Jain Journal 1983 10

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520072/1

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A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XVIII OCTOBER 1983 OCTOBER 1983 No. 2 Jain Journal IUC HOA JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION For Private & Personal use only

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Contents A Nonpareil Ambika Image from Patian-Dai 45 Maruti Nandan Prasad Tiwari 54 Kautilya : A Follower of Jainism Binod Kumar Tiwary Yatis and Vratyas 57 J. C. Sikdar A Note on Vasunandi and His Date 64 Hampa Nagarajayya Jaina Sculptures from Anai-Jambad 67 Pratip Kumar Mitra Book Review Sri Upasakadasanga Sutra : Ravinder Kumar Jain Sajjan Singh Lishk 73 Plates Ambika, Satna, M. P. 45 Jaina Sculptures from Anai-Jambad 69

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Ambika, Stana, M.P. Allahabad Museum No. 293 Courtesy : American Institute of Indian Studies, Varanasi

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BOOK REVIEW SRI UPASAKADASANGA SUTRA, Punjabi translation by Ravinder Kumar Jain, edited by Purshottam Das Jain. Publisher: 25th Mahavira Nirvana Satabdi Sanyojika Samiti, Malerkotla (Pb.), 1981. Pages xxi+166. Price Rs. 21.00. Ravinder Kumar Jain, the translator of Uttaradhyayana Sutra in Punjabi, has made a commendable attempt to bring out the Punjabi translation of Sri Upasakadasanga Sutra, the seventh anga of the sacred Jaina canonical literature. Despite the enormous difficulties of finding exact equivalents in Punjabi, the author has successfully imbibed the true spirit of the original text in the translation coupled with critical comments and comparative study wherever necessary. This work is of utmost importance for the Punjabi speaking sravakas as it was difficult for them to follow the Ardhamagadhi texts in original. The work presents the exemplary character of the ten sravakas whose lives, according to the author, contribute something unique for the masses to follow. This book is really indispensable for every Punjabi sravaka who believes, thinks, and acts according to the holy path as propounded in Lord Mahavira's teachings. For the benefit of the reader, the author has appended collection of gathas and introduction to the prominent persons referred to in the present text. A critical survey of social, economic and political conditions as enunciated in Sri Upasakadasanga Sutra has been made in an unprejudiced manner. At the end of the book, a note on Maha Mantra Navakara has also been added. -Sajjan Singh Lishk

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A Nonpareil Ambika Image from Patian-Dai MARUTI NANDAN PRASAD TIWARI Yaksas and Yaksis, constituting a class of semidivine beings of Jaina pantheon, are technically known as Sasanadevatas, guardian deities of the order. According to the Jaina belief, Indra appoints a Yaksa and a Yaksi as attendants with every Jina. Although the pairs of Yaksas and Yaksis, for the twenty-four Jinas were evolved sometime in the 8th-9th century A.D., yet their detailed individual iconography was settled only in the 11th-12th century A.D. One of the earliest instances of the collective representations of the 24 Yaksis, is known from the Temple No. 12 at Deogarh (Lalitpur, U. P., 862 A.D.), whereat their independent iconography was not yet settled, except for Ambika, a Yaksi of longer tradition. The other two instances are carved in the Barabhuji cave (Khandagiri, Puri, Orissa, 11th-12th century A.D.) and in the parikara of the Ambika image from Patian-Dai temple (Satna, M.P.)." The figure, fashioned in wine-coloured sandstone and measuring 1.700 x 920 metres, is now on display in the Allahabad Museum (Acc. No. AM 293). The image is datable to c. 11th century A.D. on account of the style and iconography both. Ambika, traditionally associated with the 22nd Jina Neminatha, enjoyed the highest veneration in the group of the 24 Yaksas and Yaksis. The Patian-Dai image of Ambika is nonpareil as well as heady in the sense that it contains the figures of other 23 Yaksis also along with their 1 Tiwari, M. N. P., Elements of Jaina Iconography, Varanasi, 1983, p. 58. It is surprising that the representation of the 24 Yaksas is not known from anywhere. So far only these three instances of the collective representations of the 24 Yaksis are known. They are all affiliated to the Digambara sect. The image, bearing inscription in the characters of 10th-11th century A.D., was set up in the temple, older in date atleast by 300 years, which, however, remained empty for a long time. See, Cunningham, A., Archaeological Survey of India Report (Central India), vol. IX, Varanasi, 1966 (rep.), p. 32; Amar, Gopilal, 'Patian-Dai Ek Guptakalin Jain Mandir', Anekanta, year 19, No. 6, February 1967, p. 344.

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JAIN JOURNAL names inscribed below. The figures of 18 Yaksis are carved, in vertical rows, on two flanks of Ambika while the remaining five are portrayed, in a horizontal row, in the top parikara. The Yaksis in the top parikara are labelled as Vahurupini, Camunda, Sarasati, Padumavati and Vijaya while those on the two flanks (from top to bottom) are Jaya, Anantamati, Vairota, Gauri, Mahakali, Kali, Pusadadhi and Prajapati (on right), and Aparajita, Mahamanusi, Anantamati, Gandhari, Manusi, Jalamalini, Manuja and Vajrasamkala (on left). The figure of four-armed Ambika, wearing a long dhoti and bejewelled in graiveyaka, necklaces, girdles (with suspended-loops), anklets, bracelets, armlets and karanda-mukuta, stands as she is in tribhanga. The goddess is provided with stellate cut halo. The small face of the goddess shows benign appearance, while other bodily features reveal sensuousness through flexions and prominent bosoms. Although the hands are damaged, yet foliage of a mango tree overhead and rendering of two sons, Subhankara and Priyankara, along with a lion mount, make the identification of the goddess with Ambika doubtless.? The tiny figure of her Jina, Neminatha, the conch lanchana, is also carved over her head. Besides Neminatha, the figures of 12 other Jinas, two seated and all others standing in kayotsarga-mudra as sky-clad, are also shown in the parikara. The nudity of the Jina figures distinctly relate them with the Digambara sect. The figures of the gaja-vyala-makara trio as throneframe animals, are rendered on two sides. Close to the feet of Ambika, there appear a male and a female worshippers, while another figure of a worshipper is shown on the pedastal. The representation of twoarmed Sarvanubhuti (or Kubera) Yaksa, the male counterpart of Ambika, is significant here. He is seated in lalitasana on the pedastal and holds a mace and a mongoose-skin purse. Another point of interest here is the rendering of two-armed figures of navagrahas on the lowermost part of the pedastal. Of the navagrahas, Surya in utkutik asana, holds a longstalked lotus in each of his two hands, while other six grahas, seated in lalitasana, show the abhaya-mudra and a water-vessel. The urdhakaya figure of Rahu is followed by Ketu. 4 The only other instance of the representation of 24 Yaksis with their names is known from the Santinatha temple (Temple No. 12) at Deogarh. 5 The names of Ambika, Cakresvari and one other unidentified Yaksi, are, how ever, not inscribed. Cunningham, A., op. cit., p. 31; Pramod Chandra, Stone Sculptures in Allahabad Museum, Bombay, 1970, p. 162. ? Of the two sons, one on the right is riding on a lion, the vahana of Ambika, while the other one is standing to her left.

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OCTOBER, 1983 We shall now discuss the iconographic features of each of the 23 Yaksis in the parikara. All the four-armed Yaksis, carved arbitrarily instead of being in traditional order, are standing in tribhanga with their respective vahanas. Their names correspond with list supplied by the Digambara works, namely, the Tiloyapannatti (of Yativrsabha, c. 8th century A.D.), the Pratisthasarasamgraha (of Vasunandi, c. 12th century A.D.) and the Pratisthasaroddhara (of Asadhara, c.1200-1250 A.D.), 8 excepting Manuja and Sarasati. However, the name of Anatamati has been carved twice because of the engraver's mistake. The inscription, however, does not mention the names of Cakresvari, Rohini, Manovega, Manavi, Ambika and Siddhayini Yaksis.9 But the figures of Cakresvari, Manovega labelled as Manuja), Ambika and Siddhayini (labelled as Sarasati) could distinctly be identified on account of their iconographic features. The first Yaksi Vahurupini (Bahurupini-Cunningham), accompanied by a boar as vahana, holds a sword, a shield and a water-vessel in her three surviving hands.10 In the Digambara texts, Vahurupini, the Yaksi of the 20th Jina Munisuvrata, is conceived with a sword, a shield, a fruit and the varada-mudra in hands and riding a black cobra 11 Thus the present figure concurs with the Digambara traditio respect of attributes only. The second Yaksi Camunda (Camura-Cunningham), accompanied by makara-vahana, weilds the varada-mudra, a musala (or mudgara), a cup and a water-vessel. The Digambara works inveriably visualize the four-armed Camunda, the Yaksi of the 21st Jina Naminatha, as riding on a makara and holding a danda, a khetaka, a rosary and a khadga 12 The present figure agrees with the Digambara tradition only as to the vahana and the attribute, mudgara (or danda). 8 The Digambara list of the 24 Yaksis include : Cakresvari, Rohini, Prajnapti, Vajrasrnkhala, Purusadatta, Manovega, Kali, Jvalamalini, Mahakali, Manavi, Gauri, Gandhari, Vairotya (or Vairoti), Anantamati, Manasi, Mahamanasi, Jaya, Taravati (or Vijaya), Aparajita, Bahurupini, Camunda, Ambika, Padmavati and Siddhayini. Jain, Niraj, 'Patian-Dai Mandir Ki Murti Aur Caubis Jina Sasanadeviyan', Anekanta, year 16, No. 3, August 1963, p. 101 ; Tiwari, M.N.P., Jaina Prati mavijnana, Varanasi, 1981, p. 161. 10 The attributes here and elsewhere are reckoned clock-wise starting from the lower right hand. 11 krsnanagasamarudha devata bahurupini/khetam khadgam phalam dhatte hema varna caturbhuja-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.61-62 ; yaje krsnahigam khetaka phalakhadgavarottaram---Pratisthasaroddhara 3.174. 18 camunda yastikhetaksasutrakhadgotkata harit/makarastharcyate pancadasa dandonnatesabhak-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.175. un Pratisthadhraha 5.61-62.gam phalam di

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JAIN JOURNAL The third Yaksi Sarasati, joined by the vahana peacock, is shown with varada-mudra, a manuscript and a vina in her three surviving hands. The Yaksi is identifiable with Siddhayini, the Yaksi of the 24th Jina Mahavira, on account of her attributes, manuscript and vina.13 The fourth Yaksi Padumavati is none else but Padmavati, the Yaksi of the 23rd Jina Parsvanatha. The Yaksi, accompanied by a lion as mount, shows the varada-mudra, lotus (twice) and a water-vessel. Barring lotuses, the figure, however, does not attune to the description of Digambara texts, wherein she is conceived with kukkuta-sarpa (or kukkuta) as vahana and holding a goad, a rosary and a lotus as distinguishing attributes.14 However, the absence of snake here either in hand or as canopy is surprising. The fifth Yaksi Vijaya is joined by a lion as mount with one arm in varada, and the rest holding a thunderbolt, a snake and a water-vessel. Vijaya, the Yaksi of the 18th Jina Aranatha, is conceived with a lion as vahana and holding, as she does, a snake, a vajra, a disc and a fruit.15 Thus the figure reveals complete concordance with the tradition, except for disc and fruit in hands. The sixth Yaksi Jaya rides a buffalo and holds a musala, a noose and a water-vessel in her three hands, while the remaining one rests on a flower. The Digambara works invariably see the four-armed Jaya, the Yaksi of the 17th Jina Kunthunatha, with boar as vahana and holding a conch, a sword, a disc and the varada-mudra.16 The figure does not correspond the least with the textual injunctions. The seventh Yaksi, Anantamati by name, rides a lion and holds the varada-mudra, a trident, a ghanta and a water-vessel. The Digambara texts, however, visualize Anantamati as the Yaksi of the 14th Jina Anantanatha, who, on the contrary, sitting on a hamsa bears a bow, an arrow, a fruit and the varada-mudra.17 13 Tiwari, Maruti Nandan Prasad, Elements of Jaina Iconography, p. 58-62. 14 devi padmavati namna raktavamam caturbhuja/padmasanankusam dhatte aksasutram ca pankajam/athava sadbhuja devi caturvimsati sadbhuja--Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.67-68 ; yestum kurkatasarpagatriphanakottamsadvisoyata sat/pasadih sadasatkrte ca dhrtasankhaspadido astaka - Pratisthasaroddhara 3.174. 15 simhasana caturbahurvajracakraphaloragah/tejovati svarnavarna namna sa vijayamata-Aparajitaprccha 221.32. 16 jayadevi suvarnabha krsnasukaravahana/sankhasicakrahastasau varadadharma vatsala-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.55. Also : Pratisthasaroddhara 3.171. 17 tathanantamati hemavarna caiva caturbhuja/capambanam phalam dhattevarada hamsavahana-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.49. Also : Pratisthasaroddhara 3.168.

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OCTOBER, 1983 The eighth Yaksi Vairota (Vairata-Cunningham), provided with naga vahana, shows the varada-mudra, a snake, a snake and a watervessel. Vairotya (or Vairoti), the Yaksi of the 13th Jina Vimalanatha, in Digambara works, is likewise conceived with snake as mount and holding snakes in two hands and a bow and an arrow in the remaining ones. 18 The ninth Yaksi Gauri, traditionally, associated with the 11th Jina Sreyamsanatha, in conformity with the Digambara dhyanas rides a deer with one arm in varada, and the rest holding a lotus, a lotus and a watervessel.19 The 10th Yaksi, inscribed as Mahakali, is accompanied by kurma as vahana with one hand in varada and the remaining carrying a mace (or mudgara), a thunderbolt and a water-vessel. The four-armed Mahakali, the Yaksi of the ninth Jina Puspadanta, is conceived in Digambara texts, riding a kurma and holding a vajra, a mudgara, a fruit and the varada-mudra.20 According to the Aparajitapiccha, the Yaksi shows a mace and the abhaya-mudra in place of mudgara and fruit.21 The figures thus fully corresponds with the tradition. The 11th Yaksi Kali, associated with the seventh Jina Suparsvanatha, in accordance with the Digambara texts, rides a bull and shows the varada-mudra, a trident, a ghanta and a watervessel in hands.22 The 12th Yaksi, labelled as Pusadadhi (correct name Purusadatta), is accompanied by an elephant as vahana with one arm in varada and the remaining bearing a disc, a vajra and a water-vessel. Purusadatta, the Yaksi of the fifth Jina Sumatinatha, in Digambara tradition, is likewise 18 vairoti namatau devi haridvarna caturbhujah/hastadvayena sarpau dvau dhatte ghanasavahana-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.42. Also : Pratisthaasarodd hara 3.167. 19 However, the texts envisage mudgara in place of a lotus. padmahasta suvar nabha gauridevi caturbhuja/jinendrasasane bhakta varada mrgavahana-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.38; samudgarabjakalasam varadam kanakaprabham -Pratisthasaroddhara 3.165. 20 devi tatha mahakali vinita kurmavahana/savajramudgara (krsna) phalahasta caturbhuja-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.34. Also : Pratisthasaroddhara 3.163. 21 caturbhuja krsnavarna vajra gadavarabhayah-Aparajitaprccha 221.23. 23 However, the texts envisage fruit in place of a water vessel and even trident is sometimes replaced by a spear, sitagovrsabharudha kalidevi caturbhuja/ghantatrisulasamyuktaphalahastavaraprada-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.30; sita govrsaga ghantam phalasulavaravrtam-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.161.

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50 JAIN JOURNAL visualized as four-armed and riding an elephant with the varada-mudra. a disc, a vajra and a fruit in hands.23 The 13th Yaksi, Prajapati by name, is joined by hamsa as vahana and shows the varada-mudra, a sword (?), a parasu and a lotus-stalk in hands. Prajapati, if taken to be Prajnapti, may be associated with the third Jina Sambhavanatha, who, according to the Digambara texts, rides a bird (unspecified) and possesses either four or six arms with ardhendu, a parasu, a sword, an idhi (or padma), a fruit and the varadamudra in them.24 The figure thus appears to have atleast some correspondence with the textual prescriptions. The 14th Yaksi, although not inscribed, is distinctly identifiable with Cakresvari, the Yaksi of the first Jina Rsabhanatha, who, in conformity with the Digambara works is provided with garuda (in human form) as vahana and the varada-mudra and discs (twice) as attributes in three surviving hands.25 The 15th Yaksi, Aparajita by name, is joined by sarabha (astapada) as vahana with varada-mudra and a shield in her two surviving hands. Aparajita, the Yaksi of the 19th Jina Mallinatha, in Digambara tradition is conceived with Sarabha (or astapada) as mount and a fruit, a sword, a shield, and the varada-mudra as attributes.26 The figure thus reveals concordance with the textual prescriptions. The 16th Yaksi, labelled as Mahamanusi (correct name-Mahamanasi), with one hand in varada, carries a mace and a lotus in her other two surviving hands. The figure of her mount is damaged. Mahamanasi, the Yaksi of the 16th Jina Santinatha, in Digambara texts, is 23 devi purusadatta ca caturhastagajendraga/rathangavajrasastrasau phalahasta varaprada--Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.25 ; gajendragavajraphalodyacakravaranga hasta--Pratisthasaroddhara 3.160. Also : Aparajitaprccha 221.19. prajnapiirdevata sveta sadbhujapaksivahana/ardhenduparasum dhatte phalasristavaraprada-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.20; paksisthardhenduparasuphalasidhivaraih sita-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.158 ; abhayavaradaphalacandram para surutpalam-Aparajitaprccha 221.17. 25 The Digambara works, however, envisage matulinga in one other hand, vame cakresvari devi sthapyadvadasasadbhuja / dhatte hastadvayevajre cakrani ca tathastasu/ekena bijapuram tu varada kamalasana/caturbhujathava cakram dvayorgaruda vahanam-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5. 15-16. Also : Pratistha saroddhara 3.156. 26 astapadam samarudha devi namna'parajita / phalasikhetahastasau haridvarna caturbhuja-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.59; sarabhastharcyate khetaphalasivarayuk harit-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.173.

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OCTOBER, 1983 provided with a peacock as vanana and a fruit, a snake (or a mace), a cakra and the varada-mudra as attributes. 27 The 17th Yaksi Anantamati is provided with peacock as vahana, and the varada-mudra and a manuscript as attributes in her two surviving hands. The name of the Yaksi, however, is repeated here but the iconography is completely different from the earlier Anantamati (seventh Yaksi). The iconography here too does not reveal any traditional feature as envisaged for Anantamati, the Yaksi of Anantanatha. The peacock vahana brings her closer to Mahamanasi, the Yaksi of the 16th Jina Santinatha, who likewise rides a peacock, whereas the manuscript is suggestive of her affiliation with Nirvani, the Yaksi of Santinatha in Svetambara tradition.28 Thus the iconography of Nirvani and Mahamanasi seem to have some bearing on the figure of Anantamati. The 18th Yaksi Gandhari is endowed with makara as vahana and the varada-mudra and a musala as attributes in her surviving hands. The figure appears to have followed the Digambara dhyanas wherein Gandhari, the Yaksi of the 12th Jina Vasupujya, is conceived, as riding a makara and holding a musala, a lotus, the varada-mudra and a lotus.29 The 19th Yaksi Manusi (Manasi--Cunningham) is accompanied by a boar (?) as vahana with the varada-mudra and a lotus in her two surviving hands. In Digambara tradition, the six-armed Manasi is invoked as the Yaksi of the 15th Jina Dharmanatha, who invariably rides a vyaghra and carries lotuses in two hands and a bow, the varada-mudra, a goad and an arrow in the remaining four.30 The figure thus concurs with the tradition only in respect of lotus and the varada-mudra. The 20th Yaksi Jalamalini (correct appellation Jvalamalini) is joined by the vahana buffalo (?) with the varada-mudra and the trident in her two surviving hands. Jvalini or Jvalamalini, in Digambara tradition, 27 sumahamanasi devi hemavarna caturbhuja / phalahicakrahastasau varada sikhi vahana-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.53 ; cakraphaledhirankitakaram mahamana sim suvarnabham--Pratisthasaroddhara 3.170. 28 Pratisthasarasamgraha 5,53; nirvanim devim gauravarnam padmasanam catur bhujam pustakotpalayuktadaksinakaram kamandalukamalayuta vamahastam ceti-Nirvanakalika 18.16. 29 sapadmamusalambhojadana makaraga harit--Pratisthasaroddhara 3.166. 30 devata manasi namna sadbhujavidumaprabha/vyaghravahanamarudha nityam dharmanuragini --Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.51 ; sambujadhanudanamkusasarotpala vyaghraga pravalanibha-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.169.

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JAIN JOURNAL is known as the Yaksi of the eighth Jina Candraprabha. She is visaulized as eight-armed and riding a buffalo with an arrow, a disc, a trident, a noose, a bow, a fish, a sword and the carma in her hands. 31 The 21st Yaksi Manuja (Manuji-Cunningham) is provided with horse as vahana and shows the varada-mudra, a sword and a shield in her three surviving hands. However, in the Digambara tradition there is no Yaksi with this name. The Yaksi of the 10th Jina Sitalanatha, in Digambara tradition, though called Manavi, rides, on the contrary, a boar and holds a fruit, the varada-mudra, a fish and a noose.32 However, another Yaksi Manovega, associated with the sixth Jina Padmaprabha, although differs in name, but has atleast some concurrence with Manuja in respect of iconography. Like Manuja she is conceived with horse as vahana and the varada-mudra, a sword, a shield and a fruit as attributes.33 The 22nd Yaksi, without her name being inscribed, is accompanied by gaja-vyala as vahana and shows the varada-mudra in one of her surviving hands. However, the identification of the Yaksi is not possible. The 23rd Yaksi Vajrasamkala (Vrijamsakala-Cunningham) is joined by a harsa as vahana with the varadamudra and a manuscript in her two surviving hands. The Yaksi is identifiable with Vajrasrnkhala, the Yaksi of the fourth Jina Abhinandana, who, likewise, rides a hamsa with one hand in varada and the rest holding a nagapasa, a rosary and a fruit. 34 It is hence apparent from the foregoing description that the figures of the Yaksis, in most of the cases, concur with the injunctions as envisaged by the Digambara texts, such as the Pratisthasarasamgraha, the Pratisthasaroddhara and sometimes also the Aparajitapiccha, as to their names and distinct iconographic features. However, in other two identical instances of the collective renderings of the 24 Yaksis, known from Deogarh (Temple No. 12) and Khandagiri (Barabhuji cave), we do not find 81 ivalini mahisarudha devi sveta bhujastaka / kandamcakramtrisulam ca dhatte pasam ca muska)sam-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.32 ; candrojjvalam cakrasarasapasa carmatrisulesujhasasihastam-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.162 manavi ca haridvarna jhasahastacaturbhujah / krsnasukarayanastha phalahas tavaraprada-Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.36. 38 turangavahana devi manovega caturbhuja / varada kancana chaya siddhasi phalakayudha--Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.28 ; manovega saphalakaphalakhadgvararcyate-Pratisthasaroddhara 3.161. Varada hamsamarudha devata vajrasrnkhala / nagapasaksa sutroruphalahasta caturbhuja--Pratisthasarasamgraha 5.22-23. Also : Pratisthasaroddhara 3.159 : Aparajtaprccha 221.18.

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OCTOBER, 1983 that much of concordance with the tradition. Of the 24 Yaksis, 14 in the image under discussion fully agree with the textual prescriptions in respect of their names, vahanas and distinguishing attributes. 35 The names of Manasi, Mahamanasi, Jaya, Padmavati and Anantamati although correspond with the traditional list, yet their iconography differ from the known dhyanas, e.g. Padmavati and Anantamati ride respectively a lion and a peacock (and lion) instead of kukkuta-sarpa and hamsa. It, thus, appears that these figures were probably carved on the basis of some such tradition which is now lost to us. Siddhayika (or Siddhayini), on account of her closeness with Sarasvati, is called Sarasati, and hence rides a peacock, in place of a lion. Prajnapti, although labelled as Prajapati agrees with the tradition in respect of parasu only. The rendering of hamsa with Prajapati is suggestive of her association with Brahma by virtue of her name. Another Yaksi Manuja may be identified with Manovega on the testimony of horse vahana and sword and shield in hands. The figure of a Yaksi with gaja-vyala-vahana, however, remains unidentified. Thus the unidentified Yaksi and Anantamati, carved twice, leave Rohini and Manavi, respectively the second and the tenth Yaksis, unrepresented. 85 Cakresvari, Vajrasrnkhala, Purusadatta, Kali, Jvalamalini, Mahakali, Gauri. Gandhari, Vairotya, Vijaya, Aparajita, Baburupini, Camunda and Ambika. Though the name of Cakresvari is not inscribed, yet the features make her identification doubtless. The names of Yaksis, which in most of the cases are erroneous, suggest that the engraver was an illiterate person.

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Kautilya-A Follower of Jainism BINOD KUMAR TIWARY The end of Nanda dynasty and installation of Mauryas on the political scene of ancient India may be credited to Kautilya, who uprooted the rule of the former and succeeded in making Candragupta Maurya the ruler of Magadha. Kautilyal was one of the strongest prime minister in ancient India, who not only framed certain rules and regulations for the coming generations, but laid them down in his famous book the Arthasastra. So far the religious belief and leanings of Kautilya is concerned, both Buddhist and Jainas take him in their own fold. But if we go through all aspects of his life, it would be clear to us that he was more attached to Jainism than any other cult prevailing in Northern India during the 4th century B.C. The ancient Jaina text Avasyakacurni not only regards Kautilya as a Jaina follower, but preserves his life in detail as well. According to it, he was born in a devout Jaina Brahmin family in B.C. 472. The name of his father was Canaka or Cani and his mother was Canesvari? who lived in a village called Canaya? in the Visaya or district known as Golla.4 They ancestrally belonged to Brahmin caste, but were Jaina fravakas from the religious side.5 Even today, we find several families in South India, who are Brahmins by caste but traditionally are followers of Jaina cult. The Buddhists give a very interesting legend regarding the birth of Kautilya. It has been narrated that he was born with all his teeth in his mouth.? As his father was a Jaina sravaka, many Jaina sramanas used 1 He is also known as Canakya and Visnugupta in contemporary and other texts. * Avasyakacurni, p. 563. * Avasyakasutra vrtti, p. 433 ; Parisistaparvana, 8. 194. * Cf. R. K. Mookherjee, Candragupta Maurya and His Times, p. 232. 5 Parisistaparvana, chap. VIII, verse 105. * J. P. Jain, Pramukh Aitihasik Jain Purus aur Mahilayen, pp. 34-35. ? Mahavansa, gathas 68-69.

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OCTOBER, 1983 to come to his house and at the time of his birth, they were present in the house of Cani. He asked the framanas to forecast the future of the boy. They told him that the newly born child would be a distinguished and famous person. Later on when he became the prime minister of Candragupta Maurya, their forecast came to be true. Acarya Haribhadra Suri has given more attention to the life of Canakya. He says that the presence of the Jaina sramanas at Canakya's house at the time of his birth indicates that his parents were followers of the same cult.9 The Avasyakacurni, while narrating his life shows that he was given fourteen types of education and became a sravaka during his youth. Hemacandra, the author of Parisistaparvana has mentioned the Jaina pontiff Sambhutavijaya calling Kautilya 'sanghopasaka'. He honours Canakya with the title like 'pravacanopahasa bhiru'1o,'sanghapurusa'11 and 'nirjarodyata',12 which are generally used for a member of sravaka sangha. He further says that it was Cankaya, who converted Candragupta Maurya to Jainism and before accepting this new faith, there was a discussion between the king and the prime minister and Canakya convinced Candragupta of the Jaina principles and ethics which he then gladly accepted.18 A story of the last days of Canakya throws some light also on his religious belief. It is said that during the ripe old age of his life, Kautilya was falsely charged of murdering the king's mother. When he felt that he has fallen in disrespect in the palace, he passed on his post to his disciple Radhagupta, took munidiksa and started starving himself to death like a true Jaina.14 The Bhatta Painna,15 Santhara Painna16 and Marana Painna1 confirm this event of Kautilya's life. Tradition represents the 'wicked minister' as having repented and returned to Sukula tirtha on the banks of the river Narmada, where he breathed his last and Candragupta is also supposed to have followed him in his last days. Sukula tirtha is the exact equivalent of Belgola, 55 Kautilya lived with Candragupta Maurya for about twentyfive years, (J.S.B. Vol. XVII, pt. 1, p. 12) * Upadesapada, v. 9. 10 Parisistaparvana, chapter VIII, verse 405. 11 Ibid., verse 411. 12 Ibid., verse 458. 13 Ibid., verse 434. 14 Upadesapada, gathas 151-172. 15 gatha, 162. 16 gatha, 73-75. 17 gatha, 569.

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56 JAIN JOURNAL which in Kanarese means 'white pond'. In the inscriptions found there, the place has been called Dhavalasarasa, which also means 'white lake'.18 The famous book of Kautilya Arthasastra also shows the inclination of its writer to the Jaina faith. The text mentions gods like Aparajita, Apratihata, Jayanta and Vaijayanta, 19 which remind us of the four gods Aparajita, Vijaya, Jayanta and Vaijayanta of the Jaina text Samavayanga. Kautilya is also shown as advising the king to prohibit the slaughter of animals for all four months of the rainy seasons during the period of Caturmasya.20 The four months 21 are the same in which the Jaina monks keep themselves confined to certain place to avoid any type of himsa. Prohibiting animal slaughter during Caturmasya by Kautilya also his inclination towards the religion of the Jinas. Besides, it is natural that if Candragupta Maurya accepted, followed and propagated Jainism, his prime minister might be a follower of the same religion. The ancient Indian history is full of examples of other dynasties and periods. 18 C. J. Shah, Jainism in Northern India, p. 138. 19 Arthasastra, II, 4.17. 20 Ibid., XIII, 5. 21 These four months are almost covered by the Christian months of July, August September and October.

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Yatis and Vratyas J. C. SIKDAR (from the previous issue) Classification of the Vratyas The Pancavimsa Brahmana makes mention of the following classes of the Vratyas, viz. Kanisthas50 or Hinas, the libidinous class who did not observe brahmacarya (continence), or carried on agriculture or trade, 51 but deteriorated "by staying in Vrati settlement.52 They were further sub-divided into two classes, viz. the Arhantas (saints) and Yaudhas (warriors) probably corresponding to the Sramanas and Ksatriyas. 53 The Arhant class of the Vratyas consisted of the Sadhakas and Sadhus (practiser of austerity and ascetics) as is clearly indicated by the connotation of the word 'Arhant'. It is to be noted that the word 'Arhant' is used for the Jaina Tirthankaras or the Buddha of the Sramanic tradition to which the Jainas and the Bauddhas belong. So it can be suggested that there was a close relation of the Sadhakavarga (ascetic class) of the Vratyas with the Sramanic tradition as is indicated by this word 'Arhant'. The Yaudha class of the Vratyas was the Rajanyavarga corresponding to the ruling caste of the Aryan community. Another class of the Vratyas was the Garagira (swallowers of poison) "to whom commoners' victuals taste like Brahmana's food, who though not consecrated, speak the tongue of the consecrated and yet call what is easy of utterance difficult to utter."54 That is to say, Sanskrit was not their dilect, so it appeared difficult for them to pronounce Sanskrit learnt by them under the influence of the Vedic Aryans. This particularity is not only marked in the case of the Garagira Vratyas but is found in the case of the general class of the Vratyas. Another class of the Vratyas was represented 50 Pancavimsa Brahmana, XVII. 3.2. 51 Ibid., XVII. 1.2. 52 Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, p. 39. 53 See Pancavimsa Brahmana, XVII. 52-53; cf. XVII. 1.2. 54 Pancavimsa Brahmana, XVII. 1.9.

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JAIN JOURNAL by the sama-nica-medhras55 or Jyesthas, "those whose medhra (penis) hangs low through control of (sexual ?) passion."56 They also lived in the Vrati settlement. They may be the worshippers of sama-nicamedhra and the practisers of Yoga, according to A. P. Karmakar.57 The Latyayana Srauta Sutra58 explains samanica-medhra in this manner that "sama-nica medhras are those who through old age have lost the power of procreation". But the natural explanation may be that these Vratyas were divided into two main classes, viz. "those who worshipped their nude gods with the male organs hanging down (nica medhra) as in the case of the Gudimallam icon and those whose god was portrayed with his organ upraised (urdhva-medhra) as in the case of Laukilisa."59 Home of the Vratyas It is difficult to determine the original home of the Vratyas with certainty, but it is suggestive by their wandering habits that they were possibly western tribes beyond Sarasvati.60 According to the literary evidences, it is possible to locate their settlement in the east particularly in Magadha61 because of their association with its people. The Magadhans have been mentioned in the Sutras62 as a people, the wandering bands of which had a tendency to go to western lands from the east. The Kausitaki Aranyaka63 states that Madhyama Pratibodhiputra is a resident of Magadha (Magadhavasin), while in the Atharvaveda64 Magadha is stated to be related with the Vratyas. 66 Pamcavimsa Brahmana, XVII. 4.1. 56 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, p. 39. 57 Pamcavimsa Brahmana, XVII. 4.1. See Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 53. 68 sthavirad-apeta-prajnana ye te sama-nicha-medhra, Latyayana Srauta Sutra, VIII. 6.4. 59 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, p. 44. 60 Dr. Radhakrishna Choudhury, Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 16. 61 sarve vratya purvoktani vratyadhanabhi dadyuh, LSS, VIII. 6. 28. magadha desiyaya brahmavandhave daksinakale vratya-magadhadesanivasin, KSS, XXII. 4. 24 ; cf. Der Vratya, pp. 6, 7, 96-97. 163. 61 BDS-1.2, 13; BSS-XX. 13; ASS-XXII, 6. 18 ; HSS-XVIII-6 ; ZDMG-56. 553; AA-ii. 1.1. ; Keith, AA-200., SA 46 note 4. Vide Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 16, f.n. 34. 63 Kausitaki Aranyaka, VII. 13. This is not mentioned in earlier Aitareya Aranyaka. Oldenberg regards this as usual ; cf. p. 400, note ; cf. Weber, Indian Literature, p. 112 Note. Vide Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 17. 64 sraddha pumscali motro magadho vijnanam Vaso aharusnisam, AV. 15. 2.5.

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OCTOBER, 1983 Magadha is regarded by both Katyayana Srauta Sutra and Latyayana Srauta Sutra as the main centre of the Vratyas and their culture. But this region was held in contempt by the Vedic Aryans. According to them, Magadha,67 Anga, etc. were considered as impure lands of the Non-Aryans lying at the outer land of the Aryan territory (i.e. old Aryavarta). 59 It should be noted in this connection that Magadha was intimately associated with the Ajivikas,68 the Bauddhas69 and the Jainas70 and their sramanic culture at a certain period of ancient India as it is evidenced by the ascetic life and activity of Gosala Mankhaliputra, the Ajivika leader, and Ajivika caves of Barbar hills, the Buddha's attainment of Bodhi and his religious activity and that of Mahavira in this region. No Vedic followers liked to maintain the relation with the Vratya culture at later periods of Indian civilization when they consolidated their position in the social life of Aryavarta, probably due to its anti-Vedic Sramanic aspect prevailing in a land beyond the Aryandom among the non-Vedic people, as is clearly indicated by the Visnu-purana11 in its reference to Magadha's association with the Vratya culture. The Cult of the Vratyas It appears from the study of the evidences regarding the identity of the Vratyas that they were racially a different people from the Vedic Aryans.72 Actually speaking, Vratya is the name of a tribe representing 65 KSS, XII. 4.24. 66 LSS, VII. 6.28. 67 AV, V. 22. 14. ; JBORS-XXIV, pt. 3, pp. 107-8. 68 See Bhagavati, 15th Sataka; Ajivika caves at Barbara Hills donated by King Dasaratha. 69 The Buddha attained Bodhi at Gaya which is in Magadha. Rajagrha and Nalanda, the two main centres of the religious activities of the Buddhists are lying in Magadha. 70 Mahavira passed some parts of his ascetic life at Nalanda in Magadha. His religious activities centred much at Rajagrha in Magadha as evidenced by the Bhagavati Sutra that he appeared there more than 60 times to deliver his religious sermons to the people. 71 magadhayam visvasphatika-samjno'anyan varnan karisyati...saurastravanti sudranarvuda marubhumi-visayamsca vratya dvijabhira-sudradyah bhoksayanti sindha tatadarvikovim-candrabhaga kashmira-visayan vratyo' mlecchadayah sudra bhoksyanti, Visnupurana, 4. 24. 18, p. 585. 72 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, pp. 41-42.

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JAIN JOURNAL a well-organized human society of eastern India with a distinct language, culture, civilization, customs and behaviour which were, different from those of the Vedic Aryans. They were the non-Vedic people having their own religion and philosophy. The religious sect of the Vratyas might have been related to the Indus Valley Civilization73 as is suggested by some archaeological evidences, such as seals having the image of a god seated in an attitude of yoga and with urdhva medhra ;74 it is come across that the ancient people was unfamiliar with the Agnihotra cult of the Vedic tradition when the Brahmanas used to practise this cult prior to the sunrise every day.75 It is known from all works on the Vratyas that they were entirely inexperiended in the observance of the Agnihotra cult.76 The Vratyas were the opposers of Vedic customs of religion, etc. and were the renouncers of the rules of violent sacrificial performances of the Vedic followers as is indicated in the Atharvaveda.77 In the prasnopanisad78 the Vratyas have no doubt been praised. As pointed out, the Vratyas were uninitiated and unreformed by the Vedic customs, for they had no Brahmanical discipline.79 In the beginning the Vratyas had no Vaisya class among them as is suggested by the reference to two groups of them, viz. Arhant and Yaudha. But later on it appears that they were divided as Vratya Brahmana Vratya Ksatriya, and Vratya Vaisya80 and they appeared to have mixed up with different elements of the society. 73 Ibid, p. 44.; Pamcavimsa Brahmana (XVII, 4.1.) mentions sama-nica-medhra as one of the sect of the Vratyas. 74 Atharvaveda, 15. 2. 76 athatah sayamannam pratardanamantaramagnihotramityacaksate yavadvai puruso bhasate na tatvat pranitum saknoti pranain tada vaci juhoti yavadvai purusah praniti....purve vidvamso agnihotram juhavamcakruh-Kausitaki Upanisad, 2.5. 76 JBORS, XXIV, Pt. 3, pp.107-8. Vide Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 27. 77 Atharvaveda, 15th Kanda. 78 vratyastvam pranaikarsiratta visvasya satpatih, Prasnopanisad, 2. 11. 78 vijatayah suvarnasu janayannavratamstuyan tansavitriparibhrastan vratyaniti vinirdiseta, Manusamhita, X-20. savarnasu ca esam (varnesam) acaritayratebhyo jata vratya iti anulomah. Cf Kautilya. Vide Vratyas in Ancient India p. 29. vratya tu jayate vipratpapatma bhujakantakah avantya vatadhanauca pursapayah saika eva ca--Manu X. 21. vaisya tu jayate vratyastudhanvacarya eva ca karusasca vijanma ca maitrah satvata eva ca--Manu X. 23. atah..urdhve trayo'apyete yathakalam samskrtah savitri patita vratya bhavantyarya vigashitah --Manu II 39.

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OCTOBER, 1983 It is to be noted that the names of the Mallas and Licchavis are come across in the Manusmrti among the Ksatriyas who have been regarded as Vratyas. 81 As already observed, the eulogy and glorification of Ekavratya82 have been made throughout the entire fifteenth kanda of the Atharvaveda. This Ekavratya was infused with a serenity and loftiness and had later on, according to Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, developed into Rudra-Siva 83 who "had a close connection with the Vratyas"84 as is indicated by the attributes given to him, such as Mahadeva Isana, 85 etc. The God Siva shown on the seal illustrated in plate XII of "Mahenjodaro and the Indus Civilization" is, according to Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, doubtless a prototype of the historic Siva with his three faces, seated in an attitude of yoga and with urdhva-medhra clearly exhibited. 86 In the Sivamudra of Mahenjodaro the pair of horns which is found meeting in a tall head dress on the head of Siva crowning his head may be the representation of usnisa of Ekavratya-Rudra-Siva in another form as mentioned in the Atharvaveda.87 Pumscali (harlot), Magadha, 88 etc. also are found to be associated with the Vratyadeva. But no relation of the Vratyas has developed with the Vedic God. Therefore, it may be accepted that the form of w of the Vratyas has perhaps originated from the Vratya cult on the basis of the thoughts and ideas conceived by the Vratyas themselves. It seems that the Brahmanas did not first accept the Atharvaveda in the list of the Vedas because of its relation with the Vratyas as it is clearly indicated by the evidence that the Vedas were counted by mentioning Vedatrayam--the Rk, Yaju and Sama, 89 leaving aside the 81 jhallo mallasca rajanyad vratya licchavirevaca natsca karanascaiva khasau dravida eva ca-Manu X. 22. 82 vratya asidiyamana eva sa prajapatim samairayat sa ekavratyo abhavat, etc. AV, 15th Kanda, 1-6. 88 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, pp. 40-48. 84 Bhandarkar, Collected Works, IV, 147-76. Vide Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 38. 85 so avardhata sa mahanabhavat sa mahadevo abhavat sa devanamisam paryat sa isano abhavat etc. AV, 15th Kanda 1-15. 86 Some Aspects of Ancient Indian Culture, p. 41. 87 Ibid., p. 42. 88 sraddha pumscali matro magadho vijnanam ... pravarlan kalmalirmahih, AV, 15.2.5 usah pumscati mandri magadho.... AV, 15.2.13. 89 ara iva-rathanabhau prane sarvam pratisthitam rco yajumsi samani yajnah ksatram, brahma ca-Prasnopanisad 116.

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JAIN JOURNAL Atharvaveda,. It was after a good deal of struggle that the Atharvaveda came to be recognised as the fourth Veda. 90 The Non-Aryan gods Rudra-Siva, etc. were not accepted by the Vedic Aryans as the Vedic gods for a long period but with the passage of time the forces of racial and cultural synthesis between the Non-Aryans and the Vedic Aryans compelled the latter to admit them to the larger Vedic religious fold, as is evidenced in the 15th kanda of the Atharvaveda. As already pointed out, one class of the Vratyas, viz. Garagira (poison swallower) may be associated with the Saivites directly,-as Siva is known as Nilakantha. According to the Puranic tradition, poison which emerged from the mouth of Vasuki in the course of churning of the sea by the gods and the asuras for nectar was swallowed by Siva to save the world from the poisonous effect as a result of which his throat became bluish.91 Thus it may be inferred that these Vratyas had inseparable relation with the Saiva parampara It seems that Saiva parampara and Sramanic parampara of the Arhants of the Vratyas had mutually some similar features in the early stage of their culture because the spirit of both the paramparas appears to be one and the same. Both the sects are mainly based on the vows of austerity, non-violence, yoga, nudity, 92 etc. According to my revered teacher, Dr. H. L. Jain there is possibility of the identification of Rsabhadeva, the first Tirthankara with Siva an they appear to be one and the same divine personality.93 Therefore, a close relationship of the Vratyas with the Sramanas is indicated on the basis of the culture of the Vratyas on the one hand and that of the Vedic Aryans on the other. Dr. H. L. Jain94 holds the view that the Vratyas were the monks and householders of Sramanic tradition who became the object of wrath of * Atharvaveda is called after particular priest. (a) Atharvanangirasah-TB. III 12; 9.1 ; PB XVI 10-10, SB-XVI 1. 10.10 (b) Bhrgu angirasah Kausika 63.3 ; 94.2-4 ; 137, 25; 139, 6, Gopatha B, 1.1.39; 2-18 ; 3.1.2.4; AV. V. 19.1.2. (Bhrgum himsitva etc.) (c) Ksrtaveda-SB-XIV, 8-14, 1-4; Brh. Upn. V. 18.1.4 ; Parsnopanisad, II.6. (d) Brahmadeva, Sgs-1.16.3., vide Vratyas in Ancient India, p. 32. 91 Siva Purana. >> Bharatiya Samskrtimen Jainadharma ka Yogdan, pp. 16-17. 93 Ibid., pp. 16-17. Ibid., p. 18.

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OCTOBER, 1983 the Vedic followers because of their being anti-Vedic. The five principles of Jaina dharma, viz. non-violence, truthfulness non-stealing, continence, and non-possession, are called pancamahavratas (five great vows). The Sravakas are called desavirata or anuvratin (followers of lesser vows) and Munis are mahavratins (followers of great vows). The Vratadharins of this type seem to have been designated as Vratyas because they are the renouncers of violent sacrificial rules.95 For this reason their praise is also found at some places in the Upani sads.96 In the Sankarabhasya the meaning of Vratya is given as "svabhavatah ekasuddha ityabhiprayah.97 In this way the tradition of Sramana sadhana is come across in all the Vedic literature, Rgveda, Atharyaveda, etc. with clear reference to it.98 * Ibid., p. 19. " vratyastvam pranaika rsiratta visvasya satpatih, Prasnopanisad, 2. 11. 7 Vide Bharatiya Samskrtimen Jainadharma ka Yogdan, p. 19. * Ibid.

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A Note on Vasunandi And His Date HAMPA NAGARAJAYYA, Sravakacara of Vasunandi is a famous Parkrit text which explains the six-fold duties of the pious Jaina house-holder viz, deva-seva (or puja, worship of divinity), gurupasti (devotion to guru), svadhyaya (study of scriptures), samyama (self-restraint), tapas (penance) and dana (religious donation); and the well-known eleven classes (pratima). Sravakacara which is also known as Upasakadhyayana, contains 546 gathas in all. In the concluding colophon the author mentions the geneology of his gurus (Kundakundanvaya) Srinandi, Nayanandi, Nemicandra and Vasunandi. Vasunandi says that with the blessings of his revered teacher Nemicandra he is writing Upasakadhyayana, for the benefit of the worthy ones, which has been handed over to him by the regular unbroken tradition of Jaina teachers. Hence it is but natural that we come across parallels; gathas from No. 295-301, and some more, are similar to those found in Sravaka Pratikramana Sutra. A comparative study reveals that many of the gathas here are based on Devasenagani's Bhavasangrah, whose date is known definitely as 933. Asadharasuri (1239) has clearly mentioned the very name of Vasunandi in his work Sagara-Dharmamrta Tika. Hence, in fixing up the date of Vasunandi, who has not mentioned his date, we have both the lower and upper limits clearly established; that the upper limit is 1239 and the lower limit is 933. With the help of available evidences that we had on hand, Dr. H. L. Jain, puts the date of Vasunandi as roughly between these two limits 933-1239, as mostly around 11th or 12th Century (Bharatiya Samskrtime Jaindharm ka Yogdan, 1962; a Kannada Version of this book is also published in 1971 by Jivaraj Jain Granthmala, Sholapur). Now it is left for the scholars working in the field of Jainology to find out the exact date of Vasunandi. As an humble student working in the same field of Jainology since last 25 years, I had the occasion recently of laying my hands on this problem. Luckily for me, I have two valid grounds, with the help of which the date of Vasunandi can be clarified. Ramacandra Mumuksu (RM) the author of Punyasrava Kathakosa (PKK) also mentions Vasunandi, and describes him as a versatile in Jainology, a masopavasin (a person who could fast for a month), who was prominent among the learned, and for whom virtues were ornaments

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OCTOBER, 1983 (verse 6, Granthakara Prasasti, RM, PKK, 2nd. ed. 1978, p. 338). Late Dr. A. N. Upadhye, has very rightly pointed out in his useful introduction to PKK that: 1. "Vasunandi who was an expert in siddhantasastra reminds us of Vasunandi Siddhanta, the author of the commentary on the Mulacara, who is more than once referred to by Asadhara (1243). But it is not safe to identify any of these authors merely from the similarity of names, because the same name was borne by a number of Jaina teachers at different times and even at the same time." (p. 31) and 65 2. "If Vasunandi's identity proposed above turns out to be valid, then Ramacandra (RM) is earlier than Asadhara." (p. 32) Fortunately we have strong authentic evidences to prove that Vasunandi is the same person whom PKK's author refers to. Camundaraya responsible for erecting 58 feet monolith colossal of Gommatesvara at Sravanabelgola, (Hassan District, Karnataka) was three in one; a minister, chief of the army and an author. He has completed his famous prose work Trisasti-Laksana-Mahapurana, which is popularly known as Camundarayapurana (CP) in the year 978. He has quoted the following gatha from Vasunandi's Sravakacara in his CP : padigahamuccatthanam padedayamaccanamca panamam ca manavayana kayasuddhi esanasuddhi ya danavihi 255 This is a clear cut evidence, which is almost going to clinche the issue and solve the problem. Evidently the date of Vasunandi and the date of RM would be earlier than what is assigned to them now; Vasunandi's date would be either earlier or contemporary to 978, and as a consequence of this the date of RM would be the middle of 12th century or still earlier. In addition to this, I can venture to make one more proposition. Vasunandi respectfully mentions the name of Nemicandra as his guru. One can easily equate this Nemicandra with that of Nemicandra Siddhanta Cakravarti, who was the philosopher and guide of Camundaraya (978), in which case Vasunandi and Camundaraya are contemporaries. Available evidences also go to prove this. One more evidence is there in support of this conclusion. Vaddaradnane (VA), an anthology of 19 stories, is a popular Jaina prose work

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66 in Kannada (1949, 6th edition 1978). Still nothing is known definitely about the name, date and place of the author. Again it is Dr. A. N. Upadhye, who first brought to lime light almost all important aspects of Kannada VA, even before it was published in a book form (1949), in his learned introduction to Brhat Kathakosa (1943). He aptly took up the correct approach to Kannada VA, in finding out the sources for Sanskrit and Prakrit verses quoted in VA. He is of the opinion that VA is later to CP (978), but not later than 11th century. In the course of these 40 years, many books and articles had been published, but it has not been possible to dislodge his suggestion. JAIN JOURNAL It is in this VA, that we find the same gatha No. 225 of Vasunandi's Sravakacara quoted in the very first story (p.7) of Sukumarasvami, quoted by CP. This also goes to prove the fact that the date of Vasunandi is not later than 11th century. It may not be out of context to mention the acknowledged fact by RM, that PKK was composed on the basis of Aradhana Karnat Tika of Brajisnu; which means that RM, Vasunandi, Nemicandra all belong to Karnataka. This again reminds that the contribution of Kannada (Jain) Literature to the Jain Literature as a whole is remarkable. On the basis of data and evidences available here we can solve some of the problems and remove the knots. It should be said to the credit of Dr. A. N. Upadhye that some of the salient points of Kannada Literature, with special reference to Sanskrit and Prakrit works, both published and unpublished, has been explored and brought to the notice of research scholars, particularly working in the field of Jainology. Any way, with the help of Kannada works I have tried to fix the date of Vasunandi as 970, and the date of RM as the middle of 12th century I leave it to the wise descrition of the scholars to verify the validity of this suggestion.

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Jaina Sculptures From Anai-Jambad PRATIP KUMAR MITRA Anai-Jambad, or more popularly Mahadev-Beda, is a place situated under the Purulia (Mofussil) P. S. of the Purulia district of West Bengal. To approach the site one has to travel around ten kilometres from Purulia town along the Purulia-Hura Road to a point called Bhangra Mod (crossing) and then turn right and traverse another six or seven kilometres through unmetalled and bumpy track. Here, in this remote and desolate place Sri Sarak Jaina Samiti of Kharkhari, Dhanbad, has constructed a modern temple over the ruins of an ancient Jaina settlement, as a part of their commendable programme to preserve Jaina antiquities and monuments in Purulia. This temple houses five unique images of Tirthankaras. These images were allegedly discovered from the mounds in and around here, and as a result of long non-exposure are in a fairly good state of preservation. They are made of the usual variety of bluish/ greenish chlorite stone ubiquitous as medium of sculptures found from this region, but rendered blackish beyond recognition by regular application of ghee. The five Tirthankara images are placed on a high cemented platform and set up in a cemented wall. The images in order from left to right are : 1 Anai-Jambad is situated at 23 18deg North (latitude) and 862deg (longitude). Cf. Suphal Mondal, Purulia Pariciti (in Bengali), Purulia, 1981, p. 59. 2 The place is also known as Paresnath or Paresnath Mahadev-Beda. : For alternative and shorter routes see, Subhas Mukhopadhyay, "Anai-Jambad er Jaina Puraksetra" (in Bengali), Sraman, 4th year, and number, Calcutta, 1383 B.S., p. 43; Idem, "Puruliar Purakirti-12 : Anai-Jambad Mahadev-Beda" (in Bengali), Chatrak, 7th year, 1st number, Purulia, 1383 B.S., pp. 5-6. The author is informed that the Sri Sarak Jaina Samiti of Kharkhari, district Dhanbad, Bihar, has restored an old Jaina temple at village Bhangra on the Purulia-Hura Road which houses a fine caturmukha shrine, and also preserved three Jaina images at village Polma on the Purulia-Manbazar Road. During the author's second visit to Anai-Jambad in December, 1982, he noticed a further Jaina sculpture being added to the collection. This is an image of Pancatirthika variety having representations of four Jinas in kayotsarga besides Rsabhanatha, the mula-nayaka. * Brief but excellent notices of these sculptures are provided by Mukhopadhyay in his two articles, supra, but these are not accompanied by the photographs of the images. ? Mukhopadhyay, Sraman, op. cit., p. 42. $ Except the image of Candraprabha described in the text infra.

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JAIN JOURNAL 1. Tirthankara Candraprabha, 44cm x 24cm (fig. 1) This image, one of the few seated icons of Tirthankara discovered from Purulia district, was found in damaged condition and subsequently restored. The Jina sits in padmasana with his hands in dhyana-mudra on a full blown mahambujapitha having a base comprising of five squat supports on which are carved indistinct objects. Crescent, the lanchana of the Jina is depicted on the centre of the lotus seat. The back of the throne is cut roughly along the torso of the central figure and consists of vertical panels topped by horizontal mouldings relieved with short pilasters. Enclosed within these panels, one on either side of the Tirthankara, stand male cauri-bearers wearing short lower garments and plain jewellery. The Jina sits under a projected trilinear chatra slightly damaged at the front. He has elongated ear-lobes and his hair is arranged in schematic curls with an usnisa. A semi-circular sirascakra gracefully rimmed with rows of leaves and pear-like beads surrounds his head. The prabhavali is generously decorated with floral scrolls and creepers, and includes the usual garland bearing Vidyadhara couple on the edges. Pairs of heavenly hands playing on drums and cymbals are seen flanking the chatra. 2. Tirthankara Rsabhanatha, 66.5cm x 29cm (fig. 2) The Jina, in kayotsarga posture, stands on a double-petalled lotus placed on a triratha pedestal which has a bull, the lanchana of the Jina, in the centre flanked by crouching lions. On the left facet of the pedestal is a pair of devotees with their arms joined in adoration, while on the right are votive offerings. The saviour is nude, the hair is dressed in a tall jatamukuta with curls falling down the sides of the head and over the shoulders. On either side stand male cauri-bearers wearing lower garments and simple ornaments. The edge of the back slab contains the representa tion of seven planets (grahadevatas) with Ganesa, arranged in four on either side of the Jina. A plain circular siras cakra adorns the head of the Jina, which is surmounted by a trilinear chatra. Garland bearing Vidyadharas can be seen at the top corners of the stele hovering in the conventional representation of clouds, and also a drum and a pair of cymbals struck by disembodied hands. 3. Tirthankara Parsvanatha, 140cm x 57cm (fig. 3) This is the largest and the most graceful sculpture among the group and is befittingly placed in the centre of the podium. The Jina stands in * Mukhopadhyay, Chatrak, op. cit., p. 8.

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Fig. 2 Tirthankar Rsabhanatha Fig. 1 Tirthankar Chandraprabha

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Fig. 3 Tirthankar Parsvanatha Fig. 4 Tirthankar Parsvanatha Fig. 5 Tirthankar Chandraprabha

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OCTOBER, 1983 kayotsarga on a small lotus seat under the canopy of a seven-hooded snake, which is surmounted by a trilinear chatra. A naga couple with their hands folded and tails inter-coiled springs gracefully and rythmically from the central projection of a triratha pedestal to just beside the feet of the saviour. A pair of kneeling devotees with their hands joined in anjali-mudra is seen on the plane of the pedestal, which bears the sentation of crouching lions on the remaining facets. The Jina is flanked by two male cauri-bearers standing in graceful abhanga pose wearing lower garments and bedecked with jewelleries. On the edge of the rectangular back slab are the twentyfour tirthankaras arranged in pairs, one above the other. The lanchanas of the Jinas are carved on their pedestals and quite a number of them are recognizable. Flying Vidyadhara ding garlands is seen high up on the stele, and also heavenly hands beating on tammata and Jayaghata. 4. Pancatirthika of Parsvanatha, 34cm x 34cm (fig. 4) Parsvanatha, the mula-nayaka stands in kayotsarga on a doublepettaled lotus under the usual canopy of a seven-hooded serpent. He wears curly hair with usnisa and is accompanied on either side by gracefully adorned cauri-bearers. A naga couple with their tails entwined, the male with arms folded in namaskara-mudra and the female holding a musical instrument, is shown beside the attendants of the Jina. On the back slab are carved four images of Tirthankaras in kayotsarga two in each side of the mula-nayaka with their respective lanchanas depicted on a slightly raised pedestal below them. From their cognizances these Tirthankaras can be identified as Vasupujya and Padmaprabha to the right of the mula-nayaka, and Neminatha and Mahavira to his left. The upper part of the stele contains the usual Vidyadhara couple, the pratiharyas of heavenly hands playing on musical instruments and a projected three-tiered chatra surmounting the snake hoods. The face and the torso of the Jina are slightly abraded. The triratha pedestal reveals crouching lions, a female devotee, and naivedya offerings. 5. Tirthankara Candraprabha, 35cm x 18cm (fig. 5) This sculpture is strikingly bare, devoid of embellishments, and almost certainly left unfinished. The figure of Tirthankara is carved on a recessed portion of the back-slab. The Jina stands in kayotsarga on a doublelotus under a multi-tiered chatra. He has elongated ears and his hair is arranged in stylized curls with an usnisa. The back-slab reveals male cauri-bearers flanking the Jina at the lower corners, and twin Vidyadharas at the upper-all four carved on a raised background. The central pro

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JAIN JOURNAL jection of the triratha pedestal bears the lanchana, crescent of the Tirthankara. The icons under discussion could be grouped into four broad categories. Of these, the image of Parsvanatha placed against a rectangular back-slab with twentyfour Tirthankaras (No. 3 supra) could be considered as the most finished and accomplished example of sculptural form. This sculpture with the other image of Parsvanatha with four Tirthankaras (No. 4 supra) form a visually identifiable group. In both of these examples the modelling of the torso is done with meticulous care. This is most noticable in the delineation of the upper portion of the breast and the orientation of the lower abdomen the suppleness of which is beautifully expressed through the treatment of the soft fold of flesh around the naval region combined with the lyrical grace of the unadorned legs. Among these figures the face of the first icon is unbroken and depicts a type of modelling which successfully reveals the spiritual serenity of the subject through well placed eyes, nose, and the lips balanced by a sharp symmetry which is mellowed by soft inward curves at the corners of the mouth and below the comparatively thicker lower lip ending in hard core of the chin and proceeds downwards to show us the soft parallel conch-shell like marks on the neck. The central figure, in each case is nicely matched by the delineation of the seven-hooded naga enclosing the body of the Tirthankara by a series of stylized naga coils. It seems that in both examples the artist lavished more care on the main figures while the minor miniature depiction and decorations-figural or otherwise-remained more or less decorative elements or accessories of the icon as a whole. Chronologically speaking, the sculptural style of this group may be assigned to a period between the end of the tenth century to the middle of the eleventh century A.D. The enthroned Candraprabha (No. 1 supra), a fragmented piece of sculpture subsequently restored brings before us a torso which betrays a kind of stiffness and lack of proportion. This aspect is most noticable in the representation of the shoulders, particularly the region where it meets with the upper-arms. The facial expression in this is marred by deeper indentations around the eyes and the stiffer representation of the bases of the nose, lips, and chin. In spite of these drawbacks from the stand point of modelling the piece of sculpture is judiciously placed as the pivotal figure adorned by the semicircular sirascakra, garland bearing gandharvas, heavenly musicians, the cauri-bearers, and the decorated lotus seat below. Stylistically speaking, this sculpture represents an age reminiscent of a peak period but devoid of its aesthetic mastery over the

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OCTOBER, 1983 71 bodily form. It seems that it belongs to a period co-terminus with the end of the eleventh or the beginning of the twelfth century A.D. The standing Rsabhanatha image (No. 2 supra) with a pronounced jatamukuta is singular in the most expressive beauty of its modelling. It is true here the torso is not refined or sophisticated like the Parsvanatha figure (No. 3 supra) described above but otherwise it is both supple and forceful in its total aesthetic effect. The region of the face though partly damaged convincingly reveals a compassionate but inwardly resolute mind absorbed in its own realisation visually made clear by a masterly depiction of the upper-face and eyes. Whatever it lacks in respect of a finely modelled neck and a elongated and sophisticated treatment of the body is amply compensated by the artists' attempt to conceive and represent a superman based on his experience of a highly sensitive men of the world. On the ground of style this piece of sculpture may well be assigned to the middle of the tenth century A.D. As is well known in the indegenous technique of icon carving the highest planes to be modelled are traditionally carved at the first instance. From this standpoint the sculpture of standing Candraprabha (No. 5 supra) is an unfinished one. In it we see the central figure flanked by twin Vidyadhara on the upper corners and similar cauri-bearers on the lower corners--all four placed on raised backgrounds which were to be carved by the artist at a subsequent stage. Stylistically speaking, this piece of sculpture, though not fully finished, unmistakably reveals a work of comparatively later date as pronounced in the more or less simplistic treatment of the body which is correct only in respect of iconic details like kayotsarga posture, the usnisa, the stylized curls of hair, the elongated ears, etc., but otherwise not attempting either at aesthetic beauty or spiritual quality. Evidently it belongs to a late period, later than the seated Candraprabha image (No. 1 supra) discussed above. The date in this case will probably come down to the end of the twelfth or well into the thirteenth century A.D. The sculptural wealth of South-West Bengal as represented or expressed in by the examples of early mediaeval sculptures10 recovered from this area requires to be treated as a separate entity.11 The region roughly covering the erstwhile district of Manbhum,12 the district of Bankura, 10 Dating roughly between 800 A.D. and 1200 A.D. 11 Paresh Chandra Dasgupta, "Pasaner Phul" (in Bengali), Sraman, 7th year, 2nd number, Calcutta, 1386 B.S., pp. 35-41. 12 Presently divided into the districts of Purulia (West Bengal), and Dhanbad (Bihar).

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JAIN JOURNAL the north-western part of Midnapore, with extensions into the districts of Singhbhum and Ranchi of the Chhotanagpur Division of Bihar, represents a characteristically common trait in the icono-plastic art,18 which is somewhat removed from the main-stream of the Pala art.14 Here, the stone is more coarse grained 15 and occasionally porous offering little scope for metallic sharpness as usually found in the more well known examples of Pala art. In respect of modelling of the body these sculptures are in general more roboust and forceful than merely graceful or lyrical.16 Stylistically, the specimens of this region betrays quite a distinct idiom, a strong remnant of classical tradition mingled with migrating art forms of Varendra, Magadha, and Khiching, held together and inspired by the canonical tradition of the Nirgranthas. The author would like to express his gratefulness to the President, Sri Sarak Jaina Samiti, Kharkhari, district Dhanbad, Bihar, for kindly permitting him to publish the sculptures under discussion; to his teacher Sri Santosh Kumar Bose, Head of the Department of Museology, University of Calcutta, for help and guidence while preparing this paper ; to Dr. Atul Chandra Bhowmick, Lecturer of the same Department for having found time to accompany him to Anai-Jambad and helping him with useful suggestions during field work. The photographs published here are through the courtesy of Sri Sarak Jaina Samiti, Kharkhari, district Dhanbad, Bihar. 18 For Jain sculptures discovered from this region see among others, A. Ghosh (Ed.), Jaina Art and Architecture, Vol. I., New Delhi, 1974, pp. 155-158, pl's 83A, 84,92A ; Vol. II, New Delhi, 1975, pp. 263-265, pl's 156A, 158, 159; J. D. Beglar, Report of a Tour through Bengal Provinces in 1872-73, Archaeological Survey of India Reports, Vol. VIII, Calcutta, 1873 ; D. K. Chakraborty, "A Survey of Jaina Antiquarian Remains in West Bengal", Brochure on Jaina Art, Bharat Jain Mahamandala, Calcutta, 19565 ; "Jainism in Bihar", Jain Journal, Vol. III, No. 4, Calcutta, 1969, pp. 152-156 ; "Jainism in Bengal", Ibid, pp. 162-163 ;D.R. Patil, The Antiquarian Remains of Bihar, Patna, 1963; H. Coupland, Bengal District Gazetters, Manbhum, Calcutta, 1911 ; David J. Mc Cutchion, "Notes on the Temples of Purulia", District Census Handbook, Purulia, West Bengal, Calcutta, 1961 ; Debala Mitra, "Some Jaina Antiquities from Bankura, West Bengal", Journal of the Asiatic Society, Letters, Vol. XXIV, Calcutta, 1958, pp. 131-134, pl's I-X; Subhas Mukhopadhyay in a series of articles in Bengali entitled "Puruliar Purakirti" published in Chatrak, Purulia, from the 4th number, 3rd year, 1380 B.S., onwards. 14 See, R. D. Banerjee, Eastern Indian School of Mediaeval Sculpture, Archaeolo gical Survey of India, New Imperial Series, Vol. XLVIII, Delhi, 1933, pp. 144145. Stella Kramrisch has excluded the Chhotanagpur region from the ambit of Pala-Sena art. See her, 'Pala and Sena Sculpture', Rupam, Calcutta, October, 1929, p. 109. 15 R. D. Banerjee, op. cit., p. 145. 16 Sri P. C. Dasgupta has made a comparison between two Parvati images pre served in the State Archaeological Museum, West Bengal, one hailing from Ambikanagar, Bankura, and the other from West Dinajpur, which illustrate the point well. See Dasgupta, op. cit., p. 39.

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WBINC-254 Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India under No. R. N. 12121/66. WB/NC-254 Autumn 1983 Hewlett's Mixture for Indigestion DADHA & COMPANY and C. J. HEWLETT & SON (India) PVT. LTD. 22 STRAND ROAD CALCUTTA 1