Jain Journal 1983 04

Author(s): Jain Bhawan Publication
Publisher: Jain Bhawan Publication
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/520070/1

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A QUARTERLY ON JAINOLOGY VOL. XVII APRIL 1983 No. 4 Jain JOUrnal I wo Hall JAIN BHAWAN PUBLICATION

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Contents A Short Life-sketch of Pravartini Sri Vicaksana Sri 111 Is There A Popular Jainism ? 112 Aravind Sharma Sankara and Kundakunda 119 Bhagwant Singh Jaina Teacher, in Humble Garb 126 Leona Smith Kremser Some Unpublished Jaina Images of Bihar 127 Ajoy Kumar Sinha Doctrines of An Obsolete Sect 135 Pranabananda Jash The Jaina Background of 24-Parganas 140 Gourisankar De Books Received 144 Book Review 146 Economic Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jain Canonical Literature: Dinendra Chandra Jain K. C. Lalwani The Late Agarchand Nahata 148 Plates Pravartini Sri Vicaksana Sri 111 Some Unpublished Jaina Images of Bihar 127 Rsabhanatha, Ghateswar, 24 Parganas 143

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BOOK REVIEW ECONOMIC LIFE IN ANCIENT INDIA AS DEPICTED IN JAIN CANONICAL LITERATURE by Dinendra Chandra Jain. Research Institute of Prakrit, Jainology & Ahimsa, Vaishali (Bihar), 1980. Pages xxii+162. Price Rs. 23.00. Jaina Canonical Literature is fast becoming a source of information and inspiration for research in social sciences in recent years and quite a few scholars have earned their Ph. D. by depicting some aspect of life in 'ancient India' on the basis of this source. While it may be debatable how far this style of research is 'fruit yielding' in social sciences, nobody has cared to define the region to which the information presented is considered to be relevant. For ancient India, if it meant anything at all, was a least geographical area extending upto Indian Archipelago, while India as it has figured in the Jaina canonical texts is a very small region, much smaller than even India we have known in our childhood, being limited to the eastern part only where Jainism flourished and its canonical texts had their genesis. Later, of course, Jainism spread to other areas of the country, but by that time canonical literature had become a closed field yielding place to lesser writers, mostly elaborators and commentators. This warning is uttered not so much to find fault with what has already been done but to caution the future researcher so that even if his preference makes him to.look back rather than to look ahead, he is a little careful to define the region of his focus. Of the seven chapters in the book, five are devoted to primary industries, secondary industries, trade, financial system and distribution plus introduction and conclusion. Being a teacher of commerce, the author has introduced modern concepts and ideas as the background for each chapter in which past has been made to relive. He has discovered the existence of rudiments of factory in ancient India, industrial estates like the one run by Saddalaputra, the idea of infra-structure, time wages etc., apart from the wellknown items like horticulture, animal breeding, pisciculture, forestry, mining, textiles, iron and steel and various crafts which usually dominate a primitive economy, for which available information has been brought together. The methodology followed by him as the author says, is one of 'content analysis'. The study would have been more useful if simultaneously the author had used the Buddhist sources of information which was contemporary and relevant of the same geographical area.

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APRIL, 1983 Some important things have come up in the study. For instance, the punchmarked coin (karsapana) would remind one of the modern idea about 'stamped' money. In view of the dominance of primary industries in the economy, villages used to be the exclusive source of revenue to the state, not towns (nagaras) which were so called because they paid no taxes (no kara); just the reverse now. There was great wealth in the country, but simultaneously was floated the idea of limitation on one's wealth (aparigraha) and there were many charity homes (danasalas) where destitutes were supported by private charity. From the information available it is difficult to say if despite vast treasures in the country, the majority of the population was reasonably affluent, living below the poverty line, as now. Besides, the restraint on maldistribution if any was left to individuals' discretion and therefore, must not have been very effective in promoting an equitable distribution. If the people were happy, it must have been that their needs were few and not that they were affluent. 147 The author has some important suggestions which the bureaucrats in our economic ministries and experts in the Planning Commission may find worth trying. For instance, he says we can raise our yield of paddy crop by double or treble transplantation. This should be very catchy when we are in a shortage of rice. According to the author, the art of storing and preserving foodgrains is worth studying if we are serious about reducing our storage cost. Likewise, he feels that the modern reafforestation programme need be re-oriented on the lines of the afforestation programme followed in the ancient period when forests were developed in a planned manner. Well, all this does credit to the superior scientific knowledge of our forefathers for which we should feel proud. -K. C. Lalwani

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The Late Agarchand Nahata Agar Chand Nahata, the wellknown Collector of rare manuscripts and paintings and coins and himself a profound Jain scholar and historian passed away at Bikaner at the age of 72, on January 12, 1983. Author of more than 5000 articles printed in innumerable journals over half a century and more than two dozen books, his important works include Bikaner Jain Lekh Sangraha, Aitihasik Jain Kavya Sangraha, Samay-sundar Krti Kusumanjali. His vast collections of manuscripts, paintings, and coins in collaboration with his nephew Sri Bhanwarlal Nahata, are housed in Sri Abhay Jain Granthalaya at Bikaner, one of the largest private collections in the country. He has been honoured by many institutions including Rajasthan Sahitya Academy. A profound scholar in Prakrit, he had a through command over Jaina texts which he could easily recall. He had guided many scholars in the preparation of their Ph. D. dissertation. Two years back he was given a falicitation volume by the hands of Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi. Our Contributors ARVIND SHARMA, Prof., Religious Studies, University of Sydney, Sydney, Australia. BHAGWANT SINGH, Department of Philosophy, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi. LEONA SMITH KREMSER, Devoted to Tirthankara Aristanemi, Waldport, Oregon, U.S.A. AJOY KUMAR SINHA, Bihar Education Service, Bhagalpur. PRANABANANDA JASH, Department of Philosophy, Visva Bharati, Santiniketan, West Bengal. GOURISANKAR DE, Department of History, S. C. College, Habra, West Bengal.

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Books Received BHAT GOVIND KESHAV, Vidausak (in Gujrati), L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1981. Pages 12+327. Price Rs. 30.00. Gujrati translation of Bhat's book in English, The Viduska's Cap and Ajanta Fresco by S. N. Pendse. CHAUDHARI, RAGHUVEER, Hindi-Gujrati Dhatukosa, L. D. Insti tute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1982. Pages 230. Price Rs. 45.00. A comparative study of Hindi-Gujrati verbal roots. DIXIT, K. K., Slokavartika : A Study, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1981. Pages 6+120. Price Rs. 27.00. An appraisal of Kumarila's Slokavartika. JAIN, L. C., Basic Mathematics (Exact Sciences from Jaina Sources Vol. 1), Rajasthan Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages 16+60. Price Rs. 15.00. Gives in nutshell the contributions made by the Indian Scholars in general and the Jaina Scholars in particular to the development of mathematics during the pericd from nearly 500 B. C. to 1200 A.D. JAIN, PREM SUMAN, Prakyt Kavya Manjari (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages 8+190. Price Rs. 16.00. Help book for learning Prakrit. JAIN, SAGARMAL, Jain, Baudh aur Gita ka Samaj Darsan in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages 14+112. Price Rs. 16.00. Studies in social philosophy as depicted in Gita and Jain and Buddhist Literature. JAIN, SAGARMAL, Jain, Baudh aur Gita ka Sadhna Marg (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages 16+142. Price Rs. 20.00.

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APRIL, 1983 145 Studies in Paths of Realisation as depicted in Gita and Jain and Buddhist Literature. KALELKAR, KAKA SAHEB, Mahavir ka Jivan Sandes (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages xvi+193. Price Rs. 20.00. A collection of published and unpublished articles written by late Acarya Kaka Kalelkar on the life and teachings of Lord Mahavira. MALVANIA, DALSUKH, Acarya Jinabhadra's Ganadharavada (in Hindi), Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages 18 +-160+264. Price Rs. 50.00. Hindi translation of Malvania's Gujrati book Ganadharavada by Prithvi Raj Jain. Edited by Mahopadhyay Sri Vinaysagar. With comprehensive introduction and notes. MUNI NAGRAJ, Agam aur Tripitak : Ek Anusilan, Arhat Prakashan, Calcutta, 1982. Pages 45+-688. Price Rs. 100.00. Vol. II (Language & Literature) A critical study of the Jaina and Buddhist canonical literature. OHIRA, SUZUKO, A Study of Tattvartha Sutra with Bhasya, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1982. Pages x +182. Price Rs. 48.00. A critical study of Tattvartha Sutra and reference to authorship and date. Bhasya with special SHAH, NILANJANA S., Laksman's Suktiratnakosa, L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad, 1982. Pages 12+70. Price Rs. 9.00. Text of Suktiratnakosa with introduction. SOMANI, RAM VALLABH, Jain Inscriptions of Rajasthan, Rajasthan Prakrit Bharati Sansthan, Jaipur, Rajasthan, 1982. Pages 271 +68. Rs. 70.00. A comprehensive study of Jain inscriptions of Rajasthan.

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Is There A Popular Jainism ?* ARVIND SHARMA There seem to be three ways in which I could perform my role as a discussant. First, I could try to elaborate the various senses in which the term popular could be used in relation to Jainism and remark on the extent to which these senses have been covered in the discussion hitherto. For instance, one could maintain that "popular Jainism" refers to any or all of those aspects of Jainism : (1) which relate to the laity as distinguished from the monks ; (2) or which are non-canonical ; (3) or prevalent, may be uniquely, among Jain women; or deal with the feminine ; (4) or relate to magic ; (5) or show traces of Hindu influence or (6) of animism. Popular Jainism could also refer to (7) the incorporation of local elements in Jainism in its spread through India or (8) to the forms of Jainism practised by "weaker" segments of the Jaina community". A second strategy I could adopt would be to take up each paper and comment on it by turn. I have, however, decided to give up the first approach-that of explicating the senses of popular Jainism as too vague and the second-of commenting on individual papers as too specific. I have decided to play my role as a discussant by adopting a third strategy, a kind of a middle way that of responding with five general points to the material specifically presented here as a whole. First Point Many works on Jainism often associate "popular" Jainism with the influence of Hinduism upon Jainism. The Jains are seen as living amidst a "veritable sea of Hindu influence", an influence particularly felt at the popular level. This leads me to ask the question : can one identify a case in reverse-of Jain influence on popular Hinduism ? If one could it would serve two ends : (i) it would strengthen the case for a "genuine" or "independent" or "autochthonous" or "autocephalous" popular Jainism and (ii) demonstrate that the traffic between Hinduism and Jainism at the popular level was not a one-way street. Is there such an independent Jain "popular" figure ? P. B. Desai, in his Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs thinks it to be the case with Padmavati, the sasanadevata associated *Response to a panel on the above topic delivered at the 11th Annual Conference on South Asia at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.

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APRIL. 1983 with Parsva, the consort of the snake god Dharanendra "who protected Parsva through several extraordinary calamities which threatened him". Desai points out that "her cult might date from an earlier period, she frequently figures in the epigraphical sources roughly from the period of the 10th century A.D." after which prasastis in parts of Karnataka abound with people adopting the title Padmavati-devi-labdhavara-prasada. He then remarks in a footnote as follows (p. 172, fn. 2): As the story goes, Sri-Venkatesa, the god of the Tirupati Hill, married Padmavati. This is narrated in the Bhavisyottara and Skanda Puranas which are late compositions. It must also be noted that Padmavati is unknown in the earlier Brahmanical traditions of the hierarchy of gods. Therefore, it would not be unreasonable to suggest that the popularity of the Jaina goddess Padmavati made the leaders of the Brahmanical religion adopt her within their fold. 113 We may want to consider the significance of a case such as this for the study of popular Jainism. Second Point Magic has been associated with popular Jainism. The example of Taoism is instructive here in two ways. Firstly, it confirms the association of the magical with the popular. Thus Huston Smith in his wellknown book The Religions of Man remarks: "One way to approach... the universe is through magic. From this approach to Tao comes popular Taoism." But the second point is more important. At what point does magic cease to be merely magic and become part of a religious tradition? In other words, we must ask when does magic cease to be a purely personal or social phenomenon and become a religious phenomenon? Again the analogy with Taoism is instructive : In Chinese religion, the Taoist tradition-often serving as a link between the Confucian tradition and folk tradition-has generally been more popular and spontaneous than the official (Confucian) state cult and less diffuse and shapeless than folk religion. Please note the distinction drawn in this passage between "the diffuse and shapeless" folk religion which possesses magical elements and the Taoist tradition which possesses its own magical elements. The mere scattered presence of magical element in Jain texts, in my opinion do not suffice to establish the existence of a popular Jainism. R. B. Singh has drawn attention to these scattered references. He writes in

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114 JAIN JOURNAL his book, Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka (c. A.D. 500-1200) (pp. 56-57) : Despite the denunciation of these customs in the Jaina scriptures, the Jainas practised incantation from earliest times. The Sthanangasutra refers to the Jainas who were sensualists. The curative spells are mentioned in the Uttaradhyayana Sutra. In the Sutnakytanga we have instances of the monks who take to incantation for making a person happy or miserable. The Niryuktis, which are assigned to 300-500, state that the Jaina monks managed to acquire food with the help of magical spells. The Samaraiccakaha, which is a work of the 8th century, refers to a magician who restored life to Sagaradatta who was administered strong poison by his mother. In the same text, we have the story of a goddess who gave Sena a miraculous stone which could remove all diseases. With this he cured king Samaraketu of his disease when all physicians had failed. I would like to suggest that one may regard magic as being incorporated in a religious tradition when magical elements within it are systematized instead of persisting as stray and scattered elements. Now it seems that the Dravida Gana of Jainism did go magical in this sense. The name of Helacarya figures prominently in this connection. To recount the story as summarized to P. B. Desai (p. 47) : Helacarya, which name divested of phonetic hiatus would be Elacarya, according to a literary tradition, is intimately associated with the deity Jvalamalini. He was an eminent monk of the Dravida gana and hailed from Hemagrama in the Daksina Desa or southern country. In order to release a lady disciple of his from the clutches of a Brahmaraksasa or evil spirit which had possessed her, he propitiated the Vanhi Devata or the goddess of fire on the top of the Nilagiri Hill. This is the story of the origin of the cult of Jvalamalini, and Helacarya is regarded as its originator. We can easily acquiesce in the identity of Hemagrama of Helacarya with Ponnur (pon-gold), which has treasured, as seen above, relics and traditions associated with his name. This information is derived from the treatise called Jvalamalinikalpa which was composed in A.D. 939 by Indranandi, who also composed the Jvalamalinistotra. He along with Mallisena Suri (11th century A.D.), who wrote the Jvalinikalpa, is credited with systematizing the occult lore relating to the deity Jvalamalini.

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APRIL, 1983 I guess may point is that while the mere presence of scattered magical elements should not tempt us into identifying a popular Jainism; with the emergence of cultic systemetization of the occult the situation changes somewhat. At this point it may have to be accepted that there did emerge then, in some sense, a "popular" Jainism. Third Point 115 The question of devotionalism and its relationship, first with Jainism and then with popular Jainism is a complex one. I propose to deal with it by setting up the following taxonomy. Devotionalism can be seen as taking any or all of the following forms: (1) Simply paying homage, showing reverence or even worshipping without the object of adoration being treated as a divinity. This I would like to call reverential devotionalism. Example: the Pancanamaskaras to the jinas, siddhas, acaryas, upadhyayas and sadhus in Jainism. (2) Devotion to a figure who is regarded as representing an ideal, without involving conscious reciprocation on the part of the figure. I call this unilateral devotionalism. An example from Jainism might be worship of Tirthankaras involving bhavapuja. (3) Devotion to a figure with the expectation of reciprocation. I call this reciprocal devotionalism. This can be of two kinds depending on what is sought in return: (a) non-salvific or (b) salvific ends. Now it is usually argued that Jain devotionalism only includes the first two categories, as well as 3(a) only in relations to sasanadevatas, while category 3(b), from the Jaina point of view, is peculiarly Hindu. Is it so ? R. B. P. Singh examines the "Jaina motive of worship" in his Jainism in Early Medieval Karnataka (c. A.D. 500-1200) and cites the standard Jain view. In doing so he refers to the views of A. N. Upadhye, C. R. Jain, T. G. Kalghatgi and then adds (p. 29, emphasis added): Stevenson too supports the same view. She holds that the attitude of Jaina worshipper seems nearer to the French soldier paying homage at the tomb of Napoleon and saluting the memory of a great hero than to the warm personal adoration and loving faith connected with the Hindu idea of bhakti. All this would suggest

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116 JAIN JOURNAL that the devotees offered obeisance to the Jinas for realizing the virtues of the Jinas in their own lives and not for any worldly gain. But it is difficult to accept the views expressed above. The Jainas performed worship not out of selfless devotion but from a desire to gain temporal as well as eternal blessings and happiness. Like the Hindus, the Jainas completely surrendered to the Jinas and expected favour from them. It is also wrong to think that the Jinas did not dispense divine grace to their devotees. The Jaina Puranas and the stotra literature of the Karnataka Jainas reveal the fact that the Jainas were moved by the same feelings and desires as are found in any ordinary human being. They appeal to the Jinas as ardently as the Hindus to Brahma and Visnu. From the study of the Bhaktamara stotra of Manatunga, it is apparent that the devotee can get victory over the enemies and escape the grip of disease by remembering the name of the first Jina Adinatha. Manatunga himself is said to have released himself from the bondage of forty-two chains by the mere recitation of the name of the Jina. The Harivamsapurana of Jinasena Suri also repeats the same idea and states that one can release himself from the influence of evil spirits by uttering the name of the Jina. If R. B. P. Singh has interpreted the evidence correctly then this shows that at least some Jains worshipped the Jinas expecting help in return. One could still insist, however, that salvation is not sought through grace. In all the examples cited by R. B. P. Singh none referred to salvation. From this point of view an entry under the item Bhakti in the Jainendra Siddhanta Kosa-a Jain encyclopaedia in Hindi-is of some interest. Firstly, it has a subheading entitled : Indication of the Doership of God in vyavahara (as distinguished from niscaya) bhakti. This Kartavada of Isvara would seem to go against the grain of "correct" Jainism. The entry cites the following verse from Padmanandi's Pancavimsatika. Padmanandi flourished in the 11th/12th century A.D. and the verse may be translated freely thus : O Preceptor of the three worlds, O Lord, the one source of supreme bliss, show such compassion towards me, thy servant, that mukti be obtained. Banish my birth cycle of births and deaths taking pity on me. This is all that I have to say. I said all sorts of things on account of being tormented greatly (by samsara), O Deva !

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APRIL, 1983 117 I cite this because it seems the Jina is implored to grant salvation. Moreover, the verse comes perilously close to falling into the category of reciprocal devotionalism. There are probably ways of underst the verse which avoid this and the distinction between vyavahara and niscaya is perhaps crucial here. But then the question arises : Is every Jaina aware of the fine distinctions involved ? Is the Jaina aware of these when he recites the following lines in the abhiseka ritual, published in the Jain Gazette of January 1932 : hai nij prayojana siddhi ki tum nam hl men fakti hai. Your name alone has the power to accomplish my goal. One may conclude this point by exclaiming : social anthropologists, where are you when we need you ? Some kind of a field study seems to be called for to survey actual attitudes. Fourth Point It is usually argued that the Jains, although they worship goddesses, specially Sarasvati and Laksmi, do not seek salvation through such worship. Dr. Niranjan Ghosh, however, has drawn attention to Manuscript No. 2059 at Jain Bhawan, Calcutta, which he regards as a Jaina manuscript as is clear from the context, in his book Concept and Iconography of the Goddess of Abundance and Fortune in Three Religions of India. The manuscript is entitled Laksmistotra and contains the following verse (p. 148) : samsararnava-navka tvam samsararnavatarint samsaraduhkasamant (samsaraphalavardhint) The verse is addressed to Laksmi and says : You are the boat, you are the one who ferries one across the ocean of samsara. You are the destroyer of the sorrows of samsara and you (also) augment the fruits of samsara. A close examination of the verse as printed suggests the constant substitution of B for V and the conflation of the sibilants and the nasals. Does this indicate that here we have a sample of popular Jainism ? Laksmi is being looked upon as conferring salvation and by a person or a group of persons who were probably not soundly educated ? Moreover, the first line can be interpreted as seeking salvation from samsara ; the second as seeking help from Laksmi within the realm of samsara. If this interpretation is correct it provides another twist to the situation.

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118 JAIN JOURNAL Fifth Point Probably the most conjectural and therefore the weakest. Nevertheless a possibility which has not been considered at all needs to be considered, by raising the question : Is any element in "popular" Jainism to be traced to foreign influence ? Professor B. N. Puri has argued that "foreigners were assimilated in the fold of Jainism". He provides the following evidence in support in Part I of Sri Mahavira Jaina Vidyalaya Suvarnotsava Grantha (1968). First the literary evidence (p. 157) : The famous story of Kalakacarya, the Jaina saint who brought about the downfall of the Gardhabhilla dynasty through the help of the Sakas of Seistan, points to the contacts established between Jaina saints and foreigners, some of whom may here been attracted to it. Now the archaeological (p. 161) : It is rather interesting to notice foreign elements in Jainism. It has been suggested earlier that about the first century B.C. there were certain Parthians who had accepted Jainism and set up dedications. Okharika and Ujhatika do not appear to be Indian names, while Dimitra could be the Indianised form of Demetrius. The inscriptions from the Kankali Tila, supposed to represent the site of some Jaina establishment also mention some unfamiliar names, like Akaka and Ogha. It is, therefore, very likely that foreigners too were accepted in the Jaina fold which has also eliminated casteconsciousness in the choice of the selection of head of religious schools. I do not know whether Prof. Puri is right or wrong. But I am sure we will find it difficult to remain passive in the face of so startling an assertion ! Conclusion The five points have now been presented. Perhaps there are other plausible explanations for some of the points but the general conclusion which the discussion suggests is that there is enough prima facie if not first hand evidence to warrant an exploration of popular Jainism.

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Sankara and Kundakunda BHAGWANT SINGH This paper proposes to make a critical and comparative study of two great thinkers and philosophers of India, namely, Acarya Kundakunda and Acarya Sankara. According to temporal-order Kundakunda's Jain system comes prior to Sankara's Advaita system and hence, Sankaracarya is posterior to Kundakundacarya. This order of priority and posteriority of time naturally raises the questions: Is Sankara's Advaitism affected by Kundakunda's philosophy? This constitutes the justification of a critical and comparative study of the two thinkers and philosophers. Both, Kundakunda and Sankara maintain difference between empirical and absolute points of view. Sankara, according to Advaitic (non-dualistic) point of view, holds that the world is a empirical reality (vyavaharika satta). From absolute (paramarthika) point of view it is mithya. Buddhist thinkers hold that Sankara has copied this doctrine of maintaining distinction between empirical and absolute points of view from Buddhistic tradition. But this charge is a result of mere ignorance about the Jaina philosophy which is prior to Buddhist tradition. Jaina metaphysics maintains that knowledge is obtained through pramanas and nayas. Pramana-nayaih adhigamah-is the fundamental Jaina doctrine of knowledge. Following this very Jaina tradition Kundakunda starts his work Samayasara, the nature of the supreme self by mentioning the distinction between emperical (vyavaharika) and real (niscaya) points of view. In his existential life man thinks himself to be the bhokta (enjoyer) and karta (doer). He, according to Sankara, suffers from avidya (ignorance) and identifies himself with his body, senses etc., and hence becomes unaware of the fact that he is not confined and limited merely with his body and senses but is identical to the absolute Self. Then, the spiritual Self with its adjuncts or jivatman (individual-self) is taken to be the agent and enjoyer, aquires merit and demerit and experiences pleasure and pain. But the same self, when viewed in the light of absolute point of view, is the transcendental Self (Atman) which is completely free from all sorts of limitations and bondage, and enjoys eternal pleasure. Kundakunda has already granted that Jivatman and Paramatman are 1Sariraka Bhasya, 1.2.8.

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120 JAIN JOURNAL ultimately one and the same. The root cause of the difference between them is ajnana (ignorance). The limiting conditions of the Self are called upadhis. It is upadhi which is responsible for clouding the true nature of Reality. Kundakunda compares the ultimate Reality with Sun which shines in all its brilliance and he compares the individual self with a Sun which is hidden with a dense layer of clouds which hides the sunshine. When clouds hiding the sunshine get completely dispersed, the Sun again begins to shine in all its glory. In the same way when karmic-upadhis (kasayas) are destroyed, the supreme Self shines with its pristine purity and glory. Besides all this, both Sankara and Kundakunda use the term 'Advaita' to show the ultimate oneness of Jivatman and Paramatman. It also proves that this doctrine is common to both-Jaina metaphysics and the Upanisadic thought from where Sankara has derived his philosophy. Kundakunda and Sankara, both maintain that cause and effect are, ultimately, identical in nature. The material cause or upadana karana must be identical with its effects in nature. Kundakunda asserts that the effect is identical with the cause and yet it is slightly different from it. Explaining it he holds that from the point of view of underlying substance the effect and cause are identical but from the point of view of manifested form and change the effect is different from the cause. So, cause and effect may be said to be identical in one sense and different in other. Both, Kundakunda and Sankara hold that it is our wrong belief to speak of the Self as body or material object because the Self is a cetana (conscious) entity whereas body is an acetana (unconscious) entity. Besides this they differ on the issue of the existence and reality of the body or material object. On the one hand, for Sankara, it is not only an error to confuse the Self with the body but ultimately, the body itself becomes mithya or illusion. On the other hand, for Kundakunda, it is only the false identification of self with the body, the acetana (unconscious) entity, that is mithya (illusion). The body or worldly objects themselves are not mithya or illusion. According to Jaina metaphysics the substance of the external world is as existent and permanent as the conscious Self. Things have creation and dissolution only because of their modes. Sankara's Advaitism, according to. Jaina thinkers, is suffering from the fallacy of ekantavada or the doctrine of oneness of Reality because he takes the change as ureal and accepts only Brahman Kundakunda, Samayasara; with English translation and commentary based upon Amrtacandra's Atmakhyati, Introduction, page clii. 3Sharma, C.D., A Critical Survey of Indian Philosophy, p. 67.

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APRIL, 1983 121 as absolute Reality. Really speaking, holds Jaina thinkers, from the point of view of attributes (gunas) the world is nitya or eternal and from the point of view of modes (paryayas) the world is changing. So, Jainism believe in anekantavada, in the doctrine of many-sided-ness of Reality.4 On the issue of the nature of the concrete world the Advaitism of Sankara is almost opposed to the Jaina metaphysics. While criticising vijnanavada theory that the external world is a manifestation of the consciousness only, Sankara maintains the difference between purely imaginary world of dream and the concrete world of sense-perception. There he holds that the difference in the psychic ideas are intelligible only on the suppostion that psychic images are direct effects of permanent objects in reality. But Sankara drops this faith in external world when he propounds his own theory of maya according to which the whole external reality is converted into a dream world of unreality. So, mayavada theory is completely incompatible with Jaina metaphysics because according to Jaina metaphysics the acetana (unconscious) entities are also existing permanently like cetana (conscious) entity, stated above. On the issue of the origin of the concrete world Kundakunda is opposed by Sankara. According to Sankara's Advaita Vedanta the concrete world is the result of the manifestation of ultimate Reality, Brahman. It is vivarta (appearance) of Brahman. Jaina metaphysics holds that from the niscaya (real) point of view the cetana self (jiva)5 and acetana world (pudgala) are distinct and independent to each other. Thus it follows that to obtain one from the other is quite impossible. At this Jaina philosophers hold that if the doctrine of the identity of the nature of cause and effect is accepted, which Sankara does accept, these two self contradictory effects-cetana self (jiva) and acetana nonself (pudgala) cannot be had from the same cause, the Absolute or Brahman which is according to Upanisads, a cetana (conscious) entity. How can cetana (conscious) Brahman produce acetana (unconscious) non-self. If Sankara has once accepted the difference between cetana (conscious) and acetana (unconscious) entities while describing adhyasa in his introduction to Brahmasutra, how can he concede to derive acetana non-self (pudgala) from cetana-self (Brahman). Jaina philosophers comment and doubt that perhaps Sankara forgot his above mentioned principles while defending Vedantic panthiesm. Sankara holds that Brahman or supreme Self is attributeless. He is nirguna. No category can be applied to him. Vedantins place the Syadvadamanjari, sloka 26. cetanalaksana jivah, Gunaratna's commentary on Saddarsana Samuccaya, 47.

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122 nature. Absolute quite beyond the empirical properties because they hold that the attributes and characteristics of empirical self are entirely different and alien to the nature of the absolute Self. The empirical self may be characterised and attributed but the absolute Self is quite beyond the ambit of our rational and relational capacity. Acarya Kundakunda also agrees with Sankara upto this point and emphasizes the same fact when he says that all other mental attributes are alien to "me". But he does admit the attributes of pure perception and pure knowledge in supreme self which remain present in it even after transcending the empricial He maintains difference between the properties of pure perception and pure knowledge of supreme Self and the process of perceiving and knowing associated with the empirical self. He further elaborates it that though in the latter case the properties are called by the same names, they are entirely limited by physical conditions whereas the properties of pure perception and pure knowledge associated with the supreme Self are the unlimited and unconditioned manifestations of the supreme Self itself. So, pure perception and pure knowledge are the intrinsic properties of the pure Self, since manifesting entity cannot be different from the manifestation. To make more clear we can say that for Kundakunda the pure Self is considered to be apart from the attributes and characteristics of empirical self but it should not be abstracted from all attributes as the Vedantins do. Pure perception and pure knowledge are not such attributes which can be transcended by supreme Self because they are the attributes of the supreme consciousness and the intrinsic properties of itself, as stated above. If supreme self will transcend them, it will remain merely an empty abstraction and it will harm the universal postulate that there can be no reality without its attributes. If for arguments sake we hold that a general substratum can exist without its attributes, the position will be untenable because a conscious self without the attributes of pure perception and pure knowledge will practically be unconscious entity which contradicts the nature of supreme Self. Pure knowledge is identical to supreme Self. The concept of bondage is also considered from the different points of view. From the empirical (vyavaharika) point of view karmas (actions) bind the Self and are 'n contact with it, but from the real (niscaya) point of view karmas (actions) neither bind nor are in contact with the Self. So, from the different points of view the Self is either bound or free." But Kundakunda asserts that Samayasara or supreme Self in-itself is beyond these both points of view. The essence of the self transcends these aspects-vyavaharika and niscaya. To make it more clear it is Samayasara, gatha 298-99. 'Samayasara, gatha 141. JAIN JOURNAL

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APRIL, 1983 123 necessary here to state that Jaina metaphysics recognizes three kinds of Self Bahiratma, Antaratma and Paramatma--the outer Self, the inner Self, and the transcendental Self respectively. The outer Self indentifies itself with the body and other external objects due to ignorance. The inner Self recognizes its nature as quite different from body and other material objects, and also it concentrates upon its own nature. This discriminative knowledge leads to the further investigation. The transcendental Self is the perfect Self. This state is the result of self-realization through tapas or yoga. It is neither bound nor free. It transcends them both. It is beyond the region of good or evil. Of course, to talk of pratikramana etc. about pure Self is to drag it down to the empirical level and to postulate the possibility of occurrence of impure emotions (kasayas) which ought to be disciplined and controlled. Now, we turn to discuss the nature and cause of bondage and liberation. Both the Philosophers agree at the point that the root cause of the bondage is ignorance or ajnana. Kundakunda asserts that the pure consciousness and impure emotions (kasayas etc.) get identified with each other by association due to ignorance. This misidentification of Self with impure emotions constitutes the foundation of empirical self in the world (sarsara). It is called bondage. But the question remains : What is the effective media to cut these two apart ? According to Jaina metaphysics of Kundakunda it is discriminative wisdom only which can fully realize the pure nature of the Self and its intrinsic difference from impure emotions and aids the Self to reject the latter and to extricate itself. So, the isolation of Self from impure karmic emotions is moksa or liberation. In order to achieve this end, one has to renounce both kinds of nescient consciousness or ajnana cetana, all karmas or actions and all karma-phalas or the fruits of his actions. In this way one can realize his own divine nature of pure-consciousness-knowledge or suddha-jnana-cetana which will be his permanent heritage. It is worthmentioning here that though right faith (samyak darsana), right knowledge (samyak jnana) and right conduct (samyak caritra) are the three jewels (tri-ratna) of Jainsm which are jointly taken as cause or means to liberation (moksa), yet Jainacarya Amrtacandrasuri takes knowledge as the only means or cause of liberation. He argues that if ignorance (ajnana) is the cause of bondage, knowledge (jnana) should be the only cause of liberation because in absence of knowledge there remains the absence of liberation though except knowledge all the other means, conduct etc. are present there in ignorant (ajnani).' But, in this *samyak darsana jnana caritrani moksa margah, Tattvarthadhigama-Sutra, 1.2.3. Samayasara Tika, 153.

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124 JAIN JOURNAL context, one should not forget that though Acarya aspires liberation or moksa in the presence of knowledge or jnana only, he never ignores the presence of conduct etc. So knowledge is the cause of liberation or moksa.10 In this context Jaina philosophy becomes more nearer to the Advaita Vedanta of Sankara because there, ignorance is the cause of bondage and only knowledge (jnana) is the cause or means to liberation. But the question is : Can knowledge alone be taken as the cause of liberation ? Infact knowledge is the primary and essential cause of liberation, as it is described in Uttaradhyayana Sutra that right conduct is impossible without right knowledge, 11 but it may not be taken as the only cause of liberation or moksa. All the three jewels (tri-ratna) are necessary for liberation in Jaina philosophy. Here we would like to quote Acarya Kundakunda, who represents the knowledge-tradition, that liberation is not possible only by knowledge if there is no faith and also it is impossible only by faith if there is no conduct.12 Now it is clear that the Kingdom of Heaven is within us. So, we conclude that, according to Jaina metaphysics, the spiritual development consists in the continuous development of the Self to a higher and higher state followed by the progressive widening of knowledge till the self becomes perfect and the knowledge becomes completely co-extensive with the Reality. This is the stage when self becomes sarvajna and paramatma, the omniscient and the absolute Self. This is the end of sarsara (the world) and the goal of life from where there is no return, if once attained. Kundakunda asserts that the realization of the supreme Self or Samayasara is possible only by adopting the niscaya or real point of view which is the only way to reach the Reality. In this context of moksa or liberation Sankara holds that the ignorance or ajnana is the root cause of bondage and of all sufferings. The removal of ajnana or ignorance is not possible without knowledge (rte jnanat na muktih). In liberation knowledge does nothing else but it only removes the ignorance and then Reality shinesforth by itself.13 For this jnana or perfect knowledge Sankara refers to sravana, manana and nididhyasana. But before sravana or the study of the Vedanta-texts, Sankara refers to four-fold requirements which should be possessed by the person concerned-- a. nityanityavastuviveka, b. ihamutrarthaphalabhogaviraga, 10 Samayasara Tika, 151. 11 Uttaradhyayana, 28/30. 12 Pravacanasara, Caritradhikara, 3. 13 Isa-Bhasya, 2, 7, 8, 9 and 18 ; Also Katha-Bhasya, 1.2.1, and 1.2.4.

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APRIL, 1983 125 c. samadamadi uparatititiksa and d. mumuksatva. Thus, according to Sankaracarya, the mumuksu (the person having thirst of pure and perfect knowledge), after attaining the above mentioned requirements, becomes able to study the Vedanta-texts. In this way through the process of fravana, manana and nididhyasana, mumuksu realizes his pure nature and hence, attains the real knowledge of the Self or Brahman. That blessed person who has realized Reality is liberated here and now.14. It is jivanmukti. Final release (videhamukti) is attained after the death of the body. After jivanmukti the karmas or actions done by the person will not affect his release and whenever the fruits of the actions done earlier are over, the person will attain the final release or videhamukti. This is the goal or end of life in the Advaitism of Sankara. Thus we may conclude that the similarities between Kundakunda and Sankara inspire us to accept that Sankara was well acquainted with the philosophy of Kundakunda, either in original or in the Sanskrit commentary of Sri Amrtacandra, 14 Sariraka Bhasya, 1.1.4.

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Jaina Teacher, in Humble Garb LEONA SMITH KREMSER Today begins where yesterday ended, a primitive mourning for the pillar fallen, that had upheld my woman's years. -In Jaina truth, my soul is my pillar everliving, and my soul has no connection with any other. Yet time is change, harsh to this mode of existence. A living pillar falls, the empty day passes to evening, and I drag out my mourning from the desolate house. Amethyst clouds float by without a downward glance at the wretched life-struggle at once underfoot, an earthworm in a mudhole, floundering and sinking. -Haste, unsure hand! For Jaina truth proclaims that the positive viewpoint of harmlessness is helping. And beyond doubt, the reprieved creature rejoices at my chanting of the Jaina Mahamantra. Today ends, as I deeply ponder : "Earthworm, ye Jaina teacher, in humble garb, ye teach that all living things strive to live, and anew ye teach the valiant worth of all embodied souls. -Thus emptiness need not fill an empty heart, and my days to come, I gladly dedicate to service to such humble and helpless ones as come my way." ... Likewise, may all in mourning be moved upward from their black hole into the sun-bright revelation : By Jaina righteous thought, word and deed, seek ye the meaning of life in non-injury to all living things, grand or lowly.

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Fig. 1 Santinatha with Jyotiskadevas, Bhagalpur Fig. 2 The Caubisi of Adinatha Bhagalpur Fig. 3 Bronze Image of Parsvanatha Pakur (S.P.)

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SERIES Fig. 4 Marble Image of Candraprabha Pakur (S.P.) Fig. 6 Marble Image of Padmavati with Parsvanatha, Monghyr Fig. 5 Bronze Image of Parsvanatha Monghyr

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Some Unpublished Jaina Images of Bihar AJOY KUMAR SINHA An Early Image of Bhagavan Santhinatha with the Jyotiska Devas The town of Bhagalpur, ancient Campa,1 preserves a number of early Jaina sculptures in various temples. It is one of the most sacred places for the Jainas. In the beginning Jainism was an atheist religion2 but during the early historic period the Jainas came closer to the Hindus and started idol worship. They adopted a number of Hindu gods and goddesses such as Ganesa, Sarasvati, Astadikpalas, Navagrahas and so on and so forth. They worship the Navagrahas (nine planets) as Jyotiskadevas who used to encircle the Tirthankara, just to pay reverence. There is an early image of Bhagavan Santinatha, the sixteenth Tirthankara at Sri Campapur Digambar Jain Siddhaksetra, Nathnagar1 (a suburb of Bhagalpur). It measures 61 x 30.5 centimetres and is carved out in black basalt. (Fig. 1) The Jina is seated in the samparyankasana on a double petalled lotus pedestal. In the centre of the pedestal, a dharmacakra (wheel of Law) has beautifully been carved out. The pedestal, however, rests upon the back of two youthful lions seated in opposite direction by the side of wheel of law. Just below the dharmacakra, figure of a mrga (deer, the lanchana of Bhagavan Santinatha) is engraved by whose side two devotees with folded palms are seen. The Jina's elongated ears, half closed eyes, curly hairs, round mole mark, halo behind the head and a srivatsa mark are all typical to the Jaina art. The flying Gandharvas with long flowery garlands are depicted just by the side of the Jina's head. But the most striking iconographic feature in this sculpture is the presence of Jyotiskadevas on either side of Bhagavan Santinatha. The leader of the Jyotiskadevas is Surya (Sun-god). He is engraved on the right side near the shoulder of the Jina. He has been described in the Jaina scriptures as the deity of the East and the husband of Ratna Devi. He holds two lotus flowers in his hands. Here in this 'Patil, D.R., The Antiquarrian Remains in Bihar, Patna, 1963, p. 78. Sharma, B.N., 'Foreword', The Jaina Iconography by B. C. Bhattacharya, New Delhi, 1974 reprint, p. 10. $Ibid. "Sinha, A.K., Jaina Shrines in Bhagalpur (in the press) Bhattacharya, B.C., The Jaina Iconography, New Delhi, 1974 reprint, p. 116. Ibid.

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128 image, the Surya is engraved in lalitasana pose holding two full blossomed lotus flowers in both hands. On the other side of the deity, Candra, the Moon-god, has been depicted who is said to be the master of stars and ruler of the north-West Quarters. The Moon-god is seated in samparyankasana. He is in barada (boon-giving) mudra. The Digambara description of the planet has no mention of his symbols. Just below the Sun-god, figure of Mangala is seen. He is known as the son of the earth and ruler of the South. He is holding a spear in his left hand which is prescribed in the Digambara silpa texts." The fourth Jyotiskadeva, Budha is seen just below Candra who is said to be his father. He is ruler of North region. He is holding a long sword in his left hand. The Digambara silpa texts, however, inform us merely a book for this planet. The next planetary god, Brhaspati, has been depicted below Mangala. He is the ruler of the north-Eastern quarters. His emblems are not clear. According to Digambara texts Brhaspati sits on a lotus and holds a book, kamandalu and a rosary. The sixth Jyotiskadeva, Sukra is seated below Budha in samparyankasana. A rosary like object is seen in his left hand while his right hand is in varada mudra. He is the ruler of the south-East regions and teacher of demons. The seventh planetary deity, Sani (Saturn) has been depicted in almost tribhanga pose, holding a standard like object by both hands. None of the Jaina texts refer to the terrific form of last two unauspicious planetery deities Rahu and Ketu who have only been referred to as ruler of south-Western and ruler without any region respectively. In the present sculpture, only Rahu is present. He is in extremely terrific form. His hands are in the tarpana mudra same as in the Hindu Navagraha sculptures. JAIN JOURNAL Now let us evaluate the importance of the sculpture under study. It is singular early specimen in side the province of Bihar showing only eight Jyotiskadevas reported so far.10 Absence of Ketu is of great importance from the chronological point of view. Ketu is a later addition in Indian art.11 Impact of the Hindu art is also clear from the representation of the saturn. The author of this paper think that the image in question belonged to the early Pala period (circa 8th century AD.) 'Nirvanakalika. Pratisthasaroddhara. Visnudharmottara, 69. 1-8 10Sinha, C.P., The Early Sculptures of Bihar, Patna, 1980, pp. 133-135.. 11Banerjee, J.N., The Development of Hindu Iconography, Delhi, 1974 third edition, P. 444.

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APRIL, 1983 A Rare Image of Caubisi of Adinatha at Bhagalpur The town of Bhagalpur,1 well known sacred place for the Jainas, has a number of shrines2 dedicated to Bhagavan Vasupujya. It was the place where occured the pancakalyanas3 of Bhagavan Vasupujya. Due to this fact, Bhagavan Parsvanatha, the twenty third Tirthankara and Bhagavan Mahavira, the last Tirthankara, paid their valuable visits here. A big temple complex was erected during the sixth century B. C. inside the ancient city of Campa (modern Campanagara, a suburb of Bhagalpur town). It was referred to in the acnient Jaina literature as Punnabhadda Yaksa Caiya. A number of ancient Jaina images" were recovered from a tank (probably the ancient tank caused to be excavated by the order of queen Gaggara) at Campanagara. Majority of them are adoring the Sri Campapur Digambar Jain Siddhaksetra, Nathnagara. One of them, a caubist of Bhagavan Adinatha is, however, preserved in the Sri Digambara Jain Mandir, Jain Mandir Lane, Bhagalpur. This temple was constructed in the Vikram Samvat 1929 (1872 A.D.) by the efforts of local Jainas, just to provide boarding facilities to the Jaina pilgrims. The caubist of Bhagavan Adinatha (Fig. 2) is carved out of black stone. It measures 16 x 10 centimetres. It is carved out in an almost rectangular piece of stone. The sculptural details are in four tiers. The upper most tier has the figure of Bhagavan Adinatha who is seated in the samparyanka mudra (cross legged position). His half opened eyes, elongated ears, and locks of hair hanging on shoulders denote this image as of Bhagavan Adinatha. He is flanked by two attendants, standing one on his either side. The Jina has triratha chatra over his head. They are decorated with the asokadruma. The flying Vidyadharas holding long flowery garlands in their respective hands are engraved just over the head of Bhagavan Adinatha. He is seated on Kailasa, the seat prescribed for him in the silpa text.9 In the second tier from the top, seven figures of the Tirthankaras have been carved out. They are all 1Roychoudhury, P.C., Bihar District Gazetteer-Bhagalpur, Patna, 1982. 2Sinha, A.K., Jaina Shrines in Bhagalpur (in the press) Samavayanga, p. 67. *Bhagvati Sutra, p. 2234. "Law, B.C., Mahavira: His Life and Teachings, London, 1937, p. 32-33. Aupapatika Sutra, p. 10ff. (Sailana Ed.) 'Patil, D.R., The Antiquarrian Remains in Bihar, Patna 1963. Sinha., A.K., Early Jain Images from Bhagalpur (in the press) Rupamandana, verse 27. 129

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130 JAIN JOURNAL standing in khadgasana mudra. They are all nude. From right to left, the Jinas are standing in chronological order, viz., Ajitanatha, Sambhavanatha, Abhinandananatha, Sumatinatha, Padmaprabha, Suparsvanatha, and Candraprabha. Their lanchanas, viz., the gaja (Elephant) asva (Horse) kapi (Monkey), kraunca (Curlow), abja (Lotus) Svastika and sasi (Moon) have been engraved below their feet accordinglly.10 In the third tier from the top, as many as eight Jinas have been depicted again in the chronological order from right to left. They are, viz, Suvidhinatha, Sitalanatha, Sreyamsanatha, Vasupujya, Vimalanatha, Anantanatha, Dharmanatha and Santinatha. They are also in khadgasana mudra. Their respective lanchanas, viz, the makara (crocodile), srivatsa, khangisa (Rhinaceros), mahiba (Buffalo), sukura (Boar); syena (Hawk) ; and vajra (Thunderbolt) have beautifully been carved out under their feet. In the lower most tier we see figures of remaining eight Tirthankaras, again in the chronological order. They are Kunthunatha, Aranatha, Mallinatha, Munisuvrata, Naminatha, Neminatha; Parsvanatha and Mahavira. They are also in khadgasana mudra. Their lanchanas, viz, the miga (Deer) Chaga (Goat); nandyavarta, ghata (pot) ; kurma (Tortoise) ; nilotpala (Blue lotus); Sarkha (conch); phani (Serpent) and simha (lion) are clearly visible under their feet. All these Tirthankaras have been provided with double circled halo behind their heads which denote to their godship. The caubist of Bhagavan Adinatha under discussion shows certain similar features to those reported from the Bangladesh caubisies which belonged to the late Pala (circa 10th-11th century A.D.) period. A caubisi of Bhagavan Candraprabha displayed in the Dacca Museum11 Bangladesh presents the remaining twenty three Jinas in seated (padmasana) posture. The Dinajpur Museum (Bangladesh)12 caubisi, however depicts all twenty three Jinas standing in four tiers on the either side of Bhagavan Adinatha. The museums of Bihar have not preserved any caubisi in stone. Hence, the author of this paper, thinks that the Bhagalpur Digambar Jain Temple's caubisi of Bhagavan Adinatha, which certainly belonged to the Pala period, is of great archeological interest. 10 Ibid., verses 5-6. 11Sharma, B.N. Jaina Pratimayen, Delhi, 1979, p. 95. 12 Ibid.

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APRIL, 1983 131 Some Jaina Images at Pakur (S. P) Pakur7 is a sub-divisional headquarter of the district of Santal Parganas. It is well connected with the district headquarter Dumka by a metalled road and by rail with Bhagalpur and Calcutta as well. The District Gazetteer of Santal Parganas is quite silent about Jainism. But the author of this paper surveyed the town of Pakur and inspected four early images of Jaina Tirthankaras which at present are enshrined in a newly constructed temple at local Harindanga Bazar, just near the Pakur Railway Station. The Digambar Jain Mandir, Pakur has some bronze images. The author of this paper came to know from the Secretary of that temple that all the Jaina images belonged to Rajasthan. Their forefathers brought these icons with them to Pakur for religious purposes. At present only five or six Jaina families, all engaged in business, are living at Pakur. The temple contains only four images, two of marble and two bronzes. The oldest icon represents Bhagavan Parsvanatha. (fig. 3) It is a bronze which measures 10.2 x 5.1 centimetres. According to an inscription engraved upon its pedastal, we know that it was donated to a temple in the Vikram samvat 1527 (A.D. 1470). Bhagavan Parsvanatha is seated in samparyankasana upon a high platform. His hair tied in usnisa style gives an early look. The image represents the Jina seated crosslegged on a seat placed over a pancaratha pedestal with both palms placed one over the other on the lap in the attitude of meditation (yogimudra). Parsvanatha is readily distinguished by the presence of the seven hooded serpent canoping over his head. He has been represented entirely nude suggesting his Digambara form. He has elongated ears, mark of srivatsa symbol over his chest, and cakra over the soles of his feet. In accordance with the canonical texts, 2 Parsvanatha should be accompanied by the Yaksa Dharanendra and Yaksini Padmavati. But in the present example these two companions are conspicuous by their absence. The front face of the pedestal has three niches, separated from each other. In the central niche we find the representation of snakes the lanchana of Bhagavan Parsvanatha while in the two other niches there are two lions holding the seat of Bhagavan Parsvanatha over their back. The entire representation is fairly good. In the knowledge of the present author who extensively surveyed the Jaina images in the Sinha, A.K., "Santal Parganas District through the Ages', Bulletin of The Tribal Welfare Research Institute, Vol XXIV, Ranchi, 1980, pp. 77-84. ? Bhattacharya, B.C., The Jaina Iconography, Delhi, 1968 reprint, p. 58. 8 Rupamandana, verse 6.

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132 eastern Bihar, this image of Bhagavan Parsvanatha is the earliest bronze icon in this region. JAIN JOURNAL Another early bronze enshrined in Sri Digambar Jain Temple, Pakur represents the eighth Tirthankara, Bhagavan Candraprabha, locally known as Canda Prabhu. It is a tiny specimen measuring 5.2x3.8 centimetres. It is dated in the Vikrama Samvat 1671 (1614 A.D.) The Jina is seated in padmasana and in deep meditation. Bhagavan Candraprabha's worship is very popular in Rajasthan. In this eastern part of Bihar, this image is one of the early specimen of its type. The remaining two icons are carved out of marble-one in black marble representing Bhagavan Parsvanatha and the other in white marble depicting Bhagavan Candraprabha. (fig. 4) They belonged to the first quarter of the ninteenth century A.D. The image of Bhagavan Parsvanatha is in padmasana pose. The seven-hooded snake is canopied over his head. There is an interesting story regarding association of serpent with Bhagavan Parsvanatha in the Parsvanatha Carita.5 Once upon a time Parsvanatha saw a great serpent having been burnt in the fire lit during the pancagni tapah performed by an ascetic. Parsvanatha, who happened to be present there, extinguished the fire miraculously and rescued the serpent from being burnt into the fire. The serpent was in due course reborn as Dharanendra, the king of the nether world. At some later period, when the Jina was performing austerities in the forests of Kausambi, the serpent king Dharanendra presented himself in state and paid due honour to him. Since then, Bhagavan Parsvanatha became close to him. The srivatsa mark over the chest of the Jina is very clear. The last specimen belonged to the Vikrama Samvat 1881 (1824 A.D.) and represents the eighth Tirthankara Bhagavan Candraprabha in the padmasana mudra. It is carved out in the white marble and measure 13.8 x 10.5 centimetres. His symbol, sasi (Moon) is clearly visible in the centre of the pedestal over which Bhagavan Candraprabha seated crosslegged with both palms placed one over the other on the lap in the attitude of a Yogi. In the district of Santal Parganas where Jainism has a very little grip in the society, the above mentioned sculptures are not of less importance. It shows the deep religious feelings of the Jainas of Pakur, who migrated from Rajasthan alongwith them. 4Sharma, B.N., Jaina Pratimayen, Delhi, 1979, p. 42. "Bloomfield, M., The Life and Stories of the Jain Saviour Parsvanatha, Baltimore, 1914, p. 10.

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APRIL, 1983 Some Jaina Images of Monghyr Monghyr,1 the ancient city of Mudgagiri, was an important centre of Jainism during the early historic period. We know from the Padmacarita of Acarya Ravisena that Jaina cult was in flourishing condition in the vicinity of Monghyr during the 7th century A.D. Temples of the Tirthankaras were being built and teachers were always moving in these sacred places propagating the principles of Jainism. Acarya Jinasena and Acarya Haribhadra3 (circa 8th century A.D.) also described the Anga region as a centre of Jainism. Recently, the author of this paper has published a torso of Bhagavan Parsvanatha discovered from the Monghyr Fort area. It belonged to the circa 9th century A.D. and carved out of black stone. It supplemented the literary evidences regarding Jainism in Monghyr. 133 Some Jaina sculptures are enshrined in the Sri Parsvanatha Digambar Jain Mandir, Bara Bazar, Monghyr. The present temple according to its Secretary was constructed in the Vikram Samvat 1936 (1879 A.D.). The temple is dedicated to Bhagavan Parsvanatha, the twenty third Tirthankara. It is worshipped by the Digambara Jainas. It is said that the present temple was erected upon the ruins of an old temple. At present the population of the Jainas in this town are not more than one hundred. The author of this paper, who inspected the images enshrined in side the temple, has selected three of them for study. All the three represents Bhagavan Parsvanatha. Two of them bears the date V.S. 1936 (1879 A.D.) while the third one is very important from the archaeological point of view. It represents Padmavati, the Sasanadevi of Bhagavan Parsvanatha over whose head the Jina is seated. It is dated in the year V.S. 1548 (1491 A.D.). Let us examine the iconographic details of two images of Bhagavan Parsvanatha. The black stone image of Bhagavan Parsvanatha measures 16 x 10 inches. The Jina is seated in samparyankasana. The seven hooded serpent is canopied over his head from back. His hair style is typical. His long ears, half closed eyes, frivatsa mark over chest are 'O'Malley, Bihar and Orissa District Gazetteer-Monghyr, Patna, 1926, pp. 30-52. 2Sinha, B.P. (ed), The Comprehensive History of Bihar, Vol. I, Pt. II, Patna 1974, p. 457. 3Ibid., p. 458. "Sinha, A.K., 'A Torso of Parsvanatha in the Bhagalpur Museum (Bihar)', Jain Journal, Vol. XVII, No. 3 (Calcutta, 1983), pp. 101-102.

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134 depicted according to the silpa text. His lanchana the snake, is seen in the centre of the pedestal. The second image of Bhagavan Parsvanatha (fig. 5) is in bronze. It measures 10x8 inches. Bhagavan Parsvanatha is seated in the samparyamkasana. The lanchana of Bhagavan, the serpent is clearly visible in the middle of the pedestal. The Jina is in yoga mudra. A nine hooded serpent is canopied over his head. Generally, Bhagavan Parsvanatha is canopied by a seven hooded snake. The practice of depicting the nine hooded snake5 is mentioned in the Ganadhara Sarddha Sataka (Parsvanatha Navaphana Dharana). JAIN JOURNAL The most important Jaina image enshrined in the Sri Parsvanatha Digambar Jain Mandir, Monghyr, is of Sasanadevi Padmavati, (Fig. 6) the Yaksini of Bhagavan Parsvanatha. It is carved out in white marble and measures 12x6 inches. According to an inscription inscribed on the pedestal of this icon, it was installed in the year Vikram Samvat 1548 (A.D. 1491). Goddess Padmavati is seated in samparyankasana upon a lotus pedestal. She is endowed with four hands. She is holding a goad (ankusa) in the upper right hand while a noose in upper left hand. She is seated in deep meditation. She is keeping a rosary in lower left hand and the kusa grass like object in lower right hand. She is bearing a long necklace and round kundalas. As she is associated with the nether regions or patalapuri. She is canopied by the serpent which is a symbol to her. According to the silpa texts, Bhagavan Parsvanatha is seated over the canopies of the serpent which headed Padmavati. Bhagavan Parsvanatha is seated in padmasana and canopied by a five hooded serpent. The figure of Padmavati under discussion is very important from archaeological point of view because it is singular specimen of its type on the basis of published materials. From the above discussions, it has become clear that the town of Monghyr is closely associated with Bhagavan Parsvanatha since early historic period. Further the discovery of a colossol torso of Bhagavan Parsvanatha from the heart of the town also strengthen this view. It belonged to the Pala period (circa 9th-10th century A.D.). The original temple dedicated to Bhagavan Parsvanatha was destroyed several times but it always sprung like a blue lotus over the demolished one. The present temple dedicated to Lord Parsvanatha is the latest one in this respect. The author of this paper hopes to bring more material relating to Jainism in Monghyr to light. "Bloomfield, M., The Life and Stories of the Jaina Saviour Parsvanatha, Baltimore 1914, p. 20. "Pratisthasarasangraha (MSS).

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Doctrines of An Obsolete Sect PRANABANANDA JASH The contribution of the Ajivikas to the heterodox Indian religious systems in general and Jainism in particular, is unique as well as significant in many respects. While writing on the relationship between the Ajivikas and the Jainas, Jacobi points out that "the greatest influence on the development of Mahavira's doctrines, I believe, must be ascribed to Gosala, the son of Makkhali". It is well known that Gosala spent first six years of his career as a wonderer together with Mahavira. the twenty fourth Tirthankara of the Jainas; but he parted company with the latter on account of doctrinal differences. It is true that a bitter hostility developed between the leaders of these two philosophical schools; but in some cases of their doctrines and tenets they have many points in common. And there is no denying the fact that Jainism owed in many respects to the doctrines propounded by the Ajivika leader, Gosala. To prove our contention we may mention that the Jainas borrowed the idea of lesya from the Ajivika conception of abhijati, or six classes of mankind, and "altered it so as to bring it into harmony with the rest of their own doctrines,2 The concept of abhijati3 preached by the Ajivikas has evidently noticeable bearing on the Jaina classification of being and the Jaina conception of lesya. Again, an analytical study reveals that the logic and epistemology of the Ajivikas had much in consonance with that of the trairasikas of the Jainas.4 The distinctive characteristic of the system was the division of propositions into three categories in contrast with the orthodox Jaina system, which allowed seven (saptabhangi).5 1 Sacred Books of the East (SBE), XLV., Introduction, XXIX-XXX. 2Ibid. 3 Anguttara-nikaya, III, p. 383. 4The Ajivika heretics founded by Gosala are likewise called Trairasikas, since they declare everything to be of triple character, viz.: living, not living, and both living and not living; world, not world, and both world and not world; real, unreal, and both real and unreal. In considering standpoints (naya) they postulate that an entity may be of the nature of substance, of mode, or of both. Thus, since they maintain three heaps (rasi), they are called Trairasikas. SBE, XLV, pp. XXIX-XXX.

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136 JAIN JOURNAL Without elaborating this point further it may, however, be noted that all the avaidika teachers belonged to the same age and the same region and they responded and reacted in their respective ways which were more or less similar to same stimuli due to stupendous sociopolitical and religious transformation. It is, thus, no wonder that the entire development of religion and philosophy in this period in the Gangetic valley region, from Upanisadic gnosis to complete materialism, was but a reflection of the non-Aryan reaction to the Aryan sacrificial system and to the rigid Aryan social order of the four varnas. Denying the authority of the Vedas, the Ajivikas were also indoctrined as the propounder of heretical philosophy. The Buddhists and the Jainas considered the Ajivikas as amoralists and proceeded to condemn them as immoral in practice. Buddha is said to have branded the system of Gosala among those four groups of ascetics whom he condemned as 'living in incontinency' (abrahmacaryavasa). He vehemently criticised Gosala on ethical grounds for holding and practising immoral principles and Gosala even as "stigmatised bad man" (mogha-purisa).? It is not much difficult to understand why Buddha was much antagonised against the Ajivikas8 who discarded all his ideas and ideals. Inspite of repeated scandle mongering against the teaching and doctrine of Gosala a large number of followers from all sections of the society during Buddha's own time accepted this religion in preference to the teachings of Buddha and Mahavira.' In fact, occasional lapses in the individual level of this community are not unnoticed, but, at the same time, their rigidity in performing severe types of penances and restrictions of accepting food comparing to other religious systems cannot be minimised. A strong foundation of sincere austerities and of moral discipline undoubtedly facilitated the sect to survive its independent existence for, at least, a few centuries in the pre and the post Christian era. It is however, surprising that the Ajivikas who could lead such an austere life should hold fatalistic views regarding life and nature. Their teachings as reflected in the Samannaphala-sutta deny action (kiriya) endeavour (viriya) and result of action (kamma). The essence of the Ajivika philosophy-i.e., the theory of Niyati (Fate), teaches that destiny 6MN, i. 541 ff. 'ERE, I, p. 261. 8Buddha declared "like fish trap set at river-mouth, Makkhali was born into the world to be a man-trap for the distress and destruction of men." AN, Nalanda edition, p. 267. 'For details consult author's forthcoming publication on Some Aspects of Jainism in Eastern India.

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APRIL, 1983 137 controlled even the most insignificant action of each human being and nothing could change this.10 It is to be noted in this connection that the concept of the fatalist teachings of which the doctrine of Niyati emerged and developed, was not unknown before Makkhali Gosala. "A belief in fate, the inevitability of important events, or events with dire consequences, seems to arise at an early stage of religious development in many cultures. Parallel with it arises the belief in the efficiency of magic, spells, sacrifice, and prayer, to circumvent the effects of fate".11 But it was Gosala who moulded it into a methodical and systematic doctrinal shape. His views provide a striking illustration of the trammels of samsara and the rejection of individual initiative in the process of liberation from them.12 Denying the action of karma Gosala believes in an immutable principle which is the determining factor in the universe. To his philosophy karma is uneffected by good conduct, by vows, by penances or by chastity. He practises a rigid path of transmigration when he says that each and every soul must run the same course through a period of 84,00,000 great kalpas before reaching salvation. "There are 84,00,000 periods during which both fools and wise alike wandering in transmigration, shall at last make an end of pain. Though the wise should hope by this virtue or this performance of duty, or this penance or this righteousness, will I make the karma (I have inherited) that is not yet mature, mature, and though the fool should hope, by some means, to get gradually rid of karma that has matured-neither of them can do it. Pleasure and pain cannot be altered in the course of transmigration, there can be neither increase nor decrease thereof, neither excess nor deficiency. Just as when a ball of string is cast forth, it will spread out just as far as and no farther than, it can unwind, just so, both the fools and the wise, transmigrating exactly for the allotted term, shall then, and only then, make an end of pain."13 10It may be remembered in this connection the well known experiment that was made by Gosala together with Mahavira taking as specimen a large sesamun plant (tila thambha) which being uprooted and destroyed reappeared in due time. On the basis of that observation Gosala come to the conclusion that all living beings are subject to reanimation (pautta pariharam parihanti)-B.M. Barua, A History of Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 301, fn. I; Rocklill, The Life of the Buddha, pp. 250-51. 11 History and Doctrines of Ajivikas, A. L. Basham (HDA), p. 6, ERE, p. 772, 'Fate'. 12G. C. Pandey, Studies in the Origin of Buddhism, p. 342. 18N. Aiyaswami Sastri, "Sramana or Non-Brahmanical Sects', Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. I, p. 396.

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138 According to the doctrine propounded by the Ajivikas all beings are developed by destiny (niyati), chance (samgati) and nature (bhava)14 as Buddhaghosa would have it for the term parinata means 'differentiated'.15 The term bhava implies svabhava, i.e. nature which has been exalted to the rank of Niyati. Jnanavimala thus says 'some believe that the universe was produced by svabhava, and that everything comes about by svabhava only.'16 Hoernle takes samgati to mean 'environment',17 but the appropriate translation of the term should be 'lot' or 'chance'.18 It is stated in the Sutrakrtanga that pleasure or pain is but the work of chance, "it is the lot assigned to them by destiny".19 G.C. Pande nicely represents it in the following-"the process of samsara is like the unalterable working out of a coiled up necessity. In as much as the process of samsara is moving towards visuddhi or the end of misery, it may be considered an evolutionary process. As to the nature of the forces behind it we have the statement 'sabbe..niyatisamgati-bhavaparinata....sukha-dukkham patisam vedenti'. According to Buddhaghosa's explanation we have here three co-ordinate determinants of experience, the first being destiny. His own explanation, however, of the second suggests that it should be considered subordinate to the first. The third was, in all probability, regarded as at least the cause of the differential manifestation of Niyati. But if it was not the sole determinant of Niyati, it is clear that part of the Niyati as operative must proceed from a source out side bhava or the nature of things. Thus partly at least the governing necessity of samsara appears to have a transcendental spring-board. The vehement denial of the freedom of will and the non-mention of any divine agency suggest that Niyati itself was considered an ultimate principle. The denial of any reason or cause behind the samkileta or visuddhi of men shows that destiny was considered 'blind', i.e.,-as equivalent to a "causeless necessity" 20 To the Ajivikas, as noted earlier, Niyati is the ultimate cause of this universe and the other two-samgati and bhava are but illusory modifications of the Niyati. 21 Hence the theory of Ajivika salvation has been JAIN JOURNAL 14niyati-samgati-bhava-parinata, DN, p. 53. 15nana-ppakaratam patta, SV., i.p. 160. 18 kecit svabhava bhavavitam jagad manyante, svabhaven'aiva sarvah sampadyate, Prasna Vyakarana, 7, fol 29. 17ERE, i. p. 261. 18 HDA, p. 226. 19 Su. Kr. i, 1, 2, 2, 3, fol. 30. 20G.C.Pandey, op. cit, pp. 343-44. 21It may be noted that the Ajivikas has called sometimes a believer in the doctrine of causelessness, i.e., ahetukavadin (Jataka, v., p. 228). Since all human activities were ineffectual he was also an akriyavadin, a disbeliever in the efficiency of works.

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APRIL, 1983 called sometimes in the Jataka as-samsarasuddhi, 22 i.e., salvation by transmigration because all being in the process of transmigration get purified. Here is the saying. "There is no short cut (lit. door) to bliss, Bijaka. Wait on Destiny. Whether (a man has) joy or sorrow, it is obtained through Destiny. All beings are purified through transmigration (so) do not be eager for that which is to come."23 139 22n'atthi dvaram sugatiya. niyatim kamkha, bijaka. sukham va yadi va dukkham, niyatiya kira labbhati. samsara-suddhi sabbesam, ma turittho anagate, Jataka, vi.p. 229; cf. ime satta samsara-suddhika, Jataka, v. p. 228; cf. also, Uvasagadasao, ed. P. L. Vaidya, p. 201-samsara-visuddhim vyakasi. 23HDA, p. 228.

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Jaina Torso, Candraketugarh The Jaina Background of 24-Parganas GOURISANKAR DE The present 24-Parganas represent one of the oldest parts of Bengal and was the meeting ground of different faiths1. A considerable number of Jaina images have been discovered from both the northern and southern parts of the district. It is probable that some Jaina viharas also existed here in the past. Candraketugarh in north 24-Parganas is not only one of the oldest sites of Bengal but of India. Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism flourished here side by side. Late D. K. Chakrabartty of the State Archaeological Gallery, West Bengal, referred to a terracotta-seal depicting a stupa and torana with a seated peacock upon it.2 He could not confidently associate the seal with Jainism as no definite Jaina objects were yet found from Candraketugarh or its neighbourhood. But, now there is no doubt that Candraketugarh was a centre of Jainism. The present writer discovered a Jina image from Chandraketugarh in the year 1971.3 The sand stone torso is in the round. Its height is 13 cm. It is the torso of a nude figure with srivatsa mark on the chest and auspicious signs on the arms. Its nudity, the stiff straight 1 Barrackpur C.P. of Vijaysena', I.H.Q. XII, p. 67. 2 Garh Candraketur Katha, Ed'. D. Maite, p. 65. *Proceedings, the 35th Session, Indian History Congress, pp. 89-90.

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APRIL, 1983 141 pose of its arms hanging down by its sides, indicative of the kayotsarga attitude, characteristic of the Jinas, unmistakably prove that it is the image of one of the Tirthankaras. It is difficult to ascertain which of the Jinas it represents as its head and legs are missing. The image has been assigned by the experts to the Gupta period. A small Jina image is said to have been discovered from the ruins of a Jaina vihara at Batgohali or Goalbhita (Paharpur). But, this image is, for many years, out of trace. Hence, the Candraketugarh torso represents the oldest Jina image extant in Bengal.5 Incidentally, this is the only Jaina relic so far discovered from Candraketugarh. The Kalpasutra mentions four branches of the Godasagana of the Jaina monks as Tamalittya, Kodivarsiya, Poindavardhaniya and (Dasi) Khabbadiya. This shows that the Jainas had a wide influence in ancient Bengal. Khabbadiya has been identified with the principality of Kharvata in Western Bengal.? It is mentioned in the Sabhaparya of the Mahabharata that Bhima, in course of his conguest of eastern conquered the king of Kharvata after the capture of Tamralipta. From this description it has been inferred that Kharvata was located near Tamralipta, probably in the area of the Sundarbans in South 24-Parganas. Perhaps, from this centre of Jainism, Jainism spread to the different localities of South 24-Parganas. This is probably corroborated by the find of as many as ten Jaina images from the Sundarbans of 24Parganas.9 The Jaina zone of influence appears to have extended, according to R. D. Banerjee, from the southern bank of the Ganges to the western bank of the Bhagirathi.10 The exploration of a certain part of the Sundarbans in West Bengal has brought to light a large number of Jaina images. This indicates the popularity of the Jaina faith in this area in the past. A dignified large figure of Adinatha the first Jaina Tirthankara, was recovered from Ghatesvara.11 This image of Rsabhanatha (grey sand stone, 3'5" X1' 8') has been assigned to 10th Century A. D. It is now preserved in the Jain Journal, April, 1976, pp. 149-151. 5Bangalir Itihas (Vol. II), N. R. Ray, p. 966, p. 1057, fig. 31. &Kalpasutra, Tr. Jacobi, p. 79. 'N. R. Ray, p. 626. 8Sahitya O Samskrti, Magh-Caitra, B.S. 1379, p. 283. 'N. R. Ray, p. 685. 10Shah, p. 26. 11 Studies in Museum and Museology, D. P. Ghosh, p. 61.

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142 JAIN JOURNAL Asutosh Museum. The image was found from an old tank at Ghatesvara (P. S. Kulpi). The Tirthankara is represented as standing and naked. The stone is much weathered and a large bit of the upper corner on the right hand and a bit of the lower corner on the left are missing. Yet the standing effigies of twelve Tirthankaras on the right and twelve on the left side of the image can be discerned. On each side is a male attendant standing on a lotus with three small seated figures beyond them. Upon the pedestal is carved the figure of a bull, the emblem of Adinatha. It is said that two other Digambara (sky-clad) images were found from the same tank but were thrown back into the water.12 About the year 1980, a fine blackstone 'Digambar' image of the 23rd Jaina Tirthankara, Parsvanatha was found in the river Raidighi Gang by a fisherman. The image was taken to Bolbamni village (P. S. Matta). It is still placed under a tamarind tree in fishermen's quarters being worshipped as Pancanana. The image is two and a half feet high and represents the Tirthankara as standing naked with an umbrella surmounting a many-hooded snake-hood spread over his head. On either side of the umbrella is a drum, below which is a female figure carrying a garland. On either side of the image is a male figure carrying a cowri, standing on a lotus. Between them and the Tirthankara, as well as on the pedestal snakes are carved, the emblem of Parsvanatha.13 Two other Jaina images were collected by late Kalidas Datta. One is a miniature stone Svetamvara image of Naminatha, the twenty first Tirthankara found in plot E. Patharpratima (P. S. Mathurapur). The image is a thin one, 4 inches high and 24 inches wide. The head is issing. The image is a standing one and bears marks of drapery. On its right is carved a lotus, the emblem of the twenty-first Tirthan A stone image of Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara, was recovered from Daksin Barasat while digging a ditch. It is now in the Sena-pada of the village. The image is about three feet high and appears to be considerably old as it is much weathered. The image invites comparison with the Parsvanatha from Raidighi. The Tirthankara is represented as standing naked with a many-hooded snake-head over his head. On either side of him there are four snakes rising from his arm and lower down an attendant, who is indistinct. The pedestal is plain. A unique feature is a vanamala hanging across the knees.15 12V. R. S. M., No. 4, p. 10 ; No. 3, p. 5. 13 Ibid., No. 4, p. 10. 14 Ibid. 15 Ibid., p. 7.

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Rsabhanatha Ghateswar, 24 Parganas, W.B. c 10th century A. D. courtesy : Asutosh Museum

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APRIL, 1983 143 A Jaina Tirthankara image of black stone was found in the Sagar Island and was kept in the kacari of the Zamindar, Pulinbihari Dutt of Calcutta.16 At Kantabenia, a large image of Parsvanatha is worshipped in a temple with Bisalaksi. The image is superb.17 Prankrishna Biswas of Khardah collected a number of images including a small Jaina figure.18 The discovery of the above-mentioned images show that the Digambara sect was the most powerful among the Jainas of 24-Parganas. All the images found are the standing figures, and no seated image of the Tirthankaras has been found in the district. With the exception of the image from Candraketugarh, all the images belong to the tenth/eleventh century. 16 Ibid., pp. 14-15 17 Pancapuspa, Asad, B.S. 1339, p. 136. 18 Temples and Legends of Bengal, P. C. Ray Chowdhury, p. 69.

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Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India under No. R. N. 12121/66. WB/NC-254 Summer 1983 Hewlett's Mixture for Indigestion DADHA & COMPANY and C. J. HEWLETT & SON (India) PVT. LTD. 22 STRAND ROAD CALCUTTA 1