Jain Journal 1985 07

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520079/1

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VOL. XX
JULY 1985
A QUARTERLY
JAINOLOGY

ON
JAIN Journal
No. 1
॥ जैन भवन ॥
JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents
Path of Worthy Thorns 1 Leona Smith Kremser
What Is Syadvada ? 2 Dilipkumar Mohanta
Jambhiyagrama: the place of Kevala-Knowledge of Lord Mahavira 8
Hari Prasad Tewari Nrisingha Prasad Tewari
Antiquity of Adinath Jain Temple at Polal 13 V. G. Nair

A Versified Jaina Epitome of Kadambari 24 Satyavrat
Yaksa in Jaina Agamas 28 Ratnesh Kumar Varma
Book Review 31
Mithyatvi-ka Adhyatmik Vikas Srichand Choraria Vardhaman Jivankos: Srichand Choraria
Satya Ranjan Banerjee
Books Received 33
Plates
The Lion-headed Pillar 8

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BOOK REVIEW
MITHYATVI-KA ADHYATMIK VIKAS, written Choraria, Jain Darsan Samiti, Calcutta, pp. Rs. 15.00.
It deals with the problem whether a non-believer (mithyātvī) can have the manifestation of soul like a faithful. The author has proved that he can have.
by Srichand 24+360. Price
The book is divided into nine chapters including conclusion. Each chapter has several sub-sections, or rather points on which the author has discussed a lot. Each section of each chapter is replete with ample quotations proving the conclusion of the author.
This book shows the masterly scholarship of the author Sri Srichand Choraria over the subject. The language is simple but forceful and the analysis praiseworthy.
-Satya Ranjan Banerjee
VARDHAMAN JIVANAKOS, compiled and edited by Mohanlal Banthia and Srichand Choraria, Jain Darsan Samiti, Calcutta, 1980, pp. 51+584. Price Rs. 50.00.
The publication of Vardhaman-Jivanakoṣ (Cyclopaedia of the life of Vardhamana) is a unique contribution to the scholarly world of Jainistic studies. The conception of compiling a dictionary on the life and teachings of Lord Mahavira is itself a new one, and the compilers must be thanked for such a venture.
The book is divided into several sections as far as 99 and sub-divided into several other decimal points for the easy reference. The system followed in this classification is the international decimal system. Each decimal point is arranged in accordance with the topic connected with the life and history of the Tirthankara. In each section and under each topic the original quotations from nearly 100 books followed by Hindi translation are given. These quotations are not only valuable, but they

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32
represent the authenticity of the incidents of the life of Mahavira. To compile such quotations from both Svetambara and Digambara sources in one place is a monumental one and tremendous labour is involved therein.
JAIN JOURNAL
Jain Darsan Samiti has published earlier two Kosas, viz., Leśyā Koşa (1966) and Kriyā Koṣa (1969). Two more Kosas, viz., Pudgala-Koşa and Dhyana-Koşa are also ready and are awaiting publications.
Vardhaman Jivanakoş as a reference book will receive good demand from the libraries of the world. -Satya Ranjan Banerjee

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Books Received
KOTIYA, MAHAVIR, Jain Sahitya-me Kṛṣṇa, Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi, 1984. Pages 8+96. Price Rs. 12.00
A treatise on the life of Krsna as depicted in Jain Purāņas.
SHASTRI, PT. KAILASH CHANDRA and Others (ed), Vattakeracarya's Mülācāra, Bharatiya Jnanpith, New Delhi, 1984. Pages 55+522. Price Rs. 65.00.
Vattakeracarya's Mūlācāra with Acaravṛtti of Siddhantacakravarti Vasunandi and Introduction. Hindi translation of the Tika by Aryikaratna Jnanmatiji.
JAIN, NIRAJ, Gomatesvar Sahasrabdi Mahotsavdarsan, 1981, S.D.J.M.I Managing Committee, Shravana Belgola, 1984. Pages 48+382. Price Rs. 150.00
Detailed account of the function from inception with profuse illustration.
JAIN, VIJAY KUMAR (ed), Guide to Indian Periodical Literature, Vol 19, No. 4, Indian Documentation Service, Gurgaon, Haryana. Pages XX+348.
Author and Subject Index of Indian Periodical Literature of Oct-Dec. 1982

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Path of Worthy Thorns*
LEONA SMITH KREMSER
Homage to the path of worthy thorns, path that the Jina's footprint adorns, footprint that leads from blood-violence to harmlessness, restraint and hard penance.
...Harmlessness to every living creature in the body presence, saintly or obscure, for alike to us, one and all want to live. And verily, our karma of deeds returns us what we give.
...Restraint in thought, word and deed
to put down the honeyed vanity of greed,
for family and gold are a wasting delusion. Verily, the cosmic lotus is our abiding possession.
...Hard penance to impale the flesh
lest with sense-objects it dares to enmesh,
for within a void of space waits an ultimate wisdom. Verily, matter is gross; the soul is our cosmic blossom.
Pilgrims are we, on a conflicting journey:
In part, we indulge the wayward body
even as our person craves to be heedful to the Jina who passed from body to pure soul
by His care for those that the world yet scorns -the food-animals, betrayed on their track of thorns.
Thorns, the common share of all living beings: cold fevers, fears, the melancholy of time's undoings. Yet, let us foreknow that we have free will to elect our responses, sweet or hostile. Worthy thorns! Their mission is not torment, but 'tis to test the devotee's non-attachment. By meek sufferance, we beget a spiritual karma that wafts us onward, on the footpath of the Jina.
Holy Jina, His footprint is His holy promise : The path of Jaina ahimsă leads to infinite bliss.
*A page from work-in-progress of the same title.

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What is Syadvada?
DILIPKUMAR MOHANTA
I. The purpose and plan of the paper
The Jaina philosophers postulate the 'non-one-sided' (anekānta) nature of reality. The epistemological counterpart of this theory of reality consists of nayavada and syādvāda which are complementary to each other. Syādvāda alongwith nayavāda is described as the cornerstone of the Jaina's philosophical discourse in modern works of that system although historically it was a later development in Jainism. Obviously the critics who want to criticise the pluralistic realism of the Jainas left no stone unturned to raise objections against syādvāda. And the purpose of this paper is to assess how far these objections are to the point. Naturally a brief exposition of this theory is a must. And in order of sequence exposition comes first. Assessment of the objections against syādvāda, therefore, comes later in order of treatment.
II. What does syat imply?
The word syat (though derived from the root as potential-optative third form, singular) is often used in different senses-i.e. in the sense of probability, somehow and the like. But the Jainas do not adhere to these usual sense of the word syat. Probability indicates scepticism. Again, the word 'somehow' is vague and it leads to agnosticism. But Jainism, as a matter of fact, is neither scepticism nor agnosticism. The word syat in Jainism refers to a conditional statement. When I say 'Q is R', it is a categorical statement. But when I say 'if P then Q is R' it becomes a conditional statement. The word syat according to Jaina philosphers, implies the relative sense (i.e., a conditional statement) of any judgment describing reality. It indicates that every judgment describing reality is relative to the standpoint from where/which it is made. The syāt modifies the acceptance or denial of a judgment describing reality. All our views regarding reality, for Jainism are necessarily relative, conditional and limited. Whenever we affirm or deny anything, we are to affirm or deny from a particular standpoint or perspective. The different standpoints or perspectives are technically called nayas in Jainism. The Jaina philosophers find all other systems of Indian philosophy as fallacious, since they advocate ekāntavādas i.e. they explain the nature of reality from one specific

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standpoint but claim it to be the whole truth and thus commit the fallacy of durniti or 'bad judgment'. All our predications are 'double-edged'. From a certain perspective i.e. from the perspective of substance, a thing is real, universal, permanent and one, but from the perspective of modes, it is unreal, particular, momentary and many. There is no absolute affirmation or denial. Every judgment should be qualified by the word syat to signify this.
III. Theory of Saptabhangi
The Jaina scholars formulated seven forms or bhangas of judgment qualifying by the word syat being indicating the conditional sense of the statements. These are:
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(1) Syādasti: from a certain perspective "The table exists'.
(2) Syānnāsti : from a certain perspective 'The table does not exist'.
(3) Syādasti-nāsti : from a certain perspective "The table exists and does not exist'.
(4) Syadavaktavyam: from a certain perspective 'The table is indescribable'.
(5) Syādasti ca avaktavyam : from a certain perspective 'The table exists and is indescribable'.
(6) syānnāsti ca avaktavyam: from a certain perspective 'The table does not exist and indescribable'.
(7) Syādasti ca nāsti ca avaktavyam
from a certain perspective the table exists, does not exist and indescribable'.
IV. Explanation of Saptabhangi
The first four are the fundamental statements and the later three are the compound statements: (1) When we say from a certain perspective that the table exists, it implies the conditional existence of the table, i.e., the condition being its own substance, space, time and state (bhava). It is by virtue of that condition that the table gets its individuality and becomes known or meaningful. (2) The second one seems to negate the existence of the table. It does not cancel the first but strengthens that one. Here it is maintained in a different context or from a different standpoint. The identity of the fact that the table

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exists in its own substance, space, time and state becomes more clear when its non-existence in respect of other substance, space, time and state is considered. And it is a futile attempt to find out contradiction when two contradictory statements are made in two different contexts. 'The meaning of a word depends upon the context of its use.' If we do not accept this proposition, it would be very difficult to account for the difference of things. (3) The third statement contains two attributes of existence and non-existence to the same table in their successive relevant senses or contexts i.e. not in the same sense or the same context. So it is not, in fact, a summation of the previous two statements. It indicates that the knowledge of the table is relative to its standpoints. It, therefore, expresses a new point of the table under consideration. (4) But in the fourth statement the attributes existence and non-existence are not successively like the previous one but simultaneously asserted to the table. The Jaina philosophers consider that language is incapable of expressing such simultaneous contradictory attributes to the same table. They say thus it as indescribable. But this should not construe the sense that it is absolute, this indescribability is only in the perspective of two opposite attributes being together, synchronally. This indescribability, according to the Jainas, points to the unitary predicate of the table. In the third statement, the new attribute is the outcome of consequitive togetherness of the attributes existence and non-existence. But the fourth one is the result of "simultaneous presentation of the two elements in question...... The commonsense principle implied in its recognition is that what is given can not be rejected simply because it is indescribable by a single positive concept".1 Here both existence and non-existence make the compound statement and become balanced and totally neutralised into this statement.
JAIN JOURNAL
The fifth is the combination of the first with the fourth, the sixth is the combination of the second with the fourth and the seventh is the combination of the third with the fourth. All these propositions, according to the Jainas, describe a new aspect of the real. But what might be the cause of making such an explanation ?
This could be a reason that the first four statements are empirically verifiable or understandable and the last three are mathematical possibilities. Since there are only three basic attributes of one individual predicate (viz., affirmative, negative and neither affirmative nor negative or neutralised) there cannot be more than seven possible steps of toge
1 K. C. Sogani, Report, Indian Philosophical Congress, I.I.T. Kanpur, 1972, pp. 207-8.

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therness of the predications. Any attempt to increase the number more than seven will lead either to commit the blemish or duplication or to assert the statements neither confirmed by mathematical possibi. lities nor by experience. On the other hand, any attempt to decrease the number less than seven will either lead to omit or to suppress the aspect of the thing acquired either by mathematics or by experience.
V. Objections and observations
Now with this expository note, let us consider a few serious objections levelled against syādvāda.
Kumarila objects that “Even one hundred alternatives can be generated through generous use of the method used by the Jainas) to generate only seven alternatives."3 The last three, over and above the first four bhangas increases thus only the flight of imagination (kalpanāgaurava) and nothing more.
In reply to this, it is to be pointed out if we bear in mind what has been explained in the explanation of Saptabhangi such criticism may not be arisen. Kumarila's criticism has thus, on observation, become out of context. It could not touch the Jaina view at all.
But the most important charges against syādvāda comes from Sankaracarya. We shall consider two principal objections of Sankaracarya. Firstly, according to Sankara, Syadvadin commit the fallacy of contradiction by attributing both existence and non-existence to the same entity. And it is the most serious defect for a philosopher i.e. to state something (firstly) and then to contradict it (consequently).
But this objection, I think, is not so convincing as it sounds much. A faithful study of the Jaina view reveals that they did not attribute both existence and non-existence to the same reality simultaneously. And this is clearly mentioned in the explanation of the third proposition. In order to avert such possibility of contradiction the Jaina scholars use "the word syāt which turns their statement from a categorical to a conditional one. And the logical forms would be (1) Given any x, if x is considered from the perspective A, x is mortal. (2) Given any x, if x is considered from the perspective B, x is not mortal. Condition-parts being different these statements cannot be called contradictories.
Vidyanand, Astasahasri, ed. Vamsidhara, Nirnayasagar, Bombay, 1915, p. 126. 3 saptabhangi prasadena satabhangyapi jayate, Slokavartika, ed. R. S. Tailanga,
Benaras, 1998 V.S. 4 Mallisena's Syadvadamanjari, ed. A. B. Dhruva, p. 134.

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JAIN JOURNAL
Secondly, Sankara argues that if all statements regarding knowledge situation are relative and conditional and if all truth is partial, then syādvāda itself is only partially true and obviously partially false. Consequently the Jaina metaphysics—all knowledge regarding reality becomes indefinite, variable and therefore doubtful.5
But this is not a fair criticism. Syādvāda is not scepticism, since scepticism doubts or denies the possibility of knowledge and syādvāda only describes the conditional character of knowledge. Scepticism is destructive to philosophy whereas syādvāda purports to be a form of knowledge describing reality. Again, it has also been argued that when doubt becomes universal in its scope, it becomes meaningless. Absolute scepticism is a self-stultifying theory. As a matter of fact, nayavāda and syadvāda are methods upon which the Jaina theory of reality (anekāntavāda) rests. Syādvāda expresses the formula applicable to the propositions describing reality. Since syādvāda itself is not entitled to make any proposition describing reality, syādvāda is not subject to itself. The proposition which verifies is not verifiable. Any theory which has rigor should contain formula or principles which are not provable within that system. The proposition which expresses 'the verification principle' is not claimed to be a factual statement at all, and the principle is applicable only to factual statements and ‘not to the statement expressing the principle'. It is futile to make syādvāda applicable to itself ; syādvada is applicable to anekantavāda. Anekantavāda provides metaphysical counterpart of syādvāda.
In the light of this, Sankara's objections against syādvāda seem to be castles in the air.
Again, Dr. S. Radhakrishnan remarks that "the Jaina Logic leads us to a monistic idealism and so far as the Jainas shrink from it they are untrue to their own logic... the theory of relativity cannot be logically sustained without the hypothesis of the absolute."
But it is not clear in Radhakrishnan's argument why the theory of relativity or syādvāda of the Jainas logically requires the hypothesis of the absolute. The Jainas advocate a pluralistic realism. For them there are many reals. The objects of knowledge can independently exist of the knowing subject. The former is distinct from the latter. The Jainas being pluralistic and realistic philosophers do not feel to
* Brahmasutra, Sankara Bhasya, 11.2.33. . Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, Allen and Unwin, London
1930, p. 305.

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hanker after any logical support which reduce plurality to unity. In fact neither monism nor pluralism "can claim any logical support for itself". The Jainas are very much consistent with their analysis of syāt particle and their philosophical analysis. Even absolutism of any kind cannot be logically sustained. It is well known in Indian tradition that Absolute Reality is beyond any kind of judgment (avāngmānasagocara). How it is logically sustained ?
Conclusion
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To conclude our survey it becomes obvious to say that the critics of syādvāda could not faithfully grasp the spirit of the Jaina view in its proper context. Sankaracarya in criticising syadvāda missed the Jaina context of the use of the word syāt and thus basing upon his own understanding from monistic standpoint he tried to criticise the Jainas. But the spirit of philosophy lies neither in mere rejection of opponents' view nor in ignoring opponents merits and spirits but in understanding opponents' view with due sympathy and intellectual honesty. Syādvāda is not a theory of probability of knowledge about reality nor a theory which leads to scepticism. It seems to be a protest against the views which encourage dogmatism and intolerance in philosophy. "Every philosophical propositions, for the Jainas, can be true if it is only conditionally asserted." It condemns the one-sided and extreme views in philosophical discussions.
The causes of the most of our caoses and conflicts, differences and disputes in intellectual level is perhaps to a great extent, due to mistaking a conditional (or partial) truth for the whole truth and lack of respect and due sympathy for others' perspectives. Prof. B. K. Matilal thus rightly remarks: "Non-violence i.e. abstention from killing or taking the life of others was the dominant trend in the whole of Sramana movement in India particularly in Buddhism and Jainism...... the Jainas carried the principle of non-violence to intellectual level; to the respect for the views of others." "This was", he rightly considers, “a unique attempt to harmonize the persistent discord in the field of philosophy."
' Dr. S. S. Antarkar, Report, Indian Philosophical Congress, I.I.T. Kanpur, 1972, p. 197.
B. K. Matilal, Saptabhangi (in Self, Knowledge and Freedom), The world Press Pvt. Ltd., Calcutta, 1978, p. 170. Ibid., p. 171.

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Jambhiyagrama: the place of KevalaKnowledge of Lord Mahavira
HARI PRASAD TEWARI and NRISINGHA PRASAD TEWARI
It is believed by historians that Lord Mahavira had spent a considerable period of his early ascetic life in Radha and attained kevalaknowledge somewhere over there.
Lot of information regarding his travels are available from ancient Jaina literature like Acārānga Sutra, Jindasa's Cūrṇī, Bhagavati Sutra, Kalpa Sutra, etc.
According to Acārānga Sūtra Lord Mahavira travelled extensively in the pathless country of Vajjabhumi and Subbhabhumi of Ladha.
Jinadasa's Cūrṇī indicates that the Lord travelled twice in this country during his early ascetic life.
Bhagavati Sūtra is, however, silent about Vajjabhumi of Ladha but narrates how he spent six years in Paniyabhumi situated in the east of Nalanda.
Kalpa Sutra confirms that Lord spent one rainy season in Paniyabhumi.
The information available from these ancient literatures are apparently confusing to the historians. But it is difficult to believe that those great Acaryas

The Lion-headed Pillar

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had any such intention. Only after a detailed study these reveal the truth. According to Kalpa Sūtra Lord spent one year at Asthika, two years at Campa, one year each at Prsthacampa and Paniyabhumi, that is the Lord spent altogether six years of his early ascetic life in the country east of Nalanda. Hence we find that Kalpa Sūtra and Bhagavati Sūtra are confirming each other.
But the land to the east of Nalanda is extension of Chotnagpur Plateau-the pathless rolling highlands of Acāränga Sūtra well within Radha.
From Acäränga Sutra it appears that Vajjabhumi and Subbhabhumi were two portions of Radha and Vajjabhumi or Vajrabhumi gradually changed to Virabhumi to witness the travels of Lord Mahavira. Subbhabhumi gradually changed to Sumhabhumi-Simhabhumi and a fraction of it still exists as Singhabhumi. (Lion or Simha is the symbol of Lord Mahavira.) Thus it seems that Vajjabhumi and Subbhabhumi were northern and southern parts of Radha separated by river Ajoy.
Considering all this an attempt was made by the present authors to trace out the existence of Paniyabhumi or Paniti if any in its microform in the Ajoy valley. From revenue settlement record nothing such could be found but from records of Geological Survey of India quite a large area at about 5 miles south of river Ajoy was found to be known as Paniati. Geological Survey named one of the biggest coal seem of Raniganj coal field as Paniati coal seem. Not only this but quite a few
f commercial organisations have been named after Paniati. Surrounding villages of this area are occupied since ancient times by the discendents of Jaina Sravakas and they are the actual aborigins of the land.
Existence of Paniyati/Paniti/Paniyabhumi in the Ajoy valley in central Radha confirms that Acārānga Sutra, Bhagavati Sutra and Kalpa Sutra-all speaks the truth that is Radha or Paniyabhumi are the same place. Paniyabhumi literally means land of Pani or Dasyus of Rgveda which is in tune with Acārānga Sutra (Ladha—a land of recluses).
All these reveal that Lord Mahavira wandered for six years in this Ajoy valley region and attained kevala-knowledge at Jambhiyagrama over here itself regarding which Kalpa Sutra gives a most detailed description : The Lord attained kevala-knowledge under a Sala tree near an old temple in the field belonging to a householder named Samaga outside the town of Jambhiyagrama on the bank of the river Rjupalika.

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JAIN JOURNAL
The nearest town has been referred with respect to the river Rjupalika, the sight of kevala-knowledge with respect to an old Yaksa temple and then to the field of a local chief or renowned householder Samaga.
In those days monks and ascetics used to wander not by the highways used by the officials but by the village tracks keeping some river as guide. As the Lord was wandering through the pathless country of Ladha, we can well assume that he too kept a river as guide and that river was Rjupalika or Ujuvalia.
But then this river should have its origin near Nalanda and should flow through Ladha. While studying the courses of rivers of Ladha we see that it is Ajoy that has its origin very close to Nalanda and it flows through Ladha dividing it into two-north and south Radha. Also it flows very close to existing Paniati and many other ancient villages and places associated with the travel of the Lord as described in the Jaina literature.
Rjupalika was changed to Ajoy by Ajoypala who was responsible for the destruction of Jainism in the Ajoy valley in the years between 1174-76, when the last Pala king Govinda Pala was confined to his small kingdom of eastern Bihar with its capital at Mudgagiri or Monghyer. The names of the villages wherever his army stayed during the expedition were changed to Govindapura which exist frequently in the valley
Two villages have been found on the bank of river Ajoy near the Bihar border at a distance of about 4 miles from each other both of whose names are Cicurbil. Both the villages are on the bank of Ajoy but in opposite direction and both are surrounded by low swamp (bill—lowland filled by flood water) and hence these names would have been Ajoybil. It seems that in ancient times these two villages were called Rjurbil which gradually changed to Cicurbil and these indicate that in past this river was not called Ajoy but Rju or Rjupalika or Ujuvalia. Ofcourse pronunciation similarity has accelerated this change.
According to Kalpa Sutra the site of kevala-knowledge has to be on this river Ajoy (Rjupalika) and interestingly enough a very big village called Jamagrama (Irmbhikagrama/Jambhiyagrama/Jamagrama) has been found on the bank of this river at about 4 miles west of Cicurbil (Rjurbil) and 7 miles south-west of Paniati.
This Jamagrama apparently looks like combination of 6 different villages situated at a distance of 2 to 3 k.m. from each other and its total area is about 30 square k.m.

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Outside the village towards the river in the slope of an absolute flattopped hill Garh Dema (Garh Digambar) there is an ancient temple without deity made of stone with inscription (Brahmi script) inside it. And close to this there is a Siva temple reconstructed by villagers on the ruins of a structure. The Siva is known as Siddhinath. It appears to us that this Siva temple of Siddhinath have been reconstructed on the ruins of the Yaksa temple referred by Bhadrabahu. The other existing temple with stone inscription and without deity was probably constructed by the Jainas of later age. The land in between the temple and river is called Samapur. It is not a village but agricultural land which reminds us of Samaga (Samapur-House of Sama). The village to the northern side of the river is called Kasta which reminds one of the Kastakarana of Samaga. Once this Kasta became famous for its Kasta Sangha of Sinhasena.
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Quite a few numbers of most important objects which have been detected by the present authors require immediate intervension of the Archaeological Dept. for preservation. Out of these the most interesting one is a lion-headed pillar, unique of its kind in India and is symbol of Lord Mahavira. On this pillar some Ajoy Pala inscribed the image of Hanumana Mahavira of Ramayana to convert the Jaina relic into Brahmanic relic. Arround this pillar there are ruins of many structures which require excavation. There are two simetrical stone pillars which are the earliest of all the relics of Jamagrama.
On the flat top of the long hill of Garh Digambar, one broken lion image is worshipped with animal sacrifice and is known as Siva Kandesvara. Probably Kundanesvara Mahavira had been converted to Kandesvara Siva.
This hill which seems to be once a monastary has been named Garh Digambara after the Acarya Agarh Digambar.
At the eastern end of Jamagrama there is a big tank called Nemibandh probably named after 23rd Tirthankara Neminatha.
From Jaina literature it is known that after attaining kevala-knowledge the Lord delivered his first sermon to gods alone for which no one was benefitted by taking initiation in Sramanahood. This incident is referred in Jaina literature as Achera, something unheard of. It is interesting that there is a village called Anchera at a distance of about 5 miles west of Jamagrama which is mostly populated by the Sravakas. Then the Lord travelled to Majjhima-Pava in one night through Jhammani.

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JAIN JOURNAL
We find Jhammani at about 7 miles north-west of Anchera and Pabia or Pava at about 20 miles west of Jamagrama and Mejhana or Majhama about 8 miles from Pabia.
Some of the ancient places visited by the Lord during his travel in Ladha has been identified by the authors as follows :
Asthika (Atthigama)-Vivid description has been given of the place where the lord spent about a fortnight in Jain literature. It had two parts, one called Tapovana where the Duijjanta monks used to live, the other famous for its Sulapani Yaksa temple. It appears that this place is associated with some short of Saiva Tantric cult. In the eastern region the oldest Saiva-ksetra after Varanasi is Deoghar where Tapovana still exists with the Saiva ksetra. Deoghar with its surrounding areas is still called Athgaon Pargana. It confirms that it was Asthika of those days. It is about 5 miles north of Ajoy.
Brahmanagram-Present day Brahmana Gaon on the bank of river Ajoy at about 6 miles from Madhupur, S. P.
Kadali Samagam—Present day Kenduli, Birbhum, West Bengal. It is situated on the bank of Ajoy.
Nangala–Nala, 7 miles north of Jamagrama.
Patrakalaya--Patrol, about 8 miles from Madhupur.
Siddharthapur--Siddhapur, Dt. Burdwan, on the bank of Ajoy, 7 miles east of Jamagrama.
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Kurmagram-Kumardihi, about 3 miles from Siddhapur and miles from Jamagrama.
Ladha-Lada on the bank of Ajoy about 2 miles east of Jamagrama.
Belgola-Bagola, one mile from Lada.
Mardana---Madanpur, 2 miles south-east of Jamagrama.
Svetambika-Svetki and Amba, S.P., 6 miles north of Ajoy and about 10 miles from Jamagrama.
Opinions of scholars are invited on these identifications.

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Antiquity of Adinath Jain Temple at Polal
V. G. NAIR
The antiquity of Adinath Jain Temple at Polal, near the Red Hill Lake, not far away from Madras city, is shrouded in obscurity. There is no direct evidences-documentary, epigraphical and archaeological to prove the exact age of the original temple. But indirect evidences are available from investigations based on legends and traditions which give credence to the view that the original temple and the Adinath image installed therein belonged to the 1st Century A.D. or even to a much earlier period.
In the foreword to my booklet about the antiquity of the temple under the title of Adisyar Temple published in 1969, I have stated that "the history of Adisvar temple at Polal is inter-related to the birth and development of traditional Jainism in Tamilnadu. The original temple is of hoary antiquity and its sanctity is beyond doubt.”
Historians like Pargiter have testified that legends and traditions contained much truth to fix up the chronology of kings who ruled India in ancient times.1
I have also stated in my booklet that Tiruvalluvar, author of Tirukural who has been accepted by eminent Tamil scholars as Jaina by faith was a constant worshipper of the image of Adinath installed in the temple. The first couplet in the Kural opens with adoration to Adi Bhagavan which proves that Tiruvalluvar professed the Jaina faith.
Sri Mailai Seeni Venkataswami, a noted scholar in Tamil classical literature and the ancient history of Jainism and Buddhism in Tamilnadu, in his Introductory Note to a booklet in Tamil written by Sripal, and published by the Jain Mission Society, Madras, in 1970, under the title of Emman Koil has stated that the Adinath Jain Temple at Polal is an ancient temple-pande kalathu, built during the ascendency of Jainism in Tamilnadu. Further, Sri Venkataswami has also stated in his popular Tamil work entitled Jainism and Tamil that Puzhal was a Jain village in pande kalathu or in ancient times. What is the definition of pande kalathu ? In popular terms accepted by historians these words mean either before Christian era or in its early centuries.
1 Dynasties of the Kali Age.

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But Sri Sripal has opined in the booklet that the Adinath Jain temple belonged to the Cola period. I am at a loss to understand whether it was early or the latter Colas of Tamilnadu. His view is not supported by any trustworthy evidences. Therefore, Sripal's views that the temple belonged to the Cola period is ambiguous and un-understandable. Besides, the booklet contains nothing about the historicity of the temple but only some of the teachings of Emman, the Tamil name for Adi Bhagavan.
I read with abiding interest a Tamil book written by Sri Ekambaranathan, the popular epigraphist of Tamilnadu. The title of the book is Kalvettil Samanam or Jainism in stone cut Inscriptions. It was published by the Jain Youth Forum, Madras.
Sri Ekambaranathan has also written and published in the January 1984, issue of the Jain Journal, Calcutta, a brief article under the title
A Note on the Antiquity of the Adinath Temple at Pulal' an English version of his Pulal chapter about the temple published in his Kalvettil Samanam in Tamil. In the book as well as in the Note, Sri Ekambaranathan has referred to the Mackenzie Manuscripts edited by Dr. T. U. Mahalingam from which he has cited some parts in support of his views repudiating my claim about the antiquity of the Jain temple at Polal. According to him, the Mackenzie Collections of Manuscripts have mentioned the Jaina temple at Polal and associated its origin with the Kurumbas, a tribe belonging to Karnataka. These tribal people spread over to Tamilnadu upto Tondaimandalam and set up their rule under the
hieftainship of Kamanda who proclaimed himself as Kurumbaprabhu. Dravidadesadhipati Pulalraja. The Kurumbas were Jainas and they built many Jaina basatis of which one bearing the name of their Guru existed at Polal and the relics of others at Vikkinam Kalani and other places. The Kurumbas were annihilated by Adondai Cola of Tanjore and Vellala people established in the country. The Manuscripts have added further information that Adondai Cakravarti was an illegal son of Kulottunga Cola.
Sri Ekambaranathan has remarked that if the abovesaid informations are reliable, we may have to place the Kurumbas in the 11th century A.D. (i.e. contemporary to Kulottunga.) Taking this into consideration, the same period may be assigned to the Jaina temple at Polal built by the Kurumbas. The learned epigraphist has further stated that the historicity of the Mackenzie Collections is subject to severe criticisms.
The seven inscriptions found by Sri Ekambaranathan at Polal belonged to 13th, 14th and 15th centuries A.D. They were seen in the

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Saiva temple at Polal near about the Adinath temple. These inscriptions have recorded land grants and other endowments made to the same temple during the time of Sambuvaraya and Vijayanagar kings. They have not made any mention of the Jaina basati at Polal or its pallichandam lands in this area. Therefore, it is only from the Adinath sculpture found in the prakara of the temple, we may tentatively fix the date of the Adinath temple to be the 10th or 11th century A.D.
Madras State with the exception of Madura and Tinnevelly was under the administrative jurisdiction of Rajaraja Cola the Great and his son Rajendra Vikrama Cola of Tanjore. There is no record or evidence to show that these Cola kings of the 11th and 12th centuries A.D. built any Jaina temples in any parts of Madras State. The Cola kings were ardent Saivaites. I shall welcome from Tamil scholars that Rajaraja Cola and his son had built Jaina temples in Tamilnadu and would be happy to know the names of such temples and also the places where they were built.
Rajendra Cola the great and his son had a powerful navy with its Headquarters in the port city of Madras and they annexed Ceylon, the Andaman Islands and Pegu, a part of Burma. There must have been Cola officers and troops stationed in Madras city. Fragment of a pillar edict of Rajaraja Cola with Tamil inscriptions about 1100 years old was found near the St. Thomas Mount Cathedral near Madras city. It was an administrative order in stone issued by Rajaraja Cola the Great, who reigned from A.D. 985 to 1012. Cola supremacy reached its peak about A.D. 1035 at the end of Rajaraja Cola.? Is it possible for the Kurumbas to occupy Polal in the 11th Century A.D. when this village was under the jurisdiction of the two mighty Cola kings of Tanjore ? Therefore, the invasion of Polal by Kurumbas was not only an impossible task against the might of the Colas but also it is an unimaginable adventure which no invader would attempt to undertake involving his complete annihilation on the battle field.
All these historical evidences would prove that the Adinath temple was not built by the Colas of the 19th century A.D. and the Kurumba occupation of Polal in the 11th century A.D. was not at all true.
The inscriptions of the Siva temple found at Polal have not mentioned the Adinath temple which proves that the Jaina temple was not in existence when the inscriptions were engraved in view of the fact that the
* Rev B.A. Figredo, Voices from the Dust.

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temple had been destroyed before the 13th century A.D. during the horrible days of Saiva persecutions of the Jainas. Even if the Jaina temple was in existence before the 13th century A.D. it would not have received any pallichandam lands from Hindu kings because of the deeprooted animosity that prevailed between the Saivaites and the Jainas of Tamilnadu at that time.
Now let me further examine the historicity of the Kurumba invasion of Polal. There is no reference about them in the history written by Prof. S. A. Sharma entitled Jainism and Karnataka Culture, I doubt whether any other epigraphist and historian, like Fleet, Rice, Saletore including Dr. Iyengar, the doyen among South Indian historians especially about the Colas have referred to the Kurumbas and their invasion of Polal. The Polal episode is a false story created by some interested persons to tarnish the might and glory of Rajaraja Cola the Great and his son Rajendra Vikrama Cola with a view to secure monetary gain and other help from the good old Col. Mackenzie, who collected the Manuscripts from various persons some of whom were crooks and duped the Colonel who was a high ranking British Officer in Madras. It is not necessary to advance any more evidences to prove that the Mackenzie Manuscripts' information about the Kurumba invasion of Polal and the construction of the Adinath temple by them is entirely false. I can also safely assert that there is no tradition or legend current in Polal about the Jaina basati built after the name of the ascetic who converted the Kurumbas to Jainism in accord with the Mackenzie Manuscripts information mentioned by Sri Ekambaranathan and hence it is also a fabricated story.
In South Kerala, there is a place called Kurumba or Kurumbanadu. This locality might have been inhabited by the Kurumbas in the old days. The Kurumbas were a wild hill tribe who tended sheep giving wool for making warm blankets and other garments. Those wild and backward people belonged to the scheduled caste and tribes of South India. They were a criminal tribe noted for illegal activities. The Kurumbas trekked from one land to another with their flock of sheeps guarded by dogs. The territory traversed were Tamilnadu, Kerala and Andhra. They spoke Canarese with a mingling of Tamil words. They could be seen with their sheep and dogs even today.
There is a book called The History of Kongunadu and Jainism written by Kovai Kizhar and published in 1959. I read this book to find out whether it contained any reference to the Kurumbas. But I found none in this publication. The Mackenzie Manuscripts have stated that the

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Kurumbas spread over to Tamilnadu upto Tondaimandalam, which included Kongunadu, Coimbatore and some other adjoining districts. The author of this book has referred to a very important and trustworthy poetical work, written centuries ago entitled Kongu Mandala Sathakam by Karmegha Pulavar or poet. This Sathakam has described the borders of Kongunadu, towns and villages, temples and rivers, poets and religious teachers, wealthy persons and philanthrophists. Poet Karmegha Pulavar was a Kannadi settled in Vijayamangalam near Erode. He was a Tamil Pandit. In his book there is no reference to the Kurumbas who also belonged to Karnataka. If the Kurumbas had penetrated into Tondaimandalam and Kongunadu, the author would have mentioned those wondering tribes and their occupation of Polal. As these episodes are false which had not taken place in Tondaimandalam or Kongunadu Pulavar has kept silence and has not mentioned the Kurumba adventure in his book. This is additional proof to prove the Kurumba occupation of Polal as false and therefore there is no possibility of mentioning it as an incident of historical importance in the old annals of South India.
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Mylapore, a part of the port city of Madras was a renowned locality mostly inhabited by the Jainas of Tamilnadu in the 1st century A.D. 'Anciently', says an old manuscript in Tamil, 'this city was wholly inhabited by the Jainas who had a fane (temple) with an image of Neminatha." Mylapore was noted for maritime trade with foreign countries and was known to Roman traders who exported various commodities to Rome. Silappadikarm, the Tamil classic written by Ilamko Adigal, the Jaina ascetic and brother of Cera Senkuttuvan, king of Kerala in the 2nd century A.D. whose capital was Kodumgallur or Muziris of the Romans, has described that many foreign ships arrived at Kodumgallur or Cronganore loaded with foreign goods for consumption in Ceradesa and exported commodities to Rome. Ptolemy, geographer and astronomer of antiquity, 140 A.D., places 'Maliarpha' or Mylapore on his map. To be on the map, it must already have existed and been of considerable importance.
In the early years of the 1st century A.D. a Jaina ascetic and his disciples on their way to Mylapore during their vihar walking on foot all the way from Karnataka reached Puyal village (the present names of these villages are Polal and Puzhal) and rested for the night on the bank of the Red Hill Lake close to the present Adinath temple. At that time
Taylor, Catalogue Raisonne Oriental Manuscripts, Govt of Madras Library, Vol. III. p. 372.
Rev. B. A. Figredo, Voices from the Dust.

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Puyal was a flourishing village mostly inhabited by Jainas who were traders and cultivators. A legend states that the Jaina ascetic took a vow that without having performed pūjā to a Tirthankara image he would not take even water and fast until he worshipped the image. There was no Jaina temple at that time at Puyal where the ascetic could offer his adorations to the Tirthankaras and hence his vow could not be fulfilled for a number of days. He continued his fast and became too weak. The ascetic, thereupon, resolved to undergo sallekhana, the ancient and traditional system of penance by continued fasting to death in view of the fact that he could not fulfill his vow by having the darśan of a Tirthankara image. He sat in deep meditation and prayer and composed a devotional song in praise of the Siddhas. The same night, the ascetic had a dream in which he saw nearby an image of Adi Bhagavan and also another of Padmavati Devi. These images were in black stone and gifts to the ascetic from the heavenly and divine Siddhas who wanted him to live long for propagating Jaina dharma among the people. The news of the miraculous discovery of the two images spread far and wide and Jainas from Mylapore and the adjoining villages came to the Red Hill Lake to offer puja to the images and observed austerities under the guidance of the renowned ascetic who was no other than Kundakundacarya. The discovery of the images was a memorable event in the annals of South Indian Jainism, an epoch for intensifying the propagation of Arhat Dharma, the Religion of Ahimsa in South India. The two images were installed in small enclosures on the bank of Lake for the worship of the Jainas from all parts of the country.
JAIN JOURNAL
The Acarya instructed the Jainas to construct a temple at Polal for Adi Bhagavan and Padmavati Devi. Accordingly, the Jainas raised a stone built temple at Polal and installed new images of Adi Bhagavan and Padmavati Devi in the midst of a flower garden. The consecration ceremony of the temple was performed by Kundakunda in accordance with the age-old customs.
Kundakunda was born in the village of Konakonala in the neighbourhood of Guntakal in Karnataka according to Dr. Saletore.5 He was also known as Elacarya. It has led some writers to identify him with various persons bearing the latter name. He is placed about the 1st century B.C. by some scholars but Prof. A. N. Upadhye placed him at the beginning of the Christian era."
5 Mysore Gazetteer, List of Sravana Belgola Pontiffs.
Saletore, Mediaeval Jainism.
Dr. A. N. Upadhye, Pravacanasara of Kundakunda, Introduction.

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Kundakunda is supposed to have composed in all no less than 84 works in Prakrit akin to Sauraseni but the only works extant today are seven, as stated by Professor S. A. Sharma. The Svetambaras also quote him with respect although he was responsible for the Digambara heresy, the separation of these two into two sects, according to Peterson but Hiralal Jain has stated that the separation had already taken place and Kundakunda was not responsible for it. Uma Swami, author of Tattvārtha Sutra is said to have been a disciple of Kundakunda according to Hoernle. The Acarya appear to have died about 85 A.D.
A few Digambara scholars believe that Kundakunda was the author of Tirukural, which is a misconception. The real author was Tiruvalluvar who has been universally accepted by Tamil scholars.
Kundakunda was not only a celebrated author but he was also a preacher, temple builder and pioneer Jaina missionary in South India. He is associated with Andhra, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamilnad in his missionary activities. A cave in Andhra has been identified as one of his resorts during his vihar in that land. Tradition tells that it was Kundakunda who built the Jaina muth or basati and the Jaina temple at Palghat in South Kerala. There are some Canarese old ballads which state that Kundakunda built the Palghat temple but it is no more in existence. The present temple was raised a few centuries ago. Among the ruins of the old temple was found a small stone slab with a few Brahmi inscriptions. The slab was fixed on the wall of the collectorate in Tipu's fort, Palghat. I have seen it about fifty years ago. It is not known whether this Brahmi slab is still there. But some scholars believe that the full inscription related to the origin and the name of the founder of the temple is lost either by ravages of time or vandalism of the Saivas. During the excavations of the Palghat temple a number of images were unearthened. The Jaina muth was also destroyed but the remnants of it could be seen even today. The management of the present temple is in the hands of the Digambara Jainas of Wynad, Kerala.
The Acarya spent several years in Tamilnad. It is not known where he died. The footprints on the Ponnur hill in South Arcot district are believed to be of Kundakunda and it gives credence to the view that he passed away in South Arcot, Tamilnadu. I had been to the Ponnur hill a number of times to pay my adorations to the footprints of the greatest Acarya and Jaina Missionary of the Tamil country in the 1st century A.D.

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Tiruvalluvar is said to have been born in Valluvanadu in Kerala. He belonged to the Harijan community. As the name of Valluvanadu indicated this locality was predominantly inhabited by Valluvars. It was their permanent habitat in Kerala. Valluvar was educated under Jaina Acaryas of Kerala and Madura. He was proficient in both Sanskrit and Tamil. There was no Malayalam language in the early centuries of the Christian era. Valluvar was well-versed in the classical literatures of Jainism and Hinduism. In the Tiruvalluvamalai, an ancient poetical work containing several tributes paid to Valluvar by a number of renowned Samgham poets there are some verses which also prove that Valluvar was an eminent scholar in both Tamil and Sanskrit classical literatures. He was also proficient in Prakrit. Poet Kasi Kannar in his tribute has stated that Valluvar composed the Kural rendering it from Vadarmozhi (Prakrit and Sanskrit for the easy understanding of the Tamil people. The Tirukural has dealt with the five mahāvratas of Jainas. He composed the Kural in revolt against Brahminism--animal sacrifices, meat-eating, begging for alms without renouncing family life, the evils of caste and class distinctions and the necessity for moulding a sterling humanitarian character for reaping the blessings of lifebrotherhood and peace.
Tiruvalluvar was a house-holder and not an ascetic. After his marriage he settled down in Mylapore, the noted town of the Jainas in Tamilnadu. He was held in high esteem by kings, the learned, the rich and the poor. Tradition tells us that Tiruvalluvar had a weaving factory in Mylapore. Many miracles are attributed to his wife, who was also a learned Valluvar lady, chaste and faithful to her distinguished husband. There is every reason and logic to state that Tiruvalluvar had met Kundakunda at Mylapore and discussed with the Acarya about his aspiration to compose the Tirukural for the benefit of Tamil people. Kundakunda was delivering sermons, conducting religious ceremonies and building temples in Mylapore at that time. And Tiruvalluvar, as I have stated in my booklet on the Adisvar temple of Polal, had been worshipping the Adinath image installed by Kundakunda Acarya.
The people of Tamilnadu enjoyed peace and lived in brotherhood till the advent of Tirujnanasambandhar, the leader of the Saivaite revivalist movement in Tamilnadu in the 7th century A.D. Tirujnanasambandhar was born in Sirkazhi, a Brahmin village noted for scholars in Tamil and Sanskrit. He studied all the classical literature and turned exceedingly proficient in them. Even in his young age, he dreamt of reviving Saivism in Tamilnadu and destroying Jainism from the land. Sambandhar was a young man at the time of putting his dream into practice.

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He was a house-holder and not a mendicant. He had all the great qualities of a religious leader-scholarship, eloquence and a humanitarian character. He was not only a preacher, a poet and a debator but also a man of high intellect and advanced spiritual wisdom. He was also a miraclemaker and had performed many miracles in his life. But he was aggressive to the Jainas, who dominated all spheres of existence, like education, trade, social service and many other activities beneficial to the people. The young Brahmin was determined to remove the Jainas and replace them with Saivaites who worshipped Lord Siva, the supreme Hindu God.
Jnanasambandhar preached bhakti or deep-rooted devotion to Siva. A large section of Hindus including Harijans rallied around his banner of Saivism and became ardent devotees of Lord Siva. His followers were known as Nayanmars or Adigals. There were 63 Harijan Nayanmars among them, who attained moksa or nirvāņa through bhakti to Siva. The Pandyan king of Madura, who was a Jaina embraced Saiyism. The persecution of the Jainas started from Madura according to the available evidences. Sambandhar visited Madura on his missionary activities and converted the Pandyan king to Saivism. He composed the famous Thevaram hymns in praise of Siva in which there are many stanzas expressing hatred of the Jainas. Ser Kizhar, an ardent follower of Sambandhar composed his Periya Puranam containing the activities of Sambandhar and the hymns of animosity against the Jainas. Mailai Venkataswami has provided trustworthy information in his book 'Jainism and Tamil' about the Saivaite persecution of the Jainas in which at one instance eight thousand Jaina ascetics were guillotined. This horrible tragedy is recorded in the Periya-Puranam, Tiruviayakar Puranam and Takkayaga Bharani, which are Saivaite scriptures.
In fact, Saivaites rose in rebellion and destroyed several Jaina temples, killed a large number of Jainas and drove many from their homes. Sambandhar visited several parts of Tamilnadu preaching his gospel of Saivism and building Siva temples. He visited Mylapore and saw the flourishing condition of the Jainas and number of temples in the city. Sambandhar is recorded to have performed a wonderful miracle. There Pumlavai, the daughter of a very wealthy man met her death through snake bite. After her cremation, the father collected the ashes in a pot and appealed to Sambandhar to revive her to life. There was a Siva temple in Mylapore and Sambandhar composed a verse in praise of Siva to restore the dead girl to life. The girl was restored to life to the great wonder of the people. He was acclaimed by the people as an incarnation of Lord Siva, born to revive Saivism in Tamilnadu.

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The Jainas of Polal came to know of this and the trouble that was brewing over them from the Saivaites. They buried the two images of the inner sanctrum on the Lake side and left Polal for safety. The Saivaite rebels came to Polal and destroyed the magnificent stone temple and other images. There were many temples in the garden in which Tirthankara images had been installed by Jainas. All those temples were destroyed including the Brahmi inscription set up by Kundakunda. Heaps of shattered stone and bricks lay on the ground which were removed by people mostly Saivaites for their building purposes.
According to Rev. Figredo, a number of damaged Tirthankara images were discovered near the St. Thomas Mount which is within the limits of old Mylapore. This Mount was originally a Jaina Monastery where ascetics lived for meditation and other austerities. There were several temples around the Mount probably built in the 1st and the subsequent centuries of the Christian era.
After a few centuries probably in the 10th or 11th centuries A.D. the Jainas shifted the two blackstone images and installed them in enclosures within the remnants of the destroyed original temple. The Adinath image was installed in an enclosure built by the Jainas attached to the mandapam or garbhagyha and that of Padmavati in a small enclosure in front of the Adinatha image within the mandapam, which was originally used by devotees for meditation and prayer. Among the destroyed images of the temple was found an image of Adinatha in white stone with its nose and the lower portion of the right arm mutilated or broken. It was kept underneath a small tree within the prakara of the present temple. The small mandapam and the damaged white stone image of Adinatha were the only remnants of the destroyed original temple founded by Kundakundacarya in the 1st century A.D.
The Saivaites who destroyed the original temple is said to be responsible for the mutilation of the white stone image of Adinatha, which is the only material evidence to prove that the rebels had played havoc at Puyal in the 7th century A.D.
Peace and brotherhood were established between Saivaites, Vaisnavites and Jainas probably in the 10th or 11th century A.D. through the efforts of religious leaders and heads of the respective communities. A few Vaisnava and Siva temples were built at Puyal and some of the dilapidated temples could be seen there even today.

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The present Adinath temple before its renovation by the Svetamvara Jainas of Madras city about four decades ago was in the possession of a Digambara Jaina. He was an elderly person. It was by hereditary right, he got possession of the temple. This Digambara Jaina was a scholar and an astrologer. He told me about the ancient glory of the original temple. The destruction of the Brahmi inscriptions set up by Kundakunda, the numerous temples around the main shrine and the flower garden. All these informations were handed down by his ancestors generation after generation and he has heard this authentic history of the original temple from his father and uncles. The old man passed away about two decades ago.
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Svami Rishabhadas who negotiated the transfer of the temple to the Svetambara community of Madras city had also heard the history of the original temple from the Digambara old man and he believed in the entire informations given to him. Svamiji who practised austere penance lived in the premises of the temple. He died about twenty years ago. Another inmate of the Ashrama started by Rishabhadas Svami was Baffna Svami, a Digambara ascetic of Karnataka. He was a scholar and knew the history of Karnataka. He also told me that whatever the Digambara old man had told him, Svamiji and the writer is entirely true. Baffna Svami was inmate of the Wardha Ashram for a few years and known to Mahatma Gandhi.
Another image of a Yaksi holding a baby in her hand was unearthed from the grounds of the temple. As desired by the Hindus the image was placed underneath a Banyan tree covered by a shelter for the worship of the Hindus, especially women, who believed that all ailments of children would be cured by offering worship to the image. A large number of women could be seen almost everyday worshipping the ancient image. The discovery of the image would prove that there may be more relics of the original temple buried deep in the grounds.
The Adinath temple associated with Kundakundacarya and Tiru Valluvar is the most sacred centre of worship to the Jainas of modern India.
A word about the temple dedicated to Neminath, the 22nd Tirthankara on the sea shore of Mylapore. According to tradition this temple also was founded by Kundakundacarya in the 1st century A.D. This temple was washed away by the sea but the image of Neminatha was saved by the Jainas of Mylapore who removed it to Sittamur in South Arcot District where there is a muth and a temple. The Gazetteer of South Arcot District contains the information that "a large Jaina image has been brought to Settamur long ago from Mylapore near Madras."

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A Versified Jaina Epitome of Kadambari
SATYAVRAT
Because of its exquisitive theme, which in its sweep, spans three successive births, majestic, though somewhat cumbersome style, and serene language marked by telling precision, combined with a deep insight into human psychology, the Kādambaril of Bana has over years, so enthralled its wide readership that in comparison to it all else tended to sink into sterility (bāņocchiştam jagatsarvam). However, while nothing, not even Weber's pungent denunciation thereof can detract from its undoubted excellences and the high place assured thereby, the Kādambari with its ponderous pedantry and stupendous Sastric learning that breathe through it has continued down the ages to pose serious hurdles to even the most mature scholarship in assuredly resolving the intricacies of what after all is classical prose, par excellence. Not only its complexities, its bulk has been equally prohibitive. This is precisely what had prompted the successive generations of writers to slash it to a handy and readable form, shearing it in the process of what in ultimate analysis to mere poetic trappings, intended to project Bana's scholastic attainments. This anxiety to bring Bana's magnum opus within the reach of lay readership, has resulted in the emergence of over a dozen compendiums and/or adaptations of Kādambari, both in prose and verse, of uneven worth. Of these the Kādambari-darpaņa (KD) of Mandana the prolific author-prime minister of Mandu, deserves notice by reason of its manifold virtues. Apart from being the sole abridgement of Kadambarī ever undertaken by a Jaina writer, it is distinguished by its lucid medium and close pursuance of the original.
Written in diference to the wishes of the author's patron (I. 16-17) the Kadambari-darpaņa embarks upon the frustrating task of pruning Bana's work, down to a size that may reflect its summum bonum, without in any way infringing upon the grace and essentials of the story and requirements of an epitome. A gifted writer as he was, Mandanao has
d himself with admirable credit. It is a measure of his poetic equipment that he has summed up the whole of Kādambari within the body of mere 574 anuştubh verses imaginatively arranged in four rounded sections (adhyāyas).
1 M. R. Kale (ed), Kadambari with auto-commentary Balabodhini, Delhi, 1968. 2 The New Catalogus Catalogorum, Madras University, Vol. III, p. 388. • Mandanagranthasamgraha, Sri Hemcandra Granthavali, Nos. VII-XI, 1918. . For an account of Mandana's life and works see my forthcoming book Jaina
Samskrta Mahakavya.

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Not unlike Bana Mandana has prefaced his epitome with an account of his lineage. While Bana's family was known for its scholastic attainments Mandana’s represented an admixture of riches and letters and was essentially a veritable repository of eminent ministers (I.3), he himself being a peer of Brhaspati (1.13). An abridgement can ill afford the luxury of elaborate descriptions. Mandana therefore has wisely dispensed with a series of descriptions that characterise Kādambari in its inception. He has relegated them in a severely truncated form, towards the close of his narrative and are there to form a link with the earlier segment of the story. Such of the descriptions, as being inextricable ingradients of the main story and therefore essential to its flow and proper understanding he has chosen to incorporate in the epitome are reduced to the barest minimum with practically no possibility to cut them down further. The account of Acchoda lake (1.94-103), the shifting phenomena at dusk (II.64-70) and the nakhasikha description of Kadambari's physical beauty (III.1-18) are cases in point. It may be noted in respect of the latter that while it does not pertake many of the ideas of the original it has the merit of not ignoring any of its salient features and represents a worthy compendium of its parallel in Bana." Mandana's description of the shifting phenomena at the onset of night vis-a-vis Mahasveta's emotional stresses effectively brings out her anguish born of her separation from Pundarika (II.64-70). For the other descriptions that menacingly beset Bana's narrative, Mandana has effectively resisted his temptation that could have well deflected a lesser poet from his goal, exposing him, in the process to ridiculous situations, irrelevant to an abridgement.
Mandana seems to have launched upon his task with the zeal of a missionary and equipment of a well-versed author. He had not only a thorough grasp and transparent understanding of Bana's work, but had also mastered all the nuances of his language and various situations of his narrative. And if the unending similarity in phraseology is any pointer he had commited to heart the whole of Kādambarī almost verbatim. Otherwise it would be difficult to account for the deep sprinkling of Bana's ideas and phrases that KD has received in profusion.
An epitome to have any worth should represent faithfully the soul of the original without lowering its guard against such inroads as tend to impair its purpose. The Kādambari-darpana is faithful to its prototype not only in theme which incidentally is the basic requirement of a compendium, but in the matter of language as well. This two-fold ad
* Kadambari, op. cit., pp. 282-88.

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herence to his original has enabled Mandana to capture the depth of feelings and emotional and physical torments of his characters in pithy verses in a manner that he compares creditably well with the original.6
That the Kādambari-darpaņa forms an excellent epitome of Bana's Kādambari is to restate the obvious. The divergences are too insignificant to admit of serious consideration or to introduce anything new in the body of the work. Of the four sections, the first summarises preliminaries apart the story from Tarapida to Mahasveta's account upto the advent of her youth related to Candrapida in her first encounter with him. The second section carries the narrative to Candrapida's visit to Kadambari on Hemakuta, preceeded by the touching account of Mahasveta's meeting with Pundarika and the latters succumbing to his emotional upsurge. Candrapida's meeting with Kadambari followed by the lovely description of their love, the prince's return to his capital and his journey back to Kailasa apparently in search of his friend Vaisampayana form the contents of the third section. Section four deals with the rest of the narrative.
Mandana's indebtedness to Bana is evident at every step. There is hardly any verse in KD that does not pulsate with Bana's phraseology while it is neither feasible nor advisable to detail all such similarities, some of the more glaring may be reproduced to drive home the quantum of debt Mandana owes to the author of the Kādambari.
While describing Candrapida's pursuit of the Kinnara couple and his consequent arrival at Kailasa, Bana remarks :
atra grhyate’tra grhyate idam grhitamidam gļhitamityatirabhasakrstacetā mahājavatayā turangamasya muhurtamātreņaiva...pancadasayojanamātramadhvānam jagămastaccānuvadhyamānam kinnaramithunamavalokayata evāsya sammukhāpatitamacalatungaśikharamāruroha.?
With it may be compared the following verses from KD mahtyā bānchyāvisto vājinā vāyuramhasa/ pratyavahyadanitah panthānam pañcayojanam//I. 82 idam grhitamityeva tasyānudravatah purah/ ardreh śikharamatyuccamaśvo' gamyamavāpa tat//I. 83
6 Compare :
haraksalatamorasit parivrttiryathavayoh/ tasminnavasare jata tathaiva manasorapill. II. 34. sarvamantargatam vrttam tattad vyakuryati tayoh/
drstirmadhye yayau dutyam yatayatam vitanvatill ? Kadambari, op. cit., p. 193.
III. 49.

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Candrapida's subsequent vacillation at his venture is described by Bana as follows
kimanena gļhitenägļhitena vā kinnarayugalena prayojanam/8
Mandana has adopted the sentence almost in toto
gļhitenāgshitena kim vānena prayojanam/I. 86
Bana has delineated the state of Pundarika's emotions with a pretty sahokti
karatalādak samālām lajjayā saha galitāmapi nājnāsit... athahām tām kanthābharanatāmanayam/
Mandana's description of the situation is not much dissimilar
na viveda tadā pāņicyutām sphatikamalikām! pranayam hārapadabimādāya tām drutam[/I 23
All these serve to highlight Mandana's close adherence to the original. He measures well upto the task he undertook so zealously. Indeed the Kādambari-darpana with its commitment to the prototype and lucid style matched by pleasing ease is one of the best compendiums of Kādambarī fully worthy of the master. It has additionally the distinct merit of catering to dissiminating to one and all what was hithertofore accessible to well-equipped scholars alone.
8 Ibid., p. 194.
Ibid., p. 232.

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Yaksa in Jaina Agamas
RATNESH KUMAR VARMA
Yaksas originally figuring in the folklore tradition were extensively incorporated in ancient Indian literature. The ancient literature unmistakably hints at the Yaksa statue as popular god with non-Aryan origin. Hillebrandt finds its earliest meaning magician, uncouth being, unseen spiritual enemy etc., then simply a supernatural being of exalted character and finally in the ordinary sense. A.B. Keith in a communication to Coomaraswamy suggested the derivation of the word from the root 'yaj' i.e. to worship. Coomaraswamy thinks that the word as well as concept may be non-Aryan.1
Jaina texts classified Yaksas as Vyantara divinities. Vyantaras are known as wandering spirits. Yaksas as Vyantara divinities have benign as well as malign aspects. As a benign spirit Yaksas bestow happiness upon devotees and fulfill their desires, but as malefic characters they may bring about disaster. The Ācārängasūtra refers Yaksamaha while giving account for Skandamaha, Rudramaha, Nagamaha. The text gives a vivid description of Skandamaha which indicates that Yaksa would have certainly be a popular deity like Skanda, Rudra and others. 2 The Sūtrakrtānga pointed out that hosts of gods, Asuras, Nagas, Yaksas etc. are unable to seduce away a Sramana from the creed of Nirgantha.3
The Sthānăngasūtra describes Yaksa as one of lokapālas of Asurendra Camara.4 The other lokapālas are Soma, Yama, Varuna and Vaisramana. Further, we find reference to Purnabhadra as Yaksendra (Lord of Yaksas) who has four agramahişis. They are Putra, Bahuputra, Uttama, Taraka. The name of Manibhadra Yaksa is also associated with these agramahişis.
The malefic character of Yaksa is clear with the word 'yakşāvistapürusa' (a man possessed by a Yaksa) which is used for a theif or an
* See Coomaraswamy A.K., Yaksas, Part I, Washington, 1928.
Acarangasutra, Part II, Sutra 337. : Sacred Books of the East, Jaina Sutras, ed. by MaxMuller, transl. by H. Jacobi,
Varanasi 1964. • Sthanangasutra, 256. • Sthanangasutra, 273.

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angry person. When included within eight types of Vyantara divinities the Yaksa is associated with Caitya tree. Further the text dedicates two kuțas of Vaitadhya hill to Manibhadra and Purnabhadra.8 Both are regarded as Deva and are assigned the work of leading an army. They are called Devasenā.9
The Samavāyāngasūtra casts light on the disposition of Yaksas altered from malefic to benefic. They are to listen to Jaina preaching in the assembly.10 The reference indicates that a new idea regarding Yaksa now was emerging which ultimately culminated into a new concept of śāsanadevatās in the later texts and times.
The Daśavaikālikasūtra presents another example of the Yaksa's converted to benevolent disposition. It mentions that a god, a Yaksa or a denizen of bhavanas, if he has no humility in him, is seen suffering from pain.11 Again, a god, a Yaksa, a denizen of bhavanas if he has humility in him is seen to attain happiness and fame.12
The Uttarādhyayanasūtra describes Yaksa as a divine being who shines like luminaries if endowed with sundry virtues.13 The text uplifts Yaksa status coeval with god by mentioning a temple constructed for him outside the city. The location of the temple is in the Tinduka forest which was famous for practising austerities and meditation, 14
The Uttarādhyayanasūtra attributes super-natural power to Yaksas though they hold a higher status. They still continue to behave in a peculiar way. The following lines will clarify it. “There lived a spirit on Tinduka tree. For the great monk he felt pity and entered into the the monk's body, and spoke ......"15
Various references in the Uttaradhyayanasūtra indicate that the Yaksa concept was at that time passing through transition. The Yaksas have their specific power; but were convinced of the Jaina doctrine and
• Sthanangasutra, 409. * Sthanangasutra, 654. • Sthanangasutra, 689.
Sthanangasutra, 693. 19 Samavayangasutra, 34. 11 Dasavaikalikasutra, 9 & 10; also see transl., K.C. Lalwani, Delhi, 1973. 18 Dasavaikalikasutra, 9 & 11. 13 Uttaradhyayanasutra, ch. II, 14 ; also transl. and notes by K.C. Lalwani, Calcutta
1976. 14 Uttaradhyayanasutra, ch. XII, p. 117. 15 Uttaradhyayanasutra, ch, XII, 8, p. 179.

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used their powers in a benevolent ways. They used their power for serving the nobler cause of the society. At one place it is pointed out that Devas, Danavas, Kinnaras, Yaksas, Raksas, Gandharvas and such other deities pay homage to a chaste monk; who fulfill, duties difficult to perform.16
The chaste monk is revered by Yaksas as evident by following gāthā:
āyakkha no samjaya jakkhapūiyā icchāmo naum bhavao sagāse17
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Yaksa, Devas, Danavas, Gandharvas etc. are not visible to the human eyes. But the Yaksas are supposed to witness many deeds that are done on the surface of the earth.18
16 Uttaradhyayanasutra, ch. XVI, pp. 178, 73. 17 Uttaradhyayanasutra, ch. XVI, 45. p. 129. 18 Uttaradhyayanasutra, ch. XXIII. 20, p. 268.

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