamtag. 48, rahassag. 49, sambhavam 50, vāram (? caram BC) 51, paḍivāram (cāraṁ BC)182 52, būham 53, paḍibuhaṁ 54, khaṁdhāvāramāṇaṁ 55, nagaramāṇaṁ 56, vatthumāṇam 57, khaṁdhāvāranivesaṁ 58, nagaraṇivesam 59, vatthunivesam 60, isattham 61, charuppavayam (pagayam BC) 62, asasikkham 63, hatthisikkham 64, dhanuvedam 65, hariṇavādam (hiraṇṇavāyaṁ BC) 66, suvanṇavādam 67, manipagam 68, dhäupāgam 69, bahujuddham 70, damḍaj. 71, muṭṭhij. 72, aṭṭhij. 73, juddham 74, nijuddham 75, juddhātijuddham 76, suttakheddam 77, naliyakheḍḍam 78, vaṭṭakheddam 79, dhammakheddam183 80, camharevaṭṭam (pamhakheḍdam BC) 81, pattacheyyam 82, kaḍaga (kannaga BC) cheyyam 83, pattagacheyyam 84, sajīvam 85, nijivam 86, saüṇaruyam 87, iti. Of these 87 names, 15 are to be removed, whether they are paṭhämtaras (see on No. 80), or interpolations. For the v. r. from Nay. see below ;-§ 81 Vivahapannattie (in the fifth anga) ekkāsim mahājummasaya [284], (mahāyugmasatāni) paṁ (natta) ;-§ 84 vivahapannattie nam bhagavaie cauräsiim payasahassa padaggeṇam pannattă. Later on in the course of our investigation we will recur to the fact that this statement in reference to the extent of the text is less by 100,000 padas than that of the present text. See § 85 and § 25 on the designation as bhagavati, which has remained the exclusive property of this text. § 85 āyārassa nam bhagavato saculiyāgassa paṁcaśiim uddesaṇakālā; -§ 88 diṭṭhivayassa nam aṭṭhāsiiṁ suttiim paṁ tam; ujjusuyaṁ, pariṇayaparinayam, evam aṭṭhāsiim suttani bhaiyavväni, jaha Namdie.' This reference to the Nandi, by which any further enumeration has been spared, is very remarkable from the fact that the statements in it, a few pages further on, are found in exactly the same detail in the fourth anga itself at this very point, in the consideration of the contents and extent of all the angas. This being the case the reference ought to have followed the collective statement found several pages further on in the same anga. We are therefore compelled to believe that the Nandi is the original source of information for this presentation, common to anga 4 and the Nandi, and that this presentation was
JAIN JOURNAL
179 Näy. omits 33,34.
180 40-50 omitted in Nay.
181 Are they to be regarded as planets or are they to be understood according to the fashion of the Ath. Paris. 53.54 ?
182 Instead of 51-57 there are in Nay, the following 31 names; vatthuvijjam, khamdharamānam 56, 53. 54, 51 (BC), 52 (BC) cakkavuham; garulavuham; sagaḍavuham; 74-76, 73 72, 70, layajuddham; 61, 62, 65-67.77.79.78.81.82.85-87.
183 Omitted in BC, where we read instead pāvamtare (pāṭhāmtare) camha, by which camha is manifestly designated as v. 1. to pamha.

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at a later period taken from the Nandi and inserted in anga 4; furthermore, this insertion must have occured at a period succeeding that to which the above reference of the redactor belongs. Or have we merely to do with a later act of the scribes ? Were this the case, this act of theirs is at least very remarkable, if not unfortunately executed. There is, however, one difficulty in the way of the assumption that the Nandi is the ultimate source, viz. there are all manner of differences between the treatment in the Nandi and that here, differenees in which the Nandi does not always [285] contain the more ancient statements. See below. The fact that the table contents in N. is much shorter than that here makes, it is true, eo ipso, an impression of greater antiquity; and N. offers in this table of contents many readings which are decidedly older and better.
19
We have now reached a point where we may discuss the collective presentation itself. It begins simply; duvalasaṁge ganipidage pam (natte), tam: then follow the names of the 12 angas and then the details in reference to contents, division and extent of each of the twelve. I insert here what I have collected from the statements in reference to division and extent, that the reader may obtain a general survey of the whole. I subjoin the v. r. from the Nandi (N) which, after what I have said above, may in the last instance claim priority over those of the anga,
1. Ayāre, 2 suyakhaṁdhā, 25 ajjhayaṇā, 85 uddesaṇakālā, 85 samuddesaṇakälä, 18 payasahassaim payaggenaṁ.
2. Suyagaḍe, 2 suyakh. 23 ajjh, 33 udd., 33 samudd., 36 padasahassaim (36,000) padaggeṇaṁ.
3. Thāne, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh., 21 udd., 21 samudd., 72 payasahassaiṁ (72,000) payaggenaṁ.
4. Samaväe, 1 ajjh., 1 suyakh., 1 udd., 1 samudd., ege coyale payasayasahasse (144,000); saya is omitted in the incorrect Berlin MS. of N., but accord. to Leumann is in the N. Ed.) pay.
5. Viyahe, 1 suy., 100 ajjh. with a residue (!) ege sairege ajjhayaṇasaye), 10 uddesagasahassaim, 10 samuddesagasahassaiṁ, 36 vägaraṇasahassaim, 84 (!) payasahassaiṁ (84,000) payaggenaṁ :--the latter statement is found also in § 84-see above page 284-N, however, has do lakkhā aṭṭhāsii (288,000) payasahassaim, which corresponds to twice the former steady increase in 1-4.

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6. [286] Nāyādhammakahāu, 2 suyakh, 19 (A N Edit., 29 BCN) ajjh.184 10 dhammakahāņaṁ vagga (this omitted in N), 19 (A N Ed., 29 BCN) uddesanakālā, 19 (A N Ed., 29 BN), samuddesaņakālā, samkhejjāim payasayasahassäiṁ p. (saya omitted in N., also in Ed. ; 576,000 Schol)Between, 10 dh. vagga and 19 (or 29) udd, we find inserted ; in each dhammakahi 500 akkhāiyā, in each akkhăiya 500 uvakkhāiyå, in each uvakkhaiyā 500 akkhāiya-uvakkhāiyā, in all 34 akkhaiyakodio.185 In N this statement from dasadhammakahāņam vaggā (inclusive) on, is at an earlier place in the description of the contents
7. Uvāsagadasão, 1, suyakh., 10 ajjh., 10 udd kälā, 10 samudolā, samkhejjāi payasayasahassāim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed, 1,152,000 Schol.)
8. Astagadadasão, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (N omits), 7 (8 N) vagga, 10 (8 N) udolā, 10 (8 N) samudla, samkhejjāim payasayasahassaiṁ p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 2,304,000 Schol.).
9. Anuttarovavõiyadasão, 1 suyakh., 10 ajjh. (omitted in N Ed), 3 vagga, 10 (3N) udd lä, 10 (3 N) samolā, samkhejjaiṁ payasayasahassáim p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 4,608,000 Schol.).
10. Panhävägaraņåņi, 1 suyakh., (45 ajjh. N), 45 udd lä, 45 samuddolā, samkhejjäni payasayasahassāņi p. (saya omitted in N, also in Ed. ; 9,216,000 Schol.).186
11. Vivīyasue, [2 suyakh. N), 20 ajjh., 20 uddla, 20 samuola, samkhejjaiṁ payasayasahassaiṁ p. (saya omitted in AN, also in Ed.; 18,432,000 Schol.),197
12. [287] Ditthivãe, 1 suyakh, 14 puvvăim, samkhijjá vatthū, samkhejji cāla (culla N) vatthū, samkhejji pāhudā, s. pāhudapāhuda, saṁkhejjāu pāhu diyau, saṁkhejjīu pāhudiyapīhudiyāu samkhejjāņi payasahassăņi.
The most remarkable feature of the above is the statement in refererence to the number of the words of each anga. According to
184 egūnavisam A. N. Ed, ekonavinsati, Schol. (also on N), eg unattisaṁ BCN. 185 Cf, my remarks on anga 6 in reference to this remarkable number. We are led to
expect a much higher figure. N. Ed. has kahānagako accord. to Leumann instead of
akkhaiyakodio. 86 dvinavatir laksāh şodaśasahasrādhikāḥ. 187 ekā padakotis caturasitir laksāh dvātriníac ca sahasrāņi.

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21
Abhayadeva in the scholia,188 the number of words in the case of angas 1-4, increases continually by half till the eleventh anga is reached ; and the Nandi and an anoymous writer thereupon asserts the same with the modification that, instead of angas 1-4, angas 1-5 are said to show this increase. This view is however in direct opposition to the actual facts of the case, for angas 7-11 are the least of all as regards their extent ; which is so very small that there can be no thought of 100,000189 countable padas, 190 "countable" meaning here probably "those that need a special count", ' numerous" or "innumerable". If we reckon on the average for each padam three akşaras191 and for each grantha (śloka i.e. 32 aksa.), twelve padas, the following is the result of a comparison of the number of these granthas, stated192 as in the MSS., with the above pada numbers [288].
gr. i.e.
1. anga 2,554 2 „ 2,300 3. , 3,750 4. „ 1,607 5. 15,750
30,648 padas instead of 18,000 p.193* 27,600
36,000 45,000
72,000 19,284
144,000 189,000
"
84,000 or 2,88,000N
„
„
188 Likewise also Nemicandra in the Pravacanasāroddhāra $ 92 v. 726 : padhamam
āyāramgam atthärasasahassapayaparimānamevam sesamgāna vi duguna dugunappama
nam/ 189 N at least has only "thousands." 190 Accord, to Leumann sarkhejja signifies merely an indefinite number that is still to
be counted, and not always a large number. 191 See Bhagav. 1,377. This is true in the case of the prose ; in verse we must reduce
the number somewhat. The preliminary question is of course-What does the author understand by pada ? (Malayagiri in the Nondi-fikä says p. 425 yaträrthopalabdhis tat padam. L.) In this approximation of three akşaras to a pada I have reckoned the single members of compounds as a single word, in so far as the
compounds can lay claim to be considered as such. 192 See above, p, 250, The grantha enumeration is of secondary origin in comparison
with the pada enumeration, 193* So also in nisthabhāsya pedh. 1 (taken from the Acära-niry). , It must, however,
be noted that the above number (18,000) is referred to the first Srutaskandha only. Malayagiri says (Nandi-tīkā p. 425 : atra para aha yath' Acāre dvau śrutaskandhau pancavinsatir adhyayanäni padāgrena cāstādaśa pada-sahasrani tarhi yad bhanit am naya bambhaceramāio atthārasa paya-sahassao veo iti tad virudhyate : atra hi nayabrahmacar yadhyayana-mātra evāstādaśa-padasahasra-pramāņa Acara ukto, 'smins tv adhyayane dvau frutaskandhau pancavinsarir adhyayanāni etat samagrasy Acāras ya parimānam uktam, astādaśa pada-sahasräni punah prathama-srutaskandhas ya navabrahmacaryādhyayanas ya, vicitrartho-nibaddhāni hi sutrani bhavanti, ata eva caisām sam yagarthāvogano gurupadeśato bhavati nanyatha, äha ca curn.krt : do suyakhandhā panavisam ajjhayanāni, eyam ayāragăsahiyassa (?) Ayārassa pamānam bhaniyam ; atthārasa paya-sahassă puna padhama-suyakhandhassa nava

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6. anga 5,375 gr.194 i.e. 64,500 padas instead of 576,000
7.
812
9,744
8.
890
10,680
9.
192
2,304
1,300
15,672
1,316
15,792
10.
11.
23
33
""

22
""
..
"3
33
""
"
"3
33
13
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"
In the case of angas 1 and 5, the numbers above given are less in the case of all the others, greater than the actual state of the case. In a majority of cases the difference is simply ridiculous. The statement in reference to anga 5 (84,000)195 is not in harmony with the increase in 1-4 i.e. twice the number of the previous. We should expect that anga 5 should have preserved the same ratio, as is the case in N. This statement is in direct contradiction to those statements which are found in the MSS. of anga 5; according to which its extent is not 84,000 (and not 288,000 as is stated in N) but 184,000 padas (Bhag. 1,377), which corresponds well enough to its actual extent: 15,750 gr. 189,000 padas. The peculiar nature of our statement in reference [289] to 84,000 padas is, finally, rendered more apparent by the fact that it is found in § 84 of the first part of our anga, on the strength of which it has again found a place here.198 In that § it is so free from suspicion that I consider it correct for that period and find in this very circumstance a critical criterion or testimony that, at that time, the fifth anga had not yet reached its present extent.

[1,152,000]
[2,304,000]
[4,608,000] [9,216,000] [18,432,000]
As peculiar as the statements in reference to numbers of padas are those concerning the "3 koti" i.e. 35 millions, in anga 6. That all this is perfect nonsense, is perfectly apparent. See below. Finally there are several differences of a very surprising nature in the other
bambhaceramayassa pamanam vicitta-attha-nibaddhāni ya suttāni,
guruvae
sao esim attho janiyavvo tti. This view of the Curnikyt (translated by Malayagiri into Sanskrit) seems to be all the more right as the Digambaras ascribe also 18,000 padas to the Acara without acknowledging any second Śrutas kandha, see Prof. Peterson's Second Report, p. 134.-L.
194 Another statement 5,500 gr., or 4,155 gr.
195 Or sarva-milanena 1841 (v. 1. 1894) granthas!
196 So also Abhayadeva, who shows that he is evidently embarrassed in his statement: caturasitipadasahasrani padagrene 'ti samavāyāpekṣaya ("in reference to § 84") dviguṇatayā (tāyā ?) iti (?) näśrayaṇāt (?), anyatha tad dvigunatve dve taksde astasitiḥ sahasrani ca bhavamti. In the following anga he states the number of padas to be 576000 i,e. twice that of those in anga 5, according to his computation.

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statements which are not so readily set aside as incorrect or impossible, differences which exist partly in these statements themselves, partly in their relation to the actual facts. First, the difference to the number of ajjhayanas in anga 6, according to A and Abhayad, there are 19 and such is the actual state of the case-but according to BCN197* there are 29. Then as regards anga 8 the 10 ajjh, are wanting in N.198 The number of the vaggas (7), of the udd. (10) and of the samudd. (10) is in N everywhere 8; likewise as regards anga 9 N has the number 3 as in the case of the vaggas, and in that of the udd. and samudd.; in the case of anga 10 N adds 45 ajjh. and in that of anga 11 likewise 2 suyakh. In reference then [290] to the actual facts, we must make the preliminary observation that the division into uddesagas in the case of angas 8-11, and that into samuddesagas in general in all the angas, is not denoted in the MSS.199* The other differences refer chiefly to the fifth angam which has no division into ajjhayaņas; in that anga they are called saya (sata), and their number is not 100 but 41 or, including the sub-sayas, 138; likewise the existing text has only 1925 (not 10,000) uddesagas. A special demarcation of vägaraṇa sections is unknown,200 What can possibly be the meaning of 36,000 vāgaraṇas and only 84,000 padas! (cf. Bhag. 1,376). The differences in reference to angas 8-11 are not less remarkable. As regards the vaggas (8), anga 8 agrees with N. but has, not 10 (cf. anga 3,10), but 93 ajjh ;-anga 9 has likewise not 10 (cf. again anga 3,10), but 33 ajjh; anga 10 has ten däras cf. the ten ajjh. in anga 3,10 whereas we have here no information about dāras or ajjh., and N, on the other hand, speaks of 45 ajjh.-anga 11 has in agreement with N the 2 suyakh, which are not mentioned in the source of information before us. In the case of anga 12 there is no possibility of comparing the statements in question with the text, since there is no longer any such extant.-See below.201
23
197* According, to Leumann N Ed. has 19 and not 29-Here again, as with anga 1, only the first Srutaskandha is intended by the assertion of there being 19 ajjhayanas and not 29. In the same way only Part I. of anga 11 has been known to the author of anga 3, 10 as has been shown above on page. 270.-L.
198 According to Leumann this is not so in N Ed.
199 This statement requires some modification: see the closing words of angas 8-10 in Weber's Cat. II., 502 (8). 507(9) 520(10: dasasu ceva divasesu uddisijjanti......); anga 11 has in the place a reference to anga 1 (see ibid. 534) which, however, has the same bearing.-L.
200 This demarcation, or the number 35,000 representing it, is also found in the table of contents of anga 5 preceding the statements in reference to the extent.
201 I will note here merely the fact that in the section in reference to the twelfth anga, Bhaddabahu is mentioned by name, whom tradition proclaims to be the last teacher of this angam or of the fourteen purvas; see above. p. 214. It is furthermore stated that therein was contained a section in reference to Bhaddabähu and to his history.

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The question now arises how are these differences to find a fitting solution? It is self-evident, that, so far as the extraordinary character [291] both of our information in regard to the number of padas, and of the akkhaias in anga 6 is concerned, they are a fabrication of the author; nor is it improbable that a similar explanation may hold good in the case of the special differences of detail. The carefulness of statement which we notice here, renders it, on the other hand, possible that the author has based his statements on those of his authorities, and that we have to deal with genuine discrepancies between two different texts. Abhayadeva declares here that he is unable to explain the contradiction202 in the case of angas 8 and 9 and in the case of anga 10 all that he does is to admit the existence of the conflict.203 But In his commentary on anga 10 he adduces (1) a further case of divergence --an introduction at variance with the general character of the introductions in that it allots to the anga two suyakkhamdhas, and (2) refers especially to the conflict between the purvācāryāḥ and the aidamyugīnāḥ. See below. Of primal importance for angas 8 to 10 (11) is the fact that the statements in anga 3,10 too render it [292] probable that these angas had then a text different from our own. The irreconcilability of title and contents show that in the case of anga 10 something must have occurred to cause the present condition of affairs.
JAIN JOURNAL
As we have seen that there are important differences between the statements made here or in N. and the actual state of things in the eleven angas, so far as extent and division are concerned, we now discover that the same holds good as regards the statements now under examination, concerning the contents. These statements, which in N are much more brief than those in anga 4, are, it must be said, of so general a character and so colourless that their real contents can only be discovered with difficulty. They appear in a form that is purely stereotyped (see the common introduction in angas 2-5,204 and in 6-9 and 11,205) whereas there is no such similarity of contents between
202 On 8: dasa ajjhayana tti prathamavargapekṣayai' va ghatate, Namdya tathai 'va vyakhyātatvāt (see below); yathe (yac ce) 'ha pathyate satta vagga ti tat prathamavargad anyavargāpekaṣaya yato' tra sarve 'py asta varga Namdvam api tatha pathitaḥ...sarvani (adhyayanani) cai'kavargagatani yugapad uddisyamte, ato (tra) bhanitam; attha udd'la ity adi, iha ca daso 'ddesanakala adhiyamta iti na syā 'bhiprayam adhigacchamah;-and on 9: iha 'dhyayanasamuho vargo dasa 'dhyayanani, vargas ca yugapad evo 'padisyate, ity atas traya evo 'ddes anakala bhavamty evam eva ca Namday adhiyate, iha tu disyate: dase 'ty, atra 'bhiprayo na jñāyate.
203 Yady api 'ha adhyayanānām daśat vad dasai 'vo 'ddeśanakala bhavamti, tatha'pi vacanāntarāpekṣaya (cf. N) pamcacatvärinsad iti sambhavyamte iti panayalisam ity adi aviruddham (!).
204 Samaya, loya, jiva.
205 Nayaraim etc. N limits herein its treatment of the subject entirely to this common introduction and gives nothing else in addition.

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each of the single members of these two groups; and the statements in question are not in exact accordance with the contents of any single one. This latter remark holds good in the case of the special statements in reference to the contents of anga 10, to which we do not find any such stereotyped introduction. These special statements suit the name of the anga, but not its present contents. It is of great significance that the statements in anga 3, 10 (see above, p. 272) are essentially in accordance with these now under discussion. This agreement [293] makes it extremely probable that the contents of the tenth angam, as it then existed, was in harmony with these statements,
25
To the detailed consideration of the 12 angas there is appended here, as in the Nandi, a passage on the entire duvalasaṁgam ganipiḍagam. This deals partly with the attacks, which it was subjected to in the past, ,208 which it now experiences in the present and will experience in the future, partly with the devoted acquiescence which is its lot to meet with in these three periods and concludes with the declaration of its certain existence for ever: na kayai na asi, na kayai na'tthi, na kayai na bhavissati.
The concluding portion of the fourth anga consists of frequent reference to the legendary hagiology and history of the Jains, genealogical enumerations (and others of different content) of parents, wives, etc. of the Kulakaras, 24 Titthakaras, 12 Cakkavaṭṭis 9 Baladevas, 9 Dasaras, 9 Vasudevas, partly in metrical form (sloka and arya). Towards the end there is a transition to prophecy (construction in the future). Our information here varies in part very materially from that contained in Hem. 26 fg. 691 fg. and is not preserved in the MSS. with any great consistency. Hence it appears that our knowledge is not complete, but is derived from accounts of a partial nature which is in need of additional supplementary testimony. Some of the MSS. afford at one time generous information and at another limited data.
The survey of contents of anga 4, contained in the detailed account of the angas, runs as follows: se kim tam samaväe ? samaväe nam sasamaya suijjamti [294] parasamayā s. jāva logāloge suijjamti207; samavāeṇam egādiyāṇam egatthāṇam eguttariyaparivaḍdhiya208
(duvālasam
206 According to Abh., attacks at the hands of Jamali, Gosthāmāhila, etc., i.e. the representatives of the seven schisms.
207 N. has instead of suijjamti everywhere samāsijjamti and, as in the case of 3, the order jiva., loe..., sasamae.
208 parivuddhiya A.

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gassa ya ganipidagassa pallavagge samaņugāijjai)*09 țhänagasayassa810 barasavi havittharassa211 suyanānassa jagajivahi yassa212 bhagavato samāseņań samāyāre213 Xhijjai ; tattha ya nāņāvihappagārā jīvājiva ya vanniya214 vittharenań, avare vi ya bahuvihi visesā naraya-tiri ya215 maņuyasuragaņana āhār'-ussāśa-lesa-avāsa-saṁkhā-āyaya-ppamäņa-uvavāya-cayaņa ogahän'- ohi 2 16 veyaņāvihāņa-uvaoga217 joga-imdi ya-kasāya218* vivihā ya jīvajoni vikkharbh'-ussehapari-rayappamāņam vidhivisesä219 ya, Mamdarādiņaṁ mahidharäņam, kulagaro-titthagara-ganaharāņam samatta Bharahāhivānam230 cakkina ceva cakkahara-halaharana ya, visūņa221 ya niggamaa2a sam ie, ete anne ya evam-õi ettha223 vittharenaṁ atthā samāsejjaṁti,224
The commentary is by Abhayadevā.
V. The fifth angam, viyâha or vivāha (or "pannatti295) with the epithet bhagavati, and lastly also [295] merely bhagavati (Hem v. 243) ; in 41 sayas, sata2a6, of which some are divided into sub-divisions of the same name2a7, and both into uddesagas. The number of the latter cannot be discovered from the MSS. themselves, because the latter books (33-41) contain for the most part nothing but stereotyped descriptions, in reproducing which the greatest freedom has been taken
nclosed the As the waisaingas sent tariya
209 pallava avayavās, tatparimänam samanugīyat e pratipadyate. 210 N is much better : samavāe nam egāi-egūttariya thānasaya-vivaddhi yāņam bhāvānam
puruvanā, aghavijjati : duvalasamgassa gao gassa pallavagge samāsijjai, N omits all the following. As the words duvā gāijjai interrupt in anga 4 the connection,
I have enclosed them in brackets. 211 barassa A. 212 jiviyassa hi A. 213 °yári A. 214 viniya A; varạitāḥ. 215 naragatariya A. 216 uggāhinoyahi A; avagāhanā, avadhi. 217 uvaüga A. B. C. 218*kasāyā A. B. C. ; prat hamā...lopak. -So upanga 1,163 presents Arana-Accuya.
tinni ya (see p. 88, note 6 of my ed. of the text).-L. 219 viddhasesa A, 220 samasta Bharatadhipānāṁ. 221 varşāņāí Bharatādikşetrāņām. 222 °gama ya BC. 223 adi 'tha A. 224 So A, samahijjami BC samāśri yante athavā, samas yamte. 225 Accord. to Abhayadeva and Malayagiri (Schol. on up. 4) vyākhyāprajñapti (cf.
Hem. Schol. p. 319): or vivāha or vivadha (cf. Wilson Sel. W. 1,281). S. Bhagav. 1. 371-72 See ibid. p. 368n, and below on upangas 5 foll., in reference to the name
prajñapti and the conclusions to be derived therefrom. 226 The reason for the name is as yet involved in obscurity. 227 avañt arasaya in Vidhipr apa.

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Some uddesagas are indicated merely by catch-words. According to the usual general survey of extent and division of the work at the end of the MSS. there are in all 138 sayas, including all the sub-sayas, 1925 uddesagas, 184,000 padas; and these statements, especially those in reference to the number of words, are in exact agreement with the actual state of affairs, (see Bhag. 1,376), and agree so far as the number of the uddesagas is concerned, with the specific statements on this head in the Vidhiprapā (V), excepting in the case of an insignificant variation (there are only 1,923 udd. see p. 296n). In reference to the great difference especially as regards the extent 184,000 padas as opposed to the statements of anga 4 and of the Nandi the reader is referred to p. 288. Besides, in its general survey of the extent of the angas, the fourth anga has in § 84, where there is no occasion for suspecting its truth, the same statement that the vivahapannatti bhagavati had 84,000 padas. This statement was transferred from there to the later general survey (see page 289), although it does not belong there. I do not scruple, therefore, for this very reason to regard it as [296] correct. It would then have to be relegated to a period in which the fifth angam had not yet attained the half of its present extent. Cf. on this point the statements in anga 3,10 in reference to the vivahaculiyā as ajjh. 5 of the last of the ten dasă texts there cited. See above, p. 274. The vivāhacu. is also mentioned in a previous passage in the Nandi among the anangapaviṭṭha texts (bhagavaticulikā, Schol.). On the other hand, it is noteworthy that anga 4 in § 81, that is to say just before the mention of the 84,000 padas of the bhagavati, refers expressly to its 81 mahājummas (see above page 283); and consequently there is herein a direct reference to its latter books. But these very latter books give one at first glance the impression of containing secondary additions.
27
That anga 5 grew only gradually to its present extent of 15,750 gramthagra or 184,000 padas, is proved by a glance at the different proportions of the single books-[1-8, 12-14, 18-20 with 10 udd. each, 9,10 with 34 udd. each, 11 with 12 udd.; 15 without udd. ;228 16 with 14, 17 with 17 udd., but 21 with 80,229 22 with 60,230 23 with 50,231 24 with 24, 26-30 with only 11 each, 25 with 12, but 31, 32 with 28 each, 33, 34232 with 124 each, 35-39 with [297] 132, 40 with 231, 41 with 196 udd.] Their contents too prove the gradual extension of anga 5.
228 Gosalasayam egasaram V.
229 With 8 vagga each with 10 udd. V
230 With 6 vagga each with 10 udd.
231 With 5 vagga each with 10 udd. V.
232 33 and 39 with 12 avamtarasayas (of which 8 with 11 each, 4 with 9 udd. each)

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The first 20 books, which are the substructure of all, are clothed in a legendary form, and contain in irregular order, and without any recognizable connecting thread, the most varied legends in reference to the activity and teachings of Mahavira; his conversations 233 with his first scholar Imdabhūti (Goyama) at the time of king Senia of Rajagiha being made of special importance. In sayas 21 ff. there are no such legends, and each sayam has not only a harmonious contents, but many of the sayas are connected together as groups, 21-23 treat of plants, 24-30 of the different conditions of living creatures (jiva), 24 of their origin, 25 of their lesyadayo bhāvāḥ, 26234 of their karmabandha, 27 of their karmakarana [298] kriyā, 28 of their papakarmadidaṇḍakanavaka, 29 of their karmaprasthapanadi, 30 of the 4 samavasarana (see above, p. 264); 31-41, finally, in a most peculiar fashion of their state during the four jummas (yugma-yuga): kada, teoga, davara, kaliyoga. The make-up of these latter books, is, as I have already said, purely formal, and is almost similar to a mere table of statistics.
JAIN JOURNAL
Since this is the case it appears to me a matter of tolerable certainty that sayas 21 fg. were added at a later period to sayas 1-20. It is perfectly clear that we have here to deal with a chance co-ordination of elements. On the other hand, this fact serves to lend a kind of authenticity to the single constituent parts and especially to those of a legendary colouring. After the most naive fashion the discordant parts have been brought into conjunction without any attempt at change. That there was, however, a guiding hand in this conjunction is evident from two reasons: (1) Since an introductory verse in äryä precedes each saya (only up to No. 26 is this true); which verse briefly
35-39 with 12 avamtaras, with 11 udd. each, 40 with 21 av. with 11 u. each; evam mahājummasayāni (i. e. 35-40) 81, evam savvaggenam saya 138, savvaggenam uddesa 1923, V., to which a yantrakam i. e. a tabular enumeration of the uddesas and days belonging to each sayas, is appended.
233 The question 9,34, purise nam bhamte purisam haṇamane kim purisam hanati ?is an interesting parallel to Bhagavadg. 2,19; Kath. Up. 1, 2 18, 19.
234 In V. and even in the MSS. of the Bhag. the foll, names are found for books 26-41 26 bamdhisae, 27 karimsuga (or karisuga) sae, 28 kamma-samajjinanasae, 29 kammapatthavanasae, 30 samo saranasae, 31 uvavayasae, 32 uvvaṭṭanās ae. 33 egimdiyajummasayani. 34 seḍhisayani, 35 egimdiyamahajummasayani, 36 beimdiyamahaj, 37 teimd, 38 caürimd, 39 asannipamcimd°, 40 sannipamcimd., 41 rasijummasae. The fact that "abhihaṇāni" are expressly mentioned for these 16 sayas alone (Jogavih v. 37), gives them at the very start a separate place. See the remarks on book 15 Note also that, from book 26 on, the introductory kärikäs no longer appear (book 26 has, it is true, one such) and that one of the MSS. of the text which I have before me, has before book 26 (but also before book 17) a special greeting, namo suyadevayae bhagavatie, This refers to a new section. Leumann is correct we are to attribute no importance to the absence of the kärikä in the case of books 27 and foll., since the karika that precedes book 26 holds good in the case of the following books, which have the same arrangement as book 26.
If

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marks the contents of each of the udd. of the saya by means of catchwords (titles). This occurs here for the first time, since it is found in no former anga; but from this time on recurs with considerable frequency. The (2) second indication occurs for the first time especially in this anga, and remains henceforth regularly. It consists in the frequent reference to other texts as parts of the Siddhanta, which often completely interrupts and destroys the context. There are also frequent references to those texts, which belong to the upanga group, e.g. Rayapaseṇaijjaṁ [299] Pannavană, Jambuddīvapannatti, see Bhag. 1, 382". It must however remain an open question whether in each single instance we have to deal with the work of a redactor or with the convenience of the scribe see supra, pp. 228-232. We must leave in doubt whether some of these citations are really to be found in the work from which it quotes, at least in its extant form. The passage cited from the Rajapraśniyam by Jacobi, Kalpasūtra, p. 107 is found, according to Leumann, in the Edit. p. 185 fg.
29.
The introduction consists of three parts. The actual beginning consists in the so-called pamcanamaskāra, a benediction which from this point on recurs frequently: 235 namo arihaṁtāņam, namo siddhāṇam, namo ayariyāṇam, namo uvajjhāyāṇam, namo loe savvasahuṇam or here with the addition namo bambhie livie (see supra, p. 220). Next follows the introductory kärikä of the first saya and then, after the insertion of namo sayassa, the customary beginning of legends: tenaṁ kälenam teņam samaeṇam Rāyagihe nāmam nayare hottha, Senie. rāyā, Cillaṇā devi, samane bhagavam Mahavire
Of the legends which are adduced here, those claim a special interest which deal with predecessors or contemporaries of Mahavira, with the opinions of his heterodox opponents, annaütthiyas236 or ājīviyas, and with their conversion. Apart from these are named the men, who have patronymic epithet [300] Păsăvacchijja (Pārśvāpatyiya) attached to their names,237 Herein the name of Parśva, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira can be recognised; so, for example, in 1, 9 Kalasa-Vesiyaputte (cf. Bhagav. 2,183 fg. Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160), is styled a Pasavacchijja, and in 2, 5 there are four of this name: Kaliyaputta, Mehila, Anamdarakkhiya and Kasava, in 5,9 Pajja thera
235 See up. 4, Kalpasutra, p. 83.
235 Abh. explains this by anyayuthika; Haribhadra gives, however, the preferable explanation anyatirthika, cf. prakr. tuha-tirtha, Ind Stud. xvi. p. 46. See Leumann's glossary to Aupapāt. s. v. annaütthiya.
237 See above, p. 266 from anga 2,2,7.

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bhagavanto, in 9, 32 Pajje Gamgee. Päsa himself never appears here288 though the conversion of his adherents to the doctrines of Mahavira is often alluded to,239 The Vesali-savayas too and their adherents appear as his older contemporaries; this is the case in 2,1 Pimgalae Vesali-sävae (s. Bhagav. 1, 440. 2, 184, 197, 249). 12, 2. See above, p. 262, 263 in reference to Vesalia as a designation of Mahavira himself, The following are additional names: Niyamthiputta 5, 8, Samkha-ppamokkhā samaṇovāsaga 12, 1, Pokkhali, ibid., Gaddabhali 2, 1, Dhammaghosa 11, 11, Sumamgala 15, 5, etc.
JAIN JOURNAL
Imdabhūti appears as the "oldest" scholar of Mahavira, Aggibhuti as the "second", Vayubhuti240 as the "third". Some of the usual names of the scholars of Mahavira are not mentioned at all-especially that of Sudharman; and of those that are referred to Moriyaputta appears in an unusual connextion, viz as a predecessor [301] of Mahavira (3, 1),241 while Maṇḍiyaputta is here too designated as his scholar (3,3.) Besides him there are other scholars whose names are not found in the later usual list of Vira's scholars; e. g. Roha 1, 6, Khamdaya, Kaccāyaṇa, 2, 1, Kurudattaputta and Tisaya 3, 1, Narayaputta 5, 8, Samahatthi 10, 4, Anamda and Sunakkhatta 15, Magaṁdiyaputta 18, 3; see Bhagav. 2, 195. We find in 9, 33 the history of his opponet Jamāli and in book 15242 that of his 'shade of a scholar' (siṣyabhāṣa) Gosāla Mamkhaliputta related in great detail. There are here and there a few statements of an historical colouring so e.g. the incidental mention (7, 9) of a victory of Vajji Videhaputta (cf. up. 8) over nine MalaiMallai Mallaki) and nine Lecchai (Lecchaki Licchavi) kings of Kasi-Kosala at the time of king Konia, Kūņia of Campa, or of Mahavira
238 In up. 10,11 he appears in person as a teacher; and even till the present day he has received honours as such. The uvasaggaharastotram, assigned to Bhadrabahu, is dedicated to him, see Jacobi, 1. c. p. 12,13, and my remarks on upang. 2 below. 239 Conversion from the caujjama dhamma to the panca mahavvayaim see Bhagav. 2, 185; Jacobi, ante, Vol. IX. p. 160.
240 These three names in bhuti are probably nakṣatra names; see Ind. Stud. 4, 380, 81,3,130 Nakṣa. 2,320.
241 See Bhag. 1,440 in reference to chronological conclusions to be drawn from this
name.
242 Gosäla's anekadha janma maranam ca; according to the Vidhiprapa this book had another title Gosalayasaye teyanisaggavaranämaye anunnae. This name, which appears in the MSS. of Bhag, at the very close of the book, occurs (see page 224) as that of a text designed for the eighteenth year of study whereas anga is designed for the tenth year. Since this book, not like the others, is egasara, i. e not divided into uddesagas, it may be assumed that it is an independent text. which at a later period found a resting place here. Leumann thinks that he can discover in the Bhag. several other of the texts mentioned, p. 224; e. g. the asivisabhavana in 8.2,1 (cf. anga 3,4,4), the caraṇabhavana in 20,9, the mahāsuminabhavana in 16,6.

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himself; the history (12, 2) of Jayanti (aunt of the Kosambi king Udāyaṇa, son of Sayaniya (Satānika) grandson of Sahassaniya) who was the patron of the Vesalisävayas, and who, after hearing the sermon of Mahavira, became a bhikkhuni.
All these legends, [302] the number of which will be materially increased by a special investigation of the contents give us the impression of containing traditions which have been handed down in good faith. They offer, therefore, in all probability (especially as they frequently agree with the Buddhistic legends) most important evidence for the period of the life of Mahavira himself.
31
Among those statements which may be adduced as witnesses for the first composition of the existing form of the text, an enumeration of foreign peoples asserts the chief place. The names of these peoples recur frequently in some customary form in the remaining texts of the Siddhanta, though accompanied by numerous variations of detail.243 In 9, 33, 12, 2 there are enumerated the foreign female slaves and waiting maids in the house of a rich mahaṇa (brāhmaṇa); consequently the names are all feminine: bahūhim khujjahim Cilätiyahim244 vamaniyahim245 vaḍahiyahim246 Babbariyahim247 Isiganiyahim Vasaganiyahim248 Palhaviyāhim Hläsiyahim Lausiyahim Arabihim Damilähim Simhalihim Pulimdihim Pukkalihim249 Bahalihim Muramdihim (Marumd Abh.) Samvarihim (Sav Abh.) Pārasihim nänādesividesa paripimḍiyahim Of these names Palhaviyā, [303] Arabi, Bahali, Muramḍi, and Pārasi are of special interest, since they deal with a period from the second till the fourth century A. D., the age of the Parthian Arsacids and the Persian Sassanids; cf. on Pahlavas (Parthians), Noldeke's remarks in my History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 338; on Muramḍa, Ind. Stud. XV. 280, on Bahli, Bactria, Monatsberichte der Konial. Akad, der Wiss. 1879, p. 462. The Marundas especially appear together with the Sakas
243 I do not propose here to enter into a detailed discussion of these variations; see anga 6.1,117 (Steinthal, p. 28) up. 1,55 (Leumann, p. 60) etc. Besides this enumeration, there is another which occurs only in those texts which are characterized as younger from the fact that they contain this second enumeration. I refer to that of the Mlecchas, in which some fifty (not sixteen) names are quoted; see anga 10, up. 4.
244 Cilatadesot panna Abh. cf. Kirata.
245 Hrasvasarirabhiḥ Abh.
246 Vaḍabhiyahim maḍahakoṣṭhabhiḥ Abh. (vakradhaḥkoṣṭhabhiḥ Schol. on up. 1).
247 Abh. adds Vausiyahim.
248 Varuganiyahim Abh. who adds Joniyahim after this name.
249 Pakka Abh.

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and the Sahan Shahi on the inscriptions of Samudragupta as tributary to him, the tribute consisting, among other things, of girls (Lassen, 2, 952). The mention of the Arabas250 can be explained by reference (cf. p. 237) to the flourishing state of trade with Arabia at this period. The name of a grain alisaṁdaga, in 21, 21, points to commercial intercourse at this date, since it may be explained, as I think, as signifying "coming from Alexandria" or "proceeding from A."251 It is not explained by the commentary. Alexandria, or the Persian ports Apologos and Omana, carried on a brisk trade with India in Tapevo evetdels as we learn from the Periplus (cf. Lassen, 2, 557, 957, 1159). Another point confirmative of this fact (see introduction to my translation of the Malav. p. 47) is that Yavani girls appear in Kalidasa in the immediate surrounding of the king. Here then we have direct evidence on the part of the Indian tradition. The great frequency of the appearance of foreign female slaves as waiting-maids and as nurses, which is regarded as customary [304] in the Jain texts, is very surprising, and may be regarded as a proof of national pride, called into existence by a few victories over some foreign people, which can be ascertained only with difficulty. This national pride permitted these foreigners to appear in these menial capacities alone. In the inscriptions of Samudragupta we find immediate confirmation of this conjecture, as has been remarked above. The origin of these customary lists takes us as back to the period of the Guptas.
JAIN JOURNAL
Besides the above-mentioned list of foreign peoples there is in 15, 17 an enumeration of native races. It contains 16 names :-Anga, Vanga, Magaha, Malaya. Malavaya, Accha, Vaccha, Koccha (ttha ?), Padha, Ladha, Vajji, Mali, Kosi, Kosala, Avaha, Subhattara. This list has the stamp of considerable antiquity, especially if we com. pare it with the similar one, up. 4.
The mention of the planets, the absence of any allusion to the zodiac. (Bhag. 1, 44; 2, 228) and the statements in reference to the Brahmanical literature existing at the period252 (ibid. 2, 246, 7) are in harmony with the date which we have assumed above. See above pages 236, 238.
[ to be continued]
250 In Brahman texts they occur only in the list of peoples in Varahamihira 14,17. 251 I would mention incidentally that in 22. 11 pilu is mentioned among the names of trees and in 23, 1 simgavera cinnamon among the spices.
252 riuveda-jaju veda-samaveda-at havvanaveda-itihasa pamcamāṇam nighamtucchattha. nam calinham vedanam samgovanganam sarahassanam sarae varae dharae pärae, sadamgavi, satthitamtavisarae, samkhane, sikkha-kappe vayarane chamle nirutte jotisam-ayane, annesu ya vahusu vambhannaesu parivvayaesu nayesu supari-nitthie.

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History of Kharatargaccha
Ram Vallabh Somani
The title "Kharatar" was bestowed upon Jineśvar Süri by Calukya king Durlabhrāj of Anhilvåd Pāțan (Gujarat) as a result of victory over Caityavasis in a religious discussion held in his court. Jineśvar Sūri was the pupil of Vardhaman Sūri, a competent scholar, who consecrated the Vimal-Vasati temple of Ābu in VE 1088 (1031 A. D.). Jineśvar Sūri, composed several works including Katha-Kośa-Prakarana. His younger brother Buddhisā gar and his pupil Dhaneśvar Süri remained much popular. They had also composed some good works. Abhaydeva and Dronācārya were the important Jain monks who had contributed several works. Jineśvar Süri's followers later formed a separate gaccha which is named as Kharatar-gaccha It was a hard work to popularize this gaccha. Jinballabh Sūri started Vidbi-Caitya movement making Cittor as his base. This movement had improved the liturgical system in Jain temples. They got good response and a large number of people from Mewăr, Vågad, Sapādlakşa, and northern Rājasthan became his lay followers. He also got two inscriptions engraved at Cittor and one at Nagaur. The detailed note of one of the Cittor inscriptions has been done on the basis of a MS now preserved in L.D. Institute, Ahmedābād. The other fragmentary inscription which is partly damaged and now fixed on the Gambhiri river Bridge of Cittor has been edited by the author. Jinvallabh Süri died at Cittor and was succeeded by Jindatt Süri. But soon after the political condition changed and Cittor was captured by the Solankies of Gujarāț, who were not happy with the Jain monks of Kharatar-gaccha. Jindatt Sūri, therefore, remained more active in Ajmer area. He did not visit Gujarăț. On the basis of various literary sources he had his influence in Bikampur town, then under Jaisalmer State. He composed Carcari in Vågad-area (in a Dharmanāth Jain temple of Vāygrapur) and sent
1 The Kharat argaccha Byhad Gurvāvali (S. J. G. M.), pp. 4-6; Jin vijay, Kathā-Koša
Prakarana (S. J. G. M.), Intro., pp. 41-45. 2 The first inscription has been edited but it is not published so far. I have used
the text from Sri Nāhatā. The other inscription has been edited by the author which has been published in the Sodh Patrika (Udaipur) as "Cittor Durg-se Präpt Ek Mahat vapurna-Silalekh, pp. 44-45.
ducation International

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its copies to Śreşthis Mehar, Visal and others at Bikampur. This place was then a strong-hold of Caityavasis. It is said that Carcarī had a vast influence on the Jains. Śresthi Samhiya's son Devadhar, who was an ardent follower of Caitya vasis changed his mind on reading its text and became a lay follower of Kharatar-gaccha. He invited Jindatt Suri to Bikampur where an icon of Mahavira was consecrated. Jindatt later made Ajmer his base of activities, which was the capital of Cauhan rulers. He died there on Aşaḍh sudi 11, VE 1211. His contribution in the painting is unique. Several book-covers having the figures of Jindatt Suri and others were prepared. These paintings have attractive colour scheme and good decorative motifs. Jincandra Sūri succeeded him. He was very tenacious in the studies and soon became popular for his sharp memory. He was appointed as an Acarya on Baisakh sudi 6, VE 1205 by Jindatt Süri in a Mahavira temple at Bikampur. The festivities at a large scale were arranged by his father Rasal. After Jindatt Sūri, he was appointed as a Gaccha-Nayak.
JAIN JOURNAL
Jincandra Suri visited Tribhuvangiri (Sawai-Madhopur) in VE 1214, from where he went to Mathura. Previously Jindatt Süri also visited the place and got king Kumārapal as his follower. We have a good plate in Jaisalmer Bhaṇḍār, showing Kumarapal of Tribhuvangiri and Jindatt Suri. He also visited Maroth (now in Pakistan), which was ruled by Sinhabal Johiya. A Jain temple of Candraprabha was constructed by Śresthi Gollak of Dharkat-caste. Its consecration was done by Jincandra Suri in VE 1217.4 The festivities were arranged by Śreşthi Kṣemendhar, whose descendants later moved to Jaisalmer. Jincandra Sūri also visited Ucca (now in Pakistan) It is said that while going to Delhi, a band of Mlecchas was seen by Jain Sangha. But due to active action of Jincandra Suri they were saved. He breathed his last at Delhi in VE 1223.
Jinpati Suri succeeded Jincandra. In VE 1225 and 1227 he arranged dikṣa-mahotsava at Bikampur. He also visited Ucca (Sind), where a large congregation of lay followers attended him. At Māroth (Sind) and Sagarpet similar festivities were arranged. At Bikampur he consecrated a stupa of Gunacandra Bhandari and a Pārsvanath Vidhicaitya was consecrated at Phalodi in VE 1234. From VE 1235
3 Several book covers have been got prepared by him having the figures of Jindatt and others.
4 The colophon of MS Hem-Anekant, Kosa, VE 1286, mentions that Śresthi Śreşthi Kṣemandhar also spent heavy amount in
Gollak constructed the temple. arranging the garlands, etc.

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to 1239, he remained active in Sapadlakṣa territory. He renovated the Dādāvāḍi of Ajmer in VE 1235. In VE 1239, in presence of Pṛthviraj Cauhan he held religious discussion with Padmaprabha and defeated him. Jinpati Sūri was, therefore, highly hououred by Prthviraj Cauhan. In VE 1244 a large Sangha-yatra was organised to Gujarat. The Jain Sangha when visited Asãpali (modern Ahmedabad) was instructed by Daṇḍanayaka Abhayad to make heavy cash payments to him. But Jagadeva, the prime minister of the state gave stern warning not to harass the people of Sapadlakṣa, as he had concluded a treaty with Prthviraj Cauhan with great troubles. After 1249 VE, when Prthviraj was defeated, a large number of Jain families moved from Sapadlakṣa in order to save themselves from humiliation, at the hands of invaders. The Jain icons too were taken from the temples and kept under the sand-dunes, in order to save them. The family of Kṣemandhar, moved to Jaisalmer. In VE 1260 his son Jagaddhar installed the icon of Pārsvanath there. Purṇabhadra, a notable Jain scholar was a pupil of Jinpati Sūri. He composed several good works named AtimuktakaCarita (VE 1282), Dhanya-Sali-Carita (VE 1285) Dasa-Sravaka-Carita, Dasa-Upasana-Kathā (VE 1375), Caturvim sati-Jin-Stavan, SalibhadraCarita (VE 1285) and Daśa-Sravaka-Carita-Gatha (VE 1309). All these works are now available in the Jaisalmer Bhandar. In VE 1273, Jinpati Süri also held religious discussions with Pandit Manodānand in the court of Prthvicandra of Nagarkot and defeated him. The activities of Kharatar-gaccha were also influenced by the occupation of the Muslims. However, they had vast areas in the western Rajasthan, Gujarat, Malwa, Mewar and other parts. Jalore the capital of the local Cauhan rulers remained a stronghold of Kharatar-gaccha. In VE 1277, Jinpati Sūri died at Jalore and Jineśvar Suri succeeded.
35
Jineśvar Sūri remained mostly busy in the western Rajasthan specially at Jalore, Bhiladi, Prahladanpur, Bijapur, Baḍmer, Cittor and Jaisalmer. Śresthi Jagaddhar (son of Kṣemandhar) had 3 sons named Yasodhaval, Bhuvanpal, and Tribhuvanpal. Yasodhaval remained at Jaisalmer and constructed a Parsvanath temple there in VE 1321. It was consecrated by Jineśvar Sūri. Bhuvanpal moved to Prahladanpur. He was present in the Sangha which started from there to Satruñjaya in VE 1326.8
5 The Kharatargaccha Bṛhad Gurvavali, p. 43; Prthviraj Cauhan and His Times by the author, pp. 55-56; Dashrath Sharma, Early Cauhan Dynasties, p. 106-7.
6 History of Jaisalmer by the author, pp. 136-138; Pithviraj Cauhan and His Times, pp. 160-161; Jain Inscriptions of Rajasthan, p. 212.
7 Ibid., p. 160; Punyavijay, Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS, Jaisalmer collection (1972), pp. 70, 113-114, 285.
8 Ibid., pp. 136-138.

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Several diksas were made at Jālore, Prahladanpur and other places and many temples were built. Jineśvar Süri died at Jalore in VE 1331. His period remained very peaceful and active.
Jinesvar Sûri was succeeded by Jinprabodh Süri on Phälgun vadi 8, VE 1331. He also continued to travel in western Rājasthān, Cittor and in Gujarat. In VB 1333, he went with a Sangha to Satruñjaya. He installed some icons in Bhiladi in VE 1339 also. The famous icon of Jindatt Sūri installed by him is now seen in the Jain temple of Pāțan (Gujarāt). From Bhiladi, he came to Cittor in VE 1334 where honourable reception was given. Mahārāwal Samarsinha himself came in the procession. Jinprabodh Süri remained there for a few months. Several Jain icons were installed and recruited many Jain monks. The MSS copied at that time in Cittor are now lying in several Bhandars of Gujarāț and other places. Two MSS Candradātābhidān and Nighantu Seșa were got copied by Śresthi Dhāndhal.
From Cittor, he went to Prahladanpur in VE 1336, where he remained for about a year. His visit to Bijapur in the year VE 1337 remained very useful. He spent more than two years there and performed several religious works. He went to Jalore and recruited several new Jain monks. In VB 1340, when he visited Jaisalmer, Maharāwal Karna with other citizens and chiefs received him. On Akşaya Tștiyà a pratistha-mahotsaya was arranged by Nemikumār and Gañadeva. The Jain Sanghas from Uccā, Bikampur, Jālore and other places also came to attend the celebrations. Jinprabodh Süri spent rainy season at Bikampur, where came Jain Sanghas of various places. 10 From there he came to Jālore in VE 1341 and expired there. Jincandra Sūri succeeded him in Baišākh sudi 12, VE 1342. He remaind there for a few years and consecrated several icons The pratisthā mahotsava was arranged at large scale, which was also attended by Mahārājā Sāmantsinha. 11 In VE 1346, Jincandra Sūri went to Sivānā where Cauhan Someśvar received him. He did consecration ceremony of the icon of Säntināth. From there, he went to Prahladanpur, Bhiladi and other places and did several religious works. On the request of Sinha from Jalore and Mohan of Mandor he organised a Sangha to Ābu in
9 The Kharatargaccha Bihad Gurvāvali (SJGM), p. 56. It was attended by Mahā.
rāwal Samarsinha and his chief minister Arisinha. 10 History of Jaisalmer, p. 161; The Kharatargaccha Bịhad Gurvāvali (SJGM),
p. 58. 11 The Kharatargaccha BỊhad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 60.

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VE 1353, which was attended by several residents from Jalore, Sivānā, Jaisalmer, Nagaur, Roon, Bhinmal, Sancor, Prahladanpur, Bhiladi and other places. A sum of 12,000 Drammas were spent on various religious occasions.1 A dikṣa-ceremony was held at Jalore in VE 1354, wherein Vircand, Udaicand, Amrtcand and Jaisundar were recruited as monks. It was arranged by Salakhan's son Siha. At a village Siriyānā Śreṣṭhi Jodha did pratiṣṭha mahotsava of the icon of Mahavir.
37
On the repeated requests of Maharawal Jaitrasinha, Jincandra Sūri visited Jaisalmer in VE 1356 (1308 A.D.). The praveśotsava was arranged by Nemikumar and some other Jains. The Mahārawal also attended it.13 Jincandra Sūri remained at Jaisalmer for more than three years. In VE 1358, Śravaka Kesava and his son Toli got the consecration ceremony done of several icons. It seems that the family of Kesava left Jaisalmer and went to Khambhat where he constructed a Jain temple in VE 1366. The Kharatargaccha Paṭṭavali and the Khambhat inscription of VE 1366 contain the details of the functions held at that time. The Jain Sanghas from Patan, Bhiladi, Badmer, Sivāna and other places also came to attend the celebrations. Kesava's other son Jaissal spent a large sum of money on this occasion. His elder brother Lakhu also came there. They organised Sangha-yātrās to Satruñjaya, Girnar and other places. Jaissal held praveśotsava of the Sangha at Khambhat. Jincandra Suri spent rainy season there.14
From Khambhat Jincandra Suri came to Bhilaḍi via Bijapur. A Sangha-yātrā to Satruñjaya, Girnar, Rewantak and other holy places was organised, which was attended by Śrävakas of Patan, Prahladanpur, Jälore, Jaisalmer, Ranukot, Nagaur, Sancor, Bhinmal, Ratnapur and other places. On completion of the Sangha-yatra they returned to Bhiladi.15 In 1369 Jincandra Süri came to Patan and converted several Jain Śravakas to his faith. The dikṣās were also organised there. In VE 1271, he came to Jalore, where the dikṣa was organised. Mantri Devisinha Bhojraj and others spent money benevolently. But Jalore was suddenly invaded by Alauddin Khilji in VE 1371. His army caused tremendous loss. Therefore Jincandra Suri together with Jain Śravakas
12 Ibid., p. 61.
13 History of Jaisalmer by the author, p. 161; The Kharatargaccha Bṛhad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 61.
14 Jinvijay, Jain Lekh Sangraha, Vol. II No. 447; The Kharatargaccha Bṛhad Gurvavali (SJGM), p. 62.
15 The Khar at argaccha Bṛhad Gurvavali (SJGM), pp. 62-63.

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left the place and came to Nāgaur, 16 From there Jincandra went to Uccă in Sind and thereafter he returned to Devarājpur. A good number of Jain Sråvakas from Māroth, Kyāspur and other places of Sind attended him. A cāturmās was organised there in VE 1374. From there he came to Nagaur where the Śråvakas of Delhi, Kanyānayan, Phalodi, Asikā, Jālore and other places attended the celebrations. A diksā-celebration was also held there. From there be came to Phalodi Pārsvanāth where celebrations were arranged at large scale. Mantri Sodhu gave 12,000 (Jethal) while others also spent more money making a sum of 30,000 (Jethal), which were deposited in the Bhaņdār of Parsvanāth temple there, 17 In the year VE 1375 Thãkur Acalraj arranged a Sangha-yātrā to Hastinăpur and Mathură after obtaining a firman from Sultan Qutabuddin. Several residents of Nagaur, Kosăwanā, Jhunjhun, Medtă, Narhad, Kanyānayan, Asikā, Yoginipur (Delhi) and other places also attended. Jincandra Süri spent rainy season at Khanda Sarãy of Delhi and thereafter came to Medtā. He died at Kosā wanā near Medta in VB 1376.18
In VE 1377 Jinkusal Süri was appointed as an Äcārya. He remained at Bhiladi and performed a Sangha-yatrā at Satrunjaya. Thereafter, he came to Pāțan and spent rainy season there. Again in VE 1380, 'he performed a Sangha-yātrā to Satruñjaya. It was arranged by Rayapati of Delhi. Thakkar Pheru also accompanied. It was a big Sangha-yātrā, which was attended by several residents from Delhi and other places of Vāgad, Derāwar, Kyăspur Jalore and Koraņțaka. Proper arrangements of escort was also made. At Satruñjaya Sanghapati Rāyapati performed liturgical activities with great pomp and show. He presented the gold Tankās to the dieties. After Sangha-yatrā, he returned to Delhi, 19
In VE 1381, several icons were consecrated at Păţan. Few icons for the temples of Satruñjaya, Uccă (Uccapuri) Devarājpur, Devakul pățak Delwāră (Mewar) and other places were also consecrated there. From Bhiladi, a Sangha-yātrā was arranged. At Khambhāt after collecting necessary materials the Sangha went to Satruñjaya and spent several Dwillaka-Drammas20 there. The Sangha returned to Bhiladi. Proceeding
16 Dashrath Sharma, Early Cauhān Dynasties, pp. 192. Firistah does not give any
date. It was an invasion of Alauddin Khilji against Jalore in VE 1371. 17 The Kharatargaccha Pyhail Garrivali, p. 64. 18 Ibid., pp. 67-68. 19 Ibid., pp. 70-71. 20 It seems that Dwillaku-Drammas were issued by some local rulers. Ibid., p. 79.

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from there the Acarya came to Satyapur and after remaining there for one month he came to Baḍmer.
39
The Acarya went to Jalore in VE 1383, where several citizens from Badamer, Jaisalmer and other places attended. From there he came to Jaisalmer where the ruler and other citizens received him there. We know Jaisalmer was captured by Alauddin Khilji in VE 1371. It was recaptured by the Bhatis. It seems that the Acarya remained in Sind and visited Devarajpur, Kiyaspur, Bahirampur Malikpur and many other places. He died at Devarajpur in VE 1389 Phagan badi 5 and Jinpadma Suri succeeded in VE 1390 Jeth sudi 5. The celebrations were arranged by Rihad Purnacandra's son Haripal. Three statues of Jinkuśal Sūri were carved which were installed at Devarajpur, Kyaspur and Jaisalmer.22 From Derawar Jinpadma Suri came to Jaisalmer and passed one rainy season there. He also visited the shrine of Parśvanath there. From there he went to Baḍmer. We have got no further details of his activities. He died at Nagaur on Asoj sudi 12 VE 1404.22-a On his death Jinlabdhi Süri succeeded, who died at Nagaur in VE 1406. On his death, Jincandra succeeded. The Acarya-ship was given to him by Tarunprabhācārya at Jaisalmer. The festivities were done by Rakhecă Saha Hathi of Nagaur. On his death in VE 1414, Jinodaya Süri was appointed in his place. He remained active in Jaisalmer and Derawar areas. The Jaisalmer inscriptions of VE 1473 mention his manifold activities in Derawar. The Ranka family was his ardent follower. Ränkä Ambā Jinda and Mülaraj arranged a Sangha-yäträ to Devarajpur under the guidance of above Suriji. A large pratiṣṭha was arranged in Sind in VE 1427. The Ranka and other families undertook a Sangha-yātrā there in thousand carts with a large number of lay-followers. Jinoday Suri died in VE 1432."
Jinraj Suri succeeded Jinoday Suri. He also remained active in Jaisalmer and Mewar areas. Under his instructions, Ränkā Ambā, undertook Sangha-yatra to Satruñjaya in VE 1436. Again in VE 1449, Sangha-yātrā was arranged by the above family. It seems that the Acarya spent much of his time in Mewar and other areas. The Viñaptilekh mentions that he was present in Mewar during the reign of Maharaṇā
21 Ibid, p. 81.
22 Ibid., p. 86.
22-a Agarcand Bhanwarlal Nahată, Kharatargacch-ke Acaryon-ki Katipaya Ajñāt Racanãe, p. 30.
23 Pürancand Nahar, Silalekh Sangraha, Vol. III, Nos. 2112 and 2113.

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Kheta and Lakha and died there in VE 1461.24 Jinvardhan Süri succeeded him in Mewär. He travelled in eastern India and made several lay-followers at Jonpur (U.P.) and other towns. Several copies of illustrated Kalpa-Sutras were made. The consecration ceremony of the Cintamani-Parsvanath temple at Jaisalmer was done in VE 1473 by him. More than 50 inscriptions on different devakulikäs of the above dates are still available there.25 On a suspicion that the fourth-vrata (celibacy) has been violated by him he was removed from the Acaryaship. The charges levelled against him seem to be ficticious. He was quite an old man. However the whole Kharatar-gaccha Sangha was spilt into two parts in VE 1473. The followers of Jinvardhan Suri formed a new gaccha known as Pippalika-gaccha, which had a stronghold in Mewar. The entire Jaisalmer and other Sangha inducted Jinbhadra Suri as new Acarya. Even the Ranka family whose religious activities were performed by Jinvardhan Sūri forsook his following. We do not find any mention of Jinvardhan Süri in the colophon of Kalpa-Sutra-Sandeh-Viṣausadhi Vṛtti dated VE 1497 got prepared by the above family."
26
JAIN JOURNAL
Jinbhadra Suri who was made an Acarya at Jaisalmer in place of Jinvardhan Süri, was a powerfull and able Acarya. He established Jñan Bhaṇḍārs at Jaisalmer, Jalore, Devagiri, Nagaur, Cittor, Jawar and many other places. He also brought several palm-leaf and other MSS from Khambhat and kept these at Jaisalmer. He got several MSS copied at Jaisalmer including the Nava-Tatva-Prakarana dated VE 1499. Thereafter he mostly concentrated his activities in Jaisalmer. The construction of Sambhavanath temple was started under his instructions by the Copra family which was completed in VE 1497. He widely travelled and also got several Jain temples built at Cittor, Mandu, Jawar and other places. Several icons and paṭṭas were also installed in the Jain temples of Jaisalmer. A paṭṭa now preserved in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London has many Rajasthani motifs and figures of Ganesa and other Hindu deities. It was consecrated by Jinbhadra Suri, but the place name is not given. The author believes that it was prepared at Jaisalmer.27 It was
24 The Vijnaptilekh was edited by Muni Jinvijay. It mentions the festivities arranged in Kareri-Parsvanath temple in VE 1431. At that time Mewar state was very active and several Jain families lived there.

25 History of Jaisalmer by the author, pp. 163-164.
26 The Kalpa-Sutra-Sandeh-Viṣausadhi Vitti was completed by the Ranka family in VE 1497. It is now in Jaisalmer Bhandar (Punyavijay, The Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakrit MSS in Jaisalmer Bhandar, Ahmedabad 1972), p. 97.
27 The author's paper published in the Sodh Patrika and History of Jaisalmer. pp. 132.

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Jinbhadra Suri's influence that whole Kharatar-gaccha Sangha of Jaisalmer, Gujarat and western Rajasthan became his ardent followers. He died at Kumbhalgarh in VE 1514 and was succeeded by Jincandra Suri. Both Jinvardhan Sūri and Jinbhadra Sūri belonged to Delwārā (Mewar).
41
Kirtiratna Sūri and Jaysagar Upadhyaya were competent Jain Sadhus, who emerged during this period. Kirtiratna was converted to Jain monkhood by Jinvardhan Süri in the year VE 1463. He became a renowned scholar and composed Neminath-Mahākāvya, the Sambhavanath temple inscription of VE 1473 and many other works. When Jinvardhan Süri was removed from the Acaryaship of the Kharatargaccha, Kirtiratna hestitantly agreed to be the new Acarya. He was later given the titles of Vacaka and Acarya by Jinbhadra Suri, The present Tirtha of Nakoḍa was established by Kirtiratna Suri. Five inscriptions of VE 1506 and 1518 of the Sankhwal family also mention the words "Kirti-Ratna-Süri-Pramukh-Parivar Sahi tena", which shows that he was honourably remembered by the members of his family.28 He died at Mahoba, in VE 1525, where his stupa was erected.29
Jaysägar was also a competent writer. He belonged to the Oswal family of Darada-gotra. This family was also a millionaire. The Jain temple at Abū was constructed by his brother Mandalik in VE 1515, during the reign of Mahārāņa Kumbha of Mewar. The Vijñaptitriveṇī (VE 1484) mentions that he started a Sangha from Maroth (Marukot now in Pakistan) to Punjab.30 An illustrated copy of Kalpa Sutra was also prepared by the Darada family.
Jincandra Suri succeeded Jinbhadra Suri. He remained active in the western Rajasthan and Jaisalmer. In VE 1518, he consecrated the paṭṭikās of Satruñjaya, Girnar, Nandisvar and others, 31 These paṭṭikās depict the paṭṭa-painting on stone. These were got done by the families of Sankhwal, Gandhar Copada, Parakh and others. He died at Jaisalmer in VE 1530 where his stupa was erected.
28 Nahar, III, Nos. 2122. 2123, 2382 and others. Details of Sankhwal family have been furnished in the History of Jaisalmer by the author, pp 142-145. 29 Vinaysagar, Nākoḍā Tirth Sri Pārsvanath (Jaipur 1988), pp. 112-124.
30 Muni Jinvijay, Vijñapti Lekh Sangraha. The Sangha started by Jaysagar passed through Devarajpur, Faridpur, Mubarakpur, Maman, Vahan and other places.
31 Nahar, III, Nos. 2116-2119, 2140 and 2141.

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On the death of Jincandra Sūri at Jaisalmer in Ve 1530, Jinsamudra Süri succeeded him. The ceremony was performed with ostentation at Jaisalmer in the year VB 1533 by Sanghapati Srimali Sonapal. Two beautiful Jain temples of Santināth and Rşabhadev (Aştäpad) were completed in VE 1536. These were consecrated by Jinsamudra Süri. The Jain Sanghas from Sindh-Mārwar and other places attended it. The Såntinātb temple has got many beautiful icons of the Mandowar and other parts. It is one of the best temples of the western India, 32 The Rşabhadev temple has got many colossal icons of Cakravarti Bharat, Marudevi and others, 33 Jaisalmer was then a great centre of Kharatar-gaccha. Several Svetāmbar Jain families of Tāted, Rankā, Kukada, Baid, Bănțhia, Sankhwal, Părakh, Copră, Gandhar Copada and others dwelt there. A good number of MSS were copied there.
On the death of Jinsamudra Sūri at Ahmedabad, Jinhansa Sari succeeded in VE 1555. He also visited several places in western Rajasthan and Bikaner. A big pratisthā was done at Bikampur in the year Ve 1566.34 He is also famous for performing miracles in the court of Sikandar Shāh of Delhi. He died at Patan in VE 1582.
Jinmäņikya Süri succeeded Jinhansa Sūri. The nandi mahotsava was arranged by Saha Devarāj. He mostly remained busy in Bikaner. The Cintämaņi Päraśvanāth temple inscriptions from Bikāner dated 1592 mentions that the place was invaded by Kāmaran who did some destruction in the Jain temples. These icons were later consecrated by Jinmāņikya Sūri, 35 On Māhg badi 1, VE 1593, he also consecrated several icons at Bikāner.36 The temples of Aştapad and sāntināth at Jaisalmer were consecrated by him VE 1583. He also arranged the consecration of Satruñjaya Girnar pațţikă in the above temples in the year VE 1585.37 Due to large scale activities of Bais Sampradāya Jinmãņikya Sūri was invited to Bikaner by Bacchăwat Sangrāmsinha. He remained there for a few years and tried to remove the influence of Bāis Sampradaya. While travelling from Bikāner to Jaisalmer in VE 1612, he desired to pay homage to the samadhi
32 Ibid., III, Nos. 2154. 33 Ibid., JII, Nos. 2139, 2406-2409 ; Samaysundar's Ganadhar Vasati Stavan published
in Samaysundar Kyti Kusumāñjali edited by Náhatā. 34 Nāhata, Bikāner Jain Lekh Sangraha, No. 4. 35 Ibid., Nos. 1 and 2. 36 Ibid., Nos. 27, 28, 32 to 45. 37 Ibid.

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of Dadāguru Jinkusal Sūri. During his return journey from Derăwar to Jaisalmer, he died enroute in a village near Derāwar for want of water. He observed fast on that day of Pancami, but no water could be obtained during the day time inspite of best efforts. A stupa was erected on the site, where he died.88 This place is also now in Pakistan. Several illustrated Kalpa Sūtra and Kalkācarya Katha were got prepared by him.39
After the death of Jinmāņikya Sūri the Sangha went to Jaisalmer and a quarrel broke out about the selection of successor. The matter was referred to Mahārā wal Māldeva, who selected Sumatidhir (later known as Jincandra Suri) in concurrence of Guņaprabha Süri of Begad-Kharatar-gaccha. Thus Jincandra was appointed as an Acārya on Bhadwă sudi 9 ve 1612 at Jaisalmer. 40 Next year, he passed the rainy season at Bikäner and instructed the Sadhus and Yatis to maintain austerity. These activities to remove śithilācāra earned him good name. Kuśalalabh, a famous Jain poet, flourished at Jaisalmer during this period. He composed several good works in Rājasthani language. His Dhola-Märu is very famous. He was much venerated by the royal family and non-Jains also. According to the Jain sources, he was Guru to Mahārāwal Harrāj of Jaisalmer. His other works are Pingal-Siromani, Madhavānal Käm Kandala and others.
Akbar invited Jincandra Sūri to his court and venerated him very much like Hirvijay Sûri of Tapāgaccha. Jincandra also obtained firmans prohibiting the slaughter of animals on the certain days. 41 While returning from Lahore, he came via Derăwar, Uccă and other towns of Sindh. He paid homage to the stūpas of Jinkuśal Sūri and Jinmāņikya Sūri. He was requested by Mahārāwal Bhim to pass a rainy season at Jaisalmer, to which he agreed. He remained there in the year Ve 1653 (1596 A.D.). In VE 1662, he remained at Bikaner and consecrated several icons in the Jain temple situated at the Nahāton ki Guwad (Rşabhadev temple). 2 After the death of Akbar, Jahangir became the Emperor of India. He became displeased with Jain monks of Tapā-gaccha and ordered to take them away from Āgra.
38 Vinaysāgar, Kharatargaccha-kä Itihās, p. 191. 39 One MS of it is in the collection of Kr. Sangrāmsinha of Jaipur. It has got some
paintings. 40 Vinaysāgar, op. cit., p. 102. 11 Agarcand and Bhanwarlal Nāhatā, Yuga-Pradhan Jincandra Suri, Appendix. 42 Agarcand and Bhanwarlal Nāhatā, Bikaner Jain Lekh Sangrahu, pp. 185-197,
Inscriptions Nos. 1399-1413.

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lincandra boldly faced the Emperor and convinced him not to do so. The Emperor withdrew his order.
JAIN JOURNAL
Jincandra Suri had a long entourage of scholars. Some of them are Maldeva, Mahimasamudra, Pārsvacandra Suri, Vinaysamudra, Sadhukirti, Labdhikallol, Samaysundar, Kaṇaksom Hirkalas, Kusalalabh and many others. Samaysundar was a prominent writer of the time of Akbar and Jahangir. He was born at Sancor. He became Jain monk and soon got a good fame in Sanskrit, Prakrit and other languages. He was bestowed the titles of (i) Gani in VE 1640 at Jaisalmer by Jincandra Sūri, (ii) Vācaka in VE 1649 at Lahore by Jincandra Sūri, (iii) Upadhyaya in VE 1671 by Jinsingha Suri at Lavera and Mahopadhyaya after VE 1680.43 He had widely travelled in Rajasthan, Punjab, Kaśmir, Gujarat, Sauraşṭra and U.P. His disciple Harśanandan Gani was also a notable monk.
Jincandra Sūri had to face a violent opposition of Dharmasagar of Tapa-gaccha, who wrote Kumatikudal and a commentary on Austrik Matro Sutra, wherein he mentioned certain facts against the Kharatargaccha. Jincandra successfully took other Jain monks in his favour and defeated Dharmasagar.
On the death of Jincandra Suri at Bilārā Jinsinha Suri succeeded. He was bestowed the title of Vacaka in a celebration held at Jaisalmer in VE 1640 (1583 A.D.) by Jincandra Sūri. He had already received the honour from Akbar and Jahangir. Mahārājā Raisinha of Bikaner venerated him very much. On his advice Raisinha left Agra and went to Bikaner, when Jahangir came to the throne and went in pursuit of his son Khusro. Therefore, he became angry with Jinsinha Suri. He invited him to the court but he died at Meḍta on Paus sudi 13 VE 1674.44
Jinraj Suri was appointed as successor of Jinsinha Suri at Meḍtă. He came to Jaisalmer when Bhansali Jivarāj arranged praveśotsava. Mahārawal Kalyān sent his eldest son Mäldeva to receive him. The rainy season was passed at Jaisalmer. Thereafter he went to Lodrava, where he consecrated the famous Jain temple built by Bhansali
43 Agarcand Nahatā: Jinraj Suri Kṛti Kusumāñjali (Intro.), p. 7: Author's History of Jaisalmer, p. 169.
44 Author's History of Jaisalmer, p. 169.

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Thiru Saha on Māgh sudi 12 VE 1675.45 Karamsi Säha and Malu Arjun also led a Sangha-yatrā to Satruñjaya under the guidance of Jinrāj Sūri on Baisakh sudi 13 VE 1675 (1676). This Sangha later merged into the Sangha started by Rūpaji Somji of Ahmedabad. A pátrápattikā depicting the scene of Sangha-yatrā was painted by a Jain Sadhu at Jaisalmer. It is now preserved in the Kharatar-gaccha Bhandar of Jaipur.46 Jinrāj Sūri visited Jaisalmer in VE 1677, when Arjun Malu did praveś otsava. He also visited Agrã and was venerated by Shāh Jehan in VE 1686 (1630 A.D.)
An important event took place in VB 1686 (1629 A.D.) when the Jain Sangha of Kharatar-gaccha was again divided. Jinsägar who remained a close follower of Jinrāj Sūri for many years, turned against him. The reason is not clear. But it seems that Samaysundar's pupil Harşanandan, who was very competent scholar, was the main cause of this split. He took the side of Jinsågar and a separate branch of Ācārya-säkhá came into existence."7 Jinrāj Sūri again visited Jaisalmer in VE 1693 and consecrated the icons of Lodravā, He composed the Salibhadra Caupai which was illustrated in the Mughal art style. It is now in a private collection of Calcutta. Jinrāj Sūri also consecrated several icons which are now in the Jain temple of Nahaton-ki-Guwad, Bikāner bearing the dates VE 1686 to 1690. He died at Pāțan on Aşadh sudi 9 VE 1700.48
On the death of Jinrāj Sūri at Păţan, Jinratna Sūri succeeded in VE 1703 (1646 A.D.). He remained at Jaisalmer in VE 1704 to 1707. We do not find any inscription of his time. He arranged some dikşās in Jaisalmer. From there he went to Agrā where he died in Ve 1711. Jinratna Sari succeeded him. He laboured hard to improve the conduct of the Yatis, who were indulging in the sithilācāra. We do not have any inscription of his time from Jaisalmer and Bikāner. He enjoyed a long life and died in 1763. On his death Jinsukh Sūri was appointed as an Ācārya. He visited Jaisalmer and composed a Jaisalmer Caitya Paripāti, 49 having the detailed description of the Jain temples. He died at Riņi on Jeth sudi 11 VE 1780, and was succeeded by Jinbhakti
45 Nāhar, III, Nos. 2544, 2546, 2568, 2570, 2572. 45 Bhanwarlal Nähatá, Jaisalmer-ke Kalāpurņa Mandir, pp. 52-56; The author's
History of Jaisalmer, pp. 169-170. 47 Agarcand Nāhatā Jinrāj Suri (Intro.). 43 Agarcand Bhanwarlal Nāhatā, Bikāner Jain Lekh Sangraha, Nos. 1417, 1424-1430 49 Nähar, III, Introduction.

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Sūri in VE 1780. He remained very active in Jaisalmer and did several diksas. He died in VE 1804, at Mandavi in Kaccha. His foot prints were also installed in Bikaner in VE 1852, which were consecrated by Kşamākalyān Gaņi.
Jinlābh Süri succeeded Jinbhakti Suri in VE 1804. He remained active in Jaisalmer and Bikāner. He came to Jaisalmer in VE 180 and remained there for 5 years. He left for Bikāner in VE 1810. In VE 1811 an upăsară was built at Nāthusar (Bikaner). He again visited Jaisalmer in Ve 1816 and remained there upto 4 years. According to a Vijñaptipatra from Kaccha BhujSo he was requested to visit their country. It was recorded there that the people of Jaisalmer who were famous for their sweet tounge, had enamoured Sri Pujyaji. From Jaisalmer he went to Bikaner, where his silalekhs of Ve 1827, 1828, 1829 and 1831 have been found. He died in VE 1834 and was succeeded by Jincandra Sūri. He arranged to construct a pratiśālā near the stūpa of Jinlabh Sūri at Jaisalmer and consecrated some Jain icons at Bikaner, Curu and other places. He died at Sürat in 1856 VE and was succeeded by Jipharşa Suri. In VE 1860 Jinharşa consecrated 150 icons at Devikot (Jaisalmer). He led a Sangha organised by Rājārām Luniyā and Saha Tilok Cand. He widely travelled in Bengal, South Gujarăț, Mewar, Jaisalmer and Bikāner areas and consecrated several icons in Bikāner and other towns. He died at Mandor in VE 1892. He was succeeded by Jinsaubhāgya Sūri. He remained active in Bikāner and other areas and several pratisthås were done in VE 1904, 1905 and 1916. On his death Jinhansa Süri succeeded. He consecrated several icons at Bikāner and other areas in VE 1931. After him Jincandra Sūri, Jinkirti Sūri, Jincaritra Sūri, Jinvijayendra Sūri and others succeeded. They remained active in Bikaner and other northern areas.
After Jinharşa Süri, some Śrāvakas and Yatis appointed Jinmahendra Sūri an as Acảrya. The ruler of Bikāner also confirmed this. The famous Sangha of Patwās was led by Jinmahendra Süri in VE 1891.51 He remained active in Jaisalmer. He was succeeded by Jinmūrti Sūri, whose inscriptions have been found from Jaisalmer and Bikāner areas,
50 Jinvijay, Vijnapti Lekh Sangraha, p. 62. 51 Nähar, III, Nos. 2576, 2530, 2518 and 2524.

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Some Important Branches of Kharatargaccha
i) Madhukar Kharatar
It is said to have been established during the time of Jinvallabh Süri,52 But the name of the Acarya who founded it is not known. Several names of Sadhus of this branch, namely-Dhanaprabha, Muniprabha, Citraprabha Sūri, Guṇaprabha and others are known. It laid stress on "Caturdaśīpakṣa".
ii) Rudrapaliya Kharatar
It was initiated by Jinśekhar Suri in VE 1204,58 After Jinsekhar Sūri we find the names of the Acaryas as Jinpadma Sūri, Vijaycandra Suri, Abhyadeva Sūri, Prabhānanda Suri, Śricandra Suri, Jinbhadra Sūri, Jaitilak Süri, Guņacandra Sūri, Abhaydeva Sūri, Jinhansa Sūri, Jinraj Sūri, Jinodaya Sūri, Jincandra Sūri, Devasundar Sūri and others. A separate branch of the disciples of Prabhacandra Sūri started where we get the names of Vimalcandra Suri Gunasekhar Sūri, Sanghatilak Süri, Somatilak Suri and others. However this Rudrapaliya branch is almost extinct now except for a few families of Kulaguru Matherans as is evident from the colophons of several MSS of the 19th century A.D.
47
iii) Laghu Kharatar
During the time of Jinesvar Sūri, Jinsingha Suūri went to Bhinmal and established there a Laghu-kharatar branch. Jinprabha was his successor, who was a very competent teacher. Sultan Muhammad Tughluq, Firoz Tughluq and others had venerated him very much. Raghavacetan, a Brahmin famous as mantrakār also met him. Jinprabha Sūri wrote several works and earned good fame.54 His successors were Jindeva Sūri, Jinmeru Suri, Jinhit Süri, Jinsarva Suri, Jincandra Sūri, Jinsamudra Suri, Jintilak Süri, Jinraj Sūri, Jincandra Jinbhadra Süri, Jinmeru Süri, Jinbhänu Sūri and others.
Sūri,
iv) Pippalika Śākhā
It was started by Jinvardhana Suri after VE 1473. We know, he
52 Vinaysagar, Kharatargaccha-kä Itihas, p. 217.
53 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 119.
54 Jinvijay, Kharatargaccha Brhad Gurvavali, pp. 95-96.

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48
the
was removed from the Acaryaship on a suspicion that he had violated fourth vrata (celibacy) and inducted Jinbhadra Suri in his place. We do not find the exact date of the event. But it seems that it happened in Jaisalmer in VE 1473. There is an inscription of VE 1473, available on a dehari of Parsvanath temple mentioning Jinbhadra Sūri as an Acarya. Jinvardhan Suri continued to have mentioned as a successor of Jinrāj Sūri in an inscription of VE 1478 available on the Ambika sculpture in the Suparśvanath temple (Nahaton-ki-Guwaḍ, Bikaner). It proves that the Pippalika branch was started thereafter.
JAIN JOURNAL
Jinvardhan Suri after his removal from the Acaryaship, went to Mewar and remained there. It seems that he might have started a new branch of Pippalikā sometimes between VE 1478-80. On his death Jincandra Suri succeeded in VE, 1486, at Delwara (Mewar). It was a prosperous site. The nundi mahotsava was done by Sahanpal Navalakhā, the prime minister of Mewar state.55 On Jincandra Suri's death in VE 1490, Jinsägar succeeded. The nandi-mahotsava was organised by Saha Dungar, Bhākar, Palha, Parwat and others.56 He remained very active and consecrated several icons at Delwara (VE 1491 and 1493), Nāgadā (VE 1494 and 1495), Kareḍā (VE 1496) and other places.57 Mahārānā Kumbha respected him. On his death Jinsundar became Acarya. The nandi mahotsava was done by Saha Palha Dungar and others at Cittor. The beautiful Sṛngar Canwari Jain temple of Cittor was consecrated in VE 1505 by him, 58 A few more inscriptions of VE 1512 and 1513 were there in the temple, mentioning his name. On his death in VE 1517. Jinharsa Suri succeeded. After him Jincandra Suri, Jinśila Sūri, Jinkirti Sūri, Jins nha Suri, Jincandra Sūri, Jinratna Sūri, Jinvardhan Sūri, Jinhansa Sūri and Jincandra Suri succeeded one after the other. After Jincandra Suri's death at Khambhat in VE 1794, this branch became gradually extinct and no account is known of its later monks.
v) Adhyapakṣiya Śākhā
It is an offspring of Pippalika Sakha which was initiated by Jindeva in VE 1506. After him Jinsinha Sūri and Jincandra succeeded. The
55 Vinaysägar, Kharatargaccha-ka Itihas, p. 226.
56 Ibid., p. 227; Vijayadharma Sūri, Devakulpatak, pp. 18-19.
57 Mahārānā Kumbha by the author, Appendix A.
58 Ibid.

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49
famous temple of Kåparda was consecrated by Jincandra Süri. He was very famous teacher. After him Jinbarsa Sari, Jinlabdhi Sari, Jinoday Sari, Jinsambhava Sūri and others became the Acaryas.
vi) Bhavhrşiya Sakhu
It was initiated by Bhavharşa Suri in VE 1616 or 1621. Among the Ācāryas of this branch the names of Jintilak (VE 1628-76), Jinoday and Jincandra (died at Jetaran in VE 1773) are known.
vii) Begad Kharatar
The Begad Kharatar remained very popular in Jaisalmer. It was started by Jineśvar to whom the epithet of "Begad" was given by Sultån Muhammad Begada of Gujarăț. It is believed that he performed miraculous feats which influenced the Sultan. Soon his fame increased. His brother of Chaje clan spent lavishly on this occasion at Ahmedabad. From there Jineśvar Sūri came to Såncor, where Mantri Laxmansinha of Ratadhara arranged his reception. He spent 4 years there preaching religious teachings. He died at Saktipur (Marwar), where his stūpa was erected. No other literary and epigraphic sources about him are known. He was succeeded by Jinsekhar Sūri. He also continued his work in South-Western Rajasthan and Jaisalmer. Jindharma Süri succeeded him, who was very prominent. Under his instructions several MSS were copied at Jaisalmer, Surat and other places.59 We find the name of Devabhadra, a Jain monk, who had copied several MSS during this period. A few of them are KalapaVyakaraņa, Kālakácārya Katha, Syädvăd Prakarana, Vajjalagga, MahāvīrCarita, Āvas yaka Niryukti and many others.
After Jindharma Süri Jincandra succeeded. He also remained very active in Jaisalmer and Sind areas. He consecrated the icon of Neminath on Phågan sudi 3, VE 1532 installed by Chăjed Dharmasinha and others.60 It was the period, when Jaisalmer was embellished with beautiful Jain shrines and several religious festivities were being organized there. Jincandra Suri died about Ve 1555. The MS ĀvašyakaNiryukti was copied out during his life time in the above year. The
59 Punya vijay, Catalogue of Sanskrit and Prakril MSS, Jaisalmer Collection
(972), Ahmedābād, p. 279. 60 Nahar, III, No. 2437.

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earliest known date of his successor Jinmeru is of MS Samăcări dated VE 1562. It was copied by Gyānmandir Gaņi at Jaisalmer.61 Jinmeru died in Ve 1582.
He was succeeded by Jinguņaprabha Suri of Chājed clan of Jodhpur, From Jaisalmer, a Sangha headed by Devapāl, Sadārang, Jiyā, Basta, Rāimal and others came to Jodhpur and requested Sriji to visit Jaisalmer, He accepted their request and came to Jaisalmer on Aşadh badi 13 VE 1587, and remained there for several years.62 In VE 1594, when he was in Jaisalmer, there was a serious drought and people suffered much for want of water. It is said that Mahärăwal Luņakarņa requested him for redressing the plighat of the people. While loitering in Upåsara, he with the power of mantras got opulent rainfall on Bhadwă sudi 1. This increased the fame of Begad gaccha.63 He enjoyed a long life and died at Jaisalmer at the age of 90. He was contemporary to Mabärāwal, Luņakarņa, Māldeva, Hairāj and Bhim. He enjoyed a respectable position and several festivities were arranged under his supervision. He led a Sangha to Siddhācal started from Jaisalmer. At the time of selection of Jincandra Suri of main branch of Kharatar-gaccha, Mahārāwal Maldeva consulted him. The Suri-mantra was given by him to Jincandra Süri. A good number of MSS copied at Jaisalmer during this period are Ogh-Niryukti (VE 1629), Kalpa Sūtra (1623), Nandi Sūtra (VE 1627), Raj-Praśniya (1619) Aupapätika Sūtra (VE 1617) and others.
After Jinguņaprabha's death Jincandra Sûri succeeded. He consecrated a stūpa of Jinguņaprabha Sūri in VE 1663 (1603 A.D.) at Jaisalmer. There is a long inscription of 21 lines engraved by Chājed clan of Oswäls.64 Jincandra Sūri was the son of Bafpā Rūpāji Sāha. He was converted to Jain monkhood by Jinguņaprabha Sari, and it was he who nominated him, as his successor. Mahimāsamudra, a Jain monk, composed two good poems in his praise. The copying of MSS by Begad monks continued at Jaisalmer. Mahimäsumudra copied Desi-Nama-Mäla in Ve 1701. A copy of MS Uttarādhyana Sutra was made in VB 1711 in Pārsvanāth temple of Jaisalmer by Ratnasom. The Pāndava-Rasa was copied at Meharā (Sind). It seems that these monks continued their journeys to Sind. The copies of Sarasvata Vyikarana (VE 1707) and Dvādaśa Sandhi (VE 1695) were also made.
61 Punyavijay. op. cit., p. 201, 185, 189. 62 Vinaysägar, Kharatargaccha-ka Itihās, p, 205. 63 Ibid., pp. 205-206. 61 Nāhar, III, No. 2505.

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After the death of Jincandra, Jinsamudra Suri succeeded. He widely travelled in Gujarat (Surat), western Rajasthan and Sind.65 Maldas and Mahimaharṣa composed several poems describing the details of his visit to Surat. Several monks of Begaḍ-Kharatar continued to work at Jaisalmer. The MS Sripal-Balavabodh (VE 1725) and Ṛsi Mandal Prakarana (VB 1726) were copied in Jaisalmer by Begad Kharatar monks named Ratnasom and Samudra Gaņi. At Nasaratpur in Sind Saubhagyasamudra copied a MS Karṇa Kutuhal.
Jinsamudra's successor was Jinsunder. Keeping their base at Jaisalmer, these Kharatar monks continued their journeys to Sind. The MS of Gurvavali (VE 1773), Jñan-Sukhadi (VE 1676) and Sandhi-TantraBälavabodh (1779 VE) were copied at Thaṭṭā. Jinsunder was succeeded by Jinudai Sūri before VE 1781. The Beghad-gaccha-Upäsara inscription of Jaisalmer dated VE 1781 (1724 AD) has his name as an Acarya.66 A good number of followers of a Begad-gaccha remained in Jaisalmer. It seems that the Acaryas of main branch of Kharatar-gaccha became less effective in Jaisalmer and as such the influence of Begad-gaccha inscreased. In VE 1806 the foot-prints of Matisägar were installed at Jaisalmer.
51
After Jinudai, Jincandra Suri succeeded him before VE 1812 (1756 AD). The foot-prints of Jinudai were installed in VE 1812 at Jaisalmer, 67 Jincandra was succeeded by Jineśvar Suri whose inscriptions dated VE 1843, 1846 and 1861 have been found in Jaisalmer. We do not find full details of the successors of Jineśvar. Jinkşamacandra Suri was the last Acarya of this branch who died in VE 1902.
viii) Acarya Sakhā
On the death of Jinsingha Suri Jinraj Suri succeeded him at Meḍtă in VE 1674. At this time Jinsägar actively helped him and maintained cordial relations with him, for more than 12 years. On some points, perhaps due to Samaysundar's pupil Harṣanandan, a quarrel arose between the two. Jinsagar Süri made a new branch as Acarya Sakha of the Kharatar-gaccha. In this way the Sangha was split and many important families, Śrävaka and Sadhus were divided. The Nirvan Ras of Jinsägar Sūri mentions the details of the split.
65 Vinaysagar, op. cit., p. 210.
66 Nahar, III, No. 2446.
67 Ibid., III, No. 2509.

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Samaysundar with his entourage and Sankhwal Jains of Jaisalmer became his followers. Harşanandan was a competent scholar, Jinsågar Sûri died in VE 1712 and was succeeded by Jindharma Sari, Jin candra Sari, Jinvijay Spri, Jinkirti Sūri, Jinyukti Sūri, Jincandra Sūri, Jinuday Suri, Jinhem Süri, Jinsiddha Suri and Jincandra Sūri, one after the other. We do not find much details after Jincandra Suri. In Dādāvāợi of Jaisalmer there is an inscription of VE 1936 (1879 AD), mentioning the name of a monk Dharmacandra of Ācārya Sakhă of Kharatar-gaccha, in whose memory, the Oswal Pancāyat constructed a varandäh there.68 Some MSS copied by the monks of Ācārya branch have been known,
ix) Jinrang Sūri Śåkhi
It was started by Jinrang Suri in ve 1701. He performed a big pratistha at Udaipur. It is said that the epithet “Yug-Pradhan" was bestowed upon him, by some Mughal Emperor. After him Jincandra Süri and Jinvimal Süri succeeded one after the other, Mahārāņā Jagat Singh-II accorded a great honour to Jiovimal Sūri. After him Jinlalit Sari, Jinakşaya Sūri, Jincandra Sūri, Jinnandivardhan Suri, Jinjay. shekar Sari, Jincandra Sūri, Jinratna Süri and others became Ācāryas one after the other.
x) Mandovar Kharatar
After the death of Jinharşa Suri, a group separated and appointed Jinmahendra Sari, as their Ācārya at Mandor in VB 1892. After Jinmahendra, Jinmukti Sari, Jincandra Sari and Jindharanendra Sari became the Acăryas one after the other.
We find the names of many Sadhus of Kirtiratna Sari Sakha, Sagarcandra Sūri Sakha. Kșemakirtti Sakha, Laghu Kharatarācārya Śakha and others.
68 Nāhar, III, No 2501.

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Books Received
ACARYA SRIVIJAY KALAPURN SURI, Sarvajña Kathit Param Sāmāyik Dharm (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, 1989. Pages 24+ 167 Price Rs. 40.00.
The Science of Equanimity as spoken by the Omniscients. Translated into Hindi by Sri Narendra Prakash Jain.
LALWANI, GANESH & BENGANI RAJKUMARI, Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruşacaritra, Vol. 3 (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, 1992. Pages 8+268. Price Rs. 100.00.
Gives Hindi translation of Parva 3 and 4. Parva 3 contains lives of Sambhavanath, Abhinandan, Sumatinath, Padmaprabha, Suparśvanath, Candraprabha, Subidhinath and Sitalanath (from 3rd to 10th Tirthankaras). Parva 4 contains the lives of Śreansanath, Väsupujya, Vimalanath, Anantanath, Dharmanath (from 11th to 15th Tirthankaras). Besides Tirthankaras it contains lives of Acala, Triprstha, Aśvagriva (1st Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-vasudev), Vijay, Dvipṛṣṭha, Tarak (2nd Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-väsudev), Bhadra, Svayambhu, Merak (3rd Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-vasudev), Suprabha, Purusottama, Madhu (4th Baladev, Vasudev, Prati-väsudev), Sudarsan, Puruşasimha, Niśumbha, (5th Baladev, Vasudev, Prativasudev, Maghava (3rd Cakravarti), and Sanat-Kumara (4th Cakravarti).
MAHOPADHYAY CANDRAPRABHASAGAR, Samsar Aur Samadhi (in Hindi), Sri Jityasasri Foundation, Calcutta, 1991. Pages 159. Price Rs. 15,00.
A Collection of his speeches,
MALBANIA, PANDIT DALSUKH, Agam-Yug kā Jain Darsan, Prakrit Bharati Academy, Jaipur, 1990. Pages 23 +320+ 35. Price Rs. 100.00. Depicts the progress of Jain Philosophy from the time of Lord Mahavira.

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